CONTENTdm
British Columbia Historical Books Collection
The Publications of the Champlain Society
Howay, F. W. (Frederic William), 1867-1943
Colnett, James, 1755?-1806
"(Half-title: The publications of the Champlain Society, 26). Limited edition for members and subscribing libraries only. Journal of Colnett's second trading voyage to the northwest coast, edited from the original in the Public Record Office. The appendices contain the terms of the licence and other records relating to the Prince of Wales, Princess Royal and Argonaut and a translation of Martinez's diary from July 2 to 14, 1789, presenting a parallel version of Colnett's account of the Nootka Incident."-- Strathern, G. M., & Edwards, M. H. (1970). Navigations, traffiques & discoveries, 1774-1848: A guide to publications relating to the area now British Columbia. Victoria, BC: University of Victoria, p. 58-59.
xxxi, 328, xii pages, 25 unnumbered leaves of plates : illustrations, tables, maps (1 folded) ; 25 cm
application/pdf
uvu^. F50 W.2.6 . THE PUBLICATIONS OF THE CHAMPLAIN SOCIETY XXVI ft* K to ;< I list' «£ T^r'^i' a4~y 1 THE PUBLICATIONS OF THE CHAMPLAIN SOCIETY COLNETT'S JOURNAL ABOARD THE ARGONAUT TORONTO THE CHAMPLAIN SOCIETY Five Hundred and Fifty Copies of this Volume have been printed. Fifty are reserved for Editorial purposes. The remaining Five Hundred are supplied only to Members of the Society and to Subscribing Libraries. This copy is No. bos' 9 THE JOURNAL OF CAPTAIN JAMES GOLNETT ABOARD THE ARGONAUT FROM APRIL 26, 1789 TO NOV. 3, 1791 EDITED WITH INTRODUCTION AND NOTES BY HIS HONOUR JUDGE F. W. HOWAY, LL.D. TORONTO THE CHAMPLAIN SOCIETY 1940 All rights reserved I I CONTENTS PAGE Introduction . xi The Colnett Journal I Argonaut's and Princess Roy aPs Equipment, Arrangements, Agreements, Orders, &c, Prior to Sailing 3 II Remarks from China to Departure from Japan 40 III From S.E. End of Japan to Making the N.W. Coast of America 52 IV From Making ye North West Coast to Release from the Spaniards 53 V Remarks from Leaving S. Bias Roads to Anchoring at Port Sir Francis Drake 169 VI Remarks Making ye Coast of New Albion to Sailing from Port Sir Francis Drake 173 VII Remarks from Leaving the Coast of New Albion to Anchorage at King George's Sound 180 VIII King George 3rd Sound [Nootka Sound] 204 IX From Nootka to Sandwich Isles and Transactions at Sandwich Isles 211 X From Sandwich Islands to the Mariana Isles 225 XI Remarks from the Marianas to Anchoring in theTypa near Macao 227 XII Remarks Till Sailing from ye Typa for Japan and Corea 230 XIII Remarks on the Voyage from China to the Coast of Japan and Corea and Return to Chusan 242 XIV Remarks at Chusan 252 XV Remarks on the Trade Policy and Situation of Chusan.. 273 XVI Remarks on the Probability of a Trade being carried on at Japan, Corea, North West Coast of America, &c, to Advantage 278 XVII From Chusan to Canton, Correspondence with Supercargoes, and Remarks in Canton River 283 XVIII Copy of a Letter from the Spanish Vice Roy to Captain Colnett Dated Mexico 2nd September, 1791, as Delivered by Lord Granville 292 i Appendix I The Terms of the Licence of the East India Company for the King George and Queen Charlotte with Correspondence Showing that the Same Terms were in the Licence of the Prince of Wales and Princess Royal, and under which Captain Colnett in the Argonaut was Acting on his Voyage of 1789-91 297 Appendix II The Licence of the South Sea Company for the Prince of Wales and Princess Royal under which Captain Colnett was Operating on his Voyage of 1789-91 306 Appendix III A Translation of the Diary of Estiban Jose1 Martinez from July 2 till July 14, 1789, Covering the Period between the Arrival of the Argonaut at. Nootka Sound and her Departure as a Prize for San Bias, Mexico 308 Appendix IV Letter, May 1,1790, from James Colnett to the British Ambassador at Madrid and Containing Colnett's First Account of the Seizure of his Vessels 319 Appendix V List of Members of the Crews of the Argonaut and Princess Royal Lost between Their Capture, July 3, 1789, and the Departure of the Argonaut for China, March 3, 1791 322 Index 323 MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS Map of the Pacific ocean showing the Chinese coast and the North American coast Frontispiece Facing page Pedro Blanco (White rock) \ 40 Colnett's sketch of the Lamock islands 42 Two of the islands of the present Hatto Retto (Rover group) 44 Colnett's sketch of his Pinnacle rock, Barren isle, and Bell rock 46 Hanna's Green island and Hachijo Jin 48 Map of a portion of the west coast of Mexico and of the entrance of the Gulf of California 170 Sketch of Cape San Lucas, Lower California 170 Copy of part of the Spanish map referred to in the text 172 Map of the coast of California from San Diego to Santa Barbara 172 Map showing the location of Colnett's Port Sir Francis Drake in relation to San Francisco 174 View of the entrance to Colnett's Port Sir Francis Drake 174 Implements and ornaments of the natives of Colnett's Port Sir Francis Drake 176 Map of Colnett's Port Sir Francis Drake 180 The coast of upper California, Oregon, and Washington 182 Part of the west coast of Vancouver island 182 The coast from Bodega bay to the Strait of Juan de Fuca 186 Quimper's map of the Strait of Juan de Fuca 218 Three sketches of the Mariana islands 226 Map of a part of the coast of China showing Colnett's course from Macao towards Japan ■ 240 Map of a part of the coast of China and Japan showing Colnett's course towards Nagasaki and return from Corea 242 Three views of the west coast of Japan in the vicinity of Cape Bero 242 Three sketches of Cape Bero on the west coast of Japan 244 Map of Colnett's course on the west coast of Japan 246 Map of Colnett's course on the east coast of Corea 250 Sketch showing the passage by which Colnett sailed into and out of the port of Chusan, China 283 INTRODUCTION JAMES COLNETT, whose journal of 1789-91 is herewith reproduced, was born at Plymouth in Devon. There is some uncertainty as to the date of his birth. The muster of H.M.S. Hazard states that he was eighteen years of age when he enrolled on June 28, 1770; this would fix his birth year as 1752. On the other hand, in the manuscript of the voyage of the Rattler he gives his age in 1794 as thirty-nine, thus making his birth year 1755. Perhaps it may not be unfair to infer that, like many another boy who wished to "go to sea," Colnett represented his age as greater than it really was. The first record of Colnett in the Royal Navy shows him as an A.B. on H.M.S. Hazard, on June 28, 1770. In the introduction to the published account of his voyage in the Rattler, he declares that he "had served on the Quarter-deck of a man of war from the year 1769," but this is either a lapse of memory or an exaggeration. On August 21, 1771, he received his discharge from the Hazard, and on September 4 following became a midshipman on H.M.S. Scorpion, under the great Captain James Cook. After Captain Cook took command of H.M.S. Resolution, Colnett, on September 28, 1771, was transferred to that ship in the same capacity. The Resolution was then fitting out for the second voyage of the Great Navigator, in which he demonstrated the nonexistence of the alleged southern continent—Terra Austra- lis. On that voyage Colnett, on September 4, 1774, sighted the island of New Caledonia. Of this event xii THE COLNETT JOURNAL Captain Cook in his Voyage (London, 1784), vol. II, pp. 103 fF., writes: "To the S.E. the coast seemed to terminate in a high promontory, which I named Cape Colnett, after one of my midshipmen who first discovered this land." The Resolution completed this voyage on July 30, 1775, but Colnett remained on her roll till he was paid off at Deptford on August 28, 1775. On New Year's Day, 1776, Colnett entered H.M.S. Juno, Captain Hugh Dalrymple, as a gunner. He continued in that position until January 28, 1777, when he became master of H.M.S. Adventure, store ship, under St. John Hallum, and later under Hugh Tomkin. While he was so employed the Adventure took her part in the war of the American Revolution, being stationed, as her log shows, at New York, Chesapeake bay, and Philadelphia. On February 4, 1779, Colnett obtained his standing as a lieutenant in the Royal Navy. His passing certificate contains the details of his service in H.M.S. Hazard, . Scorpion, Resolution, Juno, and Adventure amounting to more than eight years and two months; it states that all the officers under whom he had served bear witness to his diligence, and concludes with the statement that "He can splice, knot, reef, and sail, etc., and is qualified to do the duty of an able seaman and midshipman." Ten days later he became third lieutenant on H.M.S. Bienfaisant, under Captain Braithwaite. He rose to second lieutenant of this ship, April 22, 1782, and on June 10 following was appointed her first lieutenant. On March 4, 1783, he was discharged from the Bienfaisant in order to join H.M.S. Pegase as first lieutenant under Captain Samuel Marshall. He occupied this position until August 17, 1786, when he was placed on half-pay THE COLNETT JOURNAL xiii and, having obtained permission from the Admiralty, about a month later took the command of the expedition of the Prince of Wales and Princess Royal, a trading voyage to the North West Coast of America and China. From the ship Prince of Wales, in China, early in 1789, Colnett transferred to the snow Argonaut, and undertook a second trading venture to the North West Coast. On this occasion he was not only in command of the Argonaut, but had also the management and direction of the whole enterprise and of the four vessels engaged in it. His journal containing his narrative of the seizures of his vessels and setting forth the agreements, letters, and documents relating thereto is given in the following pages. After his return to England in 1792 from these eventful voyages Colnett remained a lieutenant on half-pay (three shillings a day) until he was nominated by the Board of Admiralty to the command of the ship Rattler on a voyage to the western coast of America for the purpose of examining ports that would afford to British whalers the necessary advantages of refreshment and security to refit. For this exploration the Rattler sailed in January, 1793, and rounding Cape Horn, spent about a year in examining many harbours and bays from the Chili coast to Lower California. The Rattler returned to England on November 1, 1794. Amongst others Colnett surveyed Revilla Gigedo islands south of Cape San Lucas, Cocos island off the coast of Central America, the Galapagos islands, west of Ecuador, and St. Ambrose and St. Felix isles off the coast of Chili. His plans of these islands were published in 1798 by Aaron Arrowsmith, the celebrated geographer and map-maker. In the same year xiv THE COLNETT JOURNAL Colnett issued a narrative of the voyage in a fine quarto volume, now exceedingly difficult to obtain. After an absence of eight years in private vessels Colnett returned to the Royal Navy. On December 18, 1794, his half-pay ceased, and on the same day he was raised to the rank of commander and appointed to the sloop of war H.M.S. Merlin. During his absence on the Rattler war had been declared between Great Britain and France, and in March, 1795, soon after Colnett had taken command of the Merlin, Lord Cornwallis in anticipation of a possible French attack issued an order that the coast line of Essex, Suffolk, Norfolk, and Lincoln be carefully inspected to ascertain where on commanding points temporary batteries might be placed to prevent the French from using any practicable landing place. In this connection he required the services of an experienced naval officer to survey the coast and make the necessary soundings. Earl Spencer in selecting Colnett for this duty spoke of him as "An officer well calculated for the service you mention." Cornwallis replied that "As the business on which Capt. Colnett is ordered is of a pressing nature I shall be obliged if you will expedite it as much as you can." Colnett spent a portion of 1795 and 1796 in this careful coast survey in the galley Hawke. At its conclusion he sent in his report accompanied by charts of the coast line so well executed that the Admiralty "expressed approbation of the diligence with which he appears to have executed this service." In September, 1796, Colnett was appointed to the command of H.M.S. Bart, sloop of war, 121 men, for Channel service. This duty lasted only for a little more than a month; and on October 4 he was transferred to the command of H.M.S. Hussar. On the next day he was THE COLNETT JOURNAL xv given the rating of captain. In November Colnett in the Hussar convoyed the East India packet through the English channel. Unfortunately on December 24, 1796, the Hussar was wrecked within five leagues of Isle Bass (Isle de Batz) on the coast of Brittany. Colnett and his crew escaped but were taken prisoners. After six months' imprisonment at Pontanezen, France, Colnett with a number of his officers arrived in England from Brest in the Ceres, cartel. He at once demanded a court martial to enquire into the loss of the Hussar. The Court was convened on H.M.S. Tribune, on June 27, 1797. Having heard evidence of the circumstances under which the vessel was wrecked the Court acquitted Colnett, his officers, and crew. On the same day he was officially discharged from the lost Hussar, and went on half-pay as a captain at six shillings a day. He remained on half-pay until June 28, 1802. On the following day he was appointed to the command of H.M.S. Glatton, a position I that he continued to occupy until March 9, 1805. He left England in the Glatton on September 23, 1802, with four hundred convicts on board, bound for Port Jackson, (Sydney), Australia. His arrangements for the care of his prisoners were so thorough- that though fourteen died during the six months' passage, not one death was in any way attributable to the voyage. The Glatton remained for two months in Australia discharging the convicts and supplies, and taking on a cargo of timber for the use of His Majesty's dockyard. She sailed on May 18, 1803, and reached England on September 22, 1803. During the remainder of 1803 and 1804 Colnett in the Glatton was engaged in convoy duty, principally for ships in the Baltic sea. On March 7, 1805, having spent some thirty- five years on the sea, of which nearly thirty had been in § xvi THE COLNETT JOURNAL the Royal Navy, Colnett resigned the command of the Glatton and left active service. On the following day he was placed on half-pay. He died about the end of August, 1806, at the probable age of fifty-one, leaving an estate of £5,000. His death so soon after retiring from active service leads to the belief that he was then very ill. His will was entered for probate on August 30, 1806, and proved on November 3, 1806. So far as can be ascertained, Colnett never married; but by his will he provided for "the education, clothing, and maintenance of my natural daughter Elizabeth Caroline Colnett, daughter of Catherine Aulte," during her minority; upon her attaining the age of twenty- one years his whole estate was to pass to her. Colnett's name found its place upon the map of the Pacific ocean: Cape Colnett on the western coast of Mexico; Cape Colnett and Mount Colnett in New Caledonia; and Colnett strait, south of Japan. Colnett appears to have written for publication at least three journals: {a) of his first trading voyage when he commanded the expedition of the Prince of Wales and Princess Royal, 1786-8; (b) of his second trading venture when he had the management of the whole undertaking of the United Merchants, 1789-91; and (c) of the exploratory voyage of the Rattler in the interests of British whalers, 1793-4. The latter, in an amended form, was published in 1798. It would seem that the first two and another unknown journal were given by Colnett to his patron Sir Philip Stephens, for thirty years Secretary of the Admiralty and, later, one of its Lords Commissioners. The journal of 1786-8 has the following inscription: "Presented to Sir Ph. Stephens by Captn. Colnett. The first Vol. was stolen out of the office." What that missing r THE COLNETT JOURNAL xvii journal contained can only be a matter of surmise. In a lengthy foot-note in his published volume Colnett gives an outline of the circumstances surrounding the capture, in 1789, of two of his vessels, the Argonaut, commanded by himself, and the Princess Royal, under Captain Thomas Hudson. He concludes the sketch with these words: "The most particular papers relating to the transactions at Nootka being lost in his Majesty's frigate the Hussar which I had the honour to command in December, 1796,1 have given here as circumstantial a detail as I can remember from so long a period as nine years past." In the introduction to the same book, after referring to his capture by the Spaniards at Nootka sound in July, 1789, he had written: "A full account of this voyage and the circumstances connected with it, together with the charts and drawings made to illustrate it, were [sic] left in England when I proceeded on my last voyage; a narrative of which, as well as of that I made to Japan and Corea, will hereafter, I trust, be communicated to the public." On and off for many years students of the history of the North West Coast have searched in many repositories, but unsuccessfully, for this journal. Reluctantly they had reached the conclusion that this interesting journal, like so many others, had been irretrievably lost. But in 1935 Mr. Donald Angus, a young man from Honolulu, was ransacking the records in London for journals of early voyages to the Pacific that might have touched at the Hawaiian islands. Though the vessels that interested him were merchants and traders, Mr. Angus, just on an off-chance, visited the Public Record Office in London and began to leaf through its catalogues of logs and journals. To his great surprise and delight there amongst official documents relating to ships of the Royal Navy xviii THE COLNETT JOURNAL he found not only the long-lost Colnett Journal, but also another dealing with the first voyage whose existence was not known. Strangely enough, both were catalogued under the name "Princess Royal" not "Prince of Wales" or "Argonaut." How the journals of two private trading ventures found their way into such official company is difficult to explain. The second Journal has the following note: "Rec'd. 14 Feby. 1805." It will be observed that this date is only a month before Colnett retired from the public service. Probably the letter from the Public Record Office which is reproduced hereunder throws all the light upon the question that is now obtainable. Public Record Office, Chancery Lane, 3 May, 1939. Dear Mr. Angus: Your letter to Blakiston of 27 April arrived here just as he was on the point of leaving for France. He consequently asked me to answer it for him. The official description of the volume you are transcribing is Admiralty, Accountant General's Department, Log Books, etc., Supplementary, Series II, Explorations (Adm. 55), Volume 142. It is advisable to give this complete description once in your publication though for subsequent allusions "Adm. 55 /142" is enough. It is certainly desirable to state that the document is in the Public Record Office as this fact would not necessarily be guessed by the reader. It is not however in a legal sense compulsory. The Admiralty Records have been coming here with regularity since 1841. The set of Masters' Logs was amongst the earliest transmissions but so far as I can make out the small collection of logs of ships employed on discovery was not received until 1910. (See 72nd Deputy Keeper's Report, p. 4.) I do not think it is possible to determine at this distance of time why the log of a merchant ship should be with the collection of official logs. Perhaps Colnett gave it to Stephens, and Stephens left it behind in the L THE COLNETT JOURNAL Admiralty Office when he retired. Without months of labour I could not decide how many merchant logs are now in public custody, but they are certainly not numerous. Sir Philip Stephens was Secretary of the Admiralty from 1763 to 1795. He is in the Dictionary of National Biography. I expect the publications of the Navy Records Society that cover your period would provide additional biographical information about him. Yours sincerely, R. B. P. Donald Angus, Esq., 320, King's Road, S.W. 3. As has been already mentioned Colnett's service in the Royal Navy was interrupted by two trading voyages to the North West Coast of America covering the years 1786-8, 1789-91. On the first of these voyages he was in command of the expedition, which consisted of the ship Prince of Wales in his own charge and the sloop Princess Royal under Charles Duncan. Only the vaguest outline of a part of that voyage has hitherto been known; and it relates to the second season: 1788. Even this dim light we owe to the heated controversy between John Meares and George Dixon, which caused Duncan to enter the lists with a letter showing the movements of the Princess Royal in 1788. But this dim light was bright sunshine compared with what was known of the occurrences of the first season: 1787—two or three sketches of disconnected bits of coast line, with their crisp legends; a casual reference here and there in Meares's and Dixon's published volumes; and a few fugitive allusions in contemporary manuscripts—that was all. The late Dr. C. F. Newcombe attempted to piece the story together in his Introduction xx THE COLNETT JOURNAL to Menzies's Journal (Victoria, B.C., 1923). Now that Colnett's journals of both voyages have been found an accurate resume of the work of the season of 1787 can be given. The two vessels spent that season together. They arrived at Nootka sound on July 7,1787. There they found another trader, the Imperial Eagle, a British vessel masquerading under the Austrian flag. They spent a month making repairs, refreshing their scurvy-stricken crews, and trading if and when opportunity offered. Off Nootka they fell in with the Queen Charlotte, Captain George Dixon, as related in Dixon's Voyage. Sailing northward they discovered and named Port Brooks (Klaskish inlet) on the western coast of Vancouver island. After a stay of a few hours they resumed their route to Queen Charlotte islands. The ship coasted along the eastern shore of the group, whilst the sloop essayed trade on the mainland side. In a few days, having been unsuccessful, the sloop returned. Thereafter the two vessels continued together, trading along the eastern coast of Queen Charlotte islands until September 4 when they reached Calamity bay at the southern end of Banks island. Their boats examined Principe channel for a distance of ten or twelve miles, and also Nepean sound and the neighbouring channels southward and eastward. There they had serious difficulties with the Indians who could not restrain the urge to steal tools, nails, and any bits of iron. The harbour in which the two vessels lay, in what Colnett called Calamity bay, was about half a mile wide at its entrance and obstructed by many small rocks and isles. Caamano, the Spaniard who was exploring in the vicinity in 1792, searched for this harbour and though he found one "whose entrance was encumbered by innumerable THE COLNETT JOURNAL xxi islets, reefs, and sunken rocks" (which plainly was that in which Colnett had anchored) and saw the British sloop Prince Lee Boo lying in it, yet had the audacity to doubt Colnett's statement. In warping out of this dangerous anchorage the Prince of Wales ran upon a rock, but after a day of great anxiety she floated off, and, to Colnett's great delight, without injury. Soon afterwards the two vessels sailed for Hawaii where they spent the winter. They returned to the coast in May, 1788. The Princess Royal traded during that season in the vicinity of Queen Charlotte islands and the adjacent mainland. A sketch of her movements is given by Duncan in the letter contained in Dixon's Further Remarks. The Prince of Wales spent the season in Alaskan waters, principally in Prince William sound and the vicinity. On August 18 they sailed in company for the Hawaiian islands, and thence to China where they arrived on November 12, 1788. This journal still remains in manuscript. The second journal, which is contained in the following pages, deals with Colnett's venture to the North West Coast in 1789-91. On his first voyage his vessels, owned by Richard Cadman Etches and associates, had operated under licences from the South Sea Company and the East India Company. At the same time two British vessels belonging to John Meares and his partners were trading on the coast without such licences and striving to conceal their illegal conduct by using the Portuguese flag. To prevent any difficulties in the future the owners of these four vessels formed them into a joint venture, under the protection of these licences which, however, in the case of the South Sea Company were confined to the Prince of Wales and Princess Royal. The command of the undertaking was confided to Colnett. This journal sets forth THE COLNETT JOURNAL the agreement of partnership, the ships' articles, and the instructions given to the various officers. The plan of operations involved more than merely sending trading vessels to the coast; it included the formation of a permanent establishment atNootka sound, to be called Fort Pitt. At this time Spain claimed the sovereignty of the western coast of America as far as Prince William sound. Her pretensions did not end there: she claimed, as she had claimed for centuries, the exclusive commerce, navigation, and fishery of the Pacific ocean. The British Government's attitude was, and had been since the days of Queen Elizabeth, that its subjects had a right to navigate that ocean, to visit for the purposes of trade and to make settlements anywhere on its shores, save at places already in the possession of a civilized nation. This voyage brought the two irreconcilable positions into clash. On his arrival on the North West Coast in July, 1789, Esteban Jos6 Martinez, who was sent from Mexico to found a settlement at Nootka sound on behalf of Spain and had already seized the two vessels flying the Portuguese colours which he found there, captured the other two: the Argonaut and Princess Royal, that were under the British flag. The only accounts heretofore published dealing with these high-handed acts are those contained in Meares's untrustworthy Memorial and its appendices, in the short official reports of Martinez, in the lengthy footnote in Colnett's published Voyage, and in some of his letters. This material with that in the Spanish Archives was used by Dr. W. R. Manning in his Nootka Sound Controversy. But in Colnett's Journal will be found a day-by-day narrative of the incidents leading up to and surrounding the seizure of the two last-named vessels, w THE COLNETT JOURNAL xxiii together with the subsequent events. These seizures wrecked Colnett's voyage. But they had a far wider effect: they ended Spain's dreams of a Colonial Empire. Martinez, the "villain" of the drama at Nootka sound, recorded in his Diary his version of the momentous occurrences there, and his reasons and justifications. That Diary was discovered some twenty years ago in the Deposito Hidrogrdfico de Madrid. It has been translated but not published, save for the extracts that appeared in an article by Dr. H. I. Priestley, in Oregon Historical Quarterly, vol. XXI, pp. 21-31 (1920). In the appendix hereto are reproduced in full Martinez's entries from July 2, 1789, the day the Argonaut was sighted by his sentinels, until July 14, when after the capture of the Princess Royal, the Argonaut sailed as a prize to San Bias. It is strange that the journals of the two actors in a drama that rocked the world should have been discovered after the lapse of more than a century and a quarter and within about fifteen years of each other. The opportunity is now afforded to students of the history of the North West Coast to compare these two most conflicting records. Without attempting a detailed analysis of the two journals during those eventful days three statements in Colnett's version, which lie very close to the centre of the trouble, may be referred to, with side-glances at Martinez's account. According to Colnett he applied for permission to set up the vessel that he had brought in frame; this was refused. This request almost implied the building of some establishment, though he is silent on that point. But Martinez declares that Colnett informed him that he had come to take possession of Nootka, fortify it, and establish a factory. That is undoubtedly correct, for such were Colnett's instructions. THE COLNETT JOURNAL This appears to be the root of the seizures, though it may have been inflamed by other matters. Again, Colnett claims more than once, that Duffin, his chief mate, who had been with Meares on the coast in 1788 under Portuguese colours, showed Martinez a document in Portuguese that named him as captain, and as a result the Spaniard declared that the Argonaut was a pirate and liable to seizure. As the snow was under British colours it is plain that the paper must have related to the Felice in the voyage of 1788 when that vessel was under the Portuguese flag and not to the Argonaut. Martinez does not mention this fact—if fact it be. Thirdly, Colnett alleges as the basis of the seizure, the desire of the Spaniards to plunder his vessel. This cannot be taken seriously. In dismissing it we must remember that in Colnett's view Nootka was unquestionably British territory, discovered by the great Captain James Cook; consequently, to him, the Spaniard's conduct could only have an ulterior motive. Martinez, on the other hand, had an equally positive belief in Spain's ownership of the region; and, while he might close his eyes to the casual trading of a British ship on the coast, the determination to establish a permanent settlement was such an encroachment on his country's rights as called for firm action on his part. Colnett makes much of Martinez's invitation to him to enter the port of Nootka; he seems to forget that he had sailed for that place, which was to be the centre of his activities. The violent quarrel that immediately preceded the capture of Colnett and his vessel has been much stressed by some writers. Yet it appears to have been a merely incidental matter. The surrounding circumstances lead to the belief that both men had been drinking rather freely. Each had an exalted view of his own position and authority and r THE COLNETT JOURNAL xxv a firm conviction of his- country's rights. The drinking merely brought out more clearly the fundamental differences, and was the match that set "the heather on fire." The Argonaut and the Princess Royal, with their commanders, officers, and crews and the twenty-nine Chinese, who were to be the nucleus of the settlement at Nootka, were sent as prisoners to Mexico. While the Courts of London and Madrid were heatedly discussing the seizures and preparing for war to maintain their respective claims, Colnett was carrying on an acrimonious correspondence with the Spanish authorities in Mexico upon the illegality of their conduct. His letters and the Viceroy's replies are all set out in the Journal. Though on February 10, 1790, the Spanish Government had written that "the English prisoners have been liberated" and, on March 23, had definitely instructed the Viceroy of Mexico to release the captured vessels it was not until July 8 that Colnett secured his liberty and the possession of the Argonaut. The Princess Royal being then engaged in the Spanish service, he had to be contented with the Viceroy's promise that she would be restored to him at Nootka. The dispute between the two Crowns was settled on October 28, 1790, by the Nootka Sound Convention, whereby Spain abandoned her extravagant claims to the Pacific ocean and the North West Coast and agreed to make reparation for the seizures and the consequent loss to the owners. One of the most interesting parts of the Journal is the "Spanish Balance," as Colnett calls the account rendered to him by the Spaniards. Such a business document might be expected to be dry and dull. But it is not; it is illuminating; it shows that many of Colnett's complaints were, xxvi THE COLNETT JOURNAL probably, well-founded, and it supports some of his claims. When it was received on the eve of his departure from San Bias, Colnett requested time to study it, but that was refused. It certainly required, but would not stand, study. The only concession he could obtain was an increase from $92.00 to $500.00 in the amount allowed for the vessel brought by him in frame and confiscated by the Spaniards. He complains that the prices and quantities of his goods taken by his captors were arbitrarily fixed and he was forced to accept them without question. The account bears out Colnett's constant cry that his ship, the Argonaut, was looted. It shows that (roughly) the following quantities of goods were taken from that vessel: six tons of rice; a ton and a half of salt pork; a ton of salt meat; a ton and a quarter of sugar; a ton and a half of peas; and three tons of pitch, besides two barrels of vinegar, a great quantity of canvas, nearly half a ton of gunpowder, etc., etc. Colnett is loud in his assertion that his "trade stores" were being plundered all the way from Nootka to San Bias; and the account shows that his complaint is, probably, justified. The statement showing $218. 2 r., due him for goods alleged to have been by him "sold for stock to this royal warehouse" is improbable on its face. The articles include twenty handsaws, twelve padlocks, and sixty-seven adzes. Manifestly these were part of his stock for trade with the Indians, and necessary for the further prosecution of his voyage. That he would sell them at all, much less for 218 pesos (which was only equivalent to eight or ten sea-otter skins) is quite ridiculous. Colnett's story is much more probable. Again, the account shows that on the Argonaut's departure THE COLNETT JOURNAL xxvii from San Bias, in July, 1790, Colnett purchased sail- needles, thread, sewing-palms, blocks and pulleys of many sizes, cables and ropes of various diameters, spun-yarn, sounding-lines, deep-sea leads, log-lines, etc. Less than three months elapsed between her sailing from China and her seizure; and doubtless she was then well supplied with such necessary equipment to face an absence of two years; it seems fair therefore to agree with Colnett that the Spaniards helped themselves to anything that was on the captured ship. The account is equally illuminating in the way it deals with some of Colnett's seamen. For example: Robert Cant and George Eaton had deserted from the Princess Royal at Nootka and entered the Spanish service; Manuel Mendez, the boatswain, had been claimed by Martinez at Nootka, given up by Colnett, and had become one of the Princes as crew; Anthony Jose, Martin Mariano, and Raphael Borrowhill had joined the Spanish service at San Bias, in January, 1790. Yet all these men, their wages, and ration allowances are brought into the account for the period in which they are in the Spanish employment. But more than that: the boatswain died on October 6, 1789, while still in the Spanish service, yet his ration allowance is continued for one day thereafter. It will be noticed also that the prices allowed Colnett for the salt meat and pork taken from the Argonaut do not take into consideration the barrels containing them; but when the ship is leaving San Bias and obtains salt meat the account charges extra for the barrels. Though many of Colnett's complaints are captious those against this account seem to have much merit. A careful study of the account throws light on the Spaniard's xxviii THE COLNETT JOURNAL refusal to discuss it or to listen to any objections to its various items. Now freed and again on the quarter deck of the Argonaut, Colnett returned to the North West Coast and spent some five months—October, 1790, to March, 1791— in trading with the natives. He appears to have been very successful, for in that time he secured about 1,100 sea-otter skins, with which he sailed for China. Arriving at Macao on May 30, 1791, he learned to his chagrin that the Chinese had prohibited all ships having furs on board from entering the port of Canton. In this dilemma he undertook a voyage to Japan in the hope of disposing of his sea-otter skins in that country. Thus, the Argonaut, under Captain James Colnett, was the first British ship to attempt to re-open trade with the Japanese since the unsuccessful effort of the East India Company's ship, the Return, in 1673. Failing there he succeeded in disposing of some of his cargo in northern China. With the remainder he returned to Macao, where the Argonaut, little better than a wreck, was sold. Colnett reached England with the rest of the furs which were sold there to the East India Company for £9,760. The Journal thus gives a full picture of the difficulties of a maritime trader in obtaining and disposing of a cargo of sea-otter skins in the years 1789-91. Colnett's capture by the Spaniards wrought a great change in his nature. This is apparent from a comparison of his journal of the first voyage with that of the second. In the former he is seen as a man very careful in his dealings with others and somewhat inclined to suspicion; but after the seizure of the Argonaut he is a totally different individual. Suspicion of every person's actions and the imputation of indirect motives became an obsession. THE COLNETT JOURNAL xxix These accusations, usually baseless, are an admitted blot on an otherwise most interesting journal. It will be recalled that Meares in his Memorial asserts that Colnett became so deranged by his capture that he frequently attempted to destroy himself. Meares introduces this statement to add to the iniquity of Martinez, who, he alleges, strove to obtain trading goods from Colnett whilst he was in that mental condition. Duffin in his affidavit attached to the Memorial gives examples of Colnett's unbalanced mental state as a result of his capture. Martinez's MS. Diary is to the same effect. To a certain extent these statements are supported by Colnett in his journal where he records that the ill-treatment and threats of the Spaniards and the disappointment of his officers and crew so affected him that he was distracted for five days and five nights. However, he recovered his mental balance long before the Argonaut reached Mexico. That recovery was complete and lasting. After his return to England he occupied, as the foregoing biographical sketch shows, for the rest of his life numerous positions of trust and responsibility in the merchant service as well as in the Royal Navy. He appears in the Journal as a man with a very high opinion of himself. He never loses a chance to stress the importance of his position and authority—both of which are much greater in his own view than in that of others. In him, too, pride of race stood side by side with pride of self. He was continually vaunting his British nationality and the superiority of his nation. Colnett had that bad Victorian habit of referring to people by the initials of their surnames. The whole name has been filled in, in all cases where it was possible xxx THE COLNETT JOURNAL JSP to do so; but wherever the least shadow of doubt could exist the completion has been enclosed in square brackets. His nautical abbreviations also have been expanded, as have his strange and original contractions (sometimes almost amounting to symbols) of many common words, e.g., "ano" for "another"; "wr" or "wear" for "weather"; "wt" for "with"; and so on. Some of his sentences are so complicated and involved that it is difficult to discover their meaning: occasionally it is only apparent from the spacings in the manuscript; In such cases the necessary punctuation has been supplied, as well as the capitals at the beginning of a few sentences. The spelling, too, has been modernized. Otherwise the Journal is published exactly as Colnett left it. It is scarcely necessary to add that the text has been closely compared with the original. The log which accompanies the journal is a typical dry-as-dust record. The portion from July 27 to August 8, 1791, which is reproduced, is a fair sample. Anything of value that it contains has been included either in the text or in the footnotes. In the appendix are set out various original, and hitherto unpublished, documents relating to the voyage. These include: a lengthy extract from the translation of the contemporary Diary of Martinez, to which reference has already been made, and Colnett's letter of May 1, 1790, to the British Ambassador at Madrid, containing his first detailed account of the voyage and the circumstances surrounding the seizures. The latter is reproduced without alteration of any kind, to enable the reader to see exactly what sort of small changes have been necessary and made in the punctuation and capitalization of the Journal. In the appendix will also be found ■§.' mF r THE COLNETT JOURNAL the full terms of the licence of the East India Company for the voyage, couched in verbose, legal language, and the licence of the South Sea Company, which Colnett calls "a Grant from his Britannic Majesty for five years to trade on the Northwest Coast of America." In this connection it should be explained that the original document has not been found: it may have been lost with his other papers when the Hussar was wrecked. But at the time of the capture of the Argonaut a translation into Spanish was made. What is now given is a retranslation into English. I must acknowledge my great indebtedness to Mr. Donald Angus not only for his careful comparison of the Journal with the original in the Public Records Office and for the photographs of the various maps and charts, but especially for many of the facts of Colnett's life which he has gleaned by patient search through the muster books, pay rolls, half-pay lists, letter books, logs, and other records of the Royal Navy. My thanks are also due to Professor J. Cano of the Department of Italian and Spanish of the University of Toronto who has so understanding^ "decoded" the numerous Spanish letters and the "Spanish balance," as Colnett calls it, and furnished such a readable translation; to Mr. Henry R. Wagner of San Marino, California, and Mr. John F. G. Stokes of Honolulu for their assistance in the identification of persons and places in California and Hawaii respectively. F. W. Howay THE JOURNAL OF CAPTAIN JAMES COLNETT ABOARD THE ARGONAUT APRIL 26, 1789 to NOV. 3,1791 r ARGONAUT'S AND PRINCESS ROYAL'S EQUIPMENT, ARRANGEMENTS, AGREEMENTS, ORDERS, &c, PRIOR TO SAILING A FTER arriving at Canton in the Ship Prince of Wales with a Cargo [of] Furs belonging to a Company of Merchants authorized to trade on the North West Coast of America and who had trusted me jointly with Mr. John Etches, Brother to the Governor of the Company with the Command of the said Ship, with the direction of a Sloop call'd the Princess Royal Commanded by Captain Duncan, both on a trading Voyage to the North West Coast of America and by the way of China to England having performed the Voyage as far as China, there learning what competitors we had to encounter with in carrying on this trade who had been as long adventurers as ourselves and on account of our Charter and exclusive privilege therein as British Subjects1 had been obliged the preceding Year to carry it under Portuguese Colours and had left two Vessels2 on the Coast to winter, it was thought advisable by both parties to form a Junction of trade under the British Flag, each flattering himself from the knowledge acquired by their Commanders of the Coast, dispositions of the natives, and articles coveted by them in Trade would soon expel all other adventurers, and enable us to make returns adequate to expenses of outfit which none of our former Voyages had done, which was chiefly occasioned by want of knowledge of Ports and Harbours, which Obstacle was now got over, but still a disadvantage to Strangers as it remain'd a secret with ourselves. John Mears, a Lieutenant in the Royal Navy and a free Mariner in India who had been the adventurer on the North West Coast ^he ships Prince of Wales and Princess Royal, commanded by Colnett in 1786-8,were merely licensed by the South Sea and East India companies. Their owners had no charter or exclusive rights. 2The snow Iphigenia and the schooner North West America, owned by John Meares and his associates. 3 4 THE COLNETT JOURNAL and chief proprietor and was prior to the foregoing proposal preparing for fitting out on another Voyage, proposed giving the command wholly to me and remain at Macao till my return in a Licensed1 Ship from Europe (which was to be fitted out as soon as the Prince of Wales arrived in Europe and sent to the North West Coast) which offer I accepted of with Mr. John Etches's2 consent for the gratuity of Six hundred a Year and other privileges, one only excepted, not to trade on my own account. But as I had no authority to fit out in this Country it was determined I was not to take the command of the Vessel till equipt and fit for sea by Captain John Mears. The Vessel at this time fix'd on was a Snow of one hundred and Twenty Tons, Coppered and lying in a Bay a little to the Eastward of Macao.3 In consequence of these arrangements the following agreements were entered into. Agreement4 Articles of Agreement between Messrs. John Etches and Richard Cad- man Etches & Co.,5 on the one part and Messrs. John Henry Cox and Daniel Beale & Co.,6 on the other from which reciprocal advantages are to be derived. WethesaidJohnEtchesandRichardCadmanEtches&Co.,andJohnHenry Cox and Daniel Beal & Co., do agree under the penalty of Forty Thousand pounds Sterling money of Great Britain to be paid the Heirs administrators and assigns of the above John Etches and Richard Cadman Etches & Co., and *A ship that had a licence from the South Sea Company to trade on the North West Coast of America and from the East India Company to trade in China. 2The supercargo of the Prince of Wales and Princess Royal. 3Probably Lark's bay, a favourite resort of the traders. 4This agreement is referred to in Meares's Memorial of May 13, 1790, as one ''making a joint stock of all the vessels employed in that trade." 5The partners in Richard Cadman Etches & Co., were: Richard Cadman Etches, merchant, of London; John Hanning, gentleman, of Dowlich, Devon; William Etches, merchant, of Asborne, Derbyshire; Mary Camilla Brook, tea dealer, of London; William Etches, merchant, of Northampton; John Etches, merchant, of London; Nathaniel Gilmour, merchant, of Gosport, Hants; Nathaniel Portlock and George Dixon, commanders of the ships King George and Qtieen Charlotte. This was in 1785, and no change therein has been found. 6John Henry Cox, a prominent merchant residing in China, and interested in the early trading ventures to the North West Coast. Daniel Beale came to Canton in 1785 as purser of the East India Company's ship General Coote; he was Prussian Consul at Macao, and a merchant at Canton; he was a co-adventurer with Meares in the expedition of 1788. PRIOR TO SAILING 5 John Henry Cox and Daniel Beal & Co., who shall break or deviate from this undermentioned agreement without by mutual Consent the penalty to be recovered by due course of Law. This agreement does therefore bind the above parties to carry on the Joint commerce to the North West Coast of America from Cape Horn to the North Pole through the Northern and Southern Pacific Oceans and China agreeable to the South Sea Charter and permission obtained from the Honourable East India Company as contained in the several Grants for this purpose1 which are in possession of the said John Etches and Richard Cadman Etches & Co., copies of the same to be sent to China to be lodged in the Hands of Messrs. John Henry Cox and Daniel Beal & Co. We the above contracting parties do therefore agree to act Jointly and mutually under the aforesaid Charter and do bind ourselves our heirs administrators and assigns under the above penalty of Forty thousand pounds lawful money of Great Britain that we will not continue a separate trade directly or indirectly to the north west side of America or in the Northern or Southern Pacific oceans, or to China, nor will we equip or Charter any Ship or Vessel, but on our Joint and mutual accounts under the above penalty to be recovered by due course of Law from the parties who shall incur the same. The above mentioned John Henry Cox and Daniel Beal & Co., having two Vessels called the Ephegenia and America2 Valued at Twelve Thousand Spanish Dollars do hereby contract and agree that their Tackle and Furniture and appurtenances shall be placed to the Joint account of John Etches and Richard Cadman Etches & Co., and John Henry Cox and Daniel Beal & Co. And whereas John Etches and Richard Cadman Etches & Co., have a Sloop named the Princess Royal now in China which is Valued at Three Thousand six hundred head Dollars do contract and agree that the said Vessel with her Tackle and Furniture and appurtenances shall be placed to the Joint account of John Henry Cox and Daniel Beal & Co., and Richard Etches & Co.,3 in consideration of the Balance of Eight Thousand four hundred Spanish head Dollars being due and lawfully paid to the said John Henry Cox and Daniel Beal & Co., this Joint mutual concern to commence from the twenty third day of November one Thousand seven hundred and Eighty Eight from which date all disbursements whatever whether on account of pay, wages, or allowances are to commence on the Joint account as well as all advantages of trade arriving therefrom or losses on the same to the said contracting parties. The said John Henry Cox and Daniel Beal & Co., do also agree and 1Copies of the South Sea Company's and the East India Company's licences are given in the Appendix. 2The correct names are Iphigenia Ntlbiana and North West America. 3On November 4, 1791, John Etches, nevertheless, swore that the Princess Royal, valued at ?3,600, was "actually and bona fide sold to Daniel Beale, Esq., Agent at Canton, for the Associated Merchants trading to the North West Coast of America," for that sum. 6 THE COLNETT JOURNAL contract on their parts also the above John Etches and Richard Cadman Etches & Co., on the other that all Furs, minerals, or other Valuable Articles collected by the Ephegenia, America, Princess Royal or any other Craft or Boat as well as by any Ship or Vessels which may have been sent either Prior or since this agreement by the said John Etches and Richard Cadman Etches & Co., round Cape Horn into the Pacific Oceans, Northwest Coast of America, and China shall be divided truly and faithfully share and share alike: that is the one half after all Expenses &c. are paid. Messrs. John Etches and Richard Cadman Etches&Co.,and John Henry Cox and Daniel Beal&Co.,do agree and contract to abide by all profit and loss agreeable to the Share the said Richard Cadman Etches may hold in the above Vessels, ourselves in due proportion. That on the arrival of Mr. John Etches in England a fresh agreement shall be signed agreeable to the tenor of this in due form agreeable to the law binding the contracting parties in the penalties aforesaid: on the one side Richard Cadman Etches and John Etches & Co. on the other DavidLance,Esq. and others who shall have full power and authority from John Henry Cox and Daniel Beal for that purpose. That the said John Henry Cox and Daniel Beal & Co., having appointed David Lance, Esq., and others to act as their due and lawful attorneys in England and has also Messrs. John Etches and Richard Cadman Etches & Co.,appointDanielBeal,Esq.,JohnHenryCox,Esq.,andCaptain James Colnett their due and lawful Attorneys in India and all persons in the employ of the said Co., are to govern themselves accordingly under penalty of incurring the Just displeasure of the Company. And it is hereby further contracted by the said Richard Cadman Etches and John Etches & Co., that they do not equip or Freight any Ship or Ships or Vessels whatever to trade round Cape Horn in the Pacific Oceans, the North West Coast of America, or China without the consent of the Agent to John Henry Cox and Daniel Beal & Co., resident in England and whereas Charters were had by Messrs. Cadman Etches & Co., from the Hon. East India Co., and from the South Sea Company giving them a Licence to follow the commerce on the north west side of America in the Pacific Oceans and to China and as the said Licences will expire in the Year One Thousand seven hundred and ninety or thereabouts, the above contracting parties do hereby pledge themselves as above and till a release of engagements not to trade or carry on any commerce whatever or equip any Vessel or Vessels for the North West Coast of America, Pacific Ocean, or China but on the Joint and Mutual accounts, sharing the profit and loss on the whole concern under the aforesaid penalty of forty Thousand pounds sterling to be paid and recoverable by the Law by the Heirs Administrators and Assigns of the party or parties who shall break this-agreement. The said Richard Cadman Etches & Co., shall use their endeavours to have the aforesaid Charters renew'd for the Joint Benefit of all the parties herein mentioned or their Heirs admistrators and assigns. To observe to above articles and agreements we the contracting parties dto for ourselves and Company being firmly held and bound to set our hands PRIOR TO SAILING 7 and seals this twenty third day of January in the Year of our Lord one Thousand seven hundred and Eighty nine. Witness [left blank] Between the Owners It was further agreed between Mr. John Etches and Mr. Daniel Beal that the Snow I was to proceed to the North West Coast in, was to be paid Nine Thousand Dollars for, and to be delivered me the first week in April. To pay for this Snow and performing of agreement outfit, &c, Mr. John Etches thro' me paid to Mr. Felix Laurent the following Sums Per Receipt, Mr. Beal having some business that call'd him at this time to Macao. Received of Mr. John Etches Three sets of Bills of a Thousand pound each Two of five hundred and one of One hundred and fifty one set of the five hundred pounds to be on Captain Colnett's Account. Jan. 28,1789 The Prince of Wales Anchored in Macao Roads January 31st [1789]1 where I took everything out of her that could be spared and of Service for the North West Voyage and delivered the command of her to my Chief mate Mr. Johnstone taking leave of Mr. John Etches who deliver'd me the following Power of Attorney. I came on shore to Macao, and next morning at Day light Feb. 1st, they sailed for England. Know all Men by these Presents that I John Etches Supercargo of the Ship Prince of Wales belonging to a Company of Merchants trading to the North West Coast of America have made, ordained, nominated, authorized, constituted, and appointed and by those presents do make, constitute, ordain, nominate, authorize, and appoint James Colnett, Esq., to be our true certain and lawful Attorney for us and in our names and to and for the [our?] proper use and behalf to demand, levy, sue for recover, and receive by all lawful ways and means whatsoever of and from all and every person and persons whomsoever whom it doth, shall, or may concern all and every such sums and Sum of Moneys, Debts, Dues, Goods, Effects, and things whatsoever which now are and shall be and grow due, owing, payable, or belonging to us the said James Colnett [John Etches?] upon or by Virtue of any bill, Bond, Book, or upon account of Trading or dealing or upon any account, Ways, or means in any otherwise howsoever and if need be to call to account and bring to a Reckoning all or any person or persons concern'd in the Premises lThe Prince of Wales had reached Macao from the North West Coast on November 13, 1788; she had then proceeded to Whampoa (Canton) and now is on her way homeward. THE COLNETT JOURNAL and upon receipt and recovery of all or any such Sum or Sums of money, Debts, Dues, Goods, Effects, or other things or any part thereof sufficient Acquittance and Discharge for us and in my name from time to time to make and give Giving and by these Presents granting unto my said Attorney full power and authority in and touching the premises to sue, pursue, arrest, attack, seize, Sequester, implead, imprison, condemn, arid prosecute and thence and thereof again to acquit, discharge, and out of prison to release also for me to appear and the person to represent in all or any Court or Courts or other places as demandant or defendant in any suit, Action, or Appeal for or by reason of the premises likewise one or more Attorneys under him to set, substitute, and appoint and again at pleasure to revoke and generally to do, act and perform all other matters or things and towards the premises requisite and necessary as fully as I might or could do were I personally present and I do hereby ratify and confirm all and Singular whatsoever my said Attorney or his substitute shall legally do or procure to be done in and touching the Premises. In Witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and Seal in Macao Roads the 31st day of January one Thousand seven hundred and Eighty nine. Signed, sealed, and delivered where no Stamp paper is to be had in presence mm Remarks on the Outfit on the Princess Royal Sloop As soon as I got on shore at Macao, my attention was taken up to dispatch the Princess Royal, the Tender that had accompanied me in my former Voyage which Vessel Per agreement with the East India Company was permitted to be sent back to the North West Coast, and as the duties would have been too heavy at Canton, had gain'd Permission of the Governor of Macao to fit out in the Typa.1 This happened before the new arrangement took place and as Captain Duncan2 that had formerly commanded her had declined returning again, the Command was given to Mr. Thos. Hudson who had acted as second mate on board the Prince of Wales. The Articles their Crew sailed under in their former Voyage were expired and new ones were necessary to be made. Mr. Etches with Captain Duncan framed them, when on a Visit from Canton to Macao, which were approved of by both Mariners and officers. None who are acquainted with British Sailors but xThe name given to the outer harbour or bay at Macao. 2Charles Duncan, who had commanded the Princess Royal in 1786-8, returned to England and in 1790 was in charge of an exploring expedition to Chesterfield inlet, Hudson bay. PRIOR TO SAILING 9 know how happy they are to catch at every little advantage in their favour and as three Vessels1 were fitting out at the Port of Macao on the same Voyage every one that had been on it rated his services at no small Value, and men difficult to procure at all in this part made it necessary to comply with their exorbitant requests after shifting men with the Prince of Wales with those who chose to remain in the Country. The following articles are what Mr. E[tches] agreed with the Crew but not sign'd till this Period. Sloop Princess Royal's Articles Articles of Agreement indented, made, and entered into this thirteenth day of February in the twenty ninth Year of the Reign of our Sovereign Lord George the Third by the Grace of God of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, King, Defender of the Faith and so forth and in the Year of our Lord one Thousand seven hundred and Eighty nine Between the Master, Officers, and Seamen of the Ship or Vessel called the Princess Royal now lying in the Typa whereof Thos. Hudson is Master now bound on a Trading Voyage for the term of Two Years from the Port of Macao to the North West Coast of America, the Island of Owhyhee, and such other Places that the Master of the said Ship or Vessel shall or may deem necessary, Beneficial, or advantageous to the said Voyage until the arrival of the ship or Vessel called the Princess Royal at the port of Macao or Canton and in Case the said Ship or Vessel shall be there disposed of or deemed unfit to proceed to the port of London then every officer and seaman shall be entitled to receive such wages as are hereafter mention'd. It is witness'd that in Consideration of the Monthly or other wages against each person's respective name Hereunto Subscrib'd they severally shall and will perform the above mention'd Voyage and the said Master does hereby agree with and hire the said Officers and seamen for the said Voyage at such Monthly or other wages to be paid pursuant to the Laws of Great Britain and the said Officers and Seamen do hereby severally and respectively covenant, promise, and agree and oblige themselves to do their Duty and obey the Lawful Commands of the Master and Officers on board the said Ship or Vessel or the Boats thereunto Belonging as becomes good faithful seamen and Mariners. And also that they shall and will at all times when required by their Captain, Master, or Commanding Officer be aiding or assisting at any work or Business that may be necessary to be done on board the Princess Royal or any other Vessel, Craft, Boat, or Barge that shall or may belong to the owners of the said Princess Royal, or any business or work that shall or may be wanted to be done at any Settlement or Factory that may be established during the Voyage. *The brig Eleanora, Simon Metcalfe; the schooner Fair American, Thomas Humphrey Metcalfe; and, perhaps, the snow Mercury or Gustavus III. io THE COLNETT JOURNAL And it is hereby also agreed that no Officer, Seamen, or Mariner whomsoever shall purchase or barter for any one Article during the said Voyage either for trade, Curiosity, or on any other account whatsoever without the Leave and consent of the Captain or Master first Obtain'd for that purpose, under the Penalty of losing and forfeiting all his whole wages, and the Articles he shall so purchase or barter for, to the use of the said owners of the Princess Royal, and that the said Officers and Seamen at all places where the said Ship or Vessel shall put in or Anchor at during the said Voyage shall do their best endeavours for the Preservation of the said Ship or Cargo, and not neglect or refuse to do their duty by Day or Night, nor shall go out of their Ship on board of any other Vessel or be on shore on any Pretence whatsoever without leave first Obtained of the Captain or Officer Commanding on board, that in default thereof they will not only be liable to the Penalties mention'd in the Act of Parliament made in the Second Year of the Reign of King George the Second entitled "An Act for the better regulation and Government of seamen in the Merchant Service" but will further in Case they should on any Account whatsoever leave or desert the said Ship without the Master or Commander's Consent till the aforesaid Voyage be ended, or the said Ship or Vessel discharged of her lading, be liable to lose or forfeit what,wages may at the time of desertion be due to them, together with every their goods, Chattels, &c, on board renouncing by these presents all title, Right, demand, and pretentions thereunto for them, their Heirs, Executors, Administrators, and Assigns and it is further agreed by all parties hereto that Forty Eight hours' absence without leave shall be deemed a total desertion, and render such Officer or seamen liable to the penalties above mentioned; That each and every lawful Command which the said master shall think necessary hereafter to Issue for the effectual Government of the said Vessel, suppressing Immorality and Vice of all kinds be strictly complied with under the penalty of the person or persons so offending forfeiting his or their whole wages or hire together with every thing belonging to him or them on board the said Vessel. And it is further agreed that no Officer or Seamen belonging to the said Ship shall demand or be entitled to his wages or any part thereof until the arrival of the Ship or Vessel at the Port of discharge and the Cargo be delivered, that is to say, at the Port of London unless on the arrival of the said Ship or Vessel at Macao or Canton she is there sold or deemed unfit to proceed to London, in that Case the Port of Macao or Canton shall be the Port of Discharge, and every Officer and Seamen shall be entitled to their whole wages together with a Gratuity of three Months' full pay agreeable to every man's respective monthly wages. In case a Ship or Vessel belonging to the owners of the said Princess Royal should be met with on the Coast of America or elsewhere during the Voyage and the Captain of the said Ship together with the Captain of the Princess Royal should determine to leave the said Princess Royal on the Coast of America for the benefit or advantage of his owners, the Officers and Seamen of the Princess Royal shall and are at liberty to continue in the PRIOR TO SAILING ii Princess Royal or return in such other Ships to Macao or Canton at the same Monthly wages as they would have received had they continued in the Princess Royal. And it is further agreed that such Officer or Seamen as leave the Princess Royal to go on board any other Ship belonging to the same owners shall and will consider themselves as belonging to that Ship or Vessel and that they will proceed in such Ship to the Port of London, but provided such Ship or Vessel should not proceed to the port of London then Canton Shall be the port of discharge and every respective Officer and seamen shall Demand or be entitled to his whole wages together with a gratuity of Three Months' full pay. And it is further agreed between the Master, Officers, and Seamen of the said Princess Royal that whatsoever Apparel, furniture, or Stores each of them may receive into their Charge belonging to the said Ship or Vessel shall be accounted for on her return and if anything should be lost or damag'd thro' their carelessness or Insufficiency, it shall be made good by such Officer or Seamen by whose means it may happen to the Master and Owners of the said Ship or Vessel. And whereas it is customary for the Officers and Seamen on a Ship's return home and whilst their Cargo is delivering to go on shore each night to sleep greatly to the Prejudice of such Ships and freighters; be it farther agreed by the said parties that neither Officer or Seamen shall on any pretence whatever be entitled to such indulgence but shall do their duty by day in Discharge of the Cargo and keep such Watch by Night as the Master shall deem necessary for the preservation of the said Ship and Cargo. And whereas it often happens that part of the Cargo is embezzled after being safely delivered into lighters or other Craft and as such losses are made good by the owners of the Ships be it therefore agreed by these presents that whatever Officer or Seamen the Master shall think proper to appoint shall take Charge of the Cargo in the Lighters or other Craft and shall deliver his Charge to the Ship's Husband or his representative and for the true fidelity of such Officer or Seamen he shall be entitled to two Shillings and Sixpence each Lighter exclusive of his or their Monthly pay and should it so happen that the lighters are detained a considerable time before they are unloaded such Officer or Seamen so appointed shall in that case be entitled to two Shillings and Sixpence for every Twenty four Hours exclusive of their Monthly pay. That each Officer and Seamen who shall well and truly perform the before mentioned Voyage provided always there be no plunderage, Embezzlement, or any other unlawful acts committed on the said Vessel, cargo, and Stores be entitled to the wages or hire that may become due to him pursuant to his agreement. That for the due performance of each and every the aforementioned Articles, Agreements, and Acknowledgements of their being Voluntary and without Compulsion or any other Clandestine means being used, agreed to, and Assign'd by us in testimony whereof we have each and every of us affixed our hands and seals the Month and Day against our Names as hereunder— 12 THE COLNETT JOURNAL Compliment of the Princess Royal: Master 1 Mates 2 Boatswain 1 Carpenters 2 Cook 1 Steward 1 Armourer 1 And Six able; in all 15 And it is also further agreed between the Master, Officers, and Seamen of the said Vessel that every Officer and Seamen shall be entitled to and receive over and above their Monthly pay for every sea Otter Skin that shall measure three foot 6 inches in length and one foot nine Inches in breadth1 the sum expressed against each Man's respective name and although a Skin should not measure three feet six inches in length yet if that deficiency in Length is made up by a Surplus in the Breadth it shall be deemed a payable Skin provided it be three feet in Length. Every large Cloak or Garment to be call'd two Skins and no more, for all pieces less than as above described no premium shall be Paid and in Consideration of the said premium every man shall use his utmost endeavours to clean and keep in good order such skins as may be collected during the said Voyage. Captain 5/ 1st Mate 2/6 2nd " 1/6 The rest of the Crew Six pence each. To complete the outfit of the Princess Royal for two years with Flour, Bread, Stores, &c, besides paying some wages that remained due on the Former Voyage cost 1,979§ dollars which I drew on Mr. Beal for. And as soon as Captain Hudson allow'd himself to be plentifully supplied with everything, I delivered him his sailing orders as follows. Feb. 21, '89 To Mr. Thos. Hudson, Commanding the Princess Royal, Macao Sir, You being provided with everything necessary to make a Voyage to the North West Coast of America and there to carry on a trade with the Natives for furs, &c, I have to request you will sail tomorrow morning taking such *A prime skin, though Jewitt says it should reach from a man's chin to [jffli his feet. i r PRIOR TO SAILING 1 route out of the China seas as you think will enable you to make the Quickest and best passage being assisted with Charts from Captain John Mears for that purpose. On clearing the China seas proceed to Nootka where should any Vessel be lying belonging to Mr. John Etches & Co., or Dan. Beal & Co., you will consult with the Commander for your future route on the Coast for the summer; the Letters I deliver you with this for Captain Douglas and Mr. Funter1 will point out to them the necessity of your unanimous settling every matter that concerns the employ; you will also assist them with everything you can spare and they should be in want of. As I shall follow you in a Short time and also make the Port of Nootka would have you leave a letter for me under the stump of the Tree that was cut for the Princess Royal's mast and at Charlotte's isles under one of the trees at Shoal point carving an Anchor on the Tree2 which mark I recommend you to make on a Tree at every port on the Coast you Touch. By the First of November would have you endeavour to meet me at Nootka to enable me to settle our route and destination the succeeding summer. As I have nothing more to add but what you are perfectly acquainted with yourself and relying on your abilities and endeavours to do well, I wish you a good and prosperous Voyage. Yours &c. Remarks on the Argonaut's Outfit Besides fitting the Princess Royal out (Few articles being to be purchased at this place) the Snow's Long boat was sent to Canton for sea Provisions, Trade, &c, and was lodg'd on board a Vessel in the Typa till the Snow which I had determin'd to Call the Argonaut was ready to receive them and at this time it became a certainty that the Snow* could not be clear'd to the agreed time owing to there not being so great a call for Opium which was her lading, as Expected. A Snowf which Captain John Mears Bought from the Portuguese and was coppering in Macao harbour—said with an Intention to make a Voyage to Japan which he afterwards declin'd; it was *When the agreement first was made with Messrs. Beal & Co., it was agreed the Snow should have been delivered the Beginning of March, in Consequence of which default the Cargo was obliged to be put on board the Sea Otter. fThe Snow was named the Sea Otter. xThe masters of the snow Iphigenia and the schooner North West America. 'The Princess Royal cut a tree for a new mast in July, 1787, near the entrance of Kendrick arm, not far from Coopte. Shoal point was the name applied by Colnett in July, 1788, to an unidentified point slightly to the northward of the eastern entrance of Houston-Stewart channel, Queen Charlotte islands. H THE COLNETT JOURNAL propos'd for me to take her, but as I neither thought her a Vessel in any degree calculated, or equal to perform what the north west business required, neither sailing nor able to carry sail I rejected it. It was then determined the stores intended for my Voyage should be put on board this Vessel and sent round in her to where the Snow lay, there shift Cargoes and to proceed on the Voyage in the Argonaut as first agreed. This was set about with every alacrity but during this outfit I had another Obstacle to encounter.* Our Competitors fitting out here under Portuguese and American Colours1 used every method to get our men, and a few dollars bought the Boatswain who had been a former Voyage with me. Many more would have followed had they not immediately been articled. Qaptain] M[eares] being in Canton and as it would take several days before I could have his answer on the Subject, by that time most of the People might have left me, And as I did not for several Reasons choose to article them to myself: first the Vessel fitting out under Portuguese Colours and the next place I had no authority to fit out a Vessel myself, and only looked on myself as Captain of the Vessel when delivered me by Captain Mears when fit for sea. The person who was to go my Chief mate had the Care of fitting out the Vessel that was to take my Stores in and Shift Cargoes. I caused the Articles to be drawn out as follows— Know all men by these presents that we the undermentioned Officers and Seamen now belonging to the Snow called the Sea Otter whereof Captain Mears and others are owners do agree to perform a Voyage with [space for a few words left blank! to the North West Coast of America in the said Vessel or any other the owners of the Sea Otter shall appoint under such Officers as are now belonging or shall hereafter belong to the said Vessel and we do further bind ourselves to act in any craft.or Factory that may belong to the said owners on the Coast of America or elsewhere for the space of three Years conforming to all orders the Commanding Officer of such Factory or Craft may Issue out. *As I stayed at Macao Captain Mears requested I would pay for the Sea Otter for him and remit {?) him money for that purpose. And same amount (.?) Mr. Duffin by his account was {?) his debtor in the Nootka command {?) &c, and though that vessel is again sold he has not given us credit for any part of it; but I do not see we have any right to be debited and credited at all. (This extremely illegible note is in pencil on the margin.—Ed.) JThe American vessels were the brig Eleanora and the schooner Fair American', but the Portuguese vessel Jias not been identified. PRIOR TO SAILING 1 Do for and in consideration of the wages hereunder specified ( to our respective names separately but not Jointly nor one for the other Agree to and with the said Captain John Mears and others as Agents of this Expedition their heirs, Executors, and Assigns that we will not during the present Voyage at any port or place whether in America or elsewhere barter, trade, vend, sell, or dispose of any goods, Merchandise, or Articles of Commerce whatsoever without the permission of the Captain of the Vessel, Craft, or Factory we then may belong to in writing and his fixing his seal thereon, nor will we receive or take from the Natives, Inhabitants of America or elsewhere any present Gratuity or other things whatsoever without the permission of the Captain of the Vessel, Craft, or Factory first had and obtained. And we farther bind ourselves separately but not Jointly nor one for the other not to open any Goods shipped by the Captain of the Vessel nor send on shore, unpack, dispose of, or vend the same before the Captain of the said Vessel has given his Assent thereunto in writing. To observe all the above articles, Covenants, and agreements we do hereby bind ourselves separately but not Jointly nor one for the other to said John Mears and others as Agents of the Expedition their Heirs, Executors, and Assigns in the Penal sum of twenty Thousand Spanish head Dollars as also of all sums of Money that may be due to us on Account of wages or other allowance for the said Vessel, &c, to be recovered in case of breach of Articles according to the Laws of Great Britain or as the law authorizes at the first European or Foreign Port we may arrive at. In Witness whereof we have hereunto set our hands this Fifteenth day of March in the Year of our Lord one Thousand seven hundred & Eighty Nine. Signed, sealed, & delivered where no stamps are in use. Complement. [A space has been left.] Besides the aforementioned Crew, being determined to form a Settlement at Nootka, Build a fort and also craft to carry on the Trade on a large scale, the following Chinamen were put on board me for that purpose. i 7 Carpenters 5 Blacksmiths 5 Bricklayers and Masons 4 Taylors 4 Shoemakers 3 Seamen 1 Cook1 Seven aThese total twenty-nine Chinese. Meares in his Memorial says that, in addition to their crews, the Argonaut and Princess Royal had "several Artificers of different Professions and near 70 Chinese, who intended to become Settlers." Martinez gives their names; they number not 70 but 29. Meares's Voyages (1790), p. 3, says 50. ait 1 16 . THE COLNETT JOURNAL My Complement now made Sixty in Number compos'd of English, French, Spaniards, Portuguese, and Chinese and all of them had from four to Two Months' advance according to the security they found and we were fortunate enough not to lose one Man by desertion. I had some difficulty in getting the Chinamen on board, being Obliged to smuggle them from the Shore to prevent the Imposition of the Mandarins. All things being ready for my proceeding [on] the Voyage in the Argonaut and as many of the Articles as could be got ready was put on board the Sea Otter and when ready for sailing and the Governor's leave procured for leaving the harbour she sail'd for the Typa1 to take on board the articles left on board a Vessel there and from thence arrived along side Argonaut May 31st [January 31] and began to Ship Cargoes. There was now two other Businesses started which cost me more trouble than anything I had yet met with in this outfit. First the Sea Otter which Captain Mears purchas'd. to go to Japan and had been deputed to take in the Argonaut's Cargo, Cost as much money in her outfit as the Argonaut was Valued at. The Owners of the Argonaut now objected to change Vessels on those terms, taking one for the other; to be sure there was a great inferiority between them, but the fault was theirs owing to the Vessel not being cleared to the time agreed and delivered over to me; but this being only a verbal agreement and no proviso made in either case while Mr. Etches was at China it became a difficult point for me to settle. After much altercation and dispute on the occasion with Qaptain] M[eares] who was deputed to settle the Accounts for Mr. Beal and others it was proposed to divide the difference of Price according to the different Qualities of the Vessels which was fixed at 2000 Ds. between Mr. Beal & Co., on the one part and Mr. Etches & Co., on the other. I fancy some of the Parties not liking this proposal, I heard no more of it and wishing myself to drop any further dispute or settlement on that head till Mr. Etches came out which I was taught to believe would be the succeeding Year, I delivered Mr. Beal & Co., the disbursements of the money I had received on Mr. Etches' account, and Captain Mears gave me an account of the Bills paid by Mr. Beal & Co., except the Settlement with the Ship's Compradore that had procured us part xThat is from Macao Roads to the Typa, a distance of four or five miles. PRIOR TO SAILING 17 of the trade from Canton, Shipped the Chinamen, and Supplied Sea Stock, &c. Second business was more unpleasant than the first. Captain Mears the preceding season had left on the Coast of America Captain Douglas in the Snow1 [space left blank] with the Schooner built on the Coast and named the North West America, which were the Vessels now belonging to the Joint Concern of Mears & Co., and Etches & Co., Per sign'd agreements. Those vessels were left under Portuguese Colours. A Person call'd Cavello a capital Merchant in Macao procured them those Colours and afterwards went to Manilla. It was soon after discovered he was much involved and his return much Doubted but not confirmed till a few days before I was ready for sailing, which occasion'd. a new Obstacle to be started. Thus, it was thought if Captain Douglas came to Macao the Creditors of Cavelle2 would cause some trouble about the Vessel and Cargo, and also the Governor, provided she returned under English Colours and having sailed with Portuguese, which to evade was proposed I should Shift Vessels with Captain Douglas when we met; at the same time informed me there was a few Articles sketched out for me which it was wished I would follow. I requested the perusal of them which were as follows, also Copy of Letters given to Deliver Captain Douglas myself and those given to Captain Hudson. To Captain W. Douglas8 Sir, Per favour of the Princess Royal we think it necessary to inform you that an entire union of Interests as well as partnership has taken place between Messrs. Cox Beal & Co., and Messrs Richard Cadman Etches and John Etches & Co., in all Shipping concerns either from China or England which are to be employed on the Coast of America and this united Co.,* xThe Iphigenia Nubiana, commonly called the Iphigenia. 2In this connection, see Meares's Memorial, April 30, 1790. He spells the name: Cawalho. 'William Douglas, in command of the Iphigenia. 4It appears to have had no firm name. In the statement of losses appended to his Memorial Meares calls it "The Associated Merchants of London and India" but in his amended claim of September 7, 1790, he uses the name "The United Company of British Merchants Trading to the North West Coast of America." Colnett seems to refer to it as "The South Sea Company of London." 18 THE COLNETT JOURNAL SH have appointed Dan. Beal, Esq., Prussian Consul at Canton, and James Colnett their Agents in America and India having given them all full and lawful powers. In Consequence of this arrangement the Princess Royal has been dispatched to the Coast of America and Captain Hudson has the most particular orders to give you every friendly assistance that you may stand in need of, either in Provisions or Stores and we have no doubt but that you will govern yourself agreeable to this advice in every situation agreeable to your employers' Interest. Captain Colnett will leave China in or about the Month of March in another Vessel for the coast of America. It is our intention to establish a Factory at Nootka and pursue the Commerce of America with vigour, and as Captain Colnett is empowered to manage our concern on the coast we have also no doubt but that you will give him every Assistance and Information on delivering up your charge. By Captain Colnett we shall write more particularly and at large. You will then receive orders relative to the Colours you are to hoist which will be those of the United Company of Merchants trading under the Sanction of the S. Sea and Hbl. East India Company's Charters. Mr. J. Cawalho1 of Macao having sold to the said Co., and lawfully made over all his share and concern in the Ephigenia Nubiana and the America and they are now to be considered Entirely as English property. We recommend most Strenuously to you as we have also to Captain Hudson to consult the Interests of your employers in occupying such stations on the coast as in your Judgement will seem best but Captain Colnett's arrangements will be in some measure guided by the Instructions that Captain Mears left with you previous to his return to China. As we shall write you Pr. favour of Captain Colnett more particularly we shall now take our leave with our most hearty wishes for your Success and expressing our hopes of seeing you in China this Year. We remain Sir Yours &c. Macao, Feb. 3, 1789 Iti Orders by the Princess Royal for Mr. Funter of the North West America To Mr. Robert Funter Per Favour of the Princess Royal we think it necessary to inform you that an entire union of interest as well as Partnership has taken place between Messrs. Cox Beal & Co., and Messrs. Rich. Cadman Etches and John Etches & Co., in all shipping concerns either from England or China which are employed or to be employed on the Coast of America and that this united Company have appointed Dan. Beal, Esq., Prussian Consul, Canton, and Compare this statement with that in Meares's Memorial. *P*<i PRIOR TO SAILING 19 James Colnett, Esq., their Agents in England and America, having given them all full and lawful Powers. In consequence of this arrangement the Princess Royal has been dispatched to the Coast of America, and Captain Hudson has the most particular orders to give you every friendly assistance that you may stand in need of either in Provisions or Stores and we have no doubt but that you will govern yourself agreeable to this advice in every situation for the benefit of your employers. Captain Colnett will leave China in another Vessel about the Month of March; we shall then be very particular to Captain Douglas by this conveyance. We particularly direct you to hoist the English colours and take possession of all new discovered parts for the King and Crown of Great Britain and let it be done with all due formality and entered in the Journals of your proceedings. Accept our most hearty wishes for your Success and we remain, &c. Macao, Feb. 3, 1789 Argonaut's Sailing Orders To Captain James Colnett Sir, So soon as the Argonaut is ready for sea you will proceed on your Voyage and put into Execution the several plans we have laid down and with which you are so thoroughly acquainted; you are also perfectly inform'd the basis they are founded on that any recapitulation here would be needless. We place the strongest reliance on your perseverance, temper, and prudence and are convinc'd that our hopes can only be matured but through an exertion of those dispositions. We strenuously recommend a moderate use of the Powers you are invested with, not only in your transactions with Ships of Foreign Nations who must be treated with that good faith and generosity which is the Characteristic of the English Nation, and which must turn ultimately to the Honour and credit of your employers, but to all Ships of our own Nation to whom we desire you to be particularly attentive to in case of distress or any other calamitous Situation that they may be thrown into. We press on your mind this point not only from the honour and Credit resulting to us from such a liberal line of Conduct but from the absolute necessity of avoiding all Subjects of dispute with foreign Powers. We hope that no motive whatever will induce you to deviate from this point as we assure you that a commerce that is not carried on with Honour and respectability, as well as humanity, will be entirely repugnant to our feelings as Men, and Characters as British Merchants, a Character that appears to us in so respectable a light that no Emolument, no advantage whatever, would persuade us to countenance the smallest deviation from it, in the persons and acts of those whom we employ. I J i 20 the colnett journal Reports having been spread of great acts of Cruelty and inhumanity being committed by the crews of various Vessels on the Coast of America in their commerce with the natives, we now embrace the earliest Opportunity of expressing our utter abhorrence of such hostile acts. We sincerely hope that no person or persons in our employ will have cause to be reproach'd with anything of this kind—acts which we never will countenance or protect; on the contrary we shall use every means in our power to have the perpetrators punish'd. We therefore most particularly order that in the course of your command if any person or persons, be they whom they may, in our employ shall commit any murder on the Natives of America or others that you seize the offender, put them in Irons and send them to the Agents in China in order that they may be brought to condign punishment. We are here necessitated to dwell on this subject from the Strong reports of such atrocious Acts being committed which is at once not only destructive of the Commerce, but of every sentiment of humanity. We recommend a Steady pursuance of a Mild conduct as the only means to cultivate the good will of the Natives and draw them within the Verge of civilized life.1 We recommend to you if possible to form a treaty with the various Chiefs particularly near Nootka.2 If you happily accomplish this you at once become possessed of the Furs of a great district with honour and Credit and without incurring a Stigma, and if there is a possibility of conquering our competitors we beg it may be done in a mode so honourable to ourselves as generosity and humanity and also a strict attention to our business [require]. On the Strength of a Treaty we form considerable hopes, for though at a moment it may not be productive yet in time it will be found the most able way of accomplishing our wishes and gaining the Confidence of the Chiefs, who are known to manage the Commerce of their Subjects; for this purpose we have supply'd you abundantly with every article known to be had in estimation among them, and so anxious are we to have a good understanding and the perfecting a treaty, that we authorize you to take under your protection all our Allies and protect them from insult from all persons whatever. Our Sentiments on this head you will make known to all persons whom it may concern, in order they may Govern themselves accordingly. You will keep an extract of your proceedings in which every minute is recorded; you will forward this Account of your proceedings from time to time by all Opportunities. In placing a Factory on the Coast of America we look to a Solid establishment, and not one that is to be abandon'd at pleasure; we authorize you to fix it at a most Convenient Station only to place your colony in Peace and Security and fully protected from the fear of the smaller Sinister Accidents; the Object of a Port of this kind is to draw the Inhabitants to it, to lay up ^ee hereon: F. W. Howay, "Indian Attacks on the Maritime Traders" {Canadian Historical Review, vol. VI, 1925, pp. 287 if.). 2According to his Memorial Meares had made such a treaty with Wickan- anish and Tatouche, chiefs at Clayoquot sound and Cape Flattery; but compare with Meares's Voyages (1790), pp. 146, 195. r PRIOR TO SAILING 21 the small Vessels in the winter season, to build, and other commercial purposes. When this point is effected different trading houses will be established and Stations that your knowledge of the Coast and its commerce points out to be the most advantageous.1 In the course of the summer we recommend your leaving single persons to reside with some of your friends, the Chiefs of the Charlotte's Isles to collect the Furs the natives in full persuation of your returning to them would keep back from our Competitors,2 and here at once you will perceive the advantage to be derived from conciliating their confidence and good will; to such people who are so prone to serve their employers rewards should be given agreeable to their success. You are so well acquainted with the American commerce that it would be needless to dwell much on the necessity of Husbanding your Articles of Trade, guarding against the impositions of the Native Merchants and to impress them with an Idea of the Superiority of your Merchandise &c.&c.&c. The tide of Fancy of those people may be discovered; the fickleness of their dispositions is well known to you, as well as your ingenuity to us in combatting those difficulties. The Fall of the Year we wish all the small Craft to be laid up at the Factory which you will name Fort Pitt. You will invest Mr. R[obert] D[uffin]3 with the Superintendence of this Station and recommend to him most Strenuously to keep good harmony therein, to build Store houses for the reception of the Tackle and furniture of the Shipping that you may order to be laid up, and above all to recommend to him to use every precaution against the Scurvy by exercise, and the unremitting use of the Decoction of Pine Tops. You will in the winter Season send what Vessels you Judge proper to the Sandwich Isles for Provisions and in their return we imagine that some of the Natives of those Isles both men and women may be embark'd and transplanted to America and made useful in our employ. This must be done by their own consent and with every precaution with regard to their health as well as happiness.4 We desire the Argonaut may be return'd to China the end of this season with the Furs. You will deliver her to Captain W. Douglas and receive from him the Ephigenia and America, shifting the crews, etc., you will also 1Portlock and Dixon in 1785-8 and William Brown of the Butterworth in 1793-4 also had instructions to build factories. 2This plan was frequently tried but always failed. In 1786 the Captain Cook left John Mackay at Nootka sound and in 1791 the Hancock left a sailor at Queen Charlotte islands for this purpose. In each case the man tired of his solitary life and departed on the first vessel that came to the tribe. 3First officer of the snow Argonaut. Colnett later blames him for much of the subsequent trouble. 4The inclusion of women suggests a permanent settlement at Nootka. The traders had usually wintered at the Hawaiian islands, but with a settlement at Nootka "the islands" are to be a mere supply station. 22 THE COLNETT JOURNAL receive his surplus trade and all other Stores of that nature and in return supply him with refreshments, &c, to carry him to the Islands where he can procure a Supply. The Furs you send to China we desire may be well cleaned and otherwise well dress'd, Class'd, and put into Chests. Musters of each Quality must be put into a separate Box; every Skin, piece, and Tail, must be numbered and a Register kept of the whole and transmitted to us with your other Dispatches Pr. Captain Douglas. In those you will be very particular in advising us of all Articles1 wanted for the Year 1790. We recommend to your attention the state of the Markets in China, the vast difference between good and bad Skins as a guidance for your purchase on the Coast, as 100 prime Skins are worth most assuredly 500 bad, independent of lessening the Value of your articles of commerce. All Collections of Furs to the latest period you will send home in the Argonaut. Sea Otter's tails and Seal Skins2 now become an Object, and from the price they bear it will be entirely needless to direct you in the purchase of . Furs as here you are so well acquainted that we leave entirely to yourself, but we cannot avoid reminding you and to desire that a Strict attention is paid that no illicit Commerce3 is carried on by any persons in our employ; any circumstances of this kind the offenders may depend on our availing ourselves in the Strictest manner a breach of Articles may Occasion. The pay of Officers of every description is extremely liberal and we shall esteem it the duty of every Individual to make known such Circumstances of illicit commerce as may come within their knowledge as in our Eyes it is equally criminal and Shews a great neglect of their employers' Interest to either hide or Stifle such discovery; and you have our most positive orders on such points coming to your knowledge to instantly dismiss such persons and those concern'd from our service nor will we permit any deviation from this point except your reasons are strong and sufficient for pursuing a different line of Conduct. We also authorise you to dismiss from our service all persons who shall refuse to obey your orders where they are for our benefit and in this place we give to understand the Princess Royal, America, and other small Craft are always to Continue on the Coast of America, their Officers and Seamen when their time of service is up must be embark'd in the returning Ship to China and on no Account whatever will we suffer any deviation from those orders. xTo meet the fickle fancy of the Indians. Ingraham in his MS Journal of the Hope bewails the constant changes in popularity of articles of trade. 2Sea-otter tails were always cut off and sold separately. The fur was finer and more closely set than that on the body. Meares claimed to have sold some in 1788 at $15.00 each, but that is an exaggeration. At this time the fur-seal skin was only worth fifty or seventy-five cents; but the numbers that could be obtained were enormous. 3Despite all threats the officers and crews persisted in trafficking on their own account. r I PRIOR TO SAILING n Should you meet with any of the Ships of Messrs. Etches and Co., on the coast you will of course Afford them every Assistance in your power but as we shall have no interest in those Ships if you can induce the Commanders to trade on our Joint accounts it will be most agreeable to us, but no trading connections whatever must be except on the Account of the present Company; to the person entrusted with the Charge of those Ships you will make known the nature of our connections with Mr. Etches. You will in consequence make a demand of all their Surplus Articles of commerce, Stores, &c, &c, that they have to dispose of, in order that they may be left at the Factory and a particular account must be taken of all that are deliver'd as they must be accounted for to Mr. Etches by the Company. We have no doubt but this your requisition will be complied with as it ultimately tends to the good of their employers. The Number of Competitors that you will meet with on the Coast will we fear somewhat diminish your collection of Furs as well as enhance their price. We have no doubt of your activity and perseverance as well as address in your negotiations. We place the strongest reliance in your vigilance and caution and as we have confer'd on you the most ample powers, in return we look for considerable responsibility and a happy completion of our Plans. In a full persuasion of this we shall take our leave with a Strong recommendation of Unanimity amongst your Officers and the Strictest Discipline over your people, we wish you health and a prosperous Voyage. & Remain your &c. Macao, April 3 D. Beal's Power of Atty. to C[aptain] Colnett Whereas on the Twenty Third day of January last an agreement was entered into by and between John Etches Esq.,for himself and Richard Cadman Etches Esq., and others on the one part and D. Beal for himself John Henry Cox & Co., on the other parts for the purpose of carrying on a Joint Trade to the North West Coast of America. And Whereas it has been found necessary to appoint James Colnett, Esq., now Commanding a Vessel called the Argonaut the Property of and in the Service of the said Richard Cadman Etches, John Etches, John Henry Cox, Daniel Beal, and others to command and in all Cases whatever to direct the operation of certain Vessels now employ'd in their service on the North West Coast of America, Sandwich Islands, &c, &c, viz.: Ephigenia, America, and Princess Royal in consequence of which I, Daniel Beal for myself, John Henry Cox, and others do hereby Authorise and empower the said James Colnett to take upon him the Command and Direction of the above-described Vessels and on all occasions to direct the operations as well of them as of any others that now are or may be hereafter employed in our Service and also to erect such Factories, and in such places, as he may deem advantageous and proper for promoting the general good and advantage of the Trade and service, hereby Strictly requiring all Officers and people whatever that now 24 THE COLNETT JOURNAL are or hereafter may be employ'd in the Service aforesaid to Obey and Cheerfully to follow such orders and Directions which he the said James Colnett may give in consequence of this Authority delegated to him. In witness wherof I have Hereunto set my hand and Seal at Canton this Third day of April One Thousand seven hundred and Eighty nine. Witness— J. Mears, Esq.., Power of Atty. to Captain Colnett I, John Mears do hereby Authorise and empower Captain James Colnett to take upon him the Command and direction of the Ephigenia Nubiana and North West America commanded by Captain William Douglas and Mr. Robert Funter and on all Occasions to direct the operations of them as well as of any others that now are or may be hereafter employ'd in my service and I also do empower the said James Colnett to take command of and direct any Factory or Factories that are now or may be establish'd on my Account on theNorth West Coast of America or elsewhere hereby strictly requiring all commanders, Officers, and people whatever that are now or may be employ'd in my service to obey and cheerfully follow such orders and directions which he the said Captain James Colnett may give in consequence of this authority delegated to him. In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and Seal at Macao this Tenth day of April one Thousand seven hundred and Eighty Nine. Witness— The Foregoing Instructions not at all suiting my Ideas nor corresponding to what was formerly talk'd of I found great Objections to them and waited on Mr. Beal and Signified it. First the Ephigenia was a dull sailer and I had experienc'd in my last Voyage what inconvenience attended such a Vessel on a Coast where I had reason to expect a great deal of beating to windward and had been prevented the last summer from going into Bays, Sounds and Harbours where the prevailing winds blew right in, apprehensive of the time I should lose beating out again. Secondly how necessary it was for a man who had the direction of the whole Coast to be in a prime sailer that when his Competitors arrived or fell in with him, that he might be able to make a quick Passage to direct his smaller Vessels and place them with himself in such a Situation as to destroy their trade which in a dull sailing Vessel was impossible for him to do. In consequence of this remonstrance it was proposed for the Ephigenia to return and instead of going to Macao to proceed under PRIOR TO SAILING ^5 English Colours to Whampoa. This Captain Mears Objected to saying the Governor would insist of her coming to Macao as she had sailed from thence under Portuguese Colours which would cause a great deal of Trouble. This was again done away by a proposal to send the Cargo home on freight in any Vessel to be met with on the Coast, Foreigners prefer'd. Thirdly I objected to the whole of the Cargoes collected to be sent this Year to Canton as it would glut the Market as it had been formerly talk'd of; in Answer to this Captain Mears with Mr. Beal propos'd fresh instructions to be drawn out wherein provision was to be made against some of those circumstances—which were to be given me when they came to take leave and see me sail which was propos'd to be on the 25th. I left them the 24th in the Eve., but blowing hard was detained on the water all night. Next day being Calm Mr. B[eal], C[aptain] M[eares] and several of the supercargoes came, but it was too late for our sailing as the vessel had grounded. Captain Mears now delivered me the orders. I read them slightly over and conceived as much displeasure at them as I had done at the former but too late now to enter into dispute on them and detain the Vessel. As our Competitors at this Port was nearly ready for sailing, a day's start would or might be greatly in our favour of them. As the wind at this time was favourable blowing from the S.W., I thought it more advisable to Sacrifice my own feeling, than the Interest of Mr. E[tches] should suffer. I saw at present it was impossible to mend it. Mr. B[eal], C[aptain] M[eares] and Company remain'd till next morning, 26th, when we weighed and Sail'd. Following is a Copy of the orders and a letter to Captain Douglas. To Captain James Colnett Sir, In addition to our Instructions of the 20th April1 we think it necessary notwithstanding anything contained therein to the contrary to Authorise you to detain the Argonaut on the Coast of America provided you can freight to China on moderate terms the Furs collected up to the latest period. We leave it entirely at your option whether to freight them on the Ships of Messrs. Etches or on any American that may be returning to this Country 1Colnett does not include the instructions of April 20. Possibly they are those reproduced by Meares in his Memorial and dated April 17. The Spanish translation by Martinez of Colnett's instructions contains no date. ~ 26 THE COLNETT JOURNAL of credit and responsibility. Should this point take place you will be particularly careful to manifest them and accomplish the same with every necessary form, transmitting a copy of your agreement to us. You will put Captain Wm. Douglas on board the Ship so freighted in Charge of the Furs as Supra Cargo and consign them to John Mears or in his absence to Messrs Cox and Beal, Canton. Accompanying is a sketch of a Manifest or something like it that we wish to be made use of. We certainly should prefer an American Ship1 to any of Messrs Etches on account of the predicament it would throw us into with the C[ompany] but as the amount of Freight on a Foreign Bottom might in this case become an Object to save we leave it at your option to make such agreements and take what steps as shall be for our interest, recommending to you not to disclose this point as it might operate on the freighters to enhance their price. In the event of this taking place you will embark in the Freighter's Vessel with Captain Douglas, as an additional security of an American Bottom, all such persons as you think necessary to return to China, amongst those, such of the Crew of the Ephe- genia as may wish to return, either Europeans or Chinese. We have the Strongest reasons to be dissatisfied with the Commander of the Princess Royal, Captain Hudson, and his Mate Mr. Jacks. We are extremely apprehensive for our property of the said Vessel and Cargo not only on account of the known Sentiments of Captain Hudson express'd at Macao and elsewhere, and our apprehensions are increas'd from the declarations he has made that he means not to be amenable to your orders; from those apprehensions and other concerning circumstances we order you to confer the Command of the Princess Royal on such Officer as you may esteem most deserving and you will permit Captain Hudson to embark on the freighted or returning Vessel to China. We have well-founded information that Mr. J[acks] Mate of the Princess Royal gave Copies of his own and Captain Hudson's Journals and Charts2 to Captain Mfetcalfe] that Commanded an American Ship when he was in China.3 This act of Mr. Jfacks] we esteem so extremely against himself and our service that we desire you to return him to China. Our displeasure is no less pointed against Mr. G[ibson] one of your Officers whose Acts of inhumanity exerted on the Coast of America render him extremely unfit for his being employed in our service; you will therefore return him to China. Those circumstances relative to the above-mentioned persons did not come to our knowledge till the departure of the Princess Royal from China or we most assuredly would have embraced the earliest Opportunity of dismissing them our service, but with regard to Mr. Gibson xThere were then only two American vessels on the coast: the ship Columbia and the sloop Washington. 2Hudson had only sailed on the Princess Royal on February 21; but it is explained later that the circumstances had come to light after his departure. "Jacks" is spelled "Jaques" in document No. 3 attached to Meares's Memorial. 3Captain Simon Metcalfe of the brig Eleanora. This paragraph and the two that follow are published in Appendix 3 to Meares's Memorial. PRIOR TO SAILING 27 we have put the small stock of his remaining merit against his situation and our promises prior to the discovery of his Character and we have form'd the resolution of employing him but one Season. As the dismissing of those Officers may put you to some inconvenience we shall write Messrs Shepperdson and Barnett to remain under your command and though they are Young yet we are convinced of their Value being entirely attach'd to our Interest and Service. The Command of the Ephigenia in the event of the Argonaut's remaining you will Proffer To Mr. R[obert D[uffin] with the Yearly Sum of Twelve Hundred Dollars—without any other allowance whatever. Mr. Rob. Funter Commanding the America will return home with Captain D[ouglas]. You will therefore make such arrangements with regard to the vacancy in her as you shall think necessary only that we do not authorise you to incur any additional expense to the Company by extra wages or otherwise above the present establishment. As it is probable that in the Autumn of 1790 you may meet with a Store Ship from England on the Company's Account we have the strongest hopes should this event happen, from her you will form the entire establishment of the Coast on such reasonable terms under the present that will meet our satisfaction and enable the Company through the medium of Economy to distress our competitors. It is probable however that all these engagements may be settled in England prior to the departure of the Store Ship. In this case you will resign the Charge of our concerns to those who are appointed to manage the same and return with the Officers and people empress'd from China in the Store Ship or the Argonaut whichever you think most Eligible; but rather apprehend that by the period above you will have so much Tonnage on the Coast that it will be needless detaining the Argonaut, more particularly as we shall want her in 1791 to return her again to the Coast.1 We have nothing more to repeat in addition to our former orders we remain, Yours &c.— d Macao, Apr. 25, 1789 Company's Orders by the Argonaut to Captain Douglas To Captain Wm. Douglas Sir, We think it necessary to inform you in addition to your former letter that it is probable that Captain Colnett may think it necessary for our interest and benefit to freight a Vessel for the purposes of conveying the furs to China and returning such of the Officers and Seamen whose time of service is up and expired. Should this event take place we invest you with the powers of Supra *This paragraph is reproduced in Appendix 3 to Meares's Memorial, but the two that precede it are omitted. The omission is not indicated. 28 THE COLNETT JOURNAL Cargo on board such freighted Vessel, taking particular care to comply with all such instructions that you may receive from Captain Colnett relative to the consignment and other material points. As every body empressed from China will be entitled to pay until the time of their return except there is material reasons to the contrary you will acquaint them that though they may embark on any Ship or Vessel so freighted we nevertheless expect a full compliance with the Articles they have signed and a constant attention to our interest and Obedience to our orders. We have wrote Messrs. Barnett and Sheppardson relative to their remaining another season on the Coast, of which we now apprise you. If your property is embark'd on a freighted bottom the greatest care and Vigilance must at all time be exerted. We remain &c.— Macao, Apl. 25, 1789 When the agreement between Mr. John Etches was signed with Mr. Beal Captain Mears presented me with his Log Book in which was his orders delivered to Captain Douglas for his Route and Conduct after he left him on the Coast, but about a fortnight before I was ready to sail he requested his Book again as he had no Copy of it. I requested time to Copy his orders to Captain Douglas and Funter which follow— Orders of Captain Mears to Captain Douglas before Union of Companies]1 To Captain Wm. Douglas Commanding the Ephigenia Nubiana Sir, As I mean to proceed as soon as the America is Launched to the Sandwich Islands and from thence to China so the whole charge of the Ephigenia Nubiana, and N.W. America will devolve on you. As I entertain the Strongest Opinion of your Capacity to conduct so weighty a charge yet nevertheless I think it necessary to point out the route you are to pursue after I separate from you. I have no doubt of your abilities to put in execution any measure or plan for the benefit of your employers and as you have already given a Sufficient proof of it in your late Voyage so in the active scheme that I am about to point out I have no ' doubt but your diligence and Caution will be doubled to bring the future Voyage to a happy conclusion. I take the liberty to mention this act as it will require ye utmost attention, your utmost application and perseverance aThese instructions, with verbal differences, will be found in Appendix No. v, in Meares's Voyages. The final paragraph has, however, been omitted. PRIOR TO SAILING 29 to put in execution such plans as I shall lay down for the Benefit of your employers; as I place before you so extensive a field to employ your abilities in I am well assured that you will take advantage of it, and shew the world that in my Opinion of you I have not been Mistaken. In order to put every resource in your power that I can to ensure you success I have supplied you with every Species of Stores that was in the Felice Adventurer, yet nevertheless from the scanty Supply that I have been enabled to give, you will have difficulties to conquer which will cost you all your Vigilance in persevering against. The material supplies I have given you of flour and bread will I flatter myself be of essential consequence added to the supply that you will receive at the Islands. You will salt down your Pork there which I recommend to you to be particularly careful in curing, following the directions of Captain Cook as by not observing this, C[aptain] C[olnett] of the Prince of Wales lost the greatest part of his Provisions before he reached the Latitude of 30°N., on his proceeding to the Coast of America. For this purpose I have given you all the Casks in my Ship except the Ground Tier. The next object of your attention should be vegetables particularly the Yams;1 of them you will obtain such a Quantity as I trust will prove a great refreshment even on the Coast of America. During the time you are at the Islands, I recommend to you serving no Bread as the abundance and variety of Vegetables there will render it needless and such a saving in your present state will tend materially to the success of your Voyage; the same precaution I recommend about the Flour. As your spirits are entirely done and none to Supply you with, in Lieu of which I have sent you all the spruce I had also Molasses to make Beer. You will use this supply at your pleasure and as there will not be Molasses sufficient I recommend to you trying at the Islands the Experiment of Boiling Sugar cane of which Captain Cook made a pleasant and agreeable Beer for his Crew;2 but if you make a Syrup it will be particularly grateful to your people with Tea as I have no sugar to supply you with and your own being entirely done. You will try the Possibility of distilling Rum for which purpose I send you a still and Copper. If these points are happily effected you will find yourself possessed of resources to put in Execution the Plan that I put before you. Nevertheless I have the greatest reliance on your being able to conquer every difficulty. From the Information I have received from the Princess Royal I think xNiihau, one of the Hawaiian islands, was the great source of supply of yams. For Captain Cook's method of curing pork, see his Voyage (London, 1784), vol. II, book in, chap, vm, p. 135. Colnett in his MS Journal of his first voyage says that in March, 1788, he salted at Kauai and Niihau "sixteen barrels and puncheons of pork for sea store," but he does not mention the method or the alleged loss. 8In 1788 Colnett also tried Captain Cook's experiment of making a beverage from sugar cane; he says it "was very well liked, but the sweet root called tea made the best beer." I lit 30 THE COLNETT JOURNAL it necessary to warn you of the Danger attending your stay at those Isles where a Crew immerg'd and drown'd in pleasure may become but too easy a prey to so daring and resolute a people.1 Your Judgement will point out to you to draw your principal resources of Provisions from Owhyee the windermost Isles. The danger of anchoring here is but too evident from the multitude of people. With the Bay of Mowee2 you are sufficiently acquainted; here I recommend you to Anchor, if a Spot free from Coral Rock can be found. For though Titerree is sovereign of Mowee, Morotoi and the adjacent Isles3 yet the Factions subsisting between the lesser chiefs will in all probability prevent their combining to commit Hostilities on you. The Distance you lie also off the Shore will in some measure tend to your security and amongst the whole Group of those Islands I know no place so eligible provided good Anchoring Ground can be found. When the trade wind Blows it comes down in such refreshing breezes from the summit of the mountains and meliorates against the scorching heat of the sun everywhere pernicious. When the trade ceases and N.W. wind blows you have several large and Capacious Channels to put to sea through and the Danger of a Lee Shore is removed; and permit me to observe that this is the only station you can Occupy amongst all those Isles where this Danger can be avoided and it is a danger so apparent that let me entreat you the moment you see it Blacken in the N.W. to put to sea without a moment's loss of time as the only means of safety. The savage appearance of the People of Wahoa [Oahu] will I should suppose render your stay at that Island very Short. The Populousness of Atooi [Kauai] may deter you from making any long stay at Wymea Bay; you will finally close your route at Oneehow [Niihau] where I trust you will guard carefully against the art and cunning of Tyo and Abinue for I think them dreadful mercenary Villains. As they attempted to Poison4 the Crew of the Prince of Wales and Princess Royal you will guard against so artful an attempt by inspecting the Cocoa Nuts, Yams, &c, &c, making the Seller taste each. From Tiana6 we have a true knowledge of the Extreme of this Poison which operates so instantaneously. Should you discover such an attempt I recommend you to seize those concerned and administer the deadly poison to them. It will in the end save an effusion of Blood and as an attempt of this nature cannot be done without the knowledge of Tyo and Abinui6 such wickedness ought 1Colnett's MS Journal of his first voyage contains a lengthy account of the attempts on the Prince of Wales and Princess Royal in.1788. 2Lahaina, on the island of Maui. 3Maui, Molokai, Lanai, and Kahoolawe. "Titerree" is Kahekili. 4Colnett's MS Journal of his first voyage tells of such a plan; but it was not attempted. The vessels' crews were warned by one of the women. 'Kaiana, a chief of Kauai whom Meares had taken to China in 1787 and brought to Hawaii in 1788. See Portlock's Voyage (London, 1790), pp. 359 ff. The traders' views of him varied greatly. 'The King Kaeo and the second chief Opunui, of Kauai. PRIOR TO SAILING 1 to be made an example of. The commerce that the natives of Atooi have had with Europeans has operated so much on their natures that no caution, no Vigilance can be sufficient. On no account suffer more than 1 or 2 on your Decks at one time. Keep people constantly in your Tops with arms ready, your Guns Loaded and primed; and never permit the Natives to swim about your Ship as most assuredly you will have your Cables Cut.1 I trust you will procure a sufficient supply of Cordage;2 and I should imagine that the mats, Cloth, &c, &c, might be held in as much request on the Northern Stations of America as they are on the Southern; you will therefore purchase as you think proper for the American Market. I have great hopes that Tiana will be of great service to you. To this chief I recommend you to be particularly attentive. The placing him agreeable to his wishes either on his relations' account Tome-To-me hava [Kamehameha] the Sovereign of this Island and Atooi or with his Brother Name-tehau and family on the latter Island I felt myself much interested in. Whatever Tiana's Ambition may be on seeing himself so powerfully supported yet we must not lose sight of prudence in telling our friend we shall prove his heartmost faithful one in placing him exactly in the Station we took him from. We must therefore not let his Ambition Stimulate on the one hand nor our own desires on the other, to name our friend to occupy a Station ever envied among mankind. Through the generosity of Mr. Cox3 he returns abundantly rich to the Circle of his friends though greatly deserving in himself yet the line of prudence must not be passed and the Example of Qmia* shews us the danger attending the smiles of Fortune even among savage Tribes. Independent of any other Consideration a fruitless contest may be maintain'd which might evidently be extremely detrimental. You will therefore dismiss him with such presents in addition to that he now has as you may think proper to confer on him and as you know his Language so well I entreat you to meet his Ideas of happiness as far as prudence permits or Circumstances put it in your power. The Island of Oneehow furnishes the Pearl Oyster. You will endeavour to Let Tiana6 know the treasure they contain and the importance of them JThis was a common complaint of the traders. Sometimes it was justified, but at others the injury to the cable was probably the result of the attrition of the coral rocks. 2Rope made from the bark of the hau tree, from the coco-nut husk, or, in the smaller sizes, from the inner bark of the olona. 8John Henry Cox. See page 4, note 6. 'Omai, the young Tahitian, who was brought to England by Captain Furneaux in 1774 and returned by Captain Cook in 1777. See Boswell's Life of Johnson (Croker ed.), p. 497; Smith's Life of Sir Joseph Banks, pp. 41 ff.; and generally, Cook's Third Voyage (London, 1784), vol. I. 'Vancouver and Ingraham had a different opinion of Kaiana from that entertained by Meares and Colnett. I 32 THE COLNETT JOURNAL to us and I have some hopes that during the time you stay you will fully ascertain that Point.1 If you think proper to see the new discovered Island said to lie to the N.W. of Atooi2 you will in this or in any other point be guided by your own Judgement. As soon as the America3 is Launched I shall proceed on my voyage to China when you will take on you the direction of future Operations. As you have now so scanty a Supply of Salt Provisions on board and the procuring of fish very Precarious I recommend to you to make the best of your way to the Sandwich Islands as soon as the America is ready for sea, but in this you will be directed by your Judgement and the supply of fish. Should you procure enough of this article to permit you to stay on the Coast till the end of October to employ this time to Advantage I recommend you to steer to the Lat. 46° and trace as much of the Coast from 46° to 40° as you can; as this month is esteemed tolerably good. You may fortunately Light on a new tribe by exploring this part of the Coast which I have the Strongest reason to imagine inhabit those parts. I have knowledge that the Spaniards have obtained a Prodigious number of Otter skins which were brought to Manilla in the Galleons and from thence to Macao where I saw them. I am morally sensible they were not purchased to the Northward of 46°. as nowhere did I meet with one Item of the Manufacture of Spain, either Iron or Copper.4 This part of America is now all that remains to be known to us and so fortunate a moment be seized it will either determine us in future to give up this Southern pretension as unproductive of Mercantile advantages or seek sea Otters in those parts. It becomes a Question where did the Spaniards procure those Skins and.this point I hope you will be able to clear up so as next year to make us able to take advantage of any discovery you may be able to make. I ever meant at some fortunate period to explore that part of the Coast. The necessity of my immediate proceeding to China will prevent anything of that on my part and you, having the America to Assist you, will I trust be able to perform it effectually should you determine to spend the Month of October on the Coast; but I leave this to your Judgement and concurrent Circumstances. ^ohn Kendrick, master of the Washington, was the first to seek pearls in the Hawaiian islands. 2Necker island, about three hundred miles northwesterly from Kauai, discovered by La Perouse on November 1, 1786. 3The schooner North West America, built at Nootka sound in September, 1788. 4Martinez's MS Diary of 1789 says that the Californias produce many sea- otter skins. Twenty years later many trading vessels resorted to the coast of California for these skins. Meares is exaggerating as usual. When he voyaged along the coast from Cape Flattery to about 45° in 1788 he was far out at sea and only obtained two skins south of that cape, so that he had no opportunity to learn much about the trade there. PRIOR TO SAILING 33 The knowledge we have now obtained of the Coast of America, of the Periodical Winds and Seasons give us the advantage of all competitors. The Year 1789 must be viewed by both of us as the most productive of any we may expect. Having these views before us our exertions must be doubled to effectually sweep the Coast before any Ship from Europe can arrive. In order to effect this you will Leave the Sandwich Isles as soon as possible in the Year '89, and at the same time for fear of accidents or separation give your Orders to Mr. Funter, that he may be able to proceed and put his part of the Plan in Execution. The Northern district of America I leave to you, and the America; the Southern I shall take myself from China and I am not without hope that by the 1st May 1789 I shall reach the Continent. I then shall proceed as circumstances arise and let me range which way I will to the Southward I shall not attempt to get to the Northward of Nootka. On your part I have no doubt of your arriving on the Coast of America somewhere about the Period of the 1st April '89. At this time the Monsoon will be set in, which experience has taught us blows close home to the American Shore. Therefore to embrace this advantage that this Monsoon affords in the room of going directly to the Northward and as you have the Credit of discovering the Great Island1 the N.W. side of which comprehending nearly 4° of Latitude [is] entirely undiscovered I therefore recommend your making Cape S. James2 the Southern Extremity of the great Island as the first point on the Coast of America. Should you find yourself retarded by the America being a bad sailer you will proceed singly to the Coast of America and leave her to follow at her leisure to put in Execution your Instructions, but as this is a very unlikely Circumstance and that you will find her a prime sailer, in that case you will proceed in company to the Coast of America until you make cape St. James when she will directly separate from you. As you steer along the N.W. side of the great Island you will explore it minutely to the height of 54°. where resides a Chief whose district is Large where Cfaptain] D[ixon] procured in a few hours 200 Cloaks or 600 Skins.* Between this Chief's residence and Cape S. James lies a part of the Coast unexplored* and we may not flatter ourselves vainly that in such an extent of Land there reside many Chiefs and numerous Inhabitants. The Monsoon will gently blow along this coast and as you will have time and the season before you, you will explore it to the purpose. Having performed this point from which great advantages may be obtained you will of course proceed ^ueen Charlotte islands, discovered and named by Captain George Dixon in August, 1787. The claim by Meares that they were discovered by Captain William Douglas was bitterly attacked by Dixon in his Remarks on Meares's Voyages (1789), p. 31. discovered and named by Dixon in July, 1787. 3Dixon\s Cloak bay, between Langara island and Graham island. *This statement is incorrect. The western coast of Queen Charlotte island* had been discovered and examined by Dixon in 1787. "H 34 THE COLNETT JOURNAL to Otter sound and that Bay you were pleased to name after me.1 From hence you will gradually proceed toP[rince] W[illiam's] sound exploring the Various Places on the Coast where you have already been and with which you are so well acquainted, particularly Cross sound which appears to be of superior consequence. In pursuing this track I recommend your arriving there the 20th of May where you ought I think to remain till the 1st June in order if possible to draw something from Cooks River;2 I would by no means advise your going there as it is now so totally possessed by the Russians the proceeding there would only be a waste of the most Valuable time. On the first of June therefore you will leave the Sound and again proceed to the Southward, retracing your old Stations, collecting the furs as they are killed until you come to the Place you have appointed to meet the America. That period I beg may not be later than 1st August 1789. As there is a Sufficient field to employ the America between the Lat. of 50° N. and 43° 30' so in this Station will she Occupy. Therefore let your orders to Mr. Funter be clear and Explicit. When you separate at Cape St. James he will proceed into the great Channel3 and steer up the N.E. end of the great Island as high as 54° 30' and be employed alternately between the Island and the Main Land of America a plan of which is now in your possession as well as informations of the Chiefs and their places of Residence of them. The Paper of intelligence respecting this which I fortunately procured accompanies these Instructions. A Copy of this you will give to Mr. Funter with a strict Charge not to proceed to the N.W. side of the great Island without you. In your progress here should [you] see Occasion to direct him the America is so well adapted to this Station that we cannot but congratulate ourselves on Building such a Vessel to occupy so material a Station. When the wind blows hard from the great Island she has but to seek shelter on the American Shore amongst the numerous Bays and Harbours that are there where reside numerous Inhabitants; when she is driven from this Station by strong winds the Eastern Shore of the great Island affords a certain Asylum particularly the Harbour of Princess Royal. There will she be employed until the period that you appoint for the rendezvous arrives, which I trust will be about the beginning of August. By this time she will have travers'd repeatedly the head of the great Island, the northeastern Shore of the same and all the main Continent of 50° 30' to 54° 30'. Thus every Inch of ground between Prince William's sound and Nootka will be occupied and repeatedly travers'd except the N.W. side of the great Island and as here again you may expect a further supply since you left it I leave it entirely to your Option and discretion to permit the America to run down this station on her way to Join me at Nootka. When you meet at the time appointed you will write me fully of your xOtter sound is, perhaps, Sea Otter harbour north of Bucareli bay. The bay referred to is, perhaps, Port Meares, one of the Kaigahnee harbours in southern Alaska. Meares's description of them is so vague that satisfactory identification js impossible. 2Cook inlet, Alaska. 'Hecate strait, between Queen Charlotte islands and the mainland. PRIOR TO SAILING 35 proceedings and you will proceed with the Ephigenia Nubiana with all dispatch to Mednoi or Copper Island1 where I trust you will arrive by the 10th Sept., or at least before the North Western sets in. In performing this part of your Instructions I leave you to act as discretion and as circumstances arise. You may meet with or hear of other Ships being on Your Station with whom you will have to contend or other material Circumstances which may occasion a deviation from these orders; I therefore leave you entirely free as I must repeat I do also in every other point. I have pointed out the object of Copper Island and no season appears so favourable to put it into Execution as the month of August, by which period I trust both you and the America will have swept the Northern Stations effectually; at least what's left to be done you will point in your orders to Mr. Funter to perform previous to his Joining me at Nootka, in which place I shall await his arrival until 21st November '89 where seeing nothing of him on the N.W. I shall proceed to the Sandwich Isles and wait yours and his arrival in Whymea Bay in the Island of Atooi or at the anchoring ground Island Onehow2 until the 1st day of Jan. 1790 when seeing nothing of you or the America I shall conclude that some fatal accident has happen'd and make the best of my way to China. This period leaves time for the Completion of all Operations, yet I hope the Felice and America will reach the Islands by the 1st Dec. 1789. I here leave discretional powers with you, fearful of contingent circumstances which may arise which no foresight can guard against. You will perceive how much I rely on your Judgement and abilities. Favourable winds may permit you to reach Copper Island by the 1st Sept., when you will explore the Island and endeavour to find a place of Shelter against the approaching Equinoctial ever to be dreaded in high Northern Latitudes. If the Copper Ore is in Huge Masses3 you must blow them up with Gunpowder and lade on board as much as you can with safety to your Ship also of Sandalwood or any other sweet scented wood4 that you can find. Having performed this you will embrace the Northerly winds which by this time are set in and proceed direct to Join me at the Leeward- most Isles as before directed when the future Operations will be tried for the returning Ship to proceed to China. There is one point which I most particularly recommend to your attention. In your Journal mention is made of prodigious Sounds which Inclines you to imagine a N.W. passage may exist. Such a thing is not impossible as I can by no means give credit to Mr. Hearn's track which at once removes what the world esteems an inseparable Obstacle to the reality of such a 1Mednyii island, near Bering isle, supposed to be rich in copper. In 1786 James Strange ordered his consort, the Captain Cook, to visit this island to collect the metal, but the venture was a failure. . 2Waimea bay; Kauai; Niihau, in the Hawaiian islands. 'Compare the description of the mineral wealth of Copper island as given in Coxe's Russian Discoveries (3rd ed., 1787).. p. 206. 4Douglas to whom these instructions are given was, with John Kendrick, the earliest to dream of establishing a trade in sandalwood. This was in 1790. The trade was not fully developed until about 1810. 1 36 THE COLNETT JOURNAL Passage. Strange as it may appear I believe it nevertheless true that Captain Cook never saw any part of the Continent of America until he reached the 60° of Latitude. Nor any other navigator either preceding or after till our time, if we except Captain Colnett's and Duncan's Voyage, throws a light on the esteem'd Fabulous Voyage of Admiral Defont. It brings the Archipelago of S. Lazarus within the Line of probability and without much Vanity or assuming much credit I have ascertained the imagin'd Straights of Juan de Fuca to be a reality.1 The Islands of Ice seen by you in Cross sound raises a Question of the highest importance to the English nation and throws such lights when join'd with other Concurrent Circumstances as must engage much attention more particularly when we have the greatest reason to imagine that both the Charts and Journals of Admiral de Font are fictitious then circumstances impress on our minds the possibility yet remaining of such a noble discovery being made yet.2 Though my expectations may rise with yours and my wishes keep pace with you which may render us anxious to make such a discovery yet to such an attempt I can by no means consent; Commerce is our view and should we effect the intention of our employers by wasting time to effect that which at best is precarious we should lose that Character of Prudence which I trust we shall reap from bringing the Voyage to a happy conclusion. I therefore recommend to you in the most serious manner not to entangle yourself too far in those immense Sounds or Lakes so that a waste of time may ensue and consequently the Loss of the most valuable Season that we are likely to have except you can make Discovery and commerce go hand in hand. From this Prudence I trust nothing will permit you to deviate. Wishing you a happy and successful Voyage which I am certain must be the case if the same ability the same Industry is observed and executed, I remain &c Felice Adventurer Friendly Cove, Nootka Sound Orders Prior to the Union of Companies To Mr. Robert Funter 2nd Officer of the Felice Adventurer Commanding the America Sir, The very active manner which you have exerted yourself in superintending the Building of the America has induced me to give the Command 1On the alleged voyages of de Fuca and de Fonte see, Navarrete Viages y Descubrimentos Apocrifos (Madrid, 1849), pp. 102 ff., 134 ff., and, Henry R* Wagner Apocryphal Voyages to Coast of America {Proceedings of American Antiquarian Society, 1931, pp. 184 ff., 190 ff;). 2Meares was a believer in the existence of a North West Passage. See his "Observations on the Probable Existence of a North West Passage" in his Voyages (London, 1790), pp. xli ff. T PRIOR TO SAILING 31 of her and I trust that no future behaviour of yours will make me repent the Step I have taken; And as I am responsible to my employers for my conduct in this point so I am sensible you will exert yourself so as yet further to recommend yourself to them, and I know no way so effectual as studying their interest and you may rest assured that in time you will rise to a more Conspicuous Situation in their Employ. As I shall proceed directly to China you must in future Consider yourself as under the orders of Captain Douglas and obey him accordingly you being not responsible for any steps he desires you to pursue. But as a Period will come when he will separate from you, you must during that time conduct yourself in such a manner and exert every abilities in your power to accomplish the good of the Concern and as the Charge you have put under your care is great and of high importance so your utmost diligence and Prudence is necessary to conduct yourself and Vessel. Unlimited trust and Confidence is placed in you, and I am sure I have not given an Order, that on any Account you will deviate from; your Character is too much at stake for your future expectations in this part of the World relying entirely on the manner you conduct yourself that I must inform you that a negligence in guarding over the Interest of your employers is equally bad as neglecting it entirely. I charge you in the Strictest manner never to connive at any persons trading for themselves either on board the America or elsewhere. Should you discover such you will denote the same in the Log Book and as it may be as difficult a matter at the time as well as detrimental to the Voyage to immediately detect it, you will therefore wait a proper Opportunity of meeting with some of your employers' Vessels in order to bring the Offenders to Punishment as on no account it must be looked over. They will be punished to the utmost limits of the Articles they have signed. I have put Mr. Shepardson with you. He is very young and very heedless. Make some allowances but keep him strictly to his Duty and leave the Vessel as little as Possible in his Charge. Captain Douglas will give you the necessary orders for your future Conduct in all points and as I have been so particular to him in all points it will be needless to say much to you. I desire you will husband your articles of Trade as much as Possible and make the natives sensible of their Value and as you will in all probability have to do with Natives and tribes that hitherto have had no knowledge of Europeans you will take advantage of their Ignorance to keep the Price of your Merchandise up. You are so well acquainted with this commerce that what I have said will be entirely sufficient. You will have a fair Log Book kept for your employers wherein every minute Transaction is recorded, particularly the receipt and Expenditure of Stores, the purchase of all Furs, and the good or bad behaviour of your Crew. You will make Charts of the sea Coasts, Harbours, and Islands you visit, and all proper remarks as nothing can recommend a Young man so Strongly. I "1 38 THE COLNETT JOURNAL In my Instructions delivered to you going on shore at Nootka House to reside, I have mentioned several points which I here purposely omit. I therefore recommend your reperusing those Instructions carefully. As you will have many hands on board the America, so your Caution and vigilance against any attack of the Natives must be doubled, particularly as they may be attempted to commit depredations on you. Should they ever attempt such, the first impression you leave on them will in the end save an effusion of Blood. For the purpose of defence I leave you the Musketoons and Brass 3 Pounders which with the Iron 2 Pounders of Captain Douglas will be entirely Sufficient. At the Sandwich Isles your caution and diligence must be doubled in every position but the protection the Ephigenia will be able to give you eases my alarms relative to your safety. At these perfidious Isles Captain Douglas will warn you of all the impending Danger, &c. If you can procure a hardy willing fellow from the Isles to embark with you to increase your strength1 in this as in everything else you will be guided by Captain Douglas. The supplies which you will draw from these Isles must be such as will last you for one Year as Captain Douglas will communicate the time you are to meet me which will be at this distant period therefore you here see at once how much you must exert yourself. For Cordage you must entirely depend on what you procure there, which you will be able to manufacture at leisure. In Short the ability you shew in conducting the America will either retard or hasten your employers to give you a better Ship. Accompanying are such Charts as I can possibly spare you and a set of Captain Cook's Voyages for the better conducting your Vessel but a good lookout is better than all the Charts in the World. The Copy of a Paper of information relative to the Station you are to be employed in will be delivered you by Captain Douglas. It will be of great Service and I trust you will be able to finish what Captain Duncan has left undone in these parts, and that you will be enabled to give a proper account of the Ports, Harbours, and Inhabitants that reside here. When the time of your rendezvous is drawing near, on no account let the prospect of trivial advantage delay your punctuality in being there, as such a deviation would in all probability defeat the various plans in hand and with which you may be unacquainted. In the course of your Voyage and stay along the Coast of America I desire you will permit no curiosity to be purchased on any Account as it is very detrimental to the commerce carried on for more Valuable articles. You will always take such notice of any Article as may in Your Judgement turn to* some account and profit to your employers, preserve small samples of all the kinds of Ochres, Minerals, &c, &c, that you see particularly Copper ore, which I have reason to Imagine is in Abundance in the district you are to occupy. You are on no Account to hoist any Colours until such time as your employers give you orders for 'The earliest suggestion of using Hawaiians to strengthen a vessel's crew on the coast. J PRIOR TO SAILING 39 this purpose except in taking possession of any new discovered land; you will then do it with the usual Formalities for the Crown of Great Britain.1 I recommend you to keep your people at a proper distance as on board so small a vessel it will be more necessary on many accounts. Wishing you success &c. Felix Adventurer Friendly Cove Nootka Sound xThis sentence is the only portion of these instructions that Meares reproduces in his Memorial: Appendix No. vi. He gives its date as September 10, 1788. Ill 1 CHAPTER II REMARKS FROM CHINA TO DEPARTURE FROM JAPAN A PRIL 26th [1789], at nine in the morning weighed as before "^ mentioned and came to sail with a fresh breeze from N.W. steering for the Southward of the Grand Ladrone, not approving of the inner Passage with a vessel Lumbered to the Gunnells having many Casks of water and Cables coiled on deck with great part of a Boat of 92 feet Keel in frame which I was carrying out to set up on the Coast of America.1 The difference of the Navigation being only a few leagues it could be no object in the Length of seas I was going to Cross when put in Competition with the unpleasant situation I should be placed in to meet with variable winds and Blowing weather among Isles in the night. At Noon Latitude Observed 22°, Grand Lema E., Cap Rock the Southern Islet of the Asses Ears E. 12° S. During the afternoon it fell little wind; at 8 in the Evening Asses Ears N., distance off Shore 4 or 5 Miles, wind haul'd round to the N.E. Quarter. By Midnight it blew fresh and brought us under close reef'd Topsails and foresail; Vessel laboured much and made a Spell at the pumps every two hours. I at this time thought I was fortunate being in an Open sea and being provided against what I fear'd would happen when we sail'd; for in addition to our lumbered state the Chinamen, most of them never having seen salt water before, Imagined they certainly were going to be drowned, tumbling about in a most helpless state, and two or three that were not panic-struck were so credulous and superstitious afterwards on the others declaring their Father, Mother, or some of their relations had appeared to them in a Dream informing them Joss was come for them which several were so certain would happen that they cry'd incessantly. At Six o'Clock in the Morning Tacked and stood in for the Land. As we drew near the shore it moderated and the ^This vessel was never built by the company. From Martinez's MS Diary it seems that the Spaniards used the materials in the construction of a schooner at Nootka sound in 1789. In his amended claim for damages Meares called her the Jason and estimated his loss at £2943, 3s. 2d. See the Archives Report, 1913 (Victoria, B.C., 1914), pp. v, 35. See, also post note 2, p. 204. 40 Pedro Blanco (White rock), a familiar navigation mark in the China sea, near Macao. mm r ^ CHINA AND JAPAN 41 China Men's Countenances and fears cleared up with the weather. This forenoon the Gunner having occasion to go down in the Gun room discover'd the leak to be in one of the wooden ends in the Larboard Quarter and supposed to be near the Surface of the water. This determined me should the weather continue Moderate on getting in with the Shore to come to an Anchor and endeavour to stop the Leak; at Noon the 27th, Latitude Observed, 21° 45'; Asses Ears N.W. by N., and Grand Lema N.|E. distant 6 or 7 Leagues. On the Sun's passing the Meridian it fell little wind inclining to Calm; at 4 P.M., came to Anchor in 23 fathoms the Sandwich Isle Indian1 went overboard and discovered the leak and the Carpenter with Assistance Stopt it by. Caulking some oakum in and nailing a piece of lead over and the Vessel was got under weigh again in the space of an hour from first anchoring; the wind at this Time had Shifted to the Eastward and unluckily for us as we were too near the Shore to take advantage of a Slant to the Northward, the swell setting Boldly on the Shore of the Asses Ears. With little wind was oblig'd to tack and stand to the Southward with flattering hopes that by midnight should have an offing with the present winds at E.S.E., to enable us to weather the Grand Lema; in this was disappointed for soon after Tacking, wind came from E.N.E., so that we only went off and on shore on the Opposite points and at daylight had fell considerably to leeward of my last night's station; stood in within two or three Miles of the Shore and Tacked; at Noon the 28th, the Asses Ears N.fW., distant 4 or 5 Leagues, Latitude Observed 21° 39'. In the Course of the afternoon as the sun got round to the Westward wind Varied a little to the Eastward and Northward and on his rising inclined again to the Southward, but the whole Variation for the 24 hours was not a point each way. The current for the last day set to the Eastward and Northward. At Noon the 29th, Latitude Observed 21 ° 38', Grand Lema N.W. by W.|W., 10 Leagues; the 30th the wind Varied as Yesterday and towards noon fell little wind. Pedro Blanco, the Current had set us considerably to the Northward and something to the Westward of. May 1st, the whole day little or no wind. Vessel scarcely steerage way by. While in sight of 1This is the boy Mataturay who figures prominently in Colnett's troubles in Mexico. Colnett gives the whole story of .his connection with this lad in his letter to the viceroy, dated May 1, 1790, post, p. 105. I mm 42 THE COLNETT JOURNAL US Pedro Blanco we were set fast to the Eastward and Southward; at Noon Latitude 22° 25', Kin-ngo Pt. North 6 Leagues. During the Afternoon three of the Pigeons flew overboard and were drown'd. It continued a light air and Variable till midnight at which time it clouded in and became squally with rain at times, and wind Shifted to the N.E. by E., and fix'd with fresh Breezes and cloudy weat[her]; Latitude at Noon the 2nd 22° 30'. Land covered with Haze. All the 3rd the winds varied but one Point, Viz. from N.E. [to N.E.] by E., kept sounding every hour; bottom very regular, shoaling as we near'd the Shore—13 fathoms [at] 4 or 5 Leagues. At Noon Latitude Observed 22° 52', Hemenso point N.W., distant 7 or 8 Leagues. The Current for the last 24 hours setting to the Northward and Eastward at the rate one Mile and half Per Hour. In the Afternoon several fishing Boats came on board; purchased a Sufficient Quantity of fish for all hands. This was a thanksgiving day for the Chinamen who had recovered from their first fright and their sea Sickness which had given them an additional appetite which they made known to me requesting more rice, but as I thought a Catty1 a day full sufficient and going to a Country where no supplies could be had did not comply with their request. They had also given over dreaming of their Relations. I found it necessary to hit on an Expedient to put a Stop to that Chimera of the Brain for, truly laughable as it was, it had a bad effect on those that could not dream or had no relations to dream of. I threatened the dreamers should they dream again and communicate it, to put them to half allowance; this had the desired effect. All the fourth the winds as Yesterday and soundings. Also tacked occasionally during the night; got into strong current; at daylight found ourselves about two leagues to the westward of some isles and rocks, soundings 16 fathoms. As the weather was very hazy at first could not account for our Situation, but on Standing over to the Westward and getting sight of the main concluded myself to be in the Bight between Wan-ngoa and Ma-cuih-hou,2 and that the Current fell in with in the night had drawn us in here but I had no Chart that lay down Isles in this direction as N.E. by E. and S.W. by W. distant 8 or 9 Leagues from the Main. In the 1A catty was about one and a half pounds avoirdupois. 2The Argonaut is in the inside channel to the westward of Formosa near ilmW' Swatow harbour. J Colnett's sketch of the Lamock islands off the coast of China near the entrance of Swatow harbour. ■^ CHINA AND JAPAN 43 Bight within us was a large fleet of Boats which I took to be fishing in the Channel up to Tepang-vang-hien. At | past 3 Tacked and stood thro' among Rocks—Channel 3 or 4 Miles wide, Soundings 16 fathoms. On the other side is a Sketch of the Isles.1 Remarks at South Formosa At Noon Latitude Observed 23° 11'; the largest of the Isles passed among in the Morning, N. 23° W. distant 9 or 10 Miles, Soundings 23 fathoms as on the foregoing side is sketched. The Southmost part of these Isles is very dangerous, small Rocks and Breakers lying a considerable distance off; the Northmost of those Isles or Rocks as three as 1. 2. 3. of a Moderate Height and Barren ; 'Si with seemingly a good channel between of three or four miles wide. We passed between the Southmost of the three Barren Isles and the largest of the Rocks as A. All the 5th winds were between the N.E. by E. and N.E. by N., squally cloudy weather with rain at times and lightning in the N.W., and a large Ball of fire seen in the S.E. Near Noon the wind varied a little to the Northward and fix'd at N., Latitude Observed 23° 07'. Little after the sun passed the Meridian wind freshened with a confus'd sea from the Northward; by four increased to a heavy Gale with small Rain at times and reduced us to a low sail. Vessel laboured greatly and made much water. At 6 in the evening shipped one of the heaviest seas I ever saw fall on board a Vessel, the spray breaking in the Body of the main tops; did no damage as yet felt. At two o'Clock in the morning it moderated and wind inclined to the Westward. Set close reef'd fore Topsail. At daylight soundings twenty fathoms, sand and Shells. Found by our soundings the current must have set to the Northward and our Situation near the Pascodores. At 10 the weather broke and wind moderated; made sail, saw one of the Pascodores2 bearing E. 4 or 5 Leagues. At Noon Latitude Observed 23° 22' Soundings 24 fathoms, sand and shells, one of the Pascadores E. by N. 3 or 4 Leagues. On the other side is a sketch of the two I saw. They xThe current has taken the Argonaut to the westward of the Lamock islands near Swatow on the coast of China. 'These islands were not in the group now known as the Pascadores. They are in the Hetto Retto (Rover group), slightly southward of the present Pascadores, westward of Formosa. vi m ft la 81 mm lliit 44 THE COLNETT JOURNAL were of a moderate height; the Southmost one and first made was the highest and on several Points of view shews like a Dome of a Church. The more distant one appear'd Tabling on Top Gradually descending at each end. They do not appear to be dangerous— soundings being deep near them and when 7 or 8 Leagues to the Northward and westward had 40 fathoms. Three of those Isles were seen and the Channels between are at least 3 or 4 Miles and we did not observe the least break of a sea or anything that Indicated foul ground in them and what makes it a Safe navigation between this and the China Shore in thick weather or no Observation is: near the first the water deepens quicker with sand and Shells Sounding, and on the Opposite or China shore Shoals regular on a Bottom of mud provided the Soundings are as we found them. South Formosa The 7th, the first part till midnight winds in the N.W. and then Calm which was succeeded by a light air from S.E. Soundings for the night 30 fathoms. At 8 o'Clock in the morning one of Pascodores S.E., 5 or 6 Leagues. The winds came to the S.W. with moderate Breezes and fine weather, Latitude Observed 24° 11'. In the Course of this forenoon found several Sheets of Copper missing off the Bottom, supposed to have been started when the heavy sea was Ship'd in the late gale; Wind continued in the S.W. quarter all the 8th with pleasant weather. P.M., saw a large Junk standing to the Southward; at 4 o'Clock A.M. saw the North end of the Island Formosa very high land bearing E. by N. 10 or 11 Leagues. Latitude at Noon 25° 38'. At 5 o'Clock May 9th per Log it fell light airs and wind Shifted in N.W. Quarter, and by ten to N.E. with a confus'd sea, fresh Breeze, and threatening weather. Brought the Vessel under a low sail. Our apprehensions were unnecessary, it only continuing cloudy with heavy swell from the Northward; Latitude by Indifferent Observation 26° 14'. Some appearances of Land at this time in the western Quarter which I took to be only clouds as it was improbable the Current could have set us far enough to the westward to the China coast or otherwise it must be placed wrong in my Chart; the 10th wind between the E. and N.E., weather and winds Fluctuating Moderate Breezes, light airs, Calms, and rain at times, soundings from 39 to 42 fathoms Two of the islands of the present Hatto Retto (Rover group), slightly southward of the Pascadores. The dome-shaped isle is Hatto To. II ■ r —H CHINA AND JAPAN 45 Blue clay. At 5 A.M. Saw a Round Hummock on the China shore bearing N.W. 10 or 11 Leagues, Latitude Observed at Noon 26° 38'. Eleventh, between E. and S.E., variable as was the weather, soundings from 36 to 50 fathoms, blue clay; tried for a current but found none. Variation 1° 03' East, Latitude at noon 27° 16'. 12th, winds in S.E. Quarter. Soundings from 44 to 47 fathoms soft mud, Variation, 1° 50' E. No soundings at Noon with 50 fathoms Line, Latitude Observed 27° 43'. 13th, Moderate breezes and Clear pleasant weather throughout. Soundings from nine o'Clock at night to 6 in the morning 52 fathoms muddy Bottom; winds as Yesterday, Latitude Observed 27° 58'. 14th, winds till midnight between the S. by E. and S. by W. Fore part Variable weather, now foggy; Soundings from 62 to 65 fathoms, Sand and Shells. Wind Shifted to West with light airs and Calm at times. At Noon Latitude Observed 28° 00'. May 15th, Winds Variable mostly in the N.E. quarter, at times inclining to Calm. Soundings, 60 fathoms sandy bottom, Latitude Observed at Noon 27° 54'. The 16th, winds between the N.E. and S. variable with rain at times; Variation 4° 03' E., no Soundings at 70 fathoms, a heavy sea from N.E. 17th, no Soundings, Blowing hard and thick weather with Rain. Vessel under an easy sail. At 8 o'Clock in the Evening not being able to find Bottom with a line of 100 fathoms and by account having run the Distance to the Isles I meant to run between, brought to, head to the Southward and westward for clear weather. Among Ye Japan Islands It blew very strong all night in squalls, much sea and heavy Rain. At 4 o'Clock in the morning it fell Calm in an Instant which was succeeded as Instantaneously by a Breeze from W.S.W., and ceas'd raining. Weather clear'd a little but the Clouds hung heavy in the horizon from E. to N.E. and had every appearance of the Land and the dawn of the morning making it shew as if close on board, no Soundings at 120 fathoms, haul'd away N.N.W. in hopes of the weather clearing up. It did at times but not sufficient to determine what we took for land to be really it. At 10 it was positively declared from the masthead that Land was seen making like two Rocks bearing N.E. It immediately growing thick with rain lost sight of it again. At Eleven o'Clock finding the weather 46 THE COLNETT JOURNAL 'II i not break and no prospect of getting out of this Navigation but running, steered away for the Rocks said to be seen. At one o'Clock in the afternoon Eighteenth per Log not falling in with them and Judging my Latitude to be between the 28° and 29°, in which situation the modern Maps place a good [Channel, bore away East. At 3 P.M. got sight of a small Isle Barren except-a little Grass on the Top and a remarkable Pillar Rock as described on the Leaf before bearing E. by S., passed within two or three Miles of it; soon after saw another Isle high and in the Shape of a Bell also barren. Before four o'Clock saw 6 or 7 Isles with appearances of several more: two of them bore E. by S., with a narrow Channel of 7 or 8 Miles wide which we sailed thro' between 8 and 9 in the Evening. It was unlucky thick weather prevented making the remarks I wish nor is it possible anything I can write on this Passage can be any guide for future navigators, having no Observation for two days and strong tides which we experienced here. Our situation at best can only carry probability with it; the only guide I can point out must be the Isle with the remarkable Rock off it, and the next to the Eastward of it like a Bell. There was two or three more to the Eastward and Southward Tabling at top of a moderate height, and two or three more to the Eastward and Southward; and the two pass'd between were considerably larger than Pinnacle or Bell Rock and much higher, and may be distant from them 3 or 4 Leagues. There was also appearances of two Isles to the North but the thick weather made it doubtful. As the sun set it cleared in Horizon to the Eastward and no land to be seen in that direction. Stood for the night E. by N.; at daylight Land of an immense height was to be seen bearing N. by E., 7 or 8 Leagues. At 10 saw land of a very moderate height making like Isles and bore N. by W.; our Observation at Noon the 18th, 30° 14'. I could scarce give credit to my Latitude, it being a degree to the Northward of my account besides difference of Longitude. I had now for the first time fell in with one of those surprising Currents spoke of, to be met with in those seas, for by my Latitude Observed and situation of Land laid down in my Chart I had been set since last Observation, provided my Latitude was then right, at the rate of 3| Miles per Hour and instead of making my Passage thro' between the Isles in 28° or 29° had come between 29° and 30°, passing a little to the Colnett's sketch of his Pinnacle rock, Barren isle, and Bell rock near Guja Shima or Kogeja Shima in Tokara Gunto (Loochoo islands), near the southern entrance of Colnett strait. r CHINA AND JAPAN 47 South of Van Diemans Streights.1 Correcting back from two day Latitude and bearings of Land places Pinnacle Rock in Latitude 29° 40' and Longitude 132° E. of London. A Passage thro' among those Isles would be very pleasant in clear weather; altho their inhospitable appearance to us was not in favour of their being inhabited yet the two we passed between had some green spots in the Valleys, but not having daylight and weather over-clouding the land a future period must determine the Question. This Navigation is no ways dangerous were you sure of your Latitude and to make Pinnacle Isle—the shores being all steep, from what I could judge, for having tried so often for soundings before we made them. It's certainly a great disadvantage in thick weather and so strong a Current, but if the Soundings are the same in every part of these seas from the North end of Formosa to the passage thro' those Isles you have a good guide by your soundings—on the Eastern Shore sand and Shells and shoals from 5 to 10 Fathom at a cast to no bottom at all close to the Shore, with 150 fathom line; on the Opposite, or China Shore Shoals gradually and muddy bottom, close home to the shore. While in the Channel between the two Isles our time was taken up in making sail to get thro', and also accounting for our situation, to attend the Lead, and also the Vessel too much way for the lead to reach the bottom without Shoal which was not likely to be the case and not discovered with such a heavy sea and Strong tide running thro' as was at this time. The land last seen this morning from which I take my departure I suppose to be the Isle called by Captain Hannah,2 Green Isle on which he mentions having seen a Village. On my first sailing I had some thoughts of making this and endeavour to have some traffic with the natives, provided I could do it without any hindrance to the Voyage but the situation I was now thrown into, to have done it would have been going out of my road; but as I had been disappointed of seeing the Inhabitants on the S.W. part of Japan I flattered myself I should accomplish it on the S.E. part and with 1Colnett may have passed through Colnett strait. Van Diemen strait lies south of Kiushu island, separating it from Tanega Shima. 2James Hanna in command of the British brig Sea Otter, in 1785, the pioneer in the maritime fur-trade on the North West Coast of America. 'Mi r p: 48 THE COLNETT JOURNAL if that Intention propos'd to myself making the Fatsisio Isles. 19th, moderate breezes between the N. and N.N.W., drizzling rain at times. Latitude at Noon 30° 35'. Longitude 134° 59'. 20th, till midnight winds Variable, light airs between E. and N.E., with rain at times; at Midnight Calm; A.M., light airs from the Southward and clear weather Variation 1° 20' E., Latitude 31° 26', Longitude 135° 21'. 21st, till Eight in the Morning had light airs, Southerly and cloudy. At this time haul'd round to the Westward and clear pleasant weather Latitude 31° 39', Longitude [blank]. The 22nd, winds round the Compass mostly in N.E. quarter, Variation Pr. Amplitude 2°, Azimuth 1 ° 37'E., Latitude Observed 31° 39', Longitude 136° 22'. The Twenty third, fourth, and fifth, winds in the Eastern Quarter Variable weather and rain at times, at half past four A.M. the 25th, saw one of the Fatsisio Isles1 bearing E.S.E. 3 Leagues. From what I could observe with the Telescope it appear'd quite Barren and uninhabited, at the same time three Hummocks were observed ahead as of separate Isles which I kept standing towards but the wind being at E.S.E. and the Extremes of those hummocks from N.E. by N. to N.N.E. was not able to weather them. At 7 o'Clock in the morning the two Southmost Hummocks Observed ahead appear'd to make as one isle as the sketch on the following page as (a) (a). At eight o'Clock trees were seen on the Isthmus between the two Southmost Hummocks which at firsthand had appear'd to separate; by nine smoke was observed on several parts of the Shore and with our Glasses very beautiful Plantations, many houses, and land Cultivated to the Hill's top; from the fires that were made on every part of the shore I concluded it was an invitation to have communication with us and I stood within three or four miles of the Shore it being then 10 o'Clock and the Land between (a) and (a) being of a Moderate height, and formed a very pleasant Valley with many houses and no appearances of any boats coming off; weather clouding in in the S.E., bore up to run to Leeward of the Isles. In opening the North point of the Sugar loaf Isle (b) three boats was discover'd, I believe fishing, for at this time we had incredible number of Albacore and Bonetta about us. On their first observing us, were much frightend' 1Probably the Fatsiziu Shima group, Hachijo Jin, about a hundred miles south of Japan in longitude 140° East. The upper sketch may be of Hanna's Green island, from which Colnett took his departure. Neither the island nor the view can be identified on modern maps. The lower sketch is of Hachijo Jin, one of the Fatsiziu group, on Captain Cook's chart, lying about 100 miles south of Yokohama in longitude 140° approximately. ■1 u If m J CHINA AND JAPAN 49 pulling immediately for the Shore; at the same time a Canoe under sail which came from the larger Isle (a) (a) was coasting it along Shore towards them. As I had some thoughts those people meant to visit me shorten'd sail to give them an opportunity by hauling up Courses, handing top Gallant sails, and lowering topsails. On the people first seen discovering the Boat under sail, recover'd themselves from the Fright we had thrown them into, ceased rowing for the Shore, stept their mast, hoisted their sail half up, and waited for Joining. This Boat made 3 Miles way, to our one, had a Lug sail appearing like Cotton or white Cloth, and the other three Boats Common China sail of Mats. These boats also appear'd to be much broader and flatter than Chinese and greatly outsailed me with the sails I had set and keeping at a great distance I hoisted the topsails and haul'd a little inshore towards them keeping within two or three miles of the shore and as nigh as prudence would admit to high land and unsettled weather. They proceeded to the N.E. point of Sugar loaf Isle where they lower'd their sails, and [I] believe Anchor'd. At this time it thicken'd fast in the S.E.; began to blow strong in squalls with torrents of Rain and deprived me of making many further remarks. While it continued moderate I meant to bring to and endeavour to entice the Inhabitants on board but every appearance now of a heavy gale drew my attention another way to provide for the safety of the Vessel knowing myself to be entangled with Isles and so thick at times could hardly see a Mile. But before I haul'd off I thought I observed with a Telescope that their Colour was dark being stark naked, also their hands clasp'd together over their heads as high as they could reach. What part of ceremony this may be as I never saw it used among natives of any Country I had before visited I am yet to be informed. As the Canoe or boat that ran down along shore had near fifty men in and brought up at a low point, in Company with the others, where there was some few houses, and the only landing spot I could see, all other parts the surf breaking on very high, if I may be at liberty to conjecture on their manoeuvres it was to oppose our landing should our intentions been Hostile; but I have not the least doubt but I should have been able to have brought them to Traffic with me for anything I might have been in want of. And from the neatness of their houses and their natural Industry, Judging from every spot being cultivated almost to the summit of the hills, that something 50 THE COLNETT JOURNAL W worth while might be found among them to make a profitable return and I have only to regret that the weather should prevent my not ascertaining it; the Larger Isle (a) (a), that made like two, may be fourteen or Sixteen Leagues round. The first Isle seen to the Southward of it is distant about 9 or 10 Leagues and may be 5 or 6 Leagues round; the Sugar loaf, which is also Inhabited, is about 3 Leagues from the larger Isle and well planted, where anything will grow, and may be 3 or 4 Leagues Round. It was off this Isle the Boats were first seen; these Isles are situated between the Latitude 32° 15' and 33°, Longitude 140° 00' by account, the latter deduced from the last Observation of the sun and Moon, the former from the preceding day's Observed Latitude, for as soon as we got round the Sugar loaf Isle it was nearly Noon when the weather that had threaten'd overtook us, increas'd to a heavy gale with much swell occasion'd by a Strong Current setting to the Eastward and Northward and made the sea in one entire break. Wind blowing from S.S.E. with heavy rain, haul'd away for the afternoon and night to the Eastward, under double reef'd Topsails and foresail, as much sail as we could carry and very thick weather which made it as safe to run as lying to among Isles where have no Soundings and Strong Currents that I was oblig'd to trust to a superior power for my safety, no knowledge being equal to combat against Sky, sea, shores, winds, and weather, and the best Chart I had was very erroneous and on too small a scale to convey Information. I cannot omit taking notice that the whole of my Passage from China when in a situation that was little known, and anxious to make remarks on, that could be of service to any future navigator I was singularly unlucky by falling in with those parts always on the Change of the moon, a time that never fails bringing dirty and Blowing weather; this happened at the Pascadores, at the passage between the Isles near the S.W. of Japan, and also now at the S.E. part of Japan—this last situation a little more fortunate in ascertaining its being inhabited. The Moon has another guidance of the winds in those seas, always blowing fresh as coming to the Meridian and falling less wind at setting. After reaching the North end of Formosa the sea was constantly cover'd with Cuttle-fish bone and sea weed, one kind of the latter like the Excrement of Turtle. I was informed by some on board CHINA AND JAPAN 5i that had been in India some time that this weed is used by the natives in different parts of India as Physic. Dolphins, Sharks, and Sea snakes accompanied us as far as 30° N. and Bonetta and flying fish to 32°. Large Flocks of swallows flew on board at times, and many were taken. Gulls, Ducks, Plovers, and sand Larks, attended us with many other sea birds, especially the Heron, of which we daily saw a number. One of a singular kind was taken, nearly of the common size, milk-white with a single feather of a very narrow breadth growing out of his head reaching to the length of his tail; several more of the same make, but Shorter growing out of his breast, also many of a Finer texture and a little broader Just above the vent on the back. These birds from the numbers seen at sea, and also a large Flock perch'd on a rock at the Fatsisio Isle lead me to think they are held sacred among the Japanese. Winds for the night the 26th: in the S.E. Quarter blowing hard, and very thick weather. Kept a good lookout. At daylight in the morning it moderated, wind haul'd more to the Southward. During the forenoon, weather broke a little; steer'd between the E. by N. and E.N.E., to get an Offing from the Isles as I could by no means be certain I had pass'd the Eastmost. Much seaweed seen, with part of a wreck, also a Bird of the same kind as the Port Egmont hen of Falklands Isles.1 At Noon had a sight of the sun which gave Latitude 33° 56', but cannot be depended on. In the Evening by overhauling some old Charts I found some Isles laid down that are not taken notice of in Captain Cook's General Chart and Placed about half a degree to the Northward of Fatsisio Isles and four degrees to the westward of the Main and in a North and South direction to the Latitude 36°. I had every reason to doubt their existence, but as it continued thick weather, it was my business to avoid their situation for which I haul'd away for the night more to the Eastward. After passing the S.W. end of Japan did not find the effect of Current so great as expected; the greatest error between my account and Observation never suffering more than 14 Miles in twenty four Hours. *On Captain Cook's chart of his third voyage in this vicinity are the words: "Small land birds and great quantities of pumice stone." CHAPTER III FROM S.E. END OF JAPAN TO MAKING THE N.W. COAST OF AMERICA A FTER leaving the S.E. end [of] Japan I pass'd over the S. part of "^ the Suppos'd Land of John De Gama1 and from thence to our arrival on the North West Coast the winds were Variable, prevailing more in the Western Quarter than Eastern; when in the N.W. quarter fine weather, at times fresh Breezes; when any way to the Southward of S.W., Cloudy with rain at times; if to the Eastward of South it blew strong and mostly thick weather with rain. In Latitude 39° 02' and Longitude by Observation of the Sun and Moon 151° 06' saw several appearances of land and a very large quantity of Blubber2 as is represented in Vol. 1 Page [blank] of my Journal of last Voyage, and few on board but thought the Colour of the water was changed; Sounded: no Bottom, 100 fathoms. Between 7 and 8 in the Evening, a very thick fog, the air in a squall brought a very disagreeable smell like stinking seaweed, or foul Vapour from Mud. Those circumstances made us keep a good lookout for the night. The weather prevented us seeing any distance and the water was remarkably smooth. We also saw several Birds resembling the Port Egmont Hen,3 and many others suppos'd not to go far from Land. In Latitude 42° 45' and Longitude 175° 31' Sea Blubber left us. On the 30th June a Whale rose under the Bottom, Struck the Rudder, threw a large Quantity of water on board and so frighten'd the Chinamen that several ran below and hid themselves.4 1Delisle de la Croyiere's map of 1731 shows land discovered by Juan de Gama lying between 46° and 47°. Bering proved its non-existence in his voyage of 1741. 2Probably the medusa villilia described by Vancouver in his Voyage (1801 ed.), vol. II, pp. 5,7. The entry in Colnett's first journal reads: "On the 29th [June, 1787] the surface of the water was cover'd with a singular kind of blubber which at a distance resembled snow, also another kind form'd by a congeries of barnacles like those growing on the bottom of a ship, but of a pale brick dust colour and were fixed on the skeleton of the former." His ship, Prince of Wales, was at the time hundreds of miles off the coast of California. 3Called the skua gull by Pennant. It is a fierce ravenous bird, something like a hawk but larger. See Dixon's Voyage, (London, 1789), p. 42. 4Vancouver thinks that the sea blubber furnished food for the whales. 52 CHAPTER IV FROM MAKING YE NORTH WEST COAST TO RELEASE FROM THE SPANIARDS JULY 3rd. at 2 P.M. made the Land which was perform'd from Macao thro, the S[trait] of Formosa, thro' the Japan Isles, a little to the South of Van Diemens Straights,up the East side Japan as High as the Fatsisio Isles1 in Latitude (blank) Longitude (blank) where we took our departure for Nootka. The whole Voyage took up (blank)2 Weeks and arrived with few or no misfortunes, happening so to be call'd by sailors, but the Ship proving leaky and the loss of two men by sickness.3 It now blew a strong breeze from N.W.; stood in with the Shore till twelve at night, then hove to with head off Shore till 2 in the morning; then wore and made all sail for Nootka. At Noon Woody Point was N. 72° W., distant 13 Leagues and Rocky Point S. 80° E., distant 3 or 4 Leagues—distant from the nearest land five Miles. After the sun had pass'd the Meridian it grew less windy and inclinable to be foggy. At 2 o'Clock P.M. several Canoes came on board and told us a number of confus'd stories which everyone that had been on this Coast before attempted to interpret, but no two the same way. At 3 o'Clock thick fog; at times saw a Sloop standing out of the Bay which by some was taken for the Princess Royal, others, the American known to be on the Coast.4 As the Vessel was only perceptible at times thro' the xThe Fatsiziu islands lie between 33° 20' and 33° 40' north latitude and between 139° and 140° east longitude. 2Almost ten weeks. Captain Hanna, following much the same course in 1785, had taken 115 days; Meares in 1788, by a more direct route, had crossed in seven weeks; the Princess Royal in 1789 took sixteen weeks. 3This is the first hint of scurvy on the Argonaut. 4It was the Princess Royal which, according to Martinez's MS. Diary, had sailed on July 2. As Colnett had sailed from China there is always a difFerence of one day between his dates and those of the Spaniards. The "American" is the Washington, under Captain Robert Gray. 53 ii is mi 54 THE COLNETT JOURNAL Fog it was as likely to be one as the other, and as I expected Captain Hudson was gone to the North, I rather suppos'd it was the latter. It had at this time every appearance of being Calm with thick Fog. I kept standing along Breaker's reef,1 and had from 8 to 23 fathoms, got the Jolly Boat out to take the Vessel in Tow as we hardly steer'd. At 8 Hog Island point was N.E. by N., distant 3 leagues. Extreme to the Northward, N.W. by N. 9 or 10 Leagues; distance off Shore 3 Miles. At § past 8 hail'd a boat which requested to come on board which proved to be a Spanish Launch with the Commodore Don Estevan Martinez commanding two Vessels2 lying in Friendly Cove, Nootka. We were also visited by another Launch and American's Sloop's3 Boat which also lay in the Cove with the Spaniards. The Commandant delivered me a letter of Introduction from Captain Hudson of the Princess Royal. He then informed me his Vessels were in distress for provisions, and other necessaries4 and requested my going into port to supply him. On my hesitating he gave me his word and honour in the name of the King of Spain, and also as nephew to the Vice Roy of Mexico, I should sail again when I pleas'd, as the Princess Royal had done this day, and his being at Nootka was to prevent the Russians settling on this part [of] the Coast, but all other nations he met he was to pay the greatest attention to, and being Calm he offered his launches to Tow me in.5 Perhaps the rocks off Escalante point, the easterly entrance of Nootka sound. The name is not used by any other trader. Breakers point of Cook and Vancouver is Estevan point, eight miles south south-east of Escalante point. 2The Princesa and San Carlos. 3The sloop Washington, of Boston, then with the Columbia lying in Friendly cove. They constituted the first trading venture from Boston to the North West coast. 4This distress is not mentioned in Martinez's Diary. It seems improbable, as the Spaniards had only reached Nootka less than two months before. 6The statements agree with Martinez's instructions; see same in Manning's Nootka Sound Controversy. He was to receive Russian and British ships with "politeness and kind treatment" and only resort to force if they "should attempt to use force." NORTH WEST COAST $5 Copy of Captain Hudson's Letter1 Princess Royal off Nootka, 3rd July, 1789 Sir, The Civilities I have receiv'd from Don Estevan Martinez Commandant of the Spanish Ships at Nootka induced me to leave this letter under his care, not doubting but it will be faithfully deliver'd should you arrive at this port, in order to inform you of my safe arrival on this Coast and have this day left friendly cove with an Intention to proceed to the Northward having collected about 80 Skins but find my bar Copper don't answer our Expectations. The Natives have plenty of Skins amongst them but won't barter for anything but Sheet Copper. Should you go into the Port I am confident the Commodore would order you every Assistance in his power as he has done me. I left in the Cove two Spanish Ships two Americans from Boston the same Vessels we had intelligence off at Macao, and I am sorry to add that Captain Douglas has left the Coast and Mr. Funter's schooner is taken. Mr. Funter is going Passenger in the Columbia, Kendrick, who is going to the Northward; Mr. Barnet his Mate stays on board the Commodore till he returns. I have three of his people on board as Captain Kendrick had not provisions for them all. Bob Cant has ran away and is now on board the Spanish Commodore.2 Messrs Funter and Barnett will be able to give you a better description relative to their proceedings than I am able to describe; my best respects to Mr. Duffin and the rest of the Gentlemen. Wishing every success for the good of the service I remain Yours &c. N.B. Pr favour of Don Estevan Martinez Commander of the Princessa and S. Carlos and of all Spanish Vessels to be employed on this Coast. As I saw nothing in Captain Hudson's letter to deter me3 against entering the Port of Nootka I accepted the commandant's offer of his launches to assist to tow me into port. At this time return of Compliments having pass'd on both sides I invited him below, but still not perfectly satisfied with his outward appearances and behaviour (both being much against his being a Nephew of the Vice Roy as he declared and a Grandee of Spain4 and Commodore) 1Martinez does not mention either his receipt of this letter or his delivery of it to Colnett, yet he must have done so, as Colnett states. 2Martinez's MS. Diary under date of July 1, 1789, says that this man deserted from the Princess Royal and came aboard the Princesa alleging that he had not been paid his wages for twenty months, and had been badly treated by her captain. 3The letter was a true account of the occurrences. Hudson had been given every privilege; but the schooner North West America under Funter had been "taken." That expression should have put Colnett on his guard. 'Little is known of the early life of Martinez; but he always claimed to be a nephew of Antonio Flores who was appointed Viceroy of New Spain in 1787. tf THE COLNETT JOURNAL his word and honour would have had little weight with me had not some American Officers that were on board declared he was the person, and Captain Hudson's letter setting forth how civilly he had been treated by him had great weight with me. But I took this precaution on leaving the deck in presence of most of my officers: to order the Chief mate not to enter the Cove where the Spaniards and Americans lay, but to Anchor close to the Mouth of it. This order was either misunderstood by my mate, or wilfully disobey'd.1 The latter from several Circumstances since is the most probable. One plausible reason was: contrary to the sign'd Articles for the Voyage he had laid in private trade which perhaps he thought he should by entering the port have an advantageous sale for. I was not long below before the Noise above convinc'd me my orders had not been complied with and on coming on deck to my Mortification I found my Vessel in the Centre of the Cove which was guarded in the entrance by the S. Carlos of 20 Guns. At present I thought apparent Content was best, and said little, but determined at all events to leave the port in the morning or get to the mouth of the Cove; soon after the Ship was secured I received another letter from Captain Hudson delivered by a friend of his, an Officer of the American Ship;2 following is the Copy. Princess Royal, Nootka Sound, Maquella Bay,3 June 30, 1789 Captain Colnett, On the 17 Instant I arrived off this port and was not a little surprised to be visited by two Spanish launches soon after I was round Breakers point, and falling Calm was obliged to Anchor. They came along side, in one of-which was Mr. Funter, when he informed me of the Capture of his Schooner4 by the Spaniards and that Captain Douglas had also been taken but was redeem'd and supply'd by them with provisions to carry him to Macao. 1Robert Duffin. Here begin Colnett's complaints against this man who can do nothing right in his eyes. 2Robert S. Howe, the clerk of the Columbia on her voyage, 1787-90. 3Probably Friendly cove, as being the summer residence of Maquella (Maquinna), the chief of Nootka. 4The North West America, built by Meares at Nootka sound in September, 1788. Robert Funter was her master. Captain Douglas was the master of the snow Iphigenia. They had wintered at the Hawaiian islands and returned to Nootka late in April. NORTH WEST COAST 57 The Commodore informed me the reason he made a prize of him was because Captain Douglas's instructions which he had shown him were to make prizes of all Vessels of Inferior force of all nations whatever, but am not sufficiently informed of the particulars. Captain Funter who I imagine will remain here will be able to give you much better information. Should you make this port I have not the least doubt but they would render you every Assistance you may stand in need of. I shall leave this port by the third of July and proceed to the Northward my Bar Copper not answering. I shall leave this with a Mr. Howe who belongs to the Columbia and have not the least doubt of its being safe deliver'd if you should arrive at Nootka. Rob. Kant and Dick Hoskins have run away and where they are gone I can't Imagine, as the Commodore, and also Captain Kendrick, declares they will not harbour them.1 Have nothing more to add, but shall follow your directions relative to Shoal point2 and wishing every success for the good of the Employ I remain &c. Pr. favour of Mr. Howe. ' As neither of the letters I receiv'd gave one any apprehension I gave up all thought of Suspicion;3 but I learnt when it was too late that a Young Man in Qommodore] M[artinez's] employ had a letter from Captain Hudson to be left with the Indian Chief4 and which he was to have given this Day but had not done it and was also so thoughtless as not to bring it on board when he came off in the first boat. This letter Captain Hudson informed me afterwards would have saved my vessel had I received it. It was also unfortunate for me that Captain Hudson previous to his Departure, having been lying in this Port 16 Days, had not taken some certain precaution to prevent my entering Nootka which might easily have been done by not going there himself, as he was boarded a long way out at sea, and the Launch return'd leaving the Commodore on board him and the Captain of the American, at the same time a fresh breeze. Also after he did sail why he did not comply with the orders receiv'd from me at ^According to Martinez's Diary, July 1, 1789, Cant was received on board the Princesa, but the other sailor did not then desert. However he did later, July 13, and became an artilleryman. His name as given by Martinez was George Eaton. 2See Captain Hudson's instructions, dated February 21, 1789, in chap, i, ante, p. 12. 3Yet Hudson's first letter had spoken of the schooner's being "taken" and this speaks of her "capture." 4Maquinna. 58 THE COLNETT JOURNAL leaving Macao to proceed to the Northward but went to the Southward he is the best person to answer for.1 The Commandant stayed on board late and drank freely and constantly importuned me by his interpreter to make a stay for some time in Friendly Cove. I told him I would provided he gave me leave to set a Boat up I had in frame; he told me he could not for fear of being found fault with by the Vice Roy. I told him then it was impossible for me to stay but that I would supply all his Distresses which was the chief cause for my coming into port. After that I should depart immediately; he told me he would take but little as he meant to send the American Sloop to Monterey for Supplies and he also expected his store ship hourly.2 At Two o'Clock in the morning he went on board3 and by his request I accompanied him. As soon as he got in over the side he pass'd quickly down to his Cabin and a Centinel prevented my following him, on which I returned on board.4 Next morning he requested my Company to breakfast which Invitation I accepted. He receiv'd me very friendly, requested I would not sail till next morning and he would Sup with me. I thank'd him for his intended visit and he return'd with me to the Argonaut where I presented him with everything he took a fancy to and again offer'd to supply him with everything he might be in want of and requested of him to send me a list; he now claim'd my Boatswain calling him a Native of Spain. I freely gave him up as the man wish'd it altho' a native of Gibraltar and also in debt to the Vessel.5 At the same time offer'd him any more men he pleas'd as I had plenty to spare being in number Officers and men 58.6 He politely thank'd me, took 1From this point onwards the accounts given by the two actors, Colnett and Martinez, vary so greatly that instead of pointing out each disagreement it has been thought best to set forth in an appendix Martinez's Diary, so far as it is relevant to the dispute. 2The Spanish supply ship, Aranzazu, did not reach Nootka until July 29. 3On board the Spanish ship Princesa. *On board the Argonaut. 5A document in Archivo General de Indias, Seville, Spain, Est. 90, Caj. 3, Leg, 18, contains Martinez's list of the crew and passengers of the Argonaut. The boatswain is "Contramaestre Espanol, Manuel Ximenez." 6This should be 56 men, viz. 27 in the ship's company and 29 Chinese. It would seem that Colnett forgot that he had lost two men by scurvy. See note 3, p. 53. NORTH WEST COAST 59 leave and return'd to his Ship; after I had din'd being near two o'Clock and desirous of being near the mouth of the Cove ready for sailing I sent an Officer with a Note to the Commodore requesting the lend of his launch to assist me out; in this boat I meant to have sent such articles as I thought him most in need of. He returned for answer that he had not seen my papers yet and desired I would bring them on board.* I went; he receiv'd me distantly polite in his Cabin where were present some of the Americans, his second Pilot, and Padre. After many equivocations, first that I might go, then saying I could not, and at times growing vociferous the Americans left the Cabin to me when he produced a printed Book where he pointed out an Article which he said was an order of the King of Spain to Capture all English Vessels he found on the Coast,1 at the same time acquainting me (as he had done all along by the Interpreter) that he represented the King of Spain. I calmly told him the service I had been bred in, and that I had served for upwards of 20 Years his Britannic Majesty which, fully made me acquainted with his exalted station, at the same time requesting him to examine my papers which would inform him I had occupied for years past a very respectable station in the Royal navy of Great Britain, and that he would also find, that I had his Majesty's permission for being in those seas, and to quit his service for that purpose, who had also furnished me with a Grant and License for five years2 and that the papers were then on his Table, which I again and again entreated him to peruse. *The true cause of this was unriddled to me when I went to Nootka to demand the Princess Royal. The Commanding Officer there witnessed me a paper which testifies, prior to Don Estevan Martinez capturing the Argonaut and Princess Royal, that Mr. Duffin, my chief mate at that time, had proffered Martinez a paper in Portuguese which he said signified he was the proper Captain and after the Vessel was captured he made no secret of declaring in Public he was as much Captain as I was, which was the Sole cause of all our following Misfortunes and detention in the Country. xMr. H. R. Wagner suggests that this book was, Recopilacion de leyes de los Reynos de las Indias, published in 1774 in Madrid. 2Colnett was at this time on half-pay as a lieutenant of the Royal Navy. The royal grant and licence to which he refers were merely the permissions of the South Sea Company and the East India Company to trade within their chartered limits. It does appear that before the East India Company granted its licence it made enquiry to ascertain whether the British government had any objection. 60 THE COLNETT JOURNAL All the answer I could obtain was that my papers were forged* and I was a pirate; I argued all I could to no purpose. At last I told him I was thoroughly acquainted with the Law of Nations in Maritime Cases, and that he would too late find he was wrong to detain me, at the same time to recollect if there was anything in his favour to give him the most distant hopes of making a prize of me, he should remember as a representative of the King of Spain his promise of word and honour that if I went into port I might depart when I pleased, and, as an old King's Officer myself, never knew an instance of an Officer in his situation ever violating his word and honour, much more pleading distresses of every kind to get a Vessel in his possession, to detain and make a Prisoner of a Man, who by an Act of humanity had put himself in his power; I also put him in mind how un-officer-like he came on board me, in his outward appearance not having the smallest distinction of an Officer, and how much he had put himself in my power and what would have been his situation had I taken the same advantage of him. He told me he did not capture me, only detained me and that I should not sail till he pleas'd. I answered that was unprecedented, that I must sail when I went on board without he fired at me. In that case as my intentions were not hostile, I must strike my colours, for I was not prepared for war having only two swivels mounted. He flew out of the Cabin instantaneously, and unexpectedly three or four Sailors enter'd with muskets. One was presented Cocked to my breast, and another snatched my hanger from my side, and the third Collared me and Tore my Shirt and Coat. Stocks were order'd to put both legs in; but an Officer that had been in the British navy, but at this time belong'd to the American Ship, Advis'd them not to put me in the Stocks. I was confined a close prisoner in the Cabin, and deny'd the privilege of any of my Officers speaking to me; as the Evening drew near I requested to have my bed on board which was refused; but an apology for one was found me, to which I preferred a Plank. Next morning I was permitted to go on board. The first Salutation I had from my chief mate was I had ruin'd him; and in the hearing of several of the Officers and people as well as Americans, in a haughty, *Not at all singular to be accused of having false papers when he understood there were two Captains to the Ship. NORTH WEST COAST 61 Loud, and imperious manner bellowed out he did not know what right the Spaniard had to Capture the Vessel without saying anything to him, he was as much Captain as me. The Spanish Colours were hoisted and Ship guarded and main hold begun to be clear'd; I again remonstrated with the Commodore on Capturing a Vessel of the British nation, and let Americans and Portuguese pass. I soon learnt the Cause: they had nothing worth plundering and the American he had taken into Partnership in commerce, and now supplied him with my Provisions, stores, and Liquors to remain on the North West Coast and was so civil, after taking Eighty four Sheets of Copper, to send a message requesting I would sell the remainder which I positively refus'd, for which he broke to pieces three Cabin Stoves which were entirely complete and purchas'd in China at great Expence, that during the winter on the Coast might keep our Vessels warm.1 On seeing my trade Stores &c. &c,hourly going to wreck I once more made the last remonstrance gainst breaking my hold till I was sent to a Port where my papers could be examin'd. This had no effect except threatening by the Padres2 that if I did not hold my tongue they would cause me to be hang'd. This the Commodore pretended to be angry at, but still went on plundering and destroying. The third night I was suffered to sleep on board my own Vessel, but the 111 treatment and threats of the Spaniards, dissatisfaction of my Officers and Crew, made me distracted for five days and five nights during which time Mr. Thos Temple3 that remain'd with me declared I never slept (for five nights). The Commodore was a constant attendant and beg'd everything he saw; my chief mate who took upon him the Concern 1Neither Meares's Memorial nor Martinez's Diary mentions the taking of the sheets of copper or the destruction of the stoves. Probably the basis of this allegation of partnership is that Martinez entrusted Captain Kendrick with 137 sea-otter skins to be sold on his account in China; that he gave Kendrick permission to continue trading on the coast provided he carried an official pass, bought two ornaments for the altar, and seven pairs of boots for officers of the Spanish navy; and took his son John Kendrick, Jr., into the Spanish naval service. 2There were six priests at Nootka at this time: Don Jose" Lopez de Nava, Don Jose" Maria Diaz, Brothers Severo Patero, Lorenzo Lacies, Jos6 Espi, and Francisco Sanchez. Colnett met one of them later, see p. 117. 8The third mate of the Argonaut. As to Colnett's mental condition at this time, see Introduction. 62 THE COLNETT JOURNAL of the Ship complying with all he ordered, took a receipt for such things as he pleas'd to give them. July the 14th1 the Princess Royal returned from the Southward. It being calm off the port, Anchor'd; on the Spaniards perceiving her, the Launches were mann'd and arm'd and sent to take her. Captain Hudson coming in his boat to visit me was first Captured and Carried on board the Commodore, when the Commodore perforce made him send to the Officer he left commanding the follow- J|fjU ing letter. Mil Monday Evening, July 13,1789 Mr. Jaques? As I am a Prisoner and Captain Colnett also I would not have you make any resistance but comply with everything relative to the fortune of War I am &c. &c. P.S. dont make any resistance but comply with this in every respect otherwise things of worse consequence may Commence. Captain Hudson used every argument he could against such cruel treatment informing him at the same time his Officer had receiv'd his orders to let no boat on board but his own and that his launch would not be suffer'd along side. He sent a small Boat first with a letter and then order'd the Launches at the same time. I have been credibly informed he had caused a Yard Rope rove to hang Captain Hudson and self provided any of the Launch's crew was kill'd by his Vessel;2 this man had Cruelty enough to do anything, for he killed Caleacan3 the Greatest Chief at Nootka for only telling him it was wrong to stop his friend the English. This night my bed and Trunks were removed into the Chief 1Martinez, of course, makes it a day earlier: July 13. 2This account of the Spanish interception of Hudson when he strove to visit Colnett, of his being made prisoner, and forced by threats to write the letter to his mate ordering him to surrender the Princess Royal agrees exactly with Martinez's own statement. A verbatim translation of his Diary entries dealing with the subject will be found in the appendix. 3Callicum, as the name is usually spelled, is frequently mentioned in Meares's Voyages. In his MS. Diary Martinez admits killing this chief. His justification is that Callicum, after he had seen him capture the four British ships, had said: "Martinez pisce [peshak]; Martinez capsil" [Kapsuallal, meaning: Martinez is bad; he is a thief. See the appendix for the full account of this crime and the capture of the Princess Royal, as given in Martinez's MS. Diary. r NORTH WEST COAST 63 mate's Cabin1 where I was informed I was to reside on my Passage to S. Bias. This day I became calm and settled but the Spaniards still continued their Cruelty towards me, broke open my Chest where all my Charts, Journals, and many other private papers were, took what they pleas'd and the remainder put down the forehold as they informed me. Captain Hudson was permitted to visit me today. He inform'd me now of having left a letter to warn me from going into port which I had never receiv'd and with what duplicity Martinez had treated him, and of a quarrel he had with him, and his writing a letter to demand his reasons for going in the Port of Nootka which he answered as follows. Princess Royal, Nootka, June 19th, 1789 To Don Estevan Joseph Martinez Commander of His M.C.M. Ship Princessa Sir, In answer to your favour of the 18th Instant Requesting my reasons for anchoring in this Port I would inform you that being sixteen weeks and three days from Macao in which time I experienced a long series of bad weather having damag'd my Vessel in some respect, particularly my rudder Irons became loose; this with want of wood and water was my Inducement to Anchor here. Being now at Anchor under the above circumstances it is my request you would permit me to lay my Vessel on shore and make the necessary repairs which when Accomplish'd I shall immediately depart.2 I have &c. What could induce Captain Hudson to write such a letter I cannot tell, the whole of the above letter being a false representation, the Vessel being in no distress whatever, and, if she had, after finding so many competitors there, before entering this port he should have gone either to the Northward or Southward a few Leagues, being well acquainted with Ports in both Situations and after getting into Port and finding the awkward Situation he was JThe chief mate is Robert Duffin, to whom Colnett had taken a great antipathy. Colnett has been a captive for eleven days; his disordered mental condition has disappeared. He constantly complains of ill-treatment and pilferings. Martinez's Diary is silent or represents the "pilferings" as merely removals for safe-keeping. 2Colnett finds fault with this letter; it was, however, a common subterfuge. It did not deceive Martinez, for he had had a similar reply from Kendrick about a month before. See "The Barrell Letters," by F. W. Howay {Washington Historical Quarterly, vol. XII, 1921, pp. 247 ff.). fXm 64 THE COLNETT JOURNAL in delay'd his time and took no step whatever to prevent my entering the Port, but on the Contrary did everything that I might fall a Sacrifice, I hope not intentionally. It's strange he should leave letters of introduction to me with a man he knew would make a Prize of me1 and write one of them also after he was out of his Power and had left but a few hours before—one quite the reverse, which to my Misfortune I never got.* The Commandant remain'd with me while he thought I had anything to give him. My Sextant, Charts, and drawing paper and all my nautical Instruments he had got, and the American Captain Kendrick, for his pretended intercession for my Vessel's release, a time piece of Mr. Arnold's making. My fowling piece, which was Gold bush'd and pan'd, with a pair of steel mounted pistols that had been given me by a particular friend (on which account I Valued much) were seiz'd by the Commodore; indeed he either beg'd or took everything I had, except a looking Glass and Thermometer,2 the latter the Prize master his first Officer broke at S. Bias, because the Commodore at that Port had ordered it to be delivered me. We sail'd in the night3 during which I was lock'd in; next morning the door was opened. At the same time two of my Officers were sent forward and confin'd in irons among the people, and remain'd in that Situation till the latter end of the passage and their lives in danger. The Other Officers' Prisons were their *Captain Hudson was afterwards drowned} When Captain Hudson was drowned he had all his private Papers with him in the Boat which could throw any light on his own Conduct. 1Colnett is bitter against everyone. The Iphigenia had been seized and allowed to go; the North West America had been taken: both of which facts Hudson had told him in the letters of June 30 and of July 3, ante, pp. 55,56. 2The Viceroy of New Spain on September 2, 1791, replied to Colnett's complaint of being robbed, that "the gold watch had been returned to Kendrick, the octant and the musquets—it had been understood that they had been given as presents—have been returned to their owners." See "Captain Colnett and the Princess Royal," by F. W. Howay {Oregon Historical Quarterly, vol. XXVI, p. 15). 3"At two o'clock in the morning [July 14, 1789] the captured English packet [the Argonaut] set sail for the Department of San Bias." Martinez's MS. Diary. Don Jose Tovar was placed in command as Prize Master. 4Hudson was drowned in going from Clayoquot to Nootka in the autumn of 1790. See post, November 14, 1790. >V NORTH WEST COAST 65 Cabins except the Chief mate who occupied mine with the Prize master,1 and had every Indulgence; myself the only person the Centinel was ordered to guard abaft; the English part of the crew consisting of ten were in Irons in the bread room;2 the Chinamen with all the Portuguese, except two, remain'd with the Spaniards at Nootka. Next day as well as the preceding night I was lock'd up, but from this time to S. Bias my door was regularly locked and light put out at 8 o'Clock in the Evening, and open'd at 7 in the morning; not one of my Officers suffer'd to visit me without a deal of entreaties. The Officer that spent the greatest part of his time with me was Mr. T. Ludlow my third mate. Even in this disagreeable situation my chief did everything to distress me and at times I had not sufficient Provisions sent from the prize master's table by him to satisfy the Calls of hunger, but Obliged to beg it of the Officers confined Opposite to me. When parching with Thirst I once wanted to get a little Shrub out of the Hold that belong'd to me, which he prevented himself. He spent Jovial nights with the Spaniards and frequently made such a noise that it was impossible to rest the whole night; but latterly when illness brought aft the two Officers confin'd in Irons and Mr. Thomas Temple, extra Officer, was taken into the Cabin and the 2nd mate a little before this was admitted aft at meal times. Before Mr. Temple was admitted into the Cabin the Chief and 2nd Mate assisted the Spaniards at breaking open every case of the cargo that was in the Cabin out of which what they thought proper was taken.3 I saw frequently packages and Bundles going out of the Cabin and those in Irons saw most of the articles brought down forward. While the Officers were in Irons a proposal was sent aft to the chief mate to retake the Ship by the Officers that were in the Bread room.4 No man ever had a better Opportunity; he had the *Don Jose" Tovar, who had been first mate of the Princesa. 2Martinez's report of July 10 sets out their names and occupations: two clerks, carpenter, armourer, cooper, and five seamen. The other prisoners, Chinese and Portuguese, were brought to San Bias when Martinez abandoned the settlement at Nootka, October 31, 1789. 3Colnett's allusions to Duffin, his first mate, are all fault-finding. Unfortunately we have not heard the other side. Thomas Temple is set down by Martinez as one of the "Terceros Pilotes," that is: Third Mates. Martinez gives the name of the second mate as James Wanson; it was James Hanson. 4They were the two clerks, carpenter, armourer, and cooper. I 66 THE COLNETT JOURNAL privilege of the deck night and day and not an officer among the Spaniards but most Evenings was completely drunk and those that were not, there was plenty of Cordials to make so, and why he did not is best known to himself—perhaps Stimulated by the Commodore's promise that on his arrival at S. Bias whatever part of the Cargo he chose to Claim should be delivered him for his disposal. In the situation I have described I continued thirty two days, at the end of which period added to a long Voyage from China the scurvy had seized me but not violently. What little live stock I had when I arrived at Nootka1 the Commodore beg'd part and stole the rest, sending none in lieu. Some days while on the passage had nothing to eat but Biscuit; other times, Rotten Pork, an Article that was never ship'd on board my Vessel—the Owners of my employ spared no Expenses and would have shudder'd at such provision being put on board a Vessel belonging to them. I was even refus'd a Toasted biscuit being informed as a reason by the Prize master my mouth would grow sore and teeth drop out if I eat it. Lock'd up in a Close Cabin and a Young lad that acted as my Clerk with me Perforce when thro' the squally weather the Scuttle was obliged to be Shut in, and not a mouthful of air. One night in this situation almost suffocated I requested in the most entreating manner a drink of water, a kindness too great to be allowed me, and I was obliged to bear with my situation till the morning; in answer to my frequent entreaties it was proposed to give half salt, half fresh. It was done, but the People were daily served so. The weather growing warmer every day I obtain'd permission to have a hole cut in my door, but one night when everyone in the open air was gasping for breath it was stopt with a blanket; I was not only now depriv'd of the little air that could have been given me, but I was oblig'd to bear with the foul air of the conveniency I had to ease the Calls of nature in, which at all times was only emptied when they pleas'd. My Case was bad, but after arriving at S. Bias my people informed me theirs was worse, having been kept many days in Irons close confined and only ten in number and those to *The existence of live stock on the Argonaut has* not^been mentioned previously. As scurvy loosens the teeth Colnett's complaint at the end of this paragraph appears captious. *m r NORTH WEST COAST 67 Guard them four times the Quantity. No man that did not see them can picture the Miserable figures they cut, two and thirty days' beard, half Starved and constant perspiration, their Bones Crawling through their flesh, Stark naked, and no one could discern the Colour of their Skin, for the conveniency they had to ease the calls of nature was never emptied, till by the roll of the Ship it upset on them and their bedding, and even not allowed to Shift themselves. Lice, Maggots, and every other vermin that this filth Collected, made them prefer being stark naked rather than keep Clothes on them to harbour additional Plagues. Their Victuals that they gave them were frequently thrown into them like Dogs, and the Door lock'd on them again not suffer'd in the most sultry weather to smell the air of the Hatchway, till drove into a fit of despair and insisted to have that Indulgence immediately, or take their lives; on their arrival at S. Bias they were in that stinking and Lousy Condition as obliged them to heave both Clothes and bedding overboard, and during the Passage the Spaniards had broke open all their Chests and had rob'd them of the greatest part of what they contain'd that was serviceable to them. On our arrival off the Port of S. Bias, the Port we were confin'd at, situated in the Mouth of the River S. Jago in the Gulf of California, Latitude 21° 10' Longitude 104° W. of London. Before getting into the Bay nigh enough to observe its Situation or Strength the Scuttles and Cabin windows were block'd in, which continued a night and next day. In the afternoon a man came on board named Diego Pounce a native of Minorca, talk'd middling English but could not read or write any Language. This man was appointed our Butler [sutler?] and was sent on board by the second commissary named Don Cose Menterda for what plate we had that he might take care of it, which he did in the true sense of the word, for part of it was never seen more. We had nothing given any of us thro' the whole day to eat, nor could we by any means procure anything; about 4 or 5 o'Clock in the evening came on board Don Cose Camacha1 the Officer commanding in this port, but only a Master in the Spanish navy. His Companions were Don Cose Monterda 2nd 1In his letters to the Viceroy, Don Manuel Antonio Flores, Colnett refers to this officer as "Commandante Don Jos6 Comacho." His name was Jose" Camacho y Brenes. mi M THE COLNETT JOURNAL Commissary and Don Francisco Levesteda his Clerk. They were ushered into the Cabin with a Boil'd fowl following, which we were informed was brought on board for our dinners; a small allowance for Eight persons. I had not much appetite so it was not of much consequence to me. I was sent for; on seeing two or three of my Officers standing at this time in the Steerage I desired them to follow me. On entering the Cabin my Chief mate ordered them out which they comply'd with. Previous to this the Prize master had announced my Chief mate as Captain of the Ship so little was said to me and not understanding anything of the Language it was impossible to communicate my Ideas or help myself in any manner. But as a proof that I was not a pirate and to obtain better treatment if possible than Harrisson's Voyages informed me my Countrymen had met with, that after surrend'ring themselves Prisoners had been bayoneted to a man while at their meals, and others hung up by the neck and flogg'd till near dead, I offered Don Camacha a perusal of my king's Commission as Lieutenant in the Royal navy of Great Britain, also my letter of leave for coming into those seas. My first and second mates understanding Spanish,1 Don Camacha enquired of them what it meant, when they both in a Contemptuous manner answered those papers concern'd no one but myself and were of no service to the business we were brought there on. I was obliged patiently to bear with this Insult having no other remedy. Myself, Officers, and Crew were now order'd on shore; the Chief and 2nd Mates to remain on board. I was not satisfied that the Vessel and Cargo should be left at the mercy of men who had given so many convincing proofs of what they would do if in their power, nor could I be easy at leaving all my papers and wearing apparel behind me, being only suffer'd to take a Shift on shore and bed. But my most Valuable papers I secured by carrying them in my pocket, except the South Sea License, Ship's Articles, and owners' Orders. Those were taken from me at Nootka;2 those articles I left in the Cabin I put my seal and Cypher on, which I believe prevented their being broke open. Robert Duffin and James Hanson. 2Martinez claims that Colnett only handed over his passport, i.e. the South Sea Company's licence. The demand for Colnett's instructions was, according to his version, the basis of the final action by him. r NORTH WEST COAST I proceeded for the Shore with Don Camacha in his Barge, the People in a Launch; about a Mile from the Vessel we enter'd the River S. Jago over a Bar which had no pleasant appearance to look at, but I was informed there was water enough at all times of tide for a Snow that lay in the Harbour, and might be one hundred and fifty Tons; we passed within half the Length of the oars of the North point; the Pitch of the Point is very Low and Rocky and narrow, Barren, with only one Tree on,which serves for one of the moorings of the Ships which always lay and fit out close round within this point. About a Cable's length from the Point it rises to a Moderate height and commands both the Bay and Harbour; at this time it was a wood, but after our arrival the trees were all cut down and a Barbette Battery of ten Guns of different Bores, none exceeding Twelve Pounders erected on it. The Port [left blank] is in the mouth of the River S. Jago which is guarded by a Bar that has only 12 foot water, at high water, spring Tides. From the Entrance one Mile and a half or two Miles on the East side, is the Landing Place, at the Arsenal, where we were brought on shore. It was so manag'd we should land at Dusk that we might not observe the arsenal or town or perhaps see the miserable dwellings and poverty of the Inhabitants which in every degree are far beneath the Sandwich Isle Indians. The shore and Roads were lin'd with natives to see us. It being market day many had come from the Country and I do not believe, there was a single person that could walk, but our arrival had brought to the water side. After passing the arsenal Yard, which might be half a Mile square, with only one Slip for Building, our horses were presented myself and officers. Don Comacha accompanying us, we proceeded in an Eastern direction over a plain and good Road of two Miles and then up a Steep Hill about a \ Mile. Half way up this hill on the left side is the Powder Magazine and Foundry for casting Anchors which are made of a mixture of Copper. On the Top of the Hill which is call'd S. Bias is an irregular square, on the South side of which is situated the Commanding Officer's house, Clerks, Commissary, and Treasury, in which when near the Payment of the Artificers &c, is Lodg'd 20,000£ (and before the rainy season sets in double that Quantity). On the West side, their Capital Marine Store. On the East, the Store keepers house and Second Com- 7o THE COLNETT JOURNAL «| missary's. The latter building was our prison. The other side of the square was beggarly Habitations; on the N.W. end of the square is the Beef market and Slaughter house, which was it not for the Turkey Bustards [buzzards] which destroy all the Offals that the pigs do not, this place would become more pestilential than it is. But at this time it was like golgotha or the Place of Skulls, the remains of animals destroy'd here for years. Between this and Don Camacha's house were Bells on a double gallows for calling the Inhabitants to prayers. Opposite the Bells in the Veranda before the Clerk's office and Treasury was the Place of worship guarded in by a Screen of canvas, which they occasionally let fall. They formerly had a Church, but it was burnt down by lightning and the Centre is their Green Market &c, which is held every Saturday and Sunday. The house we were now lodged in was but small for our members. We had part of a Corporal's guard to keep us at home; the Ship's Company in the Common Jail was guarded by the other half, which is all the Troops ever kept here. We had the privilege of the Veranda and Yard Backwards. The first night I passed a very uncomfortable one. The Mosquitoes were intolerable and the heat scarce to be born with; the water so nauseous altho' our thirst was great, it was almost impossible to swallow it. So it cannot be suppos'd we slept much; and besides those disagreeables, we were saluted during the night with the Bells, which announc'd the death of four or five, which next day I was inform'd always happen'd at this season of the Year, it being the unhealthy time, , which I afterwards found very true. Don Cose Monterda lived in a little room joining the one we eat and slept in, and eat his meals with us. I found means next day to make my case in some manner understood by him and explained the Papers I offered Cose Camacha. This man was too mercenary a wretch to assist me, and I had nothing to give him, indeed I did not know till afterwards that was the reason he gave me little or no assistance; but Francisco Levisteda1 took an Opportunity that day to acquaint Don Camacha of it, and in the evening he came but, being prejudic'd against me at This time, he treated my papers much in the same manner as 1Colnett calls Monterda the second Commissioner, and Francisco Levisteda his clerk. The papers offered were his commission as a lieutenant in the British navy and his leave of absence. See note 2, p. 59. W| NORTH WEST COAST 7i Don Estevan Martinez had done, and what I could learn said also they were forged;1 but on more minute enquiry among my crew &c, he found his mistake and requested of me to let him send it to the Vice Roy2 which I did. This paper procured half Don Monterda's apartment. This evening came on shore my two Mates and took up their abode also in this house, which was also very disagreeable to me, being obliged to eat at the same Table; and all the entreaties I could make was not able to procure a house to board by myself. I was now distressed in every respect: a Horrid Climate, Strange place, neither money nor friends, and those of my own Officers, that I had been most attentive to behaved the worst. While in this uncomfortable situation I was visited by Don Dominga Qeleat3 the Commander of the Snow, I observed laying in the Harbour when I landed. This Gentleman had been in England and also at Oteheita a Short time after I was there in the Resolution with Captain Cook. He spoke a little of that Language and by my understanding it I was able in some degree to make myself understood by him. He informed me also his case was almost as bad as mine, for being bound from Lima to Manilla with a Cargo of Cocao had met with a heavy gale of wind, carried away his head and Galleries, and made so much water that it was with difficulty he reached S. Bias, which port being prohibited for merchant Vessels he was apprehensive his Vessel and Cargo might • be condemn'd. He offered every assistance in his power, and also money to defray my present Expenses and next day sent me fifty Dollars, but never gave me advice in the smallest degree, that I could understand, how to Act. The reason I have since been inform'd had he done it: it would have been look'd on as an unpardonable crime. All enquiries I could make of conveying letters to Europe, or to the xThis belief was, says Colnett, founded on the conduct of the first mate, Robert Duffin, who showed a paper in Portuguese which made him the proper captain of the Argonaut. Duffin had been first mate of the Felice in 1788 when that vessel was under Portuguese colours. Probably the document related to that voyage. It could not concern the present as the Argonaut was under British colours. 2The Viceroy's full name was Juan Vicente Guemes Pacheco de Padila Horcasitas y Aguayo, Conde de Revilla Gigedo, appointed in 1789. 3Later referred to as "my good old friend Captain Domingo Zeleta," whose kindness to Colnett is mentioned on page 69. His snow is referred to on p. 69, ante. 72 THE COLNETT JOURNAL Vice Roy, I was informed was forbid. I might write what I pleased, but if without his permission it would never reach him, and that my papers were gone and I might expect every post an answer to them, whether my Vessel was condemn'd or no. Bringing the Vessel1 over the Bar grounded her, by which accident broke the pintles of the Rudder. As soon as in the Harbour began to unload and as they thought proper sent mine and the rest of my Officers' Baggage. Chief and 2nd Mate attended under pretence to take a list of the Cargo that was landed. It would have been much better it had been left entirely to the Spaniards, for their giving away everything that was ask'd for and more, was a plea for their Robberies and when settling with them whatever I ask'd for that was missing their answer was it was given. I believe there was a deal of Truth in what they advanc'd. I cannot omit mentioning a Case of Cordials I had on board containing twelve dozen. On its being broke open and only receiving four dozen and Seven I asked the Chief and 2nd Mates what had become of it. He accounted for a Couple of dozen which he owned he had given away. His reason was because he said I owed him a Bottle; but at this time he thought proper to forget that during the Passage to S. Bias he seized on a Case belonging to me containing 3 dozen and two dozen of wine out of which I could only get Six Bottles. And a Puncheon of Rum put on board for Captain Douglas he ordered to be broached on the Passage, and might be one third out when we arrived at S. Bias, he owned to have given away. Also a Case of Gin,2 which was put on board for the Factory he took as his own and as such he disposed of it. This was not the only Robbery he committed: he seiz'd on the Clothes &c, that came out for Captain Douglas and Claimed them as his own, but on my Complaining to the Commandant I obtained them. The 28th [August] Captain Hudson in the Princess Royal arrived;3 He and.his Officers were lodg'd with me, his people with mine. In his Vessel came my Boatswain the man Don Estevan Martinez had claim'd from me, also the two Portuguese that refused xThe Argonaut. 2These references to liquor may throw some light on the quarrel between Martinez and Colnett which culminated in the seizure of the Argonaut. 3The Princess Royal had left Nootka on July 27 for San Bias as a prize under convoy of the "packet San Carlos." See Martinez's MS. Diary, entry of that date. NORTH WEST COAST 13 to enter with the Spaniards, and afterwards became attendants to Captain Hudson and Self. I now learnt the Boatswain1 to ingratiate himself with the Spaniard had inform'd Commodore Martinez I sailed from Macao under Spanish Colours, that I had a large case of gold watches on board to trade on the Spanish settlements, and also twelve thirty two Pounders, and ammunition Suitable to make a Strong fort at Nootka, which was partly the occasion of the Commodore detaining me. The 29th, Mr. Hanson second mate cut his Throat in the necessary.2 The chief mate seiz'd on all his papers &c, so that if he gave any reason for so going he destroyed it or kept it a secret to himself. This unaccountable act opened the Eyes of the Spaniards, and as different reasons were advanced for his so doing another inventory of the Cargo was ordered, and myself and such officer as I should pitch on attended. The Chief mate attempted to put a good face on and also attended. This unfortunate circumstance was a good Opportunity for Don Cose Monterda3 to plunder again: he ordered great part of our knives to his house, and all the People's with their razors; those of the Crews he never returnd and great part of mine. Sept. 2nd Cammacha3 suffered me to walk round the Town with the Doctor named Quan [blank] a humane, tender, and generous man, but at the same time forbid to enter any house, under pretence that we might debauch their women; I rather think it was for fear of our finding out means to convey our sufferings to the Vice Roy; so none was suffer'd to accompany us but what were too much in his interest to do it. The Town may be a Mile and a half or two Miles round; no settlement I ever saw so wretched, most the Streets full of great Big stones. There are about a dozen good stone Built houses, the rest are only piles thatch'd over. The best of the Houses are Shops well stock'd with every article, European as well as Indian, xStt note 5, p. 58. Martinez makes no mention of these circumstances. 2The details of the suicide of James Hanson, the second mate of the Argonaut, are set forth in a letter from Jose" Camacho and Jose" Maria de Monterde dated September 3, 1789, in Archivo General de Indias, Seville, Spain, Est. 90, Caj. 3, Leg. 14. Copy in my library. 3Colnett calls these men the Commissioners; Jose" Camacho and Jose Maria de Monterde. their correct names were 74 THE COLNETT JOURNAL which are sold from 500 to 3000 pr. Cent. There are few or no liquors there but of their own Country making, and such of that as can be drunk is sold at the Rate of Twenty Shillings Sterling a Gallon. To this part of the town, which might not be improperly call'd the lower town, you pass from our Prison down a little descent to the Eastward to an open space where front [of] you is the remains of the Church which I believe after it was burnt was attempted to be built again, but on account of some dream or Miracle wherein they were forbid it remains about j finished. In the S.E. corner is the Hospital, Guard House, and Jail, the latter both in one. Keeping the left hand range on board is the Road to tepeak [Tepic?]. You descend at the end of the Buildings about as far down hill to get into the Open Road as you do from the Arsenal. Coming up at the Bottom of this Hill is a River which empties itself into the Sea a little to the Southward of S. Bias one way, and into the Harbour the other. This River abounds with Quantity of Oysters and fish of every kind to be found in those Climates. In going to the Peak [Tepic?] you leave the large Branch of the River to the Right. S. Bias and the arsenal may contain about—men, women, and Children—Eight hundred. The Hill this Town is built on, stands in the middle of low land and in the rainy season a Boat may pass round it. The rainy seasons here are from July to November, which are so heavy with Hurricanes, Thunder, and lightning, as I never saw the like in any Country. It's fortified by nature tho' at present only a Corporal's guard. It might be easily surpris'd; and a few men might keep Possession of it against all the force they could bring. But you must carry Cannon with you, for they have none. The King's Buildings on the highest part of the hill cut a respectable appearance. The Hill at that part a Solid Rock and perpendicular from seaward; a Stranger would suppose it an impregnable Castle: another striking Object, when you look thro' a Glass; the Spouts around for carrying off the rain, are all made in the Shape of a Gun, which make the Building appear at a distance Stuck full of Cannon. I had the Privilege of taking anything out of Store I pleas'd by giving receipts for it and having some porter there which I knew must spoil in this Climate I got it out as we wanted it, which was drunk in Common as was my other sea Stock of Liquors, and while ft lasted our house was never empty, and what was not given they NORTH WEST COAST 75 took, even the utensils we eat off, wearing apparel and other articles, whenever we put them out of our hands. Complaint I made daily to Don Camacha, who once in an angry tone told me to hold my tongue and to recollect if my Vessel was condemn'd my shirt on my back was not my own.1 A kind of enquiry was once made which produced nothing, and it's not to be wondered at, for where murder is only punish'd with a few months' imprisonment it's easy to guess how other crimes are treated. This far our remonstrance did; the Soldiers that in this Country are obliged to serve in that Capacity, for having committed some crime against the State or individuals, are past all Subordination and commit most acts with Impunity, they were taken off, and sailors sent to Guard us. From this time we lost nothing, Captain Hudson and self suffered to go where we pleas'd except into Houses, the Officers a Sailor to follow them, and the seamen, a Soldier. Before I could get the Inventory finished I fell sick of the country disease, a Calentura,2 as was Captain Hudson and most of the crew and officers. One of my under Officers finished the survey. At this time an order came to fit my Vessel out and for the Englishmen to do it. At the same time taught to believe we were going away and to carry on this duplicity, I was desired to sign a receipt for all the Stores for the outfitt. Altho' our Crews were in a very weak condition their spirits seem'd to be a little rais'd with the news, and though scarcely able to crawl, attended daily to heave down and replace Sixty Sheets of Copper, which had been part knocked off with the Spanish Launches and getting on shore on the Bar, and others lost ourselves coming from China to Nootka. Our Spirits were not long kept up. After the Vessel's Bottom was completed, we were rascally undeceiv'd by Camacha informing me the Argonaut was to go to Acapulco for Guns for their service. This acted Strongly on my self, Officers, and Crew, and Shortly after departed this life Eight including the Chief mate of the Sloop and my Boatswain the informer. There was now an order from the Vice Roy to send a list of my stores, trade, &c, missing, also to write my Complaints against Commodore Martinez, which I did literally as it happened, but in Colnett seems to take pleasure in making complaints. 2The Spanish word for fever. 76 THE COLNETT JOURNAL return of post learning from Don Camacha there was several stories prevailing in Mexico, how I came in those seas &c. I requested permission to send another Letter which was granted; following is the Copy. S. Bias Ex-Senor, In my last I was particular concerning the Capture of the Argonaut, but as it may be necessary towards clearing up all other points on the Subject of my being on the North West coast of America, I take the liberty of sending an account from my first outfit from China and also to explain my pass for coming into those seas round Cape Horn in the Ship Prince of Wales. The Company I am employed by had from his Britannic Majesty1 a Grant for five Years to trade on the North West coast of America &c. j In October 17861 sail'd from England in the Ship Prince of Wales of two hundred tons Burthen to prosecute a Voyage to the North West Coast of America, with orders to come no nearer the Coast of America to the Southward of forty five degrees than 200 Leagues but in Stress of weather and obliged to seek a port; or falling in with any foreign Ships, before reaching the Latitude of 45° was both provided with a pass to shew who we were, and that we belong'd to a Company under the protection of the Crown and Parliament of Great Britain, and not Promiscuous adventurers; on my arrival at Canton where I was order'd to sail for to dispose of my Cargo and to be freighted home by order of King and Council2 at the rate of Eleven Pounds Pr. Ton. Here I found an order from my Merchants to return to the Coast of America. The Ship I brought here was not able to perform such a Voyage having by misfortune in Latitude 53° broke her keel in two,3 on the Rocks. The Merchants at Canton who transacted the Business for my Company offered me the Argonaut; with consent of my Supercargo, who had the directions of all Business in Junction with me, accepted of the offer. This Vessel lay in a Bay to the Eastward of Macao; no Vessel under English Colours being admitted into their ports but in distress.4 In Consequence of this a Vessel which Captain John Mears one of the Company had purchased from the Portuguese which lay in Macao Harbour was suffered by the Governor on paying the proper port duties to take in every article for the Argonaut and carry it to her. When the Argonaut aSee note 2, p. 59. 2In reality under the terms of the East India Company's licence. See appendix. 3This is gross exaggeration. The vessel referred to—the Prince of Wales— under Colnett struck a rock in 1788, near Calamity bay, Banks island, B.C. It was feared that she had broken her keel, but the damage proved so small that she sailed for China and thence returned to England. 4This is doubtful. The reasons for resorting to such bays as Lark's bay were monetary: to evade payment of duties. NORTH WEST COAST 77 was ready for sea I took the Command, and sailed, having dispatch'd the Princess Royal under my Command the 2nd of November.1 To provide against the misfortunes that had like to have befallen me the preceding Voyage when I should have been left a sacrifice to the Indians had my vessel been lost, I purchased a Boat in frame, to set up on emergencies, as I should think fit. If I had thought a deception necessary on account of the name of the Vessel any reason for a foreigner's stopping me I could have changed it to the name of my old Vessel,2 but as no pass was necessary for me being within the Limits granted me by Charter I fear'd no one nor meant to offend no one. My arms, Ammunition, and Quality of them can fully point out my intentions were not hostile altho' every method has been taken by commodore Martinez to augment my four Pounders into four and twenty and a Brass Howitzer (about 18in., or two foot long and may carry a three pound Ball, which I had purchased for my Cabin windows to throw small shot having in my former Voyage several times been nearly surpriz'd there) is grown in his list to a Mortar; but he has forgot it's Common to use Shells or Carcasses with a Mortar but perhaps he never saw one used, or never saw one at all, or he could not be so much mistaken. The Climate of S. Bias has much impaired my health, as well as all my Officers and Crew; an Indulgence of residing a few miles in the Country or some distance from hence for a few days, part of us at a time, will be look'd on as a great favour. I am &c. Our being brought here as a prize was the cause of their calling in all their Marine force to protect Nootka, and give up the Plan (which they had orders out from Europe) to Drive the Russian out of the Northern settlements.3 The Conception Frigate of 28 Guns arrived about this time from California. She is the most of a man-of-war they have and built after our modern Indiamen and might mount fifty Guns. She is also built so flat that when deep Loaded only draws Twelve foot water being calculated for navigating the Gulf of California. In this frigate arrived several missionaries of the Dominican order. Those friendly Padres waited on me and offer'd every Assistance; but the Rascal of Interpreter xThis is untrue. On November 2, 1788, the Princess Royal was in China. She sailed for the North West Coast on February 21, 1789, under Captain Thomas Hudson. The whole letter is a tissue of false or, at any rate, half-true statements. 2In the Orient at this time owners altered the names of their vessels without any formality. In 1789 John Henry Cox changed the British snow Mercury into the Swedish snow Gustavus IIP, and in 1798 R. J. Cleveland changed the British cutter Dragon into the American cutter Caroline. 3The object of Martinez's expedition of 1789 was not to drive out the Russians but to forestall them in the occupation of Nootka sound. 78 THE COLNETT JOURNAL was so much in the Interest of Don Camacha and Martinez who was god father to his Children, [as not] to explain to me what they said. So I was depriv'd of the Opportunity of writing at this time to the Vice Roy; and all I got permission for, was a few lines to Europe for my mother, to say I was well. But I was informed when it was too late how I had been deceiv'd, that they would and Could have carried any writing for me. Before they left S. Bias they came and prayed for our release, . and promis'd to intercede with the Vice Roy for us, which they certainly did; but the most serviceable man to me fell Sick at Tepeak [Tepic], where I afterwards found him. The other favours he did me will be mentioned in their proper places. The Vice Roy at this time wrote for all of us to be paid our wages and maintain ourselves, but the 2nd Commissary said he would only give me mine; out of which he would stop daily the people's and Officers' Victualling and I must give him a receipt for the money. I told him this was an unprecedented Business for Prisoners, and Positively refused it. He than declared I should have no more to eat, till I complied with what he requested; I argued with him the injustice of it, and requested, as he had appointed a Man to Victual all of us, to give him the money thought necessary, and I would sign for it by the Lump, which he at last consented to. He and the Commodore constantly importuned me to dispose of my Provisions and which I positively refused. We had now no remedy left but to resign ourselves to fate and depend on the Court of Great Britain for our release which we were well assured would happen as soon as the news by the way of China thro' the Americans that were at Nootka when we were Captured. Nothing now particular happen'd till the 21st October when I received the following letter from the Vice Roy. He leido las representaciones que hicieron vuestra merced y el Capitan Hudson a mi antecesor el Excelentisimo Seiior Don Manuel Antonio Flores: me he impuesto de todo y de sus quexas contra los procedimientos del Comandante de Nuka Don Estevan Joseph Martinez: pero mis determina- ciones seran arregladas a las leyes de la razon, equidad y Justicia. Esto es lo que por ahora puedo y debo decir a vuestra merced y al Capitan Hudson asegurandoles que seran tratados, como toda la gente de NORTH WEST COAST 79 sus buques, con la atencion que exigen la buena amistad, correspondencia y armonia que resplandecen reciprocamente en nuestros soberanos. Dios guarde a vuestra merced muchos afios Mexico 21 de Octubre de 1789 Signed El Conde de Revilla Gigedo Al Capitan Don Jayme Colnett1 I began to think now as the Vice Roy had condescended to write me, that our stay might not be so long here as expected. The good season advancing most of us were on the recovery; on the 14th November we were ordered to the Town of Tepeak [Tepic], inland about 60 Miles from hence. It's reckon'd a very healthy situation at the time S. Bias is the reverse; but at this time Sickness prevails as much there as at S. Bias. We thought this another piece of Cruelty and could take it in no other light than a desire to see us end our days; indeed we had many convincing proofs of this, for deeming us heretics they thought us entitled to no other treatment than Dogs. This Idea the Priests impress on their minds in their Infancy, which they never forget: frequently on our first arrival their common language was Pirates and Dogs; and the abuse, if in the Dusk of the Evening, accompanied with a Shower of Stones. But as the latter was a kind of weapon we could easily accommodate ourselves with, we never hesitated of returning the Compliment. The former it was fortunate for me and others we did not perfectly understand, or we should have been too sensible of their good wishes, when everyone was 111 and expected momently to die of the Country disease, and not two to help each other. In this Situation hourly visited by many of the Town who only passed thro' the 1I have read the representations which you and Captain Hudson made to my predecessor His Excellency Manuel Antonio Flores: I have become acquainted with everything and with your complaints against the proceedings of the Commander of Nuka Mr. Estevan Joseph Martinez: but my decisions will be regulated by the laws of reason, equity, and justice. This is all that, for the present, I can and must say to you and to Captain Hudson, assuring you that you and Captain Hudson, as well as everyone from your boats, will be treated with the attention demanded by the good friendship, correspondence, and harmony for which our sovereigns are equally conspicuous. May God keep you many years. Mexico, October 21, 1789. Signed The Count of Revilla Gigedo To Captain James Colnett 80 THE COLNETT JOURNAL house without the smallest mark of Pity or Compassion for our Situation and (if I may Judge from the very method they treated the Buried—digging them up for what was buried with them, robbing the Corpse and leaving the Body a prey to the Turkey Bustards) [turkey-buzzards] rather wish'd for our Deaths than Recovery, all except our friend Captain Zeletta who requested I would take part of his house till the fever had left me, which I did for a night. But Captain Hudson growing worse from my leaving the House I returned again. As our Crew and officers died I was obliged to pay for digging the grave beforehand, also for carrying them to be buried; none of our own people being able to do it. A New Set of Officers being ordered here from Mexico, we once more flatter'd ourselves of greater indulgences or a release, as I was informed they were to Judge the Cause of my Vessel. Mules being appointed to carry us and Baggage to Tepeak [Tepic], all that were able to move were mounted; the sailors travel'd in one party with 2 Soldiers as guard; the Officers with a Guide only. We met all together in the Lower square, and horrid figures we were, not one but the Bones was starting thro' his Skin from disease, and we were a fleet of Skeletons on horse and Mule Back. From our infirm state the Journey up took us three days. The first night we lodg'd at a Small town named Quadastemble. Its computed distance from S. Bias is Thirty Miles; but to it from S. Bias in the Rainy season is impossible, the road being nearly overflowed; it's a good and plain road in the dry season, and though you pass over three or four Bridges, the runs are all fordable, after the Rains take off. The Road to this Town is thinly inhabited, except at a place about twelve miles from S. Bias where are Salt works; they make the Salt from the Earth. The next night we Slept about 15 Miles from Quadestemble, at a Farm house—one of the Estates that was seiz'd on from the Jesuits, and now held by the Vice-Roy. Its former flourishing appearance was visible but at present going to ruin. From Quadastemble to this place only one house on the Road; the Road Hilly and Mountainous and but a few places two horses can go abreast. The Road from here to Tepeak [Tepic] in some parts is worse, but better inhabited and there is no Good Road, till within a few Miles of Tepeak. On our mm}} arrival we were all lodged in a well fitted up house, but too small for NORTH WEST COAST 81 our numbers. The 1st Commissary Don Francisco Hixosa and Principal people visited us; but the greater number came for what they could get, but it was too late; we had been too well plunder'd, as all articles worth acceptance were artfully obtain'd from us, under some view of rendering services. Those that were most our friends stayed away or visited us but seldom. Tepeak [Tepic] is so named from a remarkable Hill which is about Twelve Miles distant to the Eastward of it, and may be seen from S. Bias. The Town is situated on the Top of a Hill, on a large plain and may contain 300 houses, reckoning the Indians. All the Streets are regularly built, crossing each other at right angles; the Houses are formed of Brick made by the Sun; the Better kind of houses are flat on Top and Tiled, the Common kind Thatch'd —few of them two Storys, or windows—and those that have, no Glass. The town forms an Acute Angle, the Angular Point to the Northward. There's a decent Stone-Built Church in the Centre of the Town, and another South about 2 Miles call'd Santa Crux. It's on a rising ground, and said to be the spot the Spaniards encampt the night before they took the Town from the Indians. On which spot a Cross was erected in commemoration, which an Indian is said to have cut down and piss'd in the hole; for which piece of sacrilege it's said the man was struck blind, and no person whatever suffer'd to walk over the ground, which at present is surrounded by a wall Twenty feet high, and Joined to the Church. I followed a party of Gentlemen and Ladies there Per invitation, at that time not knowing anything of this Miracle. When I joined them they were on top of the wall looking down at the Hole. I did not know, nor did they inform me, what was taking up their attention. The reason it's given out; no heretic can look down at it without falling. In order that their impious prophecies should not lose ground, it was declared I was a boon Christian. The Town of Tepeak is well water'd, a River passing by the North end of it; it also abounds with Springs. Their marshes and River are full of wild fowl, and the woods of every kind of Game. There are but few fish, and those of the Cat's kind. We had the privilege of the Town and Country to ride, walk, or Shoot, night or day; and the People till 8 o'Clock at night. Inhabitants behaved civil and we were invited into most houses, except were the Jealousy { J] 82 THE COLNETT JOURNAL of the men prevented it. The European Spaniards were most attentive, and our Situation became tolerable, and we were not sorry for Shifting from S. Bias. Captain Hudson remaining in an ill state of Health, the beginning of December I obtained permission from the Commissary to take a house to ourselves. About this time the new Commandant arrived named Don Francisco Bodega y Quadra, Captain in the Royal navy, with several other Officers. (The Commodore was a Passenger in the rich Prize the Active and Favorite took the war before last; he was then just come of age and going to Europe to enjoy his fortune, which his father had acquired in New Spain and had it on board with him.) He and all the Officers paid me a visit, during which he promised thro' the interpreter I should soon go away with my Vessel, and lose nothing and in a few days he would order our declaration to be taken against Martinez for Capturing and Robbing Us. Before this took Place, Commodore Martinez arrived, from Nootka, brought my Chinamen and Portuguese with him and Sandwich Isle Indian; the Chinamen were sent to Tepeak. The Indian1 He kept with him by force, and the Portuguese consented to stay at S. Bias and work for the Spaniards; Martinez also brought with him a small American Schooner,2 commanded by Mr. T. Metcalf; his father was on the Northern Coast at this time and altho' seen was so fortunate as to escape my fate. The first Message I receiv'd from Commodore Martinez was he would hang me and all my crew; but the first time he met me, which was in the Public room at the King's Custom house in the presence of twenty people, he addressed me in a very familiar manner, which I returned as politely as possible, but on offering me his hand, and meaning to embrace me I declin'd it, which was applauded by his Contrymen bystanders. To revenge himself on me, he appeal'd to the Commandant for myself, Officers, and people whenever they saw him if they were coming one way, and he the other, to run away from him, and by no means to pass his door. He prevailed on the JThe early traders frequently referred to the Hawaiians as Indians. 8The Fair American, captured by Martinez in October, 1789, at Nootka. Off Nootka on October 31, Martinez sighted the Eleanora commanded by Simon Metcalfe but was unable to effect a capture. NORTH WEST COAST 83 Commandant so far as to obtain this order, which the Commandant deliver'd to me himself. I communicated it to my Officers and People. How far they complied with it I know not, but not approving the order myself, I remain'd at home for several days. The Commandant missing me from his Levee sent his Padre to enquire the Cause. I returned for answer the order I had receiv'd would be too derogatory for me to comply with, provided I went out of doors, for it was not Common for an Englishman to turn his Back to any single man, and I could not to a man that had treated me so infamously, but I did not mean to offend him while in this Country; I receiv'd an order back in return to go where I pleas'd as before. News now came from Mexico to let the American1 go and fit him with every thing wanted, at no expense, with a License to go where he pleas'd but this I was credibly inform'd was only a trap to catch his father. They also supplied him with money, which he believ'd was a gift, at the same time unknown to him opened his packages of Skins and took fifty of the best out. As I expected my vessel soon, I got permission to go to S. Bias to inspect my Stores, Cargo &c. Found many Valuables decaying fast, the Commissary requested I would sell all my Cargo and when I went away could purchase more, and he would get it from Quadalagara for me, which is Eighty Leagues distant. I knew this imposible under many months. The truth was he wanted the Articles for the Fleet fitting out to make an establishment at Nootka which are as Follows Conception 28 200 Prencessa of two decks 12 100 S. Carlos of two decks 20 80 Aranzazu 4 40 Captain Mears's Schooner Named the NW America 2 8 And a small Spanish Schooner Troops—Eighty Soldiers of the Catalonia Volunteers— most of them served at the taking of Minorca. The whole of this armament was intended against the Russian settlements originally. I had been at this time too often cheated in this Country to trust so essential a Business as this to him. JThe schooner Fair American. 84 THE COLNETT JOURNAL January 5th. [1790] Myself, Captain Hudson, and two of my Officers were called on for our declarations and no more. January 12th, the Commandant and Commissary requested one of my Officers to shew them how to Salt fish and Beef in this Climate, for their fleet, which two of them with my consent undertook, well knowing if it was refused how much we were in their power. January 14th, Learnt the Sloop Princess Royal1 was going to Nootka on which I wrote the following letter to the Commandant setting forth the injustice of it. Senr. Dn. Juan Francisco de la Bodega Quadra, Commandant of his most Catholic Majesty's Squadron. S. Bias ''!!§¥ Sir, Your resolution to send the Sloop Princess Royal to Nootka, without any restitution for damages already sustained, being so opposite to the Laws [f |» of Great Britain her Colonies and settlements, in Justice to the Company of Merchants to which the Vessel Belongs and by whom I have the Honour to be intrusted with the sole directions of their affairs on the North West Coast of America, to acquit myself to them, and my Country, I cannot forbear to declare to you my disapprobation of the Sloop Princess Royal being employ'd by you till condemn'd by the Laws of Civilized Nations and Capture. I am with due respect &c. Jan. 14, 1790 Answered Muy Sefior mio: Por orden del Excelentisimo Sefior Virrey de este Reyno he armado la Valandra Princesa Real del cargo de vuestra merced interim biene resolucion de la Corte; si tubiese algun dano a su regreso y el Rey manda se debuelba, se le entregara a vuestra merced carenada a su satisfaccion. Es quanto tengo que contestar a la representacion que vuestra merced me hace en carta de 14 corriente y lo que puede pedir la Compania. Tepic, Enero 16, 1790 Su seguro servidor Signed Juan de la Bodega Quadra* 2Now under Spanish colours and called Princesa Real. She was sent north to explore the Strait of Juan de Fuca, which she did in 1790 as far as.San Juan islands. 2Dear Sir: By order of His Excellency the Viceroy of this kingdom I have JH|§t'||i fitted out the Bilander Princesa Real [Royal Princess], which was under your NORTH WEST COAST 85 Padre Hedalgo, one of the Friars I mention'd came in the Frigate1 from California, who I had frequently visited while he lay dangerously 111 at Tepic, came to take leave of me before he proceeded on his Journey for Mexico. During his detention here he had taken great pains to make every enquiry concerning my case. He asked me to let him see my king's commission and papers, and made the interpreter explain them. He was perfectly satisfied concerning what I advanced. I complain'd to him the Commandant's employing the Sloop2 and shew'd him the letter I had receiv'd in answer to my remonstrance, which he told me was of no Value and that there was not one in this part of the world that would render me any service; and that I might stay till I was grey headed if I did not go to Mexico. I asked him how it was possible; in Answer he desired me to set out with him and he would protect me and no one dared stop me. His advice I could not follow, being at present on a parole of Honour. I told him this day the Commandant had sent for me to go to S. Bias to inspect the Argonaut, a report having been sent to him she had received much damage going and coming from Acapulco. Go, says he, but don't believe a word they say. He then said a long Prayer over me and Captain Hudson for our safe delivery out of hands of our bitter enemies, which he said we were among, from first to last. This was a very unpleasant information altho' a very true one. He promised on his arrival at Mexico to do me every service in his power, which this good man did and laid the Base for our departure from it; one unfortunate Circumstance for me was he did not arrive, being detain'd by sickness, till a fortnight before me. I intrusted him with a letter to the Vice Roy as follows, command, while the decision of the Court arrives. Should it have suffered any damage on its return and the King order that it be returned to you, it will be delivered to you careened to your satisfaction. This is all that I have to answer to the representation which you make me in your letter of the 14th of the present month and what the Company can demand. Tepic, January 16, 1790. Yours truly Signed Juan de la Bodega Quadra 1The Conception of 28 guns. See ante, p. 77 ff. 2The Princess Royal, now called Princesa Real. 86 THE COLNETT JOURNAL Exmo Senr., Being detained in this Country so long contrary to my Expectations, buoy'd up with flattering hopes and promises of a daily clearance of both Sloop and Snow1 belonging to a Company of Merchants to whom I am responsible for every misscarriage, I hope will be a sufficient excuse for my' troubling you again, expecially when I have every reason to be displeas'd of the Equipment of the Sloop for Nootka, for the service of his most Catholic Majesty, without any restitution for any Damages already sustain'd or properly condemn'd by the Laws of Civiliz'd Nations, which I have represented to Commodore Don Quadra, and the only Satisfaction I receiv'd in ■[fij.' f answer to my letter, was, it was your order—which he also signified by letter to me. Consider your Excellency I bore with Patience not only the Superintending the heaving down of the Argonaut with my Crew and Officers then in health, which in so horrid a Climate was very few, But their spirits were kept up under alluring promises of being dismissd, but had the Mortification before the outfit was completed, to understand from Don Commacha, the Vessel was to be employ'd on a Voyage to Acapulco for Guns, A Cargo not at all Calculated for a Vessel, whose Bottom is only one Inch and three Quarters thick, and Floor Timbers seven Inches at Most. I represented I this to no purpose. My Vessel is now return'd, said to have receiv'd much damage, and tomorrow I accompany the Commodore Senr. Dn. Quadra to S. Bias to inspect with my Carpenter the hurt receiv'd which he promises shall be completely repaired, and from the Gentleman and Officer-like behaviour I have experienced from him, have no reason to doubt, he has done everything in his power for me as well as Don Francisco Hixosa the Commissary, to whom I am also much obliged. I have again to request your Excellency will take into consideration I was inveigl'd into port by the word of Honour to Depart when I pleased from Senr. Don Estevan Martinez, Commodore of his Most Catholic Majesty's Squadron at Nootka, who declared himself to be Nephew of the Vice Roy, and Grandee of Spain, and then taking possession of my Vessel by force of arms, contrary to Laws of Hospitality or People of Rational Ideas. Pardon me again for mentioning the foregoing passage, But your feelings must plead for me, when I inform you my credulity on this head will much hurt my Character and has ruin'd my Expectations as well as those under my Command for the Present. I have sought for a similar case to mine in the Annals of History and cannot find one, but being entrusted as before explained with the Directions of Affairs on the North West Coast of America for Merchants of the first property and Rank in Great Britain, I cannot suffer their property to go to Destruction contrary to the laws of the Country I have been bred in. In consequence of which I hope you will not suffer the Vessels to be again * xThe Princess Royal and the Argonaut. NORTH WEST COAST 87 employ'd till you have determin'd their fate and I acquainted with it, but should it or should it not be the case I have to request your Excellency's permission to be admitted with such Officers as I shall pitch on to come to Mexico to seek Justice and Equity from a Sovereign. I am with the greatest respect your Excellency &c. Tepic, Jan. 22, 1790 The Answer to this letter I did not receive till my return from Mexico, having left Tepic before it arrived; but shall give it in this place. He leido los sentimientos que vuestra merced repite en carta de 22 de Enero proximo sobre su prision y uso que se ha hecho de los Buques para algunas importancias del servicio de mar util que tenian al tiempo de su apresamiento, sin que haya razon de dudar en esta buena fe y proceder de la nacion Espanola, que sabe discernir el derecho de las gentes y portarse con equidad aun quando recelos muy fundados la constituyen en la obligacion necesaria de defender sus fueros. Al presentarse vuestra merced en esta Capital conforme al permiso que para ello le tengo dispensado, podra continuar las representaciones de su carta que oire con imparcialidad y justicia, estando en la persuasion de que para executar su marcha, como desea, en compaiiia de algunos oficiales de sus Buques, digo ahora al Comandante de Marina Don Juan de la Bodega no le ponga embarazo en elegir los que le parecieren de su confianza. Dios guarde a vuestra merced muchos afios. Mexico, 24 de Marzo de 1790 Signed El Conde Revilla Gigedo Al Capitan Jame Colnett1 Next day I went down to S. Bias with the Commandant and *I have read the sentiments which you repeat in your letter of the 22nd of last January regarding your imprisonment and the use which has been made of the boats for some important matters in the useful marine service for which they were of use at the time of their capture, there being no reason to doubt the good faith and conduct of the Spanish nation which can discern the rights of people and act justly even when very well founded suspicions make it necessary for it to defend its rights. When you come to this Capital with the permission, which I have accorded you for this purpose, you will be able to continue the representations of your letter which I shall hear with impartiality and justice, being assured that in order that you may make your trip as you wish in the company of some officers of your boats, I now tell the Naval Commander Mr. Juan de la Bodega not to hinder you in selecting those whom you think deserve your trust. May God keep you many years. Mexico, March 24, 1790. Signed The Count of Revilla Gigedo To Captain James Colnett i THE COLNETT JOURNAL took my Carpenter to survey the Vessel which I found to be in want of nothing, altho' the Master Builder made his estimate at three Thousand dollars' repair, and on my refusing to heave down reply'd, he hoped we should sink the first time we went to sea, but the truth was this: I had refused to sell my Copper &c, the people in power here thought when missing, it would be a good plea to say it was on the Bottom. The Commandant took me on board the Princess Royal and was so rude as to tease me about what a fine Vessel she was, and what a repair they had given her, new Sheathed, &c. I said as little as possible without being uncivil; but at last what he had been long labouring to tell me came out: that I could not possibly leave This Country till October. I made answer I would have thank'd him to have told me that before, and not promis'd on his first arrival I should go away in a few days. He now deny'd it and laid the Blame on the Interpreter, but some of my own Officers who were by understood too much Spanish to be deceiv'd, and he also took much pains to explain it to them. Whichever way it was,-it answered the same purpose to me, and suited what the Padre acquainted me with. I now determined to apply to go to Mexico with Captain Hudson and two Officers whose declarations had not been taken. I wrote to the Commandant for permission, but his power not extending so far as to give any one leave to go to the Capital, I was oblig'd to write thro' him to the Vice Roy. Following is a Copy of the letter. Exmo Senor, When I left Tepic I intrusted a letter with Captain Hudson for you to be forwarded the first Opportunity setting forth my grievances, and informing you I was going to S. Bias with the Commandant to inspect into Damages the Argonaut was said to have receiv'd on her Voyage to and from Acapulco. To my surprise when I went on board, from what I could see myself, and also my Carpenter, it was entirely false information. I now grew completely tired of the deception put on me, and also of the Duplicity repeatedly treated with. In consequence of which this morning I apply'd to Commodore Don Francisco Quadra for his permission to be sent with such Officers as I chose to Mexico. In Answer he informed me it was not in his power till your Excellency was acquainted with it. I am extremely sorry to add that if a Subject of his Most Catholic Majesty, a prisoner in England, captured in the manner I was, had made Application to any commanding Officer for Leave to appeal to his Britannic Majesty, he would not have experienc'd half the r NORTH WEST COAST 89 Difficulties, nor indeed any, I have met with in my appeal to your Excellency. Perfectly convinced of the Justice of my cause I appeal to your Excellency with confidence, firmly persuaded a man in your Excellency's exalted Station will act with that Justice, Humanity, and Honour peculiar to the Nobles of Spain. I am &c. S. Bias, Jan. 29, 1790 I now returned to Tepic with no other Comfort than Patience. Our Interpreter that had been born under English Colours, and served under them for Years shewed too great a Partiality to the Spaniards and constantly caught tripping, and in other respects guilty of some unpardonable Tricks, He was dismiss'd Close attendance on us, and was only sent for Occasionally, and the Money for our subsistence was drawn weekly—Six Reals per day. At this time my Officers came to my house, and demanded to see the Ship's Articles. I informed them they were taken from me at Nootka, and I was taught to believe sent to Mexico. They inform'd me that was not the case but in Possession of the Chief Mate. I told them if they knew it, they Had my authority to fetch them, which was done. I now discover'd he had alter'd the Articles, Made himself Commander, and several other additions and alterations. In Consequence of which every Officer put his name to the Articles that they was forg'd and done without their Consent. To Provide against the Bad season that was advancing I hired a house in the upper part of the town for myself and Captain Hudson. It was one of the best houses in the Town, but said to be haunted, for which reason no Spaniard would live in it. It was pleasantly situated and Commodious; in this we lived the remaining part of the time we stay'd in the Country. As we had nothing to give away, we were seldom visited but by friends, by which means we got acquainted every Interest was making here, and at S. Bias to prevent my going to Mexico, and the only person Strenuous for it, was Don Francisco Quadra. The reason given against me now was: I should spy too much the Situation of their Country. I at this time learnt that the Store at S. Bias was broke open and § a leaguer of Arrack stole and selling at Tepic. I desired the interpreter to bespeak some of it; he brought me a ten Gallon Keg and on tracing the Proprietor discovered it to belong to the Spoon and Knife Gentleman's Wife, the HP iff 90 THE COLNETT JOURNAL 2nd Commissary.1 I complain'd to the Commandant, and all Satisfaction I could receive was: he was Satisfied it was my liquor but as the Lady's husband was in Mexico he could do nothing in it, and if I kept the Liquor I must pay for it which I did. The 23rd February2 I received the following letter from the Vice Roy, which is his permission to come to Mexico. Persuadido de las expresiones con que vuestra merced significa su deseo de pasar a esta Capital, he venido en condescender con su instancia per- mitiendoselo, como ha visto, tambien para que no lo impida el Comandante de Marina de este Puerto, que desde luego estuvo obligado a no conceder la licencia sin noticia de esta Capitania General en quien solo residen iguales facultades. Dios guarde a vuestra merced muchos anos. Mexico, 23 de Febrero, 1790 Signed El Conde de Revilla Gigedo Cap. James Colnett8 No mention being made in the Vice Roy's letter of Captain Hudson or any Officer Accompanying me, nor would the Commodore permit one, I was obliged to write a second letter for them. Exmo. Senor, Your Excellency's letter of 23rd February I have this day receiv'd for which I have to request you will accept my sincere thanks. I am inform'd by Sen. Don Francisco Quadra that I cannot have an Officer I wish for a Companion, but that I must travel with my Servant and Interpreter. As I most ardently wish to see and (Explain to) your Excellency my Situation, I shall leave Tepic on Saturday Morning, and as soon as possible 1Don Jose" Maria Monterde. The "commandant" mentioned in the next sendee is Don Francisco Bodega y Quadra. 2Though the letter is dated February 23, 1790 it was not received until March 9. 'Persuaded by the expressions with which you signify your desire to come to this Capital, I have decided to yield to your persistance by granting your petition as you have seen also in order that you might not be prevented from doing so by the Naval Commander of this Port who, as a matter of course, was obliged not to grant you the permission without being advised to do so by this Captaincy General which is the only one that has the necessary authority. May God keep you many years. Mexico, February 23, 1790. Signed The Count of Revilla Gigedo Captain James Colnett NORTH WEST COAST 91 after that time, I will do myself the Honour to pay my personal respects to your Excellency. I have to request your Excellency will be so candid as to order such Officers as I shall point out to your Excellency on my arrival at Mexico to be sent by the most speedy conveyance in order that their testimony, conjoin'd with mine, may sufficiently convince your Excellency that I am not a Pirate, as has been represented, but legally authorised by King and Parliament of Great Britain to trade with the Indians on the North West Coast of America. The Sloop Princess Royal under my orders but commanded by Captain Thomas Hudson is now employ'd on an Expedition to Nootka. That Vessel, I beg leave to inform your Excellency, was captured in the most unjust and illegal manner that ever Vessel was captured. Don Estevan Jose Martinez gave Captain Hudson (on his first arrival at Nootka) a letter of recommendation to such Spanish Ships as he might meet with on his Voyage. On his second arrival he, Don Estevan Martinez, artfully obtain'd that letter from him, and afterwards positively asserts he never gave such letter. With a View to clear this Story I again earnestly entreat your Excellency to permit Captain Hudson and his officer to wait on your Excellency at Mexico. As the Vicissitudes of Life and health are very uncertain and possibly I may not live to reach Mexico I take the Liberty to inform your Excellency that the Persons I wish there to clear and elucidate this Business fully are— C. T. H. [Captain Thomas Hudson] C.J. [C.Jacks(?)] R. G. [Robert Gibson] I have the greatest Reliance on your Excellency's Honour and Justice and I doubt not but the Testimony of those Officers above named and the Declarations made by my Officers heretofore will fully and explicitly refute every Malicious insinuation advanc'd against me. I have the Honour to be &c. Tepic, March 9th, 1790 I now set about to prepare for my Journey. I had official letters to pass and repass from the Commandant. Several of the Town's people visited me to take leave. They were most of them Job's Comforters informing me it was impossible to Travel without falling sick or being robb'd, but I was determin'd to Proceed, as I had no other prospect of release from this Country without, and it was equal the same to me whether I ended my days on the Road or Tepic. My Chief mate1 sent me a letter at this time requesting I 1Robert Duffin, against whom Colnett has conceived a great aversion. Hi 92 THE COLNETT JOURNAL would permit him to return to China by the way of Acapulco which I refused till an enlargement came for all of us. By the 15th March all forms of Office and Ceremonies were over, obtain'd my Pass from Don Francisco Quadra, who was also Polite enough to give me a letter of recommendation to the Governor of Guadalajara. I left Tepic, my officers accompanying me to the 1st Stage, where they took leave with every mark of friendship. Following is a Copy of the Pass— Juan Francisco de la Bodega y Quadra Caballero de Santiago, Capitan de Navio de la Real Armada y Comandante del Departamento de San Bias, Concedo Licencia fibre y seguro Pasaporte a Don Jaime Colnett, Teniente de la Real Marina de la Gran Bretaiia y Capitan del Paquebot Argonaut, para que pueda pasar a Mexico llevando en su compania un Marinero de su Tripulacion y al Interprete [del] idioma Ingles Diego Pons, en atencion de superior permiso del Excelentisimo Sefior Virrey de estos Reynos. Por tanto, de parte de Su Majestad, mando y exorto, y de la mia ruego y encargo a los Senores Juezes, Duefios de Ranchos, Casas, Haciendas, Gobernadores y Alcaldes de Indias por donde transite no le pongan embarazo alguno, antes vien le faciliten los auxilios de alojamiento y bagages pagandolos antici- padamente segun costumbre. Dado en Tepic a 15 de Marzo de 1790 Signed Juan Francisco de la Bodega Quadra1 When I arrived at Guadalajara which is [number omitted]2 distant from S. Bias I was obliged to have my passport Backed by the Governor, as follows, 1I, Juan Francisco de la Bodega and Quadra Knight of Santiago Commander of a man-of-war of the Royal Navy and Commander of the Department of Saint Bias, grant free permission and safe passport to Mr. James Colnett, Lieutenant of the Royal Navy of Great Britain and Captain of the Paquebot Argonaut, in order that he may go to Mexico taking with him one sailor of his crew and the interpreter of the English language Diego Pons complying with a superior permission granted by His Excellency the Viceroy of these kingdoms. Therefore, on behalf of His Majesty I order and exhort and on my own behalf I beg and charge the judges, owners of ranches, of houses, of farms, governors and mayors of the Indies through whose territory he may pass, that they do not hinder him in any way, on the contrary that they assist him with his lodging and baggage paying for them in advance as is customary. Tepic, March 15, 1790. Signed Juan Francisco de la Bodega Quadra 2About a hundred miles, as the crow flies. NORTH WEST COAST 93 Los Justicias del Distrito por donde transiten los contenidos en el Pasaporte de la buelta, Don Jaime Colnett, un marinero e Interprete, no les pongan embarazo alguno, antes bien les faciliten los auxilios de Alojamientos y Vagages pagandolos anticipadamente segun costumbre sin permitir que se vexe a los referidos en su viaxe. Dado en Guadalaxara a veinte y dos de Marzo de mil setecientos Noventa afios. Entre renglones en el Pasaporte de la buelta—un—vase. Signed Villa Urrutia1 Journey to Mexico I can have little to say on the Villages, Towns or Cities I passed thro' being privately informed, or orders were dispatched on the Road to narrowly watch me, so that when I arrived at a resting place I remain'd indoors. Travelling with the Vice Roy's pass I always sent the Interpreter before to procure me Lodgings, and demand other Mules and Horses, which were instantly order'd, and when procured paid for at the rate of Two pence a Mile. At many places this was attended with great difficulty, as no person that had a horse or mule if ever so little Value cared to let it at that Price, and they evaded it by Bribing the man that's appointed to seize them, that it generally fell on Poor people travelling to Market or others that had no money and latterly on the Inhabitants that offended the Alcaldes.2 I discover'd this long before I reach'd Mexico, and found means to Obtain good beasts as the owners had to prevent it, but I frequently had an Old woman or a woman with four or five Children praying to me to be sure and not keep their Horse, that it was all they had to depend on. When this happen'd I always paid the fare they pay one another for their Horses, and most times something more and also for a greater distance; for the King does not pay for so much distance by Leagues as Private 1Those mentioned on the back of this Passport, Mr. James Colnett, a sailor and an interpreter, must not be hindered in any way in their trip by the Judges of the districts through which they pass; on the contrary, the latter must assist them with their lodging and baggage, provided they pay for them in advance as is customary, and must not allow anyone to molest them in their trip. Issued at Guadalajara the 22nd of March, 1790. Between the lines on the back of this passport one "he is leaving." Signed Villa Urrutia 2The Magistrates or Justices of the Peace in the Mexican towns. IKf- Iff* 94 THE COLNETT JOURNAL Traders do. By so doing I latterly got well on the Road. The Majority of Governors &c, of the Places I inn'd at treated me very politely, waiting on me, and offering every service. Indeed I have only reason to complain of two, the Governor of Leon and Howacaton; the Former not only treated me uncivilly altho' I had letters of recommendation to him, but complain'd of 111 treatment his Brother receiv'd from the English, while a prisoner among them, and when he procured me horses and mules, insisted on my paying for them before they Started. The Mules only carried me four Miles from the Town and lay down. A gentleman Farmer who met me seeing my situation and having two Stout Mules of his own politely offer'd his two, which he said would carry my Baggage as well as my four, and he would make the others carry his Cargo to the Town. I accepted his Offer with thanks. Before I got half way to Mexico I was seiz'd violently with the fwl Blind Piles, the Skin two thirds off my Posterior, and the Sun had entirely strip'd my face. Thro' the whole of my Journey, from ten in the morning till four in the Afternoon, you could scarcely see your hand before you for the Whirlwinds of Dust, and on the whole I swallowed more of it than meat. I had none to condole with me, none to complain to, appetite I had not much, and if I had, being Lent, little was to be procured. The Interpreter was an impudent talkative fellow; my own servant knew little but Portuguese; my other attendants were Indians, Mule drivers, and guide. At Guadalajara the Governor was so condescending and Polite as to return my visit at the Mes6n,1 and sent me, a present for the Road, a large Cheese. This Mark of attention of the Governor's drew a Mob around the Inn, and everyone crowded to see me, as if something very Extraordinary in me. The Calde Mayor2 at Largos made me a present of a Horse, which he forced on me in the following manner. I had left my own at Tepic, which was given me by Don Marutia De la Font, Collector General of Tobacco Duties, and Resided at Rosario,. doubtful of the animal's carrying me all the Road. But on learning at Guadalajara that very great dearth had happened for four years !The inn. 2The chief magistrate. NORTH WEST COAST 95 past, between this and Mexico, [and] would make it dificult to get Beasts to proceed on my Journey, my Good old friend Captain Domingo Zeleta,1 that commanded the Snow that was driven in distress at S. Bias, happen'd at this time to be here. He introduced me to the Chief Judge, and got me a letter of recommendation to this alcalde at Largos, and, on my mentioning I wished to purchase a Horse, he sent 7 or 8 to my Meson, but there was only one I fancied, for which the owners demanded one hundred Dollars. I thought this too much, and did not purchase. On my waiting on him in the evening he enquired what horse I had bought, and the price. On informing him I had seen several but only fancied one, which the man demanded too great a Price for, he asked me what I offered. I told him 30 Dollars. He instantly quitted the Room, sent, purchased the horse, and requested I would accept of it, as a mark of his esteem for an Englishman. This piece of Generosity hurt me Much. I used every argument against accepting it, which at last he grew angry on, and said since I was so scrupulous I must buy it of him, and send thirty Dollars. We would then be good friends and sup together like old Englishmen, which I did. Before I set out I learnt he had paid fifty Dollars for the Horse. Towns, Villages, and Cities Travelled thro' with their Distances from each other. [The rest of the page is blank.] Accommodations on the Road are scarce bearable From Tepic to Guadalajara, being put in any Stable, or out house that's empty; from Guadalajara to Mexico Indifferent, there being proper inns or Mes6ns, but no other bed Places than Board, Brick, or Stone. The Board the worst being mostly filled with Bugs. Everyone that travels on this road must carry his own bed, for few of the Spaniards have any at all, their Cloaks serving all purposes from the middling people downwards. You may at those Inns buy your own food and have it Cook'd in the Inn by your own servants, or they will do it for you; but as no Englishman can eat their food, my Servant generally bought it and stayed by the Cook till it was dressed. You pay nothing for your Lodging, fire, water, or Candle, if you Travel with a Pass; but otherwise a Real a head. I arrived at Mexico April the 7th at 6 P.M. and inn'd at Mez6n formerly referred to as Domingo Qeleat. See note 3, p. 71. ii 96 THE COLNETT JOURNAL Santa Phillipa and immediately dispatch'd the Interpreter with the following note to the Vice Roy, and also to look for my good friends, the Padres. Eximo Senor, . . # I beg leave to acquaint Your Excellency that I am arrived in Mexico to await Your Excellency's pleasure to permit me to prove the unprecedented proceedings of Commodore Don Estevan Martinez Capturing the Snow Argonaut and Sloop Princess Royal1 which were under my Command but belonging to a Company trading under South Sea Company Charter. I am &c. Vice Roy's Answer Podra vuestra merced presentarseme quando guste y ohire quanto me diga acerca de los procedimientos del Teniente de Navio Don Estevan Martinez, aunque seria tal vez mejor y comodo el que vuestra merced lo hiciese por escrito. Dios guarde a vuestra merced muchos aftos. Mexico, 8 de Abril de 1790 Signed El Conde de Revilla Gigedo Sefior Don Jayme Colnett2 I remain'd in the Inn all next day and following one, distress'd how to act or which way to proceed, as the Padre was busy and could not come. In the Evening I was surpris'd at an Englishman's Voice, enquiring for me at the outer door of my Lodgings; I invited him in, but his dress being much against him, I cannot help saying I was prejudiced a little, and as I had had Lessons enough to make me suspicious said but little to him except enquiring his name, which was Thos. Williams. I knew most of his connections in England. His History which he informed me of was: he was born in Ireland educated in England, patroniz'd by an Uncle in Cadiz; he was acquainted with several different Languages. The lit is strange that Colnett makes no reference to the capture and retention of the schooner North West America. 2You may appear before me whenever you wish and I will hear what you may tell me about the proceedings of the Naval Lieutenant Estevan Martinez, although it would probably be better and more convenient if you would do so in writing. May God keep you many years. Mexico, April 8, 1790. Signed The Count of Revilla Gigedo Mr. James Colnett r NORTH WEST COAST 97 cause of his being in this Country: he had spent his father's patri- money foolishly among Bucks and Bloods in London, drawn for large sums on his Uncle, which disgusted him, but in hopes of reforming had sent him here. Poor fellow he had met with many vicissitudes of Fortune, and at present was at the lowest Ebb. The third day Padre Hedalgo1 visited me, and inform'd me he had four hours' Conversation with the Vice Roy and that my affairs were in a good way, provided I told him truth, otherwise I should suffer. As I had nothing but the Truth to tell I made myself perfectly easy; he carried me to the Palace but at this time I could not see the Vice Roy. Next day at Twelve I waited on him; he receiv'd me with distant Politeness and said as he could not talk any Language I understood he wish'd me to express myself in writing to him. I had frequently while at Tepic applyd to Don Francisco Quadra for other Quarters for the Sick; those they possess'd at present being too small. He desired on my arrival at Mexico I would apply to the Vice Roy which I did as follows— Eximo Senor, The Crew belonging to the Argonaut which I commanded also those of the Princess Royal requested on my arrival in Mexico I would represent to your Excellency that a Real and half a day was not Sufficient for their Victualling, also their Quarters too small, which were rendered more disagreeable by the Sick and well being in the same apartment. Several of them have not had a day's health since their arrival at S. Bias. My Officers' time is nearly expired that they Cloth'd themselves for, at Sailing from Macao. In consequence of which they are now very bare- and Supplicated of me to point out their case to your Excellency. As your Excellency has desired whatever I have to communicate or request to make it known by letter, Your Excellency informing me what hopes I have, with those under my Command of quitting your dominions by any Determination you should think just would be great Satisfaction. To your Ex. &c. Mexico, April 9th, 1790 Answer En contestacion a la carta de vuestra merced 9 del corriente le aseguro que me informare acerca de los puntos que contiene en su principio, sin xThe priest who had been so kind to Colnett at Tepic, see ante, pp. 77 ff., 85. He had evidently learned Colnett's habit of exaggerating. ml-- wit 98 THE COLNETT JOURNAL dejar de procurar entre tan to la satisfaccion que apetece en su conclusion para terminar el asunto Nuestro Sefior guarde a vuestra merced muchos aiios. Mexico, 24 de Abril de 1790 Sr. Dn Jayme Colnett Signed El Conde de Revilla Gigedo1 In consequence of this Letter orders were sent to Tepic to allow the Sick ten Reals per Day and to live in the Officers' house, the Officers in mine. I was guided by the Dominican Padres in all I did, who constantly exhorted me to be contented, that all would go well; every hour a post was expected from Europe, I should then be dispatched. I now learnt the Character of the Englishman that first visited me. He was an honest man, and I might trust him; as I had not seen him since the first Evening and wanting a memorial drawn out, and some of my papers turn'd into Spanish I got them to find him out for me. I attended the Vice Roy's Levee the 13th. He treated me civilly and again entreated I would make known if I had any private wants. I then inform'd him my Cash grew low. In Answer to which he said if I would send him an Account of what I had receiv'd at S. Bias, he would give me an order on the Treasurer. I sent him an Account, Travelling Expenses and all for the Eight Months I had been in the Country. I had Receiv'd on my own account Eight Hundred and Ninety dollars. His Answer to the Letter for Money Una vez que la carta de vuestra merced de 14 del corriente se reduce unicamente a la relacion de las sumas que ha percivido y de los recivos que *In answer to your letter of the 9th instant I assure you that I will take note •of the points it contains in its beginning, without failing to procure in the meanwhile the satisfaction which you desire at the end of the letter in order to settle this matter. May Our Lord keep you many years. Mexico, April 24, 1790. Signed The Count of Revilla Gigedo Mr. James Colnett NORTH WEST COAST 99 ha firmado, debo contestarle solamente que quedo enterado de su contenido. Dios guarde a vuestra merced muchos aiios. Mexico, 17 de Abril de 1790 El Conde Revilla Gigedo Sr. D. Jame Colnett1 The Mes6n being not at all convenient for the Business I had to transact, with the Assistance of the Padres and Translator, I procured Private Lodgings about \ Mile from the Palace in the Centre of the City, one of the Best houses. Before I took possession of it to Sleep, they inform'd me the Lodging I had hired had been the habitation of one of the Richest men in Mexico and that he with Eleven of his family a few months before were all murdered by three men, and the House plunder'd of Eleven hundred Thousand Dollars. On many parts of the wall was marked with Blood, and that no person since would live in it from a Notion it was haunted by a very Old man whose bed stood where mine was. I told them it was a matter of Indifference to me: I did not understand their Language, I suppos'd it would not trouble me; the following morning the post arrived. At the same time I receiv'd a Card from Dr. Sullivan, Physician to the Vice Roy, who promis'd to pay me a Visit in the Afternoon, which he did. On his entering my Lodgings, he behaved in a very polite and friendly manner, and lamented he did not know of my arrival, and reprobated much the unkindness of the Officers of Marine at S. Bias, that had just come from Europe with him, for not having given me a letter of Introduction, or even mentioning his name. After a few Compliments had pass'd on both sides, he inform'd me of the News from Europe2 and also concerning myself, and that the Ambas- 1Since your letter of the 14th instant contains only the amounts you have received and the receipts you have signed, I must answer you only that I am informed of its contents. May God keep you many years. Mexico, April 17, 1790. The Count of Revilla Gigedo Mr. James Colnett 2Mr. Merry, British Charg6 d'Affaires at Madrid, learned of the seizures in January and informed his government. The brusque letter from the Duke of Leeds demanding from Spain satisfaction before discussion of Spanish claims was dated February 26, 1790. Probably this situation at least was in the news from Europe. ioo THE COLNETT JOURNAL Hi sador at Madrid was much displeas'd I had not wrote. I told him the cause as before mention'd: I was not suffer'd. He offer'd to do me every Service in his power, but at the same time informed me most in the City were prejudiced against me, and believed my Papers were forged, for how could I be an Officer of the King's and two Captains to the Vessel I commanded (this was one of the greatest Injuries my Chief mate did the Employers, he not only brought on all the doubts in Mexico, which were the occasion of the Papers being sent to Europe, and our long detention in this Country, to the loss of several lives and destruction of others' health, and loss of great deal of the Owners' property). I soon cleared this point by shewing him the articles. He said it would be necessary for him to see some other of my papers, to defend me and also to defend myself. Nothing gave me greater pleasure than this request. I immediately deliver'd him my King's Commissions, letters from my owners, Admiralty leave, and many other Public and Private. He was highly delighted on first seeing them and requested I would permit him to shew them in the City and to the Vice Roy, which was done. The scene now was changed, for as many of the first people read, wrote, and talk'd English perfectly well, everything was unriddled. Con. Ceaton of the Artillery, who, I was inform'd, was the only one that at all times positively and openly asserted I was an injured man and ought to be speedily redress'd and Don Estevan Martinez hang'd; I have a letter in my Possession from him, wherein he says he will do all he can to accomplish it. My affairs now wore a different aspect. I was desired to wait on the Vice Roy, Doctor Sullivan accompanying me. I was receiv'd with the greatest mark of Politeness, Desired to wear my Sword, and told my affairs would soon be settled. After this I was saluted by the Guard, and every other mark of respect shewn me. Next day Visited by the Vice Roy's Atty.- General, Governor of Acapulco, Corregidor,1 and many of the Principal Inhabitants; all which visits I return'd and in the Evening went to the Play. I learnt but little of the European news, except of the Rebellion in France, and that superficially; concerning myself, I was informed by some, the English Ambassador had behaved very spirited, and order'd the release of my Vessel, but others aThe mayor. NORTH WEST COAST inform'd me that the Spaniards had remonstrated in high terms to the Court of Great Britain and forbid them at their peril to Licence another vessel to trade on their Northern Californias.1 The only general Story was, that it was left to the Vice Roy to do as he pleas'd. I was at this time by the Assistance of my friends completing a large and full memorial to be delivered to the Vice Roy. I had also by the Vice Roy's permission wrote Complaints to the Admiralty for being captured under their Licence, To my Owners who had procured the Charter from Parliament, and also to the English Ambassador at Madrid, for such Piracy and ill Treatment to the Subjects of Great Britain.2 The Post was said to Depart this Evening for Europe. I had finished my letters and made them up when the Vice Roy's Messenger brought me the following letter which was an Order to get my Vessel again. Teniendo presente los ocursos que ha hecho vuestra merced sobre su detencion en San Bias, resuelvo parta quanto antes a aquel destino y, reciviendo su Paquebot Argonaut con todos los individuos de su nacion y demas que le toque, se retire a Macao o donde le pareciere, cuidando de no hacer comercio en Establecimientos y Costas de la Nacion Espaiiola cuyo recelo dio causa a su entretenimiento en este Reyno. La Balandra Princesa Real sera entregada a Thomas Hudson en Nuca en util y buen estado de servicio como lo prevengo al Comandante para que expida la orden necesaria. La Goleta en piezas, que ya no puede sin riesgo volverse a [desvarar], se remplazara a vuestra merced con su importe, o en madera o dinero. Se le daran viveres equivalentes a los que se tomaron en sus embar- caciones, y la gente sera asistida con los sueldos y raciones que el Rey de Espafia paga a sus Basallos por el Reglamento de la mar del sur donde fueron apresados vuestra merced y sus compafieros. El Indio de Islas de Sandwich se le entregara si voluntariamente quisiere xIn his letter of February 10, 1790 the Marquis del Campo had requested the British government to prevent its subjects from resorting to the North West Coast. 2In Archivo Historico Nacional, Madrid, Sec. Estado, 4291, are copies of Colnett's letters to the British Ambassador at Madrid, to Richard Cadman Etches, to Colnett's mother, and to P. Stephens of the Admiralty. These are all dated May 1, 1790, and are doubtless those referred to in this paragraph. In those to his principal owner, R. Cadman Etches, and the Ambassador, Colnett sets out the letter from Captain Hudson, dated July 3,1789, and received by him on his arrival at Nootka. It is given ante, p. 55. 102 THE COLNETT JOURNAL seguirle porque, siendo Gentil y libre, eligira a su arbitrio el lugar y la Religion que le acomode. En fin todo se debolvera a vuestra merced en el estado que se hubiere recivido o se le abonara lo que faltare, en el supuesto que si sobre el abono que se le hiciere asi por sueldos como por otra qualquier cosa, se le ofreciere algo que representar, lo ejecutara dirigiendome su recurso para noticiarlo al Rey a fin de que determine como fuere de su soberano agrado reintegrando lo que le parezca a la Compania de Londres, pudiendo vuestra merced ahora pedir una moderada y determinada cantidad con que emprender su viage a San Bias hasta que alii se le ajuste de lo que le corresponda. Dios guarde a vuestra merced muchos aiios. Mexico, 27 de abril de 1790 Signed El Conde Revilla Gigedo Sefior Don Jayme Colnett1 xTaking into consideration the petitions which you have made on account of . your demurrage at San Bias I decree that you leave as soon as possible for that destination and, receiving your Paquebot Argonaut with all the individuals of your nation and everything else that belongs to you, withdraw to Macao or wherever you think best, taking care not to trade in establishments or coasts of the Spanish nation. Suspicion concerning this brought about your detention in this kingdom. The Bilander Princesa Real will be delivered to Thomas Hudson at Nuca in useful and good condition of service as I give notice to the Commander to issue the necessary order. , The value of the schooner in pieces, which can no longer be safely floated again, will be made good to you either in lumber or in money. You will be given provisions equivalent to those taken from your boats and the crews will be taken care of by paying them the salaries and rations which the King of Spain pays his subjects according to the by-laws of the South Seas where you and your companions were apprehended. The Indian from the Sandwich Islands will be handed over to you if he voluntarily wishes to follow you, because he, being a Gentile and free, will choose of his own free will the place and religion he desires. Finally everything will be returned to you in the condition in which it was received or you will be paid for whatever may be missing, with the assumption that if over and above the amount credited to you, either for salaries or for any other thing, you have anything to claim, you should do so addressing your petition to me so that I may inform the king in order that he may decide as he pleases reimbursing the London Company whatever amount he deems fit; and you may now ask for a moderate and fixed sum with which to set out on your voyage to San Bias until the time when whatever may be due you is settled there. May God keep you many years. Mexico, April 27, 1790. Signed The Count of Revilla Gigedo Mr. James Colnett r NORTH WEST COAST 103 On its being interpreted to me by my Friend Doctor Sullivan, and the Dominican Padres,1 there were many parts I disapproved of, and among the Rest Detaining the Sandwich Isle Indian. The poor fellow had been sent to Mexico, and deliver'd over to the Padres of the Finandoes [Franciscans in] order to convert to Christianity. When he could steal out, which was but seldom, [he] wept bitterly to me to get his release, which I promis'd when I procured my own. (I asked him what progress he had made in Religion; with a heart ready to Burst, he answer'd, none. On asking him why, he said how is it Possible when the Padres told him that his own Countrymen, as well as the English, when they died went to the wicked gods to be burnt and what was the service [use ?] of his going to the good god where no one was he knew. For his Part, be where it would, he should like to be with the English, and his Country men. What kind of Religion was it they were going to Cram down his throat, that he must not have a wife in this world or the next and starve two or three days in a week, at the same time shewing me how he had fell away? As this was Lent time I suppose they kept him low, for he eat unmercifully when he came to see me, and for all the indulgences of the Padres he would not sit before me, and also insisted to serve me at Table as he done before.)2 I sat down immediately and wrote a memorial to the Vice Roy for him. Before I receiv'd an Answer I was told there was a Storm rising over me; that several were much dissatisfied with the release of my Vessels; and that the Vice Roy had hinted to one of my friends that he had been credibly inform'd I was imposing on him concerning the Indian; that I had stolen him, with several other Ill-natured things on the Subject. I never knew who the Person was that defended me, but he reply'd I would not tell a lie on the Subject in dispute for the Kingdom of Mexico; that I had shewn to him in my Journal the particulars of the man being receiv'd on board; but the Vice Roy was so prejudiced at this time that he sent me the following Letter. He sabido con toda certeza que el Indio Mariano Modetroy, reclamado xThe Journal shows how difficult it was to obtain his approval to any document. 2This lengthy parenthesis has more of Colnett than the Hawaiian boy in it. 'ffir if* 104 THE COLNETT JOURNAL por vuestra merced como criado suyo, no solo no lo es ni ha sido, sino que no quiere volver a su compania sobre que vuestra merced expuso hallarse [volente]. Tampoco parece verdad que Don Estevan Josef Martinez se lo quitase a vuestra merced pues confiesa que voluntariamente se acogio a este oficial a cuyo lado se mantubo [prestese]. En suma el Indio es fibre, esta resuelto a seguir distinto partido, y a mi me parece extrano que vuestra merced se haya conducido con tanta facilidad en solicitar que se le entregue suponiendo especies y cosas que no hay, segun el mismo confiesa, por lo qual no devo deferir a su Instancia. Dios guarde a vuestra merced muchos afios. Mexico, 1 de Mayo, 1790 Signed El Conde de Revilla Gigedo Senor Don James Colnett1 When I first receiv'd the letter I perfectly understood the meaning, and Vext at the accusation, and not 'knowing where it would end, I sat down [and] wrote the following letter, but waited for my friends perusing it, before I sent it, who, commended it when they, saw it, and said If I now suffer'd myself to be borne down, all my other affairs would follow; that it was also necessary the Vice Roy should understand (tho' there was no appeal from his determinations by the Subjects of his Province) that I was an Englishman and by no means would abide with so great an affront and injustice without remonstrating. Exm. Senor, As I never advanc'd a falsehood on any Subject my feeling have been extremely hurt at receiving your Excellency's letter, in which you accuse me JI have learned with all certainty not only that the Indian Mariano Mode- troy claimed by you as your servant, is not your servant nor has he ever been, but that moreover he does not wish to return to you although you said that he was with you voluntarily. It does not seem true either that Mr. Estevan Joseph Martinez took him away from you by force for, as he himself confesses, he voluntarily sought the protection of this officer in the company of whom he stayed willingly. In a word, the Indian is free and he is decided to follow a different way from yours, and it seems to me strange that you have acted so lightly asking that he be delivered to you assuming specious events and things that do not exist as he himself confesses, for which reasons I must not yield to your petition. May God keep you many years. Mexico, May 1, 1790 Signed The Count of Revilla Gigedo Mr. James Colnett 1 NORTH WEST COAST 105 (upon what you are pleas'd to call infallible Proofs) of doing so, and supposing things that are not—an imputation, which in my Country no Officer can put up with, from even Majesty itself, without calling for a Court Martial to clear up his honour. The disadvantage I lay under of not speaking your Excellency's Language renders it easy for your Excellency to be imposed on notwithstanding the good intentions I am convinc'd your* Excellency has of doing Justice in every particular. The full Truth of the Transaction relative to the Indian which I can prove from demonstrative documents, is as follows: on the 18th March 1788 Captain Duncan commanding the Princess Royal, but under my orders, at the Isle of Oneehow,1 in my presence and with my approbation receiv'd the Indian from his father, a second Rank Chief in that Island. After a Voyage on the North West Coast, during which he remain'd on board the said Sloop, we met again at the same Island in the Middle of October following, and from thence he sail'd in the said Sloop for Macao, where he came on board my Vessel in the Month of December the same Year, and since which time continued near my person, doing all the Duties of a Servant until my Capture by Commodore Martinez. Whether he join'd, as your Excellency says, Commodore Martinez by force or Election I will not pretend to decide. He should have been treated as a prisoner like the rest of my men. This I can say with certainty, that on our meeting at Tepic the few times he could get to my house, he shed tears requesting my interference for his coming back, and the same has been in this City, which they who have frequented my house can Testify. Your Excellency having been informed of another Story may be easily explained from the constraint the Poor man is under. So great is the influence of the Priests in his Isle, that if any person acts or speaks against them, or their will they announce the Day and hour of his Death, and find secret means to have the Prophecy accomplish'd. For this reason the poor man dares not tell his mind before the Fathers, whilst to me who can understand him, he has been making such moans as have moved my Compassion to Demand him. Your Excellency will give me leave further to observe, that his being born free is no argument for keeping him, for at that rate most of the Crew of the Vessel may leave me, and she remain to rot before I could get men to sail her, for every Briton is born free. I am however perfecdy satisfied to leave the decision of this matter to the test of his own election, which I see no other manner of discovering infallibly but this. The Indian to be kept a few days away from Both the Friars and me, after which let your Excellency ask him, which he prefers, the Friars or me, which in his own Language is said in the following words Oe No Ho No ho haree Tenenony or Capitain [Will you stay at the house of Tenenony the captain ?] i JNiihau, the most westerly of the larger islands of the Hawaiian group. f: 106 THE COLNETT JOURNAL Oe No Ho No ho Padree or Tehuna [Will you stay with the padres, namely the priests?] or otherwise [Will you return to the priests' and padres house?] Ae howee Haree Tehuna a Padree or [Will you return to the house of Tenenony the captain?] Ae howee Haree Tenenony or Capitain.1 This Method I am sure your Excellency will approve as an impartial one on my side; and even though absence persuasion, dread, or the difference of being treated as a fondling or as a servant, may operate or change in the Indian, Your Excellency will I hope do me still the Justice to think me incapable of Falsity, or any thing else unbecoming a Man of Honour. I have the Honour &c. Mexico, May 1, 1790 I sent the Letter that follows the 3rd of May intending it then as my last remonstrance. It being in Spanish is because it was wrote by a particular friend who did not choose his name should be called in Question. This as well as all other Spanish letters from me were wrote by him and afterwards copied by me letter for letter. As I knew nothing of the Spanish Language it was impossible from my Copy for anyone to know who wrote it, and frequently with difficulty interpreted. I should have had them afterwards translated into English but this Gentleman had not time and requested I would not trust any person in that Country with them. Excelentisimo Senor, El Capitan Don Jaime Colnett, deseando dar entero cumplimiento a las ordenes de Vuestra Excelencia y salir quanto antes con las embarcaciones de su mando para seguir su Viage y emprenderlo con la mayor brevedad posible, pues pasado mediados de Julio les seria imposible hacerse a la vela perdiendo un aiio mas en la demora, expone a la justificada consideracion de Vuestra Excelencia, que, no obstante la Actividad, rectitud y buena voluntad que conoce en el Comandante actual del departamento de San Bias, la lentitud con que en dicho departamento se manejan los asuntos que podran pertenecerle con motivo de no poderlos tratar personalmente con el, de que resultaran dudas que proporcionan para tener consultas a Vuestra Excelencia antes de determinar y por consiguiente ocasionan demoras xSee further regarding this Hawaiian: F. W. Howay, The Hawaiian Islands, Early Relations with the Pacific Northwest (Honolulu, 1930), pp. 17 ff.; R. S. Kuykendall, "An Hawaiian in Mexico, 1789-1790" {32nd Annual Report, Hawaiian Historical Society, 1923, pp. 37 ff.). If I NORTH WEST COAST 107 inevitables, por lo que suplico a Vuestra Excelencia se digne nombrar un Interprete de su confianza con el fin de que entendiendose de parte y otra puedan surtir el efecto deseado las piadosas intenciones de Vuestra Excelencia. 2° Haviendo varios objetos de la habilitacion de dichas Embarcaciones que no se hallaron en San Bias ni en Tepic, si fuera del agrado de Vuestra Excelencia se pudieran proveer desde luego desde Mexico o Guadalaxara segun la relacion que a este efecto presentare a Vuestra Excelencia, y supuesto que huviese sobrante despues de verificadas las cuentas, pudiera emplearse para el abasto de los buques de Su Majestad Catolica. 3° Estando completo de todo lo necesario, se hara a la vela para su destino, que es de comerciar con los Indios fibres, evitando hacerlo absolu- tamente con ninguno de los establecimientos espafioles y ofreciendo tratar la bandera y los vasallos de Su Majestad Catolica con la atencion que se estila entre las naciones civilizadas, y con el fin de obviarse disgustos como el que acava de tener, suplica a Vuestra Excelencia se digne darle un pasaporte dirigido a todos los Comandantes de esta nacion. Le suplica tambien se digne mandar se le entregue la Goletilla en el estado actual en que se halla y que se le permita hacer en ella las mutaciones que antes de bararla le pareciesen convenientes. 4° No siendo menos importante a la Compania la pronta salida de la Balandra la Princesa Real, dignese Vuestra Excelencia mandar venga quanto antes de Nooka a San Bias a recivir a su bordo su habilitacion y tripulacion, o sin dilacion que se remita a Nooka uno y otra. 5° Como todos los individuos que tiene a su orden se han obligado por ajuste hecho por escrito a volver y completar el viaje hasta Macao, puede mover a algunos que falten a dichos contratos si reciviesen de una vez una cantidad algo considerable de dinero, por lo que suplica a Vuestra Excelencia disponga que no se entregue a ninguno de dichos individuos si- no la cantidad que a el le pareciere conveniente y que exprese bajo de su firma se le deve entregar depositado en sus manos; lo demas, conforme a los poderes que tiene, [y] se satisfaga a su Compania en Europa con las demas cuentas. 6° Faltandole diversas prendas indispensables de las [que] traia para su uso personal y direccion nautica, procurara remplazarlas en esta Capital, a cuyo fin suplica a Vuestra Excelencia le mande entregar la cantidad que necesite, no excediendo la de tres mil pesos. 7° Debiendose pagar toda mi gente sovre el pie en que paga el Rey de Espana su marina empleada en el mar del sur, suplica a Vuestra Excelencia se digne determinar en que clase se le ha de considerar, si como Comandante de una expedition [o] como Teniente de Navio, deviendo hacerle presente que en el ultimo caso seria el unico perjudicado en este arreglo. 8° En quanto al Indio de las Islas Sandwich, su palabra esta empenada con sus padres, sus mujeres y su Rey, y no puede dexar de presentarseles a su buelta sin faltar a su honor y al de su nacion; por cuyo motivo suplico a Vuestra Excelencia se digne mandarselo [crease] Gentil o Cristiano. 108 THE COLNETT JOURNAL Gracias que espero merecer tanto de la justicia como de la piedad de Vuestra Excelencia Por tanto etc., Mexico, Mayo 3, 17901 1Your Excellency: Captain James Colnett wishing to comply entirely with your orders and leave as soon as possible with the boats under his command in order to continue his voyage and start at the earliest possible moment, for after the middle of July it will be impossible for them to sail, thus losing another year in the delay, lays down the following facts for your just consideration: that notwithstanding the activity, rectitude and good will which he acknowledges in the present Commander of the Department of San Bias, it is noticeable the slowness with which in the said department affairs concerning him are managed because they cannot deal personally with him, and doubtful points come up which they have to discuss with Your Excellency before deciding, and therefore cause unavoidable delays; in consequence I beg Your Excellency to condescend to name an interpreter whom you trust in order that, being able to understand each other, the well- meant intentions of Your Excellency may produce the desired effect. 2nd. There being several articles for the outfitting of the said boats which could not be found in San Bias nor in Tepic, if it pleases Your Excellency, they might be provided at once from Mexico or from Guadalajara, in conformity with the list which for this purpose I will send to Your Excellency, and in case that there should be money left after settling our accounts, it might be used for the provisioning of the boats of His Catholic Majesty. 3rd. Being provided with all the necessary articles, he will sail for his destination, which is to trade with the free Indians, absolutely, avoiding doing so with any of the Spanish establishments and promising to treat the Spanish flag and the subjects of His Catholic Majesty with the civility which is customary among civilized nations, and with the purpose of avoiding troubles such as the one he has just had, he begs Your Excellency to condescend to give him a passport addressed to all the Commanders of this nation. He also begs Your Excellency to condescend to order that he be given the Schooner in its present condition and that he be allowed to make in it whatever changes he deems fit before launching it. 4th. The prompt departure of the Bilander Princesa Real being not less important to the Company, I ask Your Excellency to condescend to order that it come as soon as possible from Nootka to San Bias to receive on board its aM habilitation (outfit) and crew, or that the one and the other be sent to Nootka without delay. 5th. As all the individuals under his command have promised by written contract to return and complete the voyage as far as Macao, it may be that some may be moved to break the said contract if they received at once a considerable sum of money. For which reason he begs Your Excellency to order that none of the said individuals be given any money but the amount that he considers convenient and he explicitly names under his signature; and the rest, in con- formity with the power he has, be handed to his Company in Europe with the other accounts. 6th. Missing several articles of those he brought with him for his persdnal use and nautical direction, he will try to replace them in this Capital, for which purpose he begs Your Excellency to order that he be given the amount he may need, not exceeding three thousand pesos. 7th. As all his men must be paid in conformity with what the King of Spain pays his navy employed on the South Seas, he begs Your Excellency to condescend to determine in what class he be considered, if as Commander of an Expedition or as Naval Lieutenant, it being his duty to state that in the last case he would be the only loser in this arrangement. 8th. As for the Indian of the Sandwich Islands, he has pledged his word to his parents, his wives, and his king and he can not fail to appear before them on his return without dishonouring himself and his nation. For which reason I beg Your Excellency to condescend to send him to them, whether he believes himself Gentile or Christian. Favours which I hope to deserve as much from the justice as from the mercy of Your Excellency. Therefore, etc., Mexico, May 3, 1790. I NORTH WEST COAST 109 Answer to the Two Foregoing Letters En mi oficio de lo del corriente dige a vuestra merced que habia sabido con toda certeza que el Indio Mariano Modetroy, reclamado por vuestra merced como criado suyo, no lo es ni ha sido. Aunque hay a alguna falta de exactitud en llamar toda certeza a la que resulta de la declaration del Indio (que era el unico arbitrio de aclarar la verdad) y ha sido en todo contraria a la exposition de vuestra merced, es no obstante mucho mayor la inexactitud conque me supone vuestra merced en su oficio de 2o del corriente que yo he llamado a aquellas pruevas infalibles, lo qual ni se encuentra en mi oficio ni lo pude pensar, y es bien extrano que quando vuestra merced me hace una especie de ese [convencimiento] de no haber guardado la distincion que logra particularmente un oficial en esta parte, no me haya guardado a mi las que me son debidas, en el mismo punto debiendo haber [tenido] consideracion a los mayores respetos que me son debidos por mi deferente graduation y caracter en el ejercito y fuera de el. Si el Indio fuese un individuo ingles de la tripulacion de los buques de vuestra merced o una persona que estubiese ligada por un contrato, no le permitiria faltar a el en quanto estubiese baxo de mi mando; pero siendo un hombre fibre que asegura que otro capitan ingles le saco de su tierra con engano y le transbordo al buque de vuestra merced en Macao, y rectificandose el desvalido en que vuestra merced le quiere llevar contra su voluntad, seria un abuso de mis facultades el emplearlas en privar del uso de su fibre albedrio y livertad a un desdichado que apenas posee otra cosa que ella, y he creido que el unico y mas noble uso que he debido hacer de mi autoridad en este I no THE COLNETT JOURNAL caso es de que no haya tenido parte en el y haya hecho el mismo Indio la election de su suerte. Dios guarde a vuestra merced muchos anos. Mexico, 4 de Mayo de 1790 Signed El Conde de Revilla Gigedo1 Impuesto de los nueve puntos a que contrae vuestra merced su instancia de 3o del corriente, le digo en quanto al primero que mis ordenes terminantes dirigidas ya al Comandante del Departamento de San Bias remueven la lentitud que recela vuestra merced en su despacho, y que por consecuencia no advierto necesidad de nombrar el Interprete de mi confianza porque la tengo en que seran obedecidas con acierto y a la mayor brevedad mis resoluciones. Lo mismo respectivamente me ocurre prevenir a vuestra merced por lo que corresponde al punto 2o, pues estoy bien persuadido de que no le faltara cosa alguna que sea equitativa y justa para su havilitacion, sin que por esto deje vuestra merced de remitirme, si le acomodare, desde Guadalajara la relazion de los objetos que indica. Por lo que pertenece al punto 3o no tengo inconveniente en dar a vuestra *In my official letter of the 1st instant I said to you that I had learned with all certainty that the Indian Mariano Modetroy claimed by you as your servant is not nor has he been such. Although there may be some lack of exactness in calling all certainty the facts derived from the avowal of the Indian (who was the only means of ascertaining the truth) and this has been entirely contrary to your explanation, still greater is the inexactness with which you suppose in your official letter of the 2nd instant that I have called those proofs infallible, which does not appear either in my official letter nor could I have thought of it, and it is very strange that when you accuse me speciously of not having treated you with the distinction due to an officer particularly in this part of the world, you have not treated me With the distinction due me when at the same time you should have considered the greater respect due me on account of my higher rank and character in the army and out of the army. If the Indian were an Englishman from the crew of your boats or a person bound by a contract I would not permit him to break it as long as he were under my authority. But being a free man who affirms that another English Captain took him from his country deceitfully and transshipped him to your boat at Macao, and the helpless creature reaffirming that you want to take him against his own will, it would be an abuse of my authority to use it in depriving of the exercise of his free will and freedom an unfortunate one who scarcely possesses anything else but it, and I have thought that the most noble use and the only one which I should make of my authority in this case is not to have any part in it and let the Indian himself make the choice of his destiny. May God keep you many years. Mexico, May 4, 1790. Signed The Count of Revilla Gigedo NORTH WEST COAST in merced el pasaporte que pide con senalamiento del preciso regular termino perentorio para nabegar en derechura a Macao y con la prohivicion absoluta de detenerse a comerciar con los Indios que llama fibres, porque toda la costa de este continente que corre al norte de la Peninsula de California son • dominio del Rey de Espana donde no es permitido el comercio de los Estran- geros, y por consiguiente se expondra vuestra merced, si lo ejecuta, a que se le tome su buque de buena presa, pues si ahora le concedo la libertad es por la consideracion de que si la compania de Londres le despacho a esta- blecerse en Nooka y comerciar en sus costas fue desde luego por [que] ignorava que eran posesiones espaiiolas y por que si lo hubiera sabido, creo que no tratase de perturbar con un hecho impropio el candor y buena armonia que reinan entre la Espana e Inglaterra. Por lo que respecta al punto 4o, ya tiene mi orden el Comandante de San Bias para entregar a vuestra merced la goletilla en su actual estado, y tendra tambien para permitirle hacer las mutaciones que desea vuestra merced, entendiendose esta providencia en el caso de que aun exista en aquel Departamento esta pequeiia embarcacion, pero si por alguna casualidad se hubiese hecho uso de ella, se reintegrara a vuestra merced sin demora su justo valor. La Balandra Princesa Real se halla en Nuka donde sera entregada con la havilitacion correspondiente a Thomas Hudson, a quien con su gente de mar devera vuestra merced transportar en su Paquebot el Argonaut como esta resuelto, y es lo que devo responder al quinto punto. Por lo que hace al sexto, no tengo inconbeniente en que se abonen por mano de vuestra merced y depositen en su poder las cantidades que hayan de darse a los individuos de las tripulaciones de los dos buques ingleses, pero es menester que ellos tambien se convengan a que vuestra merced las reciva y distribuya respecto a que [son] sus propios intereses. Repetidas ordenes se han expedido para que se entregue a vuestra merced todas las prendas que trahia para su uso personal y su direction nautica, y ahora volvere a prevenirlas para que nada le falte de ellas, no siendo por consecuencia necesario el libramiento de los tres mil pesos que vuestra merced solicita en el septimo punto. No tengo arbitrio para condescender a la insinuacion que me hace vuestra merced en el octavo relativa a su sueldo, que devera pagarse con respecto a su graduacion de Teniente de Navio y no como a supuesto Comandante de una expedition, que si lo fuese Real verdadera, me obligaria acaso a suspender la libertad que ya le han concedido mis deseos de acreditar nuestra fiel amigable correspondencia con los vasallos del Rey de la Gran Bretana. Finalmente creo que ya deve vuestra merced excusar sus instancias que repite en el punto noveno para que se le entregue al Indio de las Islas de Sandwich, pues este hombre fibre no es vasallo de Inglaterra y esta bien hallado en los Dominios Espaiioles. Enterado vuestra merced de mis determinaciones, concluyo previniendole que sin perder instante emprenda su marcha a San Bias donde hallara los auxilios precisos para seguir su viaje a Nuka, y desde alii en derechura a III ii2 THE COLNETT JOURNAL Macao con el pasaporte que ya he hecho, acompanandole ahora el que nezesita para trasladarse a dicho Departamento. Dios guarde a vuestra merced muchos anos. Mexico, 4 de Mayo de 1790 Signed El Conde de Revilla Gigedo Senor Don James Colnett1 XI am informed of the nine points to which you reduce your petition of the 3rd instant, and I tell you concerning the first one that my peremptory orders already sent to the Commander of the Department of San Bias will remedy the slowness which you fear in your official communication and therefore I do not see any need to name the interpreter whom I can trust, because I have confidence that my decisions will be obeyed wisely and promptly. I must tell you the same thing respectively concerning the second point for I am convinced that you will not lack anything that is equitable and just for your habilitation (outfit), but nevertheless you may send me, if you so desire, the list of articles which you suggest. Concerning the 3rd point, I have no objection to giving you the passport for which you ask, fixing the precise regular peremptory term to sail directly to Macao and absolutely forbidding you to stop to trade with the Indians you call free, for all the coast of this continent to the north of the California Peninsula belongs to the King of Spain where foreigners are not allowed to trade and therefore, if you do so, you will run the risk of your boat being captured as legitimate prey, for if I now grant you your liberty it is because I consider that if the London Company sent you to Nootka to establish yourself there and trade on its coast, it was surely because they did not know that they were Spanish possessions and because if they had known, I believe that they would not have tried to disturb by an improper act the sincerity and harmony which reigns between Spain and England. Concerning point 4, the Commander of San Bias already has my order to deliver the Schooner to you in its present condition and shall also have the order to let you make the changes you desire, this disposition being valid only in the case that this small vessel still exists in that department, but if by any chance they have disposed of it, you will be reimbursed for its just value without any delay. The Bilander Princesa Real is now at Nooka where it will be delivered with the corresponding habilitation to Thomas Hudson whom together with his crew you must transport in your Paquebot Argonaut as is decided, and this is what I wish to answer to the 5th point. Concerning the 6th point I have no objection to your being given the amounts of money to be given to the members of the crews of the two English boats, but it is necessary that they also agree that you receive the money and distribute it in conformity with their own interests. Repeated orders have been sent that you be given all the articles which you had for your personal use and nautical direction, and now I will send new ones in order that you may not lack any of them, and therefore the order for NORTH WEST COAST 113 May it Please Your Excellency, I have received both the Official letters your Excellency honoured me with Yesterday. In Answer to the first I beg leave to assure your Excellency that nothing could be further from my intentions, than giving your Excellency the smallest offence. Not possessing the Spanish language I was obliged to answer your Excellency's letter, taking your sense at large. And as I suppos'd that every entire or positive certainty, must be grounded on infallible proofs, particularly when a person in a superior Station accuses a foreign Officer of matter so much against his Honour as using falsehoods and supposing things that are not, I therefore took it for granted that your Excellency look'd on those proofs as infallible, even upon which you grounded such an accusation, for which reason I made use of those expressions not intending them as a Citation from your Excellency's letter, I therefore [considered] and Expect your Excellency will consider the said answer as entirely directed to defend my own reputation without the most distant Idea of failing in the respect or attention due to your Excellency's exalted Station. As to the Indian, I have acquitted my Concience, making every remonstrance in my power to return him to his Country, King, Father, Mother, Wife, and Children from whom he was receiv'd with my consent and approbation. Nor Could I in honour and Justice to myself have omitted those remonstrances, as every word and action relative to all this, as well as other Transactions, will be communicated to King and Parliament, when a free People will applaud or censure my Conduct according as they Judge I have discharged my duty in supporting the Honour of my Country. I hope payment of the three thousand dollars for which you ask in the 7th point is not necessary. I cannot see how I can condescend to follow the suggestion you make in the 8th point concerning your salary, which must be paid to you in according to your rank of Naval Lieutenant and not as supposed Commander of an expedition, for if it were a true Royal expedition, perhaps I would be forced to suspend the freedom which has already been granted to you by my desire to prove our loyal and friendly relations with the subjects of the King of Great Britain. Finally I think that you must now desist from your insistant requests which you repeat in the 9th point to have the Indian from the Sandwich Islands delivered to you since this free man is not a subject of England and he is contented in the Spanish dominions. Having informed you of my decisions, I close warning you to set out immediately for San Bias where you will find the necessary assistance to start on your voyage to Nootka and from there directly to Macao with the passport which I have already issued together with the one you need to go to the said department. May God keep you many years. Mexico, May 4, 1790. Signed The Count of Revilla Gigedo Mr. James Colnett ffl m 114 THE COLNETT JOURNAL your Excellency will not disapprove of my paying a visit to the poor Indian before my departure. In answer to your Excellency's 2nd Official letter I return your Excellency my sincere thanks for the orders you tell me you have given that I shall find MKKfW&JP every necessary article in readiness at S. Bias and Nootka. With respect to the Men's pay I must beg leave to Observe to your Excellency the money they were to receive here is no more their property than that which they would have receiv'd from the Company had they not been Captured. This latter was entirely at my disposal as being the only security for their performing their engagements with the Company, I must therefore request your Excellency to take into Consideration the evil consequences that may result to me and my employers by desertion, want of Subordination, &c, if they were to receive those sums without my approbation, and hope your Excellency will please to forbid their receiving any, but thro' my hands, as I am the properest Judge of the Quantity that may be necessary to each, and am in the name of the Company responsible for the Remainder. As your Excellency in a former Official letter had ordered me to specify the sum that I may want, I took the liberty of requesting your Excellency credit to the amount of 3,000 Dollars, that I might not be under the necessity of troubling your Excellency a second time for a matter so trifling in itself to a Company which have given me as their Agent powers to transact business for as many Millions. Finding your Excellency did not think it Convenient to grant me that sum, I apply'd to a Gentleman well acquainted with the Interest and Concern of my employers, who without any previous acquaintance with me, has been kind enough to advance me any sum I chose, for my Expences here, or any other purpose, therefore I shall not trouble your Excellency further on that head. As the Passport your Excellency has been pleas'd to send me does not mention my interpreter, nor Servants, I am uncertain whether they may not meet some impediment on the Journey, therefore I request your Excellency will send me another if you think it necessary, and I will begin my Journey on Saturday next, as my affairs require two or three days' delay if your Excellency will permit it. Nothing now remains but that I should return Your Excellency my humble and hearty thanks for the Frankness and activity with which you have dispatch'd a Business that has been so long laying by, and rescued from all Sorts of ill treatment a set of men who have been a Sacrifice to Ignorance and Treachery. I have the Honour &c. Mexico, May 5, 1790 Answer of the Vice Roy En contestation del oficio que vuestra merced me escribio con fecha de ayer, le digo que no hallo reparo en que vuestra merced se despida del Indio r NORTH WEST COAST IN antes de su partida. Tampoco en que sean pagados por medio de vuestra merced los individuos de su tripulacion. Expreseme vuestra merced los nombres y circunstancias de su Interprete y criados y le remitire el Pasaporte comprehensivo de ellos para que se pueda poner en camino el sabado o lo mas pronto que se lo permitan sus ocupaciones. Nuestro Senor guarde a vuestra merced muchos anos. Mexico, 6 de Mayo de 1790 Signed El Conde de Revilla Gigedo1 Please your Excellency, After returning your Excellency my most sincere thanks for the kind condescensions contained in your Excellency's Answer to my last, condescensions which I shall take the first Opportunity of communicating to my owners and Ministry, as well as the noble, Generous, and unprejudiced disposition your Excellency has display'd in the whole course of this Transaction, I must now beg your Exellency's pardon for troubling you once more on this Subject. As the Frank and open Conduct of your Excellency demands an equal return on my part. My Mission to this Coast with the Permission of King and Parliament2 was in order to commerce with the Indians and form settlements, for that purpose, wherever I thought it most advantageous, with the express injunction to avoid entirely the Spanish Settlements and to keep peace and Concord with all Nations. It was with an intention [of] adhering literally to those instructions that I requested a Passport from your Excellency in order to avoid any future misunderstanding in case of meeting with any Spanish Vessels on the Coast. Your Excellency has been pleas'd to Offer me the Passport but with the Proviso that I must go directly to Macao and not return at all on the Coast, as the entire Coast to the North of California belongs to the Crown of Spain. I beg leave to submit to Your Excellency's Consideration the Embarrassment I should find myself under if your Excellency did issue such orders, whereas my Instructions, Charter, and Admiralty leave are quite the reverse. The Claims of the Court of Spain to the entire Coast is a point which remains xIn answer to the official letter which you wrote me with the date of yesterday I tell you that I have no objection to your taking leave of the Indian before your departure. I do not object either to your paying the members of your crew. Give me the names of and particulars about your interpreter and your servants and I will send you the passport including them in order that you may set out Saturday or as soon as your occupations permit you to do so. May Our Lord keep you many years. Mexico, May 6, 1790. Signed El Conde of Revilla Gigedo 2Despite Colnett's frequent references to King and Parliament neither had granted him any permission. He had only licences from the South Sea Company and the East India Company. n6 THE COLNETT JOURNAL to be settled, I hope amicably, between the Cabinets of Madrid and S. James's; but that this Claim is unknown to Great Britain is manifest from the open and public manner in which my Vessels were fitted out, and my Company's Charter mention'd in all the Public papers, whilst the Envoy from the Court of Spain never form'd the Smallest Complaint or objection. The South Sea Company's Charter expires this Year and the Court of Madrid may oppose the renewal of it, if they intend to support their Claim to the entire Coast. Thus the matter may be amicably discuss'd by both Ministries, but in the meantime I do expect from the Justice, as well as Generosity, of your Excellency, not to oppose the peaceable, execution of a commerce undertaken with so much good faith and at so vast an Expense to the Company. Were it necessary to add to those Arguments others of a private nature I think the feelings of Your Excellency will readily make some allowance for the manifold Sufferings, I and my Companions have gone thro'; and considering the immense loss the Company comes by, if the present Cargoes are taken Back unsold, My future Advancement and my Career are ruin'd forever. I therefore most humbly Supplicate your Excellency to grant me the Passport with only the Prohibition of Commercing with any of the Spanish Settlements. According to Your Excellency's Permission I have gone to see the Poor Indian, and he immediately wanted to come along with me. The Fathers promis'd to communicate the matter to your Excellency, who I hope will give orders for his being deliver'd as I am fully convinc'd Your Excellency never had any other intention than that of supporting him in the exercise of his free will, the inalienable right of every human being. I can assure Your Excellency this matter gives me pleasure principally for fear the smallest impression should have remain'd on your Excellency's mind of my being Capable of duplicity, also as it shews there are people impudent enough to attempt imposing even on your Excellency himself. What I mention of the Indian's declarations can be attested by the Revd. Padre Maesto Hedalgo of the Dominican Order, and another of his Convent who attended me to the Convent. I have the Honour to be &c. Mexico, May 7, 1790 The Morning I went to take leave of the Indian. I requested my good friend the Dominican Padre to accompany me which he and one of his Brethren consented to, provided I breakfasted with them, and came at f past 7 in the morning. At ten we went in a Coach to the Convent of S. Fernandez [San Fernando]. The. Indian was gone out. I have reason to believe, from the Whispering I saw among several of them, that at that instant they sent him to my Lodgings or gave him leave to go out, which was all the same, a piece of policy of theirs. I waited some time and when NORTH WEST COAST 117 other business called my Friends, we got up to go away; but on going out of the Gate the Indian entered. The Question was then put to him by my Interpreter, not being permitted to speak myself, whether he would go with me or stay with the Padres. In tears and his heart almost ready to break, he answered in Spanish, I will go with Captain Colnett, to my Father, my Mother, my Wife, and my Children; he, I know, is my Friend. This gave me great Satisfaction, as it did the Padres who shed tears on the occasion for joy, telling me this would do me more credit than I dreamed of and prove me to be a man of truth. Doctor Sullivan was ready to jump out of his skin and all my other Friends equally pleas'd, and gave them a good Opportunity to Triumph over those that oppos'd them and me. For all I had taken the precaution I did, in going in Company with the Padres it was ill natur'dly explain'd to the Vice Roy, that I had this morning clandestinely enticed the Indian out of the Convent, and had taught him his lesson. This, Doctor Sullivan told the Vice Roy, was false, for I had been with the Padres from 7 o'Clock in the Morning, and no one remain'd at home in my Lodgings, if he went. The Vice Roy, after enquiring into the Truth of this, was in a few Days perfectly satisfied that he had been imposed on and gave orders for the poor Fellow to be immediately delivered up to Me, which was done in a very public Manner by the Padre that had the Care of Him (and who happened to be same that advised Martinez to hang Me). He came to my Lodgings with the Indian and a porter following carrying his Clothes, Bedding, &c, and told Me that by the Vice Roy's Order he was come to deliver the Indian in form. The padre seemed much agitated and vexed, probably from having been detected in falsehood, and likewise recollecting how very ill he had used Me, and supposing that I should treat him in the same illiberal Manner. But on the contrary, I shewed him every Attention and Politeness in my power, offering Chocolate, &c; all which he declined. Nothing could equal the Joy of the Indian, on the Padre's departure, and he begged I would let him follow and beat him, but that I prevented—and sent him to the Vice Roy to thank him, n8 THE COLNETT JOURNAL ii/- and as he gives Audience to all ranks of people at certain Hours of the day, he saw him and permitted him to kiss his Hand. In the Evening I took him with me to the play and his surprise was in the extreme—and his remarks were curious. In one Scene an Amour was carrying on by a Young Lady, and he called to her on the Stage, in such Manner as to draw the Attention of the Vice Roy and the whole Audience—indeed his Observations were such as Kept Myself and all around Him in a continued Laughter. On Saturday Evening the 9th May, Captain Hudson's Chief mate1 arrived and informed me he had left Captain Hudson 111 in Bed about 12 Miles from Mexico. Mr. Gibson accompanying him, and requested I would send a Coach to fetch them, which I did. Next day being Sunday the Vice Roy's Public Levee, I attended him and introduced Mr. Jacks. The Vice Roy receiv'd me very Politely in Public, and paid singular attention to me, and afterwards gave me a private audience of near half an hour. Doctor Sullivan my good friend acted as interpreter. The Vice Roy complimented me on all the letters that had passed between him and me and said he should have acted exactly as I did had he been in my place; was also sorry for my long detention in this Country, which he said I must not blame him for—it was national Business—but if there was any other service he could render me more than he had, he would with pleasure; that as to my sea Pass, though it was out of his power to grant me all I wished, he would grant me all he could, and I should have it tomorrow; but he could not think of giving me my Land Pass till Captain Hudson was recover'd. He said we had not been at the Play, &c, [sic] and that I must not live so retired as I had done; it appear'd as if we were Prisoners which was far from his wish or intention. The respect paid me this day, opened the mouths of several who before could not understand a word of English. Everyone now was ready to do me all Services, and all Blam'd Doctor Sullivan for not having introduced me to them. He replied: "Gentlemen you all had as much acquaintance with Captain Colnett as I had. I introduced myself to him to serve an injured man. You might have done the same, and you ought to have done it, as his Brother Officer. Being blamable you take this method to exculpate your- [ JMr. Jacks or Jaques. Ill § I NORTH WEST COAST ng « III self; for you must have seen him frequently at this Levee." This unexpected rebuke forced a retort from a Navy Officer who understood English perfectly well, and an intimate of the Vice Roy's who angrily replied, "Sir, I could have protected him." [To which the doctor replied:] "You Protect him, Sir! He wanted none from you, me, nor any one. His cause is too just. He protected himself. He only wanted friends to properly explain it, which he has found more powerful than me and equal to any services you could have render'd him." This happening to be in the Public Levee Room and in English I interfer'd and it ceas'd. I made a low Bow to my pretended friends and left them. On the 11th May 1790 I received the following Letter and" Sea Pass from the Vice Roy. I have order'd in everything possible the good treatment of you and Your Companions until you are put in liberty to return to Macao, taking on myself the Consequence of this matter which chiefly depends on my Sovereign's approbation. I should have had great pleasure in condescending to everything you solicited from me if my faculties or power could have warranted my doing it. But it is my duty to regulate myself by the Laws of fundamental instructions of my government which oblige me to prefer the advantage of this Country to any other. I explain this intention with more individuality in the inclos'd Passport which are to serve you and Captain Hudson for the time necessary for your return to the Port in Asia, from whence you took your departure for the Northern Coast of California, relying with entire confidence that you will not think of making any Establishment upon that Coast, nor any commerce that may be prejudicial to the Spanish Nation. 1 1 Having determin'd the foregoing Articles which are the Principal ones that your letter to me of the 7th Current contains, I shall likewise resolve about the Indian immediately, when the Friars acquaint me with his full deliberation and will, and in this Case I shall order him to be included in the Land Passport for you and your family for S. Bias. I remain &c. Mexico, May 11, 1790 Signed De Revilla Gigedo Don Juan Vicente de Guemes Pacheco de Padilla Horcasitas y Aguayo, Conde de Revilla Gigedo, Baron y Sefior Territorial de las Villas y Baronias de Benillova y Rivarroja, Caballero Comendador de Pena de Martos en la Orden de Calatrava, Gentilhombre de Camara de Su Magestad, ejercicio Teniente General de sus Reales Ejercitos, Virrey Governador y Capitan General de Nueva Espana, Presidente de su Real Audiencia, Super- intendente General, Subdelegado de la Real Hacienda, Minas, Azogues y 120 THE COLNETT JOURNAL 'Hit Ramo del Tabaco, Juez Conservador de este, Presidente de su Real Junta y Subdelegado General de Correos en el mismo Reyno.1 For Just Motives directed towards continuing a sincere and reciprocal Friendship, harmony, and good understanding, between the Subjects of his Most Catholic and Britanic Majesty, I have for the present, and as far as the powers invested in me by my employment will permit, I declare the free discharge of the Snow Argonaut, and Sloop Princesa Real, belonging to a Company of Merchants in London, which Vessels were detain'd on the Northern Coast of California in the Port of Nootka, by Mr. Stephen Martinez who bears the Rank only of Ensign in the Navy. WM f' This Officer acted agreeable to the Laws and Royal Ordinances which not only absolutely prohibit any kind of Navigation, Establishment, or Commerce of Foreigners on our South Sea Coasts of both Americas, but moreover Strictly command that they be look'd upon [as] declared Enemies, without considering such a treatment a Breach of National Friendship or contravention to the treaties of Peace concluded in the Year 1670, ratified and Confirm'd by the 2nd Article of the treaty of 1783, that the visits of all Foreign Vessels are not permitted and much less their introduction of Navigation or Commerce on the above mention'd Coast. \\m\ In virtue of these decisive declarations agreed to on both sides, the Sloop and Snow might very Justly be detain'd as lawful Prizes. However instigated with a sincere desire of not interrupting in any manner the good harmony that Subsists between our Court and that of London, and Considering on the other hand that the Sovereigns of both Nations will come to a friendly agreement on just and regular terms about the Liberty of the aforesaid Vessels, I do hereby Grant, a Free and Sure Passport to their Captains Messrs James Colnett and T. Hudson that they may return to Macao or proceed to there [as] they should think proper, with an Express prohibition of going, without very urgent necessity, into any Port or Bay belonging to our South Sea Coast of this America, or forming any Settlement, or trade on them, with the Indians: but this they may do in other places, Islands, or Coasts, which do not belong to the Dominions of his Catholic Majesty. In consideration of all which in his Majesty's name I exhort, and in mine, I beg and incharge to all Vassals and Subjects of Kings, Princes, and Republics, Friends and Allies of this Crown, to all Commanders, Governors, or Chiefs of their Provinces, Flats, [Ports?] and Vessels, to all general and aJuan Vicente de Guemes Pacheco de Padilla Horcasitas and Aguayo, Count of Revilla Gigedo, Baron and Territorial Lord of the Towns and Baronies of Benillova and Rivarroja, Knight Commander of Pefia de Martos in the Order of Calatrava, Lord of the Bedchamber of His Majesty, Lieutenant General of His Royal Armies, Viceroy Governor and Captain General of New Spain, President of His Royal Court of Justice, General Superintendent, Subdelegate of the Public Treasury, Mines, Ships carrying quicksilver and the Department of Tobacco, Judge Conserver of the latter, President of its Royal Council and Subdelegate General of the Post in this same Kingdom. NORTH WEST COAST 121 Private Officers, Commanders of those belonging to his Catholic Majesty, to all Commanders and intendants of our Navy departments, Ministers of Provinces, Subdelegates, Captains of Ports, or any other Officer, Minister, or Dependents of our Fleets, that they do not hinder their free Navigation nor their entrance into the Ports of this kingdom when Obliged to it by any indispensable necessity; permitting them to take in Provisions, and every other necessary of life—for which end I have order'd them this passport, sign'd by my hand, and seal'd with my Arms, and countersign'd by the Principal Secretary of this Vice-Roy-ship of New Spain, which will hold valid during the Time precisely necessary for their Voyage. Dated in Mexico the Eleventh Day of May One Thousand seven hundred and Ninety. Signed El Conde De Revilla Gigedo Countersigned Antonio Bonilla, Secretary. From Captain Hudson and Officers I learnt the Argonaut was fitting out when they left Tepic, and [it was] said for California. This threw a damp on me again, for I had overheard as much on my road to Mexico. I began to believe it too true, and no longer faith to be put in a Spaniard, from first to last. I again applied to my faithful Oracle and Padre,1 who was father Confessor to the Vice Roy's secretary, wife, and Daughter. He friendly exhorted me to make myself easy and by ten next morning, he would inform me whether it was so or no. He was true to his word, and my Information good, but an express had been sent to Stop her. I began now to make myself as contented as Possible, still building hopes to make a saving Voyage. Apparently so I appeared to everyone, and follow'd the Vice Roy's advice, in some degree, taking this precaution, never to go out without the Padres or Doctor Sullivan, well knowing the Malicious and Jealous dispositions of the Creole Spaniard, who hate the very name of an Englishman, and would Stir heaven and Earth to extirpate them, and from the rancor of their hearts would invent any Story. Captain Hudson recovering, I introduced him to the Vice Roy; and Mr. Gibson being very anxious to Join My Vessel I now signified it to his Excellency who order'd my land pass Immediately. I now took leave of his Excellency and also all other my friends and acquaintances. My good friends the Padres did not let me part with only their Blessings for our welfare, but one sent me a Silver watch, with a Monthly hand, and another made a present 1Father Hidalgo, who had been Colnett's friend from their first meeting, in January, 1790 at San Bias. See pp. 77 ff., 85. Ill ml iftff iff THE COLNETT JOURNAL of a Silver Basin, and the third an Elegant Bridle and Saddle, with [worth?] 40 or 50 Dollars. They all promised to say Mass for me the first of every Month as long as they or I lived. I did not, without a deal of reluctance, accept of these presents from men ■Mi| that had already done me so many services, and no way in-my power to make returns; but they forced them on me as a mark of their exteem. I with great dificulty prevail'd on the President to accept, in return for his watch, mine a Common silver one I had purchased in Mexico, to which I added a Gold seal with my Crest and Cypher. On the [blank] left Mexico. Preceding this I had been confin'd to my bed several days with Violent Piles and now but very unwell. Nothing I was determin'd should prevent my departure, altho' I rode in the greatest agony. I could have had a Coach for 500 Dollars but that would not carry my baggage nor was I willing to \fm\ go to so extravagant an Expense, for only half the Journey. But to make it as expeditious as possible, and not to press horses at every stage, I hir'd beasts throughout and travell'd a different route from what we came, more Southerly, turning off at, and going thro the following Villages [a space is here left blank for them]. Came into the old Road again at [blank]. This Road was far better, being more Champaign but the Inhabitants so poor and miserable, scarce provision for either man or beast, and at times 20 leagues without a Drop of water, and out of one of the wells we had to draw it one hundred Fathoms. We arrived at Tepic June 1st all in middling health, myself most infirm, and I believe most uneasy. On the latter head I was soon reliev'd, being informed my Vessel was all ready for my taking Possession of, and that the Express had only arrived one hour soon enough to stop her. Most of the Inhabitants came to my house to Congratulate me on my arrival. My chief mate was not backward, neither, in Compliments. He wrote me, which I answer'd but declined all private intercourse with him. After this he sent me several penitential letters. I went to See him Per Supplication in Company with the Chief mate of the Sloop; but he said nothing to Exculpate himself, nor anything to the purpose. After this he wrote and NORTH WEST COAST 123 wrote again in each pleading more and more guilty.1 I answered him as I had done before, that he could not, nor should not, act as an Officer under me, but I would treat him civilly while he deserv'd it. The Commandant was absent when I first arrived, but on the 2nd [June] was return'd and on the 3rd, I got his orders to take Possession of my vessel, on which I gave Mr. R[obert] G[ibson] an order to act as Chief mate, and proceed with all dispatch to S. Bias, and Refit for sea. He got on board the 4th, in the Morning and hoisted the Colours, it being his Majesty's Birthday; was sorry it was not in our power to celebrate it with a few Guns, but the Spaniards had deprived us of that Satisfaction, having sent all my Cannon to Nootka to arm their own Vessels. On the 8th, Captain Hudson and Self went to S. Bias to inspect our Provisions, Trade, stores, &c; found all our dry Provisions spoilt; all the Beef and Pork (except 3 Casks) taken by the Spaniards, as well as most [of] the marine stores; and a deal of Trade spoilt, part of the Spirits stole. The Commissary apologiz'd for the articles missing and ruin'd, and inform'd me I might have everything in lieu, and be paid for the deficiencies. Indeed at this time I had no doubt; but his duplicity will hereafter appear. The loss of my beef and Pork gave me great displeasure, as I doubted replacing it. It's true I was offer'd as many cattle as I pleas'd to Salt; but this I knew would be a difficult Task in Latitude 21° and the sun Vertical and looked upon here as impossible. Captain Hudson, who was my second mate in the Prince of Wales1 and had been shown by me how to Salt Pork at the Sandwich Isles, (which I learnt from Captain Cook when a Midshipman with him on his second Voyage round the world)3 thought it practicable and set out to Tepick to get it done while I remained at S. Bias transacting business of the outfit. I was only to be allow'd Eight months' Provisions, and 1This, probably, refers to Colnett's allegation that the seizure of the Argonaut was due to the Spaniards' belief that she was a pirate vessel, and that the cause was the conduct of Robert Duffin, the chief mate, asset out in his notes on p. 59,60. And see note 1, p. 71. 3Colnett commanded the Prince of Wales on his first trading voyage to the North West Coast in 1786-8. 'See Cook's Voyage to the Pacific Ocean . . . in the Years 1776. . . 1780 (London, 1784), vol. II, book m, chap, vin, p. 135. m "I m fill i24 THE COLNETT JOURNAL in order to provide against the Provisions spoiling, which I had undertaken to Salt, I took on board, part salt fish, and part in Jerkt Beef; and as I had always a resource at the Sandwich Isles, SPifff I was not uneasy. The Spaniards having also taken my Boat in frame from me and sent to Nootka,1 I requested them to deck my Long Boat, and as there was an order from his Excellency to do what I pleas'd with either Vessel or Boats, it was instantly set in hand. On the 12th. having got as much on board as I chose to trust the Vessel over the Bar with, I order'd her out in the Bay and anchored in 6 fathoms, soft Ground, moored S.S.E. and N.N.W. The extremes of Land Southermost S. by E., 5 Leagues. The Westernmost, W. by N.§N., 8 Leagues. The Harbour's Mouth N. by W., 3 Miles; Pedro Blanco le terra, W. by N., 2 Miles. Pedro Blanco le mar, West. The Arsenal on the Hill, N.N.E., 2 Leagues. On the (blank) I went to Tepic Per request of the Commandant2 to celebrate his Birthday, and had the Satisfaction to find Captain Hudson had completed salting Provisions and all ready for leaving Tepick, and no other wish but, the Commandant's Jubilee day over, to take my final departure. When I waited on him he inform'd me that a Complaint had been lodged against me in the Court of Inquisition for having in my possession Indecent Pictures, and of Shewing them to the Inhabitants of the Town; in consequence of which he had received an order from the Vice Roy to whom the Complaint had been forwarded, to enquire into it, and let him know before I sail'd if it was so, and that he had call'd a general meeting of Officers, principal Inhabitants, and Clergy and all had unanimously declared it was a Malicious accusation, which declaration he had forwarded to Mexico. But at the same time, as a friend, [he] desired if I had any to destroy them. I politely thank'd him for his advice, at the same time saying the man that had thus accus'd me must have deposited them in my house himself, if there was any, without their Ignorance had decreed the Prints in the Dictionary of Arts and Sciences 2The Argonaut carried "a vessel on board in frame of about 30 tons burthen" (Meares, Memorial) which was to be set up at Nootka, but the seizure by the Spaniards prevented her construction by Colnett. She was, however, later built by the Spaniards. See ante, p. 112, and post, p. 206. aDon Francisco Bodega y Quadra. w- NORTH WEST COAST 125 such; if so it was impossible for me to destroy them and none had perus'd them but what requested it. About the time I receiv'd a letter from the Vice Roy informing me the Chinamen had sent him a petition to be permitted to go home in a Spanish Vessel by the way of Acapulco but he did not think proper to comply with their request; but as he had made me acquainted with it, desired I would not treat them ill on that account, and that not a Man I brought into this Country but should be deliver'd up to me. I am sure he meant it, but at this time Six of my Chinamen left me, and two Portuguese, and there was only a pretended enquiry made after them.1 From the Chinamen that wish'd to remain with me, I learnt who wrote the Petition for the Rest. It proved to be my bitter Enemy the Curate at Tepic, a Man void of every Qualification to admit him into any society, but brutes or savages. Constantly while in Company he was momentarily discharging wind off his Bowels without any reserve (meal times not excepted) up or down in the presence of the Commandant, [some words erased] to the mortification of my smelling faculties. What made him our Enemy I cannot tell. When he has visited me having given him my Company, and also presented him with articles he has begg'd, which at that time I could badly spare without distressing myself. He was the man that Complained to the Inquisition of me about the Pictures, and the first man that sign'd the declaration. It was no such thing. This business of the Pictures he wrote on immediately he learnt the Vessel was clear'd as the last and only effort he had of detaining me for life, and did not expect it would be so minutely enquired into, but, that like his own Country men, I should be order'd to Prison immediately. He once before acted as rascally a part, accusing me of selling Tobacco. This he also did very secretly, and I was as secretly inform'd of it, after I had proved it to be an infamous lie. The Tobacco he accus'd me of selling, he sent his Brother a . 11 ^hese captured Chinese and Portuguese had been brought to Mexico in the Princesa and San Carlos in December, 1789. With the Chinese and the crew of the Princess Royal (and her own crew, even after the deaths of, at least, eight in Mexico), the Argonaut would have been crowded to the gunwales; but that does not prevent Colnett from complaining; he, however, expected to receive the Princess Royal at Nootka. rim 126 THE COLNETT JOURNAL Padre to me to beg, but having none, as I never use it, I borrow'd three pounds of Captain Hudson and one of the Carpenter. His intention was to get me sent to the Mines, as he Said I was the only man living as an Englishman and also an Officer of the Navy that their Country ought to dread from what I had suffered. He Caus'd Bills to be stuck up throughout the Town at Tepick forbidding all families to admit us into their houses particularly those whose husbands were absent, or having none, on pain of the Inquisition: describing us as heretics, and no better than beasts. Before I went to Mexico he took a great deal of pains, as well as did many of our well wishers, to promote an entertainment, which was called Henry the Eighth, which was frequently acted in the Public Market wherein the English and their religion are pictured in as horrid a light as possible. This was done to induce the Populace to detest us, but as we always attended ourselves and laugh'd at it, and explain'd the life of Henry, &c, which few of them knew, it had not the desired Effect; and even the Young Lady that acted Anna Bullen prefer'd acting the more amorous if If' J part of Henry's Character with some of my Officers in Private to that in Public, and latterly refus'd to play at all without better paid for it than an absolution of Sins from ye Padre. When we left the Country she had grown very fat and was past playing. Poor Henry the Eighth is allow'd no rest in New Spain; he with Cardinal Wolsey and Cromwell in every Mazon1 Porch are painted in purgatory up to the Eyes in liquid fire. The Commandant being guided entirely by the Padres, one Saint's day and another detain'd him at Tepic, and he put off his Journey from day to day, till at last Captain Hudson and self had sent even our beds away, and oblig'd to go without him at last. But he follow'd the next day. I now learnt on the 25th [June] the Vessel had parted one of her Cables in a heavy gale of wind, but supplied by another from the King's arsenal. On July the 5th, in the afternoon the Commandant and Commissary2 accompany'd me on board. We manned the Yards and Saluted them with three Cheers coming and going. My account now began to be discuss'd. There were few . 1Mes6n: the Spanish for an inn. s 2Don Francisco Bodega y Quadra and Don Jose" Camacho. w NORTH WEST COAST 127 articles but I found fault with. In the first place I was charged with all the Victualling of the Seamen 1| Reals Per Day; for Oncers and Self, six; and Extra Expenses of the Sick, ten. I was obliged to pay for the Portuguese and two English victualling who had been constantly at work in their service, and also the Money advanc'd for repairing and replacing their Clothes. No article allowed me for what was either stole at Nootka, on the Passage, or out of the Store at S. Bias. What Stores and provisions they allow'd to have appropriated to their own use they set their own Value on, as they did the articles supplied me in lieu. My Guns, fowling piece, and Nautical Instruments, the Commandant inform'd me were order'd to be delivered me at Nootka. All my Expenses for Self and Officers for the Journey to and from Mexico, fell on myself, as well as the Carriage of the Crew to and from the Country. Hereafter the Spanish account will follow, which will more fully explain their injustice. I said little at this time, but went to my Lodgings, and wrote several letters to the Commandant and Commissary on the heads of my Complaint, and left Captain Hudson to finish others. On delivering two letters to the Commandant he return'd them to me again, flew in a Violent Passion with the Interpreter, forbid him explaining anything farther for me of my accounts, and that he had already done more for me, than he could answer for and what I did not like I must write to the Vice Roy of, as order'd, for I must and should abide by them as now settled, and also sign him a letter that I was contented with him, and all the department of S. Bias; which letter the interpreter would bring me in the Afternoon and Explain it in English in which Language it must be wrote,1 and if I did not do it, must wait the return of Post from Mexico, to know how he must act, which as the Rainy season has set in would be two or three Months at least. He had also promis'd my Sea Stock should be given me in lieu of what Martinez took from me but in his account had Charged it. He requested to have some European Articles from me on Account of His Most Catholic Majesty and afterwards did not allow me prime Cost for them. I was now deprived of all 1Colnett's complaints had worn down the good nature of Quadra, of which Vancouver speaks so highly: see, for example, Vancouver's Voyage (1801 ed.), vol. Ill, p. 173. 128 THE COLNETT JOURNAL explanation of my Account, except the exorbitant one of 327 Dollars for decking my Long boat which was only 22 feet Keel, and Credit given me for my Boat in frame 92 Dollars which was 70 feet Keel. I positively declared I would not put my name to such a Balance nor to any without allow'd five hundred Dollars for my Boat, Prime Cost; this after a little deliberation was agreed to. I now demanded freight for the use of the Argonaut going to Acapulco, and the Princess Royal to Nootka which was refus'd me, and gave as a reason their repairs was equal to their freight, which was false, for neither Vessel wanted anything but what they were the cause of, and whatever they wanted we had artificers and Stores enough to do ourselves at little or no Expence. I had this alternative, I could write to the Vice Roy but to entrust a letter of heavy complaints, which I could with Justice set forth might have been attended with bad consequences to me, among people who in the true sense of the word, are tyrants and which they hourly convinc'd us of, and their opening it would ruin me. On this Account I only wrote at this time as follows to the Vice Roy. Exmo Senor, I have the Honour to acquaint you, I am dispatched this day from S. Bias and have also the Satisfaction to add I have every reason to believe the Commandant has done all in his power to serve me. I hope your Excellency with all due Submission will give me leave to add, the sum I have receiv'd is very little more than the Value of my own Private property, and not a fifth of my damages, without Payment for the use of the Vessels, and as I am under the necessity of representing it to my Owners, I hope your Excellency will take it into Consideration and from your known generosity not suffer them to be such Considerable losers. July 8, 1790, S. Bias I have the Honour &c. In the afternoon the Interpreter brought me the following letter from the Commandant with his name in his own handwriting on the Top which he told me he was instructed how to Interpret and I must write. Following is the Copy of the Spanish letter he sent and the English I returned him. Sefior Comandante Don Juan Francisco de la Bodega Quadra, Siempre confesara mi gratitud el buen pasage y la urbanidad con que se me ha tratado en este pais en donde solo en el nombre he sido prisionero, NORTH WEST COAST 129 \\ ill pues con las distinciones que la bondad de vuestra senoria me ha dispensado he logrado, yo y mis oficiales, el aprecio de comisario y de todo el Departamento; en una palabra yo me voy enteramente satisfecho de la benignidad y favor del excelentisimo Senor virrey, de las atenciones de vuestra senoria y de todo el Reyno; pero he de decirle me permita y no estrane que a mi arrivo despues de manifestar mi reconocimiento me [sincere] de los perjuicios y atrasos que ha sufrido la compania por causa de Martinez y la mala fee con que me aprehendio cuya accion jamas podre olvidar. Dios guarde a vuestra senoria muchos aiios. San Bias, 8 de Julio de 1790. [Somos] reconocidos1 I hesitated a long time before I wrote the foregoing letter, but consulting with Captain Hudson it was agreed I should write it. What else could be done? Everything was on board the Vessel, most of the Crew anxious to be gone; the Portuguese to Run away for Consideration of Pay 20 Dollars Pr. Month; the Vessel in a Roadstead where she had parted one Cable; the Bad season advancing fast, and several of the Crew already down with the Country disease;2 all our Baggage and everything on board but our persons. Remaining at S. Bias was certain Death and if we refused the Vessel we might be sent a round-about way to Europe; for it could not be supposed they would let us go home by the way of Vera Cruz and see more of their Country than we had,3 but 1Commander Juan Francisco de la Bodega Quadra, I will always gratefully acknowledge the good journey and the civility with which I have been treated in this country where I have been a prisoner in name only, for with the prerogatives which the kindness of Your Lordship has granted me, my officers and I have had the regard of the Commissary and of the whole Department; in a word I am leaving entirely satisfied with the benignity and favour of His Excellency the Viceroy, with the attentions of Your Lordship and of the whole Kingdom, but I must ask you, and do not be surprised, to permit me upon my arrival, after manifesting my gratitude, to clear myself of all responsibility for the damages and delays which the Company has suffered because of Martinez and the bad faith with which he seized me, which action I shall never be able to forget. May God keep Your Lordship many years. San Bias, July 8, 1790. We are grateful 2Calenturas: chills and fever. *Vera Cruz, the seaport of Mexico. This would mean the crossing of the ■country from San Bias to the Gulf of Campeachy. The Spaniards were loath to have foreigners in Mexico. m 130 THE COLNETT JOURNAL would return us at their leisure by the way of Acapulco to Manilla, and China, and no Stone left unturned to distress us. No Faith to be put in the Officers of the Department of S. Bias, who were already sufficiently mortified at our getting our Vessel at all again, for from the following disappointment, we could put no faith in I jllfjji them again. Before I went to Mexico I was promised by Quadra my Vessel should never be employ'd again. In consequence of which I caused her Hull, deck, mast, Yards, &c, to [be] Tarr'd all over. But I had no sooner set out than they began to prepare her for a Voyage to California, and the Post only arrived an hour in time to Stop her sailing, which was a great disappointment to the Leading men at S. Bias, as they miss'd an Opportunity of Smuggling a great quantity of goods, which they had purchas'd for that Country, and now lay on their Hands—for the NW America and another small schooner of their own were scarcely able to Carry the Corn alone my Vessel had in. For the Foregoing reason it was thought advisable to sign it. In addition to the above Circumstances, another had great weight with me. I had this day receiv'd a number of letters from the first people in Mexico, wishing a good Voyage, one from the Vice Roy himself; but the one I was guided by was Doctor Sullivan's wherein he acquaints me, a mail had arrived from Europe where it had been determin'd by the Court of Madrid, if the Vessel was not clear'd by the Vice Roy to make Prizes of them.1 He also inform'd me of a report in Mexico, that the Sloop was expected at S. Bias. In consequence of which Information in Company with Captain Hudson waited on the Commandant and enquiring of him on the Subject, he denied it. I now ask'd him how I was to proceed if she was sail'd when I arrived at Nootka2 or lost, he answered the Vice Roy would pay for her. aThe information was false. On February 10, 1790, the Marquis def Campo has written that by the King's orders the English prisoners had been released, and on April 20, had stated to the British government that: "The Viceroy of Mexico, as appears from the latest information, has already liberated the above-mentioned English vessel and crew." 2The sloop Princess Royal had sailed from San Bias on February 3 and reached Nootka on April 7 following. At this time (July, 1790) under Quimper she was engaged in exploring the Strait of Juan de Fuca. As her work ended on T NORTHWEST COAST 131 [On] a hint in Doctor Sullivan's letter that it was good to get up early in the Morning, I took what money they chose to give me, took leave of them, and got on board late in the Evening July ninth and Sail'd Immediately; and released myself from the Tyranny, Cruelty, Robbery, of the Inhabitants of New Spain. They were under great apprehensions the English will visit them in a future war, and, as they have no hopes of defending themselves against them, the fort on the Point on the Larboard hand going, is undermin'd on purpose to be blown up. The Tide Ebbs Seven hours and flows five, but it greatly depends on the weather. It flows full and Change \ past 9 [o'clock], and perpendicular rise Ten feet. The Shoalness on this Bar does not enable them to Build vessels of greater draft of water than 13 or 14 foot. There was an order while I was here or rather just before I sail'd to augment their Navy in this Vice-Roy-ship. In consequence of which I was informed two very heavy Frigates were laid on the Stocks, one to the South [of] S. Bias near Cape Corrientes and another to the North near the River Rosario.1 There was also report how that the same orders of augmenting the Navy had been given to the Vice Roy of Peru—and at both Places the Pay of the workmen doubled. In the Morning I found one of my Portuguese had Shifted dresses with the Spanish Boat's Crew, I came off in, and escaped on shore, greatly in debt to the Vessel, which debts he contracted at S. Bias while at work for the Spaniards, which they obliged me to pay; I also, to my Mortification, learnt from the remaining Portuguese the following rascally part they acted towards me at S. Bias. First, that my Vessel had been twice on shore since the News arriv'd from Mexico she was to be delivered up to me; first, in Bringing her over the Bar when drawing more water than they carried her out with, and also of greater draught than there was on the Bar; next, after unlading her, Moor'd her across the tide, everyone going on shore. When the Tide of Ebb made, broke all August 4 and she sailed for San Bias, Colnett did not find her at Nootka; but he did meet her at the Hawaiian islands as appears later. JMr. H. R. Wagner suggests that these two vessels were probably the Activa, a brigantine of 270 tons, and the Mexicana, a schooner. See Colnett's Voyage to the South Seas (London, 1798), p. 106. i32 THE COLNETT JOURNAL the Moorings, tore both quarter and Stern out, and she went on shore on the Rocks, where she was suffer'd to lie and beat for several Hours. I remark'd to the Commissary when on board the new work I saw abaft. He told me in answer, it was rotten and Oblig'd to be Shifted, and not knowing any other reason at this time I was satisfied. I now also at looking over my Accounts, getting one of my seamen, a Spaniard, to assist me to interpret, I found innumerable impositions. One bare-faced one, which I clearly understood, I cannot help mentioning here. A few days before sailing I went Per Invitation of the Commandant to Tepic to Celebrate his birthday, during which time in a heavy Gale of wind the Ship in the Roadstead Parted her best Bower Cable. My Mate demanded another which was supplied him on condition that he should return the old one, which was English, in lieu. But I now found he had not only took the English Cable which was new when I left China, and worn out by them, but had Charged 256 Dollars for one of their Coiar or Country made Cables—that after one Month in the water is of no Value. The other Impositions will be better Explain'd by Examining his account which follows and which I caused both him and the Commandant to put their Signature to when refusing me the privilege of the Interpreter's explaining them. w Spanish Balance1 Cuenta General que forma la Contaduria Real Hazienda: el haver y cargos que en liquidation de cuentas resultan con los ingleses prisioneros. Han de haver: Por el ajuste echo a la Tripulacion del Paquebot Argonaut: Documento numero 1 11.791 4 6 Por el que se formo a la de la Balandra Princesa Real: recado numero 2 4.234 2 0 Por el Liquido que resulto a su favor de los viveres que se le tomaron en Nuca y los que se le depositaron en este Almazen respectivos al Argonaut: numero 3 3.835 2 0 Por el importe de los viveres que se recivieron de la Balandra Princesa Real: numero 4 1.643 7 0 Por diferentes herramientas que se compraron al Capitan James Colnett para puertos de Almazen: 5 218 2 0 Por las hospitalidades que resultan a favor de los marineros que estuvieronenfermosenTepical0realesaldia:numero6 297 4 0 Por una Goleta en piezas que de ellos se recivio en este Arsenal: numero 7. 500 0 0 Dollars: 22.520 5 6 1Spanish Balance General Account made by Auditor office at the exchequer: credit and debit which result from the liquidation of accounts with the English prisoners. They must receive: For the settlement made for the crew of the Paquebot Argonaut: Document number 1 11.791 4 6 For the settlement made concerning the Bilander Princesa Real: Voucher number 2 4.234 2 0 For the balance which resulted in their favour from the provisions taken from them at Nootka and those which were deposited in this warehouse from the Argonaut: number 3 3.835 2 0 For the value of the provisions received from the Bilander Princesa Real: number 4 1.643 7 0 For several tools bought from Captain Colnett for bond ports: number 5 - 218 2 0 For the hospital bills which result to the credit of the sailors who were ill at Tepic at 10 reales a day: number 6 297 4 0 For a schooner in pieces received from them in this Arsenal: number 7 500 0 0 Dollars 22.520 5 6 133 til'' m 134 THE COLNETT JOURNAL Cargoes1 Por los viveres y efectos que de estos Reales Almazenes se les entregaron para su regreso a Macao, no. 8 5.183 7 6 Por una memoria de medicina, numero 9 119 0 0 Por otra de Dietas, numero 10 184 4 0 Por la recorrida que en este Arsenal se le dio a su Lancha, numero 11 327 0 0 Por las cantidades que en efectivos se les dieron para sus precisos gastos y mantencion en todo el tiempo que han estado, numero 12 4.061 0 0 Por lo que recivieron durante el tiempo que estubieron en el »»!' Pueblo de Tepic, numero 13 3.386 3 0 13.261 7 0 iDebit For the provisions and goods which from these Royal Stores were given to them for their return to Macao. No. 8 5.183 7 6 For a bill for medicine. No. 9 119 0 0 For another for provisions for the sick. No. 10 184 4 0 For the careening of their launch in this Arsenal. No. 11 327 0 0 For the amounts which were given to them in cash for their necessary expenses and maintenance during all the time they have been here. No. 12 4.061 0 0 For what they received during the time they were in the Town of Tepic. No. 13 3.386 3 0 13.261 7 0 Liquidation The credit of the English is 22.520 5 6 Their debit is 13.261 7 0 Liquid Balance in their favour 9.258 6 6 Auditor's office of San Bias, July 8, 1790 Signed Francisco Hixosa, Jose Maria de Mentrida, Juan Francisco Rosales I received the nine thousand two hundred and fifty-eight pesos, six reales and six grains verified by this General Account and to ? I sign at San Bias, July 8, 1790. Signed Approved Signed J. C. T. H. Quadra [James Colnett] [Thomas Hudson] SPANISH BALANCE *3$ Liquidacion Es el haber de los Ingleses 22.520 5 6 Es el cargo que resulta en su contra 13.261 7 0 Alcanze liquido a su favor 9.258 6 6 Contaduria de San Bias 8 de Julio 1790 Signed Francisco Hixosa Jose Maria de Juan Francisco Monterda Rosales Recivi los nueve mil doscientos cinquenta y ocho pesos seis reales seis granos que acredita esta quenta general y para que conste firmo en San Bias a 8 de Julio de 1790 ' signed Visto Bueno Signed Quadra. J. C. T. H. [James Colnett] [Thomas Hudson] Spanish Balance1 Ajuste que por la Contaduria de Real Hacienda del Departamento de San Bias se forma con arreglo a lo dispuesto por el Excelentisimo Virrey de esta Nueva Espana en orden de 27 de Abril del corriente aiio (de que se acompafia copia certificada a los Oficiales y Tripulacion del Paquebot Ingles nombrado el Argonauta que apreso en Nuca el primer piloto graduado de 1Spanish Balance Settlement made by the Auditor's Office at the exchequer of the Department of San Bias in conformance with the order of His Excellency the Viceroy of this New Spain issued on April 27 of the present year (a certified copy of which is enclosed for the officers and crew of the English Paquebot named the Argonaut which was captured at Nootka by the first pilot with the rank of Naval Second Lieutenant Estevan Jose Martinez) for their salaries and other emoluments earned in conformance with the by-laws of the South Seas, from July 3, 1789, when they were captured, to July 8, 1790, when free they leave this port in order to continue their navigation away from the Spanish Coasts. To wit: Captain: The Naval Lieutenant James Colnett: From the said day July 3,1789, when he was captured, to the 8th of the same month of 1790, when it is finally settled on account of his sailing, he has completed 12 months and 6 days with 80 pesos per month salary fixed by the by-laws of the South Seas for officers of this class, having earned therefore 976 pesos, which together with 310 pesos 5 reals and 2 grains for his maintenance allowance at the rate of 7 3/5 reals a day, allowed for 327 days counted from August 16, 1789, when he landed in this port, and ceased having his meals 136 THE COLNETT JOURNAL EHIiP Alferez de Navio Don Estevan Jose Martinez) por sus sueldos y demas haveres devengados conforme al reglamento del sur,\desde 3 de Julio de 1789, que fueron aprehendidos, hasta 8 de Julio de 1790, que salen libres de este puerto a continuar su navegacion fuera de las costas espanolas. A saber: Capitan: el teniente de Navio Don James Colnett: Desde dicho dia 3 de Julio de 1789, que fue apresado, hasta 8 de igual mes de 1790, que se le liquida a remate para salir a navegar, ha vencido 12 meses 6 dias al respecto de 80 pesos mensuales que senala el Reglamento del mar de sur a los oficiales de esta clase, en los quales alcanza 976 pesos, que juntos con 310 pesos 5 reales 2 granos de la gratification de Mesa de 7 3/5 reales diarios devengada en 327 dias contados desde 16 de Agosto de 89, que se desembarco en este puerto y dexo de tenerla a bordo del citado Paquebot, hasta 8 de Julio de 90: y con 158 pesos 4 reales 9 granos que se le abonan por el • salario de un criado con 13 pesos al mes cahido en los 12 meses 6 dias, hacen por todo 1.445 pesos 1 real 11 granos.... 1.445 111 Piloto lo; Robert Duffin: Se le acredita el sueldo de 6S pesos mensuales, en los 12 meses 6 dias que comprende esta liquidation, en cuyo tiempo alcanzo 793 pesos, a que se agregan 61 pesos 2 reales 6 granos por 327 raciones a 1 1/2 reales que devengo desde 16 de Agosto de 89 que se le on board the said Paquebot Argonaut, to July 8, 1790: and together with 158 pesos 4 reals and 9 grains which are given him for the salary of a servant earning 13 pesos a month for a period of 12 months and six days, all together make 1445 pesos, 1 real and 11 grains 1445 1 11 1st Pilot: Robert Duffin: He is credited with a salary of 65 pesos monthly, for the 12 months and 6 days which this liquidation covers, during which time he earned 793 pesos, to which are added 61 pesos, 2 reals and 6 grains for 327 rations at 1 1/2 reals which he was allowed from August 16, 1789, when he landed, to July 8 of 1790, and all together make 854 pesos, 2 reals, 6 grains.. 854 2 6 2nd Pilot: James Hanson: For his salary at 41 pesos monthly, during one month and twenty-seven days counted from July 3, 1789, to August 29 of the same year, when he died in this Department, must receive 77 pesos, 7 reals, 2 grains, which together with 2 pesos 1 real for 14 rations at 1 1/2 reals allowed to the day of his death make 80 pesos, 2 grains, money which is given to Captain James Colnett as he has proven to be creditor to the property of the said Hanson as well as to the property of the other English sailors who have died or deserted 80 2 Dollars is* tin j SPANISH BALANCE 137 desembarco hasta 8 de Julio de 90, y componen 854 pesos 2 reales 6 granos 854 2 6 Piloto 2o; James Hanson: Por su sueldo de 41 pesos mensuales vencido en un mes veinte y siete dias contados desde 3 de Julio de 1789 hasta 29 de Agosto del mismo ano, que murio en este Departamento, ha de haber 77 pesos 7 reales 2 granos que con 2 pesos 1 real de 14 raciones a 1 1/2 reales vencidas hasta el dia de su fallecimiento, hacen 80 pesos 2 granos que se le satisfacen a Don James Colnett por haber acreditado ser acrehedor asi a los bienes del referido Hanson como a los demas de los marineros ingleses que han muerto y desertado 80 4 2 Dollars Spanish Balance1 Otro idem: John Thomas Ludlow: idem como Roberto Dufin, y por idem con 41 pesos al mes alcanza 100 pesos 1 real 7 granos; 6 pesos 2 reales 6 granos de su correspondiente ration en los 327 dias abonados a los demas, que juntos componen 161 pesos 4 reales 1 grano 161 4 1 Otro idem: Robert Gibson: idem en todo 161 4 1 Otro idem: Thomas Temple: idem 161 4 1 xSpanish Balance Another idem: John Thomas Ludlow: the same as Robert Duffin [James Hanson?], and therefore earning 41 pesos monthly, earns in all 100 pesos 1 real 7 grains: 6 [61?] pesos 2 reals 6 grains for his corresponding ration (for the 327 days) as paid to the others, which altogether make 161 pesos 4 reals 1 grain 161 4 1 Another idem: Robert Gibson: the same in everything 161 4 1 Another idem: Thomas Temple: the same 161 4 1 Boatswain: Manuel Mendez: died on October 6, 1789, from July 3 of the same year [3] earns monthly 94 pesos, together with 9 pesos 6 reals which are paid him for his corresponding ration from August 16 inclusive to the day of his death make 103 pesos 6 reals: and it must be explained that although this man was given a position as cockswain in this Department the 10th of last September, and his account settled for as such, his property becoming the charge of the State, as is stated in document number 483 of the Accounts of 1789, the said settlement is not valid, for which reason the aforesaid 103 pesos 6 reals are paid to Colnett. Bearing in mind that payments separately will be made to the departments which by the said documents were charged with the property of the above mentioned Mendez, and the rations paid him will be discounted finally 103 6 0 138 THE COLNETT JOURNAL Contramaestre: Manuel Mendez: murio en 6 de octubre de 1789: desde 3 de Julio del mismo ano que fue [3] al mes alcanza 94 pesos que junto con 9 pesos 6 reales que se le abonan por la ration respectiva a desde 16 inclusive de Agosto, hasta el dia de su muerte, hacen 103 pesos 6 reales; y es prevention que aunque a este individuo se le habia senalado plaza de patron de Lancha en este Departamento en lo de Septiembre ultimo y como a tal se le liquido pasando sus alcanzes a bienes de difuntos como consta del Documento numero 483 de las cuentas de 89, no es valido dicho ajuste, por lo que se satisfacen a Colnett los 103 pesos 6 reales expresados, teniendose presente que por separado se haran los abonos correspondientes a los ramos en que por dicho documento se cargaron los bienes del referido Mendez, y las raciones que se le pagaron se descontaran al fin 103 6 0 Carpintero 1©: Daniel Reed: Por 12 meses 6 dias que tiene devengados como Dufin al respecto de 26 pesos al mes alcanza 317 pesos 1 real 7 granos: tambien ha de haber 61 pesos 2 reales 6 granos de su correspondiente racion, que juntos componen 378 pesos 4 reales 1 grano 378 4 1 Otro 2©: Francisco [Reed]: tiene vencidos en el mismo tiempo que el anterior, a razon de 22 pesos cada mes 268 pesos 3 reales 2 granos, que juntos con 61 pesos 2 reales 6 granos del abono de raciones hazen 329 pesos 5 reales 8 granos 329 5 8 Otro 3o: Jame Cane: Fallecio el 9 de Octubre de 1789, y por tres meses siete dias que devengo desde 3 de Julio hasta 9 de Octubre de dicho ano, con el mismo goze que el anterior 1st Carpenter: Daniel Reed, for 12 months 6 days which he has to his credit like Duffin at the rate of 26 pesos monthly, gets 317 pesos 1 real 7 grains: he must also receive 61 pesos 2 reals 6 grains for his corresponding rations, which all together make 378 pesos 4 reals 1 grain 378 Another 2nd Carpenter: Francisco [Reed] has earned during the same time as the preceding one at the rate of 22 pesos monthly 268 pesos 3 reals 2 grains, which together with 6 [61?] pesos 2 reals 6 grains for his corresponding rations make 329 pesos 5 reals 8 grains 329 Another 3rd Carpenter: James Cane: he died on October 9, 1789 and for three months seven days which he has to his credit from July 3 (to October 9) of the same year with the same salary as the preceding one, gets 71 pesos 6 grains, [something missing here] for his corresponding rations from August 16 to the day of his death, all together make 81 pesos 3 reals 6 grains 81 m nr "ml SPANISH BALANCE 139 alcanza 71 pesos 6 granos de la ration que le corresponde desde el 16 de Agosto hasta el dia de su muerte, que uno y otro componen 81 pesos 3 reales 6 granos 81 3 6 Spanish Balance1 Artillero de Mar: William Smith ha de haber 256 pesos 4 reales 1 grano por el sueldo de 16 pesos devengados en 12 meses 6 dias y la racion diaria de 1 1/2 reales respectiva a 327 dias segun el primer Piloto R. Duffin 256 Jose Ridley: idem en todo 256 [Anthony] Johnston: idem 256 Alexander Dalrymple: id 256 John Gill: id 256 Spanish Balance Sea Gunner: William Smith must receive 256 pesos 4 reals 1 grain for the salary of 16 pesos monthly earned in 12 months 6 days and for his daily ration of 1 1/2 reals during 327 days according to that of the 1st Pilot Robert Duffin 256 4 1 Joseph Ridley: idem in everything 256 4 1 Anthony Johnston: idem 256 4 1 Alexander Dalrymple: idem 256 4 1 John Gill: idem 256 4 1 Sailors: Anthony Jose: For the same period at the rate of 12 pesos monthly must receive 146 pesos which together with 40 pesos 2 reals 6 grains for 215 rations at 1 1/2 reals which are paid him from December 6, 1789, inclusive, when he ceased having his meals on board the Paquebot San Carlos the Philippine in which he was brought a prisoner to Nootka, to July 8,1790, which this settlement covers, make all together 186 pesos 5 reals 8 grains: and it must be explained that although he had taken a position as gunner in this Department from January 1 of the present year, this salary is not paid him, because this appointment was declared not valid on account of his returning to his English ship and finally deduction will be made of the rations in money paid him from this Royal Treasury for his maintenance 186 5 8 Bernard Luis: idem in everything 186 5 8 Emanuel Dominguez: idem 186 5 8 Joseph Joaquin: idem; and finally what already has been paid him, as is stated in document 99 of the current accounts and the rations which have been paid him will be deducted from his earnings 186 5 8 m 140 THE COLNETT JOURNAL Marineros: Anthony Jose: Por el propio tiempo a razon de 12 ■ pesos al mes ha de haber 146 pesos 3 reales 2 granos que juntos con 40 pesos 2 reales 6 granosimporte de 215 raciones a 1 1/2 reales que se le abonan desde 6 inclusive de Di- ciembre de 1789, que le ceso a bordo del Paquebot San Carlos el Filipino en que vino prisionero de Nuca, hasta 8 de Julio de 1790 que comprehende este ajuste, hacen 186 pesos 5 reales 8 granos: siendo prevention que aunque habia tornado plaza de Artillero en este Departamento desde 1 de enero del corriente ano, no se le satisface tal sueldo, por estar declarado sin efecto su nombramiento respecto de haberse restituido a su buque Ingles, y se le hara al fin la deduction de las raciones en dinero que se le han satisfecho de esta Real caxa para su suhsistencia 186 5 Bernardo Luis: idem en todo 186 5 Manuel Dominguez: idem 186 5 Jose Joakin: idem; y se le rebaxara al fin lo que se le tiene pagado como consta del documento numero 99 de las cuentas corrientes y las raciones que se le han satisfecho 186 5 Rafael Borrowhil ha de haber 146 pesos 3 reales 2 granos por el sueldo vencido idem. Tambien alcanza 39 pesos por 208 dias de racion a 1 1/2 reales respectiva a desde 13 de Diciembre de 89, que fue desembarcado de la Fragata Princesa, hasta 8 de Julio de 90, que una y otra cantidad componen 185 pesos 3 reales 2 granos. Este indiyiduo con la plaza de Marinero, que habia tornado, se embarco para Nuca en la Balandra Princesa Real en donde le ha de tomar Colnett, por cuya razon se satisface a este la citada cantidad y se descontara al fin las raciones en dinero que percivio Borrowhil y el alcance y prestamo que se le pago al embar- carse en dicha Balandra 185 3 Raphael Borrowhil must receive 146 pesos 3 reals 2 grains for his salary earned, he must also get 39 pesos for his rations during 208 days at the rate of 1 1/2 reals from December 13, 1789, when he disembarked from the frigate Princesa to July 8, 1790 and all together make 185 pesos 3 reals 2 grains. This man with the rank of sailor, which he had taken, embarked for Nootka in the Bilander Princesa Real where Colnett will take him, for which reason the above mentioned amount is paid to the latter, and finally the value of the rations paid to Borrowhil in cash and the loan he received when he embarked in the aforesaid Bilander shall be deducted SPANISH BALANCE 141 Spanish Balance1 Martin Mariano: idem, con la diferencia de habonarle la racion como a Antonio Jose 186 5 8 John Lemot: Por los 12 meses 6 dias que, como antecedentes, tiene vencidos alcanza 146 pesos 3 reales 2 granos; a que se agregan 61 pesos 2 reales 6 granos importe de 327 dias de racion vencida idem que el primer piloto Dufin, y componen 207 pesos 5 reales 8 granos 207 5 8 John Godain: idem en todo 207 5 8 Anthony Fretes: idem 207 5 8 Georges Hewins: idem 207 5 8 Francisco Manuel Fretes: por 11 meses 26 dias que a dicho respecto devengo hasta 28 de Junio del corriente ano, que deserto del Paquebot ingles alcanza 142 pesos 3 reales 2 granos, que juntos con 37 pesos 1 real que importan las raciones vencidas desde 13, inclusive de Diciembre, que quedo desembarcado de la Fragata Princesa hasta el dia de su desertion, componen 179 pesos 4 reales 2 granos que se satisfacen a Colnett, por la razon expresada en el 2o Piloto James Hanson; descontandose al fin las raciones pagadas a Fretes y el sueldo que consta en el Documento numero 99 de las cuentas de este ano 179 4 2 John William Russell: Por 4 meses 14 dias que devengo desde 3 de Julio de 89 hasta 16 inclusive de Noviembre del mismo ano que murio, al respecto de 12 pesos mensuales, le per- tenecen 53 pesos 4 reales 9 granos, y que se agregan 17 pesos 3 reales 6 granos por 93 raciones que vencio desde 16 de Agosto, que fue desembarcado, hasta el dia de su falle- cimiento: y componen 71 pesos 3 granos que se satisfacen a Colnett 71 0 3 John Brigs: id. como John Lemot John Mototray: idem como Rafael Borrowhil en el haber y no en lo demas, por no haber tornado plaza, nihallarse en Nuca. 185 3 2 Spanish Balance Martin Mariano: idem, with the difference of paying him for his rations as in the case of Anthony Jose 186 John Lemot: For the 12 months 6 days which, like the preceding, he has completed, receives 146 pesos 3 reals 2 grains, to which is added 61 pesos 2 reals 6 grains, value of the rations for 327 days, the same as first pilot Duffin, and all together make 207 pesos 5 reals 8 grains 207 John Godain: idem in everything 207 Anthony Fretes: idem 207 Georges Hewins: idem 207 mm 142 THE COLNETT JOURNAL 1 i mm Spanish Balance1 Grumetes: Veinte y tres chinos Sangleyes, que estan presentes, cuyos nombres por menor se expresan en la Lista general de esta tripulacion que se acompana, y se les liquida con plazas de grumetes: por 12 meses 6 dias que cada uno tiene vencidos desde 3 de Julio de 89 hasta 8 de Julio de 90 al respecto de [?] pesos mensuales, ha de haber 97 pesos 4 reales 9 granos, y [?] pesos importe de 208 raciones correspondientes a desde 13 de diciembre de 89, que quedaron desembarcados de la Francis Emanuel Fretes: for 11 months 26 days which he has to his credit until June 28 of the present year, when he deserted from the English Paquebot, must receive 142 pesos 3 reals 2 grains, which together with 37 pesos 1 real, value of his rations from December 13 inclusive, when he disembarked from the Frigate Princesa, to the day of his desertion, make 179 pesos 4 reals 2 grains, which amount is paid to Colnett for the same reason as in the case of 2nd Pilot James Hanson; deducting finally the rations paid to Fretes and the salary stated in Document No. 99 of this year's accounts 179 4 John William Russell: for four months 14 days completed from July 3, 1789 to November 16 inclusive of the same year, when he died, at the rate of 12 pesos monthly, he should receive 53 pesos 4 reals 9 grains to which are added 17 pesos 3 reals 6 grains for his rations from August 16, when he disembarked to the day of his death: and all together make 71 pesos 3 grains, which are paid to Colnett 71 0 John Brigs: the same as John Lemot John Mototray [the Hawaiian boy]: the same as Raphael Borrowhil in the salary and not in the rest for not having taken a place nor being in Nootka 185 3 Spanish Balance Cabin (ship) Boys: Twenty-three Sangleyan Chinese who are present, and the names of whom appear in the general roll of this crew, which is enclosed here, and they are settled for as ship boys: for 12 months 6 days which each one has completed since July 3, 1789 to July 8, 1790, at the rate of [8?] pesos monthly, each one must receive 97 pesos 4 reals 9 grains, and [39?] pesos, value of 208 rations from December 13, 1789, when they disembarked from the Frigate Princesa until the last day of this settlement, make 136 pesos 4 reals 9 grains, and the total earnings of all the twenty-three is 3141 pesos 5 reals 3 grains; it must be stated, however, that finally the rations paid them in cash shall be deducted 3.141 5 SPANISH BALANCE H3 3.141 5 3 5 4 Fragata Princesa, hasta el ultimo dia de este ajuste, componen 136 pesos 4 reales 9 granos, y el alcanze total de todos veinte y tres, es de 3141 pesos 5 reales 3 granos; siendo prevencion que al fin se descontaran las raciones que se les han ministrado en dinero Item: dos chinos tambien venidos en la Princesa y desertados en 11 de Junio del corriente ano alcanzan entre ambos por su sueldo hasta dicho dia 180 pesos 6 reales 4 granos, que, juntos con 67 pesos 7 reales de sus raciones respectivas hasta el dia en que desertaron, hacen 248 pesos 5 reales 4 granos, que se satisfacen al citado Colnett 248 Quatro idem que vinieron en el Paquebot San Carlos y desertaron en 11 de Junio del corriente alio, alcanzan con el mismo sueldo 361 pesos 4 reales 8 granos, a razon de 90 pesos 3 reales 2 granos cada uno: tambien son en su abono 141 pesos respectivos a la racion que devengaron desde 6 inclusive de diciembre ultimo hasta el dia de su desertion, con cuya cantidad es el haber total de todos 502 pesos 4 reales 8 granos 502 4 Antonio del Rosario deserto en 11 de Junio del presente ano, hasta cuyo dia con el sueldo de 8 pesos al mes ha de haber 90 pesos 3 reales 2 granos que, juntos con 56 pesos 2 reales que se le abonan por 300 raciones vencidas desde 16 de Agosto de 89 hasta el dia que deserto, hacen 146 pesos 5 reales 2 granos 146 5 Item: Two Chinese, who arrived also in the Princesa and deserted on June 11 of the present year, should receive between the two for their salary to the said day 180 pesos 6 reals 4 grains, which together with 67 pesos 7 reals for their respective rations until the day when they deserted, make 248 pesos, 5 reals, 4 grains, which amount is paid to the aforementioned Colnett 248 5 4 Four idem who came in the Paquebot San Carlos and deserted on June 11 of the present year, with the same salary, should receive 361 pesos 4 reals 8 grains, each one earning 90 pesos 3 reals 2 grains. Also to their credit is the sum of 141 pesos for their rations from last December 6 inclusive to the day of their desertion, and with this amount the total sum to their credit is 502 pesos 4 reals 8 grains 502 4 8 Anthony del Rosario deserted on June 11 of the current year, and up to that day with a salary of 8 pesos monthly, must receive 90 pesos 3 reals 2 grains, which together with 56 pesos 2 reals to his credit for 300 rations from August 16, 1789, to the day of his desertion, make 146 pesos 5 reals 2 grains 146 5 2 Mr m 144 THE COLNETT JOURNAL Spanish Balance1 Deducciones que se hacen por raciones y otras cantidades pagadas, a estos individuos. Primezamente se descuentan quarenta y tres pesos dos reales seis granos, importe de las raciones que se ministraron a los Sangleyes, como consta de la lista numero 411 de las cuentas de 89 043 2 6 1 Item: 38 pesos 6 granos ministrados en raciones J- 81 3 0 a los mismos. Lista numero 417 38 0 6 J Tambien se descuentan 6 pesos 4 reales 6 granos, importe de 35 raciones a 1 1/2 reales que se satisfacieron al Con- tramaestre Manuel Mendez, desde 6 de septiembre de 89 hasta 10 inclusive de octubre, como se acredita de las respectivas listas de raciones comenzando por la numero 320 006 4 6 Item: por las ministradas a Martin Mariano, desde 6 de diciembre que comenzo a racionarse, lista numero 403, y a Rafael Borrowhil desde 13 del mismo hasta 30 de enero de 90, que les ceso la racion por embarcarse 19 5 6 Por las satisfechas en 182 dias a los marineros de la Balandra Princesa Real Robert Cant y George Eaton desde 13 de diciembre de 89: y a los del Paquebot, Francisco Manuel Fretes y Jose Joaquin hasta 12 de junio de 90, que se les separo del arsenal 136 4 0 Item: por las pagadas en 163 dias a Manuel Dominguez, Francisco Rise, Bernardo Luis y Antonio Jose desde lo de enero del corriente ano que se dixo habian tornado plaza, hasta el mismo dia que los anteriores 122 2 0 xSpanish Balance Deductions made for rations, and other amounts of money paid to these men. Firstly: forty-three pesos, two reals, six grains, amount of the rations given to the Sangleyan Chinese are deducted as appears on number 411 of the Accounts of 1789 ; 043 2 6] Item: 38 pesos 6 grains paid in rations to the same. List > 813 0 number 417 38 0 6 J Also deducted 6 pesos 4 reals 6 grains, amount of 35 rations at 1 1/2 reals given to the boatswain Emanuel Mendez, from September 6, 1789, to October 10 inclusive, as is shown in the respective lists of rations beginning with number 320 006 4 6 SPANISH BALANCE Pagos de sueldos 145 Se descuentan 275 pesos 5 reales que, como consta del documento numero 70 de las cuentas del corriente ano, se pagaron liquidos a los marineros Rafael Borrowhill y Martin Mariano quando se embarcaron a la exploracion en la Balandra Princesa Real; teniendose presente que por separado se descontara al Ramo de Imbalidos la cantidad que se le abono por estos dos individuos 275 5 560 5 Item: for the rations provided for Martin Mariano from December 6 when he began to have rations, list number 403, and for Raphael Borrowhil from the 13th of the same month to January 30,1790, when they ceased receiving the rations on account of their embarking 19 FoKthe rations provided during 182 days for the sailors of the Bilander Princesa: Real Robert Cant and George Eaton from December 13,1789, and for the sailors of the Paquebot: Francis Emanuel Fretes and Joseph Joaquin to June 12, 1790, when they were removed from the Arsenal 136 Item: for the rations paid in 163 days to Emanuel Dominguez, Francisco Rise, Bernard Luis, and Anthony Jose from January 1 of the present year when, it was said, they had taken employment, to the same day as the preceding ones 122 Payment of salaries The sum of 275 pesos 5 reals which, as is shown in document number 70 of the Accounts of the present year, was paid in cash to the sailors Raphael Borrowhil and Martin Mariano, when they embarked for the exploration in the bilander Princesa Real, is deducted, keeping in mind that the amount credited to it for these two men, will be discounted from the Department of Invalids 560 5 0 146 THE COLNETT JOURNAL Spanish Balance1 560 5 0 Mas 291 pesos 3 reales 6 granos que se pagaron liquidos a los dos marineros de este Paquebot Francisco Manuel Fretes y Jose Joaquin; a los }■ 852 0 6 dos de la Balandra Princesa Real, Roberto Cant y George Eaton: consta dicho pago del recibo numero 99 ..291 3 6/ 11.940 0 10 Hospitalidades Se descuentan 8 pesos 6 granos, importe de 43 hospitalidades que causaron varios ingleses en el mes de Agosto de 1789 8 0 6 Item: 119 pesos 6 reales 6 granos, importe de 639 hospitalidades all/2 real que causo la marina inglesa en los meses de septiembre, octubre y noviembre de 89, como se vera de la cuenta del contratista 119 6 6 Item: 7 pesos 1 real 6 granos, importe de 41 hos- c pitalidades que causaron Antonio Jose y Bernardo Luis en el corriente ano 7 5 6 Item: 12 pesos 7 reales 6 granos, importe de 69 hospitalidades que ultimamente causaron John Brigs, Richard Hoskins y James Paris 12 7. 6 148 4 0 Liquido pagable 11.791 4 1 Demostracion A Extraordinario 0813 0 0 A Tripulaciones 852 0 6 A Hospital 148 4 0 A Caxa por liquido pago 11.791 4 1 Contraduria de San Bias, 8 de Julio de 1790 12.873 4 4 Spanish Balance 560 5 0 12.792 1 4 Plus 291 pesos, 3 reals, 6 grains, paid in cash to the two sailors of the Paquebot, Francis Emanuel Fretes and Joseph Joaquin, to the two sailors of the Bilander Princesa Real, Robert Cant and George Eaton. The said payment is proven by receipt number 99 291 SPANISH BALANCE Spanish Balance1 147 Ajuste que por la Contaduria Real Hazienda del Departamento de San Bias se forma consecuente a Superior disposicion del Excelentisimo Senor Virrey de esta Nueva Espana. En orden de 27 abril de este ano de que se acompana copia certificada a los oficiales y tripulaciones de la Balandra Inglesa nombrada la Princesa Real que apreso en Nuca el primer piloto graduado de Alferez de Navio Don Estevan Martinez, por sus sueldos y raciones vencidas, conforme al reglamento del Sur, desde 13 Julio de 1789, Hospital bills 8 pesos, 6 grains, the amount for 43 days in hospital spent by several Englishmen during the month of August, 1789, is discounted 8 Item: 119 pesos, 6 reals, 6 grains, the amount for 639 days in hospital at 1 1/2 reals spent by the English navy during the months of September, October, and November, 1789, as will be seen in the amount of the contractor 119 Item: 7 pesos, 1 real, 6 grains for 41 days in hospital spent by Anthony Jose and Bernard Luis during the present year 7 Item: 12 pesos, 7 reals, 6 grains, the amount for 69 days in hospital spent lately by John Brigs, Richard Hos- kins, and James Paris 12 7 6) Cash payable 11.791 4 1 12.873 4 4 Demonstration To Extraordinary 0813 0 0 To Crews 852 0 6 To Hospital 148 4 0 To Treasury for payments in cash 11.791 4 1 Auditor's Office of San Bias, July 8, 1790. Spanish Balance Settlement made by the Auditor's Office at the Exchequer of the Department of San Bias by reason of Superior order of His Excellency the Viceroy of this New Spain. By order issued on the 27th of April of this year, a certified copy of which is herewith enclosed for the officers and crew of the English Bilander named Princesa Real captured at Nooka by the first Pilot, with the rank of Naval Second Lieutenant, Estevan Martinez, for their salaries and rations fallen due, according to the by-laws of the Southern Seas, from July 13, 1789, when they were captured, to July 8, 1790, when free they leave this port on board the Paquebot Argonaut to man the abovementioned Bilander, which now is at Nootka. I mm. 148 THE COLNETT JOURNAL que fueron aprehendidos, hasta 8 Julio de 1790, que salen livres de este puerto a bordo del Paquebot Argonaut a tripular la citada Balandra, que se halla en Nuca. Capitan: Primer piloto Don Thomas Hudson: por 11 meses 26 dias que ha vencido desde 13 inclusive de Julio del 89, que fue aprehendido, hasta 8 de Julio 90 que se liquida a remate, como a la tripulacion del Paquebot Argonaut, con el sueldo de 65 pesos mensuales senalados a los primeros pilotos en el reglamento del Sur, ha de haver 771 pesos 2 reales 8 granos, que juntos con 59 pesos 6 granos, que tambien se le havonan por 315 dias de racion a 2 reales devengados desde 28 de agosto de 89, que fue desembarcado en este puerto y le ceso la de viveres a bordo de la citada Balandra Captain: 1st Pilot: Thomas Hudson: for 11 months 26 days fallen due from July 13, 1789 inclusive, when he was captured, to July 8, 1790, when his account is settled in full, like that of the crew of the Paquebot Argonaut, with a salary of 65 pesos monthly, fixed for first pilots in the by-laws of the Southern Seas, must receive 771 pesos, 2 reals, 8 grains, which amount together with 59 pesos, 6 grains, also credited him for 315 days of ration at 2 reals from August 28, 1789, when he disembarked in this port and he ceased receiving rations of food on board the aforementioned Bilander, to July 8 of the present year, must receive 830 pesos, 3 reals, 2 grains in all 830 3 0 Another 1st Pilot: Cristoval Jacques: idem in everything 830 3 0 Another 2nd Pilot: Huxfry Keene: idem, and for three months and seven days which he served to October 29, 1789, when he died, with 41 pesos monthly, must receive 146 pesos, 1 real, 6 grains, which amount together with 11 pesos, 6 reals, 6 grains for his rations at 1 1/2 reals a day from August 28 to the day of his death, make 158 0 0 2nd Boatswain: Walter Ellis: from July 13, 1789, when he was captured, to July 8, 1790, when his account is settled, with 30 pesos monthly, must receive 356 pesos, w^hich amount together with 59 pesos, 6 grains for rations fallen due, like the Captain, make 415 0 6 1st Carpenter: John Mongomery: from the said day July 13, 1789 to November 9 of the same year, when he died, must receive, with 26 pesos monthly, 101 pesos, 3 reals, which amount together with 13 pesos, 7 reals for his rations for 74 days counted from August 28, 1789, to November 9 of the same year, when he died, make 115 2 0 SPANISH BALANCE 149 hasta 8 del presente julio, hacen 830 pesos 3 reales 2 granos por total 830 3 0 Otro Primer Piloto: Christoval Jacques: idem en todo 830 3 0 Otro 2o—: Huxfry Keene: idem; y por tres meses y siete dias que sirvio hasta 29 de octubre de 89, que murio, con 41 pesos al mes alcanza 146 pesos 1 real 6 granos, que juntos con 11 pesos 6 reales 6 granos que devengo de raciones a 1 1/2 reales al dia, desde 28 de agosto hasta el dia de su fallecimiento, hazen 158 0 0 Contramaestre 2o: Walter Ellis: desde 13 de Julio de 89, que fue preso, hasta 8 inclusive de Julio 90, que se le liquida con 30 pesos al mes, alcanza trescientos cinquenta y seis pesos, a que se agregan 59 pesos 6 granos de las raciones que ha vencido como el capitan: hacen 415 0 6 Carpintero 1°: John Mongomery: desde dicho dia 13 de julio de 89 hasta 9 de noviembre del mismo ano, que murio, ha de haber, con 26 pesos al mes, 101 pesos 3 reales, que junto con 13 pesos 7 reales de raciones vencidas en 74 dias contados desde 28 de agosto de 89 hasta 9 de noviembre del mismo en * que murio, hazen 115 2 0 Spanish Balance1 Carpintero 20: Andrew Russel: desde el citado dia 13 de Julio de 89, que fue el de la Aprehension, hasta 8 de Julio de 90, que se le liquida, con 22 pesos al mes, alcanza 261 pesos 6 granos, que juntos con los 52 pesos 6 granos de su racion vencida, como el contramaestre, hazen 320 1 0 Despensero: Edward Willson: desde dicho dia de la Aprehension, con 20 pesos al mes, alcanza, hasta 2 de octubre de 89, que fallecio, 53 pesos 2 reales 6 granos, que junto con 6 pesos 6 reales de las raciones vencidas desde 4 de Agosto, que desembarco aqui, hasta el dia de su muerte, hazen 60 0 6 Spanish Balance 2nd Carpenter: Andrew Russel: from the said day July 13, 1789, day of the capture, to July 8, 1790, when his account is settled, with 22 pesos monthly, must receive 261 pesos, 6 grains, which amount together with the 52 pesos, 6 grains for his rations fallen due, like that of the boatswain, make 320 1 0 Steward: Edward Wilson: from the said day of the capture, with 20 pesos monthly, to October 2,1789, when he died, must receive 53 pesos, 2 reals, 6 grains, which together with 6 pesos, 6 reals for his rations from August 4, when he landed here, to the day of his death, make 60 0 6 150 THE COLNETT JOURNAL iif'iii Cocinero: Richard Hoskins: por lo devengado desde el dia de la . aprehension hasta 8 de julio de este ano, con 20 pesos al mes, alcanza 237 pesos, 2 reales 6 granos, que junto con 59 pesos I 6 granos [de] raciones, como el capitan, hazen 296 3 0 Marineros: George Eaton en el propio tiempo que el ante- cedente, con 12 pesos al mes, alcanza 142 pesos, que junto con los 59 pesos 6 granos de sus raciones, como el anterior, hazen 210 3 6 Robert Cant 210 3 6 John Windwich.. 210 3 6 Thomas Parris 210 3 6 John Strangemore 210 3 6 James Perry 210 3 6 4.234 2 0 pljf Contaduria de San Bias, 8 de Julio 1790 Spanish Balance1 Nota de los viveres y efectos que Don Estevan Jose Martinez tomo en el Puerto de Nuca del Paquebot ingles nombrado el Argonaut: consta de la relacion numero—. 33 quintales de arroz, a 15 reales arrova 247 4 0 5 barricas de idem con 14 arrovas cada una, y todas setenta Cook: Richard Hoskins: for his wages from the day of the capture to July 8 of this year, with 20 pesos monthly, must receive 237 pesos, 2 reals, 6 grains, which together with 59 pesos, 6 grains for his rations, like that of the Captain, make 296 3 0 Sailors: George Eaton for the same time as the preceding, with 12 pesos monthly, must receive 142 pesos, which amount together with the 59 pesos, 6 grains for his rations, as the preceding, make 210 3 6 Robert Cant 210 3 6 John Windwich 210 3 6 Thomas Parris 210 3 6 John Strangemore 210 3 6 James Perry 210 3 6 4.234 2 0 Auditor's Office of San Bias, July 8, 1790. I xSpanish Balance Memorandum of the provisions and goods which Estevan Joseph Martinez took in the port of Nootka from the English Paquebot named the Argonaut. It is recorded in report number—. SPANISH BALANCE 151 arrovas, a idem 131 2 0 4 dichas de carne salada con 13 arrovas cada una, y todas cinquenta y dos arrovas, a 13 1/2 reales arrova 87 6 0 8,dichas de puerco con 13 arrovas cada una, y todas ciento y quatro arrovas, a 4 pesos 416 0 0 1 dicha de azucar con 14 arrovas, a 3 pesos 42 0 0 2 barricas de chicharos con 14 arrovas cada una, y ambas 28 arrovas, a 9 pesos cargo de 12 arrovas 21 0 0 6 dichas de alquitran con peso de 12 arrovas cada una, y todas 72 arrovas, a 6 reales 54 0 0 6 dichas de brea de 12 arrovas cada una, y todas quarenta y ocho arrovas, a 12 reales arrova 72 35 piezas de lona, a 35 pesos 1.225 1 dicha de loneta, en 30 pesos 30 14 piezas de brin, a 30 pesos 420 1 dicha de cotense con 51 varas, a 6 1/2 reales 41 24 arrovas de polvora, a 10 reales libra 750 6 arrovas mas de idem, que aviso por oficio, a idem 187 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 3 6 0 0 4 0 3.725 3 6 Siguen los que se depositaron en este Almazen: 28 fardos de arroz con 168 arrovas, a 15 reales 315 0 0 1 barrica de Azucar con 14 arrovas, a 3 pesos 42 0 0 4.082 33 quintals of rice, at 15 reals a twenty-five-pound-weight 247 4 0 5 casks of the same, each one containing 14 twenty-five-pound- weights, and all together seventy twenty-five-pound-weights, at the same price 131 2 0 4 casks of salted meat with 13 twenty-five-pound-weights each, and all together 52 twenty-five-pound-weights, at 13 1/2 reals a twenty-five-pound-weight 87 6 0 8 casks of pork with 13 twenty-five-pound-weights each, and all together one hundred and four twenty-five-pound-weights, at 4 pesos 416 0 0 1 cask of sugar with 14 twenty-five-pound-weights, at 3 pesos 42 0 0 2 casks of peas with 14 twenty-five-pound-weights each, and the two together 28 twenty-five-pound-weights, at 9 pesos, a load of 12 twenty-five-pound-weights 21 0 0 6 casks of alquitran [stuff composed of pitch, grease, resin and oil], with 12 twenty-five-pound-weights each, and all together seventy-two twenty-five-pound-weights, at 6 reals a twenty-five- pound-weight 54 0 0 6 casks of pitch, with 12 twenty-five-pound-weights each, and all together forty-eight twenty-five-pound-weights, at 12 reals 72 0 0 152 THE COLNETT JOURNAL mm CUMr I Spanish Balance1 4.082 3 6 3 barriles de arina con 6 arrovas cada uno, y todos 18 arrovas, a 39 pesos carga de 12 arrovas 58 4 0 1 barril de arroz con 8 arrovas, a 15 reales 15 0 0 1 Dicho de carne de puerco con 7 arrovas, a 4 pesos arrova... 28 0 0 1 idem de carne de baca con 7 arrovas, a 13 1/2 reales 11 6 6 35 pieces of canvas, at 35 pesos 1.225 0 0 1 piece of sailcloth [raven's duck], at 30 pesos 30 0 0 14 pieces of brin [cloth made of hemp, light and flexible], at 30 pesos. 420 0 0 1 piece of cotense [coarse cloth made of hemp] having 51 yards, at 6 1/2 reals 41 3 6 24 twenty-five-pound-weights of gunpowder, at 10 reals a pound.... 750 0 0 6 twenty-five-pound-weights more of the same, of which I give notice, by official letter, at the same price 187 4 0 3.725 3 6 The goods deposited in this warehouse follow: 28 bales of rice with 168 twenty-five-pound weights, at 15 pesos a twenty-five-pound-weight 315 0 0 1 cask of sugar with 14 twenty-five-pound-weights, at 3 pesos 42 0 0 4.082 3 6 1Spanish Balance 3 barrels of flour with 6 twenty-five-pound-weights each and all together 18 twenty-five-pound-weights at 39 pesos a load of 12 twenty-five-pound-weights 58 1 barrel of rice with 8 twenty-five-pound-weights at 15 reals 15 1 barrel of pork with 7 twenty-five-pound-weights at 4 pesos a twenty-five-pound-weight 28 1 barrel of beef with 7 twenty-five-pound-weights at 13 1/2 reals ... 11 10 barrels of flour all together containing 60 .twenty-five-pound- weights at 39 pesos a load of 12 twenty-five-pound-weights 195 1 cask of the same flour with 14 twenty-five-pound-weights at the same price 45 2 barrels of beef with 14 twenty-five-pound-weights at 13 1/2 reals.. 23 1 barrel of pork with 6 twenty-five-pound-weights at 4 pesos 24 2 barrels of vinegar at 7 pesos 14 2 barrels of rice containing between the two 13 twenty-five-pound- weights at 15 reals 24 13 casks of fine grade flour containing all together 169 twenty-five- | pound-weights at 39 pesos a load of 12 twenty-five-pound-weights ,549 ¥ SPANISH BALANCE *$3 10 barriles de arina, todos con 60 arrovas, a 39 pesos cargo de 12 arrovas 195 0 0 1 barrica de dicho con 14 arrovas, a idem 45 4 0 2 barriles de carne de baca con 14 arrovas, a 13 1/2 reales 23 5 0 1 Idem de carne de puerco con 6 arrovas, a 4 pesos 24 0 0 2 barriles de vinagre, a 7 pesos 14 0 0 2 idem de arroz, con 13 arrovas ambos, a 15 reales 24 3 0 13 barricas arina flor, todas con 169 arrovas, a treinta y nueve pesos carga de 12 arrovas 549 2 0 6 dichas de arroz, con 84 arrovas todas, a 15 reales 157 4 0 2 barricas de chicharos, con 27 arrovas ambas, a nueve pesos carga de 12 arrovas 20 2 0 1 barrica de carne de baca con 13 arrovas, a 13 1/2 reales 21 7 6 4 barricas de brea con 56 arrovas, a 12 reales 84 0 0 1 barrica de Vinagre que no [ ? ], en 7 pesos 7 0 0 3 barricas de Azucar, con 40 arrovas todas, a 3 pesos 120 0 0 2 pipas de dicho con 34 arrovas, a 3 pesos 102 0 0 1 pipa de chicharos con 16 arrovas, a 9 pesos carga de 12 arrovas 12 0 0 5 pipas de alquitran con 80 arrovas, a 6 reales 60 0 0 De los viveres y efectos anteriores se le dieron los siguientes: 5.656 1 6 21 arrovas de carne, a 13 1/2 reales 035 3 6 6. casks of rice containing all together 84 twenty-five-pound-weights at 15 reals 157 4 0 2 casks of peas containing between the two 27 twenty-five-pound- weights at 9 pesos a load of 12 twenty-five-pound-weights 20 2 0 1 cask of beef with 13 twenty-five-pound-weights at 13 1/2 reals.... 21 7 6 4 casks of pitch with 56 twenty-five-pound-weights all together at 12 reals 84 0 0 1 cask of vinegar ? 7 pesos 7 0 0 3 casks of sugar containing all together 40 twenty-five-pound- weights at 3 pesos 120 0 0 2 casks of the same containing between the two 34 twenty-five- pound-weights at 3 pesos 102 0 0 1 cask of peas with 16 twenty-five-pound-weights at 9 pesos a load of 12 twenty-five-pound-weights 12 0 0 5 casks of alquitran [stuff composed of pitch, grease, resin and oil] containing all together 80 twenty-five-pound-weights at 6 reals.. 60 0 0 5.656 1 6 From the preceding provisions and goods, the following were given to him: 21 twenty-five-pound-weights of meat at 13 1/2 reals 035 3 6 If Pi ■■::i 154 THE COLNETT JOURNAL Spanish Balance1 035 14 arrovas de tozino, a 4 pesos 56 20 arrovas de chicharos, a 9 pesos cargo de 12 arrovas 15 1 barril de vinagre, en 7 88 arrovas de azucar, a 3 pesos 264 30 arrovas del polvora, a 10 reales libra 937 152 arrovas de Alquitran, a 6 reales 114 104 de brea, a 12 reales 156 Witnessed Recivieron en viveres en el Almazen en Quadra el ano de 1789 para racionar su gente: 6 arrovas 15 libras de arroz, a 15 reales 123 1 fanega de frijol, en 18 reales 2 33 arrovas 15 libras de galleta, a 3 pesos 100 8 arrovas 10 libras de manteca, a 5 1/2 pesos 46 1 arrova de sal, en 00 32 arrovas 5 libras de carne fresca, a 1 peso 32 10 arrovas 19 libras de queso, a 4 pesos arrova 43 3 6\ 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 4 0 0 0 0 0) 0 °1 2 0 6 6 1 6 1 6 1 6 0 °J 5.656 1 6 } 1.584 7 6 4.072 2 0 237 0 0 3.835 2 0 Signed Jose Maria de Monterda 5.656 1 6 Francisco Hixosa Jose Maria de Juan Francisco Rosales Quedo entregado a mi satisfaccion de los tres mil ocho cientds treinta y cinco pesos dos reales que resultan a mi favor en esta cuenta. San Bias 8 de Julio de 90 This receipt they obliged me to sign J. C. [James Colnett] Spanish Balance 035 3 6) 14 twenty-five-pound-weights of bacon, at 4 pesos 56 0 0 20 twenty-five-pound-weights of peas, at 9 pesos a load of 12 twenty-five-pound-weights 15 0 0 1 barrel of vinegar 7 0 0 88 twenty-five-pound-weights of sugar, at 3 pesos 264 0 0 30 twenty-five-pound-weights of gunpowder, at 10 reals a pound 937 4 0 152 twenty-five-pound-weights of alquitran [see ante, p. 151] at 6 reals 114 0 0 104 of pitch at 12 reals 156 0 0 SPANISH BALANCE i ft | Spanish Balance1 Nota de los viveres que de la Balandra inglesa nombrada la Princesa Real se depositaron en este almazen: 38 arrovas de azucar, a 3 pesos 114 0 0 39 arrovas de chicharos, a 9 pesos carga de 12 arrovas 29 2 0 399 arrovas de arina flor, a 39 pesos carga de 12 arrovas 1.296 6 0 72 arrovas de tozino, a 4 pesos 288 0 0 3 barriles de vinagre, 7 pesos 21 0 0 8 arrovas de carne, a 13 1/2 reales 13 4 0 1.778 7 0 Witnessed Quadra In the year 1789, in order to ration their men, they received from this warehouse in provisions: 6 twenty-five-pound-weights and 45 pounds of rice, at 15 reals 123 1 fanega [1.60 bushels] of kidney beans valued at 18 reals 2 33 twenty-five-pound-weights and 15 pounds of ship biscuits, at 3 pesos 100 8 twenty-five-pound-weights and 10 pounds of lard, at 5 1/2 pesos 46 1 twenty-five-pound-weight of salt 00 32 twenty-five-pound-weights and 5 pounds of fresh meat, at 1 peso 32 10 twenty-five-pound-weights and 19 pounds of cheese, at 4 pesos a twenty-five-pound-weight 43 Signed Francisco Hixosa Joseph Maria de Juan Francisco Menterda Rosales I have received to my entire satisfaction the three thousand eight hundred and thirty-five pesos two reals which stand to my credit in this account. San Bias, July 8, 1790. This receipt they obliged me to sign J. C. [James Colnett] Spanish Balance Memorandum of the provisions from the English Bilander named Princesa Real which were deposited in this warehouse: 38 twenty-five-pound-weights of sugar, at 3 pesos 114 0 0 39 twenty-five-pound-weights of peas, at 9 pesos a load of 12 twenty-five-pound-weights.. •• 29 2 0 mW 156 THE COLNETT JOURNAL Witnessed De los efectos anteriores se le entregaron los Quadra siguientes: 38 arrovas de azucar, a 3 pesos 114 1 -j or q q 3 barriles de vinagre, a 7 pesos 21 J Alcanza 1.643 7 0 Signed Francisco Hixosa Jose Maria de Juan Francisco Monterda Rosales He recevido a mi satisfaction los mil seiscientos quarenta y tres pesos siete reales que alcanzo en esta cuenta. San Bias, Julio 8 de 1790. Signed T. Hudson Spanish Balance1 El Capitan del paquebot Argonaut Don James Colnett ha vendido hoy dia de la fecha para repuestos de este Real almazen los utiles siguientes: 399 twenty-five-pound-weights of fine grade flour, at 39 pesos a load of 12 twenty-five-pound-weights 1296 6 0 72 twenty-five-pound-weights of bacon, at 4 pesos 288 0 0 3 barrels of vinegar, at 7 pesos each 21 0 0 8 twenty-five-pound-weights of meat, at 13 1/2 reals 13 4 0 1.778 7 0 Witnessed From the preceding goods the following were delivered Quadra *to him: 38 twenty-five-pound-weights of sugar, at 3 pesos 1141 *** n « 3 barrels of vinegar, at 7 pesos 21 / Total 1.643 7 0 Signed Francisco Hixosa Joseph Maria de Juan Francisco Monterda Rosales I have received to my entire satisfaction the one thousand six hundred and forty- three pesos and seven reals which stand in my favour in this account. San Bias, July 8, 1790. Signed T. Hudson Spanish Balance The Captain of the Paquebot Argonaut James Colnett has sold to-day for stock of this royal warehouse the following goods: SPANISH BALANCE 157 2 serruchos grandes, a 6 pesos cada uno 12 0 0 18 dichos medianos, a 20 reales 45 0 0 12 candados, a 2 pesos 24 0 0 1 gato de [betun] baxo 20 0 0 67 azuelas de 2 manos, a 14 reales 117 2 0 Contaduria de San Bias, 7 de Julio, 1790 Witnessed Visto bueno Quadra Signed Francisco Hixosa Jose Maria de Monterda 218 2 0 Juan Francisco Rosales Spanish Balance1 Cuenta del importe de los viveres que remitio a estos Almacenes Don Juan Manuel Siniaga, Receptor de Alcabalas de Tepic y encargado de esta provision para el despacho del Paquebot ingles nombrado el Argonaut: Por 312 arrovas de carne, a 13 1/2 reales 526 4 0 39 barriles en que vino esta carne, a 14 reales 68 2 0 Por el flete de estos barriles 39 0 0 2 large handsaws at 6 pesos each 12 0 0 18 medium sized handsaws at 20 reals each 45 0 0 12 padlocks at 2 pesos 24 0 0 1 low hooping tong 20 0 0 67 two-handed adzes at 14 reals 117 2 0 218 2 0 Auditor's Office of San Bias, July 7, 1790. Witnessed Approved Quadra Signed Francisco Hixosa Joseph Maria de Monterda Juan Francisco Rosales 1Spanish Balance Account of the value of the provisions sent to these warehouses by Juan Manuel Siniaga Sale-tax Receiver at Tepic in charge of this provisioning for the despatch of the English Paquebot named the Argonaut. For 312 twenty-five-pound-weights of meat, at 3 1/2 reals 526 4 0 39 barrels in which this meat came, at 14 reals 68 2 0 For the freight of these barrels *! 39 0 0 mM] 158 THE COLNETT JOURNAL Por 14 cargas de harina flor, a 39 pesos 1 real 547 6 0 Por 28 costales de cotense, a 12 reales 42 0 0 Por 6 barriles de vino mescal, a 30 pesos 180 0 0 Por 2 dichos de vino bianco, a 70 pesos 140 0 0 Por el flete de los 8 barriles, a 12 pesos 12 0 0 Por 4 arrovas de cacao Guayaquil a 1 3/4 reales 21 7 0 Por el flete de este cacao 000 6 0 De lo existente en el Almacen: 312 arrovas, 9 libras de galleta, a 3 pesos 93^ 0 6 58 arrovas, 3 libras de carne en tasajo, a 10 reales 72 5 0 58 arrovas, 22 libras de [Tonineta], a 4 pesos 203 4 0 45 arrovas, 21 1/2 libras de manteca, a 5 pesos 4 reales 252 2 0 12 fardos de frijol, a 18 reales 27 0 0 8 dichos de garvanzo, a 7 pesos 4 reales 60 0 0 24 fanegas de maiz, a 10 reales 30 0 0 4 barriles de vinagre, a 7 pesos 28 0 0 13 arrovas de velas de sebo, a 4 pesos 4 reales 58 4 0 2 calderos de cobre, una olla, una cuchara y una espumadera con peso todo de 4 arrovas 1 libra, a 4 reales libra 50 4 0 1 campana de bronce con 1 arrova 16 libras, a 9 reales libra 14 6 0 2 ampolletas de 4 hoxas, a 2 pesos 004 0 0 2 idem de 2 hoxas, a 12 reales 003 0 0 2 idem de 1 hoxa, a 8 reales 002 0 0 3.421 2 6 For 14 loads of fine grade flour, at 3 pesos and 1 real 547 6 0 For 28 sacks made of hemp, at 12 reals 42 0 0 For 6 barrels of mescal wine [made from the roots of the yucca plant], at 30 pesos 180 0 0 For 2 barrels of white wine, at 70 pesos 140 0 0 For the freight of the eight barrels, at 12 pesos 12 0 0 For 4 twenty-five-pound-weights of Guayaquil cacao at 1 3/4 reals.. 217 0 For the freight of this cacao 000 6 0 From the stock.in the warehouse: 312 twenty-five-pound-weights and 9 pounds of ship biscuits, at 3 pesos 937 0 6 58 twenty-five-pound-weights and 3 pounds of jerked beef, at 10 reals 72 5 0 58 twenty-five-pound-weights and 2 pounds of tuna fish, at 4 pesos.. 203 4 0 45 twenty-five-pound-weights and 21 1/2 pounds of lard, at 5 pesos 4 reales 252 2 0 12 bales of kidney beans, at 18 reals 27 0 0 8 bales of chickpeas, at 7 pesos 4 reals 60 0 0 SPANISH BALANCE 159 Spanish Balance1 3.421 2 6 4 Idem de 1/2 hoxa, a 6 reales , 3 0 0 12 medios minutos, a 4 reales 6 0 0 33 varas de lanilla, a 1 peso 33 0 0 214 varas de cotense, a 6 1/2 reales 173 7 0 4 arrovas 18 libras de sebo, a 3 pesos 14 1 0 1 arrova 17 libras de estoperoles, a 4 reales libra 21 0 0 8 libras de tachuelas, a idem 4 0 0 8 libras de hilo de velas, a 6 reales 6 0 0 144 agujas de coser velas, en 4 0 0 24 rempujos, a 2 reales 6 0 0 4 baquetas, a 4 pesos 16 0 0 6 cueros de res, a 4 reales 3 0 0 6 zaleas, a 6 reales 4 4 0 24 fanegas [1.60 bushels] of corn, at 10 reals 30 0 0 4 barrels of vinegar, at 7 pesos 28 0 0 13 twenty-five-pound-weights of tallow candles, at 4 pesos 4 reals... 58 4 0 2 small copper caldrons, 1 pot, 1 spoon, and 1 colander, all together weighing 4 twenty-five-pound-weights and 1 pound, at 4 reals a pound , 50 4 0 1 bronze bell weighing 1 twenty-five-pound-weight and 16 pounds, at 9 reals a pound 14 6 0 2 four-leaf watchglasses at 2 pesos 4 0 0 2 two-leaf watchglasses at 12 reals 3 0 0 2 one-leaf watchglasses at 8 reals 2 0 0 3.421 2 6 1Spanish Balance 3.421 2 6 4 two-leaf watchglasses, at 6 reals 3 0 0 12 half minutes, at 4 reals 6 0 0 33 yards of bunting, at 1 peso 33 0 0 214 yards of cotense [see p. 152, ante], at 6 1/2 reals 173 7 0 4 twenty-five-pound-weights and 18 pounds of tallow, at 3 pesos.... 14 1 0 1 twenty-five-pound-weight and 17 pounds of tow wicks, at 4 reals a pound 21 0 0 8 pounds of tacks, at the same price 4 0 0 8 pounds of thread to sew sails, at 6 reals 6 0 0 144 needles for sewing sails, worth 4 0 0 24 sailmaker's palms, at 2 reals 6 0 0 4 ramrods, at 4 pesos 16 0 0 6 sheep skins, at 4 reals 3 0 0 6 unsheared sheep skins, at 6 reals 4 4 0 6 pairs of pistols, at 15 pesos 90 0 0 ■Nil I 160 THE COLNETT JOURNAL 6 pares de pistolas, a 15 pesos 90 12 ojas de lata, a 3 reales 4 25 valeos, en 1 peso 1 1 bocina grande de oja de lata 4 1 dicha mediana 2 1 dicha chica 1 2 dichas medianas, a 3 reales 0 2 medidas de oja de lata 0 4 pesas de plomo, en 2 De 67 barriles que le entrego el almacen, solo se le hace cargo de 20, que junto con 39 que le estan cargados por embase de la carne en salmuera que va en esta cuenta, hacen 59, y 6 en que va el vino bianco y de mescal, que no se le cargan por estar embebido su precio en el valor de estos licores, son los 67, que a 14 reales importan los 20 que se le cargan 35 7 piezas de brin, a 3 pesos 21 4 piezas de voneta, a idem 12 Del arsenal 6 barrenitas para canon, a 2 1/2 reales 1 6 gurbias para idem, a 2 reales 1 6 chines guarnidos, a 3 reales 2 4,240 12 sheets of tin, at 3 reals 4 25 small round mats worth 1 peso 1 1 large tin horn 4 1 medium sized tin horn 2 1 small tin horn 1 2 medium sized tin horns, at 3 reals 0 2 tin measures 0 4 lead weights worth 2 He is only charged for 20 of the 67 barrels he received from the warehouse, which together with 39, charged to him, containing the pickled meat mentioned in this account, make 59 and 6 more containing the white wine and the mescal wine, which are not charged to him since their value is included in the price of these beverages, are the 67, and the 20 charged to him at 14 reals each, are worth 35 7 pieces of brin [see p. 152 ante ], at 3 pesos 21 4 pieces of bonnet, at the same price 12 0 0 4 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 4 0 6 0 4 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 7 0 4 0 2 0 4 6 r SPANISH BALANCE 161 Spanish Balance1 4,240 4 6 6 motones para palanquines, a 5 reales 3 6 0 6 quadernales para idem, a 10 reales 7 4 0 12 ganchos para guardacabos, con peso de 18 libras, a 3 1/4 reales 7 2 0 1 cable de 10 pulgadas de grueso, con 120 brazas de largo y peso de 16 quintales, a 16 pesos 256 0 0 3 piezas de cabo de 2 pulgadas, con peso cada una de 3 arrovas 18 libras, y las 3, 11 arrovas 4 libras, a idem 46 2 0 3 dichas de 1 1/2 pulgadas cada una, con peso de 1 arrova 16 libras, y todas 4 arrovas 23 libras, a idem 19 5 6 2 dichas de 2 1/2 pulgadas, con peso cada una de 4 arrovas 16 libras, y ambas 9 arrovas 7 libras, a idem 37 12 arrovas de meollar, a idem 48 6 Sondalezas medianas, todas con peso de 3 arrovas 15 libras, a idem 14 4 dichas grandes, con 5 arrovas 7 libras todas, a idem 21 10 correderas, con peso todas de 2 arrovas 23 libras, a idem 11 24 piezas de baiben, merlin y piola, con 13 libras todo, a 3 pesos arrova 1 4 6 From the arsenal 6 small drills for cannon, at 2 1/2 reals 1 7 0 6 vent searchers for the same, at 2 reals 1 4 0 6 furbished priming horns, at 3 reals 2 2 0 1 0 0 0 3 0 5 0 5 0 4.240 4 6 Spanish Balance 4.240 4 6 6 pulleys for double tackle, at 5 reals s 3 6 0 6 blocks for the same, at 10 reals 7 4 0 12 hooks for thimbles, weighing 18 pounds, 3 1/4 reals 7 2 0 1 cable 10 inches thick, 120 fathoms long and weighing 16 quintals, at 16 pesos 256 0 0 3 pieces of rope 2 inches thick, each one weighing 3 twenty-five- pound-weights and 18 pounds, and the three together 11 twenty- five-pound-weights and 14 pounds, at the same price 46 2 0 3 pieces of rope 1 1/2 inches thick, each one weighing 1 twenty-five- pound-weight and 16 pounds and all together 4 twenty-five- pound-weights and 23 pounds, at the same price 19 5 6 2 pieces of rope 2 1/2 inches thick, each one weighing 4 twenty-five- pound-weights and 16 pounds, and the two together 9 twenty- five-pound-weights and 7 pounds, at the same price 37 1 0 12 twenty-five-pound-weights of spun yarn, at same price 48 0 0 11 B mm 11 i pi 162 THE COLNETT JOURNAL Repuestos para el Argonaut 46 tablas de 1 pulgada, 17 dedos pulgada y media, que componen 17 codos cubicos a 12 reales 25 4 0 Por 42 pesos 5 reales 6 granos de serrar la madera antecedente.. 42 5 6 1 quarton de 4 pulgadas 1 4 0 48 cavillos, a 1 real 6 0 0 12 morteros herrados, a 6 reales 90 0 4 guarniciones de bomba, a 4 reales 2 0 0 2 bimbaletes para idem, a 2 pesos 2 reales 4 4 0 1 serviola con tres roldanas 3 6 0 4 gallineros abaluados en 45 3 0 6 pernos de bomba con 9 libras, a 3 1/4 reales 3 5 3 18 ganchos de maniobra con 50 libras, a idem 20 2 6 8 cancamos de ojo con 9 libras, a idem 3 5 3 2 machos de timon y 2 hembras de bote de 8 libras 3 2 0 12 argollas acero para bateria con 45 libras, a 3 1/4 reales 18 2 3 4,904 2 9 6 medium sized sounding lines, all together weighing 3 twenty-five- pound-weights and 15 pounds, at the same price 14 3 0 4 large sized sounding lines, all together weighing 5 twenty-five- pound-weights and 7 pounds, at the same price • 21 5 0 10 log lines, all together weighing 2 twenty-five-pound-weights and 23 pounds, at the same price 11 5 0 24 pieces of cord, marline, and houseline, all together weighing 13 pounds, at 3 pesos a twenty-five-pound-weight 14 6 Supplies for the Argonaut 46 boards 1 inch thick, 14 2/3 inches wide, which make 17 cubic cubits, at 12 reals 25 4 0 For 42 pesos 5 reals 6 grains, cost of sawing the aforementioned lumber 42 5 6 1 beam 4 inches thick 1 4 0 48 small pieces of rope, at 1 real 6 0 0 12 iron mortars, at 6 reals 9 0 0 4 pump fixtures, at 4 reals 2 0 0 2 props for the same, at 2 pesos 2 reals 4 4 0 1 cathead with three sheaves 3 6 0 4 chickencoops appraised at 45 3 0 6 pump bolts weighing 9 pounds, at 3 1/4 reals 3 5 3 18 tackle hooks weighing 50 pounds, at the same price 20 2 6 8 eyebolts weighing 9 pounds, at the same price • 3 5 3> SPANISH BALANCE 163 Spanish Balance1 4,904 2 9 6 escandallos de plomo con 4 arrovas 20 libras, a 3 pesos 1 real arrova 15 3 quintales de estopa, a 20 pesos 5 reales 61 24 fierros de calafate, a 1 peso 24 18 formones de varias minas, a idem 18 12 gurbias de golpe y espiga, a idem 12 6 fierros de zepillo, a idem 6 6 martillos de oreja, a 12 reales 9 1 banco de piano guarnido 7 1 martillo de pifla, en 2 1 [charta] y un puntero, a 4 reales 1 Signed Visto bueno Quadra Motoneria 12 motones de 5 pulgadas, a 5 reales 7 24 idem de a 6 pulgadas, a 6 reales 18 4 idem de a 8 pulgadas, a un peso 4 24 quadernaletes de dos ojos, de 6 pulgadas, a 12 reales 36 4 idem de 8 pulgadas, a 2 pesos 8 48 pestillos, a 1 real 6 0 0 60 rondanas de guayacar de varias minas, a 3 reales 26 2 0 0 0 7 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 4 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 5,183 7 9 Contaduria de San Bias, Julio 8, 1790 Signed Francisco Hixosa Jose Maria de Monterda Juan Francisco Rosales 2 rudder-pintles and 2 boat gudgeons weighing 8 pounds, at the same price 3 2 0 12 steel rings for battery, weighing 45 pounds, at 3 1/4 reals 18 2 3 Spanish Balance .6 deep-sea leads weighing 4 twenty-five-pound-weights and 20 pounds, at 3 pesos 1 real a twenty-five-pound-weight 15 0 0 3 quintals of tow, at 20 pesos, 5 reals a quintal 61 7 0 24 calking irons, at 1 peso 24 0 0 18 chisels of different sizes, at the same price 18 0 0 12 gouges, at the same price 12 0 0 I m I; 164 THE COLNETT JOURNAL Spanish Balance1 Factura de los medicamentos que se han ministrado de orden del Senor Comisario para los barcos ingleses nombrados el Argonaut y Balandra, y son como siguen, a saver: 6 1/2 dracmas tartari emetus en 12 papeles de a 4 granos, en 6 0 0 2 dracmas sal chatartica, en 14 0 0 6 plane cutters, at the same price 6 0 0 6 claw hammers, at 12 reals 9 0 0 1 furbished planing bench 7 0 0 1 conical hammer, worth 2 0 0 1 chart and one fescue, at 4 reals 1 0 0 Signed Approved Quadra Tackle 12 pulleys, 5 inches in diameter, at 5 reals 7 4 0 24 pulleys, 6 inches in diameter, at 6 reals 18 0 0 4 pulleys, 8 inches in diameter, at 1 peso 4 0 0 24 short double blocks with two eyes, 6 inches in diameter, at 12 reals 36 0 0 4 short double blocks, 8 inches in diameter, at 2 pesos 8 0 0 48 latches, at 1 real 6 0 0 60 guaiacum sheaves of different sizes, at 3 reals 26 2 0 5.183 7 9 Auditor's Office of San Bias, July 8, 1790. Signed Francisco Hixosa Joseph Maria de Monterda Juan Francisco Rosales Spanish Balance Invoice of the medicines that have been supplied by order of the Commissary for the English ships named the Argonaut and Bilander, and they are the following, to wit: - 6 1/2 drachms of tartar emetic in twelve papers, each one containg 4 grains 6 0 0 2 drachms of cathartic salt 14 0 0 3 1/2 drachms of calomel in pills of one grain each 14 0 1 pound of mercury ointment 1 4 0 1/2 pound of Extract of Saturn 1 0 0 1 pint of calomel 1 4 0 SPANISH BALANCE m 1 4 0 1 4 0 1 0 0 1 4 0 1 4 0 6 0 0 4 0 0 5 0 0 3 0 0 1 4 0 11 0 0 54 0 0 7 0 0 3 1/2 dracmas mercurio dulze, hecho pildoras de a grano 1 libra unguento mercurio, en 1/2 libra extracto de Saturno 1 pinta precipitado bianco 1 pinta dicho rubio Witnessed 1 libra de polvos de Xipipaquina j Visto bueno 1 geringa de bronze Quadra 10 1/2 pintas de Spiritus de cuerno de ciervo, 6 pintas de Spiritus de Nitro dulze 1 libra de sal nitrosa 1 botella de espiritus de terpentina 72 libras pulpa tamarindo, a 6 reales libra 18 libras de miel blanca 119 0 0 San Bias, 8 de Julio de 1790 Signed Francisco Hixosa Jose Maria de Juan Francisco Monterda Rosales Spanish Balance1 Nota de las dietas que para la tripulacion del Paquebot Argonaut se le han entregado a su capitan James Colnett: 100 gallinas, a 3 reales 37 4 0 Witnessed 1 pint of bioxide of mercury 1 4 0 Approved 1 pound of [ipecacuahna?] 6 0 0 Quadra 1 bronze syringe 4 0 0 10 1/2 pints of spirits of deer horn 5 0 0 6 pints of spirits of sweet nitre 3 0 0 1 pound of powder of ? 1 4 0 1 bottle of spirits of turpentine 11 0 0 72 pounds of tamarind pulp, at 6 reals a pound 54 0 0 18 pounds of white honey 7 0 0 119 0 0 San Bias, July 8, 1790. Signed Francisco Hixosa Joseph Maria de Juan Francisco Monterda Rosales Spanish Balance Memorandum of the provisions for the sick which have been delivered to Captain James Colnett for the crew of the Paquebot Argonaut: 100 chickens, at 3 reals 37 4 0 mm wm: 166 THE COLNETT JOURNAL Witnessed 12 guajalotes, a 1 peso 12 0 0 Vistobueno 10 cerdos, a 9 pesos 90 0 0 Quadra 3 terneros y terneras, a 5 pesos 15 0 0 12 carneros, a 20 reales 30 0 0 184 4 0 Contaduria de San Bias, 8 de Julio de 1790 Signed Francisco Hixosa Jose Maria de Juan Francisco Monterda Rosales Spanish Balance1 Nota de diversos efectos del arsenal que se entregan al Capitan Colnett en remplazo de una lancha en rosea que se le toma para servicio del Departamento en virtud de superior orden, de 6 piezas menudas de arboladura producidas de la fragata Favorita 9 0 0 2 hembras y 1 macho de timon para lancha y bote, con peso de 8 libras de fierro, a 3 1/2 reales libra 3 2 0 6 arrovas de brea para la carena de dicha lancha, a 12 reales arrova 9 0 0 6 libras de estopa para el mismo destino 1 2 0 2 sunchos de fierro para los palos de dicha lancha 1 6 6 Witnessed 12 turkeys, at 1 peso 12 0 0 Approved 10 hogs, at 9 pesos 90 0 0 Quadra 3 calves, at 5 pesos 15 0 0 12 sheep, at 20 reals 30 0 0 184 4 0 Auditor's Office of San Bias, July 8, 1790. Signed Francisco Hixosa Joseph Maria de Juan Francisco Monterda Rosales Spanish Balance Memorandum of different articles from the arsenal given to Captain Colnett in exchange for the hull of a launch which is taken from him for the service of this Department by superior order, of 6 small pieces of masts and spars from the Frigate Favorita " 9 0 0 2 rudder gudgeons and 1 rudder pintle for launch and boat, weighing eight pounds, of iron, at 3 1/2 reals a pound 3 2 0 6 twenty-five-pound-weights of pitch for careening the aforesaid launch, at 12 reals a twenty-five-pound-weight ,. 9 0 0 6 pounds of tow for the same purpose 1 2 0 SPANISH BALANCE 2 argollas para la proa de dicha lancha, con peso de 2 libras, a 3 1/4 reales 36 anillos y cabitos, a 1/2 real 8 cadenas para mesas de guarnicion, con 21 libras, a 3 1/4 reales 8 pernos para idem, con peso de 7 libras 10 idem de ojo, con peso de 8 libras, a idem 4 pernos de remache, con 3 libras, a idem 4 anillos para idem 1 suncho para la beta baxa de idem, con peso de 4 libras 84 grampones, con 24 libras 2 pernos de ojo, para idem con 5 libras m 0 6 6 2 2 0 3 8 4 3 2 6 9 3 2 0 1 1 9 2 0 0 1 5 0 9 6 0 2 0 3 2 iron hoops for the masts of the aforesaid launch 2 thick rims for the bow of the aforesaid launch, weighing 2 pounds, at 3 1/4 reals 36 rings and short pieces of rope, at 1/2 real 8 chains for channels, weighing 21 pounds, at 3 1/4 reals 8 bolts for the same, weighing 7 pounds 10 eye bolts, weighing 8 pounds, at the same price 4 riveting bolts, weighing 3 pounds, at the same price 4 rings for the same 1 hoop for the lower cordage of same, weighing 4 pounds 84 clamps, weighing 24 pounds 2 eye bolts for the same, weighing 5 pounds 0 6 2 2 8 4 2 6 3 2 1 1 2 0 0 1 5 0 9 6 0 2 0 3 ill 168 THE COLNETT JOURNAL Spanish Balance1 2 anillos y dos chavetas, a 1/2 real 0 2 0 1 sacanabo, con peso de 9 libras, a 3 1/4 reales 3 5 3 Witnessed 1 bomba para dicho 2 0 0 Visto bueno 2 foxas de madera, con 15 codos cubicos, a 12 Quadra reales codo 22 4 0 Por los jornales pagados a varios carpinteros y calafates que carenaron la lancha del Argonaut 241 6 0 327 0 3 Real Arsenal de San Bias, 8 de Julio de 90 Signed Francisco Hixosa Jose Maria de Juan Francisco RpSHfif Monterda R.osales xSpanish Balance 2 rings and two forelocks, at 1/2 real 0 2 0 1 pump hook, weighing 9 pounds, at 3 1/4 reals 3 5 3 Witnessed 1 pump for the same 2 0 0 Approved 2 sheets of wood veneer, measuring 15 cubic cubits, at Quadra 12 reals a cubit 22 4 0 For the wages paid to several carpenters and calkers who careened the launch of the Argonaut 241 6 0 327 0 3 Royal Arsenal of San Bias, July 8, 1790. Signed Francisco Hixosa Joseph Maria de Juan Francisco Monterda Rosales CHAPTER V REMARKS FROM LEAVING S. BLAS ROADS TO ANCHORING AT PORT SIR FRANCIS DRAKE JULY 9th. 1790 at Ten P.M., the day and hour of release of a Twelve Month and four days' Cruelty, Robbery, and Oppressive treatment of the Spaniards of New Spain. We sail'd with a land Breeze from N.W. Winds for the night Variable; towards morning Shifted to the Southward. Kept standing to the Westward and Southward; moderate breezes inclining to Calm. At 10 A.M., wind hauling more to the westward, Tacked and stood for the land. At Noon Latitude Observed 21 ° 09'; Cape Corrientes S. 12 Leagues; S. Bias N.E. by E., 8 or 9 Leagues; Pedro Blanco N.N.E.fE., 5 or 6 Leagues. Found the Current to set us Considerably to the Southward; at 4 P.M., finding I could gain no ground by stretching off Shore with a W. by N. wind the Bottom Shoaling regular as we stood in, determin'd me to come to, and wait for the Land Breeze in the Evening. At 5 brought to with the kedge and towling, [sic] in 5 fathoms muddy Bottom; Pedro Blanco le Mar S.^E., distant 2 Miles; Distance from the main, 2 Leagues. The main on. the sea Coast is low and woody, with a Sandy Beach, but inland Mountainous. The night was Variable with light airs and Calms alternately. At 2 A.M., a Breeze sprang up from the N.E., with rain; weigh'd and made all sail. By Noon it fell little wind and Shifted to E.S.E.; Latitude 21° 48'N., Isle Isabella N.|W., 5 Miles, Extremes of Marias from W.fS., to S.W. by S.fS. By one it fell Calm, and to prevent being drifted to the Southward by the Current brought to in 25 fathoms, muddy Bottom, Isle Isabella1 N.|E., 5 Miles. This Isle may be 4 or 5 Miles round; it's of Moderate Height, rocky and Barren, except a few Shrubs. Between the Breaks on the South side appear'd a small Bay and Beach. Off" the East point are two 1Isabel island and Les Tres Marias: islands off the entrance to San Bias* For a description of them, see Colnett's Voyage Round the World (London, 1798), pp. 99 ff. 169 m fr 170 THE COLNETT JOURNAL detach'd Rocks, but Joined to the Isle by a Reef, appearing at a Distance on several points of view like sails. From this anchorage the North point of the Northernmost Maria was W. by S.|S., and South point of the Southmost S.S.E.; Body of the Centre1 Isle S.W.fW., Distant 12 or 13 Leagues. It continued Calm all night and till 7 A.M., July 11, weighed, the remaining part of the Morning blew a moderate breeze at N.E., and Constant rain till Noon, when Latitude Observed 21 ° 45', Isle Isabella E. 8 Leagues, N. end of the Northernmost Maria S.W. by W., 5 or 6 Leagues. After the Sun pass'd the Meridian, wind inclined to the Northward and all the afternoon and during the night in the N.W. Quarter, with light airs and lightning at times. As the Morning advanc'd winds hauled more to the westward. July 12 at Noon winds blew from W.N.W., Latitude Observed 21 ° 54' North, end of the Isle S. Juan2 S.W. by S., 3 Leagues; Extreme of the North Maria from S.|E. to S. by W., distant from the Body of the Isle 5 or 6 Leagues. The Marias are much in the same state as when Dampier visited them and refitted at the North end of the Centre Isle3 which is also the best anchoring Place known to the Spaniards at present, from all Information I could procure from them, and also from four Mariners I shipped at S. Bias in lieu of those deceased. Those men told me they had frequently been there, in the Dock Launches, for a flax which this Isle produces in abundance, to make Rope; and those Isles also abound in Lignum Vitae, of which they cut a great Quantity. These Isles are only Inhabited in the rainy season, when adventurers resort to make a Spirit called muskal from a plant much resembling the Flax plant shaped as under and growing to Nine or ten feet height.4 Those Isles are well calculated to watch the Acapulco Ship as she never fails making them. North of the 3 Marias Distant 2 or 3 Leagues is an Isle called S. John,8 lying in the same direction with the Marias. This Isle is much lower I: xOf Les Tres Marias. 2Probably Isle San Juanito, north of Les Tres Marias. 'William Dampier, A New Voyage Round the World (London, 1927), chap, ix, p. 191. He gives a short description of Les Tres Marias as he found them in March, 1686, when he careened his vessels there. 4Perhaps the plant which Dampier describes on p. 191 of his Voyage (London ed., 1927). Mescal wine was made from the root of the yucca plant. See the Spanish balance, ante, note 1, pp. 157 ff. 6San Juanito. »s«ifejJW.-«. m tts ■ Sir' $<? !#7 10 W f4»r la. ™Jit. W«*t ,»»<** JBL M J ■ AliiiCA * .W«W W | *%#«*,%« L£L JN«* *»**#* «5s *"»• '/ 10 LM4 Hi * H y—H Hi e / & i c JUL JUL m n0 acsp l4f W0 W\ tdmmimtt—rrT»w-)W'W tPP Wv mm «>4 C m Jr A K lip Wf 1# JJL 9^ JL-14^ j m Map of a portion of the west coast of Mexico and of the entrance of the Gulf of California. 1HHH -^^^===z: II] _ Sketch of Cape San Lucas, the southern point of Lower California. mim Hit <ff TO PORT SIR FRANCIS DRAKE 171 than the Best [rest?] and Tabling. The others are high and Mountainous. The S.E. Point of the Isle ends in a low Point and I was inform'd between this and the North Maria there is only two foot water. The North point of the Isle is a Bluff, and the Whole Isle appear'd to abound with wood, which does not Shew so much on the Marias. I have been also told there is good Anchorage on any side this Isle at 3 or 4 Miles from the Shore good Bottom. The whole of these Isles abound with Turtle.1 July 13. Winds as yesterday with lightning at times. One of the Cows intended for the Sandwich Isles proved lame, and would not eat; kill'd her for the Use of the Vessel. Latitude Observed 22° 18'. July 14. All the afternoon till midnight Moderate Breezes and Clear weather; winds in S.W. Quarter A.M., and at Noon, Cloudy with some lightning. At 5 P,M. Isle of S. John S.|W., 7 Leagues, Variation 9° 00' East. Latitude Observed 22° 29'; Longitude 108° 38'W. July 15. All the Afternoon the winds at West and W.S.W.— a light air. At P.M., it Shifted to S.E. Quarter. At A.M., suddenly to N.W. Quarter. At 8 A.M. Calm, and at Noon a light air From S.S.W. Latitude Observed 22° 45', Longitude in 109° 13'. Found the Current set Considerably to the Southward. July 16. Variable light airs and Calms alternately; winds mostly in the Southern Quarter. Latitude Observed 22° 54', Longitude 109° 29'. July 17. Light airs in the S.W. Quarter. Changeable weather till midnight; at this time fell Calm; at 7 A.M., light air E.N.E., with heavy rain; at 10 winds at S.S.E., moderate Breezes; at Noon, South and fair weather. Latitude Observed 22° 56'', Longitude 110° 03'. July 18. The Whole 24 hours winds in S.W. Quarter. Tacked Occasionally. Latitude Observed at Noon 23° 16', Longitude in Per Account 110° 45'. July 19. Winds mostly from S.E., to S. by W., light airs; at 5 P.M. Saw the Southern part of California2 bearing W. by S., *In March, 1686, Dampier wrote in his Voyage: "After the first two or three days our Strikers brought aboard Turtle every Day; on which we fed all the time that we lay here, and saved our Maiz, for our Voyage." 2Cape San Lucas, about one hundred leagues from San Bias. 172 THE COLNETT JOURNAL distant 10 or 12 Leagues. Variation Per azimuth, 11° 00' E. By the bearings of the Land the Current has set 1.40 Miles to the Eastward since leaving the three Marias. July 20. Winds Variable round the Compass; at Noon Latitude Observed 23° 07'; Cape S. Lucas S.W. by W., 8 or 9 Leagues; Bay of S. Joseph1 N.W.fN.; distance from the nearest Land 5 or 6 Miles. Extreme of the Eastmost Land N. by E., 7 or 8 Leagues. July 21. All the afternoon fresh Breezes in the S.W. Quarter. At 7 P.M. Tack'd being within 2 or 3 Miles of the Shore and near the West point of the Bay S. Joseph. Cape San Lucas at this time was S. 60 W., distant 4 or 5 Leagues and a large White House on the West point of the Bay, N 35 W., 4 or 5 Miles. Eastmost land in sight N. 30 E., 12 or 13 Leagues. From this I take my Departure P. Latitude and Longitude Per M. Maskeline2 but our Observation of the Longitude Per sun and Moon gave [blank]. Note. I was not able to procure a Chart of California on a larger scale. Perhaps the richness of that country was the reason; apprehensive on its coming to my Countrymen's knowledge that on the Eastern side of the Gulf is said to be the richest gold mines in the known world and on the Western, Silver.3 But the Natives on the Eastern side are a warlike people and constantly at war with the Spaniards, over whom several times have gain'd great advantages. For this reason their best Soldiers are sent there and their pay 80 dollars a Month a Private man. One of my Seamen, on his Passage from Nootka, as a Prisoner in the North West America, went to a port on the West side the Gulf which from his description I take to be Loreto and there took in large Quantity of Gold and Silver which was landed at S. Bias.4 aSan Jose* del Cabo bay, eastward of Cape San Lucas. 2Nevil Maskelyne, who, in 1765, was appointed astronomer-royal. The meaning appears to be that Colnett takes his departure as fixed by Maskelyne in his British Mariner's Guide or in his Nautical Almanac rather than from his own observation. 3There are some good gold mines in Sinaloa and Sonora on the eastern side of the gulf of California; but there are no silver mines of any importance on the western side. See hereon, Colnett's Voyage, (1798), p. 105. 4This is mere forecastle gossip. It is possible that a small amount of gold and silver may have come from Loreto. aw »*<* COAST jrf C"a.li FOltKlA 4^4 jf^S ^ .*."-. [{^^^.r^^-^^^^V 1 1 fe,;- h *&WU> 4r«i.j» If j n £»§ 4/ r 1 H X^-f':;_^ I . . . . ® §1 ,L [$•«*;,.< ^ . ,^V^ P^«P4«* $»SA •&*%* >•« & (Z/fa„. fa * 'fad y • (L»,» o, ^:.n> <'„„„,,,, «„/. * 0/W/ _ J*Vi/ 6'Lt/<'/,J/* *;,^o^»Ju jtt.&4 ££***» ^ Copy of part of the Spanish map referred to in the text. Map of the coast of California from San Diego to Santa Barbara. li nil ni CHAPTER VI REMARKS MAKING YE COAST OF NEW ALBION TO SAILING FROM PORT SIR FRANCIS DRAKE "\X7'HAT I dreaded, from the late Season of the Year that the Spaniards discharged the Vessel befel me. Calms and Constant N.W. winds having Detain'd and lengthen'd a Voyage which, at utmost, I expected to make in one Month,1 and now two and not above half way. Wood and water nearly expended obliged me to Stand to the Eastward sooner than I intended. At Ten A.M., September 10, made the Land at about 7 or 8 Leagues distance. It was hazy and we could see no great way. Continued standing in for the Shore till 2 o'Clock in the Afternoon. Our Latitude at this time, Corrected from Noon, was 39° 4' and Longitude 124° W., distance from the Shore 4 or 5 Miles. Near this Situation, by some, Port Sir Francis Drake is placed; but I could not see the smallest Inlet for a boat to Shelter in—the Shore Iron Bound, full of wood, Land of a Moderate height, and fires made on different parts by the Natives. With the greatest reluctance I bore up to the Southward, but being reduced to three Butts of water, it was absolutely necessary to make a fair wind to some port. We ran down the Coast in a S.E.f E, direction 2 Miles distant from the Shore. At 5 we pass'd a remarkable rock; at a Distance appears like a sail;2 at 6 having run 19 Miles close round the South point of two small Barren Isles, was discover'd a small Bay. Here I determin'd to Anchor till Day light, could I find Bottom that I might not miss the Port in the night, or in case of thick weather be blown off the Coast. We anchored in 11 fathoms, Clear sand; the Southmost point S.E.fE., 4 Leagues; the Northmost point or South end of the outer Isle N.W. by W., 2 Miles. This Bay I call'd Necessity Bay,3 for it's too open JThe voyage from Nootka to San Bias had occupied about five weeks: July 14 to August 16. Why Colnett expected the Argonaut to make the return passage in a month is not clear. 2Sail rock. 'Probably Haven's anchorage. 173 WW m 174 THE COLNETT JOURNAL for a Vessel to trust herself in at this time of Year—Equinoctial expected hourly; but at other seasons have no doubt it would be very convenient, both to wood and water at; by Calculation it Lies in Latitude 38° 51', Longitude 123° 30' W. It may be easily known by the remarkable small Rock like a sail to the Northward of it; but this rock is not to be seen open to the Westward from North or South without you are within two or three miles of the Shore. The Isles that form the N. part of the Bay were barren and Covered with birds. At 5 A.M. weigh'd and ran down the Coast, keeping within a Mile or Mile and a half of the Shore; the Coast lies S.E. by E. and N.W. by W. direction. At Noon Latitude Observed 38° 26', Longitude 123° 09' W. The land at this time abreast of us was not so well cover'd with wood as what we had passed; and the Land to the S.E., of us had the same appearance. At | past 2, Round a Cape of a Moderate height was discover'd a large Bay and in North and South ends promis'd a Port. In the North part, nearly W.S.W. and E.N.E. of the Cape haul'd round, was a barren Isle, surrounded by breakers, but apparently a Channel between this and the main, altho' not a mile wide, clear of weed; and it was a general Opinion, as well as my own, it was a Safe passage. I made a small Stretch to the Westward and Southward, Tack'd, and Stood thro', lead constantly going, soundings regular, from fifteen fathoms to 4| good Bottom. Came to in that depth of water, a Mile and half N.N.E. of the Rocky Isle and two Miles E.S.E. from what was taken at this time, for an Entrance to a Harbour. As soon as the sails were handed, I hoisted the Jolly Boat out, and Captain Hudson went to sound the Port.1 Found it Barr'd by a Bank, with only four foot water on it at Low water, Spring tides; but in some Places inside 13 or 14 foot, an Excellent Place to water at, and but little wood, not more than would serve our purposes for the present, few Inhabitants, and those very friendly, no European article among them, altho' not distant from the Spanish Settlement to the South named S. 1Colnett calls this Drake's bay, but it has been identified by Mr. H. R. Wagner as Bodega bay, some eighteen miles north of Drake's bay of today. Its latitude is 38° 18'. It was discovered in 1775 by Bodega y Quadra. Drake's description of the bay in which he anchored is so vague that positive identification is impossible. See H. R. Wagner, Sir Francis Drake (San Francisco, 1926)., pp. 154ff. I Hi? W-\ pacific Map showing the location of Colnett's Port Sir Francis Drake in relatio to San Francisco. . View of the entrance to Colnett's Port Sir Francis Drake, probably the present Bodega bay. mm COAST OF NEW ALBION 175 Francisco, 20 Leagues over Land. They had nothing to barter for, and only one very small Strip of Sea Otter Skin and that of a very inferior kind seen among them. They were gathering grass or wild wheat seed for their winter food, which was done in a Singular manner by either carrying a Basket tied behind or before them, and with both their Hands beating the grain into them, they freely offer'd it all to us, and also their feather'd Caps. No Canoes, but floats that will only carry two people, made of Bull Rushes. Their Arms were Bows and Arrows Pointed with Flints. The evening was far advanced when Captain Hudson return'd, but I immediately got ready for hoisting the Long boat out at day light. I was two days completing what wood and water I thought Sufficient to proceed on my Voyage with, and altho' my Ship was much dis- tress'd both in Hull, mast, and Rigging, I was so anxious to be gone to get to Nootka, I sail'd much in the same state as I anchored in. While here were caught whiting, Sea Perch, Flounders, and Sculpin, and from the Natives were purchas'd some sardines, which they caught in a seine. Two natives once Visited us in a Rush Float and brought a Present of the seed we had seen them gathering, for which friendly office I perfectly satisfied them. Their rush floats are form'd in the following manner, three Bundles making the Bottom, and one each side, Bow and Stern. Their Paddle is pointed at each end, held by the middle and used alternately, side and side, and End and End. The Change those people have gone thro' since Sir Francis Drake Discover'd the Country, from the Spaniards' cruelty is scarce Credible; being now reduced to the lowest Ebb of uncivilized •Indians, scarce a dwelling to live in, nor a Canoe to go to sea in, Which the Spaniards I Shipped at S. Bias informed me the reason of: Once a Year the Spaniards make excursions in the neighbourhood of all their Settlements, destroying all Canoes and Habitations on the Sea Coast, that in case of being Visited by foreign nations they may give them no assistance or Information, and those that oppose them in the smallest degree they put to death, men, women, and children. And near this Place I was also inform'd the natives return'd the Compliment very lately to the Spaniards. By the mm 176 THE COLNETT JOURNAL PIK few that we saw to the Numbers seen by Sir Francis, if I may be allow'd to give Opinion that what few have not Join'd the Spaniards have fled farther North and that in the Latitude of 10° [40°?] the Spaniards once attempted to take some liberty and use some Cruelty with the Indians, that they boarded two launches and put them all to Death. All the weapons I saw among those people were Bows and Arrows pointed with Stone. The Dress of those People were Deer Skins and by the Signs they made I understood If I waited four days I should have plenty of the animal to eat. The only ornament I saw was the feather'd Crown and small Beads made from the Rocks for their Necks and Bracelets; some few Slips of sea Otter was seen among them but it was of a very Inferior kind, but I saw numbers of the Animal in . the Bay, and also seals. I had determin'd the first port I made to part Company with my Long Boat, and send her on,a trading Voyage up the Coast, and Join me to the North. I took this Opportunity of doing it, well found with everything, and under the Command of the hereafter mentioned Officers and men, with every necessary order and requisite, as follows— Port Sir Francis Drake, Latitude 38° 21', Longitude 123° 00' Mr Robert Gibson, Being ordered to Nootka by his Excellency the Vice Roy of the Kingdom of New Spain1 to demand the Sloop Princess Royal belonging to the S. Sea Company, but detained by the Spaniards, and now employ'd in their service; Calm, foul winds, and bad weather, having much disappointed me in the Length of my Voyage reduc'd to three Butts of water, the Main mast crippled, the Fore top gone, the Main Cross trees sprung, great part of the Copper off her Bottom, the Ship leaky, the Starboard Pump unserviceable, and the Vessel proving too weak to carry the Long Boat on her Deck in bad weather, the approaching Equinox to be dreaded, obliged me to seek a Port further South than I intended. As I have been at a very great Expense to fit and Deck the Long Boat at S. Bias by permission of the Viceroy who gave Orders for his Artificers to do it,2 and is now with the Additions made on board, as comfortable as her length and breadth will admit of, from all which Causes I think it both xThis is an over-statement. See the Viceroy's pass, ante, pp. 119 ff. 2The long boat had been decked by the Spaniards at Colnett's request at a cost of $327. See ante, pp. 124,128, 168, 4 &CjL**&4 «*«>*> ^^Cofm^J^m^^^'1^^^^^^'^/^^ . -/. 0yf~ ?*»- >i%L *^* #— •/«.. #-4 ^ *^*- ■ -»■/ *■:& '■*-'■ - *-• ESS l**^ ^ ^/su«« „:~7>6.<$.«„ ^**«* ^4- Implements and ornaments of the natives of Colnett's Port Sir Francis Drake, probably Bodega bay. wm ^ COAST OF NEW ALBION 177 advisable and practicable for her to make a passage up along the Coast to Nootka, with no doubt in case of Separation of Joining again. In other respects, you are supplied with every Article that is necessary against all Exigencies, and yourself satisfied and sensible of it. Relying on Your Abilities to execute such an undertaking I appoint you to the Command with Mr. Thomas Ludlow, one of your Brother Mates,1 as an assistant, who I also shall order to follow every Just and lawful Order you may give him, as well as the Persons named hereafter, the remainder of your Crew. You will proceed in this undertaking with all possible dispatch and if you part Company look into every Port for me, but make your stay there no longer than your Necessities or bad weather Oblige you. Should you not fall in with me, till you reach the Strait of Juan de Fuca, I need not repeat here how you are to act, you being perfectly acquainted with my Intentions; but in case we do not meet at the time you expect don't let your Patience be exhausted, and leave the Coast without, but seriously consider that if any Accident happens on the Coast of Japan or elsewhere, and I should not recover the Sloop,2 I have nothing left but a small China Built boat; should you be obliged to make the Sandwich Isles before me, stay there till a period is elapsed that can determine some unforeseen Accident has happen'd to the Vessel. As there is a great Probability that you may fall in with some Spanish Vessels on the Coast, I have furnished you with the Viceroy's Pass from Mexico to San Bias which will be very sufficient, but be careful you are not surprised and avoid all Vessels or European Boats, and let no inducement whatever tempt you to go near them, but on the Contrary use every Caution to prevent their speaking you, which will be the means to prevent all Misunderstanding, which has been the cause of our Detention in that horrid Climate San Bias, and which I think are urgent Reasons for your following what I dictate. If you should be boarded by any Vessel belonging to Mr. John Etches & Co. or to Mr. Dan. Beal & Co.3 on their shewing you their proper Authority you will conform, if possible to all they advise or request, except on the Subject of Joining me, and that you are by no means to deviate from in the smallest degree. Should you be Oblig'd to go to China before me, you will Anchor in the Bay we sail'd from,4 and send an Officer to Mr. Beal to acquaint him of your arrival, but by no Means leave the Boat you now command till every Originally one of the third mates of the Argonaut. Martinez's list names liim: Juan Tomas Ledleu. 2The Princess Royal which he expects to be returned to him at Nootka. 'The two mercantile houses that were united in this venture. Their agreement is set but, ante, p. 4 ff. 4Lark's bay or Dirty Butter bay, a small harbour three or four leagues .south-west of Macao. n 178 THE COLNETT JOURNAL valuable is out of her nor deliver a single article till you have his orders in writing; you will also shew him your Log of Articles receiv'd on board with the Private Orders I gave you, as well as general ones. Private You will proceed up the Coast to Berkley's Cove in Latitude 48° 44' No.,1 and Should you arrive there before me wait at that Port, off it or near it, till I join you, or till a time is elapsed that on Account of Provisions you are forc'd to fly for relief to the Sandwich Islands, and there follow the orders you have before receiv'd; in Case of falling in with any Vessels that you think will detain you, destroy your private orders. Ports known along Shore2 Port Trinidad Latitude 41. 07 River of the West § 43. 10 Pljjflt Queen Hive • 1 47.44 |ftl Day Signals mm Blue Ensign where best seen—To come within Hail. One Top Gall, sail Clew'd up, the yard aloft if Top Gall. Sails set— Join Co. after separation; to be answered by hoisting your broad pennant where best seen. If Tops only set, one Clew'd up in same manner—Ans'd by lowering all your Sails except your Jib, your Pennant as before. If Courses the fore Sail Clewed up—To be Answered as the last. If I enter a Port where you lay or you enter one where I lay, I'll hoist a Red Ensign at the fore Top Gallant masthead and beat my Gong or ring l^i my Bell, which you will answer with your Gong and Pennant as before. Night Signals Two Lanthorns one above the other at the peak, false fires, and muskets— Join Company at sea; answered by your great Gun and five Minutes after, false fires and beat your Gong. Light at each foreyard arm false fires and gong—If at Anchor to be answered |iffl|l as before. N.B. No Muskets to be fired if possible to prevent giving an alarm. ^'Berkley's Cove" is Barkley sound on the western coast of Vancouver island. Cape Beale, its south-eastern entrance point is in latitude 48° 47' north. 2The correct position of Port Trinidad is 41° 03' north; the "River of the West" is the Columbia river. Queenhythe was the name given by Meares to the open bay north of Destruction island on the coast of Washington; the name has disappeared from modern maps. Argonaut's COAST OF NEW ALBION 179 Mr. John Thomas Ludlow, Having thought proper for many urgent reasons and one most Substantial one (the Argonaut in which you acted as third mate grown so weak as not to bear the Long Boat on her Deck) to order her under the Command of Mr. R. Gibson to proceed up the Coast, in which Vessel you will act as his Chief Assistant, complying with all Just and lawful orders he gives you cheerfully and willingly as may hereafter recommend you to the further notice of the Honourable Employ you belong to. —Compliment— Mr. Rob. Gibson, Comd. Mr. John Thos. Ludlow, Ass. Alex. Dalrymple Geo. Hewens China Carpenter China Armourer Tho^pSf118' Se"man} PrincesS Royal'S Provisions Beef and Pork 450 lb. Bread and Flour 176 \ 300/ Pease 321b. Spirits 24 lb. Ill Stores Marine Ordnance. Ship and Cabin of every kind the Vessel afforded and the Boat could Stow. Trade Bar and Sheet Copper, China Cash, Copper Buckles, Bar Iron work'd up in Chizzels,1 Clasp and Stag knives—China Buttons, Tailor's Thimbles,2 Scissors, Brass Rings with Stones, Copper Tea kettles, and Beads of different kinds, Saws, Hatchets, Striped Flannel, and Red baize, a Medicine Box, China Forge, and 8 lb. Tobacco. H| xThese "chisels," sometimes called "toes," were standard in the early days of the Maritime fur-trade. They were about six inches in length and about the width and thickness of heavy hoop iron, sharpened along the narrow edge like a chisel. Jl 2The thimbles were not for use but for adornment. They were suspended by strings to the edges of the Indians' ceremonial robes and gave a musical accompaniment to the wearer's movements. CHAPTER VII REMARKS FROM LEAVING THE COAST OF NEW ALBION TO ANCHORAGE AT KING GEORGE'S SOUND A LTHO' my Vessel was in great want of repairs in her rigging, &c, "^^ from the lubberly manner the Spaniards had fitted everything, my anxiety to reach Nootka prevailed so far that I waited only two days—just time Sufficient to complete water and wood to reach that Distance. We weigh'd after dinner P.M., Sept. 13, Long boat in Company. As the wind was Northerly I passed to the Southward of the Rocky Isle (the Long Boat to the Northward), carried regular Soundings out, and Good Bottom, keeping the Lead going till in 20 fathom water. The Evening was foggy as was the night; the morning very hazy. , I soon lost sight of the Long Boat. At noon no Observation; the Extreme of the Land from N.N.W.fW. to S.E., Cape Sir Francis Drake E.^N., and when on with the Rocky Isle in the Bay S.S.W., the North and South points of the Bay in one E.S.E. and W.N.W. The 15th at Noon discry'd the long Boat as far to windward as discernable with a Glass. The 19th per Log at 6 P.M. being also in shore and finding adverse winds still m prevail and that I had made no greater Difference of Longitude than [space] and Latitude [space] from Port Sir Francis Drake determined me to sfand to the westward, in hopes when we had obtain'd an offing, of meeting Variable winds. But I was as unfortunate in this route as ever, and did not reach off my Port till October 7, and a little before Noon, Struck Soundings, 60 fathoms dark sand. At Noon saw the Land Bearing N. by E. |E., Distant 9 or 10 Leagues. It was d&rk Cloudy weather with Fog at times. No Observation, but by my reckoning was standing in for the Port, I order'd the Long Boat to meet me at.1 Kept the lead constantly going. Soundings decreased gradually, as we approach'd the Shore; the worst Bottom on my Passage to hence. In addition to my f 1 II! Jl xThe rendezvous was Barkley sound, but the Argonaut had now nearly reached Clayoquot sound, the inlet immediately to the north-westward. 180 &?a/ ( M ft I 1' m , Tori- f'V -DRAKE XX^'^ sasg m #g5: \ jr/tT^; * 11 i. ■ 4 'i Xon<r, t£3.. i>«? 1H^JBP| i«^ g#|g|| * 513 Is r«.^. 3f^^;f '*$? Map of Colnett's Port Sir Francis Drake, probably Bodega bay. Bodega in 1775 fixed the latitude of Bodega bay as 38° 19'; Colnett makes it 38° 21'. W'< III I" mm If wif'1 I ' ft'l i. .. if!: I ^p NEW ALBION TO KING GEORGE'S SOUND 181 other distresses I had sprung my Bowsprit, carried away the fore and main Trussel-trees, and Tops to Pieces. Great part of the Copper came off the Bottom, occasioned by having been twice on shore wilfully or negligently thro' the Spaniards while I was a prisoner and they in possession of her. The Copper that was not quite off, stuck out from each side, and retarded her way that at any time with ever so favourable wind did not go more than 7 knots, and when her Bottom was good 10 or 12. Where the Copper was off, and also the bends, the S. Bias worms had so injured the Vessel that we made as much water as we could pump out. The foregoing disasters made me and everyone on board anxious to reach a Port, but at this time, altho' so nigh, was doubtful for the weather threaten'd and inclin'd to be foggy. At 4 P.M., it blew fresh and thick Fog. Could not see the Vessel's length, which oblig'd me to reef and stand off the Land. Wind at this time in the N.E. Quarter. Had no Observation, and only one person on board that had ever been there before; and tho' an officer knew not the Land again, which made me think it prudent not to borrow on the Shore, till more clear weather. As the Evening advanc'd the winds Varied and Sniffled. Shorten'd sail at 7 in a sudden squall. The wind shifted to the S.W. Quarter and Blew strong with very heavy rain. I had now a lee Shore to encounter—and also in the Mouth of the Deep Strait of Juan de Fuca with a Crippled Ship. Close reefed the Topsails, wore, and made sail to the westward. Providentally it soon blew over and fell less wind. By midnight, Calm. All the morning, light winds from the N.E. Kept Standing in for the Land. At Noon October 8, Latitude by a good Observation 49° l;1 Extreme of Land from N.E. by E. to N.W.|W., Port Wickinnishes or Cleaquat N.N.E. 4 or 5 Leagues. This being the nearest Port I bore up for it, and reach'd the outer Harbour2 at 8 o'Clock at Night; had no sooner dropt Anchor, than it came so thick a Fog, could not see my Bowsprit end. I am much obliged to Captain Hudson and Mr. Jacks his chief mate for getting in here. It's a difficult port and a Place I had never seen; Mr. Jacks xThe latitude of the south-easterly entrance of Clayoquot sound is 49° 5|' north. 2Clayoquot sound was frequently called by the early traders Wickananish, after the head chief of the vicinity. The outer harbour was, probably, in Templar channel, near Wickananish island. M f. I 182 THE COLNETT JOURNAL had been there twice, and Captain Hudson once. Next morning had the wind been northerly, should have sail'd for the Long boat's appointed rendezvous; but the wind being Southerly, which was right in, for the safety of the Vessel weighed and ran into the inner Harbour.1 As soon as the Vessel was moor'd my attention was taken up to repair my damages; next place to get Captain Hudson and the Dispatches to Nootka, and also to send to the Long Boat's rendezvous to order her round. The first I could easily accomplish . . . [space left where words have been erased] as my Jolly Boat was able to carry everything I wanted on shore, but not calculated to navigate either to Berkley Cove or Nootka at this Season, the former being 9 Leagues distant to the Southward, and the other 12 to the Northward; the latter the best navigation, being inform'd by the Natives there was an inland Navigation one third of the way. The Indian Chief promis'd us Canoes if we would go ourselves, for Indians would not navigate the sea Coasts this Month. M[r.] Qristoval] J[acks] and M. D. [Mr. Daniel Reed] Carpenter, Voluntarily offer'd to go, and look for the long Boat. On the 11th. Mr. Temple went to the Village2 to purchase the Canoes; on the 12th he return'd. It rain'd the two following days after anchoring so that we could do but little, but as soon as weather permitted unbent sails and everyone was employ'd to Expedite our outfit. To use every exertion became absolutely necessary, for at leaving San Bias was only Victual'd for Eight months, and part of that Spoil'd. Half the Time was now expired, but to provide against any Accident of Provisions, some time before this, had put the Crew to half allowance of Bread and Flour (Beef and Pork not) trusting to procuring fish in lieu on this Coast, which I was not mistaken in, being plentifully supplied by the Natives, particularly Salmon. But at this time of Year most of them are white, 1"The entrance to it [Clayoquot soundl is fringed by numerous dangerous rocks, which require caution to avoid" {British Columbia Pilot, 1905, p. 342). The inner harbour is the Port Cox of Meares, the Tofino harbour of today. 2Thomas Temple, originally a thirdmate on the Argonaut, but now, owing to the dismissal of Robert Duffin, the first mate, doubtless advanced in position. The village is Opitsat, the Indian village, still existing, on Meares island, Clayoquot sound. The coast of upper California, Oregon, and Washington. f£,@><*Ji ' \<*~t*X.*a>t(*"f~' * S^W [ZvMn *«*"' <^Za/ ^9? i m I o td -J If! Hi j NEW ALBION TO KING GEORGE'S SOUND 183 IS which the Natives informed me was always the Case from November till the Middle of March.1 Mr. Jacks and Mr. Read in the Canoe with 8 Men set out for Berkleys Cove October 12, at 6 A.M. Per Log. But after proceeding about | way, the weather proving bad, they return'd and requested to have the Jolly Boat, which I granted; and they set out again next morning, and return'd the Sixteenth having per- form'd the Voyage at the risk of their lives, suffering numberless hardships and experiencing deal of Bad weather, which must be expected in a Boat navigating a Sea Coast in the Latitude of 49° in the Depth of winter, of Burthen at most could only carry Eight Hands and only row'd 4 Oars.2 Captain Hudson now requested to have the Jolly Boat to go to Nootka. I did not approve of it though the greatest part of the way was inland Navigation.3 But as yet having made only a bad Voyage, and by my delay here, the Sloop4 if at Nootka, might sail, and so blame might be laid on me, I unfortunately acquiesced but as I meant to put no restraint on the people I sent for them one by one, and asked them if they were Volunteers on this undertaking, when they all answered, yes. On Captain Hudson asking his chief mate5 to accompany him, he refused it, saying he had experienc'd the abilities of the Boat to encounter a sea, and was determin'd never to go without a Harbour's mouth in her again; at the same time modestly urging the narrow escape he had had, and urging him not to undertake it. This had no weight with Captain Hudson. He was still bent on going. Mr. Temple one of my Mates Voluntarily accompany'd him. The Pacquet of Letters I caus'd to be cas'd in wood, and also covered with Tarr'd Canvas to escape any Injury of the weather, and also obliged all on board to deliver me xThe humpback salmon {Oncorhynchus gorbusca) and the dog salmon {Oncor- hynchus keta) which are caught in the late autumn and winter are white in texture. 2The journey had been taken to ascertain if the long boat were in Barkley sound which was the appointed rendezvous. Not being found there the next effort was to see if the Princess Royal were in Nootka sound—Barkley and Nootka sounds being those immediately south-east and north-west of Clayoquot, where the Argonaut is lying. 3From Tofino, near which place the Argonaut was anchored, to Sydney inlet on the west side of Flores island, was inland navigation. 4The reference is to the sloop Princess Royal. 6Mr. Jacks, who had just returned in the jolly boat from Barkley sound. ■til Iff; 11 184 THE COLNETT JOURNAL their letters to send by this conveyance. Captain Hudson made every preparation over night for departing in the morning, supplied with everything he could ask for, mann'd with five of his own people. He was told in the Morning prior to his leaving the Ship the Boat was too Deep, most of the Seamen having taken great part of their Clothes and himself no small Quantity. Following is a Copy of the Letter I delivered him for the Spanish Commandant,1 and he left the Argonaut 17th October at 6 A.M. Sir, I have the Honor to acquaint you I am order'd by his Excellency the Vice Roy to Nootka, with Captain Hudson, Officers, and Crew, as Passengers, to receive the Sloop Princess Royal which he commanded, which will be more fully explain'd by the Letters and passport he will deliver. I should have been more happy, to have reached Nootka with my Vessel and have paid my personal respects to you. But when I inform you that after three Months beating with adverse winds my Bowsprit Rotten, lower Cross trees gone, Tops to pieces, Copper all off my Bottom, the Vessel leaky, one Pump intirely unserviceable, the other blown, not a billet of fire wood on board, the Main Mast crippled, and Topmast Rigging gone, I was absolutely necessitated, for the preservation of our lives and the Vessel, to run for the nearest port, which we were fortunate enough to accomplish in the night of the 9th. per Log, and anchor'd here. Indeed everyone on board was by this time disgusted with the Voyage, and press'd to be in Harbour. Our situation on the 7th, pleaded greatly for them, and turn'd my Patience, and call'd for all my attention, having an Indifferent Observation, and Standing close in to make the land. When within a few Miles of the Shore and thick weather, the wind Shifted suddenly from N.E. to S.W. and blew a heavy gale. Had it continued 4 hours longer we must have perished. What I have here represented, Captain Hudson will testify to your Satisfaction, and that I have persever'd as long as wood, Rope, and Iron, would stand, to the utmost of my abilities.2 Captain Hudson will sign every requisite for me and Mr. Temple who accompanies him will witness it with which I shall be perfectly satisfied. As soon as Captain Hudson joins me again I shall be ready to leave this port for China,3 but I was only Victualled for 7 Months at San Bias and part of the meat cured there is now spoil'd. My Passage to this part of Coast has been so much Longer than I could have expected, that I am at present but very Short of Provisions. I have to supplicate you to assist Captain Hudson in that article particularly, and in every other that the JDon Francisco de Eliza, who had in April, 1790, re-established the Spanish settlement at Nootka sound. 2The distress of the snow and the severity of the gale lose nothing in this letter. 3Colnett had not the slightest intention of departing immediately for China. NEW ALBION TO KING GEORGE'S SOUND i i Vessel may need, when you deliver her to him,1 as I am by distress of weather very deficient in stores of every kind, for which he will give Bills on the South Sea Company payable in China or London. I hope from the distresses, sufferings, and hardships myself and those under my Command have already undergone, and from the known generosity and humanity of the Spanish Nation,2 I shall not left deficient of any one necessary. Should you or any Officer under your Command have any Skins to send to China on your own Account, or letters, or anything else to send, I will carry them with the greatest pleasure, free of all Cost and deliver them at Canton to the Spanish Supercargoes, or to whoever else you please to order them, and shall think myself happy to have it in my Power to serve you in that respect. I will fetch them from Nootka myself, as soon as my distresses are repair'd or you may deliver them to Captain Hudson, taking his receipt and I will be equally answerable for them. I am very sorry I was not able to accommodate Captain Hudson with a better boat but my long boat by permission of the Vice Roy was deck'd at San Bias. Bad weather and the distresses before mentioned made it necessary for me, she being too heavy to carry any longer on board, to hoist her out and send her under the Command of Mr. Gibson up the Coast. I hope by this time she is at Nootka, else I fear she has had a worse Passage than I have. I have on board three swivels lent me by Don Francisco Quadra to be deliver'd to you when I receive my own and Cannon, for which Captain Hudson will settle with you. I am &c. Cleaquat,3 Oct. 17, 1790 By the 18th, Tents were fix'd on shore, Pits dug for making Charcoal for the Armourer, Bowsprit out, and Mast unrigg'd, Carpenter at work on the New Bowsprit, &c, others cutting wood, Cooper setting up Casks, overhauling Rigging and Sails, nor was there one on board from one end of the Ship to the other, but what was usefully employ'd. On the 19th, Stepping over the After Grating it unship'd and the after hold being open I fell and broke all my Ribs on the left side and laid me up. I must here give up describing my anxiety of mind, to which was added Bodily pain, to some other pen to describe. On the 21st, the Long Boat arrived off this Port, and some Indians informing them I was here, Mr. Gibson, after taking the JThe sloop Princess Royal. Colnett did not know that this vessel was then on her way to San Bias where she arrived about November 13, 1790. 2Colnett in this letter sings a different tune from that in his Journal. 3Clayoquot sound. The Argonaut is in Meares's Port Cox (Tofino). 186 THE COLNETT JOURNAL precaution of sending in to see if it was true, Join'd me. A Journal of the dificulties he encounter'd—[word erased] in a Boat only twenty two foot keel, in the Depth of Winter, navigating a Coast from the Latitude of 38° to 50° Distance [space] Leagues follows— as I abridged it from his Log Book. September 13th, at 3 P.M. per Log, in a Thick Fog parted Company with the Argonaut, wind in the N.W. Quarter, which point it continued inmost part [of] the Passage, with Raw and cold weather. Nothing remarkable happen'd till the 16th, P.M., when the Breeze freshen'd and the Boat sprang a leak. At 6 P.M., saw the Argonaut, hull down, to Leeward; at Midnight made as much Water as we could Pump and Bail out; at day light, leak increasing, bore up and ran along shore endeavouring to find a Bay or Creek to lay on shore but could not. At Noon, the Gale increasing, made all sail for Port Sir Francis Drake; anchored there at 5 P.M., 17th Per Log. Unloaded the Boat and dried the Provisions and Cargo; 18th found the Leak; stopt it; and paid the Bottom with Soap and Tallow. At 5 P.M. hauled off and began to take our Cargo on board, and in the Evening sail'd, beating up along shore to the Northward, taking advantage of the winds and tides, anchoring occasionally. On the 25th, Lost my best bower (a Grapline) in the Latitude 39° 26'. In Latitude 39° 28' Landed in a small Bay wooded and water'd, natives' behaviour suspicious. Saw no other skins with them, than Bears and Deers, and could not prevail on them to trade. 27th, Caught a Sun fish. In Latitude 39° 45' by account discovered a Large entrance which appear'd like a good harbour. In Latitude 39° 55' Lost my deep sea lead which I used as a Stream anchor. The Land from Port Sir Francis Drake to this, is of a Moderate Height, and thinly covered with wood. In Latitude 41° 36' Anchored behind some Rocks aBreast a small River, Barr'd; purchased 17 Skins for knives and Iron; Natives remarkably civil. A few Miles to the Northward of this, open'd another Barr'd River, and Purchas'd 3 Skins. Visited by several other Canoes, but no Skins. From the Articles among them suppos'd they had been traded with very lately.1 Between this According to the MS. log of the Jefferson, May 20, 1793, Captain Simon Metcalfe in the Eleanora had traded in 1790 "as far as latitude 44° 46'." The "barred" rivers may be the Klamath and Rogue rivers. The long boat is now on the coast of southern Oregon. l-4*fi=£=tr -^n -Ar V.KJCW ,**f\:j hhs 4^r 1 Y~* sar^^q The coast from Bodega bay to the Strait of Juan de Fuca, showing where the long boat traded. ■Tp4r ' rlffilSi 1 •Hiilli' i HnIU'' 1 Hr 'In 1 1' iHI ' I 1 iwi 1 kli 1 3 ]'iw 1 NEW ALBION TO KING GEORGE'S SOUND 187 and Latitude 46°, saw several Barr'd Rivers and much smoke on the Land, but no natives came off. In Latitude 46° there's a good harbour laid down by the Spaniards. It's singular that from the Long boat they saw none, nor the Port Trinidad in Latitude 41° 45',1 and Several other anchoring places mark'd in the Spanish Charts. In 47° 30' Purchased 59 Skins; here the natives commenc'd Hostilities.2 Between this and the Rendezvous, where he arrived October 17 purchas'd several Skins, and also at Berkley's Cove, where he continued till October 22nd, when the Indians growing refractory, weigh'd, and sail'd, to Look into Cleaquat,3 for me, when an Indian fishing inform'd I was there and where he joined me, having purchas'd 109 Skins of Different Kinds and Obtain'd considerable Information of the Coasts and Inhabited parts. The Long Boat was clear'd with all dispatch and Victuall'd afresh to go to the Assistance of Captain Hudson. In her I return'd the Swivels lent by-the Store keeper of S. Bias in lieu of my own, and sent a Hog and a Case of Sweetmeats that were entrusted to my Care, for the Commandant. The 24th A.M., they Sail'd. Following is the Orders I have [given] Mr. Gibson and also the letter for the Commandant. Mr. Rob. Gibson Sir, You will proceed with all dispatch to Nootka with the letter I have delivered you for the Commandant and there give every Assistance in your Power to Captain Hudson; you will also make no delay to Join me as the Season is far advanc'd for going to China,4 which you are perfectly acquainted ^ort of Trinidad, discovered June 9, 1775, by the Spanish expedition under Hezeta. He fixed its latitude as 41° 07'; the true position is 41° 03'; but Gibson, the commander of the long boat, makes it (provided the identification is correct) 41° 45'. See Daines Barrington, Miscellanies (London, 1781), p. 484. Vancouver admits that he had passed the port without seeing it {Voyage, 1801 ed., vol. Ill, pp. 403 ff.). 2Probably near Destruction island on the coast of Washington. 3Clayoquot sound, on the western coast of Vancouver island. The discrepancy between Colnett's date, October 21, and Gibson's date, October 22, is not noticed. 4The maritime traders usually left the coast in September; but Colnett had no intention to sail for China. He purposed to trade during the winter, so as to make a saving voyage, as it was called. m II II m k ll.;|j! ■ mm 'I I plf! 188 THE COLNETT JOURNAL with as well as myself, which you must urge to the Commandant should he seem inclined to detain you. J remain &c. Cleaquat, Oct. 24, 1791 Senr Don Fran. Elisa Commodore of his M[ost] Cfatholic] M[ajesty's] S[hip], Nootka Sir, My Long Boat arrived off here last Night and, the Indians acquainting Mr. Gibson I was at Anchor in this Port, Join'd me. I have dispatched her again under his command to Assist Captain Hudson, or to Comply with any orders you may have for him. He has also three swivels to deliver you, which were lent me at S. Bias in lieu of my own. I should by this Opportunity have paid my respects to you but the Day before Yesterday Stepping on the after grating, it gave way. I fell in the After hold, and broke three of my left Ribs,1 and otherwise much bruised myself that I cannot sit upright in my bed. I have got a new Bowsprit in and Tops repair'd and trussel trees and cross trees fitted new. The season advances fast and my Provisions and Stores very Short, together with my ill state of health, make me very anxious to leave the Coast2 and I have no doubt your humanity will do all in your power to forward my wishes, and dispatch Captain Hudson as Quick as possible. Should I be so fortunate as to meet you in any other part of the world, nothing would give me greater Satisfaction, than to have an Opportunity to return all your Civilities. I remain See. November 1st, Three Portuguese Committed a Robbery in the Seamen Officers and Vessel, ran away with the Canoe,3 it was conjectured to Join the Spaniards, but they were never heard of after. We continued working late and early and also in all weathers, and at times it was to be wondered how the people could go thro' it, Raining for a week together. But to enable them to perform their duty cheerfully, every four hours thro' the day, besides a Gill Per Man at Dinner, they were served a dram each and also at the end of every watch. Thro' the night till the Canoe was ran away with, one man was thought sufficient on Deck, but from that time, I put the Crew at three watches: Myself, Chief mate of the Sloop, and my Carpenter each taking charge of a watch. 2The Journal, ante, October 19, 1790, says he had broken all his ribs on the left side—the whole twelve. 2This statement was for Spanish consumption. 3The canoe had been purchased from the Indians at Clayoquot on October 12. NEW ALBION TO KING GEORGE'S SOUND 189 November 14th. Being nearly ready for sea began to be very uneasy at not hearing from Captain Hudson nor the Long Boat. The first had been absent one Month, the latter 3 Weeks. This day, an Indian Chief, Hannah by name, promised for four Sheets of Copper1 to carry a letter to them which I deliver'd and paid him Per Agreement, Two Sheets in advance. On the Sixteenth learnt he had not gone; agreed with another but paid no advance. I would now have gone myself with the Argonaut but should I or they be blown off the Coast there was no probability of our ever joining Company again and while I lay here was always to be found. Another Circumstance had great weight with me: at this season of the Year, whichever way it blew, it generally ended or began with a Gale of wind, and the wind they must leave Nootka with was right out of Cleaquat, and the wind I must leave Cleaquat would be right on end for Nootka. At this time the Natives told me a number of Confus'd Stories and also contradictory ones about the Long Boat and Jolly Boat. Nor were they unriddled to me till the 21st, when I had the unpleasant intelligence from Wickennishes's Brother named Detouch Que Settle (a man that had never before told me a lie),2 that the Jolly Boa,t was stove on the Rocks, Captain Hudson and the whole of the Crew drown'd at a Place call'd Ashquehot, a few Miles to the N. of Breakers Point, in the Entrance of Nootka, and about 6 or 7 Miles from where the Spanish Commodore lay; and that Captain Hudson, Mr. Temple, and two of his crew had been wash'd on shore.3 To convince us of which, brought with him a pair of Canvas Trousers known by some on board to belong to Andrew xCaptain Hanna, the chief Cleaskinah of Ahousat on Vargas island, Clayoquot sound, who, in token of friendship, had exchanged names with Captain James Hanna of the Sea Otter (1785-6). He is frequently mentioned by the early traders. Sheets of copper were almost legal tender in this vicinity at the time. 2Wickananish was the head chief of Clayoquot sound. His brother, here called Detouch Que Settle, is frequently mentioned by other traders under the name Tatoochkasettle. See on these two men, Boit's Log of the Columbia {Oregon Historical Quarterly, vol. XXII, pp. 278, 293, 297). 3Captain Thomas Hudson, mate Thomas Temple, and four men of the crew of the Princess Royal had left Clayoquot in the jolly boat on October 17, bound for Nootka sound. Ashquehot is probably Hesquiat, on the south-easterly side of the point that separates Clayoquot and Nootka sounds. Breakers point is Cape Estevan. 1 p fllh Pit" 190 THE COLNETT JOURNAL Russel Carpenter [of the Princess Royal]. He also informed me Mr. Gibson had been at Nootka and had endeavoured to Join me twice or thrice but was blown back; but at this time could not say where he was. But some of his subjects declared they had seen him at Nootka a few days ago. The Story of the Jolly Boat in some degree I believed. But I could not credit they were all Drown'd, there being only one out of the whole number that could not swim; and two of the seamen which I had every reason to believe had reached the shore (from my knowledge of their abilities to continue in the water a whole day without drowning) and one of these two the Trousers belong'd to and which were now brought me on board. (The other, after I reached Nootka I learnt, the Commandant had been offer'd part of his Stockings, which were known by the Long Boat's Crew. I also learnt if any of the Crew reach'd the Shore, there could be no Probability of the Indians letting them live, as the Spaniards had been but a little time before to Plunder them and, on being Oppos'd, had fired on them, and kill'd several; but the Indians beat them off). The Native that accompanied Detouch que settle, was of the lower Class of Chiefs. They were both down in my Cabin. The former differ'd minutely in his Stories, and widely at times from De touch que settle, in the History of the Long Boat; and Prior to this several of them Inquisitively and repeatedly enquired of me, and others on board, what force she was of. Being so long used to Indians, and well acquainted with their Treachery and Cunning,1 I began to be suspicious in my turn. Reason'd with myself that the only method to come at facts, was by conveying a letter to Nootka and getting an Answer. And this could not be done but by detaining these men which became a tender point, one being a Brother of the King's who had four or five Thousand men at his Command, and in Possession of as many Muskets as I had, but rather short of Ammunition, and also men that had never done me an Injury, but on the Contrary, had render'd me every service in their Power. However my Situation was desperate: short of Provisions, no Boat, Short man'd, Season advanc'd for going to China, a leaky Ship, Bad Sailer from the state of her Copper on the Bottom. I thought [these] must 1Colnett's acquaintance with Indians was in reality very little: about four months in 1787 and about the same in 1788. NEW ALBION TO KING GEORGE'S SOUND 191 for once plead for me in a breach of Friendship with the Indians and might also be excusable in me who had often borne from other tribes repeated Insults and Injuries unprovoked, and suffered them to go unpunished and without the smallest molestation, might Justify me for taking a Step that would not in any other Situation [have] been excusable. At the very moment I had determin'd this matter with myself, the remaining Officers on board, anxious for their surviving and unheard of messmates, came to me urging I would detain those people I had in my power till I had some news of them. My Indian Guests Observing our Conversation rather serious began to be alarm'd and rose to go away which I forbade, telling them they must stay with me, till letters were convey'd to Nootka and answers brought back. For which service I would pay him Ten Sheets of Copper, which was equal to Thirty Sea Otter Skins, and besides this gratuity I would make him other considerable presents, according to their dispatch. The Chief (being as powerful a Man as I ever saw: myself and two Officers put together not able to make such another for bulk and Size) at first endeavour'd to brave me.' As I saw nothing but force would Stop him and his friend, my Pistols being loaded at hand and produced, he resigned himself to his fate, with more seeming content than I expected.1 The Spaniards have lessened the English greatly in the Eyes of the Indians as warriors, having been at Nootka with what they call'd a Formidable Fleet, and having captured two other Vessels besides the Argonaut and Princess Royal,2 the Latter having been at this and every other port known as a Triumph under Spanish Colours; and wherever they anchor'd had taken a great deal of pains to Depreciate the English, calling us slaves to them, and no better than their Fishermen, which is the meanest Class among the Indians of the Northwest3 and quoted it as A Proof that we had never visited them but in small Vessels and had only small Guns. Prior to this Information, being very Inquisitive what had 1Other traders salved their consciences by the same kind of reasoning. Out of such conduct, of which there are many instances, coupled with the Indians' idea of vicarious responsibility, came the so-called "unprovoked attacks" of the Indians upon the traders. 2The snow Iphigenia Nubiana and the schooner North West America. 3This statement is absurd. The Indians of that vicinity lived largely on fish. They were expert fishermen and prided themselves on their ability. 192 THE COLNETT JOURNAL become of mine, when I told them the Spaniards had got them, it gave weight to what the Spaniards had told them, and Wickininish told me, he never would believe otherwise till he saw a larger English vessel. What surpris'd them most was their Crew being Black fellows and others the Colour of themselves.1 The Cruelties they had committed at Nootka, and in its neighbourhood—robbing, plundering, and murdering the Indians that oppos'd them in the smallest degree—which they informed me of, gave me now an Opportunity of retaliating on them with a degree of truth recounting to them the many Barbarities they had committed on the Southern tribes, and almost totally extirpated the whole of them off the face of the Earth, which I told them they had every reason to expect if they suffered them to exist among them. As convincing Proof I inquired if they had sold them any arms, Powder, or Ball. They answered no, that they refus'd to do it. I told them that was not the Case with the English; they did not want to involve them, but would barter for that Article, as well as any else. The King Wickinninish declared, if ever they anchor'd again in his port he would trade for nothing but ordnance Stores; at the same time requested I would apply to my Grand Chief to let him see a Bigger Vessel than the Spaniards, and when that happen'd they should never anchor in his port again. I promised him I would acquaint my Grand Tyee2 of it. He also inform'd me the Straits of Juan De Fuca ran 5 days sail to the Eastward3 and that there was a large Passage to the North,4 enquired if that was the way to my Country, and also a large sea to the South5 but they could not enter it, but by carrying their Canoes over an isthmus of Land; he informed me he had been so far down this Southern sea as to get wood as sweet as my Sugar. From his description I took it for Sugar Cane.6 Now to return to my Prisoners. The Companion of Detouch que settle, burst into tears. I dispatched his Canoe and Slaves to xThe crew of the Argonaut was mixed: English, Portuguese, Chinese, and an Hawaiian. 2The King, George III. "Tyee" is a Nootkan word meaning "Chief" or great man and in that sense is incorporated into the Chinook jargon. 3It extends eastward to a distance of sixty miles. 4The strait of Georgia. 5Puget sound. 6The isthmus and the sugar cane are figments of imagination. BsMifif NEW ALBION TO KING GEORGE'S SOUND 193 acquaint his Brother1 what I had done, and my determination. I soon learnt the Village was in an Uproar and much discord in their Councils what to do. In the Evening an Elderly woman, the Chief's sister, came. She was always much attach'd to the English, as was her husband a Second Rank Chief at Nootka, who for his Attachment to our Countrymen, lost his Life, being murdered by Don Estevan Martinez for finding fault with him for Capturing the English in his District, and afterwards demanded five sea Otter Skins before he would let them take the Body away to Bury it.2 The old woman told me she could not Paddle herself, but in the morning If I would get the letter ready she would carry it, and Bring another in Answer. The morning it was bad weather. There was no probability of proceeding, but we were supplied with great quantity of fish mostly Salmon, which was liberally paid for. We learnt from our prisoners: Captain Hannah by name, that got a letter from me the 14th. and promised to carry it to Nootka, was in possession of part if not all of our deceas'd Companions' Clothes and that he, the said Chief Captain Hannah by name, had acted towards us with the greatest duplicity for all the numberless presents I had made him. The letter was at his house now; and that he had long known the unfortunate end of our Jolly Boat's Crew. This afternoon he pass'd at some distance from the Ship but did not Come near us. The Chief Chanted Prayers constantly for good weather, and when any of equal Rank was along side they Joined in Chorus; his Companion cried. In the afternoon it Moderated. The Old Lady came according to her promise. I presented her with a double Blanket to keep her warm on her Passage and deliver'd her the Letter a Copy of which follows. To Don Frans. Elisha Commodore of M.C.M.S Nootka Sir, The Distresses which brought me to this Port, I was in hopes Captain Hudson would have reach'd you to inform you of, deliver a large Packet of letters and the Vice Roy's orders. He has now been absent five weeks, and all the news I can learn, is he and Crew are drown'd. Mr. Gibson who I despatched in my Long Boat ten days after him, is also missing and altho xDetouch Que Settle was the eldest brother of Wickananish, the head chief of Clayoquot. 2The name of this woman's husband was Callicum. For an account of his murder by Martinez, see note 3, p. 62 and also Appendix III, p. 317. i94 THE COLNETT JOURNAL I have hired Indians at different times to convey letters to you and him, they have deceived me. Three Portuguese Robb'd the Ship and ran away with a Canoe. I conjecture their route was Nootka. I am at present much distressed to navigate my Vessel if none of my Europeans Join me, or go to sea without a Boat. I have no doubt but your humanity will feel for all the Distresses I and my Companions have gone thro' and acquaint me by the Bearer what you know concerning Messrs Hudson, Gibson, and what hopes I have of ever seeing them, at the same time making known to me your Commands. I am etc. Cleaquat, 22 Nov., 1790 When the Old Lady took leave of me, she informed me my Royal Prisoner's wife and children would die with Grief before she return'd. As soon as she was gone I desired the Chief to send for his family and I would make them presents, and assure them, I would not hurt him. They all seem'd sensible of this. Their greatest fear was that I should carry him away. They visited me, and I pacified them greatly by my presents and protestations that on an answer from Nootka I would give him his liberty. During the remaining part of the time I detain'd him they slept but a small distance from the Ship, and most [of] the day continued along side conversing thro' the scuttles of the Cabin. In their absence and frequently while along side during the day he Chaunted his Prayers to his Co'-'cates or God for fine weather.1 Whether his Prayers had the desired effect I cannot say, but fine weather Continued the whole time, the Canoes were gone. They returned the 4th day bringing two of the Long Boat's Crew with them. But before coming in sight of the Ship, at a Distant Point, I afterwards learnt from the two Long Boat's crew, that they Landed and dispatch'd a Canoe to learn if I continued in the same determination to dismiss them, and on the Canoe's returning, from the difficulty of our properly understanding each other and them a suspicious people there remain'd among them some doubts. But the Old Lady who commanded the Expedition insisted on paddling to the Vessel. She had one of the Englishmen and behaved well to him. But the other was under the Care of a Chief named De touch, a man that xQuawteaht, the Great Being, who according to the belief of these Indians, created earth and water, trees and rocks, all animals, the Indians themselves, and gave names to all. See hereon, G. M. Sproat, Scenes and Studies of Savage Life- (London, 1868), pp. 209 ff. NEW ALBION TO KING GEORGE'S SOUND 195 had receiv'd numberless presents from me, and a Man that had Governed at the South Point of the Entrance of Strait of Juan de Fuca, but from his Pusillanimity was banish'd by his Subjects,1 and being married to Wickinninish's Sister got shelter here. He Landed his man once or twice and threatened to Eat him; and at one time was in a strange predicament being put on shore at a Town where they had Anchored off in the Long boat and fired on the Inhabitants and murder'd one or two, for what reason I know not, nor had I ever any Satisfactory reason given me for so doing. Nothing could equal the Old Woman's and my Prisoners' Joy, at the Canoes coming alongside. Indeed my mind was so taken up, anxious to hear the true history of the Long Boat and Jolly boat, that I did not attend particularly to them, till some Objections arose about my People Quitting the Canoes without those I had detain'd going over the side at the same time. This being consented to, and everything agreed for, this express paid with many additional presents, they departed from us instantly seemingly perfectly pleas'd. Following is a Copy of the Letters I receiv'd. Sir, I received your Letter the 28th which was deliver'd me by Mr. Gibson. I see in your letter every difficulty you met with since you left S. Bias, and likewise the fall you had from the Deck. Sir, you sent Captain Hudson here to receive the Sloop but Sir I inform'd you by Mr. Gibson that Captain Hudson did not arrive here. The Sloop I sent to Juan De Fuca Straits but now is at S. Bias. If there is any thing in my Vessel that I can do to you it is at your service. If you hear anything of Captain Hudson you will oblige me much by sending the letters that are for me and my Officers. I am very Glad to receive the present that were sent me, but much more if I had receiv'd the Letters. I remain &c. Signed Frans. Elisha Nootka, 29 Oct., 1790 xColnett is in error as to the deposition of this chief Tatoosh. In July, 1790, Quimper found him as chief at Cape Flattery (Wagner, Spanish Explorations in the Strait of Juan de Fuca, Santa Ana, 1933, p. 120); and in June, 1791, Hoskins MS. Narrative mentions him as chief there. The statement that he had received numberless presents from Colnett is difficult to understand, inasmuch as Colnett had never been in the vicinity before and no earlier mention of the man is made by him. * 1; 196 THE COLNETT JOURNAL Muy Senor mio, Acavo de recivir dos cartas de vuestra merced de 15 y 22 del Corriente; por ellas veo las muchas desgracias que le han sobrevenido por no haber entrado en este puerto, privandome tambien este accidente de que hayan llegado los pliegos a mi poder. La Escunar del mando de Roberto Gibson entro en este el dia 28 de Octubre. Inmediatamente le despache noticiandole como la Balandra la havia despachado para San Bias. Ha hecho Gibson dos salidas y no ha podido conseguir entrar en Clayucuat, pues los tiempos le han sido muy contrarios. A mi me parece lo mejor que vuestra merced haga por venirse con el Paquebot a este puerto a donde le servire en quanto pueda. Quedo enterado del robo que le han hecho los Portugueses, quienes no se han presentado y arrestare siempre que lo executen. Celebrare que vuestra merced se mantenga sin novedad, igualmente esos senores, y mande lo que guste a su afectisimo y seguro servidor que su mano Signed F. J. C. Elisa Frigate Concepcion, el Puerto de Nuca, Noviembre 23, 1790 Sefior Don Jayme Colnett1 6 P.M. Nov. 23. 1790 Dear Captain Colnett, I know my long absence from you I know must give you a great deal of uneasiness, but dear Sir I have done all that lays in my Power to get Back xDear Sir, I have just received two letters from you dated the 15th and the 22nd of the present month; by them I see the many misfortunes with which you have met for not having entered this port, this accident preventing me also from receiving the sealed envelopes with the papers. The Schooner under the command of Robert Gibson entered this port on October 28th. I despatched him immediately telling him that I had despatched the Bilander for San Bias. Gibson has put to sea twice and he has not been able to enter Clayucuat because the weather has been very unfavourable to him. It seems to me best that you do your utmost to come here in the Paquebot $Rg I;;. and I will do everything I cah for you. I am informed of how the Portuguese have robbed you, they have not appeared here, and if they do, I will arrest them. I shall be glad that you keep in good health, the same as those gentlemen, and command whatever you wish. Your devoted servant who kisses your hand. Signed F. J. C. Elisa Frigate Concepcion, Port of Nootka, HI j; j November 23, 1790 Mr. James Colnett *P1 NEW ALBION TO KING GEORGE'S SOUND 197 to Cleaquat having made two attempts in the Boat, and nearly shared the same fate of my Comrades, had not the Spaniards seen me, who sent the Launch to assist me tho' the wind off Shore, but a heavy sea going. Dear Sir, I am sorry that I am obliged to mention my unfortunate Messmates who suffer'd near Breaker's point. The Commodore has done all in his power to get a letter sent round to you but all in vain. He offerd Macquilla1 10 Sheets of Copper; I myself 200 Pounds of Iron and the two Caps I have but he would not go. The people in the 17th. inst., tried to proceed round in a Canoe, but after 48 Hours' rowing return'd much fatigued, and with dificulty got hold of the Land again. The three Portuguese which you mention are not arrived here. If they should the Commandant will confine them immediately. The Commandant and Captain of the Princess2 give their Compliments to you and hope you have got the better of your fall. He is sorry for your distresses, and much more so, as it does not lay in my power to Join you. My feelings is great, but to think of proceeding to sea in the boat again, the weather being so unsettled and the sea mountainous high and a Current setting 3 Miles per Hour to the Northward, I cannot think of it. The Commandant gives his Compliments to you, and the port of Nootka is at your service and will assist you all that lays in his power. I assure you I am not detain'd by him but have wish'd otherwise. He is sorry for the loss of Captain Hudson and Mr. Temple. He would have been glad if you could have reach'd the Port of Nootka first; but as your distresses did not give you leave, he was glad you got safe into a port to the Southward. Dear sir, I would have come round myself in the Canoes but was afraid of affronting ye Commodore and have dispatched Geo Hewins and Thos. Parris to your assistance. How you are to manage for want of a Boat I know not; but for God's sake join me if you can. You have nothing to fear on the Spaniards' side, it is not Martinez. They curse the day that he ever saw Nootka. My Compliments to you and my Brother Officers. Mr. Ludlow and my Crew Join me. If you should be afraid of any of your People leaving you when you enter the Port, you have no more to do than mention it. I am &c. R. G. [Robert Gibson] The following day my People arrived. The Bad weather set in with Rain and Constant Gales at E. and E.S.E. It sometimes Varied for an hour or Two a little more Southerly or Northerly. On the 2nd, I had some hopes of the weather and unmoored; but 1Maquinna. "Maquilla" is the form used by Meares. 2This is not the Princess Royal which was then at anchor at San Bias, but the Spanish war vessel Princesa, which had been on the coast for some years and had figured in the seizure of Colnett's ships. The commandant is, of course, Don Francisco de Eliza; the captain of the Princesa, Don Jacinto Caamano, i98 THE COLNETT JOURNAL the weather clouding in again and squally with a Tide running in here in bad weather at the rate of Six knots an hour, I was oblig'd to moor again. The Tide flows here five hours and ebbs seven; the Flood setting strong on the Eastern shore and the Ebb on the Western; and as the Entrance of the Harbour is very narrow, not exceeding f a mile and the tide running so very rapid, great attention must be paid going in, or Coming out, of the Inner Harbour.1 On the 3rd, Modetroy the Sandwich Isle Indian Died.2 Prior to his Death he sent for me to thank me for all the Good I had done him, and meant to do him, desired to be remembered to his father, Mother, and family, Captain Duncan, and Mr. Etches; and in the Night died without a Groan. During this last week 8 dogs out of nine ran mad and died; and being left on the Shore a Bear was seen [to] come down and take them away.3 On the [space left blank] near Noon got a slant of wind, un- moor'd, weigh'd, assisted by four Canoes with Indians, and one of our own to Tow. A light air at this time from the N.E. On reaching the Narrow part of the Entrance of the Inner Harbour, the Ebb having more power than the wind and Canoes, the Ship was drove on shore, on the W. side the entrance. The Rocks being up and down, there was no danger provided we extricated our masts and Yards from the Trees before the tide left us and the Vessel Hung by the tide leaving her either on a Piece of the Shore Jutting out farther than the rest or on the Trees and the Vessel upset, being deep water on the off Side. Fortunately the Trees gave way, and we escaped this danger. Proceeded on about half a mile past the Shoalest water. When the wind Shifted to the S.S.E., let go the Anchor and veer'd 40 fathom Cable, depth of water then 5f fathoms and now more than | Ebb. None on board as well as myself but thought the Vessel was in the best place in the Harbour being exactly in Mid Channel. It's high water here full and Change at [blank]. As the Night approach'd the weather threatened and at xMeares's Port Cox (Tofino harbour), Clayoquot sound. 2The Hawaiian lad who was the subject of so much correspondence between Colnett and the Viceroy of Mexico. There seems to be but little doubt that the Spaniard wished to retain him in view of the possibility of including Hawaii within Spanish dominions. 'Presumably this occurred at the Indian village of Opitsat, near which the Argonaut is anchored. *m NEW ALBION TO KING GEORGE'S SOUND 199 7 P.M., low water the Vessel Struck and Unshipp'd the Rudder. Sheers was got up and hung it, there not being water enough having now only 2 fathoms, to lower it down. The Gale increas'd with the Flood, with heavy rain and bitter Cold weather. The wind being right in, made a Prodigious sea from the Southward. At Midnight it blew a Violent Gale. Got down the lower Yards and Top Gallant masts. The Sea Broke now all around us,1 and from the Violent Motion of the Ship, the Shears settled, and the Rudder Slipp'd down thro' its lashings, and before it could be again secured, being iron wood and very heavy, Broke all its lashings, altho' of the Best Rope in the Ships. Also the Rudder pendants tore all the Stern out to the waters Edge and sunk. The Shoalness of water prevented us veering more Cable tho' we now rode forecastle under. Every send she took, aft the water pour'd by Tons. Cut or Slip we dare not, the water being shoaler astern. I had no alternative but Pump and Bail or sink. Dreadful Crisis! we had no boat or Canoe to save any of our lives, our own Canoe being stove along side. In this state we were till daylight [space] when at 7 o'Clock, then Low water, Providence order'd it so that the gale abated, the wind Shifted to the S.W., and having before this taken the precaution to start our water and throw overboard our wood the Ship did not strike. I then orderd a sweep to be made from a spare Topmast. When finished weigh'd and much to the Satisfaction of all on board found the Vessel steer'd very well; but we were not so fortunate as to reach the Inner Harbour. In the narrow entrance the Ebb tide met us, and before we could let go the Anchor and bring up, the Ship was within her Breadth of the Rocks of the Shore, Struck on going out. Had she struck now and hung she must have upset, there being 18 fathoms water on the Off Side. The sweep we steer'd by was caused to be lash'd on the Quarter to Sheer her off from the Rocks; from the Pressure bringing her athwart the tide drove and brought up in a Good berth. On the first of the next flood weigh'd, and dropt with the tide into the Harbour; but the Night being dark and tide setting on the Eastern 14'A shoal bank lies in the middle of Templar Channel abreast Wickananish Island; in heavy weather the sea breaks across the channel" {British Columbia Pilot, 3rd ed., 1905, p. 342). It appears that the Argonaut, in attempting to get to sea struck this shoal. 200 THE COLNETT JOURNAL shore the Ship was on the beach before we could bring up. This danger was soon got over altho' much to be dreaded, the Shore having a Regular descent and Rocky Bottom. By getting large spars over the side next the Shore with Tackles on them we boomed1 off into the true tide and swung from our Anchors, into a Middling Berth. At day light Shifted, and moored into a good berth. In the height of those disasters I lost the remaining Cow intended for the Sandwich Isles: the Cold weather Killed her. It was true I was now in Safety in regard to our Vessel and Lives. But my Situation was still unpleasant: no Rudder to my Vessel; lower Gudgeon gone on the Stern post, which could not be replaced without hauling the Vessel on shore; no Boat or Canoe to assist me, and the Indians Passing and repassing, as if acquainted with our distresses and did not mean to assist us; Short of Provisions being only Victualled for Eight months at Sailing and great part of that Spoiled above \ the time elapsed; a leaky Vessel and one Pump unserviceable and no Machine to bore another; the St. Bias Rats, having none in the Ship before, had destroy'd all my spare sails and Canvas; the others obliged to be kept bent tho' in harbour, to prevent their destroying them; my fore, main, and Bowsprit Caps which were carried away, coming from S. Bias and oblig'd to be made of pine here had given way. The unfortunate escapes we had just had gave us hopes our misfortunes were at an end, and everyone set about with a good will to repair those damages we could. A stage was erected over the stern, and the Carpenters began working on it, the Cooper repairing the Cask stove, the armourer setting his forge up, others making Salt to Salt fish, and Ship's Crew Voluntarily went to half allowance of Bread. Altho' we wish'd much for the Indians to visit us we took little notice of them as they pass'd us, for fear they should judge how great our distresses were by supplicating them to come along side but went on with our necessary refit. Got yards and topmasts up as if going to sea. This Conduct brought the Indians to us. The 13th, they supplied us with fish. On the 14th purchas'd a Canoe. On the 15th the Carpenter went on Shore and Cut a Rudder; People to wood and water, others to Burn Charcoal for the Armourer. 1Pushed away by using a spar. NEW ALBION TO KING GEORGE'S SOUND 201 This day a Nootka Canoe being here bound home sent a letter to Mr. Gibson. On the 16th P.M., Per Log the Long Boat Join'd us.1 Nothing in our present situation could be more agreeable. A.M., went with the Mate and Carpenter to look for a Place to lay the Ship on shore but not approving of any I saw, finding none I could protect my Stores against the Indians, who were moving their habitations near us, and were very numerous also, having as many fire arms as myself and perfectly acquainted with the use of them. The Carpenter and Officers with myself thinking the Rudder secure, on three Pintles for so short a Passage as to Nootka I determined to sail the earliest Opportunity there to refit. All dispatch was used to put the Vessel in a state to sail. The Natives daily visited us and brought large supplies of fish, a few Skins, and some Oil.2 In return for this attention the Chief having attempted to rig and sail two Canoes after the manner of our Boats I caus'd their Sails to be properly made and a Rudder for the Chief's Boat.3 This reciprocal Friendship continued till the 31st., when at Supper and only one Man left on deck, was alarm'd by his calling for Assistance on deck, that the Indians was going to Board us in large Canoes. Arms being at hand, everyone seiz'd them, and were soon on deck, when I observed 3 or 4 Canoes lash'd together. They were dropping on board with the Ebb tide, but we soon made them Shift their route by keeping a constant fire of Musquetry, as long as a shot would reach them. Being within Gun shot of the Village I pointed one of the Cannon myself, and fired into it,4 that they might know if they made such another attempt, it was in my power to annoy them considerably. On discharge of the Gun They set up a Hue and Cry, and return'd it with several Muskets but, if with Ball in, they did not reach us. xThe long boat in charge of Mr. Robert Gibson had left for Nootka on October 24 and had thus been absent more than three weeks. 2Either whale oil or dog fish oil, for illuminating purposes. 3In April, 1778, Captain Cook, speaking of the Indians of this vicinity, said in his Voyage, vol. II, p. 328 (book iv, chap, in): "Sails are no part of their art of navigation." In July, 1792, at Nootka sound Ingraham wrote in his MS. Journal: "We passed a vast number of canoes every one with a sail, which was a new thing to me, as I never saw them make use of any in this part before." 4The Indian village of Opitsat, Meares island, Clayoquot sound. In March, 179-2, Captain Robert Gray set fire to and burned this historic village. See Boit's Log of the Columbia {Oregon Historical Quarterly, vol. XXII, p. 303). 202 THE COLNETT JOURNAL Nothing could be timed better than this attempt, it was Ebb tide which always sets directly on the Ship; and had they come between us and the nearest shore, which was not above Cable and a half's length distant, the Shadow of the Trees would have hid them till on board. It was the Hour of meal, which the Chief we had Prisoner on board could inform them of,1 and at a time, only one man left as a guard on Deck. This hour they could not be mistaken in as the Ringing of the Bell informed them of it. Next day the Natives were very Shy. Only a few fishermen visited us in the Afternoon, by whom we learnt the Chief was much surprised at our firing and enquired what it meant. I appeared to be as Ignorant of the business as them, answered it was some of my own People running away to the Spaniards that I fired at. At the same time requesting the Chief2 to come on board which he declin'd. Indeed our Confidence in each other was entirely lost and in the Morning January 1st [1791 ], the wind proving favourable sail'd and by Noon was clear of this Port which gave me no little Satisfaction, it is Situated in Lat. [blank] Long, [blank].3 While here purchased upwards of 300 Skins; the general Price was three for a Sheet of Copper, and a large English or China Blanket, or Ten Ear Shells only for one Skin. Musquets of a large Bore, and Copper mounted are good trade, with powder and Shot. Of the latter few Bargains can be made without it, to which must be added Saws and files which are also held in estimation. But I firmly believe the only articles of trade that will answer on this part of the Coast in a season or two, are arms, ammunition, and Clothing.4 But if their fancy continues for Ear Shells,5 they can be procured at trifling expence and little trouble, at either Port Sir Francis Drake or at the Southern Ports; any Vessel that means to Stay two ^Totoochkasettle. See note 2, p. 189. 2The head chief, Wickananish. He doubtless remembered his brother's experience. This is another of the so-called "unprovoked attacks." 3The position of the port in which the Argonaut had lain in Clayoquot sound is: Latitude 49° 10' North; Longitude 125° 55' West. 4The later trading vessels carried an extremely varied assortment of goods; but Colnett is so far right in his forecast that arms and ammunition were more and more in demand. It will be noticed that Colnett had been trading steadily, though he does not mention the fact. 5Perhaps "the large shells from Monterey" which according to Martinez they valued highly. NEW ALBION TO KING GEORGE'S SOUND 203 mm seasons on the Coast, at the end of the first Year running down to the Southward, and anchoring there, before going to Sandwich Isles. There can be no fear of the Spaniards finding them there at that time, as long before this Month they arrive at S. Bias to refit. The Long Boat being water Soaked was grown too heavy to be trusted on deck, and to cut her down would have been rendering her useless, I therefore towed her. I cannot Omit mentioning, if every season is as I found this, Prior to the Bad weather setting in, you'll have much lightning in the night, which appear'd so low as if only among the woods, and at Times Thunder. CHAPTER VIII KING GEORGE 3rd. SOUND [NOOTKA SOUND] T IGHT winds, Variable, and hazy weather prevented our reach- "^ ing Breakers point1 till 6 A.M. January the 4th. when we struck soundings in 50 fathoms Rocky Bottom. At 8, point Breakers was N. 62. E. 3 leagues and Friendly cove N. by W., winds Southerly. As the Vessel steered Badly, fired several Guns for Assistance from the Spaniards. As we drew near Friendly Cove their Launches took us in Tow. By 11, Anchored. Found Riding here the Conception, and S. Carlos, with the Vessel they had built out of the Frame taken from me;2 also a settlement on shore, with part of the Catalonia Regiment. Great numbers of them were sick of the scurvy.3 The Commandant4 behaved very Politely and offer'd me his Table, as I at this time was at the same allowance as my People 4 [lbs?] of Bread per week and little else but fish. I had also every assistance they could give me. I put the remaining Stock intended for the Sandwich Isles on shore consisting of 3 Hen Turkeys, a He goat, a Bull, two Rams, and 3 Ewes. xCape Estevan at the south-westerly entrance of Nootka sound. It is the Breakers point of Captain Cook. 2On July 29, 1789, Martinez, according to his MS. Diary began the construction of a schooner at Nootka sound, which was launched on October 20 following. He called her Santa Gertrudis, the same name as he had given to Meares' North West America. His Diary leaves the impression that the materials for her hull were obtained from the neighbouring woods. Nevertheless it is probable that Colnett is right in saying she was "built out of the frame taken from me." See the reference to ' Schooner in pieces" in the Spanish account, ante, p. 133. 3In a letter of March 5, 1790, Bodega y Quadra states that 78 muskets were being sent to Don Pedro Alberni at Nootka for the use of the company of Cata- luna. This would seem to fix the number of the company, especially as these muskets were in exchange for defective and broken weapons. See West Coast Advocate, Port Alberni, B.C., March 28, 1905. Martinez had abandoned the settlement at Nootka on October 31, 1789, but it had been re-established by Eliza in April, 1790. And see ante, p. 83. 4Don Francisco de Eliza. 204 *wa KING GEORGE'S SOUND 205 As soon as weather would permit and a convenient place found to lay the Ship on shore, the Spanish Launches assisted to tow the Vessel... 8 Leagues up the Sound to a Place call'd by the Indians, Moweena.1 Spanish Carpenter, and Caulkers continued on board. Tents were erected on shore to receive the Trade, Stores, and Provisions, and altho' it rain'd two thirds [of] the time, the 17th. haul'd on shore, and Shored with the Topmast and Tops Yards. At low water the ground being too soft, the Shores settled, and the Vessel eas'd down on her Starboard Bulge without any damage. At high water shor'd upright with Stouter Shores, found all the Copper gone off the Larboard side, and great part on the Starboard, and no nails to put any other on with, and no method of making any if I had believed Captain Hudson, for I was taught to believe by him that he was supplied by me with useless trade Copper in Bars and that it would not work. To his Owners' Misfortune had he known it had been proved by them, and Superintended his Armourer, he would have found it answered in every Point what it was ship'd for, and he might have purchas'd some hundreds of Skins. My Armourer soon made nails, Copper I had plenty. We discover'd a leak in the Garboard streak near the Stern post, occasion'd by the worms eating thro' where the Copper had been washed off, and our whales and keel by the Worms almost irreparable. The damage of the Keel and Garboard Streak made it necessary to haul off again, and raise the Ship on Blocks. On the 27th, having finished as much of the Bottom as we could come at, haut'd off. February 6th, the Caulkers having Caulk'd the Decks and sides, and their Carpenters, with ours having made a New Main mast, and new Yards fore and aft, all having been sprung or carried away, I discharged them. And the Spanish seamen growing sickly from the Bad weather I only accepted from the Commandant, 2 Men and his Launch to get my stores on board. The Commandant paid me a visit while here, and the Surgeon frequently came and attended the Sick, and those that Chose receiv'd into their Hospital. Two of the Spaniards shipt at S. Bias went to the Hospital and requested to remain there; and as they *Marvinas bay. Colnett has made a mistake as to the distance. This bay, called by the Indians Moweena, is but four miles from Friendly cove; it is possible that his measurement is from Cape Estevan. ffl 106 THE COLNETT JOURNAL were of little use to me, and bad dispos'd men, I consented to leave them in lieu of one Englishman in the Spanish service; this was approved of by the Commandant. The Long Boat was haul'd up to repair or Cut down. But the Carpenter reported her to be in so bad a state, stern post, and Timbers gone, apprehensive it would take me up too much time to complete, I determin'd to Tow her to Friendly Cove, and request the Commandant to give me a Boat in lieu. The Bad weather retarded us greatly, that we did not leave Moweena till the 28th. [or 21st] when the Spanish launches assisted to tow us down to Friendly Cove. Here I completed my wood and water, disposed of several Articles of trade that were either useless or damageable, purchas'd a number of Skins of Both Spaniards and Indians,1 that completed me to near 11 hundred including a few of Captain Hudson's and Mr. Funters.2 While here, I din'd daily with the Commandant; and sometimes my Officers. They and myself treated with the greatest Politeness. He made me several presents for the use of the Vessel, including 2 Hogs, a few fowls, and 4 Hams, for which I return'd an Equivalent, and made a present to his Sick of a [barrel?] of Sugar and another of wine. March 1st, took on board the Live Stock for the Sandwich Isles that I put on shore. The Commodore having lost all his he Goats I left him mine, and in return he gave me a forlorn Cock Turkey. The Bull died a few days after I landed it. On the 2nd we rode out as heavy a Gale as ever I met on this Coast. While I lay at Friendly Cove I prevail'd on the Commandant to deliver me the Boat which they had built, and which I brought out in frame and they had completely fitted up,3 to be settled for in Europe which he consented to one day, and the next altered his mind; which he did several times in the space of an hour, but at last went so far as to take a survey of the Hull and Stores, Valued them and delivered the Vessel to me in form. I had completed Rigging her, when he sent for me inform- iThe Viceroy had requested Eliza "to take 5000 or 6000 pounds of copper plates to trade for sea-otter skins" and in January, 1791, had instructed Eliza to "send the skins which you have collected" (H. R. Wagner, Spanish Explorations in Fuca Strait, pp. 13, 139). Quimper's diary of his voyage in 1790 shows daily trade in furs, just as in the case of a trading vessel. 2A very good showing for about three months' trade. 'The Santa Gertrudis; see note 2, p. 204- Mfm\ i ■illI mm KING GEORGE'S SOUND 207 ing me he had alter'd his mind, which I must pardon, as some evil dispos'd people had given out, I had bought her from him for 3000 Dollars, which accusation to falsify I must return the Boat, which my situation Obliged me to do. Another Circumstance which marks the Character of the Spaniards I met with alike, he order'd his Artificers, he inform'd me to repair my Vessel without fee or reward, but before I dismiss'd them presented them with numberless European Articles: Tea, Sugar, Tobacco, They always lived as I did from my Table and as much Liquor as they chose to drink and left my Vessel perfectly satisfied, but after I arrived in Friendly Cove they Complain'd to the Commandant, the hardship of work for a Foreigner without payment. On which the Commandant sent by one of my Officers requesting I would pay the Sailmaker 32 Dollars and Carpenters 60, which I immediately Complied with. I accidentally went on board when the Caulkers were making application to be paid also, when I remonstrated with the Commodore,1 and having a list in my Pocket of the Articles I had given them, it was set aside. But the Commandant took my Long Boat and gave me another in lieu much less. I cannot help mentioning the total Ignorance of the Spaniards of this Coast. Altho' they had survey'd Hope Bay,2 and Boasted what a Capital Survey they had made of it, they never saw the Port I anchored in the North Corner in the Year [17]87.3 On my Shewing them my General Chart, which I secreted when taken Prisoner; all my other papers and Charts they seiz'd on and Copied as they had done Captain Douglas's and had it not been for this kind of Information they would have been as Ignorant of the coast as if they had never seen it. Port Sir Francis Drake which I anchored in, they are entirely ignorant of tho' only 20 Leagues from their Settlement of S. Francisco; they superficially saw in the Year4 [space blank] and named it Bodega after their xDon Francisco de Eliza. Sometimes Colnett calls him Commandant and at others, Commodore. He was the Spanish Comandante at Nootka. 2The name given by Captain Cook to the water between Breakers point (Cape Estevan) and Woody point (Cape Cook). KDn August 10, 1787, Colnett discovered Port Brooks (now Klaskish inlet) which he named after one of his owners. It is immediately to the northward of Brooks peninsula, Vancouver island. 4In 1775, by Bodega y Quadra in the Sonora of the Hezeta expedition. m 'Hi o.,;u Vtf '.1 208 THE COLNETT JOURNAL Captain, the same person that now Commands at S. Bias. Commodore Elisha shewed me several Charts of the Southern parts of the Coast which were survey'd by order of his most Catholic Majesty in the Year 1790. Those I believe to be good. On his requesting a Copy of my Northern General Chart, I requested a Copy of his Southern, which was granted, and a General one given me made up from information Stolen from the Europeans they had lately pirated on. My Passport from the Vice Roy I secreted saying it was lost with Captain Hudson and only shewed him my Friendly Letter, which I receiv'd with it.1 In doing this it served two purposes: First, it kept them ignorant that I was expressly forbid trading on the Coast, and the Vice Roy's Ideas of Capturing us, and prevent their stopping any English that might arrive off the Coast. Before I take leave of Nootka I shall decribe the Situation the Inhabitants are thrown into by the new Settlers. In the First place they have driven Macquilla from two of his old residences and taken possession of them themselves. This the Poor wretch timidly bears.2 Every artifice has been used to prejudice him against the English, but. he has experienced too many Cruelties to believe all they say. I use the same arguments with him, I had done with Wickininish and he made the same application in return, requesting to see a larger ship. But he is a most miserable, cowardly wretch, at best, and flies whenever he sees the Spaniards, but some of his under Chiefs have given them battle several times, and at the Place where I fitted out in the Prince of Wales, a Chief named Wa maise3 drove them to their Launches when they came to unroof the Houses of his Village for the Plank, and only lost one man. Next day they return'd with 2 Four Pounders when the Indians fled to the Moun- xThe passport is set out, ante, pp. 119 ff., and the private letter ante, p. 119. 2Maquilla is the chief Maquinna. The Spaniards dispossessed him of his tribe's summer home at Friendly cove; if they took another site from him I am not aware of it. Compare this characterization of Maquinna with Roquefeuil {Voyage Round the World, London, 1823, p. 30): "Macouina shewed himself in this visit an importunate and insatiable beggar, as Vancouver describes him, and not the generous prince that Meares would make him." 3Colnett refers to this minor chief in his Journal of his first voyage under the name, Vau- maise. No other trader mentions him. His home seems to have been near Kendrick Arm. KING GEORGE'S SOUND 209 tains, and Carried their Plank with them, but left at the Landing Place the Indian they had murdered hanging on a Cross, that their Pretended religion, and wanton Cruelty might stare them in the Face. The 3rd of [March, 1791 ] the first, and only, fine day that had offered for time past, weighed and tow'd out of the harbour, and came to sail, leaving letters with the Commandant for Europe, and one for the Vice Roy as follows. Exmo Sen., Pursuant to your orders I sail'd from S. Bias as my last dated there inform'd you but what I then dreaded befell me. Constant Calms as the Sun was then Vertical, and when I advanc'd a little to the Northward the North Monsoon prevail'd, so that a Passage I expected to make in Six weeks, I.was upwards of three months in accomplishing, and at one time reduced to one Butt of water, Obliged to make the Land, and seek a Port to save our Lives. Another uncharitable business I have to inform your Excellency: when my Vessel return'd from Acapulco with Cannon, and was survey'd by the builders of the Arsenal it was computed it would cost Three Thousand Dollars to repair the Damages she had received. I objected to it. If this was the real Opinion of the Artificers at that time, it was a degree of Cruelty to send me away without informing me the Vessel had been on shore since that survey twice. In addition to it, I was obliged to Salt my meat in the heat of the Autumnal Equinox, which in most parts is consider'd in that Latitude an impossibility—and also take such Beasts as that unhealthy and dry season afforded; Beasts that would have been given to Dogs in my Country, in lieu of the Best beef Great Britain afforded; and many other exorbitant Charges. The Robberies committed on my Ship and Cargo no allowance was made me for, because I could not point out the particular aggressors. It was not possible for me, who was confin'd in a Place four foot Square to know them. On perusing my accounts sent from San Bias to Mexico, Your Excellency will there find an Account of my Deficiencies. I have the highest Veneration for your Excellency, but am sorry to say I found none at S. Bias, C[ommandant] Quadra excepted, who in the most distant manner imitated the noble and disinterested disposition you shew'd me and my concerns. For Confirmation of the numerous and almost incredible Distresses I have since met, I refer you to Don Francisco Elisha Commandant of this port, to whom as well as to Don Jacinto Caamano Commanding the Frigate Princessa, I am much indebted for their attention and assistance to me in repairing my damages. I am sorry to add the Sloop Princess Royal was sail'd for S. Bias before my arrival here, but I rely on your Excellency's Honour and Justice to give my Employers satisfaction for her. I am &c. 1 210 THE COLNETT JOURNAL The foregoing Letter the Vice Roy did me the Honour to Answer by the way of Europe and it's enter'd in the end of the booke. [This sentence has been added later]. D. Elisha in Friendship acquainted me that Quadra knew well the Princess Royal was not at Nootka having given him orders to dispatch her on Service, and from thence to S. Bias.1 This corresponds with the Letters I receiv'd from Mexico before leaving S. Bias. I was also inform'd the Comissary at S. Bias since our showing them how to Salt Beef and fish got the Contract from the Gover- ment; in consequence of which the Cattle he supplied me with were the Cheapest he could buy. xThis statement appears questionable; for when Quimper in the Princess Royal finished his exploration of the Strait of Fuca on August 4, 1790, he steered for Nootka, but after six days spent in an effort to enter the port, he on the advice of his pilots abandoned the attempt and sailed for Monterey, and thence to San Bias. CHAPTER IX FROM NOOTKA TO SANDWICH ISLES AND TRANSACTIONS AT SANDWICH ISLES HP HE same night I left Nootka,1 came on a heavy Gale of wind A at N.W. which lasted two days. It continued in the N.W. Quarter till the 10th. [March] at Midnight, then haul'd to the Eastward. This day at Noon our Latitude was 31° 25' Longitude, 137° 4'. From this time till in Latitude 23° 41' and Longitude 143° 08' the wind prevail'd so far to the Southward, that it was a doubt at times whether we should fetch the Isles. It now inclin'd to the Eastward and remain'd mostly in that Quarter, at times varying as far to the Southward as South and the Northward as N.E. On the 27th2 at 5 P.M., made the Land being considerably out in our reckoning having partaken of an extraordinary Current setting to the Eastward; stood in for the Shore under an easy sail, wind N. by E. and off and on, for the night. At 7 A.M. Brought to within 5 or 6 Miles of the Shore.3 Several Canoes came off thro' the forenoon, brought very few vegetables and only one Hog. Latitude at Noon [blank]. All the afternoon had light winds, and fine weather. Several Canoes that visited us in the fore part of the day, return'd from the Shore, and also the one I dispatch'd with a Present to the Chief; for which he return'd a small feather'd Tippet with so many Frivolous excuses about Hogs and fruits that determin'd me to be round the S.E. point4 by day light, and try what the East [west] side [of] the Isle produced—my Vessel being too light, and weather too Stormy to encounter with a lee shore any longer. I got round the S.E. point in the night, and had given it a good berth to avoid the Shoal Stretching a long way to the Eastward from it; at 2 in Warch 3, 1791. 2Despite Colnett's constant fault-finding the Argonaut appears to have made a good passage. The usual time between the coast and "the islands" was about three weeks. 3The Argonaut is, it would seem, on the north-easterly side of Hawaii. 4Cape Kumukahi. 211 1 ill THE COLNETT JOURNAL the morning wore, and stood in for the Land, to the Southward of it, when the Seamen that had the look out, call'd out Land which the Officer and all on deck persisted in; I could not credit it myself, being at that time 8 or 9 Leagues distant but as those people were so obstinate brought to till day light, when they found themselves deceiv'd, and to our Mortification could not get in with the Land till Noon. Latitude Observed [blank]; nearest Land N.W. by W., 2 Leagues. At this time blew too fresh for Canoes to come off, and the weather look'd unsettled; reef'd the Topsails, shorten'd sail, and Brought to. At 4 P.M., a Canoe Join'd us and brought a few fish. In return I gave him four spike nails and made known my wants to him, and dispatch'd him on shore. It was singular that there were very few words I could understand from these people.1 The Country hereabouts look'd better, altho' thinly wooded, than any other part of this Isle I had as yet seen. Smokes were made on several parts of the Shore inviting us to stay, and very reluctantly to me and those on board, I was obliged to put up with Ship's fare another night. It blew very fresh; kept plying to windward till day light. Being within a few miles of the Shore, waited till 8 o'Clock. No signs of Natives from the badness of the weather, and little prospect of its changing, bore up to get to Leeward of the South point2 which answer'd my Expectations as several Canoes Join'd me, bringing hogs and Roots. The 18th [March 28, 1791] at Noon Observed in 18° 52' S. point of the Isle E.N.E. 4 or 5 Miles. Having purchas'd near one hundred hogs and a week's roots, and the Natives growing Slack in their Supplies I conjectured, as it was but a small Village, that little more was to be expected from it—which determin'd me to bear up. At 1 P.M. April 1st, we ran along shore3 till sun set when being abreast a small Village, on the S.W. part of the Isle, and it appearing a probable place to complete my sea Stock brought to for the night. At day light many Canoes came off. All 1Though he had spent nearly three months amongst the islands—January- March, 1788. 2Ka Lae or South Cape—the most southerly point of Hawaii. *The Argonaut having rounded the southern point of Hawaii is now proceeding northward along its western shore. NOOTKA TO SANDWICH ISLES 213 acquainted me the Taboo borea1 was on. I now knew [nothing] could be done till I saw the Chief and as I was not clearly inform'd on what part of the Isle he then was, I stood off and on till I was sure the information was clear, and on learning he was to the Northward and several Europeans that had deserted their Vessels with him, I sent two notes to them, and Bore up to the N.W. A little before noon, learnt from the Natives the Sloop Princess Royal was there at Anchor, inshore to the Northward of us. At that Instant receiv'd a Note by a Canoe which confirmed it. She was also plainly to be seen at this time with a Spy Glass; following is a Copy of the Note. Sir, I have heard from the Natives that there is a Vessel off the Island and should be extremely happy of an Union with you if you should see fit; I am at Anchor in a Bay on the W. side of the Island Owhyhee. I am Sir Your Humble Servant. Signed Emanuel Kemper Onboard the Spanish Sloop Princess Royal in the Bay of Toohara [Kailua, Hawaii] Latitude 19° 11' I called a council of my Officers, and it was unanimously agreed as the Spaniards had so often deceiv'd us and committed so many Piracies on us, to attempt to retake the Vessel by force of arms,2 which the Ship's Crew Joyfully agreed to. I hove to immediately, and clear'd the Decks and then Bore up. A few minutes after came along side the Sloop's Boat with the following letter. Balandra Princesa Real, 1° Abril, 1791 Amantisimo amigo y senor: Por los naturales de esta isla he savido se halla vuestra merced a la vista de este fondeadero de Taratua en donde al presente me hallo refrescando mi gente para pasar a Manila, de cuyo destino deve aquel Capitan General remitir este buque al Capitan Thomas Hudson con los demas pertrechos pertenecientes a vuestra merced. Tengo en mi poder una carta del Capitan de Navio Don Juan de la Quadra para entregar a vuestra merced en caso de verificarse nuestra union a vista, con lo qual conocera vuestra merced soy un teniente de fragata de xTabu pule. See, upon the Tabu system, E. H. Bryan, Ancient Hawaiian Life (Honolulu, 1938), pp. 62, 64, 67 ff. 2This proposed conduct appears quixotic. The Princess Royal was on her way to the Orient to be peaceably handed over to her owners. 2i4 THE COLNETT JOURNAL la Real Armada del Rey Catolico con la comision que a vuestra merced expongo; todo lo qual servira de inteligencia para que practique lo que tenga por mas conveniente. Nuestro Senor guarde a vuestra merced muchos anos. Besa la mano de vuestra merced su mas atento servidor, Signed Manuel Quimper1 The person that brought this letter was the Son of the American Captain who lay in Friendly Cove when I was Captured, and whom Martinez supplied with Stores and Provisions out of my Vessel, who also was in league of Commerce with Don Estevan Martinez, who entrusted to him a number of sea Otter Skins for which he gave him a Bill at the Rate of 100 Dollars Per Skin and left his son with him for performance of the agreement, but as Mr. Martinez was disgraced and his effects seized on, this Bill among the rest became the Property of the Vice Roy.2 Commodore Quadra out of humanity took the Young man under his care and on his Changing his religion3 stood God father, and got him an appointment as second Pilot in their service. i Bilander Princesa Real, April 1st, 1791 My very dear friend and Sir, Through the natives of this island I have learned that you are in sight of this haven of Taratua, where I am at present resting my men in order to proceed to Manila, from where that Captain General must send this ship to Captain Thomas Hudson with the other stores belonging to you. I have with me a letter from the Naval Captain Juan de la Quadra to deliver to you in case we should meet, by which you will learn that I am a frigate lieutenant of the Royal Navy of the Catholic King with the commission to do what I have told you, all of which will give you the necessary information to do whatever you think best. May Our Lord keep you many years. Your devoted servant kisses your hand. Signed Manuel Quimper 2The letter was brought by John Kendrick, Jr., who in July, 1789, at Nootka sound entered the Spanish service. The Columbia carried to China the crew of the schooner North West America, seized at Nootka sound, and was supplied with provisions taken by the Spaniards from the Argonaut. Martinez entrusted Captain John Kendrick with 137 sea-otter skins to be sold in China on his account. Kendrick sold them for $8,000, but never paid over the money; see Oregon Historical Quarterly, vol. XXX, pp. 99, 104. Colnett has already made a similar allegation, ante, p. 61. 3John Kendrick Jr., changed his religion when he was admitted into the Spanish naval service, ten days after the Argonaut was seized. Martinez states mm NOOTKA TO SANDWICH ISLES 215 I asked him how he came to give me a wrong Latitude of the Port he was laying in.1 Having been taught his lesson Spaniard-like, replied they must have taken the wrong declination or mistaken the day of the month. This was no ways satisfactory to me. I detain'd him and Crew. Bore down on Princess Royal, and Anchored athwart her hawse; with a Spring on my Cable, and sent an Officer on board with the following letter and Message, and that if he did not come on board of me and give me more satisfactory information than his Letter did, I should fire into him. He enquired of the Officer if he thought I would make him a prisoner if he went on board. He inform'd him, I order'd him to use my Word and Honour I would not. He came on asking me the same Question. I told him if he could not make his papers clear to me, he should go on board and engage his Vessel, that I was determin'd to use force for the recovery of my own Property.2 Following is a Copy of the Letter I sent him— Argonaut, April 2nd. 1791 Sir, Your letter by Mr. Kendrick informs me, you are to convey the Princess Royal To Manilla and thence to Macao, but as that is contrary to the Laws of all Nations, particularly with the Constitution of Great Britain, whose Protection and Licence together with that of the Honorable Board of Marine I am in Posession of, and which I hope never to disgrace, I must act in conformity to it, and at the risk of my life will demand the Property of the South Sea Company wherever I find it. For which reason I have detained Mr. Kendrick till I know your determination. I hope matters can be amicably settled between us to the Honour of both Nations and ourselves. Whatever terms you expect or can ask with reason will be agreed to by Your Humble Servant James Coi^NEir* his three qualifications, of which the first is, "That he has of his own free will abjured the heresies of Luther and embraced the Roman Catholic religion." 1Professor R. S. Kuykendall in the article mentioned in the following note {Oregon Historical Quarterly, vol. XXV, p. 47) identifies the bay as Kailua, some twelve miles north-west from Kealakekua, Hawaii. 8For a discussion of this opera bouffe, see R. S. Kuykendall, "James Colnett and the Princess Royal" {Oregon Historical Quarterly, vol. XXV, pp. 47 ff.). 3The original which is in Archivo General y Publico, Sec. de Prov. Int., Tomo 153, Mexico, has after Colnett's signature "Lieut, of Royal Navy and Commander of all Vessels employed and to be employed for the time being for the Honble. South Sea Company of London." II 216 THE COLNETT JOURNAL He brought his Passport, and a Private letter directed to me from the CO. at S. Bias as underneath. San Bias, 14 de Febrero de 1791 Muy senor mio y amigo: Haviendose frustrado la entrega a Hudson de su Balandra como deseaba su Excelencia por la casualidad de no haber podido regresar a Nuca, me ha prevenido la recorra y remita a Manila para que de alii la pasen a Canton, y proporcionandome esta ocasion la satisfaccion de ofrecerme nuevamente a vuestra merced, no excuso executarlo deseoso de que me mande quanto guste, seguro del afecto que le profesa su mas apasionado servidor y amigo que su mano besa. Signed Francisco de la Quadra To Senor Don Jaime Colnett Don Juan Francisco de la Bodega y Quadra, Cavallero profeso en la orden de Santiago, Capitan de Navio de la Real Armada y Comandante de Marina del De- 1 frig partamento de San Bias. En cumplimiento a las superiores ordenes del Excelentisimo Senor Conde de Revilla Gigedo, Virrey y Capitan General del Reino de Nueva Espana he Iabilitado la Balandra Princesa Real para que a las ordenes del alferez de Navio de la Real Armada Don Manuel Quimper emprehenda navegacion a Manila con el objeto de entregarla al Senor Governador de aquellas islas, para que disponga se le debuelva a Thomas Hudson. Se efectuo en este Puerto, con el Paquebot Argonaut James Colnett. Por tanto exorto en nombre de Su Majestad Catolica, y en el mio ruego y encargo a los vasallos y subditos de Reyes, Principes y Republicas amigas, alcaldes de esta corona, a los Comandantes, Governadores o Cabos de sus Provincias, Plazas, Esquadras y Bajeles, a los Oficiales General es o Particulares, Comandantes [de] los de su Majestad, a los Comandantes e Intendentes de nuestros Departamentos de Marina, Ministros de sus Provincias, Subdelegados, Capitanes de Puerto, y otros qualesquiera Oficiales, Ministros, Dependientes de Nuestra Armada, no le impidan su libre navegacion, entrada, salida o detencion en los Puertos a los quales por algun accidente le condujere, permitiendole que en ellos se provea de todo lo que necesitare, a cuyo fin le doy el presente Pasaporte en San Bias a 14 11) II de febrero de 1791. Signed Francisco de la Bodega Quadra Es copia de su original Signed Manuel Quimper1 i San Bias, February 14th, 1791 Dear Sir and Friend, Because it was not possible to make delivery of his Bilander to Hudson, as His Excellency desired, on account of it not being able to return to Nooka, His Excellency has ordered me to repair it and send it to Manila in order that from there they may send it to Canton, and this opportunity giving me the pleasure of mm, NOOTKA TO SANDWICH ISLES 217 Manuel Quimper was in the Ship that Visited Oteihitee [Tahiti], when so much pains were taken to depreciate the English nation, which is taken notice of in Captain Cook's Voyages;1 and this Quimper has been there since. When I was in Mexico I was inform'd from good authority that the Spaniards kill'd Omia, Destroy'd his dwelling, stock, and every other present, made him by the English, that they could come at, in the following manner: While the Ship lay at Huhana, they frequently Visited Omia at his house; and constantly lavish of their own praises, and no ways sparing of their abuse of the English. Omia, warm with Gratitude for the many favours he had receiv'd, hastily took up a Fowling again offering my services to you, I am pleased to do so, desirous that you command me in whatever way you wish, resting assured of the affection which your most devoted servant, who kisses your hand, professes for you. Signed Francisco de la Quadra To Mr. James Colnett Juan Francisco de la Bodega and Quadra, Knight professed in the Order of Santiago, Naval Captain of the Royal Navy and Commander of the Naval Department of San Bias. In fulfilment of the superior orders of His Excellency the Count of Revilla Gigedo, Viceroy and Captain General of the Kingdom of New Spain, I have outfitted the Bilander Princesa Real in order that, under the command of Naval Second Lieutenant of the Royal Navy Manuel Quimper, it may sail for Manila, with the object of being delivered to the Governor of those Islands, in order that he see to it that it be returned to Thomas Hudson. This order was carried out in this port; James Colnett being here with the Paquebot Argonaut. Therefore I exhort in the name of His Catholic Majesty, and in my own name beg and request the vassals and subjects of friendly Kings, Princes and Republics, justices of the peace of this Crown, Commanders, Governors or Heads of its provinces, forts, fleets and ships, General or Private Officers, Commanders in the service of His Majesty, Commanders and intendants of our Naval Departments, Ministers of its provinces, Subdelegates, Captains of Ports, Subordinates of our Navy, not to hinder his free navigation, entering, leaving or staying in the ports where by any accident he might go, allowing him to provide himself in them, with whatever he may need, for which purpose I give him the present passport at San Bias, February 14th, 1791. Signed Francisco de la Bodega Quadra It is a copy of the original. Signed Manuel Quimper Manuel Quimper was in command of the Princess Royal in 1790. The visit of the Spaniards to Tahiti (Otaheite) was in 1774; see the reference in Cook's Voyage (London, 1784), vol. II, pp. 75 ff; THE COLNETT JOURNAL piece, and Shot the Officer which was the second Captain, and a Frenchman, thro' the head for which they retaliated.1 I challeng'd this Gentleman with it, but he positively denied the foregoing transaction; but should there be any truth in it it's not Probable he would confess it to me. If they think it no crime to put 40 and 50 Thousand men, Women, and Children to death, which has been done since the peace 83, and amongst them the only remaining Issue of the Kings of Peru,2 for having hung an Alcalde for Tyranny and Cruelty, one Individual would be nothing for them. This latter piece of Cruelty several of the first people in Mexico informed me was true, but differed trifling in their numbers. I was inform'd by an Officer on board the Princess Royal the Chief errand here to the Sandwich Isles was to discover the properest place to make a settlement. Every preparation was going on for that purpose, when I left S. Bias and nothing else talkd on. I hope Great Britain will be rous'd to snatch from Murder and Cruelty and total Slavery a Nation whose greatest misfortune, the English, by discovering their Country, have brought on them, at an earlier period than it might have happen'd and to whom for protection they will ever look. Mr. Quimper inform'd me it was generally believed that Port S. Francisco emptied itself into the sea in 41° and the Officer in my Long Boat discovered a large opening in Latitude 39° 45' it's more than probable this has communication with it also, and we are still to be inform'd whether Port Sir Francis Drake does not Join those rivers. S. Francisco is said to empty itself in the Gulf of California but at that part very Shoal. On the East side [of] the Gulf, California is the richest Country known to the Spaniards but the natives being a warlike people oppose their collecting it, and frequently cut off whole guards of Soldiers Together. The Vice Roy's Attorney- 1But John Henry Cox (Mortimer's Voyage, Dublin, 1791, p. 38) says that Omai had "died a natural death some time since prior to August, 1789 at the island of Ulietea, his native place." Vancouver {Voyage, 1801 ed., vol. I, pp. 326) adds that he died of a throat infection and was universally regretted. "Huhana" is, probably, Huaheine island, about one hundred miles from Tahiti. 2The allusion is probably to the insurrection of 1780, in which the cruelties of the Spaniards led, later, to their expulsion from Peru. 1 fe if / i H 1 h J'" I ^ &f ■ / 1 / ' 1 i' X 11 i ^Ipl ! 5 . Is— ":' Q \ \ s • j ; I 1 1 %'^J^^^^^^m ^'2, ^_y^\ S ! mm ! I" / I \ }—'—'—r . Ml ' #* III' i I III NOOTKA TO SANDWICH ISLES 219 General1 inform'd me in Mexico, in order to get well disciplin'd Troops to go Voluntarily there they paid them 60 Dollars Per Month. When the Foregoing letter and pass were perused by myself and Officers it was the General Opinion that to commence hostilities would be wrong provided he delivered me a Copy of his orders, which he readily complied with. I return'd his visit next day, and the succeeding one he dined with me, when we had the Opportunity of conversing on different Subjects. He had been a Circumnavigator, as well as myself; he visited Oteheete [Tahiti] twice. He inform'd me of several Isles he had been in search of, which are mark'd in the English Charts as Spanish discoveries and did not exist.2 One piece of information I got from him, was, the preceeding season he had been up the Straits of Juan De Fuca in the Princess Royal Sloop as far to the Eastward as [blank]3 and there found the Straits round to the Northward nearly three Leagues wide. I inform'd him of my Anchoring in Port Sir Francis Drake, which he knew nothing of, and on his requesting a Copy of the Sketch of the Port I agreed to it, Provided he lent me a Copy of the Straits De Fuca which was agreed on. This will set aside all doubts of these Straits which I am perfectly clear Join to those discover'd by me in the Prince of Wales and Captain Duncan in the Princess Royal. Next morning he took a very unhandsome leave of the Port sailing early in the Morning and never displayed his Colours. I could account for this. I had greatly humbled their Pride. They had no Triumph to make, now the natives saw I forced him on board my Vessel; and altho' they expected to gain great credit with the Indians by acquainting them, as they had done the Americans, what a pitiful nation we were, and they took our fishing boats away xThe Fiscal whose duties were somewhat similar to those of an Attorney- General. 2Upon these imaginary Spanish discoveries of islands in the Pacific ocean, see generally, John F. G. Stokes, "Hawaii's Discovery by Spaniards" {Papers of Hawaiian Historical Society, No. 20, Honolulu, 1939); and E. W. Dahlgren, The Discovery of the Hawaiian Islands (Upsala, 1917).. 3As far as San Juan archipelago. See for details of Quimper's exploration, H. R. Wagner, Spanish Explorations in the Strait of Juan de Fuca (Santa Ana, Calif., 1933). The strait referred to at the end of the paragraph as having been discovered by Colnett and Duncan is probably Queen Charlotte Sound. I? Ill 220 THE COLNETT JOURNAL when they pleas'd, I arrived unexpectedly and Just time enough to undeceive them, and made them comprehend they were a deceitful set of People and took my Vessel away by surprise and also the Sloop,1 and that my King was making them carry her back again, also that they had no business here, and that we were not Slaves as they had told them, being here in my own Vessel, and having a greater Variety of trade on board than they had, and also such articles as pleas'd them. By a little well timed liberality, I wiped out every impression of their superiority that had been imbibed by them among the Common and Middling sort, and by a Present of a three Pound swivel, a few muquetes [muskets], and two or three Blunderbusses, I stood well with the great, and got well supplied with hogs, and other articles when they could not get an individual thing. On their Commander's complaining to me of it, I sent him 12 Hogs and in return, he sent me a small Box of Chocolate. The Natives now began to detest them, and whenever passing call'd them Black Thieves with their Colours Beshit. My supply of Powder came very apropos, they being at war with the other Isles.2 Indeed they have constantly been at war since Captain Cook was kill'd, and also have had a deal of Sickness which never before his time afflicted them which they allege to having kill'd him. They made strict enquiry of me, if ever he would come back again, and when I saw him last, I told them: having been constantly in their part of the world, I could not tell, but this I knew, the Spaniards were coming to take their Country from them and make them Slaves. They enquired if Captain Cook had sent them, and how long he would be angry with them, and what they should do to get Captain Cook to entreat his3 area to send and assist them against the Spaniards. Since I was there in the Prince of Wales, two Volcanoes have open'd on the Lee side the Isle, which burn'd night and day with great fury and Tremendous Explosion which they say Captain Cook has caus'd. I weigh'd in the Evening being apprehensive the Spaniards xThe vessel is the Argonaut; the sloop is the Princess Royal. 2These arms and ammunition were to be used by Kamehameha in the war then going on against Kahekili and Kaeo for the conquest of Maui and Molokai. See R. S. Kuykendall, The Hawaiian Kingdom (Honolulu, 1938), pp. 34 ff. 3Alii, an Hawaiian word meaning, chief; but here standing for the King of England. m'imI NOOTKA TO SANDWICH ISLES xThe certificate given by John Henry Cox in September, 1789, to Kaiana to which Colnett added his own statement. It is set forth in Ingraham's MS. Journal and in Reprints by Hawaiian Historical Society, No. 3, 1918, p. 9. 2"Atooi" and "Oneehow" are old forms of Kauai and Niihau—the largest of the leeward islands of the Hawaiian group. "Poor-or-ree Bay" is probably Paliuli, near the present village of Puuwai, Niihau. *Kahekili and Kaeo, the Kings of Maui and the leeward islands (Kauai and Niihau) respectively, joined forces, re-occupied Maui, which Kamehameha had conquered, and invaded Hawaii. The decisive battle took place in April or May, 1791—about the time of Colnett's visit. See note 2, p. 220. 4For a comprehensive outline of this system of Taboo or Kapu, see Kuykendall, The Hawaiian Kingdom, pp. 8 ff,; and for its end, see W. D. Alexander, "Overthrow of Ancient Tabu System . . ." {25th Annual Report of Hawaiian Historical Society, 1917, pp. 37 ff.). mm m fa Ml Mm might Get to Atooi [Kauai] before me, at which place I expected letters, and if they got them would keep or destroy them, and leave any paper they chose in lieu. This action in some degree I was privy to, and by accident got sight of a paper in Possession of Mr. Quimper, that he had taken from a Native of Owyhee, named Tiana, and Left by the Commander of a Ship called the Gustavus.1 I overtook the Princess Royal next day and whether his intentions were what I thought I cannot say, but I miss'd him in the night and stood on for Atooi where I let go my Anchor in 17 fathoms, but Blowing a gale of wind the Ship blew off the Bank, and attempting to work up sprang my main mast, which obliged me to bear up for Oneehow [Niihau], where I anchor'd the same Evening in Poor-or-re Bay2 Latitude 21° 56'. I fish'd my main mast and Completed with wood and water, Yams, and Hogs. All the Chiefs of Atooi and Oneehow were gone to windward to war with the Owhyheeans.3 But the Priest sent me a number of letters; but as, they did not belong to me I returned them. By the man that Brought the letters from Atooi I learnt the Sloop was at Anchor there, and had had many presents made them; for which nothing but one small piece of Iron was given in return, which they complain'd to me bitterly of, and had put the Taboo4 on, for which the Sloop was coming to Oneehow. While at Owyhee I purchas'd Six or seven Cloaks made of Sea Otter Skins. I frequently enquired where they got them. Their reply was: from the American Captain that lay in Friendly Cove, Nootka, when I was Captured. I doubted this story, and from a « 41V 222 THE COLNETT JOURNAL Confused one I collected from the Girls, and quantity of Clothes seen, which were known by most on board to belong to the People and Officers of the small American Schooner that was Captured by Don Estephan Martinez and brought to S. Bias and releas'd in the Month [of] December [1789], as mention'd before. Altho' at their sailing I warn'd them against touching at this Isle, I had strong suspicions what I had foretold them had happened.1 They took every method to prevent our knowing of it for a Certainty, by a curious kind of Taboo laid on: as we were very friendly with them they did not like to offend the Officers, by not permitting their old wives on board, but men were appointed to Sleep near them. This Story was now unriddled to me. The Father of the Young man that commanded the Schooner had been here in a Brig a few days before, and for some Robbery or Offence the Natives had given him, he made a pretended peace with them, and Invited all the Chiefs with their wives, Children, and kindred to pay him a visit; and took that Opportunity being all ready prepared, having got all his guns on one side, which he made the Natives keep and when the Visitors were come to a great number he discharged all his Cannon and kill'd 500 of them.2 On his son's arrival off the weather side [of] the Isle, they Boarded him as soon as they informed them who he was, Stabb'd him, threw him overboard, and murder'd the rest of his Crew all to one man, whom they keep to work the Vessel. I wanted nothing from Atooi, but had sent them, in case of the Spaniards coming to settle there, Powder, Shot, arms, and Ammunition, and a number of other presents for the Chiefs, their wives, Daughters, and Children, our old and worthy friends. I also left here my remaining live stock consisting of a Ram and two Ewes, a Cock and two Hen Turkeys, with Beans, peas, Indian Corn, xThese sea-otter skins were part of the loot taken from the Fair American, when she was captured by the chief Kameeiamoku on the Kona coast of Hawaii, early in 1790. 2The Olawalu massacre, at Maui, February 1, 1790. For details, see F. W. Howay, Hawaii, Early Relations. . . (Honolulu, 1930); and, generally, Kuykendall, The Hawaiian Kingdom. There was no connection between this massacre and the capture of the Fair American. The sole survivor of the Fair American capture was Isaac Davis, whose name is closely associated with that of John Young in the days of Kamehameha I. NOOTKA TO SANDWICH ISLES 223 xThe stock for Hawaii had dwindled to "3 Hen Turkeys, a He goat, a Bull, two rams and 3 ewes" by the time the Argonaut reached Nootka sound. There the bull died and Colnett exchanged the he goat for a "forlorn cock turkey," which seems to have died on the passage across. 2Many persons are credited with the introduction of musk and water melons into the Hawaiian islands: Mrs. Barkley claims the honour for Captain William Rogers of the Fairy, Manby says that Captain Portlock brought the musk melons; Bell puts forward Captain Douglas of the Iphigenia as the man who left the water melon seeds; and others believe that Captain Cook left the musk melon seeds. Now comes this claim for John Henry Cox of the Mercury, alias Gustavus III. mm I I ii and Callavances; and at Owhyhee I left a Ram, two Ewes, Two Pair of Pigeons, and a Hen Turkey,1 they having a Cock only, left out of a Breed some former navigator had left with them. This was one of the most pleasing circumstance of my life, leaving this stock here; I only wish the Bull and Cows had lived also. Since I was among those Isles they have been supplied by Mr. Cox in the Gustavus with Melon and Pumpkin2 seed. At this time the Island Abounded with them and I think the best water Melon I ever eat. I also got from them what they never brought me before, which might be owing to the different season—The largest Raspberrys I ever saw and in great Quantities, also the Cashew apple. The Princess Royal arrived here April 17th, [and] was treated very coolly by the Natives. The Passengers which they had brought from Owhyhee [Hawaii], which they were endeavouring to persuade to go to Manilla, let them know how they were treated there, as did some we had on board; so that their fame and History had reach'd before them, and made them no welcome guests here. And as I wanted as little of their Company as possible, next day at Noon April 18th, after firing a Gun and loosing my Topsails to let him know I was going, weigh'd, and came to sail. It was a fortunate Circumstance for this Vessel it was not war, and she become a prize to us, having on board several Officers and Mariners that had treated both the Crew of the Argonaut and Princess Royal in a most cruel manner, and all I could have done would have had no effect to prevent their retaliating. My Officers' Opinion coinciding with mine, against the propriety of attacking this Vessel, to which they sign'd a protest in the Log Book, was grounded on the following reasons after seeing his papers; P p 224 THE COLNETT JOURNAL first, they had thirty in Number on board, which was nearly double mine, without I reckon the Chinamen and they were as much if not more in favour of the Spaniards than us, for which reason I could not trust them to guard them, and should have been oblig'd to have left the Spaniards on shore among the Indians and from many circumstances I had every reason to believe they had more force among those Isles. The N.E. Monsoon was far advanc'd, it would have been difficult, if practicable with so dull a sailer as she was to have beat against the S.W. Monsoon to China, which if not accomplish'd I should have been obliged to have gone thro' the South of Manilla and run great risk of being stopt. Another reason, if when I arrived in China as I was certain I should do long before her, as she was to touch at Guam one of the Marian Isles, it was an easy matter for my owners there, or those concern'd for them, to send me to Cruise for her off Manilla, where there was not the smallest probability of my missing her. Among the Number of Charts I collected among the Spaniards, I have one in Manuscript of a Ship that was order'd from Manilla to make a Passage round the North end of Formosa, and on her Passage to Acapulco in the Latitude of 30° discovered a Large Isle said to be twice as big as Owhyhee. They Place this Isle in the Longitude of the Sandwich Isles; but I think was that the Situation, it would have been seen by some of the Vessels returning to the Coast of America after wintering at the Sandwich Isles. I rather think it is farther to the Westward. The Spaniards did not Land on this Isle being prevented by the Natives.1 *On the alleged Spanish discovery of Hawaii, see the references given in note 2, p. 219, and also H. B. Restarick, The Discovery of Hawaii (Honolulu, 1930). These discussions completely shatter any such claim. CHAPTER X FROM SANDWICH ISLANDS TO THE MARIANA ISLES [" EAVING Oneehow,1 had moderate Breezes, winds mostly from. "^ E. to E.S.E. with Showers of rain at times. As the Sun had advanc'd far to the Northward, I thought I should have a greater chance of a Fresh breeze by keeping in Latitude 22°, than by running far to the Southward which determin'd me on that route. The 20th [April, 1791 ] our Latitude was 22° 01' and Longitude 167°; saw many birds. The wind now kept hauling hourly to the Southward. On the 22nd, 23d, and 24th Longitude from 171° to 174°; the wind was from N.E. to W. with light Rain, heavy squalls, and very unsettled weather. Near this Situation I met with the same kind of weather although at a different season, and Captain Cook in his Voyage had the same weather at this season. The winds continued from S.S.E. to E.S.E., at times lightning and Rain, till the 28th, our Latitude 22° 05', Longitude 179° 36' Per Account and Variation 12° 00'. The wind now inclin'd to the N.E. Quarter, but blew generally from E. by N.; at times would vary to the Southward as S.E. Which brought on Cloudy weather With squalls of wind and rain. The 9th [May] at 4 P.M. Latitude Corrected from Noon 21° 19' Longitude 207° 22', saw great number of Birds; weather Changeable, and Squally which indicated our being in the Vicinity of Land. The Spaniards lay down the Jardines near this Situation. On the 10th, at 4 P.M. Longitude by Observation was 210° 56' and at Noon our Latitude 20° 46'. At 3 P.M., May 11th, Saw the Northmost Isles of the Marian's Called by the Spaniards the Bird Isles, a name apropos, as the numbers we saw were innumerable. It Bore W. by S., 3 or 4 Leagues and by my Account lies in Latitude 20° 41' and Longitude Correct Per Observation 1Colnett left Niihau on April 18, 1791. His vessel, the Argonaut, had on board two hundred hogs purchased at the Hawaiian islands for sea stores on the voyage to China. During the passage to the Mariana isles the crew were employed in making rope yarn and in opening the casks of sea-otter skins and airing, -and drying them. 225 I ill flflif 226 THE COLNETT JOURNAL 214° 15'. It's of moderate height, making as several Isles, but all barren and inhospitable; the largest tabling, the others high and Rocky, forming the appearance of ruined Buildings and nearly surround the Table Isle; from the Eastward round to the Southward to W. and also encompassed with breakers, which may extend two or 3 Miles from the Shore or more. The Largest of those rocks or Isles, I do not think more than 6 or 7 Leagues round. From those Isles, I had once determin'd, having reason to Expect the S.W. Monsoon was set in on the Coast of China, to make Cape Engano the N.E. Cape on the Isle of Luconia,1 but on overhauling the Voyages of the early Navigators in those seas, it would have been unsafe at this season, as the Tuffoons from the N.E. might be expected; I should then be caught on a Lee shore. For this reason I alter'd my route for the Bashee Isles. Lord Anson having made his Passage from thence with his Valuable Prize, at this Season of the Year,2 I had every reason to believe I could make those Isles, and gave me great hopes I should find no difficulty in making the same Passage being in a Much better going Vessel. qLuzon, the northern island of the Philippines. sIn June, 1743, Lord Anson in the Centurion captured near the Philippines, the Spanish galleon Nuestra Senora de Cabadonga carrying 1,313,843 pieces of eight, 35,682 ounces of virgin silver, and a large quantity of merchandise. The Centurion with her prize passed through the Bashee islands in July en route to Macao. ..-Mi' Wtit mm ■WI CHAPTER XI REMARKS FROM THE MARIANAS TO ANCHORING IN THE TYPA NEAR MACAO TLTAVING resolved to make the Bashees, Stood away to the Westward with a Strong N.E. trade which continued till the 14th May, Latitude [blank], Longitude [blank]. The wind now inclin'd to the North and between this and the 17th varied round to West and from thence to S.W., with Light winds. The 22nd. at 4 A.M. made one of the [word erased] Islets to the North of the Bashees Lying in [blank]; at Noon our Latitude was [blank], Longitude [blank], Extreme of the Isles from S. by E., Formosa, North; the Southmost Isles, the Hazy weather prevented our seeing. At two P.M., discover'd a sail standing to the N.E.; Join'd her; found it to be a Snow under Portuguese Colours bound to the N.W. [Coast].1 On his learning where I came from, sent his boat on board with a few Bottles of Spirits for which I returned Hogs, Yams, and Coconuts. After learning the news of Macao which [was] no small satisfaction to us, after such long absence, and so many disasters, made sail. The wind continued at S. and S.S.W.; light airs all across the China sea, so did not reach the Coast of China, till May 27th, at 11 A.M. At Noon Kinagao Point N.|E., 3 or 4 Leagues. On getting in with the Land, proving light airs inclining to Calm and the tide running 12 miles an hour right against us, came too with a Grapline in 18 fathom muddy Bottom. At 8 P.M. in a heavy squall of Thunder, Lightning, and rain, the wind at N.E. weigh'd. It continued Thick and at times gave every warning of an approaching Tuffoon; at Noon the 28th the Gale increas'd to a Hurricane, and thick weather. Could not see the Land and our Situation being uncertain, Brought to under 1Probably the Felice Adventurer. According to Viage hecho por las Goletas Sutily Mexicana (Madrid, 1802), p. 116, the Felice left Macao, May 4, 1791, eighteen days before this meeting. 227 M 228 THE COLNETT JOURNAL ii stay sails. The Strength of the Gale soon abated and the weather Clear'd. Got sight of the Land, Lemas and Asses Ears; but being too far to Leeward to weather the former, pass'd between them and the Frogg and came to an Anchor under the [blank] in [blank] fathoms Asses Ears [blank] Grand Lema [blank] distant from [blank]. It blew fresh all night and part of next morning but on its moderating, weighed and ran for Macao Roads and Anchor'd1 in Company with a Ship and a Brig, that came down the River Canton under American Colours.2 I afterwards learnt they were commanded by a Captain Metcalf, who went to the N.W. the same season I did, with his Brig and a Schooner.3 The latter was cut off, as before mentioned, at the Sandwich Isles; he had taken every illegal method to procure Copies of mine and the Princess Royal's Voyage and by following it, and the Spaniards detaining my vessel, he collected at the Ports I was to have gone to, being long on the Coast before him, as enabled him to purchase a Ship of one Thousand Tons, and fitted her and as much teas as loaded his Brig of 200 Tons and paying all his Expenses and outfit for another Voyage.4 I went on shore, waited on the acting owner, Governor of Macao, and President of the Hon. East India Company's Supercargo. The two first offer'd me every Protection and Assistance, congratulating me on my narrow hairbreadth escapes, but the President of the Honourable English East India Co., denied being at home, altho' I called twice. In addition to my Misfortunes I learnt that the Chinese had 1<(May 30, 1791, The Argonaut brig, Captain James Colnett, arrived from San Bias and N.W. Coast of America." East India Co., MS. Factory Records, China II, vol. XIX, Consultation, 1791, p. 7. 2The brig is the Eleanora, Captain Simon Metcalfe, bound for the North West Coast. Ingraham's MS. Journal indicates that she was at the Queen Charlotte islands, shortly prior to July 26, 1791. The ship is a Danish vessel which he had bought after being dismasted in a typhoon and repaired; it was now en route to New York. See Bartlett's Narrative in The Sea, the Ship, and the Sailor (Salem, Mass., 1925), pp. 291 ff.; but the dates do not agree. 3The brig Eleanora and the schooner Fair American, on the North West Coast in 1789. 4See note 3, p. 26. We do not know, nor did Colnett, the details of Metcalfe's voyage of 1789 in the Eleanora; but as he did not leave China until June 5,1789, and was seen off Queen Charlotte islands in September and off Nootka in October, it is quite plain that this is another of Colnett's baseless complaints. n FROM THE MARIANAS TO MACAO 229 prohibited sea Otter Skins from being imported.1 So by this Embargo I again felt the injuries the Spaniards had done myself and Company, when I little expected it and had Twenty Thousand Pounds worth of Furs thrown on their Hands,2 by their unlawful Acts; and had only their Promises Pledged to Great Britain for Justification which time must prove their fulfilling and even this circumstance I was kept Ignorant of till this hour.3 During the night it blew a Strong breeze and the Cables being dry rotten, they parted, and for the safety of the Vessel as the best anchor and cable was gone the Commanding Officer ran the vessel into the Typa,4 where the Governor consented she should remain till I determin'd what to do with her. The Officers and Crew, all anxious for a few days' absence, I paid them their full wages from the time of leaving China to return to it; the English were perfectly satisfied, but the Portuguese refus'd their wages, insisting on a gratuity equivalent to the Damages suppos'd to be receiv'd by the Owners in England From the Spaniards, and Commenc'd an Action against me in consequence of it, which I cast5 them in. I had besides those suits, many others Which to the Scandal of the Syndecant [syndic?] at Macao, who approved of them, were proffer'd against me: One most ridiculous, an order to command me on shore to swear that I owed one of my Seamen no more money, when the man at the same time declared I had paid him all that was due. 1 . ... Ill Regarding this prohibition, see Ingraham's MS. Journal, December 1, 1791, and Marchand's Voyage (London, 1801), vol. II, pp. 94 ff. The East India Company's Factory Records (China II, vol. XX, p. 112, Consultations) show that it was imposed early in 1791 and removed on May 31, 1792. 2Another'exaggeration. In January, 1789, he had offered the sea-otter skins collected by the Prince of Wales and Princess Royal for $79,713 and had accepted $56,000. They totalled 2,062 skins, of which 780 were prime and valued by him at $65 each. Granted that the 1,100 on the Argonaut were all prime, their value could not exceed $50,000 or about one-half of the £20,000 he mentions. In February, 1790, the Columbia's cargo of "700 indifferent skins and 300 pieces" sold for $21,400. In November, 1791, Ingraham was getting about $25 apiece for prime skins. 3In the end Meares and his associates accepted $210,000 in full settlement of all their claims for damages arising out of the seizures of their vessels. 4The outer harbour or bay at Macao. 'Defeated. till il l-a CHAPTER XII REMARKS TILL SAILING FROM YE TYPA FOR JAPAN AND COREA TiTY next Business was, from the awkward situation the em- bargo had thrown me, what to do with the Vessel and Cargo. Mr. Beal who acted here for himself and Parties in Europe, after consulting me officially on a Voyage to Japan and Corea, finding nothing else could be done, for as the S.W. monsoon was setting in,1 it was impossible to sail for Europe, and a fair wind to sail to the Proposed Countries. I readily accepted of the offer, and was readily supplied with every Article I wish'd, in consequence of it. But being outlaw'd by the Chinese who had forbid on pain of death, any of their Countrymen giving us the smallest Assistance, and many only suspected were severely punish'd, and at the different houses I resorted at Macao the Chinese servants were obliged to run away on that account. But the Portuguese thro' the interest of my friends supplied all my wants which were not very numerous, and with addition of a few dollars caulked the bends and fish'd the main mast. But the Chinese hourly persecuted me, Swam off in the dark, and cut the Vessel adrift twice, by which means once went on shore, but receiv'd no damage. Thro' those Malicious acts I lost two bower anchors, one kedge, Two Cables, and two new Bowers ruined, which I had purchas'd at this place. Tho' I frequently in the night saw them cruising round the Vessel,2 the government of the Chinese made it dangerous for me to fire at them, for fear of an accident.their retaliating which, right or wrong, they would on the first they Caught, and my being a , prohibited Vessel all acts against them would have been deem'd unlawful, and some innocent person would have suffer'd which very recently happened. xThe change of the monsoon occurs in April or May, and in September or October. 2The explanation may be that the Argonaut had on board a forbidden cargo. Probably there is some exaggeration also. AT MACAO 231 Tji Blowing and Bad weather detain'd my getting ready for sea, as soon as I expected; it frequently Blowing a Hurricane. In one Night two Junks sank at their Anchors along side of us, and I was under great apprehension ours would have been the same fate, as it came on very unexpected, and at a time I had 7 ft. of Plank of Wale next the waters edge out and the Carpenters had gone on shore to dinner. In this Gale the American Ship1 was driven a Considerable distance and her foremost and main Topmast blown overboard. In the next place I found great difficulty in procuring a Crew, as Catholics are not permitted to visit Japan, since their attempt to overset their Religion in the Year which was the cause of a Dreadful Massacre of all Christians, both Japanese and Spaniards with Portuguese, throughout their Dominions, and none suffer'd to enter it again on pain of death;2 and the Governor of Macao also forbid my carrying any. With difficulty Including myself and Officers with Mr. T. Beal, the Prussian consul's Brother,3 a Young man well acquainted with several Languages, also a little of the Chinese, with a Chinese I smuggled on board who pretended to be a Japanese Interpreter, our Crew consisted of 22 in number; under the following articles. We whose names are hereunto subscribed do agree to perform a Voyage to the Japan Isles, Corea and Northern parts of China, and back to Macao in the Snow Argonaut Captain James Colnett Commander, for the monthly Gratuity which is placed opposite to our respective names; But on this 41 Condition, should the Voyage prove successful, we are to be made equal to what we receiv'd for our former Voyage to the Coast of America in the said Vessel. And it is agreed separately and not Jointly nor one for the other, that we will Obediently and willingly obey all orders of our Commanding Officers either on board or on shore, or in the boats, or any other service we may be employ'd on, while belonging to the said Snow. And that we will on no account plunder, beat, abuse, or insult, or in any manner affront the Inhabitants or residents of the Places we may touch at, without orders from the Captain himself. il\t And we do agree not to be absent from duty at any time, without leave xThe American or Danish ship referred to in note 2, p. 228. 2Francis Xavier introduced Christianity into Japan in 1549, but owing to persecution it was practically extinguished by 1715. 3Daniel Beal, the Prussian Consul, and a co-partner in the venture of 1789-91. 232 THE COLNETT JOURNAL from the Captain, and will consider Six hours' absence without leave, as total Desertion, and forfeiture of wages. For the performance of the above we bind ourselves in the penalty of Eighty Thousand Dollars to be recover'd in any Court of Justice either abroad or in Europe. And farther as this Voyage is on Speculation and intended to repair if possible in some degree the Losses occasion'd by the Spaniards' Detention of the Vessel, this Short Voyage is to be perform'd in the most economical manner, for which reason no Spirits will be allow'd and whatever may be given will entirely depend on circumstances. In Witness whereof we have hereunto set our hands this Eleventh day of June in the Year of our Lord 1791 and in the 31st year of the Reign of our Sovereign Lord George the Third, by the Grace of God king of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, Defender of the faith and so forth. Commander one, Mates 3, Boatswain, Gunner, Armourer, sailmaker, Cooper, Quarter Masters two, Seamen 7, Boys 2, Interpreter 1, Passenger 1. Guns and Ammunition the same; none being to be procured here. Every necessary repair being completed and stores requisite for the intended Voyage, at 8 P.M., 25 July Mr. Thos Beal and Japan interpreter came on board. A.M., weighed and ran out of the Typa and Anchored in the Roads.1 Messrs Beal, Drummond, Fitzhugh, and Friends visited the Vessel when I deliver'd to Mr D. Beal, the Prussian Consul, the following protest against receiving the Princess Royal Sloop when she should arrive at Macao, throwing her on the Spaniards. They took a friendly farewell of Mr. T. Beal and Self, leaving me the orders which follow the Copy of the Protest. Declaration and Protest of James Colnett Whereas the Sloop Princess Royal Commanded by Captain Thomas Hudson, the Property of certain British Merchants Equipp'd for the purpose of trading with the Natives of the Northwest Coast of America by virtue of a Licence granted from the Honorable South Sea Company, was on the 13th day of July 1789 Captured at the Entrance of the Port of Nootka, by orders of Don Estevan Martinez then commanding two Spanish Ships of war at Anchor in that Port and the Captain, Officers, and Crew of the said sloop made Prisoners by him. And whereas previous to the Capture of the said Sloop the Princess Royal and on the 5th [3rdl day of July 1789 the Snow Argonaut under my command, and property also of the aforesaid British Merchants, was likewise Captured by the said Don Estevan Martinez, and myself, Officers, and Crew, made Prisoners, and together with the Captain, Officers, and Crew of the said 1Macao roads, from four to nine miles east of Macao island. AT MACAO 233 Sloop, put under confinement and sent Prisoners to the Spanish Settlement of San Bias, on the Coast of California. And whereas after a detention of Nine Months there1 I obtain'd permission from the Vice Roy of New Spain to proceed by Land to Mexico, and represent in person the Injury myself and owners sustain'd in consequence of their unjust Captures, when he was pleas'd a short time after my arrival at Mexico to order me to return to San Bias, and take possession of the Snow Argonaut, and also to receive on Board of her, the remains of my Crew (many having Died while Prisoners) and also the remains of the Officers and crew of the Sloop Princess Royal aforesaid, and proceed with the Snow Argonaut to the Port of Nootka the Sloop Princess Royal being then there in the Spanish Service; to which place orders were said to be dispatch'd for her being delivered up to me and the said Captain Thomas Hudson immediately on our arrival. And whereas in Obedience to the Orders of the Vice Roy of Mexico and in consequence of a Passport and letters furnished me by him address'd to the Commandant of the Port Nootka I sail'd in the Snow Argonaut from Port San Bias on the 9th July 1790, and arrived at the Port of Nootka on the 4 January 1791, where I was inform'd by the Spanish Commandant, Don Francisco Elisha, that the Sloop Princess Royal was employ'd on his most Catholic Majesty's Service, and had been dispatch'd thence to San Bias some Months before my arrival.2 In consequence of which after fitting the Snow Argonaut I sail'd from the Port of Nootka on the 3rd Day of March 1791 for Macao and in my Passage to this Place fell in with the said Sloop Princess Royal at the Sandwich Islands she being then employed in his Catholic Majesty's Service Commanded by Don Manuel Kemper3 Freighted with a cargo of Furs4 addressed to the Government of Manilla furnish'd with a Passport from Don Juan Francisco do la Bodega y Quadra, Commandante of the Department of San Bias. And whereas, since my arrival here, I have receiv'd Information that it is the intention of the Government of Manilla to send the aforesaid Sloop to this place for the purpose of being delivered up to me;6 But taking into 1Colnett was captured on July 3, 1789, and released July 9, 1790. His whole period of imprisonment he states as twelve months and four days. The nine months refers to his detention on the Argonaut and in San Bias and Tepic. 2The Princess Royal left the Strait of Juan de Fuca on August 4, 1790, and reached San Bias on November 13, following. 3Manuel Quimper. 4The Princess Royal brought 3,000 sea-otter skins which the Chinese permitted to be landed (East India Company, MS., Factory Records, China, II, vol. XIX). 6The Princess Royal arrived at Macao, August 12, 1791. On August 27, the Factors of the Royal Philippine Company there offered to return her to the Committee of the East India Company, but they refused to accept her. She had been nearly wrecked in a gale on August 18, and the Committee estimated her value at not more than $1,000. 1 S'{. If I 234 THE COLNETT JOURNAL Consideration the Bad State and Condition in which she must be, after being two years employ'd in the Spanish Service, and the losses and Damages which my owners have sustain'd, as well from the original Capture of their said Vessels, as from Non-delivery of the said Sloop Princess Royal at the Port of Nootka agreeable to the Vice Roy of Mexico's orders, I positively refuse, and Solemnly Protest, against receiving her into my possession on any terms or Conditions whatever, and do further hereby Solemnly Protest, against all and every of the Officers employ'd by the Spanish Government, who have been instrumental and assisting in the Capture and detention of the said Vessels, Argonaut, and Princess Royal, for all and every of the Losses and Damages which my Owners and Employers have already sustain'd, or may hereafter sustain, as well in consequence of the Original Capture of the said Sloop Princess Royal, and Snow Argonaut, as for the. non-delivery of the said Sloop Princess Royal, at the Port of Nootka as before mention'd, and this done in as full and ample manner as my Situation and Circumstances will admit; on Board the Snow Argonaut under Sailing orders in the Typa near Macao. July, 25, 1791. James Colnett Witness We the undermention'd Officers belonging to the Snow Argonaut and Princess Royal at the time of their Capture attest the Truth of the above declaration. Sailing Orders Captain James Colnett Sir, Having supplied you with the several Articles enumerated in your letter to me of the 1 ltu Instant as necessary to enable you to perform a Voyage to Corea and Japan, I desire you will on the receipt hereof, wind and weather permitting, proceed immediately to sea. It is difficult every circumstance consider'd to give you any precise Instructions or orders for the prosecuting your intended Voyage; you will therefore consider whatever is recited hereafter, so far as respects your route, as recommendations only, which circumstances and Situation may make it necessary for you to vary or intirely deviate from. I consider Japan as the most probable place at which you will meet sale for your Cargo of Sea Otter Skins, as there is great reason to conclude that a considerable part of those hitherto Imported into this kingdom, have been exported from the Northern Ports to Japan, but as the Accounts we have of that kingdom render it very doubtful whether European Ships of any other Nation than the Dutch would be receiv'd into their Ports, I think it most eligible for you to proceed hence Direct to the Island of Tsusima1 (called also Tai-la-tao) that Island being represented, in Harris's Description 1An island in the channel of Korea, about i Korea, now Chosen. tidway between Japan and L AT MACAO 235 of Corea, as belonging to the Coreans and resorted to by the Japanese for the purpose of Trading with them: By proceeding Direct to Tsusima, should it prove that the Japanese and Coreans resort there, you will have an Opportunity of discovering whether your Cargo would be most Valuable at Japan or Corea and this consideration must determine you whether it will be most advisable, in the event of your not disposing of your Cargo there, to proceed to one of the Southern Ports of Corea, or to Jeddo the Capital of Japan. I mention Jeddo as the most eligible port in Japan for you to proceed to, because we have reason to conclude that the Dutch, who have for this last Century enjoyed the exclusive Privilege of trading to Japan, would probably counteract your negotiations at Nangasaque;1 and I do not imagine you could in any case be admitted into the latter port, without leave first obtain'd from the Capital.2 It is matter of doubt whether the Japanese will condescend to make any enquiries respecting you or forbid at once your stay in their ports; if the former should fortunately be the case, you will be particularly careful to make them sensible that your Ship and Crew are English, of the same Religion with the Dutch, should that be enquired, and that your arrival there is for the purpose of Obtaining permission to trade Annually to the Port of Nangasaque or any other belonging to Japan, that you have been upwards of two Years collecting your Cargo, and that your stay at Macao, was for the purpose of getting your vessel refitted. Under these circumstances I am sanguine in my expectations, that you will be receiv'd and permitted to dispose of your present Cargo under the same restrictions as the Dutch,3 for it seems certain that the last English Ship which arrived at Nangasaque was excluded the Port rather through the Intrigues and misrepresentations of the Dutch than aversion to the English; the time elapsed since gives fair reason to conclude that the prejudice, if not entirely worn off", must be considerably weaken'd, and it is reserved for you either to Confirm or Destroy it. The Delays which you have met from bad weather, since your arrival at this port have wasted a Month,4 in which I had hoped you would have perform'd a considerable part of your Voyage; but I still am of Opinion that you have sufficient time to accomplish everything that is necessary to ascertain respecting the Japanese, or in the event of disappointment with them, to endeavour at disposing of your Cargo near some of the Northern Ports of China, and Return hereafter, all in the course of November or December next. 1Nagasaki. 2Jeddo or Yedo. 3The Dutch "are hitherto the only people who have succeeded in retaining the favour of the Japanese; that is to say, they are permitted, under very mortifying restrictions, to carry on a trade between Batavia and Japan, consisting of their sending yearly only two small ships"' (Krusenstern's Voyage Round the World, London, 1813, vol. I, p. 290),. 4More than a month: May 30 to July 26. 236 THE COLNETT JOURNAL Isl Should you fortunately be admitted to trade in any of the Ports of Japan, you will not fail representing that you have the happiness to be the Subject of a Nation capable of supplying them with Woollens, Camblets,1 Tin, Lead, Iron, Steel, and every other article (Spice excepted) they obtain from the Dutch. You will also observe whether the Japanese make use of Clocks and watches; if so, from whence they have hitherto been supplied, and the particular kind best adapted to their use. You are furnished with some musters of Seal Skins, the Value of which you will be particular in ascertaining, and whether it is material that they should be supplied, Dress'd or undress'd. The musters are dress'd, in which state it is difficult to furnish them from hence, as we should be subject to the Chinese Import and Export Duty were they to be dress'd here. The articles you should procure in Exchange for your Cargo are either Gold or Silver. Copper at Japan would be desirable if bought at the price the Dutch are supplied at, but your Vessel is not of Sufficient Burthen to make it eligible for you to take it. If either Gold or Silver is to be o'btain'd, added to which should you return in Ballast, there will not be any necessity for the Vessel to go up to Canton by which the heavy Port Duties2 will be avoided. But although I recommend Gold and Silver to you as the only Commodities you should receive in Barter for your Cargo, you will notwithstanding procure musters of any articles proffered to you for trade in any part of Corea or Japan you touch at, and equally endeavour to attain a knowledge of what Articles would be eligible to be imported, in case of return, more especially those of British Manufacture. Should Woolens or Camblets be desirable be careful to ascertain the Colours, and Qualities most esteemed. The Value of Sea Otter Skins at Canton last season was 80D. for a Skin, you would esteem first sort;3 60 Dollars for the second; and for the 72 Skins (part of 96) which Don Martinez gave to Mess. Funter and Barnett I procured 4000 Dollars,4 the Americans reserved to themselves 24 for freight. Those Skins were collected at the Charlotte's Islands, and I mention them to you to give you an Idea of their quality for your guidance. You will Observe however that I do not from these Quotations mean to say that you should not take less in proportion for your Cargo; on the Camlet. 2A11 traders complain of the excessive port dues at Canton. Marchand {Voyage, London, 1801, vol. II, p. 96) estimated that they would amount to $6,000 on his ship La Solide; and Gray believed that on the sloop Washington, at least $4,500 would be levied. 3This is an exaggeration. Prices of sea-otter skins fell steadily from 1785. See a discussion of these prices in Dixon-Meares Controversy, by F. W. Howay (Toronto, 1929), pp. 15 ff., 30 ff., 76 ff., and 133 ff: 4These 96 skins, part of those taken from the seized ships, are mentioned in Meares's Memorial, and see Dixon-Meares Controversy, p. 81. The price obtained for the 72 skins was only $55.50 each. See, hereon, note 2, p. 229. AT MACAO 237 Contrary it will be more advisable in my Opinion to dispose of it even at the rate of 30 Dollars Per Skin,1 in preference to returning with them to this Place. It will not be proper to expose the whole Quantity of Skins you have for sale at once, but take out Musters of every Sort, which should be exhibited to the best advantage, and by being previously smoothed, Cleaned, and Brushed; for it may so happen that you may be enabled to dispose of a small part only at your first Port, and exhibiting the whole, would in every case tend to lessen their Value. After the mortifications and disappointments you have already experi- enc'd from the Capture of your Vessel by the Spaniards, it may be an additional circumstance of regret should disappointment and 111 fortune still pursue you. You must however console yourself by reflecting that no imputation rests against your Character or conduct for the Violence and depredations committed by the Spaniards, to which is to be imputed the sole cause of the failure of the Voyage you have perform'd. The Prohibition to the Importation of Sea Otter Skins into this Kingdom2 is an event which no Human Prudence could have foreseen, or guarded against the consequence of. And I hope, whatever may be the ultimate loss to your owners from this unexpected prohibition, that there is not an Individual among them but will rejoice should it become a means of opening a new branch of commerce to their Country; and you will have at least a satisfaction in reflecting that you was entrusted with the Command of the only British Vessel that has for this Century visited the Kingdom of Japan for the purpose of opening a trade upon honourable and liberal terms,3 and I am sanguine in expecting that the intercourse you will have with the Japanese or Coreans, or in any Ports hitherto unfrequented, will impress the Inhabitants with a favourable Opinion of Europeans in General, and Englishmen in Particular. I am aware that you will be involved in many difficult and embarrassing situations during the present Voyage, but a Cool, Reflecting, Deliberate, and Cautious conduct cannot fail removing every Obstacle that presents. From the Officers of the Japanese Government I do not conceive you have anything to apprehend that will affect the safety either of yourselves, Ship, or Cargo, but it will notwithstanding be necessary to proceed with Caution, and limit the numbers of Strangers that are to be admitted on board, suppose to ten at one time. xThis was about the prevailing price. 2"The Chinese had prohibited all ships having furs on board to enter the Port of Canton as they were at war w/th Russia and they supposed by stopping the fur trade they would injure that nation" (Ingraham, MS. Journal, December 1, 1791). 3In June, 1673, the British ship Return, of the East India Company, arrived at Nagasaki to re-open trade with Japan. After striving for a month to obtain such permission she was ordered to depart (Burney's Voyages in the South Sea, London, 1813, chap. xiv). I! hi 238 THE COLNETT JOURNAL You must also establish a very exact Discipline on board your Vessel, stationing every man and Officer; and by that means preventing alarm to the Strangers who come on board your Vessel; Crowding round them to satisfy an eager and impertinent Curiosity might give unfavourable Impressions. You will particularly attend to the disposal of your fire Arms; an improper use of them would involve the safety of all. Previous to your entering any Port after your departure from hence, I desire you will take into your own Charge such Spirituous Liquors or wine, that may be then on board, belonging to whoever it may, and entrust the disposal of it to those only, whose conduct and Sobriety you can answer for; English seamen are more addicted to intemperance in Liquor than any other set of men, and the Situation in which you will be placed requires your utmost consideration and attention to prevent mischief from an imprudent use of it; this may appear a hardship to the owners of the Liquor, but very little address is necessary to induce people to Combine for the general good. You will take an early Opportunity, after your departure from hence, of impressing on the minds of your officers the consequence and importance of the Object on which they are now employ'd. With the Chinese, Japanese, and Eastern Nations in general a regularity of Conduct, gravity of Deportment, Cleanliness, and Courteous Behaviour weigh more than can be readily conceiv'd or express'd, and it is your Duty by Example and precept to instil and enforce the Principles and practice of these several particulars. I desire that your Vessel should at all times be kept clear, and Clean as possible by continual Washing; the nature of your Cargo is such as enables you to attend to these particulars; in Short, I request that your every thought be directed to the means of establishing a favourable opinion of European manners and Customs in general. The Chinese who accompanies you has already made one Voyage to Nangasaque. He speaks Portuguese, which my Brother who I recommend to your particular Friendship and attention, will interpret to you. I have been induced to permit his accompanying you this Voyage from a Conviction that he will notwithstanding his Youth and inexperience be useful to you in many respects; and I request you will at all times impart to him your intentions and proceedings as you will find him prudent and deserving your Confidence. You will in course of your Voyage acquire much information from the Chinese. The watchfulness of the inferior Mandarins, on every Individual coming into or going out of my house, has prevented my acquiring all the Information he is capable of giving, but I am satisfied he will be eminently useful and Serviceable, as well from his experience at Japan, as his knowledge of the Language and trade of the Chinese in the Northern Ports. I recommend you occasionally perusing such Voyages in Harris's collection as afford any Information respecting Japan, and Corea. Comte AT MACAO 239 Reggerwin, Saris's and William Adams1 contain remarks worth your notice, as also the Account of the Kingdom of Corea. You will on your return Anchor in Lark's Bay2 sending up some trusty person with a letter address'd to me or Mr. Cox3 at this Place, or should we both be at Canton Mr. M'intire4 will forward your letters to us there, and you will be cautious in furnishing the Public with any Account whatever of your Voyage until it shall be thought proper to disclose the Particulars. I wish you Health, Happiness, and a safe Return, being Sir, Your Obedient Servant Daniel Beal for self and owners of the Argonaut. Macao, 25 July, 1791 P-S.—You will also keep an exact Diary of your Transactions, together with a Log while at Sea to be deliver'd your owners on your return. I lay at Anchor all this day and following night; next day at 6 A.M., July 26, weigh'd with wind at S.W., pass'd to the South of the Isle Patoe, and to the North the Ladrone, Asses Ears, and Lema to Sea. Remarks on the Voyage from China to the Coast of Japan and Corea and Return to Chusan in the N. Part of China At 7 A.M. July 27th found ourselves abreast Pedro Blanco having partook of an Extraordinary Current setting to the Northward and Eastward; haul'd in for the Land at Noon, very hazy, no Observation. Latitude, P. Account 22° 30' Longitude 244° 45' W. winds Variable, dark Cloudy weather and Lightning to the South Westward. ^acob Roggewein commanded a Dutch expedition of three ships around the world in 1721-2. Saris was, in 1613, the first British captain to make a voyage to Japan; he secured privileges of which, however, the British took no advantage. William Adams, the English pilot of the expedition known as "The Five Ships of Rotterdam," visited Japan in 1600; he secured concessions for both Dutch and English but the latter allowed theirs to lapse. See Burney's Voyages in the South Sea. 2Lark's bay, a small harbour three or four leagues from Macao, much frequented by small vessels from the North West Coast of America. "The object," says Delano {Voyages, Boston, 1817), "was to save the payment of duties on their cargoes, as the bay was out of the reach of Chinese authority at that time." 3John Henry Cox was a prominent man in the maritime fur-trade. He died on October 5, 1791, before the return of the Argonaut. 4John Mclntyre, a prominent merchant, long resident at Macao, and financially interested in the fur-trade. ¥11 . .■ <p 'in OmW 240 THE COLNETT JOURNAL Willi! Thursday July 28th, 1791 P.M. for a Short time Squally with Showers of Rain, wind Inclining to the Northward and Eastward; Lightning thro' the night, Light airs of wind Variable from N. to E. and Smooth water. A. M. Light winds and Variable; at Noon Land covered with haze, found the Current setting strong to the Northward and Eastward, Latitude 22° 40' Longitude 115° 45' E. Soundings, 21 fathoms. Friday July 29th, 1791 Light Breezes and Hazy throughout, winds from N.W. to S.W. Soundings from 17 to 21 fathom, Strong Current as Yesterday, distant from the Shore 5 Leagues, Latitude 23° 4' N. Longitude 117° 00' E. Saturday July 30, 1791 P.M. purchas'd fish out of a China Boat for Rice; at Sunset half the Crew falling Sick, put the Vessel under an easy sail for the Night. Sounding from 8 in the Evening till five in the Morning, Steering N.E. by E. from 16 to 22 fathoms; at Daylight pass'd within 2 Miles of two Barren Rocks, sounding, which with Breakers, laying N.W. and S.E. of each other distant as under 4 or 5 Miles and may be from the Main 4 or [5] Leagues; the East- most was the Largest. Throughout the Day the Land so observed in the Haze as to make it impossible to determine any one Point; winds in the S.S.W., a Swell from the Southward. Current setting strong to the Eastward and Northward. Latitude Observed 23° 58' N. Longitude 119° 10' E. Sunday July 31 All this day a fresh Breeze from the S.W. Quarter and much swell; at 2 P.M. saw the Isle Nantinasu N.W. 3 Leagues, Soundings from 25 to 33 fathoms; at 8 A.M. saw the Isle Biras N.JW. Distant 3 or 4 Miles Latitude Observed at Noon 25° 47' N. Thick hazy weather and a Current setting to the Northward, Longitude 120° 55' E. [of] London. Monday August 1st Moderate winds and hazy with fine smooth water; winds throughout in the S.W. Quarter; at 5 P.M., saw the Isle Battoes N.W. by W., 2 Miles, Var. 1° 00' E. At Noon so hazy could not see the land. Latitude Observed 27° 28' N. Longitude in 121° 50'. Several fishing boats around and one large Junk in sight. Current strong to the Northward. Tuesday August 2nd Light Breezes, hazy and smooth water throughout; frequently passed thro' large ripplings and streams of Current; saw a large Quantity of Driftwood, Bamboo, and Sea weed. Soundings from 19 to 23 fathoms; many fishing Boats around. Winds for these 24hrs. in the S.E. Quarter. Latitude Observed at Noon 28° 41' N. Longitude 122° 30' E. Land Obscured by the Haze. J II AT MACAO 241 Wednesday August 3rd P.M. saw several Isles bearing from N.N.W.fW. to N.JE. distant 5 or 6 Leagues; at 6 saw Isles we took for the Oeyso Isles; bearing west 3 Miles; at 7 a head Land which we took for Cape Averalles N.W. by N. about 3 Leagues; at Noon Latitude 29° 52' N. Sounded 33 fathoms, Land covered with the Haze, great Quantity of Drift wood passed these last 24Hrs. Variation 2° 2' and a Strong Current setting to the N.W. Longitude in 123° 45' E. Thursday August the 4th Winds mostly in the N.E. Quarter, weather throughout pleasant and fair; at 5 A.M. Saw an Isle with a Sugar loaf peak bearing W. which I took to be one of the Chusan Isles with several small Rocks to the N.W. of it. Latitude Observed 30° 08'. Longitude 124° 30'. Variation 2° 10' E. a Strong Current setting to the Northward and Eastward. Soundings these 24 hours, 34 fathoms. Friday August 5th First part Moderate and Cloudy, Middle little wind and Dark Gloomy weather, latter fresh Breezes, winds from the N.E. by N. to N.W. by W., Longitude Observed 124° 18' E. Soundings throughout from 30 to 37 fathoms. Longitude per Acct. at Noon 124° 55'. Latitude Observed, 31° 19' N. Variation 1° 17' E. iff i/S Saturday August 6th Fine pleasant weather throughout; at 3 P.M. Struck Soundings at 25 fathoms; on the N. end of the Mother Bank perceived the Colour of the water much changed, remainder part of the 24 hours Soundings from 27 to 32 fathoms. Latitude Observed 31° 19' N. Longitude in 125° 27', winds throughout in the N.W. Quarter. Course between the N. and N.N.E. Sunday August 7 Light Breezes and pleasant weather throughout P.M. Longitude Observed 125° 19' E. Soundings throughout 25 fathoms; Course Steered N.N.E., winds at W.S.W., Latitude in at Noon 31° 57', Longitude in 125° 45' E.; saw a Dolphin and Albatross, Monday August 8th Weather Variable, wind in S.S.W. Quarter. Course N.N.E. Soundings throughout from 29 to 31 fathoms P.M. Longitude Observed 126° 25', Latitude Observed 32° 47' No., Longitude in 126° 10' E. Rift, I'ni CHAPTER XIII REMARKS ON THE VOYAGE FROM CHINA TO THE COAST OF JAPAN AND COREA AND RETURN TO CHUSAN Thursday [Tuesday] August 9th. \X7INDS and weather Variable, mostly Strong Breezes; at 9 P.M. Shortened Sail being in the Latitude of the Quel- paert;1 at Midnight hove too; at Daylight saw two small Isles of a Moderate height Bearing E.N.E. distance about 4 Leagues. Stood within a Mile of them but finding they noways answer'd the Description of the Grand Quelpaert, being now in the Latitude 33° 09' N., Longitude 127° 25' and as the wind was Southerly and threatening weather and very little distance to be seen, I di'd not think proper as circumstanc'd with wind and weather to search any further for it at this time, but refer'd it to my Return; for had I found it, as the wind, was, according to the Description I must have Anchored on the South side where it would have been impossible to have rode at Anchors. At 6 P.M. the 10th, having ran by every Calculation I could allow my full distance of the Quelpaert I haul'd to the Northward till midnight. Itth en Blowing a Strong gale, Close reef'd the Topsails and hove to; Vessel Labour'd much, making two foot of water an hour. After taking our departure from the Isles suppos'd to be the Quelpaert having a fresh of wind from S.S.W. I did not heave to to Sound, till 7 P.M. the 11th. Found our water had then deepen'd to 75 fathoms and at Midnight Shoaled to 60. At this time having over ran my Distance by the Chart, at 2 o'Clock when the moon set, hove to. At day light, saw the Gotto Isles2 bearing from 2Quelpart island, Saishu To, lies in about Latitude 33 N., and Longitude 127 E. near the southern part of Korea (Chosen) and the entrance to Korea strait. It forms part of the Japanese Empire. Mount Auckland, a volcanic peak on this island, rises 6,500 feet. 2Goto islands (Goto Retto) near the entrance to Nagasaki. 242 i ■IB '/if HP itm mm Three views of the west coast of Japan in the vicinity of Cape Bero. ^Tsushima in the Strait of Korea, now Chosen Kaikyo. The port he was seeking: on the island of Tsushima as directed by his instructions. Tsushima has two harbours: Koyuyannoura on the northern side and Oura on the southern. 1 I 1 JAPAN, COREA, AND CHUSAN 243 N.E. by N. to S. by W.|W.; the nearest land abreast E.S.E. 3 Leagues. The Shore had no very favourable appearance in this part, the Land of a very Moderate height which it kept as we stood along to the Northward nearly in N.E. direction. At Noon our Latitude 34° 07' which was far to the Northward of our Calculation. At this time might be distant from what I took for Cape Bero 8 or 9 Leagues it bearing South, the Extreme of the Isles from S. by E.| E. to S.W., and a large Isle Bore N.W. | W., a Sugar loaf Rock N.E. | E. 8 or 9 Miles. At first as I could not account for my Situation by my Chart. I had some thoughts of getting to Anchor Behind some Isles that form the Cape where was a large Village, and there to have procured a pilot for the remaining part of my Voyage, or dispose of part of my Cargo; several Vessels came out of this Bight, and stood to the Southward but none to us. The wind Baffled me as I stood in Shore; I alter'd my intention, and made a fair wind of it to the Eastward. In our route several Isles appear'd not mark'd in the Chart I got of their Coast, and the Situation of the Coast differ'd in a great degree. I must refer to the Chart I have annex'd which I have endeavoured to be as correct in as Possible according to the Opportunities I had; but I do not give it as in every degree true, but only as things appear'd to me. Soundings as we stood across from 33 fathoms to 30. At 9 P.M. Brought to with the Coasting Anchor in 30 fathoms. At Daylight weighed, many Vessels about us. Brought to, for one we thought intended to speak us, but it was not so; for all our entreaties by signs though pass'd within their own length, could not get them to wait, and had only come that near to Satisfy their Curiosity. I made sail still standing on to the Eastward, and as hauling round some Isles Observing a great number of Trading Vessels passing to the Eastward, I came to Anchor. Hoisted out the Boat with a view to learn of them, which side of the Isle Susima the Port lay on,1 as I conjectured they were all Bound there, but none of them would permit the Boat on board, and by the numberless signs they made, it was Impossible to Conjecture their meaning. Some pointed to Nangasacki, some one way, and some another, Iff ill II 244 THE COLNETT JOURNAL and our Interpreter did not understand a word of their Language. My Patience being Exhausted I ran down along shore till I got off a large Town Situated at the Mouth of a Barr'd harbour or River. Here I anchored in 13 fathoms 5 or 6 Miles from the Shore, hoisted out the Boat, and sent her to Land which the Guard Boats prevented, nor would they give them any Information, or hold any intercourse, but like the People in the Boats called out Curre- Curre, at the same time making signs for them to depart (This word "Curre-Curre" I do not understand as some of the navigators that have visited the southern part of Japan have done, I rather think it's a word they learnt while the Portuguese and Spaniards resided amongst them: Corrier to go or make haste), Threat'ning by signs if they attempted to Land, or if they and Vessel did not go away would cut our heads off. I determin'd to wait till the morning Saturday the 13th, in hopes by that time their minds might alter. At day light I had great hopes it was so, on observing a Boat pulling towards the Vessel; but was soon undeceived for coming as near as to observe their signs, and they ours, they anchor'd and began taking all the pains they Could to Desire us to go away, which I now determin'd on. This Town and River are situated in Latitude 34° 05' Longitude 130° 33'E. It appear'd to have two Branches close round the Entrance of the River: one turning short round to the Eastward, the other to the Westward, in the Mouth of which were several small Vessels; and on the West side of the River, at the Entrance, was a Number of small Boats, which I took for fishing Boats, haul'd up on the Beach. The Town had rather a mean Appearance, the Houses mostly thatch'd, and mud Walls except a few Houses of the Better sort, which were stone or white wash'd. The Country around had several detach'd Buildings well built; and at a small distance a Grove of Trees in a Circular form, much the same as the Mories1 of the Sandwich Islands, which was pleasant to the Eye. The Ground appeared Cultivated in every part, with many ranges of trees in irregular lines, which I conjectured were division of Property, or to keep the Cattle out of particular Grounds. As no signs xThe morais of New Zealand—the heiaus of Hawaii. The word means temples or places of worship. Captain Cook applied the Maori word to these places in Hawaii; hence the confusion. ~n III Three sketches of Cape Bero on the west coast of Japa: I -.j m I JAPAN, COREA, AND CHUSAN 245 would prevail on the Boats to come on board, nor procure from the Inhabitants any information, I weigh'd and Stood away to the Eastwards in the same direction I had seen such numbers of their Country Boats go, and at this time several were going. They led me into less than 3 fathoms water and a very narrow Channel formed by Isles, that led into a deep Bight; and as I went in with a large wind, and not having room to haul out either way, or even bring the Ship's head to, to the wind, I was obliged to let go the anchor all Standing, and send my Boat to sound the Passage out. Could fine none, but the one we came in by, Latitude at this time 34° 05' Longitude 130° 34'. At 5 o'Clock August the 14th weighed and Beat out with the tide. At 10 the tide having done, Anchored in 20 fathoms. At Midnight the 15th, with a Slant of wind I got out of this disagreeable Situation, and stood away to the Northward. While I lay in this Bight, several Boats came around us, one advancing nearer than others had done and remaining for some considerable time. I sent the Jolly Boat with two hands and an officer, to see if they could entice them on board. They instantly took to their oars and with one wave as if a final adieu pull'd with the greatest haste for the Shore (for further circumstances while we lay in this Bight I refer to the Log).1 I was in hopes the North point I saw was the Isle I was in search of. I reach'd this Point at Daylight, 16th August, saw number of Junks standing in all Points of the Compass which I had not seen before, which gave me hopes I was nigh some capital aExtract from the Argonaut's log, referred to in the text: August 12, 1791. "Hoisted out the Jolly Boat; sent her away with Mr. Beal, the interpreter, and second mate to board some of the vessels for intelligence of a Harbour. After speaking to the first, which returned them no answer, the boat returned—the interpreter nor any person understanding their language— nor would they permit the Boat to Board them, From their signals it was conjectured they thought us Dutch, as they pointed towards Nangasaki. Weighed and stood to the Eastward, following a great number of vessels mostly laden with billet wood. August 13, 1791. "... The Jolly Boat with Mr. Beal and the second mate attempted to land; but at the distance of \ a mile from the shore were met by 3 boats and threatened with the loss of their heads if they advanced any farther. A boat came from the shore and its five men lay on their oars about \ a mile from the vessel. Could not prevail on them by signs to come aboard, and all we could understand by their signs was to depart from their coasts." nil 246 THE COLNETT JOURNAL port of Trade. But I found by the tending of the Coast this was not the Isle as described to me, and no sight of the Coast of Corea, which by my Chart I should have seen, and I was also to the Northward and Eastward of Tui-latos1 and seeing nothing that bore the smallest resemblance to it, I again follow'd a small squadron of Junks, but they far out sail'd me, and keeping farther to the Northward than I intended. At Noon I left the Pursuit and Haul'd in for the Land, Latitude 34° 43' Longitude 130° 54' E. I stood along Shore which form'd a deep bight, with many Isles in, and I believe a Channel thro' to where I was near aground to the Southward. In the Evening I got sight of a large Village But could not fetch it; stood off and on all night. In the morning the Current had set me Considerably to the Northward, and I was further Off than the night before; by the Evening I got well in. Saw great number of Junks in the Bight, standing in all points of the Compass. It falling Calm I anchor'd, and sent the Jolly Boat with the same party as before, to board one of them. In the Course of this afternoon, saw a Model of a Junk on the water, sent and fetched it on board. It had a paper on the mast with many Characters on, which, our Chinaman inform'd me, signified there was a rich Country to the Eastward, and that this was an offering to Joss, for the safe return of a Vessel, that had been there. He desired I would not keep it, as two Boats were watching us. I added to it a Chop signifying who we were, both in Chinese and English, and also put into it several pieces of small articles, we had on board. The officer informed me he had learnt on board the Junk, by signs, and also the Chinese pretended to understand very well, that they had Just left Tui'la tos, and that it lay to the Northeastward, and on the return of the Boat had been nearly cut off. At Daylight I weigh'd and stood to the Northward knowing if it lay in that direction I must see it by sunset, which was not the case, and I was perfectly convinc'd now, that no one had rightly Understood them. I return'd again determin'd to Anchor, at the first Port I could make. At daylight was surrounded by Fishermen. I tried every method to entice them on board, but in vain. They 1A name applied in his instructions to the island of Tsushima. This island divides the Strait of Korea into two channels. On May 27-8, 1905, in the main channel, the Japanese under Admiral Togo annihilated the Russian Baltic fleet. iW in ; " It Irf , 1 j\. * KiSS 1 N\ /^ X" \ \ °c" PI 1 &fe \ A ' fflffipp t i - *« \ IP? '• / I Pi / Ill " P 1 - k* , • »—i— ti 1 m JAPAN, COREA, AND CHUSAN 247 gave me great hopes by pointing to a Village I was standing in for, and not appearing so shy, as all I had before seen. As I drew near the Village, discovered an opening which promis'd a Harbour, form'd by an isle. This Inlet I push'd for; but when near the mouth of it a number of Boats came out, and among the rest, two arm'd ones who insisted on my Immediately going to sea. One of the arm'd Boats lay me athwart hawse,1 as if to cut my Cables If I attempted to anchor; the other remain'd along side, and another lay to at a small distance which I took to be arm'd also. I wore as desired, and requested them to let me Anchor. At that time there was 46 fathoms water and a very small distance from the Shore. I informed them by signs I wanted water, and they Supplied me immediately with what they had in their Boats. But to my other entreaties shut their Eyes and Stopt their Ears, by which I understood their Orders were to be both deaf and Blind, to all I could say. At this time falling Calm, the Vessel within half a mile of the Rocks, and driving fast toward them, they forbid me on pain of losing my head to let go my anchor. Being a matter of necessity, I consulted my own safety which I endeavoured to explain, and order'd the Anchor to be let go. They appear'd Satisfied after it was done, , and return'd to the Shore under pretence of bringing me more water. I thought at this time I had got the Better of the Mandareens, and that I should receive some favour or Countenance from them as I had presented two of them with a Piece of sea Otter Skin each, and the women and children, that Curiosity had brought off, had apparent Content in their Countenance, but few stay'd with us after the Anchor was gone, and but a few buckets of water were brought. In the Course of the afternoon numbers of People on a Beach astern of the Vessel call'd my attention. Looking with a Glass I saw many hundreds Employ'd, piling stones. The dress of men and women are the same as the Chinese women. Their Rowing boats much larger than the Chinese Rowing Boats, and more like the Norway Yawl, but inside have every Convenience for Cooking the Chinese have, but no Covering. Their Large sailing Vessels have only one mast, which they use in Common with a Lug sail of Cotton, which are Bonnetted together in Cloths Vertically; each Cloth having a Bridle, which is made fast to one 1Across the stem of the Argonaut. 248 THE COLNETT JOURNAL II Sheet, that the sail appears like a Purse at the Foot. ' The large Vessels have a house on the Deck Thatch'd. All their weather work, both in the small and Larger Vessels where the Joints are, is Copper'd and it was great astonishment to them to see our Copper Bottom. It continued Calm till Sunset, when a very light air Sprung up off the Land, by which Opportunity I weigh'd and made sail. Prior to this I had Observed a Detachment of Boats dispatch'd to Seaward. At this time several Alongside, and many full of men Coming Off from the Shore. As I had every reason to Expect their Intentions were hostile, I fired a Musquet on the Off side from all of them, and desired them along side to leave the Vessel, which they reluctantly did. This did not stop the progress of those coming from the Shore, altho' those that quitted the Vessel spoke them. On this I order'd a Three Pounder to be fired which stag- ger'd them a little, and they lay on their oars, then form'd a regular- line a breast, in three divisions, each carrying a Lanthorn; one Lanthorn in Each Division much bigger than the rest, which I took to be the Mandareen's Boat. Lights at this Instant of time were shewn from upwards of a hundred Boats that lay near the Shore, all also in Divisions. There was a fleet also at sea that sail'd when we anchor'd first. Those I have no doubt were to watch us also, for they shew'd their lights in the same manner, and form'd a Division by themselves. I could have cut those off, But as I had received no Violence from them I was cautious of offering any; but I am perfectly convinc'd those people's Meanings were not good toward us. I now thought of Touching at Langasaki,1 a Port the Chinese was formerly admitted to, it Lays in Latitude [blank], and at this time must have been in sight. But the S.W. Monsoon being spent and the winds Variable, mostly to the Northeastward with very irregular Currents, and having been at 1For more than two centuries Nagasaki was the only gate of communication with the outside world. On an island in its harbour the Dutch factory was located from 1637 to 1859; and at Nagasaki the Chinese were permitted to carry on a restricted trade. Langasaki may be Megasaki, a port near Nagasaki, where Langsdorff in his unsuccessful effort to obtain entry for the Russians into Japan, in 1805, lay for several months. See LangsdorfFs Travels (Carlisle, 1817), pp. 236-7, 252. After 1638 the Dutch were entitled to send two vessels and the Chinese ten annually to specified ports in Japan. JAPAN, COREA, AND CHUSAN 249 m Anchor at Six different places on the Coast of Japan,1 without any prospect of Communication or Trade with the Natives, but by force of Arms which in my present situation, man'd and arm'd as I was, I did not think proper to attempt, but to make one effort more to open a new commerce by trying the Coast of Corea, and from thence search for Tuilatos, on that side on my Passage home, and so to Quipeart. On the 25th August I made the Land of Corea in Latitude 35° 04' N., Longitude 128° 45' E. The Natives receiv'd me with open Arms, without the smallest dread or apprehension, coming on board without the smallest hesitation, shewing me a point of Land, which they assured me was a harbour, desiring me to hand my sails, and give them my Tow rope. My interpreter did not understand a word of these people's Language. The over officious behaviour of these people put me on my guard, and looking with every attention where they pointed and Seeing no Inlet, made me suspicious and the Signals they were making frequently to the Shore increas'd it, from the numbers I saw minutely gathering; and the Bustle they seem'd to be in Barricading their Houses with Bushes. At one time observing them Quick in making signals to each other and altho' I had just sounded in 29 fathoms, I order'd the hand lead to be hove, when to my Surprise found myself in 3 fathoms, on the Top of a Rock. I haul'd off with the greatest precipitation which greatly surprised them, for they did not observe the man in the Chains, he being on the Opposite side. They then attempted to take the Helm from the 2nd mate. This treatment I bore hoping all was meant well, and that it was only a misunderstanding and their anxiety to get us into port. To prove this, I made them understand there was not water enough for us where they pointed, and I wish'd to send ahead in one of their Boats to sound the way they requested the ship to go. The Gunner and 3rd Mate were order'd, but the Boat put off with only the Gunner and the lead line. For that purpose we stood on a little farther, when my suspicions increas'd; before this the Boats far outsailed me with the sail I was carrying, and till this kept constantly ahead, now they had my man in Lagg'd aStern. I order'd the man at the helm to steer more off the Land, on which they were going to seize the helm from him by force, but xColnett's route from August 11 to 30 is shown on the maps at pp.' 239, 242, and 246. II 250 THE COLNETT JOURNAL being oppos'd order'd a boat along side, that my man was not in, which I conjectured was to assist them to make their escape, and take my man with them, which I endeavour'd to prevent them from doing; but they sprang from them that were holding them overboard, and the one I had hold of had like to have taken me with him, and got into their Boats. Our arms being at hand and Shewn them if their intentions were to go off with my man, it brought them under the stern and they let him get on board, then PulPd off to a small distance and lay to, as if deliberating what to do, and pull'd on shore. I came to an anchor in the afternoon and lay till 4 o'Clock, when they came off again, I believe to attack us, but it blew very fresh, which I think prevented them; but one boat coming nearer than the rest and threatening to beat our brains out with a Club—I order'd a musquet to be fired over them, but my orders were Exceeded whether intentionally I cannot say, and the boat was fired thro', and I am apprehensive one man wounded. This alarm'd them full as much as ever I saw Indians in my life, and they all left me. I weighed and stood on to the Northward. In the Evening some appearance of Broken Land which promised a Port. I stood off to sea for the night. Next day, thick weather, and light winds. Did not get hold of the Land, till late in the Evening, and then too late to Anchor. Saw one or two sail with a Lug matt, hull like a Maley proa1 and their small Boats like those of China. At this Time it Threatened a Gale of wind, which soon follow'd. I stood to the Northward, thick weather and heavy confus'd sea. Great Quantity of Birds were seen all next Day. At 5 in the Evening there under the foresail on our lee Beam distant about 2 Miles was discover'd a tremendous and perpendicular Rock; the Topsails, were set close reef'd and the winds providentially favoured us. At this time with great Difficulty cleared it. At eleven that night a heavy sea struck the Rudder, broke two of the Gudgeons, unshipped it, and broke it in two. My Voyage on this Coast was intirely done with. To seek a Port among such unhospitable people I look'd on as a forlorn hope, giving myself and Vessel up a prey xThe double-ended, fast-sailing vessel of the Malays, having a flat lee side, and outrigger. Their speed rendered them most dangerous as piratical craft. "Lug matt" means a lug-sail made out of native matting. JAPAN, COREA, AND CHUSAN 251 to people little better than Savages, which made me determine, as soon as I could get a Machine to steer with, as the N.E. monsoon was set in, to make for the Isle of Chusan.1 Next morn got a sweep rigg'd out of a spare fore yard.2 At Noon our Latitude was 37° 42'. Got sight of the Land by 3 P.M. and bore away. Found great difficulty in reaching China, being much favour'd by Providence the wind as I alter'd my Course always favour'd me, though little better than a Gale of wind the whole way; Vessel making much water and in spite of all our endeavours Would for Leagues go her own way. We reach'd off Chusan September 6th, but could not fetch the proper entrance. Anchor'd for the night off a Bank. Weigh'd again with the first flood and slant of wind and stood in among a number of Isles. The wind failing me, was obliged to Come to,.and what was singular, the depth of water 50 fathoms, the water having deepen'd as we drew in with the Land, and it appear'd to us as we ran down the Coast where we first Anchored that the Coast is bound by a Bank. *In China, southward of Shanghai. 2The machine to steer with, referred to in the preceding sentence: a jury- rudder. ill Wkffil I CHAPTER XIV REMARKS AT CHUSAN [September 8th, 1791] T IGHT Breezes and Cloudy throughout. At 4 P.M. the China "^ Interpreter Per his own request went to Chusan in a Chinese Boat for Intelligence from the Mandarines relative to the Vessel's entrance into Port, and to set forth our distress'd state. During our Stay at Anchor were visited continually by fishermen and Inferior Manderins who brought us a little water and other trifling refreshments which they were paid for. Winds for these last 24 hours in the Northeast quarter. Friday September 9th, 1791 First and Middle parts weather as Yesterday. Curiosity brought great numbers to the Vessel which became very troublesome. P.M. Dark, Cloudy weather with some small rain; the wind in a Squall haul'd to the Eastward. Several of the Inhabitants offer'd to Pilot us to Chusan, but as soon as agreed for price left us. Came on board an under Manderin and brought the following Presents: Two Jars of wine, Three or four dishes of Cakes, ten fowls, two wax Candles, and several small articles, ceremony for an Offering for our safe Arrival. In return he was presented with two pieces of Otter Skins. The tide now serving we began to heave up; he left us well satisfied. Weigh'd and stood to the North, Steering N.by W. Passed thro' several narrow Channels between Isles where a rapid and irregular tide ran, which set us continually first one way, and then another and no bottom with 50 fathoms line out. On the Eastern Shore saw a Commodious Bay within two small Rocks or Isles and may be distant from where we weigh'd 6 or 7 Miles, not able to fetch into it from the rapid tide that ran. But learnt from a man, procured here as a Pilot, for the Gratuity of 11 Dollars, that in the Bay was only 7 fathoms water. By 9 o'Clock owing to 252 REMARKS AT CHUSAN 253 xThe jury-rudder which he had made from a spare spar after the accident on the night of August 29, see map, p. 250. 2Ning-po, one of the treaty ports, is about sixteen miles from the mouth of the Takia (Ning-po) river, and about one hundred miles from Shanghai. 3A young brother of Daniel Beal, one of the partners in the venture. He was, probably, supercargo or clerk on the Argonaut. *The largest of the islands in the Chusan archipelago, near Ning-po. On it is situated the City of Chusan described in the next chapter. m i several sets of tides and a Bad Machine for steering1 we were set too far to the westward to fetch Chusan and being within the Ship's length of the Eastern Shore in the Passage up to Nimpo,2 Let go the Anchor in 36 fathoms and veered out 15 fathoms Cable. At Midnight turn of tide hove up, and Drop'd further off Shore, and Anchor'd in 32 fathoms. The narrow passage we came thro' from where we weighed Yesterday S. by E.f E., the Point anchor'd off Last night distant 2 Miles, Channel to Chusan [blank]. A.fyL, light airs and Changeable weather. At 1 Return'd the Chinaman with a man he called a Merchant, order'd the Pilot out of the Ship, and told number of confused Stories—the only one Clearly to be understood was, that a Body of Mandarins were coming, and left the Vessel to accompany them. I got everything prepared to receive them. By Noon they came with numberless attendants, Streamers flying, Gongs and Trumpets, &c, playing, and with all the parade it was possible to make. I receiv'd them with every mark of politeness I was master of, which they return'd in a very Stiff manner. Mr. Beal3 understanding a little of the China Language and understanding a great deal of their manners and Customs, they address'd themselves mostly to him, and thro' him and my Chinaman all Questions were answer'd, which were numberless. A Breeze of wind springing up Southerly, mandareens order'd me to weigh and they would take charge of the Vessel to Chusan to repair my Damages, which I instantly did, when five Boats were order'd to take the Vessel in Tow. Latitude by Indifferent Observation, the Horizon being on with the land from where we weighed, was 30° 22', winds from E.N.E. to S.E. Saturday September 10th. First part, Light breezes from the Southward and Eastward. At 4 P.M. anchor'd aBreast Chusan4 within half a Mile of the Shore, L 254 THE COLNETT JOURNAL in 4 fathoms water, with the Coasting Anchor. Found riding here and haul'd on the mud 40 Sail of Junks from 300 to 90 Tons, and a number of small Craft. This day's navigation gave me great uneasiness from the great number of Manderins' Boats and others that hung round us, and being without a rudder it was with the greatest difficulty that the Vessel with the Machine she had, and assistance of the sails, could be steer'd Clear of the Rocks and Shores, frequently being within her own Length of Both, and till in a very alarming Situation the Mandarines with all my entreaties would not be prevail'd on, to order the Boats off, nor when within half Cable's1 Length off the Shore of Chusan would consent to letting go the Anchor, intending to run me on the mud as they do their own Vessels. But I consulted the safety of the Vessel, as we were of a very rank keel,2 and order'd the anchor to be let go. My reason for so doing being properly explain'd to them, they appear'd perfectly satisfied and went on shore. Several mandarins Visited us in Course of the Evening. All endeavour'd to persuade us they were concern'd about the safety of the Vessel. At 8 at Night left us. From our anchoring berth, the Grand Joss house3 on the hill bore E. \ N., the point we came in by S.W. by S. Receiv'd as a present a leg of fresh Pork, two fowls, a Basket of Cakes, and a Jar of Mandarin wine. During the night light Breezes and Clear pleasant weather. Kept a Quarter watch. The Behaviour of the Mandarins very Suspicious. In the morning went on shore Per order of the Grand Mandarin to answer to him my reasons for coming to this port. On my landing with my Chinese Interpreter, I was order'd to a Joss house where two Mandarins were seated. One had visited us, the other had not. They rose and received me very formally and order'd me farther on. I proceeded into the middle of the Joss house where I was surrounded by near two Thousand people; all crowded on me as near as the space would admit, which might be about 4 foot square. In this situation continued for the space of half an hour, during which time I suffer'd *A cable's length then was one hundred and twenty fathoms; but it is now one hundred fathoms. 2She would therefore list badly after the tide receded. This is the first time that Colnett has mentioned this fact, though she had been aground at Nootka on this voyage. 3A Chinese temple. REMARKS AT CHUSAN 255 a similar treatment a Curiosity (as I was to them) would have done among the lower Class in my own country. This I believe was done to try my Patience and fortitude, and the Mandarins I passed learning it was nearly exhausted sent for me. A Chair was immediately order'd for myself and Interpreter and tea served all round; not the smallest notice taken on either side of the awkward situation I had been placed in, but through my interpreter a polite Conversation was entered into on different subjects; but myself talking bad Portuguese and my Interpreter no English I am apprehensive my Conversation was badly explain'd. After some time the rudeness of their Countrymen was mention'd by them, which they endeavour'd to Apologize for, requesting I would think nothing of it, but lay the Blame on their Curiosity to see an Englishman. Notice was now given of the approach of the Grand Mandarin. I was order'd to go and meet him. The Mandarins I had been in Company with, turn'd me over to my Pilot, Interpreter, and a Soldier, whose direction I was obliged to follow. I did not find myself very comfortable at this time and would have gone on board; but to return was impossible from the Crowd that foliow'd me, all making way for me to go on; but as I seemed to do it with much reluctance to Shorten the distance I had to walk, I was ushered into a Warehouse full of about 50 forty Gallon Tubs, and all appeared to be full of Stinking water, and by the Long Faces the Chinamen were making I began to have my doubts whether I was not to undergo some ceremony here (I afterwards learnt those tubs were full of salt fish). I was presented with a dish of tea and had no sooner swallowed it when the noise of the Gongs and Trumpets pronounced the Mandarin was nigh. My Guard order'd me into the Street and I was placed in the Centre of a number of merchants who were rank'd on each side to pay homage to this great man as he pass'd. When he came abreast of me his chair was set down, and the Pilot and my Interpreter order'd with their Faces to the Earth to answer Questions, which he put to them. I was order'd to do the same, but refused saying it was not the Custom of my Country, on which in an angry tone he order'd his troop and attendants to proceed, and me to follow him, which I did, not so quick as I wish'd, but the Crowd push'd me forward which kept m II It 256 THE COLNETT JOURNAL me on a Dog trot till we reach'd the Hippo.1 He then got into his Judgement seat, amongst a number of Mandarins who all sat to the left of him. I was order'd to face him, my Pilot and Chinese interpreter to [go] down on their face, to my right. He put numberless Questions to me thro' my Interpreter, the Chinese I brought from Macao, but as this business now became very serious, I desired my interpreter to tell them the truth, that I understood and spoke Portuguese very Bad, and he understanding no English, that they had better send for a man they had among them, that understood English very well, and I would tell the truth of my Story. This he Objected to, and with a savage countenance and loud and angry tone, he insisted my answering him immediately myself. On which I repeated in his own language, which I had learnt since among them, Potong wa: I do not understand. The ill-made little animal which was picturesque of his disposition rose in a Violent Passion and ordered me, all his mandarins with attendants and soldiers on board my vessel. Many of the Common Soldiers forc'd themselves into my Boat, but being only a Jolly Boat, I refused leaving the Shore with one of them. Going off I enquired of my interpreter what they were going to do: learnt to break open every package and Cask on board. I got on board before any of them and Consulted Mr. Beal and Officers what was best to be done. It was thought advisable not to suffer it, having been forced here by Distress, that by the Laws of Hospitality we were intitled to protection, and not to be plundered or affronted, or in the smallest degree ill-treated, and the best method of proceeding, if they persisted in it, was to deliver the Vessel, Cargo, and Stores up to them, and insist on being sent to Canton. On the Mandarins getting on board, turn'd up all Hands, and before them forbid the mandarins touching, or breaking open a single article on board, on pain of having restitution demanded, by my Sovereign from their Emperor; refusing to open the hatches myself, but offer'd them the keys desiring them to recollect, I did not come there on purpose to dispose of a Cargo, but repair my distresses. This stagger'd them; they refus'd the Keys and had two or three hours' Consultation, which ended as if perfectly con- ^The Hoppo or principal officer of customs, to whom application for chops or permits to land goods or to take them aboard had to be made. J REMARKS AT CHUSAN 257 tented with my determination. This apparent Content lasted but a Short time, for observing a Chest lash'd up in my Cabin, which I informed them were Skins, after much persuasion they prevail'd on me to open it. After they had so far got the Better of my Determination, they again insisted on overhauling the remaining part of my Cargo. This I would not consent to, all I farther granted was to see the outside of the Chests, and the place where they were stow'd. This satisfied them again, and they ask'd me permission to order their dinner in my Cabin, and we all dined together. In the meantime their under servants were employ'd measuring the Guns &c. When finish'd they went on shore taking my Chinaman with them. An hour afterwards they return'd, requesting a Rough Calculation of what Furs we had on board. Pieces and whole Skins, were computed at 1,04s.1 They again went on shore leaving a Soldier to watch the Ship, but left us as soon as my Chinaman came. During the night September 11th, Moderate Breezes. In the Morning came on board several Mandarins of lesser note, making a number of foolish requests, which were not attended to. Some trifling presents were sent on board by one of the Mandarins, one of whose Relations was on board at the same time, and present at a Quarrel among the Servants for not having receiv'd the customary fees when bringing presents. There was not a dollar among my Officers and Self so it was impossible to give them any, and as the case was, I believe we were the better for it, as it prevented us having many useless presents made, which fees would far have Exceeded their Value. At Noon they all left us: Winds E.N.E. and E. by S. Monday September 12th. Fair pleasant weather throughout. P.M., visited by large parties of Mandarins, but that we might not be disagreeably pester'd, a Chop2 was sent me on board forbidding everyone entering the Vessel, but with our leave; also a Chain sent with it *At Nootka sound on February 28 Colnett records that he had "near 11 hundred." See, ante, chap. vin. 2The original meaning of "chop" is a stamp or seal; hence its secondary meaning a sealed document, usually a clearance or pass. All vessels complained of the whimsical restrictions: see, for example, Cook's Third Voyage (London, 1784), vol. Ill, pp. 427 ff., Marchand's Voyage (London, 1801), vol. II, pp. 96 ff. if m ffli: II Hi 258 THE COLNETT JOURNAL in case anyone should persist in disobeying this order: I was to Chain him, till a Soldier came on board, or send him on shore to the hippo. Armourer began today to Splice the Rudder together with Iron; discovered the Lower Gudgeon was not gone. A.M., came on board the Chinaman residing at Chusan named Cacqua that spoke English. Learnt from him that we should be permitted to Sell part of our Cargo without paying the Hippo duties, if not all. Some Merchants were also introduced to us today said to be the Chinchu Hong who were to be our security.1 A Mandarin dined on board today and behaved in a very friendly and polite manner. Winds at S.E. September 13th. Weather as Yesterday. P.M., came on board a present of Eatables said from a Mandarin in the City. I offer'd to receive the present whose Value at most did not exceed two or three Dollars. But I informed them of my Poverty having no Money, Viz., to make the usual presents to the Servants, which always Exceeds two-thirds of the Value of the Articles they Bring; on which they requested to have their present again, which was De- liver'd them. . I began to be much displeas'd with this mercenary Conduct, which savour'd too much of a Trick play'd my Countrymen at Emoy, making numberless presents to the Captain and Officers, all of no Value, and when he wish'd to go away detained his Vessel, making him pay an exorbitant Price for the Gifts, and also for writing the Bill. This Circumstance I mentioned to my own Interpreter, and also my Chusan man. The Hong merchants and Interpreters all went away much displeas'd at the men taking the presents away; and a Gentleman-like Mandarin that was on board desired the Interpreter to inform me that he was sorry that he never came on board my Vessel but he found some cause to blush at the Behaviour of his Countrymen. During the night the winds Easterly; Dark Gloomy weather, and I believe Bad weather *No business could be done in China without a security merchant. He secured to the government the duties on the cargo and the port charges; to the Chinese who supplied the ship he secured payment of their accounts; and to the ship-owner he secured payment for his furs. See Old Shipping Days in Boston (Boston, 1918), pp. 10 fF. These men belonged to the Hong Merchants} see Dixon's Voyage (London, 1789), pp. 300 fF. REMARKS AT CHUSAN 259 at Sea. Great Chin-Chinning among the Chinese. At 7 A.M., came on board, a small Mandarin with a Table under a pretence of duty, but the truth was only Curiosity, and to keep constantly teasing us. Came on board our Interpreter and the Chusan man with some merchants to Invite Mr. Beal and self to a Dinner, with some Mandarins. I declin'd it but Mr. Beal with his servant accompany'd them. Winds mostly in the S.E. September 14th. First and latter parts dark Cloudy weather with drizzling rain at times; wind round the Compass; middle part Thunder and Lightning; P.M., no Visitants. Mr. Beal and 3rd Mate went to the Isle opposite the Town where the English resided in the absence of their Shipping. Soon after came on board the China Interpreter and Hong Merchants, no Business Talk'd of. On being ask'd when the Hong meant to purchase our Skins, was answered they had refused it, But some Merchants in the Town were coming tomorrow for that purpose. Much Chin-Chinning on shore and at Daylight in the Morning there were three or four Cannon fired, and also signals, at the Chop house.1 Mr. Beal return'd from the Isle, brought a few pomkins [pumpkins?], and two or three fowls; Chinamen went on shore, and Slept promising in the morn to bring some Pork, and other necessaries. Dirty weather; winds, Southeast. September 15th. Dark Cloudy weather throughout, with light Showers of rain. Sent the Jolly Boat with the third mate, accompanied by Mr. Beal, to look for a watering place. By noon return'd having found one. At 5 o'Clock came on board our Interpreter, and also the Chinaman that talk'd English. They both made numberless Frivolous Excuses for not having sent us the Pork and Greens Promis'd, and Brought a Merchant with them who desired to see a Chest of Skins, which was shew'd him. Price fix'd at 40 Dollars each2 they took two Skins on shore as Musters—and offered for a Prime one 7 Dollars [more ? ]. Winds Southeast, Northeast, and North-northeast. xThe Chinese Custom-House. 2This was a better price than could have been obtained in Canton, where two months later Ingraham was smuggling them through at about $25.00 apiece. Ill I Ill 260 THE COLNETT JOURNAL September 16th. Heavy Gales and Cloudy throughout; no Signs of Interpreter, Merchants, nor Skins as promised. A.M., the Merchants came, and made several frivolous excuses, but no Skins nor money till near noon when they returned them when ask'd for. Winds N.E. The Armourer not able to work on the rudder for want of Charcoal. September 17th. A very heavy Gale of wind throughout, and clear weather. P.M., came on board several Merchants and made a proposal for purchasing the Cargo in small lots. This was referred till morning to be answer'd, at which time they again promised to bring the Victualling for the Vessel. In Course of the Evening receiv'd a few eatables as a present. In the night Both anchors came home. At daylight hove them up and moored head and Stern, Sheet Anchor to the Eastward, and coasting anchor to the westward, 20 fathoms Cable each way. A.M., Sorted two Chests of Skins as Requested, got several Slips for sale. No Merchant or Provisions off this day. Armourer not able to work on account of the Stormy weather. No provisions as promised. Winds in N.W. Quarter. September 18th. Ditto weather for the first and middle parts; latter moderate and Fair. No Interpreter to be found nor victualling sent as promis'd. Winds Northerly. Monday September 19th. Light winds and hazy with fair weather throughout. P.M., some mandarin Soldiers brought us a present from some merchants, a ham, &c. At the same time inform'd us the Interpreter was on shore sick. Mr. Beal and 2nd Mate went to him, and found it was an excuse the Mandarins obliged him to make, he being in perfect health. They also made numberless Excuses for neglecting the fresh Provisions for the Crew as promis'd, still putting it off till tomorrow. A.M., neither merchants nor Interpreters to be seen. Winds Northerly. I *A Chinese coin composed of an alloy of copper and lead, having a square hole in the centre. It takes one thousand of them to make a tael, that is about an ounce and a half avoirdupois. Used for very small change. REMARKS AT CHUSAN 261 Tuesday September 20th. Ditto weather. P.M., no Merchants nor Interpreters to be seen. Armourer could not go on with the Rudder for want of Charcoal; two Baskets being sent on board by the Hong but contain'd only dry wood; and three Mandarins had it proclaim'd thro' the Street, not to sell us anything. A.M., Several Merchants on board, but they offer'd less for our commodities, than the Coast [cost?]. Three Skins sent Per request to the Hong for sale. Mr. Beal and 3rd Mate saw the Interpreter who inform'd us he was detain'd on shore by the Mandarins. Wednesday September 21st. First part moderate and fair, inclining to Calm; middle part, Cloudy with Showers of Rain; Latter Strong gales, and squally with fair weather. P.M., Armourer finished the Rudder; armourer not able to work on the Gudgeons on account of Stormy weather. Great reports of Cannon and Musquetry on shore abreast the Vessel among the Chinese with music and Shouting. Thursday September 22nd. First and Middle parts Strong Breezes and Cloudy. Latter part Moderate and fair. Procured some Charcoal and a few necessaries for the Cabin use from the Hong; Constant firing, Shouting, &c, on shore. Mr. Beal and an Officer went to see what it meant, and Saw a large encampment of Chinese soldiers. A.M., some Merchants accompanied by Mandarins' Soldiers Brought on board as a present several articles for my own use, and 5000 China Cash,1 and were very pressing for purchasing our Cargo at | Canton value, which was impossible for me to consent to. But I permitted them to take 10 Prime Skins on shore with them fixing the price at 50 Dollars each out of the 5000 Cash. Per Custom obliged to pay the Mandarin Coolies 500 for the few articles brought on board as a present. Winds Northerly. SB? 262 THE COLNETT JOURNAL Wim 'HP Friday September 23rd. Strong Breezes and Clear throughout. P.M., the Armourer prevented from working on the Rudder for want of Charcoal. Not being able to purchase any from the merchants Mr. Beal and Chief Mate went on shore to purchase provisions and charcoal for the Ship's use. At Noon return'd not being able to procure any, the Merchants and Interpreters denying themselves, Exercising at the Camp as Yesterday. Winds Northerly. Saturday September 24th. First part moderate and fair; latter part Squally and Cloudy with Showers of Rain. With great difficulty procured Charcoal for the armourer to go on with the Rudder. Firing all night on shore in the Chinese Camp. The Skins return'd but no news of our Interpreter. Winds Northerly. Sunday September 25th. Fresh gales. Cloudy and Squally throughout, with rain at Times. During the night the Anchors came home; in the Morning weighed and moored again. Winds Northerly. September 26th. Little wind and Cloudy with Showers of rain throughout. People employed occasionally. Sold a Slip of Fur. No Merchant nor Interpreter to be found. Winds Northerly. September 27th. Winds and weather as Yesterday. This day I went on Shore to the Hippo and Security Merchants' house, to acquaint them the Vessel would be ready for sea in 2 or 3 days at Furthest, requesting they would fall on a Method and point it out, that If the Vessel had incurr'd any Expense to point out how they were to be paid. The Answer I receiv'd by the Interpreter was that I was not at all indebted to the Mandarins or Hippo, as we came here in Distress. All they requested was 10 Prime Skins at their Price, and they would then Issue out a Chop, for the Disposal of the rest of the i. REMARKS AT CHUSAN 263 Cargo; and that I was Indebted some trifle to the Hong, which would be easily then settled. Return'd on board and Sent the Skinsv Sold one old Skin and some pieces to day. Winds Norther- I September 28th. Ditto weather. Employed as needful. Ship['s] Company got Liquor off from the Shore and became Mutinous. Armourer finish'd the Iron work for the Rudder. Wind Northerly. September 29th. First part, light winds with Cloudy, rainy weather. Middle I latter part fresh Breezes and Clear. Fix'd the Rudder, procured fresh pork and Greens for all hands. Sold some Slips of Furs—winds Northerly. September 30th. Fresh Breezes and Clear throughout. The Boatswain dived and found the Rudder was not Shipped in the Lower pintle, and all our endeavours today could not accomplish it. Purchas'd fresh Pork for all hands. No Buyers, Merchants, or Interpreters on board. Winds Northerly. October 1st. Weather as yesterday, got the Rudder Shipp'd but it work'd very Badly—scarce able to move it little farther each way than Midships—owing to the Stern post being Crooked, and not having been allow'd enough for, on the Rudder. Six Skins out of the ten sent on shore return'd and with them One hundred Dollars.1 At the same time inform'd us an order was arrived from Peking to dispatch us from this port immediately. Several Merchants, interpreters, and Mandarins on board desiring me to quit the port. I requested a few days longer to do something more to my Rudder, at the same time shewing them my Armourer, who had this day xThis shows that the four skins sold for $25.00 each, though they were prime, as the entry of September 22 states. m EMU* 264 wi\ THE COLNETT JOURNAL been taken sick. They had him examin'd by one of their own Doctors, and on finding my representations Just, were perfectly satisfied. Served fresh Pork and Greens to the Crew. Winds Northerly. October 2nd. Weather as Yesterday. Armourer Still Sick. People on shore on Liberty. Hired two China Armourers and a Carpenter. Sold some furs, among which were 6 whole skins of the 2nd Class for 43 Dollars each.1 Winds Northerly. October 3rd. First part Ditto weather; middle and latter strong gales and clear. Armourer still Sick. Employed as needful. Many visitors on board; but no furs sold. Winds Northerly. October 4th, First part Strong Gales and Squally; middle and latter light airs and hazy. P.M., parted the small Bower; fixed the Rudder; Receiv'd a Spar for a Top Gallant mast. Number of Visitors on board, and a few Slips of Fur sold. Armourer Sick; China Artificers as before. Wind Northerly. October 5th. First and Middle parts light winds and hazy with Thunder, Lightning, and Showers of rain. Latter fresh Breezes and Cloudy with rain in Showers and Sultry weather. P.M., moored as before, but the Cable being dry Rotten, soon parted. Receiv'd an order from the Grand Mandarin to Shift the Vessel farther from the Town. For several days past receiv'd the like order but the Armourer being Sick and the Chinese Artificers not properly understanding our Language makes it tedious, having been now 4 days and not Completed one Hoop for the main mast, which having complain'd at Sea in the gale when our other distresses befel us and stands in need of four or five. Stowed our Booms and prepared for dropping farther out. No Visitors today. Winds Variable, Mostly Northerly. 1This was a very good price for prime skins at the time. REMARKS AT CHUSAN 265 Thursday October 6th. First and Middle parts Light airs and foggy; Latter part fresh Breezes and Clear. Got on board our sea Stock and some Cordage. Several Visitors of all ranks on board today, and some few Slips of fur sold. Armourer Still Sick, attended by a Chinese Doctor. Chinese Artificers as before. No firing on shore as for days past; the Camp broke up, and the Soldiers preparing to embark. Winds Northerly. Friday October 7th. Light airs and foggy throughout; Shifted our Berth farther from the Town. The Crew having smuggled liquor on board was Mutinous. China armourer detected thieving the Iron as fast as they work'd it, and not having completed one hoop yet were Discharged. Chinese let the water out of the Tanks we use to water from. Sold some Slips of fur. Arrived here an Arm'd Junk of 300 Tons. Wind Easterly, N.W., and S.W. Saturday October 8th. Hard Gales and squally throughout with clear weather. Our China Interpreter taken away entirely from us, settled accounts with the Hong when we were Obliged to pay for many of the presents receiv'd but our charges were out [but?] One-Eighth what I expected them to be. Sold some pieces of fur. Armourer still sick. [Wind] E.S.E. Sunday October 9th. First and middle parts weather as yesterday; latter more moderate. The Mandarin commanding the Arm'd Junks sent some leaf Gold to purchase skins, but could not agree for price. Some few Slips sold. Armourer still Sick. Monday October 10th. Fresh breezes and hazy weather throughout. P.M., people on shore on Liberty on the Isle. Armourer at work. Three others of the Crew Sick. No furs Sold. Wind E., E.S.E. to S.E. Learnt I 11 mmUW 166 THE COLNETT JOURNAL our Chinaman was sent Prisoner to Nimpo, and from thence was to [be] convey'd to Canton. Tuesday October 11th. Light Breezes and Dark Cloudy weather throughout with a few Showers of Rain. P.M., came on board some of the Lower Class of Mandarins, well known to us from their petty Thefts and other impositions, and at this time indebted for Slips of fur, they had been suffer'd to take out of the Ship on trust. They wanted ten Skins but producing no money, and Quibbling about what they owed, I was very short with them, shewing them the Skins, with their price and refusing their taking them away till paid for, which affronted them, as they left the ship much displeased. A.M., sent as usual for our daily provisions, but none were permitted to be sold us by the Mandarins' orders that visited us yesterday. Three of the Crew still Sick. Winds Easterly. } ff II m Wednesday October 12th. Weather as Yesterday; Employed occasionally; no article whatever permitted to be sold on shore. No Merchants, Inhabitants, or Mandarins visited us. Sent on shore for a Pilot to go to sea, and also for a Cable, which we stood much in need of, our own having parted here three times. On advancing Thirty Dollars promised one. The Soldiers that formed the Camp embarked in 9 Junks. Thursday October 13th. First part moderate and Cloudy with a few flying Showers; middle and latter moderate Breezes and Cloudy. P.M., employ'd getting ready for sea. A.M., got on board an Anchor which was left by one of the Honorable East [India] Company's Ships here ninety two Years ago and purchas'd a Coiar Cable of 9 In.1 Procured fresh Pork from the Shore; sent on shore to the Hippo for a Chop; Ditto came along side two Boats full of Soldiers to Pilot us down; winds at N.E. *A cable of Chinese manufacture. m mm II REMARKS AT CHUSAN 267 Friday October 14th. First and Middle parts moderate breezes and Cloudy; latter dark Cloudy weather, with rain in Showers. Receiv'd our Chop at sunset. Boats waiting to attend us. Winds N.N.W., N.E., E.N.E. Saturday October 15th. First part Constant Showers and Dark Cloudy weather; middle and latter light airs and fair. Boats attending to see us out but winds and weather not permitting. Winds Easterly. Sunday October 16th. Fresh Breezes and Cloudy weather. Paid a Boat to fetch us four Tons of water. Winds and weather not admitting us to start. [Wind,] Easterly. Monday October 17th. Hard Gales and Changeable weather with frequent Showers of rain. P.M., came on board some Mandarins of the Lower Class and informed us that the Coast was infected with Pirates, which intimation they were order'd by the head mandarins to give us, that we might be on our guard when we sail'd. This Story one or other of them had plagued us with for a fortnight past; During which time [a] number of small Squadrons of arm'd Vessels full of men sailing from hence, rais'd in my mind various doubts whether their hostile preparations were not against us, as they so frequently deceiv'd us in their promising Assistance to Pilot us to Sea. A.M., prepared the Vessel for the best defence. Winds from S.E. to N.E. Tuesday October 18th. Light airs and Cloudy throughout, Inclinable to Calm with Showers of Rain at times. Preparing the Vessel to Act on the Defensive against the Pirates talk'd of Yesterday. Came on board the Mandarin's Secretary, a person that daily attended the Vessel, and enquired the Cause of our not sailing (as in the imperfect manner we understood their Language). To which they were answer'd, that when they brought an interpreter we could properly I Iflfl ■ft Iff I: m§ If II 268 THE COLNETT JOURNAL inform them. A.M., at Daylight several small Boats with a Mandarin in each and full of Soldiers left the Town and Landed on the West point of the Harbour, where they remain'd all the forenoon. At 8 observed on the Chusan shore, abreast the Vessel, 2 Fixtures like Double Gallows with large Chinese Characters on them, which we did not understand. At 11 came on board the Mandarin Secretary, his assistant, and Cackqua their Interpreter who had been confin'd to his house since our first arrival (as inform'd by him owing to a false representation of the Chinamen I brought with me). Circumstances being now properly represented, and understood we were promis'd all Assistance, when wind and weather permitted, to carry us to sea; but was first Obliged to Communicate our wishes and Intentions to the Grand Mandarin, for which purpose at Noon, left us. Sick, as before. Winds N.E., Calm, Variable Easterly. Wednesday October 19th. P.M., Light winds, Cloudy and threatening weather with showers of Rain. Preparations still going on abreast the Vessel; and two hundred men in armour and arms. At sunset Learnt a great war mandarin was expected which occasioned it. At 8 his approach was made known by a Vessel to the Southward of us, in the Passage to Nimpo [Ning-po], by letting off several Rockets. At that Instant the Shore was Illuminated for the Space of half a mile and as he pass'd athwart our Bows in his Junk he was Saluted from the shore with several small Guns, Music, &c. We shewed him a head and Stern light as a Compliment. Through the night and Morning a very heavy Gale of Wind; at 10 A.M., came on board ten Boats to Assist us to sea. Hoisted in our Boats, and hove short, and waited only for Cack-qua, the Interpreter, for weighing. Prior to hoisting the Boats in, one of the Crew being dangerously 111, I sent on shore for a Doctor, but the Boat was not suffer'd to Land, but promised one should be sent. Whether they mistook the application or no, I cannot say but a Coffin was brought, which I return'd; at Noon Cack-qua came off. He nor any one of the Chinese would venture on board. Order'd me to weigh and follow them. But as I was at a loss to know which boat was to Pilot me, and, knowing the confusion they REMARKS AT CHUSAN 269 always are in, defer'd weighing till the Pilot came on board, and took Charge, on which they return'd to the Shore for fresh orders; winds Northerly, N.Easterly. Thursday October 20th. First part, fresh breezes and Cloudy. Came on board a number of Mandarin Boats who brought Cack-qua, the Interpreter, and. two Pilots to conduct us to Sea. P.M., at J past four weigh'd and stood away to the Southward; at 6 the Tide being against us came to, with the small Bower in 17 fathom water, about a Cable's Length from a small Isle. During the night mostly calm; at Daylight Vitty's Pt. S.E.byS.; the Point of the Isle that form'd the Entrance of Chusan Harbour, N.fW.; in the small Isle Anchor'd under the first night, S.W. by W.|W.; and the Island aBreast us, E.byS. A.M., at 7, weigh'd, Boats attending. Light air from the N.N.E. and stood away S.E. At % past 9 the flood making Strong and falling Calm came to, with the Coasting Anchor in 35 fathoms; Vittys Pt. S.|W.; a small Island Opposite N.E.|E.; the Isle we weigh'd from in the morning N.W.byW.|W.; and the Passage sail'd in by S.E.|E.; our Distance from the nearest shore about 2\ Miles. Wind, N., Calm, N.E. Latitude Observed 30°23'N. October 21st, 1791 First and Middle parts fresh Breezes and Cloudy; latter part moderate and fair. P.M., the wind increasing let go the small Bower under foot; A.M., weighed it. The Mandarins' Boats that were to conduct us to sea, insisted on our weighing immediately and making sail. It being now almost Calm and a Strong tide running, I refused till the Breeze freshen'd which it soon after did. I then requested them to let Cack-qua, the Interpreter, come on board but they refused it. And the Pilot instantly left the Vessel, quarrelling among one another, much disatisfied with me, and in great haste leaving behind them two fur Jackets and a Hat. Great number of Junks under weigh to the Southward of us, Standing off and on under the Land. Winds Southerly, S.W., N.W., Northerly. "i m <i m 1 ■ 1 mm. 270 THE COLNETT JOURNAL I ft wMm I I] J October 22nd. Light breezes inclinable to Calm throughout; during the night heard the report of several Guns suppos'd to be at Chusan, also saw many Rockets fired off from the Fleet of Junks observed Yesterday, and in the Evening had anchor'd to the N.W. of us. A.M., procured a Pilot out of a fishing boat. At 10 the Boats that left us yesterday return'd with a Story that in the narrow Channel we had to pass thro' Pirate Junks to the number of Twenty or thirty were waiting to attack us, and advising us Per order of the Mandarin to return to Chusan and wait a few days till they could collect a few arm'd Junks to protect us. In a General Consultation it was thought advisable, but a final answer was put off for the present. Winds Northerly, Westerly to N.W. Sunday October 23rd. First and latter parts light breezes, inclinable to Calm; middle fresh Breezes and Cloudy. P.M., finding the Pilot and several others very Eager to get under weigh for Chusan, began to suspect the honesty of their intentions. And our suspicions were farther awaked by two or three of the Crew in their Boats, who had been treated very friendly on board, and could reap no advantage by any misfortune attending us, but otherwise if matters were meant well to us, by going back informed many on board (not being able to speak to me) that thirteen Craft were placed under the Lee of the Island we anchor'd coming in, to seize the Vessel and Cargo. A.M., when the Boats return'd to convey us in they found me determin'd on going to sea. They left me more apparently satisfied than I expected. Pass'd by us several large Junks standing to the Southward. During the morning, Before the Boats came, hired a Pilot for 7 Dollars to Pilot us to sea, part given him in advance; on the Boats coming for fear left the Vessel, and on their going away return'd again. Winds Southerly, S.W., S.S.W. Latitude Observed 30° 23' N. Monday October 24th, 1791 P.M., fresh breezes and Dark Cloudy threatening weather. Several arm'd Junks standing off and on, to windward. A little Ht REMARKS AT CHUSAN 271 past noon came on board the Commander of a Junk of war introduced to us by Cack-qua, and Brought with him fresh Pork, &c, as order'd in case detained by foul winds. He had several Boats full of men attending him. He went down into the Cabin to dine with me; had not been seated a Quarter of an Hour, when the whole fleet of Junks cruising to windward consisting of 43 sail, Bore down within pistol Shot of us. Not knowing their Intentions Instantly armed ourselves. The Van Junk which might be 300 Tons, and close to us perceiving this hove in Stays and waited for the others Joining. On coming up follow'd the same Example'; two of the largest of these Junks were Barricaded, apparently with Bales of Cotton, by way of a parapet for their men. But I was informed by the Boatmen they were stuff'd with Grass. The Mandarin seeing our Preparation to act on the defensive was retreating into his Boat, which I requested of him not to do, and I thought he would not, but he took an opportunity, while I was holding forth to my Officers and Crew not to fire till I bid them, to Slip in his Boat and shove off. Providentially for him, and perhaps myself too, that his sail took the wrong way and he fell on board again. I got over the Side and laid hold of him, and by a little persuasion and some force, got him on board. After his Fleet had Tack'd and stood to the Westward again, paid for the Articles he brought and presented him with a piece of fur, and permitted him to go away, and believe well satisfied. In the night heavy Gales and Constant Rain. Let go under foot the Small Bower, And moderating hove it up. Pilot obliged to leave us in the night on account of Bad weather. At 11 A.M., came on board the Mandarin's Secretary &c, that had constantly Plagued us, and with their old stories. I forbid them ever coming near me again. Hired another Pilot but heavy rains and thick weather Prevented my Starting now. Winds S.W., S., E.S.E. to N.E. Tuesday October 25th, 1791 First part, very heavy Gales with Constant rain; at 6 P.M., Let the Coasting anchor go under foot; Middle part Ditto Weather; Latter more Moderate. At 6 A.M., hove up the Coasting Anchor; at 8, fair weather. Attempted to weigh the Bower for sailing but 34 Junks with all the sail they could make and great numbers of I ■F! I mm 272 THE COLNETT JOURNAL row boats bearing down on us and the frequent warning we had from the Lower Class, and the Duplicity we had experienced from the Great, with no Possibility of escaping if they attack'd us, which we had every reason to believe. Our anchor laying in 44 fathoms in a general Consultation for our own safety and to prevent disputes at Canton hereafter should we be obliged to act on the defensive, and escape, it was thought advisable to Cut and make all sail thro' the same way as we came in. They follow'd us till both lower steering sails were set, and then alter'd their route to a more Southern Channel. If in hopes of meeting us there, I disappointed them by standing immediately off the Land. At Noon the Mouth of the Channel at seaward that [we] came in and went out of, the Points on with each other N.N.E. and S.S.W. The Course from where we weigh'd to the Channel we came through was S.W. and the Channel through the Islands to Sea, S.E. Winds these last 24 hours, Northerly and N.E. Latitude Observed [blank], Longitude, Per Calculation [blank]. CHAPTER XV because of the prohibition, already mentioned, against the importation of sea-otter skins. 273 REMARKS ON THE TRADE POLICY AND SITUATION OF CHUSAN >"pHE Town is situated on the South side of the Isle of that name, and at the west end of it. The Houses are all meanly built, mostly Thatch'd, much the same as in and about Canton, and the Inhabitants appear'd, and indeed we found them, miserably Poor. There were a few Good Shops and decent ones, but we were not so fortunate as to get acquainted there, our interpreter introducing to us a set far Below the 2nd Class, to transact our Concerns and endeavour'd to persuade me, they were People of the greatest Consequence. Their behaviour soon undeceived me, but too late to get any other Merchants to take us under their protection. On our first arrival all were ready to make us a number of petty presents, but being inform'd we had no money nor anything we could give them in return, and the servants demanding their full Value as their Due for bringing them, we soon got rid of this unwish'd for kindness. We were hourly persuaded we should sell our cargo, which made us submit patiently to petty Impositions, which were constantly play'd us by the mandarins' Creatures, and when Detected and rebuked for it, would Stop our daily provisions, or Charcoal which was wanted to go on with the repairs of the Rudder. Latterly we began to suspect they were playing us a deeper Game: the encampment abreast the Vessel, which they were daily exercising in; the Quantity of armed men collected together; the arm'd Junks fitting out which they told us were against Pirates and wanting us to shift a few miles from them, where they pretended we could smuggle all our Cargo;1 shifting all their Merchantmen round a point, to the westward of where | we lay; letting all the water out of the Tanks we water'd from; and nine Junks sailing the morning they had every reason to think I I §»• Pip i mmR - II 274 THE COLNETT JOURNAL should, and as full of men as they could hold; and afterwards twice nearly ran me on shore; after all I think nothing but Bad weather prevented their attempting us, or seeing me always ready to Blow the Vessel up if carried by them which I threaten'd. The Lower Class of People are Honest and better disposed here than I found them near Canton; but the Middle and Superior Class, if Possible, worse. It's a place of large trade; but I believe carried on by Contract, by the Nimpo,1 and other merchants in the Neighbourhood. Those Merchants would also have purchas'd my Cargo provided the Mandarins would have issued out a Mandate for permission and fix'd the Hippo;2 but there were too many of that Class to agree about it. Attempting to bribe any, which is the Custom of this Country, would have been an endless business. I Believe the whole Town and City of Chusan itself was so poor, as not to be able to purchase one Chest.3 But a European arm'd Vessel loaded with different articles I have no doubt might vend them to great advantage: Such as Opium, Ginseng, Coarse Cloths, Cutlery, such as knives for their Chop stick cases made Sword fashion in the Blade, were much enquired for, furs of a Cheap sort, and not parchment, such as seals, Rabbit, and land Otters. A Vessel on her homeward bound passage from the Northwest would dispose of all the Worst of her Skins and pieces, but all Furs sent here should be clean'd. I do not think they improved much or enlarged since the English resided here. The house they resided in [is] still standing; it's at the west end of the Town, situated among the Paddy fields, and Pleasantly with a small Canal of water round it, and a navigation for small Boats to go round the town and, I believe, also what they call their City which is separated from the town, by a Plain of half a Mile, on which the encampment was while we stay'd. The City towards the harbour side is wall'd and full of Embrasures. I was not in it myself, but those that visited it saw no Guns mounted; they had three small Guns half pounders, without Carriages, which they carried about with their Camp on their Shoulders and used only to amuse the bystanders by placing the 2The Ning-po river. 2Bribed the hoppo or principal customs officer. 3One chest of sea-otter skins, usually containing about one hundred. ■■!* TRADE POLICY OF CHUSAN 275 breech in the Ground and firing them, or Salute a Mandarin when they pass and repass—three Guns being their due. There was a small Circular Bank on the Edge of the River near the Middle of the Town, rose about seven feet and wall'd round, on which stood four or five three-Pounders. They were useless to them, for we never heard nor saw them fired, and I believe afraid to use them from apprehension the wall would fall down, which was in miserable repair. The Lower Class of People live on Blubber: A Singular kind which the sea abounds with in great plenty, and is as big as a Chinaman's Hat. Every Boat is provided with a Hoop net to a Long Staff, so they are seldom without plenty of that kind of Food.1 You Anchor in the Harbour abreast the Town from three to five fathoms muddy bottom. The harbour lays East and West and can be call'd little Better than a River; both Ebb and Flood runs from the Eastward. The Flood varies about two Points to the Southward. It's an awkward place to lay in, on this Account, without Mooring head and Stern, which their Country Vessels all do. The South side [of] the River opposite the Town is two small Isles, which may be distant across from the Town 2\ Miles. The Rise of water is 15 or 16 foot. High water full and change at [blank]. But the tides are guided here greatly by the winds and weather, for at times when the Freshes make strong after heavy rains, the Ebb will run 8 or 9 hours and at the rate of four or five miles an hour. The shores are all mud, but have several Places of landing of stone; they build no Vessels, but repair. They have also large Arsenals of timber which is sold Cheap. Three or four Dollars will purchase a Spar to make a Topmast for a Craft of 200 Tons. Oak trees are here in great Plenty, but small. They make good Cour which I purchased at 80 Cash a Catty.2 The greatest market here I believe to be for Corn. Whatever other Commodity the Vessels brought here, they were soon unloaded and dispatch'd in a few days, and could not be less while we lay here than 200 sail, which is great trade for a small town, which does 1Possibly some species of jelly-fish or medusa. 2Perhaps this is the "coiar" previously mentioned and used in the manufacture of rope. A catty is a Chinese weight of about a pound and a half avoirdupois. Cordage is one of the chief products of Chusan. II I H kiu m mu 276 THE COLNETT JOURNAL not consist of above 300 Dwellings in all. I have every reason to believe that had I not had a Chinaman on board, who by his folly brought on the Trouble that befell me here, and himself sent Prisoner to Canton, that I should [have] been able to sell the greatest part of my Cargo. But his inventing a Story (contrary to Mr. Beal's and my advice, always desiring him to tell truth) of our coming from Cochin China last, where I got him, and many other Falsehoods which were impossible but he must be detected in, and a small Slip to a Suspicious people as Chinese put them on doing ill towards us, and nothing saved us on our first Arrival from being plunder'd, But my threatening to throw the Vessel on them or blow her up, if they attempted to ransack her, as was order'd by the Mandarin. Latterly Putting ourselves in such a posture of Defence to oppose in some degree any Violent attempt, and all their persuasions and false Promises from Day to Day to delay us was only to get time to collect more force, or orders from higher powers how to act towards us, which perhaps a few days before we left here might have arrived, and to this effect: a total Prohibition of Sea Otter Skins in China, and to Destroy the Vessel that attempted to bring them there. A report of this nature was rumoured about at our leaving Macao, which I have every reason to believe they meant to put in Execution here on the Morning the 25th when 34 Sail and great number of rowing Boats were coming down on us. The winds being in our favour, I thought it more advisable to Sacrifice an Anchor and Cable than to stand the Decision of an Action, with hundreds to one, which they themselves had sufficiently Explain'd to me when endeavouring to persuade me to return to Chusan, on Account of Pirates; on which account, Blowing fresh and a fair wind, thought it most prudent to Cut and run for sea, which I did through the same Channel I came in. At times when on good4 terms with the Mandarins we were suffer'd to purchase our own articles. Watering places there are many, but the best is up a Creek at the East end of the Town, which can be fetch'd at high water only. But you may hire Boats for that purpose. I should think Chusan must be very unhealthy at Certain seasons of the Year, as both Town and City are Situated in very Low TRADE POLICY OF CHUSAN 277 Ground, at the foot of very high mountains.1 It Produces everything that is to be found in Climates of the same Parallel of Latitude. But the abundance of Deer spoken of by Doctor Cunningham, does not at present Exist; for all the Interest I could make did not procure me one, and Goats seem to be substituted in their place. They have abundance of large barn door Fowls as ever I saw, also Geese, which are Milk white; the Hogs are not of that admirable Breed as at Canton, nor is the Pork so good. Of the reptile kind many snakes were seen, and from the dread the natives seem'd to have of them I should suppose Venomous. I also saw monkeys with tails like Rabbits and white faces; they were the handsomest kind I ever saw. *The island of Chusan is mountainous in the centre. ■fll I 11 CHAPTER XVI REMARKS ON THE PROBABILITY OF A TRADE BEING CARRIED ON AT JAPAN, COREA, NORTH WEST. COAST OF AMERICA, &c, TO ADVANTAGE T< nO ensure Success the Vessel must be well mann'd, and of force to command respect, circumstances which have great weight with those people, for I too sensibly felt how cheap I was held, for not enjoying such advantages. Both the Japanese and Coreans, Chinamen-like, from national prejudices and custom, always behave Obsequious to those they think Superior to them, and Tyrannical to those who they have the smallest Idea are their Inferiors. The Vessel must not Expect to Return the same season; it takes a length of time to collect merchants to Buy a Cargo, and like Children at a fair, when they are got together a long time to consider what they will purchase. The Vessel should also have a large long Boat or small tender large enough to make returns to Canton the first Season, and Join the Ship again with the S.W. Monsoon. I was inform'd at Chusan that the Chinese have but little trade to these Countries; formerly 14 or 15 Junks annually fromNimpo,1 but at this time not more than two or three. They carry from hence coarse Europe Blue Cloths, Ginseng, Opium, Beetle [Betel] nut, and Coarse furs; in return bring back mostly Copper. They are not permitted now to go to any other port than where the Dutch reside—Nangasakie;2 and Langasakie, where they formerly went to, is shut up. I was also inform'd by the same person named Cack-qua a resident at Chusan but formerly lived at Canton, where he learnt English and Portuguese, that annually one or two Japan Junks go to Peking, and bring nothing with them but Gold, which is contracted for, and take in Exchange Sea Otter Skins, Common Watches, and other Valuable Europe Trinkets. 1Ning-po. The countries referred to are Japan and Korea—now Japan. 2See note 1, p. 248. II 278 REMARKS ON TRADE 279 The Japanese and Corean trade is too doubtful and hazardous an Undertaking for two or three Merchants to Enter into, nor should it be thought on without an exclusive privilege to the trade granted by Charter. I would recommend the first attempt to be made as far to the North as Cape Nabo; for to the South everywhere I fell in with the Inhabitants, the Massacre of the Catholics was in their memory, and we were shun'd as people Infected with an Epidemical disease.1 But as we drew to the Northward they were not so shy. The next Vessel that attempts it, I would recommend fancy Colours, as the Cross in the Union I thought took up much of their attention, and also my figure head, being a man. The colours I should recommend are a Red or white field with three Rampant Lions or Figures in; and if a head, one of those Animals; the Japanese have all heads to their Vessels which is a Bell fix'd horizontally. I would have no figure representing the human Species on any part of the Vessel, that they might not take them for Catholic saints. On the South part of Corea, I cannot say there is or not a Harbour; appearances made in favour of one, a little to windward where I made the Coast to the Northward it appear'd very much Broken and nearly abreast their Capital2 I saw several Vessels going into port, and I hourly Lament'd my losing my rudder that deprived me of making such a discovery more certain. I Learn'd at Chusan, that the Southern Coreans are look'd on as Pirates, and under no Subjection of Mandarines; if so, it's more than Probable Tui latos [Tsushima] is under the same Government. Whatever Chance there may be of carrying on a Trade on the South Coast, you must always be under Arms, but the loss of my Rudder prevented my determining this, as well as Quelpeart, which I should otherwise have done, on my homeward bound Passage; at present I am Positive Tuilatos or Tusima [Tsushima] does not exist in the Situation it is placed, in the Map I copied from yours; I rather think it lays Close to the Coast of Corea and *At the beginning of the seventeenth century it was estimated that about a million Japanese were Christians. In 1614 all foreign Christians were ordered to be expelled. Persecution increased; rebellion broke out (1637-8); and the final act was the capture of the Christian stronghold and the massacre of 40,000 Christians. 2Seoul, the capital, on the Han river; but Colnett was not in that vicinity. II uPJ !:■ j H4S. i j. flt- 280 THE COLNETT JOURNAL what I call [blank] and in the Ancient Maps Twila. As to the Navigation of the Corean and Japan sea I met with nothing to make it unequal to the open Ocean, and for my own part would as soon navigate it, as any other part of the World, and for Rocks and Shoals I found none. On the whole I think it Preferable to the China sea and that on both Coasts there are Plenty of Ports and safe Anchoring Places, and to any one making a Northwest Voyage I would recommend them to come round Cape Nabo home, to try that Part of the Coast I could not reach, to sell their coarse furs. Chusan being so nearly situated to Peking, Nankin, Nimpo, &c. &c, as the Inhabitants of the lower Class receive you well, I think it bids fair for being a Capital port of Trade in the Smuggling way. And if the English East India Company don't take it under their Consideration the Americans will soon get footing there,1 and by that means open a Trade to the more Northern nations and deprive the British of a commerce, that will take more of English manufactures and Produce than Canton does. I have no doubt the Mandarins here, as well as at Canton, being a set of imperious people will oppose every Liberal business of the kind, with a View of engrossing all the profits to themselves, but this might be remedied by sending an Ambassador to Pekin, demanding an audience with the Emperor, which must be done in great Pomp, after their manner. The Expense attending it will be nothing to the advantage that the English nation would derive from it. The present impositions of Three Thousand Dollars port duty for a Vessel of a 100 Tons wiped away, with many others scarce to be born with, and in a few years will end (under the present form it's managed) in an open quarrel. The NorthWest Coast of America produces furs sufficient to Supply China, Corea, and Japan, and also Europe, and it would take with the present method of catching them two Centuries to destroy them so that they could any ways be miss'd.2 Cloths Colnett forgets that the monopoly of the East India Company did not concern citizens of the United States. It only applied to British subjects. 2The sea-otter trade, as the maritime fur-trade was sometimes called, began in 1785. So destructive was it that by 1825 the animal had become scarce. In August, 1834, the Clallam Indians brought a sea-otter skin to Fort Nisqually REMARKS ON TRADE 281 of a Coarse kind and Tin, I should also think would sell well in Corea and Japan, as informed. But should the sale of Furs when once a trade was open'd prevent them taking as many woolens as expected, and as they otherwise would do, the Quantity the Natives would take in exchange for their furs, would overbalance it, for when I left the Coast which is among the latest accounts, neither Man, women, nor Child, that could procure a Blanket but would buy one. And those that had old ones wish'd for new. And every other European article seem'd to be gaining ground on them fast. Their furs also were better Clean'd, and in higher order, and they do not kill them now, as they formerly did promiscuously as they wanted them; but knowing how much their value is enhanced by being kill'd in the Proper season, wait for it.1 1,1 While I was at China several Vessels arrived under foreign Colours from the North West [coast] and accounts of many more being on the Coast, all having collected good Cargoes, but the Prohibition of sea Otter Skins in China,2 will oblige them to give up, and now would be the time to take that Valuable trade into Consideration, when Foreigners are disgusted with it. ||| Besides the Advantages I have set forth above, the Spaniards on the West side [of] America, are groaning and complaining of the Tyranny and Cruelty they Labour under in being debarr'd of any commerce, and means of remitting their property to their native Country, when acquired, without costing them 40 Per Cent, and upwards, and paying for all European articles three hundred Per Cent. If once an establishment [were] made at Nootka, or thereabouts they would find the means of redressing their present grievances, and the Settlement under the Protection of government for sale, but as they could not obtain their price they kept it; it was the only skin brought for sale that year, so far as the journal of the fort shows. 1Colnett is wrong here. In 1791 Ingraham obtained 1,400 in one season; and in two seasons, 1808-9, the Pearl secured 6,000; but the indiscriminate slaughter went on increasingly, and by 1825 a vessel was fortunate if she secured 300 in a season. In 1817 there were about twenty ships in the trade; and they |U are credited with only 4,177 skins. 2In 1791, the year to which Colnett alludes, there were eleven ships on the coast in the maritime trade: three, British; six, American; one, French, and one Portuguese. The American, Ingraham, defied the prohibition and smuggled his skins ashore; but the Frenchman, Marchand, in L\ Solide, carried his skins back to France. H '■}!! i M if 282 THE COLNETT JOURNAL flourish. I had many proposals made me after my Vessel was declared free, to return with a Cargo, but my Situation obliged me to be deaf to it. Should an Establishment take place on the North West [coast] the Sandwich Isles lying half way between it and China, and its Produce articles of Profit at China, would call our attention; such as the Super Excellent Quality of the Sugar Cane, Mahogany, and other durable woods, pearls and pearl oyster-shells, the latter the Isles abound with—and if Short of men, can always be supplied. Thousands willingly will come away with you, and those I had having been used to their sailing canoes, soon became very serviceable and contented.1 xThe maritime trade could scarcely have been carried on but for the supplies of men, food, and necessaries obtained at the Hawaiian islands. ff 1 Sketch showing the passage by which Colnett sailed into and out of the port of Chusan, China. mm ill CHAPTER XVII j FROM CHUSAN TO CANTON, CORRESPONDENCE WITH SUPERCARGOES, AND REMARKS IN CANTON RIVER MB OOD weather favoured me from Chusan, and altho' the ship ^-^ steer'd Badly, made in remarkable good passage, which was perform'd in nine days. My Vessel with a Rudder little better than useless,1 was not calculated to beat against the wind, which was my reason for anchoring under Lenten, and not in the Roads;2 M another reason, I had no anchors or Cables fit to trust my Vessel there, altho' it's deem'd unlawful to come so high as I did, without a China pass from Macao, which Ships are obliged always to send for, or they will not give them a Pilot. On this head I was easy knowing the road perfectly, and on the other heads my distresses pleaded for me. Next place, what was to be done, if the Embargo still remain'd, with a Cargo worth fifteen thousand3 Dollars and the Vessel a wreck. The English President and Justice here had denied seeing me after escaping from the Cruelties of the Spaniards. I took no notice of it then, having an alternative, but I had none now, and as I thought he was the only proper person to apply to, and ought to assist me, I wrote him the following letter: Sir, My being forced to this Country by the Vice Roy of New Spain [some words erased] after having been captured in the Snow Argonaut belonging to a Company of Merchants, Licensed to Trade on the North West Coast of America, there plunder'd and Mal-treated. :The rudder hung at Chusan evidently did not work satisfactorily. Colnett had already complained that its arc of movement was very limited. 2Lintin on the east side of the estuary of the Canton (Pearl) river: Macao roads on the western side of that estuary. *If the cargo were now only worth $15,000 Colnett must have disposed of a considerable number of his 1,100 skins at Chusan. They were then worth about $30.00 each. This may throw light on his frequent references to sales of "slips of fur" whilst at Chusan and also on the conduct of the mandarins. 283 284 THE COLNETT JOURNAL I waited on you while at Macao to inform you of it, but was not so fortunate as to find you at home; the Skins I brought in the Vessel being prohibited at this Port, I sail'd for Japan and Corea, to endeavour to Dispose of them, which I have no doubt I should have accomplished after five weeks perseverance, Had I not been so unfortunate as to lose my Rudder in the Latitude 38 N which ruined my Voyage, and Obliged to make for the first known Port in China, Chusan, where I partially refitted my Vessel, and Sold Furs to Defray the Expences, receiv'd my Chop and Sailed for this port not willing without Absolutely distress'd to enter any other in China, Apprehensive if the Embargo was still on, might interfere with the Honourable East India Company's Concerns. My Chusan Chop, and other papers of my Voyage are at your perusal. I do not wish to be thought an intruder on the Honourable Company's privileges in these seas, as to attempt anything that may be Construed prejudicial to their Concerns, my intention being to return to Europe, as soon as the Present Cargo is Dispos'd; at this time the Vessel is an entire wreck which originated from the 111 usage she receiv'd from the Spaniards. I have the Honour to be Your most Obedient Humble Servant J.C. To J. Harrisson Esq. President of the &c &c. Canton. Nov. 3, 1791 On the Mate's return from Macao I found the embargo was still on1 which determin'd me to go to Canton in my Boat and set my Case forth to Mr. Harrisson. On seeing him I represented the uncomfortable Situation I was in claiming his Protection and interference, with the Chinese, &c, or to take the Cargo himself on account of the Company at his Value. All I could obtain from him was a Promise, he would not oppose any step I took; but otherwise he had no business, nor would he have any with me, nor interfere in any Shape with my concerns; this he told me in as polite terms as I could expect. Every part of the Business was now thrown on me, to act for the best as I could expect no protection from the Chinese, from what I had before experienc'd. The vessel lying more exposed to their evil designs I determin'd to Come thro' the Bocha Tigris2 and anchor near some of the Honourable Company's Ships at the 2nd Bar, not doubting but I should have every protection and xThe prohibition was not removed until May 31, 1792. 2Otherwise, The Bogue, a narrow part of the Canton or Pearl river. See a view of Boca Tygris in Meares's Voyages (London, 1790), p. 372. FROM CHUSAN TO CANTON 285 assistance from them, which Mr. Harrisson had denied me, but before I left Canton to Join the Argonaut again I sent the following letter to the Committee. Gentlemen, I have already had the honour of informing you of the Argonaut's return from her intended Voyage to Japan with the Loss of her Rudder, Leaky, &c, &c, and in general in such a situation as makes it necessary for her to put into some port for safety, and none offers but that of Canton. As it is impossible for her to come to an Anchor in Macao Roads without endangering her total loss, the lives also of the Crew on Board, should she be drove to sea from thence, I have in consequence determin'd as the only means of preserving the Vessel, Cargo, to run up to the Bocha, and if Possible obtain permission for her coming through. Should that be denied me by the Chinese, I shall be under the necessity of abandoning her to their Mercy, as in the present situation she is in, it is not possible to Repair her, nor even was she repaired do I know what port I could proceed to from hence. I remain with respect, Gent. &c. Canton, 9 November 1791 John Harrisson Esq. President and Select Committee &c. of Super Cargoes, Canton. I got on board [space left blank] where I found the following answer to my letters To Captain James Colnett Sir, We have received your Letters of the 3d and 9th of November advising us of the Argonaut Snow, a Vessel belonging to a Company of Merchants licensed to trade on the Northwest Coast of America. In consequence of the Power vested in us, by the Hon. Court of Directors we do hereby require that you produce a Certificate of the Argonaut's register or under what authority she is navigated under English Colors. We are Sir, Canton, November, 1791 Your Humb. Servants Answer Gentlemen, In answer to your letter of the 9th November requiring a register of the Snow Argonaut, I have to inform you I received her from Captain John Mears a Lieut, of the Royal Navy of Great Britain, under whose direction she was completely loaded and fitted for sea; I consider'd myself at that time as Commander of her only for the Passage to America expecting there to meet a Ship of the Co., I belong to, of which I intended to take the Command as I II 286 THE COLNETT JOURNAL ill m I possessing the sole privilege of trading on that Coast for the said Company, not meaning to return in the Argonaut I made no enquiry about a register. I had at this time a Licence (wherein my name was included with other Merchants) to trade on that Coast, and also Licence from the Honourable Admiralty Board of Great Britain, to navigate these seas wearing the British Colours only. Most of my papers concerning the Company, with my Licence, were taken from me by the Spaniards, who captured me, but I have still remaining my Admiralty Licence, which I have not deviated from the true intent and meaning of, in the smallest degree. The unprecedented proceedings of the Spaniards obliged me to return to Europe by this route, as I before informed you by letter. The various distresses I have met with (such as bad weather, the Vessel a wreck, and not fit to be trusted to sea again &c.,) have put it entirely out of my Power to assist myself, therefore I flatter'd myself your humanity and Compassion for the manifold sufferings I have undergone would awaken your Sensibility, and as my Countrymen I had hopes to meet your protection. When I saw Mr. Harrisson I requested him to point out any method he thought best to dispose of my Cargo, or I offer'd to deliver it into your hands in the same manner I delivered a former one which offer I again repeat. I also requested permission to come to Wampoa, and understood Mr. Harrisson that he had nothing to do with me or my concerns. The whole of my Transactions being publicly known, a recital or further explanation of them I did not think necessary, but must again supplicate (in my own name, and for those I am concerned with) for your Assistance to dispose of the Vessel and Cargo for their Benefit to whom it belongs, it having now become a National Concern. The Anxiety I have labour'd under in the whole of this business, and which daily increases I trust will induce you to put a Speedy End to it. I have the Honour to be &c. John Harrison &c As soon as I dispatch'd my letter, weigh'd to proceed up the River, wind continued right against me and [hardly] able to work to windward even with my Boats towing, and a hired Boat from Macao assisting. By taking advantages of the tide made Shift to reach the Bocha P.M. [space].1 Here the Mandarin commanding boarded me and desired I would anchor till I got my Pass to go between the Forts. I shewed him the Distressed state of my Vessel, and that I had no anchor, nor Cable long enough, to bring up where we were. It being Stark Calm and Strong tide soon xThe Factory Records, China 2, of the East India Company, vol. XIX, state: "Nov. 25, 1791, Received an account that the Argonaut brig had entered the Bogue and was at anchor at the second bar." Ill if FROM CHUSAN TO CANTON 287 drifted thro'. He was perfectly satisfied with my reason, and all he requested was, I would not go to Whampoa, or send anyone out of the Vessel till he reported me; this I promised. He left a guard on board, and next morning with his consent weigh'd and ran up to the 2nd Bar and Anchored among the Hon. East India Company Ships. Several Officers from them came on board, and offer'd every Assistance &c, particularly the Alfred's. To Captain Ferguson and all his Officers, I shall ever think myself greatly Obliged for their constant kindness, the whole time they lay there. As I never meant again to sail the Argonaut from where she was, I procured Money and paid all the Crew off, and waited myself, with the greatest impatience for the decision of the Chinese. I now learnt the Princess Royal Sloop, that was Captured with me, had been at Macao under Spanish Colours with three Thousand Prime sea Otter Skins, but finding the Embargo on, after deal of Trouble, got permission to lodge them in the Custom house, and receiving my protest sold the Vessel. So on the whole if the Embargo had not been on, what with the use of the Princess Royal, and Argonaut, and Furs collected by them, the Spaniards would have been in Pocket after paying the whole of the Damages, real and Supposed as fixed by Captain John Mears,1 which can be more certainly proved (the propriety of his Calculation) by the Quantity of Furs, collected and Sold by Captain Douglas who return'd to the Coast, on his own account after the Spaniards let him go, and also other adventurers fitting out in consequence of his success. Nothing happen'd till 8 P.M., Nov. [blank] when the man having the Look out on deck alarm'd me with an account of a great number of large China Boats, going to board us, altho' he had hailed and forbid them; I got on deck at the Instant. The foremost one with his long Bamboo hooked on, and with a Chop of my hanger cut it in two; the tide running Strong he fell astern carrying others with him, desiring them if their intentions were good to come in fewer numbers, or stay till day light. Finding I was determin'd they should not come on board they push'd off; next 1Meares made two estimates of the losses caused by the seizure of the vessels. The first, set out in his Memorial, placed them at $653,433 Spanish dollars; the second, dated September 7, 1790, claimed £469,865. The amount awarded was 210,000 hard dollars. V-1 288 THE COLNETT JOURNAL morning several Mandarins and most of the security merchants, with numberless attendants and three or four Craft, as big as the Argonaut, came along side. After coming on board and Seated, asked me numberless Questions concerning the state of the Vessel and Cargo, which they particularly examin'd. Finding everything as I had represented it to the Mandarin when I pass'd the Bocha, they promised to do all in their power to Assist me, and order'd a Compradore to supply me with everything I wanted, declaring if I could not pay him they would, and in every respect behaved as polite and humane as any Polish'd nation I ever was among. On Nov. [space] a large sailing covered boat was sent for me, by the Mandarins, desiring I would attend them to consult what was to be done. I did not hesitate a moment but Just as I stood went over the side into the Boat, and put off. I had not gone many Miles before I found I was a Prisoner, but treated with every kindness; a Bed had been sent for me, and a small Boat to procure anything I wish'd, also wines and Spirits. They took me up an inland navigation, and meant to land me in the night, but a heavy gale coming on arrived at Canton about three in the afternoon, and anchor'd abreast the Company's Factory. I was forbid to speak to anyone; they shut all the openings up but one; by my appearing perfectly satisfied I found means to get out of this, when they little expected it, and the first English boat that came by I requested them to take me on shore. The Mandarin Soldiers fearful of answering for this neglect threaten'd the Captain of the Ship, if he took me. After a little altercation between them, and their promising to carry me on shore themselves, he row'd off. I got on shore with my guard who finding now it was impossible to detain me If I meant to run away offer'd on my finding bail to let me go where I pleas'd. The English Supercargoes I look'd on to, have set their face against any Protection, or Mercy to me—and in vain to apply to them. Mr. B[eal] the Prussian resident from the many services he had render'd me drew the Suspicions of the Mandarins on him, as if he advis'd and guided me in all my actions, so that I could not in Justice apply to him. I thought of applying to an Armenian Gentleman named Menas [?] Arutoon [?] whom I had once carried as a Passenger from Macao and also tow'd a II w^ FROM CHUSAN TO CANTON 289 long Boat up that Broke adrift from a Ship he was concerned in,1 laying in Macao Roads. The little attention I paid him at this time he never forgot; at all times whenever I saw him, proffering his Services. I went with the Mandarin Soldier and interpreter to his house, when he readily offer'd his assistance in every degree, and that he would be bound for me in all he was worth, and his life, for my appearance when call'd for; recommending my remaining with him, which after a little consultation was consented to, but Soldiers were left constantly to watch the house, and whenever I went out followed me. I began now to be uneasy, and the un- ■ pleasant stories buzz'd in my Ears of the displeasure of the Grand Mandarin for having come thro' the Bocha increased it, and call'd to my memory Stories I had heard of the Cruelty of Strangling the Gunner of a Country Ship, without law or Justice, which the English Supercargoes suffered; and of building a house of a Thousand Bricks round another, leaving a hole Just big enough to feed him thro', &c, &c. However I was determin'd with so much Justness as I thought I had on my side, to brave it soly [solely]. Next morning the mandarins sent for me. I was usher'd into a Court where numbers of them were seated, also security merchants. My friend the Armenian accompany'd me, he understanding and talking the Chinese Language perfectly well, did me infinite service—they treated me in a humane and Polite manner, desiring me to point out what I would have them do first; I requested them to take Vessel and Cargo giving me only a receipt for her, signifying I had delivered her to them. This was objected to. Next, I requested to let her be hove on shore in the Mud at Whampoa and there left under the care of their Soldiers and one English, till the embargo as expected was taken off. This was not approved of. I now was silent and desired them to fix on some method. First, they proposed the Skins to go to Macao, and Lodged in the Custom house, with those brought by the Spaniards in the Princess Royal. Not willing to claim Protection from a Portuguese to the disgrace of my own nation I negatived it, and proposed sending xProbably, according to Factory Records of East India Company, China 2, vol. XIX, the brig Nootka in which Meares made his first voyage to the North West Coast. .fl m Mm in ML 1 IK i mm ill ML. ■ Bill f I mm i9o THE COLNETT JOURNAL them to England in a Company Ship, which was approved of. I ask'd what I could do with the Argonaut, as I meant to accompany the Furs. It was determin'd that the Vessel should be sent to Macao after the Furs were deliver'd; and there to be sold free of all Chinese duties, as soon as I could find a Captain that would take the Furs on board. On making it known to a Friend he apply'd to Captain Baldwin Commanding the Honourable East India Co. Ship General Coote who consented to take them, with approbation of Mr. Harrisson. On my informing the security Merchants of it, with me they waited on Captain Baldwin to confirm what I advanc'd, and then waited on Mr. Harrisson to obtain permission for their being Ship'd. On entering his apartment he lost himself, by flying into a most Violent rage, and at first oppos'd it, but the merchant's cool reasoning with him, calling his attention to recollect what he had and was doing for his Countrymen and not a Chinaman, and in his Idea he was the man to assist, not oppose me, he reassumed his usual Politeness; but another Gentleman of the Committee, who had been within hearing of what had pass'd when things were going as well as I expected, came bellowing in, declaring it was impossible: the General Coote must be dispatched this night; but Mr. Harrisson declar'd if the Business could be done it was very well. By next night at twelve o'Clock the Mandarins determin'd on the whole Business; and I was carried away in the same manner I was brought up, but in a Stronger Boat, greater number of attendants also Mandarins and their Boats; the Boat I was in was also better Cover'd, and I never saw heaven or water till I arrived alongside, and the whole of the passage it was a doubt to me where I was going. Go-qua the China Interpreter that had the care of me from the Mandarins treated me with uncommon kindness. They took the Cargo of Furs out of the Argonaut into the Mandarins' Boat and Carried them on board the Coote,1 taking a receipt from the Chief Mate Mr. Rd. Williams for me and them; at the same time putting him in mind of the many Misfortunes that 1"The Mandareens have permitted the Sea Otter Skins brought here by the Argonaut to be shipped on board the Gen. Coote and Captn Baldwin is to take them to Europe in part of his indulgence of Private Trade. The Argonaut is ordered to proceed immediately to Macao" (Fac. Rec. China 2, East India Company, vol. XIX, Dec. 1, 1791). mmr FROM CHUSAN TO CANTON 291 had befallen me, begging him to be kind and civil to me, and Joss would repay him. He then took a friendly leave of me promising the Chop should be sent to the Argonaut for her entering Macao harbour, and delivered to my Mate, whom I had order'd to Command the Snow, &c. till otherwise order'd by the Acting Agents for the Company in China. Next Morning we sailed.1 My Business continuing always in so unsettled a State prevented my replacing my Clothing, &c, the Spaniards had Borrowed from me; and I came away in a very bare state from China; the acting owner there behaved with every degree of humanity and kindness and would have settled my Accounts, but as I was heartily tired and disgusted with a part of the world I met with nothing but disappointments in, and having a number of deceas'd people's accounts to adjust as well as my own, I only took the Sum of 500 Dollars; out of which I paid the remaining Officers and Crew, on board, and left a final settlement till my return in England; and having always endeavoured to act with every degree of Justness, and uprightness to them In whose employ I had suffer'd numberless hardships, I flatter myself to be paid, as well as the Friends of the Deceas'd, out of the Restitution money Government has demanded of the Spaniards, and that I have not served a set of Gentlemen 6 Years and upwards, under a number of Strange Vicissitudes of Fortune, for little else at present than has supplied the Calls of nature. 1"Captain Baldwin made application to receive on board the Genl. Coote, Captn. James Colnett and carry him a passenger to England, which was accordingly granted. ... At Eleven o'Clock in the forenoon dispatch'd the Genl. Coote and Britannia for England" {ibid., Dec. 3, 1791). Ill CHAPTER XVIII H|i COPY OF A LETTER FROM THE SPANISH VICE ROY TO CAPTAIN COLNETT DATED MEXICO 2nd SEPTEMBER, 1791, AS DELIVERED BY LORD GRANVILLE A T the Time you will be in Asia I am answering by the way of Europe the Letter you wrote me from the Port of Nootka in America the 28th last Feb. because I presume you will be returned to England by the time that this arrives or at least that it can be forwarded from thence to your hands with more security and dispatch than by any other Channel. I have read with much concern your Account of the Contrarieties which you suffered in your navigation to that Port and the Necessity to which you found yourselves reduced by want of water to repair to Land in order to kIMI save your Lives. My orders for Careening and refitting your Ship were most ample directing that no cost should be spared and in Truth it so turns out as I am persuaded that everything was done to Your Satisfaction and the Sloop the Princess Royal was refitted in the same Manner the careening of which it being a small Ship cost 1062 Head D[ollars]. I ordered also that the Provisions of Stores should be at your Choice and the best that could be procured; the Flesh meat of those parts is esteemed and accounted Good, the Poultry and Vegetables were the same that compose the Rations of our own Vessels but our American Salt Provisions can never equal those from England. The moment that you proffered to me your Complaint of having been robbed of Your Effects I ordered a speedy and formal Judicial enquiry to be made and from it we learnt that the Gold watch had been returned to Kendrick, the Octant and the Musquets tho' it had been understood that they had been given as presents have been returned to their owners, the Rice and other Stores taken from your Ship were replaced by others equally fresh and a Sum of Money advanced to the Amount of 9,175 h[ea]d Dollars which was fully sufficient to make a considerable Restitution. I am persuaded that you will do me the Justice to believe the Expense of your detention has Cost to the Royal Treasury 27,394 hd Dl[head dollars]. I should not have made a difficulty in laying out 3 or 4,000 in addition to that sum and therefore if there was any scarcity or defect it was owing to the Inferior Officers who rarely in any Country fulfil completely the intention of those who are placed over them. If you had then made your Complaints to me I would have assured my orders that everything should be done to your Satisfaction for there was nothing farther from my thoughts than to have exposed you to a scarcity or to a bad store of Provisions nor to have 292 L LETTER FROM SPANISH VICE ROY 293 caused your Ship to put to sea without having been careened and refitted as it needed and might have been done. Bad weather occasioned the Princess Royal to go on shore at San Bias and this unfortunate Accident prevented her being sent you to Nootka. By the dispositions that were immediately made she will be carried to Canton in order to be redelivered to you, by the means ofourPhillipine Co. Of this I informed you in my Letter of the 10 Jan. of this year which you will have received at Canton Expressing to you the Concern I feel at this Accident and that whatever indemnification you think you ought to ask you may apply for it to the King, reposing due confidence in his Royal Generosity and Justice. It has given me particular pleasure that Frans. Elisha and Don Jacinto Caamano have assisted and favoured you agreeable to my orders towards continuing your Voyage to Macao which I shall be glad to hear of your having concluded with entire Success.1 XA dignified reply to Colnett's complaining letter from Nootka" which will be found, ante, p. 209. In this connection see F. W. Howay, "Captain Colnett and the Princess Royal" {Oregon Historical Quarterly, vol. xxvi, pp. 12 fF.). < j! mm MM m'i Pi i 1 APPENDICES I—V I m 1 iff:* If 11 APPENDIX I The Terms of the Licence of the East India Company for the King George and Queen Charlotte with Correspondence Showing that the Same Terms were in the Licence of the Prince of Wales and Princess Royal, and under which Captain Colnett in the Argonaut was Acting on his Voyage of 1789-91 (From the Archives of India Office, London.) Misc. Letters Rec'd. 1786. Vol.78 To the Honble. the United Company of Merchants Trading to the East Indies. The Memorial of Rich. Cadman Etches Sheweth That your Memorialist having last Year obtain'd a License from the South Sea Company to Traffic on the North West Coast of America for the term of Five Years, and having fitted out two Ships namely the King George and the Queen Charlotte, which Ships were licens'd by Your Honble Company to dispose of their Cargoes on the Coast of China from Canton Northwards, under certain Penalties, restrictions, and Conditions, and likewise to freight the said Ships from Canton to Europe at Thirteen Pounds Per Ton, and it being intended to send out another Ship1 this Season to the said North West Coast of America, to Collect Furs and other Produce. I have most humbly to entreat, that Your Honble Court will be pleas'd to grant a license to the said Ship, subject to the same Penalties, Restrictions, and Conditions as the above mention'd—and Your Memorialist will agree to bring home a freight of Merchandise from Canton on the same terms of Thirteen pounds per Ton, and in every respect conform to the same Conditions, as is done in the two Ships he hath already sent out, the Ship is nearly New, River built, from 250 to 300 Tons Measurement, and will be equip'd for Sea in a very ample manner—and is intended to Sail the first of August next. T . . TT , 1 have the Honour to be Your Most obedt. and Most Humble Servt. Richd. Cadman Etches London, June 30, 1786 aThe Prince of Wales. 1 If Ml ill THE COLNETT JOURNAL (On the back of this letter is the note: "Comm.Corr Ex. & rept.—Read in Court 4th July 1786—Reported 7thjuly.") Misc, Letters Rec'd. 1786. Vol. 79 (No. 23) To the Honble the United Company of Merchants Trading to the East Indies The Memorial of Rd. Cadman Etches Humbly Sheweth That since presenting a Memorial to your Honorable Court for the sending of a Ship from the North West Coast of America to China &c. we have judg'd it expedient to send out a small Sloop1 as a tender to the Ship, for the benefit of Trafficing and Navigating the large Rivers on the North West Coast of America. It is our present intention to leave the said Sloop to Traffic on the Coast of America and when she returns from thence, to return by Cape Horn—but in case it should not be deem'd safe or prudent to leave the said Sloop on the Coast of America. I have most humbly to entreat that Your Honourable Court will be pleas'd to grant permission for the Sloop to accompany the Ship as' a tender. The complyance of your Honourable Court will be highly esteem'd by Your most obedt, and most devoted Servt. Rd. Cadman Etches India House, Tuesday, 11 July, 1786 (On the back of this letter is the note: Court 11th July 1786.") 'Com. Corr. ex. & rept. Read in Correspondence Reports Vol. 15. 1785-1788 ■ P. 141 At a Committee of Correspondence the 6th & 13 July, 1786 Pursuant to a reference of Court of the 4th. Instant, the Committee considered the Memorial of Mr. Richd. Cadman Etches,8 who was permitted last year to send two Ships5 to the North West Coast of America, to purchase Furs and after paying the amount of their produce into the Company's Treasury at Canton, to be freighted from thence at £13 pr Ton, entreating xThe Princess Royal. *See Misc. Letters Rec'd., vol. 78. Letter dated June 30, 1786, ante, p. 297. 3The King George and the Queen Charlotte. Mil APPENDIX 299 permission to send another Ship this Season, under the same restrictions as the two former, and the Committee offer it to the Court as their Opinion, that the prayer of the said Memorial be complied with, if Mr. Etches will freight the Ship from Canton at £11 pr Ton.—and the Committee also considered the request of Mr. Etches referr'd the 11th. Instant for permission to send out a Small Sloop as a Tender to the said Ship, to be left to Traffick on the Coast of America, and to return from thence by Cape Horn, but if it should not be deemed safe or prudent to leave the said Sloop on the Coast of America, that she may accompany the Ship as a Tender; and the Committee offer it as their opinion that the said Request be also granted subject to the Restrictions on the other Ships. (Signed by 13 Members of the Committee.) The Court's Letters Vol.1 1784-7 January 19, 1787, "Orders and Instructions given by the Court of Directors of the United Company of Merchants of England trading to the East Indies to Messrs. Henry Browne, Abraham Roebuck, John Harrison, George Cuming, Alexander Bruce, and Charles Edward Pigou."1 Paragraph 27. "We have permitted Mr. Richard Cadman Etches to send out a Ship2 this Season to the North West Coast of America to purchase Furrs and to pay the amount of the produce into the Company's Treasury at Canton, under the same restriction as the two Ships which he was permitted to send out last year, provided he will freight the said Ship from thence at £11P. Ton." Paragraph 28. "We have allowed him likewise to send out a small Sloop5 as a Tender to the said Ship which is to be left to traffick on the Coast of America and to return from thence by Cape Horn. But if it should not be deemed safe or prudent to leave the said Sloop on the Coast of America, she may accompany the Ship as a Tender, subject to the same restrictions as the other Ships are under. Copy of Mr. Etches's Agreement goes a Number in the Packet. As we gave you full directions last Year how you were to act with regard to the King George and Queen Charlotte, we shall now only desire you to obey those Orders with regard to the two Ships above mentioned." Home Series. Misc. 494 P. 369 xThe members of the Select Committee of the East India Company at Canton, China. 2The Prince of Wales, commanded by Captain James Colnett. The Princess Royal, commanded by Captain Charles Duncan. fit 300 THE COLNETT JOURNAL fm At a Committee of Correspondence 6th May, 1785 Wm - (Home Series, Misc. 494, East India Company, p. 369.) The Committee taking into consideration the reference of Court made the 3rd instant, "Whether a permission under any, and what Regulations, may be granted for a Ship or Ships to proceed to the Coast of America and Asia," find, that Mr. Richard Cadman Etches of London, Merchant, and other persons in partnership with him, have agreed, if they can get permission from Government, to engage in an adventure to the North West Coast of America; and there to settle small Factories, for the purpose of purchasing and procuring Furs, and such other Goods, the produce of that Country, as may be sold at the Japanese Islands, or China; and to proceed to, and sell and dispose of such goods at those places, if they can obtain license of this Company so to do; which said adventure hath been under the consideration of Government and it is thought to be of importance to this Country to endeavour to open and establish such a Trade. And the Committee having conferred with Mr. Etches concerning the said Adventure, is of opinion, that this Company may, with safety to themselves, give encouragement thereto, so far as to license two Ships for one voyage, by way of experiment, to go to and Trade within such of the limits of this Company's Charter as aftermentioned, under, and subject to, the following terms and conditions, viz. 1. That the said Ships shall proceed to the place of their destination, on the North West Coast of America, by the way of Cape Horn, or the Straights of Magellan; and having taken in their loading, may be licensed and allowed to proceed therewith to the Isles of Japan, or other places to the Northward thereof, and there sell and dispose of their Cargoes of Furs, or such other Commodities, the produce of the North West Coast of America as they shall procure there and carry with them. 2. That the said Ships shall not go, or proceed to the Southward or Westward of Canton, or to the Westward of New Holland, unless driven by unavoidable accidents, to be proved to the satisfaction of the Court of Directors, nor shall sell, or send to, or by any ways or means whatsoever supply or traffic in any European Goods whatsoever at China, or to the Southward or Westward of China, or to the Westward of New Holland, or purchase, or procure by Barter, or otherwise, any Goods except Bullion, within those Districts of the produce or manufacture of those Countries, or which can be procured there, except, that if they shall happen to be driven into those Seas by unavoidable accidents, and to take shelter in Port, they may procure provisions and necessaries to enable them to proceed to Canton; and in case anything shall be done contrary to this stipulation, the persons concerned in the said adventure shall forfeit and pay to this Company the respective Sums hereinafter mentioned; that is to say, in case the said Ships, or either of them, shall go or proceed to the Southward or Westward of Canton, or to the Westward of New Holland, unless driven by unavoidable APPENDIX 301 accidents as aforesaid, they shall forfeit and pay to this Company, for each such offence, the sum of £5000, and if any European Goods shall be sold, or traded, or trafficked in at China, or to the Southward or Westward thereof, or to the Westward of New Holland, or any Goods shall be bought or procured there, except bullion, provisions, and stores in the cases aforesaid, they shall pay to this Company £100 P Cent, and so in proportion for a greater or less sum than £100, upon the price or value at which such Goods as aforesaid shall be sold and disposed of, bought and procured, as a satisfaction to the Company for damages. And, for the purpose of ascertaining such damages, the persons concerned in the said Adventure shall be obliged to discover the particulars, and price or value at which such Goods shall be sold and disposed of, and all the circumstances of such trading, upon oath, on any Bill in Equity to be brought for that purpose; and shall not demur or refuse to answer such Bill, by reason of its subjecting them to a penalty, or any other pretence whatsoever. 3. That in case the said Ships cannot dispose of their Goods procured on the North West Coast of America, at the Japanese Islands, or to the Northward thereof, they shall be at liberty to explore and trade along the Coasts of Correa in their way down to Canton, and as soon as the said Ships respectively shall have finished their trade at the Japanese Islands, or other places northward thereof, or on the Coast of Correa, they shall go directly to Canton in China; and there submit and demean themselves agreeable to such Orders and Instructions as they shall receive from this Company's Supra Cargoes; and shall forthwith after their arrival deliver to the said Supra Cargoes an Account in writing of all the Goods or Money obtained by barter or sale at the Japanese Islands, or other places to the Northward thereof, or on the Coast of Correa, and of all American and European Goods (if any) remaining undisposed of; and also of all the Ship's Stores; and shall permit the said Goods, Ships, and Merchandizes, to be searched and examined by the said Supra Cargoes or by such person or persons as they shall appoint; and, if anything, except Ship's Stores, shall be found, which shall not be contained in the said account, the same shall be forfeited to this Company, and double the value thereof, to be paid by the persons concerned in the said adventure; and the said Goods shall and may be seized, taken, and kept, by this Company's Supra Cargoes, or by their order, for the use of this Company; and if the Masters or Commanders of the said Ships, or either of them, or the Agents or persons having the custody, control, sale, or management of the said Goods, shall refuse to permit such search, or shall in any shape obstruct the same, the persons concerned in the said adventure, for every such refusal or obstruction, shall forfeit and pay to this Company the sum of £5000, and moreover, the license of this Company for the said Ships to remain within their limits of Trade shall from thenceforth cease; and the said Ships shall immediately return to Europe in ballast, or with such Goods received in barter, and such American and European Goods as they shall have on board; and this Company shall not be obliged to load them home; and on their arrival in Great Britain, all such American goods, and all Goods re- $#: 302 THE COLNETT JOURNAL ceived in barter as aforesaid, shall be delivered to this Company, to be sold at their Sales; and one half of the net produce of such sale shall be kept and retained by this Company for their own use, and the other half thereof shall be paid over to the persons concerned in the said adventure,—and if the persons concerned in the said Adventure, or the Masters or Commanders of the said Ships, or any of them, shall refuse, or neglect to come home, as aforesaid, or, on arrival, shall not deliver the said American Goods, and the said Goods received in barter, as aforesaid, and every part thereof to this Company, to be sold, as aforesaid, the said Adventure shall forfeit and pay to this Company the further sum of £5000 for every such refusal, or neglect. 4. That the money received at the Japanese Islands, or other places northward thereof, or on the Coast of Correa, for the Furs and other Goods procured on the North West Coast of America, sold at such places, shall be paid into this Company's Treasury at Canton; for which, Bills of Exchange, payable at 365 days' sight, shall be given by this Company's Supra Cargoes upon the Court of Directors, at the ordinary rate of Exchange which shall be given to other persons in the same season. 5. That with respect to Furs, and other American Goods remaining unsold when the said Ships shall arrive at Canton; and with respect to Goods received in barter at the Japanese Islands, or other places to the Northward thereof, or on the Coast of Correa, which may be proper either for an European, or an Indian Market, the same shall be offered to this Company's Supra Cargoes at Canton, on behalf of this Company, at a fair price; and if the said Supra Cargoes, cannot, or shall not, see proper to agree for the purchase thereof, then such of them as shall be proper for sale at China shall be delivered to the said Supra Cargoes, to be sold by them, on the customary Commission, on account of the concerned, and this Company shall be answerable for the said Supra Cargoes' duly accounting for the said Goods and what they shall receive for the same; and the money shall be remitted, as aforesaid, thro' the Company's Treasury; and such of them as shall be more proper for sale in India shall be sent and consigned, as there shall be an opportunity by returning Ships, to the Governors and Councils of some or one of the Company's Presidencies in India, to be sold there on the customary Commission at such Presidency on the account of the persons concerned in the said Adventure; and the produce thereof shall be remitted to England, thro' the Company's Treasury, by Bills of Exchange payable at such time and at the ordinary rate of Exchange at such Presidency in the season in which the said Bills shall be granted; and the said Bills shall be granted the same season in which the money shall be paid to the Company's Treasury, if the said Bills can at that time be legally drawn consistent with prior engagements; and if not, the same shall be granted in the next season, and in respect to all Europe Goods whatsoever, and the Stores of the said Ships, the same shall be brought back to Europe, or used by the said Ships in their voyage; and no part thereof shall be sold, or disposed of at any place or places within the limits of this Company's Trade. And if the persons con- APPENDIX 303 cerned in the said Adventure shall refuse to sell and dispose of their American Goods (except Furs which shall not be fit for sale at China, which may be brought home) and Goods obtained by barter, in manner aforesaid, then the license for the said Ships respectively to remain within this Company's limits shall cease, and this Company shall not be obliged to load them home; and the said Ships shall forthwith return to Europe, and deliver the said Goods into this Company's Warehouses, to be sold at this Company's Sales; and one half part of the nett produce of such sale shall be kept and retained by this Company for their own use, and the other half thereof shall be paid to the persons concerned in said adventure. And if the persons concerned in the said adventure, or the Masters, or Commanders of the said Ships, shall refuse or neglect to return to Europe with the said Goods; or, on arrival, shall not deliver the same, and every part thereof to this Company, to be sold, as aforesaid; the persons concerned in the said Adventure shall forfeit and pay to this Company the sum of £5000 for every such refusal or neglect. 6. That the said Ships respectively, on their arrival at Canton, shall be surveyed by, or, by order of this Company's Supra Cargoes; and if on such survey, they shall be found to be in fit and proper condition, as to their strength, soundness, and ability to perform a voyage to London in safety with a Cargo of Teas and other China Commodities, without damaging the same; or can be repaired at China, and put into such condition as aforesaid for the said voyage (which Repairs shall be made at the expense of the Owners of the said Ships) and shall be free from any smell which may be likely to hurt or damage Tea; then this Company by their Supra Cargoes, shall take the said Ships respectively into this Company's employ as freighted Ships, and load them home to London with such quantity of Teas and other China Goods as the Supra Cargoes at China shall judge may be safely and conveniently brought in them to Great Britain, at a freight of £13 p. Ton, to be computed in like manner as such Tonnage is computed to other of the Company's freighted Ships; and the Commanders of the said ships respectively shall execute a Charter party with this Company for that purpose; and shall thereby subject themselves, and the said Ship, and the Owners thereof, to the same Covenants and Agreements, as shall be contained in the Charterparties of the Company's freighted Ships coming from China in the same season; and all and every the persons concerned in the said Adventure shall be answerable for the performance of such Covenants and Agreements, in like manner as if they had executed the Charter Party. 7. That in case the said Ships, or either of them, shall not, in the judgment of the said Supra Cargoes, be in fit condition; or cannot be repaired at Canton, so as to be put in a fit condition to return to London with such Cargo as aforesaid; or if they, in the judgment of the said Supra Cargoes, shall have any bad smell, so as to be liable to damage or hurt Tea; then the said Ships so deemed unfit, or subject to such bad smell, shall be at liberty to return to the North West Coast of America, and from thence to load home with 304 THE COLNETT JOURNAL hi Goods for Europe provided that no Goods or Commodities whatsoever except provisions and stores shall be loaded on or carried in the said Ships, or either of them from Canton, or elsewhere within this Company's limits of Trade, and provided also, that the said Ships shall return directly from the North West Coast of America to Europe by the way of Cape Horn, or the Streights of Magellan without proceeding to North America, and for the - purpose of preventing any Trade which may be injurious to this Company being carried on from any place within this Company's limits of Trade to America the said Ships respectively shall be fitted out and loaded under the inspection and control of this Company's Supra Cargoes and nothing shall be loaded or put on board thereof, or either of them, without their express license, and they shall have liberty to search and inspect the said Ships respectively at any time, and to prescribe such rules, and do all and every such Acts and Things as they shall think necessary for preventing any Trade contrary to this Article, and if any Goods shall be loaded without their license, or their rules, orders, actings, or doings shall in any instance be resisted or obstructed, or shall not be complied with, the persons concerned in the said Adventure shall forfeit and pay to this Company such mulct or fine not exceeding the sum of £2000 as the Court of Directors of this Company for the time being shall impose, assess, or order. 8. That in case the said Ships shall be freighted home by this Company, as mentioned in the 6th Article, then the persons concerned in the said Adventure shall be at liberty with the consent and approbation of this Company's Supra Cargoes at Canton, in writing under their hands (and not otherwise) to send one vessel not exceeding the burthen of 120 Tons from Canton to the North West Coast of America to carry letters and advices to such Factories as shall be settled or left there, and also provisions and stores for such Factories with liberty to return back to Canton with a Cargo of Furs to be disposed of by the said Supra Cargoes upon Commission as aforesaid for the concerned, and the produce remitted as aforesaid by the Company's Treasury, but no Goods or Commodities whatsoever except provisions and stores shall be carried from Canton or any other place within the Company's limits, and for the purpose of preventing such trade, the said Vessel shall be fitted out and loaded by the said Supra Cargoes and subject to their license, superintendance, search, and control as is mentioned in the 7th Article respecting the Ships returning to the North West Coast of America and the persons concerned in the said adventure shall be subject to the like mulct or fine as therein mentioned. 9. That in case any outrage shall be committed by the persons concerned in the said adventure, or any or either of them, or their Agent or Agents or the Masters, Commanders, Officers, or Seamen of the said Ships, or any or either of them, in any Port or Place or against any of the Natives of Japan or China, or any other place within the limits of this Company's Trade, or in case any dispute or difference shall arise or happen with such Natives concerning any matter or thing whatsoever whereby this Company APPENDIX 305 shall or may sustain any loss or damage of their goods or Trade shall or may be stopped, prejudiced, or injured, then and in every such case, the persons concerned in the said undertaking and their Agents and the Masters, Officers, and Seamen of the said Ships respectively shall make such satisfaction to the said Natives, and submit to and perform such terms of accommodation of such outrage, disputes, and differences as shall be prescribed and directed by this Company's Supra Cargoes at China and moreover the persons concerned in the said Adventure shall pay and satisfy to this Company all such damages, prejudice, or injury as this Company shall sustain, and such mulct, or fine beyond damages in respect of any such misbehaviour as aforesaid as the Court of Directors of this Company for the time being shall ascertain, assess, and direct, whose determination in respect of such damages, mulct, or fine shall be final and conclusive and shall not be revoked or set aside by any Court whatsoever so that the same do not exceed the sum of £2000, over and beyond the fair estimated damages. 10. That before the said ships shall proceed on the said voyage there shall be delivered to this Company, a true and exact List of all persons concerned in the said Adventure subscribed by themselves respectively and also of the Agents sent out on the said Adventure, and of the Commanders,. Officers, and Seamen, and all other persons employed therein, and in the said Ships. 11. That within 7 days next after the said Ships arrival in the Port of London, or within 14 days after their arrival in any other Port in this Kingdom, on their return voyage, the Masters and Commanders of the said Ships respectively shall deliver to the said Company the original and true Journals and log Books of the said Ships which shall contain the Account of all the said Ships' proceedings from the time of their departure from Europe to the time of their arrival in Great Britain for the perusal and inspection of the said Company, but the contents thereof, are not to be disclosed or made public, except to Government without the consent of the persons concerned in the said Adventure; and in case they shall refuse or neglect to deliver the said Journals and Log Book the persons concerned in the said undertaking shall forfeit and pay to the said Company the sum of £2000. 12. That proper Articles of Agreement shall be prepared between this Company and the persons concerned in the said Adventure for carrying the foregoing stipulations into execution and that security to the satisfaction of the Court of Directors shall be given to this Company by Bond in a penalty of £20,000 for the true and faithful performance of all and every the Covenants and Agreements to be contained in the said Articles of Agreement. All which the Committee submit &c. &c. &c. im .# APPENDIX II The Licence of the South Sea Company for the Prince of Wales and Princess Royal under which Captain Colnett was Operating on his Voyage of 1789-91 (This is a retranslation from the Spanish version of the licence, in Archivo General de Indias, Seville, Spain, Est. 90, Caj. 3, Leg. 18.) 101. Extract from Warrant (or Commission) No. 1 The Governor and Company of Traders of Great Britain that trades in the south seas and other parts of America: This Company, having concession by Act of Parliament issued on the 1st of August, 1711, in the ninth year of the reign of Queen Ann, to trade in said seas, to promote fishing, to trade in bar iron with the subjects of His Catholic Majesty, from the River Orinoco to the southerly part of the Tierra del Fuego, and to the west of it to the most northerly part of America in all the territories, islands and places that are looked upon as belonging to the Crown of Spain,—not being separated more than 300 leagues from the American continent, and from the south of the Tierra del Fuego to the most northerly of America, except Brazil and Surinam that belong to Portugal and United Provinces; Therefore: We give permission to Richard Cadman Etches and Company for the period of five years commencing from the 1st of September next, 1786, to fit out ships or vessels for said seas, on the condition that: he will inform the company of all his operations, sailings; he will send an exact copy of his diaries and proceedings, as these will be of service to commerce, and the company desires to protect and encourage this experiment or attempt, which perhaps will produce good results; that within seven days of his arrival in England, if he arrives at the Port of London, or within fourteen days if he arrives at any other port, he will deliver to the Company whatever diaries or reports may be asked of him, and if he should not do so, he will be fined £2,000:0:0 English money. Dated the 4th of August, 1785. Signed by the Secretary of the Company. Licence to Richard Cadman Etches & Co., to trade in the places that the company has permission to, in the South Sea, by Act of Parliament. "Pa el uso del Principe de Gales, y Princesa Rl. Nota, hto[esto] ultimo paren[ce] qe de a entendor qe la Com- APPENDIX 307 paiiia cedia al Principe de Gales alg.8 de estas licencias pa qe cobrase los derechos de ellas." (For the use of the Prince of Wales and Princess Royal. Note: this last item seems to mean that the Company ceded to the Prince of Wales the right to grant some of these licences so that he could collect the fees from them.) Ill llvl Mm\ ff I if APPENDIX III A Translation of the Diary of Esteban Jose Martinez from July 2 till July 14, 1789, Covering the Period between the Arrival of the Argonaut at Nootka Sound and her Departure as a Prize for San Blas, Mexico (Original in Deposito Hidrografico de Madrid. Copy in the Bancroft Library of the Academy of Pacific Coast History, Berkeley, California. Translation by William L. Schurz in same library—copy in editor's possession.) Thursday, July 2, 1789.—At half-past five in the morning the English sloop Princess Royal set sail for her return voyage to Macao. She was towed outside the port by the launches of the two ships under my command. She then remained in sight all day, plying to windward, since the west wind was contrary. Today I assigned a position as artilleryman to Robert Cant, as he was of use for the service of this frigate. The carpenters and wood-cutters and others assisting them went to the work to which they were assigned. At eight o'clock in the evening the Constable, who is stationed in the fort of San Miguel, reported to me that a sail had been sighted. After looking at it through the glass, he said that it was tacking, but the course it was following and the time of the day did not allow us to decide fully whether it was a packet or a frigate. Believing it to be the frigate Aranzazu, which I am expecting daily with the supplies that she is to bring for my subsistence, I immediately ordered the launch to be manned with some troops in order to inspire more respect in case we should meet some Indians outside, as I am suspicious of their untrustworthiness. I got into the launch, left this harbour, and went aboard the vessel sighted with the purpose of bringing her inside. When I reached her, after nightfall, I found that the vessel was not the Aranzazu, as I was expecting, but an English packet, despatched from Macao by the same Company of Free Commerce of London. She was the companion of the sloop that left this port in the morning. This packet was named the Argonaut, and her captain was James Colnet. When I had gone on board the packet and greeted the captain and other cabin officers, I succeeded, while dissembling my intentions, in learning from this Colnet his purpose in coming to this port. In the conversation which I had with him, he said that he came as governor of this port, to establish a factory for collecting sea-otter skins, in the name of the company APPENDIX 309 to which his ship belonged. He also said that he was entrusted to prevent other nations from taking part in this fur-trade, both in this port and the other harbours of the coast, and moreover, that he brought orders from his "sovereign, the King of England, to take possession of the port of Nootka and its coast, to fortify it and make an establishment. For this latter purpose, he brought a number of Chinese of all occupations. He likewise said that he intended to construct a large frigate and a small schooner, and that he expected to receive a packet and a schooner, which had belonged to a resident of Macao, but at this time belonged to the above-mentioned Company of Free Commerce. This transfer was due to the fact that the company had demanded of the former the sum of eleven thousand pesos, which the two ships had cost it. He informed me at the same time that the Portugese had given up the claim which they had to all this coast. Having learned these designs, I foresaw at the same time that the plans which this captain had, as laid down by the English Government, could be in no way favourable to the interests of the Spanish Crown. (After we had approached the port), I ordered my launches to tow the packet in, which they did at once. Colnet then asked me if there was anything or anybody to prevent him from carrying out the designs which he had declared to me. I answered him that I would prevent him from so doing, since I had taken possession prior to him under orders of and in the name of my sovereign, Don Carlos III. I informed him that it was for this purpose that the port was fortified, and that various ships under my orders were here. When he had received my reply, he answered me saying that this port and its coasts belonged to England, as discoveries made by Captain Cook, whom he himself had accompanied since boyhood. I then convinced him by showing that he had been mistaken, since I had anticipated Cook by three years and eight months in the discovery of this port, to which I had given the name San Lorenzo. This had taken place in August of '74, whereas Cook did not come until March of '78. I told him that he could, when he went inside the harbour, confirm by the Americans what I had told him, and by the natives of the region as well, for they acknowledged it also. When he had recognized that the reasons which I had given him were well founded, he asked me in a friendly manner to permit him to construct a strong building for the security of his own person and of those who accompanied him, so that they could take some precautions and be protected from irruptions, raids, and thievery of the Indians. However, I divined his intentions and answered him that I could under no consideration permit it, since it was contrary to the orders which I carried. When Colnet saw that it was useless to try to put his plans into effect, and seeing that we were near the anchorage, he expressed his desire to anchor in the place where Captain Cook had cast anchor. I saw, however, that this was merely a pretext to get away from us, so that, secure from harm, he could leave with less risk to continue his way, or proceed to some place where he could act to better advantage. I therefore prevented this, and had him enter this port of Santa Cruz in the entrance of San Lorenzo de Nuca. Here he was made fast with two cables, t lit 310 THE COLNETT JOURNAL one at the prow to the stern-moorings which my frigate held with a grapnel, and the other at the stern, attached to the frigate Columbia. I did not wish to allow any of her own anchors to be dropped into the water. As soon as I had left the packet in this position, under the cannon of the fort, and within pistol-shot of my frigate, I returned on board. I left a competent guard in this ship to observe the Englishman's movements during the night. Friday, July 3, 1789.—After daybreak, while my boatswain, Ramon Perez, was on watch, he observed that the captain of the English packet had taken his boat before sunrise and had gone outside the port and around the hill on which the fort of San Miguel is situated. He was apparently reconnoitering the fortifications which we have on the bastion. Perez said that soon after Colnet had come inside, he had made toward the beach, along which he had coasted. At the same time he examined the hut in which are located the cooper's shop and the forge, as [if] he wished to find out what was being made. Then, he said, Colnet had returned on board, whereupon Perez immediately informed me of all that he had observed. He also told me that, after sunrise, when my frigate and the packet San Carlos had hoisted their colors, and the flag of the fort had been raised over the bastion, the two American ships anchored in the harbour—having just been overhauled in preparation for continuing their course—acknowledged the action by raising their own colours; the English packet, however, did not show its emblem. This failure to raise the flag of his nation, though I thought it might be due to the oversight of the English captain, in spite of his being so near, seemed rather an evidence of his little regard for our country than a result of oversight or preoccupation. Nevertheless, I sent him by my interpreter of English the order to raise his colours immediately, in order that it might be known who he was. He did so at once by hoisting a blue English flag at bow and stern, and at the main masthead,—instead of a streamer,—a broad pennant of the same colour with a white square in the centre. He thus gave us to understand by this standard that he was an officer of high rank. Shortly afterwards, I sent a second message to the English captain by the same interpreter, directing him to come aboard my ship and show me his passport, instructions, and the invoices or list of his cargo, so that I could comply with the orders which I carried. Colnet came on board at once and told me that he could not show me the papers which I requested, because his chests were in much disorder. He said that though they were not accessible at once, he would search for them, and as soon as he found them, he would exhibit them to me. Since I understood that this was actually the case, I replied that he should not worry about the matter, but that there was time to do it. I then allowed him to drop his anchor, and told him that he could take his time in looking for the papers, and when he found them he could produce them. On returning to his vessel, he invited me to accompany him. I did so, embarking with him in my own boat, and passing at once to his packet, where his officers received me with the greatest civility. As soon APPENDIX 311 as I entered her, I observed that the bulk of the cargo stowed away in the cabin, consisted of canvas and sail-cloth. From this I necessarily concluded that these were intended for the refitting of the ships which he counted on receiving, and the equipment of those which he was to build. When I again brought up the subject which we had discussed the night before while we were entering the harbour, of his purposes in coming here, he informed me that he bore the title or commission of governor of the port of Nootka. He further said that of the officials who accompanied him, some were to take command of the company's vessels, and others were to have charge of the books of the factory, with which purpose they had left London. When I had listened to what he had to say, I answered him, saying that he should consider his commission as discharged, since there was no place for the company's pretensions, and I could in no wise allow him to carry out the instructions he had outlined to me. In spite of their invitation to supper, I took leave of him and his officers, and came on board my ship at once. At three o'clock in the afternoon, I received a friendly note from Colnet, requesting me to do him the favour of lending him my launch, in order to raise his anchor (which he had dropped, as I had ordered, at nine o'clock in the morning). He gave as a reason for the request that his own launch was stored in the ship. He likewise asked to have my launch tow him outside, where he would be in a position to set sail, which he desired to do early the next morning as soon as the land breeze should spring up. When I had learned the contents of the letter, I saw that the reasons which he had given me in the morning for not presenting the papers which I had demanded were merely pretexts for not showing them, so that he could delay until he could find a favourable opportunity to get away. Thus, he reasoned, I would not be able to ascertain his real designs, and could not carry out the orders which I had shown him I had, authorizing me to demand of him the above-mentioned documents. • Far from granting his request, I replied to him in this fashion: "My friend, in the present circumstance it is necessary that you put into my hands at once your passport, instructions, and other papers that I have asked of you. Such are the orders of the King of Spain, my sovereign. When this affair is settled, I shall serve you as far as lies in my power, but I cannot fail to carry out the King's orders,—your humble servant, E. J. M." When Colnet received the reply which I wrote him, he came on board this frigate and produced the passport given by the company, which was written on parchment. He said at the same time that the instructions which he carried were directed to him alone, and that he was not authorized to show them to anyone. I immediately answered that it was imperative that he should show me these papers, as well as the invoice of his cargo, so that I could obtain complete information and comply with my sovereign's orders. When Colnet saw that I was determined and able to force him to produce these documents, ceasing evasions, he answered me in a most arrogant tone, that he had no instructions beyond that passport, whereas he had just finished telling me that he could not show them to me because * 312 THE COLNETT JOURNAL they were directed to himself alone. He did not wish to let go of the paper, or even allow me to make a copy of it, so that I could make myself acquainted with its contents. Besides, he added to me with much haughtiness, that I should tell him at once whether I would lend him my launch to raise his anchor and place him in a position to set sail at once. However, I gave him to understand that I had no thought of doing so unless he should first disclose to me the contents of his passport and the other documents that I had requested him to show me. He, snowing slight regard for the flag of his Catholic Majesty, and for me, who on this occasion, as a commander of his, represented his royal person, answered me, saying that whether I permitted him or no, he was going to set sail immediately, and that (if I did not like it), I might fire at him, for he was not afraid of us. He accompanied this talk by placing his hand two or three times on his sword which he wore at his belt, as if to threaten me in my own cabin. He also added in a loud voice the evil- sounding and insulting words: "God damned Spaniard." I had so far acted with prudence, trying to mollify him by all means possible, so that, he should calm himself, and without further attempting to evade, produce for me the papers that I had asked for. At the same time I considered his lack of respect for the flag which was hoisted on my ship, and I decided that if I let him go free from my deck, I would thereby suffer the arms of his Catholic Majesty to be dishonoured. Many too would think that I had failed to act, through fear, though I had no reason to be afraid, since I was superior in force to Colnet. I also took notice of the fact that he had said to me in my own cabin that he was going to set sail at once for London, where he would report these happenings to the Government. If he should do so as soon as he was on board his packet, I should have to fire on him, as he had said, to prevent his sailing.' If I should proceed to this extreme, it would be at the cost of the lives of some of those on his ship. In order to avoid the shedding of blood, I decided to arrest him in my own cabin, declaring him a prisoner of war, together with all his officers, crew, and ship, to be sent later to the Department of San Bias and there disposed of by his Excellency the Viceroy of New Spain, to whom I shall give a full account at the time I forward the prize for his superior determination. As soon as I had arrested him and declared him my prisoner under the circumstances which I have described, I had both my launches armed and sent to the ship, under the command of my first pilot Don Jose Tovar. I directed him to take charge of the vessel and man her with the crews of the two launches, in order to provide against the thefts which ordinarily occur on such occasions. They were also to bring back the prisoners for distribution between the two ships under my command, where they would be under the necessary guard. This was done immediately. I first made them haul down their flag in token of their having given themselves up as prisoners. Besides the sufficient reasons that I have given for making him a prisoner, I had others that would justify my action. First, if he had succeeded in clearing from this port, of which—so he had told me—he had APPENDIX 313 intended to take possession, but had failed to do so since it was occupied by us in the name of our sovereign, it was entirely practicable for him to carry out his designs at some point up or down the coast, wherever it would be the most convenient. In that case, we should have a bad neighbour, and in time of war an enemy near at hand, to whose attacks Old and New California would be exposed on account of their weak defences. Second, if he should sail direct for England, as he said he would do, (which was not probable), that Government would receive the notices of this affair, and would adopt measures before our court could do so. In view of these dangerous possibilities that might follow on my allowing him to get away in safety, I declared them prisoners, as I have said. During the night, the prisoners remained in my ship under guard. The carpenters and wood-cutters continued all day at their work. Saturday, July 4, 1789.—At sunrise today the frigate Columbia fired a salvo of thirteen guns, in celebration of the number of years that the American English had separated from their kinsmen in Europe; they fired several more in the course of the day, of the same number of guns. At noon Captain John Kendrick invited me and all the officers and chaplains of the two vessels under my command, (besides) the missionary fathers, and our prisoners, the officers of the English packet, (which was named the) Argonaut. He had a splendid banquet served for us, in the course of which toasts were drunk to the health of our august sovereign, Don Carlos III, (whom God protect). This was followed by a salvo of thirteen guns, to which I ordered the packet San Carlos and the fort of San Miguel to respond. I excepted the frigate Princesa, because her guns were loaded with ball and grape. Today I also ordered the disarming of the prize to be commenced. I had the artillery, powder, ammunition, and the tackle of the packet Argonaut brought aboard my frigate, while I made a detailed list of what was transferred. The carpenters and wood-cutters continued at their respective work. Sunday, July 5, 1789.—As this was a holiday, all work was suspended. Some of the prisoners remained on board the prize, others were quartered on the packet San Carlos, and Captain Colnet was on this ship, all under guard. At three o'clock in the afternoon the schooner Santa Gertrudis came in from the voyage which she made down as far as 48° 20' N. for the purpose of reconnoitring on the coast an entrance that I had sighted from a distance in the year '74, while I was returning to the Department. As soon as she had cast anchor by our side, her captain, Don Jos6 Maria Narvaez, came on board and informed me that the existence of the entrance was certain. He said that its middle point is in 48° 30' N. latitude, and in longitude 19° 28' west of the meridian of San Bias, and that the distance from shore to shore is 21', with almost the same width it extends inland farther than one can see, and at the horizon its channel leads E.S.E. He declares that this is the strait of Juan de Fuca. He says that inside the strait there is a harbour (called) San Juan, which is a good place to anchor, take on water and wood, and lay in timber for deck I M 3H THE COLNETT JOURNAL planking and masts. The point of this port farthest N.W. is in latitude 48° 36' W., and longitude 18° 24' W. of the meridian of San Bias. [Then follows a lengthy discussion and description of the Strait of Juan de Fuca which is in no way connected with the seizure of the English vessels.] Monday, July 6, 1789.—The day dawned clear. The carpenters and wood-cutters went to their respective tasks. I sent both launches to the captured packet Argonaut in order to finish transferring the artillery and the rest of her armament, so as to leave her entirely disarmed. I also sent over some provisions, consisting of rice and salted beef and pork, to supply twenty-nine Chinamen (of all occupations) whom they had brought along to make up their establishment. It will not be possible for these to go along when the prize is sent to the Department of San Bias, since the captured packet.is very small, and has not the room to carry them. Tuesday, July 7, 1789.—Today I ordered the carpenters of both my ships on board the captured packet, to make two store-rooms between decks, one to keep the bread in, and the other to contain the prisoners of the crew, since the space in the ship for this purpose was very small. Likewise I commanded the carpenters, that as soon as they completed the store-rooms, they should make a large state room at the entrance of the cabin, on the port side, where I could place the imprisoned officers, with every assurance of cleanliness and security. As I had learned from the prisoners that the ship was leaking I ordered , the chief calker to go and inspect her. When he had done so, he informed me of her condition, and said that in order to send her to San Bias, she would have to be overhauled. I at once ordered him to put her in condition as quickly as possible, without losing any time. Wednesday, July 8, 1789.—My carpenters continue making the two store-rooms and the stateroom on the packet for the prisoners, and the calkers have begun overhauling her. My men have been stowing away the contents of her hold, while the launches have been loading her water supply. The men have- also commenced cutting wood to be stored away for use in her kitchen. Having gone ashore today with Captain John Kendrick, and entered the forest, he showed me an inscription carved on a tree, which read: "William Cooper, year of 1786 and 1787." This led me to conclude that it was the evidence of the act of taking possession in the name of their sovereign the King of England, which the English had made in those years. Thursday, July 9, 1789.—The calkers continue overhauling the packet to place her in condition to make the voyage to San Bias. The carpenters have completed the store-rooms and stateroom, and the launches have finished loading on wood and water. The men who are inside have finished stowing the hold, and have begun to overhaul the rigging and sails in order to have her ready as soon as possible. This afternoon, the pilot Don Jose Tovar, who is entrusted with the guarding of the packet, informed me that Captain Colnet, whom, the day APPENDIX 315 before, I had permitted to be on board his own ship, had, either through madness or desperation at seeing himself a prisoner, made a motion as if he wished to throw himself into the water. He had gone to the rail, and acted as if he was going to pass water. However, the men who were at work and some of his officers who were in sight prevented him from leaping overboard. Friday, July 10, 1789.—With the greatest speed possible we continue preparing the captured packet, to be sent to the Department of San Bias to be disposed of by his Excellency the Viceroy of New Spain. I have been writing to his Excellency, and giving him an account of all that has happened since my arrival at this port. The carpenters and (choppers) after completing the rooms which I ordered made in the packet, went to the forest today to continue cutting wood for the house where I am to stay on land. The calkers finished overhauling the packet today. I also ordered my first pilot, Don Jose Tovar, and the assistant pilot, Don Juan Carrasco, to embark in the packet in the capacities of captain and pilot respectively. I selected the other officers, the seamen who are to man her, and the troops who are to go as garrison. Saturday, July 11, 1789.—At daybreak this morning, I was informed by pilot Don Jose Tovar, who is entrusted with the command of the packet for its voyage to San Bias, that Captain Colnet, from the effects of despair or madness, had thrown himself into the water through one of the port-holes or windows of his cabin. However, on hearing the noise which he made when he struck the water, he was discovered from the quarter-deck, and was picked up by the packet's launch, which went to him at once. When it reached him, he was half drowned, but they turned him on his stomach and relieved him of much of the water which he had swallowed. I immediately ordered that he be shut up in a stateroom to prevent him from suffering harm in this way. The officers and seamen of the packet continue the completion of preparations for her departure. The carpenters and wood-cutters went to their daily work. Sunday, July 12, 1789.—Today I gave the officers who are my prisoners a splendid dinner. At five o'clock in the afternoon, they notified me from the fort that they had sighted a ship in the offing. They said that she had anchored at a considerable distance off and that they had observed with the glass that she had launched her boat into the water, and it, with several men, was making for the shore. I immediately ordered the two launches to be armed and well manned to reconnoitre her. I had the second pilot, Don Estevan Mondalia, go in the launch of this frigate, and the first pilot of the same rank, Don Jose Maria Narvaez, go in that of the San Carlos. Going outside, they found that the ship sighted was the English sloop, Royal Princess, which I had permitted to leave this port the second of this month, to return to Macao, as her % m m 316 the colnett journal captain, Thomas Hudson, promised to do. At a distance of 2' from the sloop, they met her captain, who was going ashore with five men. Hudson was among these disguised in the garb of a common seaman. They found various arms about his person and in the boat. As soon as the pilot Mondofia recognized him, he made him get into the launch (of this frigate). Without Hudson's knowing it, Mondofia disarmed him, taking away from him a pistol which he carried in his pocket. He then fired it off to prevent him from doing anything rash. Hudson was immediately brought aboard this ship. The boat, which was very light, bore away from the launches. They were not able to overtake it, and it succeeded in entering a narrow channel inside this port. They made for the captured packet for the purpose of speaking with Captain Colnet, to receive his orders, and communicate them to the factory in Macao, which belongs to the Company of Free Commerce of London. But as it happened that I was in the packet, I did not allow the boat to come alongside, except on condition that they should turn it over to me and bring it on board my ship. I came over in my own launch, and at once had the Englishmen with whom it was manned placed in the hold. As soon as I descended to my cabin and found Hudson there, I commanded him to write an order directing his sloop to enter the harbour. He begged off, saying that he could not give it unless he could first see his (commander, James Colnet. He said that furthermore, he had a good crew aboard to defend it, with the guns loaded, and with orders that if they saw any boats approaching the ship, to fire on them without letting them draw close. I was cognizant of the order which he had given, and I knew there was no way to make him do what I had commanded, in spite of the fact that I had given him to understand that he was as much my prisoner as were those of the packet. I accordingly ordered the pilot Mondofia, in the presence of Hudson, to arm the launches and go out and bring the sloop inside. I told Mondofia to use all care, since the vessel's guns were loaded, and the crew were under orders to fire. I commanded him that if they did, he should board and seize her by force, putting her crew to the sword without quarter. I also gave Hudson to understand, by means of the interpreter, that if his crew offered any resistance I would have him hanged at the yard arm, as a warning to the other prisoners in the port. As Captain Hudson saw then how affairs actually stood, and that he could gain nothing by use of force, in order to avoid any harm happening to either side, he wrote out an order to his men to surrender. He requested me that before the launches should leave, I should send his own boat with my men and one of his own, to give the countersign and to warn them not to fire. When once on board, they would hand over the letter. Then when the launches should arrive, his men would surrender without resistance. As soon as Hudson had written the letter ordering his men to surrender, I dispatched the sloop's boat, with one of the prisoners, my interpreter, and four men of my crew. They if APPENDIX 317 proceeded to the sloop and took possession of her, as I had ordered them to do until the launches should arrive. Monday, July 13, 1789.—At one o'clock in the morning, I commanded both the armed launches under the charge of second pilot Don Estevan Mondofia to go out to where the sloop lay at anchor. There, in accordance with the written order which her captain, Thomas Hudson had given, and which he had sent ahead by his boat, in order that the vessel might be given up without resisting, Mondofia was to take charge of her to bring her in. However, if, in spite of this order, they should not be inclined to obey, he was then to resort to force and board her. However, he should so conduct the boarding that the ship would not be damaged, nor anyone killed. With this order he left the ship. He reached the sloop's side at half-past three in the morning. There he found our men who had been sent before in the boat, and who were on board waiting the arrival of the launches. The crew they had put under the hatchway. As soon as the pilot Mondofia had entered the ship, he embarked all the prisoners on one of the launches and sent them aboard this ship. As soon as the sea-breeze sprang up, she made sail and entered this port of Santa Cruz, where she cast anchor at eleven o'clock in the morning. I then went on board the sloop, accompanied by Hudson and the captured pilots, who had begged me to let them go in order to change their clothing, since they had been in the water with that which they wore. One of the captains of the neighbouring village, named Keleken, had (meanwhile) approached the side of the sloop. He had seen my men go out to bring her in, and he now insulted me from his canoe, saying to me in his language, "Martinez pisce, Martinez Capsil." The prisoners interpreted it to me by saying that the Indian captain meant that I was a bad man and a robber, that, not content with taking the vessels that came in, I went to rob those that were outside. When I heard what he said, I called to him from the sloop, but he paid no attention to my words, and continued insulting me in the same fashion. Irritated by such abusive language, I took a gun from among those which my men had carried over when they went to bring the sloop in, and fired it at him, but one of my sailors, observing that it missed fire took another and fired it, killing Keleken. The abusive actions and language of this Indian were due to the conversation which Captain Cplnet had had with him in the morning of the third of this month, when the former came into this port at daybreak. He had told the Indian that he had come to be master of this land, and that he would expel us all from this port. As soon as the sloop had cast anchor in this port, one of her crew named George Eaton took his chest and bed and came on board this frigate. Before the departure of that ship he had previously come to beg me that I allow him to take service with me explaining his motives for leaving his ship. He now informed me that his reason for not having done so when his companion Robert Cant had come was because Captain Hudson had found out that he 3i8 THE COLNETT JOURNAL desired to tranship, and had bound him to the rigging, where he was kept until the ship had cleared from the coast. When I found that his story was true, I admitted him under the banner of my sovereign, and assigned him a place as artilleryman. At five o'clock in the afternoon I had the captured English packet put in readiness to sail for the Department of San Bias as soon as the wind should be favourable. When she was in the position (assigned) I went on board her and entrusted to her captain, Don Jose Tovar, the papers and passport, together with the instructions which he was to follow. I also placed in his charge three cedar chests in good condition. One of these was directed to his most serene (lordship) the Prince of the Asturias. It contained various curiosities from the Sandwich islands, such as capitulary cloaks and capes of different coloured feathers, and head-gear of the same materials, and various coins picked up along this coast. The two remaining chests are for his Excellency. One of them contains various curiosities from those islands, and a costume of the Nootka Indians. The other contains the plan of the fortification which Captain Colnet brought with him. After wishing the ship a good voyage, I returned aboard my frigate. I |" ft. Thursday, July 14, 1789.—At two o'clock in the morning, the captured English packet set sail for the Department of San Bias. She continued all day plying to windward, while she stood out to sea with the wind from the south and S.E. At sunset she dropped from sight. Today I ordered the carpenters and choppers to continue their task of working up the timbers that are to be used in the house where I and the men who accompany me are to stay. I also secured the passport and sailing instructions from the captain of the sloop. He left them in my hands, to be sent to the superior Government of Mexico. APPENDIX IV Letter, May 1, 1790, from James Colnett to the British Ambassador at Madrid and Containing Colnett's First Account of the Seizure of his Vessels (The original is in Archivo Historico Nacional, Madrid, Sec. Estado, 4291.) To His Excellency Embassador of the Court of Great Britain, Madrid. Hon Sir, The Station your Excellency has the honor to fill & to whom I ought to forward my complaints for insults offered the British Colones & infringements on the Charters of Great Britain & cruelties to his M'y's subjects will be an excuse for the following narration. In the year 1786 I was first Lieutenant of His Majesty's Ship Pegase of 71 guns in which sloop I had been three years but on being offered the command of a vessel belonging to the Hon. South Sea Company I applied to the Lords of the Admiralty for permission to go on a trial voyage to the S. Seas, Pacific Ocean and N.W. Coast of America, having obtained their lordship's letter of leave & furnished with proper licences from the Company, I took command of a vessel to navigate & trade in those parts where I remained till the 5th of July 1789, but during this period I had shifted from my first vessel which was called the Prince of Wales to a snow named the Argonaut in which I was captured in the following manner. The 3rd of July 1789 at 8 o'clock p.m. little wind & a thick fog, distant 3 or 4 leagues North of Nootka or King George's Sound I was visited by a launch, before suffered alongside was hailed on answering they were not armed was permitted on board when a Commodore of two of his most Cath' Ships then in port introduced himself to me by delivering a letter from Mr. Thomas Hudson, who commanded a sloop on the coast belonging to the S. Sea Compy. and under my command after many compliments had passed the Commodore informed me he was in want of every kind of provisions & stores, his store ship not having arrived. I offered to supply all his wants out of my vessel having plenty of every kind. He politely thanked me & at the same time by his interpreter offered me all assistance in his power and entreated me to anchor in Friendly Cove where his vessels lay. Humanity pleaded for me to go in but from his un-officer like appearance & behaviour raised some doubts in my mind. The Commodore perceiving that I hesitated to give my confidence, he informed me that he was a man of honour, Nephew to the Vice king & Grandee of Spain & if I would go in on those declarations 319 Ill ill,.- 320 THE COLNETT JOURNAL on his honour I should depart when I pleased. It was late & thick weather, I took his word of honour. He spent the evening with me on board the Argonaut & next morning I breakfasted on board the vessel he commanded. Pr. invitation he returned to my vessel with me, claimed my boatswain as a Spaniard although a native of Gibraltar & in debt to the vessel with the man's own consent I gave him up in as polite a manner as possible. I invited the Commodore to dine with me, which he declined but promised to Sup. I informed him after he had done me the honour, I would sail, which he made no objection to. After I had dined, I sent an officer on board with a note requesting the favour of his launch to weigh my own anchor to shift my vessel to the mouth of the Cove ready for sailing in this boat. I meant to send such presents of liquors, etc. as I thought would be most acceptable—he deprived me of doing him this kindness for he returned for answer to my note that he had not seen my papers & desired I would bring them on board. As soon as he had me in his power he took little notice of what I offered him to peruse, looked slightly over them with his Interpreter, declared my papers were forged and I was a Pirate, and as such he treated myself, part of my officers and all my crew to the greatest degree and took possession of my vessel and plundered me. On the 20th, the Sloop commanded by Mr. Thorn. Hudson coming in, his boat was made a prisoner and a launch was dispatched and captured the sloop. Both vessels & officers with their crews were sent to San Bias a port on the E. side the entrance of the Gulf of California, being detained there nine months without any prospect of release and supposing it was owing to a misinterpretation of my papers I petitioned the Vice king to come to Mexico to plead my cause before him which he permitted & have been three weeks here. From the justice of my cause & the known generosity & justice of the Viceroy, I have great hopes I shall soon be dismissed with credit to myself & satisfaction to the Company I am employed by & with honour to my country. I have also to add since my first arrival in new Spain, myself, officers and crew have been treated with all humanity & kindness and every attention paid them, in the day have liberty to go where they please. I have taken the liberty to enclose a letter to my principal owner which I have sent open for your perusal. I hope you'll pardon this liberty as I have no other way of informing my owners of the detention of their property to the prejudice of a company who, in the most publick spirited manner has advanced large sums to promote the trade & commerce of Great Britain. I also enclose to them a letter for the Lords of the Admiralty, why I have sent this letter to Mr. Etches to deliver my having been immediately under his orders & directions should their Lordships want any circumstance elucidated he will be able to do it. I beg your Excellency pardon for my address but as I have not the honour to know Your Excellency's name I hope it will be a sufficient Excuse. And I beg leave to subscribe myself Your Excellency's obedient & humble Servant. T -, James Colnett Mexico, May 1st, 1790 APPENDIX 32i The Commodore's named Don Estevans Martinez and the two vessels under his Command Princesa & San Carlos. Otra carta. Since I wrote your Excellency's letter his Excellency the Viceroy El Conde de Revilla-Gegedo sent me the enclosed letter,1 and as I am fully empowered to settle all concerns for the South Sea Company of the vessels under my command all things will soon be settled & I shall join my vessel. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your humble Servant, James Colnett ^his letter is not reproduced, as it is included in the Journal, p. 108. IT 1 ml. APPENDIX V List of the Members of the Crews of the Argonaut and Princess Royal Lost between Their Capture on July 3, 1789, and the Departure of the Argonaut for China, March 3, 1791 Deaths: James Hanson, second mate, by suicide, August 29, 1789. Edward Wilson, steward, October 2, 1789. Manuel Mendez, boatswain, October 6, 1789. James Cane, carpenter, October 9, 1789. Huxfry Keene, mate, October 29, 1789. John Montgomery, carpenter, November 9, 1789. John William Russell, sailor, November 16, 1789. John Modetroy (Hawaiian boy), December 3, 1790. Deserted: Robert Cant, sailor, July, 1789, at Nootka. George Eaton, sailor, July, 1789, at Nootka. Ralph Borrowhill, sailor, January, 1790, at San Bias. [•■mSr Emanuel Dominguez, sailor, January 1, 1790, at San Bias. Francisco Rise, sailor, January 1, 1790, at San Bias. Bernard Luis, sailor, January 1, 1790, at San Bias. Martin Mariano, sailor, January 30, 1790, at San Bias. Anthony Jose, sailor, January 30, 1790, at San Bias (returned). Anthony del Rosario, sailor, June 11, 1790, at San Bias. Six Chinese, June 11, 1790, at San Bias. Joseph Joaquin, sailor, June 12, 1790, at San Bias. Francis Emanuel Fretes, sailor, June 28, 1790, at San Bias. Left behind at San Bias: Robert Duffin, first mate of the Argonaut. Drowned: Thomas Hudson, captain of the Princess Royal, October, 1790, en route mM to Nootka. Thomas Temple, mate of the Princess Royal, October, 1790, en route to Nootka, and five seamen. Three Portuguese sailors who deserted at Clayoquot sound in November, 1790, and were drowned or killed while attempting to reach Nootka. The deaths of seven members of the crews, six from disease, may be regarded as some evidence in support of Colnett's description of their emaciated condition on arrival at San Bias, on August 16, 1789. INDEX Abinue, see Opunui Activa, the, 13In Adams, William, 239» Adventure, the, xii Alberni, Don Pedro, 204» Alfred, the, 287 Angus, Donald, xvii-xix, xxxi Anson, Lord, 226n Arazuzu, the, 58», 83 Argonaut, the, xiii, xvii-xviii, xxi v-xxviii; outfit of, 13-15; sailing orders of, 19-23; at Nootka, 53; captured by Spaniards, 54-62; at San Bias, 67-132; repairs to, 185,188; damaged in gale, 198-201; under repairs at Nootka, 205, 229, 254; under repairs at Chusan, 261-6, 290, 308-18; list of crew, 322 Asses Ears, 40, 41, 228 Atooi, see Kauai Aulte, Catherine, xvi Baldwin, Captain, 290 Banks island, xx Barkley sound, 178w, 187 Barnett, a sailor, 27-8, 55 Bashee islands, 226, 226», 227 Beal, Daniel, 4, 4», 5-7, 23-5, 177, 234-9 Beal, Thomas, 230-2, 253», 288 Beale, cape, 178» Beer, making of, 29 Berkley's cove, see Barkley sound Bero, cape; plate, 244 Bienfaisant, the, xii Bird isles, 225 Birds, 51-2, 52« Blubber, 52, 52n Boca Tygris or The Bogue, 284», 286» Bodega bay (Port Sir Francis Drake), 173, 174», 176,186; plates, 174,176, 180 Bodega y Quadra, Don Francisco, 82, 84, 89, 90w, 92, 124», 126w, 127«, 207», 216-17 Borrowhill, Ralph, xxvii, 140, 145, 322 Braithwaite, Captain, xii Breakers point, see Estevan, cape Brenes, Don Jose" Camacho y, see Camacho y Brenes, Don Jose* Brigs, John, 147 Brook, Mary Camilla, 4» Brooks, port, see Klaskish inlet Brown, William, 21» Bryan, E. H., Ancient Hawaiian life, quoted, 213» Butterworth, the, 21» Caamano, Don Jacinto, xx, 197«, 209 Cack-qua or Go-qua, Chinese interpreter, 258-61, 268-9, 271, 278, 290 Calamity bay, xx Calenturas (Mexican fever), 75, 75», 79, 129» California, 171, 172, 173-9; plates, 170, 172,182 Callicum or Keliken, Indian chief, 62«, 193», 317 Camacho y Brenes, Don Jos6, 67-80, 67», 73», 126» Campo, Marquis del, 101 n Cane, James, 138, 322 Cano, Professor J., xxxi Cant, Robert, xxvii, 55,55», 57», 145-6, 150, 308, 317, 322 Canton, 3, 236, 236w, 284, 288 Captain Cook, the, 21» Caroline, the, 77w Cataluna regiment, 204» Centurion, the, 226» Ceres, the, xv China, xxviii, 40, 227-32, 300-5; plates, 240, 242 Chinese, 40-2, 125, 125», 142-3, 224, 230, 238 Chosen, see Corea Chusan, city of, 273-7; plate, 283 Chusan, island of, 251-78 Clayoquot or Wickananish, sound, 180», 181, 181w, 187, 187» Cleveland, R. J., 77w Cloak bay, 33w Cocos islands, xiii Colnett, Captain James, sketch of his life, xi-xv; his publications, xvi-xvii; his voyages, xix-xxviii; his character, xxviii-xxix; his equipment, authority and orders, 3-39; sails from China, 40; to Formosa, 43-5; to Japanese islands, 45-51; to Nootka, 52; con- 3^4 INDEX ili tracts scurvy, 53»; at Nootka, 54-64; his mental illness, 61; and fever, 75; taken to San Bias, 64; contracts scurvy, 65-6; at San Bias, 67-80; at Tepic, 80-3; at San Bias, 83-9; at Tepic, 89-91; in Mexico, 92-100; his correspondence with the Viceroy, 101-16, 119-21; leaves Mexico, 122; takes over Argonaut, 123-4; goes back to Tepic, 124-6; his complaints at state of Argonaut, 127-30; sails from San Bias, 131; to Nootka, 169-204; repairing Argonaut, 185-8, 198-201; fight with Indians, 201-2; at Nootka, 204-10; repairing Argon- ■ aut, 205; Nootka to Hawaiian islands, 211-24; Hawaii to the Philippines, 225-6; to Macao, 228; at the Typa, 230-2; his protest re Princess Royal, 232-4; his sailing orders to Corea and Japan, 234-9; his voyage to Japan, 239-49; to Corea, 249-50; and to Chusan, 251; at Chusan, 252-69; his description of Chusan city, 273-7; general remarks on trade, 278-82; Chusan to Canton, 283-91; taken prisoner, 288-90; transfers cargo to English ship, 291; and leaves on it for England, 291; Martinez's description of his capture, appendix III, 308-18; his reports to the British ambassador at Madrid, 319-21 Colnett, cape, Mexico, xvi, and New Caledonia, xvi Colnett, Elizabeth Caroline, xvi Colnett, mount, xvi Colnett, strait, xvi, 47«; plate, 46 Columbia, the, 54k, 214w Conception, the, 77, 83, 85k, 204 Cook, Captain James, xi, xxiv, 51m, 220, 223«; Voyages, quoted, 217, 217k Cook inlet, Alaska, 34k Copper island, see Mednyii island Corea, 234-9, 249-50, 278-80, 300-5; plates, 242, 250 Cox, John Henry, 4-5, 4», 23-4, 31, 77k, 218», 223, 223«, 239» Cox, port, see Torino harbour Croyiere, Delisle de la, 52k Dahlgren, E. W., quoted, 219k Dalrymple, Alexander, 139 Dalrymple, Captain Hugh, xii Dampier, William, 170k Dart, the, xiv Davis, Isaac, 222k Destruction island, 178», 187m Detouch Que Settle, Indian chief, see Tatoochkasettle Diaz, Don Jos6 Maria, Spanish priest, 61k Dirty Butter (or Lark's) bay, 177»,239» Dixon, George, xix, xx, 4k, 21 n, 33n Dominguez, Emanuel, 139, 145, 322 Dominicans, 77, 103 Douglas, Captain William, 13, 13», 17, 21, 25-36, 55-7, 56k, 223k, 287 Dragon, the, 77k Drake's bay, 174» Duffin, Robert, xxiv, xxix, 21, 21k, 27, 56, 56k, 59k, 63k, 68k, 71k, 72, 91-2, 9Ik, 122-3, 123k, 136, 182», 322 Duncan, Captain Charles, xix, xxi, 3, 8, 8k, 299» Dutch, 235» East India Company, xxi, xxviii, 3k, 4k, 5-30, 237k, 280k, 300-5 Eaton, George, xxvii, 57k, 145, 146, 150, 317, 322 Eleanora, the, 9k, 14k, 82k, 186k, 228k Eliza, Don Francisco de, 184k, 193, 195-6, 197k, 204k, 207k, 209-10 Ellis, Walter, 148 Engana, cape, 226 Escalante point, 54k Espi, Brother Jose, 61 n Estevan, cape, 54k, 189k, 204k Etches, John, 3, 4k, 4-8, 23-4, 177k Etches, Richard Cadman, xxi, 4, 4k, 5-8, 23-4, 101k, 297-8, 306 Etches, William, of Asborne, 4k Etches, William, of Northampton, 4k Fair American, the, 9k, 13k, 82k, 83k, 222k, 228k Fatsiziu Shima islands, 48k, 51, 53, 53k; plate, 48 Felice Adventurer, the, xxiv, 227» Ferguson, Captain, 287 Fever, Mexican (calenturas), 75, 75k, 79, 129k Fish, 48, 51, 175, 182, 183, 183k Flores, Don Manuel Antonio, 67k Font, Don Marutia de la, 94 Fonte, de, 36k Formosa, 42k, 43-51 Fort Pitt, xxii Fretes, Anthony, 141 Fretes, Francis Emanuel, 145-6, 322 Friendly cove, 54k, 56k, 204 Fuca, Juan de, 36k Funter, Robert, 13, 13k, 27, 33-4, 36-9, 55-6, 56k Furneaux, Captain, 31k INDEX 3*5 Galapagos islands, xiii Gama, Juan de, 52k General Coote, the, 290 Georgia, strait of, 192k Gibson, Robert, 26, 118, 121, 123, 137, 176-8, 185-97, 201, 201k Gill, John, 139 Gilmour, Nathaniel, 4k Glatton, the, xv Godair, John, 141 Go-qua, Chinese interpreter, see Cack- qua Goto Retto, 242k Grand Ladrone, 40 Grand Lema, 40, 41 Gray, Captain Robert, 53k Green isle, 47; plate, 48 Guadalajara, 92, 94 Gustavus III, the, 77k Hachijo Jin is land j plate, 48 Hallum, St. John, xii Hancock, the, 21 n Hanna, Captain, Indian chief, 189, 189k, 193 Hanna, Captain James, 47k, 53k, 189k Hanning, John, 4k Hanson, James, 65k, 68k, 73, 73k, 136, 322 Harrisson, John, 283-90 Hatto Retto. 43k; plate, 44 Haven's anchorage, 173k Hawaii, xxi, 211-24, 211k, 212k, 224k, 282. 282k Hawaiian boy (Mariano Modetroy), 103-13, 106k, 116-19, 198, 198k Hawaiians, 38k, 211-24 Hawke, the, xiy Hazard, the, xi Hecate strait, 34k Hemenso point, 42 Hewins, George, 141, 197 Hezeta expedition, 207k Hidalgo, Father, 85, 97, 97m, 121, 121m Hixosa, Don Francisco, 81 Hong merchants, 258, 258m Hope bay, 207, 207m Hoskins, Richard, 147, 150 Howe, Robert S., 56m Hudson, Captain Thomas, xvii, 9, 12-13 26, 26k, 54-7, 55k, 62k, 63-6, 64k, 65k, 72, 79k, 80-4, 88-91, 118, 121, 123, 148, 174, 181-97, 189k, 316-17, 322 Hussar, the, xiv, xv, xvii Imperial Eagle, the, xx Indians, 174-6, 189-95, 200-1, 208-9 Iphigenia Nubiana, the, 3n, 5-7, 5m, 17, 24, 64k, 191k Isabel island (Isle Isabella), 169, 169k Jacks, or Jaoues, Cristoval, 118,148, 181-3, 183k Japan, xxviii, 45-51, 234-49, 278-80, 300-5; plates, 242, 244, 246 Jason, the, 40m Jeddo or Yedo, Japan, 235 Joaquin, Joseph, 139, 145-6, 322 Johnston, Anthony, 139 Johnstone, chief mate, 7 Jos6, Anthony, xxvii, 139,145,147, 322 Juan de Fuca strait, 36, 84k, 192, 219; plate, 218 Juno, the, xii Kaeo (Tyo), Hawaiian king, 30, 30k, 220k,_221, 221k Kahekili (Titerree), Hawaiian chief, 30, 30k, 220k, 221, 221k Kahoolawe island, 30k Kaiana, Hawaiian chief, 30, 30k, 31-2, 31k, 221 Ka Lae (South cape), 212k Kameeiamoku, Hawaiian chief, 222k Kamehameha (Tome-to-me-hava), Hawaiian chief, 31, 220k, 221k Kauai (Atooi), 29, 30, 31, 35k, 221k, 222 Keene, Huxfry, 148, 322 Kendrick arm, 13k Kendrick, Captain John, 32k, 35k, 55, 57, 64, 214k, 314 Kendrick, John, Jr., 214k King George, the, 297, 298m King George III sound, see Nootka Kin-ngo point, 42, 227 Klamath river, 186« Klaskish inlet, 207m Korea, see Corea Krusenstern's Voyage, quoted, 235k Kumukahi, cape, 211k Kuykendall, R. S., quoted, 215k, 220k, 221k, 222k Lacies, Brother Lorenzo, 61k Lahaina bay, 30k Lamock islands, 43k; plate, 42 Lanai island, 30k Lance, David, 6 Largos, 94 Lark's {or Dirty Butter) bay, 177k,239m Laurent, Felix, 7 Leeds, Duke of, 99k Lemot, John, 141 Les Tres Marias, 169k, 169-71 Levisteda, Don Francisco, 68, 70k Lignum Vitae, 170 Apt 326 INDEX ill Lintin, 283m Lopez de Nava, Don Jos6, 61m Loreto, 172 Ludlow, John Thomas, 137, 177, 177k, 179 Luis, Bernard, 139, 145, 147, 322 Luzon island, 226k Macao, xxviii, 4, 228, 283k Mclntyre, John, 239k MacKay, John, 21k Ma-cuih-hou, 42 Manning, W. R., Nootka Sound controversy, quoted, xxii Maquinna or Maquilla, Indian chief, 57k, 197, 208, 208k Mariana isles, 225-6; plate, 226 Mariano, Martin, xxvii, 141, 145, 322 Marshall, Captain Samuel, xii Martinez, Commodore Est6ban Jos6, xxi-xxiii, xxix, 54k, 55k, 62k, 64k, 68m, 82, 86, 91, 214m, 222, appendix 111,308-18 Marvinas bay, 205m Maskelyne, Nevil, 172k Mataturay, Hawaiian Indian, see Mode troy Maui island, 30m, 220m, 221, 221m Meares, Captain John, xix, xxi, xxii, xxix, 3, 3k, 4, 13-17, 24-5; his orders, 28-39, 53n, 229k, 287, 287k Meares, port, 34m Mednyii island, 35m^ Melons, introduced into Hawaii, 223k Mendez, Manuel, xxvii, 137, 144, 322 Mercury, the, 77m Merlin, the, xiv Merry, British Charg6 d'AfFaires at Madrid, 99n, 100, 319-21 Metcalfe, Captain Simon, 9n, 26, 26m, 82m,186m 228m Metcalfe, Thomas Humphrey, 9n, 82 Mexicana, the, 131m Modetroy or Mataturay, Mariano or John, Hawaiian boy, 41m, 82, 102- 13, 106m, 116-19, 198, 198k, 322 Molokai island, 30m, 220m, 221, 221m Monterde, Jose" Maria, 67, 70, 73m, 90m Montgomery, John, 148, 322 Morotoi, see Molokai island Mowee, see Maui island | Moweena bay, see Marvinas bay Nagasaki, 235m, 243, 245m, 248m, 278 Name-tehau, Indian chief, 31 Nangasakie, see Nagasaki Nava, Don Jose Lopez de, see Lopez de Nava, Don Jose" Necessity bay, see Haven's anchorage Necker island, 32k Nepean sound, xx New Albion, see California New Caledonia, xi-xii Newcombe, C. F., quoted, xix Niihau island, 29k, 30, 35k, 221k, 225k Ning-po, 253k Nootka, xvii, xx, xxiii, 13, 15-, 20, 54m, 54-64, 204-10, 281-2; plate, 182 Nootka sound convention, xxv North West America, the, 3k, 5-7, 5m, 32, 32m, 55m, 56k, 83, 191m, 214m Nuestra Senora de Cabadonga, the, 226m Oahu (Wahoa), 30 Olawalu massacre, 222m Omai or Omia, a Tahitian, 31m, 217-18, 218m Oneehow, see Niihau island Opitsat, Indian village, 182k, 201, 201k Opunui (Abinue), Hawaiian chief, 30k Oregon, 186k; plate, 182 Oteihitee, see Tahiti Otter sound, see Sea Otter harbour Owhyee island, 30 Oysters, 74 Paris, James, 147 Paris, Thomas, 150, 197 Pascadores, 43k Patero, Brother Severo, 61m Pearl, the, 28Ik Pearls, 31-2, 32m Pedro Blanco, 41-2: plate, 40 Pegase, the, xii Perry, James, 150 Peru, 131 Pigeons, 42 Pinnacle isle, 47 Pinnacle rock, 47; plate, 46 Pork, salting and curing, 29, 29m, 123 Portlock, Captain Nathaniel, 4m, 21m, 223k Pounce, Diego, 67 Priestley, H. I., quoted, xxiii Prince Lee Boo, the, xxi Prince of Wales, the, xiii, xvi, xviii, xix, xxi, 3, 76, 76k, 299k, 306 Prince William sound, xxi, xxii Princesa, the, 58k, 83 Princess Royal, the, xiii, xvi, xvii-xviii, xix, xxi-v, xxvii, 3, 5-12, 5k, 53k, 62, 72, 77, 77k, 84, 85k, 88, 130k, 177k, 183k, 185k, 209-10,213, 213k, 215-23, 232-4, 298k, 299k, 306, 308, 315, 322 Principe channel, xx Puget sound, 192k Quadastemble, 80 INDEX 327 Quadra, Don Francisco Bodega y, see Bodega y Quadra, Don Francisco Quawteaht, Indian god, 194k Queen Charlotte, the, xx, 297, 298 k Queen Charlotte islands, xx, xxi, 13k, 33k Queen Hive or Queenhythe, 178k Quelpart island, 242k Quimper, Manuel, 213-14, 218, 219, 219k Rattler, the, xi, xiii, xvi Reed, Daniel, 138, 182, 183 Reed, Francisco, 138 Resolution, the, xi, xii Restarick, H. B., quoted, 224k Return, the, xxviii, 237k Revilla Gigedo, Count of, Spanish Vice Roy, 71, 78-9, 79k, 87, 90, 292 Revilla Gigedo islands, xiii Ridley, Joseph, 139 Rise, Francisco, 322 Rock, cap, 40 Rogers, Captain William, 223k Roggewein, Jacob, 239h Rogue river, 186k Rope, making of, 31k, 170 Rosario, Anthony del, 143, 322 Rover islands, see Hatto Retto Rum, distilling of, 29 Russel, Andrew, 149 Russell, John William, 322 Russians, 34, 77, 77k Sail rock, 173k St. Ambrose island, xiii St. Felix island, xiii St. John isle, see San Juanito isle St. Joseph bay, see San Jos6 del Cabo bay Salmon, 182, 183k Salt, making of, 80 San Bias, xxiii, xxvi, 67, 69-70, 73-5, 169, 169k San Carlos, the, 83, 204 Sanchez, Brother Francisco, 61k Sandalwood, 35, 35k San Francisco, 175, 218 San Jose- del Cabo bay, 172k San Juan isle, see San Juanito isle San Juanito isle, 170k San Lucas, cape, 171k Santa Gertrudis, the, 204k, 206-7, 206k Saris, Captain, 239k Scorpion, the, xi Scurvy, 53k, 66, 204 Seals, 176 Sea Otter, the, 13, 16, 47k Sea Otter harbour, 34k Sea-otters, 22, 22k, 32, 32k, 176, 229, 229k, 233k, 236, 236k, 237k, 280k Sheppardson, a sailor, 27-8, 37 Shoal point, 13, 13k Sinaloa, 172k Sir Francis Drake, port, see Bodega bay Smith, William, 139 Sonora, the, 172k, 207k _ South Sea company, xxi, 3k, 4k, 5-30; terms of licence, 306 Spanish balance, the, xxv-xxviii, 133-68 Stephens, Sir Philip, xvi Stokes, John F. G., quoted, xxxi, 219k Strange, James, 35k Strangemore, John, 150 Sugar-cane, 29, 29k Sugar Loaf isle, 48, 49, 50 Sullivan, Dr., 99, 103, 117, 130, 131 Swatow harbour, 42k, 43k Table Isle, 226 Tabu, 213 n, 221k Tahiti, 217, 217k Tatoochkasettle or Detouch Que Settle, Indian chief, 20k, 189k, 189-91, 195k, 202k Tea, 29, 29k Templar channel, 181k Temple, Thomas, 61, 61k, 65, 65k, 137, 182, 182k, 183, 189-90, 322 Tepic, 74, 78, 79-81, 122 Tiana, see Kaiana Titerree, see Kahekili Tofino harbour, 182k, 198k Tomkin, Hugh, xii Tovar, Don Jos6, 65k Trade, 179, 179k, 202, 202k, 206, 206m, 221-2, 234-7, 257,259-65, 273-9, 282, 300-5 Tribune, the, xv Trinidad, port, 178, 178k, 187, 187k Tsushima isle, 243k, 246k, 279 Turtle, 171, 171k Tyo, see Kaeo Typa, the, 8, 8k, 229k United Merchants, xvi Urrutia, Villa, 93 Van Dieman strait, 47k Vau-maise or Wa-maise, Indian chief, 208k Vera Cruz, 129, 129k Wagner, Henry R., quoted, xxxi, 59k, 131k, 174k, 206k, 219k Wahoa, see Oahu Waimea bay, 30, 35k :fl 11 328 Wan-ngoa, 42 Washington, coast of, 187k Washington, the, 53k, 54k Wickananish, Indian chief, 20k, 189k, 192, 193k, 202k Wickananish sound, see Clayoquot sound Williams, Thomas, 96-7, 98 Wilson, Edward, 149, 322 INDEX Windwich, John, 150 Xavier, Francis, 231k Ximenez, Manuel, 58k, 73k Young, John, 222k Zeleta (Qeleat), Captain Domingo, 71k, 80, 95 mm 1 ,\ Ciie Cftamplam &octetp Ipresfoent Sir ROBERT FALCONER, K.C.M.G., LL.D., Toronto, sometime President of the University of Toronto lDice*il>resioents Sir EDWARD BEATTY, G.C.B., K.C., LL.D., D.C.L., Montreal, President of the Canadian Pacific Railway The Rt. Hon. R. B. BENNETT, P.C., K.C., LL.D., London, England, sometime Prime Minister of Canada CHARLES W. COLBY, Ph.D., LL.D.,Montreal, sometime Professor of History in McGill University Sir GEORGE GARNEAU, LL.D., D.C.L., B.A.Sc, Quebec, Chairman of the National Battlefields Commission His Honour Judge F. W. HOWAY, New Westminster, B.C. Sir EDWARD PEACOCK, G.C.V.O., LL.D., London, England, Director of The Hudson's Bay Company Sir CAMPBELL STUART, G.C.M.G., London, England, Director of The Times J. CLARENCE WEBSTER, C.M.G., M.D., LL.D., Shediac, N.B. Sir FREDERICK WILLIAMS-TAYLOR, London, England, sometime Genera Manager of the Bank of Montreal J. H. WOODS, C.M.G., Calgary, Alberta Members of tbe Council The Hon. Mr. Justice E. FABRE-SURVEYER, Montreal RALPH FLENLEY, M.A., B.Litt., Toronto, Professor of History in the University of Toronto W. SHERWOOD FOX, LL.D., London, Ontario, President of the University of Western Ontario GEORGE de T. 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FC1.C34 P82 V. 26
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Pacific Ocean--Maps
Northwest Coast of North America
Nootka Sound (B.C.)
Voyages and travels
The journal of Captain James Colnett aboard the Argonaut from April 26, 1789 to Nov. 3, 1791
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