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British Columbia Historical Books Collection
Wagner, Henry R. (Henry Raup), 1862-1957
"435 copies printed of which 25 were reserved for a special edition. "Sources": pp.67-73. Accounts of the Quimper, Eliza, Galiano-Valdes expeditions and the Spanish establishment of Neah Bay, together with translations of the original diaries of the expeditions and relevant correspondence. Includes the translation of J. Espinosa y Tello's Relaci6n del viage hecho par las goletas Sutil y Mexicana (no.167ii) made in 1911 for the B.C. Archives by G.F. Barwick, Keeper of Printed Books in the British Museum. Published in full, with modifications and corrections by Wagner."-- Strathern, G. M., & Edwards, M. H. (1970). Navigations, traffiques & discoveries, 1774-1848: A guide to publications relating to the area now British Columbia. Victoria, BC: University of Victoria, p. 316.
v, 323 pages : maps (6 folded) ; 28 cm
application/pdf
The University of British Columbia Library THE CHUNG COLLECTION Canadian pacific SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN THE STRAIT OF JUAN DE FUCA By HENRY R. WAGNER "Sir Francis Drake's Voyage Around the World" and "Spanish Voyages to the Northwest Coast of America" FINE ARTS PRESS Copyright, 1933 By Henry R. Wagner FOREWORD I HE GREAT reputations attained by Captain James Cook and Captain George Vancouver for their ' work of exploration on the northwest coast of [ America have completely dwarfed in the mind of { the public the achievements of the Spaniards during the same period. The two isolated English voyages to the northwest coast appeared in England in large impressive folio volumes and each work was accompanied by a series of maps prepared with great care. The Spanish officers who did far more work were not so fortunate. The Spanish government was not interested in furnishing the rest of the world with information about the northwest coast of America, which they claimed as their own, and it was not until Vancouver appeared upon the scene with the obvious purpose of preparing a work for publication that the Spaniards awoke to the necessity of bringing their discoveries to light and thus of entering somewhat into the spirit of the times. Several manuscripts covering the whole period of Spanish exploration on the coast still exist which seem to have been written about this time. From their general character I judge that it was the intention of the authors to publish them, but a worse fate befell them than befell the account of the Galiano-Valdes expedition. This finally appeared in 1802, the effort to put it out before the English could publish an account of Vancouver's expedition having been frustrated by the troubles into which the Spanish government was plunged at this time. In the Introduction to that voyage, written by Martin Fernandez de Navarrete, a general survey of the entire series of Spanish explorations on this coast up to that of 1792 will be found. The subject was too vast, however, to be handled but in the most meagre outline. Details are necessarily lacking. These I have endeavored to supply for the earlier period in my Spanish Voyages to the Northwest Coast, which includes those down to 1602. The second period began in 1769 and lasted until 1793, although after that period a few voyages were made to Nootka and some explorations were made on the western coast of the peninsula. It is with part of this period that this book deals. Although other voyages were made they were directly chiefly to the lesser known parts of Alaska and are of less general interest than those that were devoted to an examination of the Strait of Juan de Fuca and connecting waterways. I have no intention of belittling the important work which Captain Vancouver did in this quarter but it seems time to present the other side of the picture. Vancouver was not the first to explore these channels, to anchor in these ports and to view the majestic mountains, even although many of these still bear the names he gave them. My aim is to do justice to the Spaniards who preceded him and who have left us accounts of their experiences just as vivid and entertaining as his. I am indebted to the courtesy of the Bancroft Library for permission to use their copy of the Pantoja narrative, and to the Provincial Archives of Victoria for permission to print the translation of the Viage de las goletas Sutil y Mexicana made for that institution in 1911 by the late Mr. G. F. Barwick, former Keeper of Printed Books in the British Museum. Mr. Barwick also expressed his entire willingness for me to use it. By a happy chance Captain Harold Grenfell, a retired officer of the Royal Navy, happened into the office of Messrs. Stevens, Son and Stiles in London while they were searcriing for a carbon copy of Mr. Barwick's translation and asked to look it over, as he thought Mr. Barwick might not have been fully informed about nautical phraseology. This he found to be the case and he very kindly and generously offered to revise the manuscript and make such changes as seemed appropriate. In turn, I myself have made some emendations in his revision, more to bring the translation into something like the form of the other narratives, which I translated myself, than for purposes of correction. Mr. W. A. Newcombe of the Provincial Museum, Victoria, kindly went over all the work except the translation of the printed text of the Viage and has made numerous valuable suggestions, especially regarding the objects of natural history mentioned and in the identification of some of the places. The maps used for the purposes of identification have been United States Hydrographic Charts of those places now in the United States, and Admirality Charts of the British government for such as are now in British Columbia and on Vancouver Island. CONTENTS Chapter I The Quimper Expedition of 1790 Chapter II The Eliza Expedition of 1791 Chapter III The Galiano-Valdes Expedition of 1792_ Chapter IV The Spanish Establishment at Neah Bay. Sources Letter of Quimper, San Bias, November 13,1790 77 Diary of the voyage by Quimper 82 Letter of Quimper to the Viceroy, November 13,1790 135 Letter of Quimper to the Viceroy, November 13,1790 135 Letter of Quimper to the Viceroy, November 13,1790 136 Letter of the Viceroy to Quimper, December 8, 1790_ Secret Instructions to Lieutenant Eliza, February 4, 1791 Letter of Bodega to Eliza, March 12,1791 An extract of the voyage by Eliza, Nootka, October 10, 1791_ Letter of Eliza to the Viceroy, October 10,1791 Extract of the navigation by Pantoja 155 Letter of Pantoja to Jose" de Prados, San Bias, December 29,1791 198 Extract of the voyage by Juan Carrasco, San Bias, November 9,1791 200 Fidalgo to the Viceroy, Tepic, November 12, 1791 .202 Instruction to Mourelle with letter, September 9, 1791 203 Extract of the diary of Galiano and Valdes, October 23,1792 210 Extract from the Viage de las Goletas Sutil y Mexicana, Chapters IV-XVI 228 Geographical Index 301 General Index , 313 MAPS AND PLANS Piano reducido, 1792, by Lopez de Haro , Facing page 39 Carta de lascostas reconocidas al NO. de la California [1792] .Facing page 61 Piano del Estrecho de Fuca by Gonzalo Lopez de Haro Facing page 82 Piano del Puerto de San Juan Facing page 93 Piano del primero y segundo Fondeadero del Puerto de Revilla Gigedo Facing page 102 Piano del Puerto Quimper Facing page 112 Piano de la Bodega y Cuadra Facing page 114 Piano del Puerto de Cordova Facing page 118 Piano de la Bahia de la Nunez Gaona Facing page 127 Carta que comprehende los interiores.. en el ano de 1791 Facing page 141 Pequefia Carta de Juan Pantoja Facing page 155 Carta reducida de una parte del Estrecho de Juan de Fuca 1793 Facing page 210 Carta Esferica de los reconocimientos hechos en la costa NO. de America, 1795. (My No. 1) Facing page 228 INTRODUCTION I HE Spaniards had carried on explorations in the * north intermittently since 1774. In that year Juan * Perez commanded an expedition which reached [ what is now known as Dixon Entrance between the { Queen Charlotte and Prince of Wales groups of islands. He also anchored in the neighborhood of Nootka for a short time and named the bay "San Lorenzo". There is no evidence that he ever entered Nootka Sound or what was afterwards known as the Port of Nootka. In 1775 Bruno de Hezeta commanded another expedition to the north. He himself discovered and named a number of points on the coasts of Washington, Oregon and Upper California, especially Trinidad Bay and the mouth of the Columbia River which was named after him, and Juan Francisco Bodega y Quadra and Antonio Francisco Mourelle in a small schooner, which became separated from Hezeta's vessel, reached the coast of Alaska and followed it to beyond Mount Edgecumbe. The war between Spain and England which began soon after this put a stop to other explorations until 1779, when Ignacio Arteaga undertook another which reached some point beyond Afognak Island. During this expedition Bucareli Sound was visited and thoroughly explored, no doubt with the idea that it was a fitting place to make a settlement. Possession of the country had been taken in 1775 by Bodega as far north as 57° 20', in the present Sea Lion Bay, and by Arteaga in a port now known as Port Etches on the west side of Hmchinbrook Island but named "Santiago" by Arteaga. It was located as in 6o° 13'. A week or so later Arteaga again took possession of a bay at the end of the Kenai Peninsula estimated to be in 590 08'. This was named "Regla". The Mt. St. Elias which figures rather prominently in the instructions given to the commanders of these expeditions and to those of later ones had been discovered by Vitus Bering in 1741, and this fact was known to the Spaniards even before the account of the expedition of Captain James Cook was published. Cook, who was on the coast in 1778, spent some time at Nootka and afterwards explored the Alaska coast giving many of the names which still exist on the map, including those of Prince William Sound and Cook's River, both places frequently referred to in the correspondence and documents of the period we have under consideration. SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT A few sea-otter skins, obtained on the coast by Cook's sailors and afterwards sold in Canton, started the fur trade which by 1789 was assuming large proportions. In 1786 La Perouse on his return from a visit to the Alaska coast stopped at Monterey and dropped some information about the movements of the Russians in that country. In 1788 Esteban Jose Martinez commanded another expedition which went to Alaska for the purpose of finding out what the Russians were doing. He took a direct course for the island now known as "Montague", and never saw the Alaska coast to the east of that point. Martinez interviewed a Russian commandant in Three Saints Bay, named Delarof, and later the Russian commandant on Unalaska Island. Martinez heard or later claimed to have heard from these men that the Russians proposed to take possession of Nootka and to forestall them he was sent back in 1789 to establish a settlement in that place. The English had been frequenting the port for several years and apparently some of the fur traders had decided to establish a settlement there of their own as a base of supplies while trading on the coast. With this object in view Captain James Colnett came to the port after Martinez arrived and in the ensuing clash between the two men Martinez seized Colnett's ship, the Argonaut and another smaller one under his command, called the Princess Royal and sent them to San Bias together with the crews. The result of this action, natural if perhaps ill advised, was the famous Nootka Sound Controversy between his government and that of England. Frequent mention will also be found in the documents translated herein of the Estrecho de Fonte and that of Juan de Fuca. These were nothing but fables which had attained some vogue through the dissemination of the maps of Joseph Nicolas Delisle and Phillippe Buache and articles concerning them. A full account of the origin, progress and decline of these fables will be found in the writer's Apocryphal Voyages to the Northwest Coast of America. On Delisle's maps the famous Sea of the West, an inland sea near the Pacific, was depicted as having two outlets, the Strait of Juan de Fuca and the Rio de Martin Aguilar. The latter was introduced into the cartography of the northwest coast by Guil- laume Delisle, who evidently derived it from the account of the Vizcaino expedition as published by Torquemada in his Monorchia INTRODUCTION Indiana. First and last the Spaniards spent a great deal of time hunting for this river which was supposed to be in 43° latitude. No doubt this was much too high and they never found one which seemed to satisfy the conditions of the Vizcaino narrative. The discovery of the Strait of Juan de Fuca, not the mythical one of the Greek pilofcbut the one now bearing the name, is shrouded in some obscurity. There seems to be no particular reason however to doubt that Capt. Charles William Barkley of the Imperial Eagle discovered it in July, 1787. Capt. Barkley was a fur trader and certainly entered Nitinat, now known as Barkley Sound. When he departed from this place, in all probability to continue following the coast to the east, he could hardly have missed seeing the entrance to the strait. The diary kept by Mrs. Barkley, who accompanied her husband, has disappeared, and, what is still more unfortunate, is the fact that this was not a contemporary diary but one written up some time afterward. All reminiscences dealing with events which later become of great importance lack the authority of contemporary documents. Capt. John T. Walbran who compiled the Place Names of British Columbia, seems to have seen Mrs. Barkley's diary, and in the final analysis he is the only authority for the fact that Barkley discovered the strait except John Meares, who inadvertently acknowledged that Barkley was the discoverer. Considering that Meares had a copy of Barkley's chart and had probably obtained the information in Macao from Barkley himself, his own subsequent "discovery" can be set aside. He claimed that he or at least his longboat had been there in July, 1788, but as he said the strait was fifteen leagues wide we would be justified in concluding that neither he nor his men had ever seen it. During the course, however, of Quimper's stay in Port San Juan in June, 1790, the Indian chief told him that some captains had been there, naming "Meas" as one of them. "Meas" must have been Meares, so he was at least that close to the strait. What is certain is that Capt. Charles Duncan in the Princess Royal was at the entrance in August, 1788, and drew a view of it, which was published by Alexander Dalrymple, January 14, 1790. In the spring of 1789 Robert Gray in the Washington also explored a little of the west end of it. The story about his having sailed to the east end and then around Vancouver Island through the inland SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT passages turned out to be apocryphal, but some fur trader must have found out that sea-otter skins were very scarce articles in the strait because that was usually given as a reason why they did not enter it. Long before the fur traders appeared on the coast the Spaniards had sailed by the entrance to the strait several times without seeing it, no doubt because of the dense fog which frequently hangs over that part of the coast. There was another reason, the same as the one why the Golden Gate was not discovered by the early Spanish expeditions to the north; in each case the entrance lies in a corner, if one may use that expression, and, in view of the background of mountains in each case, any navigator crossing the line of salient capes was at too great a distance from the openings to distinguish them. Esteban Jose Martinez was accustomed to declare that in 1774, while proceeding to the south on the Santiago, he urged Juan Perez, the captain, to investigate an opening which he said he saw in 48 ° 30'. A great deal of ridicule has been cast upon Martinez for making this statement, but there seems to be nothing particularly unlikely about it. It must be recalled that at the time of the expeditions of 1774 and 1775, the officers were supplied with French maps which showed the mythical Strait of Juan de Fuca nearly in this latitude. All the officers were interested in finding it and had it not been for the circumstances connected with both voyages which made it impossible to approach the coast closely in this locality, no doubt either Perez in 1774 or Juan Francisco de la Bodega y Quadra in 1775, would have been entitled to the credit of its discovery. No sooner however had Martinez established himself at Nootka in 1789, than he manifested a live interest in the matter. Whether that was his old interest, as he claimed, or a new one inspired by news received from some of the fur traders at Nootka that a strait, or at least what seemed to be one, had been discovered, can never be known. May 5 of that year he had anchored at Nootka in the Princesa and a week later his consort the San Carlos arrived. June 8 a small schooner belonging to Thomas Douglas came in under Robert Funter. This was the Northwest America which had been built at Nootka the year before. Martinez took possession of her and afterwards claimed that Funter had abandoned her on shore. INTRODUCTION He had her repaired and appointed Jose Maria Narvaez to command her. On the 19th she was christened "Santa Gertrudis la Magna" and on the 21st a grand banquet was held, after which Narvaez set sail to look for the strait. He came back July 5 and said he had seen the strait which was that of Juan de Fuca. It was twenty-one miles wide and the middle of the entrance was located in 48° 30' of latitude and 190 28' of longitude W of San Bias. No detailed account by Narvaez himself of this short expedition has as yet been found, but he made some kind of a chart as this was used during the following expedition of 1790. Aside from a few collateral references to it by Quimper and Eliza our only source of information regarding it is the journal of Martinez himself As Martinez' remarks on the subject provided in part at least, the inspiration for the following voyages I translate his entry of July 5 in full. Sunday, July 5 As this was a feast day all work was suspended. Some of the prisoners were kept on board, others on the packetboat San Carlos, and Capt Colnett on this vessel with a body guard. At 3 in the afternoon the schooner Santa Gertrudis came in, having gone down as far as 48° 20' in the search on the coast for an entrance which I had seen in the distance in 1774 on my return to the department. As soon as she anchored alongside, the captain, Don Jose Maria Narvaez, came aboard and informed me that the entrance referred to existed. "The middle", he said, "was in 48° 30' and in long. 190 28' W of San Bias and that from side to side it measured twenty-one miles, continued on inland for almost the same width as far as one could see, no horizon being visible in the east-southeast, and that this was the strait which they call 'Juan de Fuca'. Inside is a port named 'San Juan' which is a good place to anchor in, to take water and wood and to provide oneself with timber for planks and masts. It is at the farthest north and west point in lat. 480 36' N and long. 180 24' W. Departing from the Puerto de San Lorenzo de Nuca, following the coast, doubling the point called San Este- ban, which bears south from the port eighteen miles (?), and continuing down the coast in the second quarter very close to it and with a careful lookout for what may be seen, you will find in SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT lat. 490 07' and long. 19° 50' a very fine port named by the native Indians 'Clayocuat' and by our people 'Puerto de Narvaez'. Numerous islands at the entrance and inside are to be seen which serve as shelter for vessels, it being possible to careen a ship there and supply her with wood, water and timber for spars. There are some populous settlements in the port, all under the command of a king or chief, Huicananish. The Indians are very friendly, as they gave me to understand when they visited me. They are addicted to trade, exchanging their sea-otter skins for copper or iron. They are accustomed to carry on war with those to the south, and they consider those of San Lorenzo as superior to them, because they always lose in their fights with those of Nuca. Today they are at peace with each other. From information which I have obtained, there is some flat land covered with different kinds of trees and a river which empties inside the port. From this port, sailing along at a very short distance from the coast, at twenty-nine miles a point is found which is an island. By coasting very close to this and steering north-northeast you enter a fine port named 'Haro', the entrance to which is in 48 55' and in long. 190 10'. In it the same facilities for everything are to be found as in the preceding one. Departing from this and falling down the coast with the northwest wind, one or two leagues away from it as it is clean, you see the Punta de Bonilla thirty miles distant from the entrance of the preceding port. This is the north point of the Strait of Juan de Fuca. In the center of the strait the winds are from the northwest and with them you can sail on and discover what may not have been seen of it."* It is to be believed that this strait has a communication with the Mississippi River, towards the east-southeast, although, according to information it divides into two branches, this one, and another to the west-northwest. Thus, according to the account which I have received and to my own knowledge, it has a communication with the Strait of Almirante de Fonte to the north of 54° 23' and in long. 25° 03', it being understood that the middle of this was what was discovered by me and named the "Entrada de Don Juan Perez". Another outlet of the Strait of Fonte is in lat. 520 and in long. 24° 43' This entrance with the one just referred to forms a *What is in quotation marks seems to be taken from the report of Narvaez. 6 INTRODUCTION large island, which I have named "Infante Don Fernando". This is forty-eight and one-half leagues long from north to south and its greatest width is twenty-six leagues from east to west. The northern part is extremely high and in the middle there is a peak like that of Tenerife. There is no port on this [west] side. The depth off the shores is seventy fathoms but entering by that of Don Juan Perez and coasting along the south side [of the strait] there are some good sheltered anchorages for any kind of ship. This island with one to the east-northeast forms the Strait of Fonte which in its widest part is thirty-six and one-third leagues and in its narrowest part twenty-six leagues wide. From one anchorage to the other, that is, from that of the south, to the entrance of Don Juan Perez is thirty-nine and one-third leagues, but to the northeast of the entrance of Perez no anchorage can be seen. In the whole strait of Fonte bottom is found in mid channel in thirty to thirty- five fathoms, dark sand. It contains an island named "San Antonio" in lat. 530 31 and long. 230 06', that is to say in the middle of it. This is ten miles long from north to south and four and one-half miles wide from east to west. Off the south end of the Isla Infante Don Fernando there are seven small islands named " Ladrones". The Infante, inside the strait, is inhabited by a multitude of Indians and the country on that side is low but well wooded and very fertile. The inhabitants trade for iron giving for it sea-otter skins like those in Bucareli. At Cabo Balero on the coast of the east side of the strait are two small islands, one named "San Juan" two miles off the cape, and the other "Santa Gertrudis", twenty miles distant from it. From what has been said it may be inferred that up to the present time neither Spaniards nor foreigners have been able to give any exact information about these straits; even most people up to now have denied their existence, and I have read in some accounts that there was neither such an Admiral De Fonte nor any such Juan de Fuca. My opinion however is that these two navigators made these discoveries but their observations were incorrect by reason of their instruments, and their longitude situations much more so, but that their journals were never received nor kept, on account of the events in Europe in those times, as none of them is now to be found. The Father Jesuit and missionary of Old Cali- SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT fornia speaks about these two voyages in two volumes which he wrote concerning that peninsula, but not correctly according to what we gather from their description.* Don Pedro Manuel Ce- dillo at the end of his Libro Cosmografia Nautica touches lightly on the Strait of Fonte to the north of 55°, but the author had no certain facts to go on, nothing more than the stories he had heard about it.t The English are of two opinions, some denying the existence of a passage from Hudson's Bay to this ocean and others acknowledging it. My own is that such would be impossible except by way of some navigable river. Captain James Cook, speaking of the Strait of Juan de Fuca in his third voyage to the Pacific Ocean, states in Book 3, Chap. 13, p. 17, lines 9 to 10, that the geographers had pretended that this strait existed, and that when he reached land he was in lat. 48° 15' and long. 235° 03' E of Greenwich, that is at the middle of the entrance of the strait which is in 48° 30' and 234° 32' of the same longitude. Notwithstanding this he excuses his negative results by saying that sailors can not see everything. Also in the same volume Book 4, Chap. 4 and leaf 139 bis, speaking of the general map of the discoveries of Almirante Fonte, he says that he made a reconnaissance of America to dissipate all doubts there might be on this particular question, but at the same time he excuses himself by saying that he could not approach the land without incurring the charge of imprudence. The land which the captain saw after his departure from Nuca was the Punta de Boise in 50° 01'. Having stood off from there he did not see land again until 55° 30' and then at a distance of twelve to fourteen leagues, quite sufficient for one not to be able to discover the strait even if it were in that locality. I have explained above in speaking of the Strait of Fonte the situation of its entrances. If Cook did not see them it was because he could not get close enough to land as the wind would not permit. I am therefore of the opinion that the two straits exist, that of Juan de *The Jesuit was Andres Marcos Burriel and the work mentioned was the Noticia de la California published in Madrid in 1757. The work really consists of three volumes. fl have an edition of this book printed in Cadiz but I have not been able to find in it any mention of the Estrecho de Fonte so it is probable that Martinez was quoting from a still later edition. Cedillo enlarges somewhat on the Entrada 6 Estrecho de Aguilar. INTRODUCTION Fuca because it has been reconnoitered by me, and that of Fonte because of the information acquired, and because I saw in 1774 one of its mouths to which I gave the name "Entrada de Juan Perez." What occurred is that the printed journals of these two navigators contain some falsehoods added by enemies of their glory. Cook in the work which he wrote before his death, was not content with what he stated about these straits, as quoted above, but while in the river of his name he wrote that the straits of Fuca and Fonte are invisible or imaginary and, if this is not enough, look at Vol. Ill, Book 3, Chap. 6, p. 226, and see what is said. If Captain Cook had lived to the present time there is no doubt that he would have become undeceived about the existence of these straits as all Europe will be made to see within a short time.* Narvaez had probably discovered nothing although he may have sailed some short distance beyond Port San Juan. He had simply ascertained that the stories afloat in Nootka about the strait were true. The dream of Martinez seems to have been the result of Ustening to the fur traders and perhaps to the natives, of reading the account of Captain Cook, and of looking at one of the Buache- Delisle maps. He gave some evidence of intention to proceed further in the matter, because he built a schooner larger than the little Northwest America of Funter and which he also named "Santa Gertrudis". Before he could do anything more however, he evacuated the place October 31 and reached San Bias December 6. News of his proceedings had arrived some time before, however, by the Argonaut and the Princess Royal, which he had seized in July and had sent to San Bias with their crews. The Argonaut had anchored in San Bias August 15, and the Princess Royal August 27. The viceroy Manuel Flores comprehended well enough that Mar- *Translated from the original journal of Martinez in the Huntington Library, with the kind permission of that institution. The references to Cook's voyage are to the French edition printed in Paris in 1785. The port named Haro was no doubt Barkley Sound; the Isla Infante Don Fernando was the Queen Charlotte group, at that time supposed to be a single island. Cabo Balero, the Isla San Juan, and the Isla Santa Gertrudis can not be positively identified. The strait which Martinez insists was that of Fonte was obviously Clarence Strait, between the Queen Charlotte group and the mainland, while his Entrada de Juan Perez is the present Dixon Entrance. The Ladrones are the islands now variously referred to as the St. James or Kerouart group. The Isla San Antonio was probably Banks Island. 9 I SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT tinez' action was going to make plenty of trouble with England, but as he had already tendered his resignation and was awaiting a successor, he did little more than send a full account of what had happened to the home government. Flores' successor, Juan Vicente de Giiemes Pacheco de Padilla Horcasitas y Aguayo, Conde de Revilla Gigedo, landed in Vera Cruz in the middle of August, bringing with him seven naval officials and four surgeons for service on the northwest coast. The government had approved of the decision of Flores to occupy Nootka and knowing that this would entail a vastly increased movement of vessels on that coast, thus sought to make adequate provision for it. The senior naval officer was Juan Francisco Bodega y Quadra, who had previously seen service on the coast. He came back as a captain in the navy, with the Cross of Santiago, and with a direct appointment from the crown as commandant of the department of San Bias. In this capacity he functioned until his death in the spring of 1794, and to him was largely due the success of an intensive period of exploration in the northwest which now began. In this work he was supported by the new viceroy, who, judging from the extensive correspondence between them which still exists, had the utmost confidence in his judgment. Seldom did Bodega make any suggestion which the viceroy did not approve, even although the viceroy himself had previously made a different one. Revilla Gigedo was one of the greatest viceroys who ever governed Mexico. One of his greatest characteristics was the support he gave to his subordinates. He did not relish taking over Flores' troubles and for a while the mcoming and outgoing viceroys engaged in the game of "passing the buck". October 17, Flores turned over the government and Revilla Gigedo perforce had to grapple with the problem of those Englishmen and their vessels in San Bias. Meantime a much more important question presented itself: What was to be done about Nootka? Martinez had not returned. He had done all the damage he could by seizing the English vessels, and the adjudication of the merits of the affair would have to take some time. Meanwhile, on the theory that possession is nine-tenths of the law, it was obviously imperative to keep control of the place. I have no doubt that Bodega had been consulted in Mexico on the matter before he went to San Bias but the first documentary evi- INTRODUCTION dence that it had been determined to send re-enforcements to Nootka is to be found in the highly interesting and important letter written to him by the viceroy December 8. In this is outlined what had happened since the beginning of 178 8. Then follow a few paragraphs which I translate: "At the present moment the circumstances require no other effort on our part than that of sustaining our possession and our new establishment in San Lorenzo or Nuca, in case foreign nations should attempt to attack it. The dislodging of the Russians from the places where they are situated depends on the sovereign will of the king, so that the treaties of friendship with that empire may not be disturbed. As far as Great Britain is concerned our court has always known how to comply with its obligations with undamaged credit and it will again comply with them unless other questions of its authority, or reason and justice oblige it to withdraw from such an harmonious accord." Instructions were then given to dispatch to Nootka in the month of January the Concepcion, the Argonaut, and the Princesa Real with all the available cannon and ammunition in the department and a company of Volunteers of Catalonia which had been ordered from Guadalajara for that purpose. Bodega was then instructed to place the expedition under the command of the senior naval official, or some other who might be more worthy of confidence, who should relieve Martinez and send him back to San Bias. Some other instructions were given in regard te the movements of the various vessels and then the viceroy continues, speaking about the ones he now contemplated sending in January: "These vessels are to perfect, as information can be obtained, the knowledge of the coast and islands which are now laid down confusedly, or of those which they may discover between the Puerto de San Lorenzo and the one named Principe Guillermo". . . . "Brevet Ensign Don Estehan Martinez sent here the information that he had caused to be explored by Pilot Don Jose Maria Narvaez in a schooner a certain inlet which could be seen from the Puerto de Nuca towards the south. In effect he did explore it, finding it to be in 48° 25' with a width of seven leagues* from shore *As the viceroy was no doubt quoting from some statement by Martinez or Narvaez to the effect that the strait was twenty-one miles wide we may confidently deduce from his statement that it was seven leagues wide that a league at this time measured three miles. I SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT to shore, thus confirming the fact that it was the Estrecho de Juan de Fuca, the center of which is located in 480 30', and that it then continued inland in an east-southeasterly direction with nothing but water as far as the eye can see. From this he conjectured that it might end near the Mississippi or New Orleans. Comparing this account with other more modern ones, which stamp as apocryphal the voyages and discoveries of Admiral Bartolome Fonte, a Spaniard, that of Martinez can be characterized as in the same sphere of dreams, since up to the present time the English and the French have not been able to find it in spite of much search for it, and in view of the differences in the location of it; now at 480, now at 56°, and now at 59°. The commandant destined for Nuca must nevertheless investigate what there may be in the matter, making himself certain of the facts so as to render an account by which a more exact idea of this discovery may be formed: whether it be the Estrecho de Juan de Fuca or some other which may be of interest to our inquiring exertions and may furnish historical information of common benefit." Bodega was then ordered to formulate the necessary instructions for the commandant whom he was to choose for Nootka, but without losing sight of those which Flores had issued October 20,1787, and December 23,1788. This letter affords positive proof that Martinez abandoned Nootka, not by any order of Flores of which Revilla Gigedo was aware but entirely on his own judgment or on secret orders from Flores. Bodega had no sooner received the viceroy's letter than Martinez appeared with both his vessels and Humphrey Metcalfe's schooner, and with the Santa Saturnina which he had built, in other words he had cleared out "bag and baggage". An idea of the impression this action made may be gained from Bodega's letter to the viceroy of December 23, in which he stated that he had appointed Lieutenant Francisco Eliza as commandant of Nootka and Salvador Fidalgo and Manuel Quimper to accompany him in command of two of the vessels, the San Carlos and the Princesa Real, that is, the old Princess Royal of Colnett. In beginning this letter he states: "The total state of abandonment in which Martinez left Noca and the necessity of keeping possession of it are today the principal objects of my attention, but as our forces and the rigors of the season do not permit me to dispatch an expedition INTRODUCTION capable of fulfilling all my views, I have resolved to arm the Concepcion, San Carlos, and the English sloop with what little artillery there is in the department and what I am expecting from Aca- pulco." He then goes on to say that he had hoped to send a second expedition in March, but the lack of artillery had entirely frustrated his plan which was to reconnoiter the Sandwich Islands and then strike the coast at Bucareli, inspect it from that place south, touch in Nootka, succor this establishment and the fortresses of California and place them all in a state of defense. All he could do was to supply the fortresses of California, send some fresh food from them to Nootka, fortify that port, and continue the examination of the entrance which was said to be that of Fuca. If the artillery should arrive however, and His Excellency should approve, he intended to carry the first-named plan into effect himself. On December 17 the viceroy, having been advised of the return of Martinez, instructed Bodega to make no change whatever in the plans which he was carrying out in conformity with his orders of the 8th, except to expedite the departure of the vessels as much as possible. He instructed Bodega to appoint Martinez as second in command, and said that Martinez had suggested to him that it would be a good plan to take 5000 or 6000 pounds of copper plates to trade for sea-otter skins to be sent to Acapulco and to be sold in Canton by the Philippine Company. Bodega justly objected to the appointment of Martinez as second in command, as all the naval officers he had brought with him were his superiors in rank. He suggested a special appointment for him and the viceroy agreed. January 28 Bodega gave EKza his instructions which were styled "Instrucciones secretas". Article one sets out that, as the principal object of the expedition was to establish a fortification in Nuca before some other power did, he must endeavor to reach that place as soon as possible. In Article four he is directed to take up the question of discovery as soon as the fort should be put in condition to repel any invasion. The exploration was to begin at the anchorage of Regla at the entrance to Cook's River, continue to the entrance to Santiago, called by the foreigners "Prince William" and then follow the coast to the entrance to Fuca. Not a SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT word is said about a separate exploration of the strait; it would appear that one vessel was supposed to do all the work. Bodega should have known better than this and I presume he did. The instructions are only general ones at best, such as were given to every commander on voyages to the northwest, with the exception of some special ones regarding the treatment of foreigners, and about what should be done in case it was found that some other nation had taken advantage of their short absence from Nootka to make an establishment in that place. The Princesa, the San Carlos alias Filipino, and the Princesa Real set sail from San Bias February 3, the last under the command of Manuel Quimper, an ensign in the Spanish navy. April 4, the two larger vessels anchored in Nootka and the sloop came in on the 7th. Fortunately there was no vessel in the bay and no one had taken possession of the port. CHAPTER I THE QUIMPER EXPEDITION OF 1790 f S SOON as Eliza had settled himself in Nootka he f dispatched Salvador Fidalgo in the San Carlos to } the Alaska coast May 4, to comply with his strict in- P structions to begin the work of exploration. The in- l tention had been to deliver the Princesa Real to Coined: at Nootka but Colnett was not there and did not arrive until the following January. Thus an excellent opportunity offered to make a separate examination of the Strait of Fuca. On the 5th the sloop was careened and found to have a good bottom; only a few repairs were needed to make her seaworthy for the expedition. May 31 Quimper set out with forty-one men all told on board, among whom were nine soldiers. The Princesa Real was, as has been stated, Colnett's Princess Royal. She was forty-three feet long on the keel, sixteen on the beam and drew eight feet of water aft and seven and one-half forward. She was sloop-rigged, of sixty-five tons burden, and carried four one-pound cannon and eight swivel guns. When she left San Bias Esteban Mondofia was first pilot and a pilotin named Juan Carrasco officiated as second pilot. As Mondofia understood Russian Eliza sent him to Alaska with Fidalgo and transferred First Pilot Gonzalo Lopez de Haro from his own vessel, the Concepcion, to the sloop. I have found nothing about the careers of Quimper and Lopez de Haro before their appearance on the coast. Quimper was unquestionably one of the naval officers who came out with Bodega in 1789. He took this same vessel to Manila in 1791, making a superficial examination of the Hawaiian Islands en route and delivered her to Colnett in Macao. After this all track of him is lost until 1803 when he again seems to have been on the coast. Lopez de Haro, who entered the service in 1775, commanded the San Carlos on the Martinez expedition to Alaska in 1788 and became involved in a serious quarrel with his commander. Nevertheless he had again accompanied Martinez to Nootka in 1789 in command of the same vessel. He continued as a pilot in the department of San Bias and in 1795 made an exploration of the Gulf of California and in 1803 another of the outer coast from San Diego to Cabo de San Lucas. A number of maps made by him survive. Carrasco came from the Philippines with Francisco Antonio SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT Mourelle in 1784, perhaps he had gone there with him. He had been educated at the school of San Telmo for four and one-half years, probably about 1775-1780. He continued in service in the department of San Bias for a few years, perhaps longer, in 1803 he was certainly there, still a piloto practico, although he had been strongly recommended for promotion. Quimper had neither chaplain nor surgeon. As only two months were alloted Quimper in which to make the examination, and as he spent entirely too much time in Clayo- quot Sound, his visit to the interior of the strait was a rather hurried one. The net result of the exploration was the discovery and a very fair charting of both the north and south coasts of the strait as far as the San Juan Archipelago. Carrasco discovered the strait which now bears the name of Lopez de Haro, but made no attempt to navigate it. He also made a one-day excursion from the present New Dungeness, where Quimper was anchored for some time, and discovered the present Rosario Strait, to the east of the San Juan Archipelago, but thought it was only an inlet in the mainland. Indeed Quimper, who named the somewhat circular-shaped basin at the end of the strait "Seno de Santa Rosa", believed this to be a closed body of water, apparently not suspecting that the collection of islands now known as the San Juan Archipelago was anything but a part of the mainland, nor did Carrasco, who discovered the bay from which begins what is now known as Admiralty Inlet, remark the opening. Carrasco named the bay "Ensenada de Caa- mano" and it no doubt appeared to him to be a closed body of water as he passed from Port Discovery to Partridge Point. While in Pedder Bay the Indians had explained to Quimper that an arm of the strait extended to the southwest. He made some effort to find it in the neighborhood of New Dungeness, and no doubt in Port Discovery, but naturally without success. During the expedition of the following year Carrasco accompanied Narvaez on his reconnaissance in July and the Ensenada de Caamano was again examined. This time the inlet was discovered but not followed. June 24, 1789, Martinez had taken ceremonial possession of Nootka and now Quimper followed this by other similar acts, first in the present Sooke Inlet, June 23, and then in what are now known as the "Royal Roads" June 30. The first he named after 16 THE QUIMPER EXPEDITION the viceroy, the Conde de Revilla Gigedo, and the second after the Spanish minister of marine, Antonio Valdes y Bazan. After crossing over to the south side of the strait he performed two others, the first July 8, in the bay now known as New Dungeness, and the second August i, in the present Neah Bay at the entrance to the strait, naming them respectively "Puerto Quimper", after himself, and the "Bahia de Nunez Gaona" after a naval officer of that name. Besides plans of these ports two general maps of his discoveries are extant, both made by Lopez de Haro and so much alike that they can only be regarded as essentially the same performance. They both display names for several places which are not mentioned in Quimper's narrative. These were either named by Lopez de Haro himself or were added when the maps were made on the return of the expedition. A feature of both is Mount Baker, and much farther south, what must be the Cascade Range in the neighborhood of Mount Rainier. Only on one of the maps do they bear names, Gran Montana de Carmelo and Sierras Nevadas de San Antonio. It is rather singular that no mention of them occurs in the narrative, although Quimper speaks of the snow-clad mountains on the Olympic Peninsula, nor can it be made out when they were seen. At that time of the year Mount Rainier is not as a rule visible from the strait on account of clouds or smoke. Mount Baker, however, can frequently be seen in the late afternoon, especially from the neighborhood of Victoria where Quimper passed several days. The day on which the Nuestra Sefiora del Carmen, or Carmelo, is celebrated is July 16 and perhaps the name was bestowed that day on Mount Baker, but the day of San Antonio de Padua, for whom most places bearing the name San Antonio were named, is June 13, and on that day Quimper was in Port San Juan, far away from Mount Rainier. The Boca de Fidalgo, the present Rosario Strait, received a superficial examination from Carrasco, a fact we do not learn from Quimper's narrative but from the resume" of bis exploration appended to it and from the account of the expedition of the following year. Nothing was discovered which by any possibility could have been thought to be the missing Strait of Juan de Fuca, unless it was this inlet or channel. The strait between Vancouver Island and the San Juan Archipelago naturally did not promise anything 17 I SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT in this respect is it trended in the wrong direction. Part of Quimper's business, and what from his narrative seems to have been a very important one, was to barter for sea-otter skins, and for this purpose the government had provided him with copper sheets. Several hundred skins were thus secured and carried back to San Bias. Aside from any satisfaction or profit which may have been obtained from these skins, the expedition had no tangible results. The acts of possession were of dubious value to say the least, and although the Spaniards professed to think them of some importance, they must have realized that their value was dependent on their ability to maintain them by force. Quimper no doubt sought to find out from the Indians he met about a previous appearance of some other vessel inside the strait. He states that those at New Dungeness manifested by signs that they had never seen one before. Indian signs are very easily misinterpreted, and it might easily be conceived that if one had been in the strait it might have passed up close to Vancouver Island through Haro Strait and thus not have been seen by the Indians on the south side. His failure to say anything else on the subject merely indicates that he had heard nothing more. In the following year Pantoja relates in his diary a story that the Indians in the neighborhood of Fraser River had seen some large vessel farther north. This might easily have been the Princesa Real itself or even some vessel in Queen Charlotte Sound. The most convincing proof that no voyage took place in these waters before that of Quimper is to be found on a map drawn by Joseph Ingraham and a positive statement to that effect in his journal. Ingraham was the mate of the Columbia, under Kendrick in 1789 and 1790, and shortly thereafter made a voyage to the northwest coast in command of the brig Hope. His manuscript journal of the latter voyage, now in the Library of Congress, contains a map with information as late as the summer of 1792. It is true that this map shows a wide passage around Vancouver Island, but in that locality it is entirely devoid of names and the passage bears not the slightest resemblance to the complicated system of channels which divide Vancouver Island from the mainland. Ingraham states in his journal that he knew that both Vancouver and the Spaniards had sailed around the island but having no particulars of their discoveries could only 18 THE QUIMPER EXPEDITION show the passage in that way. Every explorer on the northwest coast had a system of his own for naming places. Quimper used those of himself and his pilots, those of the viceroy then ruling New Spain, those of his fellow naval officers who came from Spain with him in 1789 and some others, and a few names of saints. Only one descriptive name "Hermoso" was given, namely to a river and this did not appear on the maps, having been changed to "Jordan". Only in a very few cases do the days of the saints honored coincide, even approximately, with those on which the names were given. I suspect therefore that most of them are merely the Christian names of individuals. We certainly have on example of this in the name "San Gonzalo" for the point now known as "Gonzalez", Gonzalo the Christian name of his pilot, was given to the point, no doubt, because the strait which begins there was named "Lopez de Haro" after him. A few individuals honored cannot be identified. As Quimper only assigns his reason for giving a name in one case, I have been obliged to assume them in the rest, but I do not think I have gone far astray, even in the less obvious ones. For a complete comprehension of the discoveries of this, the first exploration of the Strait of Fuca of which we have any record, Quimper's account, full as it is in many respects, is not sufficient. Each of his pilots was under an obligation to keep a log and that Lopez de Haro did so is certain, although neither the original nor a copy of it has as yet been located. Extracts from it however can be traced in what is styled the Segundo reconocimiento de la Entrada de Fuca in Mourelle's Compendio de Noticias, written shortly after the return of the expedition. There is even a document, apparently in the same volume in the Dep6sito Hydrografico in Madrid as the Compendio, entitled Noticias del segundo piloto Haro acerca de Fuca sobre la carta. These fragmentary notes, as indicated by the title, are explanatory of Lopez de Haro's map and are of little value. There is in the Deposito (now the Museo Naval) a plan of Puerto Quimper besides some of other ports. In the Archives in Seville there is a small collection of documents relating to the expedition which contains, attached to Quimper's account, two general maps made by Lopez de Haro comprising his discoveries, and plans of the following ports: San Juan, Nunez 19 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT Gaona, Cordova, Cayuela, Revilla Gigedo, and Bodega y Quadra. All of these are specifically mentioned by Quimper in his narrative and were drawn by Lopez de Haro and Carrasco, either individually or together. What few additional facts can be gleaned from the Compendio of Mourelle regarding the expedition are given in the footnotes to the Quimper narrative. The general maps made by Lopez de Haro are much more Uluniinating than his Noticias. A number of names appear between Nootka and Port San Juan, some of which we know to have been applied by Narvaez in 1789. As the origin of the others is obscure and as an elucidation of the problem is not essential in this connection no attempt will be made either to identify them or to assign them to either Narvaez or Quimper. At the entrance to the strait we find the Punta de Bonilla and the Punta de Martinez, the former obviously named after Antonio Bonilla, the secretary of the viceroyalty in Mexico, and the latter after Esteban Jose Martinez. I have no doubt that both names were given by Narvaez in 1789 although mention is only made by him of the Punta de Bonilla. The Puerto de San Juan has an alternative name, Narvaez, probably given by Quimper as there is some evidence that Narvaez had given his own name to one of the sounds farther west. Beyond this is the Rio Sombrio, still known under the same name, of which no mention occurs in any narrative. It is just possible that Narvaez had named it in 1789. The name seems to be a reference to the shady nature of its banks. An insignificant point, probably Bould Point, a spur of the mountain between this river and the Jordan was named "Magdalena" by Quimper June 15. The Rio Jordan still preserves its name. Just beyond, attached to the present Sheringham Point, we find another name "San Eusebio, given by Quimper on June 15, and then Punta de San Antonio. There is only an incidental mention of this in the narrative and then as a puerto, but it was either Otter Point or else the small bight under it to the east. Sooke Inlet was named after the viceroy, Revilla Gigedo. It bulks rather large on the map and the western point at the entrance is named "San Vicente", no doubt also after the viceroy. Proceeding eastward, we find the Punta de Benites del Pino, and close to it an Isla de Dona Rosa. Who the lady was I cannot imagine but the island was the one THE QUIMPER EXPEDITION now known as "Donaldson" and the point, no doubt was "Beechey Head". The latter was named by Quimper June 28, but for whom, I have not been able to ascertain. June 28 Quimper rounded the southeast end of Vancouver Island and named the point "Moreno de la Vega". Skirting the island to the north the same day, he anchored in Pedder Bay which he named "Eliza". The pilots visited Parry Bay which was named "Rada de Solano", and the present Royal Roads which were named Valdes y Bazan. When he returned to this neighborhood July 19 a small good port was discovered somewhat to the north and east of his anchorage and he named it "Cordova". This name appears on both maps of Lopez de Haro and the plan of it certainly seems to be that of the present Esqnimault Harbor. Incidentally the two points now called Gonzalez and Eagle, which roughly mark the entrance to Haro Strait, were named "San Gonzalo" and "Her- rera". Quimper now passed over to the south side of the strait and located himself for some time in New Dungeness. The point from which the sandspit runs out was named "Santa Cruz" perhaps after the celebration of the Triumph of the Cross July 16, and a little lagoon, just to the south of it, "Bertodano". From New Dungeness Quimper sent out Carrasco on a short excursion to the east. He found Port Discovery, which be named "Bodega y Quadra" after the commandant of San Bias, Protection Island, which he named "Carrasco" after himself and what looked to him like a bay to the east of Wilson Point. This was named "Ensenada de Caamaho". Partridge Point on Whidbey Island was named "Menendez" after Salvador Menendez Valdes, one of Quimper's companions from Spain in 1789. Deception Pass, supposed to be an inlet, was observed and named "Flon". Just how much of an examination Carrasco made of the present Rosario Strait which he named "Fidalgo" must always remain a moot question. The Carta of Lopez de Haro plainly shows the channel between Fidalgo and Guemes islands trending to the east and another extending almost to the north, which could have hardly been anything except the main Rosario Channel. This must also have appeared to be a closed body of water and therefore a boca, as he styled it, because the east end of Orcas Island obscures the view of the body of water SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT beyond to the north, when seen from the position where Carrasco must have been, about on a line between the northeast end of Decatur Island and the northwest end of Fidalgo Island. Whether the small island at the entrance to the boca was Smith Island or Cypress Island farther north is uncertain because of the faulty location on his map of the Boca de Flon. On Quimper's voyage out of the strait he was in Freshwater Bay July 21, but does not mention giving it any name. He evidently called Angeles Point on the east side "Davila", probably after the same Herrera Davila for whom the present Eagle Point was named, as we find this name on the general maps. He missed Port Angeles because he did not follow the coast west from New Dungeness but crossed the strait and came back to it again in Freshwater Bay. A few miles to the west of this is a somewhat remarkable hill now known as Striped Peak, which must have been the Punta de Salvi of Quimper, judging from his remarks concerning it. Crescent Bay, a few miles still farther to the west, was seen, although no mention of it occurs in the diary. For this reason some uncertainty exists as to the exact name given to it. On Lopez de Haro's map it seems to be "Ensenada de Villarva"; on Eliza's map of 1791 and many others the name is written Villalba, probably its proper name, the letters "r" and "1" being frequently found exchanged in documents of the period. Somewhat farther west we find on Lopez de Haro's maps a Rio de Cuesta and a Rio de Canel, neither of them easy to locate, especially as no mention of them occurs in the narrative. The former is generally supposed to have been the river now named "Lyre" and the latter the one still called "Canel". However, if we give any credit to Lopez de Haro's maps, the Canel could not have been the present Canel or Pysht or Fish River, all different names for the same stream, but either Deer or Deep Creek or Twin River, probably the last. On the map of 1795 the name, however, does represent the present Canel River and it is no doubt due to this fact that it has been preserved. It must have been named after Sebastian Canel, an officer of some note in the Spanish navy. Cuesta was a word usually applied to a pass in the mountains of steep ascent. It is hardly appropriate for a river, and the application in this case is therefore not at all obvious. The bight under Pillar Point received the name "Ensenada de Soto THE QUIMPER EXPEDITION Aguilar" but what references there are to it in the narrative indicate that the name was really applied to Pillar Point itself. The same can be said of the Ensenada de Rojas, the present Clallam Bay. Slip Point may be the one mentioned in the account of the 1791 expedition as the Punta de Rojas but more likely it was the west point of the bay now known as "Sekin". Nunez Gaona (the present Neah Bay) was named August 1, when Quimper took possession of it. Koitlah Point, the west entrance to the bay, is called on the maps "Punta de Rada", that is "Roadstead Point". Quimper saw a little bit of the coast south of Cape Flattery and named what is now known as Cape Alava "Punta de Hijosa", in honor of the commissary of San Bias, Francisco Hijosa. Alava is found on the map just below this as a boca, where none exists. It would seem that this must have been the low land at Mukkaw Bay, from which a tidal slough extends to Neah Bay, but in such a case the Punta de Hijosa would have been WaatchPoint. The map, however, does not warrant this identification; Waatch Point is only about three miles from Cape Flattery, while the Punta de Hijosa of Lopez de Haro and subsequent Spanish cartographers is twelve or thirteen miles from this cape. There must be a low spot somewhere south of Cape Alava which gave rise to this entry on the map. The Alava commemorated was probably Jose" Manuel de Alava, the commandant of Acapulco. The spots where crosses were erected by Quimper in token of possession are marked on both maps of Lopez de Haro and on some of the plans. Inasmuch as we now have in the narrative the bearings from these spots of certain others which in most cases can be easily identified it is a simple matter to locate them, at least approximately. During a visit to this section in 1931,1 made a personal examination of Royal Roads, Sooke Inlet and New Dungeness where possession was taken. There can be no question about the locality where the cross was set up to mark the possession taken of the Royal Roads June 30. The small mesa referred to on which it was erected is still there, the only one in the vicinity. Further, the bearing of Albert Head from it coincides with Quimper's statement as nearly as could be expected. The same can be said of the spot on the shore of Sooke Inlet where the cross was erected June 23. Here the bearing is unfortunately tied up with the end of 23 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT a sandspit but there is not much reason to believe that this has grown out much in recent years. Furthermore the plan of the vicinity on which the cross is marked is here singularly accurate and the reference to that enables us to fix the spot within a radius of 200 feet, perhaps even within one of fifty feet. The time at my disposal would not warrant a visit to Neah Bay which was rather inaccessible but the Piano shows plainly where the cross was set up. It happens to have been at the same point where the settlement was later made by Salvador Fidalgo.* At New Dungeness little success met our efforts as I then did not have a Piano of the port. The end of the sandspit which had been taken as the point for the bearing is a somewhat movable feature as there is abundant evidence that it has grown out for quite a long distance in the last fifty years. The present end of it therefore furnishes no assistance in determining the place where the bottle containing the act of possession was buried and the cross erected. On a recent visit to New Dungeness with the Piano in hand, I made another effort to locate the spot where possession was taken. The point close to the spot was probably one which bears no name and is about one-half a mile from the present Jamestown. The point is covered at low tide and there is evidence from the accumulation of driftwood above the present high water mark that the original point has been covered by sand and pebbles. Mr. H. N. Taylor who lives at Jamestown and accompanied me told me that the forest originally extended here to nearly high water mark, but it has now been cut off, so no tree is standing which might have been the one referred to in the act of possession. Mr. Taylor states that there is no evidence that the Rancheria shown just south of the small stream ever existed there. This is the present site of Jamestown and it is too far from the stream. Besides this was once all forest and the Indians, he says, did not like to live among the trees. Near the stream there was an open space and he thinks the settlement must have been there if there was one. The main settlement was always close to the Dungeness River but the Indians had numerous temporary ones. A short account taken largely from the Compendio of Mourelle *During a visit in July 1933, Mr. W. W. Washburn jr. showed me over the site, which is now covered by part of the Indian town. A house in all likelihood stands on the spot where the cross was erected. THE QUIMPER EXPEDITION was inserted in the Introduction to the Viage de las goletas Sutil y Mexicana. This was written by Martin Fernandez de Navarrete. H. H. Bancroft in his History of the Northwest Coast made use of this and of the Segundo reconocimiento, a copy of which he had in his library. The documents which I have used are in the Archivo General in Mexico, Seccion Historia, Tomo 68, and are in all cases the originals or contemporary copies. CHAPTER II THE ELIZA EXPEDITION OF 1791 |FTER the return of Fidalgo and Quimper the vice- 7 roy Revilla Gigedo decided to have another exami- j> nation made of the coast. It became necessary to send P some supplies to Nootka, so February 4, 1791 the I San Carlos was dispatched under the command of Ensign Ramon Saavedra. She also carried the annual supplies for the establishments in California, the intention being to have her return to that country as soon as she had unloaded her cargo in Nootka. Saavedra carried a letter of instructions to Eliza written February 4 by Bodega y Quadra, instructing him to prepare without loss of time one of the vessels then with him to continue the explorations. The object was to inspect the places which had not yet been well examined, with a view to form an exact general plan of the whole coast. The principal ones specified were the Entrada de Bucareli, the Estrechos de Fonte, the Entrada de Hezeta, the Bahias de San Rafael and Carrasco, the Puerto de Clayoquot and the inside of the Estrecho de Fuca. In order to carry out this plan most effectively Eliza was ordered to strike land at Mt. St. Elias and follow the coast down to the Puerto de Trinidad without ever losing sight of it or neglecting to sound all the inlets. He was to take with him the schooner he had carried to Nootka the year before in pieces, which presumably had now been set up. Reference was made to Articles V-VIII of the instructions issued to him on January 28,1790, these being simply general ones to make careful observations for latitude, longitude and variation of the compass, and to take note of landmarks, soundings, the nature and character of the country, its fauna and flora, and precious stones, and the character and number of Indians and strangers. As soon as he returned from his exploration he was to send some vessel straight back to San Bias with the details and plans. Careful record was to be kept of the copper sheets which he carried to trade for furs. Quimper's diary and a plan of the Strait of Juan de Fuca, no doubt one made by his expedition, were enclosed. March 12, the news of the convention between the Spanish and British governments having reached Mexico, advantage was taken of the departure of the frigate Aranzazu for Nootka on that day to send a supplementary letter of instructions. Bodega's letter to SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT Eliza of that date tells him that the viceroy had lately advised him that he especially desired to have him examine the entrance between 540 and 55°, seen by Perez in 1774, and the Rio de Martin de Aguilar, located by Vizcaino in 43°, in order to further enrich the general plan of the coast. Bodega added, however, that the exploration of the Rio de Aguilar could be undertaken by the San Carlos on her return or by the vessel which Eliza should send back with the information about his commission. With this letter Bodega enclosed a general plan of the coast which he had just made to give to Alejandro Malaspina, commander of the Spanish corvettes, then proceeding to Alaska, and thus avoid the confusion which up to that time, he wrote, had been caused by everyone removing old names and giving new ones as he pleased. On this, Bodega stated, it might be noted that the Entrada de Fonte and that of Perez were the same. The San Carlos reached Nootka March 26 and found that Eliza had sent the Princesaback to California with a number of sick soldiers and sailors. He only had the Concepcion and the schooner which he had set up and which he had named the "Santa Satur- nina". On the 28th Eliza ordered the Concepcion to be rigged and the San Carlos to be unrigged, his intention being to leave the latter vessel to guard the port while he carried out his orders with the Concepcion. April 3, however, two Indians came in who reported that they had seen four two-masted vessels and one of three masts off the Bahia de Buena Esperanza. The guns were immediately mounted on the ships in Nootka, the fort on the hill at the entrance of the port was manned by troops, and on the 5th Jose Maria Narvaez was sent in the Santa Saturnina by the arm of the sea back of Nootka to the Bahia de Buena Esperanza to find out what he could from the natives. On the 9th he came back with the information that it had been four months since four English vessels had been there, but that two days before a large schooner had departed for Clayoquot. As the Concepcion was a much larger vessel and more powerfully armed than the San Carlos, Eliza now changed his plan and decided to leave her in the port while he took the San Carlos himself and the Santa Saturnina to carry out the task allotted to him. May 3, the Virgen del Rosario, the patroness of the San Carlos, was deposited on shore with becoming ceremonies 28 THE ELIZA EXPEDITION and on the following day the two vessels set sail. Juan Pantoja y Arriaga was the first pilot of the San Carlos, having come from San Bias in her. Jose Antonio Verdia was the second pilot, the surgeon was Juan Terron and the chaplain Jose Joaquin Villaverde. The schooner was under the command of Jose Maria Narvaez and Juan Carrasco was his pilot. Eliza had apparently come from Spain in 1789 with Bodega. I have not been able to ascertain anything about his birth, education or earlier career. In 1790 he bad been sent to Nootka to re-occupy that port and remained there as commandant until June, 1792. In 1793 he conducted the examination of the coast from the Strait of Fuca to San Francisco. In 1797 as a capitan de fragata he was commandant of San Bias having succeeded Bodega. In 1803 he was still attached to the San Bias establishment under pay of 200 pesos per month. Juan Pantoja y Arriaga had been educated in the Academy of San Telmo, leaving that institution in 1770. In 1777 he was in Lima as a pilotin and came to San Bias with Bodega in 1778 from that place. He accompanied the Arteaga expedition to Alaska in 1779 and acted as pilot on the California transports until 1790, when he accompanied Eliza to Nootka. In 1803 he was still attached to the San Bias department. Verdia was a second pilot who appears first on the coast in 1788 with the Martinez expedition to Alaska. He also accompanied Martinez in 1789 and Eliza in 1790 to Nootka. In 1803 he was still a second pilot attached to the San Bias department. Narvaez and Carrasco had been with Quimper the year before in the expedition to the strait. Villaverde was a clerigo of Guadalajara and had made two voyages to California in 1782 and 1783. In 1803 he was still attached to the San Bias department There is some doubt about the proper spelling of Ter- ron's name; he was a religioso of San Juan de Dios and his name is spelled Ferron in the estado of the Concepcion when she sailed for Nootka in February, 1790, but Terron is found in other documents. No sooner had the vessels reached the open sea than the usual northwest wind was encountered. The schooner was slow and fell off to leeward as they tried to beat against this wind in their effort to proceed to the north. Eliza did not struggle very long but on the third day out turned stern to the wind and proceeded to 29 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT Clayoquot Sound, one of the places in his list to be examined. He had the usual excuses for not following his instructions but the real one no doubt was that the season was too far advanced to begin an exploration so far north as 6o°. On the afternoon of the 7th, both ships anchored in the sound and the chief with his sons came out in a canoe to visit them. This was Wickaninish, more famous perhaps among the fur traders of the northwest, than Maquina himself. His name will be found spelled in numerous ways in the Spanish narratives, usually Quiquinanich or Quiquinanis. Here Eliza remained until the 22d. On the ioth, the schooner under Narvaez set out to explore the inlets to the north of the anchorage, and on the nth, Pantoja in the longboat was dispatched to explore those at the northwest. Narvaez returned on the 14th and said, that having entered an inlet to the north, he had sailed towards the east through another one fifteen miles long. Having reached the end of this he had come back and found two more which extended to the north, one, eighteen miles long and four and a half wide, and the other, twenty miles long and three wide. On the 19th Pantoja came back, having explored what he called the Bocas de Saavedra, which seem to have been the entrance between Flores and Vargas islands. He had then explored the present Sydney Inlet and the various channels in the northwestern part of the sound. He had found numerous natives and several large settlements, the Indians giving him a great deal of trouble, so much so in fact, that he could not make a very exact chart of that part of the sound, nor take possession as he should have done. In his narrative Pantoja gives quite a long account of this excursion and his movements can be fairly well followed on the plan of the sound which was later made by himself, or Narvaez, or by both of them. The merest mention of the movements of Narvaez is contained in Eliza's or Pantoja's journals and that does not correspond very well with the map of that part of the sound. After the return of Narvaez he and Carrasco engaged in making a plan of the port proper, which will be found as an inset on the large plan of Clayoquot Sound. From this it appears that the port was between Wakennenish Island and Meares Island to the east. This port was a favorite resort for the fur traders, and was generally known to them as Company Bay. The natives were very 30 THE ELIZA EXPEDITION numerous and procured large quantities of sea-otter skins. They seemed to be very friendly, and entertained Eliza and his officers with a great dance. As part of Eliza's business was to barter copper for skins he attempted to engage in this business at this place, but with poor success, as the Indians said that some twenty days before a frigate commanded by a Captain Clayt and a packetboat under Captain Thomas Douglas, had carried away most of their stock. Eliza found that the Indians were more greedy for Monterey shells, that is, the famous abalone shells, than they were for copper. The fact is that so much copper had been traded for skins by this time that the price of it had fallen very greatly, the Indians demanding more and more for a given number of skins. On the 21 st, the schooner was sent to explore what was known as the Puerto de Carrasco, that is, the present Barkley Sound. Eliza states that he sent Narvaez because he had told him that he was the only one who had been there in 1789, and did not think that the San Carlos on account of her large size could enter. On the following day the San Carlos set sail, entered the strait on the 26th, and on the 29th, anchored in Cordova, that is Esquimault, where Eliza had given orders to Narvaez to meet him with the schooner. The Canal de Lopez de Haro had been discovered by Quimper the preceding year and it now became the business of Eliza to explore it. On the 31st he sent the armed longboat under Verdia on this errand, but at night Verdia came back and told him that he could not continue, because after entering the passage he had been surprised by many Indians, on whom he had found it necessary to fire to avoid the loss of his longboat and men. As he was coming back the Indians surrounded the boat in their canoes and finally Verdia had to kill some of them in order to escape. The commander now decided to wait for the schooner before he went on with his examination. Narvaez arrived on June 11 and said that the Bocas de Carrasco were nothing but an archipelago of small islands, and that he could not do much exploring because it had rained almost continuously for twelve days. As his food was running out he had been obliged to leave without finishing his work. He also had had trouble with the Indians, but by firing cannon- shots over their heads he had frightened them away. He saw four or five large settlements. A plan of this sound was made which is 3i SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT still extant. It is peculiar in not having any names applied to its various inlets or prominent points, but it may be simply urrfinished. Narvaez had departed from this place on June 10 and had anchored that night in the Ensenada de Orveas. On the 14th, the longboat was armed, the schooner was provided with twenty-five shots for her six cannon, and both vessels were manned by thirty seamen and eight soldiers. The command was given to Pantoja and at ten-thirty in the morning he entered Haro Strait. Good progress was made for a while but soon the party had to take to their oars. On the following day the vessels, passing to the south of Saturna Island, entered what is now known as the Gulf of Georgia after Pantoja had looked over Plumper Sound between Pender and Saturna islands. The intention had been for the longboat to follow one coast and the schooner the other, but Pantoja was afraid he might lose the schooner which carried the food, so he kept the vessels together. Although he left a long account of this short voyage, it is not easy to follow his movements, but it seems obvious that he did not sail north in the gulf but east. At any rate, he certainly discovered the three islands now known as Patos, Sucia, and Matia, off the northeast end of the San Juan group and probably Barnes Island and Clark Island at the north entrance to Rosario Strait and even possibly Guemes Channel. He divined that what had been called San Juan Island was actually an archipelago, and returned on the 24th seemingly along the north side of this group. Eliza, when informed of his discovery of the great body of water, decided that as soon as the men had obtained some rest, the San Carlos should proceed as far as possible to act as a kind of a storeship for the other two vessels while exploring the gulf. The pilots however dissuaded him from this plan by enlarging on the strength of the currents between the various islands, the narrow passages in which to maneuver a large vessel, the difficulty of proceeding without oars and the poor anchorages. The plan was therefore abandoned and Eliza decided to sail over to the other side of the strait and send out a new expedition from there. June 28, sail was made. That night was passed in the Bahia Quimper [New Dungeness] and on the following day the Puerto de Quadra was reached, the present Port Discovery. July 1, the longboat and the schooner again departed, this time THE ELIZA EXPEDITION under the command of Narvaez, and followed the coast around to the east, passing through Rosario Strait into Padilla Bay and Bel- lingham Bay and thence up the British Columbia mainland coast to some unknown point. Nothing but the barest notice of this important exploring expedition has as yet been found, but the course of the expedition can be tolerably well followed from the anchors shown on one of the maps. Carrasco, who was on the schooner, states that they succeeded in entering the Canal de Lopez de Haro about fifty leagues but this is obviously an exaggeration, unless perhaps he meant to say, that they sailed that distance from Port Discovery. Eliza himself is authority that they reached the latitude of 50° while Pantoja who did not accompany the expedition, states that they reached the latitude of Nootka, that is 49° 35', and that at this point the gulf was twenty miles wide. The present Texada Island was certainly discovered and the north end which is in about 49° 48' was seen. The maps beyond that point have the appearance of having been drawn from some distance. The present Cape Lazo was named "Laso de la Vega", and that seems to have been the most northern point seen on Vancouver Island. Some passes and places on the east side of the island, including the one now known as Nanaimo, were named, indicating that on the return voyage this was followed rather closely. The fresh water from the Fraser River had been noted and the correct belief that a large river existed in that locality was recorded. The presence of a number of whales in the Gulf of Georgia induced the commander to speculate on the existence of another way by which they came in, rather than by the Strait of Fuca, where, he says, they had scarcely seen three or four. He thought that if any passage to the Atlantic Ocean existed it must be here. On the day Narvaez had departed he had noted a rather large entrance in the Ensenada de Caamano, the present Admiralty Inlet. As it was only seven or eight miles from Port Discovery he left it to be examined on his return but when he came back and was off it on the 21st he was in too much of a hurry to do so as he was short of food. Eliza was too anxious to get away to send to look it over although it was so close at hand. Thus the Spaniards lost the opportunity of anticipating by one year Captain George Vancouver's discovery of Puget Sound. The schooner was careened and supplied with food, water, and 33 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT wood, and Carrasco was transferred to the command of her, probably because, as Eliza states, he needed Narvaez to make the plans and there was some doubt about the schooner being able to reach Nootka. After starting to leave Port Discovery on the 26th of July, it took five days, by the aid of the tides, a few faint breezes and by towing by the longboat and the boat to get the San Carlos out of the bay. August 1 progress was made as far as New Dungeness, and on August 2, the port now known as Port Angeles was discovered and so named. Finally on the 7th Nunez. Gaona was reached, the present Neah Bay at the south entrance to the strait. Both Eliza and Pantoja enlarged somewhat on the good anchorages found on the south coast, where, according to them, they anchored while the tides were corning in. This was contrary to the experience of Quimper in the preceding year as he maintained precisely the reverse to be the fact, thus illustrating, what was far too frequent in the annals of Spanish discovery, the tendency of almost every explorer to belittle the results achieved by bis predecessors. The two vessels departed from Nunez Gaona August 11, and on the night of the 14th, the San Carlos lost sight of the schooner while beating up the coast against the heavy northwest winds, but managed to reach Nootka August 29. Carrasco after battling the northwest wind until the 28th sailed south, short of food and with little prospect of reaching Nootka. September 15, he arrived at Monterey and after securing some provisions and supplies, again set sail and reached San Bias November 9, bringing back thirty- seven of the copper sheets which they had failed to dispose of to the Indians. The party did however obtain for copper sheets fifteen Indian boys and seven girls who were taken by the officers and some of the men to educate and raise. Eliza does not enter into any detailed description of the animals, birds and fish found in the strait because as he said, Quimper had described them the year before. Pantoja, however, was more communicative, although his account is also very similar to that of Quimper. A large animal was shot by one of the gunners July 13, of which quite a description is given. Pantoja states that it had horns forty-two inches long with six points and that it furnished food for two or three days for the whole party. The description proves it to have been a very large elk. At the Isla de Cepeda, as 34 THE ELIZA EXPEDITION the southern end of Boundary Bay Peninsula was called, numerous Indians came out to the schooner who told them about larger vessels having been seen farther up the gulf. An Indian boy obtained by the store-keeper told of people coming to trade copper, iron and blue beads, on animals, which according to his description, Pantoja made out to be packhorses. Pantoja even says that when they showed the boy a picture of a horse, he immediately identified it as like the animals he had seen. It was noted that the Indians had quite different habits from those at Nootka. Those around the present Victoria were found to live largely on seeds, which were so abundant in that locality that they used them to trade with Indians on the outer coast. Salmon were extraordinarily abundant in the east end of the strait. On the south side numbers of skeletons were found hanging on poles, and Pantoja referred to Port Discovery as a "slaughter-house of human beings", no doubt because some canoes were found in the woods with skeletons inside. October 10 Eliza wrote the viceroy and sent him by the San Carlos his account of the expedition and the maps which had been made. The vessel departed from Nootka October 25, and reached San Bias December 21. His account is no doubt the one dated October 10 at Nootka which is translated below. No log seems to be extant although Pantoja certainly kept one. His account was sent to a friend in Peru. A brief one written by Carrasco on his arrival in San Bias is also translated below. The plans which Eliza sent were no doubt the Carta que comprehende los interiores y veril de la costa desde los 48° lat. N hasta los 50°, examinados es- crupulosamente por el teniente de navio de la Real Armada Don Francisco Eliza, the Piano de Archipielago de Clayocuat and the Piano de Archipielago de Nitinat 6 Carrasco. The Carta contains insets of Puerto Clayocuat, the Puerto de Santa Cruz de Nuca, the Puerto de Nuestra Senora de los Angeles, the Puerto de Buena Esperanza and the Bahia de San Rafael. This map exists in the De- posito Hydrografico, Madrid. A copy of it was made for the United States government and reproduced in 1872 in the Reply in the San Juan Boundary arbitration. Some errors were committed in engraving it; indeed there are some errors on the map in Madrid, which seem to indicate that it also is a copy. Besides the above we have the Pequena Carta attached to Pantoja's account of the expedition and 35 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT the Piano reducido que comprende parte de la costa setentrional de California, desde los 47 grados de latitud Norte, hasta los $0; drawn in San Bias, January, 1792, by Lopez de Haro. This map is much more like that of Pantoja than the one ascribed to Eliza and must have been copied from one made by him. Eliza's map was no doubt drawn by Narvaez assisted by Pantoja and Eliza himself. A number of changes appear on it, several of Pantoja's and Narvaez' names being shifted to other places and some new ones given which do not appear on either of the other maps. It contains a note that the places where an anchor is marked show good anchorages and that the small squares in red ink along the coast show settlements of Indians. By means of these anchors and the soundings shown it is possible to trace in a general way the course of Pantoja from June 14 to June 25 and that of Narvaez from July 1 to July 22. For Pantoja's expedition we have the assistance of his own diary. Having departed from the present Esquimault Harbor at nine on the 14th, he entered the Canal de Haro at ten-thirty. Here he turned to the northwest and passing Chatham and Discovery islands at the entrance, sailed up Cordova Channel and through Shute Passage around Pordand Island to some point not shown where he anchored for the night. In the evening he proceeded north in a boat to a cove on the west side of Pender Island. When opposite Coal Island he had seen open water a little north of east and Swanson Channel to the northwest. On the 15th the ship reached the south end of Pender Island. Close to this he found a small port which he named "San Antonio", the present Bedwell Harbor, anchored near it and examined it in his boat. Contmuing to the east he soon encountered Plumper Sound, the channel between Pender and Saturna islands, made an examination of it as far as the north end of Pender Island and at seven on the evening of the 15th passed around the east end of Saturna Island and saw the gulf to the north which he named "Nuestra Senora del Rosario la Marinera". As the wind was strong from the northwest an easterly course was taken and an island was soon reached which must have been the one he named "Patos". Here he passed the night, an anchor being shown on the map at the southeast point. On the 16th an easterly course was again taken, and by aid of the oars he passed for two days between some islands, notably Sucia 36 THE ELIZA EXPEDITION Islands and Matia, both of which he named, the latter being a corruption of his Mai Abrigo. It is probable that at the end of the second day he reached Barnes and Clark islands (on Eliza's map Islas de Aguayo) between Orcas and Lummi islands. Here an anchor is shown between the north ends of two islands and as he states that a southeast storm struck him in this neighborhood, which lasted until the 20th, these may have given him some shelter. However, an anchor on the west side of Lummi Island probably represents his farthest point reached. He now decided to return and although no account is given of his course it is plain from his remarks in the letter, which accompanies his account, that he followed the north coast of Orcas Island, as he named Waldron Island, "Lemos", and an adjoining point, probably Nob Point, "San Gil", after Francisco Gil y Lemos, then viceroy of Peru. The anchor shown between San Juan Island and Henry Island no doubt marks his return course. After passing Gonzalez Point on the 24th anchor was again cast, as it was impossible to reach Esquimault that night. An anchor here obviously marks the spot. Pantoja's name "Sayas" for Pender Island was changed on the Eliza map to "San Eusebio", the islands near Vancouver Island in Haro Channel are named "San Antonio" and Waldron and Stuart islands, "Moraleja". Although Pantoja must have passed close to the north entrance of the passage between San Juan and Orcas islands bis map does not show it although he states that San Juan was not an island, but an archipelago. That of Lopez de Haro of 1792, however, has a dotted line here to indicate a doubt. The Bocas de Bazan represent the various openings from Union Bay to Prevost Channel seen as he passed by them or in the distance. The outgoing route of Narvaez is somewhat easier to trace, but it is not possible to determine just how he returned. Departing July 1, he sailed east and discovered a rather large inlet in the Ensenada de Caamano already mentioned. He then turned to the north and finally anchored at the south end of Lopez Island. Passing up Rosario Strait, which had been named "Fidalgo" by Quimper, he apparently anchored on the east side of Lopez Island and again at the southwest end of Guemes Island, a name which he then bestowed, as well, probably, as "San Vicente" for Cypress Island. From here he passed through the channel between Guemes and 37 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT Fidalgo islands into Padilla Bay, which he so named and where he anchored. Passing east of Guemes Island he named William Point, "Solano", and from there passed into Bellingham Bay, which he named "Gaston", anchoring in what is now known as Chukanut Bay which he named "Socorro". Passing out of Bellingham Bay through Hale Passage, the channel east of Lummi Island, which he named "Pacheco", he anchored a few miles north of that island. Still sailing north and passing Sandy Point to which or to Lummi Bay he gave the name "Loera", he reached Birch Bay where he again anchored. This he named, no doubt, the "Puerto del Gar- zon", although it appears on Eliza's map as a punta. A body of water just inside of this on Eliza's map is named the "Laguna del Garzon", probably Lake Terrell. Still sailing north his next anchorage seems to have been off the entrance to what is now known as Drayton Harbor, named by him "San Jose". Just how far he proceeded up Boundary Bay cannot be determined, but obviously he went far enough to see Quo Mais Point, which he named "San Rafael". What appeared to be an inlet at the end of Boundary Bay was named the "Boca de Bodega" (changed on the Eliza map to "Floridablanca"). The southern part of the peninsula west of Boundary Bay was supposed to be an island and named "Zepeda". No further anchorage is shown until we reach the Rio de la Aguada, west of Howe Sound, but we know that Narvaez anchored somewhere near the mouth of the Fraser River. Burrard Inlet appears on the map without any name, but the north point at the entrance, now called "Atkinson", was obviously named "Bodega", as it so appears on Eliza's map. Land to the south of the inlet was supposed to be islands and named "Langara". Indian settlements are shown both at Pt. Atkinson and Pt. Grey. Howe Sound was visited and named the "Bocas de Carmelo", Bowen Island and the small one to the west of it being named "Apodaca". The watering place, Rio de la Aguada, seems to be near the end of Seechelt Arm. The next place of anchorage was on the west side of Thormanby Island named "San Ignacio" on the Eliza map. Narvaez then sailed up between Texada Island and the mainland, naming the island "San Felix" while he applied the name "Texada" to the one now known as Lasqueti. These islands are are also so named on the Pantoja and Lopez de Haro maps but on Eliza's we find that the THE ELIZA EXPEDITION name Texada has been transferred to the one Narvaez named San Felix, and the other has received its present name, "Lasqueti". Agamemnon Channel was passed, and named "Bocas de Monino" and Cockburn Point on Nelson Island was named "Arze". North of Texada Island we only find on the maps names given to places which were obviously seen at a distance, such as Boca de Flores and Punta de San Luis. No island is shown except one named Campo Alange which could hardly be anything but Hernando. Strangely enough Harwood is not shown as an island but the south point perhaps was named "Camino", after someone I have not been able to identify. It must be noted however that Lopez de Haro's map clearly discloses the real course of Narvaez. This shows that the Bocas de Monino were simply Agamemnon Channel and the inlet from Malaspina Strait into Pender Harbor. Nelson Island could not have been passed because the northeast side of Texada Island (his San Felix), from opposite the southwest end of Nelson Island, and the coast of the mainland northwest of about the end of Hardy Island are both shown with dotted lines. If this map reflects the true progress in this respect what can we make of finding the northeast end of Texada drawn with a solid line and another similar one beginning on the mainland where the Punta de Camino is marked on Eliza's map. All I can suggest is that when Narvaez reached a point about opposite the south point of Hardy Island he turned back. From this point he could not see the stretch of coast on Texada until it turned nearly north and so marked this as hypothetical and the north end with a solid fine. The mainland between Jervis Inlet and Malaspina Inlet is low ground, so low apparently that he could not see it, while the mainland to the north of this could be seen. If this theory be correct Narvaez passed back south through Malaspina Strait, rounded Lasqueti Island (named by bim "Texada") and proceeded north again. That he did not pass between Texada and Lasqueti is plain because the numerous islands in the passage are not shown on any of the maps; further, the northeast side of Lasqueti is shown on Lopez de Haro's map by a dotted line. How far north he went is uncertain, but it would appear from this map that he went far enough to see the westerly extension of the coast of Vancouver Island beyond Cape Lazo, and 39 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT the north side of Texada, that is to about 491 40', according to the map. The low country south of Cape Lazo could evidently not be seen as the coast here as far south as Denman Island is also marked by a dotted line. A Punta de Araus was evidently some high land farther south. The puzzling feature is the failure to show Hornby Island (named with Denman as Islas de Lerena) as a complete island or at least with either a north and south coast. The southern end of Baynes Sound (named by him "Bocas de Valdes"), is plainly shown, even Deep Bay at the south end of it, which could never have been seen unless the south coast of Hornby Island had also been seen. This showing of Hornby Island is common to both the Lopez de Haro and Eliza maps but on Pantoja's it appears as a complete island but too far south. Narvaez evidently passed outside of Hornby Island and then turned west. The next anchorage is at Punta San Leonardo, impossible to identify as the maps are inaccurate in this section, and the next is just east of a river styled "Grullas". The shape of this does not permit us to believe that it was Northwest Bay, but some river to the west of it, probably Englishman River. Narvaez then sailed along eastward naming the Ballenas Islands, Nanoose Harbor as "Rual- cava" or "Rubalcava", and Nanaimo Harbor as "Bocas de Win- thuysen", coming to anchor on the east side of Gabriola Island, having applied the name "CasatilH" to the northeast end of it. The southeast end, where there is an Indian settlement, he named "Gaviota" and anchored just south of it. He apparently did not notice the entrance between Gabriola and Valdes islands, but saw that between Valdes and Galiano islands. To this he gave the present name "Porlier" (written Poliel on Eliza's map), after Antonio Porlier the fiscal in Madrid. From here onward his course is quite uncertain as we soon begin to encounter anchors which obviously represent Pantoja's excursion in June. It is probable that Narvaez now returned across the Gulf of Georgia and through Rosario Strait. This is indicated by Pantoja's remarks regarding Narvaez' failure to examine the inlet in the Ensenada de Caamaiio when he first discovered it on his way out. He says he left it until his return since it was only about seven or eight miles distant from Quadra, "but could not do this yesterday [that is July 21] because when he was opposite to it he was short 40 THE ELIZA EXPEDITION of food". If he came back through Rosario Strait some of the anchorages which I have ascribed to him on the outward bound voyage may belong to the return one, especially those at the south end of Lopez Island and even the one on the west side of Lummi Island previously ascribed to Pantoja. Besides the various anchorages described one is shown just west of Wilson Point, others in Port Discovery, New Dungeness, Port Angeles, four more along the south coast, and one in Nunez Gaona. On the north coast we find one in the Ensenada de Orveas where Narvaez anchored June 10, and one at the entrance to the Puerto de Cordova, which probably represents the position of Eliza's vessel, the San Carlos, during the greater part of June. Eliza's system of giving names to places was somewhat different from that of Quimper as about half of them were those of saints. The viceroy's various names were freely used and those of prominent naval officials such as Felix de Tejada, Antonio de Arce [Arze], Miguel Gaston, Jose Solano (the Marques del Socorro), Marcos Garzon, Juan de Langara, Sebastian Ruiz de Apodaca, Juan Maria Lasqueti, Juan de Araoz, Francisco Xavier de Win- thuysen, and the Marques de Casa Tilly. He honored a few civilian officials in Madrid; the Conde de Campo Alange, minister of war; the Conde de Lerena, minister of the treasury; and Jose Monino (the Conde de Floridablanca, the chief minister). Antonio Bonilla, after whom what are now known as Smith and Minor islands were named was the secretary of the viceroyalty. I am not sure for whom what was supposed to be an island was named Zepeda. In the following year Felix de Cepeda accompanied Bodega to Nootka. He was also a naval officer but whether he was in Mexico in 1791 or not I do not know. Rualcava or Rubalcava was apparently the name of the commandant of Vera Cruz. Saavedra had both of his family names used and Bodega's name was used twice. Terron, the surgeon, had a punta named after him, possibly the one now known as Amphitrite Point. The origin of several others will be found in the notes. Some persons after whom places were named I have not been able to identify. One of the prominent points on the east side of Vancouver Island, Cape Lazo, was named Laso de la Vega, possibly after Bucareli, who, however, was no longer viceroy. Another doubtful name is Moraleja for the 4i SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT islands now known as Stuart, and others nearby. At this time Jose Moraleda, a Spanish naval officer was engaged in exploring Chiloe off the Chilean coast, and I suspect that he was the individual honored. Ordofies, after whom some bocas were named at the west extremity of Clayoquot Sound, and Romay, for a point in the Gulf of Georgia, possibly the east end of Savary Island, were individuals whom I cannot identify. A few descriptive names were given: the Rio de la Aguada, some place at which water was taken no doubt; Grullas, that is, cranes; Rio de Caudoloso for the outlet of Kennedy Lake into Clayoquot Sound; Poco Agua or Poco Fondo for a small inlet in that neighborhood; Ballenas, that is, whales, for some islands still so known; Gaviota, that is gull, for the southeast end of Gabriola Island; and Patos, Sucia and Mai Abrigo for islands still so-called with slight changes. I think Gabriola is itself a corruption of Gaviota. There was a chaplain on board the San Carlos and for this reason perhaps, Nicolas de Loera, a chaplain at San Bias had a place named after him, the present Sandy Point. Of the numerous saints mentioned many names were given on or near their days, for instance those of San Antonio, June 13; San Bonifacio, in whose honor the entrance to what is now known as Herbert Arm was named, May 14; San Felix, after whom what is now known as the Isla de Texada was named, July 12; San Jose the day of whose transit is July 20, and whose name was given to what is now known as Drayton Harbor. Some names given by Pantoja and which were shown on his map were changed when the general map came to be made. Only a very few given during the course of the expedition now survive, the most important of which are Port Angeles and Texada Island. Vancouver in the following year gave new names to most of the places visited by Eliza or his men although he had a copy of Eliza's map. CHAPTER III THE GALIANO-VALDES EXPEDITION OF 1792 |HE year 1791 was marked by great activity on the * northwest coast. Besides the expedition of Eliza we I have to chronicle that of Alejandro Malaspina with I two Spanish corvettes. Malaspina was a talented I Italian in the service of Spain. His expedition, which left Cadiz in 1789, formed part of the general plan to draw up a more accurate map of the Spanish possessions, especially designed for the use of navigators. Two vessels, the Descubierta and the Atrevida were built expressly for the purpose under Malaspina's direction and equipped with all the modern instruments and devices which could be found for making accurate observations. By this time the marine chronometer had been perfected to such an extent that it was fairly reliable. The Spanish government obtained the best from both Paris and London and also assigned to the vessels some astronomers who were capable of making accurate lunar observations for longitude. Malaspina proceeded down the east coast of South America around Cape Horn and up the west coast as far as Callao. From here he communicated with the viceroy in Mexico requesting that he be furnished on his arrival at Acapulco with all the maps available of the west coast and with sundry books and documents. As most of these had no bearing on the subject of navigation in the seas to the northwest of Acapulco but were devoted to the general history, archaeology, languages, etc. of Mexico itself, it is plain that Malaspina had already embraced the grandiose idea of blazoning forth to the world a general account of all the Spanish-American colonies. He reached Acapulco March 27 and announced to the viceroy his plan of operations. This was to proceed to the Sandwich Islands and thence to the northwest coast in the neighborhood of 55°, and from there to explore the coast to the south. This ambitious plan was not to become effective. Before he had arrived dispatches for him from the king had reached Mexico and been forwarded to Jose Bustamante y Guerra, the commander of the Atrevida, which had reached Mexico sometime before him and was then in San Bias. As soon as Bustamante heard of Malaspina's arrival in Acapulco he forwarded the documents to him. When opened they were found to include an order to proceed at 43 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT once to the northwest coast of America in the neighborhood of 60° and make a special search for the passage to the Atlantic which one Lorenzo Ferrer Maldonado had claimed to have discovered in 1588. The reason for this unaccountable delay in bringing Mal- donado's voyage to light was simple; the document did not exist in the archives. There was a copy of it however in Spain in the library of the Duque de Infantado. In 1781 Don Juan Bautista Munoz discovered this and in 1785 it was printed by the Duque de Almodovar in his Establecimientos ultramarinos but with some lack of fidelity. One of the Munoz copies fell into the hands of Phillippe Buache de Neuville in Paris and November 13, 1790, he read a memorial about the voyage before the Academy of Sciences in Paris. The publication in Madrid in 1785 seems to have aroused no interest but it was a different matter when Buache, who had an international reputation as a geographer, set forth his abounding faith in the veracity of Maldonado. The Spaniards now woke up and as Malaspina was then in the Pacific he was considered to be the proper man to investigate the alleged oudet into the Pacific of this passage. The story was simply one more apocryphal tale added to those of Juan de Fuca and Bartholomew de Fonte already in circulation, and it met with but little better reception from the geographers and learned men of Europe, and still less from navigators, who at once recognized the absolute ^credibility of the whole tale. Malaspina however had no choice and proceeded to look for it, naturally without any results. He was occupied in this work from May 1 to October 10, 1791. He carried with him a corps of scientists and naturalists and a competent artist. On his way back from the north he made a short stay in Nootka August 12 to August 28, and while there established the longitude of the place with a very small degree of error. He did not finally circumnavigate the world as usually supposed but after visiting Manila, China and the South Sea islands returned to Peru and from there to Europe by Cape Horn. The result of the voyage was the accumulation of an immense mass of material very little of which has ever seen the fight of day.* *An account of the voyage was published in Madrid in 1885 which contains all the essential facts of present value accumulated by Malaspina. 44 THE GALIANO-VALDES EXPEDITION After the account of Quimper's voyage reached Spain orders were sent to the viceroy to have a thorough examination of the Strait of Fuca made as quickly as possible. This was entirely agreeable to the viceroy who had other objects than geographical exploration in view. Long before he heard whether Eliza had carried out his orders to explore the strait during the summer, he formulated another expedition and placed it in charge of Francisco Antonio Mourelle. Mourelle had by this time finished making his Compendio of the voyages up to 1790 and was in Mexico City in touch with the viceroy. The latter was gready impressed by his services in the expeditions of 1775 and 1779 and in his various voyages to the PhiHppines between 1780 and 1789. Due to the fact that his account of the Hezeta voyage of 1775 to the northwest coast had been printed in English Mourelle had acquired a European reputation which was hardly warranted by his activities during that voyage, valuable as they were. The viceroy wrote him a letter in very flattering terms September 9, and delivered to him a confidential instruction which is in many respects an extraordinary document. Besides the general instructions, which read very much like those given to captains in the sixteenth century, the special ones contemplated a voyage; first, to the Strait of Juan de Fuca and an examination of it; second, from the strait to Monterey with an examination of the mtervening coast; third, from Monterey to Alaska; fourth, from Alaska south along the coast. The viceroy expected this stupendous task to be accomplished in one year and provided him with a schooner newly constructed in San Bias named the Mexicana and an extra allowance of non-commissioned officers. The plan was to leave at the beginning of winter and in fact the expedition was ready to depart December 1. The most extraordinary instruction however was the unlimited authority delegated to Mourelle. He was empowered to take men and supplies from any Spanish vessel or establishment he met or visited and even to put his sick on board other vessels and take from them able-bodied men in their place. The governor of California was instructed to supply him with anything he had which Mourelle wanted, and lasdy, but not least, Mourelle was relieved of control by any other individual whatever, his only duty being to communicate with the viceroy direct. I think the document furnishes us with abundant proof of 45 I SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT the remarkably good judgment of the viceroy. The main object the viceroy had in view was not perhaps the examination of the arms of the Strait of Juan de Fuca, which Quimper had discovered, to see whether they ended in Baffin Bay or Hudson's Bay as Martinez had supposed, and many others for that matter, but to prepare for removal of the establishment at Nootka to the south coast of the strait. In other words the mission was bound up with interpretation of the Convention between Spain and Great Britain. It did not escape the viceroy's perspicacity that this document was none too clear and was going to give rise to differences of opinion, perhaps impossible to solve, between the English envoy and Captain Bodega, whom he now appointed to represent the King of Spain. These were to meet in the following year in Nootka and put the terms of the Convention into effect. The viceroy had evolved an idea of his own which looked feasible and was at the same time sensible. He wished Bodega to propose to the envoy to abandon Nootka to the English entirely and to establish a permanent boundary between the two countries at the Strait of Juan de Fuca. A full discussion of this plan is not pertinent in this immediate connection, but as a preliminary he wished Mourelle to ascertain which place on the south coast was best adapted to form a permanent Spanish setdement. December i the Mexicana and an armed longboat were ready to sail but Mourelle was sick. Carrasco had also reached San Bias and had communicated the results of Eliza's expedition. At this juncture Malaspina who had returned to Acapulco made a suggestion. In his letter of October 12 he had written that he had learned from Carrasco in California that Eliza had entered the north arm of the Strait of Fuca only as far as the latitude of Nootka. Not only had the end of this not been seen but the arm had been found to continue for a long distance, with a width of four or five leagues. Malaspina's proposal in brief was to lend the viceroy two of his officers, Dionisio Alcala Galiano and Cayetano Valdes and supply them with some of his instruments including chronometers. He suggested that the expedition be made with two schooners, the Mexicana and another almost like it, the Sutil, both just built at San Bias, first sending the vessels to Acapulco. The viceroy accepted the proposition, ordered the vessels to Acapulco and sent Galiano 46 THE GALIANO-VALDES EXPEDITION and Valdes there to see to fitting them out and putting them in proper condition. The project to examine the west coast, that is, Nos. 3 and 4 of the original Mourelle plan, was abandoned for the moment. The viceroy was persuaded that enough had been done in that direction by Malaspina and that sufficient data had been secured to finish the general plan. Bodega did not agree with this opinion and continued fruidessly to reiterate the necessity of further explorations on that part of the coast. It also appears that the plan to have Mourelle look for a good port on the south coast of the strait had also been abandoned. The reason for this change was the decision of the viceroy to occupy Neah Bay. Alcala-Galiano, as he wrote his name, and Valdes had accompanied Malaspina on his voyage from Cadiz to Acapulco but Galiano had been left in Mexico during the expedition to the northwest to work up the scientific observations which had been accumulated up to that time, and also to make notes about conditions in Mexico. He was born in the province of Cordova October 6, 1760, entered the naval school in 1775, and began active service in 1779. From 1784 he was associated with the scientific work then being done on the hydrography of Spain and later of the colonies. He accompanied the expedition of Antonio de Cordova to the Strait of Magellan in 1785, and in 1788 another engaged in an exploration of the Azores. After his return to Spain from Vera Cruz at the end of 1793 he took up active war service again and finally was killed in 1805 at the battle of Trafalgar. About Valdes I know nothing beyond his participation in this voyage and that of Malaspina and the same can be said of Secundino Salamanca, the second officer of the Sutil and Juan Vernaci, the second officer of the Mexicana. Both were also members of the Malaspina expedition and held the rank of teniente de fragata. Galiano and Valdes had just been promoted from the rank of teniente de navio to capitan de fragata. Some delay occurred and the schooners did not reach Acapulco until December 28. The Sutil was now rigged as a brigantine and a few Filipino sailors were obtained from the Philippine ship San Andres then in Acapulco. Each vessel had a small armament and carried a crew of seventeen besides the officers. Jose Cordero, an artist in Mexico, sailed on the Mexicana. The vessels, which were 47 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT almost identical, measured forty-six feet ten inches long on the keel, thirteen feet ten inches beam, and drew six feet two inches of water aft and five feet eight inches forward. They were provided with food and water for one hundred days and with some copper, iron and other objects to distribute among the Indians. No copy of any instructions to the commanders has been found; presumably they operated under those which had been given to Mourelle, modified of course by the exclusion of any to proceed to the Alaska coast. The only objects of the expedition were Nos. I and 2 of the Mourelle plan. Another delay took place in Acapulco and it was not until March 8 that the vessels set sail. May 13 anchor was dropped at Nootka where they found Bodega with the Santa Gertrudis, the frigate sent from Peru, and the Activa. Here another delay occurred. The ships were careened and their bottoms payed; some changes were made in the Sutil's boat; a longboat was obtained for the Mexicana from the Concepcion, two soldiers and a gunner were added to the Sutil's crew and a carpenter and two soldiers to that of the Mexicana to make up a total number of twenty-four men, all told, on each vessel. June 5, in the morning, the schooners departed from Nootka and sailing along the coast reached Neah Bay on the following day. Here Salvador Fidalgo was found with the Princesa, He had set up a provisional establishment and was on good terms with the Indians. Galiano made some observations, established the longitude of the port and made a plan of it. The port was left on the 8th and the schooners proceeded to Cordova (Esquimault Bay), taking along Tetacu, one of the chiefs. Here anchor was cast on the morning of the 9th. A short stay only was made and then Galiano on the morning of the 10th proceeded up the strait to what he calls "Anchorage No. 1", which seems to have been at the southeast point of Lopez Island. Here an observation was made on the first satellite of Jupiter from which by adding to it the difference in time measured by the chronometers from Nootka to that place the longitude of Nootka was calculated to be 1200 26' west of Cadiz. Sub- sequendy this figure was used in constructing the maps and in locating places visited. On the nth the schooners proceeded up Rosario Strait passing Burrows and Allan islands which were named I THE GALIANO-VALDES EXPEDITION "Morros", then between Guemes and Fidalgo islands, and around the east point of Guemes Island and north to Bellingham Bay. This was examined and the so-called Boca de Floridablanca at the end of it was found to be nothing but a small river. Here it may be proper to speculate as to the reasons for Galiano and Valde"s beginning their explorations at this point instead of examining the Boca de Caamano, that is Admiralty Inlet, at the southeastern end of the strait. In their letter to the viceroy of October 23 no reason is given, but in the account published in 1802 it is stated that the Indians had given them to understand that this passage was only navigable by canoes. They had the account of Eliza's exploration and his maps and could not fail to see that Eliza considered the inlet of some importance, although for reasons given in Chapter II, he had failed to explore it. The reason for proceeding to first explore the Boca de Floridablanca was, I drink, the appearance of the country. They were looking for a continuation of the strait towards the east and in the account of 1802 it is distincdy stated that a large opening in the mountains seen here to the east by Eliza's expedition gave hopes that the passage existed in that vicinity. Enough was known of the trend of Admiralty Inlet to cast doubts on that being the passage for which they were searching. Indeed at this time the Spaniards had some idea that Admiralty Inlet connected with the Pacific in the neighborhood of the Columbia River, one derived no doubt from the Buache-Delisle maps then in use. Considerable time therefore was spent in investigating the present Burrard Inlet which was also called the Brazo de Floridablanca, it being thought at first that this had two oudets, one by way of this inlet and the other into Bellingham Bay. The vessels now passed out of Bellingham Bay and through the channel between Lummi Island and the mainland towards the north. At eight at night of the 12th two small boats were seen which from their rig were thought to be European. Galiano now states that Tetacu, the Indian who had accompanied them to Es- quimault, had told him that two English vessels had entered the strait a month before. Later that night on passing Birch Bay, lights were seen on vessels inside. These vessels were the Discovery and the Chatham under the command of Captain George Vancouver, who had been sent to 49 I SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT carry out the terms of the Convention with Spain, and also to make an exploration of the northwest coast. He had sighted the coast April 17 close to Cape Mendocino; had entered the strait April 29 and had taken possession in Possession Sound June 4 after exploring Puget Sound. The meeting with Vancouver's party at this time gave no satisfaction to Galiano. He was well aware of the fact that Vancouver was expected on the coast that summer and that explorations were in order, but thought that Vancouver would first go to Nootka where Bodega had orders from the viceroy to detain him on some pretext so as to give Galiano a chance to reach the strait first. Vancouver was totally ignorant of the previous explorations of the Spaniards in the strait and when Galiano showed him the map made by Eliza the year before he was very much disgusted. He was generous enough however to furnish Galiano with the map of his discoveries in Puget Sound, and this of course did away with the necessity for an examination of Aclrniralty Inlet by Galiano. On the 13th the schooners entered Boundary Bay. It was soon found that this was a closed body of water and that the land on the west side of it which had been supposed to be islands, was in reality a peninsula. It was therefore necessary to round this in order to reach the other Boca de Floridablanca, that is Burrard Inlet. When sailing out of the bay a boat met them at seven in the morning with Lieutenant Broughton, the commander of the Chatham. He came to present his compliments to the commanders of the Spanish expedition and to offer any assistance in his power. Galiano thanked him and told him he needed nothing and then informed him that a Spanish vessel had been there the year before and had made a map of that part of the coast. Having doubled Punta Zepeda, that is the present Pt. Roberts, Galiano proceeded north. At ten-thirty at night he was obliged to anchor, probably somewhere near the mouth of Fraser River, and on the following morning, the 14th, Vernaci set out with the longboat to find a safe anchorage where some rest for the men could be obtained. Not finding any in the immediate vicinity Galiano now took the strange course of proceeding across the Gulf of Georgia to Porlier Pass. This was almost direcdy across the gulf and had been discovered by Narvaez the year before. The schooners no sooner had passed in between the points than a heavy wind was encountered, obliging 50 THE GALIANO-VALDES EXPEDITION them to leave and continue north in search of a sheltered port. This was found in Descanso Bay on Gabriola Island opposite Nanaimo and that night the schooners anchored there. Here Galiano remained until the 19th giving the men some chance to rest, taking wood and water and making observations. On the morning of the 19th Galiano and Valdes sailed back across the strait for the Boca de Floridablanca. They state distincdy in their letter that they struck the mainland to the north of it and the following morning anchored between the Islas de Langara and the Isla de Zepeda. The first were the islands to the north of Fraser River and the latter the land to the south of the mouth of the river. The anchor was finally cast that night near Pt. Grey. Next morning Vancouver lumself appeared, returning in a boat from exploring Burrard Inlet, Howe Sound and Jervis Inlet. He now made the suggestion, or perhaps renewed it, that the two expeditions should work in company. This was not at all pleasing to Galiano and Valdes, according to their letter. They had smaller boats and poorer equipment for such work than the English, and felt that this would make it very difficult to follow them. Nevertheless fhe invitation was couched in such terms that it could not be refused. It might be added that the viceroy himself had suggested a joint exploration of these waters when the English vessels reached the coast. Vancouver's vessels were still in Birch Bay. Vernaci and Salamanca departed in the longboat and boats to explore Burrard Inlet. They came back on the 23d in the morning and the schooners then set sail and joined Vancouver that afternoon, passing by Howe Sound and Jervis Inlet without examining them, because it is said in the letter that they already knew that these only extended inland a few miles. Obviously they accepted Vancouver's results. Next morning, after joining Vancouver, all proceeded north between the mainland and Texada Island, and that night anchored together near Pt. Sarah. In the morning they found themselves in a bad place. Boat expeditions were sent out and the vessels were soon moved to a somewhat better anchorage in what is now known as Lewis Channel and here they remained until July 13. During this interval the Spaniards explored all the channels between Malaspina Inlet and Bute Inlet. The English, who had a greater number of boats and more men, covered much the same ground but reached 5i SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT a point far enough beyond Bute Inlet to discover the open water of Queen Charlotte Strait. Joint expeditions were not made; Galiano and Valdes insisted on examining the coast for themselves, and the English did likewise. Neither party would accept the results of the other. On the return of the English party which had discovered Queen Charlotte Strait, Vancouver told Galiano that the oudet that way was very dangerous and that he proposed to seek another with his ships. This was none other than the famous Discovery Passage and Johnstone Strait along the east and north shores of Vancouver Island. Although Galiano must have realized that this offered a quicker exit he refused to join Vancouver, insisting on sticking close to his instructions and therefore to the British Columbia mainland. His vessels were small and he thought they could negotiate the narrow channels. Possibly he was glad to get rid of Vancouver. After the exchange of the usual courtesies, Vancouver sailed away on the morning of July 13 and took the back track so as to round Cortes Island and Quadra Island and reach Discovery Passage, the lower end of which is in almost 500 N. The Englishmen assured Galiano that the route he was proposing to take was extremely dangerous, and this Galiano soon found to be true. In order to trace the course of the Sutil and Mexicana from now on it will be necessary to have recourse to the maps, and first to the Carta Reducida made by Galiano and delivered to the viceroy in 1793 before he left for Spain and while he was in the City of Mexico. This map names many of the channels and plainly shows Lewis Channel, the passage between Cortes Island and Redonda Island as the Canal de Separacion, that is, where Vancouver parted company with the Spaniards. This was therefore where the vessels were anchored and the one through which Galiano now passed. They went on through Calm Channel, past Raza Island to the entrance of Bute Inlet, up this and around the north end of Stuart Island back into what is known as Cordero Channel. The famous Angostura de los Comandantes, where the current was so rapid, now known as Arran Rapids, is plainly located on the 1793 and 1795 maps between Stuart Island and the mainland. Bute Inlet certainly looked inviting and the map shows an extensive exploration of it. An erroneous indication that they passed through the THE GALIANO-VALDES EXPEDITION Canal de Remolinos, that is, the beginning of Cordero Channel south of Stuart Island, can be seen in the names of two anchorages and one port on the south side of the island on the 1793 map. The text and the 1795 Carta Esferica (No. 1) plainly show however that these anchorages and the port were on the north or northeast side of Stuart Island. The various boat explorations can in general only be traced on the maps by the names on them and by an occasional anchor. By July 31 the schooners had succeeded in getting through the dangerous channels and as far along as about Harvey Bay on Cray- croft Island, which Galiano named "Insulto" because of some trouble here with the Indians. There were still a number of inlets to the north and on that day Vernaci departed and spent seven days in examining the inlet to which his name was given but which had been named "Knight" by Vancouver. He passed through Havan- nah Channel and Chatham Channel and after exploring Knight Inlet explored Tribune Channel around Gilford Island to where it turns to the west. This channel he named "Baldinat" and the oudet at the north "Boca de Pinedo", returning on August 7. This long excursion gave the commanders a great deal of anxiety and it was now decided to make no more excursions by boat. While Vernaci was away some of the crew of the Sutil were sent ashore to cut wood. Some of the Indians attempted to take a musket away from one of them, but the few soldiers drove them away by beating them with the scabbards of their swords. August 8 the voyage was resumed and now they came in contact with numerous Indians settled along the northeast side of Vancouver Island, as they were then following its shore. These Indians had had intercourse with fur traders and on the next day the Venus, an English vessel, came in and anchored near Majoa's settlement, where the schooners lay. Our curiosity is aroused at this point as to Galiano's reasons for not passing out to sea through Queen Charlotte Strait. August 10 the channel between Vancouver Island and Malcolm Island was crossed and Malcolm Island was almost reached, but the wind was from the southeast so the schooners returned to the Vancouver Island side of the strait and after this seem to have made litde attempt to leave the shelter of this coast. After stopping until the 23d in the bay now known as "Hardy", which Galiano named 53 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT "Guemes" after the viceroy, and said that it was the best place they had encountered in the voyage, the schooners continued on through what is still known as Goletas Channel. On the 22d Galiano had departed in the longboat to examine this channel and discovered Shushartie Bay which he named "Gorostiza". When the schooners departed on the 23d they crossed over to Nigei Island and anchored for the night in a small cove on the south coast. This island was long known as Galiano, although there is no record that he gave the name. The plan was now adopted of having the Sutil follow close to the islands on the north side of the channel while the Mexicana followed the shore of Vancouver Island proper. The Sutil discovered Bull Harbor on Hope Island August 26 and Valdes named it "Valdes", after the minister of marine. The few remaining days until September 1 when the vessels anchored at Nootka brought litde of interest beyond the fact that after having emerged from Goletas Channel they were obliged by a storm to take refuge in the recendy discovered Puerto de Valdes. Not a single place was named by Galiano after a saint; he used almost exclusively descriptive names, those of well-known Spanish navigators or those of members of the Malaspina expedition. Very few of those he gave are now to be found on the Admiralty charts of the region. These charts derive in the final analysis from Vancouver's maps and, naturally, Vancouver's own names were used. Vancouver retained the Spanish names in general for places which he did not personally examine and thus it is that we find on his map some of those given by Quimper and Eliza, copies of whose maps had been given to him by Galiano. In 1846 Captain Henry Kellogg was engaged in surveying these inland waters in the Herald. He replaced on the chart some of the Spanish names but attached them to different places. In later years various members of the Galiano and Malaspina expeditions were thus honored by commanders of British vessels exploring these waters. Perhaps the greatest injustice ever done to the Spaniards on the northwest coast was in omitting Quadra's name, which had been joined with that of Vancouver by Vancouver himself, as the name of Vancouver Island. Whether the name was too long or whether the patriotic feelings of the British got the best of them, the fact is that the Quadra part of the name soon disappeared from the charts. No 54 THE GALIANO-VALDES EXPEDITION doubt feeling some compunction about the matter his name was put back on the chart in 1903 on a small island forming the east side of Discovery Passage, while two others near by were named "Mourelle" and "Sonora". Previously, according to Walbran, his name had been given to a hill on Galiano Island and in 1891 a vessel built for the Canadian government was named after him. The two points at the west entrance to Goletas Channel still bear the names Sutil and Mexicana and Galiano and Valdes are commemorated in the names given in 1859 to the two long islands which are separated by Porlier Pass. Goletas Channel commemorates the two schooners. It is impossible to avoid comparing the results of this expedition with that of Vancouver. A great deal has been made out of what has been styled the first circumnavigation of Vancouver Island by the latter. If one desired to quibble about terms it might be asserted that Vancouver never chcumnavigated the island. He started in at the Strait of Juan de Fuca and ended up in Nootka. That part just south of Pt. Breakers to the strait was never followed by him. That his men were however the first to determine the fact that it is an island is unquestionable. Johnstone reached Queen Charlotte Strait several weeks before Galiano or any of his men, and Vancouver himself with his ships also passed out into Queen Charlotte Sound, which had been previously explored, several weeks before Galiano. This constituted the important discovery. The reason for Vancouver's first reaching what might be called the waters north of Vancouver Island did not He so much in his superior activity, as in the greater resources at his command. He almost constandy had four boats engaged in exploration while Galiano had but two. The explorations of the latter however in those inlets into the mainland of British Columbia which he was instructed to carefully examine, were on the whole carried out more thoroughly than those by Vancouver's men. This is shown by a comparison of the maps, those of Galiano in this locality being superior to those of Vancouver. The result of the dual contemporary examination of this part of the coast was to endow it with a double set of names, as in no case after leaving Pt. Sarah, did either commander adopt those of the other, in spite of the fact that for part of the time they were carrying on what might be called a joint exploration. 55 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT In the Library of Congress there is a map which purports to be a copy of one delivered by Galiano to the Conde de Revilla Gigedo in 1793 and embraces that part of the coast between 49° 30' and 51 ° 18' of north latitude and between 020 of longitude east of Nootka to 03° to the west. It is entided: Carta Reducida de una parte del Estrecho de Juan de Fuca y canales descubiertas en el por los OpZciales de Marina y Pilotos Espanoles e Yngleses, qe han navegado sobre las costas al N O de este America desde el ano pasado de 1J0.0 hasta el presente de 1793. This map has some defects and a few errors were made in copying it, perhaps more than we can now discern, not possessing the original. It formed the basis however for a Carta esf erica de los reconocimientos hechos en la costa NO. de America. This is a printed map bearing the date 1795 but although it might have been engraved in that year it was not published before the end of 1797 or the beginning of 1798. The map begins in 49° 35' about midway on Texada Island and shows the British Columbia mainland coast, and, beginning at about Johnstone's Strait, the northeast coast of Vancouver Island. From there on the coast of Vancouver Island is shown back around the west side to Nootka. The object of it was to show the discoveries of Galiano and Valdes as it begins just about where Eliza's explorations ended east of Texada Island. Vancouver's discoveries on the mainland north of Queen Charlotte Strait and on the east coast of Queen Charlotte Sound are shown in outline without names, having no doubt been taken from the map which Vancouver gave to Bodega on his arival in Nootka. I have designated this map as No. 1 as another Carta esf erica with much the same tide was also published with the date 1795 and purporting to have been drawn on board the schooners themselves by Galiano and Valdes. This is on a smaller scale because it includes more territory, in fact it covers the entire region from 47° to 51 ° 15' and includes not only the Vancouver explorations shown on No. 1 but also his in the Puget Sound region, no doubt obtained from the same source as bis others. For the purposes of following the route of the Galiano expedition it is not as useful as No. 11 have designated it as No. 2. Both are superior to the one published in 1802 with the text of the voyage, which is on a still smaller scale than No. 2 as it embraces not only all the territory covered by that but extends as far south as 44°. No doubt 56 1 THE GALIANO-VALDES EXPEDITION No. 2 formed the basis for it as far as that went. The results of the Eliza-Martinez expedition of 1793 from Cape Flattery south were also incorporated on this map and the course of the Columbia River was taken from Vancouver's map published in 1798. It is possible that the logs of the expeditions with the original maps and the sketches made by Cordero may be in the Deposito Hydrografico, Madrid, as that institution finally published an account of the voyage in 1802. This was one made up by Jose de Espinosa y Tello, a distinguished naval officer and astronomer who had joined the Malaspina expedition in Acapulco and had accompanied it to the northwest coast. He was designated by the Spanish king to prepare the papers and publish them as soon as possible, with the hope of forestalling the publication in London of an account of Vancouver's expedition. In spite of the delay in getting out the latter work the Spaniards were unable to beat the English, but there is hardly any doubt that the maps published with the date 1795 on them really appeared before the account of the voyage of Vancouver. Navarrete in his Introduction to the text of the voyage CLXIV, Note 1, states that copies of certain maps were sent to the Comte de Fleurieu April 8 and November 9, 1798, and as he is referring in his text to the maps of which we are speaking, it seems clear that they were published about that time. Navarrete himself is our authority for the statement that Espinosa prepared the text of the voyage. From internal evidence, however, it is clear that Espinosa used largely the log kept by Valdes. The work was not well done in some respects as numerous errors, probably due to carelessness, can be found in the text, some discoverable from the extract of the voyage of October 23,1792, and others from internal evidence. The work is entided Relacion del viage hecho por las goletas Sutil y Mexicana en el ano de 1792 para reconocer el Estrecho de Fuca. An elaborate Introduction was written for it by Navarrete containing a valuable but now somewhat out of date resume" of the r^eceding voyages of exploration on the coast. Too much space is devoted to an attempt to refute the statements of the Comte de Fleurieu and other writers that the Spaniards concealed their discoveries. Navarrete makes out a fairly good case but nevertheless he was wrong. An adas was issued with the text containing a general map of the northwest coast in three parts, a map of the explorations of Vizcaino made up from the small maps published 57 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT by the writer in Spanish voyages to the northwest coast, plans of San Diego, Monterey, Friendly Cove at Nootka, Puerto Mulgrave and Puerto Desengano (from Malaspina sketches) and a number of plates which I presume were made from Cordero's sketches, except the last which has no relation to the narrative. Two of these plates are reproductions of spirited drawings in Nootka and the others include portraits and a picture of the board found in the inlet named "Tabla", showing that it contained a drawing of a man with some animals and surrounded by a border which looks very much as if it was made up of representations of the moon in different phases. As these five or six sketches of Cordero's must have been in Madrid when the plates were made, let us hope that ultimately more will be found.* The course of the schooners through the channels received incidental attention in Captain John T. Walbran's British Columbia Coast Names and in The First Circumnavigation of Vancouver Island by Dr. C. F. Newcombe. Walbran was intimately acquainted with these passages and identified many of the principal places named by Galiano as found on the printed map of 1802, but he was more interested in biographical than in geographical details. Dr. Newcombe made some interesting suggestions but both he and Captain Walbran did not have the good fortune to have had at hand either the original map of 1793 or the Carta Esf erica (No. 1) of 1795. Dr. Newcombe's notes to Archibald Menzies' Journal of the Vancouver Expedition have also proved useful. *In the Repertorio de los MSS, cartas, pianos y dibujos relativos a las Cali- fornias existentes en este Museo, published by the Museo Naval in Madrid, several more sketches made by Cordero are reproduced and several others are listed. The list of documents does not contain the logs of any of the officers of the expeditions to the strait from 1789 to 1792. CHAPTER IV THE SPANISH ESTABLISHMENT AT NEAH BAY I HE Convention between Spain and Great Britain ' was signed October 28,1790, and ratified November ' 22. It was short, but as it had been the subject of a I long controversy and embodied many compromises _ { much of it was susceptible of different interpretation. Even Article I, which simply provided for the return to those British subjects who had been dispossessed by Martinez in 1789, of the buildings and tracts of lands on the northwest coast to which they were entitled, contained the seeds of another extensive controversy. Article II, referring to reparations for injuries done the subjects of either power since the events referred to in the preceding article, involved a money consideration which would have to become the subject of agreement or arbitration. Article III provided for what might be called joint occupation of such regions on the Pacific coast of America as were not already occupied. In case any settlement should be made by the subjects of either party to the north of these parts of that coast already occupied by Spain, Article V provided that the subjects of the other should have free access to it for the purpose of carrying on commerce without disturbance or molestation. The other articles had only a remote connection with Nootka. The negotiations had been conducted for months under the utmost strain. The British public was very much excited at the alleged insult to Great Britain committed by Martinez in seizing British vessels, and the victims were loud in their claims for damages and did everything possible to render these as large as possible by long tales of the hardships they had suffered while prisoners. This forced the hand of the British ministers to some extent and resulted in greater demands than the occasion warranted. British traders thought they had discovered a new source of wealth in the fur trade in the north Pacific and the main object of the British negotiators was to secure the undisputed right of trading in those quarters. This was resisted by Spain on the time-worn theory that she possessed complete sovereignty in the South Sea, which had been given to her by Pope Alexander VI in his famous Bull of 1493 dividing the New World between the Spaniards and the Portuguese. This claim had been in abeyance for a long time, but 59 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT we see it resuscitated in the acts of possession taken by Quimper in 1790. It was not so much that Spain desired to retain possession of the northwest coast for any positive advantages which might accrue to her subjects, but because it was feared that European settlements there might endanger her own establishments farther south. This was no idle fear. Martinez had pointed out that there were enough British fur-trading vessels in the north Pacific, all armed to a greater or lesser degree, to sweep from it the entire Spanish marine in that ocean, thus laying open the coasts to certain attack in case of war. It was only the danger apprehended by Spain in the war which Great Britain threatened to declare that induced the king to sign the Convention whereby the Spanish claim for exclusive sovereignty of that sea was practically abandoned. The first question one might ask in reading the Convention would be: Where would the sovereignty of the country north of the Bay of San Francisco now lie? There is nothing in the document to show that this question was setded. The sovereignty still seemed to lie in the hands of the natives, except that of such places as should be occupied by the subjects of either power after the month of April, 1789, and be open to free access by the subjects of the other. To anticipate matters somewhat it may be stated that the damages to be paid the victims of Martinez' action was fixed in February, 1793, at 210,000 hard dollars, and that the differences between Vancouver and Quadra, due to the insistence of the former in having the entire port of Nootka turned over to him were setded in January, 1794, by both parties agreeing to abandon the port completely after the British flag had been unfurled in sign of possession. I have already referred in Chapter III to the letter written by the viceroy to Bodega October 29, 1791. This practically constituted the instructions to Bodega as Spanish commissioner to carry out the terms of the Convention. The viceroy reasoned that after having given the British possession of any property of which they had been deprived in 1789, there was nothing to prevent the Spaniards from mamtaining their establishment in Nootka while the Englishmen might establish another on the north side of the bay. This however he considered to be an impolitic proceeding and thought it better to let the English have Nootka to themselves while the Spaniards should establish another settlement on the north 60 THE SPANISH ESTABLISHMENT AT NEAH BAY side of the Strait of Juan de Fuca. He now brought forward his scheme for establishing a boundary line between the territory of the two powers. This he thought should be the Strait of Juan de Fuca, as he claimed that the territory south of this was the unquestioned property of the crown of Spain. As however New Mexico was a province of Spain and he did not wish to leave any room for possible entry into this by one of the arms of the Strait of Juan de Fuca, he proposed to draw another dividing line between the territories of the two powers, due north from the north entrance of the strait to 60°. Thus the strait itself with all its arms and ramifications would have been Spanish territory. What was beyond 6o° was evidendy thought to be of no importance. A map reproduced herewith is fortunately still extant, which furnishes us with a very graphic picture of the viceroy's views. In his mind the establishment at Nootka was of no value to Spain; its only use was to remove it to the strait, where the movements of foreigners could be observed. As this would be the Spanish establishment farthest north on the coast the English fur traders could not do business with the natives on the coast to the south of it, while under Article V of the Convention the Spaniards would have, equally with the English, free access to the coast north of the Strait of Fuca for any purpose. November 2 he ordered Salvador Fidalgo to prepare the Princesa with this plan in view, and in a letter to Bodega of October 29 advises him that the best port in the Strait of Juan de Fuca must be occupied at once and be garrisoned with a force equivalent to that which the English should place in Nootka. After the dividing line should be determined by the two courts the viceroy intended to establish in such a place a commandant with twenty-five or thirty soldiers, all or nearly all, married, to avoid the necessity of frequendy reUeving them. A brush or wood battery with six cannon and some temporary buildings were to be erected and a large flag-pole with a flag set up, so that on the days of the Spanish sovereigns and the Prince of Asturias numerous salutes could be discharged so that the Indians around, and even any English vessels which might be near, might be advised that the garrison had some good artillery, weU served, to defend the place and sustain respect for the flag. In a somewhat later memorandum the viceroy announced his conclusion that beside the English establishment in 61 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT Friendly Cove, Nootka, and the Spanish one at the entrance to the Strait of Fuca, neither nation had the right to form colonies on the whole extent of coast between Cape Blanco and Cook's River or even to extend these except by previous permission of fhe other court. Bodega departed from San Bias February 29,1792, for Nootka to carry out the terms of the Convention, but before leaving he wrote the viceroy that he had seen a map published in London June 20, 1790, on which the dividing line between the Spanish and British possessions was drawn just north of San Francisco, and that on studying the copy of the Convention he thought it better to send the map to him, and ask for instructions to be sent by the next vessel. It had been obtained by one of the pilots of the Santa Gertrudis on her voyage from Callao to Acapulco from the commander of an English whaler in the bay of Payta. I think that it was probably one of Alexander Dalrymple's maps. Those in his publication of the translation of the Diario Historico of Miguel Costanso made by Revely are dated June 21, 1790, but there is no boundary line in this neighborhood on any of them. The viceroy jusdy answered that it was a matter of no concern where Englishmen drew boundary lines, that being a matter to be settled by the respective courts. I do not think there is much doubt, however, that an opinion was prevalent in England at this time that the Spaniards had no rights to any territory much north of San Francisco. It will be noted that in 1792 Vancouver began his explorations just below 400 and in his act of possession June 4 he claimed the coast as far south as 39° 20'. His maps also show English territory begirming at about that point. Salvador Fidalgo, having been appointed December 2, 1791, to make the new establishment in Fuca was ready to sail with Bodega February 29, 1792, and on that day Bodega issued some instructions to him which he was to use in case they became separated. He delivered to Fidalgo the previous journals, plans and all that was known of the strait up to that time. While the actual determination of the final spot where the settlement was to be made was in suspense, Fidalgo was to stay in Nunez Gaona, that is Neah Bay, and erect a small battery on the mainland in the most sheltered place with the best anchorage, and the one most suitable for 62 THE SPANISH ESTABLISHMENT AT NEAH BAY sowing crops and taking water, ballast and wood. He was to take possession with the customary formalities and build a respectable fortification and provisional barracks in which to lodge the sick and store the food and ammunition. He charged Fidalgo to handle the natives in the most gende manner so as to avoid any attack and to induce them to assist in the cultivation of the soil. He was also to treat the EngUshmen or any other strangers who entered the strait in the same manner, but not to forget to explain to them that by the recent treaty commerce from there to the south was prohibited. Although the Princesa left port February 29 in company with the Santa Gertrudis and the Activa of Bodega she soon sprung a leak and had to return. It was necessary to careen her so Fidalgo was not able to leave before March 24. His officers were Josef Alejandro Lopez de Nava chaplain, Juan de Dios Morelos surgeon, Antonio Serantes acting first pilot, and a second pilot, Hipolito Tono. Altogether, with the crew and thirteen soldiers, there were dghty-nine men on board. Fidalgo had come out from Spain in 1789, had conducted the explorations to Alaska in the San Carlos in 1790 and was now a teniente de navio, that is, a first lieutenant. Lopez de Nava was a clerigo from the Guadalajara province who had accompanied Martinez to Alaska in 1788 and to Nootka in 1789. He had also been with Fidalgo in 1790. Morelos had also accompanied Fidalgo to Alaska in 1790, and Saavedra to Nootka in 1791.1 suspect that he was one of the surgeons who came out with Bodega. Serantes first appeared in Mexico in 1787. He also had accompanied Martinez in 1788 and Fidalgo in 1790. Tono had just come from Peru in the Santa Gertrudis with Alonso de Torres. May 29 the Princesa anchored in Neah Bay. Fidalgo immediately built a shed on shore and began to cut down the trees within musket-shot of the site to build a house for a bakery and an oven. A blacksmith's shop was also set up. The little settlement was close to the beach and near a stream. The longboat was kept close to it so that the men could escape in her in case of an attack too strong to be resisted. The frigate was anchored some distance out, even out of musket-shot, because farther in the bottom was of stone. Fidalgo mounted six guns in the little fortification, built some corrals for the cattle and roofed all the buildings with grass. He also 63 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT cultivated a piece of ground which before he left gave him enough green vegetables for all the crew. As related in Chapter III the Sutil and Mexicana anchored in the port June 6, bringing a letter from Bodega who was then in Nootka. July 2 the brigantine Venus, under the command of Captain Henry Shepherd entered the port. Fidalgo went aboard her thinking she was the Activa. When he came back to his vessel he was told that Serantes, who had left to go to the shed on land at two in the afternoon, had not come back. Fidalgo immediately went ashore and heard from the men that Serantes had gone out with his gun. The following morning twenty armed men set out to range the forest with dogs to see if they could find him, but came back without any news. An Indian told them that Tutusi had killed him and Fidalgo in a fit of rage fired on two canoes and killed all the occupants except a boy of fifteen and a girl of six. July 5 Serantes' body was found in the heart of the woods only about half a cannon-shot from the shed and immediately buried. The killing of the natives by Fidalgo in revenge for that of Serantes brought on a reprimand from Bodega, and then from the viceroy, and finally from the king himself. After Bodega departed the viceroy seems to have had some doubts about bis plan. He sent a letter to Bodega at Nootka dated March 7, in which he said he thought it was best not to form the establishment unless he was certain of its importance and utility. To this letter Bodega answered that he had always been of the opinion that an establishment should not be located there without very good reasons, but that he had sent Fidalgo at the viceroy's orders and that he would not go on with the business unless he found it very necessary or advantageous. Meantime he would ask Galiano to give his opinion about the advisability of mamtaining the establishment at Fuca. July 20 the Santa Gertrudis left Nootka to return to San Bias. Bodega instructed her commander, Alonso de Torres, to stop at Neah Bay and to give his opinion and secure that of the officers on board about the suitableness of the place. July 22, Torres called a meeting in the bay to consider the matter. Torres himself, Fidalgo, Ensign Felix Cepeda and two of the lieutenants on the Santa Gertrudis, Ramon Abbad and Jos£ Quevedo, gave written opinions. Fidalgo, who knew more about the subject than anyone, as the others had only been there less 64 THE SPANISH ESTABLISHMENT AT NEAH BAY than a day, reported that the little settlement was provided with barracks and some other necessary buildings, was advantageously located on the banks of a stream of very good water, with plenty of pines around of a prodigious height and thickness. The ground was level, and the soil was black, its fertility being manifest not only by what he had sown but by the height of the grass, the thickness of the forest, and the health of the trees. The situation was such that no vessel could enter or leave the strait without being seen. In spite of this advantageous situation the bottom of the bay was mosdy stones which made it necessary for vessels to anchor about a cannon-shot from shore. Even here they could only remain in the good season of the year, and would have to leave at the beginning of winter as there was no shelter at the anchorage from the winds of the first and fourth quarters. Abbad and Quevedo accepted the facts as set out by Fidalgo, and Cepeda said that he was not competent to discuss the subject, but in view of Fidalgo's statement he thought it would be advisable to abandon the place, at least for the winter, as it was already too late to erect on shore a building large enough for such a number of men as would have to be left there. Torres thought that in view of the principal contention that there was no shelter from severe winds from the first and fourth quarters, while the location of the establishment was apparendy good and there seemed ample means for its subsistence, the matter should be left for decision to the superior government. Galiano and Valdes were of the opinion that the establishment would be productive of no advantages but would only lead to an increase of expense. The failure of Bodega to reach any conclusion whatever with Vancouver when they met in Nootka at the end of August put a quietus on the viceroy's plan. Vancouver declined even to discuss any question of boundaries. He said he was only empowered to receive possession of Nootka, all of which he claimed. Bodega refused to turn over any more than the piece of ground where John Meares had built the Northwest America in 1788. Bodega set sail for California September 22, but a few days previously he had sent an order to Fidalgo by Joseph Ingraham in command of the Hope which was proceeding to Neah Bay, to immediately load everything on board the Princesa and prepare to make sail when- SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT ever he should arrive. September 26 Bodega in the Activa anchored in the bay and gave Fidalgo an order to immediately proceed to Nootka and take charge of the establishment. Within twenty-four hours the Princesa was under way and the scheme to establish a settlement in Neah Bay was dead. The viceroy submitted the proceedings of the Junta of July 22 to the government in Madrid. An interesting side-light on the final proceedings in Neah Bay can be found in the journals of two American seamen who were both there at the time, Joseph Ingraham, and John Boit, one of the mates of the Columbia. Ingraham tells us that Fidalgo and his officers breakfasted on board bis vessel and that when Bodega arrived he went ashore with him to the settlement which consisted merely of a few huts and a tolerably good garden. As the bay was open to the sea five points of the compass, he said, he recommended to Bodega Hancock's River in the northern part of Queen Charlotte Island as the most suitable place for a settlement. This Bodega promised to have examined as he was of the opinion that they would form a settlement somewhere in that quarter. Ingraham's chart plainly shows Fidalgo Cove as evidendy the name for Neah Bay. John Boit noticed the cross on the beach and states that there were about ten houses and several good gardens. One can now look back over years of bitter feeling and controversy, first between the ministers of Great Britain and America, and finally between the public in both countries, all caused by the failure to properly delimitate at this time the respective rights of Spain and England on the northwest coast. If the plan proposed by the viceroy Revilla Gigedo had been adopted and the whole coast had been divided between the two powers by a line drawn through the center of the Strait of Juan de Fuca, all would have been well. If Vancouver and Bodega had reached some such agreement subject to approval, both courts I am sure would gratefully have accepted it. By the end of 1792 and more especially in the following year, Spain and Great Britain were on much better terms than in 1790, due to the progress of affairs in France. Any kind of settlement agreeable to their representatives on the ground would have been a way out of a difficulty which had now become very burdensome to both. The stubborness of Vancouver balked the whole scheme. He could only see his instructions and even insisted on interpreting them in the narrowest possible sense. 66 SOURCES The original diaries of Spanish exploration on the northwest coast and the extensive correspondence relating to them are with few exceptions to be found in the Archivo General, Mexico. At some time in the remote past an endeavor was made to put together all that related to the subject and twelve volumes were bound up and labeled Viages y descubrimientos. A brief calendar of the contents of these will be found in Materiales para una carto- grafia Mexicana compiled by Manuel Orozco y Berra and published in Mexico in 1871 by the Sociedad de Geografia y Estadistica. Since then a reclassification has taken place of this part of the archives. The documents have been rebound and now are comprised in Seccion Historia, Tomos 61 to 71, 324 and 528. In the process of rebinding some of the documents were removed from their proper order, which in the original set had been chronological as far as possible, and are consequendy now out of place. These volumes do not contain all the material on the subject; in the same section documents relative to it are to be found in Tomos 31, 44, 72, 277, 396 and 397. Numerous scattered ones are also in the sections oiMisiones, Tomo 23, Californias, Tomos5, 8, 28, 35,and 39, and Provincial Internas, Tomos 4, 5, and 134. In the Biblioteca Nacional there is an entire volume devoted to the expedition of 1788. This is not to say that there may not be still more material in other volumes in the archives as an occasional item which promises something of interest can be found in Dr. Herbert E. Bolton's Guide to Materials for the History of the United States in the principal Archives in Mexico. There is besides a vast amount of material in the correspondence of the viceroys, in the various volumes relating to the establishment of San Bias and no doubt still more in the numerous volumes relating to accounts. With few exceptions all of these documents are the originals, except the orders and letters which were addressed by the viceroys and other prominent officials to individuals. Of such naturally only copies remain. Documents relating to this period are occasionally found in other places; two, the journal of Esteban Jose Martinez in 1789 and that of Juan Francisco Bodega y Quadra of 1792 are in the Huntington Library, San Marino, and the journal of Jose" Maria Narvaez of 1788 and that of Francisco Antonio Mourelle of 1779 are in the W. A. Clark Jr. Library, Los Angeles. These are originals, 67 SPANISH EXPI ORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT except the Bodega journal, and the only ones in existence to my knowledge with the possible exception of one by Martinez (perhaps a duplicate) in the Dep6sito Hydrografico, Madrid. No attempt ever seems to have been made to calendar the documents in the latter institution. This was organized in 1797 and the first director was Martin Fernandez de Navarrete. One of the earliest objects to be attained was to publish an account of the expedition of Galiano and Valdes in 1792. It was hoped that this could be in print before that of Vancouver's voyage, but the difficulties in which the government was plunged through the war with France, did not permit it. Navarrete searched the archives in Simancas and Seville for documents bearing on exploration and had all of any interest found copied for the Dep6sito. He apparendy found very few relating to this period of exploration on the northwest coast because it is plain that he obtained most of his information about the voyages before 1791 from the Compendio which had been written up to that year by Mourelle in Mexico. Several copies of this must have been made at the time, one we know was given to Malaspina, another to Bodega and probably another to Galiano. It is from a copy of this Compendio and from the account written by Navarrete in the Introduction to the Viage de las goletas Sutil y Mexicana that practically all that hitherto has been written on the subject in English has been obtained. Bancroft in his History of the Northwest Coast used these sources almost exclusively although he also obtained a copy of the Pantoja account of the expedition of 1791 from one in the Deposito Hydrografico which had been copied by Navarrete after 1802 from the original then in possession of Francisco Gil y Lemos. In comparatively recent years some use has been made of copies of various journals which were sent to Spain and are now in the archives in Seville, through the medium of copies obtained by the Bancroft Library after Bancroft had finished his work. The cartographical documents are somewhat more scattered. Very few are now to be found bound up with the accounts of the voyages in the archives in Mexico. Some, which seem to have been joined to them, as they should have been, have been taken out of the volumes and are now to be found in the map collection of the Observatorio in Tacubaya. Others belong to the Sociedad de Geog- raffa and there may be others of which there is no present record. One thing certain is that all the plans which were made by Jacinto Caamano in 1792 and were in existence in 1871 with his journal are now only to be found in the Library of Congress. Many of the plans of the Quimper expedition, none of which are now to be found in Mexico, were sent to Spain and still exist in the archives in Seville and in the Deposito Hydrografico. Recendy a Museo Naval has been organized in Madrid and the maps of the Deposito have been removed to it. A great many of the important maps are in the Library of Congress, Washington; few seem to be in private hands. The only previous complete publication of any of the documents comprised in this work has been that of the 1792 expedition in 1802 and the recent translation into English of the text of that work. General Bancroft, Hubert Howe. History of the Northwest Coast, S. F. 1884-86, 2 vols. Bodega y Quadra, Juan Francisco de la. Viaje a la costa NO de la America Septentrional... Ano de 1792. MS in the Huntington Library. Borr, John. Log of the Columbia. MS in the Massachusetts Historical Society and published in their Proceedings vol. 53,1919. [Extracts of the visit to the NW coast in Wash. Hist. Quarterly, Jan'v. 1921]. Hasweix, Robert. Log of Gray's Voyage. MS published in Vol. 1 of Bancroft's History of the Northwest Coast, p. 275. Hosktns, John. Narrative of a voyage to the northwest coast of America and China. MS (transcript in Provincial Archives, Victoria). Ingraham, Joseph. Journal of the voyage in the brigantine Hope from Boston to the northwest coast of America, 1790-92. MS in the Library of Congress. Manning, William Ray. The Nootka Sound Controversy, Annual Report, American Historical Association for 1904. Martinez, Esteban Jose\ Diario de la navegacion ... 1789. MS in Huntington Library. Mbany, Edmond S. Origin of Washington geographic names, Seattle, 1923. Meares, John. Voyages made in the years 1788 and 1789 from China to the northwest coast of America, London, 1790. Mozino, Jos£ Mariano. Noticias de Nutka, Mexico, 1913. Newcombe, Dr. Charles Frederick. In the tracts of Captain Ingraham, a lecture, Daily Colonist, Victoria, January 26, and February 10,1904. The First Ckcumnavigation of Vancouver Island, Victoria, 1914. Repertorio de los MSS., cartas, pianos y dibujos relativos a las Californias, existentes en este Museo. Publicaciones del Museo Naval, L Madrid 1932 [1933]. Revtlla Gigedo, Conde de. Letter to the Duque de la Alcudia, Mexico April 69 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT 12, 1793, in Suplemento a la Historia de los tres sighs de Mexico, Tomo III, 112-164. Wagner, Henry R. Apocryphal Voyages to the Northwest Coast of America, Proceedings, American Antiquarian Society, Worcester, Mass. April, 1931. Walbran, Captain John T. British Columbia Coast Names, Ottawa, 1909. [Mourelle, Francisco Antonio.] Compendio de Noticias. Deposito Hydro- grdfico, Madrid. There seem to be two compilations from this and which is the original I do not know; the first is entitled: Viajes en la costa al norte del California 1774-1790 and the second: Viages en la costa septentrional (probably Mourelle's original). There are copies of both in the Bancroft Library. [Fernandez de Navarrete, Martin (?)] Compendio Historico de las nave- gaciones practicadas por oficiales y pilotos en buques de la real armada sobre las costas septentrionales de las Californias . . . ordenado por un oficial de la marina real espafiola afio de 1799. Dep6sito Hydrografico, Madrid. Copy in the Bancroft Library. This appears to me to be a compilation largely taken from Mourelle's Compendio with an addition of the voyage of the Sutil and Mexicana, and formed the basis for the Introduction by Navarrete to the latter voyage. Expedition of 1790 Bodega y Quadra to Francisco Eliza. Instrucciones secretas (with a Derrota), January 28, 1790, Mexico, A. G. Historia, 68. Quimper, Manuel. Letter to the viceroy with an account of his expedition. San Bias November 13, 1790. Mexico, A. G. Historia, 68, also British Museum Add. MSS 13,974 and copy in Seville in the Archivo General, Estado, 43. Letter to the viceroy November 13, 1790, about chest of curiosities. Mexico, A. G. Historia, 68. Letter to the viceroy November 13, 1790, recommending Lopez de Haro and Carrasco. lb. Diario of his voyage San Bias November 13,1790. lb. Segundo reconocimiento de la Entrada de Fuca. ... el afio de 1790 con la balandra Princesa Real, mandada por el alferez de navio Don Manuel Quimper. In Mourelle's Compendio, Deposito Hydrografico, Madrid. An account made up by Mourelle from the logs of Quimper and Lopez de Haro. Noticias de Fuca de los pilotos Haro y D Juan Pantoja. Madrid, Dep6sito Hydrogrdfico. (Evidently from Lopez de Haro's log.) Copy in the Bancroft Library. Lopez de Haro, Gonzalo. Carta reducida que comprehende parte de la costa septentrional de California. Seville, Archivo General, Estado, 43. This map without names was copied on Arrowsmith's map of Jan'y. 1, 1795. Piano del Estrecho de Fuca, reconocido por el alferez de navio de la real armada Don Manuel Quimper. . . en el afio de 1790. lb. Printed in 1872 by the U. S. government in the Reply in the San Juan arbitration. Piano reducido que comprende parte de la costa setentrional de California desde 47 grados de latitud Norte hasta los 50 . . . delineado por . . . Gonzalo Lopez de Haro... Enero de 1792. Madrid, Dep6sito Hydrogrdfico, Atlas MS, II, 17. 70 SOURCES Plano del Puerto de San Juan. Seville, Archivo General, Estado 43 and Museo Naval, Madrid. Plano de la Bahia de Nufiez Gaona. lb., lb. Plano del Puerto de Cordova. lb., lb. Plano del Puerto de Cayuela 6 de Aro. lb., lb. Plano del Primero y Segundo fondeadero del Puerto de Revilla Gigedo. lb., lb. Plano del Puerto de Bodega y Quadra. lb., lb. Plano del Puerto de Quimper. Museo Naval, Madrid. Expedition of 1791 Bodega y Quadra to Eliza. Instrucciones secretas, February 4, 1791, Mexico, A. G. Historia, 69. Further instructions March 12,1791. lb. Eliza, Francisco. Extracto de la navegacion. . . en el afio de 1791. October 10, 1791. lb. Carrasco, Juan. Extracto de la navegacion echa con la goleta de S. M. nombrada Santa Saturnina... afio de 1791. San Bias November 9,1791. Mexico A. G. Historia, 44. Pantoja y Arriaga, Juan. Extracto de la navegacion que ha hecho el piloto Don Juan Pantoja y Arriaga en el paquebot de S. M. el San Carlos.. . desde San Bias el 4 de Febrero de 1791, with a letter attached from Pantoja de Jose de Prados y Salbatierra dated San Bias December 29, 1791. Madrid, De- p6sito Hydrografico. (Copy or original.) Copy in the Bancroft Library. An extract from this was printed in Tomo XV of the Coleccidn de Documentos iniditos para la historia de Espana. Madrid, 1849, pp. 113-121, and a translation of this was printed in the Reply of the U. S. government in the San Juan arbitration. Noticias del piloto Don Juan Pantoja. Madrid, Dep6sito Hydrografico. (Copy in the Bancroft Library.) Obviously taken from Pantoja's log. Pequefia carta que comprehende los interiores y veril de la costa desde los 48° de latitud N. hasta los 50°. A small map attached to his Extracto de la navegacion. Carta que comprehende los interiores y veril de la costa desde los 48° de latitud N hasta los 50° examinados escrupulosamente por el teniente de navio de la real armada Don Francisco Eliza... en este afio de 1791. Madrid, Dep6sito Hydrografico, Atlas MS, II, 13. [The Same], Washington, Library of Congress. This is slightly different from the preceding. Puerto de Nuestra Sefiora de Los Angeles. (An inset on the preceding.) Expedition of 1792 Conde de Revilla Gigedo to Mourelle. Instruccion reservada (for a voyage in the schooner Mexicana), September 9,1791. Mexico, A. G. Historia, 44. Letter to Bodega y Quadra. With two instructions, October 29, 1791. Mexico, A. G. Historia, 67, Quad. 3. Letter to same, December 28,1791. lb. Galiano, Dionisio Alcala and Cayetano Valdes. Extracto del diario de la cam- 71 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT . pafia ejecutada por las goletas Sutil y Mexicana, Monterey, October 21,1792. Mexico A. G. Provincias Internas, 134. [Espinosa y Tello, Jose.] Relacion del viage hecho por las goletas Sutil y Mexicana en el afio de 1792, Madrid, 1802. The text of the voyage, translated by Cecil Jane was printed by the Argonaut Press, London, 1930. Vancouver, Captain George. Voyage to the north Pacific Ocean. .. . 1790-95, London, 1798.3 vols, with a folio atlas. The atlas contains a general map drawn by Lieutenant Edward Roberts and seven sectional maps, of which No. 2 embraces the territory explored by Vancouver in the summer of 1792. Menzies, Archibald. Journal of Vancouver's voyage. MS in the British Museum. That part from April to October, 1792, was published in Victoria in 1923 with Notes by C. F. Newcombe M. D. Carta reducida de una parte del Estrecho de Juan de Fuca y canales descubiertas en el por los oficiales de marina y pilotos espafioles e yngleses ... hasta el presente de 1793. Washington, Library of Congress. This purports to be a copy of a map delivered by Galiano to the viceroy. Carta esferica de los reconocimientos hechos en la costa NO. de America desde la parte en que empiezan a angostar los canales de la Entrada de Juan de Fuca hasta h salida de las goletas Sutil y Mexicana. Afio de 1795. An engraved map published about 1798 and later issued in the Atlas Maritimo Espanol. (Library of Congress, 4155, designated in the text as No. 1) Carta esferica de los reconocimientos hechos en 1792 en la costa NO. de America para examinar la Entrada de Juan de Fuca, y la internacion de sus Canales navegables. Levantada de orden del Rey Nuestro Sefior abordo de las goletas Sutil y Mexicana, por D. Dionisio Galiano y D. Cayetano Vald& capitanes de navio de la Rl. Armada. Afio de 1795. A printed map published about 1798 and later included in the Atlas Maritimo EspaHol, designated in the text as No. 2. A copy of it was printed by the U. S. government as No. L in the Reply in the San Juan arbitration. Carta esferica de los reconocimientos hechos en la costa NO. de America en 1791 y 92 por las goletas Sutil y Mexicana. A printed map in the Atlas to the Viage de las goletas. Part of this map from the forty-eighth parallel north was reproduced in the translation of the text published in London in 1930. The Establishment at Nunez Gaona Conde de Revilla Gigedo to Bodega, October 29, 1791. Mexico A. G. Historia, 67, Quad. 3. Bodega y Quadra to Fidalgo, February 29,1792. lb. Bodega y Quadra to viceroy, February 29, 1792. lb. Bodega y Quadra to viceroy, February 29, 1792. lb. Viceroy to Bodega y Quadra, March 7,1792. lb. Bodega y Quadra to Galiano, May 25,1792. lb. Bodega y Quadra to Fidalgo, May 25, 1792. lb. Junta at Nufiez Gaona, July 22,1792. lb. 72 SOURCES Fidalgo to Bodega, Nunez Gaona, July 4, 1792, with an account of the killing of Serantes. lb. Bodega to Fidalgo, August 6,1792, reprimanding Fidalgo for killing the Indians. lb. Fidalgo to the viceroy, September 30, 1792, a short sketch of the expedition. lb. Galiano and Valdes. Opinion about Nufiez Gaona, Monterey, October 22, 1792. lb. Viceroy to Bodega, November 12, 1792, stating that he had submitted the proceedings of the Junta at Nufiez Gaona of July 22 to the government in Madrid. lb. Carta de las costas reconocidas al Norueste de la California. Madrid, Deposito Hydrografico, Atlas MS, II, 19. This is the map which shows the boundary proposed by the viceroy. Quadra's Isles. A manuscript map in Ingraham's Journal of the Brig Hope, showing Fidalgo Cove. Library of Congress, Washington D. C. DOCUMENTARY QUIMPER TO THE VICEROY Most Excellent Sir: May 20, Lieutenant Don Francisco de Eliza passed me an order to get the vessel ready with the greatest brevity so as to set sail on the last day of the month on the exploration of the Estrecho de Fuca, a commission which he confided to me. On the 29th I received my instructions and the form to be used in making out the acts of possession. At 5 in the morning of the 31st, having received from the commander the usual assistance, I set sail for the Puerto de Clayucla. June 1, at 8 in the afternoon, I let the anchor drop in this port and immediately proceeded to the work of exploration. The result was to find that the plan which I took from Nuca was inaccurate. I therefore caused a new one to be drawn and when this had been done I set sail on the 10th for the Puerto de San Juan, located on the north coast of the entrance to the strait. I learned from the natives of Clayucla that seven vessels had been in their port during the present year in the fur trade, among which was that of the English-American, Kendric. At 9 at night I dropped a single anchor at the mouth of the strait, the wind having died out and the tide being contrary, as it was running out. At 12 of the following day I weighed and went on for the port, where I succeeded in anchoring at 3 in the afternoon. Having noted that the bearings of the entrance did not correspond to those laid down on the plan previously made, I proceeded to correct it. In the morning of the 12th the chief of the Indians of this district came in a large canoe and recounted to me, the effect of a present, that various foreign vessels had anchored in the port to trade for furs. This I ascertained to be true through the information which the master of the longboat gave me who, having gone to cut wood, had seen some fresh fragments and some traces of some having been worked up. On the 15th I made sail continuing my course for the inside of the strait, towing the longboat and two large canoes which I purchased with the king's copper, having in view their usefulness in the exploration, as they would serve as efficacious adjuncts in the indispensable tasks which were to be expected. On the same day I dropped anchor in an ensenada, on the 16th in another, whose streams and fields promise fertility; and on the 19th in a port sheltered from all winds with a good bottom and fertile surround- 77 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT ings. I immediately caused a plan of it to be drawn up, and when this was finished I took possession of it on the 23d, naming it "Revilla Gigedo". On the 28th I set sail, the weather not having permitted this sooner, and continued my explorations. At the distance of 10 miles I found a large basin in which no inlet could be seen as the front of land which formed it was covered by a dense fog. This obliged me to anchor in a roadstead to await the clearing up of the weather so as to enable me to make a more detailed examination in order to ascertain the true direction of the strait. All of this I accomplished, commissioning for the purpose First Pilot Don Gonzalo Lopez de Haro and Pilotin Don Juan Carrasco in the longboat and one of the canoes thoroughly armed. Learning from their report that they had found two other roadsteads to the east of this one, I went to examine them, and found that the farthest one was capacious enough to hold many vessels in its shelter, to be of good bottom, and with springs of delicious water. I determined to take possession of it and that the pilotin should continue the exploration in the longboat farther to the east. This he happily accomplished, and told me that he had seen an inlet 6 or 7 miles wide, with some small rocky islands in the center, which trended toward the NW, and through which currents ran with great force. Having made the most scrupulous examination up to this place, I took possession of the roadstead above referred to on the 30th naming it "Valde's y Bazan". Being informed by the Indians that on the south coast there was a large inlet in the basin whose spacious channel carried its waters until they passed into the ocean, I set sail in search of it on July 4. At 7 in the afternoon I let the anchor drop in a large bay and on the following day undertook the most active measures to find it. The information from the Indians having proved to be false, as the pilotin could not find this inlet during the repeated expeditions which he was commissioned to make, I ordered the plan of the bay to be drawn up, that of a small port in the interior, and that of another port 10 miles to the east of it to which I gave the name "Quadra". On the 8th I took possession of the bay naming it "Quimper". This, as well as the port, abounds in fish and is sheltered and of good bottom, has fertile land roundabout and the LETTER OF QUIMPER TO THE VICEROY natives are of fine disposition and of good proportions. The plans being concluded I called a meeting of my pilots on the 15th and explained to them the order in my instructions to return prompdy to Nuca and which obliged me to be there on the 15th of August at the latest. Only a month of the time allotted me remained; the winds were continuous from the W and consequently contrary to our leaving the strait; the south coast to the entrance of the strait remained to be explored; the season was advancing and we only had two months of provisions. These critical circumstances obliged me to ask their advice about whether I should go on to the interior of the strait by entering the canal on the north coast or should depart from it. They were of the opinion, which they put down in writing, that I should depart without loss of time. On the 18th I set sail continuing the exploration along the south coast, but the wind and the tide forced me to pass over to the north side and anchor in the Rada de Valdes y Bazan at 6 in the afternoon of the same day. The weather on the 19th not perrmtting me to make sail, I desired to take advantage of the opportunity to make the most exact exploration of the interior of the roadstead, continuing as far as the channel next to it. For this purpose I gave the cornmission to the pilotin with the longboat well armed and well manned. This he carried out with the greatest vigilance and judgment. He advised me on his return that he had found inside, in the most easterly part of the roadstead, a fine port sheltered from all winds with a good bottom and capable of holding some vessels of any size. The country appeared to be very fertile and level. This induced me to make a plan of it and I gave it the name of "Cordova". The plan of this port having been finished, I weighed in the morning of the 21st, proceeding to the exploration of the south coast. This I finished on the 22d, 23d, and 24th, without noting any port, roadstead or bay which merited sufficient attention to draw up a plan of it, except one bay, situated at the entrance to the strait. In this I anchored on the last day. It is of good bottom, sheltered from the winds of the first, second and third quarters and abounding in fish, particularly salmon. The country is fertile and in places there are level spots watered by various streams of exquisite water. I at once began to make the plan and ordered the carpenter to search for and to cut a timber in the woods to make a spar out of it for the 79 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT topmast, as the one we were using had been broken as a result of the terrific wind from the W which I had experienced inside the strait. This he fashioned without opposition from the natives. Having concluded all this business, I took possession August i, and named the bay "Nufiez Gaona". On the 4th I weighed and took a course for the Puerto de Nuca, after having learned that the inhabitants of this bay are warlike, daring and thieves, and had acquired the information that in the present year five foreign vessels had been there to trade for furs. The natives pride themselves on having killed the captain of one of these, an infamy which embraced also one of our soldiers, but who rniraculously escaped from their hands. He had become separated from the other soldiers and the sailors who went to wash their clothes, and was treated by the Indians with some wild fruit. Pointing out to him where they had obtained it he allowed them to take him along, but as soon as they had him at a distance where he could not be helped by our men they fell on him with blows from limbs of trees, with arrows, and with the very cudass which he carried for his defense. Leaving him apparendy mortally wounded they went away, but he had the good fortune to be cured of his wounds during the voyage. On the 10th I was off the Puerto de Nuca and determined to make it notwithstanding the fact that the weather would not permit it as it was very foggy. The lack of food, which scarcely sufficed for fifteen days, stimulated me to make the effort. I was not successful, however, as the strong westerly currents carried me away from the port and obliged me to anchor in front of the Bahia Esperanza. In this situation I maintained myself on two different occasions, awaiting favorable weather to reach the desired port, but the wind having setded down very strong from the ESE, and con- sequendy adverse, I weighed and stood off outside to get clear of the coast as I was in an exposed position. The fog on the coast continuing tenaciously and the weather not clearing up so as to permit me to make Nuca without obvious risk to the vessel, which was now making two inches of water per hour, and being without food enough to maintain my position by tacking, and the currents carrying me towards the NW, I called my pilots together on the 16th, and asked them their opinion as to whether I ought to keep my position on the coast or take a course for one of the fortresses in LETTER OF QUIMPER TO THE VICEROY California, so as to obtain there the necessary supplies and continue to the Puerto de San Bias. Their judgment was that if I kept up tacking I would undoubtedly consume the rest of the food, as the winds displayed a constant tendency from the first, second and third quarters, as had been found out in the past days of the month, and that it was most advisable to take a course for the Puerto de Monterey without loss of time. Having conformed to their opinions, as I found them correct and agreeable to the state of my information, I laid my course for this port and anchored there on September I with all felicity. On the following day I advised the governor of the fort of my arrival and passed him a requisition with the adjoined account of the supplies which I needed to continue to my destination and of what would be consumed during the time I had to spend in the port to make the plans and refresh the men. He immediately issued the most active dispositions to this effect, supplying me at the same time with prompt assistance of bread and fresh meat. The packetboat San Carlos, proceeding from the explorations of Principe Guillermo and Rivera de Cook, having anchored in the port on the 14th, I requested the commander to order his baker to make the necessary biscuit for my voyage to San Bias, as it had not been possible to do this during the days I had passed in the port for the lack of a skilled man. As he was in the same need he ordered him to make enough for both vessels in as short a time as possible, and as it was necessary for me to wait for the bread and our destination was the same, we decided to leave together. This we effected on October [25] and succeeded in anchoring in this port today. [ Usual ending]. Princesa Real at anchor in the port of San Bias, November 13,1790. Most Excellent Sir Most Excellent Sir Manuel Quimper Conde de Revilla Gigedo (rubrica) QUIMPER'S JOURNAL Diary of the voyage which the ensign of the Royal Armada, Don Manuel Quimper, is with the favor of Our Lord about to undertake in the sloop under his command, the Princesa Real, of four cannon and eight swivel guns, from the Puerto de Santa Cruz de Nuca in lat. 49° 35 N to the Strait of Juan de Fuca which is in the latitude of 48° 32 and in the longitude of 19° 35 from the stated meridian.1 May 31 This day at sunrise, fmding the wind in the N, I weighed anchor and made all sail on a SSE course, for the purpose of clearing the port. At 6 I lay to and took in the longboat, continuing then on the same course. At 8 it fell calm. At midday the Punta de San Esteban bore N 03 ° W and the anchorage in die Puerto de Santa Cruz N 200 W (both of the compass),2 distance from the first about 2 leagues. At this hour the sea breeze set in from the WSW. With this I went on SE % S for the purpose of approaching the coast, and following it. At 3 30 I changed the course to E % NE to approach the coast still closer in order to draw its contours8 and reconnoiter it. At sunset the land in sight to the S and E bore SE J4 E and the most westerly, W % NW (all of the compass), distance from the first about 31/2 leagues, and from the coast abreast of us about 2. At this time I hauled the wind4 by pulling in the starboard braces so as not to lose my position to windward of the Puerto de Clayucla.5 Night came on with clear weather, a heavy sea from the W, and almost no wind, which died out completely a little later. At 11 I took a sounding and found 21 fathoms, pebble bot- 1. Quimper had undoubtedly written an account of his voyage from San Bias to Nootka in which he had used the meridian of San Bias for his determinations of longitude and here he evidently refers to some such previous state- 2. In his narrative compass bearings are used mdiscriminately with what are called "corrected" bearings, that is corrected for the variation of the compass, which a little later on we are told was 19° NE. The practice is very confusing. 3. Sp., enfilaciones, a word difficult to translate as used here but I think "contours" best expresses it. 4. Sp., cenir, a word very much in use at this time by the navigators on the northwest coast. 5. Clayoquot Sound, frequently spelled at this time by the Spanish navigators "Cayuela". I DIARY OF THE VOYAGE BY QUIMPER torn. At 2:30 I found it necessary to put out the longboat8 to tow me, as the current had carried me on two rocks which had been marked at sunset to the SE 54 E (of the compass), at a distance of 3^4 leagues. At 3, not accomplishing anything with the tow and finding myself in 18 fathoms of water, I dropped the starboard anchor. Shordy afterwards I sent the longboat with the second pilot to take soundings in the proximity of the rocks and see if the channel, which lay between them and another small island, somewhat distant to leeward, was passable. At 4 he returned with the news that close to the two rocks there were 13 fathoms of water and in the channel 9 at the least. Immediately I had a warp made of a hawser and two three-inch cables with the kedge, and raised the anchor. At 4:30, being close to the warp I let the anchor drop and stretched the warp again, thereby succeeding in clearing myself. I then suspended the anchor, holding by the kedge. Here we were at daybreak when six canoes of Indians came alongside among which was one with the tall? of the settlement8 close to Cayucla, named Captain Jana. He made great efforts to have me come to his settlement, saying that the anchorage was good and that two vessels had been there. At 6, a very light wind having come up from the NE, I weighed and made sail, as close to the wind as possible with all sail set. At 8 it fell completely calm and I again anchored in 20 fathoms, the most westerly part of the land in sight bearing N 750 W, the Bahia de San Rafael NE,9 and the closest land in sight to the south and east E % SE (all of the compass), distance from the closest land about 4 or 5 miles. At midday, I observed the latitude to be 490 13'. At this hour a light sea breeze having come up from the WSW I weighed and made sail. 6. Sp., lancha, the equivalent of the English longboat. It was equipped with a mast and sail which could be taken down. 7. The native name for chief. Quimper frequently however calls them capitanes, as in the next line. 8. Sp., rancheria. It was probably in Refuge Cove in the west entrance to Sydney Inlet, which had been named "San Rafael". 9. This mention plainly indicates that the bay had been previously named. From the description of Pantoja's movements in Clayoquot Sound in 1791 I have come to the conclusion that it was Sydney Inlet. On the present Admiralty Chart the name "Rafael" is applied to the southwest point of Flores Island. 83 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT June 1 to June 2 I kept on under full sail for the Puerto de Cayucla,10 the weather clear, the wind freshish from the WSW, and a heavy sea from the W. At 2 the entrance of the Puerto de Cayucla bore ESE (by the compass), distant about 4 leagues. At 3 a brother of the king of the port, a gallant young man named Tutuciaticuz came alongside in a canoe and told me there was no ship in the port, as they had already finished their trade. At 3:30 the king named Huiquinanichi,11 another brother of his named Tuyutaiticatz and some other chiefs came out who were all received with the greatest cordiality. This king is a heavy man of good face, serious aspect, and about forty years old. He accompanied us to the port. At 5:30 we were N-S (corrected) of the entrance, at 6, inside the points, and then, the wind having died out, I had the longboat tow us. When the king saw this he ordered twenty canoes to also take up the tow. This his men executed with great alacrity and thus I succeeded in anchoring inside the port near the settlement at 8. This kind of civility in a barbarian stimulated me to present to him in acknowledgement of my gratitude a large sheet of copper and two others to his brothers and some chiefs, which they divided. At 8 at night I was anchored with all felicity in 4 54 fathoms of water with the starboard anchor, bottom of fine sand. At this hour I had a small swivel gun discharged as a signal for all the canoes, more than thirty in number, to retire. Night came on with fine weather and a light breeze from the NW. June 2 The day dawned clear and calm. At sunrise canoes full of Indians, men and women of all ages, began to come, asking for something with the word "pachito", and on not receiving anything called us "pizac", meaning "bad people", giving us to understand that the other vessels which had come to the port had given presents to everybody. I therefore found it necessary to have the calker cut up two large sheets of copper into small pieces to present to them. The men as well as the women wear a cloak of bark and wool hanging 10. The Puerto de Cayuela at this time was to the east of Vargas Island between that and Meares Island. The settlement of Wickaninish was on the mainland just north of the northeast end of Vargas Island. 11. Usually known to the fur traders as Wickaninish. DIARY OF THE VOYAGE BY QUIMPER from the shoulders, the latter being distinguished by a breech clout12 which the men do not wear. They are of good figure, comely, of a clear brownish color and with regular features. In general all are of a good disposition. At 8 in the morinng, the king, Hui- quinanichi, sent out some canoes requesting me to come ashore. On my excusing myself he repeated his request by a brother, who with endearing demonstrations manifested to me that they were friends and that I could go ashore without any distrust. I therefore decided to do so together with the first pilot and an armed longboat, taking with me for my protection six of the soldiers.18 At 9 we landed and I was conducted by the brother of the king to his presence. In his house the chief of Fuca," named Macuina, had taken refuge. On asking him why he was not in his own country, he responded that it was because Martinez was in his port. Recognizing the first pilot, Don Gonzalo de Haro, he asked hrm if Martinez was in command of the sloop,18 seeing that she was in Nuca. To this answer was made that he need have no fear, as, although Martinez was in his port, he was not the chief in command of the frigate, but that another named Don Francisco de Eliza was, and that he should go to his port, as Eliza as well as Martinez desired to see him and entertain him. With these remarks he was content and satisfied, as well as the king, Huiquinanichi, to whom I gave three yards of scarlet cloth. Urging them to come to the sloop so I could entertain Macuina I went on board with all felicity. Huiquinanichi lives in a great house adorned with columns of huge figures which hold up three large pine timbers, as long as ninety feet16 and thick in proportion. The entrance is a figure the mouth of which is a door. More than one hundred persons besides the king live in it. The other houses of his brothers and the chiefs are in proportion to the number they represent All the Indians of both sexes and of all ages 12. Really, this was a kind of apron. 13. These men belonged to the company of Volunteers of Catalonia then in Nootka. The Spaniards used soldiers on vessels. 14. A slip for Nuca. 15. The vessel in Nootka, the Concepcion, was not a sloop, and later Quimper calls her a fragata, her proper name. 16. Sp., 60 codos. Quimper probably calculated this in the ordinary codo of about 18 inches. A very much better description of this enormous house was given by Pantoja when he visited it the following year. 85 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT reach the number of one thousand or more. At 3 30 in the afternoon the king, Huiquinanichi, came out accompanied by Macuina, his father and his brothers. I received them with the greatest friendship, presenting a large copper sheet to Macuina and a half a one to the father of Huiquinanichi, declaring to Macuina that what had been told him on shore was true. At the same time the pilot presented to him two copper bracelets and some strings of beads for his wife and children. Still it was observed that this chief had no confidence in the friendship of Martinez nor in our words, because he asked the seamen if Martinez or Eliza was the captain of the frigate in Nuca. When they gave him the same answer as he had previously received he embraced us with much joy saying "Amigo amar a dios", words he had learned in Nuca. At sunset they returned to their settlement and I ordered a small gun fired for them all to go away. On shore they fired two musket shots. Night fell with the weather fine and calm and with nothing more to relate. June 3 At dawn the weather was clear and calm and the canoes began to come out with some skins, fish, and cloaks to exchange. At 5 I ordered the longboat with the first and second pilots17 to take the contours of the port in order to draw up the plan. At 12 they returned. Twenty sea-otter skins were exchanged for the king's copper.18 At 5 in the afternoon, at the request of Huiquinanichi, I sent the first and second pilots telling them to take note, while they were enjoying the dance he wished to give them, whether the country was capable of settlement without going far inland. This they did as well as they could and presenting some shells to the king and the other chiefs returned on board. At sunset the gun was fired, to which they responded with a musket, and the canoes went away. Night fell with a slight wind from the WSW, the weather clear and fine. June 4 Day dawned with the same weather without wind. At this hour the canoes began to come. At 5 in the morning the longboat depart- 17. Sp., pilotin, stricdy speaking pilot's apprentice, not a second pilot, but Juan Carrasco, a pilotin, was in this case acting as second pilot. 18. From this it appears that Martinez' suggestion to engage in the fur trade had been adopted. DIARY OF THE VOYAGE BY QUIMPER ed with the pilot and the second pilot to take the contours and draw the plan of another port inside of our anchorage. This has a wide entrance from the SSW, and two narrow ones from our anchorage. At 2 in the afternoon they returned. In the morning King Huiquinanichi, Macuina, and the king's brothers came out to the vessel and exchanged twenty large sea-otter skins for the king's copper. Macuina asked me to make a linen sail for him so that he could proceed in his canoe to Nuca to see Eliza, the commander of the frigate. Aware of how important to us is the friendship of this Indian, the chief of the port, it was immediately furnished. Imitating him Hmquinanichi made the same request and although I had already presented to him two large sheets of copper and three yards of scarlet cloth I decided not to refuse him, as the friendship of this Indian is very advantageous, in view of the fact that the foreign vessels which come to this coast have here their greatest trade. After they had gone back to their settlement six more sea-otter skins were obtained from the crowd for the king's copper. Night fell clear with a slight breeze from the SW. June 5 Day dawned with fine weather and calm, and as on other days the canoes began now to come out. At 5 the longboat departed to finish making the plan of the second port and sounding it.19 They returned at sunset with the news that they had observed that it had many wide entrances to the north, northwest and southwest, but they did not see the end of them nor examine them, as they had no other orders than to make the plan of the port and they had to sound the Puerto de Cayucla or of Haro. ° As the day had not been sufficient for this and I had only the longboat, the only boat the sloop carried, I determined to buy two large canoes for this purpose and for the exploration of the strait. These cost four large sheets of copper, and twenty-eight paddles cost two sheets of copper. Today I acquired from the brother of the king, Tutuciaticuz, information about the vessels which had been in this port trading skins for copper, and about two captains of two ships whom the Indians at the south point of the entrance to the strait had killed. This was as follows: the first vessel, commanded by the English-American captain 19. This must have been the inlet between Vargas and Flores islands. 20. This name had been given to the port by Narvaez the preceding year. SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT Juan Kendrik and his officers Meste Cleme, Meste Coliche, Meste Titi, and Meste Tesme, was in this port ten days; the other vessels were commanded by Captain Meas, Captain Coley, Captain Tanaqueni, Captain Mede [or Made], and Captain Mile who was one of those killed in the strait.21 The name of the other they did not remember. This he stated very expHcidy, at the same time calling the Indians of the strait "pizac", equivalent in their language to "very bad". The other Indians generally say the same thing. At sunset the gun was fired and all the canoes returned to the settlement. Fourteen large and small otter skins have been exchanged for the account of the king. The night has been as fine as the preceding ones. June 6 Day dawned with a clear sky, misty horizons and calm, and at this hour the canoes began to come out. At sunrise the flag and the pennant were unfurled. At 9 Captain Jana came. He is the chief who, before we entered Cayucla, wished us to anchor in front of his settlement, making signs that the anchorage there was good. He brought six sea-otter skins, which he exchanged for three sheets of copper, the value given to these. For each large sheet of copper they give two skins, citing the example of the other vessels which have traded here and maintain this same rule. At 2 in the afternoon, the tide having stopped running and being at the lowest point, the pilot left in the longboat to sound the whole port, and the second pilot in one of the purchased canoes. At 3 in the afternoon the chief, Huiquinanichi, sent out a large canoe, highly adorned, as were likewise the Indians who brought it, to invite me to come ashore as he wished to honor me with a great dance. Having excused myself with friendly words and sending him a small sheet of copper and six 21. These names are pretty badly butchered but it is possible to identify some of them, John Kendrick, Mr. Clemens, Mr. Coolidge, Mr. Treat, Cooley, Metcalf, and Miles. Who Captain Miles was is unknown to us, at least I have not yet found his name in connection with the northwest coast, still less any account of his death, Meas was the notorious John Meares, Cooley perhaps William Cooper, who according to Martinez was on the coast both in 1786 and 1787, and Metcalf was either Thomas Humphrey Metcalf, then eighteen years old, commander of the Pair American, or Hermosa Americana as the Spaniards called her, or his father who was also on the coast in 1789. Aechis was probably Etches but Tanaqueni does not resemble the name of any captain known to have been on the coast. DIARY OF THE VOYAGE BY QUIMPER shells as a token of my gratitude, the canoe returned. In a little while it came back with his brother to urge me again, saying that his brother did not want gifts but instead would give me sea-otter skins, and only wished me to come to the dance and that Macuina and all the other chiefs were expecting me. This obliged me to embark in the canoe with only two men of my ship, which [words lost],22 making them see by this proof of confidence that I had no distrust of their friendship. On landing great was the joy which men, women and children displayed, Huiquinanichi and his brothers receiving me on the beach and accompanying me to the house where Macuina was. He rose very joyfully and made me a very natural bow with the words "arnigo, amigo". He made me sit down close by him and told me repeatedly, as likewise did Huiquinanichi, that I should not go to the strait with such a small vessel, as the chief who lived there was very bad, as were also the other Indians who had killed two captains, but that I should return to my country and come back with copper and shells to trade in Nuca and Cayucla. They were all our friends while those in the strait and the neighborhood of it were very bad and treacherous. Shordy afterwards the dance began in which they kept not a little concord and time, something like a country dance. This over I went on board having presented to the king, Huiquinanichi, and to Macuina a sheet of copper each, to the father and to the brothers a half a sheet each, and to the other chiefs some shells. At 7 the longboat returned. At sunset the gun was fired and the Indians went away to their settlement. Night fell with the sky clear, the horizons misty and a moderate wind from the W. At 9 a thick fog closed in and thus the whole night passed. Fourteen large sea-otter skins were exchanged for the king's copper. June 7 Day dawned with a thick fog and a drizzle and a freshish wind from the SE. For this reason I could not make sail to continue my task as this continued all day. Several canoes with Indians have come out who have exchanged ten very small sea-otter skins, manifesting by this [the rest lost].28 At nightfall the same ceremony of 22. What the missing words were here is difficult to say, perhaps "were unarmed", but they obviously have no particular importance. 23. Quimper evidently said that the larger ones had all been traded. SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT discharging the gun was practiced and with this the Indians went away. The weather continued the same as it was at dawn for the rest of the night. JuneS Day dawned with a fog and a drizzle24 and a moderate wind from the S. For this reason I remained at anchor. Many canoes of Indians, men and women, have remained alongside singing various songs in their language. The brother of Huiquinanichi, Tuta- ciaticuz, told me that the port extended far inland and that the Strait of Fuca at the beginning was very wide, but afterwards became very narrow and could not be navigated by large vessels. At sunset I had the gun discharged and they went away to their settlement. Night fell with the weather as above stated and so it remained all night. June 9 Day dawned with everything covered by clouds and fog and with a moderate wind from the WSW. Notwithstanding that this was favorable for departure I did not make sail as the weather had an ugly aspect and the land was completely covered [with fog]. Thus we passed the day. Several canoes with Indians, men and women, came out, but retired at sunset on our making the signal with the gun as on other days. Night fell with similar weather and thus the night passed. June 10 Day dawned cloudy and with a freshish wind from the W. At 7, finding it somewhat clearer, I took the longboat on board and weighed, making sail SSE until I should clear the port a little, and towing the two canoes I had bought. At 8:301 was outside the points and at 9, being N-S (corrected) with the most eastern one and distant from it about 4 miles, I took a course SE 54 E, marking at the same time an ensenada N 76° E and another S 74° E (corrected). At 10:30 we were N-S (corrected) with the first point and at 11145 the same with the second, and I steered ESE. At midday the most easterly part of the Puerto de Cayucla bore N 6o° W, the most westerly of the entrance to the Puerto de Carrasco N 52° 24. Sp., garva, a word which originated in Peru as the name for the mist common on that coast. It is so heavy that it really amounts to a drizzle. DIARY OF THE VOYAGE BY QUIMPER E,2B and the most easterly land in sight E (all of the compass), the distance from the second port being about 3 leagues. I observed the latitude to be 48° 50' N. At 1 I steered E and at 2 was N-S (corrected) with the most easterly point of the entrance of that port, distant about 5 miles. At sunset the variation of the needle was found to be 19° NE.28 The southerly point of the entrance of the strait bore SE % E, the most westerly land in sight N 78 ° W and a point which appeared to be the one forming the entrance to the Puerto de San Juan E Y4 NE (all of the compass), distant from the latter about 3 leagues. At this hour I lay to to sound, and found 40 fathoms of water, rock bottom. I then resumed my journey, two canoes of Indians having approached the sloop but not caring to come alongside. Night fell clear, the horizons misty, the sea choppy7 and the wind now almost calm. I therefore steered ENE in order to approach the coast so as to find less depth of water. At 9 I succeeded in anchoring in 13 fathoms with the starboard anchor, bottom of small shells and snail shells. After fiirling the sails I had the longboat put in the water. June 11 Day dawned, covered with fog and with a light breeze from the first quarter. At 8 it fell calm but at 11130 a moderate wind came up from the W and it began to clear up. I therefore weighed and made all sail for the Puerto de San Juan. Some canoes came alongside asking for presents. Not being satisfied in this respect they went away and fired an arrow at a sailor who was in the canoe, but without hurting him. At 2 in the afternoon I was as far along as the entrance to the port, and steered NE and NE % N. At 3 =30, finding myself in 7 fathoms of water, bottom of muddy sand, I let the port anchor drop, being in the middle of the port. From this spot the south and west point of the entrance of the strait bore SW 040 W, the most westerly part of the port S 69° W and the most easterly SW Y4 S (all corrected). No observation was made as the horizons were misty. A large canoe came out from the port with 25. This name had been given by Narvaez the preceding year. It is now known as Barkley Sound. 26. This is the only occasion in which Quimper refers to n of the needle. Sp., Mar del Vto.; perhaps "rippled." SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT two chiefs, between whom I divided a large copper sheet, as they asked for it and their friendship was necessary. Night fell with the sky clear, the horizons misty, and with a moderate wind from the SW. This lasted until 10 at night when a very light land breeze came up from the NE. June 12 Day dawned with everything covered by fog, with a drizzle, and a moderate wind from the SSW. At 6, it having cleared up a litde, I sent the longboat with the pilot and the canoe with the second pilot to take the contours in order to draw up the plan, as it did not trend N-S as set down in the chart which [they gave] me [missing],28 but NE % E and SW Y4 W (corrected). At 12 the longboat and the canoe with the pilot and second pilot returned. During the morning some canoes of Indians came out from two small settlements which can be seen on the two streams which empty into this port. One bore ENE and the other NW % N. They stayed until 2 in the afternoon, having been presented with some beads and pieces of copper, and showed themselves to be very affable. Their color is a clear brownish and their stature and features good. The chief was named Xanape. He told me that some ships had been in this port, and named two of the captains, one Meste Mate, and the other Captain Meas,29 saying they had given them the copper bracelets, ear rings and beads with which all were adorned. All their skins, he said, had been exchanged and therefore they had none. At 3 the wind freshened so much from the SW that it obliged me to drop the starboard anchor, and prevented the longboat and the canoe with the pilot and the second pilot from going to take soundings of the port. At sunset, the wind having moderated, I had the anchor suspended. Night fell overcast with clouds 28. The manuscript is also mutilated here. Quimper evidendy refers to the fact that an incorrect chart of the port had been given him before he left Nootka as stated in his letter. The port had been discovered the year before by Narvaez and named "San Juan", a name which it still retains. The fur traders called it "Poverty Cove". 29. These two names seem to stand for Mathews and Meares. If the Indian was not mistaken it seems to furnish pretty good proof that the famous John Meares had been in this port, contrary to what is now generally supposed. Who the other man was I do not know, but I think it likely he was the Matle of Clayoquot, that is Metcalf. 92 DIARY OF THE VOYAGE BY QUIMPER and fog80 and with a moderate wind from the same quarter. This died out at 10 and thus we passed the night. June 13 The day dawned clear and calm with the horizons misty. At 6 the longboat and the canoe departed with the pilots above referred to, to take soundings of the port. At 12, having finished, they came back, and the pilot told me that the two rivers of the port are of delicious water, that the Indians had their setdement in a very pretty small meadow and that they apparendy numbered about two hundred altogether. He stated that along the river inside there was some flat land. At 10 the sea breeze came up fresh from the SW. Several canoes came to exchange fish [missing] who made three turns around the sloop singing. The music being finished they began to ask "pachito", that is, a present. I therefore found it necessary to have the calker cut up a copper sheet with a sharp iron into small pieces, which I gave to them. Night fell with the sky and the horizon covered with thin clouds and with a moderate wind from the SW. This died out at 9 and at 11130 a moderate land breeze came up from the NE. June 14 Day dawned with the weather clear and calm. At sunrise the longboat went to take water and wood. At 8 it returned and the master told me that he had seen two spars cut but a short time before and many chips and shavings which indicated that another had been fashioned. This made me think that some of the vessels which had been in this port, according to the information of the Indians, had arrived with some mast or spar broken and had repaired the damage. At 9 a freshish sea breeze came up from the SW. The longboat continued taking water and wood, and three canoes of Indians from the south coast arrived, who exchanged eight large sea-otter skins for the king's copper. At 6 in the afternoon they went away. Night fell with the weather clear and a slight wind from the same direction. At 10 a land breeze sprang up from theENE and lasted all night. The port abounds with fish of dif- 30. Quimper used all the words he could find in the dictionary to char- :erize the generally foggy weather experienced on this part of the coast at that time of the year. SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT ferent kinds and salmon berries.81 In what little I have seen of it, some flat land has been found, through which the rivers run, according to the information of the pilots. June 15 This day at 2 in the morning, the weather being clear, of fine aspect, and the wind freshish from the ENE, I raised the anchor and made sail. At 3 it having fallen calm, I dropped the anchor. A little afterwards I had two warps carried to windward so that I could make sail whenever the sea breeze set in. At 6 I put out another for the same purpose and being close on it, a freshish wind from the NNW came up, by means of which I made sail SSW, until I was free of the port. At this hour a canoe came from the opposite coast which exchanged six large sea-otter skins for the king's copper. At 7:30, being now some 2 miles at sea, I set a course E, the direction in which the most easterly land in sight bears. At 8 I was N-S (of the compass) with the most easterly part of the Puerto de San Juan. A heavy point bore E 05° N (also of the compass) and distant about 4 leagues, which I named "Magdalena".82 At 8130 a light sea breeze came up from the WNW. At midday the most easterly part of the north coast bore E 05° N, the Punta de la Magdalena, N 500 E and the most westerly part in sight of the south coast of the entrance to the strait SW % W, (all of the compass), distant from the second about 2 miles. I observed the latitude to be 48° 25' N. At 1 I was N-S (corrected) with the Punta de la Magdalena and at 2:30 with another 31. Sp., moras, that is, mulberries. There are no wild mulberries on Vancouver Island nor in the state of Washington and the berries were probably salmon berries which look something like mulberries. 32. Plainly Quimper had now passed beyond the discoveries made by Narvaez in the preceding year. I cannot find that this point has any name on modern charts, but on the map of Lopez de Haro it is shown at about the same distance beyond the Rio Sombrio as the latter is beyond San Juan. The name Rio Sombrio, which still persists on the maps of Vancouver Island, attached to a small stream about ten miles east of Port San Juan, must, I think, have been given by Narvaez the preceding year, although that must always be uncertain until we obtain a detailed record of his expedition. Probably the Punta de Magdalena was a spur of the mountain about midway between the Sombrio and Jordan rivers, known as Bould Point on the land maps of British Columbia. Why the name Magdalena, I cannot imagine; her day did not occur until July 22. Generally speaking however Quimper did not employ saints' days in his system of naming places. 94 DIARY OF THE VOYAGE BY QUIMPER point which I named "San Simon".88 This forms a pretty cove, but small. From this point, the most easterly land in sight, another point which I named "San Eusebio",84 bore S. 77° E (corrected), distant about 4 or 5 leagues. I continued steering E 05° N and on this course passed within 2 miles of it. Between this point and that of San Simon there is a river which, on account of the flowery and pleasing country through which it runs, I named "Rio Hermoso".88 At 2, when within a short distance of San Eusebio, I sent the second pilot in the longboat to look over a bay which this point forms with another to be seen more to the south, and which I named "San Antonio".881 at once hauled the wind so that the longboat could keep somewhat ahead of me to advise me if there was good anchorage. At 2, having made the signal of good soundings I went towards her and at 3 let the port anchor drop in 4 fathoms, fine sand, the Punta de San Antonio bearing ESE, and that of San Eusebio W 03° N (corrected). I did not carry my exploration any farther this day as the wind had freshened very much from the W, and all the land was covered with a thick mist, making it impossible to explore it or take the contour of it. This ensenada I named "Orbea".87 It is very pretty, with sufficient depth of water, is sheltered from the winds of the first and fourth quarters, has a good bottom, and much level land, a river of fresh, sweet water in front of where I was anchored, an abundance of salmon berries, another fruit something like grapes,88 and many roses. The Punta de San Antonio is easily recognizable by three 33. This 0 have been another spur of the \ never appeared on the maps to my knowledge. 34. Sheringham Point. 35. The present Jordan River, in fact under this name and not as Hermoso it appeared on the very earliest maps of Lopez de Haro. Alejandro Jordan was a presbitero, who accompanied Eliza to Nootka in 1790 as chaplain, and remained there for some time. 36. Otter Point, no doubt named in he day is June 13. 37. This is the bay between Sheringhi where Quimper obtained his name for it;; The river referred to in the following 38. Probably the Oregon grape which r of San Antonio de Padua whose :. (Berberis n vicinity.) N. 1 and Otter points. I do not know did not appear on the 1790 maps. doubt Muir Creek, not a grape although it looks like % Pursh or Berberis aquifolium Pursh, both g 1 this 95 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT green little meadows which look as if they were sown with wheat and by eight or ten pine trees on top of it. Night fell with the sky clear, the land very misty and a very fresh wind from the W. This lasted until 9 when it moderated. At 10 it fell almost calm. At 12 a land breeze came up from the NE and thus we passed the night. June 16 Day dawned with the sky clear, all the land covered with mist, and calm. At 7 I sent the longboat and the canoe ashore to look over the ground. At 8130 they came alongside, having seen more than a mile of land, level and good, with some trees. They brought salmon berries, the fruit which looks like a grape, acid and sour, some young onions, roses, and quelites™ which used in place of greens are savory, having found some scattered Indians. At this hour I ordered the canoe with the second pilot to take soundings a little farther outside than where I was anchored, as well as everywhere close to the beach. Having done this he found at the distance of a mile 23 fathoms, sand bottom, and in the proximity of the beach, 3 fathoms with the same bottom. The latitude was observed to be 48° 24" [34' (?)] N. The many eddies40 caused by the currents do not allow of true information regarding the rise and fall of the tides, but by the indications on the beach it seems to rise and fall 2 fathoms. At 11 sent the second pilot in the canoe to look over the bay to the east of the Punta de San Antonio. At 2 a very light sea breeze came up from the WSW and at 2:30 I weighed and went on in the direction of this bay with the current in my favor. At 3130 I was inside of it, and at this time the wind died out completely. On the second pilot's making a signal of good anchorage and as the eddy was carrying me on shore, I let the starboard anchor fall in 15 fathoms, pebble bottom. This bay is very large and deep, on which account it appeared to be well sheltered, but the currents and the calm did not allow me to pass into the interior of it. At 4:30 a canoe of Indians came alongside, who belonged to the Puerto de San Juan where I had made them presents. Noting that the longboat was exaniining the 39. Pig-weed (Atriplex). Quelites, or quiletes as sometimes spelled is a vegetable much in use in Mexico, especially among the poorer classes. They somewhat resemble spinach but have a different flavor. 40. Sp., revesas, strictly speaking whirlpools. From Quimper's description however, I imagine they were simply strong eddies. 96 DIARY OF THE VOYAGE BY QUIMPER bay, for which purpose I had sent the second pilot, they told me that behind a point in the middle of the bay, distant from us about 4 miles, there was a large port, and to go there as that was their destination. For this information I presented them with some beads and promised them a large copper sheet if they would accompany the longboat to examine it. This they did immediately, asking to be towed because the men were weary from having paddled so much. This the second pilot, who was in charge, ordered to be done. He came back at 9 30 at night with the news that what the Indians had said was true, as he had seen a very large bay and one sheltered from all winds, but that the channel and entrance to the port was narrow, and by sounding he had found the greatest depth of water in it to be 5 fathoms, and inside the port 10 or 11, bottom small snail shells. To enter the port he said it was necessary to keep very close to the east shore. Night fell with the sky clear, the land covered with mist, and calm. Under these conditions we passed the night. June 17 Day dawned with the sky clear, the land all covered with mist and the wind calm. At sunrise this came up very gendy from the E and ESE. At 8 three canoes of Indians came out from the port and at once insisted that we should go in as it was very good. At this hour the wind died out and it remained calm until 12 30, when it came up lighdy from the ESE and ENE with some little swell41 from the same direction. Not having any shelter from this and being close to land I had a warp with three hawsers and the kedge run to the southeast for the purpose of getting away from and freeing the Punta de San Antonio, so that in case the wind freshened I could make sail without any danger. At 1130 we suspended the anchor, hauled on the warp, and at 2 being on top of it again dropped anchor in 27 fathoms, sand bottom, and the kedge was hung up. At sunset a canoe of Indians was seen coming from the west which shordy came alongside. It was from the settlement in the Puerto de San Juan and came to join the one we have in this bay. After receiving some gifts they continued to their destination. Night fell with the sky and land covered with a heavy mist and no wind. At this hour we observed that we were dragging the anchor 41. Sp., marullito. SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT on account of the falling tide running out of the strait with great rapidity. We payed out the cable to the end to fall suddenly into 40 fathoms, inferring from this that the bottom was steep. I then ordered a warp, with three hawsers and another cable and the small kedge, to be put in the longboat to run it to the north for greater security and to put me back closer to land, so as to escape die strong eddy which the current makes in this place, but the violence of this did not permit this to be done and so I remained all night. I noticed that the eddies which the tides form in these bays and about the points prevent them from keeping any kind of order, as sometimes the tide falls for nine and eight hours and at other times for seven, and only [rises] for from four to five hours. June 18 The day dawned with the sky clear, the land covered over with mist, and calm. At 3130, the tide being at ebb, I had the warp on the longboat run to the north and gave orders to heave on it the anchor being suspended. At 6, being on top of it I let the port anchor fall in 20 fathoms, sand bottom, and suspended the kedge. At this time a light breeze came up from the ENE and E and kept up all morning. Several canoes came out from the port with fish and after exchanging it went away. At 2 the wind died out completely. At 3 I ordered the longboat ashore with the pilots to examine the country. At 5 they came back and told me that they had seen much level land in the proximity of the port which gave every indication of being very extensive. They said that although there were some forests and other trees the country could be traversed. There were many roses, salmon berries, strawberries, and young onions, but they could not find any fresh water nor any signs of it. June 19 The day dawned with the sky clear, the horizons misty and a very light wind from the W. At this hour we stretched a warp with three hawsers and the small kedge so as to get close to the shore and away from the very strong eddy which the tide made in this place. When this had been done we hauled on the cable, and the anchor being suspended, we got close to the warp, where I remained with the hope of making sail over it as the wind began to freshen. At 5:301 sent the longboat with the second pilot to serve as a buoy at the west entrance to the port. At 6, the wind being freshish DIARY OF THE VOYAGE BY QUIMPER from the same quarter, we suspended the kedge and I made sail for the port, headed ENE and ENE 05° E. At 7:30, when inside the points, I dropped the starboard anchor in 9 fathoms, sand bottom, the point of sand and ballast at the entrance of the port bearing S io° E and the middle of the bottom of this, W (all of the compass). Immediately a canoe of Indians came alongside. At 9:301 sent the pilot and second pilot with the longboat to make an examination of it. At 1 they returned and told me that at a distance of a league from our anchorage there was a very fine port with a good depth of water, about 4 miles in diameter, and that to reach it, it was necessary to stick close to the shore on the right side, as the one on the left threw out a great sand bank which made the channel very narrow. This had 5 to 5% fathoms of water in it but at the edge of the sand bank, only 2^ to 3. The latter ended at the entrance to the port where he found in various places on the beach many high poles which look like flag poles, with some props at the bottom to prevent the wind from breaking them, and that four of these served as buoys in the channel to enter the port, as they were placed at the very edge of the sand bank which, with the coast, forms it. He also said that they found two settlements of Indians and that all the country around the port was very beautiful, with very level land and luxuriant with blackberry bushes48 and a great number of small trees and rose bushes; many of the thickets were dense and without trees and the others, although full of pine trees, were traversable. At 2 in the afternoon I again dispatched the longboat with the pilot and second pilot to take the contours so as to draw up the plan of the port. They came back at sunset. Today ten canoes of Indians have come, and among them, those who said that they were the chiefs of the port and to whom I gave some pieces of copper. Night fell with the sky clear, the land covered with some mist and a fresh wind from the WSW and SW, conditions which continued all night. June 20 Day dawned with a clear sky, the land covered with a thick mist 42. These were not buoys but were used to suspend nets to trap birds, chiefly ducks. This is the first recorded reference to them on Vancouver Island. See Dr. C. F. Newcombe's note in his edition of Menzies' Journal, page 153. 43. In this case Quimper uses the word z SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT and calm. At 7 the longboat departed with the pilot and the canoe with the second pilot to continue the surveys and to measure the bases, in order to draw up the plan. At 1 they returned. Several canoes with Indians have come out with salmon berries, some cooked roots like onions which are very tasty,44 and another fruit like a grape. After finishing their trade they returned. Night fell with the sky heavily overcast, the land covered with clouds and squally in the SE, the wind fresh from the SSW and SW. At 10 a squall of rain fell with thunder and hghtning, which with a fresh wind, lasted all night. June21 Day dawned all squally with fine rain and a fresh wind from the SW. At 7 it commenced to clear up, and at 8:30 the wind freshened from the WSW and covered all the land with a thick fog. I therefore did not send the longboat with the pilot to take the contours of the interior of the port Some canoes of Indians have come to exchange their salmon berries and some shellfish. At 2 in the afternoon the weather took on an ugly aspect, with thunder, everything overcast, with fine rain, and the wind veered to the SSW very fresh. In these conditions night fell and thus we passed the rest of it. June 22 Day dawned with everything covered with a thick fog and a gende wind from the SW. At 7 the longboat and the canoe departed with the pilots to make the remaining surveys of the port and returned at 1. At 2 we again sent the longboat with the pilots to see if they could find out whether the bay in the interior of the port had any oudets to the sea, and to examine the mouth of a lagoon which seemed to communicate with some river. At sunset they returned and told me that the port was a closed one, and that they had entered the lagoon about a half a mile, where they found 44. Perhaps these were onions. Wild onions are said to be common there now. Mr. Newcombe thinks they may have been camas. 45. Sp., achubascada, a word in frequent use from now on until Quimper left the strait. A chubasco is a squall, usually a rain squall accompanied by a gust of wind, therefore achubascarse should mean "to grow squally" or "to be squally." That Quimper used it in that sense may be doubted however, although I have so translated it for lack of a better word. I think it was simply another one of his expressions for cloudy. DIARY OF THE VOYAGE BY QUIMPER the water almost fresh. The longboat not being able to ascend farther, owing to insufficient depth of water, the pilot with some sailors had crossed to the other side in a canoe with some Indians, to whom he made some presents to show him the source of the river. Having traveled on land with them about a mile inland he found the water entirely fresh but did not reach the source, only noting that it came from the direction of a somewhat distant mountain. He said that everything close to the river was very flat land, without trees, covered with much grass a yard and a half46 high and that the land in the distance, although covered with trees, was also flat. At the mouth of the river he saw three canoes close to the banks with a dead Indian in each one. This is the mode of burial these natives practice; when an individual dies they bury him with his riches which amounts to a single canoe. Night fell with the weather cloudy and a freshish wind from the SW and in these conditions we passed the night. June 23 Day dawned entirely clear and calm. At 4:30, the hour of low tide, I sent the longboat with the pilot and the canoe with the second pilot to sound all the entrance to the port to a distance of a mile, and to locate at the same time three rocks in the middle of the entrance which had not been seen on previous days as such a low tide had not been experienced. We have noted that one tide bears no proportion to another, as sometimes it rises for fourteen hours and falls for ten and at other times, inversely. At 10 the longboat came back, the work having been finished. I immediately embarked in her with the pilots, and with the greater part of the soldiers and sailors in armed canoes, to take possession of the port, carrying the Holy Cross which was to be planted on shore. I disembarked, and performed the ceremonies which the instructions prescribe, except those which pertain to the chaplain as none had been given to me. I planted it in the name of His Catholic Majesty Carlos IV, whom God guard, close to a huge pine behind it, which has no branches at the top, thus cUstmguishing it from the rest of the 46. Sp., vara, which I translate "yard" although it only measures some rMrty-three inches. The same can be said of brazas translated "fathoms". A braza is not quite six feet, the length of a fathom. The river was the Sooke SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT trees. At the side there is another large tree which looks like a poplar. At the back of this pine the bottle with the document of possession was buried in the presence of all, the clerk, whom I had named for this purpose according to my instructions, certifying to it. I gave it the name of "Revilla Gigedo",47 had three salutes of musketry fired on shore and one on the sloop of twenty-one shots. After having refreshed the men with very fine salmon berries and the kind of grape whose fruit is abundant I went on board. The tree where the bottle of possession is buried stands in the angle which the tongue of flat land at the entrance of the port makes. It bears N l/4 NW (of the compass).48 In the morning six canoes of Indians, men and women, entered and [went] at once to their settlement which lies to the west of our anchorage. Two other canoes also came in from the south point of the entrance to the strait and exchanged six sea-otter skins for the king's copper. Night fell completely clear and with a slight wind from the S and in these conditions we passed the night. June 24 Day dawned with the sky clear, the land covered with mist and no wind. At this hour I arranged to move close over the anchor so that as soon as the tide should stop running it could be suspended and we could warp out, my idea being to get out of the port before the sea breeze from the W came up, as we had not had during all the time we had been there anything but winds from the third quarter, whether by day or night and no land breeze whatever. At 5:30 the tide having stopped running, the wind came up freshish 47. This was the tide of the viceroy, his full name being Juan Vicente Guemes Pacheco de Padilla Horcasitas y Aguayo, Conde de Revilla Gigedo. Not only was his name given to the inlet but the sandspit was named "San Vicente" and the point at the east end of the entrance, "San Juan". None of these has been perpetuated, and the "San Juan" did not even appear on the Carta Reducida of Lopez de Haro, probably because the name was afterwards applied to the present Wilson Point at the entrance to Admiralty Inlet when the map came to be made. 48. He does not say from what, but the plan made of the port shows the location of it to be nearly north of the end of the sandspit. The sandspit, his "tongue of flat land", actually runs out about one-half a mile northeast and in the passage, which is only some hundred or two hundred yards wide, are some sunken rocks. As is natural under the circumstances, the currents run here with great velocity. 102 DIARY OF THE VOYAGE BY QUIMPER from the SE and covered everything with a thick fog. I therefore again moored ship. At 9 the wind shifted fresh to the SSW, the fog lasting until 12 when it cleared up a little. At 5 in the afternoon the wind shifted very fresh to the WSW with an ugly aspect. These conditions lasted until 12 at night when it moderated. June 25 Day dawned with weather of ugly aspect, and the wind fresh from the W, lasting until midday when it moderated and the sky cleared. At 6 the wind came from the SW and covered everything with fog until nightfall when this lifted, the sky remaining very cloudy and squally and the wind freshish from the W. In these conditions we passed the night. June 26 The day dawned clear, the south coast covered with a thick fog and a freshish wind from the SSW and SW, which prevented me from getting clear so as to make sail. At 130 the sky and all the south coast cleared. At 7 in the afternoon, the tide being high and the wind light from the S, I ordered the small kedge which served for a stern mooring to be weighed and placed at the entrance of the channel. This having been done we suspended the anchor and hauled on the warp. At 8130, being on top of this, I had two united cables run to land on each side of the entrance of the port, to steady us and prevent us from running on the rocks in the middle of the entrance, and to enable us to suspend the little kedge, so as to aid ourselves with a double warp to clear the points. This being done, at 9 we commenced to haul on them, having two men on shore paying out the cables fastened to the pine trees. Having run past the point of sand and ballast, I had the two cables on shore let go and the two men brought back in the canoe. At 91301 was moored over the kedge in 7 fathoms, sand, as it had fallen calm, awaiting the turn of the ebbing tide. With this and the little longboat at the bow I could get clear so as to make sail as soon as the sea breeze should come up and so continue on my errand. The rest of the night passed calm and with the sky clear. June 27 Day dawned, everything covered with fog and with no wind. At 3130, it having cleared up a little, we raised the kedge and progressed with the ebbing tide and with the longboat towing us. At 103 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT 4:30, a dense fog having covered over everything and finding myself in 11 fathoms of water, sand bottom, I dropped anchor until it should lift. At 8 a moderate wind came up from the S and SSE, and the land having cleared up a litde, the entrance of the port was marked N 32° E and the east point of it, which I named "San Juan"49 S 8o° E. An island close to the latter, which I named Dona Rosa"50 bore S 700 E and the Punta de San Antonio S 840 W (all of the compass), distant from the port about one mile. At 8:30 a thick fog again closed in which lasted until 4 =30 when a very fresh wind came up from the WSW and W, and the sky began to clear a little and the sea to rise. At 6 the land cleared up, the wind remaining in the same quarter. For this reason and because there were only two and one-half hours more of daylight I did not make sail. Notwithstanding that the wind blew harder I maintained my position with a single anchor, so that if it should blow very much harder I could suspend it and take refuge in the port, as this is very sheltered and the channel51 is very narrow. Night fell, very cloudy and squally, the wind extremely fresh from the W and the WSW and the sea high on account of it. Thus it continued until 12 when it [the wind] moderated. June 28 Day dawned, everything covered with a thick fog and with a freshish wind from the W, and therefore I did not make sail. At 8, the wind having moderated and the sky and the coast having cleared, I weighed and made sail ESE, looking over the country. A point was seen which I named "Benites del Pino".62 At 9 another was sighted with two little flat islands off it which bore E ]/4 NE (of the compass) and which I named "San Cosme".58 At 9:30, when N-S (corrected) with the Punta de Benites at a distance of 3 cable lengths from it, I steered E 05° N for that of San Cosme. At this time it was observed that these two points formed a great bay with an island in the center and two small rocky islands at the 49. This is the only mention of this name. See Note 47. 50. Donaldson Island, one mile east of the entrance to Sooke Inlet. I suspect Dona Rosa was the viceroy's wife. 51. I judge that Quimper is here referring to the strait. 52. Beechey Head. The origin of the name is unknown to me. 53. Cape Church. Not shown on the maps. See Note 77. IO4 DIARY OF THE VOYAGE BY QUIMPER side.54 At 10:30 another point to the NE 090 E was seen, and three small flat islands to the south of it, bearing ENE.85 These made a wide channel with the point which I named "Moreno de la Vega".56 At 10:30, when N-S (corrected) with the Punta de San Cosme and some 3 cable lengths distant from it, I steered NE l/4 E so as to pass through this channel. At n, when N-S (corrected) with the point which with the islands forms the channel, I steered NNE and N, as the coast runs in this direction some 3 or 4 leagues, continuing afterwards to the E some 6 or 7 leagues more, forming various points. It then continues on to unite with that of the south shore of the strait, proving that here was a great bay. At 11:30, when in a large and beautiful roadstead, which I named "Eliza",571 anchored with the port anchor in 11 fathoms in muddy sand, having previously furled the sails. A canoe now came out with four Indians. One of these had stolen from us a half-minute watch glass in the Puerto de Revilla Gigedo, which had been taken away from him, but he, as well as the other Indians manifested much joy. I presented them with some pieces of iron cask-hoops and some beads. At 2 in the afternoon the longboat departed at my behest with the pilot and the second pilot to reconnoiter two points, distant from the anchorage 1 and 4 miles respectively, and which apparendy formed inlets from the strait. At sunset they came back and the pilot told me that the first point, which I named "Santo Domingo",58 made with the second, which I named "San Miguel",59 a fine roadstead which I named "Solano".80 Behind the second point there was another roadstead extremely large and of good depth, capable of holding a great squadron at anchor and sheltered from the winds of the first and second quarters. He fur- 54. BecherBay. 55. Race Rocks. 56. From this it appears that the point was on Bentinck Island and Lopez de Haro's maps also so show it. I have not been able to identify the man thus honored. 57. Pedder Bay, named after Francisco de Eliza, the commandant of Nootka at this time. 58. William Head. Not shown on the maps. 59. Albert Head. Not shown on the maps. 60. Parry Bay, no doubt after Jose- Solano y Bote, Marques del Socorro, a high naval official in the Spanish service at the time. 105 s SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT ther said that about 2 leagues to the east of this was another point with an island off it which with the coast seemed to form a great channel. Night fell with the sky clear, the land covered with mist and a very fresh wind from the W which lasted all night. June 29 Day dawned with the sky clear, the land covered with mist and a freshish wind from the W. At 7 three canoes of Indians came out. After having made them some presents I asked them if there was a channel towards the east part of the strait. They answered with entirely understandable signs, that there was a very large and wide one which trended somewhat towards the northwest, and that at the end of the range of mountains on the south coast there was another like it. They made a sign that this trended towards the southwest. There we saw a very low point which seemed to have under it some inlet or bay. At 9 I sent the canoe ashore to take three barrels of water, requesting an Indian to point out where it was. The branches of a pine in front of the anchorage were cut off so as to form a cross. At 11 I sent the armed longboat with the second pilot to reconnoiter the third point to the northeast to see if the information of the Indians that there was a channel there was true. At 3 in the afternoon I went ashore with the pilot to get a good view from the top of a high hill immediately in front of our anchorage. Everything was confused in the distance, but there appeared to be a kind of inlet in parts which could be seen. Night fell with the sky clear, the land misty, a fresh wind from the W and with the current running out, the longboat at this hour not being in sight. In these conditions we passed the night. June 30 At i in the morning the longboat came back with the second pilot who told me that he had been in the channel and that it began at the point to the northeast, the one which has the two small islands close to it, and that it extended a long distance, as no land could be seen to the north except some mountains which could scarcely be made out. The west coast of the channel trended WNW, he said, the land in sight to the northwest and that farthest north- 61. No important inlet on the south coast extends to the southwest, but from the location assigned to it, it could only have been Admiralty Inlet. The one to the northwest was Haro Strait. DIARY OF THE VOYAGE BY QUIMPER east bearing E x/4 NE formed some large bays. Close to the islands and the shore were some rocks and small rocky islands, where he had found a strong current, and said the true channel was between the two islands and the coast to the east as it seemed to be clean and was much wider.62 He had gone ashore at the point at the first entrance and planted the Holy Cross which I had given him for that purpose and he said that it was flat with much green grass and other plants. Day dawned with the sky clear, the land misty, with a fresh wind from the W. At 6 I sent the longboat after wood and the canoe after water. At 8 I arranged for the other canoe to go ashore with the cross to be planted in the Rada de Solano. At 3 in the afternoon I had the longboat and one of the canoes armed and embarked with the pilot, taking along the cross, for the purpose of taking possession of the farthest roadstead which I named "Valdez y Bazan".68 At 4 in the afternoon I took possession, planted the cross, buried the bottle with all the other ceremonies which the instructions prescribe and fired repeated salutes. The Holy Cross was placed on a mesa which consists of a piece of land without any trees and bears W 08° N (of the compass) from the point at the entrance to the roadstead. The bottle is buried at the back of the Holy Cross at the foot of a pine tree on which a cross was formed by cutting off the bark. This will distinguish it from five others close to it and the only ones in the neighborhood. At 8:301 returned on board. Night fell with the sky clear although with floating clouds, the land in the first and second quarters covered [with mist] and the wind fresh from the W. These conditions lasted all night, with Ughtning in the quarters just mentioned. Julyl Day dawned, everything covered with thick dark clouds and with a freshish wind from the W. At 8 I ordered the longboat with the pilot and the second pilot to take the contours of the points which formed the roadsteads. This returned at 12 at which hour a few drops of rain began to fall, and I sent the canoe for the fortnight's water. Some canoes of Indians came out who gave us the 62. That is, the main channel between San Juan Island and Chatham and Discovery islands. 63. Named after the then minister of marine in Spain, Antonio Valdes y Bazan. It is now usually known as the Royal Roads. SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT same information about the inlets of the strait as the others on preceding days. All these natives display good dispositions, and in contrast with the other Indians outside are very poor, as they have no sea otters. They have, however, the advantage that their country consists of level thickets with few trees and is very prolific in roots and fruits on which they all maintain themselves. Even those who live at the mouth of the strait and outside of it come to provide themselves with what they need to pass the winter. Night fell with the sky and the land covered with dark floating clouds and in such conditions we passed the night. July2 Day dawned with floating clouds in the sky, the land grey with some mist, and calm. Shordy afterwards a breeze came up from the N and then it fell calm, dark clouds closing in over everything. At 3 in the afternoon the breeze came up from the S with a thick drizzle. Thus night fell, and thus we passed the rest of it. July3 Day dawned with everything covered with fog, with a drizzle, and calm. At 7 a breeze came up from the S and SE driving away the drizzle. At 12 it fell calm. At sunset a moderate wind came up from the WSW. Night fell with everything looking squally, and a very light wind which at 9 died out entirely. These conditions lasted all night. July 4 Day dawned with the weather cloudy and squally and calm. At 5 a moderate wind came up from the WSW. At 6 it fell calm, but at 11 it again came up fresh from the SW. With this I raised anchor and made sail for the south coast of the strait for the purpose of finding out if the news which the Indians had given me was true, that there was a very wide channel which trended to the southwest. I steered SE l/4 S so as to approach the coast and then go on reconnoitering it. At 2 in the afternoon, being 4 miles distant from it, I turned E % NE for a point which bore N 76° E and which I named "Santa Cruz".84 Behind this there appeared to be a great entrance. Another point to the south which extended out 64. This must have been the bluff from which the sandspit makes o New Dungeness, and not the sandspit itself. 108 DIARY OF THE VOYAGE BY QUIMPER very far and bore S 720 W I named "Salvi".65 This bears N-S with that of Moreno de la Vega and together they form the beginning of the basin which I have named "Santa Rosa".68 At 4:30, while steering ENE 050 (of the compass) and when about 4 or 5 miles from land, we saw that a tongue of flat land ran out from the Punta de Santa Cruz. This bore ENE 050 N and in order to clear it I steered NE until 5 when I changed the course to ENE. At 5 =30 we were N-S (corrected) with the Punta de Santa Cruz and the most easterly of the^ tongue of flat land which extends out from this was marked N 700 E (of the compass). At this time it was noticed that the Punta de Santa Cruz did not form any inlet but a bay with the tongue of flat land which trended E. At 6 when N-S (corrected) with the extreme end of the flat land, I steered SSW for the purpose of anchoring inside the bay, with the lead in hand and a lookout in the top. At 6:30, when in Sl/2 fathoms of water, bottom of hard mud, I had all the sails furled and dropped the starboard anchor, distant from the coast about half a mile. The point of the tongue of flat land bore N 180 W (of the compass) distant about iYz miles. A little afterwards eight large canoes with fifteen and twenty Indians in each came alongside. These had been following us from the point of low land and two of them for more than 2 leagues. I succeeded in inducing them to come alongside through expressions of friendship and by showing them gifts which I made to them. These Indians by their suspicion showed manifesdy that they had never seen a vessel, even although I noted that hanging from their ears they wore some pieces of copper and beads. These I thought they had obtained in trade from the Indians at the entrance of the strait. They also wore English, Portuguese, and Chinese coins for earrings. At sunset they returned to their settlements. Night fell with the sky clear, the land misty, and a fresh wind from the W, which lasted all night. This I passed taking the same precautions as at other anchorages to prevent being surprised by the Indians. July 5 P_aY dawned with floating clouds in the sky, the land misty and 65. It is hardly possible to doubt that this was the present Striped Peak of which Observatory Point is the east end and Tongue Point the western one. 66. The basin-shaped body of water at the east end of the strait. SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT the wind freshish from the W. At 7 I sent the longboat with the second pilot to reconnoiter two points which bore to the east, one distant about 4% leagues and the other about 2%, and to see if these formed the channel for which I was hunting on the information from the Indians. At this hour many canoes of Indians came out with delicious and abundant fish and shellfish, among which were flounder, ray fish, salmon, mojarras,"7 sea-bass, little dog-fish, crabs, and some venison. I obtained this in order to refresh the men, for cask-hoops from two casks which I had knocked down. I presented the principal chiefs with some pieces of copper as a sign of friendship. They also traded some reed mats, some esteras de neda,™ white painted woolen blankets,69 others mixed with duck feathers, and some skins of bears, buffalo,70 deer and other animals untanned. Some were perfecdy dressed, double, and with these, as they explained to us, they defend themselves from their enemies of the north coast.71 They also gave me information about two rivers close to their setdements which were about a mile from us, the Indians in one canoe offering to go and point them out. This I accepted and having armed the two canoes they carried the empty casks for that purpose. These returned at 11:30, the masters advising me that the river from which they had taken water was a very beautiful one, and emptied into the sea close to a settlement. At sunset the canoes went away having passed almost all day alongside with much noisy display of pleasure, evidenced by their singing and demonstrations. Night fell with the sky clear, the land somewhat misty and a very fresh wind from the W and WSW. At 10 the longboat came 67. Just what fish this is I have never been able to discover. It was common on the west coast of Mexico, where no doubt the name originated; Mr. W. A. Newcombe suggests it may have been halibut. 68. Esteras are also reed mats but what neda means I do not know. 69. It is not at all likely that these blankets were made of wool. The Indians on Vancouver Island made blankets or cloaks out of a mixture of bark and dog hair, and these are probably what Quimper thought were woolen blankets, although there is some evidence that the Indians used the hair of mount goats to mix with dog hair. 70. Probably elk hides. 71. These were frequently made up of six or eight skins, instead of t as a kind of cuirass. Haswell in his log states that they were made of mc skins, no doubt elk hides. DIARY OF THE VOYAGE BY QUIMPER back with the second pilot who told me that the most distant point,72 the first to which he went, only formed a bay, and that the one we had in front of us was an island,78 which, with the coast to the east of it, furnished shelter. The low point, the most westerly part of the island, had a reef of rocks and on passing this you enter the channel which this point forms with the mainland. Although the sun had already set he had noted on the coast opposite, beyond the island, a kind of channel or port, and that in the first quarter there were two inlets in the coast, apparendy small ones. In the middle of one he saw a front of high land and believed it ended there. This I named "Fidalgo",74 the other which bore N 200 E (of the compass) distant about 6 leagues, was manifesdy very narrow. I named it "Flon".75 We passed the rest of the night with a fresh wind from the W and without any further occurrence. July 6 Day dawned with the weather clear and a moderate wind from the W. At 61 ordered the longboat with the pilot to make the plan of the bay. He returned at 1 and told me that at the most southerly end of the flat land which formed the bay he found an inlet. Having entered this he discovered a fine port for the sloop or for another vessel which draws two or three feet more than she does, as the least water found by sounding at low tide was 1 Yi fathoms, and the most, 3 fathoms.76 The channel had so many turns that it could only be entered at high tide, as this augmented the water 2 fathoms as he had deterinined. A river on whose bank the Indians had their settlement emptied into it. During the morning many canoes of Indians came out with fish, fresh venison, salmon berries, baskets of neda, blankets, mats, and skins to exchange with the 72. Apparently Wilson Point beyond which was the bay then named "Ensenada de Caamano", after Jacinto Caamano, one of Quimper's companions from Spain in 1789. 73. Afterwards named by Quimper "Carrasco" after his second pilot. 74. After Salvador Fidalgo, a naval officer then on his expedition to Alaska. The present Rosario Strait. 75. Possibly after Colonel Manuel de Flon who had been governor of New Mexico and who was then governor of Puebla. The present Deception Pass. 76. This seems to have been the west end of New Dungeness Bay beyond the two sandspits which nearly reach each other allowing only a narrow channel between. Ill SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT people on the vessel. At 2 the wind freshened very much from the W and I therefore did not send the longboat with the pilot to continue his task. Night fell with the sky calm and clear, the land misty and a very fresh wind from the WSW which lasted all night. July 7 Day dawned with light clouds in the sky, a light mist on the land and a fresh wind from the W. This having moderated at 7:30 the pilot departed with the longboat and the second pilot in one of the canoes to make soundings of the bay, as low tide was close at hand. They returned at 1 having finished the principal part of their work and marked the edge of the sand bank in 2 fathoms, sand. As on other days Indian canoes have come out. At 2 the wind freshened with some force from the W. Night fell with the sky clear, the land covered with mist and the wind from the same quarter. This lasted until 12 when it moderated. July 8 Day dawned with the sky clear, the land misty and a fresh wind from the W, which however moderated at sunrise. At 5:30 having armed the longboat and the two canoes, I embarked with the second pilot in order to take possession. This I effected, planting the Holy Cross close to a pine, on which another was made by cutting the bark. At the foot of this the bottle of possession was buried, all the ceremonies which the instructions prescribe being performed. The tree is very noticeable for standing alone and close to the beach. The point of the tongue of flat land at the entrance of the bay was marked from it at N 48° W (of the compass).771 named the bay and the port "Quimper".78 At 9 I returned on board. At 111 sent the canoes ashore with half of the soldiers and sailors to wash their clothes. They came back at 3. Very few canoes have come on account of the wind being so strong, among them however was one 77. If this bearing is correct the cross must have been planted quite below the present Jamestown. On the Piano of the Puerto de Quimper the cross appears in this position. Slighdy farther south, or southwest, on Lopez de Haro's Piano is an Ensenada de Bertodano, commonly identified as Washington Harbor, but I hardly think correctly, as it is not far enough away. This was probably named after Cosme Bertodano, a Spanish naval officer on the coast a few years later, perhaps then. It is also likely that the San Cosme on Vancouver Island was named after the same individual. 78. Named after himself. It is now known as New Dungeness Bay. DIARY OF THE VOYAGE BY QUIMPER from the south point of the entrance to the strait which exchanged four sea-otter skins for the king's copper. Night fell with the same conditions and under these we passed the night. July 9 Day dawned with everything covered with a thick fog and with a drizzle and the wind strong from the W. At 11 the fog lifted, the drizzle ceased and the wind freshened still more. For this reason only five small canoes of Indians have come out with salmon and crabs. Night fell with the weather squally, the wind as before, and in these conditions we passed the rest of the night. July 10 Day dawned with the sky heavily overcast and a fresh wind from the W. This moderated at 7 and at 8 I sent the longboat with the pilot and the second pilot to continue taking soundings of all the shore of the bay and to plant a cross at the tongue of flat land at the entrance. They came back at 12:30. At 2 the wind freshened from the W % SW with considerable strength and thus night fell. At 11 it moderated. July 11 Day dawned squally and with a freshish wind from the W. At 5 the wind having fallen almost calm, and the weather having cleared a little, I sent the longboat with the second pilot to examine another point, distant from us about 3 leagues in the second quarter. At 1 the wind began to blow up very strong from the W % SW with an ugly appearance in the third quarter. At 5 the longboat came back and the second pilot told me that there was a very good port behind the point which he went to examine.79 The entrance was sufficiendy extensive, and the Isla de Carrasco, a name which I gave was in front of it, direcdy north. Two channels to enter the port were formed by this, one to the east of it and the other 79. This point, the present Clallam Point, appears on Lopez de Haro's chart as the "Punta de San Juan". On the plan of this port however, Clallam Point has no name, San Juan being applied to a spot hardly a point, directly south of the west end of Protection Island. As the adjacent port was named after Bodega y Quadra I think it likely that the point received one of his Christian names, Juan Francisco. It is probable that for this reason the name San Juan previously given to the east point of the entrance to Sooke Inlet was abandoned. 80. Named after the pilot, Juan Carrasco. It is now known as "Protection Island", having been so named by Vancouver in 1792. "3 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT to the west. Through either of these many vessels can pass without any danger. He took soundings in the middle of the entrance and farther in 29 and 30 fathoms of water, mud bottom. At 6:30 a fine rain began to fall and thus night fell, the wind remaining fresh from the WSW until 11 =30, when it moderated and the rain stopped. July 12 Day dawned with everything covered with grey clouds and a very light wind from the first quarter. These conditions lasted until 2 when a freshish wind came up from the W. Night fell heavily overcast and the wind from the same quarter and thus we passed the night. July 13 Day dawned all cloudy and calm. At 41 sent the longboat with the pilot and the canoe with the second pilot to make a plan of the port which had been discovered to the south of the Isla de Carrasco and to put up a cross in the most conspicuous part of it. At 9130 they came back and told me that they had planted the Holy Cross on a sand point in front of the port, the most southerly and westerly one which can be seen when entering the mouth. There is a stream of delicious water in it which comes down apparendy from a mountain behind it. The port, they said, can hold many vessels by reason of its size and shelter. The country although somewhat high is level. I have named it "Quadra".81 Canoes have come out to trade, first one and then another. Night fell with a clear sky, the land covered with mist and a moderate wind from the W. All night it lightened in the third quarter. July 14 Day dawned with everything covered with grey clouds and with a wind from the N, which lasted until 3 when it shifted freshish to the W. At this time I sent the two armed canoes with half of the soldiers and sailors to wash their clothes. They returned at 6. Night fell all overcast and with a freshish wind from the W Y* 81. Port Discovery. On Lopez de Haro's Piano of 1790 it is named "Bodega y Cuadra", no doubt what Quimper named it, shortened to Quadra in the diary. Juan Francisco Bodega y Quadra was at this time commandant of the department of San Bias. The plan shows the cross to have been erected at the mouth of a small creek on the south side of the port, judging from the name Bio de la Cruz, close to the present Carr Point. II4 DIARY OF THE VOYAGE BY QUIMPER SW. This lasted all night with lightning in the third and fourth quarters. July 15 Day dawned with heavy clouds, fine rain and a freshish wind from the W which moderated at 8. The rain continued until 3130 when it stopped, but the weather kept heavy and dark and there was a light wind from the NE. At this hour I called a meeting of my pilots to consider whether we should continue our explorations and enter one of the inlets which were in sight. I called to their attention the following points: the order from the commandant of Nuca to be in that port August 15 at the latest, in order to make the plans of what had been examined and to give information to His Excellency, the viceroy, of the new discoveries which had been made, and that only a single month more was left; the very constant winds from the W82 and therefore contrary for departure; the tides which vary on account of the many eddies formed by the bays and inlets at the entrance to the strait; as well as my having only two months supply of food and a vessel with no life in her. In view of the facts set forth, and that entrance farther was a grave matter for a vessel which made no headway to windward and would therefore make it necessary to effect the departure from the strait at the will of the winds, they were of the opinion that I should not continue farther. I agreed with them and asked them to put their views in writing. This they did immediately, and I therefore decided to make sail on the following day if the weather would permit, exploring the south coast to the outlet of the strait. At 5 it fell calm and remained so until 7 when a freshish wind came up from the SW Yt W. In the afternoon three Indian canoes came out loaded with fish, venison and a great number of ducks for which I bartered pieces of cask-hoops in order to refresh the men. They also brought three large sea otters just caught in the interior of the strait. They said they were very abundant, but these lazy natives do not catch them. Night fell with the weather squally and a freshish wind from the SW which died out at 12. July 16 Day dawned with a squally aspect and calm. At 71 ordered the canoe to go for the fortnight's water. It returned at 8:30. At this 82. The text reads "east", an obvious error. "5 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT time a very light breeze came up from the ENE which died out at 10. At 7 [in the evening] a light wind came up from the WSW and in these conditions night fell, the wind veering to the W during the rest of the night. July 17 Day dawned cloudy and calm. At sunrise a light breeze from the second quarter came up which died out at 6. At io it again came up very light from the ENE and NE. At this hour I hauled close to the anchor so as to make sail if this wind should become setded. At 10:30 the wind shifted to the N and died out at 12. At 3 a tranquil wind began to blow from the W and at 5 a lively one from the SE. The tide having stopped running, I hung up the anchor and made sail with all the main sails88 for the point of the tongue of flat land, headed N % NW. At 6, finding myself E-W of the point, distant from it about half a mile, and in 22 fathoms of water, bottom fine sand, I furled the sails and let fall the port anchor, remaining in this place ready to sail whenever the weather should permit. Night fell with a clear sky, the land covered with dark clouds and a tranquil wind from the SW. This freshened at 9:30 and at 10, heading the sloop up into the current, I took a sounding and found 3 fathoms of water, bottom ballast. This I attributed to some shoal, close to the place where I dropped the anchor, and which I had neared by paying out the cable, as the wind was very fresh at this time.84 This caused me to take the sounding. My suspicion was verified because by hauling in 4 or 5 fathoms of cable, which we stowed aboard, I found myself in 4 fathoms. In this situation I remained until daybreak when I found that I was in the same spot where I had let the anchor drop. July 18 Day dawned calm, everything covered with grey clouds. At this time I sent the pilot with the longboat to take soundings and make an examination of everything close to the sloop to see the extent of the shoal. At 8 he came back and told me that the shoal extended about 1 Yi cable lengths to the N and about 2 to the W, everywhere 83. Sp., vela de cuchillo, a triangular or trapeziform sail. The vessel was a balandra, or as known in English, a bilander, and had two masts with a mainsail of the above form. 84. The shoal is still there. DIARY OF THE VOYAGE BY QUIMPER having 3 or 4 fathoms of water on it and a bottom of small stones and shells. It was E-W (corrected) with the most northerly point of the tongue of low land, at the point of which the cross had been placed. From this the shoal ran out about a mile to the E leaving a channel 4,5, and 13 fathoms deep and half a cable wide between it and the point. At 9 a light breeze came up from the SE and as the tide began to run out I weighed and made sail in a WNW direction, the longboat towing us. At 9:30 the wind freshened from the S and I had the tow turned loose and continued with the prow to the W and W \fc SW. At 11 the wind shifted to the SSW, very fresh. At midday the Bahia de Quimper bore S 75° E, the middle of the channel, more to the north, to which I gave the name "Lopez de Haro", bore NNW and the Punta Benites del Pino, W (all of the compass), distant from the first about 2% leagues. At 4:30 the wind shifted to the SW and SW Yt S and I hauled the wind so as to make the Rada de Eliza or that of Solano. At 5:30 the wind shifted to the SW Y* W, preventing me from making these roadsteads and so I made for that of Valdes y Bazan. Finding myself inside this at 6, in 15 fathoms, bottom small shells and small snail shells, I furled the sails and let drop the port anchor. The most northerly point of the Canal de Lopez de Haro, which I named "San Gonzalo",85 bore N 58° E, the small island to the south of it N 62° E86 and the Punta de San Miguel, S 33 ° E (all of the compass). At 6 I sent the longboat with the second pilot to see if the cross which had been put up when possession was taken in this roadstead had fallen down or had been carried away by the Indians as it was not to be seen. He returned shordy and said that the Indians had taken it up and carried it away. Night fell with the land covered with clouds, the sky clear, and a freshish wind from the WSW which died out at 11. July 19 Day dawned with the weather squally, with fine rain and calm. At 7:30 the rain stopped. At 8130 I sent the longboat with the second pilot to look over the end of the roadstead to see if he could find any river from which to fill the empty casks. At 1130 he came 85. Obviously named after the pilot, Gonzalo Lopez de Haro. It has now been corrupted into "Gonzalez Point". 86. Trial Islands. 117 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT back and told me that on the land in front of this roadstead there was some delicious water, being all spring water, and that although the country was somewhat high, it was level. The beach which he followed to this contained a large tidal lagoon of salt water87 and to the east of it and farther in the roadstead he found a port, very sheltered from all winds, with a depth of 6 or 7 fathoms of water at low tide, mud bottom, about 1 Yi "tiles long and Yi mile wide. It was inhabited by Indians who called to him, manifesting their joy. The forests, he said, show by their little height and few trees that they are transitable and of good land. Today I had a small pine tree stripped of its branches, as it stood alone close to the sea and in front of our anchorage, forming of it a cross, by nailing on it a cross beam, after cutting off the top of the pine. Night fell with the same conditions as at dawn. July 20 The day dawned cloudy and calm. At 5 I sent the canoe with the empty casks for water. This returned at 6:30. At 11 I sent the pilot and the second pilot with the armed longboat and canoe to draw up the plan of the port. They returned at 7. To this port I gave the name "Cordova".88 Three canoes came out from the Puerto de Cordova loaded with seeds, with which the port abounds, for food. They were from the Puerto de San Juan on the north coast of the entrance to the strait. Their chief, named Janape, of whom I have already made mention in the proper place, was with them. I treated him like a well-known friend and he manifested much pleasure at meeting us. They went on to their destination, namely their settlement. Night fell with a tight breeze from the ESE, and this died out at 10. July 21 At 2:30 in the morning, the wind being in the WSW, the weather of good aspect and the tide beginning to run out, I weighed and made sail with the longboat towing so as to pass the Punta de San Miguel. Having accomplished this at 3, I continued on a course S % SE and S. At 4:15 I was west of the Rada de Eliza. At 5 the wind shifted to the W and I took a course SSW, and at 6 the 87. Esquimault Lagoon. 88. Esquimault Harbor. Quimper doubtless named the port after Luis de Cordova, the captain general of the Spanish navy. DIARY OF THE VOYAGE BY QUIMPER wind having shifted to the WNW and being in the middle of the strait I took a course SW. At 8 =30 the wind died to a light breeze and I turned SSW and S so as to get close to the south coast to seek shelter there, as the tide now had but tittle force. At 9130, the wind having almost died away, I ordered the longboat to tow us and steered SSE with the lead in hand at a distance of a mile from the coast, without finding bottom with 50 fathoms of line. Shordy afterwards I changed the course to SE 05 ° S so as to make an ensenada to leeward as the tide was coming in with great force. At 10 a sounding was taken and no bottom was found in 45 fathoms although we were less than a mile from land. I therefore sent the canoe ahead with the lead to give me information about the depth of water found. At 10 =30, when as far on as the Punta de Salvi, we found 28 fathoms of water, bottom small stones. The canoe gave information that they were in 26 fathoms. At 10, when in a small bay89 to the east of the Punta de Salvi, in 22 fathoms of water, bottom small shells, small snail shells and coral, distant from land about Yi mite* I furled the sails and dropped the port anchor, as the tide, which was running at the rate of 3V2 miles, was carrying me inside with much force. The Puerto de Revilla Gigedo bore N 38° W, the Punta de Salvi S 84° W and the most northwesterly part of the north coast in sight N 74° W (all of the compass), distant from the second about 1^ miles. At 2, two canoes of Indians came out with salmon berries. After presenting them with some small pieces of iron I asked them if there was any fresh water in the bay. They answered by pointing out the place, to which I sent the armed canoe with empty casks. This returned at 4 in the afternoon with delicious water, taken from a beautiful stream.90 Night fell with a freshish wind from the W, the weather clear and the tide rurining in. At 10 it was almost calm, and at 11 the tide began to run out, but changeable owing to the numerous eddies in this bay. July 22 At 2 in the morning, the breeze being from the S and the tide 89. The present Freshwater Bay. 90. Elwha River. The point just to the east of this, the present Angeles Point is named "Punta de Davila" on the Carta Reducida of Lopez de Haro, probably in honor of Juan Herrera Davila, a captain in the Spanish navy a little later. I think this likely because on the same map the present Eagle Point on San Juan Island appears as the "Punta de Errera", that is Herrera. II9 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT rurining out with considerable force, I weighed and made sail on a course W % NW. At 3 the wind died out and as the current was carrying me on the Punta de Salvi I took a tow by the longboat for the purpose of clearing it. This I succeeded in doing at 4 and therefore stopped the towing, allowing the current to carry me towards the outside. Day dawned with the sky clear, horizons misty, and the wind calm. I was about 2 miles distant from the little bay in which I had been anchored. At 4:301 ordered the longboat to take up the tow. At 5 a canoe came alongside with the chief of the settlement at the south point of the entrance to the strait. His name was Tutuzi91 and he made me repeated requests to come to his port, explaining that it was sheltered and that there was an infinite number of sea-otter skins there, six vessels having been there and carried many away. At 7:30 a light wind came up from the NE and I continued to the W. I had a sounding taken and found 22 fathoms, bottom of small shells and small snail shells. At 8 the wind freshened from the ENE and E % NE and I turned the prow to the SW to approach the coast and anchor until this should die away. At 8130, as it continued freshish, I took a course to the W in which direction I went along the coast. At midday the Punta de Salvi bore N 8o° E, that of Moreno de la Vega N 56° E, and the Isla de Dona Rosa NE (all of the compass). I steered SW so as to approach the coast and anchor in a bay to leeward, which I named "Soto Aguilar".92 At 1 =15 I had a sounding taken and found 30 fathoms, bottom small shells and stones, and shordy afterwards 25 fathoms, sand bottom. At 1 =30, the tide coming in with much strength, and having 17 fathoms of water, sand and small shells, I furled the sails and dropped the port anchor. The north point of the Ensenada de Soto Aguilar bore N 77° W, that of Salvi N 8o° E, and the most westerly part of the north coast in sight N 69 ° W (all of the compass), distant from the first about a mile. Night fell with clear weather, the north coast misty, a freshish wind from the W and the current running in with little strength. At 9:30 I weigh- 91. This Indian chief, one of the best known on the coast, was known to the English and Americans as Tatoosh, a name perpetuated in that of the island off Cape Flattery. 92. This appears to have been the bight under Pillar Point. This part of Lopez de Haro's map is not very accurate. DIARY OF THE VOYAGE BY QUIMPER ed and made sail WNW with a moderate SW wind, these conditions lasting until 12 at night. July 23 At 1 in the morning the wind fell calm and some variable breezes from the first and second quarters came up which lasted until 2, when it fell completely calm. Day dawned with the sky clear, the north coast somewhat hazy and no wind. At sunrise the north point of the Ensenada de Soto Aguilar bore S 47° E, the most westerly part of the south coast in sight S 86° W and the most westerly of the north coast N 740 W (all of the compass), distant from the first about 5 miles. At 5:30 I had the longboat take up the tow so as to get close to the coast before the tide began to run in and steered S. At 8 a light breeze from the WNW came up and I spread the square sail.98 At 9:30 I had soundings taken, but although 45 fathoms of line ran out no bottom was found at a distance of a mile from land until 10:30, when bottom of fine sand was found at 40 fathoms, distant from land about a half mile. At 10:45 wnen ia 22 fathoms, bottom small shells and heavy sand, I furled the sails and dropped the port anchor in a small bay sheltered from the winds of the second and third quarters. In the middle of this on a stretch of low land there were two Indian settlements. I named this "Ensenada de Rojas".94 The Punta de Benites bore N 650 E and that of Salvi N 870 E (all of the compass). Ten canoes of Indian men and two of Indian women towed me to my anchorage in the bay. I presented to them some pieces of cask-hoops. Many others brought out fish and salmon berries to barter. Night fell with the sky clear, the horizons misty, the wind from the W almost calm, and the tide rurining in strongly. July 24 At 1 in the morning the tide began to run out, so I weighed and made sail NW and NW 050 W with a freshish wind from the SW. At sunrise the point at the south entrance of the strait bore S 700 W, the Puerto de San Juan N. 250 W, the Punta de Salvi S 86° E, and that of Benites del Pino N 8o° E, (all of the compass). At 4130 93. Sp., vela de redonda, a sail with the braces all around it. This is the only place in the narrative where Quimper uses the expression. 94. Clallam Bay, named "Rojas" probably in honor of Jose de Rojas, the Conde de Casa-Rojas, a rear-admiral in the Spanish navy about this time. SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT the wind veered to the W Yt NW and I therefore hauled to the N. At 5, with a moderate wind from the WNW, I turned towards the SW, so as to explore the bay formed by the south point of the entrance to the strait, which according to the information of the Indians, made a port. At 5 30 an opening was seen which bore in the same direction I was going, seeming to be the port I was seeking. To reach it I ordered the longboat to take up the tow as there was but litde wind. At 6:30 I was N-S (corrected) with the east point of the Puerto de San Juan, at 7:30 I again marked the north point of the south entrance of the strait S 61 ° W and the most northerly of the two small islands off this point in S 64° W (all of the compass). At this hour a large canoe of Indians came alongside who told me that the opening for which I was steering was the port, that it was clean, of sufficient depth and sheltered, all of which they gave us to understand by clear signs. At 7:45 I noted that a large island full of trees in front of it made the port.95 At 8130 I sent the canoe ahead with the lead to sound, with the precaution of also doing this on board the vessel. At 8145, being quite at the entrance, I ordered the gallant sail and topsail to be furled. At 9, when as far on as the island and inside the points, I furled all the sails and let the port anchor drop in 5 fathoms of water, sand and small shells, with the idea of working into the interior of the bay, which is the form that it has, as soon as the tide should set in to it, as, at the moment, it was setting in the strait. The most easterly point of the entrance to the Puerto de San Juan bore N Yt NE (of the compass). Immediately many canoes of Indians, men and women, began to come with their barter of fish, salmon berries, and a fruit like a cherry96 of good taste. At 6, there being no wind and the tide having stopped running, I stretched three warps for the purpose of mooring in the interior of the bay. This I accomplished at 9:30 at night in 7 fathoms of water, fine sand, the Puerto de San Juan bearing N 160 E, and the most northerly part of the island in front of us and which make two entrances into this bay, NNE, (all 95. Waaddah Island. 96. Sp., guinda. Strictly a guinda is not a cherry in the ordinary acceptation of the word, that being known as cereza. What are now known as Bing cherries are guindas. What wild fruit this was I do not know, but probably a wild cherry, (prunus emarginata Dougl. N.) The berries (moras) may have been blackberries which were now ripe. 122 DIARY OF THE VOYAGE BY QUIMPER of the compass), distant from the island about i mile. July 25 Day dawned with the weather clear and a moderate wind from the WNW. At 5 I sent the armed canoes with the empty casks for water. These returned at 6 and their masters told me that they had taken this in a stream in front of the anchorage. Many canoes of Indians, men and women, came out with whom barter was carried on for woolen cloaks, bear skins, delicious fish, among which were salmon of ioo pounds or more in weight, and the fruits previously mentioned. Sixteen sea-otter skins, large and small, were traded for the king's copper. At sunset they went away to their settlement on the island at the south point of the entrance to the strait. Their chief is the one previously referred to, Tutuzi. Night fell with the sky and the horizons covered with grey clouds, and a light wind from the W. In these conditions we passed the night. July 26 Day dawned with the sky clear, with some grey clouds on the horizons and a light wind from the WNW. At sunrise I began to repair the sails which had been badly damaged. At 71 sent the armed canoes ashore with half the soldiers and sailors to wash their clothing and that of those who remained on board. At 8 a canoe of Indians came close to where the men were washing, who at 9:30 we noted were yelling and running after two small canoes which had come up after the other. I immediately sent the other canoe, armed, to the assistance of those on land. A little later it came back with a soldier wounded in the head, the result of having strayed away from the other men and gone into the woods to eat salmon berries and other fruits. The Indians, aware of the fact that the rest could not give him prompt help, came up to him, pretending friendship and giving him the same fruit which he craved so much. When they saw him off his guard they advanced on him, took away his cudass and gave him several blows with it on the head. As he sought to defend himself they fired some arrows at him until he fled, one of them striking him in the face. Fearful of the support sent him, they went away leaving two small canoes on the beach. These I had brought alongside to see if they would come for them. At 10, notwithstanding the fact that the Indians who were alongside the sloop in numerous canoes were aware of the anger I felt at 123 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT the daring of* their comrades, three Indians in a small canoe decided to come alongside and carry off one of the captured canoes which was tied to the ship. They paid no attention to our warning to them to let go of it until I fired a swivel gun. For fear of this they let loose of it and fled. All these natives are warlike, treacherous, very thievish, and boast about having killed two captains of vessels which had come to trade with them. At 12 all the canoes alongside went away to their settlement. At 3 in the afternoon a large canoe came alongside carrying an English flag. In it was Tututiaticuz, the brother of the chief of Cayucla, the one who had told me in his port how very bad these Indians at the south point of the entrance to the strait were and that they had killed two captains. I had him come on board and he embraced me with much joy, saying that he came because he desired to see me, having left his setdement two days before, and that he had seen off his port a three-masted vessel, which he did not visit as it was very far away. I was most obliging to him, to prove how true was my former friendship, and entertained him with wine and biscuit of which he is very fond, proving by this that he had much intercourse with other nations. At 6:30 he had the courtesy to ask my permission to go away, and this he at once did. Night fell with the weather overcast and without wind and thus it continued all night with some fine rain. July 27 Day dawned with heavy clouds and rain, and a lightish wind from the WSW. At 8 it cleared up a tittle and the rain stopped. I therefore sent the canoe ashore with the carpenter to look around and cut a timber to make a spar for the topmast as this was broken. At 10 the canoe came back and the carpenter advised me that he had cut the timber for the spar and I gave him an order to fashion it on land. The men continued repairing the sails and setting up the shrouds. Some canoes came out to exchange fish for iron. Among them was one commissioned by the chief Tutusi to tell me that he had punished the Indian who had wounded the soldier by robbing him of his cutlass. I made some presents to the messenger, thanking him for the friendship which his chief manifested and delivered to him the two canoes to give to the chief in my name to make him see that I did not wish to take away anything from them but to make presents to them instead. Night fell with squally 124 DIARY OF THE VOYAGE BY QUIMPER weather, a drizzle and a light wind from the WSW. In these conditions we passed the rest of the night. July 28 Day dawned heavily charged with clouds and with a very heavy rain, the wind being light from the S. I therefore did not send ashore the carpenter to continue working on the topmast spar. Several canoes came out with fish to exchange and returned to their setdement once this was done. Night fell with the same weather conditions, which continued for all the rest of fhe night. July 29 Day dawned with everything overcast with heavy clouds, a dark fog and rain, the wind light from the S. For these reasons I could not arrange to take wood which was short, nor send the carpenter ashore to continue his work. At 5 in the afternoon, notwithstanding the crude weather, two canoes came with Captain Tutusi, his brother and his son. The second sold to the first pilot an Indian girl of eight or nine years of age, his daughter, for a little copper and a small cudass. At 7 they returned to their settlement, having meanwhile exchanged twenty large and small sea-otter skins for the king's copper. Night fell with the same weather as at dawn and so it continued all night. July 30 Day dawned with everything covered with fog, with heavy rain, and a lightish wind from the second and third quarters. This kept up all day and therefore I did not send the carpenter ashore to continue his labor nor the men to cut wood. Several canoes of Indians came with fish and some skins which they exchanged for the king's copper. Night fell with dark clouds, foggy and with fine rain and a freshish wind from the S, and thus it continued all night July 31 Day dawned with the weather squally and a light wind from the S. At 61 sent the carpenter ashore to finish his spar and the men to get wood which was lacking. At 12:30 the canoes came back with the wood and the spar. At 3 several canoes of Indians came out with thirty-two sea-otter skins, large and small, which I exchanged for large sheets of the king's copper. Among them was an Indian they called "Cuney", apparendy the chief of another settlement. This man, according to the story or statement which the 125 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT brother of Captain Tutusi gave me, was very treacherous and had killed the English captain named Mile, information which I had received in Cayucla from the brother of Huiquinanichi. Cuney was a young man of about twenty-four years of age, of light color, well formed and of agreeable countenance. On my asking him why he had killed the English captain he began to tremble and endeavored to flee from the sloop on board which I had made him come. I reassured him, however, with some kindly words, making him see that I was his friend, and I took his skins in exchange. With this he was content, but suspicious, and therefore shordy went away. At this time the Indians of Tutusi urged me to fire a ball at him but I made them understand that I did no harm to anyone. Night fell with cloudy weather and a light wind from the W. At 11 a canoe with three Indians was seen approaching very silendy. On their corning alongside, and then close to the poop, the sentinel fired a shot, and at this they prompdy fled to their setdement. We inferred that the father of the Indian girl whom the pilot bought was in this canoe for the purpose of stealing her, having some agreement with her, because all during the night she did not wish to go below to the place assigned to her in which to sleep, and when it was necessary to force her to do so, her grief was manifested by copious tears. August 1 Day dawned with cloudy weather and a light wind from the W. At 6 I sent the longboat and one of the canoes with the pilot and second pilot to draw up the plan of the bay. At i they returned. At 2 I took possession of it with all the ceremonies which the instructions prescribe, had a cross planted close to the river, and the bottle buried at the foot of a huge pine behind the cross. This pine bears NNE (of the compass) with the most northerly point of the island.97 At 3 I returned, three salutes of musketry having been fired on shore, under my orders. The sloop answered with twenty- one shots. I bestowed on this bay the name "Nunez Gaona".98 It is sheltered from the first, second and third quarters, abounds with 97. This bearing is not correct, what he means is that the north point of the island bore NNE of the pine tree. According to the plan possession was taken just west of a stream in the southwestern part of the bay. 98. The present Neah Bay. The name was given in honor of Manuel Nufiez Gaona, later a rear-admiral in the Spanish navy. The native name for it was Nisma. 126 I DIARY OF THE VOYAGE BY QUIMPER fish, among which are delicious salmon, salmon berries and three other kinds of fruit, sea otters, bears, deer, rabbits, foxes and dogs. Night fell with the sky clear, the horizon with some misty clouds, the wind freshish from the S and a swell from the WNW. In these conditions we passed the night. August 2 Day dawned with a clear sky, the horizons and the north coast covered with some misty clouds and no wind. At 7:30 I sent the longboat and the canoe with the pilot and the second pilot to take soundings of the whole bay. At 8 =30 a thick fog closed down on everything and a light wind came up from the NE. At 11 a moderate wind blew up from the WSW, driving away the fog. The pilot and the second pilot returned, having concluded their work. I had the kedge, which we were using for a stern mooring, suspended so as to make sail as soon as the weather permitted. This I could not do however because the wind persisted light from the W. Several canoes of Indians came who exchanged twenty-two large and medium-sized sea-otter skins for the king's copper. Night fell with the sky clear, the horizons charged with fog-like clouds, and a lightish wind from the W, conditions which lasted all night. August 3 Day dawned with the sky clear, the horizons hidden under a thick fog, and a lightish wind from the SSW. At 5 =45, the fog having become dissipated a little and the wind having freshened, I weighed and made sail NNW, following this course to get out of the port. At 6:15 the wind suddenly dropped and a breeze sprang up from the N. This obliged me to let the port anchor drop in 7 fathoms, sand. At 12:30 a fresh wind having come up from the SSW I took the longboat aboard and exchanged the two canoes for fish to refresh the men as I could not carry them. I weighed and made sail NW Ya N so as to clear a reef of rocks which extends out from the most western point of the bay, which I named "Rada".99 At 4:15 it suddenly fell calm, while at the same moment the tide began to run into the strait with great force. This obliged me to drop the port anchor in 10 fathoms, sand and small shells, the most northerly part of the island bearing N 70° E, the Punta de Rada, S 86° W, the most northerly part of the reef, N 820 W, and the 99. Rada means "roadstead"; it is now known as Koitlah Point. 127 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT Puerto de San Juan, N i8° E (all of the compass), distant from the second about 2 cable lengths. All afternoon the tide continued to run in and although at 6 it began to run out I could not make sail as there was no wind. Thus I passed the rest of the night; [Then follows the log of the Princesa Real from August 4 to September 1, the day of Quimper's arrival at Monterey.] General Description of the Strait of Juan de Fuca It is situated in north latitude of 48° 32' and longitude of 200 west of San Bias, is 13 miles wide at the entrance and 97 miles long in an E-W direction to the end of the basin where the Boca de Fidalgo is located. All the north coast is soundable but on the south side it is necessary to be within a cable's length of it to find a depth of 40 to 50 fathoms, and that of stones, except in the bays where the bottom is of sand for 1 to 2 miles from the shore. The tide in the center maintains some consistency, the current running from 4 to 5 miles per hour. From here shoreward it decreases so that at a distance of a mile from shore such strong eddies are found that if the beaches did not show the rise and fall of the tide you cannot be certain when it is rising or falling. The mountains on the north side are suggestive of some fertility, and of being traversed along their summits. On their slopes, land which seems suitable for crops was noted, from which various small streams run down and empty into the strait. Those on the south side are exacdy like those on the north side except for their height. As this is very great their summits are covered with snow. I therefore do not think they can be traversed. On some, high pines and other trees can be seen. Buffalo, stags, deer, wild goats, bears, leopards, foxes, hares, and rabbits feed on their luxuriant pastures, and uncommonly large partridges, quail and other unknown kinds of little birds on their seeds. Between the Isla de Carrasco and the point of low land which forms the Bahia y Puerto de Quimper is a shoal Yi mu<e hi length from north to south and 1 mile wide from east to west with about 2% to 3 fathoms of water over it. Besides this island there is that of Dona Rosa and some rocky islands, but between these and the mainland there is a channel through which any ship can sail. At the end of the land in the interior of the strait in the most northerly part there is a channel 6 or 7 miles wide which trends towards the north. 128 DIARY OF THE VOYAGE BY QUIMPER In the most easterly part there seem to be two small ones which should unite with this, as far as could be judged, in a distance of 3 or 4 leagues. The one farthest north, that closest to it, has at the entrance some small islands or islets. The current in the inlet to the north, which was the one examined, was very strong. On the north side of the oudet of the strait is the Puerto de San Juan capable of holding many vessels, clean, and sheltered from the winds of the first, second and fourth quarters. In the east-northeast part there is a stream and in the northeast another of delicious water. By these the Indians reach their settlements where about three hundred of both sexes live. A setdement could be made here as the land inside is suitable for crops, in addition to which the natives are of fine disposition, particularly the chief whom they call Janape. It is frequented by many foreign vessels which come to carry on the trade in furs. These they obtain from the natives for copper sheets which they hold in the highest esteem. To fhe east of this port about 40 miles is that of Revilla Gigedo, sheltered from all winds and of greater extent than that of San Juan. The entrance is inside a large bay. It is about a half a cable length wide and to enter it it is necessary to approach the east side, as the one on the west throws out a shoal for about 1 mile with from 1 to 1 Yi fathoms of water on it, but keeping close to the sandspit which forms it for about a third of a cable length before reaching the point, in order to clear three rocks in the middle of it. It is therefore indispensable to await the sea breeze from the W and high tide, in order to effect an entrance, as the current runs from 4 to 5 miles per hour. This is liable to throw any ship on the rocks just mentioned. From half tide on to full tide they are covered, making the channel look clear. Even when examined with a small vessel it is easy to be deceived because at high tide there are 7 fathoms of water close to them and 2 on top of them. With the precautions just alluded to you can make port when it is calm by towing or warping. Fish and shellfish are not at all abundant but the land is fertile and produces rich salmon and black berries, strawberries and other wild fruit of very good taste. It is capable of settlement because of its flat lands and its rivers and its traversable mountains, in which the quadrupeds and birds previously mentioned find their sustenance. The number of the natives amounts to about five hundred. They 129 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT recognize no superior chief, are of good stature, intrepid, agile and avaricious. This constrains them to steal and to pretend to be friendly. They are lazy and therefore do not make a practice of fishing or hunting, maintaining themselves entirely on seeds while they last. The country is so prolific in these that the Indians from outside the strait come here in great canoes to provide themselves with them. Together with fish they serve as a general source of food for one and all. They dress in the same manner as those of Nuca, Cayucla, and San Juan, that is with a woolen cloak hanging from the neck covering half the body, but they are distinguished from those just mentioned by having many woven with the hair of sea otters and seals, and gull and duck feathers. Their hats are not of pyramidal form like those of the ports just mentioned but like those which the Chinamen wear in Macao. About 10 miles to the east of this port are the Radas de Eliza, Solano, and Valdes y Bazan, clean, sheltered from the winds of the first, third, and fourth quarters, and with land equally fertile to those explored. To the east of the last one, (in the inside of it), at a distance of 2 or 3 miles, is the Puerto de Cordova, clean, sheltered from every wind, capable of holding some vessels of any size and with the same productions as the two preceding ones. This is 8 miles distant from the entrance to the Canal de Lopez de Haro. In the most easterly part of the south coast is the very fine Puerto de Quadra, clean and sheltered from every wind. In front of it at the entrance bearing NNW is the Isla de Carrasco, some 2 or 3 miles distant. Two channels to enter the port are formed by this, both of which, as well as the port itself, can hold a large number of vessels. The land promises the same fertility as those just mentioned, as spacious plains and delicious streams of crystalline water were noted which end their courses in the salt water. Nine miles west of this is the Bahia de Quimper of good depth, capable of holding many vessels, and sheltered from the winds of the second, third and fourth quarters. In the most southerly part is a shoal which extends out a half a mile with 1 to 1% fathoms of water on it and at low tide is almost uncovered. In the inside of the tongue of low land, which is what forms the bay, there is a small port in which vessels which draw 12 feet of water can take refuge, taking the channel between this tongue of land and a sand shoal of 1 to 2 130 i DIARY OF THE VOYAGE BY QUIMPER fathoms of water which is to the east of it. There are two rivers on whose banks or close by are the settlements of those who inhabit the bay. Fish are most plentiful, particularly large salmon, rayfish, flounder, sea-bass, red snapper, codfish, mojarras, and anchovies. There are also the quadrupeds and birds already mentioned with the addition of geese, cranes, and three kinds of ducks. The forests contain high pines, oaks, larches, hazelnut trees, guaybaillo,100 and other kinds, and although in what has been seen they are not of any great importance it may be that in the interior they will correspond to the character of the country. The language of these natives differs much from those on the outer coast. They recognize no superior chief and carry on continual warfare with those on the north side, thus accounting for the fact that the beaches are strewn with the harpooned heads of their enemies. They are affable, happy, of good stature and well formed, but the different kinds of paint with which they disfigure their countenances make them horrible to behold. They pass their time in hunting, fishing, and weaving baskets, reed mats and woolen cloaks for wear and for trade with those from the outside. These pursuits prevent them from fishing for sea otters which nevertheless they have in great numbers, according to information obtained at the inlets at the end of the strait. To prove the truth of this they displayed three large ones, recendy killed and of good hair. To the west of this bay to that of Nunez Gaona there are several bays of little importance due to the poor shelter they afford and their bad anchorage. The land in them, however, is apparendy fertile. On the south shore of the entrance to the strait is the aforementioned Bahia de Nunez Gaona, clean and sheltered from the winds of the first, second and third quarters. In front of it to the north is an island which provides two entrances; that to the northwest is the most spacious but large vessels can enter by either of them. The productions are like those of the preceding places except for the trees, only pines being noted, and for the birds, the marine ones not being the same. The natives give their chief the tide of "Talli" and the name "Tutusi". He is of medium height 100. No doubt an error for guayabillo, that is, a Utile guava tree, which does not help us much as guava trees do not grow in that neighborhood; perhaps he meant the madrone. SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT and well built. Not only he, but the rest of his tribe are warlike, intrepid, thievish and treacherous. For this reason it is necessary to keep close watch of them and preserve the greatest precaution in trading with them and handling them. They dress in the same manner as set forth in the description of those before described, except that they wear skins of bears, foxes, rabbits and sea otters in place of cloaks. The number of sea-otter skins they get together is so great that they have established a commerce with foreign vessels which come annually to collect them, leaving in their place large sheets of copper. In the present year five of these have touched in this bay and obtained in trade an infinite number of skins according to the information of the natives. Their setdement is on an island off the most southerly point of the bay and the inhabitants number about one thousand or more. According to their information they have an anchorage where several vessels engaged in the commerce just mentioned have anchored. [Then follows a small vocabulary of native words with their Spanish equivalents and then an account of the voyage from Monterey to San Bias October 26 to November 13.] The Act of Possession In the name of the most Holy Trinity, Father, Son and Holy Ghost, three persons and one true God, the first maker and creator of all things and without whom nothing good can be done, commenced or preserved, and because the good beginning of anything must be in and by God, it is therefore advisable to commence it for His glory and honor. In His most holy name may it be known to all those to whom the present testimonial, instrument or letter of possession comes, that today, Sunday, August i, 1790, this sloop the Princesa Real, of the very illustrious and pious Catholic Senor Don Carlos IV [then follow his tides] by order of his Excellency Senor Don Juan Vicente de Giiemez, Pacheco de Padilla, Orcazi- tas y Aguayo, Conde de Revilla Gigedo [then follow his tides], which departed from the Puerto de San Bias, one of those in the South Sea in the jurisdiction of the said viceroyalty, February 3 of the current year, on a voyage of discovery following the coast from Monterey to the north and commanded by Don Manuel Quimper, alferez de navio of the royal navy, at anchor in this now 132 DIARY OF THE VOYAGE BY QUIMPER newly named "Nunez Gaona", the said commander and the greater part of the seamen and soldiers having disembarked took ashore a cross which they adored on their knees and everybody in a loud voice devotedly proclaimed that, in the name of His Majesty the king, Don Carlos IV, our master, (whom may the Lord our Master guard for many years with increase of greater estates and kingdoms for the service of the Lord and the prosperity of his vassals and of those very powerful lords, his heirs and successors in the times to come), the commander of this sloop, by virtue of the order and instructions that the said most excellent Senor, viceroy of New Spain, has given him in the same royal name, was taking and took possession of this country, where at present he has disembarked, which has been discovered for all time, in the said royal name and that of the royal crown of Castile and Leon as stated, as its own property and which really belongs to it by virtue of the donation and the bull which our most Holy Father, Alexander VI, high Roman pontiff, executed on his own motion as a gift to the very high and Catholic lords Don Fernando V and Dona Isabel his wife, king of Castile and Leon of glorious memory, and to their successors and heirs, of one-half of the world, done in Rome May 4, *493- By virtue of this these lands belong to the said royal crown of Castile and Leon and as such he takes and took said possession of these lands and the neighboring seas, river, ensenadas, ports, bays, gulfs, archipelagos, and this bay of Nunez Gaona where at present this vessel is anchored, and places them in subordination to and under the power, possession and domain of the royal crown of Castile and Leon, as stated, as something belonging to it as it does. In sign of possession, laying hand on his sword which he carried in his belt, he cut with it trees, branches and grass, moved stones and walked over fields and the beach without contradiction from anyone, asking those present to be witnesses to it and me, Esteban Banales, the clerk appointed by the commander of this expedition, to make a testimony of it in public form. Then immediately taking a large cross on their shoulders, the men of the vessel being arranged in martial order with their muskets and other arms, they carried this in procession, chanting a litany with all responding. The procession being concluded the commander planted the cross and erected a pile of stones at the foot of it as a memorial and sign SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT of possession of all these seas and lands and their districts, continuous and contiguous, and named the bay "Nunez Gaona". As soon as the cross was planted they adored it a second time and all begged and supplicated Our Lord, Jesus Christ, to be pleased, as this would be for His holy service, for the exalting and augmentation of the Holy Catholic Faith, and for the sowing of the Holy Evangel among these barbarous nations, who up to the present have been turned away from the true knowledge and doctrine, to guard them and free them from the devices of the devil and the blindness in which they exist so that their souls may be saved. The ceremony being over the commander, for a more perpetual sign of memorial and possession, had a tree stripped on which a cross was made and placed on it the following inscription: Santisimo nombre de Nuestro Senor Jesu Cristo with these four initial letters J. N. R. I. At the foot of the cross he put Carolus IV Rex Hispaniarum. In order that this should be of record it was signed by the commander and the witnesses First Pilot Don Gonzalo de Haro, and Pilotin Don Juan Carrasco and I, the clerk appointed by the said commander, certify to it as a true testimonial. Gonzalo Lopez de Haro Manuel Quimper (rubrica) (rubrica) Estevan Bafiales Juan Carrasco (rubrica) (rubrica) [Then follow the acts of possession of the Bahia y Puerto Quimper, the Puerto de Revilla Gigedo and that of Vaide's y Bazan, in exactly the same terms as the preceding except for the difference in the name of the ports.] 134 DIARY OF THE VOYAGE BY QUIMPER Most Excellent Sir: I have delivered to the commissary of the department, Don Francisco Hixosa, a box containing the arms, clothing and other things which the Indians at the Strait of Juan de Fuca use and are found there. May God guard your Excellency for many years. The sloop Princesa Real at anchor in San Bias, November 13,1790. His Excellency the Senor Conde de Revilla Gigedo Most Excellent Sir Manuel Quimper (rubrica) Most Excellent Sir: Having finished my commission in the vessel which your Excellency thought worthy to confide to me, and to the discharge of which First Pilot Don Gonzalo de Haro and Pilotin Don Juan Carrasco, have respectively contributed, I must make known to your Excellency that they have complied most punctiliously with whatever was confided to their care, scorning the frequent risks encountered in those unknown seas and the barbarity of the natives, in spite of having to do this in a vessel most incommodious on account of its smallness, and without small boats in which to make extended explorations in the strait, except one of four oars and two canoes, and without the necessary armament for such an object, in order that your upright Excellency, if it be your superior pleasure, may deign to recommend the merit of these individuals to the piety of our sovereign. May Our Lord guard your Excellency for many years. The sloop Princesa Real at anchor in the Puerto de San Bias, November 13,1790. His Excellency Senor Conde de Revilla Gigedo Most Excellent Sir Manud Quimper (rubrica) 135 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT Most Excellent Sir: I have remitted to the commandant of the department the journals, plans, acts of possession and other documents resulting from the commission which I have just executed and which I hope will merit the approbation of your Excellency. May God guard your Excellency for many years. The sloop Princesa Real at anchor in San Bias, November 13, 1790. His Excellency Senor Conde de Revilla Gigedo Most Excellent Sir Manuel Quimper (rubrica) I acknowledge receipt of your three letters of November 13 past, the accompanying journals and documents of the exploration, and the acts of possession which you performed in the Strait of Fuca; of the box of arms and clothing of the Indians which you delivered to the commissary and of the recommendation which you make in favor of Pilot Don Gonzalo de Haro, and Pilotin Don Juan Carrasco, whom I shall keep in mind for reward according to their merit. December 8,1790 [Conde de Revilla Gigedo] Sr. Don Manuel Quimper 136 SECRET INSTRUCTIONS TO LIEUTENANT DON FRANCISCO de ELIZA, COMMANDANT OF THE PUERTO de NUTCA AND THE FRIGATES Concepcion AND Princesa In conformity with his royal orders, His Excellency the Conde de Revilla Gigedo, viceroy of this kingdom, desirous that the exploration of the rest of the northern coast of California should be completed during this year, commands me to instruct you regarding the points to be observed in the commission entrusted to your ; care, as one interested in the service of his sovereign, the satisfaction of his chief and the honor of his corps. I transmit to you those which have been communicated to me and such as I consider appropriate for the better discharge of your task. i. As soon as the packetboat San Carlos1 reaches your port, you will transfer to the vessels under your command the supplies she carries in excess of her requirements, and will prepare one of them without loss of time to continue the explorations which are to be carried out, leaving the command and responsibility of that establishment to Second Lieutenant Don Jacinto Caamano during your absence. 2. The object of this expedition is to inspect those points which have not yet been well examined, with the view to form an exact general plan of the whole coast. As the principal ones are the Entrada de Bucareli, the Estrecho de Font, Ezeta, Bahias de San Rafael and Carrasco, Puerto de Clauycuat and the inside of Fuca, you will take your course to strike land at the Monte de San Etias. From this place you will follow the coast down to the Puerto de Trinidad, without ever losing sight of it or neglecting to sound all these inlets. 3. In order that you may fulfill your obligations with more attention to detail and with less risk you will take with you the schooner which you carried in pieces, as by this time I think she is in a state to sail. 4. As laid down to you in Articles V to VIII of the Instruc- 1. Frequently called El Filipino, to distinguish her from a preceding San Carlos, because she had been built in the Philippine Islands. The translation of paquebot as packetboat is perhaps misleading in view of the meaning later given to this word. The paquebot was similar to the frigate but carried no battery. Her rig seems to have been similar to that of the English snow. 137 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT tions of January 28 last, examine carefully the true latitude and longitude of the ports, the variation of the compass, the bearings of the capes and points and their latitudes, the force of the tides, the depth of the sea, the perspective of the coast, the nature and character of the country, the quadrupeds, insects, birds, fish, metals, precious stones, plants, vegetables, and fruits, and the character and number of Indians and strangers. I have nothing to add on these points more than to recommend them particularly to your attention. 5. Besides the good treatment to foreigners which you are charged to maintain, the king requires that you do not molest the English who come to that port, nor prevent them by force from estabUshing themselves in the neighborhood. If they do, it will be sufficient to make a protest in writing, which you will find more detailed in the attached paper of His Excellency, and to give an account of it and the results. 6. Although His Excellency thinks that on the return of this expedition one frigate and the company of Catalonia will be sufficient to guard the port and that one should return, believing that by that time a friendly arrangement will be concluded between our court and that of London, yet as he is desirous of not making a mistake, he leaves it to your judgment to determine the matter, as you are on the ground to appreciate the greater or less urgency of it. With this possibility the food supplies necessary for the two vessels to winter there, if this should be thought necessary, are being collected. 7. As you have indispensably to remain in Nootka until new orders, as responsible for the forces there, and fore-seeing that the exploration of Fuca (the plan of which I send with this) may delay the return voyage if the season be advanced, I direct you to commission the schooner for this purpose on your arrival. In her you will send the detail and plans of the operations. However in case you think one frigate sufficient, as I think will be the case under the present circumstances, you may remain there with the Princesa and the schooner, entrusting this task to the Conception. 8. If, in compliance with these duties, you think it advisable 138 SECRET INSTRUCTIONS TO LIEUTENANT ELIZA for some officer of war2 to accompany you, you can avail yourself of the commander of the packetboat San Carlos and as many more as you consider useful. 9. You will also avail yourself of her anchors, cables, and ammunition, in case you need more than those which I am sending for reserve, as this vessel should return to the department without touching in any other port, and in whatever manner possible must complete her voyage. 10. You will ship on her all the sick who cannot remain any longer in that place and send the skins which have been collected, together with the plan and the accounts of what has occurred during the time of your residence and not delay an instant in her dispatch. 11. That you may not lack the necessary interpreter and that the corporal of dragoons, Gabriel del Castillo, may return, according to his request, which has been granted, I am sending in his place the gunner, Josef Yriarte. 12. As one of the most essential points is to maintain harmony with the natives, you will treat them with benignity and kindness. Prudence requires this and the king orders it. 13. As His Excellency has declared that the goods you carried for the use of the crew should be charged to them you will send a circumstantial account of the individuals to whom they have been distributed for a record and the formal requirements of this office. 14. You will proceed in the same manner with the copper sheets you took to trade for furs, and as it is not difficult to collect some in Bucareli and Fuca I am sending four chests which the San Carlos brought back. 15. Finally, you will keep watch over the subordination, discipline and conduct of those under your orders, modify punishments so that the rigours of the climate may be more supportable, take good care of the sick, proceed in unforseen cases as you judge most appropriate to the service, and profit by every occasion to give an account of your operations. These I do not doubt will correspond to the king's confidence which you merit and will not fail to pro- 2. Sp., oficial de guerra, a commissioned officer. The pilots do not seem to have been always included in this category. Perhaps only those who had received a technical training and had been given commissions were so designated. 1 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT cure you the satisfaction which you should look for from his royal piety. San Bias, February 4,1791 Juan Francisco de la Bodega y Quadra Copy, San Bias February 5,1791 Juan Francisco de la Bodega y Quadra BODEGA TO ELIZA, MARCH 12, 1791 The differences between our court and that of London having been amicably adjusted, it has pleased His Majesty to permit the English to take part in the commerce of furs from the Puerto de Nuca to the north and to locate themselves in the port itself without prejudice to the establishment which we today possess. In this understanding and informed of the ideas of the sovereign by the dispatch of His Excellency which I am sending with this, and with your well-premeditated instructions I hope that you will carry out with prudence such a recommendable object. For this purpose the dispatch of the frigate Aranzazu has been hastened. When ready she will undertake her voyage straight to your port with the supplies you need and those for all the missions and establishments. It is therefore advisable that she be not delayed in your port longer than necessary. As it is possible that this vessel may arrive before the packetboat San Carlos, in view of the favorable season in which she is leaving, I send you a copy of the instructions which I sent you in her so that you may not lose an instant in making your preparations. His Excellency having lately advised me of his desire that the entrance which Don Juan Perez saw in 1774, between 540 and 550 of latitude be examined, as well as the Rio de Martin de Aguilar, which Sebastian Vizcaino located in 43 °, so as to enrich with these notices the general plan of all the coast which is to be made, it has seemed useful to me to send you a copy of what I have just made with the idea of giving it to the commanders of the corvettes and thus avoiding the confusion caused by the little method with which up to this time everyone has removed and given new names at his caprice, thiriking to make himself memorable without reflecting on the results. It may be noted that the Entrada de Fonte and Perez on it AN EXTRACT OF THE VOYAGE BY ELIZA are the same. I have charged you in Article II not to lose sight of land between Bucareli and Trinidad. It only remains for me to add that the exploration of Aguilar can be undertaken by the San Carlos on her return or by the vessel which you send with the notices of your-commission. Dios etc. San Bias, March 12, 1791. Juan Francisco de la Bodega y Quadra—Senor Don Francisco Eliza. Copy, San Bias, March 13,1791. ELIZA TO THE VICEROY Extract of the voyage, explorations and discoveries made under an order of His Excellency, the Conde de Revilla Gigedo, viceroy of New Spain, communicated by the captain of the royal fleet, Don Juan Francisco de la Bodega y Quadra, commandant of the department of San Bias, on the north coast of the Californias from 48° 26' to 49° 56 N. with the packetboat San Carlos, carrying sixteen reinforced cannon of four pounds, thirty-nine codos8 long on the \eel, twelve beam, and fourteen feet draft aft and fifteen forward, and the schooner Santa Saturnina alias La Orcasitas,4 constructed in Nutca, carrying four three-pound cannon and eighteen codos long on the \eel, six and a half beam, with a draft five and a half 3. I have left the measurements in the Spanish codo, because it is uncertain just how long a codo was. The codo was only used by ship-builders for ship measurements and is variously stated to have been at this period 33/48 of a vara or 27^/40 of the ship-building vara which seems to have been a special one. The Diccionario Maritimo Espanol states that the above equivalents are identical although expressed differently, and are equal to 24% inches. It may therefore be assumed that this codo was equivalent to about two Spanish feet. It must not be forgotten that the Spanish foot was one-third of a vara, and consequently only eleven English inches long. 4. This vessel had been set up in Nootka itself by Eliza, having been brought by him from San Bias in pieces. She was seldom if ever known as the Orcasitas because in the following year Bodega gave that name to the schooner he bought from Robert Gray and subsequently no confusion existed between the two vessels. This was the third Santa Saturnina in the Spanish service here in two years. The first was Funter's Northwest America, which presumably was returned to him, the second was the schooner which Martinez built in Nootka in the fall of 1789 and took back with him to San Bias. I have not traced her further; perhaps she was taken to pieces in San Bias, and taken back again to Nootka by Eliza, in other words, the same as this one. 141 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT feet aft and four feet at the bow, the expedition being commanded by the lieutenant of the royal fleet and commandant of the establishment of San Lorenzo de Nuca5 Don Francisco de Eliza in the year 1791. The particular desire to devote myself to the best service of my sovereign, which demands the greatest efforts, has constrained me to obey the orders to continue the explorations of this north coast which Ensign Don Ramon Saavedra6 brought me in his vessel from the commandant of the department of San Bias. When this official arrived he found me without anything to give those who had fallen sick since the departure of the Princesa, which it has been necessary for me to dispatch to one of the establishments [in California] as I was without live animals, and the food was of bad quality in spite of the particular attention and care which I had taken to preserve it from the inclemencies of this distressing climate. The great love, however, which upholds me in devoting myself to the best service of His Majesty engaged me to put my departure into effect, in spite of the fact that I did not have sufficient to maintain my wardroom, the sick, and in certain respects, the crew, as the officer just mentioned could only supply me with sixty chickens, two goats, two pigs, and two months supply of ordinary hardtack. I found myself obliged to take along some flour with which to make tortillas' which has entailed great labor. I effected my departure May 4, 1791, with the packetboat San Carlos and the schooner Santa. Saturnina, alias La Orcasitas, commanded by Second Pilot Don Jose Maria Narvaez. I left in the Puerto de Nuca the frigate Concepcion, as she is a vessel more to be respected in case any untoward event should occur, making Ensign Ramon Saavedra responsible for her, and the captain of the company of Volunteers, Pedro de Alberni, 5. This word is spelled in different ways in different accounts, Noca, Nuca and Nutka. 6. This seems to have been the first commission this man filled. He was still in the department of San Bias as late as 1806, having made numerous voyages in the meantime and been commandant of the department in 1803 and 1805. His full name was Ramon Antonio Saavedra y Giraldes. 7. There is no English word for this very common Spanish article of food, which is made of ground corn, mixed with a little water, and then patted into round cakes which are cooked on the top of the stove. 142 AN EXTRACT OF THE VOYAGE BY ELIZA for the fortification on land. This I left in condition to put up a vigorous defense, as two cannon of twenty-four pounds, eight of twelve, and one of six were mounted with the necessary munitions. As soon as I found myself clear and free of the points I laid my course with a land wind from the NE and the NNE in the direction of the Cabo and Monte de San Elias, but as the coast became covered with a thick fog and a fresh variable wind came up from the WNW I maintained my position by tacking with only the topsails and the foresails, on account of the slowness of the schooner and of the great leeway she made, until the 6th, when the wind became fresher from the NW. Finding that she could not follow me for the reasons just given and considering at the same time that to give her some sails so as to keep her in my company would consume, simply in going up to 6o°, the favorable time for reconnoitering the coast, I went to the Puerto de Clayocuat8 to explore the interior and all that could be seen to the Puerto de la Trinidad, if time permitted, in view of the fact that I have an order to explore from this place to Cabo de San Elias. The fact that this commission cannot be concluded in the three or four available months in each year, on account of the perpetual great fog which always covers the coast, and the number of points assigned to me, have been the cause of my having turned back to Clayocuat and not going up to a high latitude, and consequendy of not sending the schooner to the Puerto de Nuca, as it was essential to keep her in my company, as I have experienced. As she is a small boat and draws very little water, as soon as a sheltered port is obtained for the packetboat, extended explorations can be made with her in the interior of the coast as there are many openings in all parts of it. As she also has a deck on which she carries four three-pound cannon, she can keep the longboat with her for many days, if necessary, as the food supplies in her hold are well kept and the crew are safe from the attacks of the Indians of which there has been experience. On the 7th of the same month, at 4:30 in the afternoon I came to anchor in Clayacuat in 4 fathoms, bottom sand. Immediately many canoes began to come out so that at sunset fifty-eight of all 8. Clayoquot Sound. It was variously known among the Spaniards as Clayocuat, Clauacuat, Cayuela, and perhaps other variations in spelling. In Pantoja's notes in the Dep. Hyd. he spelled it Clauquat. SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT sizes were counted alongside the packetboat, manned by from four up to ten and twelve Indians each. Among these were Guicananich, Tayi or chief of this large setdement, with his sons. These came aboard, and I presented them with a copper sheet and a dozen shells which they esteem much more highly than copper. Having asked them if it had been long since any ships had entered, they unanimously responded that it was twenty days since a frigate commanded by Captain Clayt and a packetboat under Captain Thomas Douglas had sailed and carried away many sea-otter skins in exchange for large copper sheets. On the 8th, at 6 in the morning, eighty large and small canoes were counted alongside bringing some sea-otter skins and a great abundance of crabs, of larger size than usual, all to be exchanged. At 6 in the afternoon I succeeded in mooring at the best anchorage inside, and a short mile from the large setdement. On the 9th I dispatched the schooner to explore the interior inlets to the north and east of the port. On the nth I dispatched the armed longboat under the command of Second Pilot Don Juan Pantoja to explore the interior inlet to the nordiwest. On the 14th the schooner returned and the captain came and advised me that he had finished his task. He stated, that having departed by the north inlet, he had sailed towards the east by the channel named "Poca Agua", where the country is flat. Close to this he found the Canal y Seno de Gervete,10 which trends toward die north. In this he saw four rivers, one a copious one. He then discovered an arm, which he named "San Juan de Dios". At its end there is a river and the land along the banks is mountainous.11 These two channels are so steep that bottom along their banks cannot be found at sixty fathoms. On the 19th the second pilot returned with the longboat and told me that having sailed through the inlet and the Canal del 9. &?<?Note38. 10. Named Torino by Galiano in the following year. It usually appears on present charts as Tofino. 11. This is the inlet just west of Tofino into which Tranquil Creek empties. Carrasco apparently discovered the lake now called "Kennedy". Eliza used the word montuoso to characterize the land, a word which either means "full of woods or thickets" or "mountainous". As the country is both in this vicinity it is not possible to decide with which meaning he used it. 144 AN EXTRACT OF THE VOYAGE BY ELIZA Norueste he had explored the Bocas de Saavedra,12 which extend to the sea, but by which large vessels cannot enter on account of the many islands which form them and the hidden rocks at the mouth. From this he went to the Seno de San Juan Bautista, where he discovered the Bocas de San Bonifacio, and the Puerto de San Ysidro and the Isla de San Pedro after sailing through the Canal de San Antonio. He explored the Boca de San Rafael, which he told me had a very well-sheltered port inside, so capacious that many vessels could winter there with very few cables out. In the middle, on both the east and west coasts, are two large settlements, the natives of which, in very large canoes, harrassed the longboat to such an extent that he had to retire without finishing the end of the Canal de San Francisco, the Bocas de Ordones and those of Santa Saturnina, where he saw another large setdement. Continuing his work in an easterly direction he discovered and explored the Canal de San Juan Nepomuceno, where he found the fine Puertos de Guemes and Giraldes, each of which had a very delightful river and was capable of holding many ships at anchor in any of them, being well-sheltered from all winds, as the country surrounding them was mountainous. The pieces of flat land noted in all that he had explored were very restricted but in any of the canals or arms seen the shelter and anchorages make very safe ports. The Puerto de Clayocuat is formed by various islands and although open to the SE, S and SW winds the sea is not troublesome, as the numerous flat islands at the entrances form a barrier. The anchoring ground or bottom is all very clean and all of fine sand. The variation of the compass observed in it has been 160 45 NE. High tide at conjunction and opposition of the moon occurs at 12:15 P. M., the rise and fall taking place in the succession of 6 hours and 12 minutes. It rises and falls 9 feet, the ebb being more rapid than the flood tide, and running a little more than 2 miles per hour. It is situated in lat. 490 06' N and in the longitude of 20' 25' W. The ruling winds during my stay there were from the fourth quarter. Five large settlements were observed in all this archipelago, each one of which, in view of the multitude of Indians 12. This and the following proper names in this paragraph are identified in the fuller description of the expedition by Pantoja himself. 145 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT to be seen, might contain upwards of 1500 of both sexes. The largest of all is that of Guicananich, in which the number of both sexes may pass 2500, as simply in a dance of young men which Guicananich gave me in his house, more than 600 took part. Their language and customs are similar to those of Nuca, but they are a tittle more cleanly in their houses and their persons than the latter. On the 21st the sea breeze having come up fresh from the W, I sent the schooner to explore the Boca de Carrasco,18 as her captain, Don Jose Narvaez, had represented to me that he was the only one who had been there in the year 1789 and the packetboat could not possibly enter as there was absolutely no shelter for a large vessel. I gave him an order to come as soon as he had explored it and join me at the Puerto de Cordova, situated in the most northerly part of the Estrecho de Juan de Fuca and close to the entrance to the Canal de Lopez de Haro. That same day I ordered the anchors in the water to be weighed, and as soon as this was accomplished I took measures to clear. On the 22d at 8 in the morning, the sea breeze having come up from the W, I made sail for the strait on a SE course. At midday I observed the sun in the latitude of 490 05 N, and calculated the longitude to be 260 25' W, [200 25'], continuing my course with all sail set until 9 in the morning of the 23d, when, the wind having shifted to the SE, fresh and contrary to my sailing, I found it necessary to stand off outside. The wind freshened to such an extent that it obliged me to keep under only reefed foresail and the two topsails. At midday, I reached the latitude by dead reckoning of 48° 35' and the longitude of 19° 57' W, having ing sailed during these twenty-four hours a direct distance of 40 miles by the angle of 43° in the second quarter. On the 24th at midday I continued standing out and at 8 at night the wind blew up so strong that it obliged me to furl the topsails and pass the night lying to under only the foresail. This was extremely distressing as the wind had become a gale. With this and the furious seas it raised the vessel gave such repeated and violent rolls that I was afraid she would be dismasted. The force of the storm continued until 6 in the morning when it began to lessen. At 12 in the day, finding it milder, I hoisted the reefed topsail, and turned towards land. At this hour the land at the strait, 13. Barkley Sound. 146 AN EXTRACT OF THE VOYAGE BY ELIZA although confused, bore ENE by the compass a long distance away. By dead reckoning I calculated the latitude to be 48° 35' and the longitude to be 190 33' W, having sailed during this day's run a direct distance of 16 miles in 84° of the third quarter. On the 25th I continued in the same direction on a course E 54 NE close to the wind which was SE V4 S. This I followed until 6 in the afternoon, when seeing that I could not make the mouth of the strait as the wind was contrary, and that the many islands of the Boca de Carrasco, which bore N 25° E (of the compass) were 3 miles distant to the leeward, I stood outside and so continued until 12 at night, when the sea quieted down completely and the wind fell almost calm. At 10:30 in the morning the sea breeze came up from the WSW. With this I raised all sail and steered ENE (by the compass) for the strait, having sailed in this day's run a direct distance of 12 miles by a course 66° in the first quarter and having observed the sun when in the latitude of 48 ° 40' and the longitude of 19° 39'. On the 26th at midday with the same sea breeze I continued on a course E 060 N with the intention of following the coast as closely as was safe and in the endeavor to sight the mouth of the strait before night fell. At sunset I marked the entrance S 790 E, distant 6 or 7 leagues, being about 3 leagues from the coast on the beam. For this reason, in order to sail at night without greater anxiety I ordered my pilot to take soundings hour to hour. Having found at 3 in the morning 35 fathoms of water, bottom ballast or small stones, I ordered the course changed to S 720 E, the direction in which the entrance bore at this hour, and thus I succeeded in entering it at 7 in the morning. On passing the Punta de Bonilla twenty canoes came alongside from the large settlement at this point to exchange skins, mats and some fish, and when as far on as the Punta de Martinez (the two points which form the entrance) twelve came out from another settlement which like the preceding, is at this point. These followed me until midday, at which time I reached the estimated latitude of 48° 16' and longitude of 18° 28', having sailed during the day's run a direct distance of 49 miles, by 740 of the second quarter, the Puerto de San Juan bearing N 03 ° W (of the compass), distant 3 to 4 miles. On the 27th I continued sailing through the Estrecho de Fuca with all sail set on a course E l/4 SE with a sea breeze from the 147 1 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT WNW. Many canoes followed me and I noted that each Indian had close by him his bow and quiver or bag full of arrows, some with iron and others with bone points. At 5 I had the small boats put in the water. At 7 the sea breeze died out and I spent the night in a calm close to the Ensenada de Orbeas, not finding in the course of the night a greater movement in the current than I did, perhaps because the moon was in the fourth quarter. On the 28th a light sea breeze having come up from the NW I steered NE and ENE so as to follow the coast as closely as was safe. At 6:30 finding myself only a short league south of the Puerto de Revilla Gigedo, I steered E % SE, so as to clear the Punta and Isla de la Morena de la Vega. Having accomplished this at 9:30 at night I anchored in 25 fathoms of water, fine sand. As soon as day dawned I weighed anchor and went on with the incoming tide and under tow of the small boats for the Puerto de Cordova, which bore N ]/4 NE (corrected) at a distance of 3 or 4 miles. At 5:30 in the afternoon of the 29th I came to anchor at the entrance to it in 18 fathoms of water, ballast bottom. On the 31st I ordered the longboat to be armed and dispatched it with the second pilot, Don Jose Verdia, with an order to enter the Canal de Lopez de Haro, explore it and lay down the situation14 of what he might find in it. At 10:30 at night he came back telling me that it had not been possible to continue the task assigned to him because as soon as he had entered the Canal de Haro, ix/i leagues from Cordova, six large canoes came out with from sixteen to twenty Indians in each one. These were armed with long spears and each Indian had his bow and arrow. They began to menace our longboat, even overtook it, so it had become necessary to open fire on them to get away from them. Continuing his defense he saw numerous Indians rurining along on land hastily launching many canoes. Embarking in these they directed themselves towards the longboat with loud yells and shooting some arrows. The pilot, seeing that they paid little attention to the fire- 14. Sp., situarse, this word here has the somewhat technical meaning of taking the latitude and longitude of a place to be used in making a map. 15. Perhaps the word defensa used here means justification for having fired on the Indians as this had been strictly prohibited except in a desperate 148 AN EXTRACT OF THE VOYAGE BY ELIZA arms and that at every moment more Indians were arriving, thought it advisable to retire in order not to endanger his men. On account of this I thought it wiser not to again dispatch the longboat until the schooner should arrive. This came from its commission June n and the captain told me that the Boca de Carrasco was a large archipelago of islands, measuring 13% miles from north to south, and 17 from east to west. In the interior there were two arms which he could not finish exploring on account of contrary winds and continual rain. He assured me that only in some necessity could any large vessel enter, as there was no anchorage except close to the islands themselves, and that it was very much exposed. He had seen five large settlements in the whole archipelago and believed that they contained more Indians than Nuca and Clayocuat, very warlike and daring and given to robbery. As a proof of this 200 endeavored to attack him on two occasions but he had held them in check by means of some cannon shot. The country promised no fertility for crops as it is all mountainous,16 the greater part of rock. The customs of the natives, their clothing and their method of living are in every respect similar to those at Nuca, except the language, of which a few words vary. They were surprised to see the schooner and, according to their explanations, had never seen a vessel inside.17 On the 14th, having provided the schooner with water, wood and food, I issued an order to explore the Canal de Lopez de Haro, and that the task might be completed as quickly as possible I dispatched the armed longboat in her company under the command of Second Pilot Don Juan Pantoja. They came back on the 24th and anchored 2 leagues from the packetboat, as the wind was contrary to come up. Being desirous of knowing what had been discovered I sent the boat to fetch the pilot Pantoja to give me an account of what had happened. In the first place he told me that he had not had any encounter with the Indians. He then showed me the plan of what they had located. Having informed myself about what they had done and of the great amount still to be explored and 16. There is again a question as to whether this should not be forests. 17. This statement if true throws doubt on the discovery of this sound, that is Barkley Sound by Barkley in 1787. Signs however were always liable to misinterpretation and the Indians did not always tell the truth. 149 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT discovered in detail in the great Canal de Nuestra Senora del Rosario, I resolved that, as soon as they had rested a few days, the schooner and the longboat should depart a second time for the purpose of carrying forward the discoveries as far as possible, up to consuming all the favorable summer season left to us. That this should be carried out with the greatest activity, with more comfort and afford a quick means of support to the crews, I resolved to also enter with the packetboat into the farthest possible interior point, as the schooner could not hold more than twenty days supply of food for the thirty-two men who man the longboat and the schooner, and also to see and explore to my own satisfaction whatever could be reached with the packetboat. The three pilots, in compliance with their obligations, represented to me that this resolution was not feasible, nor was it convenient to the best service for the packetboat to enter. They foresaw that she would be in evident danger of shipwreck for the following reasons: the numerous islands; the few ruling winds favorable to making headway against the great velocity of the currents which run through each arm and through channels between the islands of this great archipelago; the variable nature of the currents which form such great whirlpools and which in places run 6 to 7 miles per hour; and finally the necessity of anchoring every night among so many reefs as are found in this innumerable archipelago, in which, even close to the islands, bottom is not to be found in 40 fathoms and which in most of the anchoring places is of stones. They had been in various difficulties with the schooner and the longboat, although they were small vessels and they had the aid of the thirteen oars of the longboat and the eight of the schooner. I therefore abandoned this resolution and decided to effect this with the schooner. This, however, I did not do as I fell sick. On the 28th, having decided that the schooner and the longboat should set out again, I weighed and went to anchor at the Puerto de Quadra, as this was closer to the point of beginning of this commission.18 This I accomplished on 18. Just what Eliza meant by this is not clear. It would seem that he desired to explore the east or mainland side, where Quimper had left off the preceding year. His action may even explain why Pantoja in the expedition in June sailed over to that side. There seems to be nothing in Eliza's instructions to have prevented him from immediately proceeding from Cordova along Vancouver Island to the northwest. 150 AN EXTRACT OF THE VOYAGE BY ELIZA the 29th and July 11 dispatched the schooner and the armed longboat under the command of Second Pilot Don Jose Verdia. While at anchor in Quadra and Cordova I looked over the country finding some level pieces of land for crops and particularly in Cordova much more of this. A great abundance of deer is found in these places, among which are some larger than any horse and having more flesh than any steer. One, which a gunner killed, served for food in abundance for three days for the crew of the packetboat, (which consisted of seventy persons), besides leaving me a quarter for the wardroom. The flesh is as tasty as that of any beef. The shape of the body, feet and legs is like those of a very large horse. The hoof is like that of a bull, the ear tike that of a mule and the horns like those of a deer, except that they are extremely large and thick, each being one yard and two inches long with six points or little horns each ten to thirteen inches long.19 All the animals are also found which occur in the description of the Estrecho de Fuca by Don Manuel Quimper. Clay is also found of a superior quality for any construction which one may wish to make, some of which I brought back to use for making an oven. On the 22d the schooner and the longboat came back from their commission with all felicity. The captain of the schooner told me that on making sail he directed himself to the Bocas de Fidalgo. This he found not to have an island in the middle and to be much more suitable for any vessel to enter than that of Lopez de Haro, as anchorage can be found at the entrance and the tides keep the order of 6 hours and 12 minutes, running 3 miles per hour, whether in falling or in rising. Proceeding to the great Canal de Nuestra Senora del Rosario they sailed through it for eight days, during which they discovered 23 leagues more than they had seen in the first expedition, until they reached the latitude of 50°, always following its trend in the fourth quarter and its width opening out to 20 miles,20 as the plan shows, not being able to continue the discovery farther as they found themselves short of food. On the shores they saw some rivers of sweet water and between the Bocas del Carmelo and the Punta de la Bodega they thought there must be some very copious river, because the schooner being anchored 19. Obviously a large elk. 20. An incorrect statement repeated by Pantoja. SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT 2 miles out they collected and drank sweet water.21 They could not look for it on account of bad weather. They found in the great canal a large number of whales of great size, which I think must come in by some other way, since during the two months which I have passed in Fuca the crew has scarcely seen three or four. There is also an abundance of tunny fish. In the neighborhood of the Bocas del Carmelo and the Islas de Cepeda, they saw a great number of Indians in canoes, who on coming towards the schooner did not fail to cause them some anxiety, but after they had arrived they noticed that none of them carried bows or arrows, but only an abundance of various kinds of fish, among which were large and delicate salmon. Notwithstanding that the idiom of these natives was different from that of those at Nuca, they were able to make out by their signs that the grand canal continued much farther on. I believe that if there is anything of particular importance or consideration to be explored on this coast it is this large canal, as according to my method of thinking, and that of my pilot, it promises much, and of course Nuca is an island as is also Clayocuat, Bahia de Buena Esperanza and the Punta de Boise.221 assure your Excellency that the passage to the Adantic Ocean, which the foreign nations search for with such diligence on this coast, cannot in my opinion, if there be one, be found in any other part; it is either, I think, by this great canal, or it is continent. On the 25th of July I determined to depart from the strait and take my course for Nuca as I had nine sick and no fresh meat to give them. Besides, some of the crew began to be attacked by scurvy. That same day I transferred the captain of the schooner, Don Jose Narvaez to the packetboat, bestowing the command of her on Second Pilot Don Juan Carrasco, in the belief that the schooner could not reach Nuca except by some fortuitous circumstance, as she is extremely small, and I had pressing need of Nar- 21. This location of this river is different from that given by Pantoja and as a matter of fact is not correct. The Punta de la Bodega was the present Atkinson Point, and the Bocas del Carmelo, Howe Sound. The suspected river, which in reality was the Fraser, was south of the Punta de la Bodega. 22. What he means is that all the country in the neighborhood of these ports was nothing but islands. In conjunction with a somewhat similar statement made by Pantoja, it seems to afford definite proof that the Spaniards had an ill-defined idea that Vancouver Island itself was an island. 152 AN EXTRACT OF THE VOYAGE BY ELIZA vaez to make the plans. From the 26th of July, when I set sail from the Puerto de Quadra, until August 7, when I came to anchor in the Bahia de Nunez Gaona, I proceeded only with the tides, anchoring every 6 hours along all the south coast, which I found to be extremely easy to anchor in and clean, having explored in this interval the Puerto de Nuestra Senora de Los Angeles, which is very much sheltered for any large vessel and is 15 miles west of the Bahia Quimper. During my stay in the Bahia de Nunez Gaona many canoes of Indians came out from the two settlements at the mouth of the strait to trade sea-otter skins. Very few however have been exchanged as they did not wish to give more than one small skin for a copper sheet. They told us about and showed us the copper sheets the English were giving them, which are more than two yards long. For this reason I decided not to buy any. Touching the description of the strait I refer to that of Don Manuel Quimper as I found all the points he had explored to be as he said, except the Ensenada de Caamano, which is a boca, and that the south coast is soundable as I have stated and much more suitable than that of the north for any vessels entering or leaving. August 11, at 8 in the morning I made sail with a fresh land wind from the E, the schooner following suit, and steered NW J4 W. As soon as I was outside the points, the sea breeze having come up from the NNW, I hauled the wind on a westerly course aboard starboard tacks, maintaining myself off the coast by tacking. The schooner kept with me until the 14th, when, the coast being covered with a dense fog and the wind having freshened very much from the WNW and NW, I was obliged to stand outside. Finding myself 4 or 5 leagues distant from the coast and seeing that nothing could be gained to windward, but only to leeward, I determined on the 14th, with a very fresh wind from the NW, to take a course WSW. From that day the schooner was lost to sight. I believe she went to San Bias as she was not able to keep her head to the very fresh wind. Seeing that the winds continued tenacious and very fresh from the NW I resigned myself to following this course until the 27th, when, the wind having shifted to the W, I turned in the direction of the port. This I succeeded in making on the 30th, having sighted two vessels on the 29th which I could not examine. As soon as I anchored I found that they were 153 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT the Spanish corvettes which had left the port. On the 27th the sergeant of the company of Volunteers, Miguel Zieras, died from an inflammation in his belly. During the stay in Clayacuat and in the strait seven Indian girls and thirteen Indian boys between four and twelve years of age were purchased for copper sheets.28 The naval officers, calkers, carpenters and some of the gunners have taken charge of them to educate and train them. The frigate Concepcion at anchor in the Puerto de la Santa Cruz de Nuca, October 10,1791. Franco de Eliza (rubrica) ELIZA TO THE VICEROY Most Excellent Sir: I am sending your Excellency a copy of the plan which the captain of the Argonaut Don Jayme Collnett24 allowed me to make from the original as a return for the assistance and favors he had received from me in this port. He told me that no one has seen it as it was the one he was going to present to his sovereign of what he had explored during the various times he had been on this coast. What I have seen of it during this expedition has been the Puerto de Clayocuat and this I have found to be quite different from the way it is shown on his plan, as your Excellency can see, but I have no doubt that it is the work which he is going to present. Frigate Concepcion at anchor in the Puerto de Santa Cruz de Nuca, October 10,1791. Most Excellent Sir Francisco de Eliza (rubrica) Exmo Conde de Revillagigedo 23. In a letter of July 7,1792, Eliza wrote that during his stay in Nootka and during his expedition to the strait fifty-six Indians altogether had been secured by purchase except three men and a woman who voluntarily said they wished to accompany him to Spain. 24. Sometimes spelled Colmet. This was Captain James Colnett, the captain of the Argonaut which had been seized by Martinez in 1789, a proceeding which involved Spain and England in a controversy which almost reached the point of war. Eliza's copy of the map is now in the Museo Naval, Madrid. 154 PANTOJA ACCOUNT Extract of the navigation made by the pilot Don Juan Pantoja y Arriaga in His Majesty's packetboat San Carlos, under the command of the ensign of the royal navy Don Ramon Saavedra, which sailed from the department of San Bias February 4, 1791, destined to carry supplies to the establishment of San Lorenzo de Noca; and of the expedition in this vessel upon the northern coast of California under the command of First Lieutenant Don Francisco Eliza, the commandant of that establishment which is situated in lat. 49° 35' N and long. 21° 20 W of San Bias by astronomical observation. February 4, 1791, we set sail from the department and port of San Bias, in lat. 21 ° 30' N, and March 26 anchored in San Lorenzo de Noca after 50 days of sailing, during which, as the season was still somewhat stormy, we experienced very variable winds and some storms (before which it was necessary to run) of rain mixed with much sleet and whole nights of heavy snow. As soon as we dropped anchor First Lieutenant Don Francisco Eliza, the commandant of the establishment, came on board and stated that the crews of the two frigates under his command, the Concepcion and the Princesa, and the company of Volunteers of Catalonia had suffered many hardships in this first winter on account of its severity. Five sailors had died and the Princesa had left March 10 for one of the ports of New California with thirty-two sick, among them the lieutenant of the company and five soldiers, mosdy gravely ill with scurvy and bloody diarrhea, to see if their health could be restored as the climate there was milder and better remedies existed. He also said that on March 2 the packetboat Argenot [Argonaut] had sailed for Macao in China under the Englishman, Commander Jaime Colnet. On his release from prison he sailed from San Bias July 2, 1790, for Noca, where the English captain, Huson,26 whom with all his crew Colnet carried, was to receive his sloop the Princesa Real, also seized at the same time as the Argenot. They thought she would be in Noca as she had sailed from San Bias under the command of Lieutenant Don Manuel Quimper in company with the Concepcion and San Carlos in February, 1790, with the object of exploring the coast. Quimper 25. Thomas Hudson, the commander of the Princess Royal, also seized by Martinez shortly after the Argonaut. SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT having however concluded his task and not being able to reach Noca had returned to San Bias in November of the same year. When we departed she was therefore ready to sail under the command of Don Manuel for Manila, there to be delivered to the English frigate which is in China, with an order to look over on his way the Sandwich Islands, which are some five hundred leagues west of San Bias.26 Colnet experienced many storms and sustained some damage during his voyage from San Bias which was much protracted on account of the advanced season. He therefore took refuge at the Puerto de la Bodega in 320 28' N and 18° 13' W. His schooner-rigged longboat, which had been fitted out at San Bias with a deck and other necessities, had suffered in her rigging. As soon as this had been hastily repaired she sailed in company with him but in a few days they became separated. Colnet being unable to reach Noca went to Cayuela, 12 leagues about east-southeast of that place. As the schooner had not arrived he sent Captain Huson and Pilot Tempti in his boat for the purpose of receiving his sloop and delivering to the commandant, Don Francisco Eliza, the dispatches which he brought. These and five sailors perished during a severe storm, October 17, to the south of Noca.27 In January [4] of the present year, 1791, Colnet succeeded in anchoring in this port with his packetboat and schooner where they were careened and the damage to them repaired. These consisted of making 9 inches of water per hour, of having had the greater portion of the poop carried away by a wave during a storm, and of a broken bowsprit and mainmast. March 28, the commandant, Don Francisco Eliza, ordered the frigate Concepcion to be rigged and on the following day ordered us to clear away obstructions and steep the masts because, although we came solely with the object of supplying him with food and of retxirning immediately to the department to take supplies to Lower California, he conceived it to be conformable to the best service 26. Quimper made this voyage and met Colnett at the Sandwich Islands but refused to turn the vessel over to him there, doubdess because he did not know how to get back to Mexico again from such an out of the way place. 27. Some controversy arose among the Spanish commanders about this unfortunate incident. Jacinto Caamano reported that the Englishmen had been killed by the natives, but after some correspondence he finally admitted that he might have been misinformed. EXTRACT OF THE NAVIGATION BY PANTOJA (according to superior orders which he has received) to leave our packetboat to guard this port and to depart himself on an expedition in his frigate the Concepcion. April 3, about 10:30 in the morning two Indians came to headquarters in a canoe saying that they had sighted off Bahia Buena Esperanza five vessels, one of three masts and the other four of two. With this information the commandant ordered all the artillery of the frigate to be mounted, and eight cannon to be placed in battery on the packetboat. Then Pilot Jose Verdia departed in the boat for the Punta del Bajo, distant 3 leagues, from where the bay can be seen. Having returned at 6 in the afternoon he reported that he had not seen anything. In spite of this nothing was neglected which could be found adapted for making the most complete defense when occasion should require. In order not to be surprised during the darkness of the night, (for it was one of ugly aspect and continual rain), the commandant ordered the sentinels to be doubled and to make their rounds by sea and by land and to pass the word from one to the other. In order to prevent a landing, which might be made on the beach at the back of the port (which is formed by a small tongue of low land with many pine trees on it), he ordered two bronze cannon of eight pounds each to be mounted there with all their accessories. He ordered the fort, which is situated at the very entrance to the port itself on a small hill of rock, in which two cannon of twenty-four pounds, eight of twelve pounds and one of six pounds are mounted, to be garrisoned with sufficient troops. On the following day, the 5th, he dispatched the schooner Santa Saturnina fully armed and manned with fifteen seamen and four soldiers, by the arm inside of Noca which leads to the Bahia de Buena Esperanza, under the command of the second pilot, Don Jose Maria Narvaez, for the purpose of finding out if the information referred to was correct In case he found nothing he was to continue somewhat farther north to obtain the best information he could from the natives. On the 9th he returned having found that what the Indians had said was uncertain. Our interpreter however, Gabriel del Castillo, learned from the natives at Buena Esperanza by means of their method of counting by the change of the moon that four months previously four English vessels had sailed from there, one of twenty guns under a captain named Mier, and that 157 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT further, only two days before a large schooner had sailed for Cayuela. In view of this and that the frigate Concepcion is a vessel much more to be respected than our packetboat, as fully armed she mounts thirty cannon of twelve and eight pounds each, the commandant Don Francisco Eliza, determined to leave her to guard the Puerto de Noca, under my commander Ensign Don Ramon Saavedra. His honor has himself taken the San Carlos to proceed to the north as he has superior orders to explore the whole north coast from Cabo de San Elias in 6o° to the Puerto de la Trinidad in 41°, and particularly the following places: Cabo de San Elias, Entrada de Bucareli, Estrecho del Almirante Vontes,28 Puerto de Cayuela, Boca de Carrasco, Estrecho de Juan de Fuca, Entrada de Hezeta,29 and Puerto de la Trinidad. On the 19th one of the crew of the Concepcion died. May 3 we were ready to sail with the packetboat San Carlos and the schooner Santa Saturnina alias Horcasitas. This day the Virgen del Rosario, our patroness, was deposited on land in the gallery of the carpenter shop, embellished and adorned with becoming flags and a diversity of flowers. Mass was sung with the litany to implore her clemency for the happy outcome of the present expedition. Then we embarked in procession, saluting her with artillery and with the cry "Viva la Virgen"! until we were on board the packetboat where the salutation to the Virgin Mary was chanted. Note During our stay in this port I have experienced with little difference the same winds which I observed in June and July of the past year, 1790. They are generally very constant from the second and third quarters, and rarely from the first and fourth quarters, but when these two winds blow the weather is clear. When those from the second quarter blow, which are more constant and stronger, it is to be noted that it rains a great deal. When those of the third quarter blow, if it does not rain, the sky is overcast and the air is full of a thick fog. During this stay and my other and that of the vessels during the winter we have noted the following concerning the natives and their country. They are of ordinary size. Their 28. That is Fonte. This was believed at the moment to be what is now known as Dixon Entrance. 29. Entrance to the Columbia River. EXTRACT OF THE NAVIGATION BY PANTOJA houses are built of nine, ten, twelve and up to fifteen wooden posts, on which the corresponding beams are laid. Over these are plenty of boards which protect them from the continual rains. They are of different sizes, the larger being thirty to thirty-five yards long and the fronts ten to twelve wide. Inside are some large posts on which are painted with red ochre the physiognomy of some dead talli, which signifies "chief", or "captain". Their clothing consists of a kind of cape which they wear around their shoulders, and a piece about a yard and a half long, which worn underneath the cape reaches the calf of the leg. Ordinarily however their private parts are uncovered, except those of the women who wear larger ones more like a breech cloth. They take two turns around the waist with these and are thus entirely covered. This clothing is made out of pine bark which they put in a steeping tub for six or more days. When they think that it is in proper shape to be worked they take it out, and by pounding it separate the threads which they wash very well and then hand over to the women to make the cloth, as these are not employed in any other work. The men in general work at fishing and making boards for their houses, although there are some who have the task of making fish hooks of deer bone, canoes, trays, boxes, paddles, and other things necessary for their use. The canoes are made of a single piece except the bow and the poop which are added but perfecdy fitted. They are larger than usual, those which they call war canoes being so large and fine that they carry fifty men. They make them with fire and some iron tools like chisels. According to information obtained from some of the chiefs they worship the sun. Painting themselves every morning they speak these words "tupelgs, pachide, summa", which means "sun give us fish", believing at the same time that the sun has another and is a good man dressed in white, but they are ignorant of his attributes and consequendy who he may be.80 During the year they move five times in accordance with the seasons at which they have had experience that the fish make similar changes. They build their houses in sheltered coves with beaches so that they can easily draw their canoes on shore. This one in which we are anchored is the best to be found in all this inlet or great Puerto de San Lorenzo de Noca. 30. The meaning here is obscure, perhaps something is omitted. !59 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT For this reason they are continually asking when we are going to leave, the eagerness with which they solicit this being noteworthy. Here there are two kinds of rich salmon, white and red, large and small sole, mo j arras, red and grey red-snapper, herring and sardines, the last being so plentiful that when they come to spawn the sea is white with it. Such is the multitude of canoes in pursuit of them that they fill the bay. Some fish for them with poles about two fathoms in length that have fastened at one of the ends some sharp points two inches long like a comb. With these they quickly fill their canoes. Others take their canoes full of pine boughs and some long pieces of the same wood. They then tie with great care the pine boughs leaving them hanging under the water from some cords which they make fast to the pieces of wood. These always remain in the same place like buoys. To accomplish this they drop to the bottom outside of the pine boughs two or three stones tied with cords to the pieces of wood. These serve for anchors. After three or four days have passed they come back and raising all the pine boughs they find them so full of spawn that each pine needle is an inch thick. This serves for bread at their meals without more treatment than drying it in the sun. Afterwards they keep this in sacks of material made from pine bark. This work continues for twenty-five or thirty days more or less, the month of February being the only time in which they gather it. The work and the operations they perform are worth seeing for the care they take and for the hubbub which goes on during it. At the hour of eating, the old people, who are exempt from all labor on account of their age, come out of their houses and distribute themselves through the forest. They utter shouts as loudly as they can which pass from one to another, and the workers leaving their tasks come to the house of the chief, which usually is the largest. The men and women having seated themselves separately, each receives his or her allowance, usually of fish, on a wooden plate. The fish they put in a single-piece box with fresh water and throwing in this some smooth red-hot stones it is cooked. The distribution begins with the chiefs, the servers being two or three women, and is concluded with the slaves whom they have captured in their wars and who are distinguished from the other Indians by having their hair cut in Roman style. Some chiefs fatten 160 EXTRACT OF THE NAVIGATION BY PANTOJA the slaves in order to eat them when in need or when they have some public function, for instance when they kill a whale. The meal being finished each continues with his occupation. Their dances consist of painting the face in different colors, which gives them a horrible appearance, and of placing in their hair many eagle feathers, which stay stock to it because they have rubbed it with whale grease. The women do not do this, but being always seated at these functions around the house, place before them some boards and taking a small stick in their hands strike these, keeping time for the dance. Then the men and boys sally forth, each in his turn, wearing the finery they most esteem and have secured by trade, such as copper, Monterey shells, iron, and some guns and pistols the English have given them. Thus they dance in competition with each other for three or four hours. At this diversion the chief of the setdement assists accompanied by his wives, usually four or five in number, the daughters of other chiefs. The other Indians only have one. When they receive information that a whale has been seen on the coast, they hastily get twenty-five or thirty canoes ready for the chase. With these they surround it and the largest closes in to strike it with a harpoon made of bone and to which is tied a rope, two and a half inches thick and about fifty fathoms long made of pine bark. At the other end is a well-sewed sealskin sack full of air which serves for a buoy. On this are marked with colors the insignia of the chief of the settlement to which the canoes which have struck the whale belong, so that if it strands in some other jurisdiction he can reclaim his rights to it. It is always customary however to make a present to the head of the territory where it goes ashore. Since our arrival fifteen Indians of both sexes from four up to eight and ten years of age have been obtained in exchange for copper and Monterey shells, the principal land and sea officers having undertaken to raise and educate them. They are neither the sons nor the relatives of these natives but captives taken in the wars which, as explained, they carry on. Some of the smallest ones they eat, an inhumanity for which the commandant, Don Francisco Eliza, has reprehended them with great severity, pointing out that it is something very bad and that if he found out that they continued this abominable cruelty he would punish them severely. 161 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT For fear of this they have stopped, as they have stated to various of us. As the Indians are, generally speaking, docile and cowardly I do not think it would be difficult to convert them if they had a fixed domicile or situation. They have never been willing to bring their setdement to this cove, from which they retired on the arrival of our vessels in April, 1790, however much they have been invited. They thought that our corning was for the purpose of doing them some harm, a vicious idea formed through having been so assured by the English who were here, and through their rating of the commander of the previous expedition of 1789, Don Esteban Martinez, even although their experience has been contrary to this, for, besides the good treatment given them, the commandant of the port, Don Francisco Eliza, has made them many presents.81 The fruits found here are yellow and violet bramble berries, very agreeable to the palate, strawberries and others of different kinds which I do not mention as I do not know their names. There are peas, chick peas, celery, amaranth, and roses, all wild, as well as a great abundance of camomile, thisdes and elder trees. Some gardens have been made with great labor by cutting down and clearing a part of the forest, in which some fine cabbage, lettuce, radishes, potatoes, turnips, garlic, onions, carrots, artichokes and tomatoes have been grown. On account however of the frequent rains, snow and storms which tear up, burn and rot the plants this cultivation is only possible from the middle of May to the end of October. In the very rough forests bears are found, deer, wolves, coyotes, buffalo, and a small animal something like the ferret of Spain, which, before it was known that there was such an animal, made great havoc among the chickens the commanders had on shore, as one night they killed sixty, large and small.82 There are eagles of regular size with a white head and tail, hawks, doves, geese, ducks, crows, gulls, woodpeckers, and sparrows. In the summer for a short time swallows and swifts are seen and there are plenty of cranes and bees. The country is very mountainous and covered with thick and leafy pines of various kinds but none which 31. The real reason for the Indians leaving their settlement was the killing of one of the chiefs by Martinez in 1789. 32. No doubt weasels. There were no buffalo in the country but the Spaniards commonly referred to the large elk as cibolos. 162 EXTRACT OF THE NAVIGATION BY PANTOJA produces pine nuts. Most of them are of extraordinary thickness and length and if cultivated could compete with those of Holland in resistance. Their abundance is so great that it counts for little.88 The kinds of sickness experienced during the winter among the crew and the company of Volunteers of Catalonia have been colds, colic, rheumatism, scurvy, and diarrhea or bloody dysentery. The last two are very common and almost incurable in this climate, according to the surgeons of the frigates. Those who live on shore have not suffered from rheumatism. Departure from the Puerto de San Lorenzo de Noca in the packet- boat San Carlos under the command of First Lieutenant Don Francisco Eliza, under whose orders I am continuing with the duties of official?* purser, and first pilot which I performed when I sailed from San Bias. May 4,1791, we warped out for the entrance of the port and as soon as we were clear a fresh SW wind suddenly came up and obliged us to drop an anchor as that is the contrary wind for leaving. The schooner Santa Saturnina which we are taking along to examine the channels, bays and inlets in which the packetboat cannot enter, did the same. She was constructed in Noca itself and goes under the command of Second Pilot Jose Maria Narvaez. On the 5th with a light land wind from the NNW we weighed and as soon as we were out of the mouth of the port the wind freshened from the WNW, and we took a course SW with all sail set. The schooner followed in our wake, but as she could not sail so fast, nor so close to the wind as we did, she was left far behind. To give her time to come up all sails were furled at midday except the foresail and the tops. At this hour I observed the latitude to be 43° [490] 16' (with little satisfaction however as there was a fog), and estimated the longitude at 220 23*4' W of San Bias, having sailed since we weighed 18 miles S 180 W. We continued under the foresail and the topsail until 7 in the afternoon, when, as the wind had become much stronger and it became necessary to give some sails to the schooner, which we could see harrassed, a reef was taken in the topsail and two in the other 33. What he means by this I do not know, nor for that matter what he 34. Sp., Tall. This appears to be an abbreviation but is most likely an error for tal made in copying the original. 163 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT sails, and with this arrangement night came on. Twice in the afternoon we had put the ship to windward so as not to lose the latitude of Noca. On the following midday, the 6th, the commander determined [not]85 to continue to the north as the schooner was not able to follow us on account of her slow sailing and the great amount which she fell off to leeward. Taking into consideration that to give her some sails to enable her to keep with us would consume, simply in reaching 6o° of latitude, the favorable season for examining the coast, he gave orders that we should turn back to the Puerto de Cayuela in order to examine the piece of coast from this to Trinidad, if the weather should permit, in view of the fact that he had superior orders as already stated to reconnoiter the coast from 6o° to 41 °. As it is not possible to carry out this commission in the three or four months available in every year, on account of the amount of fog always on the coast and the number of points of consideration assigned to him, he did not consider this an unreasonable decision but on the contrary a very wise one. To take the schooner with us is very important as she is a small boat, and draws very little water, and as soon as a sheltered port for the packetboat is found extended explorations can be made with her and the longboat inside the coast, because there are many inlets in all parts of it. As she has a deck and carries four three-pound guns the longboat can go on commission in her convoy for many days, if necessary, and in her storeroom the food is well kept, and the crews would be safe from attacks which the Indians may try to make, judging from what the English have said they experienced that all the Indians to the south of Noca are generally very daring and warlike, just as we have found out those to be in Bucareli and Prince William [Sound]. With such good and sufficient reasons the commander had decided to take her up north.8 Today the observations showed 48° 45' and 22° 33' W, day's run 32 miles on a courseS n° W. At 6 in the afternoon of the 7th we came to anchor in Cayuela which is located in 490 08' and 21 ° 27' W. At this time canoes began to approach and by 7 we counted forty-four. Numerous Indians 35. That "not" is omitted here is perfectly plain from the other narratives, especially that of Eliza, who tells much the same story as this. 36. Besides, he had such ii 164 EXTRACT OF THE NAVIGATION BY PANTOJA were seen in them among whom were Guiquinanis,87 the chief of the setdement in the port, and his three sons. These came on board except the chief, who might be fifty to fifty-five years of age, fat, robust, and of pleasing appearance and at the same time very grave in the gestures, signs and conversations which he carried on with those in his canoe and some others which came close to him. As soon as the commander had regaled them he ordered them to be asked if much time had elapsed since they had traded with the English. They answered in agreement that Claie Kendrique had sailed away twenty days before and Thomas Duglas afterwards.88 At nightfall the commander ordered a cannon to be fired for the Indians to retire to their great village which was about a mile away from our anchorage. When they heard it they went away, as they had so been taught to do by the Englishmen who annually trade with them, but as soon as day broke the canoes began to come out and in such great number that at 6 in the morning we counted eighty between big and little ones containing more than 500 natives of both sexes. They brought out coyote skins, sealskins and sea- otter skins to trade and many crabs of which it seems there is a great abundance, larger than usual, looking like medium-sized center- fish. About 1 in the afternoon the sons of Quiquinanis came out. The commander gave them two sheets of copper by way of a present and they reciprocated with two sea-otter skins. About 11 in the morning of the 10th the commander together with the first chaplain, the pilots and the surgeons,89 went to pre- 37. Usually known as Wickaninish. 38. This is the way these two words appear in the document. In Eliza's account Kendrick's name does not appear and the other is written Clayt. Ken- drick's name of course was John or Juan, a fact perfectly well known to Pantoja, so we must suppose that his "Claie" refers to some other individual. As Ken- drick was not on the coast at this time, I am sure it stands for Gray, and as neither Kendrick nor Douglas had been in the sound that early in the spring so far as we know, the Indians may also have been mistaken about Gray being there. There is no record that Douglas was even on the coast in 1790, but so many notices of vessels not hitherto recorded in other documents will be found in the Spanish accounts that he might have been. He had appeared in Nootka in 1789 in the Iphigenia Nubiana, either as supercargo, or as captain of the vessel, depending on who was to look at the papers. To Martinez he was super- 39. Although the word in the document is plural I know of but one surgeon with the expedition, Juan Terron on the San Carlos. 165 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT sent their compliments to the chief, carrying along as a present some Monterey shells which they esteem highly and a sack of ordinary biscuit. Having reached the outside of the house we went along a very narrow alley, perhaps some twenty paces long. At the end of this just as we entered the house, which is a huge gallery, is a very large figure, one of the columns or posts which holds up one of the very large main timbers which sustain the roof. The mouth of this figure, only large enough to hold one person, is what serves for a door. As soon as we entered we saw the captain in the front. Coming towards us he received us with the endearing expression "guacas", that is to say "friends". Then he imperiously ordered some mats to be at once stretched over various chests and made signs to us to sit down on them close to him. Apart from us a great number of the Indians did the same. With great seriousness he ordered these to sing. An old man, taking in his hands a string of shells, (such as pilgrims use), began the chant which they all continued with such noise and cries that at the end of the song they gave in musical time a roar so loud and terrible that without exaggeration it seemed to make those three huge timbers tremble which sustain the roof of that spacious gallery. The gallery is made of very wide and long timbers. It contains three aisles; the one in the center serves for transit and in the two on the sides the living quarters of both sexes can be seen, but separate, in one the men, and in the other the women and their children, who as soon as the men concluded their song, began theirs. At 12 we took our leave and embarked in the longboat, accompanied by the sons of Quiquinanis and his father, a venerable old man. All dined with us. In order not to give any cause for suspicion we did not take the dimensions of the gallery, but in view of its length and width and the numerous Indians who assisted at the function I have calculated that it is capable of lodging 900 to 1000 Indians. By accident I ascertained that the main timbers of the roof are five and a third feet in thickness. Each one of the sons has his gallery but not so large. Besides these there are many others but all smaller than those just mentioned. The commander ordered Quiquinanis to be asked why he did not come aboard like his sons. He said that he was very much afraid because when he went with his brother to see Captain Colnet, his brother fell into the water in descending the ladder and 166 EXTRACT OF THE NAVIGATION BY PANTOJA was drowned. At 1130 in the afternoon the schooner Santa Saturnina set sail with the object of exploring the north inlet of this anchorage of Cayuela. On the nth of the month the sons of Quiquinanis came on board saying that they had had a great feast in their setdement in honor of the birth of a boy by one of his women. Some other chiefs from different settlements accompanied them and the commander presented all of them with some Monterey shells, the only thing he had to give them since no trinkets had come as before. For this reason none of the principal officers went ashore as the natives both large and small of both sexes never cease asking for something. At 1130 in the afternoon I set out with the longboat fully armed with the object of exploring the inlet to the northwest of the anchorage. During my absence on my commission the following events occurred. On May 12 an Indian came with a letter from the captain of the schooner in which he notified the commander that he had discovered on the east side about 10 [unknown abbreviation] and that this arm contained many islands and promised something. On the 14th the captain arrived with his schooner having finished his task and said that he had not found any setdement wherever he went and that having entered by the north inlet he had sailed to the east through an arm of the sea 15 miles long and 3 wide in the widest part Having reached the end of this he returned and had soon found two others which extend towards the north, one being 18 miles long and 4J4 wide, and the other 10 miles long and 3 wide. All of these ended at the foot of the mountains whose summits were covered with snow. On the 18th the work was concluded of making with the boat the plan of this anchorage at Cayuela. It cannot be called a port as it is formedonlyby differentislandsandisopen to the second and third quarters. The flood tide occurs at the same hour as in Noca, 12:15 each day, and the flood and ebb keep the due proportion of 6 1/5 hours, the rise and fall being 9 feet. During die ebb the water runs a little more than 2 miles per hour. On the 19th I arrived with the longboat, having navigated by the northwest inlet and channel. I explored the Bocas de Saavedra40 40. The various channels between Vargas and Flores islands. Named after Ramon Saavedra. 167 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT which open to the sea. On account of the numerous islands which form them and the hidden rocks which I saw large vessels cannot enter by these. From these I directed my course for the Seno de San Juan de Bautista41 and having passed through the Canal de San Antonio421 discovered the Puerto de San Ysidro48 and the Isla de San Pedro.441 explored the Bahia de San Rafael,45 previously so named, which has in the inner part a very well-sheltered port. Midway in it, on both the east and west sides are two large settlements, the natives of which, embarked in a large number of canoes, commenced to bother me from the time they saw me enter. As soon as I began to form the bases and take the necessary bearings and marks, in order to draw an exact plan on a large scale and had to tack off a salient point, they began to shoot numerous arrows. During the prompt defense which I made with the muskets we saw an Indian fall. As there was a fresh wind to carry us away from this dangerous crowd, of which I very soon took advantage, I did not resort to my swivel guns. Although I was in a favorable position to do them very great damage, as the Indians were notably numerous, the Lord was pleased to cause me to reflect on the charity with which I ought to look on my neighbors and that I was not ordered to send souls to the inferno. Therefore with the striking of one of the shots on shore they all stopped and I then withdrew, without firing on them again, completely finishing the plan, or taking possession of the place, as I should, as it was clear to the sea. I also considered that if I should keep on to finish what was left to do, I would have to pass the night in sight of the settlements and would find myself in greater straits. In view of all this I took my course for the Canal de San Francisco,46 various large canoes full of men following me in full view. On passing by the Bocas de San Satur- 41. The sound in which Cone Island is situated. 42. I judge from the piano that this was North Arm, the channel around the north and east sides of Flores Island. 43. A small port east of Obstruction Island according to the piano, no doubt named May 15 in honor of the saint whose day it is. 44. Obstruction Island. Named after San Pedro Regalado whose day is May 15. 45. Sydney Inlet. This reference is sufficient to clear up the doubt about the location of this bay on earlier maps. 46. The upper part of Sydney Inlet, I judge north of Flores Island. 168 _J EXTRACT OF THE NAVIGATION BY PANTOJA nino4T I saw another large setdement. About 9 at night I anchored at a small island to rest and to give the crew a chance to eat, as I considered this a suitable place and one where I could be in some measure free from an attack by the natives. About 9:30 a small canoe approached with two Indians, who paddled very silendy, but I got rid of it quickly enough by a shot which I fired at them. I passed that night on our arms in suspense and with something more than anxiety, as at midnight some great shouting was heard. As everything was covered with a thick fog my anxiety increased but I saw nothing. During the night, while in this critical situation, I reflected that to persist in exploring and following the Bocas de San Saturnino, which were then in sight, would require many days, (8 being the time fixed for me), and that to leave at my back large settlements would expose me to the risk of their closing the passage when I should come to search for it (the one in the middle of the three being scarcely a mile wide), and I would be then forced to break my way through with the loss of many Indians, and perhaps with that of some of my men, as they had no defense for their bodies as the longboat offered no shelter on account of its small size. I therefore decided to turn back and continue searching the arms still to be examined on the northeast side, where I had comprehended from the beginning that some days would be required to finish the work. As soon as day broke and the fog lifted I undertook my withdrawal, and on entering the passage or channel to the west, some large canoes filled with men presented themselves within musket-shot. I did not fire on them because they did not threaten me more than to give many discordant yells. Continuing my task I made the plan and located the Canal de San Juan Nepo- muceno,48 and the numerous islands in it. Here I discovered the roomy Puertos de Guimes [Guemes] and Giraldez,49 into which 47. A mistake for Santa Saturnina, obvious from Eliza's account and the piano. The name was given for the schooner. They must have been the small inlets, East Bay and North Bay, in Sydney Inlet. 48. The channel north of Meares Island apparently, no doubt named May 16, the day of the saint. Eliza states Pantoja was now sailing east. On the Piano del Archipielago it is styled "Canal del Norueste." 49. Bedwell Sound and Warn Bay. The first was obviously named after the viceroy, one of whose names was Guemes, and the other after Saavedra one of whose names it was. They were located by Eliza in 49° 06' N. and 20° 169 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT flow two rivers of crystalline water, the copious one being some kind of channel or arm of these sheltered ports, which by reason of their protection from winds and of their anchoring grounds are suitable for large vessels of any burden. The customs and mode of living which the natives individually observe are in every respect similar to those of Noca and with but litde difference they speak the same language, but are more cleanly in their persons and habitations and consequendy are more like human beings; not only do they not eat human flesh but they are also more tractable. The climate is much more mild, for in the fourteen days during which the packetboat lay at anchor it did not rain even for an hour, a benefit we have not experienced at Noca, for it is in the height of the summer when it rains the most. The only thing we have experienced here at the changes of the moon is to have the day overcast and a thick fog day and night. At other times the weather, I mean the sky, has been clear and mirror-like, the wind during the day blowing from the sea and the nights calm. The surface of the country is likewise full of woods and is rough for travel, although not so dismal and gloomy. Wherever I have gone with the longboat I have seen small pieces of flat land on which there is good pasture for cattle. May 20 the commander ordered the captain of the schooner to take a course for the Entrada Carrasco, the middle of which is in lat. 480 52' N and 200 41' W, for the purpose of carefully examining the interior, and as soon as he had finished his task to seek us in the Puerto de Cordova, 3 leagues distant from the Canal de Lopez de Aro inside the Estrecho de Juan de Fuca. Departure from the Puerto de Cayuela On the 22dB0 we set sail for the strait and succeeded in entering it on the 26th. On the 29th we anchored in Cordova, having experienced during this short voyage a moderate storm from the SE which made it necessary for us to lay to under the foresail and mizzen aboard larboard-tacks. We found the variation to be 160 45' NE in an entirely satisfactory observation. From the time we entered the strait until we anchored many canoes have come along- 25' W. Warn Bay was also visited by Narvaez who evidently did not notice Race Narrows or thought it a stream. He named it "Braso de San Juan de Dios." 50. Eliza, the 21st. EXTRACT OF THE NAVIGATION BY PANTOJA side with whose occupants we have had intercourse. In all of them we have observed that every Indian had close by him his bow and an abundance of arrows in a sack made out of coyote skins exacdy like those ship carpenters use for their tools. This we did not observe from Noca to Cayuela, except in one or so where a man had a bow and arrow. Neither did we observe this measure of precaution in the Bahia de San Rafael because those who threatened us there were on land. In addition to this all those in the strait, observing that we kept on under sail, kept asking where we were going. On our making signs to them that we were going to the interior they repeated many times the words "Chocons pizeguei" (which means "very bad men"), who wound and kill with spears, arrows and clubs, making themselves sufficiendy clear and displaying some anger. On the 31st about 5 in the morning the longboat fully armed departed under the orders of the second pilot, Don Jose Verdia, with the object of exploring the entrance and the inside of the Canal de Lopez de Aro, but at 10:30" returned in great haste. Verdia told the commander that he could not continue the task allotted to him because he had been surprised after he entered the canal by many canoes fuU of Indians, on whom he had found liimself obliged to fire. He thought that he would run the risk of losing his men and his longboat if he continued, because in addition to the many Indians assembled he had seen many more on land launching canoes. At the same time they had heard a noise like that of a drum. One Indian was going about very solicitously among the canoes animating the Indians and distributing quivers of arrows. From this information and from their daring we have ascertained that what their own countrymen told us was true. In withdrawing they sent to the bottom a large canoe and killed some natives among those who were striving the most to attack the longboat from all sides with some heavy spears having points of bone like harpoons. In view of what had happened the commander determined to 51. Eliza adds "at night". The strait had been discovered and named the year before by Quimper. 52. Eliza adds here "2^4 leagues from Cordova" and says there were six canoes with from sixteen to twenty Indians in each one. SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT await the schooner before continuing the exploration. She anchored near us on June n and her captain told the commander that the entrance or inlet of the Boca de Carrasco was a great archipelago of small islands extending 6 leagues from east to west and 4 from north to south.58 Inside there were two arms of the sea half a league wide, which extend inland for some distance, one in the direction of the first quarter and the other in that of the fourth. These he could not explore for more than 3 leagues on account of the heavy storms with much rain which lasted for 12 days. Finding his food exhausted he had found it necessary to leave without concluding his task. During that time the Indians had attacked him three times. He repulsed them with the artillery, firing various shots in the air, in order to drive them away from the schooner. This he succeeded in doing in a very short time. If he had allowed them to persist in their actions he could visualize the great destruction that would be made among them with the grape-shot from the cannon, because the Indians were very numerous and close together in many canoes, showing themselves to be very warlike and daring. In what he had traveled over he had seen four large settlements. They all dress in the same way as those at Noca but there is some difference in the language. June 14 the commander ordered the longboat to be fully armed and the schooner to be supplied with twenty-five shots for the six cannon and the swivel guns she carried. He manned them together with thirty sailors and eight able-bodied and spirited soldiers of the Volunteers of Catalonia. The command he delivered to me with the task of examining carefully whatever there was in the Canal de Lopez de Aro and to punish the Indians in case they came back or tried to attack us as they had done Don Jose Verdia. At 9 in the morning we departed with all sail set and with a fresh wind from the SW. With this we sailed in the direction of the first quarter, taking the necessary courses by which to enter the Canal de Lopez de Aro. This we accomplished at 10:30 between some small islands54 and some rocks close to the coast. We everywhere found a strong current, which made such large whirlpools that we 53. Instead of 6 and 4 leagues Eliza has 17 and 13% miles respectively. 54. Trial Islands. Chatham and Discovery islands he named "Aguayo", one of the viceroy's names. EXTRACT OF THE NAVIGATION BY PANTOJA seemed to be sailing along a very copious river. Having passed entirely through by ii we continued in the direction of the fourth quarter as that is the one in which the canal trends. We sailed through this with a fresh wind from the third quarter until 12:15, when it became so much stronger that it was not possible to continue under sail on account of the great distance I was falling to leeward of the schooner, which had been ordered to run the baseline. I therefore furled the sails and taking down the masts went on under oars, taking plenty of water over the gunwale as the sea was choppy. The schooner seeing that no headway could be made lay to. Having at 1130 gone alongside her I ordered her masts to be raised and her sails to be unfurled and went on in her tow. Thus we continued until 8 in the afternoon, when, seeing that the sun was setting and we only had some puffs of wind and therefore could not reach a front of land we had marked where it seemed to us that this arm of the fourth quarter ended,551 took to the oars in quest of it. Having discovered that there were two entrances, one towards the first quarter and the other towards the third I returned, reaching the schooner at io:30.58 She was anchored close to land in 20 fathoms of water, mud bottom. Here we passed the night without having seen during the whole day more than one Indian, and some smokes in the great forest which extends along all this piece of coast to the edge of the beach and where the pilot Don Jose Verdia made the natives take refuge. Note The reason the commander decided that the longboat should go with the schooner was an idea that with the two vessels we could take both sides of the canal, all having been of the opinion that it was much narrower than the strait. If this had been the case we could have concluded our reconnaissance more quickly and with this in view he allowed me 4 days time. Everything, however, came out exacdy contrary for we found ourselves in an indescribable 55. It would seem that this front of land seen going up the strait must have been the south end of Prevost Island. 56. It was no doubt at this time that Pantoja sailed up between Pender Island and Saltspring Island as far as the north end of Pender Island and discovered some of the openings to the west which he named "Bocas de Bazan", after the famous minister in Spain, Antonio Valdes y Bazan. The Valdes part of the name was later given to some inlets at the south end of Baynes Sound. 173 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT archipelago of islands, keys, rocks, and big and little inlets. Therefore we decided not to separate, not only because we might not find each other in many days but because the longboat, which was very small, was not appropriate for such a task in bodies of water so wide, and we had no vessel with sufficient room for the supplies necessary for such an undertaking. We therefore decided that the longboat should be towed by the schooner, aiding her with her sails when there was wind, and passing in front of the schooner to tow her when it was calm. This having been arranged I went on board the schooner to help my companions in putting down the many marks, bearings and elevations which had to be made. During the afternoon we left on the west side various small inlets and arms, apparendy formed by numerous islands, which give promise of some extension, as the country is broken and flat and no mountains can be seen behind them. We did not follow these as we comprehended with sufficient foundation that to do so would require many days and we had very few allotted to us. Further, during the sailing this afternoon we sighted on the east side another arm much more extensive than those we had passed and which at first sight promised to be much more useful to follow up on this account.57 We therefore agreed that as soon as it was light we would make for it. The 15th dawned clear and with a light wind from the E so that at 3 in the morning we weighed anchor and went on towards the west58 with the longboat towing and with the eight oars of the schooner, for the purpose of approaching the arm previously mentioned. En route we saw various promontories which from their ends showed them to be large islands. At 6 we had to anchor as the land wind from the E had freshened. This we did in 11 fathoms of water, pebble bottom, close to a point where there seemed to be a small entrance. Having proceeded thither with the longboat I found a good although small port, as it was only 1 l/z miles long 57. The channel which extends into the Gulf of Georgia between Stuart and Waldron islands on the south and Pender and Saturna islands on the 58. It is difficult to understand in following his course how Pantoja could have sailed to the west; probably he meant northwest or north-northwest, no doubt his actual course for the first part of the day; again "west" may be 174 i EXTRACT OF THE NAVIGATION BY PANTOJA and I wide. It was sheltered however from all winds and had a depth of from 13 down to 2 fathoms, fine sand. It is situated at the southernmost part of the Isla de Sayas and I named it "Punta [Puerto] de San Antonio".58 At 9:15 the land wind died out. On reaching the schooner about 10 in the morning we weighed and continued with her oars and under tow of the longboat in the direction of the first quarter until midday, when we crossed the mouth of a deep bay. We anchored in this in 18 fathoms of water, fine pebbles, and I at once left with the longboat to explore it.60 It is 7 miles long from northwest to southeast and at the end of it are two entrances, one in the first and the other in the fourth quarter, the one in the fourth being the one which I had explored the previous afternoon,61 and found to turn towards the first quarter. It was 2 x/r miles wide. At 3 in the afternoon having finished the negligible examination which could be made in such a short time we weighed. As soon as the anchor was on board the wind died out to a calm. We went on towed by the longboat and with the oars of the schooner to reach a salient point which bore in the first quarter.82 This we achieved at 7. No sooner had we passed it than we saw in the fourth quarter a grand and extended canal. As the horizon was clear it was possible to see a long distance and in the middle of it could be made out, at the farthest point of vision, a small hill like a sugar loaf.88 It may be noted that the end of land or the points which form this canal are very high mountains covered with snow.64 This I named 59. Bedwell Harbor, on Pender Island, afterwards named "Isla San Eusebio" on the Eliza map. The day of San Antonio de Padua is June 13. Sayas was Jose1 Martinez de Zayas a pilot on the coast. 60. The mouth of the channel between Pender and Saturna islands which opens out into Plumper Sound. 61. This statement proves the theory advanced in Note 56. The Carta of Eliza also shows that Active Pass was discovered, probably by Narvaez, as it could hardly have been seen at this time. 62. Santa Saturnina on the Eliza map. It was the eastern extremity of Saturna Island and the shoals off the point were called the "Bajos de Santa Saturnina" after the schooner. The name still persists in a corrupted form as "Saturna". 63. From some notes from Pantoja's log in the Dep. Hyd., Madrid, it seems to have been Lasqueti Island. 64. This is one of the few references in the narrative to the snow-clad Cascades, and snow-covered mountains in British Columbia. 175 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT "El Gran Canal de Nuestra Senora del Rosario la Marinera",65 in honor of our patroness, as it was the most important place we had discovered up to the present. As soon as we doubled the point we encountered a fresh wind from the NW. With this we made all sail for a small island which bore in the first quarter. This we reached at 9 in the evening and anchored close to it in fine pebbles and water of 23 fathoms.66 Here we passed the night during all of which the wind continued very fresh. During the afternoon we had seen many gulls, seals, tunny and whales of great size. At sunset, which took place at 8 and some minutes, we made a wholly satisfactory observation for variation, finding it to be 15° NE. Neither before nor after sunset could we see any land in the canal except the small hill tike a sugar loaf, even with a special pair of glasses. In the channel through which we sailed this afternoon we found the currents to be much more rapid and violent than those of yesterday. Close to the point at the southwest end of this small island there are such whirlpools that without exaggeration there seems to be a small vortex. On the following day, the 16th, we weighed, and as there was no wind we continued under oars in quest of the channel of the East which from the first day we had intended to follow.67 Having proceeded for two days among different islands, at times under oars and at other times under sail, we found ourselves in another great archipelago of great and small islands.88 This we could not explore and see to what point the arms of the sea extended on account of a heavy rainstorm, which struck us from the SE and with abundant rain lasted until June 20. Seeing that two days more than 65. The Senora del Rosario la Marinera was a famous image in Seville. She was the patroness of the San Carlos. The body of water is now known as the Gulf of Georgia or Georgia Strait. 66. Patos Island, that is, the island of ducks. It is a great breeding ground for sea gulls. 67. This statement seems to indicate that Pantoja intended to sail through Rosario Strait, the Boca de Fidalgo of Quimper, as this gave some indication of being a continuation of the Strait of Juan de Fuca to the eastward. 68. It is difficult to determine the location of this anchorage. Pantoja's chart shows Sucia Island, Mai Abrigo and two islands somewhat farther south now known as Barnes and Clark islands, which were subsequently named "Aguayo" on the Eliza map, and are also so referred to by Pantoja in the Noticias. 176 EXTRACT OF THE NAVIGATION BY PANTOJA those allotted by the commander had elapsed and that we had litde food I resolved to turn back, not only to comply with my orders but also to give an account of the great amount of work that had to be done with what had been discovered, in order that what was most advisable could be determined. On the 24th we were able to disembogue from the Canal de Lopez de Aro by force of our oars as the winds were contrary. As soon as we sighted the packetboat, from which we were distant about 2 leagues, we anchored at 4 in the afternoon so that the crews could obtain some rest from their fatigue caused by the great amount of rowing done during the day. At 7 the boat of the packetboat came alongside with an order from the commander to come in it immediately to tell him what had been found. This I did at 8 45. As soon as the chief became aware of what we had discovered from a plan which I presented to him and of the amount which was to be explored and discovered, particularly in the Canal de Nuestra Senora del Rosario, he fully resolved that the schooner and the longboat should depart a second time with the object of advancing the discoveries as far as possible, even consuming, if necessary, all the favorable weather which remained to us in the present summer. That this might be carried out with greater speed, and with more comfort and help to the crew he resolved to also proceed in the packetboat as far inside as he could. This seemed to me to be very wise, but, in compliance with my obligations, I found it necessary to explain to him that it was not possible nor convenient to the best service of His Majesty for the packetboat to go inside for the following reasons: the evident danger of her suffering shipwreck because of the many islands we have seen, the few winds favorable to sternming the great velocity of the currents through each arm and opening among the various islands in this piece of sea; the variety of directions which the great whirlpools they form take among these islands; and finally the necessity of anchoring every night among so many reefs as there are in this indescribable archipelago, in which bottom cannot be found close to them in forty fathoms. Most of the bottoms are of rock except at some point of low land, beach or white paredon™ of which few can be 69. This word seems to be a derivative of pared, a wall; probably it means bluff. 177 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT found. From the scarcity of these we have seen ourselves in the schooner and the longboat in some straits, although they are such small vessels compared with the packetboat. To this is to be added the rowing of the longboat with thirteen oars and the schooner with eight, and even with this great assistance the danger has been evident, for we struck on the rocks three different times. On the following day the schooner came up and the two pilots having come on board the commander called us to a meeting to consider entering the Canal de Lopez de Aro with the packetboat. All having expressed the inconveniences standing in the way it was thought best to proceed to the Puerto de Quadra, as this was closer to the work to be done. This was carried into effect as soon as the weather permitted, and we anchored there on the 28th. On the 30th70 the schooner and the longboat departed on their task under the command of the captain of the schooner, the second pilot, Don Jose Maria Narvaez. In the longboat went the brevet second pilot, Don Jose Verdia, in order to obtain the merit which he is securing in this discovery. As there was no other officer of war in the packetboat than the commander and only two pilots I remained behind to assist the chief in any thing that might come up. On the 13th of July a gunner killed in the forest a quadruped without tail. Its weight and size were greater than those of the largest steer and the flesh was very tasty. We dined on it bountifully in the cabin for four days and the whole crew for two. Respecting its body, the head, feet and legs resemble those of a very large horse, the hoofs those of an ox, the ears those of a mule and the horns those of a stag except that these are extremely large, each one being forty-two inches long, with six points, each a third of a yard long and five inches thick, gradually becoming thinner and ending in sharp points. The two horns at their roots are entirely round and eleven inches thick. Where the last three little points begin (of the six which each horn has, distributed two-thirds of the distance from the socket) they are not round but somewhat flat, about six and one-quarter inches wide, and fourteen and three-quarter inches 70. There is some difference in the dates in the different accounts at this period. Carrasco and Eliza say that the vessels anchored on the night of the 28th in the Bahia de Quimper, that is, New Dungeness and reached Quadra, that is Port Discovery, on the 29th, the expedition setting out July 1. 178 EXTRACT OF THE NAVIGATION BY PANTOJA around. The horns are entirely covered with a skin of down, not very thick but very close-grained, so fine that when we touched it we seemed to be passing our hands over velvet. What he has on his body however is just the reverse as it is the same as that on a deer. The color of the head is between black and brown and that of the horns between ash color and dark pearl color. When they were dressing it there were some Indians present who explained very clearly that it was of the skin of this animal that they made their beautiful and perfecdy dressed leather shirts, which ordinarily all possess. We bought some of these which look like the breast doublets in Spain but are very thick. On asking them if they made use of these to protect themselves from intemperate weather they said "no", but that for that purpose they had and wear an abundance of blankets of very coarse wool, with which most of the crew have supplied themselves, and that they only used these skins during their skirmishes or war to protect themselves from the arrows. They put them on double and only open on the left side. With these they cover most of the body, for even without the extremities71 they are larger and wider than our cowskins, tanned or dressed. On the 22d the schooner and the longboat arrived and the two pilots and the pilotin came on board. Narvaez said that the day he left the Puerto de Quadra he saw a rather large inlet in the Ensenada de Caamano and thought he would leave it until he returned, inasmuch as it was only some 7 or 8 miles distant from the port. This however he could not accomplish yesterday when he was off it because he was without food. As soon as he passed this the day he sailed from this port he directed his course to the Bocas de Fidalgo, which was only one however, but found to be much wider than marked on the plan we carry of the exploration made last year, and without any island in the middle of it. He entered this and having sailed through it for 12 miles, found himself in the east canal, which we had thought to follow in the preceding voyage,72 and in a great archipelago of islands. Continuing his course through this they found it to end in 25 miles in a great sand flat with Y2 71. Sp., garonnes, stricdy the heels. 72. Pantoja had not accompanied the expedition of Quimper and he is here referring to his own expedition of the month before. The east canal was probably Guemes Channel. 179 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT fathom of water on it, and an extended piece of flat land beyond to the horizon. In the sand flat they saw many Indians after shellfish. They named it "Seno de Padilla".78 After they had examined everything they turned back and took their course for the great Canal de Nuestra Senora del Rosario. They sailed through this for 8 days during which they covered 22 leagues more than the 28 we had explored during the preceding voyage. They reached the latitude of Noca, which they observed satisfactorily, always sailing towards the fourth quarter, the width becoming greater the farther they sailed until it had a width of 2074 miles at the farthest point they reached, 7 more than the Strait of Juan de Fuca. They did not continue sailing onwards through it as they now had but little food. They noted that there was no other wind than one from the second quarter and this mosdy light. On the 23d the commander ordered the schooner to be hove down for cleaning her bottom, and to be supplied with food, water and wood. He determined to leave this port and the strait and direct his course for Noca, there still being sufficient time for the schooner and the longboat to examine the new Boca de Caamano and even to advance the discoveries in the great Canal,75 if in the former there was but little to do, because he had experience that in the three preceding years five ships, which have tried to reach Noca, have not been able to do so in the months of August and September, which is the latest that the season favorable for reaching 50° and running down an unknown coast without suffering some accident, can be extended. If he did not succeed and had to go back to the fortresses in New California or to the department of San Bias it would be very detrimental inasmuch as at present he was the commandant of the establishment and port of Noca where he must remain until the viceroy of New Spain shall consider it advisable to 73. This was another one of the viceroy's numerous names. Guemes, San Vicente and Pacheco islands were also named after him at the same time. 74. This statement is not strictly correct. 75. It might seem that the word "not" has been omitted from this part of the sentence, but as Eliza attempted to sail out two days afterwards and no mention whatever occurs in his narrative of any intention to send out any more exploring parties, Pantoja seems to be simply explaining why they did not make these examinations, this being frequently the way excuses for not doing something were expressed by the explorers of the day. 180 EXTRACT OF THE NAVIGATION BY PANTOJA issue other orders. In addition to this, although the season was not very far advanced for the packetboat, it was for the schooner on account of its smallness. For this reason he was somewhat anxious because he understood that many days would have to be spent in getting out of the strait as the ruling winds are contrary and there are few anchorages on the south coast, making it therefore easy to lose with the incoming tide what is gained by the outgoing. These tides, as Lieutenant Don Manuel Quimper ascertained during the reconnaissance which he made in 1790, run 4 or 5 miles per hour. He also found out that there is no place to anchor on the south coast except in two bays. The commander also ordered the second pilot, Jose Maria Narvaez, to deliver the command of the schooner to his second, Pilotin and Brevet Second Pilot, Don Juan Carrasco, and to transfer himself to the packetboat, so that in case the schooner could not reach Noca he could become first pilot of the frigate Concepcion, to which position he had been assigned as the proper holder of it had gone to San Bias in the sloop Princesa Real, and that he might assist also in finishing the many charts which have to be made. Departure from the Puerto de Quadra July 26,1791, with some light winds from the first quarter and the ebbing tide we weighed, but so great were the eddies we encountered that we could accomplish nothing, as we were situated between three entrances, that of the Puerto de Quadra and the two which the Isla de Carrasco forms with the coast, all so deep, that there is from 35 to 50 fathoms of water in them. We therefore anchored. Finally making whatever was possible daily, now by taking advantage of the lightest favorable winds, now with the ebbing tides and now by towing by the longboat and the boat and even once by the schooner, we succeeded in getting out of this slaughter house of human beings76 August 1. About 10:30 in the morning of that day we anchored in the Ensenada de Quimper, from which many canoes sallied forth filled with rich and tasty salmon which were exchanged for Monterey shells. On the 5th we continued with the towing as soon as the tide began to run out and 5 leagues from this bay on the same south coast we discovered a fine port, which the commander named "Nuestra Senora de los 76. Sp., matadero de rationales, a curious expression SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT Angeles".77 Continuing our voyage, as soon as we had the tide in our favor and the contrary sea breeze died out, we went on finding anchorage along that coast. With this happy chance we were able to anchor on the 7th in the Ensenada de Nunez Gaona at the extreme end of the strait.78 It is to be noted that all this south coast has easy soundings to a distance of 2 miles out except the two points of the Ensenada de Soto and that of Rojas which are very steep. The ruling winds since we departed from Quadra until we anchored in this bay were moderate sea breezes from the WSW, W, and WNW, winds contrary to our sailing, but the fact that there was anchorage on all the south coast, where we did not lose during the incoming tide what had been gained during the outgoing, afforded us exit in such few days. As soon as we anchored many canoes began to come out for trade from the large setdement 4 miles from the bay. From Monday the 8th to Wednesday the 10th the crews have been busy taking wood and water and washing their clothes. On these days the Indians have continued their visits in increased numbers to exchange their sea-otter skins. They brought many but they were dear as they asked a copper plate for a poor skin, and say that the English pay better. The wind remained from the sea during the day and from the land at night, the sky clear and serene. In view of this favoring weather the commander decided to make sail on the following day for the Puerto de Noca with the idea that if the weather remained favorable he might succeed in keeping the schooner with us without exposing her to the risk of some accident, as the season was already advanced for such a small vessel to go up to Noca (she only measures 18 codos on the keel, 6l/2 on the beam and 5V2 draught79). Besides, the 25 days supply of food she carries would hardly suffice for 32 men which comprise her own crew and those of the longboat,80 without counting the pilots and sea-officers when they have been in com- 77. Still known under the same name. Carrasco states that they entered the port August 2 and I have no doubt that he was correct, especially as that is the day of the celebration of the Senora de Los Angeles. 78. A name given by Quimper to the bay now known as Neah. 79. Pantoja, as we learn from Eliza, forgot to insert "pies" that is "feet" after the 6Y2 and 554- Draft was measured in pies, not in codos. 80. The longboat was safely stowed aboard the San Carlos; Pantoja seems to have been mixed here. 182 EXTRACT OF THE NAVIGATION BY PANTOJA mission. If the weather should change she could continue along the coast taking advantage with her oars of the calms and the land winds, which usually blow at night. Description of the Estrecho de Juan de Fuca and the great Canal de Nuestra Senora del Rosario la Marinera. The middle of the entrance of this strait is in lat. 48° 32' N and in long. 200 12' W of San Bias.81 It is formed by the Puntas de Bonilla and Martinez, distant 13 miles from each other and bearing N 14° E and S 140 W. The Punta de Martinez82 is a broad face of land 12 miles distant from the Punta de Hijosa88 which is in the estimated latitude of 48° 14' and longitude 200 16', the most southerly of the entrance, and bears in the same direction. There are various small islands off the two points and off that of Martinez a rock about a mile to the west.84 The two points form various coves, the one in the center being the largest and having a stream of good water.88 The extension from east to west to the end of the Seno de Santa Rosa, the situation of the Bocas de Caamano and Fidalgo, is 37 [97] miles.88 All the south coast is soundable in from 25 to 40 fathoms at 2 miles from shore, except the two points of the Ensenadas de Soto and Rojas where at two cables distance 60 fathoms, rock bottom, are found. On the north coast to the Punta de San Eugenio [San Eusebio] you have to be at more or less the same distance to find the same depth, although this piece of coast can seldom be sounded, but from the Ensenada de Orbeas to the west point of the entrance to the Canal de Lopez de Haro it is soundable in some places in sand and in others in very sticky mud. The same is found at the end of the Seno de Santa Rosa. In the Boca de Fidalgo and along the south coast from the Bahia de Quimper to the Ensenada de Soto we have found that the tides keep their 81. Actually about 48° 3C and 124° 45' W of Greenwich. Pantoja's longitude was estimated from Cook's observations at Nootka. As San Bias is 105° 15Y,' west of Greenwich Pantoja's figure for the strait would be 125° 271/4' W or an error of about 40', just about the amount of Cook's error at Nootka. 82. Cape Flattery. 83. Cape Alava. 84. Fuca's Pillar no doubt, although this is only about a quarter of a mile from the point. 85. MukkawBay. 86. An error for 97, about the actual length, and besides this was Quimper's figure. SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT order, the current on the days of new moon being observed to run 3 miles per hour. In the middle of the strait and at the steep points of land tide rips and strong whirlpools can be seen. The hills and rolling country on the north coast appear to be fertile and passable along the ridge, noting that on the slopes there are some valleys and flat land which I conceive would be suitable for crops, particularly in the Puertos de Revilla Gigedo and Cordova and in the En- senadas de Orbeas, Animas,87 and Valdes. Some streams of fresh water descend from some of these and empty into the salt water. It is to be noted that in order to reach these valleys and flat land it is necessary to pass through very thick woods and over sand bluffs which are usually found along the banks of the sea in the greater part of the strait. The south shores do not seem to lend themselves so well for cultivation because the pieces of flat land I have seen are small and they are steeper and higher. Behind them is a long line of mountains covered with snow, on some of which thick high pine trees, some oaks and different other trees can be seen. On both coasts, particularly on the shores, different kinds of pasture are very common on which feed buffalo, stags, deer, wild goats, hares and rabbits. On the seeds and abundant fruits, some of which are agreeable to the palate, two kinds of doves feed, one of the color and shape of our domestic pigeon, different unknown litde birds and a kind of the color and shape of a chicken, with golden feathers and a swift flight like that of the partridge.88 So great is the abundance of these that I have killed some of them. Their flesh does not differ from that of our chicken. It may also be noted that among the herbiage at the edges of the beach I have seen whole thickets of rose bushes with innumerable roses of red color and of five petals, and an incredible quantity of such very tame bees that if you have some rose branches in your hand they will settle on them, and even if you touch them they will not sting you. Most of them are of a dark yellow color rather than black, and although in the forest through which we went to explore and examine the ground we could not find any hive with honey, we saw two or three 87. This name was not mentioned in the narrative. It was no doubt the small bay between Otter Point and Sooke Inlet, judging from Eliza's map. 88. Obviously a grouse. EXTRACT OF THE NAVIGATION BY PANTOJA broken into pieces in pine trees, hollow, although green. On the north coast about 7 miles east of the Punta de Bonilla is the Puerto de San Juan de Pachina,89 (so-called by the natives), capable of holding many vessels, clean, and sheltered from the winds of the first, second and fourth quarters. Inside there are two streams of good water and some level country. It is frequented by the vessels of foreigners who come to carry on an exchange of sea-otter skins for copper plates and other trifles. The number of inhabitants of both sexes who inhabit it is very great. About 40 miles to the east is the Puerto de Revilla Gigedo, wholly sheltered from all winds but with a very narrow entrance, scarcely half a cable wide. Off the west point there is a sand bar under 7 or 8 feet of water, and close to it 2 or 3 sunken rocks. On account of these obstructions I do not consider it very available for large vessels although inside it is of great extent with level land, a stream of fresh water and numerous Indians. To the north of the Punta and Islas de Morena de la Vega, distant 8 miles, is the Puerto de Cordova, sheltered from all winds and capable of holding some vessels of any size. In the greater part of it some level country will be found, small streams of good water and but few inhabitants. These three ports do not abound gready in fish, but they do in the animals and birds mentioned; there are besides some cranes and ducks in the last two. To the east of the Puerto de Cordova, distant 9 miles, is the Canal de Lopez de Aro, 7 miles wide and extending 25 miles in the direction of the fourth quarter. In this there is a diversity of islands, large and small, and many hindrances to navigation, such as buried rocks, keys, rocks, heavy surf, currents, and formidable whirlpools. For this reason any large ship which attempts to sail through it is exposed to much danger. In view of the straits in which we found ourselves with our small schooner, which was rowed by eight oars and the longboat of the packetboat, which was rowed by twelve, and towed the schooner, I conceive that no schooner or sloop longer than 25 to 28 codos on the keel can sail through it. Even to do this it would be necessary to have a longboat, much larger than those usually provided for such a vessel, to extract her from the perils to which she is continually exposed by reason of the 89. Quimper states in his vocabulary that "Pachina" was the native name of the port. SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT currents, and the inability to scarcely find bottom at the foot of any point on an island (if it is a bit high) in 40 fathoms, and then it is of rock. Only where there are white sand bluffs, (few in number), close to which 15 to 20 fathoms can be found, can the anchorages be called regular ports because of their sand bottoms. On the west coast of this are the coasts90 of Bazan of some importance, but their true direction or extension is unknown as there was not time to ascertain it. To the south of the first inlet, in the interior of the forest, there is a large setdement of Indians, very warlike and daring, but with the loss of some of them our longboat which was fully armed, made them retreat. At the extreme south end of the Isla de Zayas is the Puerto de San Antonio, sheltered from all winds and in which some vessels of any burden can find refuge. To the north are situated the Islas de Patos, Sucia, and Mai Abrigo,91 from which opens out the grand Canal de Nuestra Senora del Rosario la Marinera, and which contains the great islands of Zepeda, Tejada, and San Felix. On the two expeditions of the schooner and the longboat they could not discover more than 40 leagues of this. Its direction trends in the fourth quarter and it is wider than Fuca, but as there was no time to continue the exploration the ends of it are unknown. It has been observed that the tides in it do not keep any regularity but that the currents and whirlpools are very much greater than usual. We have also seen there a great number of gulls, tunny fish and immense whales. As we have observed but very few of these in the whole strait they either breed in the Canal del Rosario or enter by some other way. On the north and south shores there are various inlets which also could not be explored, but in what we examined on both sides various streams of fresh water were found. It is believed that on the north side there must be some very copious river as, close to the Isla de Zepeda and for a distance of 2 leagues, they sailed through a line of white water more sweet than salt. On both sides there are very good anchorages, many plots of flat land and the same abundance of pasture, quadrupeds and birds as in the strait itself. At the Isla de Zepeda there is an incredible quantity of rich 90. Probably an error for bocas; certainly this is what he means. 91. This is sufficient proof, even if we did not have his map, that the island now known as "Matia" was named "Mai Abrigo" by Pantoja. EXTRACT OF THE NAVIGATION BY PANTOJA salmon and numerous Indians, much more docile and tractable than those at the entrance. They speak an entirely different language and in spite of the fact that we did not understand it they explained with entire clearness that there had been vessels within the canal much larger than the schooner, one of which brought some bracelets of very fine brass engraved apparendy with a burin, which they would not exchange.92 Such a thing has not been seen in the possession of any Indian on the whole coast, still less among the trifles which the foreign vessels have brought which have been in Noca since we have been acquainted with it. It was also learned from an Indian of eleven or twelve years of age, whom the storekeeper Jose Ignacio Gonzalez bought, that on the north side there is some flat country through which many people come to trade for fish and stay for two moons, bringing iron, copper, and blue beads, wearing distinct dress and having different bows and arrows, some larger than theirs, and with some large quadrupeds, with a round hoof, a mane, and a long tail. They tie on the backs of these four tercios™ of fish and in order to make them travel whip them with a piece of hide. Comprehending from his signs that these were horses, a painting of one was shown to him. As soon as he saw it he said that that was what they were.94 East of the Canal de Lopez de Aro some 18 miles is the Canal de Fidalgo which communicates with that of Rosario by various channels. Between Fidalgo and Lopez de Aro there is a great archipelago of islands which was named "San Juan". In that of Fidalgo the whirlpools and tidal currents are not so terrible, the latter keeping the regular proportion of 6 hours as far as the islands of San Vicente and Guemes. In this district are some good anchorages. Neither on the islands nor on the adjacent coasts were any 92. This somewhat enigmatical sentence affords some proof that some one of the fur traders had reached the east end of the strait, or else the bracelets had come from some vessel in Queen Charlotte Sound. From the description it seems clear that the Indians had some of these bracelets. 93. In the early days in Mexico a tertio was 100 pounds, the third part of a carga. The carga was thus divided so as to be more easily distributed on a pack mule or horse. By this time it seems to have acquired the meaning of half a carga, but there is no certainty about it. 94. This story sounds more plausible than most Indian stories conveyed by signs. I87 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT setdements seen, but in the Seno de Padilla some Indians after shellfish were seen in the shallows. South of Fidalgo some 15 miles is the large newly-discovered Ensenada and Boca de Caamano, which could not be explored for lack of time.95 Southwest of this 7 miles is the fine Puerto de Quadra, which from its size and the great shelter it affords, is capable of holding a numerous squadron. In front of the entrance is the Isla de Carrasco which thus forms two entrances. As we were anchored in this port 25 days, while the schooner was on its second commission, we ascertained that it abounded in various kinds of fish, especially those called flounder, turbot, and dog-fish. On the day of the conjunction of the moon the highest tide was observed at 4:09 in the afternoon. It rises and falls 5% feet, but the flood and ebb is very gradual and thus they do not keep the same proportion of 6% and 1/5 hours.96 The ground, although fertile, is of very little use for crops as water is lacking and it is all hilly, very rugged by reason of the many declivities in their sides. Among these the sailors and the troops saw bears, leopards,97 coyotes, wolves, deer, hares and rabbits and two kinds of doves and chickens. They killed more than fifty of these birds and a few of the four first-named species, which served all as a moderate refreshment, since we were in great need. To this is to be added the great abundance of a special thick bramble which at the end of July began to ripen in the corner of the east coast.98 On the shores of this in the woods we saw some canoes closed with boards and capes, very well tied, which had inside some human skeletons,99 although there is no setdement in the neighborhood of the port. Only some Indians came from outside from time to time in their canoes to trade boys. Three leagues to the west is the Ensenada and small Puerto de Quimper, with good anchorage and sheltered from the winds of 95. Quimper had discovered the Ensenada de Caamano and Eliza merely the entrance to the inlet, that is Admiralty Inlet. 96. The one-fifth seems to be a correction for one-half, as I judge from Eliza's narrative that six and one-fifth is the proper figure. 97. Probably cougars, also spotted animals and quite common on the Olympic Peninsula. 98. The ordinary blackberry. 99. This is probably the origin of his expression matadero de rationales for the place. EXTRACT OF THE NAVIGATION BY PANTOJA the second, third and fourth quarters, and situated at a point of flat land which extends out from the coast about a short league towards the first quarter. It is this point which forms the bay. It has streams of good water, a great abundance of salmon and a large setdement of natives, who speak, with some change of words, the same language as those of Noca. More to the west, about 5 leagues, is the fine Puerto de Nuestra Senora de Los Angeles, lately discovered. By reason of its size and good bottom it is capable of holding a large number of ships of all dimensions. West of this port to the Bahia de Nunez Gaona are several bays all ordinarily without shelter. Inside of these and close to the woods are settlements. In the most northerly part of the face of the south country at the entrance to the strait, is the Bahia de Nunez Gaona, sheltered from the winds of the first, second and third quarters but open to that of the fourth, which is the ruling one during most of the summer. For this reason and because the bottom inside is of stones it is not well for any large vessel to remain anchored in it. During the days we were at anchor we noted at the entrance a swell which gave us some great and repeated rolls, and on the beach there is a surf. On the east side there is a small island.100 About 40 [4] miles to the west is the Punta de Martinez and close to it a small flat island, although of medium height.101 On this we saw a large setdement whose chiefs they call Tutusi and Tataciin.1 While we were anchored in Nunez Gaona numerous Indians assembled. We noticed that they had an abundance of sea-otter skins, as most of them were covered with capes made of them. They estimated them at a high value, as they would scarcely accept for one single poor skin one of our large copper sheets which was 26 inches long, 22 inches wide and as thick as a real, giving us to understand that the English, who anchored there and in the Puerto de San Lucas,108 paid better prices. These natives, like all those with whom we have treated in the district and in the Canal de Lopez de Aro resemble those at Noca, with only some difference in their language. They seem to 100. Waaddah Island. 101. Tatoosh Island. 102. He was probably the Tetacii of the expedition of the following year. 103. What this port was I cannot make out, the name does not seem to appear in any of the narratives. Perhaps it is an error for San Juan. SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT me, however, to be more warlike and daring, not only on account of what happened to the longboat but because from the Puerto de Quimper to the Ensenada de Rojas, some 18 leagues, we saw on all the beaches a number of skeletons fastened to poles on the shores. Ordinarily they all use some thick hides dressed like deerskins and in the bows of their canoes they carry long spears. The winds and the weather we have experienced have been very varied and inconstant, particularly in the months of June and July, in which there have been more days of rain and heavy squalls from the second and third quarters than clear and serene days with light winds from the first and fourth quarters. The last are the most constant and are those which clear up the weather and make bright the sky. We have noted that in most of August it was true summer. During our stay and during the voyage from Cayuela to Nunez Gaona 16 capes of sea-otter skins have been exchanged for the account of the royal treasury for as many sheets of copper. Twenty small Indians of both sexes have been bought for 33 sheets of copper. No possession was taken as no inlet was found which opened to the sea and because during the past year of 1790 the corresponding ones were taken in the same navigation by Lieutenant Don Manuel Quimper in command of the English sloop the Princesa Real. Departure from the Estrecho de Juan de Fuca August 11,1791, about 8:30 in the morning we set sail with a fresh land wind from the E and the schooner did the same. In order to clear the Punta de Martinez we steered NW % W and WNW under all sail. When we were as far on as the entrance we encountered numerous strong currents which continued until midday. At sunset a satisfactory observation gave 16° 47' of variation NE. The schooner kept in our company until the 14th, when, the horizon having become obscured by a thick fog and the wind having freshened gready, she could not be seen at sunset. The weather having made it necessary for us to leave the coast, where we were exposed to suffer some accident, the commander determined to stand off outside. August 2910* we succeeded in anchoring in Noca having experienced during the 19 days of sailing very variable winds, and on some days very strong winds from the fourth quarter. 104. Eliza says August 30. 190 EXTRACT OF THE NAVIGATION BY PANTOJA Notes From the 14th of August when we left the coast on account of the fresh winds from the fourth quarter, with which we could gain nothing despite repeated tacking, until the 29th, we have not seen the schooner the Santa Saturnina, our convoy, and we think that she has gone to Monterey, one of the ports in Nueva California in lat. 36° 40' N and long. 170 24' W of San Bias, as she was a vessel incapable of reaching 500 with contrary winds and in an advanced season like the present. For this reason our commander on leaving the strait ordered her to continue along the coast to this port with the idea of taking advantage of the few land breezes which are experienced at night, and the winds from below which usually blow at the changes of the moon. In case she was in distress she was to go to any of the three ports on this piece of coast 40 leagues long, which is the greatest distance from the strait to Noca. During the four months that we have been away from this port the occurrences have been the arrival of the frigate Nuestra Senora de Aranzazu commanded by Ensign Don Juan Matute from the department of San Bias, with the purpose of supplying this establishment with some food supplies and carrying to the establishments and missions of Nueva California the supply of goods which are annually remitted from Mexico for the account of the royal treasury. She departed for Monterey on the 26th of the same month with a soldier and six sailors of the garrison and the crew of the Concepcion sick, and with an order to return to this port as soon as possible loaded with cattle and grain of which there is a notable lack for passing the winter. July 12 Captain Juan Kendrique of Boston entered this port and passed the fort with his matches lit, his men armed and the flag of his nation flying in the sloop Washington rigged as a brig. She went on to anchor at the wintering-place called "Malbinas", 3 leagues north of this entrance and great Puerto de Noca. This is the same man whom Don Esteban Martinez in 1789 found in the same wintering-place in command of the same sloop and the frigate Columbia, which latter he has now sent from Macao to North America or the Provincias Unidas. On passing by the fort he was asked through a ship's horn who he was and from where he came. He answered that he did not understand. For this reason the pro- 191 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT visional commandant of this establishment, Don Ramon Saavedra, sent him without loss of time an official communication to the effect that up to the present this country belonged to the dominion of our sovereign and that therefore he could neither come in nor trade there without due permission, and that he should state from where he came and his reason for entering this port. To this he answered that he came from Macao for the purpose of trading along all this coast for sea-otter skins and that as soon as he finished his task he expected to depart. This he did on the 20th going out to sea without passing by the fort, as he went through the arm of salt water which extends through the interior of this port to the Bahia de Buena Esperanza, 10 leagues to the north of this entrance of Noca. The entrance to this is on the same coast, all of it being like a large island, as appears on the annexed plan, just like all that has been discovered.105 This plan is comprised in the Carta Esferica108 and covers only what extends from the Punta de Boise to the most southerly part of the strait, with all the interior places on the coast which have been explored. During the time he was anchored in Malbinas he gave permission to his pilots to come and see the commander, writing him that he himself did not do so as he was satisfied of our friendship, and that of his three pilots. These made a representation against him in which they said they desired to remain with us; a request which was not considered. They told the commander that when they passed the fort Kendrique ordered each one to place himself in the spot to which he had been assigned and that only the captain and the steersman remained on deck. Further they said that the sloop had for a crew 36 chosen men, 2 Chinamen and 2 Indians from the Sandwich Islands, that she carried 8 cannon of 4 pounds each, 12 swivel guns and 4 small guns, and that the crew was distributed through the battery, each with a pair of pistols, a musket 105. This is another proof that at this time the Spaniards believed the land north of the strait to be all islands. In his Noticias Pantoja has a somewhat ambiguous note "The end of the Seno de Gaston has not been determined; possibly it is an island as far as Floridablanca". Floridablanca was the name Narvaez had given to an inlet which he thought he had seen at the termination of Boundary Bay. Pantoja seemed to think that this might communicate with the upper end of Bellingham Bay, thus making an island to the west of it. 106. The Carta que comprehende los interiores of Eliza in all probability. 192 EXTRACT OF THE NAVIGATION BY PANTOJA and sabre. All this our people found to be correct when they went on board with the official demand. Our commander also asked them what was the news when they left Macao. To this they responded that March 20, 16 vessels belonging to the English company had departed for Europe in two divisions, all sheathed in copper and armed for war, convoyed by two armed ships, and an armed frigate of the same nation also sheathed in copper. These had departed from England with this object in October, 1790, and were endeavoring to reach Europe as soon as possible because Spain and England were arming. From one day to another war was expected to be declared between these two powers and if this came to pass the Prussians and the Dutch would join the English and then English vessels armed for war would come privateering in these seas and on the north coast of California. Already there is a royal company called "Of the Mar del Sur" which has this sole object in view. They said that Kendrique had left Macao April 1, had struck the coast at Bucareli and come along it ttading with the Indians for sea-otter skins; and that in a port of the Isla Reina Car- lota or Infante (called by us Floridablanca)107 they thought they would be captured by the Indians, on whom they took satisfaction. Through a piece of negligence on their part the Indians placed themselves on a chest of arms on the quarter-deck, and then the rest attacked with their spears and pikes with bone points and wounded some of the crew, among them Kendrique, who had two wounds. If they had not had the good fortune to have another chest of arms in the cabin on which they laid hands with the swiftness demanded by the straits in which they were, they would have become victims of these ferocious natives, 15 of whom were left dead on the deck, without counting the large number they wounded and some they killed in the canoes and in the water from those which upset in their precipitate flight. They said that off this same island they sighted a packetboat at a long distance and that Juan Kendrique expected die ship to move leisurely along the whole coast until the month of November, and then to sail for Macao, first stopping for refreshment and some food supplies at the Sandwich Islands. Here the natives had butchered the captain and crew of the Boston schooner which Mar- 107. The Queen Charlotte group, then thought to be a single island. 193 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT tinez seized in this Puerto de Noca in 1789 and which was liberated in San Bias in 1790. Only one of the crew was left alive, a sailor who casually was asleep on land and of whom they made a slave. They declared that these natives had 4 cannon of 24 pounds, each mounted, which the father of the deceased captain of this schooner had given them in return for food. Before leaving Macao they had heard from him of the disaster which had occurred, and that as soon as he had made certain of it, being himself at the time at the Islands, he had taken due satisfaction, asserting that he killed more than 300 natives. This is the same island where they killed the famous voyager and admiral, Cook. In the seven islands, which are called "Sandwich" because they are very close together, there were some Englishmen established and married, as the Indian women are very white and good looking, who have deserted from the numerous vessels which have come to this coast to trade in sea- otter skins, and which touch at these islands on their return to Macao. Here they supply themselves with some food similar to that in the Islas Otaeti (alias Amat), such as pigs, chickens, wild pigeons, cocoanuts, bananas, eicrei108 and yams. These island Indians speak the same language as those of Otaeti with some difference in words although the islands are more than 14 [1400] leagues apart. August 12 the two corvettes of our nation the Descubierta and the Atrevida, commanded by Captain Don Alexandra Mala Espina [Malaspina] and Commander Don Jose Bustamante y Guerra anchored in this port on a voyage around the world. They set sail for the Puerto de Monterey and San Bias on the 28th of the same month and were the two vessels which we sighted on the 29th at daybreak at a long distance off the coast. The astronomers observed the longitude in this port to be 21 ° 20' W of San Bias, a difference of 45 minutes of the arc of a great circle from that observed by Captain Cook, which was 22° 05'. During our stay in this port the weather continued the same as I have already stated, as for eight or ten days it is good with the sky clear and serene because in the morning and afternoon the winds are from the fourth quarter and at night the land winds are from 108. This word I think must be an error in the text, perhaps it is or was an Hawaiian word. EXTRACT OF THE NAVIGATION BY PANTOJA the first. Then follow as many more bad ones with winds from the second and third quarters, which sometimes bring along heavy rainstorms and at other times thick fogs. Thus it continues for most of the summer with little difference. In the winter however it is customary to have a whole month of rainstorms and in the height of summer thick fog. September 9 the Indian Tutusiasicu, the second son of Captain Guiquinanis came from Cayuela in a very large canoe to the frigate Concepcion to make a visit to the commander, Don Francisco Eliza, as he had promised when we were in his house. He said that ten days previously he had seen two very large ships of three masts pass by and that twenty days previously Juan Kendrique had made sail from Cayuela, and that none of the residents of his settlement had seen our schooner, the Santa Saturnina, pass. On the 24th our commander, Don Ramon Saavedra, departed in the longboat fully armed in search of the ships boy, Jose Isidor de los Reyes, who for two days had been absent from his allotted task. Having reached the temporary setdement of native fishermen, two leagues to the north of this entrance, he did not find him, so in order to oblige the Indians to hunt for him he brought two of them back as prisoners. These were placed in liberty on the 26th with a present of copper, bread and cloth as the ships boy had been captured by the Volunteers during the first quarter of the night. The commander of the establishment ordered him to be punished with the proper number of lashes. October 14 the labor of taking ballast and water was finished and on the 15th the commander ordered our Don Ramon to comply with his duty and embark. Our three pilots Don Jose Maria Narvaez, Don Jose Antonio Verdia and I, having finished the many charts which had to be made, Don Francisco Eliza delivered them to our commander, well sealed and in good condition in some tin tubes, together with the correspondence for His Excellency, the viceroy of New Spain, and the commandant of the department of San Bias, and ordered him to set sail for the department as soon as the weather and the wind became favorable. The same day he assigned the crew for us to take, which consisted of 64, from commander to page, out of the 80 we brought out from San Bias, that is 16 men short of her assignment. Among the 64 we had 8 unable 195 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT to render any service, including the first boatswain. In view of our short crew and the advanced season we were about to make sail with some uneasiness, as it would be easy in a storm to have some accident occur during the strong and frequent gusts of wind which with copious rainfall rule in these meridians during these months at the beginning of winter. The rain is the worst, because it and the great cold caused by the wet clothes chilling the body, particularly of those who have no change, as happens with most of those whom we have on board, prevent the crew from working. In addition to this, as the vessel has no other pilot than me, who am so worn out with the present expedition, nor any other army officer than the commander, we find ourselves obliged to stand the larboard and starboard watches. On the 18th the weather having improved and still improving, propitious for making sail, we embarked the little food we had, particularly the ordinary biscuit, which scarcely reached 70 ar- robas109 and is of poor quality as it is part of what was left by the corvettes. We have been obliged to keep it in the galleries on land on account of the incredible number of rats on this ship, which in spite of the care observed and the many killed daily have destroyed a set of sails and various strands of the cables and stream cables which we have in the storeroom. Our departure could not be made on this day as a fresh wind came up from the SW and at sunset veered around to the second quarter, with signs of storm. This eventuated in a great rainfall all night and which continued with more or less abundance until the 24th, when at dawn, the weather being overcast with a thick fog and the land wind from the N being light, the commander determined to get out into the stream. For this purpose he requested of Don Francisco Eliza a good bower anchor with a cable, so as to take advantage of the first land wind, or in case of some storm coming up to anchor on it, as our anchors are not of the most satisfying character, as we had left for the Concepcion the sheet anchor and a small bower anchor. At 4 in the afternoon we succeeded in anchoring in 50 fathoms of water, bottom sand and pebbles. At this time the wind was blowing but it was from the S. At sunset it died out, the Punta de San Estehan, the most salient one, bearing S 200 E, distant 10 to 12 miles, and 109. An arroba is twenty-five pounds. 196 EXTRACT OF THE NAVIGATION BY PANTOJA the Islas de Puercos, bearing S % SW distant a short mile (both of the compass). Night fell with the sky covered with a thick fog. At 7:30 a very light land wind came up from the NNE. We therefore took the longboat aboard. At 9 it fell calm but at 3 in the morning of the following day, the 25th, it stiffened again with a strong rainfall which continued until daybreak. At this hour the commander determined to make sail seeing that it was getting fresher, although the horizon looked squally in the first quarter. We put this into execution with all hands, paying out the cable of the bower anchor, well buoyed, and steering S 54 SE. This course we followed until we were free of the points. At 9 we furled all the small sails as all the horizon in the second quarter had become suddenly squally. Inside of half an hour a strong squall of rain and wind struck us all at once from the ESE. This obliged us to remain under the foresail only and with the bow directed S 54 SW, so as not to strike on the shoal of Maquina. At midday the entrance to the Puerto de San Lorenzo de Noca bore NE 54 N (of the compass), 8 or 9 miles distant. Until October 30 the weather remained very squally with heavy rain and strong variable winds from the ESE, SE, S, and SSW. At times it blew so hard that we were obliged to keep under only the foresail and on two occasions to lie to under this and the mizzen, taking in the spritsail reefbands as the ship could carry no more under such a wind. This always kept the sea very heavy which has damaged the ship very much. The rolls were so great and so repeated that it was necessary to nail some strips of wood along the whole upper deck so that the crew could work as otherwise it was not possible to keep on foot. On the 29th, so extremely heavy were the rolls that the medicine chests upset, in spite of being very well secured with knobs. Many liquids, especially the oils, were spilled. On the 31st the weather cleared up entirely with a favorable wind from the first quarter. With this we took a course for the Punta de Reyes, in order to correct our position by the error which during these days of bad weather might have taken place. This we reached on November 8. At midday when off the Punta de Al- mejas the commander ordered me to take a course for the anchorage in Monterey because of our necessitous state, since besides the fact that the biscuit which we took from Noca was little in quantity 197 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT and of bad smell and damaged, the greater part had been consumed by the infinite number of large perigotes or rats on the vessel. Besides, there was nothing to give the sick and nothing in the wardroom to eat. On the following day, the 9th, we anchored, and after supplying our needs, mending the two sets of sails which had become very useless, and taking on some wood and water, we made sail for San Bias on the 24th and anchored therein December 22, having experienced during the voyage contrary winds and calms. Note that the longitude of the plan conforms to that observed by the Spanish corvettes in Noca, 21 ° 40' W of San Bias, which is the same as 2500 06' E of Tenerife. The estimated longitudes stated in this extract, however, conform to that observed in Noca itself by Admiral Cook, 22° 05' W of San Bias. Senor Dn. Jose de Prados Y Salbatierra San Bias, December 29, 1791 Dear Sir and my most venerated friend: I have the pleasure of sending you a long extract and the respective chart of, in my opinion, the splendid expedition which we have made from Noca to the Estrecho de Juan de Fuca, in the interior of which we discovered the great Canal de Nuestra Senora del Rosario la Marinera, which is wider than the strait itself and whose limits up to now are unknown. In the general naming which we gave to everything discovered in the presence of the commander, chief of the expedition, I had the glorious daring to cede the right which belonged to me to His Excellency Senor Don Francisco Gil y Lemus, the most worthy viceroy of your kingdom,110 to whom as a marine officer it is customary to remit from here, if not very soon, at some future time, the most circumstantial account of everything that has been discovered. Then he will know that there is such a Pantoja in the world and that even at a great distance, and without being moved by adulation or interest, he has worshippers of his great name and wise measures. 110. What he means is, that as the discoverer he had the right to give his own name. Francisco Gil de Taboada Lemos y Villamaria was viceroy to Peru from May 17, 1790 to June 6,1796. He died in 1810. LETTER OF PANTOJA About the English and their establishing themselves on the north coast of California there is much diverse talk. Therefore I say nothing until the truth is ascertained and the final arrangement is made between the two courts, the conclusion of which is awaited here every moment. As soon as we reached Noca on the return from our expedition we found that the two Spanish corvettes had anchored in it, coming from the north where they did not accomplish all they desired on account of the heavy fogs on the coast. They reached the Puerto de Mulgrave in lat. 590 36' and some 30 leagues east of the Cabo de San Elias. Then they took their course for Noca and only the consummate skill of the commander and the officers was able to keep them from the greatest damage. From Noca they sailed with the endeavor to follow the coast and draw up the contour of it, but the dense fogs did not allow them to carry out such a useful operation. At the entrance to this bay they were so buffeted by complicated winds that they lost three anchors.1111 repeat that, as has been told me and as I know, the ability of the individuals on board cannot be too sufficiendy appreciated. At present they are in Acapulco, soon to sail for the Islas Marianas, the Philippines, and Canton in China. Here in San Bias two small schooners have been built and sent to Acapulco so that two lately-promoted commanders from the corvettes may go to Noca and then proceed on a long investigation of the great Canal de Nuestra Senora del Rosario.112 If they go alone, without taking some other large ship to carry the food, I am almost persuaded that they are not likely to succeed. This I say because, as I have just discovered it, I know very well what it is and the aids which are necessary to carry out the expedition to perfect fruition. As soon, however, as the plans and the descriptions which we have finished have reached Mexico, there will be in my opinion, a change in the scheme because in the great canal different things are requisite from those which these schooners can supply. At present, another schooner,118 32 feet long 111. The Descubierta and Atrevida. The anchors, however, were lost in Carmel Bay. 112. The Sutil and Mexicana; the commanders were Dionisio Alcala Galiano and Cayetano Valde"s. They conducted the expedition of the following year. 113. The Activa. 199 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT over all, three times larger than the other two, is under construction here and is due to leave in convoy of the frigates Princesa and Gertrudis, which are about to arrive from Acapulco and in which the commandant, Don Juan Francisco de la Quadra, is due to sail as commander, destined for Noca on the division of boundaries. For this purpose two English frigates are waiting there. Pardon me for not being more prolix and be satisfied that at all distances my gratitude to you will be perennial and that you may most safely order me to do anything in your behalf with the same pleasure as I ask of the Lord to guard your Excellency many years. I kiss the hands of your Excellency and remain Your most affectionate, grateful, and devoted friend. Juan Pantoja y Arriaga CARRASCO TO FIDALGO Extract of the voyage with His Majesty's schooner the Santa Saturnina in company with the packeboat San Carlos from the Puerto de Santa Cruz de Nuca in the explorations of the coast to the south of the port, and the arrival at the Department of San Bias during the present year of 1791. May 5 both vessels set sail with a land wind from the NNW. From that day to the 7th we were tacking with very fresh winds from the fourth quarter. As the schooner, in consequence, could not make any headway to windward the commander decided to go to Clayuclat. This was done the same day and on the 9th, by order of the commander, we set out for the interior of the port. The work finished we returned on the 14th and until the 21st were engaged in making a plan of the port. On this day we set sail and arrived at the Puerto de Carrasco in order to perform the same mission, the commander having appointed Cordova as the place of reunion. In the first part of this task we were engaged until tha 20th [10] of June when we made sail to reach the latter place, anchoring the same night in the Ensenada de Orvea. On the nth we joined the packetboat. On the 14th we set out to explore the arm to the northeast of the Canal de Lopez de Haro and were employed EXTRACT OF THE VOYAGE BY JUAN CARRASCO in this task until the 25th when we reached the place where the commander was. On the 28th both vessels set sail for the Puerto de Quadra, anchoring that night in the Bahia Quimper and on the 29th in that port. July 1 we set out a second time to explore the canal above referred to as we had noted in the first exploration that it offered much promise.1" On the 22d we returned to Quadra. During these two explorations we have succeeded in entering the Canal de Lopez de Haro about 50 leagues. It always continued in the direction of the fourth quarter so far as could be seen. It has also been determined that the ensenada named Caamano is not an ensenada but an arm of the sea which trends to the southeast. On the 24th, the captain and pilot of the schooner, Jose Maria Narvaez, and four out of the five soldiers of the schooner were transferred, by order of the commander, to the packetboat. On the 25th both vessels set sail for the outside of the strait, but on account of calms came to anchor the same day. The other days up to August 2 we consumed in reaching the entrance to the Puerto de Nuestra Senora de Los Angeles, distant about 10 or 12 miles from the Bahia Quimper and on the same south side of the strait. This port was discovered that day and was found on making a plan of it to be a league long and wide, and a long mile wide at the entrance, sheltered from all winds and with good anchorage.115 From this place we spent 6 days in reaching the Bahia de Nunez Gaona where the two vessels remained at anchor until the nth, when we set sail for the Puerto de Nuca. From that day until the 14th, when we saw no more of her, the packetboat kept tacking in our sight and in that of the coast with settled fresh winds from the second [fourth] quarter. I kept up the same procedure until the 28th, when finding I only had eight barrels of water, a little biscuit, a half a tercio of rice and a medio118 of beans, without butter, oil, meat or fish, the season being very advanced and the winds being steady day and nighty fresh from the second [fourth] quarter, I determined with the ad- 114. This is corroborative evidence that Pantoja in his expedition in June reached the Boca de Fidalgo. 115. The plan forms one of the insets on the Carta que comprehende. 116. Originally half a carga, that is about 150 pounds. It probably still represented that amount. SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT vice of the officers who accompanied me to go to Monterey so as not to experience greater needs if I remained longer on that coast with such winds. September 14, I dropped anchor just south of the Punta de Nuevo Afio and, setting sail for the Puerto de Monterey on the 15th, came to anchor at 3 in the afternoon. The two Spanish corvettes lay there at anchor and I therefore saluted their commander with seven guns. [The above is only part of Carrasco's letter. He went on to tell about his attempt to salvage the anchors which Malaspina had lost close to the Punta del Carmelo, about providing his vessel with some food and about carrying the material for the new mission of Santa Cruz to the place designated at the request of Fray Fermin Francisco de Lasuen. October 16 he set sail from Monterey and reached San Bias November 9.] FIDALGO TO THE VICEROY Most Excellent Sir: On the 9th of the present month at 2 in the afternoon the schooner Santa Saturnina under the command of pilotin Don Juan Carrasco, anchored in the Puerto de San Bias, proceeding from Nuca and Monterey. He has advised me that the men who accompanied him have complied with their obligations; that the commander of the corvettes supplied him with two sailors and that he brought one soldier of the Volunteers of Catalonia. He has informed me of the condition of his vessel in respect to her armament, rigging and sails, and tells me that she makes water and needs going over. As he gave me an extract of his voyage I have thought it well to send it to your Excellency so that you can better post yourself about what Carrasco has done. I have ordered his vessel to be disarmed and to enter the careening place so that she can be gone over and placed in serviceable condition. (Ordinary ending.) Tepic, November 12, 1791. Most Excellent Sir, Conde de Most Excellent Sir Revilla Gigedo Salvador Fidalgo (rubrica) 202 INSTRUCTIONS TO MOURELLE His Majesty has ordered an exact and detailed exploration to be made of the coast of California from the establishment of San Francisco to the Estrecho de Fuca, examining all the bays, ports, and rivers until the termination of this or its oudet has been assured, a problem today among the navigators of these seas. Aware of the services you have rendered in the department of San Bias, in the explorations to high latitudes concluded up to the year 1779, and of the commissions which my predecessors have confided to you and your proper performance of them, I have thought it my duty to destine you, as I now do, to this commission of the service, persuading myself that you will know how to fulfill with care and zeal the interesting objects to which it is directed. My confidential instruction, which I include with this, contains the plan of operations by which you must abide and likewise various measures of assistance which I have ordered to be extended to you for the execution of this voyage in the schooner Mexicana, which you will receive in the Puerto de San Bias, manned and equipped to your satisfaction, and provided with what is necessary. To the same end I send you a passport and a decree for use in case you should meet some Spanish or foreign vessel or some other unfor- seen occurrences should arise, as well as five peremptory orders like those which I have already sent to the governor of California, the commandant of Nootka and the officials in charge of the other establishments on that coast, so that when you reach them they may provide you with whatever assistance you need and request. Nothing occurs to me to add to what I prescribe for you in my confidential instruction, as I promise myself that you will take every care to carry it out with exactness and efficacy, thus making yourself a name worthy of those proper rewards with which the king distinguishes those who serve him well. Dios etc. Mexico, September 9,1791. [Conde de Revilla Gigedo] Sr. Don Francisco Mourelle 203 CONFIDENTIAL INSTRUCTION TO BE OBSERVED BY THE teniente de fragata OF THE ROYAL NAVY DON FRANCISCO ANTONIO MOURELLE ON HIS VOYAGE TO THE COAST OF CALIFORNIA IN THE SCHOONER mexicana, UNDER THE FOLLOWING DISPOSITIONS AND ARTICLES i. His Majesty being aware of the incomplete explorations made of the coast of America between the Puerto de San Francisco and 550 of latitude, has ordered me to prepare a voyage of exploration, which by exantining in detail all the bays, ports, rivers, capes, and inlets which enter the continent, will give definitive knowledge for all time of that interesting region, today the principal object of European nations. 2. For this purpose I have ordered the commandant and the commissary of San Bias to prepare without delay the small schooner Mexicana, now in that port, and to man her with two pilots, two boatswains, a cook, six gunners, eight sailors and ten ship boys. 3. The schooner will depart well supplied with rigging, sails, armament, and food for one year of navigation which should be employed in the object, and more if necessary. 4. This urgent exploration has another object still more important and necessary. The arrangement and determination of the final convention with the officials of His Britannic Majesty depend on the exact information which we may expect from it, and the dividing line with that nation will remain in suspense until the return of the schooner, which I am confident will place me in a position to settle some points of such importance with exactness. 5. The knowledge which you have of those seas, acquired in your voyages of exploration, your diligent performance of duty under the orders of my predecessors and other chiefs who have commanded you, and your knowledge of the purpose of the sovereign in this commission, have caused me to select you to command it, persuaded that you will omit no means conducive to carrying out the intentions of the king and my dispositions satisfactorily, so that in the future it will not be necessary to expend more money in such voyages of this character as up to today have been repeatedly made to those seas, and which accidents did not permit the solving of the urgent theoretical matter which I am confiding to you. You 204 INSTRUCTIONS TO MOURELLE must thoroughly understand that this extraordinary service will be rewarded by the sovereign, at whose royal feet I shall lay the recommendations which you may merit by your conduct and skill through the medium of the ministers of state and marine. 6. As I desire that this enterprise, which I am assisting with all the means in my power, may not miscarry, I have given orders to the commandant and to the commissary of San Bias that everything should be at your choice and to your satisfaction, and to the royal officials of this capital to send at once the antidotes for scurvy, oil and liquor, wines, and other provisions which may not be found there, and a box of trinkets with which to gain the friendship of the various tribes of Indians with whom you have to treat. 7. I also send you an executive order to every commander of a Spanish vessel, wherever found, to at once furnish you with rigging, sails, anchors, boats or longboats, food, men, pilots, etc. and to receive your sick, replacing them with individuals suitable for your operations, so that thus all may contribute their part to the success of this enterprise. Since in your small vessel a lack of anything is very noticeable, I wish you to find assistance from all the others which plow these seas. 8. For the same reason I send you the orders addressed to the governor of Monterey and the commandants of the other establishments, to supply you without reserve with what assistance their establishments may be able to provide, each one making every effort so that you can comply with my superior orders. I likewise direct one particularly to that captain to circulate among his respective subordinates with the aim of your finding them ready to help you if you should reach any one of their ports. 9. As your departure from San Bias will take place in the depth of winter you will take the precautions necessary to reach happily the Estrecho de Fuca, where you will proceed with the examination of the inlets of that arm of the sea until you find out if they turn back to the western sea or continue inland to Baffin Bay or Hudson's Bay, omitting no effort or time necessary for that purpose. 10. Having concluded the exact exploration of that region, without leaving anything in doubt for the future, you will run along the coast towards the south with such fidelity as not to leave 205 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT any river or bay without examination as far as the Puerto de San Francisco or Monterey. In this space the Rio de Martin de Aguilar is located which we know was discovered in 1602, without our being cognizant of its true situation up to the present day. to leave any river or bay without examination as far as the Puerto de San Francisco or Monterey. In this space the Rio de Martin de Aguilar is located which we know was discovered in 1602, without our being cognizant of its true situation up to the present day. 11. As soon as you reach the fort at San Francisco you will proceed to latitude 56°, without stopping there for more time than may be necessary to provide yourself with food and men, if you need them. From there you will take up the explorations towards the south with the same exactness and diligence as in the previous ones, as the part of the coast to Fuca includes seas, rivers, ports and islands, a knowledge of which is required so that the king may dictate with wisdom his sovereign resolutions in all cases. 12. This examination will make your commission just so much more appreciable, inasmuch as the imaginary straits which should end in Baffin Bay and Hudson's Bay must fall in that region. I promise myself that your explorations will resolve the doubts about them, and remove the fears which such passages, if they should be discovered in the future, may occasion at our court through the general subversion of commerce. 13. I hope that from the departure from San Bias, you as well as the pilots will keep circumstantial diaries where the discoveries of the voyage may be found, well observed and marked with every clearness so that every navigator may recognize without any mistake those places marked on your maps which you may have discovered. 14. The continuation of uninterrupted traffic with the natives of America may perhaps bring about causes for quarrel, which for lack of proper vigilance or too great confidence may require the use of arms for defense. Such cases bring lamentable results, whether for the blood spilled of those unhappy beings who do not know the force of our arms, whether for the loss of some of our men at their barbarous hands, whether by putting a stop to the continuation of the exploration, and finally whether by the loss of the friendship of those who may contribute to the success of the 206 INSTRUCTIONS TO MOURELLE exploration with their assistance. 15. To prevent such an unfortunate incident I have confidence in your experience in treating with them and the spirit of humanity which animates you. I expect that presents, kindness, possible toleration of such offenses as they may commit, and your vigilance over your men to see that they do not insult the Indians, even in the most ttifling matter, will prove the bonds to unite you with those natives and thus to leave behind a cemented friendship with them which may in the future be very useful to religion and to the king, never using your arms to attack them unless some stringent necessity obliges you to do so. If such should happen you must justify yourself on your arrival at this capital. 16. During the time you are employed in the investigations it is very natural that you encounter European vessels, and particularly those of His Britannic Majesty which likewise should be engaged in similar pursuits. In such cases urbanity and politeness will be the arms with which to capture the friendship of those navigators making every effort to assist them where possible, especially those of His Britannic Majesty, with whom you will maintain the closest harmony, supplying each other with the necessary aids. This is the intention of the king and is also demanded by the strict conformity in which the two courts of Madrid and London today are traveling. 17. You will take possession in the name of the king, with the formalities prescribed by the annexed formula, of such places as will be worth occupying some day, observing and noting their locations with the greatest preciseness, so that in the future they may be found without difficulty, it being your duty to place a large cross in them and hide a bottle with the act of possession in the stone pedestal under it. 18. It may happen that you will find some European establishment. In such case you will observe the latitude and determine its longitude with all possible exactness for the information which this superior government should have, taking the utmost care in such a case to preserve the closest harmony with it and not mixing in nor treating about the matter of rights, as your commission is not directed to such an object. 19. When you are treating with the natives of the coast of 207 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT America you will entertain them as well as possible, particularly the chiefs. You will then observe their customs; the number of neighboring nations; the commerce they carry on together; the wars they mutually undertake; the government and policies with which they are ruled and whether they are small republics commanded by the eldest in the families, or whether they have kings or hereditary or elective chieftains, and to what grade the authority of these reaches; what tributes they pay; what ranks are distinguishable among the people; and what religion they profess, inquiring into the object of their adorations and their beliefs, and ascertaining what are the things they most desire and what attract their attention in trade. 20. You will not neglect to inform yourself whether there are any metals and of what quality they are, and about what the land produces, taking with you seeds for this purpose which may be used for comparison in interpreting their signs and demonstrations. 21. You will also take care to see whether there are any precious stones or pearls among them and to find out the place where they get them. 22. You will ascertain what animals they have, what the wild ones are, what use they make of one or the other, what kind of fish the sea holds, and what classes of birds live in their forests. 23. You will neither take from the Indians nor permit to be taken from them anything belonging to them, unless it has been agreed to and offered by their hand. It is a matter of interest to observe this point so that they may always comprehend that we profess good faith and are truthful, thus removing from their imaginations any idea that we are capable of deceiving them. You will therefore punish any member of your crew who commits the slightest infraction of this rule. You yourself will bear and you will make them bear whatever treason the natives commit, when this is not of such a character as to interfere with the essential duties of your commission. Always keep before your mind that it will be very pleasing to me to see the service with which I am charging you carried out without having offended in the slightest degree those unhappy beings who in their ignorance clamor for my humanity and compassion. 208 INSTRUCTIONS TO MOURELLE 24. When you reach San Francisco or Monterey at the conclusion of your first reconnaissance you will send me from there all the information you have acquired so that I may render an account of it to His Majesty, and issue my orders to the official commissioned to determine the dividing line with the English one authorized by his court. 25. Your commission is an extraordinary one and for that reason you will hold communication direcdy with this superior office in whatever concerns it, not interfering in the management of other vessels commanded by officers of inferior rank, any more than those who may be of greater rank than you shall not assume authority in yours, as the objects in view are distinct, and the importance of the service on which I am dispatching you requires the reserved and free disposition of yourself, who I am confident will satisfy the desire of the king, anticipating this in view of your own skill, without the intervention of any other authority which might disconcert your measures and hinder the success of such an urgent exploration. 26. The good order and discipline which you will see observed on your vessel will be purely what is in conformity with the provisions of the general royal ordinances of the navy, with simply the consideration that when sailors have to labor continuously in a crude climate, some prudence is required in administering such small punishments as their trivial faults may merit, excepting that insubordination, which disorders among a crew usually occasion, must not therefore be overlooked. Mexico, September 9,1791 [Conde de Revilla Gigedo] 209 GALIANO AND VALDES TO THE VICEROY Extract of the diary of the campaign executed by the schooners Sutil and Mexicana under the command of Commanders Don Dionisio Galeano and Don Cayetano Valdes in the Estrecho or Canal de Juan de Fuca in the year 1792. Having finished in Nutca the work on the schooner and having corrected the clocks we made sail on the night of the 2d with the land or N wind. During the day it shifted to the SW and obliged us to tack until the afternoon. As it was now fresh from the S with some dirty aspects, we returned to the port until this weather passed. It lasted until the 4th. At dawn of the 5th we made sail for Nunez Gaona where we anchored on the 6th. By the coastwise sailing which we pursued we located this more to the S and by the observations in the Puertos de Nunez and Nutca we ascertained that the map was thirty-eight minutes of longitude in error which was the cause of the false direction given the coast.1 We found the frigate Princesa at anchor under the command of First Lieutenant Don Salvador Fidalgo. He had set up a provisional establishment preserving good relations with the Indians. Besides the observations just referred to we made a plan of the port and tried out the eudiometer.2 This showed that the establishment enjoyed pure air. On the 8th we left this port for that of Cordova, taking with us the chief Tetacui,8 who had voluntarily offered to go in the Mexicana. The conduct of this Indian during the crossing and the stay in Cordova, where we anchored on the 9th at 11 in the morning, caused us to draw very different inferences about these Indians from what up to the present time voyagers have said about them. What they call ferocious treachery only seemed to us to be bold manliness.4 1. It is not quite clear to what map he is referring, but it must have been one made before Malaspina corrected the longitude of Nootka in the summer of 1791. Eliza's map of 1791 was supposed to conform to Malaspina's observations, so this must have been an earlier one. See Pantoja's Note at the end of 2. Eudiometer was an instruments for measuring gases, commonly used for ascertaining the percentage of oxygen in the air. 3. This is the chief whose portrait and that of his wife, Maria, drawn by Cordero, appear in the adas published in 1802. 4. Sp., osada valentia. It is difficult to say just what is meant. 210 EXTRACT OF THE DIARY OF GALIANO AND VALDES At dawn of the ioth we made sail and proceeded to anchorage No. i,B where we made an observation on the satellite of Jupiter at 9 at night. On the i ith at dawn we weighed and pardy by sailing and pardy by rowing we reached Gaston at nightfall and cast anchor in 2 fathoms of water. We soon found that if the tide was high we were likely to ground when it fell. To prevent this the boat took soundings for a long distance all around. They found the same depth, thus making it impossible to improve our situation except by tiresome labor. The coast was at some distance and so we were inclined to believe that it was low tide. Nevertheless a man was put to sounding so that if it should begin to fall we could try to warp out. This man noticed no difference in the water until the early morning when the wind having freshened and the sea risen, the Mexicana was felt to touch and a little afterwards went aground. A warp had been run out from the bow at the first and an attempt was made to make sail on it in order to get out of the place. This did not succeed and she remained completely aground. The Sutil at once sent out her boat with Secundino de Salamanca and prepared to make sail to improve her anchorage and from there aid the Mexicana as much as she could. The result was quite contrary to this however because on making sail the anchor, by which she was holding, dragged. She fell back somewhat therefore and soon was also aground. As soon as this was noticed on the Mexicana the boat was sent and with this all the operations were conducted in order to get out by the warp. This we succeeded in doing when it was already 9 in the morning, tacking in order to leave the basin and continue our voyage, thus freeing the vessels from a danger from which there would have been but little remedy if the bottom had not been of muddy sand. During the day we kept tacking in order to double the northwest point. This we accomplished at 6 in the afternoon and then went on to the Great Canal de la Nuestra Senora del Rosario. At 8 at night we saw two small boats which by their rigs proved to us that they were European. This 5. The numbering of this anchorage indicates that the map they sent in with their journal showed this and subsequent numbers. A number of anchors are shown on the Carta esferica No. 1, but none has any number and as this map only reaches as far south as Texada Island, naturally this one does not appear on it. See Note 65 to the printed text. SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT was confirmed by information from Tetacu that two English vessels had entered the strait a month before us. At night we saw their lights on passing by the anchorage of Garzon. Our object was to be at the entrance of the Canal de Floridablanca at daybreak and enter it, in accordance with our instructions, but at dawn we were in shallow water, and not finding the canal on our various tacks, we anchored. With the boat we took soundings down to a fathom close to the coast. When the 13th dawned we saw ourselves in a closed bay with trees all around it, and where the greatest depth of water is 44s fathoms. We saw that what was called Isla de Zepeda and looked like an island was not one, and that in order to enter the channel it would be necessary to proceed around to the north of the Islas de Langara. With this object we made sail and tacked with the leads in hand. At 7 in the morning we saw a vessel coming towards us. She displayed the English flag and we raised the Spanish one. When she came alongside the Sutil permission was asked to send the boat. This was granted and a first lieutenant7 came to salute the commander. He gave us to understand that Captain Vancouver, the head of the English expedition then in that port, had sent him to salute the commander of the Spanish expedition and to make known the pleasure he would have in helping us if we needed anything, and that we would find fresh water at that anchorage, something not so easily found. We answered, thanking him for his attention, of which however we could not take advantage because we could not afford to lose the time, and because the wind, contrary to proceeding to where he was, deprived us of the pleasure of placing our services at his disposition. We said that we would be equally pleased if we could assist him in anything, and that as far as water was concerned, we did not need it, but that we knew there was some in that anchorage. This did not leave him in any doubt about our having good information about the strait. We told him that a Spanish vessel had been there the year before and had made 6. This must be an error for 4. The bay was Boundary Bay, and the Carta esferica shows no greater depth of water in it than 5 fathoms opposite Pt. Roberts. The bay was styled "Ensenada del Engano" by Galiano. 7. Broughton in the Chatham. Menzies gives the same date, the 13th, and says that the Spaniards told Broughton about the Eliza expedition. EXTRACT OF THE DIARY OF GALIANO AND VALDES a map of that part. The compliments having been exchanged the English brig tacked to proceed to her destination, and we to double the point and search for the entrance on the other side. This we accomplished at midday and proceeded towards the canal. Before we reached it, however ,the tide began to run out with force and the wind calmed down so that in order not to lose more ground we took a course oblique to the current and straight towards the south coast to hunt for an anchorage. This we found at 10:30 at night in the Punta de Anclage.8 On the morning of the 14th the longboat departed with Don Juan Bernaci to seek a safe anchorage for the vessels in which some rest for the crews, who were tired out with the fatigues of the preceding day, could be obtained. We ourselves were also in a similar state. He came back at 9 in the morning after having navigated 4 miles to the west without having found a better one. We determined to search for it with the schooners and we therefore made sail at 9 in the morriing and went coasting along that neighborhood until we were in front of the inlet which First Lieutenant Eliza named "Porlier".9 We entered this with a favorable tide and a light wind in search of an anchorage, calculating that when we wished to depart, the wind would help us. The weather, however, which outside was ordinary, inside was very bad, so that the Mexicana which entered somewhat farther between the points at the entrance of the inlet, was obliged by a gust of wind to turn back precipitately, as also soon was the Sutil, which was likewise entering and soon felt the effects of the weather inside. We decided to get outside and seek shelter in another place. Finding it however was not so easy; the wind at the entrance was light and the current changed and was now contrary and so strong that it could not be stemmed either by rowing or sailing. It carried us on some rocks which form a passage with one of the points. TheMexicana doubled this, passing close to the rocks. The Sutil, before doing so, was caught by an eddy which carried her to leeward and she came out stern foremost through this passage. Thus she was freed from dan- 8. This place appears on the maps at about the middle of the east side of Galiano Island, perhaps at or near Active Pass. 9. This shows that the "Poliel" of the Eliza map of 1791 was simply an SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT ger. What made running aground here or some other accident more dangerous was the fact that the entrance of the pass was setded by Indians of whose character we were ignorant. By the intercourse we had with them in the short space of three hours in getting out they seemed to be docile and honorable. We continued along the coast without finding any anchorage until nightfall, when we saw a cove which seemed to promise a place to anchor. To this we proceeded and anchored there. When our boat went to look it over there were plenty of Indians on shore but as soon as we entered they disappeared. No sign of habitation was seen so that we inferred that they had one in the forest. We moored the vessels, placed the usual sentinels, and named the port "Descanso" [rest],10 for the need we had of it. Until the 19th we were engaged in taking water and wood, the boat of the Sutil, which was making water, was repaired, and various observations were made. At 5 in the morning of the 19th we proceeded again towards the Canal de Floridablanca, but the E % NE wind favored us but little. We approached the canal for which we were proceeding, struck the coast to the north of it and passed the night under sail, anchoring in the following morning between what were thought to be the Islas de Langara and the Isla de Zepeda. These are two points between which there is a shoal with 2 fathoms of water on it, and here we dropped anchor. Noticing, however, that the tide was falling we immediately weighed and under tack made the anchorage off the Punta de Langara11 in 10 fathoms of water, ready to enter when the tide should become favorable. June 21 at 7 in the morning we saw a boat come out from the vicinity of the coast in our direction. We saw that she was English and she soon came alongside the Sutil, which the man in command boarded and made known that he was the commander, Vancouver himself, the head of the English expedition in the strait. This had departed from England in April, 1791, destined on a voyage of discovery in the South Sea; they had been in Tahiti, New Holland, and the Sandwich Islands,12 and on the present coast from 400 10. Now bearing the same name having been replaced on the charts in 1904. It is at the north end of Gabriola Island opposite Nanaimo. 11. Pt. Grey at the south entrance to Burrard Inlet. 12. Vancouver had not been either to Tahiti or New Holland. 214 EXTRACT OF THE DIARY OF GALIANO AND VALDES of latitude north. A first lieutenant and a midshipman accompanied him. He displayed the plans which they had just made of the Canales de Floridablanca, Carmelo, and Monino, and said that they had explored the channel to the southeast, or the Boca de Caamano, and offered to furnish us whatever papers they had relative to his explorations. He renewed his argument that our vessels should join his so as to be able to work together.18 He did this in such terms that not only were we obliged to agree but we comprehended that if we did not it would be discreditable, not only as far as we were concerned, but even for the public credit of the nation. He was shown the map of the strait made the year previous. His offer of sailing together was accepted, however, and we agreed that whoever should have a favorable wind would be the one to unite with the other. The English commander took his leave after the most cordial promises on both sides, and proceeded to his vessels to come in them and join us as the wind was favorable for him and not for us.14 This encounter gave us as much pleasure as vexation as we found ourselves obliged to work together with some men who had better means than we had, both in respect to their larger and smaller vessels. Thus to follow them in their work would make the task very difficult. On the other hand though, the idea that operating together might make our labors more useful to European knowledge pleased us; en route we might discern their views relative to these countries and the true object of their explorations in them, gaining at the same time an idea of their methods of service and mode of working. While the reunion was being effected, the longboat and the boat were fitted out and went in charge of Juan Vernaci and Secunctino de Salamanca to carry out the exploration of Floridablanca. They came back on the 23d at 6 in the morning, and we shordy made sail to join the Englishmen, passing by the Canales de Carmelo and Monino because the exploration of them was not needed, as it was already known that they did not extend inland more than for a few miles.18 At 2 in the afternoon we were sailing together towards the west, the cor- 13. This statement is quite contrary to that contained in Vancouver's account and Menzies' journal. Both state that the proposal to work together came from Galiano. It seems to be a question of veracity difficult to solve. 14. The English vessels were still in Birch Bay. 15. That is, because Vancouver had just examined them. 215 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT vette Discovery, the brig Chatham, and the schooners, through the Canal del Rosario. In these conditions we passed the night which was calm and dark. On the morning of the 24th we continued, sailing between the Isla de Texada and the continent, reaching the end of the explorations effected in the past year by the expedition of Lieutenant Eliza.16 We must say about these in honor of the individuals who executed them that they labored with utility, as their map was found to contain good detail and good coastal trends. This was as far as the means with which they operated allowed them to reach; the latitudes and longitudes suffered from great errors, which they did not know how to remedy. This has made it very troublesome to arrange the map to the true limits which we now found to exist.17 This day we, the commanders, dined with the commander of the English expedition while our seconds continued in company the navigation and the operations for the formation of the maps. At 10 at night we cast anchor in anchorage No. 2,18 not having been able to effect this before on account of not having found any place. This it was necessary to leave as it had many rocks. At daybreak on the 25th we found ourselves at the entrance to a channel which showed various ramifications inland. We immediately undertook longboat expeditions, we by ourselves, the English by themselves. While this was being done the vessels improved their anchorage and took one, which although it was not good, was much preferable to the one just left. Here they remained until June [July] 13. In this interval four expeditions departed, the first under Valdes, the second under Galiano, and the third under Vernaci and Salamanca, resulting in the exploration of the channels be- 16. Presumably this point was where both the Carta reducida of 1793 and the Carta esferica No. 1 of 1795 begin, and furnishes proof of my theory outlined in Chapter II that Narvaez in 1791 only reached about as far as the middle of Texada Island on the east. 17. In other words they were using Eliza's map of the preceding year. 18. An anchor without number is shown on the Carta esferica No. 1, off Pt. Sarah and just a little south of the Isla de la Quema, that is the present Kinghorn Island. Pt. Sarah, as well as some islands close by, was named "Sar- miento" and the point opposite to it, the southeast end of Cortes Island, "Ma- gallanes", no doubt after the two famous Spanish navigators, Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa and Ferdinand Magellan. EXTRACT OF THE DIARY OF GALIANO AND VALDES tween anchorage No. 2 or La Quema and the Canal de Carbajal. As the English had the greater number of boats they advanced 15 leagues farther by the channel in which ours stopped. From the place they reached they marked a point, distant 12 leagues, where land terminated, the wide sea being beyond. This information they communicated to us, at the same time informing us that the outlet that way was very dangerous, and that they had decided to seek another with their ships. We had already explored as far as the Canal de Carbajal,19 which according to the information of Vernaci and Salamanca was navigable. The place the English considered the worst was the stretch between the Canal de los Coman- dantes and the Canal de Carbajal. Consequendy we told them that we could not think of abandoning the continent and had decided to sail through this channel with the schooners, as it did not seem proper to neglect exploring it, and to send our small boats to do so was very risky, as it was so distant and they were so frail. The English frequentiy assured us that they were sorry to see us go that way as the navigation was very dangerous. Nevertheless we undertook it as we thought it necessary. This obliged us to separate after an intercourse, not only harmonious, but of the closest friendship. We dined together various times, sometimes in their vessels and sometimes in ours. At daybreak on the 13th the Englishmen set sail with a favorable wind to turn back and search for a channel more suitable for reaching the sea. We remained at anchor until 8 in the morning, when, at the change of tide, we made sail proceeding to tack, but without gaining anything because although the tide was falling and rising the current always kept running towards the southeast. The result was that in four days of tacking we gained nothing until the 17th, when, as it had fallen calm and the tide was running out, we advanced as far as No. 3 by rowing. The weather continued calm and it was necessary to row continuously, anchoring at the changes of tide at the Punta Cevallos No. 4 and No. 5.20 In such conditions we continued until the 20th at 11 in the morning, 19. The second section of Cordero Channel. 20. No anchors are shown on the map here, but there is a mark off the point at the western entrance of Fanny Bay which probably represents the first, and the one named "Robredo" was the second. 217 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT when we anchored in No. 6.21 From here we, the commanders, went to explore the Canal de los Comandantes. We took soundings in the neighborhood of the critical point of passage and found a place to anchor almost in the pass itself. The tide was contrary for going through it, although favorable to reach it, because the water formed strong eddies. As soon as we returned on board we weighed and brought the schooners by rowing to the Punta del Canal where we let the anchor drop to await the opportune moment.22 During this stop we had to admire the really true humanity of the Indians, who were occupied in that place in fishing for sardines. As soon as they saw us they embarked in some canoes and came out to make us comprehend with the utmost vivid demonstrations the risks to which we were about to expose ourselves and the frequent loss of their own canoes in these excessively rapid currents which form deep whirlpools when they meet. Seeing that we displayed some indifference they renewed their efforts and told us that they did not believe that our vessels, as large as they were, could escape being buried, but finally said they would advise us of the moment at which we should go through. To explain when this would be they pointed out the course of the sun over a forest to the west of us. The mode of their expressions, their gestures, and the trouble they took in going and coming to persuade us, made us understand that humanity which in Europe hardly has a place, except in books, existed in an heroic grade down to the last unhappy member of this tribe, and caused us more confusion in seeing that in others, not very distant from them, this generous conduct was not to be found. In the afternoon the moment arrived in which to attempt the passage. The Indians came and accompanied us in their canoes, serving as pilots. We seized the opportune moment and were shortly beyond the most critical point, but the tide which had not stopped except for a moment, began to acquire force and reached the Sutil. It took away her steerage-way and began to carry her along. The Mexicana was somewhat farther along and succeeded in anchoring in Fabio [Aliponzoni]. As soon as the Sutil escaped from the currents she proceeded towards this place but when close to it 21. This was the one Galiano named "Murfi". 22. An anchor is shown at this point at the beginning of the passage between Stuart Island and the mainland. It was the anchorage named "Concha". EXTRACT OF THE DIARY OF GALIANO AND VALDES a new eddy carried her off and into the Canal de Carbajal which we were due to follow. Immediately the Mexicana weighed and followed her through the canal where the currents were violent and the whirlpools frequent, and so strong that one, which the Sutil could not avoid, turned her around completely three times, at such a lively rate as to be surprising.28 The Mexicana was close to her but was more fortunate on this occasion. In spite of the danger in which the Sutil so unexpectedly found herself, a scene never before witnessed by any of those present, it unavoidably caused great laughter, not only among those who were in danger, but among those who were momentarily expecting to be. Night came down on us and the situation in which to pass it without being anchored was nowise agreeable. We directed ourselves towards a corner, which suggested a place to anchor, but we could not reach it until well on in the night, as whenever we were close to it the currents carried us away. Finally at 9:30 we anchored in it, No. 7,24 in 15 fathoms, stone bottom, but without any sea. We had no doubt whatever of the veracity of the Englishmen. We flattered ourselves that this was the worst of the channel as the Indians had told us. On the 21st we remained here as the currents did not permit us to leave, and also to explore with the longboat the next passage, as this looked like the preceding one, although not so dangerous as it was short and contained a good anchorage, the point in it once doubled.28 On the 22d in the afternoon, the tide having stopped, the passage was undertaken. The Mexicana accomplished it with the greatest difficulty. The Sutil could not make it because on weighing anchor it was necessary for the Mexicana. to do so first, in view of the relative positions they occupied, and thus the opportune moment was lost. The current at once took on such force that not only did it prevent the passage, but kept the Sutil in frequent danger, reaching the point where they had to keep her off the shore 23. Near this place an island, no doubt Dent Island, is shown on the 1793 map named "Bueltas", evidently to commemorate the three turns made by the Sutil. 24. This is not shown on the maps by an anchor but was probably the Cabo del Refugio as this was a place of refuge. 25. No doubt the Punta de Revesas of the map and the Ensenada de Aliponzoni but not shown with an anchor. 219 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT by using the oars as boathooks. Fortunately the shore in this place was steep. She succeeded with arduous labor in anchoring at 11 at night in the same place from which she had departed. At daybreak on the 23d our friends the Indians came, not only moved by humanity but thankful for the fine presents we had made them in remuneration for their services. The Sutil weighed and passed happily through, and when in front of No. 8,28 where the Mexicana was anchored, she also weighed and we continued under oars to the Fondeadero de los Nodales, where we dropped anchor.27 The same afternoon the longboat departed with Salamanca. Meanwhile the boat with Valdes and Vernaci went to an ensenada in sight and found it closed. They came back in the afternoon after having explored the Bahia del Estero,28 sorry that they had not been able to proceed inland by a small stream which had a half a foot of water in it, and communicated with a lake, which they could see extending on between forests. The end of it could not be seen from any part of the bay, nor was there any other entrance to it. The longboat was away until the 25th, having explored as far as the Canal de Salamanca.29 In the morning of the 26th we went on with the vessels and continued up to the 31st.80 During this time the Puerto del Canon- igo, the one next to it and that of Flores were explored by Valdes, the Ensenada de Estrada by Vernaci, and that of Cardenas by Galiano. Meanwhile the schooners had anchored in the Canal de Nuevas Reveses, at the Punta de la Descubierta,81 at the Punta de 26. Not shown on the maps, but it was in the Ensenada de Aliponzoni, a small cove on the mainland without name on the present charts just before reaching Frederick Arm. What was supposed to be an island on the other side of the channel was named "Medio". 27. This was at the entrance to the channel between Sonora and Thurlow islands and the channel itself was named "Canal de los Nodales", no doubt after the brothers who explored the Strait of Magellan in 1621. 28. Frederick Arm; the estero is still at the end of it. 29. Named "Loughborough Inlet" by Vancouver. 30. Passing on through Cordero Channel the small inlet in the north side of Thurlow Island was named "Olavide" and a point in it, perhaps Shell Point, "Quebrada". This is the only part of Cordero Channel which received that name from Galiano. 31. Probably Althorp Point as another fondeadero, Novales, probably this one, is found on the northwest side of Hard wick Island just east of that point. 220 EXTRACT OF THE DIARY OF GALIANO AND VALDES Bauvia,82 and at the Punta del Insulto.88 From this place Vernaci departed on the 31st with the longboat and was away until the morning of August 7. The delay came to cause us great anxiety. His food was exhausted, the armament of the longboat was very feeble, the Indians were many and not good ones. The weather had been one of continual rain and squalls so that our conjectures were of the most doleful nature. His arrival relieved us from the plan we had formed, the sole one available but one very irregular. He had explored the channels between the Punta del Insulto and the oudet of the Laverinto.8i The delay was caused by foul weather, from which he suffered to such an extent that twenty-four hours had passed during which neither he nor his men ate. This excursion caused us to form a resolution to abandon further exploration by boats. The settlements were frequent and populous; the weather was bad and the distances considerable; the season was becoming advanced and the schooners were still in the meridian of Nutca.88 Thus nothing could be undertaken without known danger, except to gain with the vessels the oudet to the sea, of which we were ignorant, as this exploration in nowise agreed with the information we had received from the Englishmen. While Vernaci was away we made repeated observations, meanwhile replenishing our water and wood. On the 9th (?) while six members of the Sutil's crew were cutting wood, numerous Indians were alongside the schooner, conducting themselves with the greatest friendship. Reciprocating this with frankness and condescension some trinkets were given to them with which they seemed content. A heavy rain began and to protect themselves from this they went towards the shore, and towards the place where the men were working. We had no suspicions, not only because of the friendship which they displayed, but because they were disarmed. They remained a long time with our men without anything happening, but always manifesting eagerness to trade for the guns "Revesas" is an error for "Remolinos" as under this name it appears on the map. 32. Probably an error for Bauza 33. Probably Forward Bay on Craycroft Island. 34. This labyrinth of islands comprised those at the east end of Queen Charlotte Strait, north of Harbledown Island. 35. This statement was correct. Forward Bay is almost due north of Nootka Sound. SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT which they had for their defense. Seeing that this was refused, three of them advanced on one man to take away the gun in his hand, but the others came up to his assistance and belabored them with their swords in their scabbards and obliged them to embark, notwithstanding their great number. This has been the only trouble we have had in the whole campaign, and brought us the satisfaction of seeing that our men, possessed by the spirit of humanity with which we had endeavored to imbue them, contented themselves with beating them, although attacked by such a large number that only by some great ravage among them could they extricate themselves from the danger threatening them. Having shouted at the same time to the vessel to make known their situation the boat immediately departed with Salamanca and proceeded to the place, which the Indians precipitably abandoned. A cannon-shot without ball was immediately fired from on board and produced the expected effect. As soon as Salamanca found that nothing had happened to our men and nothing had been stolen from them he refrained from pursuing the fugitives, who had stopped a short distance away with their paddles raised. In order to make them understand that they were not yet safe and what were the kind of enemies they were looking for, a cannon ball was fired with some elevation. Passing over their heads, as was desired, it fell to the ground much beyond where they were. This frightened them very much, if one could judge from the rate of paddling at which they retired. They reached their setdement where there was a great shouting, but seeing that we not only were not coming to it but kept on with our cutting of wood and went ashore to make observations, they quieted down.88 In the future there was no more disturbance, nor did they come alongside. Others did, however, from other settlements, among them Sisiakis and Cantu, the principal chiefs of the Nuchimases, with whom we kept a firm friendship. On the 8th of August we went on with the schooners and by rowing and sailing anchored in No. 9,87 and on the 9th we did the 36. All this long story was simply to illustrate how well they had observed the instructions from the viceroy not to do any harm to the Indians. 37. The location of No. 9 on the maps seems from the anchor to have been just east of Beaver Cove. 222 EXTRACT OF THE DIARY OF GALIANO AND VALDES same, anchoring close to the setdement of Majoa, after passing in front of those of Sisiakis and Cantu. These came alongside and offered us whatever they had in their setdement, without excluding their own wives. They said there was a vessel in sight and in effect in a litde while we encountered her. She turned loose an English flag to which we corresponded with the Spanish one. They gave us to understand that they had been in Nunez Gaona and in Nutca, and that Lieutenant Fidalgo was in the first port and Commandant Quadra in the second. Like us she anchored in Majoa and obtained there a large number of skins. The Indians preferred to trade with us, but we did not take any advantage of this because that was not the business of our voyage. We only received six, which Majoa, the principal chief of the district, presented to us, the only skins we collected in the whole campaign, although it is indeed true that no considerable number of skins is to be seen in the interior. On the ioth we made sail on our course, leaving the English brig, named the Venus, at anchor. We tacked to look over some islands to the north of us.88 The day began to darken with fog and rain and we were therefore obliged to search for a place to anchor. This we did not accomplish until the afternoon, when we found it in No. io.89 According to the lead it gave promise of having 10 fathoms of water, sand bottom, but after letting the anchor fall in this place and paying out the cable, the hulls of the vessels were in 4 fathoms, stone bottom. During the night the wind freshened and the sea rose, causing some chafing to our cables. On the nth we made sail with a favorable wind but in a litde while it began to darken and to rain heavily. We were able to advance and discover a good port sheltered from all winds and abounding in fish, game and uncultivated vegetables, with water within easy reach. We have not found another like it. Here we remained until the 23d, occupying the time in correcting the chronometers, and taking some latitudes by the means of artificial horizons during some moments when the sun could be seen, as the weather of continual rains and contrary winds did not allow anything else to be done. 38. Probably Malcolm Island. 39. Probably where the anchor is shown on the map at a place called Ancladero del Rosadero near Beaver Harbor. SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT Galiano employed the 22d in reconnoitering with the longboat what remained of the strait as far as Punta Sutil whence he returned at n at night. In the morning of the 23d, the weather having improved somewhat, we departed from this port, which we named "Guemes"*0 in honor of the present most excellent Senor, the viceroy of New Spain, and protector of the expedition on which we were engaged. We continued under sail but at 4 in the afternoon the wind from the W began to freshen and the aspect of the weather threatened to be like what we had experienced since the present month began. We turned back under forced sail to take before nightfall the port from which we had departed. The wind began to slacken and finding an anchorage before reaching it we anchored in that, No. n,41 where we remained until daybreak of the 24th, when as it was calm, we continued under oars, as far as the Puerto de Consolacion, which we reached at night. We made sail on the 25th with a freshish wind from the E and went on until we disembogued from the strait, succeeding in effecting this by a new and as useful a route by the sea as we could have desired. Before clearing the points the Sutil proceeded to take that to the north of the oudet and the Mexicana that to the south, so as to take their landmarks and locate them with the exactness which such interesting points merit. This decision afforded the Sutil an opportunity to discover an excellent port, advantageously situated for those who come to this part of the coast.42 The port having been explored and the landmarks having been taken we attempted to take our final departure, with the intention of exploring the coast between this and Nutca and that from Fuca to San Francisco. The departure took place, but the weather was not what we expected it to be. At night it continued moderate and we anchored in No. 1248 and passed the night there. In the morning of the 26th, when we weighed, the wind kept freshening every moment so that at 8 it was already blowing very hard. On reaching the entrance to the passage be- 40. Port Hardy. 41. Probably the Fondeadero de Mier, where an anchor is shown, on the Vancouver Island side opposite the Gordon group of islands. 42. That is Bull Harbor. 43. Cala de Villavicencio. 224 EXTRACT OF THE DIARY OF GALIANO AND VALDES tween Cabo Scott and the Islas de Lans, and leaving the shelter afforded by the land, the force of the wind made us understand that we were experiencing a strong gale. We turned back towards the inside and again reached the shelter of the land and lay to, but the wind growing stronger with heavy squalls and an ugly aspect, we made forced sail for the port discovered by the Sutil. The current was favorable and aided us in reaching it. The weather continued bad until the 29th, when in the morning we made sail, aided by the oars and the tide. We named this port "ValdeV' in honor of his excellency, the minister of marine.44 During the night of the 29th we had made ready for sailing so that when on the 30th the sea breeze came up we had already doubled Cabo Scott. We now took our course for the Puerto de Nutca and sailed close to land to lay down the coast between Cabo Scott and Cabo Frondoso. This we accomplished in what was left of daylight, and continuing during the night with a fresh NW wind, at daybreak of August 31 we were off Nutca, where we let the anchor fall at n in the morning, eighty-seven days after we had departed from it. When we have been able to arrange the log of the campaign we shall render an account of the observations taken, of the character and customs of the Indians, of the climate and the soil in the neighborhood of the Canal, with a report on our collections of plants and guns. The different portraits of the principal chiefs with the collection of their arms will also furnish a clear conception of them. Of the marine operations the maps and the memoranda which accompany them will leave no room for doubt. On our arrival at Nutca we found Commandant Quadra, who only had the brig Activa. The Discovery and the Chatham of which we have also spoken were also there. We had the pleasure of seeing their officers again and they communicated to us the occurrences of their campaign. We learned that they had departed from the strait by the north point, situated in 51 ]/2 °, a half a degree higher than we had. They told us that as the exit was very foul they had run aground and had been in great danger of being lost. Actually the Chatham was being hove down to repair the scraping which she had suffered. 44. Bull Harbor. r SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT September i we boot-topped the ship to clean her bottom, and at i at night left port with a land wind. During the day latitudes had been measured by the clocks in the English observatory which they had made free to us for that purpose. At 2 in the morning we were west of the Punta de San Esteban. The wind was declared in the E and kept on freshening so that it blew us away from the coast which we did not again reach until the 7th, when we made it in 47° 20'. When very close to shore the wind shifted to the W, foul, and we headed into it to get away from the coast, maintaining ourselves at 3 leagues distance from it. On the following morning we sighted the Boca de Hezeta, crossed the channel in 4V2 fathoms of water and continued sailing along the coast until the night of the nth, when the wind blew us off. From the Boca de Hezeta we have only seen three small entrances which seem to be rivers. In one we endeavored to enter and came within hearing of the Indians who shouted to us and displayed skins, but the sea was so high, and broke so heavily at the entrance, that to go in was impossible. The other two were close to it and the sea was just as bad. On the nth, when off Cabo Diligencia, fresh winds from the E and ESE blew us fifty leagues out to sea and we could not reach the coast again until the 20th, when we sighted Cabo Mendocino. Here a wind from the NW struck us which obliged us to run before it until the 21st in the evening, when it moderated, and we sighted the Farallons of San Francisco, whose longitude we observed. The coast was covered with heavy fog and we took a course for Monterey where we anchored on the 23d at 7 at night. We found the frigate Santa Gertrudis at anchor, occupied in obtaining food to proceed to San Bias. We were in need of nothing and devoted all our attention to putting our labors in shape to form the map of the Estrecho de Juan de Fuca, which accompanies this extract.48 It has not been possible to work on the exploration from Fuca to Cabo Diligencia and we will make this on our arrival at San Bias. In leaving this port we shall endeavor to reconnoiter those places which are still of interest as far as the Cabo de San Lucas, and from there we shall take our course for the Puerto de San Bias, to have the satis- 45. Very likely the original of the map of 1793, reproduced with the account of this exploration. 226 EXTRACT OF THE DIARY OF GALIANO AND VALDES faction of furnishing to our superiors more extended and better arranged information. Puerto de Monterey, October 23,1792 Dionisio Alcala Galiano, Cayetano Valdes (Rubricas) VOYAGE OF THE SUTIL AND MEXICANA CHAPTER IV The schooners leave Nut\a, but return to port through bad weather.—Outrage on Indians of Boca die Buena Esperanza by an American vessel.—Instances proving Macuina's good character. The schooners again leave and reach Puerto de Nunez Gaona at the entrance of Entrada de Juan de Fuca, where they meet the corvette Princesa. Being ready for sea, the schooners weighed at 4 in the morning with a light land breeze from the N and fine weather. The narrowness of the harbor and the necessity of rounding Punta de Arrecifes,46 require an early morning start, in order to make an offing before the failure of the land breeze. The longboats of the vessels at anchor towed us clear of the points. We then hoisted in our small boats and made all plain sail, standing SW x/4 S so as to weather the point above mentioned and lie our course with the sea breeze, which regularly sets in from the W between 10 and 12 in the forenoon. We had not gone far when the wind veered through E to the SE. We continued tacking WSW, but at 10:30 in the morning we stood ESE until 2:30 in the afternoon, reckoning on the tide to help us and hoping to weather both the point and its reef, although the former bore right ahead, should the wind draw anything aft. The weather began to wear an ugly look, heavy clouds covered the sky, a fog obscured the land, and the wind, which had shifted to the SE was freshening. At 4:30 in the afternoon, therefore, we wore around for the port, intending to return to it should no improvement in the weather follow which we had noticed to be extremely changeable for some days antecedent to our departure. The fog, however, continued to thicken; it came on to rain incessantiy, and the wind from the SE was steadily freshening. These circumstances decided us to regain our late anchorage, which was safely reached at 8 that evening. The ensuing night was most unpleasant, blowing hard, with heavy rain, so that we congratulated ourselves on our fitting return to harbor, as had we not done so we should have spent one of the most critical nights that a seaman can experience. 46. Now known as Estevan Point, or possibly Maquinna Point. 228 VOYAGE OF THE SUTIL AND MEXICANA On the following day like weather continued. Macuina, who came to see us as usual, told us in his language with gestures which he knew how to make expressive, that we had not started at a good time, and that he would take it on himserf to fix a fitting one. We accepted his offer, reckoning that the Indians who live by fishing, for which they employ such feeble vessels as their canoes, must have closely studied the appearances of the sky and must know as much about weather as our best fishermen do. Macuina gave us to understand that his prayers to "Cuaude" would give him greater confidence than his knowledge, and in the very house of the commandant he intoned them with the greatest devotion. We could not understand more than the words "Cuaude-Clus-nas", that is "God, good weather". As his intonation and grimaces made us laugh, Macuina showed that he was put out, and it was necessary to tell him, in order to satisfy him, that we were laughing at his gestures which appeared very strange to us. The "Mischi- mis"47 listened to him with the greatest devotion, chiding us by their gestures for not imitating them, and gave us to understand that we might look for a good result from the prayers of their chief, as they were constandy experiencing their good effects. On this day a canoe came in from seaward with several natives to ask the commandant, Don Juan de la Bodega, for help against a vessel in the Boca de Buena Esperanza which had attacked a village of Indians, kuling seven, wounding others and despoiling the rest of their sea-otter skins. They brought a wounded man to be treated by the surgeon, and Macuina used his influence with the commandant to have him taken care of, and to proceed to punish the aggressors. As far as could be made out the vessel was the American frigate Columbia, Captain Gray, whom the Indians indicated by the sign that he squinted, which we knew was a characteristic of that captain.48 They said that when the natives would not agree about the rate of exchange for furs with the Europeans, 47. According to Jos6 Mariano Mozifio in his Noticias de Nut\a Mexico, 1913, p. 20, these were the lower-class natives. He would have us understand that they were slaves. 48. Gray had been in this neighborhood in April, but Haswell in his log makes no mention of any trouble with the natives or even of trafficking with them. In May and June Gray was trading off the Queen Charlotte Islands and farther north, so the squint-eyed captain must have been someone else. 229 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT these had used force to compel them. The exchange value of copper having declined through the competition of European vessels, the merchant captain who comes to trade without this knowledge calculates on its former value in arranging his cargo. He comes to trade, finds that the Indians have raised the price of the skins and that the rate they demand will result in great losses.49 He forgets the principles of justice, thinks that his operations cannot be checked, and makes use of force for his own advantage. To this must be attributed the injuries inflicted on the Indians in the Boca de Buena Esperanza. If the government of the countries, from which the ships come which trade on these coasts, do not impose heavy penalties on the captains who disregard the laws of justice and offer rewards to those who are zealous in fulfilling them, they will incur the greatest reproach. It is certain that the Indians of Nutka are incapable of attacking any vessel that may arrive on their coasts, as they all have the greatest respect for the arms of the old continent.80 Besides this, a certain rectitude and dignity can be discerned in the procedure of the chiefs, which inspire esteem and confidence. We cannot do less than mention two instances which occurred during our stay in this Puerto de Nutka and prove what we have just stated. We saw Macuina one day enter the house of the setdement showing in his countenance the uneasiness of his heart. He said "I have sentenced one of my Mischimis to death for having committed the wickedness of abusing a girl nine years old in the depth of the woods. They are now carrying out the punishment. I have come here to escape the misery of hearing his cries." When he resolved to return to his village he asked our officers if they would help him to assist the poor family of the man who was executed by giving them bread or something that might be useful to them. How worthy of admiration to see among this small number of wretched men, at the commencement of their civilization, in a remote corner of the world, a chief who unites the qualities of legislator, judge and father of his subjects! Another day a criminal sentenced to death by the same chief 49. This was true. Haswell and Ingraham, who were on the coast at this time, both deplore the state of affairs here mentioned. 50. Galiano and Valdes, like all newcomers on the coast, misjudged entirely the character of these natives. 230 VOYAGE OF THE SUTIL AND MEXICANA went to seek the protection of Don Juan de la Bodega and threw himself at his feet. The commandant accorded it, and when that chief came to see him he solicited mercy for his protege. "I grant it", he said, "but he shall not return to rejoin my people. Retain him with you, make him cut his hair and dress like your people, and do not forget this act, should I some day ask the same mercy for one of them." On the 4th the horizon having cleared, Macuina did not fail to tell us that the weather was now setded, and we might take our departure. In the afternoon we went to visit him in his house near the [Spanish] settlement. He received us with the greatest pleasure and, showing much satisfaction, gave us roasted salmon, offered us whale, smiled on finding that this disgusted us and remained satisfied that Don Cayetano Valdes should try it. After staying with him a tittle while we returned on board, meeting on the way a number of canoes which were now going out to fish, proving the confidence the natives had that the weather would now be fine. During this time we managed to replace a marine, whom we were obliged to leave as he was sick, by a gunner who was an excellent hunter. Also the blood-letter of the Aranzazu, Luis Galvez, was requisitioned. The crew had great confidence in his skill and the one on the Sutil went to the Mexicana, which lacked a man for the complement of 24, the number fixed for the schooners to take on surveys. At 2:30 in the morning the longboats were notified, and at 3 we were clear of the points. The wind was rather fresh from NNW, the weather clear and looking fairly setded, so we made a straight course to pass near the end of the reef of Punta de Arrecifes. The wind dropped as soon as we got out of the channel which forms the entrance of Nutka and it remained calm until n in the morning when the sea breeze from WSW set in. This freshened in the afternoon, and we continued under full sail and succeeded in making as much as 7 miles by the log, the greatest speed we have perceived in the schooners. From 5 to 7 the wind gradually dropped and at nightfall we were 16 miles W io° N, of the Entrada de Nitinat,81 and 5 miles from a small island on our beam. As we were commissioned to advance the survey of the Entrada 51. Barkley Sound. 231 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT de Juan de Fuca as quickly as circumstances would permit, we did not stop to examine the points of the coast which we sighted, but only ran bases for determining some of them and to rectify the chart of the coast drawn by the officers and pilots of the department of San Bias, which we found good in detail. We continued navigating during the night under full sail E 05° S, with a fresh wind from WSW, trusting that the clearness of the night, which was increased at 10 by the tight of the moon, would afford us full security. At 2 the wind almost ceased, and so we found ourselves at dawn about half a league SE of the E point of Nitinat, and in sight of the mouth of the Estrecho or Entrada de Juan de Fuca. The calm lasted to 11. The currents set us about a league into the strait. We saw much tide rip produced by them for which their strength did not seem to account. As soon as we approached we noticed on the north coast, from which we were half a league distant, some pieces of the marine plant which sailors know by the name of kelp.82 We sounded in the rips and found 32 fathoms. A sailor accustomed to navigate near coasts is aware that this plant is in most cases the sign of litde depth and that in general tide rips are also, these being formed by the currents striking against some obstacle. We have verified this frequendy in our own experience. At 11 the wind settled in the SW, whereupon we steered ESE to cross the mouth of the strait. We saw several canoes out fislting; some came alongside and told us they were from Nitinat. They invited us to go there to trade for furs. We bought a big fish for a knife, but one of the Indians would not exchange a necklace of glass beads he was wearing. Several of them had a nail passed through a hole which they make in the lower part of the cartilage of the nose. Their physiognomy was different from that of the inhabitants of Nutka. They had a cranium of natural shape, small eyes very close together, and heavy eyelids. They seemed cheerful and friendly, and valued copper gready and knives but litde. At 4 in the afternoon we sighted the Puerto de Nunez Gaona,83 and shordy afterwards saw a corvette in the anchorage, which we conjectured to be the one named Princesa, belonging to the de- 52. Sp., Sargazo, in this case really kelp. 53. Neah Bay. VOYAGE OF THE SUTIL AND MEXICANA partment of San Bias. We followed our course coasting the western side of the port. The commander of the corvette, First Lieutenant Don Salvador Fidalgo, soon arrived and confirmed our impression that the west shore of the port was foul as indicated by the kelp. We left it, falling off to leeward, and at the price of a few tacks succeeded in anchoring at 6:30 in the afternoon very close to the Princesa. CHAPTER V Don Salvador Fidalgo is arranging to form a settlement at Nunez Gaona similar to that of Nutka.—Information about the country and port.—Good relations with the Indians.—The chiefs Taisoun and Tetacus visit the schooners.—Astronomical observations.—Tetacus accepts an invitation to ma\e his voyage up the strait in the schooners.—These vessels start from Nunez Gaona.— Navigation most suitable for proceeding up the strait.—Friendly warnings of Tetacus.—The schooners arrive at Puerto de Cordova. —Uneasiness of Tetacus until the arrival of the canoe with his wife Maria.—Visit to the natives.—Character of Tetacus. The corvette Princesa had arrived from San Bias a month previously84 and her commander Don Salvador Fidalgo was waiting for orders from Don Juan de la Bodega for the formation of the settlement or perhaps for abandoning the port, as this point was to be discussed with the English commissioners who were expected in Nutka in conformity with the convention made between our court and that of England in 1789 [1790]. Fidalgo had selected and caused to be cleared a site fit for a garden, and the mastic trees which that commander had brought from San Bias were already being planted in it. He had made a large enclosure for rearing stock, namely cows, sheep, pigs and goats. Close by was a barrack where he kept a guard to look after the custody and good order of everything, and he was pressing forward the work in order to 54. This statement seems to discredit that in the narrative of Fidalgo that he reached this place May 29, but as the Princesa did not sail from San Bias until March 24 it is not easy to see how she could have reached Neah Bay by April 29 or even early in May. The account here given of what Fidalgo was doing, however, indicates that he had been there a very short time, so perhaps the "month" of the text may have been an error for "week". 233 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT arrange to pass the winter there if necessary. The land, though of the same kind as that of Nutka in its lay and products, appears more fertile and the climate more pleasant and healthy. The country is watered by small streams and sheltered by woods and lofty mountains. The port is exposed to winds from the NW, and even those from the SW and that vicinity blow violendy through a funnel-tike opening between the mountains in that direction. Rocks extend out some distance from the beach and the surf breaks on them with such force that it is difficult and dangerous to land. The Indians were very friendly, being treated courteously and entertained with presents by Fidalgo, in the same manner as those of Nutka by Don Juan de la Bodega. Although their language is very different they understand that of Nutka, and their customs are apparendy the same as those of the natives of that island. They are taller and more robust than those and better formed; the face is better shaped and the color lighter, so much so that we saw two women who might be called white. The clothing of the men is in general a woolen cloak and a cape of sea-otter or of bear skin; but some came in coats of blue cloth buttoned all the way down, which they had obtained from the European vessels which come to trade in furs. The dress of the women is not so modest as that worn by the women of Nutka, for it simply consists of a fur cape fastened at the neck, without any other under-clothing than a band fastened at the waist from which hangs a very broad fringe of pine fibre or of some other suitable plant, which covers them down to the knees, and they act with great freedom and with very litde shame in their canoes and on land. They wear a number of bracelets of copper or staghorn, and necklaces of small shells, of whalebone, of copper or of beads. In like manner they adorn their ears and noses with pendants and bore holes through the cartilage. They paint themselves red and black. They use grease to make their hair bright and it is apparent that they pay much more attention to extravagant adornment than do the women of Nutka. The natives care little for the shells of Monterey and iron, even copper is not much esteemed. Old clothes form the best currency they accept, but like the rest of the savages they have only been seen to put them on at the time of purchase, unless it be some cape, 234 VOYAGE OF THE SUTIL AND MEXICANA mande, or coat of ample dimensions which they can at once easily manage. We did not see that they had any abundance of furs or other objects for barter or trade. During our stay in this port we found the natives affable, trustful, and alert. On the first day we gave them notice that only the chiefs would be allowed to come on board, and from henceforth they did not even ask us to relax this rule, and observed it scrupulously. It was the more necessary as we had noticed their mclina- tion to steal, provided they could hide the booty before we saw it in their hands. A youth offered to bring women, who as far as we could gather were slaves, as are the boys which they also sell in the same way as at Nutka. Fidalgo did not place entire confidence in the natives, and righdy endeavored to prevent any fatal accident, in view of the knowledge he had of the outrages these Indians had committed upon the vessels which had visited their coasts. So he had arranged to fire a gun at sunset, and had made them understand that it was the signal that from that time until daybreak they were not to come near either the corvette or the setdement. He found immediately that those whose duty it was to observe this point of discipline did so with the utmost docility. For the same reason he would not give them arms and even begged us not to give them knives. The chief, Taisoun, came alongside the Sutil shordy after she anchored and presented sardines before coming on board, an action we had never seen in Nutka and which could not be expected, considering the poverty of these savages. We responded with shells, beads and some ship's biscuit. He looked over the ships and departed very satisfied with our treatment. Tetacus, one of the principal chiefs of the entrance and who, according to reports which were borne out by his conduct, was among those most attached to the Spaniards, also came alongside and most politely asked leave to see the ships. It was granted and he examined them with a curiosity which we had not yet observed among these Indians. Afterwards he said in the Sutil that it was his wife who was alongside in the canoe. They called her Maria, a name which would have seemed a corruption or defect of pronunciation if we had not listened carefully to the way Tetacus pro- SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT nounced it. Upon learning this we pressed her to come on board but she excused herself with an air of doubt or irresolution. We gave Tetacus to understand that we had no other object in urging his wife to come on board than to be polite to her, and that if she would condescend to do so she might rely upon it that she would not receive the slightest insult or want of respect. Her husband then ordered her to come on board, and she obeyed and held out her hand for us to assist her. They stayed with the utmost confidence, and we gave them some trifles. They departed leaving us well pleased with the thought that this chief had sufficient confidence to remain with his favorite wife, alone and unarmed, in a vessel he had only just seen, and of whose crew he had not sufficient knowledge to form such a good opinion. Our work in this port was confined to making a plan of it, and observing the latitude with sextants by obtuse angles, that is with the sun at our backs, and the longitude by our chronometers, deducing that the meridianal difference between Nutka and the Entrada de Juan de Fuca had been determined by the operations of mere dead reckoning at 57' more than the true one and had thus notably altered the lay of the coast. The thermometer kept between 16 and 19 degrees and the eudiometer gave the following results, which show the advantage this air has over that of Nutka in point of salubrity. Open air 65 parts Repeated 67 " Air of the interior of the woods i 63 " Air of the stockyard close to the ground 53 " Repeated 53 " The wind was almost calm at the time, the sky hazy and the thermometer at 19°. The weather had remained fine. On the 8th in the morning we were ready to sail and having received from Fidalgo a framesaw, some tallow and medicines, we were only waiting for a breeze to spring up in order to weigh. Tetacus arrived alongside the Mexicana at 8, and leaving his wife Maria in the canoe came aboard, and saluted the officers with the greatest affability. When they gave him a cup of chocolate he gave proof of the affection he bore for his companion, for finding that he liked it at the first sip, he at once soaked in it a piece of 236 VOYAGE OF THE SUTIL AND MEXICANA bread and went quickly to have her share in this gift. After making a short visit to the officers he asked leave to depart and told Valdes that he had to go that morning to his village in the interior of the strait. Valdes invited him to make the passage in the schooners and Tetacus did not refuse the offer, but rather showed that he would be pleased to do so. So he took a litde of the dried fish he was carrying in the canoe for food on the journey, hung it in the schooner's rigging, and ordered his wife to continue her voyage. Not much time passed before a canoe arrived alongside conveying another of his wives older than Maria and not so good looking. Just as Maria showed how she yielded to the will of Tetacus, her husband, so the second made known how much her affection exceeded that of Maria by exhibiting the fear she felt at beholding the confidence with which he had delivered himself into our hands. By the most vehement entreaties, accompanied by the most tender lamentation, she tried to force him to leave the foreigners and make the journey in her canoe. He tried to dispel the suspicions of his wife, but as she reiterated her clamoring and nothing would console her, he made up his mind to yield, and represented to Vald& that he must leave us and go with her. That commander pointed out to him that if we met Maria in the interior of the channel, or any of his acquaintances who thought that Tetacus was gone in the Mexicana, and did not see him on board her, they would suspect that we had done him some injury. In such case we would be exposed to a war with some of the tribes, with whom we spared no effort to maintain good relations, while at the same time we inspired them with respect for our arms, the only means of restraining the natives of those coasts, who have more than once attacked the vessels of navigators who tried to explore them. This he made Tetacus understand, and he tried to persuade his wife with the same reasons but not with the same results. As he did not wish to show himself indifferent to the proofs she gave him of her tenderness, he made signs to Valdes and Vernaci to seize him and take him to the cabin and not allow him freedom to depart. These altercations lasted a long time and the wife, despairing of gaining her object, went away with redoubled weeping, after accepting some beads. We found much to admire in the conduct of this chief. Owner of great wealth, and SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT with power that extended over many leagues in those territories, alone and unarmed, in a ship the management and safety of which were unknown to him, he delivered himself into the hands of foreigners whom he had seen for the first time on the previous day, without showing the least anxiety, suspicion, or repentance at his resolution, but on the contrary, expressing the greatest satisfaction all the time he was with us. He observed and asked questions with a curiosity which showed that his chief object in accepting the passage offered to him was to get information about our internal administration and the management of the vessels. He watched the work of the ship attentively, inquired about the use of the ropes, asked their names, and allowed few things to escape his examination, endeavoring not to be troublesome, mixing some pleasantry with his questions and giving some information about the usages of his country and the names of various things which he thought might interest us. Although Ensign Don Manuel Quimper had surveyed as far as Puerto de Quadra and First Lieutenant Don Francisco Eliza as far as Canal de Nuestra Senora del Rosario in the preceding years, they had not examined Bocas de Caamano and Flon, the Seno de Gaston, Canal de Floridablanca, nor the Bocas de Carmelo and Mazarredo.85 According to the information they had obtained from the Indians the Boca de Caamano ran inland a long way but its depth only allowed the passage of canoes. That of Flon was of very little consequence. They considered, although with some hesitancy, that the Seno de Gaston was closed and suggested as the most interesting survey that of Boca de Floridablanca,86 which, according to the configuration they had drawn of these channels on the chart, had two entrances formed by an island placed in the middle, which after our examination proved to be Peninsula Cepeda y Langara.87 The channel, as they had understood from the Indians, ran inland a long way, and they had ob- 55. These places are now respectively known as Strait or Gulf of Georgia, Admiralty Inlet, Deception Pass, Bellingham Bay, Burrard Inlet, Howe Sound and Jervis Inlet. 56. This boca was put at the bottom of Bellingham Bay where none 57. The peninsula between Boundary Bay and Georgia Strait. 238 VOYAGE OF THE SUTIL AND MEXICANA tained from the Indians in that region some copper bracelets engraved with a very good design. With such information we proposed to penetrate inland so as to finish the examination of Seno de Gaston and go on to survey Canal de Floridablanca, leaving the Bocas del Caamano and Flon as of less importance and more suitable to be surveyed on our way back in case we should have to retrace our course which we thought probable. The direction of the Canal de Caamano was southerly and the probability that it would come out in the Boca de Ezeta near lat. 46° 14' was another consideration we had before us in adopting this plan.88 At midday a light breeze sprang up at SE but the clear weather indicated that a west wind was blowing in the channel. At 2:30 we weighed and steered to pass through the small channel to the east of the islet at the mouth. This we accomplished with felicity. This channel is very narrow owing to the reefs running out from the points which form it, and consequendy should only be used when necessary, or when a decided advantage is apparent. It seemed to us that we were shortening the passage since our intention was to follow the south shore of the strait as being full of excellent anchorages. Both on it and on the northern shore the land is mountainous, though on this side the hills are lower and their tops are undulating and present spots of agreeable prospect covered with grass and pines, a country fit for tillage. On the other hand the southern shores are high and the summits of the mountains are seen to be covered with snow. Direcdy we got out of the channel we perceived that the course we should then take to proceed inside was to approach the north side inasmuch as a perfect calm prevailed on the side we were trying to follow. When we saw the ripples caused by the wind we had to hoist out the boat and man the oars in order to get into it. This maneuvre was approved by our passenger, Tetacus, who on seeing us inconvenienced by the 58. Obviously, if this supposition turned out to be correct, the inlet would afford an easy way of reaching the Boca de Ezeta, that is the mouth of the Columbia. 59. He means the channel between Waaddah Island and the south shore as this is the one that he has just spoken of as shortening the passage. The continual use of the word Canal in the text for any kind of passage, even including the strait itself, is very confusing. 239 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT calm, turned to the point from which we wanted the wind to come, became serious, stretched out his arm and began to move his fingers. He now closed one down, then all down, then opened two, then raised one and left it thus for a short time, and during all this he remained in a sort of abstraction which indicated that he was praying. Directly we got into the wind we continued towards the northern shore, steering NNE, and then running off large towards the E. By 11 at night we were ranging along it at the distance of barely a league and continued with a fresh breeze from WNW, in clear and fine weather. At daybreak we were near Punta de Moreno de la Vega60 and hauled up to pass between it and the islets lying near it, a course which Tetacus pointed out and which was gready recommended by those who had navigated in this strait. Having got through this passage the wind moderated and we continued with light airs from W to S all the morning. Several small canoes came out from the coast near the point and we gave some beads to the Indians in three of them which came alongside. They understood the language of Nutka. One of the Sutil's men recognized one of the natives, who the year previous had been one of the most implicated in robbing the longboat of the packetboat San Carlos. We steered for the Puerto de Cordoba, where Tetacus had said he wanted to stop, and to which he gave the name of Chachimutupusas. Tetacus had slept comfortably all night, never belying his frankness and confidence His intercourse gave continual proof of his rapid comprehension. He recognized on the chart the configuration of the strait and islands that had been discovered, and told us the names he gave to them. After doubling the Punta de Moreno de la Vega he advised us to water there as the supply was good and abundant, and because after that place the springs were scarce and the water ill- savored. He ate with curiosity whatever was given him, and imitated in everything our actions which he always carefully observed. He remembered the names of all the English and Spanish captains who have visited the coast of the mainland and Archipelago of Claucuad and Nutka, and informed us that there were two large 60. This point was either on Bentinck Island or on the mainland just back of it. Captain Grenfell suggests that it was Christopher Point. VOYAGE OF THE SUTIL AND MEXICANA vessels inside the strait. When we were close to Rada de Eliza three canoes with four or five Indians in each approached the Mexicana, but would not come alongside. They were clad in woolen blankets and brought other new ones which they were ready to exchange for a sheet of copper. On this occasion an action of Tetacus was noticed which indicated his generosity. He took off four very well made copper bracelets which he wore, handed them to Vernaci, and told him to try to purchase the blankets brought by the Indians. That officer tried to get one of them for two of the bracelets, and on the owners refusing to accept less than the four, he told the chief, who replied that he might give them all. Vernaci did not do so, however, for he knew that Tetacus out of gratitude for the good treatment he had received from Valdes, and for a cloak of camlet and a hat the latter had given him, wanted to make the sacrifice in order to return his favors with the blanket. The natives who came in these canoes were good looking, with such low cheek bones and such full cheeks that their physiognomy nearly approached the European; one boy being particularly distinguished by such a face that if he had been seen in Spain he would have been taken for a gipsy. They gave Valdes some fruits, of the shape of figs, black and of farinaceous substance with a nitrous flavor.61 He reciprocated with some strings of glass beads, which they at once hung in their hair with much delight. At n in the morning we succeeded in making Puerto de Cordoba62 and anchored in 6 fathoms, sand, in the southern part of the harbor. The canoe with the wives of Tetacus had not yet arrived and he was extremely anxious. He took the telescope and swept the sea in every direction, showing more and more the affection he had displayed for his wife Maria. He continued thus until i when the canoe arrived in which the two women had joined together. He went to it, caressed them and returned on board, where he dined with us. On this occasion our solicitations could not prevail on either of the women to come on board the schooners, doubdess owing to the distrust of the elderly woman, who could 61. Mr. Newcombe suggests that these were probably dried clams, a common article of food among the Indians in the strait. 62. Esquimault. L SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT not conquer the fear natural to her enfeebled vigour and her litde energy. Tetacus took leave of us with the greatest cordiality and went ashore with them. We noticed that the canoe had a great carved young eagle at the prow, the like of which we had also seen in other war canoes. These Indians, it seems ,connect a certain idea of fear or veneration with the image of this bird, just as the natives of California are particularly grateful to it for having (as they declare) drawn an Indian from a well.68 Tetacus having taken a pencil, which lay on a table, drew for us admirably an eagle in flight, among other sketches he made on a sheet of paper. It had a very large head with horns on it. He represented it as carrying a whale in its claws, and assured us that he had himself seen a bird of that kind descend rapidly from the sky to the sea close to his hut, seize a whale and rise up again. Valdes told him that he must have been asleep when he thought he saw such a strange thing, but he asseverated that he was then as wide awake as when he related it. This, for lack of knowledge of his religion, which it was not possible to obtain, shows us the great place occupied by fables in the belief of these tribes, as it is to be presumed that among the chiefs he who possessed the most lively imagination would pass for being the most informed in it. In the afternoon we landed to visit the villages of Tetacus, where there were about fifty Indians. They spread blankets for us to sit upon and all surrounded us and gave us a portion of cuttlefish which was all they had. Tetacus showed the greatest friendship to his guests, alternating his expressions with continual embraces. He paid us every attention in his power, with that simplicity which betokens good will, and we retired on board very satisfied. In the night there was complete quiet in the port, but we set the watch which was required to avoid any unfortunate happening, for, well assured as we were of the friendship of Tetacus, we did not then know the degree of respect and submission of his people towards him. We afterwards learned that he is one of the most 63. The eagle figured prominently in the cosmogony of the Central California Indians. This myth must have been current among some of the coast tribes as at this time the Spaniards were not acquainted with those in the Sierra. I have heard this story but cannot locate it at 242 VOYAGE OF THE SUTIL AND MEXICANA feared chiefs among those who live on these coasts, on which he has gained for himself the greatest respect and authority by his valour, talents and adroitness. Some words of the language spo\en in the southern mouth of the Canal de Fuca and their equivalents in Spanish. [English] Ihaac .Water Alii There Taciu-hamach The sky Guinda Monterey shell Zumocuanelo Cord Licide To give a slice Lluisac | Stars Lacuec Smoke Taquisamach .Tongue Clejacle To weep Glajuashashide Moon Govachas Mountains Suushuc To swim Aya-mas I do not understand Ucutap Bird Claquesum Mast of a vessel Glisapic Sail of a vessel Upat-daquia Sunset Zujucide To prick Daquia The sun Sisabache Flat land Guisimut Land for sowing Tuishi North Cuasini North East Balegsti West Dados -To hear Pipi Ear Suayuk The bird like an eagle which Tetacus drew Names the natives give to various places of the Entrada de Juan de Fuca. Puerto de Nunez Gaona Quinicamet 243 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT La Isla de la Punta de Martinez Chanf Rancheria de Roxas Isjuat Rio Canel Chismit Puerto de Davila Ucuas Puerto de Quadra Chlayamat Isla de Carrasco Chachanecuk Canal de Caamano Queuchinas Boca de Floridablanca Sasamat Puerto de Revillagigedo Machimusat Rio de Cuesta Sisachis CHAPTER VI Information about Puerto de Cordoba—The schooners depart from it and anchor near the southeast point of Isla de San Juan.— Observation of the first satellite of Jupiter.—A canoe comes alongside.—The schooners weigh and proceed to Canal de Guemes.— Natives of this channel.—They survey Seno de Gaston.—They anchor there.—They run aground and get clear without damage.— They ma\e sail and enter the Canal de Pacheco.—Two boats are seen.—The schooners proceed by night past Ensenada. del Garzon where they see indications of vessels at anchor.—They try to enter Canal de Floridablanca between the Puntas de San Rafael and Cepeda but come to anchor on account of shoal water. Puerto de Cordoba is fine and well sheltered for sailors but the water shoals in it as we observed and as Tetacus informed us. The country is very uneven, of slight elevation, and, as the neighborhood shows, the top soil on the rock is of litde depth. Nevertheless it is fertile, covered with trees and plants, and these growths are almost the same as those of Nutka, but wild rose trees are more abundant. Somewhat more of the same kind of birds are seen such as seagulls, ducks, kingfishers, and other small birds. It was in this port that the schooner Saturnina had to fire cannon-shots at the canoes of the inhabitants to protect the longboat of the packetboat San Carlos, which came in her company, and which they obstinately tried to capture. As the weather had favored us for determining the latitude and longitude of the port during the day, we weighed anchor at 3 in the 244 VOYAGE OF THE SUTIL AND MEXICANA morning with the ebb tide. From 8 we began to enjoy the sea breeze, which came gendy from the SSW. We stood out to mid- channel to get the full force of the wind and to look for the Islas de Bonilla,64 which are a good mark for the course. We passed some strong tide rips caused by the currents, and having sighted the islands we steered towards them and left them to starboard. At 5 in the afternoon, as the wind began to subside, we approached the southeast point of the Isla de San Juan in order to anchor on the east side of it.68 This we accomplished at 9 at night. The chief object in making this anchorage was to observe an emersion of the first satellite of Jupiter. This we particularly wanted to do in order to determine the longitude of Nutka and refer to that by means of the chronometer all the other places. So we landed with the instruments and having observed the phenomenon with full certainty we returned on board without having seen even signs of inhabitants. The result of this observation referred by chronometer to Puerto de Santa Cruz de Nutka places it in 1200 26' 00" W of Cadiz.66 Being entirely dependable it has served us as a basis for determining the rest of the longitudes by differences from that of this port* *While printing this we have obtained other data for fixing the longitude of Nutka by means of these same observations, correcting them by the error of the tables observed in Paris in 1792 by Mr. Messier, in the following manner: That of May 18 gave longitude 120° 30' 15" Error of the tables of the first satellite at that period : 9 30 Corrected longitude -120 20 45 The observation of May 28 gave longitude 120° 49' 15" Error of the tables of the second satellite, etc 29 45 Corrected longitude 120 19 30 The observation of June 10 gave longitude 120° 26' 00" Error of the tables etc 9 30 Corrected longitude 120 16 30 The mean 120° \9" 00" is the longitude of Nutka W of Cadiz. 64. Smith and Minor islands, named the year before by Narvaez or Eliza, no doubt in honor of Antonio Bonilla, secretary of the viceroyalty. 65. A general name for the main San Juan Islands, then supposed to be one; this was Lopez Island and the anchorage was probably in Watmough Bight. 66. If we add 06° YZ 20" to this figure for the difference between Cadiz and Greenwich we have 126° 38' 20" for their estimate of the longitude of Nootka west of Greenwich, almost the actual. If, however, we use the corrected s given in the note we have 126° 31' 20" which is a few miles in 245 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT At the time of anchoring the tide was slack. Its rate was examined, and never exceeded 11/2 miles per hour towards SSE up to 3130. At this hour the flood began to make. The water rose from 8 to 9 feet. At 7 in the morning a light breeze from SSE made itself felt and we set sail with it to utilize the rest of the favorable tide. The sky was overcast and the visibility barely a mile. We hauled to the wind to cross to the eastern shore, not only in order to follow it and not lose the mouth of the Canal de Guemes which runs between the island of that name and the coast, but also to weather the islets which lie in the middle of the channel where we now were and upon which the current was rapidly setting us. The more we approached mid-channel the more the breeze freshened and drew aft. We bore away as we were approaching the east shore, and coasted along the two Islas Morros87 with the help of the sea breeze which setded in the S, from 8 in the morning and cleared the sky. We reached the southwest point of Canal de Guemes68 and entered it, steering at first in mid-channel to avoid the calm under the shore. Once within the channel the wind followed its direction. We therefore neared the southern shore, so as to escape the strength of the contrary current. Here we stemmed it to good advantage all the time, as, although the breeze was light, we were making 3% miles per hour. The sailing was very agreeable owing to the greenery of the shores. On the northern one, which has a beach at the entrance, we saw a village close to the northwest point and upon examining it with the telescope found it to consist of two large houses. Several Indians ran down to the beach got into a canoe and steered for the schooners, pursuing them with as much skill as the most experienced sailor could do. In it an old man and four young ones of pleasant appearance came boldly alongside and gave us brambleberries.69 With a shell of three to four inches in diameter they took some of the quantity they brought and tried to hide those they did not offer. We gave each a metal button and they repeated their gifts in small portions 67. Burrows and Allan islands. This is the first reference to them .They are close to the northwest end of Fidalgo Island. 68. Still called Guemes Channel. 69. Probably salmon berries. 246 VOYAGE OF THE SUTIL AND MEXICANA to obtain something else in exchange, seeing that we gave them a string of beads or piece of ship's biscuit for each present. They also gave us dried shell fish of the sort sailors call verdigones, threaded on a cord of bark, and others of different kind on slender skewers. We accepted a sufficient quantity of them and also obtained from them a blanket of dog's hair, quilted with feathers, and a tanned deerskin. Meanwhile we followed the shore of the channel in 5 fathoms of water, sand bottom, as far as the southeast point. From this we crossed over, steering to the steep northeast point, very close to which we passed in order to follow the shore of the Isla de Guemes,70 and along this and the Tres Her- manas71 to proceed to the Seno de Gaston. Direcdy we doubled the northeast point we were becalmed and it became necessary to have recourse to the oars to make the passage in the teeth of some contrary breezes from WSW, but as soon as we passed the islands the wind veered to the W, and we hauled on the port tack to weather Punta de Solano.72 The heat was very trying, for although the thermometer stood at temperate in the shade, it went up to 29*4° in the sun,73 and would have even risen higher if we had not been meeting the wind. At 5 the wind settled in the S. We then made our course and stood into the Seno de Gaston, and though it had not been completely surveyed, we coasted along the east side in order to proceed to the head of it and see if there was any passage in this part. The wind kept freshening, and favored by it we were satisfied by nightfall that at most there might be a little river in the inside. The shore forming it consisted of low and swampy land which ran between two bills which at some distance seemed to form a channel. The bottom was rock at a depth of 6 or 7 fathoms. We had thought to beat out again but we came into 5 fathoms, stiff clay, so we preferred to anchor, reckoning that, as we had seen up to that time, the wind would drop during the night. The position was good for anchoring and for surveying in greater detail the interior of the ensenada on the following morning. We furled all 70. Still so called. 71. Saddlebag, Dot and Huckleberry islands. 72. Pt. William. 73. Centigrade. SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT sail, the steersman of the Sutil announced 4 fathoms, and the anchor was let go; but after paying out 30 fathoms of cable the schooner found herself in 2% fathoms. The commander at once ordered soundings to be taken at the stern and at the quarters. At 2 cables distance74 2 fathoms were found and it was discovered that the anchor had fallen in 3 fathoms. This mistake of the steersman put us in a very bad plight. The night passed in anxiety, and all the time the water kept decreasing so that at dawn we were in 1 l/2 fathoms. We had seen occasional brightness to the SE of the Montana del Carmelo, and even at times a few flames, signs which left no doubt that there are volcanoes with violent eruptions in that neighborhood. The Mexicana had anchored about 2 cables farther W and in y2 a fathom less water. The wind which had blown during the night fairly fresh from SSE had raised some sea and she began to touch at the stern. She immediately ran out a warp with her longboat and tried to get under sail on it without loosening the cable before coming into the wind. In the meantime the Sutil was carried over the anchor and found herself in 2 fathoms. We were hoisting in the boat to set sail when we noticed the Mexicana had gone aground, so we lowered it again and sent it to her assistance.78 That schooner had suffered the misfortune of having the kedge she had dropped with the warp come home and was very liable to give a lurch, it becoming necessary for the men to use the oars as poles to avoid this disaster. The Sutil's anchor also came home at the moment of getting under sail, and as quick as they were with the tackle she grounded in barely 6 feet of water. After taking proper measures, however, they both got afloat at the end of an hour. We forthwith set to work to get the vessels ready for making sail and continuing our voyage. At 8130 in the morning they were already tacking, with a fresh wind from SSE to get out of the Seno de Gaston, without finding that they made any water, although they had struck bottom many times. After various tacks they weathered the south and west points76 74. Captain Grenfell places a cable length as 200 feet. 75. This statement proves plainly that the writer was on the Sutil; there are other indications in the narrative to the same effect. 76. Pt. Frances. VOYAGE OF THE SUTIL AND MEXICANA of the Seno de Gaston at 4 in the afternoon and entered the Canal de Pacheco.77 They continued in mid-channel, while the wind slackened somewhat and took the direction of the channel direcdy we entered it. After getting out of the channel we saw in the Ensenada de Lara78 two smaller vessels, one lateen rigged, and the other with square sails, which were following the shore towards the N. We did not doubt that they belonged to the two English ships which according to the information from our friend Tetacus were in the strait. We kept on without changing our course, dunking to sail all night under short canvas, and to reach the Punta de San Rafael79 at dawn so as to be in the Boca de Floridablanca80 the first thing in the morning, and proceed up it to carry out forthwith the survey which, as already stated, we had reason to believe would turn out to be interesting. We crossed the Ensenada del Garzon81 between 10 and 12 at night and saw lights within it, which told us that the ships to which the smaller vessels belonged were lying at that anchorage. The wind which blew fresh all night enabled us to cover the distance to the vicinity of the Punta de San Rafael by 1. We hauled to the wind with topsails lowered on the outer tack, and at 2 in the morning we stood inside, sounding shordy in 7 fathoms. We again stood off and the depth continued to diminish down to 5 fathoms, sand. In this position it seemed desirable to let go the anchor, so as not to be in straits at night in seeking the oudet, and because it was imprudent to go farther towards the boca without having more accurate knowledge of it. We anchored and with the first light of day saw that we were in mid-channel in the line of Punta de San Rafael with the east point of the Peninsula de Cepeda.82 77. Hale Passage. 78. Lummi Bay. An error for Loera. 79. Quo Mais Point or North Bluff of the Admiralty charts. 80. This was supposed to be at the bottom of Boundary Bay. 81. Birch Bay; here is where Vancouver's vessels were anchored for some 82. Pt. Roberts. SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT CHAPTER VII In the morning the schooners find this passage closed.—The English brig Chatham is sighted and her commander asks on behalf of Captain George Vancouver that our expedition should join his.—The wind does not permit this.—The Chatham returns.— The schooners try to enter the Canal de Floridablanca by Punta de Langara, but are prevented by the current.—They anchor, and weigh on the following morning.—The ris\ they run in the Boca de Porlier.—They arrive at that of Descanso.—Difference in character between the Indians of those two places as shown by the events which occurred. The boat started at dawn to sound towards the direction of the Boca de Floridablanca, with instructions to return direcdy it found shallow water. At 5 in the morning we set sail and followed it under short canvas; but we had not even gone half a mile with the wind rather fresh from SSE, when we came into 3 fathoms. We turned from this direction and approached the shore and still the depth diminished. We made for the shore of the peninsula and increased it to 4 fathoms, so we again proceeded towards the channel. We soon reached 3 fathoms and the boat, coming alongside, also contributed to confirm our opinion that it was impossible to enter the Canal de Floridablanca between the east point of the Peninsula de Cepeda and the Punta de San Rafael. On the other hand we did not see any opening at the end of the ensenada, and only perceived that it terminated in a flat, swampy land, full of trees. The boat, which went as far as a bare fathom of water, confirmed this. Having found closed one of the two mouths to the Canal de Floridablanca, shown on the chart drawn in the preceding year, our imagination being already excited by the ideas we had acquired from the expedition made at that time, and the break which was before us giving us hope that the said channel ran inland many leagues,88 we hastened to search for the entrance to the north of the Punta de Langara.84 83. That is to say the break in the mountains through which Fraser River runs, a conspicuous object in the landscape from where the ships were. 84. Pt. Grey. Deceived by not finding a passage at the end of Boundary Bay, they named this "Engano". 250 VOYAGE OF THE SUTIL AND MEXICANA We were tacking in order to weather the Punta de Cepeda for this purpose, when at 7 in the morning we noticed a vessel with a square sail coming out of the place where we had thought the ships were anchored. Shordy afterwards we perceived that she carried the English flag, to which we replied with ours. She continued to follow us and we saw she was a brig. She arrived at the stern of the Sutil, and, after saluting us, her commander asked if he might send his boat. We answered expressing the pleasure it would give us, and forthwith an English officer proceeded to the Sutil. We continued to stand in shore and we advised him of the shoal water in that direction. This brig was the Chatham, commander, Lieutenant of the English navy, William Robert Broughton. She came in company with the corvette Discovery and under the orders of Captain George Vancouver. These ships had sailed from England on the ist of April, 1791, on a voyage of discovery. They had been in New Holland, New Zealand, Islas de Otaiti and Sandwich, and after following the northwest coast of America from lat. 45° to the Entrada de Fuca had entered this strait on May 5, and been since engaged in making the plan of it. We told them about our departure from Acapulco, arrival at Nutka, and departure from that port; that we left Captain Don Juan de la Bodega there waiting for the English ships which were to go thither. The English officer told us that his object was to offer us on behalf of the commander, Vancouver, any help we might need, and to invite us to anchor in the roadstead where he lay, and where we could easily obtain fresh water, which was something not common in the strait. We thanked him, offered him whatever lay in our power, and promised to join his expedition if the wind would allow. As this, however, was contrary for proceeding to his anchorage, and favorable for continuing our course, we pointed out to him that we could not for the moment accept Captain Vancouver's offers. We showed Broughton the knowledge we had of the navigation of the strait up to that point from the results of the surveys made by the Spaniards in the preceding years and that we knew of his anchorage and of the lake closeby.88 We also informed him of the tonnage 85. Sp., laguna, either a lagoon or a lake, depending j It is therefore a little uncertain whether this was Lake Terrell, which SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT and details of our ships, and told him that our object was to examine these channels and make an accurate chart of them. The English officer responded with equal frankness, telling us that they had one of Arnold's chronometers and another of Kendal's, that the brig was of 150 tons, and drew 14 feet, and the corvette of 350 tons and drew 15 feet. After this exchange of compliments the officer returned to his ship, took a course to the W, and soon weathered Punta de Cepeda. We continued beating without being able to manage it until the afternoon when we bore up and ran along the shore towards Punta de Langara in order to anchor close to it, rest during the night and then enter the Canal de Floridablanca on the following day. The wind kept very moderate in the direction of the land we were coasting; and though we had gone for 2 full miles along it in 16 fathoms, sand, we suddenly found ourselves in 2, so we stood off until we found 10 and then continued to follow our course. At 5 in the afternoon we saw ahead a line where the color of the water changed, the part towards land being very turbid.86 As soon as we had gone about half a mile we saw that the current was carrying us very rapidly away from the shore to westward and to mid- channel. We took to the oars and endeavored to overcome the current with them, but the efforts of the sailors were useless as they were very tired with the labors of the preceding days, so it was decided to cross over to the south coast to search for an anchorage where to pass fhe night. We steered to cut at right angles the line of the turbid waters, with a moderate E wind, and as soon as we had accomplished this, we proceeded towards the coast, close to which we arrived at nightfall. We followed it until we let fall the anchor after sounding four times in succession in 15 fathoms, sand. The longboat and boat were sent to sound and ascertain our distance from the beach. This was found to be 3 cables with clear anchorage everywhere. There were 4 fathoms almost at the coast line, and to seaward it increased so much that at a cable distance be seen from the ships, or Drayton Harbor, which is on the other side of the peninsula and might easily be called a lagoon. The name had been given by Narvaez the year before like all the others in this neighborhood which have been mentioned. 86. Evidence of the Fraser River closeby, off the mouth of which they were. 252 VOYAGE OF THE SUTIL AND MEXICANA from our anchorage they found 20 fathoms. To this roadstead was given the name of "Anclage."87 The wind had dropped, but after midnight it setded in the NE and we were somewhat uneasy. The current was not perceptible then nor during the whole of the night. The sky remained overcast with frequent showers, and it was the same at daybreak. In the morning Vernaci went in the longboat to seek a good anchorage to the northwest of the one we were in, dunking to find it within the Boca de Porlier, from which we thought we were not very distant. Our position was midway between the two points which lie to the southeast of these bocas. The wind began to freshen from the NE and our position to be a matter of anxiety, if it should blow hard from that quarter. At 8:30 in the morning the longboat which had departed at 4:30, was not yet in sight and her lateness began to give us some uneasiness. In a litde while we saw her, however, and she came alongside without having found a desirable anchorage in the 2 leagues distance she had gone. As the weather did not allow the schooners to cross to the north coast it was resolved to proceed in them in search of the desired anchorage. We set sail at 9 in the morning hoping to find it in the Boca de Porlier. We were off this at midday, and entered easily without previously stopping to send the longboat to examine it, for although the wind, which we had had fresh from ENE, left us direcdy we got under shelter of the point at the entrance, the currents bore us inside whither they were running swifdy. Having run in we saw an archipelago of numerous small, low islands, and perceived that the channel divided into two main arms, one running southeast and the other west. It was at once decided to take the former, so as, if necessary to get out we would always continue to have the assistance of the wind. When we had lost the shelter of the coast, however, the Mexicana experienced such a squall of wind in the direction of the channel that it put her in danger of capsizing. We saw at once how risky it was to entangle ourselves among these islands, the channels between which we were not acquainted with, nor which we had any interest in examining. 87. On the east side of Galiano Island near the entrance to Active Pass. The name is shown on the maps. SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT The wind, constrained to pass through the narrow space in the opening of the mountains, blew with great force. The currents were rapid and were forced to take different directions owing to the multitude of islands, and as no beach was visible it seemed probable that there were no convenient anchorages. As we could not go far inland, because this would keep us a long time in this place, to the detriment of the important surveys in the direction of the mainland, it seemed prudent to leave without delay. To get out of these channels, however, was not so easy as we expected. The current had acquired such force that we could not stem it with the oars, the wind being both contrary and gentle. So in order to get out into the main channel we had to spend two hours in constant labor and danger. The Mexicana managed it by passing to windward of the small island that lies at the entrance, and very near the end of the reef, in 4 fathoms, the stones at the bottom being visible. The Sutil, however, anticipating too many difficulties in this maneuvre preferred to bear away so as to pass through the narrow passage between the island and the shore and did so successfully. In these passages there were several deserted villages and one on the shore of the entrance inhabited. From the latter five canoes came out with two old men and nineteen youths, all very robust and good looking. They came up to the schooners, gave us bramble berries and shell-fish, and received in exchange buttons and beads. Thinking we needed fresh water they went to their villages and brought us some vessels full of it. Free from the danger we had been in, we followed the coast with the object of finding a good anchorage. We sailed straight to the Punta de Gaviola88 and not finding it there, went on to the Bocas de Wintuysen,89 aided by a fresh wind from the E, which cleared the sky. We reached the east point of these bocas and passed between them and the islet.90 On doubling the point we saw two canoes which followed close to the shore observing the movements of the schooners. On coming abeam of them they approached very cautiously. To gain their confidence and friendship we gave those 88. The southeast point of Gabriola Island. 89. The entrance to Nanaimo Harbor. 90. I suppose he means between Tinson Point and Snake Island. VOYAGE OF THE SUTIL AND MEXICANA who came in them the best proofs of our intentions by throwing some strings of beads into their canoes, but we could not get them to come near. We continued along the coast with the same object, until at last we discovered an anchorage at a long mile from the point, and as it seemed suitable we proceeded to it. We called this roadstead "Cala del Descanso" from our need of rest and our appreciation in fmding it on this occasion. We then reckoned five days since our entrance into the strait and not only had we rectified in them the surveys of the previous years but likewise had added to them. This served to recompense us for our fatigues and labors, no less than the hope of continuing the remaining tasks with equally good results. For this purpose we tried to supply ourselves by replenishing the wood and water and taking with all possible dispatch the further measures which our position required. When we had finished mooring the schooners we landed on the beach at the bottom of the cove and tried to penetrate the woods in search of fresh water. We had not gone far, however, when we perceived some natives of the country who made signs to us not to go farther, and others who were running apparently to inform their wives. We gratified them by withdrawing, and made them understand why we had come. Then two of them took us to two very poor springs which were on the east shore of the port, about 2 cables beyond the anchorage of the schooners. In one of these springs there were three small holes covered with semi-circular stones. This confirmed us in the idea we already had of the scarcity of fresh water on these shores. With this knowledge we returned to the beach and found six Indians who were giving sardines to our sailors. We gave them beads in return and other tokens of friendship, but without being able to inspire them with entire confidence. On this day thirty-nine canoes with two or three Indians in each assembled around the schooners. We found no notable difference between their physyiognomy and that of the other natives who had visited us in the strait. On the other hand, however, we could not help noticing the fact that many of them were cross-eyed, that they wore their mustaches short, and tufts of hair on their chins, and that their eyebrows were rather thick. Their clothes were reduced in general to coarse and well-woven wool blankets fastened 255 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT by two pins on the shoulder, but only long enough to reach the knees. An occasional one wore a deerskin. What covered the man who appeared to be the chief, merited particular attention as he wore a woolen blanket on top of one of these, a hat in the form of a truncated cone, five brass bracelets on the right wrist, and a hoop of copper round his neck, very similar to the one we had seen on an Indian in lat. 6o° the year before. Some wore hats and many were painted with red ochre. They came smiling, appeared gende, and if not stupid at least dull of understanding. The language is entirely different from that of Nutka and they make even greater gutteral noises and aspirates, so that it appeared to us more difficult to learn. They offered us in exchange great quantities of sardines sun- dried and smoked, and arms, namely: arrows, some having well- shaped points of flint or mussel shell, others of bone serrated; clubs of whalebone, and medium-sized bows of fairly strong and flexible wood. They also offered new blankets, which we afterwards concluded were of dog's hair, pardy because when the woven hair was compared with that of those animals no difference was found and pardy from the great number of dogs they keep in their villages, most of which were shorn. These animals are of moderate size, resembling those of English breed, very woolly, and usually white. Among other differences from those of Europe is their manner of barking, which is simply a mournful howl. It gave us pain to see that in spite of the pleasure we endeavored to show, and the continual proofs of friendship which we gave these Indians, we could not obtain their confidence. They were always hesitating and suspicious. The slightest movement upset them, and this frequendy interrupted our intercourse with them. They prized beads and Monterey shells, the pearl of which they used for ornaments, and they value pieces of rough iron more than that manufactured into knives or clasp knives, perhaps because they use them for points for arrows, harpoons and other things. Very noteworthy is the difference in character which we perceived in the natives in such a short distance as that which lies 256 VOYAGE OF THE SUTIL AND MEXICANA between Bocas de Porlier and Bocas de Wintuysen. The former are trusting and affable, the latter suspicious and disagreeable. Is not the same difference sometimes seen, however, between neighboring setdements in more civilized nations? And if in towns existing under the same laws the circumstances of education are sufficient for this to happen, why is it strange that the same thing should occur among these tribes, which are apparendy independent and have no constant intercourse together, as we have observed by noting that the canoes do not go away from the villages beyond a certain distance? Navigators must keep these reflections in mind and never trust the savages of the coasts, even if they have found those of other neighboring villages to be humane and benevolent. We devoted ourselves to rest for the night, dividing our crew into four watches, and setting sentinels accordingly, so that by their vigilance the others might rest quiedy. The night was peaceful and throughout it nothing occurred in the anchorage. We spent part of the following day in arranging and making fair copies of our notes of observations, points of reference and calculations, and information of all kinds, which, as jottings made in the midst of the duties and active work on board, required to be expanded in good form and order before other new ideas confused those already acquired. We likewise continued to replenish the water, of which we found that at that season thirty barrels daily could be obtained in the place where we were. The savages did not overcome their distrust however much we endeavored to make them understand our peaceable views. No entreaties or attentions sufficed to induce the chief to come on board the Sutil and all the canoes kept close together and were alongside the schooner in great trepidation. Nevertheless they went on with making their exchanges without trouble and supplying us with fish until the afternoon, when, upon the boat putting off from the Sutil to go ashore, all those who were near became alarmed and went off without daring to approach the schooner during the rest of the day. Later on two canoes appeared in the anchorage, and arrested our attention by the evil appearance of the four Indians who came in them, for they were all cross-eyed and of very dis- ble countenances. They showed us their weapons, and gave 257 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT us to understand that they did not lack courage. We responded with signs of friendship and kindness, and they withdrew, more arrogant about their own daring than satisfied as to our intentions. On no other part of the coast had we seen such an ingenious method of fishing as among these Indians. They took in each canoe a very well-made harpoon of mussel shell, mounted on a fairly long pole with a hook at the other end. They also took a cone shaped piece of wood with some thin and flexible strips of bark fastened in the periphery of its base like feathers, the whole being very like a shuttlecock. They fixed this in the hook by its base that held the feathers, and on seeing a big fish at a great distance below the water they put it in very gendy, point downwards, and close to the head of the fish. They then pulled away the hook, and the shuttlecock went up to the surface with a rapidity that did not allow the fish to see what it was. Thus deceived in this manner, it followed the object up to the surface of the water, and then the Indian, who had already turned the pole and presented the harpoon, threw it at the fish, usually with such accuracy that he seldom failed to wound it. On the 15th and 16th the rain had been almost continuous, but the 17th was a delightful spring day. Under a clear sky a pleasant country then presented itself to our view. The varied and brilliant green of some of the trees and meadows, and the grand roar of the waters dashing upon the rocks in various corners charmed our senses and offered us a situation the so much more agreeable as we were the nearer to past dangers and fatigues. Desiring to utilize it for the benefit of the crews and the advancement of our knowledge, Salamanca went out with five men, armed and supplied with beads and other trifling things, to go towards the site of the villages of the Indians to see if they had abandoned them, as might be inferred from the passing of the armed canoes. Salamanca found the country he went to visit to be covered with brushwood and very straight pine trees. He saw the framework of the village which the Indians had abandoned, and he returned to the ship. On the 18th the boat was repaired and the work of watering was continued. In the afternoon we went in the longboat to visit the interior of the Bocas de Wintuysen and examine the ends of 258 VOYAGE OF THE SUTIL AND MEXICANA the coves we had seen the day previous. The second cove, reckoning from our anchorage, is more sheltered than that of Descanso, but not so clear and good for anchorage. We afterwards went along a channel which turns to ESE,91 and from its direction should fall into the archipelago we had seen to the east of the port at the place where we had previously been.92 CHAPTER VIII The schooners set sail from the Cala de El Descanso.—They cross to the north coast and anchor hurriedly on account of shallow water.—They weigh anchor again, and station themselves to the E of Punta de Langara.—Visit of the natives and arrangements for the survey.—The English boats are seen and the combination of the expeditions is resolved upon.—Survey of the Canal de Floridablanca.—The schooners weigh.—The English join them and they anchor near the Isla de La Quema. Having lost no occasion for forwarding our geodetic and astronomical tasks for the formation of the chart, and with the energies of our sailors recuperated, and wood and water replenished, we set sail at 5 in the morning [June 19] with the intention of proceeding to examine the Canal de Floridablanca. The weather was clear and from time to time we felt a gende breeze aft. Immediately on entering the channel we found the wind freshish from E % NE and hauled it to N % NE, to proceed to the inlet we wanted to survey. In this work the day passed. At nightfall we felt a violent shock forward, through having collided, owing to the carelessness of the watch, with a large floating tree which might have done us much damage. It became entangled with the starboard anchor, and on getting free gready endangered the boat we were towing at the stern. At 12, being very near a low shore and not finding bottom at 40 fathoms, it was thought imprudent to go on persevering in search of an anchorage. We knew from the reports of other voyagers and from our own experience, that one passed rapidly from 91. Probably Northumberland Channel. The anchorage was no doubt in what is now known as Descanso Bay. 92. He probably means the islands they had seen in the Bocas de Porlier. SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT great depth to very litde, so it was thought better to spend the night in tacking. We stood off shore until 2 when we tacked to NNW, using only our topsails. At 3130 with daylight, we reached off the Punta de Langara, and continued sounding frequendy. Although at 3 we did not find bottom with 40 fathoms, a quarter of an hour later we suddenly found ourselves in 3 fathoms. We hauled the wind, which was fresh from the W, and seeing that the water continued to decrease we let fall the anchor in 2% fathoms in the belief that the currents were setting us on the shore. Seven canoes came out from the southwest side of the Punta de Langara and proceeded to the schooners. They were of moderate size and very like those in use at the mouth of the strait. Each one carried two or three Indians, who had taken off their blankets, and were consequendy entirely naked. A few wore hats and most of them were painted in various colors. The features of these natives were better proportioned than those of the other Indians we had seen in all the channel, and the shape of the face more perfect, and so they very much resembled Europeans. Their muscles, if not more developed, were of better form than those of the inhabitants of Nutka and they were not so white, but their liveliness, grace and talent engaged all our attention. They displayed an unequalled affability together with a warlike disposition. They traveled provided with many good arms such as iron-pointed spears half a yard long, quivers full of arrows with tips of the same metal and of flint, bows and clubs, and hold the latter in such high esteem that it was not possible to get one in exchange for knives or Monterey shells. They also brought in their canoes some boxes and baskets with stone harpoons, spear heads, seaweed lines, and other instruments and requisites for fishing. When they came alongside they at once gave us a salmon, without showing that they looked for any return, or taking any interest in the beads we gave them. They accompanied us for a time, and withdrew leaving us astonished at the difference in face, build, and character among the natives of this strait in the distance of a few leagues. Shordy after anchoring we saw that the current was running out and that the depth must diminish, as the lead proved. We thereupon decided to set sail again and tack to starboard, heading 260 VOYAGE OF THE SUTIL AND MEXICANA SW, and thus we gradually increased our depth to 10 fathoms, and shordy to 60. We continued on the same tack until 7:30 in the morning, when with the Punta de Langara bearing N 030 E we tacked to NNW in order to get near it. In our anchorage the northern extremity of the Punta de Langara bore N 150 W and the western extremity of the Peninsula de Cepeda S 49° E. The former is high, and so is the coast which for the distance of half a mile from it runs to the SE, but its continuation is very low and swampy and does not again show hills until near the end of this peninsula. In the previous year our officers of the department of San Bias had seen this portion of the coast from some distance away, but not distinguishing the lowest part of it they thought that the lands adjacent to Punta de Langara and the Peninsula de Cepeda were two islands situated in the mouth of the Canal de Floridablanca, and so placed them on their chart. The coast of the continent included between the Canal de Guemes and the Bocas de Mazarredo shows low-lying lands near the sea, but at a short distance inland there are mountains the summits of which are always covered with snow. Those towards the head of the Canal de Floridablanca have a very wide break, so situated that when the marshy land at its base is lost to sight in the distance, it causes an agreeable illusion to anyone visiting these parts and looking anxiously for the passage to the other sea.93 At 9 we saw four canoes coming from south of Punta de Langara. Three were of the same size as the previous ones, the other was larger and in it were two young men paddling, an old man of conspicuous seriousness who appeared to be the chief, and three other individuals. We made them presents of beads, but they showed that they cared little for them. However we took a canoe in exchange for some small sheets of copper, with the idea of using it for communication between the schooners when their boats had gone on some survey. The old man came on board direcdy he was asked and showed frankness and confidence. The wind came free around to the SW and we continued on the tack towards the Punta de Langara S 65° E, sounding very 93. This was the break in the mountains through which the Fraser River 261 w SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT carefully all the time. At 12, satisfied that there was water in the mouth which the Punta de Langara forms with the coast, we bore up and ran in to anchor on the east of the point where we knew there was a sand flat. We went there to await the rise of the tide, so as to proceed up the channel by its help when the depth would allow. Our plan was to send the longboat and boat to sound at about 2 cables ahead, and to follow them with the schooners very cautiously, seeing that the wind was quite slack and that we had information that the current in the place where we were going to anchor ran 4V2 miles an hour, and would probably be much more rapid in the interior of the channel. We were already in water almost fresh, and saw great logs floating, these signs confirming us in the idea that the inlet we called Floridablanca was the mouth of some large river. The wind fell almost calm, and we were advancing very slowly. Although we were sounding constandy with 70 fathoms without finding bottom, we had discovered by our own experience that one suddenly came into very shallow water. Actually, we came into 25 fathoms, and direcdy after into 15. After rapidly maneuvering to anchor, we let the anchor fall in 10 with the most northern end of Punta de Langara bearing E 05° N from us. In the afternoon twelve canoes came close with some natives who communicated with us with friendly faces and signs of confidence. Their language seemed to gready resemble that of the ones we saw in the Isla de Descanso, but their kindly character, liveliness and joyousness were to be preferred. They repeated very easily what was said to them. One of them came on board, was combed and decorated with a ribbon, which pleased him gready and he gave many embraces to the man who had adorned him. The sailors sang the Malbroug9* to them and the Indians accompanied them, continuing the song by themselves when our men stopped. They sold us some bows, arrows, clubs, and three paddles for the canoe, as those who had let us have it went off without troubling to leave it provided with that accessory. None of them was to be seen in the afternoon, which satisfied us that they were not from the village which we saw close to Punta de Langara. They had made many signs to us that we should go towards the interior of the 94. A famous French song "Malbrough s'en va t'en guerre". 262 VOYAGE OF THE SUTIL AND MEXICANA channel, giving us to understand that we would find food and abundance of water. As soon as we anchored we observed that the tide was running SW Y2 S, with the strength of half a mile. This did not tally with the information we possessed respecting the rapidity of the current, although we reckoned that there would be considerable variation in it, owing to the eddies and backwaters which the direction of the channel must cause. At 2 in the morning a great log was seen coming down on the bow of the Sutil. However, by using an oar and maneuvering the helm she was freed from it. The current never had much force, as its velocity did not attain 2 miles. At 7 in the morning a boat was seen which we did not doubt belonged to the English vessels. It proceeded towards the Sutil, came alongside and the commander of the expedition, Mr. Vancouver, his lieutenant, Pujet,95 and a midshipman went on board. The first named said that he had been occupied during the previous days in surveying various channels, and showed the plans on which figured that of Floridablanca, those of Carmelo and those of Mazarredo. We examined these papers with interest, being surprised to see that the first canal ran inland only 14 miles to the E; the second united and ran N io° E, up to lat. 49° 38'; and the third (a narrow one to the east and a wider one to the west) ran towards each other until they join, and then continue to lat. 50010', runningN 25° E, for two-thirds of the way, and N io° E, to the end. He had also surveyed the Bocas de Caamano whose channels ran inland with various ramifications to lat. 47° 03', one of them extending northwardly to join the Canal de Flon. We showed our chart of that part of the strait we had surveyed, and after these reciprocal proofs of confidence Mr. Vancouver again renewed his efforts for the combination of the two expeditions. This plan gave us the advantage of finishing the examination of these channels in less time, the importance of their survey being already lessened by the short extent of the arms of Floridablanca and Carmelo, and would enable us to make use of part of the good season to navigate to the south, survey the Entrada de Ezeta, and rectify the chart of the coast between Fuca and San Bias. 95. Puget, after whom Vancouver named the sound. 263 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT With this view we told the English commander that our men would convey him if his were fatigued, also pointing out that the schooners would take him if the wind were favorable. As soon as they had one they would proceed to join his vessels, endeavoring thus to respond to his wishes and politeness. We could not carry out this plan owing to the slackness of the wind, and in our state of inaction it seemed best to send the longboat and boat to see for ourselves the Canal de Floridablanca, the more so as no disadvantage could result from it as Vernaci and Salamanca, the officers appointed, carried orders to rendezvous in the port where the English were lying, for the schooners would set sail as soon as they found a favorable opportunity. The Indians continued their good relations with us, so much so that the canoe we purchased from them having got out of order, one of them came on board and offered to superintend its repair, which was carried out with all ease. The 23d was cloudy at dawn, with a gende wind from the SE, and the boat and longboat were not yet in sight. They appeared, however, at 5130 and came alongside at 6, having surveyed the channel, which the English had pointed out to us, which runs east-west and added another lying on the north side of this which our friends had not seen.96 Most of these channels present an aspect entirely novel. Following the mainland some breaks are to be seen and on going into any of them an arm of the sea is found, usually tortuous, a half mile or 1 to 2 miles wide, formed by the sides of rocky mountains, which are very lofty and almost straight up, so that they look like a very lofty wall. In mid-channel bottom is not usually found at 80 fathoms and on sounding near the shores the lead is sometimes felt to roll down without stopping. Anyone entering to survey these channels will be surprised, and perhaps will think he has found the desired communication with the other sea, or an easy means of getting many leagues into the interior of the mainland, but all his hopes will fade, when, without having seen any sign to indicate that the channel is coming to an end, he will find on 96. This was the main Burrard Inlet and the arm to the north, the one now known as Indian Arm. Strangely enough, Vancouver's men did not follow the latter. This was named "Sasamat" by Galiano. 264 VOYAGE OF THE SUTIL AND MEXICANA turning a bend that the mountains have closed up on both sides and form an arc, leaving usually a narrow beach, on which a few steps may be taken. Although in these places we do not find that pleasant view which a diversity of trees and young plants presents, nor the elegance of flowers and beauty of fruits, nor the variety of animals and birds; while the ear also misses the pleasure of the song of the latter, yet the observer will not fail to find many opportunities to admire the works of nature and divert his thoughts in contemplating the enormous masses of the mountains. These are clad with pines and crowned with snow, which when it melts forms most lovely cascades. When these reach the end of their course with an amazing velocity, they break the silence of these solitudes, and with their united waters form copious rivers, which serve to water the plants on their banks and in which breeds a quantity of salmon. When he finds some men, although they differ in appearance and color, he will not fail to see that they are of the same species as himself by the similarity of their mctinations. He will note how they support themselves in good health, strength and spirits, without the commodities which he considers indispensable to life, and how, without the aids which are the result of the study and perfection of the arts, they know how to secure necessary food, to satisfy their needs, and to defend themselves from their enemies. The north arm of the channel which we called "Floridablanca," and the natives name "Sasamat," ends in a river of very litde consequence which runs down the slopes and by a ravine of a great mountain and is apparendy formed by the waters which, corning from the melted snow, rush down from the mountain. Our officers who surveyed the channel tried to go up the river, although it is very narrow. Navigating in half a fathom of water, they exposed the boats to be dashed to pieces against the trees on the banks. These present a lovely woods in which were some huts, and near them some Indians, who were surprisec1 to see barks so new to them, and very strange people appear in that concealed spot, the entrance to which would certainly remain hidden to everyone who was not led by the vehement desire of making discoveries, and by untiring curiosity. But neither the long distance from inhabited country, nor living, as these people did, deprived of all traffic, and 265 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT communication, and contenting themselves with what that poor land supplied, nor the obscurity and seclusion of the place in which they dwelt, sufficed to preserve them in their solitary tranquillity. The women fled at once and hid themselves among the bushes. Some of the men got into a canoe accompanying a youth to whom they all rendered prompt obedience. They approached our boats and watched those who were in them; but shordy returned to land, and went into the wood. The schooners which were to set sail to join the English vessels were only waiting for the return of the boats. When this happened they began the voyage at 8 in the morning of the 25th, with a gende wind from the E, and made all haste to effect the meeting. At 2 a vessel appeared on the horizon in the SE, and an hour later another smaller one. We did not doubt that they were the English ships, which in fact they were. They approached with the rapidity of those meeting from opposite directions. The corvette, which came much in advance of the brig, lay to when she arrived near the Sutil. Galiano and Valdes, hastening to pay their respects to the commander, Vancouver, went on board, and remained there most of the afternoon. The corvette Discovery seemed to be a ship well fitted for the object of her voyage. The brig Chatham was very ill shaped. Both ships were copper sheathed and their hulls were very clean. The schooners did what was possible to stay with them, but always were left somewhat astern owing to their slower sailing. The wind fell in the afternoon and at nightfall jumped to the W. We hauled on the land tack towards the N, until it veered to that quarter, when we put about, but shordy afterwards on its shifting to the SW we resumed our larboard tack. It kept drawing aft and there were some showers, but although it looked dirty in the SE with occasional lightning, there were no bad results. The wind afterwards veered to the S, and we followed a course W % SW, having gone 2 miles at 12. During the rest of the night the wind continued moderate from the S, and at dawn it was almost calm, but in the morning it blew from the E and ESE, and freshened during the day. We passed the Boca de Mazarredo97 without surveying it, as the En- 97. Jervis Inlet. Jose de Mazarredo was the noted Spanish naval officer. 266 VOYAGE OF THE SUTIL AND MEXICANA glish had already done so. This and the Bocas de Carmelo98 were, as already stated, two arms of the sea of great depth but the fact of our knowing that they were closed took away the attraction arid importance of examining them. Besides, our means were few and so we could not use them for surveys of little profit. In the Bocas de Porlier we had been disillusioned by the slight benefit that could be got from the schooners by rowing, and we were convinced that they would prove to us of no utility either as stiff or as speedy vessels. All the morning we had sailed in company with the English ships, taking bases, with clear weather and a fresh wind. At midday it became squally, but in the afternoon the sky cleared again. Having passed the channel between the Isla de Texada and the coast, we came into an archipelago in which night overtook us. The wind had fallen almost calm, and being among some small islands we sought for an anchorage, sounding continuously. At last the English corvette found it, advised the brig and the brig advised us. We proceeded to it, lead in hand and let fall the anchor in 26 fathoms, rock, to the south of an island which was afterwards named "La Quema," as a fire broke out on it.100 The Mexicana went closer to shore, found 36 fathoms at barely x/2 a cable from the Sutil and anchored in 28. This anchorage could only serve to relieve us from being left during the night at the mercy of the currents in such an unknown place, but at last it was needful to seek the mainland, finding ourselves then in an archipelago of islands, lofty and steep, which appeared to form channels of great depth. CHAPTER IX Valdes sets out in the longboat and explores the Canal de la Tabla, that of Arco, and the adjacent inlets.—The English do not agree to abstain from surveying the channels we had already 98. Howe Sound. Both this and the preceding had been named by Narvaez the year before, although he probably only saw one of the entrances to Jervis Inlet, namely, Agamemnon Channel. 99. That is through Malaspina Strait. A Puerto Hurtado, a small opening on the mainland opposite Savary Island, was no doubt named in honor of Joaquin Hurtado, a pilotin on the Descubierta. 100. Kinghorn Island. 267 r SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT seen as it was not conformable to their instructions.—Galiano explores the mainland from Punta de Sarmiento to Canal de La Tabla.—Vernaci and Salamanca continue the examination to beyond Angostura de los Comandantes.181 It dawned clear, and the combination of our operations with those of the English was discussed. The commander, Vancouver, thought he should send out three expeditions, each of two boats, by separate routes. Galiano proposed that we should undertake one, and consequendy Valdes started at 9 in the morning in the Mexicands longboat with provisions for eight days, proceeding by the channel, to which the name "Tabla" was afterwards given, taking on himself the duty of surveying the part lying to the east of it. One of the Chatham's boats also set out with her commander, Mr. Broughton, and he proceeded to an inlet which bore to the NW. He returned at 11 with the news that there was better anchorage in that channel than where we were. At 11:30 Mr. Vancouver, Galiano, the second lieutenant of the corvette, Mr. Pujet, and a midshipman who always accompanied Vancouver, went to the southwest point of the island to observe the latitude. Their observations only differed by 20". At 3 in the afternoon Mr. Vancouver came to the Sutil, bringing the artificial horizon, and Galiano and Vernaci embarked with him taking the reflecting circle and the stand of the achromatic telescope on which it was mounted to go to make observations and test the lenses, landing for this purpose on a litde beach at the nearby island. A squall from the S caused the corvette to drag her anchor, and compelled Mr. Vancouver to return to give his orders, one of them being to proceed to the anchorage discovered by Mr. Broughton. This was accordingly done. The Mexicana also began to drag her anchors. The Chatham was under bare poles heaving in her cable, and the Sutil set sail 101. No further mention of Arco occurs; it was the channel now known as "Homfray". In it a point was named "Pesquero". The eastern Redonda Island received that name on account of its shape while the western one was named "Cortes". Ramsay Arm was named "Espinosa" after the astronomer, Jose Espinosa y Tello, and Raza Island "Pineda", after Arcadio Pineda of the Malaspina VOYAGE OF THE SUTIL AND MEXICANA taking in a reef of each topsail. We all hauled the wind, which veered to SE, and kept shifting to the E, as we approached the shore. We entered the channel, which is formed by very high mountains, and having gone about a league, we anchored in the roadstead which was afterwards called "Separacion".102 At nightfall Valdes returned with the longboat having examined a considerable arm, which he named "La Tabla",108 because he saw upon a hill, on the east side of it, a sort of wooden plank on which various hieroglyphics were represented, as shown by the sketch he took of it. At first this channel seemed of considerable importance, and appeared to run for many leagues, but Valdes soon came to the end of it, when he least expected, just as happened to us in the arm of Floridablanca, the shores and bottom being also entirely similar to those of the latter. He likewise looked at the adjacent channels, which were chiefly filled with islets of slight elevation, and saw some abandoned villages, without finding any inhabitant even outside of them. On returning from the examination of Brazo de la Tabla Valdes met the second lieutenant of the Discovery, Mr. Pujet, who was going to survey the same channel, and told him that it was closed, but the English officer went on to examine it for himself. In view of this we pointed out to Commander Vancouver that the way to advance the surveys was to treat one another with perfect confidence and that he might reckon on this frankness on our side. Mr. Vancouver replied, however, that although he would always have the greatest confidence in our work, he did not think he would be free from responsibility if he did not see it all for him- self, for he was expressly directed in his instructions to survey all the inlets on the coast from lat. 45° up to Cook's river. 102. Lewis Channel. There is no anchor on the map to show the exact spot, a curious omission considering the length of time the vessels were anchored there. 103. This name only appears on the 1793 map. When those of 1795 were drawn the name was changed to "Toba", probably to honor Antonio Toba Arredondo, one of the officers of the Atrevida of the Malaspina expedition, as he appears to have been about the only officer on that expedition who had not been commemorated by Galiano and Valdes in naming places while on this expedition. SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT From June 28 to July 1 we replenished water and wood, and carried out the astronomical observations for regulating the chronometers. The wind was very variable in its direction and force. At times the SE wind caused us to drag our anchor until we got into 40 fathoms of water. The tide was very irregular, for the winds affected it gready both in strength and duration. When it blew from the SE the current set rapidly from that direction, and while the wind remained in the same direction the waters rose and fell without changing their course. This phenomenon is also to be seen in the channels of the Strait of Magellan so perceptibly that notwithstanding the tide be coming in the water has been found to fall 5 fathoms in 2 hours, without any change in the direction of the tide. July 2 was a lovely day and Galiano went out in the afternoon in the Mexicana's longboat to continue the surveys. He returned on the night of the 5th, after carefully examining all the shore between the Punta de Sarmiento104 and the Canal de la Tabla, sticking very close to the mainland. He found one closed arm which communicated with two bays, and to these we gave the names of "Malaspina" and "Bustamante".108 He also surveyed all the litde coves and corners within this space. On the 6th Vernaci and Salamanca set out with the longboat and boat to continue the surveys to the W. In the afternoon of the 8th, with a fresh SE wind, they entered an arm which they named "Quintano",106 but a point of the coast preventing them from examining all the shore of the great ensenada in which it terminates, they got into difficulties and were tossed by the surf. While the longboat was in the act of wearing she shipped several seas and was on the point of capsizing, but the canvas covering which had been put from stem to stern to protect her from rain prevented her from sinking In this emergency they took the ready expedient of turning the stern to the sea, setting the prow towards the shore where there was less sea. In consequence they succeeded in taking 104. Sarah Point. 105. Okeover Arm and Theodosia Arm. The entrance was named "Canal de Dos Bahias" and is now known a s Malaspin 1 Inlet. 106. Bute Inlet. Fernando Qui ntano was one of the offic :rs of the Des- cubierta >f Malaspina. 270 VOYAGE OF THE SUTIL AND MEXICANA shelter in a nearby cove, where they spent the night. It was not quiet, however, owing to the extraordinary force of the wind and that of the sea, which broke with frightful noise on the shore. The sky having cleared in the early morning of the ioth, they continued their tasks with sea and wind favorable and proceeded to the channel, which is marked on the chart with the name of Angostura de los Comandantes,107 because Galiano and Valdes afterwards went to examine it before attempting the passage with the schooners. They saw a large village situated in a lovely flat on the west point of the mouth of the Canal de Quintano. They went along shore until they reached the mouth of the Angostura where they noticed that the water was running out with marvellous rapidity and they at once took shelter at the southern point of the entrance, mooring the boats with a cable on land. There were numerous canoes in the vicinity with two or three Indians in each engaged in fishing for sardines. The device they used to catch them was a round pole about three yards long studded all around with sharp points for a third of its length. By putting this kind of large-toothed comb in the water and jerking it several times, they drew it out with the sardines impaled, and took them into the canoes. Many of the natives surrounded our officers without showing the slightest distrust. These men were of medium height, well made, robust and of dark color, and in features, language, dress, and arms were not different from those of the interior of the strait. The number of natives in this place would reach 140, and they seemed the happiest in the strait, for being setded on the slope of a hill, with flats close by, they dwell in a fertile and beautiful country. The fields and woods filled with trees, shrubs and tender plants afford them great abundance of fruits of various kinds to vary their food, and moderate the acidity which the use of fish and shellfish may produce. Likewise quantities of deer are to be seen and some birds, and the adjacent coasts supply them with various sorts of excellent fish. As soon as Vernaci and Salamanca saw that the velocity of the current was diminishing, they passed through the Angostura and penetrated the next cove under the guidance of the savages. They discovered a mouth which gave entrance to several channels but 107. Arran Rapids between Stuart Island and the mainland. SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT on the Indians assuring them that one of these continued to the sea, they resolved to suspend the survey and return by the way they had come. This they did that night, and took advantage of the time when the waters were running with less force to get on board again. Although the channel which had just been examined was so dangerous on account of the whirlpools caused by the current, it was resolved to pass through it in the schooners as the smallness of our small boats made it inadvisable for them to go far from the ships. On the 12th, an expedition of two English boats returned with the information that it had found an exit to the sea in lat. 510.108 In view of this the English commander said that it was his intention to go back by the channel in which we were anchored and proceed by another that lay to the SW and which from its direction should communicate with the one that had just been surveyed. He said this channel was fit for ships, and that the one we proposed to follow was very dangerous as it was full of reefs and had many currents and whirlpools. We pointed out to him that the small size of our vessels rendered it practicable for them to navigate this passage, and from then it was agreed that we should separate. CHAPTER X Parting with the English ships.—Futile efforts of the schooners to advance.—Fondeadero de Las Marias.—Fondeaderos of Cebal- los, Robredo, Murfi and Concha.—Good character of the Indians of the Angostura de los Comandantes.—Great velocity of the currents in it.—The schooners proceed through it and anchor in the Cala de Refugio. At dawn on the 13th the wind was fairly fresh from the fourth quarter. The English ships weighed and Mr. Vancouver continued his navigation back along the same channel in the direction of the southeast. We parted with mutual evidences of friendship and confidence, and the commanders of both expeditions exchanged copies of the surveys made up to that point. 108. That is through Discovery Passage, Johnston Strait and Broughton Strait. 272 VOYAGE OF THE SUTIL AND MEXICANA The wind not being favorable we waited to start until the torn of the incoming tide, which occurred at 8 in the morning. At that hour we went to tacking but seeing that all our efforts to advance were fruidess we returned to the anchorage we had left. On the 14th, after taking sights for time we set sail as soon as the current began to be favorable although the wind was fresh from the NW. We tacked all the morning, now from shore to shore, now under one or the other, in order to avoid the counter- currents, and to take advantage of the favorable ones. We could only make about half a mile to windward, however, of which we lost a great part in the two last tacks on the tide txirning, and we anchored on the northeast side in 25 fathoms, sand and gravel. Although on the 15th the weather was just like that of the previous days, and promised us no better result to any efforts we might make against it, yet we set sail at 8 in the morning and tacked fruidessly, until perceiving that we were losing way, we anchored at 2:30 in the afternoon off the southwest shore, very close to the place from which we had started. The same unfavorable conditions continued on the 16th, the tides as they rose not having sufficient strength to turn the prow which stayed steady in the direction of the NW wind. This observation confirmed us in the opinion we have already expressed that the tides have no regularity in these channels. The tide that follows the direction of the wind is perceptible, but when running in the opposite direction it is held back by the wind so that its short duration is scarcely noticeable. During the night we observed that the tide from the SE had sufficient force to turn the ship, although the wind had not decreased. We hoped that the morrow would prove more propitious than the preceding days, but as the tide ran contrary we were held up until 10 in the morning when we weighed and continued under sail until 2 in the afternoon. The wind then failing we furled our sails, preferring to row and keep very close to the shore to avoid the force of the current. We thus reached the anchorage of the Islas Tres Marias after hard work by the crew.109 During the night the wind freshened somewhat, and no current was perceptible, but in the morning we found it 109. They had passed through Lewis Channel into Calm Channel and these islands were the ones now known as "Rendezvous Islands". r SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT contrary and very strong. The latitude was observed ashore and on board ship by double altitudes of the sun, and the variation by the theodolite's needle, and points of reference were made to continue our geometric work. In the afternoon we took to the oars as on the day before, inclining towards the right shore where the most sheltered anchorages might be expected. The tide gave us litde help, and at times some of the eddies were so strong against us that with the oars we stemmed them with difficulty. We anchored at nightfall between the shore and the island we called "Cevallos",110 moored to land and with anchors out in 26 fathoms on gravel bottom. Three canoes, with that number of natives in each, came from a village on the island, and proceeded to the Sutil, where they were treated with much kindness. They responded with the same kindness and struggled to make us understand that it was not advisable for us to go along that channel because there were wicked men in it who would kill us, and to persuade us to go to their villages where we should find the best welcome. On the Mexicana they made similar efforts to induce us to change our course, thus showing insistendy a kind and thoughtful character, and an affection so disinterested that we could not do less than be grateful for it. After making the necessary observation on the morning of the 17th, at 2 in the afternoon at the turn of the favorable tide we continued under oars in the same way as on the previous days. The current at first carried us rapidly, but direcdy we crossed to the left shore its changeable eddies retarded us and being for the most part contrary we at last found ourselves compelled to anchor in the ensenada which we named "Robredo",11 in 35 fathoms, with a guy rope to shore as on previous occasions. We passed the night in a calm, and at 9 in the morning, with favorable tide, we weighed 110. This must have been Stuart Island, although on the Carta Esferica No. 1 of 1795 the name appears on the mainland opposite for a Puerto, and an Ensenada representing what is now known as Fanny Bay. 111. This anchorage was on the east side of Stuart Island but whether north or south of Henrietta Point is a little uncertain and the same may be said regarding the next anchorage, Murfi. On the 1793 map the first would seem to be south of the point and the second north of it but on the Carta Esferica No. 1 of 1795 they both appear to be north of it. Jose Robredo and Jacobo Murfi were officers on the Atrevida of the Malaspina expedition. 274 VOYAGE OF THE SUTIL AND MEXICANA to make for the Angostura de los Comandantes, to which we thought we were very near. The longboat was sent to examine the state of the tide, but seeing that this was contrary, we let fall the anchor in 16 fathoms in the Fondeadero de Murfi, in order to examine this dangerous passage at close range, and undertake it with full knowledge. For this purpose the two commanders embarked in the longboat and proceeded towards the noise made by the current, which became audible as soon as they doubled the point of the ensenada in which the schooners were anchored.112 The extraordinary swif tness the waters acquired was a phenomenon worthy of the greatest attention. The current of the Angostura de la Esperanza in the Strait of Magellan runs 7x/2 miles an hour near the shore, and its velocity is much greater in mid-channel. Yet the difference apparent at first sight between the two currents is so considerable, that there is no exaggeration whatever in reckoning that of the Angostura de los Comandantes at 12 miles. The aspect is a most strange and picturesque one. The waters look like a race from a waterfall, and on them great numbers of fish are constantly jumping. Flocks of seagulls setde on the surface at the entrance of the channel and after allowing themselves to be carried to its end by its rapid course, fly back to their original position. This not only amused us, but also afforded us a means to gauge in some measure the velocity of the current. The Indians received the commanders with the greatest friendship, and gave them to understand that they ought not to risk passing through the channel in the longboat for they would be swamped beyond help in the whirlpools, as happened to them in their canoes when they had the misfortune to be caught by the current. Galiano and Valdes thanked them for their warnings and applied themselves to ascertain how to make so dangerous a passage with the schooners. They noticed that although the current was contrary in the narrows it was favorable along the shore where the schooners lay, and as far as the left-hand point, because the current with the violence it attains in the narrow passage sets into the Canal de Quintano and the waters along the left-hand shore rush in to fill the void and thus maintain the necessary equilibrium. 112. I take it this was Henrietta Point but there is no certainty about it. 275 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT They discovered at a cable's length from the said point an anchorage which was named "Concha"113 with 15 fathoms, gravel, formed of the deposits left by the water on losing its velocity in leaving the channel. They saw at once that it would be desirable for the schooners to anchor in that spot, as the most suitable in which to await the change of the course of the current so as to attempt the passage on the turn of the tide before the waters attained their extraordinary rapidity, when it would be more dangerous. They returned to the schooners, and arrangements were at once made to put this plan into operation. The Indians, utilizing the sun's path, indicated to us very clearly that when that body was near the top of a high mountain on the mainland, the favorable moment we desired would come. The time did not seem long with the entertainment offered by the prospect of the torrent of waters, and the numbers of trees carried down by its force, the constant passing of the birds, and the disporting of fish making lovely colors on the bottom above which we were anchored. The natives went some way off from the schooners without ever belying their friendly character, but rather confirming it by unmistakably proving their interest in our welfare, because, besides giving us the first fresh salmon we had seen in the strait, and a great quantity of sardines just caught, they allowed few moments to pass without trying to point out to us the dangers we were about to encounter, and the way and time to overcome them. They explained to us the method they pursued in this passage and the continual mishaps which nevertheless befell them, deducing that the size and resistance of our vessels would not promise us a more happy lot, but rather a more disastrous one than they had met with their canoes. For this humane and benevolent attitude we continued to call them "Good Indians" and we strove to give them whatever we knew might contribute to their satisfaction and comfort. From 3 in the afternoon the current began to slacken, and at 4 we perceived that the moment had come for putting our enter- 113. Just under the northeast point of Stuart Island, probably named after Jose Gutierrez de la Concha of the Malaspina expedition, after whom what is now known as Harwood Island was also named. 276 VOYAGE OF THE SUTIL AND MEXICANA prise into execution. We took advantage of it with fitting alacrity, accompanied for some time by our worthy friends, who likewise did not fail to advise us of the opportune moment, or to accompany us as far as the middle of the passage. They then returned hurriedly to their villages, for the current began to acquire strength, leaving, however, one canoe with a man and a woman in it to guide us somewhat, without any request for this on our part. Being now in the passage of the narrows we perceived the need of not omitting any measure to prevent some unfortunate accident, in a place of which we had not sufficient knowledge to be aware of its dangers, and to apply suitable expedients to avoid them. Thus we decided to anchor in the cove on the right in order to examine from there a somewhat difficult section in sight, and which we called "Canal de Carvajal" in honor of our friend Don Ciriaco Gonzalez Carvajal, Oidor of the Audiencia of Mexico, to whom our commission was indebted for particular services.114 To attain our object we had to avoid falling off towards the left side, where our officers, Vernaci and Salamanca, had seen such violent whirlpools that the water sank more than a yard.118 We tried continually to follow the right-hand shore with the aid of the oars, but the current carried us forward at one time towards this shore and at other times back towards mid-channel without our being able with all our efforts to prevent these deviations. At last the Mexicana gained the proposed anchorage, but the Sutil, swept away by an eddy, did not have the same good fortune, and navigating for more than 3 cables so close to the right-hand shore that she almost grazed the rocks which jutted out from it, entered the Canal de Carvajal abandoned to the violence of the current, as the resistance she had hitherto offered was futile. It was decided to maintain her position by tacking under short sail to wait for the Mexicana. The latter set sail at once and followed the Sutil abandoned likewise to the same fate, without any signal to do so having been given. 114. On the map of 1793 and Carta Esferica No. 1 of 1795 the channel between Stuart Island and Sonora Island, the now famous Yuculta Rapids, is named Canal de Remolinos, while that part of Cordero Channel between Sonora Island and the mainland is named Canal de 'Carvajal. Just where the cove was is a little uncertain, but it seems to have been before reaching Dent 115. That is, in the Yuculta Rapids. 277 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT The schooners passed the narrows at an extraordinary rate steadied by the fore top-staysails as the wind blew fresh against them in an opposite direction to that of the channel. The Sutil having tacked near an island,116 went about on the opposite tack, and being caught in a strong whirlpool, turned round thrice with such violence that those on board were made giddy. She freed herself from this danger by rowing with full strength. Both schooners steered for the right-hand shore to seek a place to anchor before nightfall, now very near, and before the difficulties and dangers of this passage should be increased by the greater force of the current. The continual eddies and whirlpools, now favorable, now contrary, retarded one schooner and advanced the other, rendering it impossible to steer, and carrying us at their mercy, alternately flattering and frustrating our desires to make a litde cove which was very near at hand. The Sutil succeeded, with the aid of the boat, in rurining out a cable to the east point, but at that very moment, caught by another whirlpool, she began to turn round again, and at the first turn tore the cable from the hands of those who were making it fast. Finally at 9:30 at night we succeeded in gaining the Fondeadero del Refugio,117 both vessels lying under shelter of a point which protected them from the faint wind, with the anchor in 20 fathoms, gravel, and with a cable to land. The wind increased later, and we heard it whisding in the tops and among the trees in the forest. At the same time the violent rapidity of the waters in the channel caused a frightful noise and a most noticeable surf. This combination presented a terrifying situation, the more so as we had not explored the channel. CHAPTER XI Difficulties caused by the contrary currents in the neighborhood of the Cola del Refugio.—This passage and the Ensenada de Aliponzoni are examined.—The Mexicana weighs and fetches this anchorage.—The Sutil finds the eddies still very strong and they 116. This must have been Dent Island, called "Bueltas" in the letter. 117. It is very difficult to locate the exact place of this anchorage. It seems to have been between Dent Island and Henry Point just northwest of it. Captain Grenfell thinks it was in a cove east by south from Henry Point. VOYAGE OF THE SUTIL AND MEXICANA set her continually to the Cola del Refugio.—She overcomes them successfully, and the two ships anchor in the Ancladero de Tenet/18 —Salamanca proceeds to the Canal del Engano and follows the mainland until he completes the survey of the two shores of the inlet bearing his name.—The schooners set sail and fetch the Fondeadero de Viana. The boats proceeded to examine the continuation of the channel, and found an anchorage in the Ensenada de Aliponzoni119 suitable for making another stop but it was perceived that the fitting moment for shifting to it that day had already passed. At nightfall the wind began to recover its force and blew violendy all night long. The Indians did not appear, nor did we find signs that they frequent these parts, such is their dread of these passages caused by their disasters in them. The wind continued with the same force and irregularity all day of the 22d, not allowing us to utilize the last of the morning tide to weather the point on our NW120 and gain the above mentioned anchorage. In good time the boat had been sent to observe the current, and had in fact found that it was not contrary. We waited to set sail for some lull in the wind, such as was wont to happen, but one did not take place until 7:30 in the morning. At this hour the counter-current set in from the NW, with a rapidity which showed us at once that its force could not be stemmed. The waters which come from the Angostura de los Comandantes follow the Canal de Carvajal, and though they continue in the same direction on the left-hand shore the same thing does not occur on the right-hand shore, for on reaching the western extremity of the island, where the schooner Sutil turned round so many times, they divide, and, after forming some whirlpools, part of them run to the Ensenada de Aliponzoni and the rest, forming a strong counter- current, run to the Punta de Revesa, and back into the Fondeadero del Refugio.121 118. This anchorage is not shown on the maps either by name or by an anchor, unless it was the one named "Nodales" farther on in the chapter. 119. The cove between Henry Point and Gomer Island. Fabio Aliponzoni was a marine on the Descubierta. 120. This must have been Henry Point. 121. This description is very confusing. The Punta de Revesas seems to have been Henry Point. 279 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT The tide which we had noticed to be regular in the Canal de Carvajal, changed and ran in at 6:30 in the afternoon. The gusts of wind had not entirely ceased, but they were not so violent as on the preceding day. As we were eager to proceed on our course, even at the price of the dangers before us, we weighed at 7 in the evening. The Mexicana which lay outside of the Sutil was necessarily the first to attempt the task and managed it, beginning to gain distance with the oars. The Sutil followed after her at about 3 cables distance, but this short difference sufficed to allow the former, though with difficulty, to weather the Punta de Revesa, while the Sutil was not so fortunate. The recoil of the waters caught her when she was already very near, carried her rapidly over the shoal that ties at a cable to eastward of the point, and then carried her against the shore. It was afterwards necessary in order to keep her off from this to use the oars as boathooks. In spite of the most active rowing the waters carried her to the Cala del Refugio. A second attempt was made and the currents and whirlpools seized her and carried her to the Punta de Revesa with such velocity that all efforts to prevent her from being dashed against the shore seemed useless. The same waters, however, carried her scraping along this to the Cala del Refugio. She tried again the third and fourth time, but without result. No longer having any hope of attaining her object we let her go where the waters had carried her so many times and anchored there. The Mexicana had anchored in the Ensenada de Aliponzoni. On the 23d, at 6 in the morning the Sutil began to weigh and, with the experience of the previous evening, and the knowledge obtained about the conditions of this passage, continued on her oars in smooth water close in shore, weathered the Punta de Revesa, gained that of the Ensenada de Aliponzoni, and as soon as we saw die Mexicana we joined her, and continued close to the left-hand shore with the aid of a freshish N wind. After leaving these dangerous places we met other natives who came alongside the Sutil in two canoes and pointed out the course we ought to follow. The confidence they displayed was as great as if they had been among their best friends, and when we had shown them the chart of our surveys they pointed out on it by means of a pencil the direction of the channels opening to the W, and those 280 VOYAGE OF THE SUTIL AND MEXICANA which had their outlet to the sea. As they did not understand the maneuvre of tacking, which sometimes turned us away from the direction we ought to follow, they advised us not to sail towards the Ensenada del Estero122 as it was closed. This they indicated by arching their arms, but seeing at last that we disregarded their advice they went ashore. We continued on our tack to the end of the Estero, which we found to be closed, and then tacked to look for the narrow Canal del Engafio,123 which trended NW, and succeeded in reaching the mouth of it. When we were passing inside, however, the canoe with our Indian pilots arrived, and told us that this was closed. The favorable tide was coming to an end so we proceeded to the west shore to seek anchorage in the Canal de los Nodales.124 We anchored in the roadstead of that name at a cable length from land. The information of the Indians did not tally with that we had received from the English about this place, and it was therefore indispensable for the smaller vessels to go and survey the Canal del Engafio. So Salamanca went out for that purpose in the longboat at 2:30 in the afternoon, with a favorable tide just then beginning to make to the north along the shore. On the 24th the weather was overcast, and on the 25th we had wind from the S with rains and fogs. We spent these days in making such observations as the clouds permitted and in the necessary operations for the continuation of the chart of these parts. The longboat returned at night. Salamanca informed us that he had surveyed the Canal del Engafio, an arm which trended to the north, and ended in a river, and the deep ensenada that lies on the west of it.128 With a south wind he ran all along the channel bearing his name,126 and saw a village and two rivers in it of some importance, 122. Frederick Arm and the Estero at the end of it. 123. This passage appears on the maps as the one between Frederick Arm and Phillips Arm. 124. This channel between Sonora and Thurlow islands still bears the 125. The river was Phillips River and the ensenada another Fanny Bay. 126. Brazo de Salamanca, now known as Loughborough Inlet. Salamanca had passed through Cordero Channel and into this inlet. His description of his movements in it is not very clear. The two rivers would seem to refer to Apple River and Stafford River which enter MacBride Bay and Fraser Bay at the head of the inlet, but his statements in the following sentence hardly warrant that identification. The length he ascribed to the inlet of 14 leagues is twice too much. 281 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT the mouths of which bade fair to be shallow. Knowing however how deceptive are the points of mtervening land, which at the distance of half a mile usually hide the entrance to important channels, and this channel being of interest because it runs more than 14 leagues towards the north, he ventured to cross to the opposite shore to examine more closely the mouths of the rivers, although the wind was harsh and blew in gusts. Intending to enter the one on the east, he found the passage interrupted by a fish weir, per- fecdy constructed out of stakes and planks. Both mouths were broad, but of very slight depth and the current so rapid that it would have been rash to expose himself with such a small bark to the sport of it. The natives who dwelt in the village had seen our longboat and finding that it was not coming near they came out in two canoes with eight or ten men in each, shouting and showing a sea-otter skin. Our people could not wait for them, as the longboat was in a critical position, maneuvering to cross with her foresail to the east coast, in order to avoid being taken broadside by the heavy seas, which she could not have survived. It appears that this maneuver made the Indians suspect that our people entertained hostile ideas for they returned to their village, put on their hide cuirasses, re-embarked, and being joined by a canoe conveying a chief, they started after the longboat, aboard which Salamanca took suitable measures for using in his defense the slight means at his command. The warriors jumped ashore and followed the longboat along the shore, displaying alternately sea-otter skins and arrows until, not being able to go farther, they returned to their villages. At nightfall our people found a small cove and went into it to pass an uncomfortable night, due to the heavy rain. On the 25th the sky cleared and Salamanca returned by the same route by which he had gone, continuing his geodetic surveys. On the 26th at 8 in the morning and at the turn of the favorable tide we set sail, and with the aid now of the oars now of the wind from the S, entered the Canal del Engafio. We rowed along between the island127 and the south shore, preferring for our progress this narrow channel to the large, clean one on the N. The current helped us with its considerable force, and as soon as we arrived 127. Channe Island. 282 VOYAGE OF THE SUTIL AND MEXICANA where the channel runs to WSW128 we had wind from ENE, which carried us along rapidly until we came abreast the Canal de Olavide.1 There it fell, and we let ourselves go at the mercy of the current, and aided by our oars, until we entered the Canal de Cordero. Such was the force of the eddies and whirlpools, however, that they threw the Mexicana on the northeast point of the channel with such violence that it seemed as if she was going to be dashed to pieces on it. As the shock of the current on the shore drove back the waters, they carried her off and the two schooners went on until they anchored at 2 in the afternoon in the Ensenada de Viana,180 in 24 fathoms, gravel, a cable and a half distant from the shore. It had rained all day without ceasing. In the night there were renewed squalls, and all appearances showed that the winds were about to shift to SE, that is to say, were veering to favor our course. CHAPTER XII The schooners weigh and proceed to the Canal de Nuevos Re- molinos.—It is arranged for the longboat to go ahead as guide, they follow it and reach the Fondeadero de Novates.—Valdes examines the Brazo del Canonigo and that of Flores.—The schooners weigh and go on to the Fondeadero de Bauzd.—Some comprehension of the language of Nutka is perceived among the natives.—The ships again set sail and anchor in the roadstead which was called "Insulto" because of the outrage which the natives there perpetrated on our men.—Vernaci is appointed to make some surveys in the longboat and he carries them out successfully. At 7 in the morning of the 27th we set sail and with slight wind from the E, went as far as the mouth of the Canal de Nuevos Re- molinos.181 The longboat was manned and using it as guide we 128. That is, Cordero Channel. Named after the artist of the party, Jose Cordero. 129. Mayne Pass between the two Thurlow Islands. Named after Martin de Olavide, one of the officers of the Atrevida. 130. In Chancellor Channel just about south of the entrance to Loughborough Inlet. No anchor is shown here. Fransico Javier Viana was an officer of the Descubierta. 131. Wellbore Channel. SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT continued through the channel. In passing the narrows in the middle of it, however, we encountered some more whirlpools which compelled us to again surrender ourselves to their force. We passed them with safety and finding some inlets to the N we fetched, at 11 in the morning, a good anchorage which we called "Novales".182 The latitude was observed on shore, sights for time were taken, and the longboat departed with Valdes to examine the entrances which lay before us. He returned on the 28th, having examined the Bahia del Canonigo and that of Flores,188 finding that the channel ran to the W. We at once weighed and took advantage of the tide until the turn of it compelled us to anchor in 24 fathoms, mud, in Fondeadero de Bauza13* The wind was quiet for most of the day, and the clouds which began to disperse indicated that it would shift to the fourth quarter. In the afternoon some natives came in three canoes, some of whom understood the Nutka language, and one in particular who forthwith began to act as interpreter in the dealings. They knew Macuina and other chiefs of that district, and it was evident from their manner in their agreements and selection of objects in the exchanges that they have traffic with them. On the 29th, in the morning, with a fresh wind from the W and favorable tide, we began to tack, gaining to westward with the gratification that we were approaching the oudet to the sea. We already saw lands of different form, less craggy and lower; the horizon opened out on the NW and extensive beaches with good anchorages also became visible. The wind strengthened in the afternoon and raised a sea but soon fell and we remained almost becalmed. The natives did not stop visiting us and added fresh and smoked salmon to our provisions, taking in exchange iron, shells 132. A cove under the south side of Althorp Point on Hardwick Island, named after Manuel Novales, also one of the officers of the Descubierta. 133. Forward Harbor and Topaze Harbor. Bessborough Bay is plainly shown on the map but without any name. Flores was probably Francisco Flores Moreno, the surgeon of the Malaspina expedition, although he may have been a candnigo of that name. 134. In Sunderland Channel about where McLeod Bay is located, or a little to the east of it. (Captain Grenfell thinks it was under Spark's Cone.) Felipe Bauz£ was the map maker of the Malaspina expedition. 284 VOYAGE OF THE SUTIL AND MEXICANA and various trinkets. By tacking we reached the Fondeadero de Cardenas,188 and finding an inlet to the north, we anchored in 12 fathoms, fine gravel, in order to go out in the longboat and examine it. Having done this we set sail on the morning of the 30th, with a freshish wind from the E, and ran along the north coast at such a distance that no entrance that would allow a canoe to pass could escape us. At 4 in the afternoon a channel was seen, and the schooners anchored very near its mouth in the roadstead we afterwards called "Insulto",188 from the outrage which the natives who inhabit its shores perpetrated on us. As soon as we anchored some canoes with natives came alongside the schooners, most of whom understood the Nutka language and showed that they had traded much with Europeans from whom they had obtained various things. The chief wore a hat very like the one we had seen the year previous on the chief of Puerto de Mulgrave, in lat. 6o°, which he held in high esteem, as he had taken it from his enemies in battle. We bought it, and it was the only thing we could obtain, for being very vacillating rather than cautious in their sales, these men scorned whatever we offered them, even those things of known utility among them, and such as might most flatter their tastes. At dawn on the 31st Vernaci went out in the longboat to examine the arm which ran northwards, so as to determine its end with accuracy, which judging from our position, might be the sea.187 Then the greater part of the crew were sent ashore to fetch wood, renew oars, and do other necessary work. At midday we heard shouts and saw numbers of canoes collected near the place where our workmen were. Salamanca at once got into the boat with armed men and went to help them, with instructions to do no injury to the enemy except in case of emergency. We discharged a cannon-shot and this noise, coupled with the display of muskets in the boat, produced good effects, for they 135. Port Neville. The man honored was perhaps Pedro de Cardenas, a commander in the Spanish naval service. Blinkinsop Bay appears on the 1793 map and on the Carta Esferica No. 1 of 1795 as the Ensenada de Estrada, perhaps named after Nicolas Estrada, a Spanish naval officer. 136. Probably Forward Bay on Craycroft Island. 137. Apparently Havannah Channel. 285 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT at once embarked in their canoes, and crossed the channel, passing at a long distance away from the schooners. Our people afterwards reported that the natives had surprised them and wanted to seize a musket from one of the hunters by main force, and only abandoned the attempt when they saw the readiness and efficiency of the assistance we sent to those who were attacked, and because of the just fear of the ravages with which they were threatened by our fire-arms. The rain, which had not ceased all the afternoon and night following, made us think of the longboat and the great discomfort on board of it. We fancied that our altercations with the natives might have affected those in it. Most of the natives were armed, not only with arrows and clubs, but with knives a third to half a yard long, double-edged and sharp pointed, and everything increased our anxiety about Vernaci and the men under his orders. On August i two Indians came in a canoe in the morning saying they were Nuchimases188 and from a different village from that of those who had attacked us on the previous day. They brought a musket in fair condition, a lance with an iron head three spans long, and some broad knives with a groove in the middle of the blade, and quite similar to those used by the Indians who inhabit N lat. 590 and 60°. They handed them to us readily for examination, and told us that they made them. It was not possible to buy anything from them, for they would only accept powder in exchange for their goods. They stayed ashore with us while we took observations, and went away afterwards and did not appear again all day. The morning of the 2d, was clear and at midday we observed the latitude with the artificial horizon. Not a canoe was seen and this increased our anxiety about the fate of the longboat, on which the natives could easily work their will by overpowering those in her. At 3 in the afternoon a sudden squall came on and ended with heavy rain which lasted all the afternoon and a great part of the night. The 3d was just the same save that the squall in the afternoon 138. Nuchimanes, according to Mozino, op. tit p. 73. They were Kwakiutl but Nuchimanes was likely the Nootka name for them. VOYAGE OF THE SUTIL AND MEXICANA was accompanied by thunder and lightning. On this day we observed a phenomenon we were far from foreseeing. The quicksilver used for the artificial horizons had become so damp that it was necessary to try some method for taking the moisture out of it. Various means proving futile it was resolved to boil it in a saucepan to purify it by this known method. It was quite successful, but a man fifty years of age, whose duty it was to keep it moving while it was on the fire, was seized with pains, followed by fever, and a copious and continual salivation, just like a real patient under mercurial treatment. Treated as such, he was quite restored after some time. On the 4th, a canoe came alongside with Cauti, a young man of good presence, who told us he was Chief Nuchimas, and powerful in that district. He gave us information about the longboat with liveliness and natural affability, expressing himself very well in the Nutka language. Our conversation went on to treat of Macuina and other chiefs of that district whom he knew. As it seemed to us very desirable to gain the friendship and confidence of this chief we gave him abundant presents in both ships, with the result that he took leave of us well content and offered to come again and bring a chief named Sisiaquis, the master of many lands on the northern shore. The weather continued the same as on the preceding days with similar storms and squalls at the same hours. On the 5th in the morning Cauti came to fulfill his promise, accompanied by Sisiaquis.189 Stimulated by our anxiety about the delay of our longboat we carefully paid them every attention. Sisiaquis after accompanying us for some time, told us that he would sleep on the adjacent coast that night and return on the following day to receive the presents we were offering him. We were gready concerned about the fate of those in the longboat, for in addition to their having taken few provisions, we had to reckon that a great part of these must have been spoiled by rain and salt water, so we exerted ourselves to regale and gratify Sisiaquis, whose help might perhaps be useful. That chief brought with him some of his vassals with muskets provided with large shot and a flask of powder. His confidence and ease of bearing did not 139. This chief seems to have been the "Cheslakees' of Vancouver. r SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT belie the nobility and power of which he boasted, saying that Cauti was his inferior, and that he knew no equal in those regions, which he asserted all belonged to him. He offered to make us presents if we would go to his village, according to the custom of the chiefs, who only trade under the veil of giving and receiving gifts. He showed clearly that he had seen large ships with three masts, though he did not mention where nor when. After a long visit in which it proved very useful to us to understand the Nutka language Sisiaquis went away by the great channel which runs WNW,140 and one of the canoes of the people who accompanied him crossed to the south shore. From this and other preceding incidents we gathered that those Indians lived there and were those who had attacked us, however much Sisiaquis, fearing our just anger, strove to hide the fact. Although on the 5th the rain was less copious than on the preceding days, the showers occurred again at the same hours. On the 6th the wind was very variable with constant squalls during the afternoon and night. The thought of our longboat constandy troubled our spirits, and now we were forced to fear that she had experienced some mishap. So we began to discuss the method of searching for her, and none seemed more fitting than to leave the Mexicana in the anchorage in case she should return there, and for the Sutil to go along the mainland discharging cannon and asking the Indians about her. We were about to put this plan into effect, when, at 6:30 in the morning of the 7th, we saw her come through the WNW channel without having sighted her until she was very near, owing to the heavy fog on the horizon. The signs of near oudet to the sea had made Vernaci try hard to survey the end of these channels, struggling against wind and tide, dense fog and frequent showers. He surveyed the arms named after himself, those of Retamal, Balda and Baldinat and ended in the Canal de Pinedo,"1 which is on the west shore of the last named, 140. That is, Johnstone Strait. 141. Brazo de Vernaci, named Knight Inlet by Vancouver; the Brazo de Retamal is the present Call Creek; that of Balda is Thompson Sound, the Canal de Baldinat, Tribune Channel and the Canal de Pinedo is the western end of Tribune Channel. The names given are unknown to me except that of Pinedo who was no doubt Col. Antonio Pinedo, the naturalist of the Malaspina expedition. 288 VOYAGE OF THE SUTIL AND MEXICANA on the 6th day after leaving the schooners. He observed the latitude with the artificial horizon at the extremity of the first arm and did not continue the exploration to the oudet to the sea, as he was a long way from the schooners and had very few provisions left, though he thought the oudet must be very near owing, among other indications, to the numerous whales going out of the Canal de Pinedo. He had come across places of pleasant prospect, lands of slight elevation covered with trees and meadows, and many beaches with good anchorages close by, though he did not fail to see rugged and lofty mountains in the channel bearing his name. In this he found to admire a cascade of waters from melted snow, which gathered in a ravine of a mountain and then fell into the channel with great noise, creating such a wind that in passing by it Vernaci raised the sails of the longboat and went for some distance with the aid of the wind so produced. He also saw a number of villages close to the rivers, in which these arms usually terminate and where the salmon go to spawn during the season that they frequent the coast. He observed that the Indians prefer this situation to the inside of straits, on account of the greater abundance of fish, and for the better opportunity it offers for trade with foreigners from which the Nuchimases gain advantages which they already gready appreciate. Vernaci had taken so few articles of barter that they were exhausted after two days' journey. He deplored this for the Indians worried him with incessant solicitations to give them some of the clothing they saw our men wearing, or the arms they had in the longboat, offering in exchange furs or other things they valued less. When the longboat entered the channels where they dwelt they were astonished and tried hard to ascertain the object of the foreigners in pursuing such strange routes, being so few in number and in such a small boat. They had seen that it was not the desire to trade, for they had been unwilling to buy anything, so, filled with confusion and distrust, they made signs for them not to proceed farther. On our people indicating that they were going to see the end of the channel, they gave them to understand, with the most expressive language of action, that it was entirely closed. Having found that they could not make us desist from the enterprise, some SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT of them went on in advance, shouting warnings to the villages of the interior so that their inhabitants might be fore-armed and get ready everything conducive to their security and defence. Vernaci found himself sometimes in very embarrassing circumstances and doubtful as to the most prudent course to pursue among the many that offered. He saw a considerable number of canoes come towards his longboat with numbers of natives filled with impertinent curiosity, who wanted whatever they saw, and among whom there are usually some who are very skilful in stealing what is not voluntarily given to them. It was needful to prevent them coming alongside the longboat, both to prevent robbery and to avoid surprise and being overpowered by the warriors loaded down with bows and arrows and lances, and proud of the lordship over the channels in which they navigate and the adjacent lands they possess. At times it was not enough to keep them off, but it was needful to be severe and ready to use arms should they attempt some assault. This would have been the same as a declaration of war which might have entailed consequences fatal to the progress of the expedition. He endeavored to please all by his treatment of them since he could no longer attach them by presents, nor yield to their wishes by giving up his close examination of all the mainland shore. It was desirable to explain the reason to them with some fullness, lest they should persuade themselves that they might seize our longboat with impunity, as those who dwell at the entrance of these channels had attempted in the case of the longboat of the packetboat San Carlos, and the boat sent out by Captain Meares in 1788 with an officer142 and fifteen men.* Vernaci thought he would not return to the schooners by the route by which he went, imagining he could find a shorter one by crossing an archipelago by which, according to the plan he was drawing up, the journey would be gready shortened, if the islands composing it allowed a passage. Having entered this, however, he found they were so numerous and formed such devious channels *In this attack they wounded an officer and three sailors and the rest were very badly handled by the enemy, who behaved in the onslaught with spirit and resolution far removed from the terror which fire-arms usually create in savages. 142. Robert Duffin commanded this party and the fight took place July 17, probably in Port San Juan. 290 VOYAGE OF THE SUTIL AND MEXICANA that it was difficult to examine them in a short time. An Indian deceived him by promising to show the outlet, but disappeared after leading him into the most intricate part of the labyrinth. Finding himself in this strait, made more distressing by the rain and the complete lack of provisions, he resolved to retrace his way in spite of lengthening the voyage by having to look for the passages by which he had entered, so as to reach a known spot and direct himself by the same route he had come. This he effected.148 He had seen on passing out of the Canal de Torres,144 a gulf terminating at the west in a multitude of islands, and conjectured that the channels they formed would have an outlet to the sea. The similarity we found in all the channels of the parts surveyed gave us no hope of making any discovery that could be useful, and it was no part of our duty to expose ourselves in schooners of such defective construction to the risks of remaining in high latitudes near the time of the autumnal equinox. In view of this it seemed more important to spend the time which remained of the campaign in exploring the Boca de Ezeta and in determining some points on the coast from Fuca southwards, especially the Canal de Santa Barbara. The corvettes Descubierta and Atrevida had seen the year before some of the islands which form this, and had deduced from the observations made the incorrect position they occupied on our charts. These considerations led us to choose the course of seeking a speedy oudet to the sea, preferring the labors just mentioned to the examination of new arms and channels. CHAPTER XIII The schooners weigh and follow the Canal de la Descubierta116 in which they anchor.—They set sail again and pass in front of the 143. Just how Vernaci returned is not clear. El Laberinto on the maps is applied to islands north of Harbledown Island so he probably emerged from Knight Inlet into this. The statement that he came back by the WSW passage, that is Johnstone Strait, indicates that he came around Craycroft Island to the 144. On the Carta Esferica No. 1 of 1795 this name is applied to what is now known as "Chatham Channel", but the description in the text would seem to indicate that Vernaci applied it to the west end of Knight Inlet. 145. Named after one of Malaspina's vessels. It was Vancouver's Johnstone Strait. 291 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT Rancheria de Sisiaquis. —Wealth of the Indians who live there.— The English brig Venus is sighted.—Account of this vessel.—The schooners anchor near the Rancherias de Majod and Quacos in the Canal de la Atrevida/*7—From here they proceed to survey the north coast, but fog prevents them and they anchor.—Their cables are chafed and the ships proceed to the Puerto de Guemes. On the 8th, at 6 in the morning we began by rowing to take advantage of the tide; very soon we set sail and tacked. The wind was variable in strength and direction. At times a penetrating cold was felt even when the sun was shining. As night came on we tried to anchor tinder shelter of the islands off the north coast, where the boat found 32 fathoms, gravel. The bottom was so uneven, however, that the Mexicana had 15 fathoms of water at the stern and sounded 30 at the prow. The Sutil sounded in 40 fathoms, let fall her anchor in 55 and had to row with it hanging until it held. Afterwards a cable was run to land for safety.148 On the 9th at 5 in the morning we set sail with an east wind, moderately fresh, with which we prevailed over the tide, which was against us all the morning. Sisiaquis came on board with two of his Indians, and told us that Nutka lay to the southeast, and that we should soon reach that port by sea. He asked us to pass by his villages where we could sleep, and he would treat us well, and his women would serve us, as they did other voyagers, who, from the indications he gave, were the English merchants and shipowners, who pay them for this attention with some copper. We then saw a great village in the form of an amphitheatre on a hill, surrounded by a pleasant meadow and close to a rivulet. It was arranged in streets and presented an agreeable view to seaward as the houses were painted in various colors and ornamented with good designs. It was the best we had come across since that of 146. This village is located present Nimpkish River. 147. On the map of 1793 this nam lotte Strait. 148. According to the letter this wa is shown about midway between the n< cove which still bears the name Bauza. lip. the maps at c r the mouth of the is applied to the present Queen Char- Anchorage No. 9 and in fact an anchor rth and south shores of the strait off a VOYAGE OF THE SUTIL AND MEXICANA Tetacus. In this populous tribe, which as far as we could gather is that of the Nuchimases, the luxury produced by the extensive trade it has with European nations and its continual traffic with that of Nutka is manifest. Here our Indians redoubled their offers to the commanders to induce them to go to their dwellings. When they were convinced that we were resolved not to lose time, they went to their village and returned immediately, to the number of about fifty in some canoes, to exchange sea-otter skins and some woven blankets of bark and grass, with colored work forming a border, very symmetrical and in good taste.149 From 10 in the morning we had seen a brig to the westward. We arrived within speaking distance in the afternoon and learned that she was the Venus, Captain Enrique Yhepherd [Henry Shepherd], which came from Bengal, had touched at the settlements of Nutka and Fuca, and had traded with the crews of our ships. He gave us the sad news that in the setdement of Fuca the Indians had killed the pilot of the frigate Princesa, Don Antonio Cerantes. The Venus carried only 22 men, mosdy negroes of Jolo, wretchedly clad, and very slow at work on board. Nevertheless nothing could be more simple and better arranged than the work of that ship, with its graceful hull. All round the gunwales a net was drawn about two yards high, to prevent surprise by the Indians and she had some swivel guns and four small cannon well placed. As night was beginning to fall the three ships anchored between the famous Rancherias de Quacos and Majoa.150 Numerous canoes came from both, and in one was the chief of Majoa who announced himself as such and presented a skin to each of the commanders. They brought a great quantity of very good ones, and we bought some, more to accede to the importunate urging of the natives than 149. This village, I judge, was in what is now known as Beaver Cove, named "Puerto de Bauzd" on the maps, but it may have been the village of Sisiaquis as the description tallies with that of Menzies for Cheslakees village. 150. The village of Majoa, Mr. Newcombe assures me, was one very well known in later years at the mouth of Nimpkish River, as Whulk, and was referred to by Menzies in his journal as Whannuck. Cuacos, also spelled Quacos, was a little farther west than Majoa. Their location on Galiano's maps would indicate that Sisiaquis' village was at the mouth of Nimpkish River, Majoa at or near Pt. McNeil and Quacos directly south of the west end of Malcolm Island. Quac6s seems to be a corruption of Kwakiutl, the tribal name of these Indians. 293 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT for the profit afforded from a sort which is much cheaper in the garrisons of California. A sheet of copper of 14 pounds for two skins, one good and the other medium, was the price we were able to agree upon. The English captain also, notwithstanding the economy and thrift with which he managed his expedition, complained of the small profits gained by this trade. As the natives came up to the schooners in greater numbers so had our precautions increased to prevent quarrels with them. We soon saw the utility of this carefulness and the need for continuing it. An accident showed us what the violent and ill-controlled nature of the savages may cause. One of our people had a dispute with an Indian, and the latter at once asked another of the Indians in the canoes for a knife, and came on board the schooner Sutil to attack the sailor, whom he found waiting for him with drawn sword. All the Indians became excited and began to call their chief who was in the cabin. It cost much trouble to quiet them for the time and maintain good relations with them until they went away at nightfall. These Indians are well made, with good features, a fierce look and easy carriage. They brought no women with them. In the early morning of the 10th we set sail for the north coast, to survey it and determine its position. In crossing the Canal de Atrevida we found it terminated to the west in a number of islands161 which made it look as if the oudet to the sea were close by. The weather grew overcast and although the rather fresh southeast wind gave us the opportunity of taking good bases for drawing the chart, the darkness which had covered the land prevented it. We arrived, however, at midday, at half a mile from the north coast and found many islets. The southeast wind beat upon it, now more fresh with rain and mist, so we veered towards the south coast to get anchorage under its lee. We proceeded to a beach, and began sounding in 25 fathoms, fine dark sand. We went on until we were a cable and a half from the shore, and cast anchor, the hull of the vessel after mooring a cable to shore being in 6 fathoms, bottom of sand and small snail shells.152 151. The Gordon Islands evidently, named "Cordon" by Galiano because of being in a line. 152. This anchorage is shown with an anchor just off Thomas Point and is named "Rosadero" on the 1795 map. 294 VOYAGE OF THE SUTIL AND MEXICANA During the night it rained considerably, the wind freshened, and the sea was so high that the schooners snipped water over the prow when they pitched. It slackened at dawn, and we examined the cables and found they were damaged. We at once weighed to improve our anchorage while the wind was slack in the SE. The rain was incessant, however, and the fog continued. We kept along the shore after weathering the islets to die northwest158 and finding an opening at a short distance we entered it, and anchored in 22 fathoms, sand and mud. We called this anchorage "Puerto de Guemes",154 in honor of the viceroy of New Spain, the special patron of the expedition of our schooners. There is another cove at the southwest of this port, but it can only serve for small vessels, owing to its shallowness at the entrance. The best anchorage for large vessels is on the southeastern side. The north shore is foul. There is a river of good water in it, and convenient places are to be found for taking this in large quantities. The west coast offers a good beach for exercising and in the interior there is an abundance of antiscorbutic plants, among which we noticed the quilite/56 a vegetable which is not unpleasant. CHAPTER XIV Stay of the schooners in the Puerto de Guemes.—Exploration of the Canal de la Salida.—They set sail and reach the Fondeadero de Mier.—They afterwards proceed to that of Villavicencio.—They put out to sea and anchor between Punta Sutil and Cabo Scot.— They return to Puerto Valdes in a. storm and make their voyage from there to Nutka. The nth was a day of continual rain, with the wind all the time in the second quarter. The 12th was the same with some squalls from the E, but our safe position freed us from all anxiety, and allowed us to enjoy the pleasant food afforded by the abundance of soles, salmon, rays, and a multitude of small fishes resembling the codfish of Malvinas, which resort to these shores, and which we easily caught. 153. Deer Island and a few small ones. 154. Hardy Bay. 155. See Note 39 to the Quimper account. SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT Our stay in this port was long, because the wind which was setded in the SE, with continual heavy rains, did not permit anything different. We thought we were very near the oudet to the sea, and ought not to choose a time so litde suitable for the survey of the western mouth of the strait and the portion of coast between it and Cabo Frondoso, the more so as we could employ it usefully in the accurate regulation of the chronometers, by taking advantage of the clear intervals of sunshine. The schooners had chafed one of their principal cables in the last anchorage, and they only possessed one other in good condition and one hempen hawser. For this reason also we could not risk seeking an anchorage near the oudet to the sea in weather conditions so adverse or so litde satisfactory. Our short traffic with the Indians of the Puerto de Guemes did not afford us any other advantage save the purchase of some fresh salmon, for we could not get any information of importance from them. Their fishery was in the cove to the southwest and close by were some huts which they occasionally left deserted. They came to the schooners to make their exchanges and went away direcdy they had effected them. Very few came to visit us, and they showed a stupidity which was not seen in those of the village of Majoa, though the Guemes Indians sprang from it. Perhaps the difference arose from the smallness of their numbers and the lonely place in which they live. Having made the observations for regulating the chronometers Galiano went on in the longboat on the 22d, to survey the channel which ran to the W in order to look for a good anchorage near the oudet to the sea, that we might remove to it, and take the first opportunity of a northwest wind to proceed to Nutka. He ran all along the south coast of the Canal de la Salida158 without finding anchorage up to the port he named "Gorostiza".157 After passing this he observed the latitude and took the sights for time east-west with Punta Sutil188 and very near it, using the artificial horizon, with which he determined the position of the west mouth of the 156. Goletas Channel, Galiano named the south point of the entrance "Sutil" and the north point on Hope Island "Galiano". 157. Shushartie Bay. A Pedro Gorostiza was then sub-inspector general of the troops in New Spain. 158. Still so called. 296 VOYAGE OF THE SUTIL AND MEXICANA channel, and returned to the schooners at midnight. On the 23d we set sail for the Puerto de Gorostiza, navigating first with oars and then with sails, with breezes from the E which kept strengthening up to midday. At this hour they suddenly dropped and the wind jumped to the W with strong gusts, heavy squalls and very thick fog. We could not make the anchorage, and had to run for the port we had left to avoid having to spend the night tacking in such a narrow channel. Shordy after bearing up, however, the wind began to fall, the fog to disperse, and the sky to take on a different appearance. With this change we thought we ought not to lose the advantage we had gained, and so the boat was sent to look for an anchorage on the coast. It succeeded in finding one in 27 fathoms, gravel. We proceeded to it and anchored in the roadstead we afterwards named "Mier".159 In the calm of the early morning we advanced by rowing until 9 when the wind setded in the W. We continued tacking with some gain all the morning, and began to lose way after noon. Being resolved, however, not to lose what we had gained we sent the boat to the north coast where there were apparentiy good moorings. In effect, it found them to be very convenient and secure, and we arrived there and let fall the anchor in 25 fathoms, sand and gravel, in a cove which was named "Villavicencio".160 In the early morning we set out for the mouth of the strait and with a fresh wind settled in the E we made good way. We saw a sloop at anchor on the north coast which did not reply to our flag with hers.181 The sun, which was covered, did not allow us to take observations. It was by no means necessary, however, as the mouth of Salida de las Goletas was already accurately determined. In order to get exact knowledge of its coasts, the Sutil followed the north one very closely, and the Mexicana the one on the south. The former's boat surveyed the Cala de Consolacion,182 and another very 159. An anchor is hpwn here just about southwest of Duncan Island. 160. On the south side of Nigei Island, and just west of Loquillilia Village in Captain GrenfeU's opinion. It was probably named after Juan Maria Villavicencio, a distinguished naval officer. 161. According to the map this sloop was anchored between Hope and Nigei islands. The place is styled "Ancladero de la Balandra". 162. Also on the south side of Nigei Island, just west of Lemon Point in the opinion of Captain Grenfell. 297 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT safe shelter on the north point of the salida, with bottom from 6 to 24 fathoms, slime. To this anchorage we gave the name "Puerto Valdes".188 The wind was variable in force and direction, the sky and horizon obscured. We waited to see how the weather would turn out before deciding upon our course, but the wind having setded from E to NE we put to sea. It was overcast at nightfall, but we continued on the land tack by the light of the moon, anchoring in 30 fathoms, fine black sand, in a very convenient place from which to proceed with our tasks on the following morning. At dawn, notwithstanding the bad oudook, we hung up the anchor and proceeded until we were half a mile from land in 16 fathoms, gravel. Then we ran along the coast towards Cabo Scot,164 with a very fresh wind from the SE. As we were going towards the channel between that cape and the Islas de Lanz,165 and whilst we were advancing, the wind was veering to the S. We put about to gain the coast, but the wind freshened in such a manner, that the wisest thing was to return to the mouth of the strait and make Puerto Valdes. This we did at 2 in the afternoon, when the sky was already showing unmistakable signs of a storm that our weak vessels could not bear up against. The solitude, the sombre aspect of the coast, and the roughness of the mountains, at other times a miserable sight to us, was then pleasant and welcome in view of the safety their shelter offered us. We knew that in order to find the entrance, which was south to west-southwest of the port and at no great distance from the mouth, we had to look for two very noticeable spots on the high steep east coast, one white and the other red. We entered by the mouth which is two-thirds of a mile,166 and after passing an island we found convenient anchorage in an almost circular space which resembles a dock. The hills surrounding it are covered with dense woods and protect vessels from the violent winds. The abundance 163. Bull Harbor on Hope Island. 164. Still called Cape Scott. 165. Scott Islands and originally so named by James Strange in 1786. 166. The question here is whether he means two-thirds of a mile wide or two-thirds of a mile long. VOYAGE OF THE SUTIL AND MEXICANA of fish which the sea produces gives variety of food and serves as an amusement for those who are fond of fishing. As the weather continued bad and unsettled we remained at anchor until the morning of the 30th, when we set sail, and tacked out to seawards. We arrived at night close to Cabo Boise167 (or Frondoso), where we now were off the part of the coast surveyed by ourselves, and located by the two corvettes Descubierta and Atrevida of our navy in the previous year. So we crowded sail to take advantage of the wind which continued very fresh and succeeded in sighting the Puerto de Nutka at dawn, and anchoring in it at midday. 167. This cape was later named "Cook" in honor of James Cook. GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX Active Pass, 175,213,253. Admiralty Inlet, 16,102,106,188,238; knowledge of, 49, 50. Afognak Island, 1. Agamemnon Channel, 39, 267. Aguada, Rio de la (possibly Wilson Creek), anchorage at, 38, 42. Aguayo, Islas de, on Pantoja's map, 54; on Eliza's map, 37, 176. Aguilar. See Soto Aguilar. Alava, Boca de, 23. Alava, Cape, named "Punta de Hijosa", 23,183. Albert Head, named "San Miguel", 105; examined by writer, 23. Aliponzoni, Ensenada de (in Cordero Channel), 28, 209, 220, 279; vessels anchored in, 280. Allan Island, 48, 246. Almejas, Punta de (California), 197. Althorp Point, 220, 284. Anclage, Punta de, Galiano reaches, 213, names, 253. Angeles Point, named "Davila", 22, 159. Angeles, Port, 22; discovered, 34, name given, 34, survives, 42, 77. Animas, Ensenada de, (Sooke Bay), 184. Afio Nuevo, Punta de, 202. Apodaca, Islas de (Boweh and nearby islands), 38. Apple River, 281. Araus, Punta de (perhaps Long Beak Point, the north end of Denman Island), 40. Arce or Arze, (Cape Cockburn on Nelson Island), named, 39. Arco, Canal de (Homfray Channel), 267, 268. Arrecifes, Punta de (uncertain), 228, 231. Arran Rapids, 52, 271. Atkinson, Pt., 38,152. Atrevida, Canal de, 294. Bajo, Punta del, Verdia visits, 157. Baker, Mt., 17. Balandra, Ancladero de la, 297. Balda, (Thompson Sound), 288. Baldinat, Brazo de (Tribune Channel), named by Vernaci, 53, 288. Balero, Cabo, 7, 9. Ballenas, Islas de, named, 40, 42. Banks Island, 9. Barkley Sound, discovery of. 3, 149; examined, 32, 146, 149; name of, 9, 91, 231. Barnes Island, 32, 37,176. Bauvia, Punta de, (probably error for Bauza), anchorage at, 221. Bauza Cove, 202. Bauza, Fondeadero de, in Sunderland Channel, 284. Bauza, Puerto de (Beaver Cove), 293. Baynes Sound, 40, 173. Bazan, Bocas de (Satellite Channel and others nearby), 37, 173, 186. Beaver Cove, 222, 293. Beaver Harbor, 223. Becher Bay, 105. Bedwell Harbor, 36,175. Bedwell Sound, 169. Beechey Head, 21, 104. Bellingham Bay, discovered, 33, 38; visited by Galiano, 49, 238; Pantoja's opinion of, 192. Benites del Pino, Punta de (Beechey Head), named, 20, 104. Bentinck Island, 105, 240. Bertodano, Ensenada de, named, 21, 112. Bessborough Bay, 284. Billarva. See Villarva. Birch Bay, named, 38; Vancouver's vessels in, 49, 51, 215, 249. Blanco, Cape, 62. Blinkinsop Bay, 285. Bodega, Boca de, named, 38. Bodega, Puerto de la (California), Colnett at, 156. Bodega, Punta de (Pt. Atkinson), named by Narvaez, 151; identification, 152. Bodega y Quadra, Puerto de (Port Discovery); Quimper discovers and names, 21, 78, 114, cross erected in, 114; Eliza reaches, 32, 150, 178, departs from, 153, 181, 201; 3OI SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT Narvaez returns to, 40; Camino, Punta de (perhaps Har- Description of, 130, 188; wood Island), named, 39. Native name of, 244; Campo Alange, Isla de (perhaps Her Plan of, 20. nando Island), 39. Bonilla, Islas de (Smith's Island and Canel, Rio de (probably Twin Minor Island), 245. River), named, 22; native name, Bonilla, Punta de, 6,20,147,183,185. 244. Bould Point, named "Magdalena", Canonigo, Bahia del (Forward Har 20, 94. bor), named, 220, 284. Boundary Bay, Narvaez in, 38; Cardenas, Brazo de (Port Neville), Galiano examines, 50, 212, 249-50; explored, 220, 285. note on, 192. Carmel Bay, 199. Boundary Bay Peninsula, 35,192. Carmelo, Bocas de (Howe Sound), Bowen Island, 38. discovered by Narvaez, 151; iden Breakers, Pt., 55. tified, 152; explored by Vancouver, Broughton Strait, 273. 215, 263, 267; not examined by Bucareli, Entrada de, examined, 1; to Galiano, 238. be examined, 27, 137, 158; Indians Carmelo, Gran Montana de (Mt. at, 164; Kendrick at, 193. Baker), 17; brightness near, 248. Bucareli Sound, 1. Carmelo, Punta del, Malaspina's an Bueltas, Isla (Dent Island), 219,278. chors lost off, 202. Buena Esperanza, Bahia de (Esper Carr Point, 114. anza Inlet), examined by Narvaez, Carrasco, Boca de (Barkley Sound), 28; visits, 157; plan of, 35; an 146. island, 152; Kendrick goes to, 192; Carrasco, Isla de (Protection Island), Indians killed at, 229, 230. named, 21, 113; 128, 181, 188; na Bull Harbor, 54, 224, 298. tive name, 244. Burrard Inlet, 38, 238; examined by Carrasco, Puerto de or Bahia de Galiano, 49, 50, 51, 214, 264. (Barkley Sound), to be examined, Burrows Island, 48, 246. 27, 137, 158; Narvaez sent to ex Bustamante, Brazo de (Theodosia amine, 31,146,170, 200; his report, Arm), named, 270. 149; Quimper passes, 90. Bute Inlet, examined by Vernaci, 51, Carvajal, Canal de (part of Cordero 52, 270. Channel), explored to, 217; vessels Caamafio, Boca de (Admiralty In in, 219, 277, 279. let) ; Discovery by Carrasco, 16; Casatilli, Punta (Berry Point, north Explored by Vancouver, 215, 263; east point of Gabriola Island), Named, 21; named, 40. Native name of, 244; Cascade Range, 17. Seen by Narvaez, 33,37, 40,179; Caudoloso, Rio (the outlet of Ken Situation of, 183; nedy Lake), 42. Why Eliza did not explore it, 180, Cayucla, Puerto de (one of Quim 188, 238; per's names forClayoquot Sound), Why Galiano did not explore it, 84, plan of, 87. 49, 239. Cayuela, Puerto de (Clayoquot Caamafio, Ensenada de, Carrasco dis Sound), plan of, 20; location of, 84; covers, 16; names, 21, 111; Narvaez this form used by Pantoja, 158, etc. sees, 33,40; a boca, 153,201. Cepeda, Isla, Indians at, 35. Call Creek, 288. Cepeda, Punta de, 251, 252. Calm Channel, 52, 273. Cepeda y Langara, Peninsula, 238, 302 GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX 249, 250, 261. Cevallos, Punta (probably Stuart Island), named, 274; anchor No. 4, at, 217. Chancellor Channel, 283. Channe Island, 282. Chatham Channel, 53, 291. Chatham Island, discovered, 36, 107; named "Aguayo", 172. Christopher Point, 240. Chukanut Bay, 38. Church, Cape, 104. Clallam Bay, named "Ensenadad de Rojas", 23, 121. Clallam Point, 113. Clarence Strait, 9. Clark Island, 32, 37, 176. Clayocuat, 6. Clayoquot, Puerto de, plan of, 35. Clayoquot Sound, Quimper examines, 16, 77; to be examined by Eliza, 27, 137, 158, he departs for, 28, reaches and examines, 30-32, 82, 143, 164, 200; description of, 145; foreigners in, 240; an island, 152; names in, 42; plan of, 167, Colnett's, 154; various spellings, 82, 143. Clayucla, (Clayoquot Sound), 77, 82. Coal Island, 36. Cockburn, Cape, 39. Columbia River, connection with Puget Sound, 49, 239; course of on Vancouver's map, 57; as Entrada de Hezeta, 27,137,158,263,291. Comandantes, Canal or Angostura de los (Arran Rapids), 52, 217; Galiano passes, 218, 277; description of, 275; currents from, 279; Vernaci passes, 271. Company Bay (Clayoquot Sound), 30. Concha, Fondeadero de, 218; named, 276. Concha, Isla de (Harwood Island), 276. Cone Island, 168. Consolacion, Cala de, on the south side of Nigei Island, 224,297. Cook, Cape, 299. Cook, Rivera de (Cook's River), 1, 13, 62, 81, 269. Cordero Channel, 53,217; passed, 220, 277, 281, 283. Cordon, Islas del, 294. Cordova Channel Pantoja sails through, 36. Cordova, Puerto de (Esquimault Harbor), named, 21, 79, 118; plan of, 20; Eliza enters, 31, 148, 170; Narvaez reaches, 200; Galiano reaches, 48, 210, 240-1; description of, 130, 184, 185, 244. Cortes, Isla de (the western Redondo Island), 52, 216; named, 268. Craycroft Island, 53, 221, 285,291. Crescent Bay, named "Ensenada de Villarba", 22. Cruz, Rio de la, in Port Discovery, 114. Cuacos. See Quacos. Cuadra. See Bodega y Cuadra, Puerto de. Cuesta, Rio de (Lyre River?), named, 22; native name, 244. Cypress Island, 22, 37. Davilla, Punta de (Angeles Point), named, 22; native name for puerto, 244. Decatur Island, 22. Deception Pass, named "Flon", 21, 111; 238. Deep Bay, 40. Deep Creek, 22. Deer Creek, 22. Deer Island, 295. Denham Island, 220. Denman Island, 40. Dent Island, 219, 277, 278. Descanso, Cala de (Descanso Bay, on Gabriola Island), Galiano at, 51, 214, 255-9. Descubierta, Canal de la (the west end of Johnstone Strait), 291. Descubierta, Punta de (Althorp Point), anchorage at, 220. Desengafio, Puerto, plan of, 58. Diligencias, Cabo de, Galiano off, 226. Discovery Island, discovered, 36,107; 3°3 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT named "Aguayo", 172. Discovery Passage, Vancouver's exit, 52, 55, 272. Discovery, Port, 16, named "Bodega y Quadra", 21,114; Eliza at, 32,178, departs from 34; Narvaez departs from, 33; skeletons found at, 35. Dixon Entrance, 1,158. Dona Rosa, Isla de (Donaldson Island), named, 20, 104; 128. Donaldson Island, 21, 104. Dos Bahias (the entrance to Malaspina Inlet), named, 270. Dot Island, 247. Drayton Harbor, 38, 42, 252. Duncan Island, 297. Eagle, Point, named "Herrera", 21, 119. East Bay, in Sydney Inlet, 169. Edgecumbe, Mt., 1. Eliza, Rada de (Pedder Bay), named, 21, 105; mentioned, 130; Galiano in, 241. Elwha River, 119. Engafio, Canal del (Cordero Channel), 281, Galiano passes through, 282. Engafio, Ensenada de (Boundary Bay), named, 212, 250. Englishman River, 40. Errera. See Herrera. Espinosa, Brazo de (Ramsay Arm), named, 268. Esquimault Harbor, named "Cordova", 21, 118; Eliza reaches, 31; Pantoja departs from, 36, returns to, 37; Galiano reaches, 48. Esquimault Lagoon, 118. Estero, Ensenada del (Frederick Arm), explored, 220,281. Estevan Point, 228. Estrada, Ensenada de (Blinkinsop Bay), explored, 220, 285. Etches, Port, 1. Ezeta, Entrada de. See Hezeta. Fanny Bay, mark at, 217; 274; another, 281. Farallons, 226. Fidalgo, Boca de or Canal de (Rosario Strait), 17; named, 21,37, 111; examined by Narvaez, 151, 179, by Pantoja, 176, 201; situation of, 183; currents in, 187. Fidalgo Cove, 66. Fidalgo Island, 21,22, 38,49. Fish River, 22. Flattery, Cape, 23, 57,120, 183. Flon, Boca de, (Deception Pass), named, 21, 111; not examined, 238, 239; explored by Vancouver, 263. Flores, Boca de, named, 39. Flores, Brazo de, (Topaze Harbor), named, 220; 284. Flores Island, 30, 83, 167, 168. Floridablanca, Boca or Canal de (mouth of the Neomeki River), named, 38; examined by Galiano, 212,249-50, and reasons for, 49,239; note on, 192. Floridablanca, Canal de (Burrard Inlet), examined by Galiano, 50, 51, 214-15, 251, 259-62, 264-5; explored by Vancouver, 215, 263; not examined by Narvaez, 238; native name, 244. Floridablanca, Isla (Queen Charlotte Group), 193. Fonte, Estrecho de, 2, 6,7,44; Cook's opinion of, 8, 9; to be examined, 27, 137, 168; same as that of Juan Perez, 28, 140. Forward Bay, 221, 285. Forward Harbor, 284. Frances, Pt., 248. Fraser Bay, 281. Fraser River, Indians near, 18, 261; fresh water from noticed, 33, 162, 186; Narvaez anchors near mouth, 38; Galiano anchors off, 50, 252; islands at mouth, 51,261. Frederick Arm, 220, 281. Freshwater Bay, 22, 119. Friendly Cove, plan of, 58, establishment at, 62. Frondoso, Punta (Cape Cook), 225, 296, 299. Fuca's Pillar, 83. GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX Gabriola Island, 40, 42, 51,214. Guiraldes, Puerto de (Warn Bay), Galiano, Isla (Nigei Island), 54. named, 145, 169. Galiano Island, 40, 55, 87, 213, 253. Hale Passhage, 38, 249. Galiano, Punta, 296. Hancock's River, 66. Garzon, Punta y Laguna del (White- Harbledown Island, 221, 291. horn Point, and Lake Terrell?), Hardwicke Island, 220, 284. named, 38. Hardy Island, 39. Garzon, Puerto del (Birch Bay), Hardy, Port, reached by Galiano, 53, named, 38; Galiano passes, 212, 224, 295. 249. Haro, Puerto de (Clayoquot Sound), Gaston, Seno de (Bellingham Bay), 87. named, 38; note about, 192; Haro, Puerto de (Barkley Sound), 6, Galiano raches, 211, 247-8; not ex 9. amined, 238. Haro Strait, 31, 32, 106; explored by Gaviota, Punta (Flat Top Islands), Pantoja, 36, 37. named, 40, 42; Galiano off, 254. Harvey Bay, 53. Georgia, Gulf or Strait of, discovered Harwood Island, south point perhaps by Pantoja, 32,174,176; whales in, named "Camino", 39; named 33; Narvaez in, 40; Galiano crosses, "Concha", 276. 50; present name, 238. Havannah Channel, 53,285. Gervete, Canal y Seno de (Torino In Henrietta Point, 274, 275. let), named, 144. Henry Island, 37. Gilford Island, 53. Henry Point, 278,279. Giraldes. See Guiraldes. Herbert Arm, 42. Goletas Channel, 296. Hermoso, Rio (Jordan River), Goletas, Salida de (channel between named, 19, 95. Vancouver and the islands to the Hernando Island, 39. north), exit by Galiano, 14,55. Herrera, Punta de (Eagle Point), Gomer Island, 279. named, 21. Gonzalez Point, 19, 32, 117. Hezeta, Entrada de (mouth of Gordon Islands, 224, 294. Columbia River), discovered, 1; to Gorostiza, Puerto de (Shushartie be examined, 27, 137,158, 263,291; Bay), named by Galiano, 54, 296. Galiano at, 226; possible connec Grey, Pt., 38, 214, 250. tion with Admiralty Inlet, 239. Grullas, Rio (Englishman River), Hijosa, Punta de (Cape Alava), named, 40, 42. named, 23; description of, 183. Guemes Channel, possibly discovered Hinchinbrook Island, 1. by Pantoja, 32; passed through by Homfray Channel, 268. .Narvaez, 37, 179, by Galiano, 246; Hope Island, 54,296,297,298. 261. Hornby Island, 40. Guemes Island, 21,37,38,49; named, Howe Sound, 38,51,152,238,267. 180; tides at, 187; Galiano passes, Huckleberry Island, 247. 247. Hurtado, Puerto, 267. Guemes, Puerto (Port Hardy), named by Galiano, 54, 224, 295, Indian Arm, 264. stay at, 295-6. Infante, Don Fernado, Isla (Queen Guemes, Puerto (in Clayoquot Charlotte Group), 6,7, 9. Sound), 145. Insulto (probably Forward Bay), Guemes, Seno de (Bedwell Sound), trouble with the Indians, 53, 221; 169. Galiano anchors in, 221,285. 305 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT Jamestown, 24. Jervis Inlet, 39, 57, 238,266,267. Johnstone Strait, Vancouver's exit by, 52; 272, 288, 291; Galiano's map begins at, 56. Jordan River, named, 19, 95. Juan de Fuca, Strait of; Fable of, 2, 17, 44. Discovery of, 3, 5; Cook's opinion of, 8, 9; Narvaez explores, 11; Eliza's exploration in, 147, 198, he leaves, 190; Galiano enters, 232; Description of, 176, by Pantoja, 183-190, by Quimper, 128-132; Establishment at, 62; Length of, 90, 180; Map of, 226; Ordered to be explored, 13, 27, 45, 46, 77, 82,137-8, 158; To be the boundary, 61, 66; Vancouver enters, 50, 55; Whales in, 33. Juan Perez, Entrada de (Dixon Entrance), 6, 7, 28,140. Kenai Peninsula, 1. Kennedy Lake, 48, 144. Kerouart Islands, 9. Kinghorn Island, 216, 267. Knight Inlet, 53,220, 288, 291. Koitlah Point, 23,127. Laberinto, El (probably in Black- fish Sound), 221, 291. Ladrones, Islas (Kerouart Islands), 7, 9. Langara, Islas de (possibly Westham Island and Sea and Lulu islands), name given, 38; Galiano off, 51, 212, 214. Langara, Punta de (Pt. Grey), 250, 252; Galiano off, 214; Indians at, 260, 261, 262. Lanz, Islas de (Scott Islands), 298. Lara, Ensenada de, error for Loera, 249. Laso de la Vega, Cabo (Cape Lazo), discovered, 33. 306 Lazo, Cape, 33, 39, 40. Lasqueti Island, first named Texada, 38; name changed, 39; seen, 175. Lemon Point, 297. Lemos, Isla (Waldron Island), named by Pantoja, 37. Lerena, Islas de (Hornby and Denman islands), named, 40. Lewis Channel, vessels anchored in, 51, 269. Loera, Punta (Sandy Point), named, 38, as Ensenada, 249. Lopez de Haro, Canal de (Haro Strait), discovered, 16,31,117; Verdia explores, 31, 148, 171; Pantoja explores, 32, 36, 37, 149, 177, 178, 200; Narvaez examines 33, 151; description of, 185; situation of, 146,183,187. Lopez Island, 37, 41; observations at, 48, 248. Loquillilia Village, 297. Los Angeles, Nuestra Sefiora de (Port Angeles), named, 34, 153, 181, 201; plan of, 35, 201; description of, 189. Loughborough Inlet, 281, 283. Lummi Bay, 38,249. Lummi Island, 37, 38, 41, 49. Lyre River, 22. Macao, Meares in, 3; Princesa Real delivered in, 17; Kendrick from, 192, to go to, 193. MacBride Bay, 281. McLeod Bay, 284. McNeil, Pt., 293. Magallanes, Punta de (Mary Point), named, 216. Magdalena, Punta de la (Bould Point), named, 20, 94. Majoa (probably an Indian settlement at the mouth of Nimpkish River), 53, 293. Mai Abrigo, Isla (Matia Island), named by Pantoja, 37, 42, 176; name changed, 186. Malaspina, Brazo de (Okeover Arm), named, 270. Malaspina Inlet, 39; examined by GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX Galiano, 51. Murfi, Fondeadero de, off Stuart Malaspina Strait, 39, 267. Island, anchor at, 218, 274, 275. Malbinas (probably Marvinas Bay in Nootka Sound), Kendrick at, 191- Nanaimo, discovered and named, 33, 2. 40; 51, Galiano near, 214, 254. Malcolm Island, 53, 223, 293. Nanoose Harbor, 40. Maquina, shoal of, 197. Narvaez, Puerto de (Clayoquot Martin de Aguilar, Rio, 2, 8; to be Sound), 6. examined, 28, 140, 205. Narvaez, Puerto de (San Juan), 20. Martinez, Punta de (Cape Flattery), Neah Bay, named "Nufiez Gaona", origin of name, 20; 147; descrip 17, 23; examined by writer, 24; tion of, 183; island near, 189; Eliza visited by Eliza, 34, 182, by passes, 190. Galiano, 48, 232, his observations Matia Island, 32, 37; corruption of at, 48; the establishment at, Chap. "Mai Abrigo", 186. IV; Junta at, 64, 65, 66; proceed Mayne Pass, 283. ings at, 65, 66; native name of, 126, Mazarredo, Bocas de (Jervis Inlet), 243. not examined, 238,261; explored by Nelson Island, 39. Vancouver, 263, 266. Neville, Port, 285. Meares Island, 30, 169. New Dungeness, Quimper at, 16, 18, Medio, Isla del (probably Denham 21, 108-117; examined by writer, Island), 220. 23, 24; Eliza at, 32, 34, 178; pos Mendocino, Cabo, Galiano sights, session taken at, 112; Indians in 226. terrogated, 18. Menendez, Punta de (Partridge Nigei Island, Galiano crosses to, 54; Point), named, 21. places on, 297. Mexicana, Punta, 55. Nimpkish River, 292. Mier, Fondeadero de, anchor at, 224, Nisma, native name of Neah Bay, 297. 126. Minor Island, 245. Nitinat, Entrada de (Barkley Sound), Monifio, Boca de (Agamemnon 3; plan of, 35; Galiano off, 231,232; Channel), named, 39; explored by Indians from, 232. Vancouver, 215. Nob Point, 37. Montague Island, 2. Nodales, Canal de los (the channel Monterey, 2; Quimper arrives at, 81; between Sonora and Thurlow Carrasco arrives at, 34, 202; to, 191; islands), named, 220. San Carlos reaches, 198, 205, 208; Nodales, Fondeadero de los, anchor Galiano reaches, 226; plan of, 58. at, 220, 279, 281. Moraleja, Islas (Stuart, Waldron and Nootka: other islands nearby), named, 37. Bodega at, 50,64,65,225; Moreno de la Vega, Punta de, named, Convention about, 59, 60; 21,105; Eliza off, 148; 185; Galiano Description of, 158-62; doubles, 240. Distance from the strait, 191; Morros, Islas (Burrows and Allan Early history of, 1, 2; islands), named, 48, 246. Eliza sails for, 152, 180, 182, 201, Mourelle Island, named, 55. reaches, 14, 190, 201, leaves, 142, Muir Creek, 95. 198; Mukkaw Bay, 23,183. Establishment at, 11, 60, of no Mulgrave, Puerto de, plan of, 58; value, 61,; Malaspina, reaches 199. Foreigners in, 240; 3°7 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT Galiano reaches, 48, 299; Indians at, 159-62,189,229,239,232, 234, for sale at, 235,260, language of, 189,240,256,284,287,288. Island, 112; Malaspina at, 44; Martinez at, 4, 9, 16; 210, 221, 245; North Arm, 168. Occurrences at, the Kendrick episode, 191, 192; Galiano's Name, different spellings, 142; stories about, 229-31; Plan of, 192; Quimper from, 77, his voyage to, Observations at, 33, 46, 48,183,194, 82, instructions to return to, 79, 82; Re-occupation of, 10,11,12,13; Trade at, 140, with, 293; Vancouver at, 50, 55; Venus at, 223; Vessels to, San Carlos, 27, 28, 34, Mexicana and Sutil, 48, 54, 299, Princesa Real, 80; from, San Carlos, 35, Mexicana and Sutil, 48; in, 1, 4, 29, 85; built there, 4, 8, 12, 65, 141; North Bay, in Sydney Inlet, 169. North Bluff, 249. Northumberland Channel, 259. Northwest Bay, not Grullas, 40. Norueste, Canal de, Clayoquot Sound, 144, 169. Novales, Fondeadero de (north side of Hardwicke Island), named, 220. Nuevos Remolinos, Canal de (Well- bore Channel), 283. Nuevos Revesas (same as preceding). Nufiez Gaona, Puerto de (Neah Bay); Quimper names and takes possession, 17, 23, 126, the act, 132- 34; Eliza examines, 34, 153, 182, 201; Galiano at, 210, 232, leaves, 239; description of, 131,189; native name of, 126,243; plan of, 19; trade at, 190; writer examines, 24. Observatory Point, 109. Obstruction Island, 168. Okeover Arm, 270. Olavide, Canal de (Mayne Pass), named, 220; 283. Olympic Peninsula, mountains on, 17,188. Orbea, Ensenada de (west of Otter Point), Narvaez anchors in, 32, 41, 200; named by Quimper, 95; Eliza off, 148; 183; description of, 184. Orcas Island, 21, 37. Ordofiez, Bocas de (Upper Sydney Inlet in Clayoquot Sound), named, 42, 145. Otter Point, named "San Antonio", 20, 95, 184. Parry Bay, named "Rada de Solano", 21, 105. Patos, Isla, discovered by Pantoja, 32, named, 36, 42,176; 186. Pedder Bay, 16, named "Rada de Eliza", 21, 105. Pender Harbor, 39. Pender Island, discovered by Pantoja, 32, 36,173-5, 413. Pesquero, Punta de, in Homfray Channel, 268. Phillipps Arm, 281. Phillips River, 281. Pillar Point, 23, 120. Pineda, Isla (Raza Island), named, 268. Pinedo, Canal de (west end of Tribune Channel), 53, 288; whales in, Plumper Sound, discovered by Pantoja, 32, 36, 175. Poco Agua or Poco Fondo (Mill Bay, in Clayoquot Sound), named, 42, 144. Poliel, error for Porlier, 213. See Porlier. Porlier, Boca de (Porlier Pass), discovered, 40; Galiano at, 50, 213, 253; separates islands, 55; islands in, 259. Portland Island, Pantoja sails around, 36. Possession Sound, where Vancouver took possession, 50. GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX Poverty Cove, 92. Rainier, Mt., 17. Prevost Channel, 37. Ramsay Arm, 268. Prevost Island, 173. Raza Island, 52, 268. Prince of Wales Group, 1. Redondo Islands, 52, 268. Principe Guillermo (Prince William Refuge Cove, 83. Sound), 81. Refugio, Cala or Cabo del (Refuge Prince William Sound, 1, 13; In Cove), 219, 278, 279, 280. dians at, 164. Regla, Ensenada de Nuestra Sefiora Protection Island, 21,113. de (Chatham Bay), 1,13. Puercos, Islas de (at the entrance to Reina Carlota, Isla, 193. Nootka Sound), 197. Remolinos, Canal de (Yuculta Puget Sound, explored by Vancouver Rapids), 53, 277. 50, his map of, 56. Rendezvous Islands, 273. Pysht River, named "Canel", 22. Retamal, Brazo de (Call Creek), 288. Revesas, Punta de (in Cordero Chan Quacos, 293. nel), 219, 279, 280. Quadra. See Bodega y Quadra, Revilla Gigedo, Puerto de (Sooke In Puerto de. let), Quimper names, 17, 20, 78, Quadra Island, 52. takes possession of, 16, 78; Eliza Quadra y Vancouver, Isla de (Van off, 148; description of, 129, 184, couver Island), 54. 185; native name of, 244; plan of, Quebrada, Punta (Shell Point), 20; the writer examines, 23. named, 220. Reyes, Pt. (California), 197. Queen Charlotte Group, 1; Indians Roberts, Pt.i 50, 212, 249. attack Kendrick at, 193; Gray at, Robredo, Fondeadero de, on Stuart 229. Island, anchor at, 217; named, 274. Queen Charlotte Sound, 187. Rojas, Ensenada de (Clallam Bay), Queen Charlotte Strait, Vancouver's named 23; Eliza at, 182, 183; 190; boats reach, 52; 221,292. native name, 244. Quema, Isla de la (Kinghorn Island), Romay, Punta de (possibly east end anchorage at, 216, 219, 267. of Savary Island), name on map, Quimper, Puerto de (New Dunge 42. ness Bay), Quimper discovers, Rosadero, Ancladero de (Beaver Har names, 17, 78, 112, takes possession bor), anchorage at, 223, 294. of, 112; Eliza at, 32, 153, 178, 181, Rosario la Marinera, Nuestra Sefiora 201; description of, 130, 131, 188; del, Ensenada de (Gulf of Geor shoal at, 128; skeletons seen after gia), Pantoja discovers, 36,150,176, leaving, 190; tides at, 183; writer 177; Narvaez examines, 151, 180; examines, 24. limits reached by him, 151,180,186, Quintano, Brazo de, (Bute Inlet), 198, 201; Galiano enters, 211, navi named, 270; village on, 271; cur gates, 216; description of, 186; to rents in, 275. be explored, 199; whales in, 186. Quo Mais Point, 38, 249. Rosario Strait, discovery of, 16; ex amination of, 17, 21; named "Fi Race Narrows, in Clayoquot Sound, dalgo", 21; examined by Carrasco, 170. 33, by Narvaez, 37, 40, 41, 179, by Race Rocks, 105. Galiano, 48, by Pantoja, 176. Rada, Punta de (Koitlah Point), Royal Roads possession taken, 16; named, 23,127. named "Valdes y Bazan", 21; ex Rafael Point, 83. amined by writer, 23. 3°9 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT Rualcava or Rubalcava, Ensenada de (Nanoose Harbor), named, 40. Saavedra, Bocas de (between Vargas and Flores islands), explored by Pantoja, 30, 145, 167. Saddlebag Island, 247. St. Elias, Mt., 1; explorations to begin at, 27, 137; Eliza sails for, 143, 156, 199. St. James Islands, 9. Salamanca, Canal de (Loughborough Inlet), explored, 220, 281. Salida, Canal de la (Goletas Channel), 296. Saltspring Island, 173. Salvi, Punta de (Observatory Point or Striped Peak), named, 22, 109; bay under, 119. San Antonio, Canal de (channel north and east of Flores Island in Clayoquot Sound), named, 42,145. San Antonio, Isla (perhaps Banks Island), 7, 9. San Antonio, Islas de (Sydney and adjacent islands), named, 37. San Antonio, Puerto de (Bedwell Harbor), discovered by Pantoja, 36, 175; description of, 186. San Antonio, Punta de, named, 20, 95; bay under, 96,97; bearings, 104. San Antonio, Sierras Nevadas de (Cascade Range), 77. San Bias, 2; Englishmen at, 10. San Bonifacio, Bocas de (Herbert Arm, Clayoquot Sound), named, 42, 145. San Cosme, Punta de (CapeChurch), named, 104. San Diego, Plan of, 58. San Estevan, Punta de (Estevan Point), 5, 82, 196, 226. San Eugenio, error, 183. San Eusebio, Isla (Pender Island), named, 37, 175. San Eusebio, Punta de (Sheringham Point), named, 20, 95; 183. San Felix, Isla de (Texada Island), San Francisco, Puerto de (Sydney Inlet, Clayoquot Sound), 145,168. 3IO named, 38, 39; 186. San Francisco (California), exploration to begin at, 203, 204, or end at, 205, 208. San Gil, Punta (Nob Point), named by Pantoja, 37. San Gonzalo, Punta de (Gonzalez Point), named, 21, 117. San Ignacio, Isla de (Thormanby Island), named, 38. San Jose, Isla de (Cone Island in Clayoquot Sound), named, 42. San Jose, Punta de (Drayton Harbor), named, 38. San Jose, Isla de (Cone Island in Clayouquot Sound), named, 42. San Jose, Punta de (Drayton Harbor), named, 38. San Juan Archipelago, discovery of, 16, 17; ascertained to be an archipelago, 32,187. San Juan, Isla, 7, 9, 32, 245. San Juan Island, 37, 107, 119. San Juan, Puerto de (Port San Juan), Quimper at, 3,17,20,27,91-4; Eliza off, 147; description of, 129, 185; Indians from, 96, 97, 118; Indians at, 130; native name, 185; plan of, San Juan, Punta de, at the entrance to Sooke Inlet, 102, named, 104. San Juan, Punta de (Clallam Point), 113. San Juan Bautista, Seno de (Clayoquot Sound), named, 145,168. San Juan de Dios, Braso y Seno de (Warn Bay and Mosquito Harbor, Clayoquot Sound), 144, 170. San Juan Nepomuceno, Canal de, the channel north of Meares Island, in Clayoquot Sound, named, 145,169. San Leonardo, Punta (uncertain), 40. San Lorenzo de Nuca, Puerto (Nootka Sound), 1, 5, 6, 11, 142; San Carlos anchors in, 155, departs from, 163; anchorage in 159; bear- ing, 197. San Lucas, Puerto de [San Juan?], 189. San Luis, Punta, named, 39. San Miguel, Punta de (Albert Head), GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX named, 105. Head), named, 105. San Pedro, Isla de (Obstruction Sarah, Pt., 51, 55, 216, 270. Island in Clayoquot Sound), Sarmiento, Punta de (Sarah Point), named, 145,168. named, 216, 270. San Rafael, Bahia de (Sydney Inlet), Sasamat, (Indian Arm in Burrard to be examined, 27, 37, 145, ex Inlet), native name, 244, 265. amined, 168,170; plan of, 35; iden Saturna Island, discovered by Pan tification of, 83. toja, 32, 36, 174. San Rafael, Puerto de (at the en Savary Island, 42,267. trance to Sydney Inlet), 83. Sayas. See Zayas. San Rafael, Punta de (Quo Mais Scott, Cabo, 225, 298. Point), named, 38; Galiano off, 249, Scott Islands, 298. 250. Sea Lion Bay, 1. San Saturnino. See Santa Saturnina. Seechelt Arm, 38. San Simon, Punta de, named by Sekin, [Sekou], Pt., 23. Quimper, 95. Separacion, Canal de la (Lewis Chan- San Vicente, Isla de (Cypress Island), nel), 52. named, 37,180; tides at, 167. Shell Point, 220. San Vicente, Punta de (west entrance Sheringham Point, named "San to Sooke Inlet), named, 20, 102. Eusebio", 20, 95. San Ysidro, Puerto de (east of Ob Shushartie Bay, 54, 296. struction Island, Clayoquot Shute Passage, Pantoja sails through, Sound), named, 145, 168. 36. Sandwich Islands, to be examined by Slip Point, 23. Bodega, 13, by Malaspina, 43; ex Smith Island, 22, 245. amined by Quimper, 15, 156; mas Snake Island, 254. sacre at, 193; origin of name, 194. Socorro, Puerto del (Chukanut Bay), Sandy Point, 38, 42. named, 38. Santa Barbara, Canal de (in Califor Solano, Punta de (Pt. William), nia), defective location of islands, named, 38, 247. 291. Solano, Rada de (Parry Bay), named, Santa Cruz, Punta de la, named, 3, 21, 105. 21,108; bearings, 109. Sombrio River, named, 20, 94. Santa Cruz de Nuca, Puerto de Sonora Island, named, 55; 220, 277, (Friendly Bay), plan of, 35; 82,200. 281. Santa Gertrudis, Isla, 7, 9. Sooke Inlet, possession taken at, 16; Santa Rosa, Seno de (east end of the named for viceroy, 20; examined Strait of Juan de Fuca), discovery by writer, 23; 184. of, 16; named, 109; situation of, Sooke River, 101. 183. Soto Aguilar, Ensenada de (under Santa Saturnina, Bocas de (East Bay Pillar Point), named, 22,120; Eliza and North Bay, western part of at, 182,183. Clayoquot Sound), explored, 145, Spark's Cone, 284. 169. Stafford River, 281. Santa Saturnina, Punta y Bajos de Striped Peak, 22,109. (southeast point of Saturna Island), Stuart Island, 37,42, 52,174,218,271, discovered, 175. 274, 276, 277. Santiago, Puerto de (Port Etches on Sucia, Isla, discovered by Pantoja, 32, Hinchinbrook Island), 1,13. 37,142,176; 186. Santo Domingo, Punta de (William Sunderland Channel, 284. 3" SPANISH EXPLORATIONS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT Sutil, Pt., 55, 224; named, 296. Hope Island), named, 54, 225, 298. Swanson Channel, discovered by Valdes y Bazan, Rada de (Royal Pantoja, 36. Roads), named, 21, 78; Quimper Sydney Inlet, explored by Pantoja, takes possession of, 107, anchors in, 30; 83; 168. 79, 117; writer visits, 23; mention ed, 130. Tablas, Bocas de las (Tova Inlet), 58, Vancouver Island, 17, 21, 33, 39, 53, named, 268, 270. 54, 56, an island (?), 152. Tatoosh Island, 120, 189; native Vargas Island, 30, 84, 167. name of, 243. Vernaci, Brazo de (Knight Inlet), Tejada. See Texada. explored, 288. Tenet, Ancladero de, 279. Viana, Ensenada de, anchorage in, Terrell, Lake, 38,251. 283. Texada, Isla, discovered, 33, 38; Victoria, Vancouver Island, 35. named, 39,42; passed, 51; Galiano's Villarva or Villalba, Ensenada de map begins at, 56, 211; 186. (Crescent Bay), named, 22. Theodosia Arm ,270. Villavicencio, Cala de, 224, 297. Thomas Point, 294. Thompson Sound, 288. Waaddah Island, 122, 189, 239. Thormanby Island, 28; Galiano Waatch Point, 23. passes, 216, 267. Wakennenish Island, 30. Thurlow Island, 220, 281, 283. Waldron Island, 37,174. Tinson Point, 254. Warn Bay, 169. Toba Inlet, 269. Washington Harbor, 112. Tofifio, Canal de (Tofino), named by Watmough Bight, on Lopez Island, Galiano, 144. 245. Tongue Point, 109. Wellbore Channel, 283. Topaze Harbor, 284. Whannuck, 293. Torres, Canal de (Chatham Chan Whidbey Island, 21. nel), Vernaci leaves, 291. Whulk, 293. Tranquil Creek, 144. William Head, 105. Tres Hermanas, Las (Saddlebag, Dot William, Pt., 38, 247. and Huckleberry islands), 247. Wilson Point, 21, 41, 102, 111. Tres Marias, Islas (Rendezvous Winthuysen, Boca de (Nanaimo Islands), anchorage at, 273. Harbor), named, 40; Galiano en Trial Islands, 117, 172. ters, 254. Tribune Channel, 53,288. Trinidad, Puerto de (Trinidad Bay, Yuculta Rapdis, 277. California) 1; explorations to end at, 27,137,143,158,164. Zayas, Isla de (Pender Island), Twin River, 22. named by Pantoja, 37,175; 186. Zepeda, Isla de (southern part of the Unalaska Island, 2. peninsula west of Boundary Bay), Union Bay, 37. named, 38, 41; 51, 186, 214; ascer tained to be not an island, 212, 238. Valdes, Bocas de (Baynes Sound), See Cepeda. named, 40,173. Zepeda, Punta de (Pt. Roberts), Valdes Island, 40, 55. doubled by Galiano, 50. Valdes, Puerto de (Bull Harbor, "m GENERAL INDEX Abbad, Ramon. Attends Junta Neah Bay, 64, 65. Achubascada, meaning of, 100. Activa, Bodega's ship, 48, 63, sails for Nootka, 62; anchors at Neah Bay, 66; dimensions, 199; at Nootka, 225. Alava, Jose Manuel de. Point named for, 23. Alberni, Pedro de. Captain of the volunteers at Nootka, 142. Alexander VI. His Bull, 59. Almodovar, Duque de. His Estableti- mientos ultramarinos, 44. Apodaca, Sebastian Ruiz de. Place named for, 41. Ardnzazu, departs for Nootka, 27, 140; reaches Nootka and leaves, 191; blood—letter from, 231. Araoz, Juan de. Place named for, 41. Arce [Arze], Antonio de. Place named for, 41. Archivo General de Indias, Seville. Documents in, 68. Archivo General, Mexico. Documents in, 25, 67, 68. Argonaut, 2, reaches San Bias, 9; Ordered to Nootka, 11; sails for Macao, 155; seized by Martinez and released, 154. Arroba, meaning of, 196. Arteaga, Ignacio. Expedition of 1779, 1,29. Atrevida, Bustamante's ship, 43 at Nootka, 194, 225; voyage south, 199, in Santa Barbara Channel, 291. Bafiales, Estevan. Witness to acts of possession, 134. Bancroft, H. H. History of the Northwest coast, 25, 68. Barkley, Capt. Charles William. Discovers Strait 3, doubts about, 149. Bauza, Felipe. Anchorage named for, 284. Bering, Vitus. Expedition of, 1. Bernaci. See Vernaci. Bertodano, Cosme. Places named for, 112. Biblioteca Nacional, Mexico. Documents in, 67. Bodega y Quadra, Juan Francisco de la. Appointed commissioner to Nootka, 46, 200; orders to detain Vancouver at Nootka, 50; departs for Nootka, 62; sends viceroy a map, 62; at Nootka, 48, 223, 225, 251; help asked from 229, 231; Expedition of 1775,1, 4; Fidalgo awaits his orders, 233; From Lima, 29. Instructions to Eliza, Jan'y, 28, 1791,13, Feb. 4,1791,27,137-140; Instructions to Fidalgo, 62, reprimands him, 64, 66, letter to, 64; Journal of 1792, 67; Letters from, to the viceroy, 12; Letters to, from the viceroy, 11,13, 60, 61; Places named for, 41, 55, 113, 114; his name given to Vancouver Island, 54; Reaches Mexico, 10; Receives map from Vancouver, 56; differences with Vancouver, 60, 65; Receives Mourelle's Compendio,68; Sails for California, 65, anchors in Neah Bay, 66; Treatment of Indians, 234; Boit, John. His log, 66. Bolton, Dr. Herbert E. His Guide, 67. Bonilla, Antonio. Places named for, 20, 41, 245. Boundary between Spain and England, 45, 61, 65, 66, 204. Brazas, meaning of, 101. Broughton, W. R. Visits Galiano, 50, 212, 251; discovers anchorage, 268. Buache, Phillippe. Maps of, 2. Buache de Neuville, Phillippe. Memoir on Maldonado's voyage, 44. Bucareli y Ursua, Antonio Maria. Place named for (?), 41. Burriel, Andres Marcos. His Notitia de la California, 8. Bustamante y Guerra, Jose. Commands the Atrevida, 43. at Nootka, 194. 313 SPANISH EXPLORATION IN THE STRAIT OF JUAN DE FUCA Caamafio, Jacinto. His Journal of prisoner, 5, gives Eliza map, 154; 1792, 69; place named for, 111; to his ship, 12, his misfortunes, 155- command Nootka, 137; contro 156, Wickaninish visits, 166. versy about Hudson's death, 156. Columbia, at Neah Bay, 66; sent from Campo Alange, Conde de. Place Macao, 191; at Buena Esperanza, named for, 41. 229. Canel, Sebastian. River named for, Concepcion, ordered to Nootka, 11, 22. sails for there, 155; to be armed, 13; Cantu, 222,223. Eliza intends to take with him, 28; Carbajal, Ciriaco Gonzalez. Channel at Nootka, 48, 85, 191; to be sent to named for, 277. San Bias, 38; to be left at Nootka, Cardenas, Pedro. Anchorage named 138,142,155,158; Narvaez appoint for, 285. ed to, 181; anchors given to, 196. Carmelo, Nuestra Sefiora de. Mt. Concha, Jos6 Gutierrez de la. Places Baker named for, 17. named for, 276. Carrasco, Juan. Appointed second Convention. News of reaches Mexico, pilot on Princesa Real and his 27; interpretation of, 46, 204; ab career, 15; commissioned by Quim stract of, 59, 60, Article V, 61; dis per, 78; his reconnaissance, 16, 17, cussion of, 233; commissioners for, 21; witness to act of possession, 46, 50, 60, 62; to be concluded, 138. 134; recommendation of, 135, 136; Cook, Capt. James. His expedition, pilot of the Santa Saturnina, 29, 33, 1; extract from voyage, 8, 9; his 202, appointed to command her, death, 194; observations at Nootka, 34, 152, 181; reaches San Bias, 34, 183, 194, 198; cape named for, 299. 46, 202; letter of, 35, 46, 200; maps Cooley, Mr. (possibly Cooper). At by, 20; places named for, 21, 111, Clayoquot Sound, 88. 113; differences from other ac Coolidge, R. D. At Clayoquot Sound, counts, 178, 182. 88. Casa Tilly, Marques de. Place named Cooper, William. On the coast, 88. for, 41. Cordero, Jose. Artist of the Galiano Castillo, Gabriel del, interpreter, 139, expedition, 47; his sketches, 57, 58, 157. 210; channel named for, 283. Cauti, 287. Cordova, Antonio de. Expedition to Cedillo, Pedro Manuel. His Libro Strait of Magellan, 47. Cosmografia, 8. Cordova, Luis de. Place named for, Cenir, meaning of, 82. 118. Cepeda, Felix de. Place named for, Costans6, Miguel. His Diario His- 41; attends Junta, 64, 65. torico, 62. Chatham, Broughton commander, Crosses erected by Quimper, 23, 24, 49; at Birch Bay, 212, 215; at 101,107,114,134, in Port Discovery, Nootka, 225; meets the Sutil, 50, 114. 251; description of, 266; under bare Cougars, 188. poles, 268. Cuney, an Indian chief, 125. Cheslakees, 287. Clayt [or Claie], (probably Capt. Dalrymple, Alexander. Publishes Gray). At Clayoquot, 31,144,165. maps, 3, 62. Clemens, Mr. At Clayoquot Sound, Davila, See Herrera Davila. 88. Delarof, Eustrate. 2. Codo, meaning of, 85,141. Delisle, Guillaume. Maps of, 2. Colnett, Capt. James. Seized, 2, 154; Delisle, Joseph Nicolas. Maps of, 2. 3*4 GENERAL INDEX Descubierta, Malaspina's flag ship, named for, 268. 43; at Nootka, 194, 225; voyage Estrada, Nicolas. Ensenada named south, 199, in Santa Barbara Chan for, 285. nel, 291. Etches, John. Probably at Clayoquot Discovery, Vancouver, commander, Sound, 88. 216, 251; at Nootka, 225; descrip Eudiometer, at Neah Bay, 210, 236. tion of, 266; at Birch Bay, 49. Dogs, 256. Fair American, 88. Douglas, Thomas. At Nootka, 4; at Fernandez de Navarrete, Martin. Clayoquot Sound, 31,144, 165; re Edits Viage de las goletas, 25, 57; cord, 165. Introduction to, 57, 68; organizes Duffin, Robert. Attacked by Indians, Deposito Hydrografico, 68. 290. Fidalgo, Salvador. Appointed to com Duncan, Capt. Charles. View of the mand San Carlos, 12, 14; strait, 3. Dispatched to Alaska, 15, return of, 27, expedition to, 63; Eagle myth, 242. Letter from Carrasco, 200-2; Eliza, Francisco de. Career, 29; Letter to the viceroy, 202; Commandant at Nootka, 12, 155, Place named for, 111; 180, at Nootka, 15, 85, 86, de Settlement at Neah Bay, 24, 48, 63- parts from, 142,163, visited there, 6, 210, 223, 233, ordered to make 195, anchor borrowed from, 196; it, 61, instructions to, 62, sails for, Departure from Port Discovery, 62, 63, his career and officers 63, 180, 181; Indians entertained by, 234, puts Information from the Indians, 238; no trust in them, 235, kills In Instructions from Bodega, 13, 27, dians, 64, attends Junta, 64, or 137, 140, 150, 164; dered to Nootka, 66. Letter of Oct. 10, 1791,154, deliver Filipino (El), same as the San Car ed to Saavedra, 195; los, 137. Letter of July 7, 1792,154; Fleurieu, Comte de. Receives maps Map, sent to the viceroy, 35, given from Navarrete, 57. to Vancouver, 42, by Galiano, 50; Flon, Manuel de. Place possibly Names given by, 213, adopted by named for, 111. Vancouver, 54, system employed, Flores, Manuel, viceroy. Action in the 41; Nootka case, 9,10; orders of, 12; Place named for, 21; Flores Moreno, Francisco. Bay named Reference to Narvaez expedition, for (?),284. 5. Fonte, Bartholomew de. Alleged dis See maps. coveries of, 7, 9, 12, 44. Eliza expedition, Chapter II; Ex Fuca, Juan de. Alleged discoveries of, tracto, 141-154; limits reached by, 2, 7,44. 46, 216, 238; hopes inspired by, 49; Funter, Robert. His Northwest difference in accounts of, 178; America seized, 4; 9, 141. Eliza-Martinez Expedition, 57. Fur trade, 2, 7, 13, 27, 31, 60, 61, 77, Elk, described by Pantoja, 34,178, by 86, 87, 89, 139, 140, 153, 182, 185, Eliza, 151. 187, 189, 230, 234; results obtained Elk hides, 110. by Quimper 18, by Eliza, 190, by Enfilaciones, meaning of, 82. Galiano, 223, 293, by Kendrick, Espinosa y Tello, Jose' de. Compiles 192-3. Viage de las goletas, 57; place 3J5 SPANISH EXPLORATION IN THE STRAIT OF JUAN DE FUCA Galiano, Dionisio Alcala. Assigned to exploration, and career, 46,47,199; Expedition of, reconnaissances, 54, 216, 220, 224, 270, 275, 276, 296; Humanitarian views, 230,257, 265; Opinion of Neah Bay, 64,65; Place named for, 55; Reasons for not exploring Admiralty Inlet, 49; Receives Mourelle's Compendio and plans, 68; Relations with Vancouver, 51, 52, 215, 266,268, joins him, 211, 266, joint work with 55, 268, leaves him, 217, differences with, 51, 269; System of giving names, 54; See maps. Galvez, Luis. Requisitioned by Galiano, 231. Garonnes, meaning of, 179. Garva, meaning of, 90. Garzon, Marcos. Place named for, 41. Gaston, Miguel. Place named for, 41. Gil y Lemos, Francisco. Places named for, 37,198; Pantoja's journal in his possession, 68. Gonzalez, jfce Ignacio. Buys a boy, 187. Gorostiza, Pedro. Place named for (?) 296. Gray, Robert. Expedition of 1789, 3; his schooner bought by Bodega, 141; probably the Claie of Pantoja, 165; story about, 229. Grenfell, Capt. Harold. Information from, 240,248, 278,284,297. Grouse, 184. Guicananich, (Eliza's spelling), 144; his house, 85,146,166. Guinda, meaning of, 122. Guiquinanis, 195, description of, 165; Haswell, Robert. Log, (in Massachusetts Historical Society), 110, 229, 230. Herrera Davila, Juan. Places named for, 21, 22, 119. Hezeta, Bruno de. Expedition of 1775, 1, Mourelle's account of, 45. 3l6 Hijosa, Francisco. Point named for, 23; box delivered to, 135. Hope, 18, reaches Neah Bay, 65. Hudson, Thomas. Returns with Colnett, 155, lost at sea, 156. Huicaninish, other spellings, 30, 84. Huiquinanichi, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90. Hurtado, Joaquin. Place named for, 267. Imperial Eagle, Barkley's ship, 3. Indians: Attack on Duff in, 290, on Galiano, 53, on Gray, 229, on Kendrick, 193, on Narvaez, 149, 172, on Quimper's sailor, 123, on Santa Saturnina, 244, on Verdia, 31, 148, 171, 290, threaten Salamanca, 282, and Vernaci, 290, kill the captains at Neah Bay, 80, 87, and Serantes, 64, 293, trouble with at Majod, 294, at Port Hardy, 296; Bought, 34, 35, 126, 154, 161, 187, 188, total by Eliza, 190, for sale, 235; Customs and manners: burial, 101, 188, cannibalism, 161,170, dances, 161,166, fishing by, 160, 218,258, 271, houses of, described by Pantoja, 85, 166, 266, by Quimper, 85, offer wives, 223, 292, skeletons, 35, 190; Descriptions of, at Arran Rapids, 218, 220,271, 275,276, at Barkley Sound, 172, at Cevallos, 274, in Clayoquot Sound, 170, in Cordero Channel, 280, at Descanso Bay, 255, off Fraser River, 261, at Insulto, 285,286, in Knight Inlet, 289, in Loughborough Inlet, 282, at Nanaimo, 254-257,262, at Neah Bay, 234-6, at New Dungeness, 109, 131, from Nitinat, 232, at Nootka, 159-162,230,232, in Ped- der Bay, 241, at Porlier Pass, 214, 254, 257, from Port San Juan, 96, 97, 129, on south coast, 226, in Sunderland Channel, 284, general, 225, by Pantoja, 159; Information from, 106, 238, 281. GENERAL INDEX See Tetacus. Language of, at Descanso Bay, 255, 262, in the strait, 152, at Neah Bay, 234, at Nootka, 285, at Punta de Langara, 262; Nuchimases, 222, 286, 289, 293; Sing the "Malbrough", 262; Treatment of, 162, 207-8, 234; Warlike character, 164, 171, 190, 210, 221, 237. Infantado, Duque de. Maldonado's account found in his library, 44. Ingraham, Joseph. Journal of the Hope, 18, 65, 66, 230; his chart, 66, 73. Iphigenia Nubiana, Douglas, supercargo, 165. Jana, Captain, Indian chief, 83,88. Janape, Indian chief, 118,129. Johnstone, James. Reaches Queen Charlotte Strait, 55. Jordan, Alejandro. Place named for, 95. Junta at Neah Bay. Proceedings, 64, 65, 66. Kellogg, Capt. Henry. Surveying expedition, 54. Kendrick, John. Commands Columbia, 18; at Clayoquot Sound, 77, 88, 165; at Nootka, 191-3, sails from Clayoquot, 195. La Perouse, J. F. G. de. His expedi- Lancha, meaning of, 82. Langara, Juan de. Places named for, 41. Lasqueti, Juan Maria. Place named for, 41. Laso de la Vega, (unknown). Place named for, 41. Lasuen, Fr. Fermin Francisco de. 202. Lerena, Conde de. Place named for, 41. Loera, Nicolis de. Place named for, 42. Lopez de Haro, Gonzalo. Career, 15; Commissioned by Quimper, 78; Macuina recognizes, 85; Noticias and log, 19, 20; Places named for, 19,117; Recommendations, 135, 136; Witnesses act of possession, 134; Seen ips. Lopez de Nava, Josef Alejandro. His services, 63. Los Angeles, Nuestra Sefiora de. Bay named for, 182. Macuina (Maquina). 30, 85, 86, 87, 89; character of, 228-9; anecdotes of, 230-1; 284, 287. Majoa, 223, 293; Malaspina, Alejandro. Commander of the corvettes, 28, 43; his plans, 43, 44; his proposal, 46; ordered to the northwest coast, and his voyage, 44; members of his expedition honored by Galiano, 54; sketches, 58; receives Mourelle's Compendio, 68; observations, at Nootka, 44,194, 198, 210. Malaspina expedition, officers honored connnected with, 47, 54,266,267, 268,269, 270, 274, 276,279, 281,283, 284, 288. Maldonado, Lorenzo Ferrer. His alleged strait, 44. Maps: British of the coast, 54, 62; Buache-Delisle's, 49; Caamafio's of 1792, 69; Carrasco's, 20; Carta de las costas redutidas, 61; Carta Redutida of 1793, 52, 56, 216, 219, 226, 269, 274, 277, 285, 292, 293; Carta esferica No. 1, 22, 53,56, 211, 212, 216, 269, 274, 277, 285, 291, 294; Carta esferica No. 2, 56, 269; Carta esferica (in the Atlas to the Viage, 56, 58; Clayoquot Sound, 30, 35; Dalrymple's, 3, 62; Eliza's Carta, 22, 35, 37, 38, 40,175- 6,192,201,212,213,215,216, Vancouver has copy of, 42, 50, finished, 195 reproduced in Reply, 35, 3*7 SPANISH EXPLORATION IN THE STRAIT OF JUAN DE FUCA to be rectified, 263; French, 4; Galiano's Carta of 1793, 52,56,216, 219, 226, 269, 274, 277, 285, 292, 293; General 28, 42; Lopez de Haro's Piano del Estrecho, 17, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 94, 95, 112, 113, 114, 119, 120; Carta Re- dutida, 17, 20, 22,23, 94, 95, 102, 112, 113,119, 120; Piano of 1792, 36, 37, 40, shows true course of Narvaez, 39; Offiicials of San Bias, 232; Pantoja's Pequefia Carta, 35, 37,38, 40; Vancouver's 55, 56, 215; Maria, 210, 235, 236, 237, 241. Martinez, Esteban Jose. Expedition of 1774,4; Expedition of 1788, 2, 15, 29, 63; Expedition of 1789 to Nootka, 15, 29, 63, 191, accompanied by Verdia, 29, at Nootka, 4, takes possession of, 16, kills Indian chief, 162, builds schooner, 141, extract from journal of, 5-9, 67, to be relieved, 11, abandons Nootka, 12; Eliza expedition of 1790, appointed second in command, 13, at Nootka, 85, 86; Point named for, 20; Seizure of British vessels, 59, 60, 154, of Metcalfe's schooner, 194; Views, 46, 60,86. Marullito, meaning of, 97. Mathews, (probably Metcalfe), 92. Matute, Juan. 41,191. Mazarredo, Jose de. Inlet named for, 266. Meares, John. Alleged discovery of the strait, 3; his Northwest America, 65; at Port San Juan, 92; Indians attack his men, 290; Voyages, 3, 69. Medio, meaning of, 201. Menendez, Valdes, Salvador. Point named for, 21. Menzies, Archibald. Journal of Van- 3l8 couver's voyage, 212, 215, 293. Messier, Mr. Correction of tables, 245. Metcalfe, Humphrey. His schooner, 12, 88; probably at San Juan, 92; butchered at Sandwich Islands, 193. Mexicana, assigned to Mourelle, 45, 203, 204; built, 199; ready, 46; measurements, 47, 48; Galiano commander, 47, at Nootka, 48, exchanges men, 231, in Neah Bay, 64, 210, goes aground and gets off, 211, 248, in Porlier Pass, 213, 253, drags her anchor, 268, passes Arran Rapids, 218, 277, passes Canal de Carbajal, 220, 280, in danger, 283, takes south side of channel, 224, 297; voyage of, 228-299. Mier, Capt. At Buena Esperanza, 157. Miles, Captain. Killed at Neah Bay, 88,126. Mischimis, meaning of, 229. Mojarras, meaning of, 110. Mondofia, Esteban. Sent to Alaska with Fidalgo, 15. Monifio, Jose (Conde de Floridablanca). Places named for, 41. Montuoso, meaning of, 144,149. Moraleda, Jose. Place possibly named for, 42. Moraleja, (unknown). Place named for, 41. Moras, meaning of, 94. Morelos, Juan de Dios. His services, 63. Mourelle, Antonio Francisco. Expedi- of 1775,1,45; brings Carrasco from the Philippines, 15; his Compendio, 19, 20, 24, 45, 68; instructions to, 45, 47, 48, 71, 203; journal of 1779, 67; services, 45; sick, 46. Mozifio, Jose Mariano. Noticias de Nutka, quoted, 229, 286. Mufioz, Juan Bautista. Discovers Mal- donado's treatise, 44. Murfi, Jacobo. Anchorage named for, 274. Museo Naval. Documents in, 19, 58; organized, 69; Colnett's map in, GENERAL INDEX Narvaez, Jose Maria. Examines Buena Esperanza, 28, 151, commands Santa Saturnina, 29, 142, 163; Exploration of the Strait, 4-9, 11, 20, discovers San Juan, 9, 92; Exploration of Clayoquot Sound in command of Santa Saturnina, 29, 30, 144, 167, overlooks Race Narrows, 170; Exploration of Barkley Sound, 31, 91, 146, 149, anchors in Orbeas, 32, 41; Exploration of July 1-22,16, 33, 37- 41, 50, 151, 175, 178, 179-80, 216, names given by, 94,192,252,267; Finishes maps 36, 195; Journal of 1788,67; Places named for, 20; Transferred to San Carlos, 152,181, 201. Neda, meaning of, 110. Newcombe, Dr. Charles Frederick. His First Circumnavigation, 58; his Notes to Menzies' Journal, 58, 99. Newcombe, W. A. His notes to the Quimper journal, Nos. 38, 44, 67, 96, to the Viage, Nos. 61,150. Nootka Sound Controversy, 2; to be adjusted, 138; adjusted, 140. Northwest America, 4, 9, 65,141. Nufiez Gaona, Manuel. Place named for, 126. Observations for latitude and longitude, by Cook at Nootka, 183,194, 198; by Malaspina at Nootka, 44, 194, 198, 210; by Galiano at Neah Bay, 48, 210, 236, at Cordova, 244, at Lopez Island, 48, 211, 245, at Descanso, 214, 257, 259, at King- horn Island, 268, at Lewis Channel, 270, at Novales, 284, at Insulto, 221, 286, at Port Hardy, 223,296, at Nootka 226, at the Farallons, 226. Oficial de guerra, meaning of, 139. Olavide, Martin de. Channel named for, 283. Orcasitas (La), name for Santa Satur- 141. and Robert Gray's schooner, i). Place named Ordofies, (unknc for, 42. Oregon grape, 95. Orozco y Berra, Manuel. His Carto- grafia Mexicana, 67. Pantoja y Arriaga, Juan. Assigned as first pilot of San Carlos and his career, 29; Describes an elk, 34, 178, and tells an Indian story, 18, 35, 187; Errors, 182, 183, 186, 189, 194; Explores Clayoquot Sound, 30, 83, 144,167-170; Explores Haro Strait, 32, 36-37, 149-150, 172-178; Extracto, 68,155-198; Finishes map, 195; Log and letter, 35, to a friend, 198; Names changed, 42,186; Not with Narvaez, 33, nor Quimper, 179; Noticias, 143,175,176,192; Opinion on anchorages, 34, on islands, 152, and his intentions, 176; Pequena carta. See Maps. Plan, 177. Paquebot, meaning of, 137. Paredon, meaning of, 177. Perez, Juan. Expedition of 1774, 1, 4, 140. Philippine Company, 13. Pilotin, meaning of, 86. Pineda, Arcadio (lieutenant). Island named for, 268. Pinedo, Antonio de (naturalist). Channel named for, 288. Poles to suspend nets, 99. Porlier, Antonio. Pass named for, 40. Possession taken, by Arteaga, 1; by Bodega, 1; by Eliza, none, 190; by Quimper, 60, 190, at Sooke Inlet, 16, 78, 101, at Royal Roads, 16, 78, 107, at New Dungeness 17, 21, 78, 112, at Neah Bay, 17, 23, 80, 126, act there, 132-4; by Vancouver at Possession Sound, 50, 62; 319 SPANISH EXPLORATION IN THE STRAIT OF JUAN DE FUCA Ordered to be taken by Mourelle, 207; Value of, 18, 60. Princesa, at Nootka, 4, 138, sets sail for, 14, sent back from, 28; ordered prepared for Neah Bay, 61, sails for, 63, her movements, 233; at Neah Bay, 48, 63, 210, 233; to sail for Nootka, 200, returns there, 66; sails for California, 142,155. Princesa Real (Princess Royal), ordered to Nootka, 11; descripf'™ of, 15; Quimper ordered to > mand, 12; sets sail, 14, C~ ed, 132,181, 190. Princess Royal, 2, 3, 12; reaches San Bias, 9; seized, 155. Puget, Peter. 263, 268, meets Valdes, 269. Quadra. See Bodega y Quadra. Quelites, meaning of, 96; in Port Hardy, 295. Quevedo, Jose. Attends Junta at Neah Bay, 64, 65. Quimper, Manuel. Assigned to command Princesa Real, 12,14, and his career, 15; Description of the Strait, 128-132, 151, 153; Expedition of, Chap. I, instructions from Eliza, 77, voyage from San Bias, 82, in Port San Juan, 3, discoveries, 31, 150, 188, 238, return of, 27, his letter to the viceroy, 77-81, his journal, 80-132, letter to the viceroy, 135,136, act of possession, 132-4, account of reaches Spain, 45; Information from Indians, 16, 18, 238; Opinion on anchorages, 34,181; Place named for, 17, 78, 112; Reference to Narvaez expedition, 5; System of naming places, 19, some adopted by Vancouver, 54; Takes Princesa Real to China, 15, 156; 320 Vocabulary, 185; See Possession. Quintano, Fernando. Inlet named for, Quiquinanis, (Pantoja's spelling), 165, etc. Repertorio de los MSS., 58, 69. Reply in the San Juan Boundary ar- Reveley, William. Translation of Diario Histdrico, 62. Revesas, meaning of, 96. Revilla Gigedo, Conde de. Full name, 10, 102; reaches Mexico, 10; un- ware of Flores' orders, 12; Letter to Bodega, Oct. 29, 1791, 46, 60, 61; Letter to Bodega, March 7,1792,64; Letter to Mourelle, 203; Letter to Quimper, 136; Orders another examination of the coast, 27, another, 45; Places named for, 16,19, 20, 41, 54, 102, 145, 169, 180, 224, 295; Plan for sending the boundary, 46, fails, 66, map of, 61. Reyes, Isador de los. Runs away, 195. Roberts, Edward. His map, 72. Robredo, Jose. Ensenada named for, 274. Rojas, Jose de. Place named for, 121. Romay, (unknown). Place named for, 42. Rosario, Virgen del. 28,158. Rosario la Marinera, Nuestra Sefiora del, 176. Rualcava or Rubalcava. Place named for, 41. Russians in Alaska, 2,11. Saavedra y Giraldes, Ramon. Commands San Carlos, 27, 63,142,155; his full name, 141, and record, 142 left at Nootka, 158, leaves, 195, places named for, 167; relations with Kendrick, 192-3, searches for Reyes, 195. Salamanca, Secundino de. Assigned . to the Sutil, 47; explores in Bocas GENERAL INDEX de Winthuysen, 258, in Burrard Inlet, 51, 215, 264, in Loughborough Inlet, 220, 281-2, to Canal de Carbajal, 216, accompanies Vernaci, 270, 271, rescues men, 222, 285, 286. San Andre's, Philippine ship, 47. San Antonio de Padua. Mountain named for, 17, canal named for, 42, point named for, 95. San Bias, Department of, 16, 29, 67, 114, 141, 191, 233. San Bonifacio. Bocas named for, 42, San Carlos, at Nootka, 4, 5; Fidalgo appointed to command, 12, sets sail, 14, 155, for Alaska, 15; dispatched to Nootka, 27, 137, 155, 200, commission for and armament, 140-1, Eliza takes her, 28, 158,163, anchors in Cordova, 31, attack on the longboat, 240, 244, leaves Port Discovery, 181, reaches Nootka, 34, departs from, 35, anchors in Monterey, 81; copper on board, 139; chaplain on, 42; mentioned, 140, 182. San Felix. Island named for, 42. San Jose. Point named for, 42. San Pedro Regalado. Place named for, 168. Santa Gertrudis, frigate from Peru, 48, finds map, 62, sails for Nootka, 63, leaves Nootka, 64; to sail for Nootka, 200. Santa Gertrudis la Magna, christened, 5, 9; returns, 5; Santa Maria Magdalena. Place named for, 94. Santa Saturnina, reaches San Bias, 12; examines Buena Esperanza, 28, 157; description of, 141, 182; sails with Eliza, 28, 142, 158, 163; explores Clayoquot Sound, 167, Barkley Sound, 172, repels Indians, 244; Carrasco appointed to command, 34, 152, 181, loses Eliza, 175, 191, 195, reaches San Bias, 202; places named for, 169, 175; extract of voyage, 200-202. Sargazo (kelp), 232. Sayas. See Zayas. Serantes, Antonio. First pilot of Princesa, 63; killed, 64,293. Shepherd, Henry. Captain of the Venus, 64, 293. Sickness, 155,163. Sisiakis or Sisiaquis, 22, 223, 287,288, his village, 292, 293. Situarse, meaning of, 148. Solano, Jose (Marques del Socorro). Places named for, 41,105. Strange, James. Names Scott Islands, 298. Sutil, assigned to exploration, 46; built, 199; re-rigged, 47; measurements, 47, 48; Valdes, commander, 47, 210, exchanges men at Nootka, 48, 231, at Neah Bay, 48, 54, Tetacus visits, 235, goes aground and gets off, 211, 248, Broughton boards, 212, 251, in Porlier Pass, 213, 254, at Descanso, 214, 257, repaired, 214, log endangers, 263, Vancouver boards, 214, 263, 268, passes Arran Rapids, 218, 277, and turns around, 219,271, passes Canal de Carbajal, 220, 280, anchors, 292, quarrel on, 293, follows north side Goletas Channel, 224,297, discovers Bull Harbor, 224, 298; voyage, 228- 299. Tanaqueni, Capt. (unknown, perhaps Tawnington), at Clayoquot Sound, 88. Taisoun, 235. Tataciin, 189. Tatoosh, 120. Taylor, H. N. Assists writer, 24. Tejada, Felix de. Place named for, 41. Temple, pilot, lost at sea, 156. Tertio, meaning, 187. Terron, Juan. Possibly spelled Ferron, 29, surgeon of the San Carlos, 29, 165, place named for, 41. Tetacus. Indian chief, 48, 189; accompanies Galiano, 210, 237, information from, 49, 212, 240, 244, 249, visits the Sutil, 236, the Mexicana, 237, prays for wind, 239, points out course, 240, his generosity, 241, 321 SPANISH EXPLORATION IN THE STRAIT OF JUAN DE FUCA description of and his eagle story, tains some Spanish ones, 54; 242. Relations with Bodega, differences Toba Arredondo, Antonio. Place with, 60, 65, stubborness, 60, 66; named for, 269. Relations with Galiano, advises Tono, Hipolito. Second pilot of Prin him of discovery of Puget Sound, cesa, 63. 50, 215, 263, joins him, 51, 215, Torquemada, Juan de. Monorchia 266, offers to, 215, 263, separates Indiana, 2. from him, 52, relations with, 51, Torres, Alonso de. Commander Santa 52, observations with, 268, in Gertrudis, 63, calls Junta, 64, 65. tention to take another way out, Treat, in Clayoquot Sound, 88. 217, 272, exploration with, 269, Tortillas, meaning of, 142. differences with, 269; Tutuciaticuz, 84, 87, 90, 124, visits His map, 56; Nootka, 195. Voyage, 57. Tutusi (Tatoosh), Mukkaw chief, Vara, meaning of, 101. 64, 120, 123,125,131,189. Variation of the compass, 82, 91,145, Tuyutaiticatz, 84. 170, 190, 274. Vela de cuchilla, meaning of, 116. Valdes y Bazan, Antonio, minister Vela de redonda, meaning of, 121. of marine. Places named for, 17,54, Venus, encountered by Galiano, 53, 107,173,225,298. 223, 293; in Neah Bay, 64, 223. Valdes y Bazan, Cayetano. Assigned Verdia, Jose Antonio. Second pilot of to exploration and his career, 46, the San Carlos and his career, 29, 47, 199; looks for strange ships, 157; at Humanitarian views, 230; tempts to explore Haro Strait, 31, Joint letter, 210-227; 148,171; accompanies Narvaez, 151, Opinion of Neah Bay, 65; 178; finishes maps, 195. Places named for, 55; Vernaci, Juan. Assigned to the Mexi Presents to, 241; cana, 47; seizes Tetacus, 237, and Reconnaissances, 216, in Bahia del refuses presents from him, 241; Estero, 220 and Flores, 220, 284, hunts for anchorage, 50, 213, 253; in Tabla, 268-9, in Angostura de explores Burrard Inlet, 51, 215, 264, los Comandantes, 275-6; to Bute Inlet and Canal de Car Relations with Tetacus, 237; bajal, 216, 270-1, Bahias del Estero Tries whale meat, 231; and Estrada, 220, Knight Inlet, 53, Visits Vancouver, 266; 221, 285, 288-91, goes ashore, 268. Writer probably of the Relation del Viage de los goletas, 24, 68, probably viage, 57 . written by Valdes, 57, translation Vancouver, Capt. George. Voyage of, 228-299. from England, 50, 214, 251, his in Viana, Francisco Javier. Anchorage structions, 269; named for, 283. Begins explorations at 40°, 62, 214, Villaverde, Jose Joaquin. Chaplain circumnavigates Vancouver San Carlos, 29. Island, 18, 55; discovers Puget Vizcaino, Sebastian. Expedition of, Sound, 33, 50, takes possession 2,3,28,57,140; maps of, 58. there, 50, 62, his vessels in Birch Vocabulary of Quimper, 185, of Bay, 49, 212, 249; his men do not Galiano, 243. follow Indian Arm, 264; gives Volunteers of Catalonia, 85,138, 172, new names, 42, 53, 113, 220, re- 195, 202, sickness among, 163. 322 i GENERAL INDEX Wagner, Henry R. Apocryphal Voyages, 2, Spanish Voyages, 58; examines places where Quimper took possession, 23, 24. Walbran, Capt. John T. Place Names, 3; quoted, 55; his book, 58. Washburn, W. W. jr. Assists writer, 24. Washington, Gray's ship, 3; Ken- drick's, 191. Whales, in Gulf of Georgia, 33, 152, Wickaninish [Wicananish], 6, 30, See Huiquinanichi, Guicananich. Winthuysen, Francisco Xavier de. Place named for, 41. Xanape (Janape), 92, 118. Yriarte, Josef, interpreter, 139. Zayas. Jose Martinez de. Island named for, 175. Zieras, Miguel, died, 154. 323 This book has been set on the linotype machine in 14 and 11 point Granjon type. Printed on white Strathmore Broadcaster text. Maps lithographed by Gale Photocopy Company. Binding by Earle A. Gray. Linotype composition by Willard E. Francis. Press work by Jack H. Reed. Layout and typography by Thomas E. Williams. Four hundred and twenty five copies have been printed.
Includes an index Includes bibliographic references Other copies : http://www.worldcat.org/oclc/970549777 Part of: Wallace B. Chung and Madeline H. Chung Collection
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America--Discovery and exploration--Spanish
America--Discovery and exploration--Sources
Northwest Coast of North America
Discoveries in geography--Spanish
British Columbia--Description and travel
Vancouver Island (B.C.)
Spain
Spanish explorations in the strait of Juan de Fuca
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