CONTENTdm
British Columbia Historical Books Collection
Harvard studies in business history, I
Porter, Kenneth Wiggins, 1905-1981
"Bibliographical note": vol.2, pp [1299]-1305. Includes a detailed history of Astor's involvement in the Pacific northwest trade, the Pacific Fur Company and Astoria."-- Strathern, G. M., & Edwards, M. H. (1970). Navigations, traffiques & discoveries, 1774-1848: A guide to publications relating to the area now British Columbia. Victoria, BC: University of Victoria, p. 239
xxvii, 585 pages : frontispiece, illustrations, portraits, tables ; 22 cm
application/pdf
nil L(o- f *- .#, o« HARVARD Uf IVERSITY GRADUATE SCHOOL OF BUSINESS ADMINISTRATION QEORGE P. ^A%mIFOUNDATIOXL Soldiers Field Boston, Mass^ 19 June 1931 Judge F.W.Howay 40 Highland Ave. Cambridge, Mass. Dear Mr.Howay; I have just cone across this early account of of the Tonquin, which mamnterest you: le des trueti f,A letter from Mr* Nathaniel Woodbury, of Danvers, dated at Keghnrni (in the South Sea) Sept 5, 1811 :HThat in June last the ship Tonquin, Thorn, master, was lying at anchor, at a villa near Nootka Sound, lat. 49, 20> N. for the purpose of trade—tha a great number of Indians wereton board, when, on some misunderstanding, they suddenly attacked the crew, killed all on board except the captain and one more, who fled into the magazine and seeing no possibility of escape, chose to be their own exec-tit loners, and accordingly put firelfo powder, which blew the ship to pieces, and destroyed many Indians. At this time the boatfwas on shore fov water; seeing the situation of the vessel, they endeavored to make their escape, and their first landing was at Classet, where they were instantly shot. The ship brought out a large number of persons, part of a company who had commenced a settlement on Columbia River—and the place where she was taken is not more than two degrees north of the place where she landed her settlers." (New-York Gazette and General Advertiser, May/l2, 1812, p. 2, col. 2). ™ It has also occurred to me that you may by some chance have some information about this vessel: "cleared-ship Huntress, Will iams, S Seas, J.J.Astor«W(N«Y.G. and G.A.,July 10,1809, p. 3, co This is the sole reference I have to any vessel of this name own by Astor; of course there were any nttkber of vessels of that nam but I cannot find that this one ever returned to New York nor ca I learn any thing of her further movements or final fate. Looking through my notes on the North West Coast trade I ca find nothing which you have not already seen, either in rnanuscri form or in my sandalwood article, or which will not appear in my book when it comes out this fall, except this slight newspaper r ference: "Arrived, '.he ship William and John, Depeyster, 113 days fr Canton, with teas, silks, china ware, nankeens, &c to John Jacob Astor. The ship Enterprise, Ebbetts, of N. York, from the N.W. Coast, arrived 1 Dec, 1816. About the same time the ship 0fKane, M'Neal of Boston, arrived at Canton from the N.W. Coast by way of the Sandwich Island with Capt R. Ebbets, late of the ^°<d sn x^ axuj'4 sanoj^ 0(Z pros I 'sxoo <z #d 'ZI8T *6Z qo«ji'*v*0 Pu« #£) 'A'N),,- assessed sis 'q^muBBiirej; 9urg oq. spu^isi qoiMpu«s eqq. q.Te pios ^Jeq-soaaoj; Sxaq • jg B~r— ^S* HARVARD STUDIES IN BUSINESS HISTORY I Edited by N. S. B. GRAS STRAUS PROFESSOR OF BUSINESS HISTORY GRADUATE SCHOOL OF BUSINESS ADMINISTRATION GEORGE F. BAKER FOUNDATION HARVARD UNIVERSITY at«fcsCT3*j LONDON I HUMPHREY MILFORD OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS -— 3^ John Jacob Astor, about the Year 1824 JOHN JACOB ASTOR Business Man BY KENNETH WIGGINS PORTER RESEARCH ASSISTANT IN BUSINESS HISTORY GRADUATE SCHOOL OF BUSINESS ADMINISTRATION GEORGE F. BAKER FOUNDATION HARVARD UNIVERSITY VOLUME I Cambridge, Massachusetts HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS !93x COPYRIGHT, 1931 BY THE PRESIDENT AND FELLOWS OF HARVARD COLLEGE Finn <\ ■, x PRINTED AT THE HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS CAMBRIDGE, MASS., U. S. A. CONTENTS VOLUME I Editor's Introduction xvii Author's Acknowledgments xxiii I. Early Life to Arrival in America, i 763-1784 .... 3 II. Early Years in New York City to Establishment as a Rising Young Merchant, i784-1790 18 III. The Fur Trade to the Organization of the American Fur Company, 1790-1808 48 IV. Land Investments in Lower Canada and the New York Backcountry . . 75 V. General Merchandising till the China Trade Assumed Importance, 1790-1803 no VI. The Trade with the Orient up to the War, 1800-1812 129 VII. The Pacific Fur Company and Astoria: From the Incorporation of the American Fur Company to the Outbreak of the War, 1808-1812 164 VIII. The Pacific Fur Company and Astoria: From the Outbreak of the War to the Final Relinquishment of Astoria to the North West Company, 1812-1818 . . 214 IX. The War of 1812-1815: The Fur Trade 249 X. The War of 1812-1815: Commerce with Europe and Canton 291 XI. The War of 1812-1815: Government Loans and Foreign Exchange 330 Documents 351 ^^^ vi CONTENTS VOLUME II XII. The China Trade and Europe, from the War to Withdrawal from Business, 1815-1834 589 XIII. The China Trade and the Pacific, 1814-1828 .... 639 XIV. The American Fur Company from the War to the Establishment of the Western Department, 1815- 1822 686 XV. The American Fur Company from the Establishment of the Western Department to Retirement, 1822-1834 734 XVI. Policies and Practices of the American Fur Company 791 XVII. Western Real Estate 852 XVIII. The Putnam County Land Claims (The Morris Case), 1803-1832 876 XIX. Money-Lending, principally on Real-Estate Security: The Gerrit Smith Case 893 XX. Manhattan Island Real Estate, 1800-1848 . . . 910 XXI. Miscellaneous Business Interests: Insurance and Banking 953 XXII. Miscellaneous Business Interests: The Park Theatre, Hotels, Canals and Railroads, and Public Securities 989 XX11L Family, Friends, and Cultural Interests ..... 1025 XXIV. Philanthropy, Travel, Health, and Old Age . . 1087 Documents 1141 Bibliographical Note 1299 Index 1307 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS VOLUME I i. John Jacob Astor, about the year 1824, from a painting in the possession of Miss Katherine L. Wilks, Cruickston Park, Gait, Ontario. This portrait is said to have been made in Switzerland and given in 1825 to Eliza, Astor's youngest daughter, as a wedding present. After her death it came into the possession of her sister Dorothea, of whom Miss Wilks is a descendant (frontispiece) 2. John Jacob Astor's birthplace in Waldorf, Germany, from a water-color in the possession of Lord Astor 6 3. Mrs. John Jacob Astor as a young woman, from a miniature in the possession of Miss Katherine L. Wilks, Cruickston Park, Gait, Ontario 24 4. Clarionet made by George Astor and said to have been brought to America by John Jacob Astor in 1783, in the possession of Lord Astor. Barrel organ manufactured by George Astor and sold by John Jacob Astor to his partner, Peter Smith, in the possession of Gerrit Smith Miller, Peterboro, New York . . 40 5. Astor's Montreal warehouse, on the west side of Vaudreuil Street, part of a building used by the North West Company for the storage of furs, said to have been occupied by Astor about 1800, from a drawing by Henry Scott after a photograph in the Public Archives of Canada, Ottawa 64 6. John Jacob Astor as a young man, in 1794, from a painting by Gilbert Stuart in the possession of the Brook Club, New York City. This portrait was rejected by Astor as unsatisfactory and another painted (Park, Lawrence, Gilbert Stuart, 4 vols. (New York, 1926), vol. i, pp. n7-119; vol. iii, p. 24) . 86 7. John Jacob Astor as a young man, in 1794, from a copy by Laz arus of a painting by Gilbert Stuart in the possession of the New York Chamber of Commerce. The original, which was painted as a substitute for an earlier unsatisfactory portrait, is in the possession of Lord Astor 112 8. New York in 1801, a view of the harbor and shipping, from an engraving by E. D. French 134 viii LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 9. Canton draft from Conseequa to John Jacob Astor, January 7, 1809, and from Astor to Benjamin C. Wilcocks,in the possession of Baker Library, Soldiers Field, Boston. On March 10, 1806, Redwood Fisher sold thirty piculs of ginseng to Conseequa at $50 per picul, promising delivery within eighteen months. James Read, on March 28, 1806, delivered 23 piculs and 7 catties of ginseng, but the rest remained "to be accounted for by Mr. Fisher to Mr. Conseequa." It was this debt from Fisher which Conseequa made over to Astor by this draft 150 10. William McGillivray, Montreal merchant and head of the North West Company, Astor's rival and associate in the fur trade, from a painting in the David Ross McCord National Museum, Montreal 194 11. Astoria, as it was in 1813, from an engraving in Gabriel Franchere's Narrative of a Voyage to the Northwest Coast of America (New York, 1854) 230 12. Michilimackinac in 1813, from an engraving by Thomas Hall after a drawing by Richard Dillon, Jr., in the David Ross McCord National Museum, Montreal 264 LIST OF DOCUMENTS VOLUME I i. Letter from Astor to Washington Irving, November 25, 1836, describing Astor's first day in America 351 2. Agreement between Astor and Rosseter Hoyle, September 30, 1788, for shipping furs from Montreal to New York and Rotterdam by way of London 352 3. Deed of land from Henry Astor to John Jacob Astor, May 18, 1789 356 4. Agreement between William Hands and Astor, August 29,1789, for the future delivery of muskrat skins to Astor 360 5. Protest of Astor against William Hands, August 23, 1790, be cause of the non-delivery of muskrat skins 361 6. Transfer by Astor to Alexander Henry, August 26,1790, of the agreement with Hands for the delivery of muskrat skins . . 362 7. Protest of Richard Dobie against Astor, September 21, 1790, because of the non-delivery of muskrat skins 364 8. Letter from Cornelius Heeney to Peter Smith, August, 1792, with an account of furs sent by Smith to Astor 365 9. Two petitions from Astor to Alured Clarke, September 19, 1792, for grants of Crown lands in Lower Canada .... 368 10. Letter from Astor to Peter Smith, May 14, 1793, giving fur prices at New York 370 11. Account of purchase by Astor and William Laight from Robert and John Watts, March, 1794, of lands in the Mohawk Valley • 371 12. Letter from Astor to Peter Smith, April 13, 1794, outlining plans for meeting rival claims to lands in the Mohawk Valley 373 13. Letter from Astor to Peter Smith, November 10, 1794, re questing Smith to protect his interests while he is in Europe 375 x LIST OF DOCUMENTS 14. Newspaper announcement of Astor, William Laight, and Peter Smith, December 6, 1794, warning the public against rival claimants to their Mohawk Valley lands 377 15. Letter from Astor to Peter Smith, September 10,1795, describ ing Astor's financial straits after his return from Europe . . 379 16. Agreement between David Alexander Grant and Patrick Lan- gan, and Astor, October 17, 1795, for the acquisition of Crown lands in Lower Canada through the agency of Hugh Finlay 380 17. Letter from Timothy Pickering to Robert Listen, October 10, 1797, exonerating Astor from any suspicion of complicity in a filibustering expedition against Canada 384 18. Letter from Astor to Peter Smith, March 17, 1798, describing his financial difficulties and his discouragement in regard to their land litigation 385 19. Letter from Astor to Peter Smith, December 7, 1799, giving an encouraging view of their land litigation 387 20. Letter from Astor to Auguste Chouteau, January 28,1800, sug gesting a commercial relationship with the St. Louis fur traders 389 21. Entry of merchandise imported by Astor from Hamburg, February 12, 1800 391 22. Letter from Astor to John V. Henry, March 25, 1800, request ing indulgence in the payment of quit rents 392 23. Entry of merchandise imported by Astor from London, April 12, 1800 393 24. Certificate of merchandise landed at Canton from the ship Severn, October $0,1800 393 2 5. Entry of merchandise imported by Astor ftorn London, September 10, 1801 396 26. Conveyance of land in Lower Canada from William Barnard to Astor, December 8, 1801 396 27. Letter from Astor to Peter Smith, April 1, 1802, in regard to settling the title to the Charlotte River tract by arbitration 402 28. Letter from Astor to Peter Smith, February 8,1804, introduc ing a fur-trade agent 4°4 HDIl LIST OF DOCUMENTS xi 29. Letter from Astor to Gerrit W. Van Schaick, cashier of the Bank of Albany, May 12,1804, in regard to procuring specie for the China trade 4°5 30. Manifest of the cargo of the ship Severn, John Cowman, master, bound for Canton, May 25, 1804 406 31. Register of the Beaver, May 7,1805 407 32. Arbitration between Astor and Bernard Hart, December 30, 1805, in a matter relating to Manhattan Island real estate 409 33. Document showing sales of furs in London on Astor's account for John Williams, April 12, 1806-February 3, 1807 . . . . 410 34. Extracts from the journal of Samuel Bridge, September 15,17, 24,1806, relating to social life in Montreal 412 35. Articles of Incorporation of the American Fur Company, April 6, 1808 413 36. Letter from Samuel Latham Mitchill to Thomas Jefferson, July 12, 1808, introducing the Chinese merchant Punqua Wingchong 420 37. Letter from Thomas Jefferson to Albert Gallatin, July 25,1808, suspending the embargo in favor of the Chinese mandarin Punqua Wingchong 421 38. Letter from Albert Gallatin to David Gelston, August 3,1808, giving the regulations for the voyage of the Beaver to Canton with Punqua Wingchong 422 39. Letter from Philadelphia merchants to Albert Gallatin, August 10, 1808, declaring Punqua Wingchong to be an impostor . 424 40. Letter from Albert Gallatin to Captain William Jones, August 17, 1808, answering the protests of Philadelphia merchants against the Beaver's voyage 426 41. Letter from Andrew Daschkoff to Astor, November 7, 1809, in regard to making an agreement with Governor Baranoff 428 4 2. Letter from Astor to Captain John Ebbets, November 13,1809, giving instructions as to the acquisition and care of furs . . 429 43. Letter from Astor to Captain John Ebbets, November, 1809, giving instructions for the voyage of the Enterprise to the North West Coast 431 44. Account of sales of ship Enterprise by John Ebbets for Astor's account, July-August, 1810 432 xii LIST OF DOCUMENTS 45. Letter from A. B. Bentzon to Astor, July 9, 1810, recounting a conversation between Bentzon and Count Pahlen in regard to a projected agreement between Astor and the Russian American Fur Company 439 46. Letter from Alexander Baranoff to Astor, July 27/August 8, 1810, describing his dealings with Astor's first North West Coast captain 442 47. Henry Livingston to Astor, August 1, 1810, giving an account of his tour through Dutchess County for the purpose of notifying the occupants of the Morris estate of his employer's claims 445 48. Letter from John Ebbets to Astor, January n, 1811, describ ing the first voyage by an Astor ship to the North West Coast 448 49. Agreement between Kingqua and John Ebbets, January 13, 1811, for the purchase and sale of furs at Canton 453 50. Letter from Astor to A. B. Bentzon, January 21, 1811, with instructions for an agreement with the Russian American Fur Company 454 51. Letter from John Ebbets to Astor, January 24, 1811, giving plans for a North West Coast voyage 459 52. Articles of Agreement for the South West Fur Company, January 28, 1811 461 53. Letter from Alexander Baranoff to Astor, August 13/25, 1811, describing the situation at New Archangel (Sitka) and his agreement with Captain Ebbets 469 54. Articles of Agreement between Astor and the clerks and men to go out on the Beaver, October 8, 1811 474 55. Invoice of merchandise shipped by Astor on the Beaver to the North West Coast, October, 1811 478 56. Invoice of merchandise shipped by Astor on the Beaver, Octo ber 16,1811, for sale and trade on the North West Coast . . 484 57. Letter from Astor to Thomas Jefferson, March 14, 1812, de scribing the situation of the Astoria enterprise as known to Astor shortly before the outbreak of war 508 58. Account of sales of the ship Beaver to Alexander Baranoff, September 25-November 14, 1812 513 59- LIST OF DOCUMENTS xiii Barter account of the ship Beaver, September 20-December 24, 520 60. Letter from Astor to John Bryan, January 3,1813, in regard to the sale of marten skins to Bryan 523 61. Letter from Astor to the Department of State, April 4, 1813, asking protection for Astoria 523 62. Letter from Astor to David Parish, May 17, 1813, in regard to attempts to depress government stock 526 63. Letter from Astor to David Parish, May 27, 1813, on war-time finance 527 64. Account of furs and goods at Astoria and other Columbia River posts, June 1, 1813 528 65. Letter from Astor to A. B. Bentzon, June 19, 1813, giving in structions for the Hannibal's voyage 533 66. Letter from Astor to C. C. Cambreleng, June 20, 1813, giving instructions for a voyage from Europe to Canton in case of peace 536 67. Letter from Astor to C. C. Cambreleng, June 21,1813, with in structions for a voyage from Canton to the North West Coast 538 68. Letter from Astor to C. M. Baumhauer, July 13, 1813, giving instructions for a voyage to Europe from Charleston in war time 539 69. Letter from Astor to Thomas Jefferson, October 18, 1813, giv ing an account of the Astoria enterprise up to the departure of the eastward overland expedition 541 70. Letter from Astor to Ramsay Crooks, November 15,1813, giv ing instructions for the fur trade of the Great Lakes region in war time 543 71. Letter from Astor to Peter Smith, November 28, 1813, giving good advice 545 72. Letter from Astor to Peter Sailly, December 15,1813, in regard to furs from Mackinac imported into the United States by way of Lake Champlain 547 73. Letter from Astor to John Bryan, December 24,1813, offering to sell Bryan marten skins 548 xiv LIST OF DOCUMENTS 74. Letter from Astor to Henry Payson, February 2,1814, on gov ernment loans and the prospects of peace 549 75. Letter from Astor to John Wright, February 14,1814, acknowl edging the news of George Astor's death 550 76. Letter from Samuel H. Northrop to Astor, March, 1814, giving an account of the loss of the Lark 552 77. Letter from Astor to James Monroe, April 30, 1814, with sug gestions for raising a loan to the government 554 78. Letter from Astor to Henry Payson, May 4,1814, on tea prices and the exportation of specie 556 79. Letter from Astor to James Monroe, July 22, 1814, on the proper terms of peace 558 80. Letter from Astor to Charles Gratiot, August 10, 1814, in re gard to Gratiot's purchasing of deer skins for Astor .... 560 81. Letter from Astor to Stephen Girard, August 15, 1814, in re gard to a national bank and the loan of 1814 561 8 2. Letter from Astor to James Monroe, September 2,1814, on wartime politics 563 8$. Letter from Astor to George Astor, September 14, 1814, with instructions for the sale of furs 564 84. Letter from Astor to James Monroe, September 22,1814, with advice on getting military experts from Europe 566 85. Letter from Astor to Henry Payson & Co., September 30,1814, on general business matters 566 86. Letter from Astor to John P. l'Herbette, October 5, 1814, in regard to fur shipments and investment of proceeds on Astor's account 568 87. Letter from Astor to Mrs. Elizabeth Astor, October 15, 1814, giving advice about her business affairs . . ■ 570 88. Letters from Astor to John Stanton, October 23, 1814, giving instructions for the management of a voyage to Europe with a flag of truce 571 89. Letter from Astor to Henry Payson & Co., October 24, 1814, principally in regard to procuring insurance on Astor vessels 573 90. Letter from Astor to J. C. Calhoun, November 23, 1814, criticizing Calhoun's plan for a national bank 575 LIST OF DOCUMENTS xv 91. Letter from Astor to Ramsay Crooks, December 10,1814, giv ing instructions for the sale of furs in the Ohio Valley ... 577 92. Letter from Astor to D. A. Smith, December 27,1814, offering a share in a China voyage 578 93. Letter from Astor to James Clark, January 1, 1815, with in structions for a voyage to France as captain of a blockade runner 579 94. Letter from Astor to Nicholas G. Ogden, January 13, 1815, with instructions in regard to the Beaver at Canton .... 581 95. Letter from Astor to Peter Smith, June 9, 1815, with good advice 582 96. Letter from Astor to James Monroe, August 17, 1815, giving an account of the loss of Astoria 583 EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION John Jacob Astor was not America's first rich man, but he was the first business man in America to attain colossal wealth. The present biography treats of the details of policy and management of a private business as its central theme. Moreover, it is based fundamentally upon business records — letters, accounts, advertisements, deeds, and the like. Astor belonged to the old-time class of business men who performed many functions later undertaken by special categories of entrepreneurs. He was not essentially different from the medieval Italian merchants, the Fuggers, Sir Thomas Smythe, and Thomas and John Hancock. It is a notable fact that, after the excessive specialization which followed Astor in the nineteenth century, we are now returning to some extent to the combination of several functions, especially in the business of our large corporations. The first function performed by Astor was retailing — of musical instruments and furs. The period of his shop-keeping in New York City was roughly 1786-89, though he probably sold by retail various wares, such as he had imported from Europe or China, right down to his withdrawal from trade in 1834. His second function was the wholesaling of goods, largely by way of exportation or importation. Here Astor played his most distinctive role in trade. His judgment of values and opportunities was unusual, almost unique. Few have known how to buy in such low-priced markets and to sell in such high-priced ones. In doing this, he had to rely upon supercargoes and captains, but success came through following his orders, general or specific. We may mention as a third function the manufacture of goods by one party at Astor's order for sale to a third. To be xviii INTRODUCTION sure, this was not as important in Astor's business as it was in the textile and metal trades. The American Fur Company, owned by Astor, employed blacksmiths to work up iron for the use of Indians. But a clearer case is the construction of ships for sale, to be compared with similar activities of Thomas Hancock. One ship was probably built to Astor's order for sale to the king of the Hawaiian Islands, though the sale was not accomplished until the vessel had sailed the Pacific for over three years. Perhaps the construction of the frame of a sloop for sale also in the Hawaiian Islands is another example worth mentioning. This function is, to be sure, not nearly so important as retailing, and especially wholesaling. It should be mentioned, however, to indicate that even in this particular respect Astor was operating more or less true to the form of his class. Acting as a commission agent may be regarded as a fourth function. The chief example of this is the sale of furs, chiefly in New York City, for traders in other cities of the United States and Canada. Beginning perhaps as early as 1795 and certainly not later than 1806, it lasted until at least about 1817. This function is, of course, not comparable with wholesaling on his own account, which was his chief early business. There is apparently no evidence that Astor ever acted as a broker. He was a common carrier at times, however, and this may be regarded as a fifth function. In his various ships he occasionally found room for the cargoes of fellow merchants; and, on at least one occasion, he engaged in the transportation of passengers on a large scale. Astor may or may not have underwritten insurance on ships and cargoes. Except for one offer to guarantee against the loss of a shipment of tobacco at so much per pound if exported in one of his ships, in 1813, no evidence has been found of such underwriting. On occasion he insured himself by forming a temporary partnership for a voyage which he con- INTRODUCTION xix sidered particularly hazardous. He also took out policies on his own ventures in the newly established insurance companies of New York City. He owned stock in insurance companies. On the whole, he was more ready to seek insurance for himself than he was to participate in insuring others. Astor probably did not go far in the direction of banking. Doubtless he transferred credit for a client from one country to another. For friends he invested money, receiving for the service a small commission. His part in the establishment and early operation of the second Bank of the United States shows that he had both the interest in banking and the ability to carry it on. Although he did not go so far as Stephen Girard in this field, banking may at least be put down as a sixth function. As years went on, Astor invested at least moderately in stocks and bonds. Public securities easily stood first in his esteem, but the issues of banks, insurance companies, and railroads were regarded by him as promising investments. Doubtless this seventh function came to him not only as an opportunity for gain but also as a chance to secure an income without the worries of actual participation. It is the eighth function, investment in real estate, that Astor is chiefly remembered for. At first he followed the prevailing allurement of the 1790's and invested in unimproved forest and farming lands — in Canada and the backcountry of New York State. Later he turned to the more certain and profitable real estate of Manhattan Island. Mr. Porter has analyzed many aspects of Astor's business. He has set forth the organization of the fur trade with its dominant American Fur Company and its numerous partnerships. He has shown how this fur trade was related to the trade with Europe and how both of these were linked up with the China trade. One of the significant contributions of the book is the light thrown upon the transfer of capital from the fur trade to the China trade and from both to real estate and xx INTRODUCTION securities, public and private. For the first time we are provided with a careful analysis of the real-estate policy of Astor, which is both instructive and novel. From the standpoint of method one of the highest attainments of modern science is to present not only facts and arguments but evidence. Mr. Porter has given references to sources and has printed many documents for further study. For the first time in the rather considerable literature on Astor, we have all the cards on the table. The next student to deal with the subject can begin where Mr. Porter has left off. The author's plan has been to weave together the details of the various situations, stopping only occasionally to pass judgment or to make comparisons. He has sometimes awarded praise and sometimes allotted blame. He has steered between the two extremes of worship and hyper criticism. The Astor family, particularly Viscount Astor and Major John Jacob Astor, have been generous in their assistance. Their insistence that the truth be discovered and recorded has been a source of inspiration throughout. The aid of Mr. Robert Grant, Jr., of New York City, has been most helpful, not least in the confidence which he has bestowed upon the undertaking. The Harvard Studies in Business History, of which this present work constitutes the first two volumes, will be concerned with the history of private enterprise. Sometimes the theme of the studies will be individual business men, sometimes it will be an individual business firm. But the emphasis will logically be upon the policy and management of private enterprise. This does not mean that the political background or social setting will be neglected. It also does not predicate the glorification of business or of business men. It does, however, aim at a better understanding of business by a study of past experiences. The big problems and difficulties in busi- INTRODUCTION xxi ness have a habit of recurring, as have the failures and successes. It is at least a modest hope, even perhaps an expectation, that such a series may do something to give business a better perspective and to help in restoring the balance of emphasis upon public economy, which could, of course, have no existence without private economy. In this effort at a restoration of balance in the field of social philosophy we owe much to Dean W. B. Donham, who has conceived the function of business history and, with the aid of the friends of business and learning, has provided for its study. AUTHOR'S ACKNOWLEDGMENTS It is no exaggeration to say that were I to give full recognition to all those who have materially assisted me in the preparation of this work the result would be in itself a not unsubstantial volume. I must therefore regretfully confine myself to the briefest and barest mention of those who have furnished me with quite indispensable information or assistance, frequently at considerable inconvenience to themselves. From first to last this biography owes most to Professor N. S. B. Gras, under whose supervision it has been prepared. It was he who suggested and planned the study and who made possible all the provisions for carrying it out. He has read the entire manuscript several times, and his advice and encouragement have been constantly available. Any value which this work may possess is largely due to him; its shortcomings should be ascribed to my own inability to make adequate use of his suggestions. The work of Miss Elva Tooker has been of a character which cannot be adequately described or acknowledged. Although she has typed most of the manuscript and has taken charge of the preparation of the index, these have been among the least of her services. Without her intelligent suggestions and self-sacrificing co-operation at every point, this work might as well never have been undertaken. My colleague, Dr. Henrietta Larson, has been closely associated with this biography. The Astor manuscripts in the Girard Papers at Girard College, in the Pennsylvania Historical Society, and in the Ridgway Branch of the Library Company of Philadelphia were read by her, as was material in the records of the East India Company at Whitehall, in xxiv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS the archives of Baring Brothers & Co., and in those of Hope & Co. at Amsterdam. Mr. C. Glenn Carrington went through New York newspapers covering about half a century in search of Astor items. He also made analyses of all mortgages and conveyances relating to Astor in the Hall of Records of New York City. Both these tasks were as important as they were laborious, but the personal interest he took in the work and his readiness to take the initiative in the quest for pertinent information gave his services a significance even beyond their surface value. Mrs. Ralph M. Hower has read nearly the entire manuscript and made many valuable suggestions for alterations in the interests of clarity and conciseness. Dr. Mildred Hartsough has read the entire proof of the narrative. Miss Emily B. Nichols and Miss Arita Kelley have also read proof and typed parts of the manuscript, and Miss Kelley has assisted in making the index. Thanks are due to Mrs. F. E. Heard, secretary, and to Miss M. E. Osgood, assistant secretary, of the Graduate School of Business Administration, for their readiness to supply clerical assistance. The co-operation of others who are or have been engaged in research upon related topics has been most generously offered. Mr. Edwin B. Hewes of St. John's College, Brooklyn, has furnished me with innumerable references to manuscript material and with many extracts from his own notes on the North West Coast trade; he could hardly have been more helpful had he been officially acting as my collaborator. Professor W. F. Galpin, of Syracuse University, threw open the great mass of uncatalogued Astor material in the Gerrit Smith Miller Collection, which he had been responsible for obtaining, and was of assistance in many other ways. Miss Adele Ogden searched out and had transcripts made of a number of references and documents in the Bancroft Library at Berkeley, ACKNOWLEDGMENTS xxv California, and Professor Ralph S. Kuykendall, of the University of Hawaii, put me under similar obligations for copies of documents in the Hawaiian Archives. Mr. James 0. Wet- tereau, of New York University, furnished a photostat of a newspaper containing correspondence between Astor and the cashier of the first Bank of the United States which cleared up the difficult question of Astor's opposition to the re-chartering of that institution. Professor C. E. Fryer, of McGill University, gave me invaluable guidance in the use of the manuscript repositories of Montreal. Much of the research and nearly all the writing involved in the preparation of these volumes have been carried on in Baker Library, at the Harvard Graduate School of Business Administration, under the auspices of which this study has been made. I owe thanks both to Baker Library and to the library of Harvard College for many courtesies in the use of their collections. I regret that I cannot thank individually the officials and attendants of libraries and manuscript repositories from whom I have received assistance; to them I now make a blanket acknowledgment of indebtedness. There are some, however, who were able to be particularly helpful, whose names I must at least mention. Dr. Grace Lee Nute, of the Minnesota Historical Society, furnished me with many references to material on Astor's connection with the fur trade, to be found in various manuscript repositories in the United States and Canada. M. Aegidius Fauteux, of the Bibliotheque Ste. Sulpice at Montreal, had a search made for Astor material in the uncatalogued Samuel Gerrard Papers, part of the Baby Collection, at that institution. The late Dr. Adam Shortt, of the Public Archives of Canada, gave me access to Astor material in the recently received Baring Brothers Papers and referred me to various otherwise inaccessible manuscript items. The officials of the Public Archives of Canada have been particu- xxvi ACKNOWLEDGMENTS larly helpful in furnishing me with transcripts and photostats of manuscripts and with photographs of pictures in their collections, and in having search made for particular items in material under their charge. Miss Stella M. Drumm, of the Missouri Historical Society, directed me to Astor material in the land records at the St. Louis courthouse and furnished transcripts of documents relating to Astor. Miss Nellie Armstrong, of the Indiana State Library, examined the Ewing Papers for information concerning Astor and was able to furnish a valuable letter describing Astor's sales policy in the fur trade. Dr. M. M. Quaife, of the Burton Historical Collection at the Detroit Public Library, and Miss Ann Kinnaird, of the Missouri Historical Society, were particularly hospitable and helpful. Various descendants of John Jacob Astor and of his associates have furnished invaluable aid. Viscount Astor, in addition to generous assistance already acknowledged, has been assiduous in supplying manuscripts and photographs and in securing access to the documents in such repositories as Hudson's Bay House; while Mr. Arthur F. Davies, agent of the Astor estate, has not only given every facility for the use of the books and papers deposited at the office of the estate, but has also utilized his strategic position to the utmost in acquiring and communicating information concerning material located elsewhere. Mrs. Richard Aldrich and Miss Katherine L. Wilks, descendants of Astor's daughter Dorothea, have supplied pictures, private letters, and family reminiscences which could have been obtained from no other source. Vincent Astor, through his secretary, Miss S. M. Ward, furnished a manuscript genealogy of the Astor family. Mrs. Royal Phelps Carroll, another of Dorothea's descendants, furnished me with a photograph of an Astor miniature. Mr. Bernard P. Bogy, of St. Louis, a descendant of Bernard Pratte and Charles Gratiot, hospitably threw open to me his home and ACKNOWLEDGMENTS XXVll the private papers of his ancestor Charles Gratiot, which included letters from Astor over a number of years. I am grateful to countless others who have answered my letters of enquiry and furnished me with scattered pieces of information. I would particularly thank Mr. Oswald Garrison Villard for a photograph of an Astor piano. To have been brought into contact with all those who have so generously given me assistance has been in itself more than a sufficient compensation for the more laborious and monotonous aspects of the undertaking. K. w. P. JOHN JACOB ASTOR CHAPTER I EARLY LIFE TO ARRIVAL IN AMERICA i763-1784 John Jacob Astor was born July 17,1763,1 at Waldorf,2 a German village lying between Heidelberg and the Rhine in the Duchy of Baden. On this point the opinion of the authorities is virtually unanimous, although there is almost no other fact in Astor's early life, and especially in the period before his arrival in America, on which there is such general agreement. He was the fifth child3 and fourth son4 of Jacob Astor,5 a butcher. It is said that the Astor family was of French Huguenot descent, and a genealogy, tracing its alleged origin back to a long line of French and Spanish nobles, is reproduced in an article written by William Waldorf Astor.6 However, Lathrop Withington, a genealogist, points out certain errors in this record, and thus reaches the conclusion that while John Jacob Astor probably had French Huguenot ancestors who may have been of the nobility, there is nothing which positively indicates noble descent, and certainly no authenticity in the account which finds the family origin among the Spanish nobility.7 Controversy concerning John Jacob Astor's national origin is rather futile in view of the fact that at the time of his birth the family was quite definitely Germanized in speech, appearance, and probably in blood — so much so that Jacob Astor's name is sometimes stated to have been "Aschtor,"8 a report for which there is some confirmation in the fact that the name of his son, Henry Astor, is also sometimes given as Henry or Hendrick Ashdoor and Ashdor in the records of the Common Council of New York City as late as 1801.9 Moreover he is registered as " Henry Aostor" in the New York City directory 4 JOHN JACOB ASTOR for 1789,10 while John Jacob Astor himself was on at least one occasion referred to as "Oster," which would seem to imply that he pronounced the family name at that time with a somewhat thicker, more gutteral and Teutonic pronunciation than would now be regarded as correct.11 More important than Astor's national origin is the financial and social position of his father. Almost all writers who ever mention his occupation agree that he was a butcher.12 He is sometimes described as "a very worthy man" who "held the office of bailiff," "the worthy and profound bailiff of . . . Wal- drop [sic\," and "a worthy, cautious, and wise father, who did not spare him [John Jacob] of good advice and equally good example."13 However, he has been also depicted, notably in the work of a Lutheran clergyman of Baden who made diligent research among the older inhabitants of Waldorf, as a poor and convivial person who spent much more time in the tavern than in his shop. As a result, according to the reminiscences of one of his son's old companions at Waldorf (who repeated and possibly enlarged upon these memories up to his ninetieth year), John Jacob was often glad to spend the night among the straw and hay of his comrade's barn and stay his hunger with a charitably bestowed bit of bread.14 If the clergyman's investigations were correct, it is apparently to the maternal side of the house that one must look for the thrift and financial genius which made all the male children of the family successful financially, one pre-eminently so, but even less seems to be known about their mother than about her husband. Her name is said to have been Maria Magdalena Vorfelder, and the date of her marriage to Jacob Astor is given as July 8,1750.15 She seems to have died about 1767, soon after the birth of a daughter, her namesake, inasmuch as Jacob Astor is stated to have become the father of a child by a second wife in 1769.16 In view of these facts, the influence ascribed to Astor's maternal training by moralistically inclined writers, EARLY LIFE TO ARRIVAL IN AMERICA 5 following the best traditions of "success biography," becomes extremely doubtful.17 Despite the alleged family poverty, Astor is said to have received an education which for that day was better than the average, owing to the presence as schoolmaster in Waldorf of an exceptional teacher, Valentine Jeune, also a descendant of Huguenot refugees, who tried to add some teaching of more real value to the usual program of reading, writing, ciphering, singing church songs "till the windows rattled," and a good deal of the catechism. Since he was schoolmaster from 1741 to 1779, Astor, throughout his school days in Waldorf, had the benefit of Jeune's instruction.18 Up to his fourteenth year Astor lived the ordinary life of a German village boy of the poorer class, dividing his time between the school, his home, and his father's butcher shop, until on Palm Sunday, 1777, n^s confirmation in the Lutheran Church marked the end of his school days. The next step would normally be to become an apprentice in some trade, or to secure employment as a servant or farm laborer. However, his father could not or would not pay the usual apprenticeship fee, and, in any case, preferred that his youngest son should remain at home and assist him.19 The butcher's trade, he thought, would suit his son as well as any other, and, indeed, at that time no better opportunity seemed to be open to the fourteen-year-old boy. For two years, therefore, Astor acted as his father's assistant in butchering, delivering the meat, and tending the shop, but without ever becoming in the slightest degree enthusiastic over the occupation which was his father's and which, so far, seemed destined to be his own. In all probability, discounting as much as we wish the stories which have been told of his stepmother's cruelty, these years were not, even comparatively speaking, happy ones. His oldest brother, George Peter, born April 28, 1752,20 had long since gone to London, where he may have had, 6 JOHN JACOB ASTOR an uncle employed by the firm of pianoforte makers, Shudi & Broadwood, and had there himself become a manufacturer of musical instruments.21 John Henry Astor, born January 4, 1754,22 had somehow made his way to New York, some said (although Parton suggests that this story may have been malicious23) as one of the Hessians,24 but more likely in some non- combatant capacity connected with the British army. One account states definitely that he came as servant or assistant to the purser of the British frigate Belle Poule, taken from the French, and that, while in New York, he succeeded, with the assistance of a butcher, in deserting. He rewarded his benefactor (after the frigate had sailed) by working for him several months at $2.50 per month, and then set up in a small way at his father's trade on his own account.25 Report said that he was doing well. His sister Catherine, who was born in 1758,26 had probably by this time married George Ehninger, the distiller.27 John Melchior, born October 30, 1759,28 had probably become a tenant at Neuwied on a farm said to have belonged to the prince.29 So during these two years there remained of John Jacob's full brothers and sisters only his younger sister, Maria Magdalena. Two half-sisters, Elizabeth and Ann Eve, had been born respectively in 1769 and on January 29, 1771,30 and it would not be strange if John Jacob had begun to feel like a stranger in his own home, for other reasons than the "cruel stepmother" whom chroniclers have added to the "drunken father."31 But however this may be, it was evident that John Jacob must soon follow the example of his three older brothers and strike out for himself, somewhere, anywhere, to get away from the prospect of a life spent behind the butcher's counter. The question was: where should he go? The obvious answer would be: either to England or to America, since he is stated to have kept in as close touch as possible with his brothers in these countries, and in later years boasted that he once walked o I PQ EARLY LIFE TO ARRIVAL IN AMERICA 7 forty-five miles in one day to get a letter from overseas.32 But it would be difficult, if not impossible, to join his brother Henry in New York at this time, when the war raging in America showed no immediate prospect of cessation. England, though not such a land of promise as America, contained another brother, George, who would doubtless be glad to welcome his youngest brother, for strong family feeling seems to have been a characteristic of the Astors. Moreover, to make his way to London would be a comparatively simple matter. It would not be difficult for him to secure a job on one of the timber rafts regularly descending the near-by Rhine. This would not only convey him to the Netherlands, but furnish him with funds to cross the Channel.33 It has been said that his intention of going to London was crystallized by an invitation sent by George Astor to John Jacob's older brother,34 Melchior, the farmer of Neuwied, which the latter, not being interested in trade, had declined,35 whereupon John Jacob determined to see whether he would not be acceptable as a substitute. Undoubtedly such encouragement would have been a decisive factor; but, in any case, he had reached the crucial age of sixteen, when decisions are likely to be made without too much attention to favorable or unfavorable circumstances. Accordingly, some time in 1779, he left Waldorf, with a bundle over his shoulder and perhaps a crown or two in his pocket,36 to walk to the Rhine.37 Outside the village he is supposed to have stopped and made a pledge "to be honest, to be industrious, and never to gamble."38 There seems to be little doubt that in all his future life he rigidly adhered to at least one and probably two of these good resolutions, a much better average than most men could claim. Fourteen days after his departure from Waldorf he arrived in London39 and made his way, probably with some difficulty, owing to his ignorance of the language, to the house of his brother, who may even at this time have been located in Wych Street, where he is known to have been in 1793.40 There he un- 8 JOHN JACOB ASTOR doubtedly received a hearty welcome from George Astor and from the latter's efficient wife, formerly Elizabeth Wright.41 Astor had completed the first lap in his long race for material success. Here, with the assistance of his brother, he found work of some kind, perhaps in the latter's manufactory (almost certainly so if the story of the invitation from George Astor is correct),42 or possibly with the firm of Shudi & Broadwood, if the story of an uncle employed by that company is true. At any rate, we may be sure that his next four years or more were not spent in idleness, though little or nothing is known concerning their details. We know, however, that during this period John Jacob Astor had two great ends in view: first, to acquire a working knowledge of the English language; second, to make and save enough money to pay for his passage to America and to invest in even a very small consignment of merchandise to take with him for sale in the new country. In London, much more, of course, than in Waldorf, there was talk of the country with which Great Britain was then waging war, even though the general attitude was unfriendly. Astor's interest was further intensified by the fact that he had a brother in America. He was determined, as soon as the time was ripe, to join his brother Henry in that country where land and opportunity were to be found by all. But he was also determined not to arrive again in a new country entirely empty-handed, with nothing but his own daily labor as an asset, and he was equally resolved not to bring all his funds with him in ready cash, but rather in the form of merchandise. By taking any goods, which he might determine upon as suitable for the American market, along with him as personal baggage, he would, he knew, be able to add what would be their normal freight charges to his profit. From 1779 to 1783 Astor worked in London, staying at the home of his brother, where he is quoted as saying he used to awake every morning at four o'clock, roused by the sound of Bow Bells, and read the Bible EARLY LIFE TO ARRIVAL IN AMERICA 9 and the Lutheran prayer book until it was time to go to breakfast and to work.43 In 1783 Astor decided that the time had come for him to take the next great step in his progress toward a better and more independent position. He determined to leave London, where he had been for from four to five years, that is, since some time in 1779, and seek the greater opportunities of that new world, the conquest of which his brother Henry had already begun. It is probable that there were several reasons why it was not until 1783 that he decided the appointed time for this move had come around. It is unlikely that one of these was the necessity of fulfilling any engagement as an apprentice, since if he had been articled to any master workman while in London it was probably to his brother George. It is more probable that he had not before this time acquired either sufficient skill in the English language or a sufficient amount of English currency to make his entrance into a new and strange land advisable. Indeed, he never did attain to anything like proficiency in English grammar and spelling, as those who have read any of his autograph letters will testify, though this did not prevent him from writing, upon occasion, with considerable fluency and force of expression. However, the most likely conclusion is that he chose this year for his removal from England largely because the treaty of peace between Great Britain and the United States had just been signed and there was some assurance that business would resume its normal course. Here was a chance for a young man of ability to "get in on the ground floor" and take advantage of the disorganization of business caused by the war. Further, a contemporary account states that his brother Henry, following the earlier example of his brother George, invited him to come to America. If this statement is true, the invitation would, of course, be a decisive factor.44 At any rate, for one or more of these reasons, Astor began late in 1783 to lay definite plans for his departure. For some io JOHN JACOB ASTOR reason, it is said, he decided to sail from a port other than London, possibly, as some believe, from Bristol.45 In consequence, the story is told that John Whetten, who was mate of a ship lying in this harbor, was accosted by a young German, apparently of about his own age, who enquired concerning steerage passage for America. "He had," says the narrator, who was a son of John Whetten, "a pacotillo of musical instruments." Whetten was somewhat impressed by the enquirer's appearance and manners, and Astor was apparently no less impressed by the young ship's officer. After some conversation Whetten advised him to take passage on another vessel close at hand, said to have been commanded by Jacob Stout,46 which he thought would furnish a more comfortable passage. Astor took his advice, and paid over five of the ten guineas which still remained to him. He had saved fifteen during his years in London, but had already invested five in seven flutes from his brother's manufactory.47 The payment of these five guineas entitled him not only to a steerage passage but also to salt beef and biscuit for the duration of the voyage. It was late in November when Astor embarked on the recommended ship, the North Carolina, and thus, according to various traditions, unwittingly laid the foundation of his fortune, for among the cabin passengers of this vessel, it is said, were some officers of the Hudson's Bay Company, who in their walks on the quarter-deck naturally talked a good deal of "shop" about the Indian trade and its methods, and enough was overheard by the alert and inquisitive young German to give him some idea of the possibilities of the fur trade.48 Another tradition states that on this voyage Astor encountered among the steerage passengers a young German, some years older than himself, who had gone to America a few years before, got into the business of buying furs from the Indians and backwoodsmen and selling them in New York, had finally invested most of the returns in furs which he had carried to Eng- m EARLY LIFE TO ARRIVAL IN AMERICA ii land, and purchased with the proceeds toys, trinkets, and other Indian goods which he was now bringing back to America to trade in their turn for peltry. Partly through a generous desire to assist a young fellow countryman, partly to while away the tedium of the voyage and raise himself in the youth's estimation, the fur trader instructed him in all the details of the trade, "where to buy, how to pack, transport, and preserve the skins; the names of the principal dealers in New York, Montreal, and London; and season of the year when the skins were most abundant," especially stressing the fact that little capital was required at first, since even with only a basket of toys, cakes, or other small articles, valuable skins could be picked up in the streets and on the wharves of New York (probably from Indians and farm boys) which could be sold at a profit to New York furriers. He also emphasized the point that if a connection could be established with a London fur house, four or five times the New York price could be secured. These conversations, if they actually occurred, must have had a profound influence upon the young immigrant.49 This account is, of course, not necessarily inconsistent with the story of the Hudson's Bay Company officers, though both may be merely the reflection of a family tradition that it was on his voyage to this country that Astor first conceived the idea of entering the fur trade. The first story comes directly from the son of John Whetten, who afterwards became one of Astor's own captains, but the second is mentioned in an account published during the later years of Astor's life by an intimate friend and apparently never contradicted. It is to be hoped that some such interest did enliven what must have otherwise proved a most depressing voyage, for the winter of 1783-84 was distinguished by its severity. It was not until January that the ship entered Chesapeake Bay, which was at the time rilled with masses of floating ice, among which the ship was in danger of being wrecked. This circumstance 12 JOHN JACOB ASTOR gave occasion for one of those popular stories which lend color to what seems in most respects to have been a not particularly dramatic character. On one occasion, when it seemed that the ship might be wrecked at almost any time, Astor appeared on deck in his best clothes. On being asked the reason for his festive garb on this perilous occasion, he replied, with practical good sense, that if the ship were wrecked and his life saved, his best suit would be equally fortunate, while if it were wrecked and his life lost, it would make no difference what suit he had on. On another occasion his insatiable curiosity, added to the tedium of life on ship, led him to start an innocent investigation of the quarter-deck, from which he was roughly ordered by the captain.50 Twenty years later, it is added, this officer commanded a ship owned by his quondam steerage passenger 51 — a detail quite too romantic to be credible. Tedious and stormy as the voyage had been from England to Chesapeake Bay, it now became even more unfortunate, since, when only a day's sail from Baltimore, the wind died down,' the cold increased, and morning found the ship frozen in the ice, where she remained for three months.52 As long as provisions held out, Astor preferred to stay with the ship, rather than follow the example of some of the other passengers and go ashore over the ice, since, as long as the voyage was not completed, he received his board, such as it was, at no extra charge. He may have put the time to some use by picking up what information he could about America from the passengers and sailors. But at last the delay, coupled with short and decreasing rations, became longer than he could endure.53 Finally, as he himself says, "having then been more than four months on board. ... I was desirous to get on shore as soon as I could, which I did and went by land. ... I think it was the 24th or 25th of March 1784 that I arrived in Baltimore. Some days previous to the arrival of the ship N. Carolina on which I came passenger."54 Astor had at last reached the promised land. EARLY LIFE TO ARRIVAL IN AMERICA 13 NOTES 1. [Oertel, Philip] (W. D. Van Horn, pseud.), Johann Jacob Astor (1855 [?]), p. 7; Astor, William Waldorf, "John Jacob Astor," Pall Mall Magazine, June, 1899, pp. 171-184; Scrap Book, New York Historical Society, Notes on the Astor Family by William Kelby, p. 7. This collection of material consists of clippings from newspapers and magazines, copies of or references to original manuscripts, and memoranda of conversations with people alleged to have personal knowledge of the Astor family, and in general seems to have for its purpose the preservation of all fugitive information concerning John Jacob Astor and his ancestors, family, and descendants. In view of the above weight of evidence, no attention need be paid to such journalistic errors as that of "The Descendants of John Jacob Astor," New York Tribune — Illustrated Magazine, March 6, 1898, which places his birth vaguely in July, 1764. 2. Oertel, loc. cit.; Astor, op. cit., pp. 171-184. Vincent Nolte, who knew Astor personally, says, loosely, that he was born in Heidelberg — an understandable error (Nolte, Vincent, Fifty "Years in Both Hemispheres (1854), p. 140). 3. Scrap Book, New York Historical Society, Notes on the Astor Family, Kelby, p. 1. 4. Ibid.', Oertel, loc. cit. 5. Ibid.; Scrap Book, New York Historical Society, Notes on the Astor Family, Kelby, pp. 1 and 7; Astor, op. cit., pp. 171-184, describes him as Johann Jacob Astor, b. July 7, 1724, but the genealogist, Lathrop Withington, in his article "Astor Pedigree Upset," New York Sun, July 30, 1899, seems to demonstrate that "John" was added to the younger Astor's name to distinguish him from his parent. 6. Astor, op. cit., pp. 171-184. 7. Withington, loc. cit. 8. Nolte, loc. cit. 9. De Voe, Thomas F., The Market Book (1862), pp. 185, 368. 10. The New-York Directory and Register for the year iySg (1789). 11. The only exception calls him a farmer. Of course the two occupations are not necessarily inconsistent. (Jaques, David Ralph, "John Jacob Astor," Lives of American Merchants, Freeman Hunt, ed., 2 vols. (1856-58), vol. ii, p. 388.) 12. Brymner, Douglas, archivist, Report on Canadian Archives, i8gi (1892), State Papers, Lower Canada, Calendar, p. 155, Q. 79-1; ms. (letter-press copy), Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston, Timothy Pickering MSS., Letters to his Correspondents, vol. vii, August-December, 1797, pp. 270, 288. 14 JOHN JACOB ASTOR 13. [Beach, Moses Yale], The Wealth and Biography of the Wealthy Citizens ofthe City of New York (1846), p. 2; "John Jacob Astor," Hogg's Weekly Instructor, vol. i (new series, 1848), p. 235. 14. Oertel, op. cit., pp. 7-9. 15. Smith, Arthur D. Howden, John Jacob Astor (1929), pp. 16-17. Jacob Astor's two ventures into matrimony present several perplexing problems. The official Astor genealogy gives Maria Magdalen Vorfelder as the name of Jacob Astor's wife, but records the date of the marriage as July 8, 1766, or nearly three years after the birth of her youngest and most distinguished son. This would almost make one wonder whether the date of Jacob Astor's marriage to his second wife had been erroneously coupled with the name of his first. Another possible solution would be that July 8, 1766, marked the death rather than the marriage of John Jacob's mother. At any rate not much confidence can be placed in this statement of John Jacob Astor's ancestry. The earlier portions, which deal with the family's alleged Spanish origins, have been demonstrated to be of a fictional character, while such inconsistencies as the placing of the marriage of John Jacob Astor's grandmother fifteen years later than his father's birth should certainly never have been passed over by the genealogist without some explanation. It is rather surprising that William Waldorf Astor seems not to have noticed anything unusual about certain of these points in his ancestral record. (Astor, op. cit., pp. 171-184.) An unpublished account of the Astor family presents a genealogy in which these inconsistencies do not appear. (Ms. book, Office of Vincent Astor, 23 W. 26th St., New York City, Gay, W. B., "Astor," dated November 7, 1912, 54 Dey St., N. Y.) A printed page, with manuscript annotations in French, containing a genealogy of the Astor family from Johann Jacob (b. 1664?) to the John Jacob of our special interest is in the possession of Mrs. Richard Aldrich, an Astor descendant. Some of its dates vary by a year or two from those we have used in the text; it contains the names of certain short-lived members of the family, not elsewhere mentioned, and of many Astors not direct ancestors of John Jacob. Some of its statements are obviously erroneous, and on the whole it is difficult to decide upon the extent of its authenticity, though it contains no such errors as appear in the family record sponsored by William Waldorf Astor. However, we may comfort ourselves with the thought that the maiden name of John Jacob Astor's grandmother and the exact relationship to him of Maria Magdalen, whether sister or half-sister, as well as whether Katharina or Catherine Astor was born in 1757 or 1758, could have had very little effect on his business career. 16. Scrap Book, New York Historical Society, Notes on the Astor Family, Kelby, p. 1. EARLY LIFE TO ARRIVAL IN AMERICA 15 17. Smith, Matthew Hale, Sunshine and Shadow in New York (1868), p. 113. "He was educated by his mother." 18. Oertel, op. cit., p. 10. 19. Ibid., pp. 11-12. 20. Ibid., p. 17; Scrap Book, New York Historical Society, Notes on the Astor Family, Kelby, p. 1. 21. Oertel, op. cit., p. 17; Letter from John Broadwood & Sons, "John Jacob Astor's Piano," New York Times, March 16, 1890. 22. Oertel, op. cit., p. 18; Scrap Book, New York Historical Society, Notes on the Astor Family, Kelby, p. 1. 23. Parton, James, Life of John Jacob Astor (1865), p. 18. 24. De Voe, op. cit., p. 185. Apparently the old British leaven, stimulated by the Tory atmosphere of New York City, was still Working in Henry Astor's breast as late as 1786, for in May of that year James Blanchard levelled against him the following accusation: "Henry Ashdore also refuses [to pay his duty for use of the public slaughter house] and laments his being obliged to take license under a pack of rebel rascals with many other enormities and evil examples." (Ibid., p. 368.) 25. [Armstrong, William], The Aristocracy of New York (1848), p. 8; Oertel, op. cit., p. 18. In the latter he is described as a dealer in hides and skins, which would, indeed, be a side-line of his butcher's business. 26. Scrap Book, New York Historical Society, Notes on the Astor Family, Kelby, p. 1. 27. [Scoville, Joseph A.] (Walter Barrett, clerk, pseud.), The Old Merchants of New York City, 5 vols. (1889), vol. i, p. 326; New York Times — Illustrated Magazine, March 6, 1898. 28. Scrap Book, New York Historical Society, Notes on the Astor Family, Kelby, p. 1; Oertel, op. cit., p. 18. 29. Ibid. 30. Scrap Book, New York Historical Society, Notes on the Astor Family, Kelby, p. 1. 31. Oertel, op. cit., p. 9. 32. Parton, op. cit., p. 20. 33. Oertel, op. cit., pp. 18-20. 34. [Cogswell, Joseph Green], "The Astor Library and its Founder," The United States Magazine, vol. ii (1855), pp. 137-145. 35. Oertel, op. cit., p. 18; Jaques, op. cit., vol. ii, pp. 389-390. 36. Parton, op. cit., p. 20. 37. Oerte], op. cit., pp. 21-22. 38. Beach, loc. cit. 39. Oertel, op. cit., pp. 21-22. 40. Directory to the Nobility, Gentry, and Families of Distinction in London, Westminster, &c . . . for 1793, Supplement to the Patent London Directory. 16 JOHN JACOB ASTOR 41. Ms. book, Baker Library, Soldiers Field, Boston, Astor Papers, Letter Book i, 1813-15, pp. 178-179, John Jacob Astor, February 14, 1814, to John Wright, London (see below, vol. i, pp. 550-552). 42. Jay, Elizabeth Clarkson, "The Descendants of James Alexander," New York Genealogical and Biographical Record, vol. xii (1881), pp. 172- I73> Jaques, op. cit., vol. ii, p. 390. 43. Ibid.; Cogswell, loc. cit. 44. Armstrong, op. cit., p. 3. 45. Oertel, op. cit., p. 27. 46. Scoville, op. cit., vol. iii, p. 5; Armstrong, op. cit., p. 3. The name of the ship on which Astor first came to this country and of the captain in command is not of great importance, but is nevertheless of some interest. Astor states positively that the ship from which he landed in America was the "N. Carolina." That Jacob Stout was the captain seems to have been a statement based purely upon tradition. In this connection certain information from the files of Lloyd's may be pertinent. During the late summer and fall of 1783 four vessels named North Carolina or Carolina left London for America. One of these, the Carolina, Captain Angus, left London on November 18,1783, for Maryland; she left the Downs on November 22, and her arrival at Chesapeake was mentioned in Lloyd's List of April 20,1784 (Files of Lloyd's, London). The dates and other circumstances of this vessel's voyage conform so closely to what is known of Astor's first journey to the United States that it seems quite likely that Astor left London for Maryland on the Carolina, Captain Angus, on November 18, 1783, and reached Chesapeake in time for the vessel's arrival to be recorded in the Lloyd's List dated five months after his departure. Another version of this voyage is found in the Oertel biography, which gives the name of the vessel as the City of Southampton (Oertel, op. cit., p. 27). 47. Beach, loc. cit.; Parton, op. cit., p. 24. 48. Greene, Richard Henry, The Todd Genealogy (1867), pp. 36-37. 49. Irving, Washington, Astoria (1836), chap, ii; Beach, loc. cit.; Armstrong, op. cit., p. 3; Oertel, op. cit., p. 30; Parton, op. cit., pp. 31-32. This author, drawing principally from Oertel, gives by far the most detailed and probably the most imaginative account of this occurrence. 50. Armstrong, op. cit., p. 3. 51. Parton, op. cit., p. 30. No captain by the name of either Stout or Angus was ever, so far as our rather complete information goes, in the employ of John Jacob Astor. However, a certain John (not Jacob) Stout or Stouts was a sailor on Astor's ship Severn at Canton in 1800, and on October 30, 1800, signed, with Captain Stewart Dean, a certificate relating to the cargo of that vessel, taking for this purpose the place of a mate which the Severn lacked on this voyage (ms., New York Historical Society, Astor Papers, John J. Astor, Bond Cancelled, 12 May 1801, m EARLY LIFE TO ARRIVAL IN AMERICA 17 see below, vol. i, pp. 393-395)- 0n May h l8o5> a certain J. Stout was associated with Astor and John Aspinwall in shipping brandy and wine to Canton (ms., Library of Congress, New York Customs Records, John J. Astor and John Aspinwall, Bond Cancelled, 28 June 1806). Another tradition states that "the father of ex-Mayor Tiemann, and Mr. Paff, of whom Mr. Astor bought a portion of the ground on which the Astor House now stands, were passengers" on the same vessel as Astor (Smith, M. H., op. cit., p. 114). This Paff later, it is said, bought out the musical-instrument business which Astor founded a year or two after his arrival in New York. Another account has it that among Astor's fellow passengers was Michael Miller, a tailor, who later married Astor's sister, Catherine, the widow of George Ehninger, and learned from her the distillery business, which had been followed by her former husband (Scoville, op. cit., vol. i, pp. 325-326). 52. Irving, loc. cit.; Beach, loc. cit.; Armstrong, op. cit., p. 3. The last says the ship was three months on its passage, which is incorrect since Astor left England sometime in November, 1783, and landed at Baltimore quite late in March, 1784. The passage must have been nearly four months at the least. Parton (pp. 30-31), following Armstrong, says that the detention by ice amounted to two months. 53. Parton's account (p. 31) states that Astor did not go on shore prior to the ship's arrival at Baltimore, but the more direct account, next quoted, contradicts this. 54. Ms., Pennsylvania Historical Society, Philadelphia, Ferdinand J. Dreer Collection, Letters, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., November 25, 1836, to Washington Irving (see below, vol. i, pp. 351-352). CHAPTER II EARLY YEARS IN NEW YORK CITY TO ESTABLISHMENT AS A RISING YOUNG MERCHANT, 1784-1790 In a letter written to Washington Irving in 1836 — more than fifty years after his arrival in America — John Jacob Astor described his first day in the new land, which must have made an impression upon his memory as powerful as it was pleasing. On the day of his arrival at Baltimore, he set out to see the town, and was standing on Market Street, looking about him, when he was accosted by "a little fat man," coming out of his shop, who enquired if he were not a stranger, and, upon Astor's replying in the affirmative, asked whence he had come. When the young man answered "London," the other immediately opined that he was, however, not an Englishman, whereupon Astor informed him that he was a German. At this the "little fat man" claimed him as a countryman, stating that he himself was a Swiss. He introduced himself as Nicholas Tuschdy, expressed his joy at seeing young men coming over from Europe, and, taking him into the house, gave him a glass of wine and introduced him to his wife. Not content with this hospitality, he offered his advice and services while Astor was in Baltimore and asked him to call again and see him. Astor was not the man to disregard such an opportunity, and when he did call stated that he "had some articles of merchandise to dispose of chiefly music and musical-instruments." Tuschdy at once offered to display some of these in his shop to be sold "free of any commission or expence," which generous offer Astor of course accepted, thus beginning a relationship which lasted for many years. It is not surprising that Astor EARLY YEARS IN NEW YORK CITY 19 remained for about three weeks in this hospitable city, to enjoy what seemed to him the almost unaccountable kindness of the people, before proceeding to New York.1 When, at the end of this time, he did leave Baltimore, he was accompanied, as is stated in some accounts, by his fur-trading compagnon de voyage.2 However, doubt is cast not only on this statement but also on the whole story of the meeting on board ship by the letter to Washington Irving above quoted, in which no mention is made of the young German fur trader, unless he is the " German laborer" the story concerning whom, in a letter by a William Gilmore, is stated by Astor to be "not correct." In the letter to Irving, Astor also denies a story about his "being a furrier" at that time or receiving from the hospitable Swiss a "letter to Mr. C. Chequer." At any rate, about the middle of April, 1784, Astor arrived at New York, where unquestionably he first sought out his brother Henry, who had been married not much over a month (since March 14, 1784) to Dorothea Pessenger,3 step-daughter of John Pessenger, also a butcher.4 Henry and his pretty, industrious bride (whom, for both virtues, Henry was fond of describing to his associates as "de pink of de Powery ")5 doubtless received their young relative with open arms. At this time they were probably living, as they certainly were in 1789, at the corner of First and Fisher Streets,6 but unfortunately they were not prepared to lodge long-lost brothers at a moment's notice, even though Henry had recently attained to the dignity of a horse and cart in place of his original humble wheelbarrow, for use in transporting carcasses to his shop and for distributing choice cuts among his customers. Since not much is known about Henry Astor's life in New York, it may be of some slight interest to know that this horse had, about a year before John Jacob's arrival, been stolen from him by some animal lover, evidently indignant that the poor beast must serve not only as a butcher's plug in the day but also as a riding nag at night.7 20 JOHN JACOB ASTOR According to one authority, the problem of hospitality was solved by Henry Astor's taking John Jacob around to 150 Queen Street, the home of George Dieterich, the baker, who is said to have known Astor in Germany, where Astor's first night in the city which was to be his home for more than three score years was spent.8 One chronicler declares that by this night's lodging Astor also settled another question, namely, what was to be his occupation while placing his merchandise, awaiting its sale, and, in general, becoming established in the city; for it chanced that George Dieterich was in want of a boy to peddle cakes, cookies, doughnuts, and other products of his bakery about the streets and to the various small shops of the neighborhood. Of course Astor had no more intention of remaining long in connection with a bakery than he had had of continuing in his father's butcher shop, but he doubtless realized that this peddling business would give him an opportunity to become acquainted with the city and to meet a number of its residents, while at the same time it enabled him to support himself while looking for a better place and disposing of the goods which he had brought over. So Astor's first working day in the city of his adoption was spent in the humble capacity of a cake peddler, which, he may have reflected, was at least much less laborious than his task of lugging about a heavy basket of butcher's meat while at Waldorf. This early occupation enabled his sister Catherine in later life, when piqued by what she considered his undue consciousness of wealth and lack of proper regard for her husband's distillery business, to observe, " Yakob vas noting put a paker poy, and solt preat und kak."9 There seems no way of knowing definitely how long Astor remained a baker's boy. Scoville vaguely remarks "for a long time." We may be sure he stayed in this occupation for no longer than he had to. An account written more than half a century after his death, which claims to be based on information given by members of the Astor family, says "three weeks" EARLY YEARS IN NEW YORK CITY 21 — a period which sounds rather reasonable, did this statement not then decrease its own validity by announcing that during that short time Astor doubled his employer's business.10 It is very difficult to fix a definite chronology for the next few years of Astor's life. We know that he soon left George Dieterich and, while he was still selling his stock of musical instruments, secured employment at different times with several furriers, the first of whom was probably the Quaker and merchant, Robert Bowne; that he engaged in peddling and fur- buying on a small scale and made his first voyage to England with furs; and that he began to make fur-trading expeditions to the wilder parts of New York State, at first for his employer and later on his own account. But the actual dates of these events, and even their order, are far from easy to determine, and in some cases can only be matters of conjecture. We do not know how long it took Astor to dispose of his merchandise and secure furs with the proceeds. On this question, an "Old New Yorker," said to be a Richard Williamm, Jr., writing in 1876, quotes an advertisement which first appeared in Loudon's New York Packet, September 20, 1784, reading: "German Flutes Of a Superior Quality to be sold at this Printing-Office," and assumes that these had been deposited by Astor, as was frequently done in those days by people who had some small articles to sell and no shop in which they could be displayed. This advertisement appeared occasionally till March 10, 1785,11 when the last flute was probably sold. It is altogether possible that these were Astor's flutes, but of course we cannot be positive. In this connection might also be quoted another advertisement which appeared in the same paper on January 27, 1785, or at about the time when Astor would have arrived from England, had he, as has been stated by Irving, returned to London in 1784: "Just Imported Per the Mesborough, Captain Danser, and to be Sold, by S. Loudon, 1 Chamber Organ, 22 JOHN JACOB ASTOR with Diapason Stops, German Flutes, tipt with silver and common, i Eolichard with hammer and strings, Bath Packs country dances, for piano forts and harpsichord, A variety of music by the best Masters, for several instruments, all which will be sold on reasonable terms. N. B. As the above mentioned, are the property of a gentleman who means to leave this city about two or three weeks hence, those who intend to purchase will be speedy in their application."12 This is exactly the type of consignment which Astor would probably have brought from England. If the above musical supplies actually did belong to him, the reference to his leaving the city may have had to do with preparations for a spring fur-trading expedition for Robert Bowne or himself, or have been intended merely to arouse interest. As we do not know the amount of goods in Astor's possession upon his first arrival in New York, and as we possess even less knowledge of what he brought from his first return trip to England, there is nothing impossible in the above speculations, but at the same time they must necessarily be very inconclusive. Irving says that on first leaving England he invested "a small sum ... in merchandise suited to the American market."13 Beach mentions "seven flutes from his brother's manufactory, at London . . . with a few other articles of merchandize."14 Scoville, on the other hand, seems to take the "idea that Mr. Astor came out here with property" as almost a personal affront. He brands "a great deal of the history of Mr. Astor, in the 'Life' of Mr. Irving" — by which presumably he means Astoria — as "fabulous,"15 and baldly describes as "a lie" an account of Astor written by D. R. Jaques, who stated that "Astor brought over with him a few hundred dollars worth of musical instruments,"16 and in his other details followed Irving.17 A few facts, however, are certain. Astor, we know from his own account, "had some articles of merchandise to dispose of chiefly music and musical-instruments," sufficient in quan- EARLY YEARS IN NEW YORK CITY 23 tity to enable him to deposit an assortment with Mr. Tuschdy at Baltimore and yet have some left to carry to New York.18 John Whetten described him in England as having with him "a pacotillo of musical instruments."19 It is evident that he had with him more merchandise than the traditional "seven flutes." Quite likely at least a part of his stock-in-trade belonged to his brother George and was to be sold on commission.20 It is possible that, soon after his arrival in New York, Astor secured employment with Robert Bowne, leaving George Dieterich in order to enter the service of a man interested in the fur trade, in which Astor must have realized that, even if the stories of Hudson's Bay Company officers and young German fur traders on shipboard were entirely fictitious, he would have much greater opportunities for advancement than as a butcher or baker. He may, therefore, have worked for the old Quaker before he went to England from America for the first time with a load of furs, if we follow Irving's account that he departed and returned in 1784. Be that as it may, we are practically sure that he was in Robert Bowne's employ during 1785, for reasons which will be explained later. If we are to follow Irving's official account, it must have been quite early in 1785 at the latest that Astor returned from his trip to England with the proceeds of his furs invested in merchandise. He had acquired a knowledge of the London fur market, and probably a connection with some fur-trading house or merchant; he had also, it would seem, established relations with the piano-manufacturing house of Shudi & Broadwood, for though he may have been early attracted to the fur trade, it is nevertheless incontrovertible that his earliest venture as an independent merchant was as a seller of musical instruments. However, he was not yet ready to strike out entirely on his own account, and so began or reassumed his task of beating furs for Robert Bowne at $2.00 a week and his 24 JOHN JACOB ASTOR board,21 thus acquiring a knowledge of furs and the fur trade which quite eclipsed in value his meager monetary gain. It is quite likely that in his spare time he traded for "furs and skins on board of sloops and other vessels which lay around the docks," using as his medium of exchange the contents of a "basket of trinkets"22 or a pack of "cheap jewelry, birds &c."** It was probably to this period that the reminiscences of a Mrs. Noble pertained, who, according to her daughter, "had bought pins, needles, tape, beads, from John Jacob Astor when he peddled them in a basket around the streets."24 This daughter had herself a remote connection with John Jacob Astor, for she had lived at one time in the same house with one of his married half-sisters, who had come to New York some time before 1795. In the fall of 1785 occurred one of the most important events of Astor's early life, his marriage to Sarah Todd,25 the only daughter and youngest child of Adam and Sarah (Cox) Todd, both of Scottish descent.26 At this time Adam Todd had been dead fifteen years or a little more.27 Margaret, his daughter by an earlier marriage, who was some twenty years older than Sarah, had married Captain William Whetten. Their eldest son, John Whetten (the friendly ship's officer who had advised Astor when leaving England), was therefore Sarah Todd's nephew. Through another of her half-sister's children, Sarah Whetten, who had married Henry Brevoort, John Jacob Astor's wife was connected with the influential Brevoort family.28 The ceremony was performed September 19, 1785, at the German Reformed Church in New York,29 Astor at that time being a little over twenty-two years of age and his wife perhaps a year older.30 Sarah Todd was a woman of great piety, and also, as is not unusual, had considerable business ability.31 She is said to have brought her husband a most welcome dowry of $300, as well as her connection with the upper social classes of ■ Mrs. Astor as a Young Woman EARLY YEARS IN NEW YORK CITY 25 the city.32 Through her, too, he was brought into a family relationship with various sea captains. His brother-in-law, Adam Todd, was one of these,33 and not only the friendly John Whetten, but his brother-in-law, Stewart Dean, who about this time had married one of Mrs. Astor's nieces, Margaret Whetten, was thus brought into the family circle, more elastic in those days than in the present less clannish times.34 This marriage would seem to indicate that Astor was prospering, though in those days a wife was considered, and rightly so, rather as an asset than as a liability. At this period he was probably still employed by Robert Bowne for at least part of his time. This is indicated by the discovery, almost a century after the marriage, in an excavation at Mackinac Island (later the headquarters of Astor's fur trade) of "an ancient silver watch of the English bull-dog style," with "the inscription: 'Presented to John Jacob Astor by R. Bowne, 1785.'"35 This may have been a wedding present or a token of esteem upon Astor's leaving Bowne's service. It could hardly have been given for long, though no doubt quite deservedly for faithful, service. The discovery would also tend to confirm the story that Bowne had raised Astor's wages at the end of his first month of service and had probably afterwards rewarded his ability by further increases. It seems doubtful whether Astor ever took his employer's place on the annual journeys to Montreal.36 If he returned to England in 1784, he could not have gone to Canada the same year, even if he was not thought too inexperienced for a trust requiring such definite and exhaustive knowledge of furs and the fur market. His marriage in September, 1785, would similarly prevent a trip to Montreal in that year, since, as can be easily ascertained from a study of Astor's movements in his early years in the fur trade, about three months in the fall, sometimes including part of the late summer, were always reserved for his annual trip to that greatest of North American ■ JOHN JACOB ASTOR fur marts. On the other hand it is quite possible, even probable, that Astor before his marriage had assumed part of the responsibility for collecting furs in northern and western New York, gaining experience which would later stand him in good stead at the more important Canadian fur market.37 At the time of his marriage, or possibly before, he had changed his residence to the home of his mother-in-law at 81 Queen Street, not far from that of his first employer, George Dieterich.38 Whether he was still Robert Bowne's clerk for at least part of his time, we do not know. It is certain, however, that he became more and more intent on opening a shop of his own. His own savings and his wife's dowry, together with whatever he was able to borrow from his brother Henry,39 finally made this possible. Even after drawing on all these resources, his capital was probably not large. Miss Hamm's estimate of $500 is probably not far wrong.40 In the circumstances it would not be surprising if Astor made a trip to England in the winter of 1785-86 to select a stock of goods for the shop which he intended to open. Indeed this seems a much more logical time for such a move than in 1784, and I have wondered whether Irving was not a year too early in his dates. This, however, is only my own conjecture and is not drawn from any single definite authority. But whatever Astor's occupation during the winter of 1785- we know that by May 22, 1786, he had opened a music store in his mother-in-law's house at 81 Queen Street, "two doors from the Friends Meeting-house," since an advertisement appeared in the New York Packet of that date under the name of "Jacob Astor" (the designation he usually employed in his earlier years), announcing that he had "just imported from London, An elegant assortment of Musical Instruments, such as piano fortes, spinnets, piano-forte guittars, the best of violins, German flutes, clarinets, hautboys, fifes, the best Roman violin strings, and all other kinds of strings, music EARLY YEARS IN NEW YORK CITY 27 books and paper, and every other article in the musical line, which he will dispose of on very low terms for cash." This advertisement was repeated at intervals for at any rate more than two months. Its appearance, however, does not necessarily imply that the shop had not previously been open. Indeed the probabilities are to the contrary. According to tradition and the accounts of men who had been intimately associated with Astor, his first establishment was "a small retail shop of German toys 'm which he may have opened some time before this announcement of his well-chosen stock of musical goods. It is probable that Astor spent little time in his shop, leaving his wife in charge while he attended to his fur business. It has been said that soon after his arrival in New York he was "beating skins in Gold Street" and that subsequently he was found "in the employ of a Mr. Wilson at Old Slip, pursuing the same business."42 Scoville asserts that "John Jacob Astor learned the fur business with Mr. [Hayman] Levy; and upon the books of the latter are many charges of sums paid for wages to J. J. Astor. He frequently got jobs to beat furs after he left Mr. Levy."43 For this work Astor is said to have received one dollar a day. Possibly his connection with Levy, Wilson, and the nameless furrier in Gold Street came after rather than before he opened his musical-instrument shop, and when there were no furs to be purchased in town or country, and his wife found herself able without inconvenience to handle the duties of shop and home without his assistance, he took the opportunity to earn a few shillings by working for his prospective rivals, Wilson, Bowne, Levy, and others. On the other hand, he may have been employed by Wilson, Levy, and other furriers for an even shorter time than for Dieterich. This employment may have preceded his connection with Bowne and never have been renewed, even to the slightest extent, after his establishment in the shop at 81 Queen Street. At all events, it is only fair to present all the possibilities. 28 JOHN JACOB ASTOR Astor may or may not have taken such outside employment to add to the profits of his music store; but at least we are quite sure that at this period, after he had begun to advertise in the New York Packet, he was spending much more of his time "on the road" seeking out furs in country hamlets and Indian villages. Enough anecdotes have been preserved in local histories of New York State to make clear the character of his activities. Unfortunately, however, no definite dates are given. Some of his routes, it is said, were later followed by various railroad lines, including one through Long Island, another along the Hudson to Lake Champlain and to Montreal, still another from Albany to Buffalo, and others through northern New Jersey and Pennsylvania and along the present Erie Railroad. Some admirers give Astor the credit for fixing, through his trading expeditions, the routes of these railroad lines, but unquestionably he himself had followed earlier Indian trails or hunters' paths. However, it may be true that he prophesied the future size and prosperity of such cities as Rochester and Buffalo.44 At this period of his business life, Astor is supposed to have had a series of partners who remained in New York while he traversed the wilderness. The first of these is said to have been Cornelius Heyer, though nothing is known of their partnership or the length of its duration.45 Some of the accounts of Astor's backwoods experiences which have been preserved will serve to illustrate the character of his business at this time, even though certain of these stories may actually belong to a slightly later period. It seems probable that at this period he usually made his expeditions on foot, although one account states that early in his career, after going to Albany, he got a horse and a load of articles and "set out for the frontier to traffic with the natives."46 We know of some of his early centers of trade and stopping places. One of these was at Claverack on the Hudson, where a former resident of Wal- H EARLY YEARS IN NEW YORK CITY 29 dorf, John Gabriel Gebhard, was located as pastor of the Reformed Dutch Church.47 The center of his trade in furs drawn from the Catskills is said to have been Cornelius Per- sen's store at Katsbaan, also in the Hudson Valley. His annual visits, which were probably rather early in his career (they are described vaguely as "after the war "), took place in the spring, when "Astor came with the earliest sloop up the Hudson . . . and trappers and hunters from the Catskills and beyond the mountains resorted to this store to meet him. At times the old storehouse was filled with them, and Astor carried the overflow into the kitchen against the indignant protests of the mistress of the house."48 But even as early as this he did not confine his wanderings to the near-by Hudson Valley. He likewise penetrated the wilds of western New York. A contemporary, writing three years after Astor's death, remarks that "years before settlement commenced [at Canandaigua]: — John Jacob Astor, with a pack of Indian goods upon his back, wandered from the Indian trail, got lost in the low grounds at the foot of Seneca Lake in an inclement night, wandered amid the howl and the rustling of wild beasts, until almost morning, when he was attracted by the light of an Indian cabin, near the old castle, and following it, obtained shelter and warmth." As the same authority states that settlement began about 1789, this occurrence must be dated within two or three years after Astor's arrival in New York.49 In 1787 he was still continuing with his musical-instrument business, and on July 27,1787, an advertisement again appeared in the New York Packet,™ under the name of Jacob Astor, announcing that he had "just received from London an elegant assortment of Musical Instruments, such as Piano Fortes of the best kind, Violins of all sorts, Bassoons, Clarinets, Haut- Boys, German Flutes, &c. which are to be sold on very reasonable terms." This advertisement, which, it will be observed, differs little from that of 1786, was continued at intervals until at least November 9. 3° JOHN JACOB ASTOR One may imagine that Astor during 1787 continued his usual fur-buying expeditions into the fur-producing sections of New York, and in this year, for the first time, there is some indirect evidence that he may have gone to Montreal in the fall, for an advertisement under his name in the New York Packet, dated October 28, 1788, mentioned that he had for sale "a quantity of Canada Furs"51 (italics mine), which could not have come from Canada to England and from England to New York, as was required by British law, in the season during which they were advertised, but must have been secured in Montreal during the fall of 1787. To be sure, Astor may have secured them indirectly, or through an agent, but there is a strong possibility that he purchased them in person and himself arranged for their shipping. If so, it may have been on this occasion that he first made the acquaintance of another recent immigrant, a man nine years older than himself, who had come to America about the same time as Astor, Peter Sailly of Plattsburg, New York, who was also interested in the fur trade to a certain extent. There is a tradition among the descendants of Sailly that "Astor frequently came to Plattsburg and stayed at Sailly's house and . . . would spend the night sleeping in front of Sailly's big open fire in the kitchen."52 This would, of course, be most likely to occur on Astor's trips to Montreal, during the course of which he would pass through Plattsburg and would probably pick up some furs there as at other points on his way. Indeed, Astor may have first made Sailly's acquaintance at Albany, where the latter was located during 1785.53 However, in a letter written to the secretary of the Treasury on May 31, 1819, Astor stated that he had been acquainted with Sailly "for about 30 years, & more,"54 and it seems doubtful whether this statement would justify the conclusion that they had met as early as 1785. Astor's first advertisement in which furs were mentioned appeared April 29, 1788, in the New York Packet55 under his EARLY YEARS IN NEW YORK CITY 31 usual style of "Jacob Astor." After mentioning briefly that he had "just imported an elegant assortment of Piano Fortes, which he will sell on reasonable terms," he went on to say that "he also buys and sells for Cash all kinds of Furs." This advertisement ran only two weeks. It will be noted that the fur trade was mentioned as a sort of afterthought. However, in the same newspaper, on October 28 of that year,56 appeared an advertisement, for the first time under the name of "J. Jacob Astor," in which, after mentioning the arrival of an assortment of pianofortes "per the ship Ann from London," he announced: "He gives cash for all kinds of Furs; and has for sale a quantity of Canada Furs, such as beaver, beaver coating; raccoon skins, raccoon blankets, and spring musk rat skins; which he sells by large or small quantities — a considerable allowance will be made to every person who buys a quantity." In this announcement, which ran in the Packet to November 7 and was repeated practically word for word in the Daily Advertiser for December 29,57 continuing for a month, the fur trade, almost at one bound, secured precedence over the musical-instrument business, though the latter was by no means as yet crowded out.58 Whether Astor went to Montreal in the fall of 1787 or not, he was unquestionably in that city in 1788, for a record exists of a bargain, dated September 30, 1788, between Jacob Astor of New York, described as a "Furrier," and Rosseter Hoyle of Montreal, "Merchant," according to which the former was to ship " Two thousand dollars in Furrs and Peltries more or less " to the order of Rosseter Hoyle in London, who was in turn to reship them to Astor in New York. Similarly, Astor was to ship "one thousand Dollars more or less in Furrs and Peltries" to London, which Hoyle was to reship to Rotterdam. All freight, duties, insurance, charges, and express between Montreal and the two ports above-mentioned were to be paid by Rosseter Hoyle, for which Astor was to compensate him by a payment of 18 per cent on the first cost of the furs and peltries Jr 32 JOHN JACOB ASTOR aforesaid on receipt of the bills of lading. The value of these 6 bales, 4 marked HA and presumably intended for New York and 2 inscribed GEA, destined for Rotterdam, amounted, according to the invoices, to £783 os. 3§d. currency or £704 14s. 3d. sterling.59 Whether these furs and peltries were purchased from Rosseter Hoyle or from some other Montreal merchant does not appear. But it is significant that at this time Astor possessed sufficient funds or credit at Montreal to enable him to purchase furs valued at some $3,000. To this point the twenty- year-old German boy, who took steerage passage from England in the fall of 1783, had progressed in fLve short years. In 1789 Astor was again in Montreal, where on August 29, describing himself for the first time under the resounding title of "John Jacob Astor of New York . . . Merchant," he made an agreement with William Hands of Detroit, also a merchant, that the latter should on or before August 20, 1790, deliver to Astor or his representatives at Montreal 15,000 "Good and Merchantable Musquash Skins," which were to be paid for at "four pence half penny per skin . . . Lawful Money of the Province" upon their receipt. To insure the performance of the terms of this agreement the two parties bound themselves one to another "in the Penal Sum of One hundred & fifty pounds Sterling." 60 On the 21 st of September in the same year, Astor, this time dropping the "John" from his name, made a similar agreement with Ephraim Santford, a hatter, of the St. Laurence suburbs near Montreal, who was to furnish Astor on or before August 20, 1790, with 15,000 good muskrat skins, of which 12,000 were to be "Spring gotten Skins," at 5|d. per skin, for the performance of which, as in the contract with Hands, the parties bound themselves one to the other in the penal sum of £150 sterling.61 It will be observed that Astor was now buying "futures" in muskrat skins. Of course these transactions above-mentioned were, in all probability, not the only ones in which he engaged during these first two or three trips to Montreal. EARLY YEARS IN NEW YORK CITY 33 In 1790 Astor was again in Montreal, as was necessitated by the above contracts. But apparently he experienced considerable difficulty in having them carried into effect, for on the 23rd of August he appeared before the notary J. G. Beek and asked him to protest against the failure of William Hands to deliver the above-mentioned muskrat skins, declaring that he would avail himself of the penalty provided for such a case, which protest J. G. Beek accordingly made. To enforce this penalty, Astor would have had to stay in Montreal probably longer than would have been profitable. Accordingly, on August 26 we find him "for and in Consideration of the said Agreement being one half on the Account and risque of Alexander Henry of Montreal Merchant and for the Consideration of Fifty pounds of lawful money to him the said John Jacob Astor now in hand paid by the said Alexander Henry" making over to Henry all his interest both in the muskrat skins and in the penalty for their non-delivery. This would seem to indicate that it was as a partner of Alexander Henry that Astor had originally made this bargain with Hands. Henry, of course, as a permanent resident of Montreal and a prominent merchant would have a much better opportunity of enforcing the delivery of the muskrat skins than would the young German fur trader from New York.62 He met with no greater success in the case of the hatter, Ephraim Santford, or Sanford, for on August 23 J. G. Beek at the request of Astor went to Sanford's house in the St. Laurence suburbs near Montreal, where he demanded of the latter's wife, Sanford being absent on the lake, the delivery of the aforesaid muskrat skins, to which demand she declined to accede since her husband had left no instructions to that effect; whereupon Beek protested against this non-delivery and declared that Astor would avail himself of the penalty provided for such failure to comply with the terms of the contract.63 Whether Astor succeeded in recovering the penalty or securing 1 34 JOHN JACOB ASTOR the delivery of the skins with damages for delay does not appear, but it would seem that one or the other would be the case, since a definite written contract existed which Sanford had failed to fulfill. The fall of 1790 seems to have been distinguished by alleged violations of agreements and consequent protests, for on September 21 the same J. G. Beek again appeared, this time acting as an agent of Richard Dobie, of Montreal, against his quondam client, John Jacob Astor. In this capacity he had gone to the "place of residance of Mr John Jacob Astor of New York Merchant being at the house of Mr. Alexr. Henry Merchant in Notre Dame Street," where he demanded of Astor the "immediate delivery of Twenty thousand Musquash skins" which "the said John Jacob Astor at Sullivan's Coffee House" was alleged to have agreed to sell to Richard Dobie and for which on the latter's behalf Beek "tendered payment on Delivery at the rate of fourteen sols equal to seven pence Currency. . . . Whereupon the said John Jacob Astor gave me for answer that he had not made any such Bargain." J. G. Beek, after receiving this response, protested in the usual form.64 Evidently this agreement, if indeed it had actually been made, was a verbal one which it would be difficult to enforce. Whether Dobie's demand was made in good faith or not cannot be known, though it is noteworthy that in later life, at least, Astor's word was considered by one of his business acquaintances to have been by no means as good as his bond.65 The price offered for these skins gives some indication of the profits Astor might have made had Hands and Sanford fulfilled their contracts, and would seem to constitute good evidence in a damage suit or suits against them. For this reason Dobie's offer and protest might possibly be regarded as a put-up job, arranged by Astor, Beek, and Dobie. However, it is noteworthy that Astor hereafter did not make use of Beek's notarial services. This may indicate that Astor was angered by the appear- EARLY YEARS IN NEW YORK CITY 35 ance of one whose client he had been, as a representative of an opponent. One of the most significant items in these papers from the Palais de Justice, Montreal, is their revelation of Astor's connection with Alexander Henry, for we have seen that he resided at Henry's house while in Montreal, and acted as his agent or partner in the purchase of furs. A short biography of Alexander Henry, published immediately after his death in 1824 in the Canadian Magazine, contains this statement in a footnote: "we believe J. J. Astor, Esq., of New York, among others, commenced his pursuits in the fur trade under Mr. Henry's direction."66 So far as the Canadian fur trade is concerned, this may well be true, though whether Astor was ever actually employed as one of Henry's clerks, as this article implies, is another matter entirely, and very doubtful. It is possible that Astor may have met Henry before he made his first visit to Montreal, for though Henry became a permanent resident of that city in 1781, in 1784 he more than once mentioned his intention of moving to Schenectady for part of the year, and he was in Albany in the spring of 1785. It is therefore at least possible that Astor may have met him at one or the other of these places and formed an acquaintanceship which developed into friendship in Montreal.67 Although Astor's attention, during the last two or three years of the decade which saw his arrival in America, had been drawn more and more to Canada, he did not cease to scour the backcountry of New York in search of furs. "The father of the late lamented General Wadsworth," as Parton records, "used to relate that he met him once in the woods of western New York in a sad plight. His wagon had broken down in the midst of a swamp. In the melee all his gold had rolled away through the bottom of the vehicle, and was irrecoverably lost; and Astor was seen emerging from the swamp covered with mud and carrying on his shoulder an axe — the sole relic of his 36 JOHN JACOB ASTOR property."68 This story is probably based on fact, though it is doubtful whether Astor would carry with him any considerable quantity of gold while engaged in the Indian trade. The date of this occurrence is approximately fixed at about 1790 by the fact that James Wadsworth, who is the Wadsworth to whom reference is here made, removed to the Genesee River in that year.69 It was also about this time that Astor formed his connection with Peter Smith — a connection which was to last in one form or another up to the latter's death in 1837,70 and then for over a decade more through his son, Gerrit Smith, in all about sixty years. Peter Smith, more than three years younger than Astor, but fully as precocious in his financial ability, had come to New York at the age of sixteen, that is, during 1784, the year in which Astor made his appearance in that city. For about a year he acted as clerk to Abraham Herring, an importing merchant in New York City.71 He soon felt, however, that he could do better as an independent merchant. Accordingly, in the fall of 1785, he opened a book shop, where, as time went on, he also dealt in such articles as lace, beeswax, canes, and snuff boxes, continuing in this business at least up to the spring of 1788.72 It was then, probably, or soon thereafter, that he became associated with Astor. One author, claiming to get his facts from Gerrit Smith, seems to imply that Smith entered the fur trade on his own initiative and was later joined by Astor.73 Gerrit Smith's official biographer, however, states that Peter Smith went directly into partnership with Astor, with no previous independent interest in the fur trade.74 A recent historian of Utica places the beginning of this connection at about 1789, which seems reasonable.75 Scoville, quoting some unnamed but evidently early historian, makes this partnership contemporaneous with the time when "Utica first began its career."76 As the ground on which Utica was established was surveyed in 1786, at which time the population was neg- EARLY YEARS IN NEW YORK CITY 37 ligible, and as an inn was built in 1788, this account would seem to agree with that of the recent Utica historian. Smith is said to have established himself at Utica in 1789, but a brief connection with Astor may have preceded this move, since the two probably first met in New York City. Their relationship in the fur trade may have extended up to 1792. After this time it is evident that they were no longer carrying on the fur trade for their joint profit. It was in 1792 that Peter Smith married Elizabeth Livingston,77 and his marriage was probably influential in his decision to exchange the fur trade for the life of a land-owner. Gerrit Smith's official biographer says, "It was their custom in the summer months to go to Albany by sloop, thence on foot to penetrate the interior of the state . . . until they reached the tribes [the Iroquois] . . . who held the treasures of winter spoil." Here they bartered for furs in the usual inexpensive trade-goods, "but," says the biographer, "the Indians were satisfied and helped the traders to transport them on man-back and by canoe to Albany, whence they were taken down the river to New York." Frothingham regards Smith's action in taking up residence and opening a store in what is now Utica as a development in this partnership, in order that this shop might serve as headquarters for the collection of the skins, while his partner would market them in New York, for of course these wilderness trading jaunts occupied only a part of the year.78 A Utica historian describes them more definitely as journeying "on foot from Schenectada to Old Fort Schuyler [now Utica], with their packs on their back, stopping here and there to pick up furs at the Indian settlements on the way,"79 to which Scoville's nameless historian adds the detail that the "Indians aided them in carrying them back to Schenectady."80 Gerrit Smith, in a letter written to William B. Astor, May 26, 1843, made reference to these activities; he wanted John Jacob Astor to accept certain lands as security for a loan, and de- 38 JOHN JACOB ASTOR scribed them by stating that Astor was within a few miles of them "when, more than fifty years ago, he & my father were displaying their ardent youth & boundless energy amongst the Indians at Oneida."81 This loose description, "more than fifty years ago," does not help us much in determining the date when this partnership began, since it does not necessarily push it back farther than to 1792. However, it is evidently not intended to do more than indicate something of the extent of Astor's connection with the Smith family, and consequently is not incompatible with our conclusion that this relationship commenced some time between 1788 and 1790. Indeed the probability of the earlier date is confirmed by a letter from Astor to Peter Smith, February 19, 1828, in which he mentioned their "about 40 years of acquanitanes & good frind- ship."82 More significant is the mention of Oneida as the scene of their operations, which must consequently have been near the county, lake, and town of that name. It is probably to this period in Astor's life that we should refer the statement by "a gentleman of Schenectady," which appears in The National Cyclopaedia of American Biography, published in 1898, but for which I can find no earlier authority. "Many times," says this narrator, "I have seen John Jacob Astor with his coat off, unpacking in a vacant yard near my residence a lot of furs he had bought dog-cheap off the Indians and beating them out, cleaning and repacking them in more elegant and salable form to be transported to England and Germany, where they would yield him i,ood per cent on the original cost."83 Since it is not improbable that such a statement was made, and since the facts may very well have happened as alleged, we may regard it as one of those traditions which drift about for many years in impalpable form until they are finally lost or, a century more or less after the events on which they are based, are embalmed in print. Astor's position in New York was also becoming more secure EARLY YEARS IN NEW YORK CITY 39 and respectable. The boy who had beaten skins and peddled cookies was coming to be regarded as a rising young merchant. In 1787 he had joined the German Society, of which his brother Henry had become a member two years before.84 He now had two children: Magdalen, born on January 11, 1788, and baptized January 23, with Henry Astor and his wife Dorothea as sponsors, was named after Astor's mother; Sarah or Sally, born early in 1790, and baptized April 6, 1790, was named after her mother, and died young.85 Astor had formed a connection with the London firm of Thomas Backhouse & Co., at least as early as 1790, for a manifest on November 6 of that year recorded two cases of goods shipped by that house from London to New York on the brigantine Two Brothers of Newburyport, Massachusetts, commanded by Peter Ceely and consigned to J. J. Astor.86 Thomas Backhouse was probably a relative, perhaps a brother, of the New York merchant William Backhouse, from whom, as we shall see later, Astor acknowledged especial favors. Nor did this connection with Thomas Backhouse & Co. involve merely the purchase of London goods by Astor, since the London firm on their side purchased furs from the young New York merchant. This is shown by such stray bits of information as that, on August 2, 1791, he shipped a cask of skins (marked HA) to "T. Backhouse," London, on the Montgomery, James Bunyan, master.87 In a little over five years after his first sight of New York, Astor had also prospered sufficiently to become a real-estate owner. On May 18, 1789, he had purchased from his brother Henry two lots and four half-lots, situated in the out ward of the city on the Bowery road and Elizabeth Street, paying in cash "the Sum of Forty Seven pounds current money of the State of New York." This deed was not recorded till twenty years later, September 7, 1819.88 On August 14 of the same year in which he made the above land purchase, he bought 40 JOHN JACOB ASTOR from James Bolmer, an innkeeper, two lots in the out ward adjoining those he had purchased from his brother, for which he paid in hand "the Sum of Two Hundred and Fifty Pounds Current money of the said State of New York,"89 which would seem to indicate the existence of buildings on these last purchased lots much superior in number or value to those on the ones purchased from Henry, though none are specifically mentioned. In 1790, also, Astor had been forced by the growth of his business and his family to leave the shop in his mother-in- law's home at 81 Queen Street, where for at least four years he and his energetic wife had carried on their trade in musical instruments and furs. This he was enabled to do by the comparative prosperity which his business had brought him, and consequently, in this year he bought the store at 40 Little Dock Street,90 which in 1786 had been occupied by the merchants James and Henry Kip,91 from James Wells and "others," on May 18, paying £850, New York currency. By this move he won for the first time a place in the city directory, where in 1790 he appeared at last as "Astor, John J. furr trader, 40, Little-Dock-street."92 It also led to several other real-estate transactions, for on December 31, 1790, he bought from Nicholas Wells and wife (Nicholas presumably being a son or at least an heir of "James Wells, deceased," who in his turn may be either the James Wells from whom he bought the land in May, 1790, or his father) another lot in the dock ward of the city, for which he paid £812 10s., probably also in New York currency.93 In a few days he followed this up by buying from William Wells, probably Nicholas' brother, the north half of a water lot in the dock ward, paying £40o.94 These five real- estate deals all took place during the years 1789-91, or in the space of less than twenty months, and no others appeared till 1801, more than ten years after the last. Their significance lies in the amount of cash which Astor was able to command six years after his arrival in New York, only four or so after his wm i I o u EARLY YEARS IN NEW YORK CITY 41 first appearance as a shop-keeper or small merchant. The transactions total no less than £2,359 10s., or — to express the value in dollars at about $2.50 to £1 — $6,898.75. This means that, since Astor had been in this country less than seven years at the time when the last of these five purchases was made, he must have been able (with the help during the last five years or so of his energetic and efficient wife) to save an average annual amount of $1,000 at the least; therefore, during the last four or five of these years, his savings from his profits — and consequently the profits themselves — were considerably larger. Evidently pianos and peltries had proved a fortunate combination. Thus, whatever confusion there may be as to the details or the order of events in Astor's first half-dozen years in New York, the main facts, and especially his situation at the end of this period, seem well established. From a baker's boy, furrier's clerk, and peddler, he had become a recognized merchant, interested chiefly in furs but with a strong side-line of musical instruments, the possessor of a shop, a wife, and family, with mercantile connections in various New York towns, in Montreal, in London, and possibly on the Continent. He was also the owner of some real property in the city of New York — the first faint intimations of the interest which was to constitute the bulk of his wealth during the second quarter of the next century. In short, although his progress had as yet not been extraordinary, his feet were now definitely set upon the highway to financial success. 42 JOHN JACOB ASTOR NOTES i. Ms., Pennsylvania Historical Society, Philadelphia, Ferdinand J. Dreer Collection, Letters, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., November 25, 1836, to Washington Irving (see below, vol. i, pp. 351-352). 2. Irving, Washington, Astoria (1836), chap, ii; Parton, James, Life of John Jacob Astor (1865), p. 32. 3. Scrap Book, New York Historical Society, Notes on the Astor Family by William Kelby, p. 3. 4. De Voe, Thomas F., The Market Book (1862), p. 159. 5. Ibid., p. 160. 6. The New-York Directory and Register for the year 1789 (1789). 7. De Voe, op. cit., pp. 184-185. 8. The New-York Directory and Register for the year 1790 (1790); [Scoville, Joseph A.], The Old Merchants of New York City, 5 vols. (1889), vol. i, p. 285. 9. Ibid., pp. 165-166, 285-287; vol. iii, pp. 5-11. Possibly this is as good a place as any to state that, greatly as one is handicapped by the paucity of the information concerning Astor's life in London, this inconvenience is inconsiderable when compared with the excessive amount and often contradictory character of the statements concerning his early years in New York. This is especially true as regards the time element, since it is exceedingly difficult to ascertain in which one of half a dozen or more years an event, which probably did occur, should be inserted. As an example, let us take the apparent inconsistencies in the various accounts of how Astor spent the first two years after his arrival in New York. Washington Irving, who, from his intimate personal contact with Astor, had unusual facilities for knowing the facts of his early life, in the second chapter of Astoria states definitely that by the advice of his furrier friend "Mr. Astor was induced to invest the proceeds of his merchandise in furs. With these he sailed from New-York to London in 1784, disposed of them advantageously, made himself further acquainted with the course of the trade, and returned the same year to New-York with a view to settle in the United States." Since we know that Astor did not arrive in New York till mid-April, it is evident that he would have very little time for any great variety of employers and employments if he was to dispose of his merchandise, purchase skins, sail to England, dispose of these to the best advantage, purchase other merchandise, probably form a connection with a fur house and with Shudi & Broadwood, and make the return voyage to the United States, all in the short space of some eight months. Against this possibility is the fact that none of the other early biographers, who must have known of Irving's book, ever refer to this early return to England, and that Irving in Astoria seems very little interested in Astor's life before 1808. Beach, who wrote less than a decade after Irving, when EARLY YEARS IN NEW YORK CITY 43 Astor was still alive, makes him at an early date a clerk of Robert Bowne, who was engaged in the fur trade, and he is followed by Parton, a writer of the '6o's. Armstrong, writing in the year of Astor's death, puts his connection with Bowne in the period after he had begun trading on his own account, but as this last author seems to follow Beach, save for putting the former's incidents in reverse order, his importance may be minimized. Scoville, who wrote in the '6o's, omits all mention of Bowne and indicates that Astor went directly from Dieterich's employ into a shop of his own. He alone mentions Dieterich. There is doubtless some truth in all these stories, and in the narrative I do all in my power to make them consistent, but I do not wish to be understood as speaking dogmatically upon any of these moot questions as to Astor's early life in this country. 10. Hamm, Margherita Arlina, Famous Families of New York, 2 vols. (1902), vol. i, p. 4. 11. [Williamm, Richard, Jr.] (An Old New Yorker, pseud.), "The Astor Family in New-York," Scribner's Monthly, vol. xi (1876), pp. 879- 885. 12. Loudon's New-York Packet, January 27, 1785. 13. Irving, loc. cit. 14. [Beach, Moses Yale], The Wealth and Biography of the Wealthy Citizens of the City of New York (1846), p. 2. 15. Scoville, op. cit., vol. iii, p. 5. 16. Jaques, David Ralph, "John Jacob Astor," Lives of American Merchants, Freeman Hunt, ed., 2 vols. (1856-58), vol. ii, p. 392. 17. Scoville, op. cit., vol. i, pp. 285-287. 18. Ms., Pennsylvania Historical Society, Philadelphia, Ferdinand J. Dreer Collection, Letters, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., November 25, 1836, to Washington Irving (see below, vol. i, pp. 351-352). 19. Greene, Richard Henry, The Todd Genealogy (1867), pp. 36-37. 20. [Cogswell, Joseph Green], "The Astor Library and its Founder," The United States Magazine, vol. ii (1855), pp. 137-145. 21. Parton, op. cit., p. 36. 22. De Voe, op. cit., p. 185. 23. Scoville, op. cit., vol. i, p. 287. That this was a common practice of the day is shown by this quotation from a current newspaper: "A great number of idle boys, who infest our markets and streets, with baskets of cookies and other articles, are a glaring reproach to the city. These youths are complete adepts at blackguardism." ("Annals of New York City for the year 1786, compiled from newspapers of the Day," The New York Directory for 1786: Facsimile (n. d.), p. 116, March 20, 1786.) 24. Scrap Book, New York Historical Society, Notes on the Astor Family, Kelby, p. 13. 25. New York Times — Illustrated Magazine, March 6, 1898; see also Greene, op. cit., pp. 9, 10, 42, =f J»->-7»,-;,-:»^n 44 JOHN JACOB ASTOR 26. Sarah Todd's mother has sometimes been incorrectly spoken of as Margaret (Dodge) Todd rather than Sarah (Cox) Todd (Dix, The Rev. Morgan, "Mr. J. J. Astor and his American Ancestry," New York Genealogical and Biographical Record, vol xxii (1891), note, p. 118). 27. Greene, Richard H., "Astor American Ancestry," New York Genealogical and Biographical Record, vol. xxiii (1892), pp. 15-17. 28. Idem, The Todd Genealogy, passim. 29. Scrap Book, New York Historical Society, Notes on the Astor Family, Kelby, p. 7; Astor, William Waldorf, "John Jacob Astor," Pall Mall Magazine, June, 1899, pp. 171-184. 30. Dix, loc. cit.; Greene, "Astor American Ancestry," New York Genealogical and Biographical Record, vol. xxiii (1892), pp. 15-17. 31. Ibid. 32. Parton, op. cit., p. 41. One writer, a good many years after Astor's death, puts his wife's dowry at the extravagant amount of $10,000 (Jay, Elizabeth Clarkson, "The Descendants of James Alexander," New York Genealogical and Biographical Record, vol. xii (1881), pp. 172-173). 33. The New-York Directory and Register for the year 1789 (1789), "Todd, Adam, sea captain, 35 Beekman do [street]." 34. Greene, The Todd Genealogy, passim. 35. "John Jacob Astor's Fur Company," New York Evening Post, August 11, 1887. 36. Parton, op. cit., p. 36. 37. Hamm, op. cit., vol. i, p. 5. 38. Scoville, op. cit., vol. i, p. 285. Dieterich's residence was at 150 Queen Street, which later became 351 Pearl. At the same time, 81 Queen Street was changed to 362 Pearl. 39. [Armstrong, William], The Aristocracy of New York (1848), p. 3. We can be rather confident that Beach's "aid of a few thousands from his brother Harry," p. 2, is an exaggeration. 40. Hamm, op. cit., vol. i, p. 6. 41. Hone, Philip, The Diary of, 1828-51, Allan Nevins, ed., 2 vols. (1927), vol. ii, pp. 847-848. Scoville, op. cit., vol. i, pp. 285-287, says that "at 362 Pearl street [originally 81 Queen Street]... Mr. Astor commenced selling toys, and German nicknacks." He also says that after working for George Dieterich "he started a toy shop," and quotes a Mr. Watson, who in his Annals of New York, published in 1841, states that "John Jacob Astor . . . began among us with a store of German toys." Parton, op. cit., p. 38, says, "In a little shop in Water street [a mistake, as Astor did not move to Little Dock Street, as it was then known, until 1790], with a back-room, a yard, and a shed, the shop furnished with only a few toys and trinkets, Astor began business about the year 1786." 42. Armstrong, loc. cit. 43. Scoville, op. cit., vol. iv, pp. 234-235; vol. ii, p. 125. 44. Hamm, op. cit., vol. i, p. 6; Parton, op. cit., p. 39. EARLY YEARS IN NEW YORK CITY 45 45. Ibid.; Beach, loc. cit.; Armstrong, op. cit., pp. 3-4. The partnership with Cornelius Heyer, if it ever existed, could not have been one of long duration. Cornelius Heyer was born "in 1773, he entered the service of the Bank of New York at the age of eighteen. After acting as teller he resigned and went into business; later, at the invitation of the officers of the bank, he returned." (Lanier, Henry Wysham, A Century of Banking in New York, 1822-1922 (1922), p. 111.) Evidently, then, his partnership with Astor must have been formed either rather late, after he retired as teller, or very early, before he had reached the age of eighteen. One is irresistibly impelled to wonder whether Cornelius Heyer has not been confused with Cornelius Heeney, who we know was Astor's partner from 1792 to 1795. While we are on this subject it may be well to mention the claim recently made by persons professing to be the descendants of the brothers of John Nicholas Emerick of Germantown to a share in the Astor estate, asserting that on June 20, 1789, a partnership agreement between John Nicholas Emerick and John Jacob Astor was signed, the former having a two-thirds interest in the partnership and the latter the remainder. According to another alleged document, Emerick on October 24, 1815, still describing himself as " two-thirds joint owner and partner of John Jacob Astor," mentioned a trust fund in the hands of Astor, established for the heirs of his brother, which was to continue for ninety years, and finally stated that "fearing Astor as he is not the man I thought when I made him my partner / am leaving papers in my trunk to safeguard my estate." The italics in the quotation are mine. It is, of course, at least possible that Emerick and Astor were once partners, though no other evidence of that alleged fact save papers asserted to be in the hands of the plaintiffs has ever appeared. Consequently it is too early to make any definite statement as to the alleged Emerick-Astor partnership. Nor is it necessary to point out the inconsistencies in the statement of the case given above. The above statements on this case are from the New York Times, May 26, 1928, pp. 1 and 2, cols. 2 and 7; September 15,1928, p. 10, col. 4; December 7, 1928, p. 31, col. 2. 46. Armstrong, op. cit., p. 3. 47. Gebhard, Elizabeth L., The Life and Ventures of the Original John Jacob Astor (1915), pp. 76-79; idem, The Parsonage between Two Manors (1925), pp. IOO-III. 48. Brink, Benjamin Meyer, The Early History of Saugerties, 1660- 1825 (1902), pp. 80, 236-237. 49. Turner, O., History of the Pioneer Settlement of Phelps and Gorham's Purchase and Morris' Reserve (1851), p. 173, note, and p. 164. 50. New York Packet, July 27, 1787, p. 3, col. 3. 51. Ibid., October 28, 1788, p. 3. 52. Bixby, George S., Peter Sailly: A Pioneer of the Champlain Valley (1919), p. 21. 53. Ibid., pp. 19-20. ^s&ste ,*a-art'jai -" *™ sss - • 46 JOHN JACOB ASTOR 54. Ms., New York State Library, Albany, Peter Sailly Palmer Papers, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., May 31, 1819, to William H. Crawford, Secretary of the Treasury. 55. New York Packet, April 29, 1788, p. 3. 56. Ibid., October 28, 1788, p. 3. 57. Daily Advertiser (N. Y.), December 29, 1788. 58. On November 30, 1807, for example, Astor imported from London on the ship Young Factor, Gault, master, twelve cases containing pianofortes, valued at £294 9s. 6d. stg. (ms., Library of Congress, New York Customs Records, John Jacob Astor, ship Young Factor, Gault, December 2, 1807). 59. Ms., Palais de Justice, Montreal, Notarial Records of John Ger- brand Beek, no. 459, Shipping Agreement between John Jacob Astor and Rosseter Hoyle, September 30, 1788 (see below, vol. i, pp. 352-355). 60. Ibid., no. 649, Agreement between William Hands, Detroit, and John Jacob Astor, New York, August 29,1789 (see below, vol. i, pp. 360- 361). 61. Ibid., no. 574, Agreement between Ephraim Santford and John Jacob Astor, September 21, 1789. 62. Ibid., no. 649, Protest of John Jacob Astor against William Hands, August 23,1790 (see below, vol. i, pp. 361-362), and Transfer of Agreement by John Jacob Astor to Alexander Henry, August 26, 1790 (see below, vol. i, pp. 362-363). 63. Ibid., no. 574, Protest of John Jacob Astor against Ephraim Sanford, August 23, 1790. 64. Ibid., no. 654, Protest of Richard Dobie against John Jacob Astor, September 21, 1790 (see below, vol. i, pp. 364-365). 65. Ms., Public Archives of Canada, Ottawa, Baring Papers, T. A. Ward, Boston, April 7 or 24,1848, to Joshua Bates, London. "Mr Astor is dead & supposed leaves some 15 or 18 millions dollars — six clergymen attended to bury the man whose word by his own acknowledgment should never be taken, nor his promise considered binding unless in writing." The above rather uncharitable epitaph is interesting as showing the opinion held of Astor by one of the other financial leaders of the country in his last years. This letter also contains a most violent attack on the character of the late John Quincy Adams, which possibly throws some light on the author's judgment in general and thus, perhaps, on the justice of his estimate of Astor. 66. Canadian Magazine, vol. ii (April-May, 1824), pp. 289-304, 377- 397. Quoted in introduction to Alexander Henry's Travels 6s Adventures in Canada and the Indian Territories, 1760-1776, James Bain, ed. (1901), p. xxiii. It is doubtless upon this statement that Lawrence J. Burpee in "The Beaver Club," Canadian Historical Association, Annual Report, 1924, pp. 79-92, bases his statement that "it is said that he [Astor] per- EARLY YEARS IN NEW YORK CITY 47 fected himself in the business [the fur trade] in the office of Alexander Henry." 67. Ms. book (copy), Toronto Public Reference Library, Letters and Accounts, North West Company, Alexander Henry, Montreal, August 11, 26, 1784, Albany, April 23, 1785, to William Edgar [New York]. 68. Parton, op. cit., p. 48. 69. "James Wadsworth, 1768-1844," Appleton's Cyclopaedia of American Biography. 70. "Peter Smith, 1768-1837," Appleton's Cyclopaedia of American Biography. 71. Frothingham, Octavius Brooks, Gerrit Smith (1878), p. 5. 72. Ms. book, Syracuse University, Gerrit Smith Miller Collection, Accounts, Peter Smith, 1785. 73. Bagg, Moses M., Pioneers of Utica (1877), p. 15. 74. Frothingham, op. cit., p. 6. 75. Roberts, Ellis H., "The City of Utica," in J. N. Larned's A History of Buffalo, 2 vols. (1911), vol. ii, p. 258. 76. Scoville, op. cit., vol. i, p. 287. The unsigned article "Utica," Encyclopaedia Britannica, states that Peter Smith settled at Utica in 1789. 77. "Peter Smith, 1768^1837," Appleton's Cyclopaedia of American Biography. 78. Frothingham, op. cit., p. 6. 79. Bagg, loc. cit. 80. Scoville, op. cit., vol. i, p. 287. 81. Ms., Syracuse University, Gerrit Smith Miller Collection, Letters, Gerrit Smith, Peterboro, May 26, 1843, to William B. Astor. 82. Ibid., John Jacob Astor, N. Y., February 19,1828, to Peter Smith, Peterboro, Schenectady, N. Y. 83. "John Jacob Astor, 1763-1848," The National Cyclopaedia of American Biography (1898), vol. viii, p. 102. 84. Scoville, op. cit., vol. v, p. 109. 85. Scrap Book, New York Historical Society, Notes on the Astor Family, Kelby, p. 7. 86. Ms., Department of State, Washington, D. C, Consular Letters, London (Manifests), 1790-91, vol. ii. 87. Ibid. 88. Ms. book, Hall of Records, N. Y., Liber Conveyances 139, pp. 244- 247 (see below, vol. i, pp. 356-359). 89. Ibid., 45, pp. 502-505. 90. Ibid., 46, p. 318. 91. Franks, David, ed., The New-York Directory (1786), p. 35. 92. The New-York Directory and Register for the year 1790 (1790). 93. Ms. book, Hall of Records, N. Y., Liber Conveyances 49, p. 254. 94. Ibid., p. 257. CHAPTER III THE FUR TRADE TO THE ORGANIZATION OF THE AMERICAN FUR COMPANY, 1790-1808 By the beginning of the last decade of the eighteenth century, John Jacob Astor, though as yet by no means one of the leading figures, had secured a solid footing in the fur trade. It now remains for us to consider how, from this beginning, he became the greatest single figure in this trade in the United States and finally in the whole North American Continent. Up to about 1790 Astor had, from both necessity and choice, himself performed most of the duties involved in collecting, preparing, and shipping the furs, from the purchase of the peltries from Indians, white trappers, or Montreal merchants, and the beating, sorting, and packing for the European market, up to final shipment on board a vessel bound for England or the Continent of Europe. But the long tramps through swamp and forest under the heat of the sun with a pack of furs and trade-goods on his back, these lonely night encampments in the snow between Montreal and New York, these hours spent in the exhausting, dirty labor of beating and baling dusty, ill-smelling skins, though they probably did their share in weakening his constitution — he was in bad health during much of his long life of nearly eighty-five years — gave him nevertheless an almost perfect knowledge of the fur trade from the ground up. A certain document, which shows that Astor with Peter La Chainee was chosen to appraise a parcel of skins before Alderman Jeremiah Wool on July 19, 1791,1 bears witness to the knowledge of furs which he possessed, and also to the public recognition which his skill had won. It is said that, great as THE FUR TRADE, 1790-1808 49 was his ability in this respect, his wife, who had doubtless gained considerable experience during her husband's long absences in Canada and the New York backcountry, far surpassed him in her skill at judging and assorting furs. Scoville says: "It was a curious fact that Mrs. Astor knew more of the value of furs than he did. . . . When they became very affluent, she used to make him pay her $500 an hour for using her judgment and knowledge of furs to promote his commercial plans. He paid her whatever she asked."2 This, however, was not until after Astor had entered the China trade in 1800. Although the partnership between Peter Smith and John Jacob Astor had been dissolved some time before 1792, a business as well as a personal relationship still continued. Astor imported goods for Smith's store at Old Fort Schuyler3 or ordered such articles as Smith needed from other New York merchants at his request,4 while Smith himself collected furs in the neighborhood, and whenever a sufficient amount had accumulated, or an opportunity offered, forwarded them to his friend in New York, where their value was credited to his (Smith's) account. We know that during the single year 1792, Smith sent at least three consignments to Astor in late spring and in summer, for which he was credited with well over £800 in all.5 Sometimes, it is clear, the furs sent by Smith were not sold outright to Astor but disposed of by the latter for Smith's benefit, on a commission, Astor advancing part of the prospective price.6 It is evident that Peter Smith not only sold furs to Astor but also bought furs on the latter's account, probably at a commission, since Astor frequently instructed him as to the kind of skins to buy and the price he might pay.7 In 1793 and 1795 Smith sold some parcels of furs to Astor,8 but evidence of a definite relationship between them in the fur trade is very scarce after this. However, since in 1795, 1796, and as late as 1799, Astor continued to report to Smith the prevailing fur 50 JOHN JACOB ASTOR prices in New York,9 and since on July 13,1799, Astor wrote to Smith, "your furrs I Reed only 11 Ist have given all I could which I trust will Satisfaie,"10 it may be assumed that Smith occasionally sent his friend some peltries till nearly the end of the century. Early in the last decade of the eighteenth century Astor seems to have ceased his personal purchase of furs in the backwoods of New York. Doubtless his agents and correspondents, such as Peter Smith, were able to handle the peltry collections in this territory. Astor, however, continued his annual trips to Canada, which he had begun by 1788, if not earlier, till as late as 1808 and 1810, going nearly every year to Montreal to buy furs, and probably making purchases at towns along his route, such as Albany and Plattsburg. Leaving New York at a time varying from the middle of June at the earliest to the latter part of August at the latest, he would arrive in Montreal in time to stay a couple of months,11 buying furs there and arranging for their shipment, and would arrive in New York City from his return trip in October or November. Although Astor was making, on the whole, steady progress in his business, this advance was not without its due share of difficulties and setbacks. On June 1, 1792, he commented on the number of bankruptcies in New York, which had caused him great loss and which had "affaceted my property but not So as to affacet my business."12 In other words, though financial conditions had resulted in a loss of money, they had not caused him to lose control of his own business, nor had they checked its development. These losses may have been due to the Duer Panic earlier in the same year. It is probably to this period of stringency that Scoville refers when he remarks that "those who suppose Mr. Astor had an easy time in money matters, are greatly mistaken. He has often paid old Prime, in Wall street, very large interest and a large commission to get long paper discounted." An anecdote has been told in this con- THE FUR TRADE, 1790-1808 51 nection of a bargain which he made with his brother, Henry Astor. The story runs that "John, in his financial difficulties, frequently went to Henry for a loan, or for an endorsement. This was a source of annoyance to Henry, who did not like to borrow or lend to anybody. On one occasion, John wanted to borrow $200 very badly. He went to Henry, and asked him to lend him that sum. " 'John, I will give you $100, if you will agree never to ask me to loan you any money, endorse a note, or sign a bond for you, or be obligated for you in any manner whatsoever.' "John says he hesitated for a moment, rapidly passed the proposition through his mind, saw its advantages, for $100 was $100 in those days. He accepted the proposition, and he never did ask a favor of that character of his brother in after years."18 If this incident ever actually took place, it probably occurred about the time of these financial difficulties, as it is said to have happened "when the latter [Henry] was much better off than his brother John; for Henry was owner of butcher stall no. 57 in the Fly market — valuable property in the commencement of this century. Henry then lived at 37 Bowery Lane."14 Now Henry first appears as a resident of 37 Bowery Lane in 1793, though his home is mentioned as at 31 of the same street in 1790. His name disappears from the directory in the intervening years. In 1794 Henry appears simply as a resident of "Bowery-lane," no number given, while in 1795 his residence was at 61 of that street.15 Further, Henry Astor occupied stall no. 57, above mentioned, in 1803, and he had probably had possession of this ever since 1790, in which year his stall was removed to the lower market at the petition of the inhabitants, to prevent its blocking the entrance to the upper market, across the head of which it then stood;16 and probably it was not moved again until 1803. These considerations show that Astor's agreement with his brother must have occurred, if at all, between 1791 and 1794 inclusive. ivrw.yrfriR-.tr"-, 52 JOHN JACOB ASTOR This seems to have been one case in which it was undoubtedly wise for Astor to "take the cash and let the credit go," though such was not ordinarily his custom. Perhaps he had this transaction in mind when about twenty years later he remarked to his brother George Astor, in London, "our brother Henry has money but . . . does not like to part with it "17 — a characteristic in which Henry was not exactly unique. Jay's Treaty with Great Britain, which went into effect in 1796, was a great advantage to Astor, for now he no longer had to ship furs bought at Montreal to England before exporting them to New York or the Continent. Moreover, by the treaty, the frontier posts, such as Mackinac and Detroit, were given up to the United States, and furs could be secured there and brought directly to New York instead of first having to be transported to Montreal, where Astor had to purchase them, and then had to go through the roundabout process of shipping them to London and thence to New York. Astor is said to have remarked on hearing of this treaty: "Now I will make my fortune in the fur-trade."18 About November 17 or 18, 1794, Astor sailed from New York for England, partly to secure evidence substantiating the claims of himself and associates to certain lands purchased from the heirs of Sir William Johnson, to which their title had been disputed, but largely, it is evident, to study the fur trade in London and on the Continent, and to establish contacts with fur houses there. Jay's Treaty, which "opened a direct commercial intercourse between Canada and the United States," had been signed late in 1794. Astor is said to have taken advantage of his presence in London to make a " contract with the agents of the Northwest Company for furs."19 We know that in February, 1795, he was in London, expecting to leave for Germany and France about the middle of March. Much of the spring and summer of that year was spent on the Continent, and on August 22 he returned to New York from Paris.20 THE FUR TRADE, 1790-1808 53 This was the first trip to Europe which Astor had taken since his early years in America — certainly the first since before 1788 —and the last until 1819. It is evidently upon this trip that Nolte bases his statement, which he declares was communicated to him by Astor "with his own lips," that "he carried on this traffic [the fur trade] untiringly for twelve long years, going in person alternately, to the Canadian frontiers, and then to Leipsic fair, and lived all the time as he had ever been accustomed to do, humbly and sparingly."21 This description of Astor's way of life is doubtless quite correct, as also is the statement that for "twelve long years" (an underestimate, for this phase lasted at least twenty years) he went to the "Canadian frontiers" — that is, Montreal — to buy furs. However, to say that he went more than two or three times — if so often — to the Leipsic Fair or to Europe at all, during the twenty-four years of his activity in America prior to his establishment of the American Fur Company, is quite definitely incorrect. Either Nolte or Astor must have suffered a lapse of memory, or perhaps Nolte did not hear correctly. On returning from Europe to New York in the late summer of 1795, Astor said in .a letter to Peter Smith that he found his "business here very mush Derangd So that I Shall am afraid fall short of Cash Even to Comply with my Engagements," since he was "obligd to go to Canada this fall," where he would require funds for the purchase of furs. For this reason, he says, "you would mush oblige me by Sendig me what ever you Can to Albany an Recipt of this to Mr. Deane." Early in September he repeats, "I Can not Describe to you an Black & white how much I am in want of Cash theare for If you Can Sent me any it will oblige me mush be the Sum ever So Smale. for while I was gon to Europe my Business has got mush Derangd at hame. and I am mush Pressd for Maney of you Sent any Sent it to Captn. Dean at Albany for me."22 ^s^v 54 JOHN JACOB ASTOR From the above it would seem that Astor was by no means favorably impressed by the way in which his partner, Cornelius Heeney, had conducted the business during his absence of something over nine months. Heeney had probably become Astor's partner on July 20, 1792, since the partnership expired on the same day and month in 1795.23 He may possibly have taken the place of Cornelius Heyer, who is said (though rather questionably) to have been Astor's first New York partner, but of whose activities in this capacity we know nothing. Heeney had previously been one of the clerks of William Backhouse, and during the latter's absence in England in 1789 was, with others, empowered to transact business on his behalf.24 It was probably not long since Heeney had joined the firm of J. J. Astor, when William Backhouse died suddenly on August 25, 1792.25 Heeney was appointed one of his executors, while William Laight, a partner in William Backhouse & Co., who was later to be associated with Astor in various business activities, was another.26 It is significant of the relationship which existed between Backhouse and Astor that when Astor's second son, later his heir, was born, September 19,1792, he was named at his baptism, November 17, William Backhouse Astor, and Anna Backhouse, William Backhouse's widow, acted as sponsor.27 Thus, when it became necessary for Astor to have the assistance of a partner, it was natural that he should select for the position a clerk from his friend's house, perhaps at his recommendation; although in this case the partnership was probably only a glorified clerkship. Apparently, however, Heeney's services were not so satisfactory or so well appreciated while he was with Astor as they had been under Backhouse. At any rate, the partnership did not continue, for Astor announced on September 24, 1795, not long after his return from Europe, that it had expired on July 21.28 Astor then seems to have conceived the idea of selecting some boy and training him up in the way he should go as his THE FUR TRADE, 1790-1808 55 assistant. He went to Montreal as usual that fall, leaving New York early in September, and returning early in November. While in Canada he probably made arrangements for this experiment. His nephew, William Whetten Todd, son of his brother-in-law, Adam Todd, at the age of twelve "went with his uncle," by which it is probably meant that he began to run errands and otherwise participate in the minor tasks of his uncle's business. These activities seem to have persuaded Astor of his nephew's latent ability, and he determined to give young Todd a chance to learn the fur trade at its North American center. So in November, 1795, on his return from Canada, Astor sent the boy, then not much over fourteen years old, to Montreal. The trip, it is said, "took thirty days, divided as follows: Seven days to Albany, in a sloop; four more to Whitehall, in an open wagon, there being no public conveyance; here he was detained for nine days by a snow storm; thence they walked to Basin Harbor, about fifty miles, at the rate of 12 miles per day, from which place they took a boat to Rouse's Point, and thence traveled on the ice to St. John's, crossed to La Prairie in a sleigh, and finally crossed the St. Lawrence to Montreal on foot, which took an entire day."29 This itinerary is interesting as describing in all probability the route by which Astor himself also got from New York to Montreal once a year, though as he usually left earlier he would not ordinarily meet with such inclement weather. The above account was probably derived from William Todd himself, since he was alive at the time of its publication and was a kinsman of Richard Henry Greene, the author. Scoville embroiders the narrative by announcing that "he was wrecked on Lake Champlain" and that "the long journey on foot through the wintry frosts so exhausted him, that while the party was crossing the River St. Lawrence upon the ice, he sank down benumbed with cold, and was saved by some of the party coming back, when they missed him, and who carried him across."30 "Arrived at Mon- 56 JOHN JACOB ASTOR treal, he entered the college" of which Dr. Chequeneau was president, four other priests acting as instructors. He remained here six or seven months, or from December, 1795, till July, 1796, studying French and — according to Scoville — "making constant expeditions alone to the neighboring Indian villages, and buying up all their furs." By the summer of 1796, however, he felt that he knew all the French worth knowing, and was, moreover, undoubtedly tired of Canada; accordingly he wrote to Astor requesting that he be allowed to return home — which from a fifteen-year-old boy was quite understandable and excusable. Permission was granted on certain conditions, which included "going fifty miles to the villages by Lake of Two Mountains, and buying up all the marten skins " — the price of which had risen from 4s. in October, 1795, to 4s. 6d. in July of the next year.31 He secured five hundred in all, baled them up, and returned to New York, the trip this time taking only eleven days.32 Despite his yielding to the pangs of homesickness while in Canada, he still continued in Astor's employ, one of his duties being to go down to Tammany Hall and sell bucktails to the members of the society, who were accustomed to wear the tails of deer in their hats on special occasions as insignia, and from this practice were sometimes known as "the Bucktail Party."33 It may be that William Todd was the clerk who once "informed the Hon. G. P. Desosway that he had visited Communipaw, and purchased for his employer, from the Dutch, this article [wampum or sewant] by the bushel, to be used by the great fur dealer in his purchases among the distant savages."34 It is evident that the life of an Astor clerk was by no means devoid of interest. Young William Todd remained in Astor's service up to 1797, going on business for his employer to Newport, Providence, and Boston, but on his return left his position and declined all. offers which his uncle urged upon him. Astor's attempt at training a youth as his assistant seems in this case not THE FUR TRADE, 1790-1808 57 to have been an unqualified success from the employer's viewpoint. Not long after this, however, another nephew, Henry Brevoort, Jr., entered Astor's employ, and late in December, 1801, we find him at Utica "wishing to Collect some furrs" and with a credit on Astor of five or six hundred dollars. Late in April, 1803, he was again in that neighborhood.35 It is said that Washington Irving first made the acquaintance of Brevoort, who later became his life-long friend, at Montreal in the fall of 1803. It is quite likely that Brevoort was in the city at that time on a business mission for Astor.36 There is a tradition in the Brevoort family concerning this connection with Astor which is thus recorded by Henry's nephew, James Renwick Brevoort: "In the early part of my uncle's life, he was in the employ of the original John Jacob Astor, and made long journeys into the then wilderness of the West to collect pelts for Astor, bringing them by packhorses and canoes to Albany, thence by sloop to N. Y."37 Brevoort did not confine his fur-buying expeditions either to the New York backcountry or to Montreal. On February 7, 1804, he was at Marietta, on the Ohio River, probably on a mission for Astor. He wrote his parents that he had come "thus far in safety," and remarked, "In making this tour I may not reap much actual benefit, but I shall certainly form such connections as will ultimately prove advantageous."38 P. l'Herbette, one of Brevoort's friends and an Astor employee, wrote him a year later from New York when he was evidently absent on another fur-trading expedition. It seems that Astor had "made over his fur business" to Brevoort, and had advised his friends "that if they chose to send any skins down he will be glad to buy them for your account," though this probably meant only that Brevoort had been made Astor's partner in some particular phase of that business. This is indicated by the fact that, according to L'Herbette, Astor, "after 58 JOHN JACOB ASTOR having receiv'd the letters in which you mentioned that skins were scarce & their price high . . . told me several times that had he suppos'd that the fur business turn'd out so poorly, he would have found some other employment for you this winter." Conditions at New York were apparently no better than they were in whatever part of the wilderness Brevoort was then searching for peltries. "Since your departure," said L'Herbette, "we have had nothing at all to do in that way: not so much as a dozen of skins have as yet been brought to the store. . . . The truth is that the prospect is not very favorable at present. All the accounts of sale which he received from London or Amsterdam state some loss, he has already advis'd you of it & mention'd his opinion as to the prices he thinks you can safely pay. —"39 We do not know in exactly what part of the country Brevoort was operating at the time of this letter. Perhaps it was in the vicinity of Detroit. We know that Astor had some connections there, for in 1806 he agreed to act as the agent of John R. Williams, a Detroit merchant, to send to London for sale some skins which brought the gross price of $968.26. Williams in his turn was acting as the agent of the owner of the furs, Henry Barthelet, who had agreed to pay all expenses and give Williams a commission of six per cent on the New York value of the furs. Williams had advanced Barthelet a sum of money, and the net amount of sales fell short of it by about $350. In his suit to recover Williams endeavored "to procure the Testimony of . . . Mr. Astor, or in case he should be absent of Mr. H Brevoort & Mr Hardenberg [interlineated: or that french young man he had]," so it is evident that Brevoort was known at Detroit — perhaps had been the one to make this agreement on Astor's behalf. This information is valuable — and the same is true of a letter from Williams to a New York house in 1808 acknowledging a letter "inclosing Sales from J J Astor"40 — chiefly in showing that Astor did at this time THE FUR TRADE, 1790-1808 59 act as a middleman for fur merchants of the Northwest, using his connection with the London fur market to dispose of their peltries to advantage. The "french young man" mentioned above was another of Astor's fur-buying agents, a son of John N. l'Herbette,41 whom Astor had met in Paris in 1795.42 He was without much question the P. l'Herbette who was Brevoort's correspondent, and was probably identical with John P. l'Herbette, later one of Astor's European agents in the sale of furs and in other mercantile dealings.43 Two of his brothers, Stephen and Auguste, also seem to have been occasionally employed by Astor about the time of the War of 1812.44 This young "Le Herbett," as Astor calls him, first appears early in 1804. He had fled to America to escape military service, and applied to Astor for assistance, "having nieghter mony nor frinds here." Astor decided "to employ him in purshasing furrs So that he might earn his Bread." On his first expedition, however, the cautious Astor " Gave him but 500$ & a Cridet of 500 or 1000 more an Albany." However, since he went towards Utica without using the Albany credit, Astor wrote asking Peter Smith to furnish an equal amount if needed, but "only in Case that you have no reason to belive that he maks any bade use of the money."45 Brevoort and L'Herbette probably also made purchases for Astor at the great fur-trading center of the Great Lakes region, Michilimackinac. Indeed Brevoort's nephew, previously quoted, goes on to state: "It was always said in the family that he was the first white man who ever saw the straits of Mackinac —at that (time) spelled Mackinack."46 In making such a claim the family were of course in error, since Michilimackinac had been known from the time of the early French explorers, whereas Henry Brevoort was born in 1782.47 But whether or not Henry Brevoort and L'Herbette at this time did any extensive fur-buying on Astor's account at Michilimackinac and other fur-trading centers of the Northwest, 60 JOHN JACOB ASTOR we know that other agents did make purchases there. Thomas Blackwood, writing from Mackinac to his employers at Montreal, J. & A. McGill & Co., June 26,180.7, says that a Mr. Patterson (or Pattinson) had been there wishing to buy muskrats for Mr. Astor. However, "he did not buy any himself, but left directions with Mr. Gillespie who has since purchased all that Grisson and Dickson & Co. may have at 2/3 York the very small thrown out, payable by drafts on Astor." Later we are informed that Dickson had that year 17,500 muskrats,48 which gives some idea of the size of the purchase, since their value would according to the above be £2,068 15s. York. We are told by Irving that, about 1807, "Mr. Astor embarked in this trade [the fur trade on the American side of the Great Lakes] on his own account."49 It does not, however, appear that he was actually responsible for sending "outfits" into the Indian country till about 1810, but confined his interest to the purchase of furs from those who were themselves in direct contact with the natives.50 As early as the beginning of the nineteenth century, Astor tried to establish a connection with the St. Louis fur traders. He had doubtless contemplated such a move for some time, but what finally caused him to make the attempt was his appointment as the agent of Messrs. Schneider & Co., of London, to close an account between this firm and two of the principal fur traders of St. Louis, Charles Gratiot and Auguste Chouteau.51 In a letter of May 26, 1799, Gratiot expressed his willingness to transact any business mutually advantageous to himself and Astor, or Schneider.52 Taking advantage of this offer, Astor wrote both to Gratiot and Chouteau, and suggested that since he had to go to Montreal every year to buy furs, many of which came from Chouteau himself (to quote the letter to Chouteau), it might be of mutual advantage for Chouteau to ship the furs directly to New York. This would save Astor the time and expense of his annual expedition of three THE FUR TRADE, 1790-1808 61 months' duration to Montreal, and would also give the St. Louis merchants the advantage of his experience and connections which enabled him to buy goods in Europe at the best prices and to dispose of furs to the greatest advantage.53 Chouteau seems to have paid little or no attention to this offer, probably being suspicious of Astor's too great wealth and influence — he is said at this time to have been worth "something like $250,000 dollars "54 — for the St. Louis traders were noted for their extremely independent spirit and jealousy of all outsiders. The more open-minded Gratiot, however, received the offer rather favorably, stating that he should be glad to do some business later with Astor, but that at present he was unwell. However, on the same day he wrote to another New York house announcing: "I have a wish and desire to open a connection with Mr. Astor of your place respecting the fur trade of this Country," and three days later he wrote Astor a very enthusiastic letter, giving plans for them to engage in the fur trade together, since Astor was able to buy merchandise cheap and hold furs for high prices, owing to his domestic and foreign relations, which Gratiot described as superior to those of any other house. Gratiot stated that it was best to ship furs via New Orleans, advised Astor to secure, if possible, debentures on goods shipped out of the United States by land, asked for instructions and permission to draw on Astor, and sent a list of trading goods required. A couple of days later he wrote J. H. Schneider that there were prospects that Astor and he would do business together, and that Astor had assumed the debt due to Schneider & Co., on Gratiot's giving him his note for £1,000 sterling, payable in New York, April, 1804.55 However, for some reason, these prospects did not materialize, probably because Astor could not interest other St. Louis merchants and did not believe that it would be worth his while to form a connection with a single trader. Thus ended for a considerable time Astor's 62 JOHN JACOB ASTOR attempt to establish a relationship with the center of fur trade in the far west. It is interesting both as showing Astor's expansionist ideas and the pre-eminence he had assumed among fur merchants of the United States during his sixteen short years in this country. Although Astor was expanding his business toward the Great Lakes by means of his agents and employees, and was endeavoring to enlist the aid of the St. Louis merchants, he did not disregard his earlier field of operations in the fur trade — New York City and the Hudson Valley — as we know from a few pieces of evidence which have come down to us and which are probably typical of a great many others. For example, in a postscript to a letter written on December 6, 1798, to a New York merchant, Ebenezer Stevens, in which Astor invited him to purchase or sell on commission some gunpowder which the latter, who had several years previously ceased to confine himself to furs and musical supplies, had imported, Astor also remarked, "I have just now an oppertunity of Shipping Bear Skins if those in your Stor can be sold at 10/1 will tak tham."56 Once or twice a year, near the end of the eighteenth century and after, an advertisement would be seen in one of the daily papers of New York, in which, among other goods, Astor offered for sale "A quantity of beaver, raccoons, musrats . . . skins" or "A quantity of Canada Martins . . . beaver . . . Musrats skins," 5V almost invariably associated with wool of some kind "For hatter's use," indicating the probable destination of the skins themselves. After the beginning of the nineteenth century, the different varieties of furs seem to have been no longer listed separately, and a standing notice, some variation on "A quantity of furs and wool, for Hatter's use," became a regular feature of any extensive Astor advertisement.58 Occasionally Astor offered in his advertisements to buy rather than sell, as when he inserted the lines: "N B. Good prices will be paid for shippieg [sic] Furs."59 These ad- THE FUR TRADE, 1790-1808 63 vertisements give a little idea of the market for furs found in New York City and the purposes for which they were used. Astor also trafficked in furs with Albany merchants, one of whom on June 7, 1802, wrote complaining that the last parcel of beaver purchased from Astor "had fell short of the wight," to which he replied that "as boath yourself & me Saw it wight I must Supose it to have been Weight . . . right," adding in a conciliatory manner, "I am in want of good & Midling Beare- sknis if you have any Do Sent them to me & I will give you a verry good prices."60 Though we know that during all this period Astor must have been steadily shipping furs to London and elsewhere, we get only glimpses of the amount of goods thus exported. One piece of evidence which does give some idea of the scope of his exports is found in the manifest of goods shipped to London on the Oneida Chief, Kemp, master, from New York, November 5, 1803. It included 36 hogsheads and 6 bales of furs, both marked AF, and valued at a total of $36,ooo.61 A much smaller invoice, marked IA and HA (Astor's most customary designations for this purpose), consisted of two puncheons and one bale of furs, and one bale of peltry, total valuation $296, which were loaded on the ship Ophelia, commanded by Thaddeus Pickens, bound for London on March 6, 1804.62 Another more respectable parcel, consisting of six hogsheads and one bale of furs, marked IA and AM and valued at $5,000, was shipped to London the same year, April 28, on the Oneida Chief, commanded by John Kemp 63 (which seem to have been a vessel and captain favored by Astor). Of course the above does not give a fair idea of Astor's exportations even during the years named, but merely some hint as to the amount of furs which he would sometimes send on a single ship. He had also begun, about 1800, to send vessels to China, and furs undoubtedly formed part of these cargoes from the very beginning. On May 25,1804, he loaded on board the ship Severn at New York, 64 JOHN JACOB ASTOR commanded by John Cowman and bound for Canton, $8,000 worth of furs,64 and this was but a small part of his shipments to that port, as will be indicated in another place. Of Astor's transactions at Montreal during this period we know little more than the mere fact of his annual autumnal visits. But though he went to Montreal chiefly, no doubt, to buy furs on his own account, it seems probable that he also undertook to act as agent for certain Montreal merchants in selling their furs in New York or elsewhere, on commission. In a letter to De Witt Clinton, Governor of New York, January 25, 1808, Astor states that "it is a fact known to yaurself that we are obligd to Drow 3/4 of aur furrs for ham consumption frum Canada," and that sometimes they were even forced to import from London peltries trapped within the United States and shipped to England by Montreal merchants.65 This is confirmed by an advertisement in the New-York Gazette and General Advertiser for December 3,1799, in which among goods evidently imported from London and advertised as "Entitled to Drawback " is mentioned "A quantity of Beaver Raccoon and Muskrat Skins."66 Furs were also brought even from Holland, for the Niagara from Amsterdam, commanded by Captain Sands, imported 7 boxes of "Dressd Furrs" amounting in value to 10,339.8 guilders.67 It may be, then, that the £114 7s. id. due Astor from McTavish, Frobisher & Co. on January 28, 1795, and the £41 6s. 2d. received in cash from Mr. Guy, at Montreal, October 7 of that year, arose from his commissions as sales agent in New York for these Montreal fur merchants.68 We get a better idea of his Montreal activities in a letter from Alexander Henry to John Askin, January 18, 1800. It will be remembered that Henry had been early associated with Astor, and this connection had evidently continued, as, in commenting on the low price of furs, the Montreal merchant states: "Muskratts is the only article which may keep at 24 [pence] — 1 m I 9 o ^ THE FUR TRADE, 1790-1808 65 good — and this is owing to Astore and me being in opposition [probably to the North West Company] . . . unless there should sell high in London, there is only 10,000 Shipt from Quebec, not one from this Astore & me bought the whole, from 20 to 24, some small parcels at auction from the spirrit of opposition sold 26 & 27."69 About the same time he was buying furs from Isaac Todd, since a bill of the latter on "J. Jacob Astor for £480 N. Y. Currency" is mentioned by Richard Cartwright at Kingston in a letter of October 31, 1801.70 It was a usual procedure for the agents of James and Andrew McGill & Co., of Montreal, at Mackinac, to advance the money for duties to various smaller fur traders by drawing on John Jacob Astor, whose drafts, as he was an American, were acceptable to the American collector of customs. On June 26, 1806, an agent of this Montreal firm drew on Astor for $4,800, payable October 1. A draft of George Gillespie to J. & A. McGill & Co. on J. J. Astor for $1,032.40 is mentioned on June 15, 1807, which indicates another merchant from whom Astor made purchases.71 A more intimate picture, again, is given in a letter from James McGill to Isaac Todd, October 17, 1805, in which he says —giving thereby some more information concerning Astor's Montreal connections: "Mr. Astor has been here & purchased largely I believe for £16,000 of Otter, Beaver & Martins, and settled with Messrs. Parker, Gerrard Ogilvie & Co. also Messrs. Henderson & Armour & acquainted me with it, informing me at same time that he had never charged the Teas to you but to them & therefore no claim on you, which is noted in your Balance Sheet and as to the Balance of £226- you were owing him, he has added interest and drawn on us for it which we of course pay—"72 From the above we see that Astor dealt in goods other than furs with Canadian merchants, but this properly belongs to the phase of Astor's career relating to the China trade. That Astor's position in the fur trade of North America was 66 JOHN JACOB ASTOR well known even in England very early in the nineteenth century is evidenced by the fact that when Edward Ellice, later to be known as the First Commoner of England, but then a young man of twenty-two, was sent by his father, the founder of the fur-trading house of Inglis, Ellice & Co., to Montreal in 1803 to learn the business, he first visited New York and made Astor's acquaintance. Astor later accompanied his young guest at least as far as Albany, and possibly the whole way to Montreal. While at Albany they were entertained by General Stephen Van Rensselaer, the patroon, among the other guests being the merchant Colonel John Bayard and his wife.73 In the first decade of the nineteenth century, after Astor had gained recognition as one of the leading fur merchants of the United States, he was frequently entertained when at Montreal by the leading citizens of the town, such as Joseph Frobisher, Alexander Henry, and William McGillivray, as well, as sometimes by the social organization of the North West Company, the Beaver Club, which included most of the prominent men of the city, either as members or guests. On September 17, 1808, he attended their meeting at the Montreal Hotel, and was invited to the meeting held at Dillon's Hotel on October 6, 1810.74 These gatherings, however, lie a little outside the field of our present discussion, as do the dinners given by WilHam McGillivray and Joseph Frobisher, respectively, on September 7 and 13, 1808.75 But the most valuable illustration of Astor's position at this period in his life is the description given in the journal of the young English merchant Samuel Bridge, who met Astor in September, 1806, in which year his eldest daughter, Magdalen,76 had, as sometimes happened, accompanied him to Montreal. Astor had been entertained at the home of Joseph Frobisher on September 8, and on September 15, we learn from Bridge's journal, his daughter dined there, apparently unaccompanied by her father. Samuel Bridge mentioned her as " a Miss Astor THE FUR TRADE, 1790-1808 67 from New York (her father who is at present here is said to be worth 2oo,ooo£ — report says he will give this daughter 25,ooo£)." On September 17 he noticed the presence of both Mr. and Miss Astor at Frobisher's residence for dinner, and on the 24th he was present at "Mr. Henry where we met a very large Party," among whom was "Mr. & Miss Astor," and at which "the sprightly dance was kept up till past twelve — chiefly country dancing but some few Reels & one Cotillion in complement to Miss Astor, as they scarcely dance anything else at New York."77 These scenes in the homes of the leading merchants of the fur trade, which, so far as North America was concerned, chiefly centered in their city, seem to sum up the position which Astor had attained at the age of not much over forty and after a residence of only a little over a score of years in this country. 68 JOHN JACOB ASTOR NOTES i. Ms., New York Historical Society, Astor Papers, Appraisal of Furs, July 19, 1791. 2. [Scoville, Joseph A.], The Old Merchants of New York City, 5 vols. (1889), vol. i, p. 421. 3. Ms., Syracuse University, Gerrit Smith Miller Collection, Letters, Cornelius Heeney for J. J. Astor, N. Y., August, 1792, to Peter Smith, Old Fort Schuyler (see below, vol. i, pp. 365-367). 4. Ibid., Peter Smith's Blotter C, Old Fort Schuyler, 1792-93, p. 295, May 29, 1792. 5. Ibid., Peter Smith's Blotter C, Old Fort Schuyler, 1792-93, p. 295, May 29, 1792, and p. 425, July 25, 1792; Letters, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., June 7, 1792, to Peter Smith, Old Fort Schuyler, and Cornelius Heeney for J. J. Astor, N. Y., August, 1792, to Peter Smith, Old Fort Schuyler (see below, vol. i, pp. 365-367). 6. Ibid., Peter Smith's Blotter D, Old Fort Schuyler, 1793-99, p. 18, November, 1793. 7. Ibid., Letters, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., December 16, 1792, March 10, March 31, May 14, 1793 (see below, vol. i, pp. 370-371), to Peter Smith, Old Fort Schuyler; John Jacob Astor, Albany, October 28, 1795, to Peter Smith, Old Fort Schuyler. 8. Ibid., Peter Smith's Blotter C, Old Fort Schuyler, 1792-93, p. 683, June 13, 1793; Peter Smith's Blotter D, Old Fort Schuyler, 1793-99, p. 88, May 7, 1795. 9. Ibid., Letters, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., July 13, 1799, to Peter Smith, Old Fort Schuyler. 10. Ibid., Letters, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., May 24, 1794, London, February 19, 1795, July 5, 1796, July 13, 1799, to Peter Smith, Old Fort Schuyler. 11. Although by far the most important reason for Astor's trips to Montreal was the purchase of furs, he sometimes engaged in other enterprises on the side. The most prominent of these minor interests was the acquisition of lands in Lower Canada, which, indeed, is of sufficient importance in a history of Astor's business life to justify separate treatment. Aside from this, in 1792, while at Montreal, he essayed a new business r61e which, though of little importance in a study of Astor's life as a whole, is nevertheless not only of some interest in itself, but is also of value as throwing light on the versatility of his early years. This new field of business activity which Astor temporarily and un- profitably entered was, specifically, that of collecting from the Congress of the United States sums of money alleged to be due to inhabitants of Montreal for their services to the American cause during the War of the ■MM THE FUR TRADE, 1790-1808 69 Revolution. On August 25, 1792, Astor made an agreement with Philip Liebert, formerly a major in the service of the United States, according to which, having received two powers of attorney from Liebert, he was to endeavor to collect from the Congress of the United States arrearages of pay amounting to about "Three Hundred and Ninety Silver Spanish Dollars a month for seven years back, due him for having been wounded in the service." If Astor within twelve months from the date of the agreement should succeed in collecting the claim, or even the back pension only, he was to pay to Liebert "the sum of One Thousand Silver Spanish Dollars," for which payment Alexander Henry made himself responsible. If Astor did not succeed within the allotted time in collecting the entire claim, or that relating to the pension, he and his surety, Alexander Henry, were to be exonerated from paying the thousand dollars, but were nevertheless to turn over to Liebert three-fifths of whatever amount, if any, Astor might have succeeded in collecting. The enterprise was to be entirely at Astor's expense. He was, moreover, to be responsible for any claim Robert Allue or Nathan White might have against Liebert in connection with certain powers of attorney which the latter had given them, though he was not bound to do more than repay any reasonable expense they might have incurred. Astor was at this time staying at the house of Alexander Henry. It is evident from Liebert's name that he was a German soldier of fortune, and it was rather natural that he should turn to his compatriot for assistance in pressing his claims. However, Astor must have soon encountered unexpected difficulties, for on November 24,1792, only three months after the date of the above agreement, Liebert acknowledged that he had received from Alexander Henry the two powers of attorney mentioned therein, accompanied by a commission and surgeon's certificate, which he had given to Astor to assist in recovering his claim, "which the said Jacob Astor hath not been able to effect." In consideration of the return of these papers Liebert acquitted Astor and Henry of all obligations due to the foregoing agreement. (Ms., Palais de Justice, Montreal, Notarial Records of P. Lukin, no. 149, Articles of Agreement between Philip Liebert and John Jacob Astor, August 25, 1792.) This was not the only agreement of this kind which Astor made in 1792. The gentleman for whom he next agreed to act was of somewhat more importance than the obscure Philip Liebert. Fleury Mesplet, the Philadelphia printer who had come to America in 1774 from his native France and accompanied Benjamin Franklin to Montreal in 1776 when that city was in the hands of the Americans, for the purpose of propagandizing the Canadians, had decided, when Montreal had to be evacuated, that Canada needed a printer. Consequently he remained behind and established the first Canadian newspaper. However, he did not forget the United States, and especially the compensation which he believed was owing to him for his valuable work as a publicity agent for the infant 70 JOHN JACOB ASTOR republic. His claim upon the Congress of the United States amounted according to his estimate to "Three Thousand Four Hundred & Forty Three Pounds Twelve Shillings Pennsylvania Currency," of which sum he had so far received only "Four Hundred Silver Spanish Dollars." He therefore on August 29,1792, gave John Jacob Astor a power of attorney to collect on his behalf the amount of his claim with the deduction mentioned above. Apparently neither Astor's persuasive powers nor the generosity of the Congress was sufficient to bring about the collection of Mesplet's claim. Astor seems to have been no more successful, if something more persistent, than in Liebert's case. At any rate, on August 22,1793, Mesplet, Astor, and Henry, who had been Astor's surety, declared that the above agreement was cancelled "as if the same had never been made or concluded upon," Mesplet acknowledging the receipt of all papers he had furnished Astor in support of the former's claims. Apparently Astor's true forte was not as a collection agent, at least not where the Congress of the United States was concerned. The above cases, however, show Astor's willingness at this period of his life to turn his attention to anything which seemed to offer the possibility of a substantial profit, no matter how remote it might seem from his ordinary activities. (Ms., Palais de Justice, Montreal, Notarial Records of P. Lukin, no. 150, Articles of Agreement between John Jacob Astor and Fleury Mesplet, August 29, 1792.) 12. Ms., Syracuse University, Gerrit Smith Miller Collection, Letters, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., June 7,1792, to Peter Smith, Old Fort Schuyler. 13. Scoville, op. cit., vol. i, pp. 415-417. 14. Ibid. 15. The New-York Directory and Register for . . . (1790-95). 16. De Voe, Thomas F., The Market Book (1862), pp. 184-185, 212. 17. Ms. book, Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letter Book i, 1813-15, pp. 140-141, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., December 19, 1813, to George Astor, London. 18. [Beach, Moses Yale], The Wealth and Biography of the Wealthy Citizens of the City of New York (1846), p. 2. 19. Irving, Washington, Astoria (1836), chap. ii. 20. Ms., Syracuse University, Gerrit Smith Miller Collection, Letters, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., November 10, 1794 (see below, vol. i, pp. 375- 377), London, February 19,1795, N. Y., August 26,1795, to Peter Smith, Old Fort Schuyler. 21. Nolte, Vincent, Fifty Years in Both Hemispheres (1854), pp. 140- 143. 22. Ms., Syracuse University, Gerrit Smith Miller Collection, Letters, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., August 26, 1795, Fort Miller, September 10, 1795 (see below, vol. i, p. 379), to Peter Smith, Old Fort Schuyler. 23. New-York Gazette and General Advertiser, September 24,1795, p. 2, col. 2. THE FUR TRADE, 1790-1808 71 24. Daily Advertiser (N. Y.), June 22,1789, p. 3, col. 1. 25. Stevens, John Austin, Jr., ed., "Biographical Sketches," Colonial Records of the New York Chamber of Commerce, 1768-1784 (1867), p. 121. 26. Daily Advertiser, September 4, 1792, p. 3, col. 1. 27. Scrap Book, New York Historical Society, Notes on the Astor Family, Kelby, p. 7. Astor's first son, John Jacob Astor, Jr., was born in 1791 and baptized August 11,1791, sponsor, John Whetten. 28. New-York Gazette and General Advertiser, September 24,1795, p. 2, col. 2. 29. Greene, Richard Henry, The Todd Genealogy (1867), PP- 56-57* 30. Scoville, op. cit., vol. iv, p. 310. 31. Ms., Syracuse University, Gerrit Smith Miller Collection, Letters, John Jacob Astor, Albany, October 28, 1795, N. Y., July 5, 1796, to Peter Smith, Old Fort Schuyler. 32. Greene, loc. cit. 33. Scoville, op. cit., vol. iv, p. 310. 34. Stone, William L., History of New York City (1872), p. 38. 35. Ms., Syracuse University, Gerrit Smith Miller Collection, Letters, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., December 26, 1801, April 26, 1803, to Peter Smith, Utica. 36. Irving, Pierre M., The Life and Letters of Washington Irving, 4 vols. (1862-64), vol. i, p. 59. 37. Irving, Washington, The Letters of, to Henry Brevoort, George S. Hellman, ed., 2 vols. (1915), vol. i, pp. xiii-xvi. 38. Brevoort, Henry, Letters of, to Washington Irving, George S. Hell- man, ed., 2 vols. (1916), vol. ii, pp. 175-177, Henry Brevoort, Jr., Marietta, February 7, 1804, to his parents. 39. Ibid., pp. 178-180, P. L'Herbette, N. Y., March 6, 1805, to H. Brevoort, Jr. 40. Ms., Detroit Public Library, Burton Historical Collection, J. R. Williams MSS., Sales of Furs by J. J. Astor, London, 1806, for Henry Barthelet (see below, vol. i, pp. 410-411); ibid., vol. xix, p. 91, John R. Williams, Detroit, June 22, 1810, to Messrs. Boyd & Suydam, N. Y.; ibid., p. 63, John R. Williams, Detroit, August 12, 1808, to Messrs. Boyd & Storm, N. Y. 41. Ms. book, Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letter Book i, 1813-15, p. 419, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., January 2, 1815, to John L'Herbette. ". . . your son August ... is again in my employ " [italics mine]. 42. Ms., Syracuse University, Gerrit Smith Miller Collection, Letters, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., February 8, 1804, to Peter Smith, Utica (see below, vol. i, pp. 404-405). 43. Ms. book, Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letter Book i, 1813-15, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., to John P. L'Herbette, Bordeaux, passim. 44. Ibid., pp. 206-207, 244-245, 285-287, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., May 6, July 13, September 18, 1814, to John P. L'Herbette, Bordeaux. 72 JOHN JACOB ASTOR 45. Ms., Syracuse University, Gerrit Smith Miller Collection, Letters, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., February 8, 1804, to Peter Smith, Utica (see below, vol. i, pp. 404-455). 46. Irving, Washington, The Letters of, to Henry Brevoort, vol. i, pp. xiii- xvi. 47. Greene, loc. cit. The date of 1791 given for his birth in Appleton's Cyclopaedia of American Biography is obviously incorrect: Astor would hardly send a youngster of ten into the New York backcountry to buy furs, even though he did dispatch fourteen-year-old William Todd to Montreal. 48. Ms. book, Redpath Library, McGill University, Montreal, Blackwood MSS., Thomas Blackwood's Letter Book at Mackinac, Letters to J. & A. McGill & Co., 1806-07, Thomas Blackwood, Mackinac, June 26, July 11, 1807, to J. & A. McGill & Co., Montreal. 49. Irving, Astoria, chap. ii. 50. Ms., Library of Congress, Thomas Jefferson Papers, vol. cxcv, January 27-April 30, 1812, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., March 14, 1812, to Thomas Jefferson (see below, vol. i, pp. 508-513). 51. Ms. book, Missouri Historical Society, St. Louis, Gratiot Collection, Charles Gratiot's Letter Book, 1798-1816, pp. 44-45, Charles Gratiot, St. Louis, May 18, 1799, to Messrs. Schneider & Co., London (in French); pp. 45-49, Charles Gratiot, St. Louis, May 18, 1799, to J. Henry Schneider, London (in French); pp. 51-52, Charles Gratiot, St. Louis, May 26, 1799, to J. Jacob Astor, N. Y. (in English). 52. Ibid., pp. 51-52, Charles Gratiot, St. Louis, May 26, 1799, to J. Jacob Astor, N. Y. (in French). 53. Ms., Missouri Historical Society, St. Louis, P. Chouteau Collection, Pierre Chouteau Papers, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., January 28,1800, to Auguste Chouteau, St. Louis (in French) (see below, vol. i, pp. 389- 39i). 54. Beach, loc. cit.; [Armstrong, William], The Aristocracy of New York (1848), p. 4. 55. Ms. book, Missouri Historical Society, St. Louis, Gratiot Collection, Charles Gratiot's Letter Book, 1798-1816, p. 68, Charles Gratiot, St. Louis, April 26, 1800, to John Jacob Astor, N. Y. (in English); p. 69, the same of same date to Messrs. Hoffman & Seton, N. Y. (in English); pp. 70-76, the same, April 29, 1800, to Jacob Astor, N. Y. (in French); pp. 79-81, the same, May 1,1800, to J. H. Schneider, London (in French). 56. Ms., New York Historical Society, Stevens Papers, vol. i, p. no. 57. New-York Gazette and General Advertiser, June 1, 1798, p. 3, col. 2; December 3, 1799, p. i, col. 3; October 1, 1800, p. 3, col. 4. 58. Ibid., December 31, 1801, p. 2, col. 1; March 4, 1802, p. 1, col. 4; April 20,1802, p. 3, col. 2; September 29,1802, p. 3, col. 3; December 27, 1803, p. 1, col. 5. THE FUR TRADE, 1790-1808 73 59. Ibid., June 1, 1798, p. 3, col. 2. 60. Ms., Pennsylvania Historical Society, Philadelphia, Society Collection, J. J. Astor, N. Y., June 7, 1802, to William Fowler, Albany. 61. Ms., Library of Congress, New York Customs Records, ship Oneida Chief, Kemp, London, November 5, 1803. 62. Ibid., ship Ophelia, Pickens, London, March 6, 1804. 63. IUd., ship Oneida Chief, Kemp, London, April 28, 1804. The information we possess concerning Astor's exportations of furs to Europe during his early years in the fur trade prior to the organization of the American Fur Company is so scant and scattered that I may be justified in inserting here two references which lie a little outside this period. It is probable that these transactions are typical of Astor's fur-shipping activities during earlier years. Our knowledge of these shipments we owe to the semi-piratical practices of British and French war vessels. Among the goods on board the ship Mentor, owned by Richard Ward, supposedly bound from New York to St. Sebastian in Spain and captured January 12, 1810, by the British frigates Medusa and Unicorn, were " two bales peltry, shipped by John Jacob Astor, for the account of himself and Richard Ward, and consigned to the said Richard, at a permitted port in Spain, paying freight nothing, the same having been settled. Dated New York, 7th December 1809 — with an endorsement of the said Richard Ward, to deliver the said goods to Mr. John W. Livingston, the supercargo." The ship and cargo were condemned on March 6, 1810. The Lords Commissioners of Appeals on January 26, 1811, confirmed the sentence, on the ground that the vessel was actually going to Bordeaux. A further appeal was made on behalf of the owners, with what result is not mentioned. (New York Public Library, Great Britain, Courts, High Court of Admiralty, Prize Causes, 1803-n, New York Ships, Little Sarah to William Tell.) On September 2, 1810, Astor shipped two bales, containing 128 bear skins, along with some China goods, on the brig Maria, from New York to Gottenburg, where she arrived October 15. The goods were landed to wait for a better market, but were later loaded again to avoid French tariffs, and the vessel sailed for America on December 16. The brig was stranded at Ameland, where vessel and cargo were both saved and then confiscated. Astor's goods were insured at the Phoenix Insurance Company on February 4, 1811, for nearly their full estimated value, at a premium of 7 J per cent. (Ms., Department of State, Washington, D. C, Claims on France, Convention of 1831, Allowed, Sh. Margaret, Br. Maria.) These two cases at least show us that Astor was shipping furs not only to England but also to the Continent prior to the War of 1812. 64. Ibid., ship Severn, Cowman, Canton, May 25, 1804 (see below, vol. i, pp. 406-407). 74 JOHN JACOB ASTOR 65. Ms., Columbia University Library, De Witt Clinton Papers, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., January 25, 1808, to De Witt Clinton, Albany. 66. New-York Gazette and General Advertiser, December 3, 1799, p. 1, col. 3. 67. Ms., New York Historical Society, Astor Papers. 68. Ms., Chateau de Ramezay, Montreal, case 4, doc. 24. 69. Ms., Detroit Public Library, Burton Historical Collection, Askin MSS., vol. vii, p. 221. Quoted in Thwaites, Reuben Gold, "Fur Trade on Upper Lakes, 1778-1815," Wisconsin Historical Collections, vol. xix (1910), pp. 234-374. 70. Ms., Public Archives of Canada, Ottawa, Cartwright Papers, Richard Cartwright's Letter Book, Kingston, 1799-1802, Richard Cart- wright, Kingston, October 31, 1801, to Richard Hamilton. 71. Ms. book, Redpath Library, McGill University, Montreal, Blackwood MSS., Thomas Blackwood's Letter Book at Mackinac, Letters to J. & A. McGill & Co., 1806-07, passim. 72. Ibid., James McGill's Letter Book, James McGill, Montreal, October 17, 1805, to Isaac Todd. 73. Wilson, Gen. James Grant, "Colonel John Bayard (1738-1807) and the Bayard Family of America," New York Genealogical and Biographical Record, vol. xvi (1885), p. 66. 74. Mss. (copies), David Ross McCord National Museum and Bibli- otheque Ste. Sulpice, Montreal, Minutes of the Beaver Club, 1807-27; ms. book (copy), Public Archives of Canada, Ottawa, Journal of Joseph Frobisher, 1806-10. 75. Ibid. 76. By this time Astor had two younger daughters: Dorothea, born January 11,1795, while her father was in Europe, and baptized two weeks later, sponsors, Henry and Dorothea Astor; and Eliza, born in 1801. Two sons who had been born since the birth of William Backhouse Astor — Henry, born December 26, 1797, baptized July 4, 1798, sponsors, Henry and Dorothea Astor, and another boy born November 13, 1802 — had both died young, the first about November 23,1799, and the latter probably even before he could be christened. (Scrap Book, New York Historical Society, Notes on the Astor Family, Kelby, p. 7; ms., Syracuse University, Gerrit Smith Miller Collection, Letters, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., November 16,1802, to Peter Smith, Utica, and December 7,1799, to Peter Smith, Old Fort Schuyler (see below, vol. i, pp. 387~389-) 77. Ms. book (copy), Public Archives of Canada, Ottawa, Journal of Joseph Frobisher, 1806-10; ms. book (copy), David Ross McCord National Museum, Montreal, Samuel Bridge's Journal, April 14-Noyem- ber n, 1806, pp. 63-64, 68 (see below, vol. i, pp. 412-413). CHAPTER IV LAND INVESTMENTS IN LOWER CANADA AND THE NEW YORK BACKCOUNTRY We have already observed that in the years from 1789 to 1791 Astor made a number of land purchases in New York City, but after this apparently lost interest in New York City real estate till the beginning of the century. It is evident, however, that this loss of interest did not extend to real estate in general, since in the 1790's he became concerned in several investments in land of a less settled nature than that in his city of residence, both in the backcountry of New York and in the Province of Lower Canada. It was to Lower Canada that he first turned his attention. In 1792 it was announced that the waste lands of the Crown in Lower Canada were to be opened to settlement, since the government was anxious to secure a loyal and industrious population in that section bordering on the recently hostile territory of the United States. Men of property, or combinations of men with smaller resources, were to apply for townships which they were to survey and subdivide among a certain number of settlers whom they were to be responsible for locating on this land, and in return for their expenditures and exertions each was to receive a large quantity of the land in that township. The attraction of this system was that the head of the township might — and usually did — persuade his associates, the settlers, to deed over their lands, after the titles had been secured, at a low price, and thus he would become the proprietor of the whole. In fact such agreements were usually made between leader and associates before applying for the land.1 The great prevalence of this custom is attested to by one well qualified to know, a surveyor-general of Lower Canada.2 76 JOHN JACOB ASTOR John Jacob Astor was not slow to take advantage of this opportunity, and on September 19,1792, he petitioned for "a Tract or Township of Ten Miles Square and that he may have 1200 acres therein — the Tract to be bounded in Front by the back boundary of the Seigneurie of St. Francis on the River Chaudiere and on the three remaining Sides by the Waste Lands of the Crown."3 This township, we learn elsewhere, was to be called Winchelsea.4 The application (no. 250) was referred to the land committee on September 24, 1792; they received it on September 24, and on October 24 recommended •that it should be granted.5 The fact that Astor was a New Yorker and not a Canadian was apparently no drawback. At any rate, on November 1 a warrant (no. 130) of survey was issued for the amount of land desired.6 Curiously enough, in another petition to Alured Clark, lieutenant governor and commander-in-chief of the Province of Lower Canada, also dated September 19,1792, Astor prayed for another grant of the same amount as the former, to be " bounded on the West by the Eastern boundary of a Township prayed for by Barent Johnston Esq. which is bounded by the Seigniory of St. Francis upon the River Chaudiere, East side." The petition was received on October 14 and referred to the land committee on November 15; they recommended on November 16 that it should be granted,7 and issued warrant of survey no. 153 on December 1. This township was to be known as Standon.8 Astor did not, however, receive grants of two townships, for it turned out that warrants of survey had been issued already, on October 15, 1792, for the townships of Watford and Cran- bourne,9 which between them — as may be seen by a map drawn up in 1794 and 1795 10 — occupied the entire space first petitioned for by Astor. When the land committee, comprising all the members of the council, made its report on July 30,1801, on the final disposition of all petitions for land not already granted or finally rejected, the grant of the township of Win- EARLY LAND INVESTMENTS 77 chelsea was refused because of lack of space.11 This, however, had really been decided nearly a decade before. Consequently Astor was given a warrant of survey only for the township of Standon, in which he was to have 1,200 acres, "and the question as to any further quantity" was to "stand over to the Return of the Survey."12 It seems obvious that, although both these petitions are dated September 19, the one praying for the township of Standon was actually not prepared until some days later, after Astor had learned that Winchelsea had already been bespoken, since it was not received until October 14, and since it mentions Cranbourne, one of the townships occupying part of the territory which Astor had intended to include in Winchelsea. Astor did not, after all, avail himself of the permission to make good his title to the one township left to him. Others were finding the cost of surveying almost prohibitive, in view of the period that must elapse before the lands proved productive and the difficulty of securing associated colonists. Isaac Ogden estimated the expenses of surveying and subdividing a township at £657, which would make the expense for Astor's 1,200 acres amount to more than 10s. per acre, to say nothing of time and trouble. True, Lord Dorchester stated that the expense in securing letters patent for the township of Durham amounted to only about half that amount,13 and most of the heads of townships expected all their associates to make over to them from 1,000 to 1,100 of the 1,200 acres which was supposed to be the maximum one individual could receive.14 But, whatever his reasons may have been, whether the uncertainty of productivity, the difficulty of securing real or fictitious colonists, or merely the crowding in of other interests, Astor, like many other applicants for grants, seems to have lost interest, at least for the time, in securing his title to the township of Standon. By late 1794 and early 1795 the township of Standon had not yet been surveyed, according to the map and plan above men- -• i:^-sz^^ - a^wsix*- --_••>- -••w*iss^i m 78 JOHN JACOB ASTOR tioned.15 Hugh Finlay, in a letter written late in 1795, mentions Standon as a pawn in the scandalous landgrabbing scheme in which he with many other officials of the government was concerned. He may have been trying to drum up colonists for this township, either in the interests of Astor, or for his own purposes if Astor had already abandoned all intention of securing this tract. Bouchette described Standon in 1832 as "for the most part a rough hilly country and very indifferent land,"16 and this description suggests a very good reason for Astor's failure to push his claims to this township. Standon may be the "Stanton" to which the claim of one John Reid was disallowed in 1801 by the land committee.17 Standon was at some unspecified date between 1801 and 1832 granted to "Sundry persons," 2,119 acres of land in all having been assigned to them.18 But, although Astor's interest in Standon had evaporated and he had lost his ambition to become the leader of a township in Lower Canada, this did not mean that he was never to pay any further attention to Canadian lands. On October 17, 1795, an agreement was drawn up and signed between Patrick Langan and David Alexander Grant, on the one hand, and John Jacob Astor on the other, relating to "entering into a Mutual Concern for the acquisiton of Land in the ... Province of Lower Canada for their joint Profit or Loss." The first two had already made an arrangement with Hugh Finlay of Quebec on October 5, to the effect that Hugh Finlay was to have one- fourth of all land which might be acquired by them in Lower Canada and should in return "procure all the associates that may be necessary" and "attend and Transact every business that may be necessary in the premises towards gaining the ends proposed." Astor was to receive another fourth up to a maximum of 6 townships, of which he might have first choice out of the land secured, his part in the enterprise being to advance the funds for exploring, surveying, and subdividing the tracts or for any other necessary purpose. To further this enterprise, EARLY LAND INVESTMENTS 79 Astor was to deposit at Montreal, subject to draft by Grant and Langan, a credit equal to the expenses of 6 townships but amounting to not more than "the Sum of Two Thousand four hundred Pounds Current Money of the Province of Lower Canada." Two-thirds of the funds so advanced were to be returned by Grant and Langan, payable in 2 equal amounts after the receipt of each sum, one in 18 and one in 36 months' time, with interest at 6 per cent. The returns from any sales were to be deposited to Astor's account. In order that the lands might be disposed of as soon as a good opportunity offered, the title was to be vested in trust in Patrick Langan, who might "dispose of the same with the consent of one more of the contracting Parties," and Astor or his attorney was to be notified in due time before the sale of any part of the tracts concerned, that he might, if he so wished, himself become the purchaser. Any dispute was to be settled by "four disenteresting Persons reciprocally chosen," who might call in an umpire. No commission was to be charged on sales unless the principal burden fell on one person, when an allowance might be made.19 It may be asked why Astor, who in 1792 had let his opportunity of becoming a proprietor go by, should in 1795 again become concerned in such a scheme. In the first place, we do not know that he had, as yet, definitely relinquished all hopes of securing Standon; in addition, all the trouble of surveying, securing associates, etc., was taken from his shoulders in this latter case, and the amount of land in prospect was much greater; moreover, his financial condition may have improved. It might also be asked how these two men, Langan and Grant, could be so confident of securing as many as twenty-four townships, or twenty-four hundred square miles. The explanation is simple: their associate, Hugh Finlay, was chairman of the land committee and one of the leaders in that movement among members of the council which Prescott later described as having for its end the monopolizing of vast areas of land.20 ,-, _^.^„ ^ .v a^aa«.iJ a*^*a^ 80 JOHN JACOB ASTOR On October 20, 1795, Astor wrote from St. Johns to his attorney at Montreal, James Hallowell, informing him that he had agreed to take Stanbridge, Finlay's township, off the hands of Langan and Grant at £1,500 Halifax, provided that they would give him a good title and that his interest was 37,000 acres. Should the township be any less in extent, he was to pay only in proportion. This and other stipulations were part of an agreement signed by Langan, Grant, and Hallowell for Astor, on January 16, 1796. The first two acknowledged payment of £1,000 on account, and Astor promised to pay £50.0 more on or before April 1, 1797. Langan and Grant agreed to assign the said township to Astor on or before October 1, 1796; it was to contain 37,000 acres, and a lesser amount was to be paid for proportionately. Should Grant and Langan fail to transfer the property within the time agreed upon, they were to refund Astor his £1,000 and pay him £100 damages. This agreement did not go into effect, however, for on October 18,1796, Langan, acting for himself and Grant, appeared with Astor and "for Certain Considerations to them Moving " cancelled the above agreement "as if the same had never been executed between them."21 The reason for the failure of this intended transaction was doubtless the suspension in the granting of lands which took place late in 1795 at an order of Lord Portland, dated September 3.22 This suspension made it impossible to secure letters patent for Stanbridge within the time prescribed. As a matter of fact, it was not until September 1, 1800, that Finlay received letters patent for that township.23 The other more extensive plan likewise seems to have dissolved about this time, partly because of the suspension in the granting of land mentioned above, partly because of later revelations that the land board, with Finlay as one of the most conspicuous, had conducted themselves in a most scandalous fashion. They had attempted to monopolize the land grants in their own favor and to the exclusion of bona fide settlers, and m EARLY LAND INVESTMENTS 81 to further this plan they had searched the borders of the United States for persons willing to associate themselves in this plot for a small payment or land concession.24 After these plans had been discovered, Finlay had almost no chance of procuring this land for himself, Grant, Langan, and Astor. Thus ended the second, and this time rather questionable, attempt on the part of Astor to obtain part of the waste lands of the Crown in Lower Canada. But, as we shall see, even this did not entirely dash his hopes. Astor again became connected with Canadian land in 1800. On September 22 of that year "William Barnard of the Township of Ship ton in the district of Three Rivers, Yeoman," and James Barnard of Montreal, a hatter, acknowledged that they were "jointly and severally" indebted to John Jacob Astor for £477 2s. 7d., "Current Money of the . . . province of Lower Canada," which sum they promised to pay on or before October 1, 1802, with interest at 6 per cent from date, pledging for security "all and every their Real and personal property, present and future."25 An agreement of the same date between William and James Barnard recorded that William owed James £375, which obligation was to be considered settled if the latter received 5,000 acres in the townships of Brompton and Ship- ton. Moreover, if James paid any money to Astor, he should be compensated by land in Brompton and Shipton at the rate of 2s. 6d. per acre.26 This William Barnard, a native of Deer- field, Massachusetts, had been a government spy in the Revolution, and so had a special claim on the generosity of the Crown.27 He was to receive the township of*Brompton on November 27, 1803. On December 8, 1801, William Barnard, wishing to discharge the above debt, deeded John Jacob Astor through his attorney, George Pyke of Quebec, 1,013 acres in the township of Brompton which had been granted by letters patent to various individuals on November 27, 1801, and by them assigned WW» "~.-».TT^~».v»»ri»^>^ 82 JOHN JACOB ASTOR to William Barnard, who was the leader of this township. In addition to a quittance of his debt, Barnard received £300 in the currency of Lower Canada.28 On September 13,1802, John Jacob Astor, probably through his attorney, John Mure of Quebec, sold to his brother, George Astor of London, whose attorney was John Ogilvy of Montreal, the 1,013 acres above described for £1,061 6s. in the currency of Lower Canada.29 Thus, on the third trial, Astor finally did succeed in acquiring and disposing of certain Canadian lands. It seems to have been a rather profitable investment. Astor had acquired these 1,013 acres for £477 2s. 7d. and £300. Adding interest at 6 per cent for approximately 2 years on the first sum, and at the same rate for approximately one year on the second, we find that the cost of this tract of land to John Jacob was about £852 8s. 7d. He sold it for £1,061 6s., thus making a profit of £208 17s. 5d., or nearly 25 per cent. It is noteworthy that this land was sold sight unseen by John Jacob to his brother George. Possibly the former thought that he was making a good bargain for his brother as well as for himself. It is, nevertheless, of interest to note that some eleven years later in a letter to his widowed sister-in-law's brother (George Astor had died suddenly in December, 1813) he described this tract as "some Wild lands in Lower Canada I think 10000 [sic] acres which he had from me, what the Value of it is I know not, but if the title has not been impair'd I should think the land must be worth 1500 or two thousand pounds Sterling. I have however not any particular knowledge & cannot speak with certainty."30 If George Astor was ultimately to receive merely interest at 6 per cent per annum on his investment of £1,061 6s., currency of Lower Canada, it is evident that by the fall of 1813 the land should have been worth £1,761 us. 7d. and that Astor's estimate of its value — probably rather generous since Astor was certainly not offering ■P EARLY LAND INVESTMENTS 83 to purchase—indicates that the investment had not been particularly fortunate for George. Evidently he had as yet received no income whatsoever. The description of the township given in 1832 has also some significance. The north part was said to have been of "fair quality," but the south was described as "uneven, rough and rocky and, generally speaking, useless, un- tractable land."31 Of the 46 lots purchased by George Astor from his brother, 19 were in some of the 6 northern ranges, 3, 4 and 6, and the remaining 27 in the southern half, 7, 8,10,11,12. It is evident, since George Astor received no land in the 2 northernmost ranges — the part most likely to be of at least "fair quality" — and since well over 50 per cent of his land was definitely in the unattractive south half, that there was little chance of this township proving a fortunate investment for him, at least for some time to come. In fact, in 1836 the executors of George Astor were "very desirous of selling" this land and applied to Astor for assistance. In writing to an agent in Montreal he asserted that "were it mine I would not sell less than 5/." However, he instructed his correspondent to dispose of the tract at 3s. 6d. per acre Halifax. The most that was offered was "only 3/ per acre Halifax or 2/6 sterling," so the land remained on the hands of the George Astor estate.32 Thus it will be seen how by 1836 the 1,013 acres which Astor sold to his brother in 1802 for £10,61 6s., far from rising in value, had declined till the tract was worth only 2s. 6d. per acre. Although according to the principle of caveat emptor John Jacob must be acquitted of any definite charge of sharp practice in this connection, one or two aspects of this transaction should be noted. It is obvious that the only thing which could have induced George Astor to buy these lands was a recommendation from the seller, his brother John Jacob, who disposed of them to George at a good profit. If John Jacob had recommended these lands as a good investment without ever having seen them, he was certainly not going to any trouble to ite sang« ESESS 84 JOHN JACOB ASTOR safeguard his brother's interests. If he did see them and still recommended them, he evidently was not a very expert judge. In any case, John Jacob seems to have taken good care that, no matter who lost, he himself should win. We have already seen that in 1792 and 1795 John Jacob Astor made several abortive attempts to get possession of tracts forming part of the waste lands of the Crown in Lower Canada. We have seen that there were several reasons why he did not show any particular determination to overcome the obstacles encountered in these cases. One reason, not before stated, which helps us to understand his lapse of interest in Canadian lands up to 1800 is that, early in the last decade of the eighteenth century, he had turned his attention to land investments nearer home, in the backcountry of New York State. Most of our information concerning these enterprises comes from the papers of Peter Smith, Astor's former partner in the fur trade, who was now to become engaged with him in land speculation. Compared to the fur trade, the China trade, and his later real-estate investments on Manhattan Island, Astor's connection with the New York backcountry becomes almost unworthy of mention. Nevertheless his interest in large tracts of lands in the less-settled parts of the State came so early in his career that some attention to this matter is valuable if merely for the light it throws on Astor's character and business policies in that period, and regardless of the comparatively slight amount of the investment. By far the most important of these land investments, both from the acreage involved and from the attention the owners found they had to give to it, had to do with two tracts of land in the Mohawk Valley, which had formerly belonged to Sir William Johnson. They were known as Charlotte River and Byrnes Patent and contained respectively 20,000 and 17,200 acres.33 John and Robert Watts,34 brothers-in-law of Sir John EARLY LAND INVESTMENTS 85 Johnson,85 Sir William's son, were the owners of this land in the spring of 1793, when Astor first became interested in it through their agent, Mr. Dowdle.36 He was very anxious to purchase, but felt that his financial condition would not allow him to do so at the time, and although the agent had urged Astor to purchase at once, unless he wished to be forever too late,37 the land was still unsold in December, 1793, at which time Astor felt better able to consider buying it.38 He was still negotiating on February 12,1794, when he wrote Smith that he had seen Mr. Watts about his lands and offered 8s. and 4s. respectively for the two tracts. This was as high as he intended to go "in Consequin[ce] of wat you wrote me besides Lands I am told are afferd Prety Plentey,"39 and he therefore intended to disregard the warning of the disinterested Mr. Dowdle that 8s. 6d. and 5s. were the lowest prices that it would be advisable to offer.40 The matter was to be settled in two or three days.41 Accordingly, on February 15, Astor informed Smith that he had purchased the two tracts, for cash, at the prices he had offered, and expected Smith to take half, Astor to make the payment convenient to him. Already, Astor stated, "iooo£ profits is offerd on the Purshas but I hope we will make 20.000 by it in Selling it in Lots."42 Fortunately for Astor, he did not at once pay the full purchase price, which at 8s. per acre for the 20,000 acres in the Charlotte River tract and 4s. for the 17,200 acres in Byrnes Patent amounted to a total of £11,44c43 Before it was too late, he learned that "about 2ooo£ quite Rent was Due an thes Lands." He therefore went to Philadelphia and insisted that the sellers should pay for 16 years' quit rent on Charlotte River, 18 years' on Byrnes Patent, and for "One half of What Will be due in 14 yrs."44 This, with suspicious readiness, they at once agreed to do. The total amount of quit rents was £1,946 17s. 6d., which, however, could be paid in "3 pCt Stock at — 10/ in the pound" and thus amounted to 86 JOHN JACOB ASTOR only £973 8s. 9d. in cash.45 By Astor's agreement with the sellers there was a reduction to £10,466 us. 3d. in the price of the land.46 On March 2, 1794, Astor wrote Smith that "a final Settelment ... is now affaceted." Nearly the whole price had been paid and the deeds would be signed whenever the purchasers pleased. Astor had, he said, given William Laight, who will be remembered as one of William Backhouse's partners, one-third "of this purshas at first Cast an Candetions that your to have 1/2 of the whole or theore about." Astor urged, as he had previously done, that Smith come to New York and settle the business with himself and Laight. Prospects seemed bright to Astor and he airily waved aside certain misgivings which seemed to trouble Smith. " Say no more about the titel," he ordered, "as I think it good a nought pepol have bin & wonted to purshas I Realy belive 2 or 3ooo£ profit might now be got but I hope we will more than Dubel the whole amant Mr. Watts is of Sune [same] apion [opinion] "47 Mr. Watts, the lands now safely out of his hands and the payment received, could afford to scatter optimistic judgments. By March 10,1794, the new owners had settled matters with one another. Originally Laight and Astor had each paid half the purchase price of the lands. Smith now became owner of an undivided half of the land in the two tracts. He became responsible for the payment of £5,233 10s. (which was itself half the amount paid to the Wattses), that is, £2,616 15s. each to Astor and Laight, payable one year from date with interest at 7 per cent, for which he gave his bond. The amount which he owed Astor on these lands, reduced to dollars, was $6,541.87 (£l = $2.50).48 But almost immediately the triumvirate became involved in difficulties. The trouble was not that they could not sell their new lands at profitable rates but that they met with an obstacle in establishing their right to sell at all. The "titel," concerning which Astor had instructed Smith to " sayno more... as Astor as a Young Man, in 1794 EARLY LAND INVESTMENTS 87 I think it good a nought," turned out to be by no means complete. The difficulty was this: Sir William Johnson, in order to secure letters patent for these and other tracts of land, had named a number of his tenants on lands already in his possession as "associates," who, as a matter of course, released to him all their claims when the letters patent had been received.49 In the disturbances incident to the outbreak of the Revolution and Sir John Johnson's consequent flight into Canada, many of Sir William's papers had been lost, destroyed, or badly defaced by being buried in the ground for safe-keeping. Among these papers were many of the releases to Sir William Johnson from the original patentees of lands in the Charlotte River and Byrnes Patent tracts. Certain persons, therefore, being aware of these circumstances, laid claim to land in these tracts, of which they were occupants or the rights to which they had purchased from the original patentees, asserting that the three partners could not prove their claim to ownership of the land because of their inability to present the releases that had been made to Sir William Johnson. It turned out that Dowdle, who had been so disinterestedly anxious for Astor and Smith to have the land, had all the time been aware of the circumstances.50 The question then arose how the triumvirate was to meet this difficulty, whether by legal action or by private adjustment. Astor favored a blend of the two and suggested that, while the partners should enter vigorously into ejectment suits, they should not move so hastily as to prevent the possibility of a reasonable settlement "un Less we Can meet with Sam Mor proff in oure favr." On the other hand, Smith, who stood to gain or lose as much as the other two combined, was in favor of selling out at 9s. (probably meaning only Charlotte River), from which plan Laight dissented, stating, to quote from Astor, that "the abject is worth the Run." Astor was not so insuperably opposed to a sale, but felt that such a move was not yet an absolute necessity and thought it better "not to MiTff^.Tir^iffimnir iffiPfinfTTfl-?! 88 JOHN JACOB ASTOR affer to Sell thill Such times that we absolutely meane to Sell & than Sell at Such price as we Can get." Astor and Laight both agreed that Smith, to whom they had naturally delegated the management of the land — a clever procedure on their part, since his own large share insured his strict attention to the interests of the partnership — should give anyone pretending to have a claim from one of the patentees "all the traubel we Can in Law," and if this were not sufficient, engage some secret agent to buy out his rights for a trifle on behalf of the partnership. Astor also suggested that Smith " Survey the whole" and sell on Astor's behalf not more than 2,400 acres "with a War- rent eed Deed," in the hope that "after your having Sold Som warrented youl than be abel to Sell the Rest with out." He also thought that the lands should be let as soon as possible.51 Smith, however, was still insistent on selling, stating that his financial circumstances would not permit a large loss, and finally, despite Laight's opposition, Astor threw his influence on the side of his old partner and it was agreed " to Sell ot Such prices as we Could get."52 By this time, however, the situation had probably become public property and no purchaser could be found.53 The question of selling out was thus abandoned, willy-nilly, and the partners became automatically committed to a program either of litigation or of compromise with their opponents. Since a display of strength was essential to the success of any private negotiations, the partners bent to the task of securing evidence to support their claims and refute those of their opponents. The details of this search for evidence would be wearisome and not very valuable. The main policy was to hunt out anyone who might know anything of the matter, and get all the information possible. They particularly wished to find some of the original patentees and persuade them to give new releases by telling them " that the old ones [are] in Europe " and making them presents, or by some similar device.54 For the purpose of EARLY LAND INVESTMENTS 89 securing evidence and releases, the partners required trustworthy allies. While in Montreal in August, 1794, on one of his fur-buying trips, Astor enlisted the services of Patrick Langan, formerly Sir John Johnson's secretary, whom we have already met in another connection.55 William Laight thought they should seek the assistance of Richard Duncan of Schenectady, allowing him, if necessary, to become interested in the speculation, but Duncan did not seem sufficiently convinced of the success of the partners to concern himself in the affair.56 Against the three partners and their allies were aligned "Crane," "Mr. Einsley," "Mr. Philips," and "McIntire," who were actively engaged in buying up new releases from the patentees.57 Astor intended to go to Europe in the fall of 1794. This journey was probably to be undertaken chiefly on behalf of the fur trade, but undoubtedly the hope of discovering conclusive evidence of the right of himself and his partners to the disputed land was also a powerful motive. In a long confused farewell letter to Smith he urged him to protect his interests against Laight, in whom he did not seem to have perfect confidence.58 In Astor's absence the burden of advising and instructing Smith fell on Laight. The latter believed that the time had come to meet their opponents face to face, though not as yet in a court of law. He suggested that Smith "buy off Ainsley at any price," but that he should not express any lack of confidence as to the final victory of the triumvirate.59 Langan was given carte blanche to secure new releases and evidence from the Mclntires; an advertisement was inserted in the press warning the public not to purchase from the claimants under the original patents.60 Laight and Smith, in order to keep Ainsley in play, entered into negotiations with him for a transfer of any rights he might have received from the original patentees, and they also tried to elicit testimony that these patentees had already made conveyances to Sir William of the lands in the Charlotte River patent, which seems at this time to have been I 90 JOHN JACOB ASTOR the only one in dispute.61 The partners, however, had really no intention of forming any agreement except on very favorable terms, and intended merely to keep their opponent occupied while their allies secured evidence which would make any further negotiations unnecessary. Their hopes seemed to be on the point of realization by the middle of February, 1795, when Langan had agreed with the two Mclntires to pay them $1,000 for their two releases and for the father's testimony that the original patentees had already released all their titles to Sir William.62 Laight thought that all efforts should now be bent on securing further evidence that releases had already been made, rather than on endeavoring to obtain new releases, and that especial attention should be paid to getting testimony from those original associates who, from being tainted or proscribed, could have no claim to the land.63 The negotiations with Ainsley had been broken off even earlier than had been intended, since Ainsley had been attacked with a fit of insanity which Laight blandly ascribed to divine justice.64 Sufficient evidence had now been accumulated and the partners felt ready to put their claims to the test. Employing Brockholst Livingston as their attorney, they obtained ejectment papers early in May, 1795, and prepared to secure a commission to examine evidence when the defendants should resist eviction.65 The conflict had now entered upon its third phase. The first phase, that of selling out the lands and shifting the controversy to other shoulders, had lasted not much over a month; the second phase, during which the partners had divided their efforts between buying off their opponents and securing evidence to refute their claims, had lasted nearly twelve months. The third was to be measured in years. It was not to an entirely hopeless situation that Astor returned from Europe on August 22, 1795,66 though the news he brought added little to the partners' strength. Sir John John- EARLY LAND INVESTMENTS 9i son, whom he had called on some time before February 19,1795, could only tell him that, though he was positive all the releases had been signed, he knew of no particulars or proofs.67 Two ejectment suits were decided in the partners' favor, but they settled nothing, for in one case judgment was obtained by default and in the other "Webster has put a plea."68 The opponents were not taking the ejectment suits lying down, but had proposed to make "an Attempt to divide the property of Charlotte River."69 Ainsley, indeed, was ready to settle, but to this the partners would not agree, and he thereupon disappeared from the case;70 possibly he had again relapsed into insanity. His position as chief enemy of Astor and his friends seems to have been taken by a certain Danford. Another cloud soon appeared on the horizon. In July, 1796, a commission was ready to go to Montreal to take evidence there, though Astor had little hope of its success and was ready to compromise. The reason for this willingness was that the enemy had seized upon the payments made by Langan to the Mclntires,71 and to Patrick Fitzpatrick, who had been bought off for $195, as evidence that the partners were endeavoring to substitute the power of wealth for a clean title.72 The commission, which sat at Montreal from September 10 till some time in November, did not, in Astor's despondent opinion, reveal anything of importance. Sir John Johnson had testified to the "Loss of all his fathers papers;" Captain Byrnes, who had seen Sir William's papers taken out of the ground in a defaced condition, had given evidence to that effect; the testimony of Langan and Chew was mostly from hearsay, though they had presented leaves from Sir William's day book and ledger. The evidence from the Mclntires and Fitzpatrick had not been presented, owing to the suspicious circumstances under which it had been procured.73 The suit on appeal against Webster had been postponed until the evidence from the commission could be received.74 92 JOHN JACOB ASTOR A suit which the partners had filed in chancery was thrown out about the middle of January, 1798, owing, Astor thought, largely to the inattention of their attorney, and early in March Astor and Laight were arrested on the authority of M. Livingston (not to be confused with Brockholst Livingston, their attorney) for the costs in the case, amounting to about £1,186, and they found it necessary either to pay or to go to jail. However, their attorney later entered an appeal.75 A commission which Smith had taken to Montreal met with no success and Astor was in despair.76 Their case in the Court of Errors and the suit against Webster dragged on endlessly, and to Astor their attorneys seemed to be dealing in senseless delays. Possibly, however, this was merely the impatience of a layman.77 In spite of all this, Astor was so confident of final success in March, 1799, that he refused an offer to sell out.78 This attitude was inspired by the action in the Court of Errors a year before in deciding in favor of another man whose situation was apparently much the same as theirs.79 The partners had also secured a copy of Sir William Johnson's will, which showed that the disputed land formed part of his bequests, and this, added to the evidence they had secured that he had paid the expenses of surveying, etc., made their case in equity seem more substantial.80 By the summer of 1799 an ejectment suit had gone in the partnership's favor and had thereby set a precedent. The question of Byrnes Patent seemed finally settled.81 Since there now seemed little doubt that Astor and his friends would in time secure their title, it was decided to hasten matters by extra-legal negotiations. In March, 1802, a plan of arbitration proposed by Smith and agreeable to the opposing parties was repudiated by Astor and Laight.82 About this time, however, the death of Laight, who had always been the most determined of the partners in pursuing his rights, deprived them of his stimulating influence, and Smith made a compromise EARLY LAND INVESTMENTS 93 with their opponents, to which Astor finally acceded, although he did not wholly approve of it.83 This compromise agreement, signed on May 31, 1802, provided that Abraham Van Vechten and Ambrose Spencer should within sixty days appoint "three suitable and disinterested persons, one of whom shall be a Surveyor, as commissioners" to fix a price upon the lots in the Charlotte River Patent then in possession of the settlers, parties to the comprqmise, and upon each of which lots there was an improvement of at least 5 acres, which price should not be less than $2.50 per acre nor more than $7.50. The "price or sum so fixed for each lot" was to "be payable in ten equal annual payments," the occupants to become entitled to a deed upon completion of the first payment and to give a bond and mortgage for future payments with interest. Failure to make either of the first two payments or to give the bond and mortgage should result in the settlers becoming tenants at will. Settlers not having the required amount of improved land should likewise become tenants. The expenses of the commission were to be borne half by the settlers and half by Smith, Astor, and the Laight heirs.84 These terms seem to have been fair to both parties. Thus, after eight discouraging and expensive years of litigation and negotiation, the two remaining partners and the heirs of the third finally gained possession of most of the disputed land.85 In establishing their right to these two tracts of land, the three partners, Peter Smith, John Jacob Astor, and William Laight, had confronted other difficulties as well as those which had appeared on the surface, and had in particular been forced to meet obstacles of an extra-legal nature. It is probable that at least some of the recalcitrant tenants had occupied the disputed land as squatters for a score of years. When the three partners endeavored to gain possession of the land, the Revolutionary War had been over for not much more than a decade; doubtless the passions aroused by that struggle were still 94 JOHN JACOB ASTOR strong. The land had formerly been owned by Sir William Johnson, who, for all his personal virtues, had been quite eclipsed by the monstrous figure of his Tory son, Sir John Johnson, as portrayed in legends which have come down even to the present time. These tracts had been sold for the benefit of Sir William's brothers and had thus come into the hands of Sir John Johnson's brothers-in-law, Robert and John Watts, whose father had been a conspicuous figure among the New York loyalists. Thus the owners of the land prior to its purchase by Astor, Laight, and Smith were not of the type likely to be regarded with favor by a band of patriotic jurymen. Moreover, the three claimants were but little more likely to be highly esteemed by New York farmers. Not only was John Jacob Astor of German birth, but he had resided in England for five years during the war, and therefore could reasonably be regarded as British in sympathy. His brother Henry was said to have been connected in some capacity with the British army of occupation at New York, and it has been alleged that he gave utterance to anti-American sentiments even after his naturalization in 1784. William Laight was an even more obvious target for suspicion, as he had been an open opponent of the revolutionary cause. Moreover, both Astor and Laight were residents of New York City, and this was no recommendation to the residents of the backcountry. Peter Smith, a man of old Dutch stock, who had, as a boy, enjoyed a certain distinction because Major Andre had been executed on his father's farm, was the least objectionable of the three, but he was not a resident of the locality in which the disputed lands lay and thus, like the others, labored under the handicap of being a stranger. In consequence, though the three partners seem to have had a genuine legal or equitable title to the lands, it is easy to see how their attempt to gain possession of them could be represented as a plot, concocted by a group of wealthy New York Tories, to take from industrious patriotic settlers the land to which they EARLY LAND INVESTMENTS 95 were morally, if not in any strict legalistic sense, entitled. All this, of course, was greatly to the detriment of the partners' claim. The correspondence concerning the land now lapsed, except where routine matters were concerned. Astor, as might be expected, was constantly, though almost mechanically, urging Smith to increase the frequency and amount of his remittances on account of the lands. In 1808 the partners decided to confirm their title by having the land sold for the quit rents, Smith to bid it in.86 In 1813 the old trouble with some of the tenants flared up, and was still dragging on in 1815, though it seems to have been settled by the end of that year.87 The administration of these two tracts of land was simple, so far as Astor and the Laights were concerned, since all the details were committed to Smith. He it was who, by virtue of their powers of attorney, sold or leased the lands, collected the rentals or purchase price, ousted squatters, paid the expenses, and remitted his partners' shares to New York. Astor and the Laights confined their efforts to enquiring why money was not being sent them more frequently and in larger amounts on account of the lands, and also, apparently, to seeing that Smith did not sell the lands at a figure lower than their minds, accustomed to the value of New York real estate, could approve. The desire of Smith and his partners was to liquidate the speculation as rapidly as possible, and, consequently, his chief attention was directed to making sales, though in this he was handicapped by his partners' insistence on what he considered unduly high prices. A typical contract of sale was that made with Josiah Fuller on September 10, 1803, for 40 acres in Byrnes Patent at $4.00 per acre, with annual interest from date till paid. A feature of this and other contracts was that nothing need be paid on the principal for 3 years, when one-fourth was to be paid, and the rest in 3 equal annual installments. The purchaser was to pay the quit rents. 96 JOHN JACOB ASTOR Sometimes the period of payment was as long as 9 years, with no down payment required for the first 4 years, after which the price was to be settled in 5 annual payments.88 In spite of this rather long period of payment, the high price per acre frequently resulted in disaster to the purchaser. Many cases are mentioned in which leases, contracts of sale, or actual sales, were made and, after improvements, sometimes quite extensive, made by the occupants, the lands later came back into control of Smith, Astor, and the Laights through nonpayment of rent, non-fulfillment of contracts, or foreclosure of mortgages. Out of 245 leases, sales, and contracts for sale, 47 leases, 6 sales, and 14 contracts of sale resulted in farms being returned to the partnership.89 Nevertheless by January 1, 1827, only 23,824 of the original 37,200 acres in the two tracts remained unsold. This means that, during the 27 years in which sales could be made, about 500 acres annually had been disposed of, while much more was probably under lease, the rent to be paid in wheat. In 1827 Peter Smith presented an account of lands unsold, with their value, and with the amounts due on land already sold or unpaid rents. The total was estimated at $119,723.90, which was probably only about 100 per cent too high.90 In 1828 a difference of opinion developed between Astor and Smith which threatened to wreck a friendship of 40 years' standing. For 30 years Smith had been acting as the unpaid manager of the partners' lands. The plan devised by Astor and Laight had been ingenious. By allowing Smith to become half-owner with them, they assured themselves of his personal services in making the investment productive, whereas, without his assistance, they would have been forced to employ a full-time agent, since the management of 37,200 acres of land is no small task. Smith, being near the lands, had labored on without remuneration, though, according to his own account, something had been promised him. In presenting his EARLY LAND INVESTMENTS 97 account of the state of the land in 1827, he mentioned this claim, and he seems to have pressed it in later letters. On February 12, 1828, Astor presented Smith a bill for his share of certain minor expenses arising from the litigation of from 20 to 25 years before. The last sum in this account had been paid out nearly 20 years before; Astor's reason for not presenting it earlier was, he said, that he had been trying to get one of their attorneys, now dead, to give him a statement. As he had failed in this, Astor announced that he would not charge Smith for the attorney's fee but only for other expenses. The amount charged to Smith was $90.13. On this Astor charged him 7 per cent interest, compounded annually, which, extending over a period of more than 12 years, brought the total amount up to $214.68. Astor explained his method of computing interest by announcing that in 1811 Smith had charged him with compound interest. As for Smith's claim to compensation for personal services, Astor replied coldly, "I believe the agreement was that you ware not to Charge any."91 In paying this account Smith quoted Astor's remark, "I belive we now have the act right," and commented thereon in what seems a mild attempt at satiric humor, "You must deem [interlineated: it so or you would not send it]." He also remarked in conclusion, "It happens I am very much engaged, Just now is my apology for the Short [interlineated: ness of this note] Note, was it otherwise I should perhaps write — too much! "92 Now this seems innocent of any offensive intention, but Astor, in an unusual fit of temper, apparently caused by an uneasy conscience or a poor digestion, came back with a violent reply to what he called "Your exir aor denary Letter," demanding that Smith should explain himself.93 Smith disclaimed all intention of giving pain, but reasserted his right to compensation "for [interlineated: the devo. of] a very considerable portion of my time [interlineated: at home & abroad] [for — stricken through] upwards of 30 years. . . . some 12 or 98 JOHN JACOB ASTOR 14 years since in conversa. with yourself upon the subject you said I must hereafter take a portion of the land [interlineated: or take payt. in land]." As for his charging Astor compound interest, he saw no reason for stressing that point, as he had paid Astor and Laight at least twenty times as much compound interest as they had paid him. He concluded by offering to sell his share in the land.94 Fortunately no further evidence of ill-temper appeared, unless we can so classify Astor's dry comment in a brief note of July 16, 1828, evidently in regard to one of Smith's multitudinous "causes," "I am glad to See your about to Reform the Morals of the pepol & Hope you may succeed."95 But apparently Smith was determined to give up his management of the lands for Astor, and announced that their care was too great a drain on his time. Either, he thought, the lands must be divided or else "do you yrself pur. Us out." He wanted to know what Astor would give or take.96 Astor replied on November 28 by saying that he did not want to buy but would sell his share at $15,000, and thought, that, though the Laights now wanted $20,000, they would sell for the same price.97 In a long series of letters, Smith first proposed a "partition by sale at auction," which Astor and the Laights declined, and next offered $10,000 for Astor's share, which he later increased to $25,000 for the whole.98 In June, however, he finally accepted Astor's suggestion of March 10,1829, that he should pay Astor $15,000 and make a separate bargain with the Laights, for cash, which Astor would lend him. Smith was forced to this bargain partly because Astor was in negotiation with a Mr. Morse for the sale of his fourth share and Smith felt that he could not endure to be handed over to strangers, as he expressed it. Therefore on June 19 Astor agreed to sell his share to Smith for $15,000 and to lend him the additional $14,000 for the Laights' one-fourth, the principal to be paid in sums of not less than $1,000, interest to begin June 1." However, when EARLY LAND INVESTMENTS 99 Astor actually signed a deed for the property on July 14, 1829, the consideration was mentioned as $14,500, and from the receipt for the first interest payment it appears that the Laights received the same.100 Thus ended Astor's ownership of land in the two tracts of Charlotte River and Byrnes Patent, formerly, as has been noted, the property of Sir William Johnson. The whole business had covered a period of thirty-five years. Astor had not only been the owner of an undivided fourth of this land, but had advanced to Peter Smith the price of the one-fourth which the latter had earlier purchased from him, and later, in 1803, had taken over Smith's bond for the one-fourth purchased from Laight. These bonds were paid up in 1811. When Smith purchased Astor's remaining one-fourth and the fourth belonging to the heirs of William Laight, in 1829, Astor again advanced him the price, which amounted to $29,000. Thus it can be seen that Astor was, financially, the most conspicuous figure in these transactions. The investment itself, of course, cannot be regarded as conspicuously successful. The purchase price, to Astor, in 1794, had been $6,541.87, and the expenses involved in proving the title amounted, between April 25,1796, and February 1,1803, to $1,455.77 more.101 We have no way of determining the exact amount of expense to Astor before and after these dates, but from the scattered information which we do possess we may surmise that it probably brought the total amount disbursed by Astor on account of these lands to almost $10,000. On the other hand we know with some exactness his income from the land. Between October 29, 1799 (when Byrnes Patent at least was sufficiently secure to begin to bring an income), and February 1, 1803, Astor's net receipts were $1,817.05.102 Between 1803 and 1827 his income amounted to $19,096.25, to which should be added $408.43, his share of the proceeds from a not very successful grindstone quarry discovered on the land, loo JOHN JACOB ASTOR and worked for some time in 1815.103 In 1827 and 1828 his income from the land was $90o,104 and in the next year he sold out his share for $14,500. Thus his total returns from an investment of about $10,000 amounted to but $36,771.73, and this over a period of from 25 to 35 years. It seems evident that, though this investment may have been profitable in a restricted sense, it was much less so than almost any other which Astor might have contemplated at the time. Had the partners been able to make a quick turnover, as they had planned, all would have been well, but the necessity of overcoming the opposition of other claimants made this impossible. Any profit which did come from these lands was chiefly due to the presence of Smith as an unpaid manager. This transaction, though quite a minor one when viewed in connection with Astor's career as a whole, is valuable for its revelation of his character and business policy at this comparatively early period of his life. In particular it substantiates the claim made in other connections that he was not a fighter — certainly not interested in conflict for its own sake — and that, if his antagonist failed to succumb at the first onslaught, Astor was usually ready to mitigate his enmity by granting favorable terms. It seems quite probable that, had Astor and Smith alone been concerned, they might have made an early compromise, possibly to their own disadvantage. Smith was always in favor of some speedy settlement, and Astor seems to have been in practical agreement with his old partner most of the time. Had it not been for the uncompromising spirit of William Laight the speculation might have involved a heavy loss. His presence in New York City doubtless bolstered up Astor's wavering spirits and prevented him from yielding to Smith's entreaties for a compromise. It is noteworthy that it was not until Laight's death that any such measure was put through. Of course one reason for the seeming timidity of Astor and Smith as compared with the stand of Laight was the difference in age and experience. At the time of making this investment EARLY LAND INVESTMENTS 101 Astor was a young man of only thirty, not many years from the peddler's pack, and filled with a dread of losing any of his recent and hard-won property, while Smith was but twenty-five and had started a store and trading post at Utica only a year or two before. Compared to them, William Laight, nearly a score of years older than Peter Smith and with a mercantile experience of some fourteen years which had resulted in his being recognized, as early as 1786, as one of the foremost merchants of the city, was a veteran as hard and cool as the ironware which was his main commercial interest.105 Being better able to afford a loss than were his partners, he was ready to risk a little to gain much, and it was his determination to gain his rights which kept the others from an early and ignominious surrender. It seems rather ironical that the partner whose exertions were most responsible for the substantiation of their claim to the lands should have been the one to be debarred by an early death from enjoying the fruits of their success. Although this investment in the Charlotte River and Byrnes Patent land was by far the most prominent of all the land deals with which Astor was connected in New York State outside of Manhattan Island, both in the acreage and in the difficulties involved, it would be a mistake to regard it as the only one in which he was concerned. During the same decade in which he was engaged in bargaining for and proving his title to the two tracts in the Mohawk Valley, that is, from 1792 to 1801, he also became concerned in several other land investments in the New York backcountry — six or seven at the least, including more than 22,000 acres. These pieces of property ranged in size from a few hundred acres to one of more than 14,000. Some tracts were purchased as an investment; the greater proportion of the acreage—nearly two-thirds — came into Astor's hands in payment of debts. Astor's attention to these lots of land was spasmodic; sometimes he did not seem sure that some of his smaller holdings had not been sold for taxes. Some of these pieces of property he succeeded in disposing of personally, 102 JOHN JACOB ASTOR early in the century, in 1806 and 1815, at from $1.00 to $1.25 per acre, but his agents were still making sales of land in other tracts at from $3.00 to $5.00 per acre up to the end of his life.106 Aside from many enquiries by Astor of Peter Smith as to the probable value of lands about to be sold, and frequent mention of various tracts having been offered to him for purchase, this synopsis completes what we know of Astor's bona fide land investments in New York State, outside of Manhattan Island, although he undoubtedly was concerned in other similar transactions concerning which we do not possess adequate information. His purchase of the Morris claims to lands in Putnam County was a transaction of an entirely different character and is of sufficient importance to justify separate treatment. Several points in his policy in land matters stand out quite clearly. His lands in the New York backcountry, with the exception of the Charlotte River and Byrnes Patent enterprise, seem to have been acquired in a rather casual fashion, sometimes in settlement of a money obligation, sometimes merely because the low price appealed to him as justifying a purchase. Having secured these lands, he seems to have made little or no consistent attempt to develop them, sometimes not till over a score of years after their acquisition. As a consequence of this lack of attention, rendered almost inevitable by his location in New York City and his preoccupation with other interests, these investments could hardly be regarded as profitable, certainly not compared with his other investments. This was not because it was impossible to make large profits from unsettled lands; Peter Smith proved the contrary. It was merely that, since Astor's main interests led him in other directions, his New York State lands remained neglected irons lying in the ashes outside the core of that fire represented by Astor's direct personal attention to his business interests. They are interesting not so much for themselves as because they represent one aspect of a certain transitional period in Astor's business life. EARLY LAND INVESTMENTS 103 NOTES 1. Caron, l'abb£ Ivanhoe, La colonisation de la province de Quebec: les cantons de Vest, 1791-1815 (1927), chap. iii. 2. Bouchette, Joseph, The British Dominions in North America, 2 vols. (1832), vol. ii, p. 198. 3. Ms., Public Archives of Canada, Ottawa, Series S (see below, vol. i, pp. 368-37°) • 4. Ibid., Memorials &ca for Land. Referred to the Land Committee by order of His Excellency Majr. Gen1. Clarke. 5. Ibid., Series S (see below, vol. i, pp. 368-370). 6. Ibid., Memorials &ca for Land, etc. 7. Ibid., Series S (see below, vol. i, pp. 368-370). 8. Ibid., Memorials &ca for Land, etc. 9. Caron, op. cit., p. 318. 10. Doughty, Arthur G., and McArthur, Duncan A., eds., Documents relating to the Constitutional History of Canada, 1791-1818 (1914), facing p. 72. 11. Caron, op. cit., chap, ix, esp. p. 148. 12. Ms. (copy), Public Archives of Canada, Ottawa, Land C, Part ii, October 11, 1792, to July 3, 1793, p. 190. 13. Caron, op. cit., pp. 35, 75. 14. Bouchette, loc. cit. 15. Doughty and McArthur, loc. cit. 16. Bouchette, Joseph, A Topographical Dictionary of the Province of Lower Canada (1832). 17. Caron, op. cit., pp. 148, 349. 18. Bouchette, The British Dominions in North America, vol. i, p. 487. 19. Ms., Palais de Justice, Montreal, Notarial Records of Louis Chaboillez, Jr., no. 1548, Agreement between David Alexander Grant and Patrick Langan, and Jacob Astor, October 17, 1795 (see below, vol. i, pp. 380-384). 20. Caron, op. cit., p. 120. 21. Ms., Palais de Justice, Montreal, Notarial Records of Louis Chaboillez, Jr., no. 1644, Agreement between Patrick Langan and David Alexander Grant, and John Jacob Astor, January 16, 1796. 22. Caron, op. cit., p. 86. 23. Ibid., p. 168; Bouchette, The British Dominions in North America, vol. i, p. 487. 24. Caron, op. cit., pp. 120, 122, 347, 351. 25. Ms., Palais de Justice, Montreal, Notarial Records of J. A. Gray, no. 522, Obligation of William and James Barnard to John Jacob Astor, September 22, 1800. imt.Au ~-?r--7-.~-ww. io4 JOHN JACOB ASTOR 26. Ibid., Obligation of William Barnard to James Barnard, September 22, 1800. 27. Caron, op. cit., p. 182; Bouchette, The British Dominions in North America, vol. i, p. 483. 28. Ms., Palais de Justice, Quebec, Notarial Records of John Jones, Jr., Deed of Sale from William Barnard to John Jacob Astor, December 8, 1801 (see below, vol. i, pp. 396-402); Ratification from John Jacob Astor by his Attorney, John Mure, to William Barnard, October 18,1802. One curious feature of this deed is that Lot 32 in range 9 and Lots 13 and 14 in Range 13 are mentioned, whereas as a matter of fact the township contained no more than 12 ranges and 28 lots per range. In all, 49 lots in 10 different ranges (2 lots were in a fictitious range, and one lot in another range was itself fictitious, making a total of 3 fictitious lots) were granted to Astor in this document. 29. Ibid., Deed of Land from John Jacob Astor to George Astor, September 13, 1802; ms., Palais de Justice, Montreal, Notarial Records of P. Lukin, no. 2557, Power of Attorney from John Jacob Astor to John Mure, September 25,1802; ms., Palais de Justice, Quebec, Notarial Records of John Jones, Jr., Deposit of Sale from John Jacob Astor to George Astor, October 13, 1802. It is of interest, in view of the explanation in the above note, to see that, in the detailed description of the lots deeded George Astor by John Jacob Astor, the two lots in the fictitious range no. 13 are not mentioned, while "Lot number thirty-two in the ninth range" is set off in brackets in a manner which indicates its questionable character. Yet, nevertheless, in this second deed the total number of lots is mentioned as forty-nine as before, and they are described as containing 1,013 acres. 30. Ms. book, Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letter Book ii, 1813-15, pp. 178-179, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., February 14,1814, to John Wright, London (see below, vol. i, pp. 550-552). 31. Bouchette, A Topographical Dictionary of the Province of Lower Canada. 32. Ms. book, Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letter Book ii, 1831-38, PP« 378-379, 398, 401-402, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., March 2, April 26, May 10, 1836, to George Moffatt, Montreal; p. 403, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., May 20, 1836, to Catherine Astor. 33. Greenleafs New York Journal &° Patriotic Register, December 6, 1794 (see below, vol. i, pp. 377-378); ms., New York Historical Society, Astor Papers, Jacob Astor & Wm Laight in a/ with Robe. & Jn°. Watts (see below, vol. i, pp. zi1^!2)- 34. Ibid. 35. Articles on "John Watts" and "Sir William Johnson," Appleton's Cyclopaedia of American Biography. EARLY LAND INVESTMENTS 105 36. Ms., Syracuse University, Gerrit Smith Miller Collection, Letters, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., March 10, 1793, to Peter Smith, Old Fort Schuyler. 37. Ibid., John Jacob Astor, N. Y., March 31, 1793, to Peter Smith, Old Fort Schuyler. 38. Ibid., John Jacob Astor, N. Y., December 22,1793, to Peter Smith, Old Fort Schuyler. 39. Ibid., John Jacob Astor, February 12, 1794, to Peter Smith, Old Fort Schuyler. 40. Ibid., John Jacob Astor, N. Y., March 31, 1793, to Peter Smith, Old Fort Schuyler. 41. Ibid., John Jacob Astor, N. Y., February 12,1794, to Peter Smith, Old Fort Schuyler. 42. Ibid., John Jacob Astor, N. Y., February 15,1794, to Peter Smith, Old Fort Schuyler. 43. Ms., New York Historical Society, Astor Papers, Jacob Astor & Wm Laight in a/ with Robe. & Jn°. Watts (see below, vol. i, pp. 371-372). 44. Ibid.; Ms., Syracuse University, Gerrit Smith Miller Collection, certain loose leaves from one of Peter Smith's account books. 45. Ibid. 4.6. Ms., New York Historical Society, Astor Papers, Jacob Astor & Wm Laight in a/ with Robe. & Jii°. Watts (see below, vol. i, pp. 371-372). 47. Ms., Syracuse University, Gerrit Smith Miller Collection, Letters, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., March 2, 1794, to Peter Smith, Old Fort Schuyler. 48. Ibid., certain loose leaves from one of Peter Smith's account books. 49. Ibid., Letters, William Laight, N. Y., February 20, 1795, to Peter Smith, Old Fort Schuyler; William Laight, N. Y., July 20,1795, to Peter Smith, Old Fort Schuyler. 50. Ibid., John Jacob Astor, Montreal, August 7,1794, to Peter Smith, Old Fort Schuyler. 51. Ibid., John Jacob Astor, N. Y., April 13,1794, to Peter Smith, Old Fort Schuyler (see below, vol. i, pp. 373-375). 52. Ibid., John Jacob Astor, N. Y., May 24, 1794, to Peter Smith, Old Fort Schuyler. 53. Ibid., John Jacob Astor, N. Y., May 26,1794, to Peter Smith, Old Fort Schuyler. 54. Ibid. 55. Ibid., John Jacob Astor, N. Y., Montreal, August 7,1794, to Peter Smith, Old Fort Schuyler. 56. Ibid., William Laight, N. Y., October 6,1794, to John Jacob Astor [Albany]; William Laight, N. Y., November 10, 1794, to Peter Smith, Old Fort Schuyler, with copy of a letter from William Laight, N. Y., r 106 JOHN JACOB ASTOR November 3, 1794, to Richard Duncan [Hermitage, near Schenectady]; William Laight, N. Y, February 16, 1795, to Peter Smith, Old Fort Schuyler. 57. Ibid., John Jacob Astor, N. Y., October 13, 1794, to Peter Smith, Old Fort Schuyler. 58. Ibid., John Jacob Astor, N. Y., November 10, 1794, to Peter Smith, Old Fort Schuyler (see below, vol. i, pp. 373-377). 59. Ibid., William Laight, N. Y., November 30, 1794, to Peter Smith, Old Fort Schuyler. 60. Ibid., William Laight, N. Y., December 8, 1794, to Peter Smith, Old Fort Schuyler; Greenleaf's New York Journal &* Patriotic Register, December 6, 1794 (see below, vol. i, pp. 377-378). 61. Ms., Syracuse University, Gerrit Smith Miller Collection, Letters, William Laight, N. Y., January 26, February 1, 1795, to Peter Smith, Old Fort Schuyler. 62. Ibid., William Laight, N. Y., February 16, 1795, to Peter Smith, Old Fort Schuyler. 63. Ibid., William Laight, N. Y., February 20, 1795, to Peter Smith, Old Fort Schuyler. 64. Ibid., William Laight, N. Y., April 7, 1795, to Peter Smith, Old Fort Schuyler. 65. Ibid., William Laight, N. Y., May 7, 1795, to Peter Smith, Old Fort Schuyler. 66. Ibid., John Jacob Astor, N. Y., August 26, 1795, to Peter Smith, Old Fort Schuyler. 67. Ibid., John Jacob Astor, London, February 19, 1795, to Peter Smith, Old Fort Schuyler. 68. Ibid., William Laight, N. Y., August 31,1795, to Peter Smith, Old Fort Schuyler. 69. Ibid., William Laight, N. Y., July 6, 1795, to Peter Smith, Old Fort Schuyler; John Jacob Astor, N. Y., November 23, 1795, to Peter Smith, Old Fort Schuyler, with copy of a letter from Brockholst Livingston, N. Y., November 21, 1795, to John Jacob Astor. 70. Ibid., John Jacob Astor, Albany, October 28,1795, to Peter Smith, Old Fort Schuyler. 71. Ibid., John Jacob Astor, N. Y., July 5, 1796, to Peter Smith, Old Fort Schuyler. 72. Ibid., William Laight, N. Y., July 6, 1796, to Peter Smith, Old Fort Schuyler; William Laight, N. Y., July 20, 1795, to Peter Smith, Old Fort Schuyler. 73. Ibid., John Jacob Astor, Montreal, September 11, 1796, Albany, October 29, 1796, N. Y., December 7,1796, January 14, 1797, to Peter Smith, Old Fort Schuyler. EARLY LAND INVESTMENTS 107 74. Ibid., William Laight, N. Y., September 15, 1796, to Peter Smith, Old Fort Schuyler. 75. Ibid., John Jacob Astor, N. Y., January 14, March 3, 1798, to Peter Smith, Old Fort Schuyler. 76. Ibid., John Jacob Astor, N. Y., March 17, 1798, to Peter Smith, Old Fort Schuyler (see below, vol. i, pp. 385-387). 77. Ibid., John Jacob Astor, N. Y., April 10, 1798, Schenectady, July 13, 1798, Ballston Springs, August 13, 1798, N. Y., December 28, 1798, January 29, 1799, to Peter Smith, Old Fort Schuyler. 78. Ibid., John Jacob Astor, March 9, 1799, to Peter Smith, Albany. 79. Ibid., John Jacob Astor, N. Y., March 17, 1798, to Peter Smith, Old Fort Schuyler (see below, vol. i, pp. 385-387). 80. Ibid., John Jacob Astor, Ballston Springs, August 12, 1799, to Peter Smith, Old Fort Schuyler. 81. Ibid., John Jacob Astor, N. Y., July 13, 1799, to Peter Smith, Old Fort Schuyler. 82. Ibid., John Jacob Astor, N. Y., March 23, 1802, to Peter Smith, Albany; (copy), John Jacob Astor and William Laight, N. Y., March 25, 1802, to Peter Smith, Albany; John Jacob Astor, N. Y., April 1 (see below, vol. i, pp. 402-404), April 17, 1802, to Peter Smith, Utica. 83. Ibid., John Jacob Astor, N. Y., April 27, May 25, June 1, 1802, to Peter Smith, Utica; Edward W. Laight, N. Y., May 27, 1802, to Peter Smith, Utica. 84. Ms., document in possession of Lord Astor, "Articles with Settlers — Ch. River —" 85. Ms., Syracuse University, Gerrit Smith Miller Collection, Letters, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., July 3, 1802, Hartford [Conn.], July 29, 1802, N. Y., November 16, 1802, to Peter Smith, Utica. 86. Ibid., John Jacob Astor, N. Y., March 3, 1808, to Peter Smith, Utica. 87. Ibid., John Jacob Astor, N. Y., March 10, 1813, June 9, 1815 (see below, vol. i, pp. 582-583), December 27, 1815, to Peter Smith, Peterboro. 88. Ibid., Contract of Sale between William Laight, John Jacob Astor, and Peter Smith, and Josiah Fuller, September 10, 1803. 89. Ibid., Duplicate/Vide Book B. fo. 117-118, Exhibit State of the Unsold Lands in Charlotte River and Byrnes Patents, January 1, 1827, pp. V and W (see below, vol. ii, pp. 1185-1186). 90. Ibid. In 1819 Astor had estimated the value of his one-fourth interest as $15,000, perhaps $20,000 (ms. book, Office of the Astor Estate, N. Y., Untitled land book, about 1819, p. 64). 91. Ibid., Letters, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., February 12, 1828, to Peter Smith, Peterboro, with bill for Disbursements made on Ace* of Lands in Company with Peter Smith, J. J. Astor, and William Laight. io8 JOHN JACOB ASTOR 92. Ibid, (draft), Peter Smith, Schenectady, February 16, 1828, to John Jacob Astor, N. Y. 93. Ibid., John Jacob Astor, February 19,1828, to Peter Smith, Peterboro. 94. Ibid., Peter Smith, Schenectady, February 25,1828, to John Jacob Astor, N. Y. 95. Ibid., John Jacob Astor, N. Y., July 16, 1828, to Peter Smith. 96. Ibid, (draft), Peter Smith, Schenectady, November 25, 1828, to John Jacob Astor, N. Y. 97. Ibid., John Jacob Astor, N. Y., November 28, 1828, to Peter Smith, Schenectady. 98. Ibid, (draft), Peter Smith, Schenectady, December 2, 1828, to John Jacob Astor, N. Y.; John Jacob Astor, N. Y., December 6, 1828, to Peter Smith, Schenectady; (draft), Peter Smith, Schenectady, December 15, 1828, to John Jacob Astor, N. Y.; John Jacob Astor, N. Y., December 30, 1828, to Peter Smith, Schenectady; (draft), Peter Smith, Schenectady, February 26, 1829, to John Jacob Astor, N. Y.; John Jacob Astor, N. Y., March 2, 1829, to Peter Smith; (draft), Peter Smith, March 6, 1829, to John Jacob Astor, N. Y.; John Jacob Astor, N. Y., March 10, 1829, to Peter Smith; (draft), Peter Smith, Schenectady, March 16, 1829, to John Jacob Astor, N. Y.; (drafts), Peter Smith, May 26, 27, June 2, 8, 20, 1829, to John Jacob Astor, N.Y. 99. Ibid., John Jacob Astor, N. Y., June 19, 1829, to Peter Smith, Schenectady. 100. Ms., document in possession of Lord Astor, "Mr. Astor's Quit Claim Deed to Daniel Cady of Johnstown, Montgomery County, Date July 14th 1829;" Receipt of John Jacob Astor to Peter Smith, July 13, 1830. 101. Ms., Syracuse University, Gerrit Smith Miller Collection, Charlotte River and Byrnes Tracts Blotter, 1796, pp. 26, 35. An account of some of the expenses involved in proving the claim of Astor and his partners to the Charlotte River and Byrnes Patent tracts, as faithfully set down by Peter Smith, makes rather strange reading. For example, on June 9, 1799, among Peter Smith's expenditures for the "trial at Schoharie with Jn° Ash" are "pd. 21 Jurors who were not drawn out besides a Breakfast and treat 24/ each [£]25..4..o" and "pd. 12 Jurors who served beside breakfast treat &c 19..4..0." Similar expenditures are recorded for the "eject*, cause ag*. Jn°. Burst," June 4,1801. The partners were successful in these cases. (Ms. book, Syracuse University, Gerrit Smith Miller Collection, Charlotte River and Byrnes Patent Lands, 1796- 1804, pp. 8-9, June 9, 1799, June 4, 1801.) 102. Ibid., Charlotte River and Byrnes Tracts Blotter, 1796, p. 37. 103. Ibid., Account No. 1 and Account No. 2 between Peter Smith and John Jacob Astor, March 3, 1803 — February 23, 1827. EARLY LAND INVESTMENTS 109 104. Ibid., B Charlotte River and Byrnes Tracts, p. 130. 105. Stevens, John Austin, Jr., ed., "Biographical Sketches," Colonial Records of the New York Chamber of Commerce, 1768-1784 (1867), pp. 141- 142. 106. Ms. book, Syracuse University, Gerrit Smith Miller Collection, All Lands, p. 148; ibid., Letters, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., December 12, 1792, December 22, 1793, November 23, 1795, July 5, 1796, Albany, August 17,1796, N. Y., May 8,1797, Schenectady, July 26,1797, to Peter Smith, Old Fort Schuyler; ibid., Letters, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., March 20, 1810, March 22, April 9, 1811, March 10, 1813, December 10, 27,1815, March 27, June 17,1818, March 16 (see below, vol. ii, pp. 1160- 1161), April 13 (see below, vol. ii, pp. 1161-1162), May 13 (see below, vol. ii, pp. 1162-1163), 1819, May 23,1821, July 16, 1822 (see below, vol. ii, pp. 1170-1171), February 12, 1828, to Peter Smith, Peterboro; ibid., Letters (draft), Peter Smith, Schenectady, February 16,1828, to John Jacob Astor, N.Y.; ms. book, Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letter Book i, 1813-15, pp. 188-189, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., February 28, 1814, to Peter Smith; ibid., Letter Book ii, 1831-38, letters to General Obadiah German, North Norwich, Chenango County, N. Y., passim, especially pp. 159 and 307, from John Jacob Astor by William B. Astor, N. Y., June 1, 1833, and from John Jacob Astor, N. Y., June 22, 1835; ibid., Letter Book iii, 1845-48, pp. 129-130, John Jacob Astor by William B. Astor, N. Y., November 12, 1846, to Aaron Dean, c/o D. Hawks, Cortlandville; ibid., Letter Book iii, 1845-48, John Jacob Astor by William B. Astor, N. Y., to Benjamin F. Rexford, Norwich, Chenango County, N. Y., passim; ibid., Letters, J. A. Spencer, Lenox, April 28, 1819, to Peter Smith, Peterboro; ms. book, Office of the Astor Estate, N. Y., Untitled land book, about 1819, p. 63; ibid., Untitled memorandum book; ibid., Land book, October, 1846; ms. book, Hall of Records, N. Y., Liber Conveyances 61, p. 511; "Obadiah German," Appleton's Cyclopaedia of American Biography; Hough, Franklin B., History of Lewis County (i860), pp. 30-31. CHAPTER V GENERAL MERCHANDISING TILL THE CHINA TRADE ASSUMED IMPORTANCE, 1790-1803 From 1790 to 1799 inclusive (with the exception of 1793) Astor appeared in the annual New York directories as "furr trader," "furr merchant," "furrier," or "fur merchant," as each term struck the various editors as most descriptive, and under not only his own full baptismal name but under such contractions and distortions as "John Astor," "John J. Astor," "John J. Aster," "Joseph Astor," and "Jacob John" or "Jacob J. Astor" — the last inversion seeming the most popular, as it ran steadily in some form from 1796 on into the second decade of the nineteenth century.1 It is nevertheless evident that during these years Astor did not confine himself strictly either to the trade in furs or to that side-line of pianos and musical supplies which originally had been his main interest. He began by importing musical instruments for his own shop, and Indian goods to be used by his agents in the purchase of furs; and, naturally, the next step was to import merchandise of a more general nature, not merely for the fur trade, but also for the purpose of supplying such shop-keepers as were represented by Peter Smith of Old Fort Schuyler. From supplying general goods to his correspondents, the transition to adding general merchandise to his own stock-in-trade was almost inevitable. It is a curious fact that, though Astor must have imported musical instruments for over a score of years (we know of one importation of twelve cases containing pianofortes late in 1807,2 that is, five years after the date when he is sometimes said to have relinquished his music business to Michael and John GENERAL MERCHANDISING, 1790-1803 in Paff),3 he did not, after the first two or three years, advertise musical instruments at all4 or furs to any great extent through the New York press of the day until near the end of the eighteenth century. How much this will lower him in the minds of business men and advertising men of the present day — especially the latter — it is hard to tell. Unlike some of his competitors, he ran no standing notice, but apparently followed the plan of inserting an advertisement when a new cargo arrived, keeping it in till the goods had been disposed of or until it seemed evident that the notice could accomplish no further good, then withdrawing it until the arrival of the next ship. Doubtless he supposed that by this time, two or three years after his first advertisement of pianos and not quite so long since the first notice of his willingness to traffic in furs, anyone desiring to buy a package of violin strings or sell a bear skin, to purchase an organ or give an order for a thousand muskrat skins, would know where to go to satisfy his wants without further printed directions. Speculation as to how many millions of dollars Astor lost in the course of his career by not paying sufficient attention to publicity may be interesting, but it is not very valuable. Obviously, as a consequence of his policy, the newspapers of 1790-1800 are not a very profitable source of information for his biographers. One of the first evidences of Astor's having acquired an interest in merchandise other than furs and musical goods appears, however, in an advertisement of June 7, 1792, in which he offers for sale "A quantity of Old Hock." This advertisement ran till September 28/ but we get little evidence of any further traffic on his part in goods of a general nature for several years later, though his interest in pianos — and of course in peltries — continued. It is probable, however, that about this time he occasionally imported goods for Peter Smith's store at Old Fort Schuyler.6 We know he was ordering pianos from Broadwood & Sons in 1795, and probably from his brother jS^^UJ^TBWl^ H2 JOHN JACOB ASTOR George Astor as well, for on March 14, 1795, while in London, he ordered that firm to make him a grand pianoforte to be "shipped in July or August next by the ship Hope for New- York, or any other good ship," and to "call on Mr George Astor for the payment."7 By 1797 we are on a somewhat firmer footing. In this year a rather curious incident occurred, which indicated something of the volume to which Astor's importing business had attained. In a letter of August 31, Robert Prescott, governor-in-chief of Canada, writing from Quebec to Robert Liston, British envoy to the United States, enclosed an extract of a letter from New York, dated August 10, which stated that "a German person Jacob Oster . . . has imported in the last ship from London 6,000 stand of arms and 100 casks of gunpowder (the latter he has advertised for sale)." It further remarked that he "frequently visits Canada," "deals largely in Furs, and is at present ('tis said) in that country."8 Prescott's letter, with the enclosure, was sent to Timothy Pickering, secretary of State, and was by him communicated on October 6, 1797, to Joshua Sands, collector of the port of New York, with a request for information as to the truth of the alleged facts. The insinuation was, of course, that Astor intended to use these arms to supply some filibustering expedition from the United States into Lower Canada in support of a French Canadian insurrection. Perhaps the McLane plot had made British officialdom in Canada supersensitive to such a possibility. The reply of the Collector, which Pickering, on October 10, 1797, communicated to Liston, was that "Mr. Oster has imported no arms, and only a small quantity of gun-powder, in the usual course of his trade, and that the powder chiefly remains on hand."9 We are able to check this through the newspapers of the time, for on August 4, 1797, we find Astor advertising for sale fourteen thousand pounds of English gunpowder, first quality, the advertisement running for a week.10 fkw* * ^| jkr«- £• j ^iP^J ■lill W ^amm^0^>^ W - Mar omX «f .-.. 9 .-•;•' ■ S ^a M--"&& Astor as a Young Man, in 1794 j£SE3E2 ^^.^--^ ^W-^-^M-^ GENERAL MERCHANDISING, 1790-1803 113 Now it would seem that in describing seven tons of first [quality English gunpowder as "a small quantity" Joshua Bands, in his natural and laudable desire to exonerate himself and a fellow merchant from any intention of inspiring, aiding, or abetting insurrection in His Britannic Majesty's Province lof Lower Canada, had indulged somewhat in understatement. be may, however, be excused for this slight lapse from strict veracity, for few things are more certain than that John Jacob lAstor had no more intention of becoming involved in a Jacobin |raid on Canada than of donning a butcher's apron behind the fcounter of his brother's stall in the Fly Market. His interest in the Montreal fur market was too strong for him to risk being Ibarred from access thereto for any problematical profit he plight have gained through furnishing arms and ammunition Ito a band of Vermont raiders and French-Canadian rebels. Moreover, one who is concerned in a revolutionary attempt, land whose share in the plot is to furnish the ammunition, does pot usually offer these supplies in the open market. The identity of the mysterious author of the letter from New York to Prescott would be an interesting source of speculation. He pnay have been a highly excitable or perhaps extremely bored [British spy or sympathizer or, more probably, a rival fur merchant interested in casting suspicion on Astor, perhaps even in Jgetting him arrested and thus ruining his season's trade at least. In any event he failed, and his attempt is of interest Ichiefly because it reveals to us something of the extent and character of Astor's trade at this time. By 1794 he had moved jfrom 40 Little Dock Street to another and presumably a larger Astore at 149 Broadway, though he still lived above his shop. The accusation that he had a malign intent in importing explosives did not cause Astor to turn his attention in other directions. It is, indeed, doubtful whether he ever knew of the [dangerous light in which he had been represented. In fact, he Iseems for the next year or two to have concentrated on weap- ^b^tt II4 JOHN JACOB ASTOR ons and ammunition, which, of course, did possess a close connection with the Indian trade. On May 8, 1798, for example, he announced the prospective arrival "on Board the Ship Factor Captn Kemp" of "ten Ton of the best english FF gun powder," which he, requesting an early reply,offered to sell to his correspondent, Colonel Ebenezer Stevens, of New York, merchant and fur trader, "at the Rate of Fifty Cents p lb wight," delivered. On December 6 of the same year he informed this merchant that if he could dispose of that quantity at the above rate he might "Retaine 21/2 pCt Commission."11 On June 1, 1798, Astor had for sale not only "ten thousand wt. of best English gun powder" and "800 wt. refined salt petre," but also "a few casks of water colours, for paper" and "some elegant looking glass plates, 7 feet high." Furs and kindred products were unusually conspicuous in this notice. He offered to the public " 1100 red sheep skins, of best quality, fit for book binders and hatters use, a quantity of beaver, raccoons, musrats, dressed and row cooney [sic] skins, Camels and Germ[an] hare wool," stressing the fact that a "Good price will be paid for shippieg [sic] Furs."12 On November 15, 1798, Astor offered for sale under the heading "Arms and Ammunition" such a formidable array of military supplies as " 24 Cannons, 4 pounders, 1240 4 pound round shot, 20 barrels Cannon Powder, 600 quarter casks fine Musket do. of superior quality, 300 half casks do, 90 whole Casks do., 12 Muskets with Bayonets, 14 Swords, 300 lbs refined Salt Petre." In this advertisement also appeared the first definite indication that Astor was interested in the trade with Canton. In it he advertised "10 chests Hyson Tea, first quality, 10 do. Souchong do., With a small assortment of Indian Sattins, Lutestrings and Taffities."13 These Oriental goods were probably purchased by Astor from the China cargoes of other New York merchants, as he himself had, as yet, no interest in any vessel for trading even with Europe. GENERAL MERCHANDISING, 1790-1803 115 On February 8, 1799, Astor advertised goods very similar in character to those mentioned above, but among them small arms were more conspicuous than previously. They consisted of " 18 very neat 4 pound cannon, 100 musquets with bayonets, well suited for ships use, 100 do very neat & light, fit for Military, 26 pair pistols, 1 carbine, complete, with bayonet, 1 Rifle- gun, and some very elegant London made fowling pieces, 10 tons musquet and cannon powder, of superior quality." To these were added some Oriental goods, "a quantity of very excellent Hyson and Souchong Tea, imported in the ships Grace and Jenny — and a few pieces of Taffity." This advertisement ran on into July.14 It is evident that had the mysterious writer of the warning letter conveyed his suspicions to Prescott in 1799, instead of two years earlier, the former's reactions might have seemed more justifiable, for on November 12 of that year Astor advertised for sale, "Entitled to Drawback," such an array of munitions of war as surpassed, especially in the quantity of small arms, even those previously mentioned, including "22 tons London Patent Shot, 5 Musquet & Cannon Powder, 2,000 lb Refined Salt Petre, 500 Musquets with Bayonets, 200 Pistols, for ships use, 5 pair double fortified 6-pounders with Carriages, Shot, Spunges, &c—complete," and 5 pair of cannon accoutered like the above, but four-pounders. He also had for sale such milder goods as "3 boxes Indian Silks, 1 do. Silver Watches, A Quantity of Beaver, Raccoon and Muskrat Skins, Best quality Coney Wool, and 6,000 lb. Spanish Lambs Wool."15 This advertisement continued till near the close of the year. Part of these goods — 48 casks containing 12 tons of shot — had been imported from London, on August 14, 1799, in the brig John Henderson, Philip French, master, the entry being signed by Astor's agent, Robert Barker.16 The explanation for the importation of these warlike supplies is really simple. Astor evidently intended selling them to ship-owners, to arm their n6 JOHN JACOB ASTOR vessels against French privateers, and of course no Briton would object to importation for that purpose. It may be observed that not only arms and ammunition, but also lamb and cony wool, all bear a close relation to the fur trade. In 1800 there appeared a definite indication that Astor no longer intended to confine himself almost exclusively to the importation of arms, ammunition, and wool, but was turning his attention to goods of a more general nature, principally from China. On June 7 of that year Astor had for sale not only the customary " 2c tons English patent shot, 500 muskets with bayonets, 2 pair 4 pound cannon with implements compleat, 400 qr. casks English gunpowder received per Two Friends, entitled to drawback" — evidently goods left over from the previous year — but also, noticed even more conspicuously, "3,000 pieces of nankeens, 140 black lutestrings, imported in the ship Mary, from Canton. . . . Also, i trunk of muslin."17 Later in the year, indeed, furs, wool, arms, and ammunition regained a temporary pre-eminence, when Astor advertised "a quantity of Canada Martins . . . beaver . . . muskrats," "7000 lbs fine lamb's wool," and 500 pounds "coney [sic]" wool "for hatter's use," "200 muskets with bayonets, 200 pistols for ship's use, 200 horsemen's swords, 4 pair 6 pounders with carriages & implements, complete . . . 2000 lbs. English refined salt petre." However, he also mentioned " 1 trunk muslins & 2 boxes black lutestrings." This advertisement first appeared on August 21, and was still running in October.18 At this time Astor was apparently having difficulty in disposing of all the warlike material previously imported. On June 20, 1801, the "200 ships pistols" and "200 swords," to say nothing of "1000 lbs. London refined salt-petre," still remained unsold. However, he also advertised "20 quarter cosks [sic] best English musquet powder," which had not appeared in the last advertisement of 1800. The place of honor in this advertisement was again taken by China goods, "A GENERAL MERCHANDISING, 1790-1803 117 handsome and choice assortment of China Silks, Sattins, Shawls and Nankeens, all of the first quality." Other curiously assorted merchandise mentioned was " 1 ton copper bolts, 3-4, 7-8, 1 & 1-8 inches diameter" and "50 doz. moch [sic] morocco red skins."19 These are fair samples of Astor's advertisements about this time. Of course, many other scattered advertisements are found, but the above cover the main types of goods. So far we have been concerned mainly with newspaper advertisements. It will also be of interest to study such few customs records as we have for this period, from which we shall learn not only something of the type of goods imported and their quantities, but also the countries from which they came, the names of the ships and captains concerned in their importation, and the estimated value of certain of these goods. On February 12, 1800, we have an entry sworn to by Astor's agent, J. C. Hook, of a box of hare wool and another of cony wool imported from Hamburg in the ship Arathusa [sic], Nathaniel Tyler, master; while on April 12 of the same year the same agent swore to the entry of a consignment of goods quite obviously intended for the Indian trade, 7 bales of blankets and one cask of cutlery, imported from London in the Fair American, Rud, master. On May 30, 1800, a rather miscellaneous cargo was imported, the manifest of which, though noted as being erroneous, is probably in the main correct. This consignment came from London on the ship Two Friends, Laban Gardner, master, and consisted of 2 bales of superfine goat's wool, a case of muslins, 400 casks of gunpowder, a case of musical instruments, 8 cases containing pianofortes, and 5 with organs. Musical instruments predominated in this rather large invoice, whose value amounted to £2,315 2s. 8d. The next entry we have is of an even more general nature, that is, remote from any suggestion of the fur trade, 28 bales of drapery from Hull, which were entered at New York by John Jacob Astor's nnniann_nnnnn__nwJi±inJ n8 JOHN JACOB ASTOR nephew and agent, Henry Brevoort, Jr., on September 17,1800, having been imported in the ship President, commanded by N. Burridge. Theirvalueof £1,66717s. nd. was also fairly high. On May 14, 1801, Astor imported from London on the ship Katy, Phillips, master, 400 barrels of powder, the price of which, plus charges, was £813 2s. 9d. Brevoort made another entry of "Three Cases Contg an organ" on September 10, 1801, imported from London in the ship Factor, of which the captain was John Kemp. On the 26th of the same month were entered 7 boxes of dressed furs and one of hares' wool in the Niagara from Amsterdam, Sands, master, this constituting a total value of 13,026.4 guilders, or about $5,8oo.20 On July 17, 1802, Astor imported in the brig Nancies or Nancys [Nancy?], commanded by Fleming or Flemings, from Hamburg, 2 hogsheads of German hares' fur, valued plus charges at 3,179.20 guilders. On October 14, 1802, there arrived at Newport the ship Rising States, commanded by Sidney H. Burroughs, from Havre de Grace, containing an invoice for John Jacob Astor from Schroder, Chevremont & Co. of 3 cases of "merchandise" and one of artificial flowers. These goods arrived at New York on October 20.21 It is hard to Ox any definite date or even year for the end of the early period of Astor's activities as a general importer and merchant, but roughly this phase may be said to have ceased at the time when Astor's interest in the China trade began to assume considerable importance as compared to his attention to those importations from England and the Continent, partly in connection with his musical-instrument business and fur trade, which he had carried on in increasing volume since 1786. The first vessel in which Astor had a share was the Severn, which under Stewart Dean, who had married one of Mrs. Astor's nieces, cleared for China on April 29, 1800,22 and returned to New York on May n, 1801.23 This voyage will be described in more detail when we come to deal with Astor's GENERAL MERCHANDISING, 1790-1803 119 connection with the China trade. For the present it is sufficient to notice that the first voyage of the Severn, as has been said, meant the beginning of the end of the early period in Astor's mercantile life, as more or less distinct from his activities as a fur merchant and seller of musical supplies. Hitherto his importations had been of goods definitely intended for use in the Indian trade, such as blankets, cutlery, powder, and shot; goods for his music store such as pianofortes, organs, and other musical instruments; also goods in some way connected with the fur trade, such as wool of various kinds, which, as well as furs, was used in hat-making, and arms and ammunition intended for other purposes than the Indian trade. Only a few goods not thus classified — some wine, India silks, silver watches, water colors, mirrors, draperies, teas, muslins, etc. — were being imported. But soon his trade was to be principally with the Orient, to which his ships would go with the products of the United States, to return with China goods, some of which would be sold in America and others shipped to Europe. Therefore, though importations from Europe by no means ceased in the later period, Astor's European trade became so interwoven with that of the Orient that one cannot be understood without some consideration of the other. During the first few years of the nineteenth century, then, Astor carried on his program of importing goods from Europe, chiefly ammunition and wool, side by side with his new interest of trading with China for teas and silks. Neither of these interests overwhelmingly predominated over the other. During 1801, for example, the year in which the Severn returned from the first China voyage in which Astor was concerned, we know from the newspapers alone that at least five ships, two from London, and one each from Hamburg, Glasgow, and some other unnamed port of Great Britain, came to New York with cargoes of drygoods, gin, oil, linen, glass, hemp, cordage, glassware, and coal, part of which were to the order of John Jacob - "^';"": 120 JOHN JACOB ASTOR Astor.24 As in the earlier period of Astor's importations, so now, for the period following his entrance into the China trade, newspaper advertisements are our main source of information. Their inadequacy is revealed by an examination of such scattered customs records as we possess, since from these we discover two vessels bringing Astor goods, during this year, in addition to those mentioned in the newspapers. The latter source, however, must be our mainstay and will at least indicate a minimum. The Severn, after her return from Canton, cleared from New York, June 15, 1801, under Captain John Rooke, for Nantes,25 whence she returned to New York, arriving January 1, 1802, with a cargo of drygoods for her owners and others, and with sixteen passengers.26 She had made this voyage to Europe in the interim before her next voyage to Canton in 1802.27 So long as Astor continued the fur trade, he would be forced to make importations from Europe and would inevitably, in his capacity as a merchant, deal more or less in European goods. His entrance into the China trade, therefore, did not immediately cause a sharp break in that side of his mercantile career which we have been considering. However, his interest in the China trade caused him to become for the first time part owner of a ship, and this had sufficient effect upon his policy as a fur trader and, especially, as a general merchant to warrant its being considered as marking a definite stage in his commercial life. Thereafter not all his goods from Europe would come by freight. Neither would the merchandise sent to Europe in payment for arms, ammunition, cutlery, blankets, and rum consist entirely of furs; teas and silks would join beaver and muskrat for this purpose. Nor would all his surplus furs go to England and the Continent as before; Canton would henceforth receive the best. The possibility of a new turnover had been introduced, bringing with it the chance for an additional profit. Nevertheless this one voyage cannot be regarded GENERAL MERCHANDISING, 1790-1803 121 as making certain Astor's continued connection with the China trade, for in later voyages others of the Severn's owners took the leading position. As we shall see in the next chapter, some time passed before Astor definitely determined upon making it his major interest, this decision being signalized by the Severn's departure for Canton on May 23,1803, with Astor as the principal owner. In the transition period, during which he was debating whether or not to go more deeply into the China trade, his commerce with Europe was being pursued with no less vigor than before. The newspapers, which about the beginning of the century begin to reveal more details of New York shipping, inform us that during 1802 a minimum of 13 vessels arrived at New York with goods to Astor's order. Of these 5 were from London, bringing drygoods, etc., 3 from Hamburg — 2 of them Bremen vessels — with drygoods and glassware, 2 from Le Havre (or Havre de Grace) with drygoods and plaster of Paris, one, the Severn, from Nantes with drygoods, one from St. Croix — indicating a connection with the West Indies — bringing rum, and one from Leghorn with brandy, cream of tartar, senna, juniper berries, sweet oil, etc. Of course we do not know that all the types of goods contained in these cargoes were represented in the invoices to Astor, and moreover "drygoods" and "etc." can cover a variety of merchandise. In 1803, before May 23 (the date of the Severn's third clearance for Canton), the newspapers mention only 3 arrivals with goods for Astor. Of these, 2 were from London with drygoods, prints, porter, etc., while the other was a coastwise vessel from Baltimore with flaxseed, tea, etc.28 Certain tendencies may be noted from the advertisements published over Astor's name in New York newspapers during the time which intervened between the return of the Severn from Nantes on January 1, 1802, and its departure to Canton on May 23, 1803,29 Gunpowder, cannon, swords, and pistols ~~^Z^J^^L^L^^Z^^J_L 122 JOHN JACOB ASTOR all appeared until the fall of 1802, but it is evident that only the gunpowder was of recent importation,30 the weapons having been left over from a period in which international conditions caused a greater demand for such commodities than was the case in 1803.31 Furs and wool of all kinds, for the use of hatters, were constant commodities.32 The copper bolts and "red mock Morocco skins" seem to have hung on as discouragingly as the weapons.33 The Severn's first cargo of China goods was in the process of being sold at least up to the fall of 1802, perhaps even to March, 1803, when she returned from her second Canton voyage. China goods at this time naturally formed a large part of Astor's stock-in-trade, but he also had for sale goods from England and the Continent, of a rather miscellaneous nature. These consisted of muslins, paper hangings, and fans, probably from France;34 violin- and harp-strings and oil, from Italy;35 while the few mathematical instruments and watch crystals would seem to have been from Hamburg.36 St. Croix, in the Danish West Indies, furnished "Muscovado Sugar" and rum.37 This enumeration gives a pretty good idea of the variety of goods then being handled by Astor as a general merchant. Something of the size of Astor's importing business during the first years of the nineteenth century can be understood from the fact that the four consignments to him in 1800 of which the records still exist amounted to more than $21,000, while the three of which we have knowledge in 1801 totalled nearly $11,000. These figures, of course, indicate only a minimum. Further, if the ten Astor invoices from Europe of the years 1798-1802 are at all representative, we can gain some idea of the relative proportions of his various types of imported goods. Powder and shot bulked largest, amounting to more than $21,000; next came dressed furs, and wool of various kinds, hare, goat, cony, and lamb, totalling nearly $10,000; close behind were such goods as muslins and draperies, valued at little less than $9,000; musical instruments, worth under $5,000, GENERAL MERCHANDISING, 1790-1803 123 came some distance behind; while blankets and cutlery, amounting to only a little over $600, brought up the rear. Of course the small extant number of such manifests deprives the total effect of much of its significance; but it is likely that these proportions would not be badly upset were the whole array of pertinent documents available. It should be said, lest the apparently small amount of goods for the Indian trade be a matter of surprise, that probably a considerable quantity of the powder and shot was to be used for this purpose in addition to the trifling amount of blankets and cutlery. From these few customs records no decided trend can be traced toward the importation of one or another of these various types of commodities from one year to the next. All the manifests of blankets and cutlery, muslins and drapery, appear in the single year of 1800. Nearly half the powder and shot was imported in 1798, doubtless owing to the greater menace of French privateers at that time, but substantial quantities also came in during the next three years. The furs and wool were imported from 1800 to 1802, inclusive, the greatest value, more than half the total, in 1801; while the musical instruments were brought into the country in 1801 and 1802, more than three-fourths in the former year. In other words, comparing values, importations of powder and shot necessarily predominated in 1798 and 1799 — since we have no records of other goods being brought in for these years; for 1800, draperies and muslins greatly predominated, succeeded in order by powder and shot, musical instruments, furs and wool, blankets and cutlery; in 1801, furs and wool assumed the ascendancy, followed by powder and shot and by musical instruments; in 1802, furs and wool reigned supreme — because we do not know of other goods being imported during that year. The above figures are given only for what they may be worth.38 The New York directories of about this time give some idea of the expansion of Astor's business. In 1800 Astor, for the I24 JOHN JACOB ASTOR first time, had established a residence apart from his place of business. In the previous year his address was given as: "Astor, Jacob John, fur-merchant, 149 Broadway," but in 1800 he moved his store to 71 Liberty Street, retaining his residence at the Broadway address39 — an important advance from the days when he with his mother-in-law, wife, and children had shared one house with his stock-in-trade of furs and pianos. The birth in 1801 of Eliza, Astor's youngest child, must have taken place at 149 Broadway.40 He was, also, in 1800, described simply as a "merchant," with no qualifying or restrictive noun or adjective. Socially, too, he had made progress, for in 1801 he was treasurer — an appropriate position — of the Knights Templar order, under the title of "Sir J. J. Astor." In 1803 he moved his residence to 223 Broadway, purchasing a house which had originally been built by Rufus King, though Astor seems to have located himself temporarily at 214 Broadway in the previous year.41 In 1805 Astor was described in a special section, devoted to the principal merchants of the city, as a "shipper," and, mirabile dictu, under his proper full name. By 1809 the expansion of his business caused its removal to 141 Greenwich Street, and another move took it to 69 Pine Street in 1811.42 It was at the Pine Street store that Astor was located at the time of an incident which Scoville recounts to illustrate Astor's method of doing business. John Jacob Astor and the drygoods merchant, John Robins, who had started business in New York in 1799 at the age of twenty, were great friends, possibly because their early hardships had been somewhat similar. Mr. Robins . . . used frequently to purchase almost entire cargoes of the former [Astor], and particularly about the time of the war. On one occasion Mr. Robins had bought an immense quantity of long nankeens of John Hone & Sons. There was but one lot more in the market. This was held by John Jacob Astor. Mr. Robins went around to his store. It was then at 69 Pine street, corner of Pearl. Robins told Mr. Astor what he wanted. John Jacob went to a long counter in the middle of the floor, GENERAL MERCHANDISING, 1790-1803 125 then took a duster, and brushed off all the dust or dirt; then laid down a sample of the nankeens. He was a very methodical man was Mr. Astor, and did his own business. He told chop-grade, and all that sort of thing. "How many have you got?" He named the quantity. "What is your price?" He replied. "I'll take 'em," said Robins. "Have them today?" "Yes, send them up to 450 Pearl street." Mr. Astor asked but one price, and he never departed from it. He represented everything as it was, and never deceived anybody. He never told a lie even by implication, to sell a lot of goods. They were always found to be as he had represented them.43 We have reliable evidence, which will be presented in a later chapter, that Astor's scruples as to the exact truth did not extend in all cases beyond his circle of customers — not to officials of the government, for example, when an opportunity to evade the embargo was involved. However, the above incident — too slight to be called an anecdote — is valuable as indicating something of the simplicity and personal attention to detail which characterized Astor's business activities at the time. It demonstrates that in some respects the wealthy merchant still closely resembled the struggling young seller of flutes and muskrat skins of a quarter century before. 126 JOHN JACOB ASTOR NOTES i. The New-York Directory and Register for . . . (i 790-1812). 2. Ms., Library of Congress, New York Customs Records, John Jacob Astor, ship Young Factor, Gault, December 2, 1807. 3. Wilson, James Grant, ed., Memorial History of the City of New York, from its Settlement to 1892, 4 vols. (1891-93), vol. iv, pp. 166-167. "When Astor found furs more profitable than music, he turned over his pianofortes to Michael and John Paff, who succeeded him in 1802 in that branch of his business." Astor must have imported some musical instruments in 1803, for on September 3 he wrote to his friend Peter Smith at Utica, "your ogran is arrivd it will be send to Albany in a few Days —," to which some clerk added the postscript, "The Organ will be sent by the very first vessel we can find — it will be sent to the care of Christian Miller of Albany." (Ms., Syracuse University, Gerrit Smith Miller Collection, Letters, J. J. Astor, N. Y., September 3, 1803, to Peter Smith, Utica.) 4. One exception to this statement is an advertisement of "One do. [case] Italian violin and harp strings." New-York Gazette and General Advertiser, September 29, 1802, p. 3, col. 3. The "lutestrings " frequently mentioned in Astor advertisements have, by the way, nothing to do with lutes, but are pieces of a sort of silk, sometimes spelled "lustrings" or "lustrines." 5. Daily Advertiser (N. Y.), June 7, 1792, p. 2, col. 5. 6. Ms., Syracuse University, Gerrit Smith Miller Collection, Letters, Cornelius Heeney for J. J. Astor, N. Y., August, 1792, to Peter Smith, Old Fort Schuyler (see below, vol. i, pp. 365-367). 7. "John Jacob Astor's Piano," New York Times, March 16, 1890. 8. Brymner, Douglas, archivist, Report on Canadian Archives, 1891 (1892), State Papers, Lower Canada, Calendar, p. 155, Q. 79-1. 9. Ms. (letter press copy), Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston, Timothy Pickering MSS., Letters to his Correspondents, vol. vii, August- December, 1797, p. 270, Timothy Pickering, Department of State, Trenton, N. J., October 6,1797, to Joshua Sands, Collector, Port of ])Jew York; p. 288, Timothy Pickering, Department of State, Trenton, N. J., October 10,1797, to Robert Livingston, Envoy Extraordinary (see below, vol. i, pp. 384-385)- 10. New-York Gazette and General Advertiser, August 4, 1797, p. 3, col. 2. 11. Ms., New York Historical Society, Stevens Papers, vol. i, pp. 18 and no, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., May 8, December 6, 1798, to Col. Ebenezer Stevens, N. Y. GENERAL MERCHANDISING, 1790-1803 127 12. New-York Gazette and General Advertiser, June 1, 1798, p. 3, col. 2. 13. Ibid., January 1, 1799, p. 1, col. 5. 14. Ibid., July 5, 1799, p. 2, col. 1. 15. Ibid., December 3, 1799, p. 1, col. 3. 16. Ms., New York Historical Society, Astor Papers, John Jacob Astor, Entry, Brig John Henderson, August 14, 1799. 17. New-York Gazette and General Advertiser, June 30,1800, p. 1, col. 2. 18. Ibid., October 1, 1800, p. 3, col. 4. 19. Ibid., July 1, 1801, p. 1, col. 5. 20. Mss., New York Historical Society, Astor Papers, Customs Records, 1800-01, passim (see below, vol. i, p. 396). 21. Mss., Library of Congress, New York Customs Records. 22. Daily Advertiser (N. Y.), April 29, 1800, p. 3, col. 1. 23. New-York Gazette and General Advertiser, May n, 1801, p. 3, col. 1. 24. Ibid., September 10,1801, p. 3, col. 1; October 2,1801, p. 3, col. 1; October 24, 1801, p. 3, col. 1; October 26, 1801, p. 3, col. 1. 25. Ibid., June 8, 1801, p. 3, col. 3; June 15, 1801, p. 3, col. 3. 26. Ibid., January 2, 1802, p. 3, col. 2. 27. Ibid., March 30, 1803, p. 1, col. 2. 28. Ibid., January 2, 1802, p. 3, col. 2; March 19, 1802, p. 3, col. 2; March 29,1802, p. 3, col. 1; April 13,1802, p. 3, col. 1; June 22,1802, p. 3, col. 1; July 1, 1802, p. 3, col. 1; July 16, 1802, p. 3, col. 1; September 20, 1802, p. 3, col. 3; September 28, 1802, p. 3, col. 2; October 20, 1802, p. 3, col. 1; October 21,1802, p. 2, col. 4; October 25,1802, p. 3, col. 2; November 18,1802, p. 3, col. 1; January 10,1803, p. 3, col. 2; April 4,1803, p. 3, col. 1; April 30, 1803, p. 3, col. 1. 29. Ibid., May 23, 1803, p. 3, col. 2. 30. Ibid., March 4, 1802, p. 1, col. 4; April 20, 1802, p. 3, col. 2; September 29, 1802, p. 3, col. 3; October 22, 1802, p. 3, col. 2; May 5, 1803, p. 2, col. 2. 31. It is of interest to note that these "200 Horsemen's swords" were still being advertised at least as late as December 27, 1803 (New-York Gazette and General Advertiser, December 27, 1803, p. 1, col. 5). We are told that "John Jacob Astor sold Mr. [Samuel G.] Ogden all the swords required for the expedition [of General Francisco de Miranda to Caracas in 1806]" and it is probable that the weapons mentioned in this advertisement were those which were furnished for the use of the participants in that unfortunate enterprise. ([Scoville, Joseph A.], The Old Merchants of New York City, 5 vols. (1889), vol. ii, p. 211.) Thus, though Astor was undoubtedly unjustly accused of aiding a projected filibustering expedition against Canada, it would seem that such an enterprise was not so altogether foreign to his nature as might appear. 128 JOHN JACOB ASTOR 32. New-York Gazette and General Advertiser, March 4,1802, p. 1, col. 4; April 20, 1802, p. 3, col. 2; September 29, 1802, p. 3, col. 3. 33. Ibid., April 20, 1802, p. 3, col. 2; September 29, 1802, p. 3, col. 3. 34. Ibid., April 20, 1802, p. 3, col. 2; September 29, 1802, p. 3, col. 3; March 30, 1803, p. 1, col. 2. 35. Ibid., September 29,1802, p. 3, col. 3; March 30,1803, p. 1, col. 2. 36. Ibid., September 29, 1802, p. 3, col. 3. 37. Ibid., October 29, 1802, p. 4, col. 3. 38. Mss., New York Historical Society, Astor Papers, Customs Records, 1798-1802, passim. 39. Longworth's American Almanac, New-York Register, and City Directory (1799 and 1800). 40. Scrap Book, New York Historical Society, Notes on the Astor Family by William Kelby, p. 7. 41. Longworth's American Almanac, New-York Register, and City Directory (1803); ms. book, Hall of Records, N. Y., Liber Conveyances 67, p. 15, November 18, 1803; Scoville, op. cit., vol. i, p. 413. One authority makes him buy Rufus King's house in 1802. 42. Longworth's American Almanac, New-York Register, and City Directory (1801-12). 43. Scoville, op. cit., vol. i, pp. 391-393- CHAPTER VI THE TRADE WITH THE ORIENT UP TO THE WAR 1800-1812 John Jacob Astor's entrance into the China trade followed almost inevitably from his progress as a fur trader and general merchant. He had begun in 1786 with a musical-instrument and fur shop; commencing with the importation of goods from Europe to be traded for peltries, he had in the late 1790's become an importer of general merchandise, especially arms, ammunition, and wool, to be sold over the counter of his own store. But no stock-in-trade of a general merchant was then complete without a line of Oriental goods; and accordingly in 1799 and 1800 Astor began to advertise such Eastern goods as "India Silks," "very excellent Hyson and Souchong Tea," "nankeens," and "black India lutestrings."1 He had probably purchased these articles from some of the various New York ship-owners trading with the Orient, though it is possible that he had chartered space on his own account in some China vessel. The next logical step, which Astor took in 1800, was to add Canton to London and the ports of the Continent as a foreign market for his furs and to dispatch them to that port in his own vessels. Through his wife's family he was kept in close touch with the commercial situation in Canton, for Mrs. Astor's niece, Margaret Whetten, had married Stewart Dean, who had been the master of the second vessel from the United States to trade at Canton, while her nephew, John Whetten, was well known as an efficient captain in the China trade, and Adam Todd, Astor's brother-in-law, was also a sea captain.2 There is, then, no cause for surprise that, sixteen years after his 130 JOHN JACOB ASTOR arrival in the United States, Astor should have initiated a commercial connection with Canton; the wonder is rather that he had not made this move some years earlier. One of the most popular of the legends of Astor's early life deals with his entrance into the China trade. The only known source for this legend is Joseph A. Scoville's Old Merchants of New York City. According to Scoville (who wrote under the pseudonym of "Walter Barrett"), this.tale was recounted by Astor himself in response to an enquiry of a business acquaintance as to "what particular transaction or peculiar kind of business first gave him his great start." In brief, the story is that "just after the Revolutionary war" Astor had accumulated a large quantity of furs of such high quality that they could not be sold in New York. On his wife's advice he decided to take a steerage passage to London with the choicest of his peltries. This he did, and disposed of them at good prices. While waiting for a return ship he spent his time picking up what information he could, and, among other places, visited the East India House, where he learned that the name of the governor was the same as that of an old German schoolmate. Astor, determined to see if the two were the same, sent in his name, and was admitted; he discovered that his conjecture had been correct and that the governor of this great Company was his old friend. He was delighted to meet Astor and was most urgent in pressing upon him offers of assistance, all of which he at first declined, but finally he was prevailed on to accept "permit. . . No. 68," giving the bearer the privilege of trading "at any of the ports monopolized by the East India Company." Astor had at the time no ships and no thought of trading with the Orient, but, again on the advice of his wife, he took the permit to "a very celebrated merchant named James Liver- more" and proposed that the latter should fit out and load a ship for Canton; Astor was to furnish the permit, and the two would divide the profits equally. "At that time," says Sco- r TRADE WITH THE ORIENT, 1800-1812 131 ville, "no vessels traded to Canton . . . the East India ports were as hermetically sealed to American commerce as if it had not existed." Livermore finally accepted the offer, and Astor's half-share of the profits turned out to be $55,000. With this he himself bought and loaded a ship, gave her captain the same precious pass, and dispatched the vessel to China. At the Hawaiian Islands the vessel stopped to take on water, fresh provisions, and firewood. At Canton it turned out that the firewood was sandalwood, and they sold it for $500 a ton. Then for seventeen years Astor monopolized the sandalwood trade, till a shrewd Boston ship-owner ordered a captain to trail one of Astor's vessels and, thus discovering his secret, became "a participant in this valuable trade."3 To Scoville, who seems to have regarded the credibility of any story as directly proportionate to its romantic flavor, there evidently appeared to be nothing unlikely about this narrative, and most succeeding biographers have trustfully followed in his footsteps. Parton, indeed, quotes the account from Scoville with a take-it-or-leave-it air,4 but Elizabeth Gebhard receives it with acclamations,5 and even W. J. Ghent, Astor's historian in the Dictionary of American Biography, repeats the tale without question.6 Arthur D. Howden Smith alone has pointed out some of the story's definite inconsistencies, but even he seems to have felt his historical conscience completely satisfied by this one service. Later the novelist in him again assumed command and performed the astounding volte-face of deciding that the account, in spite of its inconsistencies, was essentially true.7 Evidently it is too good a story to be utterly discarded. Now what are the facts which definitely prove that this account is a myth? First and foremost, after the Revolution, American ships required no permit whatsoever from the East India Company to trade with China, since that Company's monopoly excluded only other British subjects. The first ship from the United States to trade with Canton, the Empress of 13^ JOHN JACOB ASTOR China, sailed from New York in February, 1784, while the immigrant boy, John Jacob Astor, with his new suit and his pack of musical instruments, was ice-bound on the North Carolina in Chesapeake Bay.8 This well-known fact is in itself sufficient to deprive the story of permit No. 68 of all claim to authenticity. But this is not all. The records of the East India Company are silent concerning any "Wilhelm from Waldorf" among its officials in the late eighteenth century, the name of James Livermore appears neither in the New York directories nor in the newspapers of that time, the ships' registers of the port of New York do not mention any vessel in which Astor had a share until 1800, nor do the newspapers of that period reveal any interest on his part in the China trade until the same year. Moreover, sandalwood was being transported from the Hawaiian Islands to China as early as 1792, and obviously Astor, between his arrival in the UniteaStates in 1784 and the above date, could not have monopolized the trade for seventeen years. Finally, the price the Chinese merchant is said to have paid for the sandalwood was about three times its proper value. Scoville probably was sincere in his belief that this story was a true account of Astor's entrance into the China trade. It is hard to tell where he picked it up or how much he contributed to its final form. The most probable of a number of solutions is that this tale is an ingenious hoax by some unknown author, similar to that more recent fabrication which claims to find the basis of the Astor fortune in the buried treasure of Captain Kidd, and which has obtained wide popular credence. The East India pass yarn, however, has secured the really brilliant distinction of acceptance not only by the laity but even by standard reference works. In all probability, the first vessel trading with China in which Astor had an interest was the Severn, a ship of 280 tons which had been built in New York City in 1792, and in which William Laight, who was at this time also connected with TRADE WITH THE ORIENT, 1800-1812 133 Astor in their land investment in New York State, and his son, Charles Laight, together with one John Titus, were likewise concerned.9 A certain George Lewis seems also to have been the owner of a portion of the cargo.10 The Severn, under command of Stewart Dean, who, as we have said, was the husband of one of Mrs. Astor's nieces, sailed from New York on April 29, 1800,11 and arrived at Canton on October 2. Her outward cargo consisted of 30,573 seal skins, 1,023 beaver skins, 351 fox skins, 103 otter skins, 4,769 covids of camlets, 132 piculs of ginseng, and 27 of cochineal.12 The Severn sailed from Canton late in December, 1800,13 and arrived at New York on May 11, 1801,14 after a passage of 130 days. By May 20, goods from her cargo were being offered for sale. They consisted of "black and coloured Sattins," "silks and silk handkerchiefs and shawls," yellow and white nankeens, hyson, hyson skin, and souchong teas, black India lutestrings and taffeties, colored sinchews, Canton and Nankin fans, nutmegs and cloves, chinaware, and sugar. The teas were offered again in an advertisement which began on September 1; by the end of 1802 the whole of the cargo had been disposed of to the retail merchants of the city or shipped to foreign correspondents.15 We gain some idea of the way in which John Jacob Astor, in New York, helped to link Asia with Europe, from a few scattered customs documents, one of which states that on January 18, 1802, Astor shipped 18,541 pounds of souchong tea to Strobel & Martin, Bordeaux, through William Rowlett & Co., on the ship America, commanded by Stephen Griffith, while another records that on May 12, 1802, he shipped 4,508 pounds of souchong to Joseph Pitcairn at Hamburg on the Fanny, commanded by William Hudson.16 For some reason, the partners did not at once continue to press the trade which they had begun, and instead of sailing again for Canton in 1801, the Severn made a trip to Europe — the first voyage to that part of the world, of which we have any 134 JOHN JACOB ASTOR record, performed by a vessel in which Astor owned an interest. She cleared for Nantes about the middle of June under the command of John Rooke, with freight and passengers, and probably also with part of the China cargo which she had brought back from Canton earlier in the year. She returned on the first day of the next year, bringing a cargo of drygoods to her owners and a dozen New York firms, and also carrying sixteen passengers.17 In this voyage Astor had stepped down from his position of leadership, for on July 3, 1801, he had allowed Charles Laight to assume the main ownership of the vessel, the other shareholders being William Laight, Astor, and his wife's nephew, John Whetten, who had probably acquired the share formerly owned by John Titus,18 and who on January 28,1802, became master as well as part owner of the vessel. In late February or early March, 1802, the Severn, under the command of John Whetten, sailed from New York on the second China voyage in which Astor was concerned. Her cargo consisted of 412 piculs of ginseng, 2,454 beaver skins, 600 otter skins, and $43,000 in bullion. She arrived at Whampoa on June 10 after a short passage, and sailed for New York late in October. When she reached that port in early March, 1803, she brought back "a large and well chosen assortment of silks, velvets, and sewing silks, Choulon, souchong & bohea teas, yellow, blue and black nankeens, China-ware, cassia, Hyson, young-hyson, hyson-skin, china-root, etc.," and also more miscellaneous articles such as fans, soft sugar, sugar candy, and "Fancy China chair-bottoms." These seem to have been sold by the end of the year.19 At the same time Astor was also handling China goods which had been imported in the ships of other merchants, "Black Striped Sattins" received by the George Barclay from Canton, and "Garden, and Canton & Nankeen fans" from the "Active's cargo." These fans were probably imported by way of Philadelphia at the same time as the five boxes of satins, lutestrings, sunshines, and ribbons which o 1 I > < o I TRADE WITH THE ORIENT, 1800-1812 135 William Sanders, acting for Astor, shipped on July 24, 1802, to New York for export.20 Soon after the Severn's return from her voyage of 1802 and 1803, Astor seems to have definitely decided to make the China trade one of his major interests. We do not know with absolute certainty when this decision was made; but undoubtedly it was a matter decided by a steadily increasing purpose rather than on sudden impulse. However, for the sake of clearness, we must make choice of some approximate date as marking his final determination on his future relations with Canton. The progress of his interest in the China trade was as follows: the first uncertain step was made when he began to traffic in China goods imported by others; a decisive move forward was his taking the leadership in the voyage of the Severn in 1800 and 1801. At the best, however, he marked time during 1801,1802, and part of 1803, for, although during this period the Severn made a second voyage to China, Astor did not take the principal part. Another step forward was made on May 21, 1803, when Astor again became chief owner of the Severn, the only other person concerned being his wife's nephew, John Whetten.21 On May 25, 1804, Astor became sole owner of the Severn;22 and on May 7, 1805, he appeared as owner of a ship specially built for his use in the China trade.23 From a long- range view of the situation, taking into consideration both the past and the subsequent developments of Astor's mercantile career, we cannot do better than take as the date for his final decision to enter boldly into this new commercial field the day when, as principal owner of the ship, after one partial withdrawal, he concerned himself for the third time in a Canton voyage. This date, then, is May 23, 1803, when the Severn cleared from New York for Canton under the ownership of John Jacob Astor and John Whetten, with William Howell in command.24 On this voyage the Severn carried more furs than usual, 6,133 beaver skins, 3,000 seal skins, 1,270 fox skins, and 136 JOHN JACOB ASTOR 697 otter skins, as well as 169 piculs of ginseng and $62,000 in bullion.25 On May 19, 1803, Astor had insured the cargo through Russell Sturgis to Canton and back for $30,000, to which on the 30th he added an additional $10,000; the premium was 9 per cent.26 Under Howell's efficient management, the ship, which had previously taken something over a year to go to Canton and return, made the voyage in ten months and sixteen days, arriving at Whampoa on September 2, sailing two months later, and reaching New York on April 15,1804.27 The cargo was of the usual type, "silks, nankeens, fine teas, &c," the et cetera being represented by sugar, chair bottoms, beads, vermilion, sweetmeats, and chinaware.28 Some of the teas from this cargo were probably sold to such Montreal merchants as Henderson & Armour, and Parker, Gerrard, Ogilvie & Co.29 Astor became the sole owner of the Severn on May 25,1804,30 when she started on her next voyage; Whetten, however, may have had some share in the voyage, as he is mentioned in connection with the vessel's clearing from New York on that date.31 The Severn was commanded on this trip by "Crowman [sic],99 that is, John Cowman, whom Astor is said to have called "his 'king of captains.'" Cowman has been described as "a very severe, stern man, but a complete navigator and a good sailor."32 We are able this time to state with approximate exactness the value of the commodities which made up the outward cargo. First, there were 51 "Keges" of "Specia," valued at $140,000; next in value were 7 casks of furs, containing 2,570 rabbit skins, 1,322 otter skins, 166 beaver skins, and some seal and fox skins, invoiced at $8,000; 53 casks of ginseng containing 117I piculs were valued at $6,000, but of these only 38 bore Astor's unmistakable mark (HA). Eighteen bales of cotton, estimated at $1,000, formed another feature of the cargo. To the above must be added some additional kegs and boxes of specie to the value of $n,ooo,33 none of which, how- TRADE WITH THE ORIENT, 1800-1812 137 ever bore Astor's personal mark. The entire value of the outward cargo, then, was $166,100, of which something over $153,000 is known to have been on Astor's account. We have a pretty good idea, also, of the source of these goods. The furs were doubtless the choicest of those purchased by Astor at Montreal the previous autumn or secured by his agents in the backcountry of New York. The ginseng, too, probably came from New York State, collected by the same agents who were there engaged in purchasing peltries. In July, 1799, Astor had informed Peter Smith that "Gensang will Sell 3/6 to 4/ prlb if not too large aquantey is Caured."34 The cotton, of course, had come up from Charleston, Baltimore, or other southern ports on some of the coasting vessels which occasionally brought goods consigned to Astor. It was not always easy to acquire enough specie for a China voyage. Astor seems to have had an arrangement with Gerrit W. Van Schaick, cashier of the Bank of Albany, by which Astor took up the notes of that bank which appeared in New York City and transmitted them to Albany, receiving payment in dollars. On May 12, 1804, Astor's clerk, William Sanders, was sent to Albany with bank notes to the amount of $40,130 and Astor's check for $8,172.21. At that time, said Astor, dollars were plentiful and exchanged at a premium of only one per cent, instead of two and three per cent as had been the case a fortnight previously.35 Under Captain Cowman's expert navigation the Severn again made a comparatively short voyage, though on September 6 she had not yet passed the Straits of Sunda. One ship, whose commander later became an Astor captain, and which had left some days later than the Severn, had achieved the distinction of arriving at this point by that date.36 The Severn reached Canton on September 22, 1804, and sailed for New York on November 16,37 arriving in time for her cargo of "Hyson, Young Hyson, Hyson-skin, Souchong, Congo, and 138 JOHN JACOB ASTOR Singlo Teas of superior quality, Blue and Black Nankeens, Long and short Yellow do. [nankeens], Black and coloured Sinchews and Lutestrings, Table Matts, Alum and China Rose" to be advertised on March 13, 1805. Some of these goods were still being offered for sale as late as January 30, 1806.38 The Severn did not return to the Orient, or at least not as an Astor vessel, for on May 7, 1805, she was sold to John E. C. Schulze of Baltimore.39 Her place in the China trade, however, was taken by a new and larger ship, specially built for John Jacob Astor and his commerce with Canton. This vessel, appropriately named the Beaver, was built in the shipyard of Eck- ford & Beebee at New York City and registered at the port of New York, May 7, 1805. John Whetten was master and part owner.40 The Beaver was a "full flat bottomed ship" of 427 tons, with capacity for 1,100 tons of cargo, and a live oak frame which conferred such "remarkable longevity" that, when she was finally broken up, about 1850, part of her timbers were put into a new vessel, 45 years after she had been launched.41 Under the command of John Whetten the Beaver is said to have "completed her voyage in nine months." Her cargo was insured on May 6, 1805, through Russell Sturgis, to Canton and back for $30,000, at a premium of 7! per cent.42 As it arrived at Canton on September 18, 1805, the whole cargo consisted of $62,000 in bullion, 330 piculs of ginseng and 27 of quicksilver, a couple of hundred sea otter skins and a few of the fox and land otter. The small quantity of furs in this invoice will be noted.43 Early in April, 1805, Astor had been offering a premium for "a few thousand Spanish Dollars,"44 which doubtless formed part of the Beaver9s cargo on her maiden voyage. Another item, small but interesting, was 2 pipes of "fourth proof Brandy" containing 247 gallons, and 4 pipes of "particular Madeira wine," consigned by J. J. Astor, John Aspinwall, and J. Stout to John Whetten for delivery to the TRADE WITH THE ORIENT, 1800-1812 139 Hong merchant, Youqua, at Canton.45 The Beaver sailed for New York on December 4 and arrived there on March 26,1806, after a passage of 109 days from Canton, during which she "ran from Canton to Bermudas in seventy-five days." Augustus De Peyster, later to be a commander of Astor vessels, was on board the Beaver on this voyage as a boy before the mast.46 The Beaver brought from China the usual "valuable cargo of teas, silk and nankeens," with a sprinkling of chinaware, chair bottoms, and china root.47 A considerable quantity of this cargo was shipped on April 14, 1806, to Baltimore on the schooner Fortitude, commanded by William Holmes, for reexportation. This consignment consisted of 104 chests of young hyson tea, 150 chests hyson skin, 44 chests hyson, 50 half-chests souchong, no bales containing 11,000 pieces short yellow nankeens, 70 bales containing 3,500 pieces blue nankeens, and 10 bales containing 500 pieces long yellow nankeens. The value of the blue nankeens alone, at $62.56 a bale, was $4,379.20. These goods were purchased by Baltimore merchants and shipped principally to the West Indies.48 John Jacob Astor himself re-exported part of the cargo. For example, on May 3,1806, he shipped 50 bales of nankeens containing 5,000 pieces to Port Oratava, Teneriffe, on the ship Oliver Ellsworth, commanded by William Ely, to be reconsigned by him to Thomas & Bernard Cologan of that place.49 On January 9, 1807, Astor shipped a similar consignment, 50 bales containing 5,000 pieces of short yellow nankeens, valued at $4,500 and insured at a premium of 4§ per cent, on the schooner Vermont to Leghorn. These goods were consigned to P. & A. Felicely, but never reached this firm, since the vessel was seized on March 14 by the French cruiser Napoleon.b0 On May 3, 1806, the Beaver acquired a consort in the China trade. This was the Magdalen, a ship of 255 tons, which, like the Beaver, had been constructed in the shipyard of Eckford & Beebee in 1805, probably to the special order of John Jacob 14° JOHN JACOB ASTOR Astor, since she was named after his eldest daughter. This vessel (the first, by the way, of which Astor was the sole owner)51 sailed from New York for Canton on May 5, 1806, under the command of John Cowman,52 with a cargo consisting of 2,980 otter and 1,950 fox skins, and 262 piculs of ginseng and 549 of iron.53 The Beaver this year put to sea much later than usual, on July 10, 1806.54 Isaac Chauncey, who was then a captain in the United States navy,55 was the master. The Beaver's cargo, consisting of $95,000 in specie, 3,470 otter skins, 1,794 fox skins, 555 beaver skins, and 115 piculs of ginseng and 529 of blackwood,56 had, as usual, been insured through Russell Sturgis for $30,000, at 8 per cent premium, "specie out and merchandise home."57 Both vessels, while at Canton, met with interference from John Wood, commander of H. B. M. S. Phaeton, stationed in the Bay of Chuenpi. The Magdalen, which had arrived at Canton on September 4,58 was delayed there one day for some unspecified reason, according to a letter from Edward Carrington, United States consul at Canton,59 though she had sailed by November 12.60 Isaac Chauncey ran even more violently afoul of this same Captain Wood, and, probably being more conscious of national dignity than an ordinary merchant captain, spent some days late in December, 1806, while at Canton, in correspondence concerning the impressment from the Beaver of a seaman, variously known as William Bryant or James Briant. Although this sailor claimed to be an American citizen, the British captain declined to give him up.61 As a result of this episode the Beaver did not sail for New York till quite late in January, 1807.62 The Magdalen arrived at New York on March 9, 1807, just 114 days from Canton, having completed the whole voyage in a little over 10 months, with "teas, nankeens, silks, and china wares."63 Her cargo of teas was good, as Astor assured a correspondent in Philadelphia.64 The Beaver did not come to port till 3 months later, 116 days from Canton, the entire voyage TRADE WITH THE ORIENT, 1800-1812 141 having consumed nearly n months. She not only brought a cargo of "teas, nankeens and china " to the owners, John Jacob Astor and John Whetten, but also some freight of similar merchandise to others, including Elias Kane & Co. These goods were still being advertised in January, 1808.65 Early in 1806, Astor had been making arrangements for the cargoes of the ships which were to sail for China in the spring of 1807. He was negotiating with Gerrit W. Van Schaick in January, 1806, for "20,000 Spanish Dollars," which the latter had suggested might be procured from the Bank of Albany, if Astor would reciprocate by "taking a particular Discribtion of gold from the Bank at the old Standard Say to amount of 5 or 6000$." Astor was quite willing to accede to these terms, on condition that the bank should "Discount my note for 60 Days for amount of the gold & I will of course give an approved In- dorser on the note." He also offered to "take your poper up here to pay for the Dollars."66 It was evident that at this time he had no other thought than to pursue the China trade with at least as great vigor as he had displayed during the last half- dozen years. But the difficulties which his two vessels had experienced at Canton with the British seem to have aroused forebodings of more disastrous occurrences in the future. Indeed it seemed that a general armed conflict between American merchantmen at Canton and the British squadron stationed there was inevitable.67 Astor therefore determined to lessen responsibility and chances for loss by associating others with him in the ownership of his two vessels. On May 28, 1807, EHas Kane and Oliver Kane, of Elias Kane & Co., and Samuel Corp, John F. Ellis, and Gabriel Shaw, of Corp, Ellis & Shaw, acquired shares in the Magdalen.^ On June 8, Elias and Oliver Kane joined John Jacob Astor and John Whetten as part owners of the Beaver.m On July 13, 1807, Astor went so far as to write to James Madison, the secretary of State, enquiring whether "under present circumstances it will be ad- ■EWj^fr^r™.^ 142 JOHN JACOB ASTOR viseable to let... a Ship called the Beaver being Coppered & 430 Tons burthen, carrying 12 Guns, ready for Sea, say to sail for Canton in China, her funds on board will consist of about $250m in value ... go to Sea on so long a Voyage?" This enquiry was accompanied by a letter from George Clinton, then the vice-president of the United States. Astor also took advantage of the opportunity to mention the "considerable quantities" of teas which he had "of late years Imported" and "sent ... to Upper & Lower Canada." He had heard that an attempt was to be made T)yT8riti§fi. merchants to stop this trade, and let fall the suggestion that the American minister in London might possibly be notified.70 It is to be inferred that the answer was discouraging, for we have no record that the Beaver made another China voyage until 1808. However, Astor's connection with the Orient was not to be utterly broken off during 1807, for in the summer of that year, probably late in July, the Magdalen was sent to Calcutta, under the command of John Cowman, whence she returned on March 23, 1808, after "the remarkable short" return passage of 87 days, "with bale goods cotton, indigo, sugar, &c." to the owners.71 Astor had also received some goods in November, 1807, from Calcutta on the Oliver Ellsworth, which came from that port with a cargo of "sugar, piecegoods, hides, cotton, ginger, coffee, indigo, borax, etc."72 By the time of the Magdalen's return to New York, the commercial situation was most drastically changed, for by Jefferson's embargo all foreign shipping had been rigorously prohibited. Here was an opportunity for Astor's ingenuity to find exercise. How would he conduct himself in these extraordinary circumstances? His first move was rather characteristic. On June 1, he disposed of his share in the Magdalen to the part- owners, John F. Ellis, Samuel Corp, and Gabriel Shaw.73 The expenses of one idle vessel were all he cared to meet at one time. His next step was to search out, if possible, some loop- TRADE WITH THE ORIENT, 1800-1812 143 hole in the laws. He thought he had discovered one, it is said, in the provision which allowed the president to grant permits to citizens of the United States for sending vessels in ballast to a foreign port for the purpose of bringing home property which was due them. It has even been suggested that Astor had in the back of his mind the possibility that specie might be considered as "ballast" and a permit granted him to send a vessel so loaded to China in order to convey to New York a cargo of teas from a mythical depot at Canton.74 It is doubtful, however, whether so shrewd a man could have thought that such an obvious subterfuge would succeed. It is more likely that his attention was concentrated merely on getting a ship to Canton by any means, well knowing that his credit among the Hong merchants was good enough to insure their co-operation in getting a cargo for New York which should appear to conform to the legal requirements. We know that some time after June 1, 1808, both John Jacob Astor and the Boston firm of J. & T. H. Perkins had applied for permission to bring back from Canton certain property alleged to belong to them deposited there, but these requests were "rejected on general grounds," though "not because they appeared unfair," presumably meaning that the rejection was rather a matter of policy than an indication of the executive's suspicion of the facts alleged in support of these petitions.75 The ordinary man, under these circumstances, would have dismissed his captains, laid up his ships with tar barrels over the mastheads, and philosophically settled down to wait for the inevitable repeal of the repressive acts. At the most, he would have besieged Congress and the president with threats, pleas, and petitions directed against the embargo and its authors and supporters. But it took more than a touch of genius to perform the feat accomplished by Astor, who actually caused the president to suspend the embargo in his favor, and this in p, maimer which almost seemed to leave the statesman rather 144 JOHN JACOB ASTOR than the merchant as the chief recipient of favor. This stroke of ingenious trickery — to use no harsher term — does much to enliven what in many respects seems to have been a competent, but sober and rather phlegmatic personality. It is easy to recognize, after reading the narrative of what is known as the "Beaver affair" and the "Mandarin episode," the qualities of constructive imagination which later made Astor a congenial associate of such literary lights as Washington Irving and Fitz-Greene Halleck. It chanced that Astor was at this time quite persona grata with the government, and especially with Jefferson, who described him as "a most excellent man."76 These golden opinions had been won through Astor's project, which was then in the process of formulation, and which Jefferson had welcomed with great enthusiasm, of forming a settlement on the Pacific Coast which should assist in ousting British influence from the trans-Mississippi area. It is probable that there were few merchants in the country whose petition for a permit Jefferson would have felt greater regret in refusing. Nevertheless, Astor did not intend to forfeit this esteem by any wearisome persistence on the subject of a vessel to China. If he could not secure admittance by the front door, he had no objections to the use of other openings. On July 12, 1808, Samuel Latham Mitchill, Democrat, United States Senator from New York, professor of natural history in the College of Physicians and Surgeons in New York,77 a man on all counts acceptable to Jefferson, sent to the president a letter introducing "Punqua Wingchong, a Chinese merchant," who had come to New York "about nine months ago, on business of a commercial nature," and was then desirous of returning to China, "where the affairs of his family and particularly the funeral obsequies of his grandfather, require his solemn attention." His object in visiting Washington was chiefly to "sollicit the means of departure," though he was also anxious "to see the Chief executive officer of the United TRADE WITH THE ORIENT, 1800-1812 145 States." This merchant was to be accompanied by a linguist, Mr. Palmer.78 However, either by accident or by careful management, the mandarin (as he also seems to have been entitled) and the president did not meet in Washington, as Jefferson had withdrawn to Monticello immediately prior to the other's arrival. Punqua Wingchong, therefore, wrote to Jefferson, "praying permission to depart for his own country with his property in a vessel to be engaged by himself," and enclosing Mr. Mitchill's introductory epistle. James Madison, the secretary of State, also seems to have written in support of this request, which Jefferson, who considered it as a "case of national comity" and as offering the "means of making our nation known advantageously at the source of power in China," was only too glad to grant. Accordingly he sent Albert Gallatin, the secretary of the Treasury, a passport in blank, requesting him to "direct all the necessary details."79 All thus far had seemed quite correct — a little unusual, perhaps, but in no way irregular. But the cloven hoof began to appear in a letter from Gallatin to David Gelston, the collector at the port of New York, August 3, 1808, enclosing Jefferson's passport, and laying down the conditions under which this "respectable Chinese," merchant or mandarin, with his "attendants and property," was to be permitted to sail for his native country. The vessel was to be allowed the usual equipment and provisions for crew and passengers; the Chinese and his attendants were not only permitted to ship "their baggage and personal effects," but also "about forty five thousand dollars . . . either in specie, or in furs, Cochineal, Ginsang, or any other species of merchandize at his choice." No other property, "either in specie or merchandize," save for the personal effects of crew and passengers, was to be shipped on board, and the return cargo must consist of "only the proceeds of property shipped bona fide by a Citizen, or Citizens of the United States prior to the 22d day of December last." A bond 146 JOHN JACOB ASTOR was to be given for adherence to these conditions, to which the collector might "add such other cautionary measures as may in your opinion be necessary for preventing the exportation of specie or Merchandize, other than is hereby allowed." There is certainly nothing very suspicious here, until we come to the name of the vessel selected by the Chinese for his transportation to his native country, and learn that he had "made arrangements for that purpose with the owner of the Ship Beaver of 427 tons."80 Albert Gallatin, who knew Astor personally and was therefore much better acquainted with his character than the guileless Jefferson could ever hope to be through the medium of correspondence, saw almost at once into the true nature of the affair. He had scrupulously carried out Jefferson's instructions and had, on the same day that he had written the collector, notified Jefferson that he had "transacted the Chinese Mandarin business to his [the mandarin's] satisfaction & he will sail in a few days."81 But having performed one part of his duty by obeying his superior's orders, he felt that it was necessary to give his candid opinion of the wisdom of these commands. Consequently on August 5 he wrote to the President announcing, "I have complied with your directions respecting the Chinese & he has engaged Astor's vessel to whom we had on general grounds refused permission. Had I had any discretion as to the application itself I would have hesitated; for I apprehend that there is some speculation at bottom; and every deviation from the general rules is considered a favoritism & excites dissatisfaction."82 On the 9th he repeated that the President's uniform refusal to allow vessels to go farther than the West Indies made "the Chinese permission inconvenient," since it "makes individuals desirous of a direct reference to yourself."83 Jefferson, however, did not agree with these judgments, but optimistically stressed the important diplomatic effects TRADE WITH THE ORIENT, 1800-1812 147 expected to spring from the affair, which he thought "likely to J bring lasting advantage to our merchants."84 ? The merchants, however, showed little appreciation of Jef- ^ ^ ferson's efforts on their behalf. It was, of course, impossible to */ W keep this permission secret, since, in view of the inactivity of N %_ shipping at that time, the preparations to fit the Beaver for sea j j ^, & would be glaringly conspicuous. The word soon spread to wX{ £ Philadelphia, and on August 10 eleven Philadelphia merchants, ■ { -> j headed by Captain William Jones and representing themselves ^ 4 to be speaking for a number of others who were then out of ^ itf X town — having perhaps gone to New York to see the "man- I $. I darin "—wrote to Gallatin declaring that he had been de- \ ^ £ ceived and that the alleged merchant and mandarin was an j ( impostor. These Philadelphia merchants said that they had \ I all been supercargoes in the China trade, and some had been ' \ \ j "residents in Canton several years," where they had acquired £5^.1 sufficient knowledge of Chinese customs to make the fraudu- u. ^ lent character of the "mandarin" quite positive. In the first J u place they asserted that "the wealthy, or privileged classes J? * J never emigrate from that Country," in the second that to ^ Ac "some of us he is known only as a petty shopkeeper in Cantonj ^ Li } . . . and to the remainder he is altogether unknown; which ^ gm could not be [interlineated: the] case were his character and ^^ <j £ standing in any degree respectable." They further asserted a that "the collection and return of American property . . . left J at Canton" could not be set up as a "collateral claim," since V the situation was in all cases exactly opposite, the entire funds brought by an American ship being always expended on the return cargo and "generally a considerable credit in addition."85 To this letter Gallatin replied somewhat belatedly, on August 17, but in the most diplomatic manner, carefully pointing out that, mandarin or no mandarin, the President had the right to allow a vessel to clear for China for the purpose of 148 JOHN JACOB ASTOR bringing back American goods shipped prior to December 22, 1807. He admitted that Jefferson's opinion that the standing of the Chinese "was of a higher grade than is stated in your letter" may have "partly . . . influenced the President's decision," but implied that this, after all, was a minor matter. The merchants' letter had arrived only by August 12, and the Beaver, so he said, had been ready to sail the day before; therefore nothing could have been done, even had there been more important reasons for wishing to take any steps in the matter than those which had so far been advanced. Whether the owners of the vessel would be able to find sufficient American property at Canton to make a profitable voyage was "their concern, and not Government's," and any illegality would lead to the forfeiture of their bond. However, Gallatin understood that the property to be brought back from Canton in the Beaver was that which both Astor and the Messrs. Perkins of Boston had previously wished to import when they applied in vain for permission to send a vessel to China for that purpose.86 It is not likely that Gallatin was in the least convinced by his own logic. He well knew that the alleged high rank of the Chinese was the chief, if not the only, reason why Jefferson had been induced to grant permission. However, it would never do to admit that the administration had been wrong. The administration itself, nevertheless, seems to have been somewhat shaken by the press reports, which asserted in language now sarcastic, now severe, the fraudulent character of Astor's "mandarin," whom rumor described as "a Chinaman picked up in the Park," "a common Chinese dock loafer," a Lascar sailor, and even as an Indian, who had been dressed up in Astor's China silks and coached to play his not-too-difficult part.87 Jefferson, on August 23, mentioned the receipt of an anonymous letter on this subject, and with dawning suspicion admitted that he "had no means of judging" the truth of the charges, "the application having come to me grounded on his TRADE WITH THE ORIENT, 1800-1812 149 character as a settled fact . nor," he continued bitterly, "are the jeers of the federalists any proof to the contrary." However, if the vessel had not yet sailed, "she should be detained till the facts stated in this letter are enquired into," although, he commented rather hopefully, "I presume her gone."88 It was doubtless with some relief that he learned that his presumption was correct, and that the Beaver had sailed for Canton on August 17 under the command of Joseph Galloway.89 Evidently Gallatin, had he so desired, could have devoted the time between August 12 and 17 to investigating the charges of the Philadelphia merchants, instead of waiting till the day the ship sailed before answering their letter. There can be little doubt that the "jeers of the federalists," diverse in detail though they were, were founded on fact, and that Punqua Wingchong, if, indeed, he had any right whatsoever to that sonorous title, was neither mandarin nor Hong merchant. Certainly Astor never attempted to deny the imputations made concerning the rank of his passenger, unless a letter — grave in language but flippant in intention — written on August 15, 1808, to the editor of the Commercial Advertiser could be regarded as such. In this communication Astor invited the author of a condemnatory article published in that newspaper to give his name, when, "if he is not prejudiced against any act of the administration," he should receive an explanation "which will relieve him from the anxiety under which he appears to labor for the honor of the Government, and the reputation of all concerned."90 By the time the Beaver had returned, on June 1, 1809, "with a full cargo of teas, silks and nankeens, to John Jacob Astor,"91 any unpleasantness which might have been aroused had been blown away by the cleansing breeze of success, for the Beaver is alleged to have pbrought back "two hundred thousand dollars more than she left with."92 On the same day, but of course before word of her \ arrival reached Boston, James and Thomas Perkins had in- 150 JOHN JACOB ASTOR sured teas on board the Beaver, Canton to New York, for $30,000 premium, 5 per cent, on behalf of Joseph O'Cain.98 Her outward cargo, so far as we know, had consisted of only 3,000 otter skins and 5 piculs of cochineal, whereas on February 10, 1809 — only a month after her arrival at Canton — she had sailed for New York with the usual cargo, which in this case was made up of 3,274 piculs of green tea, 1,070 of black tea, together with nankeens, silk piece-goods, chinaware, and cassia. Indeed the cargo was somewhat larger than ordinary.94 How these goods had been secured, Astor, Joseph Galloway, and the Hong merchants alone could tell, and they were probably not pressed for an explanation. We know at any rate that in January, 1809, Astor's captain was concerned in some transaction with Conseequa which involved the latter's ordering the payment of a draft to John Jacob Astor.95 Some of the Beaver's teas were still being sold at auction, "for approved endorsed notes at 4 months," by Hones & Town, late in April, 1810.96 On March 1, 1809, the embargo had been relaxed so far as the China trade was concerned, and Astor set out to recompense himself for his two years of partial inactivity. With Corp, Ellis & Shaw, John Hone, and Captain Cowman, he sent the brig Fox to Calcutta, about May 12, 1809, whence she returned "with a full cargo of Piece-goods" on December 27, 1809, having made the voyage in 7 months and 15 days, "perhaps the shortest ever made from America." This vessel was "of a sharp model" and about 300 tons burden, and had been built by Mr. Bergh. On this voyage she had been commanded by Astor's "king of captains," John Cowman, the second officer being Augustus De Peyster, who had made his first voyage in the Beaver on her maiden voyage to Canton in 1805.97 On April 4, 1810, "537 bales, trunks and cases" of textile goods of various kinds, part of the cargo of the Fox, were offered for sale by the auction firm of Hones & Town, "For approved endorsed notes at 2, 4, 6, and 8 months."98 %1? I I & a a i o Q I m TRADE WITH THE ORIENT, 1800-1812 151 On March 9,1809, Astor became the owner of the brig Sylph, of 205 tons, which had been built the previous year by Henry Eckford, and he must have sent her almost immediately to China under the command of Edward Daniel,99 since she had arrived at Whampoa by July 20 with a very valuable cargo for a vessel of her comparatively small size: $92,000 in specie, 14,081 otter skins, 1,581 fox skins, a few beaver skins, 101 piculs of cotton, 67 of ginseng, and n of cochineal. She sailed early in October, and by January 25, 1810, was back in New York, no days from Canton, with a highly miscellaneous cargo, including, in addition to the usual teas, silks, nankeens, and chinaware, "a few boxes White Lead and A small quantity of Cassia," also some nutmegs, vermilion, sugar candy, and sweetmeats,100 consigned to Astor and to John Whetten, the latter of whom had gone out in the brig as a passenger.101 It may have been from the Sylph's cargo, or possibly from that of the Beaver on her "mandarin voyage," that the short nankeens came, of which Astor was described on February 15, 1810, as being "a considerable holder." He had "been offered 80 Cents for a quantity but held them at 82" despite the fact that others were charging only the price first mentioned.102 On March 31,1809, Astor became part owner with Henry A. and John G. Coster of the ship Huntress of 225 tons.103 This vessel, on July 10, 1809, cleared for some unspecified destination in the "S Seas,"104 but, rather strangely, seemed to drop out of sight immediately thereafter, at least so far as Astor was concerned, though this vessel or one or more of the same name frequently afterwards appeared in the shipping records of the time. It may be to this vessel that Astor referred on August 5, 1813, when, speaking of the danger of British capture, he wrote, "the Huntress I fear is gone."105 On November 16, 1809, Astor's ship Enterprise, commanded by John Ebbets, cleared for the "N. W. Coast of America and Canton,"106 but the fortunes of this vessel properly belong to the history of the r—^'- - 152 JOHN JACOB ASTOR Pacific Fur Company rather than to that of the trade with the Orient. Probably soon after August 5, 1809, the Beaver left New York for Canton under the command of Richard Marner.107 On October 6,1809, Astor requested Messrs. J. & T. H. Perkins to secure, if possible, "Insurance on the Beaver . . . say our cargo $35,000 and one-half the ship, $15,000. I will value the ship at $30,000 only she is worth 40 and more."108 The cargo on which this insurance was desired consisted chiefly of furs, 5,146 beaver skins, 2,254 fox skins, and 867 otter skins, $25,000 in specie, and 955 piculs of cotton and 29 of ginseng. With these goods on board, the Beaver arrived at Whampoa on December 8.109 She returned to New York by June 30, 1810, "with teas, silks, nankeens, and China ware," also "Floor Matts plain and flowered, Chair Bottoms . . . and A quantity of Cassia."110 Astor had also, on April 7,1810, imported some China goods on the ship Chinese, owned by E. & H. Fanning and W. Coles.111 The 4,000 pieces of yellow China nankeens, which Astor shipped in company with two bales containing 128 bear skins on the brig Maria for Gottenburg on September 2, 1810, were probably part of the Beaver's cargo on this voyage. They were landed at Gottenburg to wait for a better market, but in order to avoid the French tariffs were loaded again on the Maria, which sailed for America on December 16. The vessel was stranded at Ameland, but the cargo was saved. Both vessel and cargo were thereupon confiscated. Astor's goods had been insured for $3,000 — their full value being estimated at $3,623 —on February 4, 1811, with the Phoenix Insurance Company, premium, 7\ per cent.112 The above demonstrates the vigor with which Astor in 1809 began to prosecute the trade with the Orient when it had once again become legal without resort to Chinese mandarins. He had previously been concerned in only three vessels, the ships Severn, Beaver, and Magdalen, and of these he had owned not TRADE WITH THE ORIENT, 1800-1812 153 more than two simultaneously. Early in 1809 the only vessel in which he had a share was the ship Beaver, but during the course of that year he added the brigs Fox and Sylph, and the ships Huntress and Enterprise. By the beginning of 1810 he was concerned in five vessels, all trading with the Orient. However, this sudden burst of energy in the China trade was not of long duration. We have no record of more than one Astor vessel clearing for Canton in 1810. This was the Beaver, again commanded by Richard Mariier, which sailed from New York, August 25, 1810.113 To be sure, on September 6, 1810, the Astor ship Tonquin had sailed from New York for the North West Coast, intending eventually to reach Canton,114 but the story of this vessel, like that of the Enterprise, does not properly belong to the account of Astor and the China trade. On August 8, 1810, Astor was again applying to Gerrit W. Van Schaick for a few thousand Spanish dollars to form part of the Beaver's cargo, for which he presented a check for $5,000, and offered "if requisit" to "return the compliment within 30 Days." A week later he had increased the amount desired to $30,000, offering the same terms as before.115 On September 15, 1810, James & T. H. Perkins had insured specie on the Beaver from New York at Canton for $15,000 at 5 per cent.116 The Beaver's cargo on her arrival at Canton was as usual made up largely of furs: 4,365 beaver skins, 2,569 fox skins, 1,647 otter skins, 468 seal skins, $87,000 in specie, and 1,519 piculs of cotton.117 She returned to New York on July 29, 1811, with teas, silks, nankeens, chinaware, nutmegs, cloves, cassia, vermilion, chair bottoms, and beads. On October 14, 1811, she cleared for the North West Coast,118 with the same/ intentions as the Enterprise and the Tonquin. Part of the Beaver's return cargo — nankeens, teas, camphor, nutmegs — was still on sale as late as September, 1812, in Astor's store at the corner of Pine and Pearl Streets.119 On November 23, 1811, another part was shipped on board the 154 JOHN JACOB ASTOR schooner Powhattan for re-exportation to the Mediterranean. The Powhattan had just come into Astor's possession (on November 22, 1811), and was a new vessel of 160 tons, built in Saybrook, Connecticut, by David Williams, Jr.120 Her captain was William Brevoort, son of Mrs. Astor's niece, Sarah Whetten Brevoort, nephew of John Jacob Astor's ship captain and partner, John Whetten, and brother of Astor's fur-buying agent, Henry Brevoort. Six boxes containing 594 pounds of cassia, and 253 bales and 230 bundles containing 27,600 pieces of nankeens, were shipped to Gibraltar, to John Duguid, a member of the house of George Allardyce & Co., while 1,000 bales containing 100,000 pieces of nankeens were consigned to Wilson, Allardyce & Co., at Malta.121 This shipment has more importance than its intrinsic value would suggest, since, so far as is known, this was the first occasion on which Astor had sent China goods, imported on his own vessels, to Europe, again in his own vessels, unless the voyage of the ship Severn to Nantes in 1801 is a case in point. Thus far, practically all goods brought from Europe to New York on Astor's account had come in vessels not owned by him, and similarly Chinese merchandise shipped from New York on his account had gone in vessels owned by others. True, the brig Adolphus, 156 tons, of which Astor became the owner on March 20, 1810,122 had, later in that year, made a voyage to Tonningen and Gottenburg under Brevoort's command, returning with iron,123 but her outward cargo probably consisted of furs rather than of China goods. The early period of Astor's connection with the Orient was nearly over. It may be said to have come definitely to a close by the arrival on June 22, 1812, of the ship Enterprise, commanded by John Ebbets, "159 days from Canton, with teas, silks, china, &c. to John J Astor, owner, Le Roy, Bayard & M'Evers, G. W. Talbot, J. S. Crary, and Cairns and Lord."124 This was the ship which had sailed from New York for the TRADE WITH THE ORIENT, 1800-1812 155 North West Coast in November, 1809, more than two and one- half years before. Her return marked the beginning of a period when the China trade would be carried on by Astor, not merely as a transfer of commodities between New York and Canton, but also for the purpose of commerce with a number of Pacific imports on the west coast of the Americas and in the islands of the sea. We are informed that the Enterprise was spoken on June 19 by H. B. M. sloop Tartarus, but treated politely. Henceforth for nearly three years the war was to check almost entirely the normal course of Astor's trade with Canton. The Powhattan's voyage to the Mediterranean late in 1811, had, as we have seen, introduced a new element into his trade with the Orient. When he again took up that trade, goods from the Mediterranean would join the products of the interior and North West Coast of North America, and those of the islands of the Pacific, to be exchanged for China goods. These commodities of the Orient would in large part be shipped to Southern Europe, thus linking Astor with another part of that continent which he had hitherto principally known in its northern regions, as a market where his furs could be sold and where metal and textile goods could be secured to be exchanged in turn for other furs. Thus we see that in choosing a date of political and international importance, the beginning of the War of 1812, as marking the end of the first period of Astor's attention to the China trade, we have not made so arbitrary and artificial a choice as might at first appear. From the above account of ships, captains, and cargoes, certain general tendencies and policies stand out. Astor's entrance into the China trade in 1800 was a direct outgrowth of his interest in the fur trade. Beginning tentatively in 1800 as the principal owner of a single vessel, he had by 1805 begun to have vessels built especially for his use in the China trade. This trade was checked in 1807 and 1808 by the international difficulties culminating in the embargo, but in 1809 he was i56 JOHN JACOB ASTOR interested in five vessels engaged in the trade with the Orient, although his expansion was soon to be checked by the outbreak of war. During most of this period of more than a decade in the China trade, his commercial policy had been simple, straightforward, unoriginal. His ships would, if possible, leave New York in May and return in time to be ready for another Canton voyage within a year after their previous departure from New York. The China goods would be advertised in the New York press, some sold over the counter of his store, a part disposed of by some well-known auction firm, another part, perhaps, shipped to some other eastern city for sale, to Canada, or even to Europe. Late in this period some of these shipments began to be made to the Mediterranean in one or two small vessels owned by Astor himself. In 1808 Astor had decided to carry on the China trade in connection with the fur trade of the North West Coast and, in fulfillment of this plan, had dispatched vessels to the Columbia River in 1809, 1810, and 1811, one each year, but as only one of these had returned prior to the outbreak of war, this new policy did not greatly affect his commerce with the Orient in the period under consideration. After the war was over, the China trade, so far as Astor was concerned, became much more intricate. TRADE WITH THE ORIENT, 1800-1812 157 NOTES 1. New-York Gazette and General Advertiser, July 5, 1799, p. 2, col. 1; December 3,1799, p. 1, col. 3; June 30,1800, p. 1, col. 2; August 26,1800, p. 3, col. 2; December 5, 1800, p. 3, col. 5. 2. Greene, Richard Henry, The Todd Genealogy (1867), passim; Greenbie, Sydney and Marjorie, Gold ofOphir (1925), pp. 38-41; Fanning, Edmund, Voyages round the World (1833), pp. 65-67; The New-York Directory and Register for the year 1789 (1789), "Todd, Adam, sea captain, 35 Beekman do [street]." 3. [Scoville, Joseph A.], The Old Merchants of New York City, 5 vols. (1889), vol. i, pp. 416-421. 4. Parton, James, Life of John Jacob Astor (1865), pp. 42-47. 5. Gebhard, Elizabeth L., The Life and Ventures of the Original John Jacob Astor (1915), pp. 127-135. 6. "John Jacob Astor," Dictionary of American Biography. 7. Smith, Arthur D. Howden, John Jacob Astor (1929), pp. 75-96. 8. Greenbie, op. cit., pp. 31-32. 9. Ms. book, Treasury Building, Washington, D. C, New York Register, vol. 56, no. 112, March 25,1800; vol. 57, no. 150, April 28,1800. 10. Ms., New York Historical Society, Astor Papers, John J. Astor, Bond Cancelled, May 12, 1801 (see below, vol. i, pp. 393-395). 11. Daily Advertiser (N. Y.), April 29, 1800, p. 3, col. 1. 12. Ms., New York Historical Society, Astor Papers, John J. Astor, Bond Cancelled, May 12,1801 (see below, vol. i, pp. 393-395); ms. book, Whitehall, London, East India Office, East India Company Records, China Factory Records, Diaries, vol. 135, 1800-01, pp. 44, 108, 109. 13. New-York Gazette and General Advertiser, April 29,1801, p. 3, col. 1. 14. Ibid., May 11, 1801, p. 3, col. 1. 15. Ibid., May 20,1801, p. 3, col. 2; July 1,1801, p. 1, col. 5; August 1, 1801, p. 1, col. 3; September 1,1801, p. 2, col. 4; December 31,1801, p. 2, col. 1; February 8, 1802, p. 3, col. 2; March 4,1802, p. 1, col. 4; April 20, 1802, p. 3, col. 2; September 29, 1802, p. 3, col. 3; ms. book, Whitehall, London, East India Office, East India Company Records, China Factory Records, Diaries, vol. 135, 1800-01, pp. 44, 108, 109. 16. Ms., Library of Congress, New York Customs Records, John Jacob Astor, Bonds Cancelled, May 25, November 20, 1802. 17. New-York Gazette and General Advertiser, June 8,1801, p. 3, col. 3; June 15,1801, p. 3, col. 3; June 24,1801, p. 1, col. 1; January 2,1802, p. 3, col. 2. 18. Ms. book, Treasury Building, Washington, D. C, New York Register, vol. 69, no. 310, July 3, 1801. 158 JOHN JACOB ASTOR 19. Ms. book, Whitehall, London, East India Office, East India Company Records, China Factory Records, Diaries, vol. 143,1802-03, pp. 112, 133, 124; New-York Gazette and General Advertiser, March 30, 1803, p. 1, col. 2; December 27, 1803, p. 1, col. 5. 20. Ibid., April 26, 1803, p. 3, col. 3; December 27, 1803, p. 1, col. 5; ms., Library of Congress, New York Customs Records, Inward, John J. Astor pr Amboy stage Boat, Philadelphia, July 24, 1802. 21. Ms. book, New York Custom House, New York Register, May 7- June 4, 1803, no. 149, May 21, 1803. 22. Ibid., May 21-June 28, 1804, no. 309, May 25, 1804. 23. Ibid., March 16-May 15, 1805, no. 198, May 7, 1805 (see below, vol. i, pp. 407-408). 24. New-York Gazette and General Advertiser, May 23,1803, p. 3, col. 2. Astor wrote to his friend Peter Smith, April 26, 1803, "the Severn will make the best voyage this Seasan but it will [be] burt [sic] a poor ane. its my Intention to have her go again to Canton this Spring." (Ms., Syracuse University, Gerrit Smith Miller Collection, Letters, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., April 26,1803, to Peter Smith, Utica.) It would seem from the above that the question of the Severn's going to Canton in 1803 had not been a settled matter, and also that Astor at this time could decide as to the vessel's destination, even though he still appeared as a subordinate owner on the ship's register. 25. Ms. book, Whitehall, London, East India Office, East India Company Records, China Factory Records, Diaries, vol. 146,1803-04, pp. 113, 125-128. 26. Ms. book, Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston, Boston Marine Insurance Company Records, vol. K, no. 2242, May 19, 1803, no. 2250, May 30, 1803. 27. New-York Gazette and General Advertiser, May 23,1803, p. 3, col. 2; ms. book, Whitehall, London, East India Office, East India Company Records, China Factory Records, Diaries, vol. 146, 1803-04, pp. 113, 125-128. 28. New-York Gazette and General Advertiser, April 17,1804, p. 3, col. 2. 29. Ms., Redpath Library, McGill University, Montreal, Blackwood MSS., James McGill, Montreal, October 17, 1805, to Isaac Todd. 30. Ms. book, New York Custom House, New York Register, May 21- June 28, 1804, no. 309, May 25, 1804. 31. New-York Gazette and General Advertiser, May 26,1804, p. 3, col. 1. 32. Scoville, op. cit., vol. i, pp. 210-211. S3. Ms., Library of Congress, New York Customs Records, Outward, ship Severn, Cowman, Canton, May 25, 1804 (see below, vol. i, pp. 406- 407); ms. book, Whitehall, London, East India Office, East India Company Records, China Factory Records, Diaries, vol. 149,1804-05, pp. 63, 151-152, 155-156. I IfllliUllfflite. TRADE WITH THE ORIENT, 1800-1812 159 34. Ms., Syracuse University, Gerrit Smith Miller Collection, Letters, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., July 13,1799, to Peter Smith, Old Fort Schuyler. 35. Ms., New York Public Library, Gansevoort Lansing Collection, Van Schaick Papers, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., April 6, 14, 28, May 9, 12 (see below, vol. i, pp. 405-406), 1804, to Gerrit W. Van Schaick, Albany. 36. New York Evening Post, February 20, 1805, p. 3, cols. 2 and 3. 37. Ms. book, Whitehall, London, East India Office, East India Company Records, China Factory Records, Diaries, vol. 149, 1804-05, pp. 6$, 150-152, 155-156. 38. New-York Gazette and General Advertiser, June 13,1805, p. 4, col. 1; January 30, 1806, p. 1, col. 5. 39. Ms. book, New York Custom House, New York Register, March 16-May 15, 1805, no. 199, May 7, 1805. 40. Ibid., no. 198, May 7, 1805 (see below, vol. i, pp. 407-408). 41. "The Shipyard of America," New York Herald, December 31,1852. The statement in this article that the Beaver was launched in 1803 is incorrect. 42. Ms. book, Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston, Boston Marine Insurance Company, vol. N, no. 3012, May 6, 1805. 43. Ms. book, Whitehall, London, East India Office, East India Company Records, China Factory Records, Diaries, vol. 151,1805-06, pp. 24, 126-129. 44. New-York Gazette and General Advertiser, April 6, 1805, p. 2, col. 1. 45. Ms., Library of Congress, New York Customs Records, John J. Astor and John Aspinwall, Bonds Cancelled, June 28, 1806. 46. New-York Gazette and General Advertiser, March 26, 1806, p. 3, col. 1; "The Shipyard of America," New York Herald, December 31,1852. 47. New-York Gazette and General Advertiser, March 26, p. 3, col. 1; April 23, 1806, p. 1, col. 6. 48. Ms., Library of Congress, New York Customs Records, John J. Astor, schooner Fortitude to Baltimore, April 17, 1806. 49. Ibid., John J. Astor, Bond Cancelled, September 4, 1806. 50. Ms., Department of State, Washington, D. C, Claims on France, Convention of 1831, allowed. Sh. Margaret. Br. Maria. 51. Ms. book, New York Custom House, New York Register, March 18-May 29, 1806, no. 180, May 3, 1806. 52. New-York Gazette and General Advertiser, May 5, 1806, p. 3, col. 1. 53. Ms. book, Whitehall, London, East India Office, East India Company Records, China Factory Records, Diaries, vol. 158, 1806-07, pp. 116-119, 130. 54. New-York Gazette and General Advertiser, July 10,1806, p. 3, col. 1. 55. "Isaac Chauncey," Appleton's Cyclopaedia of American Biography. i6o JOHN JACOB ASTOR 56. Ms. book, Whitehall, London, East India Office, East India Company Records, China Factory Records, Diaries, vol. 158, 1806-07, pp. 116-119, 130- 57. Ms. book, Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston, Boston Marine Insurance Company, vol. O, no. 3413, August 4, 1806. 58. Ms. book, Whitehall, London, East India Office, East India Company Records, China Factory Records, Diaries, vol. 158, 1806-07, pp. 116-119, 130. 59. Ms., Department of State, Washington, D. C, Consular Letters, Canton, 1792-1834, Edward Carrington, Canton, November 26, 1806, to Samuel Snow. 60. Ms. book, Whitehall, London, East India Office, East India Company Records, China Factory Records, Diaries, vol. 158, 1806-07, pp.116-119, 130. 61. Ms., Department of State, Washington, D. C, Consular Letters, Canton, 1792-1834, Isaac Chauncey, ship Beaver, Whampoa, December 20, 1806, to Edward Carrington, Consul and Commercial Agent for the United States, Canton; Isaac Chauncey, ship Beaver, Whampoa, December 20, 1806, to John Wood, Captain, H. B. M. S. Phaeton; John Wood, H. B. M. S. Phaeton, Chuenper [sic], December 26, 1806, to Isaac Chauncey; Isaac Chauncey, Canton, December 30,1806, to James Maddi- son [sic], Secretary of State. 62. Ms. book, Whitehall, London, East India Office, East India Company Records, China Factory Records, Diaries, vol. 158, 1806-07, pp. 116-119, 130. 63. New-York Gazette and General Advertiser, March 7,1807, p. 3, col. 1; March 9, 1807, p. 3, col. 1; March 14, 1807, p. 3, col. 6. 64. Ms., Pennsylvania Historical Society, Philadelphia, Ferdinand J. Dreer Collection, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., April 22, 1807, to John Lattimer, Philadelphia. 65. New-York Gazette and General Advertiser, June 8, 1807, p. 2, col. 6; January 12, 1808, p. 4, col. 6. 66. Ms., New York Public Library, Gansevoort Lansing Collection, Van Schaick Papers, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., January 29, 1806, to Gerrit W. Van Schaick, Albany. 67. Latourette, Kenneth Scott, "The History of Early Relations between the United States and China, 1784-1844," Transactions ofthe Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, vol. 22 (1917), pp. 50-51. 68. New-York Gazette and General Advertiser, March 23, 1808, p. 3, col. 1; ms. book, New York Custom House, New York Register, May H June 24, 1807, May 28, 1807. 69. Ibid., no. 279, June 8, 1807. TRADE WITH THE ORIENT, 1800-1812 161 70. Ms., Department of State, Washington, D. C, Miscellaneous Letters, January-December, 1807, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., July 13, 1807, to James Madison, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. 71. New-York Gazette and General Advertiser, March 23, 1808, p. 3, col. 1. 72. Ibid., November 11, 1807, p. 3, col. 1. 73. Ms. book, New York Custom House, New York Register, February 26-July 7, 1808, no. 137, June 1, 1808. 74. Nolte, Vincent, Fifty Years in Both Hemispheres (1854), pp. 140- 143- 75. Ms. (copy), Library of Congress, Thomas Jefferson Papers, vol. clxxx, August n-September 10, 1808, [Albert Gallatin] Treasury Department, August 17, 1808, to Capt. William Jones, Philadelphia (see below, vol. i, pp. 426-428). 76. Ibid., vol. clxxv, February 6-March 8, 1808, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., February 27, 1808, to Thomas Jefferson, President of the United States of America; vol. clxxvi, March 10-April 14, 1808, Thomas Jefferson, Washington, D. C, April 13, 1808, to John Jacob Astor, N. Y.; vol. clxxix, July 14-August 10, 1808, Thomas Jefferson, Washington, D. C, July 17, 1808, to Gov. [Meriwether] Lewis, St. Louis. 77. "Samuel Latham Mitchill," Appleton's Cyclopaedia of American Biography. 78. Ms., Library of Congress, Thomas Jefferson Papers, vol. clxxviii, May 26-July 13, 1808, Samuel L. Mitchill, N. Y, July 12, 1808, to Thomas Jefferson, President of the United States (see below, vol. i, pp. 420-421). 79. Ibid., vol. clxxix, July 14-August 10, 1808, Thomas Jefferson, Monticello, July 25, 1808, to [Albert Gallatin] Secretary of the Treasury (see below, vol. i, pp. 421-422). 80. Ibid, (copy), [Albert Gallatin] Treasury Department, August 3, 1808, to David Gelston, Collector, N. Y. (see below, vol. i, pp. 422-424). 81. Ibid., Albert Gallatin, N. Y., August 3, 1808, to [Thomas Jefferson] President. 82. Ibid., Albert Gallatin, N. Y., August 5, 1808, to [Thomas Jefferson] President of the United States. 83. Ibid., Albert Gallatin, N. Y., August 9, 1808, to [Thomas Jefferson] President of the United States. 84. Ibid., vol. clxxx, August n-September 10, 1808, Thomas Jefferson, Monticello, August 15, 1808, to [Albert Gallatin] Secretary of the Treasury. 85. Ibid, (copy), William Jones and others, Philadelphia, August 10, 1808, to Albert Gallatin, Secretary of the Treasury (see below, vol. i, pp. 424-426). J l62 JOHN JACOB ASTOR 86. Ibid, (copy), [Albert Gallatin] Treasury Department, August 17, 1808, to Capt. William Jones and others, Philadelphia (see below, vol. i, pp. 426-428). 87. Scoville, op. cit., vol. iii, p. 8; Nolte, op. cit., pp. 140-143; Greenbie, op. cit., pp. 103-108. 88. Ms., Library of Congress, Thomas Jefferson Papers, vol. clxxx, August n-September 10,1808, Thomas Jefferson, Monticello, August 23, 1808, to [Albert Gallatin] Secretary of the Treasury. 89. Commercial Advertiser (N. Y.), August 17, 1808, p. 3, col. 2; New- York Gazette and General Advertiser, August 18, 1808, p. 3, col. 1. 90. Greenbie, op. cit., p. 108; Scoville, op. cit., vol. iii, pp. 9-11; Commercial Advertiser (N. Y.), August 15, 1808, p. 3, col. 5. 91. New-York Gazette and General Advertiser, June 8, 1809, p. 2, col. 6. 92. Scoville, op. cit., vol. iii, pp. 9-11. Mrs. Astor has been given the credit for devising the subterfuge which made this successful voyage possible. (Greene, Richard H., "Astor American Ancestry," New York Genealogical and Biographical Record, vol. xxiii (1892), pp. 15-17.) 93. Ms. book, Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston, Boston Marine Insurance Company, vol. Q, no. 3729, June 7, 1809. 94. Ms. book, Whitehall, London, East India Office, East India Company Records, China Factory Records, Diaries, vol. 165, pp. 115,122-123. 95. Ms., Baker Library, Canton draft, January 11,1809, Conseequa to John Jacob Astor (see above, vol. i, facing p. 150). 96. New-York Gazette and General Advertiser, April 24,1810, p. 3, col. 4. 97. Ibid., December 27,1809, p. 3, col. 2; "The Shipyard of America," New York Herald, December 31, 1852. 98. New-York Gazette and General Advertiser, March 22, 1810, p. 3, col. 4. 99. Ms. book, New York Custom House, New York Register, January 6, 1809-March 24, 1809, no. 54, March 9, 1809. 100. Ms. book, Whitehall, London, East India Office, East India Company Records, China Factory Records, Diaries, vol. 169, 1809-10, pp. 132-133, 140, 148. 101. New-York Gazette and General Advertiser, January 25, 1810, p. 3, col. 2; February 26, 1810, p. 3, col. 4. 102. Ms., Girard College, Philadelphia, Girard Papers, William Thomas & Son, N. Y., February 15, 1810, to Stephen Girard. 103. Ms. book, New York Custom House, New York Register, March 24-April 28, 1809, no. 128, no. 129, March 31, 1809. 104. New-York Gazette and General Advertiser, July 10,1809, p. 3, col. 1. 105. Ms. book, Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letter Book i, 1813-15, p. 31, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., August 5, 1813, to John Dorr, Boston. 106. New-York Gazette and General Advertiser, July 10,1809, p. 3, col. 1. TRADE WITH THE ORIENT, 1800-1812 163 107. Ms. book, New York Custom House, New York Register, July n-November 24, 1808, August 10, 1808. 108. Briggs, L. Vernon, History and Genealogy of the Cabot Family, 1475-1927, 2 vols. (1927), p. 409. 109. Ms. book, Whitehall, London, East India Office, East India Company Records, Diaries, vol. 169, 1809-10, pp. 133, 142. no. New-York Gazette and General Advertiser, June 30, 1810, p. 3, col. 1; July 7, 1810, p. 3, col. 2. in. Ibid., April 7, 1810, p. 3, col. 2. 112. Ms., Department of State, Washington, D. C, Claims on France, Convention of 1831, allowed. Sh. U. States, Br Venus, Sh. Vermont, 1 Part; Sh. Vermont 2 Part, Sh. Victory. 113. New-York Gazette and General Advertiser, August 25, 1810, p. 3, col. 1. 114. Franchere, Gabriel, Narrative of a Voyage to the Northwest Coast of America (1854), p. 32. 115. Ms., New York Public Library, Gansevoort Lansing Collection, Van Schaick Papers, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., August 8, 15, 1810, to Gerrit W. Van Schaick, Albany. 116. Ms. book, Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston, Boston Marine Insurance Company Records, vol. R, no. 4171, September 15, 1810. 117. Ms. book, Whitehall, London, East India Office, East India Company Records, Diaries, vol. 173, 1810-n, pp. 128, 129, 134. 118. New-York Gazette and General Advertiser, July 29, p. 2, col. 2; August 15, p. 3, col. 2; October 14, 1811, p. 2, col. 3. 119. Ibid., May 30, 1812, p. 4, col. 6. 120. Ms. book, New York Custom House, New York Register, November 1, 1811-February 8, 1812, no. 343, November 22, 1811. 121. Ms., Library of Congress, New York Customs Records, John Jacob Astor, schooner Powhattan, Bonds Cancelled, July 29, 1812. 122. Ms. book, New York Custom House, New York Register, January 25-March 20, 1810, no. 137, March 20, 1810; November 9, 1810- January 18, 1811, no. 605, December 29, 1810. 123. New-York Gazette and General Advertiser, April 2,1810, p. 3, col. 1; September 22, 1810, p. 3, col. 1. 124. Ibid., June 22, 1812, p. 3, col. 2. CHAPTER VII THE PACIFIC FUR COMPANY AND ASTORIA: FROM THE INCORPORATION OF THE AMERICAN FUR COMPANY TO THE OUTBREAK OF THE WAR, 1808-1812 Late in January, 1808, John Jacob Astor confided to De Witt Clinton certain plans concerning the fur trade, which had doubtless been germinating in his mind for some time. At that period there were two Canadian companies engaged in the fur trade, the North West Company, with a capital of $1,200,000, and the Michilimackinac, with about $800,000. There were also a few Indian traders, British subjects, operating in the vicinity of Detroit. The greater part of the furs secured by these companies and by the individual traders came from the territory of the United States; both companies traded west of the Mississippi, and each was limited by agreement to a definite sphere of influence.1 As a result of this powerful combination, three-fourths of the furs consumed in the United States were supplied by Canadian companies, to the annual amount, Astor estimated, of $400,000 worth collected on the Mississippi and Missouri alone. As a consequence, Astor and other American fur traders were forced to proceed every year to Montreal and there purchase furs which had come from United States territory, often paying a higher price than they would bring at London. Indeed, it sometimes happened that Astor had been forced to import peltries which had been trapped within the boundaries of the United States, but which had passed through the hands of Montreal and London merchants before finally reaching New York, Boston, Philadelphia, and Baltimore. It was Astor's intention to combat this Canadian quasi- monopoly through a vigorous campaign which, he hoped, ASTORIA, 1808-1812 165 would bring the whole of the United States fur-trading territory under his control within four or five years, even as far west as the Pacific Ocean. New York would be the headquarters of this campaign, and the channels of transport from that city to the frontier would be two — one overland, the other from New Orleans up the Mississippi. He planned a range of trading posts along the route taken by the Lewis and Clark expedition, from St. Louis to the sea. The Americans would thus have a distinct advantage over the Canadians, since their line of communications between the source of supplies and the trading country would be much more direct, and moreover the furs could be sent from New York wherever the owners pleased, whereas the Canadians were restricted to London or the United States as markets for their peltries. Such a great object, of course, would involve equivalent difficulties. The trade would probably not pay for itself during the first 2 or 3 years; but after that it would gradually become very profitable. At first, then, it would be wise not to invest heavily, but after the preliminary period a capital of $2,000,000 might be employed with advantage. The risks being so great, Astor believed — at least so he asserted — that the project could be carried on advantageously only by an incorporated company. Astor himself modestly felt that, if he could be associated with 10 or 12 responsible men, he might venture to invest $50,000, or perhaps even $100,000, of his own property. Astor believed that this plan would bring about beneficial results beyond the mere financial aggrandizement of the investors. For example, the goods required for the trade, which would have to be secured principally outside the country, would account for only about a quarter of the total expense, the other three-fourths being taken up in wages, transportation, and provisions, all of which, of course, would benefit the country. The government too, Astor felt, would be pleased, since he was perfectly willing to supersede the government i66 JOHN JACOB ASTOR trading houses which had been established to attach the Indians to the United States through the bonds of commerce. Thus the administration would be relieved of a considerable burden, while the company which Astor projected would be equally effective in securing the adherence of the Indians to the American cause, since, being a permanent organization, it would find it advantageous to treat the natives fairly. Astor hoped to receive a monopoly for his company in order to keep out the irresponsible, fly-by-night traders whose only interest was in quick killing, with no regard to the future. He also thought that the company might receive even greater (though unspecified) governmental favors. This description of the state of the fur trade and Astor's plans for extensive operations in it was the preface to enquiring of Governor Clinton whether he would recommend the New York legislature to grant a charter. If so, Astor would go to Washington and seek governmental sanction, without which he had no intention of proceeding further with his project. He also requested strict secrecy about this matter, as he did not wish word of his intended opposition to reach his Canadian friends, for not only might they be offended by his proposed action, but also they would probably take steps to defeat his purpose. In conclusion, Astor sufficiently indicated the importance of the plan in his eyes by stating his intention, in case of its success, of dropping all other mercantile concerns.2 De Witt Clinton's attitude was favorable, as Astor had probably anticipated, and about a month after the letter in which Astor had thus described his plans he set his project in condensed form before Thomas Jefferson, the president of the United States, requesting the approbation of the government, without which he felt his plan could not succeed; nor would he wish to undertake it without official sanction. For information concerning his character and ability, Astor referred the Chief Executive to George Clinton, the vice-president, and requested ASTORIA, 1808-1812 167 as early a reply as convenient to his letter, since he wished to apply to the New York legislature, which was to adjourn in a few weeks, for a charter, and did not wish to proceed without knowing the President's sentiments.3 It seems that Jefferson had instructed General Henry Dearborn, his secretary of War, to enquire concerning Astor from Governor De Witt Clinton, and on April 8 General Dearborn announced: "Govr. Clinton speaks well of Astor, as a man of large property & fair charactor, and well acquainted with the fur & peltry business."4 Thus assured both of Astor's ability and of his respectability, Jefferson, on April 73, gave his benediction to the plan for undertaking trade with the western Indians. Jefferson's idea, however, was that several companies of United States citizens would engage in the trade, for Astor had not confided to him, as to De Witt Clinton, his ambitious ideas for the trans-Mississippi trade, and thus his approval referred to the general project rather than to Astor's detailed plans for carrying it out.5 It was, however, sufficient for Astor. Indeed he had not waited for the Chief Executive's approval before applying to the New York legislature for a charter, which was granted on April 6, 1808. This act stressed the patriotic motives for the formation of the organization, to be known as "The American Fur Company," and stressed also the fact that no individual or unincorporated association could advantageously carry out the Company's purpose. The Company was incorporated for twenty-five years, and the capital stock for two years was to be one million dollars, after which it might be increased to a total of two million. The management of the Company was committed to nine directors, to be annually elected by the stockholders, and presided over by a president, chosen by the directors, of whom five would constitute a quorum. One-third of the shares might be retained by the Company for the purpose of rewarding its employees. The Company might issue bills of exchange to the total amount of 168 JOHN JACOB ASTOR one-half the paid-up capital stock, but might not engage in banking, nor could it buy or sell real estate or the stocks of the United States, or of any State, except bona fide as incidental to and necessitated by its main interest, the fur trade. An annual dividend was to be made of so much of the profits as appeared advisable to a majority of the directors. Ownership of stock was restricted to United States citizens.6 Astor must have informed Jefferson of progress in the months that followed, for on July 17, 1808, the President wrote to Meriwether Lewis, governor of Missouri Territory, that a powerful company was forming to carry on the Indian trade on a large scale, with the intention of securing for the United States "exclusive possession" of that commerce, and would employ a capital of $300,000 the first year and later increase it to one million. The Michilimackinac Company would probably withdraw from the competition. The new company would be "under the direction of a most excellent man, a mr Astor merch*. of N. York, long engaged in the business & perfectly master of it." Astor had apparently been dallying with the idea of visiting St. Louis in pursuance of his plans, and Jefferson recommended him, should he arrive there, to Lewis' attention.7 Charles Gratiot, of St. Louis, with whom Astor had been in correspondence for some years, on learning from Governor Lewis that Astor was forming a company, hastened, on December 9, to offer his services.8 Astor did not, however, visit the Missouri city after all. So far all seemed to have gone well. Astor's plan, so far as it was known, had received the warm approval of the President, and the Company which was to carry out this project had received its charter of incorporation. To other men the next question would have been the sale of sufficient stock to float the enterprise, but this question did not at all obtrude itself upon Astor, for despite his insistence on the necessity of the cooperation of a responsible group of moneyed men to carry out ASTORIA, 1808-1812 169 his plans, Astor had no intention of letting any other capitalist share in the profits of this project, which he hoped would in a short time reach magnificent proportions. Astor was no less determined than Jefferson that the fur trade of the West should be monopolized by American citizens, but his program was even more exclusive than that of the President. It was his purpose to concentrate the western fur trade in the hands of only such American citizens as had been born in Waldorf, Germany, in 1763, and had arrived in the United States from London in the spring of 1784. He had grave doubts whether more than one merchant could be found who would conform to these rather rigid qualifications. In short, the elaborate provisions for the election of directors and the payment of dividends had no serious import: in the words of Irving, the official historian of this portion of Astor's career, the "capital was furnished by himself — he, in fact, constituted the company; for, though he had a board of directors, they were really nominal; the whole business was conducted on his plans, and with his resources, but he preferred to do so under the imposing and formidable aspect of a corporation, rather than in his individual name, and his policy was sagacious and effective."9 To these advantages of incorporation may be added that of limited liability, should the Company fail, and the fact that special favors could be more gracefully obtained from a government if the petitioner appeared to be the spokesman of a vague but powerful group of capitalists, rather than a single successful and ambitious German fur merchant, no matter how powerful and high- principled he might seem to be. In none of Astor's explanations of his plans so far did there appear any definite suggestion of a fort at the mouth of the Columbia River, though we may infer that this idea was in the back of his mind from his mention of a line of posts along the Lewis and Clark route, extending to the Pacific Ocean. Just when this essential feature of his final plan began to assume JOHN JACOB ASTOR prominence, we do not know. The idea of a trading post on the Columbia certainly does not belong uniquely to Astor, though he may have developed it independently of others. It is much more likely, however, that much of the credit belongs to Astor's friend, patron, and occasional partner,_Alexander Henry of Montreal";" Henry7 as eaHy^a^ThFspfing of 1786, had written to a New York merchant, William Edgar, advising the building of forts on the rivers of the North West Coast for the purpose of trade with the Indians, which he described as "my favorite plan."10 It was almost inevitable that, during the long association between Astor and Henry, the older man, in the course of conversations on the fur trade, should have explained to his guest the details of this pet project which he himself was unable to carry out. It is even worthy of note in this connection that this William Edgar, Henry's correspondent, was one of the commissioners appointed by the act of incorporation to receive subscriptions for the stock of the American Fur Company. However, this fact need not deprive Astor of very much credit. His genius must receive its full meed of recognition for the plan as a whole, which Irving has described in the classic Astoria. It was not as an original thinker nor as a pioneer in business that Astor shone, but in his ability to combine and use the ideas of other men, profiting not only by their successes and failures, but even by his own, a feat more difficult than it sounds. Astor went as usual to Montreal in the fall of 1808. As the embargo was then in operation, he could not, of course, import any furs. Indeed, according to a letter from Albert Gallatin to Jefferson, November 18,1808, Astor had found that non-exportation was preventing him from carrying on the Michilimackinac trade, since, as he said — and Gallatin supported his contention— "we cannot consume a large proportion of those furs." Gallatin asked for instructions as to what answer or encouragement he should give.11 Astor's statement that he was ASTORIA, 1808-1812 171 unable to dispose of the Michilimackinac furs without exportation sounds rather strange when taken in connection with his assertion made earlier in the year "that we are obligd to Drow 3/4 of aur furrs for ham Consumption frum Canada." It may be that Astor was formulating in this connection some device similar to that of the "mandarin" and the Beaver, but in that case he was unsuccessful. The question then arises, what was his purpose in going to Canada in the fall of 1808? Possibly he was contracting for furs to be delivered when the commercial restrictions should be lifted, but it is more likely that he was engaged in negotiating with the two great Canadian companies in an attempt to forestall any too great opposition to his program of pursuing the western fur trade within the territories of the United States. He doubtless presented some offer for cooperation or the delimitation of spheres of influence. But though Astor was received with the usual Montreal hospitality, for he dined with Joseph Frobisher and others at the home of William McGillivray on September 7, 1808, and at Joseph Frobisher's own home on the 13th with a large number of gentlemen, among whom were members of both Companies, and was entertained on the 17th by the Beaver Club, the North West Company's social organization,12 his mission had no immediate results. The embargo prevented Astor from going any further with his plans until he could legally import goods for the Indian trade and clear a ship for the North West Coast, since it was in that quarter of the continent that he had decided to strike the first blow toward securing exclusive control by American citizens— that is, by John Jacob Astor — of the Indian trade west of the Mississippi. It is said that he was largely influenced to adopt this course by the representations of Andrew Daschkoff, Russian consul-general for the United States, who, when he came to the United States in June, 1809, had been instructed to remonstrate against the practice of certain Ameri- 172 JOHN JACOB ASTOR can traders who sold arms and ammunition to the Indians, and thus menaced not only the lives of the natives but also the safety of the Russian settlements. Since the government's arm was hardly long enough to extend to the North West Coast, Astor suggested an agreement between the American Fur Company and the Russian American Company, by which the former would supply the latter with all needful articles from the United States and Europe and set up an establishment on the Columbia, but would not trade with the natives near the Russian settlements, while, on the other hand, the Russians would not deal with transient traders nor with the natives-near the Columbia.13 Daschkoff highly approved of this plan, and, in order to give it the greatest possible chance for success, became its sponsor. He declared that, having learned that the supply ships from St. Petersburg to New Archangel arrived very irregularly, and that, in consequence, the settlement of the Russian American Company was forced to depend for its supplies largely upon irresponsible American traders who were likely to corrupt the natives, he had suggested to Astor that he should send a cargo to Governor Baranoff, director of the Russian American Company at New Archangel, and make arrangements to supply his needs regularly.14 Such an alliance with the Russians would, of course, be an advantage to Astor in his campaign for securing exclusive control over the fur trade farther south on the coast, especially if, as was probable, he should have to meet the opposition of the North West Company. On November 7, 1809, Daschkoff wrote to Astor urging him to give his captain full powers to make a contract with Governor Baranoff, enclosing a letter for the Governor, and expressing his great hope that the trade in furs at Canton (probably meaning only those from Russian America) should be exclusively controlled by Astor and Baranoff and that the adventurers on the North West Coast should be eliminated.15 ASTORIA, 1808-1812 173 By November, 1809, a sufficient number of ships had arrived at New York from London, Rotterdam, and Liverpool, as well as from American ports, with drygoods, hardware, gin, molasses, rum, tobacco, powder, brandy, and other goods suitable for trade on the North West Coast, to enable Astor to load the ship Enterprise with a well-assorted cargo.16 This vessel, which < had been built in Philadelphia in 1807 and was of 291 tons burden, had come into Astor's possession on September 1, 1809.17 Her captain, John Ebbets, had been carefully selected for this specific position, and not only his qualifications as a navigator, but, even more important, his experience in the China trade and on the North West Coast, had been taken into consideration. He had been trading on the North West Coast in 1801, 1802, and 1803, in the ship Alert, owned by Lamb of Boston, and he had, as it seems, a claim on the gratitude of the Russian American Company, through his having rescued several of its employees in 1802 at the time of the Sitka massacre. He had taken the Alert to Canton in 1803, and in 1805 was again trading on the North West Coast in the ship Pearl, also owned by Lamb, while both ship and captain were at Oahu in the next year.18 According to Astor, Ebbets " enjoyed both the esteem and confidence of the Indians" on the North West Coast.19 He had also "long been known to Mr. Baranoff, who had seen proof of his trustworthiness in many a business transaction."20 As might be expected on such a pioneer voyage, Astor gave minutely detailed instructions to the captain. A letter of November 13 contained advice about the securing and care of land furs and the prices which they would bring in New York. Ebbets was instructed to bring samples of such peltries from all ports at which he touched. A certain Henry Merschel, who was to go on the Enterprise, would assist in judging and preserving the peltries secured. Astor's passion for detail, and the personal knowledge of furs which he had gained in his early years among 174 JOHN JACOB ASTOR the New York Indians, come out clearly in these instructions.21 Astor's official orders to Ebbets were: to proceed on his voyage as soon as possible, go directly to New Archangel, and to deliver the cargo to Governor Baranoff. It had, however, been agreed between Astor and Daschkoff that the Governor might direct Ebbets to take part of the cargo to one other port in Russian America, but to no more, save for such compensation as Mr. Greene, the supercargo, should consider adequate. After delivering the cargo, Ebbets was to return directly to his home port in the United States. For his services he was to receive thirty-five dollars per month, his cabin and stores, and five hundred dollars at his return in lieu of primage. He was warned to exercise the utmost caution where Indians were concerned, and to consult with Mr. Greene on all occasions.22 This Mr. Greene was, without much doubt, Daniel Greene of New Haven,23 who as early as 1790 had commanded a sealing ship to the Pacific and Canton, on a voyage which had lasted three years. In 1796 he had commanded the Neptune on a similar voyage, returning to his home port in 1799, after having been at Canton the previous year. He has been described by one who knew him intimately as "resolute and hawkeyed," not inclined to frivolity, but, nevertheless, "humane" to the natives with whom he came in contact, and "indulgent" to his sailors, without giving them any encouragement to presume upon his good nature.24 A better captain and supercargo could hardly have been chosen for this particular voyage, and events justified their selection. It seems probable that these formal orders given to Ebbets by Astor did not entirely reflect his actual intentions, and that they were supplemented and perhaps even contradicted by oral instructions, and indeed possibly by additional written orders. They may have been prepared largely for the benefit of Daschkoff, who would, of course, be pleased to note that Astor was apparently placing the welfare of Baranoff and the b^^^> -■>-»... ^,.,. .,,- .^...^j-^;^ > ••■•• -' ■--■••"• • - wafA*^ySKS£5SS3 ASTORIA, 1808-1812 175 Russian American Company before every other consideration. As a matter of fact, the Enterprise, which cleared from New York on November 15,1809,25 was expected from the first to go on from the North West Coast to Canton, instead of returning directly to the United States after disposing of her cargo to Baranoff. On November 14 Ebbets had requested Astor to insure the vessel and cargo for $21,000 to the North West Coast and Canton, and for the same amount from Canton to New York, Astor to hold the policy as security for $16,000 advanced by him to Ebbets and invested in the ship and cargo.26 Astor, however, insured the vessel's cargo alone, to Canton and back, and that for merely $10,000. The premium was eighteen per cent, though we are told that Astor had the insurance from Canton to New York cancelled on October 5, 1811, receiving a rebate of $400.27 Ebbets did not proceed directly to New Archangel, but instead, undoubtedly under the positive instructions of his employer, went first to the Columbia River, where he was to "prepare the Indians for a friendly reception to some white men who would come to stay with them."28 The ship " touched at several places on the coast," arriving at the Indian village of Newetee or Newity on June 11, 1810, "204 days from New York." Leaving this port on the 23rd, the ship finally reached the settlement of New Archangel, at Sitka on Norfolk Sound, near the end of June or the beginning of July.29 Upon arriving at New Archangel and endeavoring to present his papers, which consisted of a dispatch from Daschkoff and a letter and contract from Astor, Ebbets at once met with difficulty, for though the letter and contract were written both in English and in French, Astor had, for some reason, neglected to supply a Russian copy. As a consequence matters were at a standstill, since Ebbets olid not know Russian and none of the Russians knew either English or French. Fortunately, however, the Russian sloop-of-war Diana arrived only a day or two -'" " * - " '" .'-a'- —;*W- .-.a^ -a. i76 JOHN JACOB ASTOR later, commanded by Captain V. M. Golovnin, who, assisted by his subordinate, Lieutenant Ricord, translated the letters, drew up contracts, and in general overcame the linguistic difficulties. According to Golovnin, however, the letter, dispatch, and contract mentioned above were not all that fell under his eye. Ebbets, anxious to convince this Russian naval officer of the great expense and trouble to which his employer had subjected himself in the interests of the settlement, handed Golovnin some books which, he said, contained an account of the expenditures involved in fitting out the Enterprise. Two of these contained the accounts mentioned, but the third, which seemed to have been included by oversight, contained certain supplementary instructions in which Ebbets was directed to call at various Spanish ports on the American coast and endeavor to trade with the inhabitants. If successful, he was to go on to New Archangel, and, when asked why he had brought no cargo, to reply that he had understood the settlement was already well supplied. While at Sitka he was to ascertain in the most minute detail the circumstances of the colony as to trade, strength, and defences, the power of Baranoff, the relations between the Company and the government, and any other significant facts which might be available. Golovnin interpreted these instructions as indicating an intention on Astor's part of ascertaining whether it would be feasible for the United States to seize the colonies. It is quite likely that this account is authentic; Astor would undoubtedly wish to know whether there was any possibility of a lucrative trade with the Spanish in California, and also to have complete information about the condition of the Company with which he intended to establish relations. We know that Ebbets had been instructed to ferret out all pertinent information. However, the interpretation placed on these instructions by the Russian captain was very extreme. Baranoff doubtless recognized this, for when Golovnin, after handing back the books without comment, ASTORIA, 1808-1812 177 wrote out the gist of the instructions and laid the memorandum before the Governor, the latter, instead of taking any immediate action, announced that it would be best to forward an account of the matter to the board of directors, which he probably conveniently forgot to do.30 Although Baranoff entered into lengthy negotiations with Ebbets, it was found impossible to make any agreement approximating to the terms of that contract which had been drawn up by Astor and Daschkoff. There were many reasons for this failure; one was that neither Daschkoff nor Astor had included prices current indicating the amounts for which Astor would sell the various goods required, and therefore Baranoff could not decide whether it would be more advantageous to purchase from Astor's captains or from the transient traders. Another was that, not having heard from the directors for nearly three years, the Governor feared that some other American merchant might have made a contract with them which would invalidate any agreement he might enter into with Astor. Moreover, Russia might by this time be atpeace, and in that case the settlement would receive all necessary supplies direct from St. Petersburg. A further consideration was that Baranoff had already applied for permission to retire, and consequently did not feel entitled "to contract for such a long time as you propose." He also rather doubted the possibility of excluding other traders from the Coast, either by underselling, or by more "vigorous measures," or by a combination of the two. The negotiations, however, were not utterly unproductive, either of immediate or of more remote results. Baranoff purchased part of Ebbets' cargo for 27,000 piasters (dollars), paying in furs of various kinds. He also contracted, on June 20 (July 2, n. s.), with the American captain to take $65,000 worth of peltries and other products of the country, belonging to the Russian American Company, to Canton and sell them for certain specified Chinese goods. For these services the captain 178 JOHN JACOB ASTOR was to receive a commission of five per cent and an additional $18,000 for freight, of which amount one-third was to be received at Canton and the remainder to be paid in furs on Ebbets' return to New Archangel. The peltries and other commodities committed to the captain's care consisted of 3,000 sea- otter skins, 3,000 "beaver tails," 100 poods whalebone, 66,000 fur seals, some foxes, river otters, beavers, walrus teeth, etc. Baranoff also made a list of the prices at which he could afford to take certain goods, and gave one copy to Ebbets while he transmitted another to Daschkoff. If those prices suited Astor, he might make an agreement with Daschkoff to send one or two ships with the goods specified, for which the Governor could pay in furs at the prices also set down. The best plan, however, would be for Daschkoff to communicate with the directors at St. Petersburg and secure their approbation. In that case, and if the prices of goods and furs suited Astor, the consequent agreement would also bind Baranoff's successor. Baranoff intended to inform the directors of this proposition by a man-of-war to sail shortly for Kamchatka.31 After taking on board his cargo of furs, belonging partly to Astor and partly to the Russian American Company, Ebbets left New Archangel in July (o. s.), that is, probably about August 8 (n. s.). It was his intention to trade with the Indians on the Coast till the first of October, when he would sail for Canton. He accordingly left Newetee on October 2, first leaving a letter "under the Tree according to your Instructions," presumably for the information of a succeeding Astor captain,32 and was at Canton by January n, 1811, selling his furs, buying goods, and anticipating orders from New York. He advised Astor that, regardless of any agreement, a ship fitted out from New York in September would find a ready sale for a cargo of "Tea, Loaf sugar, Fine cloths, silks, Calicoes, sewing silks and above all Brandy," and also for "a small invoice for the natives." He regarded Baranoff's schedule of prices as too high ASTORIA, 1808-1812 179 for furs and too low for merchandise, but suspected that his enclosed letter empowered Daschkoff to modify these prices if it was thought advisable. He also advised Astor to say nothing to Daschkoff about liquor, which, though not mentioned on Daschkoff's list of necessary goods, was essential to a well- balanced cargo. Indeed a cargo of rum alone would be a good investment. Ebbets was thinking of doing some sea-otter/ hunting in the Enterprise, after his return to New Archangel, ( and in the meantime intended to sell his furs for cash, and possibly, if no orders were received to the contrary, to invest the money in silks to be shipped as freight when the opportunity offered.33 On January 13,1811, Ebbets sold his cargo of furs to the Hong merchant Kingqua at a very good price (his own furs, which had cost $27,000 in goods, were sold at an advance of $20,000), and purchased the Chinese goods he desired on equally favorable terms.34 He was disappointed, however, to receive no orders from Astor by the Beaver, which had left New York late in August, 1810, and arrived in Canton late in January, 1811. On the 24th of that month he wrote to explain that his failure to return to New York that season was due to Baranoff's unexpected refusal to buy his whole cargo, to the high prices demanded by the Governor for sea-otter skins, and to his failure to offer enough for Ebbets' woolens. He had also been disappointed of the silks he had hoped to secure, and was going to invest in nankeens instead. He would be able to send $40,000 in property by the Beaver, and also to buy some goods, such as beads, for the North West Coast, both on his own account and to supply the Tonquin, which had sailed for the Columbia River on September 6, 1810.35 When the Beaver cleared from Canton for New York, late in March, 1811, the Enterprise was at Whampoa, preparing for the North West Coast.36 By June 7 she had returned to New Archangel with a cargo of Chinese goods for the Russian settlement. Baranoff was much pleased by the way in which Ebbets mm 180 JOHN JACOB ASTOR had handled the sale of the Company's furs. They had been sold for $74,021.50, and after deducting the first payment for freight of $6,000, some miscellaneous expenses, and the commission of 5 per cent, there was left a return to the Company of $64,000 in such Chinese goods as sugar, millet-meal, nankeens, teas, silks, chinaware, and miscellaneous articles. Baranoff then paid the captain the additional $12,000 freight in furs, and also bought some European goods which Ebbets had brought from Canton — possibly from the Beaver's cargo — for $35,348-15, which was also paid in furs. As evidence of his approval, Baranoff made a contract with Ebbets, in August, /1811, in confirmation of a former agreement, to the effect that / if Astor sent a cargo of the type desired by Baranoff, and at the J specified prices, and if this ship arrived by May, 1813, the Governor would take the whole cargo and pay for it in "sea- beavers," probably meaning fur seals, at $2.00 for large and $1.50 for small skins, while if there were not enough of these skins on hand at the time, the captain should go to Unalaska, or even to other islands not more than 120 miles away, with part of the cargo, to make up the number. If the ship did not arrive punctually, the Company might purchase goods elsewhere and dispose of the skins as it saw fit.37 With the furs received as payment for transportation and merchandise, Ebbets sailed again for Canton, probably in August. Apparently he had not attempted to meet the Tonquin at this time, but indeed any such attempt would have been useless, since that vessel had been cut off by Indians, the crew massacred, and the vessel blown up, in June, 1811. This misfortune was generally known on the Coast at least by September, 1811.38 The Enterprise, then, proceeded to Canton, perhaps after some trading on the Coast, and on January 11, 1812, sailed for New York, where she arrived on June 21, 1812, after a passage of 159 days, with a cargo of Chinese goods to her owner and to certain other New York firms.39 She had been gone from New ASTORIA, 1808-1812 181 York for well over two and one-half years, during which time she had made two very fortunate voyages from the North West Coast to Canton, and had laid the foundations for other similar voyages. Astor's joy at the successful voyage made by his first ship to the North West Coast must, however, have been almost or entirely counterbalanced by the confirmation of the news of the Tonquin tragedy which the Enterprise is said to have brought. Although the main circumstances of the Tonquin's brief and tragic voyage are well known from the works of such writers as Gabriel Franchere, Ross Cox, Washington Irving, Alexander Ross, et al., it will be well in this place, in the interests of clarity and completeness, to mention the chief events in which that ship was concerned. In order to do this we must retrace our steps to the fall of 1809, when Astor seems to have gone to Montreal as usual.40 He had not succeeded, during the previous year, in making any arrangement with the North West Company, though he had not given up all hopes of final success. He therefore decided that the best alternative was to associate with himself certain experienced members of that Company. To this end he made successful overtures to Alexander McKay, Donald McKenzie, and Duncan McDougall, all veteran Nor'Westers.41 On March 10, 1810, a preliminary arrangement was made between Astor and these men, with the stipulation that a more complete agreement should be drawn up later. In this provisional agreement, the possibility of Astor's buying out the Michilimackinac Company, for which action another provisional agreement had been made, was mentioned, and it was provided that the two Companies might be consolidated, if it seemed advisable.42 In the meantime Astor had entered into negotiations with Wilson Price Hunt, a native of New Jersey, who had for several years been engaged in business at St. Louis, and Hunt had consented to join the enterprise. He then, in his turn, enlisted Ramsay Crooks, 182 JOHN JACOB ASTOR Robert McClelan, and Joseph Miller, who were engaged in the fur trade of the Missouri, and of whom at least one, namely Crooks, had also been connected with one of the Canadian companies. From Canada came David Stuart andhJsnephew, Robert Stuart, both of whom were also to become partners in the new organization, which was to be known as the Pacific Fur Company.43 The final agreement for establishing a trading post on the Pacific Coast was concluded on June 23, 1810, at New York, between John Jacob Astor, of the first part, and Alexander McKay, Donald McKenzie, Duncan McDpugall, and Wilson P. Hunt, acting for themselves, David Stuart, Robert McClelan, Joseph Miller, Ramsay Crooks, and all others who might become associated with them. It was a detailed agreement, consisting of 30 articles. In brief, it provided that Astor should manage all the business of the Company and advance all the necessary funds, not to exceed $400,000, also bearing all the loss for 5 years, though any profit should be apportioned according to the shares during this period. The stock of the Company was to be divided into 100 shares, of which Astor was to have 50,, McKay, McKenzie, McDougall, David Stuart, Hunt, and Crooks each 5, McClelan and Miller each 2 J, while the other 15 should be reserved for the use of the Company. On September 5, 1810, Robert Stuart took over 2 of his uncle's shares. Astor was to have the right to nominate 4 partners. 2 in each of the years 1811 and 1812. Of these partners, 2 were to be skilled in the Indian trade, and none were to have more than 3 shares. The Company was to continue for 20 years, unless, within the first 5 years, the parties should find the undertaking unprofitable. An agent was to be appointed for a term of 5 years to reside at the Pacific Coast establishment and keep accounts of the business. For the first period, Wilson Price Hunt was to act in this capacity. Astor might, if he chose, make over his share in the concern to the American Fur ASTORIA, 1808-1812 183 Company, provided that this Company possessed a capital of $500,000 within 5 years and Astor continued to direct the corporation. After the conclusion of 5 years, the Company's losses and profits should be proportioned according to the partners' respective shares.44 It was Astor's intention to dispatch two expeditions to the Pacific Coast in 1810, one of which was to go overland, winning the confidence of the Indians, and ascertaining the points at which trading posts might most properly be located, while the other was to go by sea around Cape Horn with a full cargo of all supplies necessary for the establishment of a settlement and the trade with the Indians.45 It is not necessary to repeat here the full narrative of hardships and adventures, which has already been told so often by contemporaries, and even by participants in this undertaking, but, nevertheless, certain of the main facts, especially those which help us to understand the workings of the mind behind the enterprise, may quite properly be reviewed.46 Hunt, who had left St. Louis in November, 1809, went to New York,47 where he probably signed the agreement of partnership, and then on to Montreal, where he joined two of the other partners, Donald McKenzie and Alexander McKay, the first of whom was to share the command of the overland expedition with Hunt. This choice of leaders caused some surprise, since Hunt, though an experienced merchant, had little practical knowledge of the Indian country. Some thought that McKay, who was to go by ship, could have exchanged places with Hunt to their mutual advantage and to the benefit of the Company, but it was nevertheless felt that Hunt's many good qualities would largely compensate for his lack of experience, and that McKenzie's unusual knowledge of life in the wilderness would make up for the deficiencies of his colleague. At Montreal the overland expedition engaged sufficient voyageurs to man one large canoe, and on July 5 embarked at La Chine, 184 JOHN JACOB ASTOR whence they proceeded to Mackinac, arriving on the 17th. Here they attempted to recruit another contingent of voyageurs, but, it is said, found that it would have been better to enlist the entire body of canoe-men at Montreal, as McKenzie had advised. At Mackinac they were joined by Ramsay Crooks, who had left St. Louis in June,48 and on August 12 they went on to Green Bay, up Fox River, down the Wisconsin to Prairie du Chien, and thence down the Mississippi to St. Louis, arriving on September 3. Here they again tried to secure recruits, but found it difficult to obtain satisfactory canoe- men, while the independent spirit of the American hunters and trappers, who refused to submit to the discipline which was cheerfully accepted by the Canadians, brought about other difficulties. The Pacific Fur Company outfit also met with secret opposition from the members of the Missouri Fur Company, who feared encroachments on their territory by the new organization. At St. Louis another partner, Joseph Miller, joined the expedition, and his popularity with the St. Louisans helped to solve the difficulties of procuring men, so that on October 21 the expedition was able to start up the Mississippi to the mouth of the Missouri. Thence they proceeded up the Missouri for 450 miles, where, on November 16, they decided to winter. At their winter camp a fifth partner joined the overland party. This was Robert McClelan, a noted frontiersman and fur trader, a former partner of Crooks and associate of Miller. Alexander Ross asserts that if McKenzie, who was accustomed to the rapid movements of North West Company outfits, had been in complete charge, the party would have wintered on the upper waters of the Columbia rather than on the Lower Missouri. However, the instigator of the expedition apparently did not agree, for Hunt, who had decided to return to St. Louis for the winter and there await further instructions, received a letter from Astor giving him sole command of the expedition, a responsibility which he had hitherto shared with ASTORIA, 1808-1812 185 the veteran McKenzie. This action could not, of course, be expected to increase the harmony of the party when it should be rejoined by Hunt.49 We may now leave the overland expedition in its winter encampment and pay some attention to the fortunes of the party which was to go by sea. The vessel selected for the conveyance of the second division of Pacific Fur Company partners and employees to the Columbia River was the Tonquin, a ship of 300 tons mounting twelve guns and mustering a crew of twenty-one men. This vessel had formerly belonged to Messrs. E. & H. Fanning and W. Coles, New York merchants.50 We have observed the high qualifications of the captain and supercargo of the ship Enterprise for the commission entrusted to their care. The commander of the Tonquin was of an entirely different type, but nevertheless possessed certain qualities which Astor no doubt felt would make for the best interests of the undertaking. Captain Jonathan Thorn was a naval officer on leave, holding the rank of first lieutenant, and was a veteran of the war with Tripoli. He was a martinet in discipline, brave and passionate, with rigid conceptions of duty and an unbending determination to carry out those ideas. His sole interest was the navigation of the ship, and on this point he would brook neither interference nor suggestion. As captain of a man- of-war, or even a privateer, he would have been an ideal choice, but it is hard to determine upon what general grounds Astor considered him qualified for the command of a North West Coast trading vessel. The only explanation seems to be that Astor feared that the enterprise might be opposed with armed force, not merely by the natives, but perhaps even by the North West Company, or by the forces of the British government, and that he wished to have a man in command whose experience in warfare would qualify him to meet all such attacks. If Astor, however, actually did expect to meet with any armed opposition to the plan on the part of the British, his JOHN JACOB ASTOR choice of British citizens for responsible positions in the undertaking seems rather inappropriate. It is probable that Astor did not learn of certain aspects of Captain Thorn's temperament, which might render him ineligible for the trust confided to him, until it was too late to remedy the situation. On board the Tonquin, in addition to the crew, were 4 partners, Alexander McKay, Duncan McDougall, and David and Robert Stuart, and also 11 clerks, 13 boatmen, and 5 mechanics. Before leaving New York, McKay had thought it best to call on the British minister, Francis James Jackson, to inform him of the purpose of the voyage and enquire what was the proper line of conduct to be pursued should war break out between the United States and Great Britain. To this Jackson replied that in such a case they would be "respected as British subjects and traders." McKay's action has been criticized, and possibly its wisdom may be justly questioned. Nevertheless, in view of the international situation, such an enquiry was at least a natural one, and it is hard to find any treacherous intention concealed in McKay's interview with the minister, especially when this partner's universally respected character is taken into consideration. On September 3 Astor made insurance of $10,000 on the Tonquin's cargo from New York to Canton and back, with permission to trade on the North West Coast, with the Russians, and at the Sandwich Islands. The premium was 14 per cent, to which 5 per cent was to be added should the vessel remain in the Pacific more than one season.51 The cargo probably consisted chiefly of goods which had been imported in the fall of the previous year, after the Enterprise's lading had been completed, dry- goods, hardware, molasses, brandy, gin, etc., from London and Liverpool. Some of these goods had come up from Baltimore, and at least one London ship (but probably not many more) had come in during the spring of 1810 with the customary cargo to Astor's account.52 x_n-^r_ ASTORIA, 1808-1812 187 The Tonquin sailed on September 8, convoyed by the American frigate Constitution until the ship was beyond danger of any interference from British cruisers patrolling the coast on the lookout for vessels containing British subjects. Astor's parting letters to the partners and to the captain had particularly stressed the necessity of harmony and unity, but his injunction went overboard almost at once. In apportioning the blame for this, we should remember that our two principal authorities, Franchere and Ross, are openly hostile to the captain; but even Irving, who has set himself up for old times' sake as the advocate of a man who had been personally known to him in his boyhood, can find little excuse, even in the captain's own letters, for his acknowledged conduct. Apparently the sudden elevation to the full command of a ship was too much for Thorn's equanimity. To make matters worse, more than half of those on board were passengers, of whom four were Scottish Highlanders, filled with an undue sense of their own importance, and always ready to take offence; eleven were young men of good families, intended to serve as clerks, high-spirited, curious, and probably inclined to mischief on occasion; and thirteen more were Canadian voyageurs, speaking a patois unintelligible to the ordinary American. Towards all these groups Captain Thorn seems to have conducted himself from the first with varying degrees of hostility. One conflict followed another throughout the voyage. First, the captain threatened to clap the partners in irons for protesting when he ordered all lights out at eight o'clock, to which menace McDougall replied by drawing a pistol. Next, he lodged some of the young clerks in the forecastle with the common sailors, and, when the partners complained, threatened to blow out the brains of the first man to disobey his orders. On the 5th of December, when the ship stopped at the Falkland Islands in an unsuccessful attempt to find water, Captain Thorn threatened to desert a sailor who fell asleep on shore and 188 JOHN JACOB ASTOR failed to return on board at the specified time. A similar incident took place a few days later when the ship was taking on water. This time the victims included three of the partners, McDougall, McKay, and David Stuart, who were forced to row frantically for six hours, in the greatest danger of perishing, until they finally overtook the ship. Only a change of wind and a pistol in the hands of Robert Stuart prevented their destruction. After this affair, all previous causes of mutual irritation naturally became insignificant, and not even a pretence of goodwill could be maintained. The partners now reverted to the tongue of their childhood and spoke exclusively in Gaelic, so that the captain at once came to the probably erroneous conclusion that a conspiracy was on foot to seize control of the ship. With the company in this happy state of mind, the Tonquin sighted the Island of Hawaii, on February io, 1811. Here the captain further increased his unpopularity: a Canadian boy fell overboard, and when the boat that had rescued him reached the ship with his unconscious body, the captain would not allow him to be brought on board till the boat's crew had picked up all the "chairs, barrels, benches, hencoops," and other improvised life-preservers which had been thrown to the drowning boy. On February 13, the Tonquin anchored in Karakakoaa Bay, Hawaii, and the sailors began at once to desert. Most of them were brought back and punished by flogging and imprisonment. The partners, seeing that all differences must be sunk for the success of the enterprise, offered the services of the clerks and voyageurs, both to guard directly against desertion and, by taking some of the burdens from the sailors, to make them more contented. At Hawaii, though a quantity of vegetables was secured, pork was lacking, for a royal proclamation had forbidden its sale by anyone except the king. It was therefore necessary to visit the king at Oahu. On February 21, the vessel anchored at Honolulu Harbor, where the company was ASTORIA, 1808-1812 189 well received by the king, and the necessary provisions were found to be readily procurable. On the 27th, Captain Thorn again distinguished himself by his brutal treatment of three sailors who had outstayed their leave on shore. Two of them, although they appeared in a native canoe only fifteen minutes after the arrival of the ship's boat, were flogged and put in irons, while the third, who did not come on board till the next morning, was beaten unconscious, thrown overboard, and finally left on shore. On March 1, 1811, the Tonquin sailed from the Hawaiian Islands for the Columbia River. The weather soon became severe, and the partners attempted to serve out extra clothing to the passengers. The captain refused to allow this, and pistols were again produced, but David Stuart acted as peacemaker and the captain came off victorious. On March 22, land was sighted, and proved to be Cape Disappointment, a promontory on the northern side of the Columbia River. The captain, who did not wish to take the ship in without a preliminary investigation and soundings, sent the first mate in the whale boat to reconnoiter. Both the boat and the crew were hopelessly inadequate, but the captain was deaf to the mate's protests, and the boat pushed off from the ship and was never seen again. Finally, after futile efforts to send a second boat to land, and an equal lack of success on the part of the second mate in sounding the channel, the captain sent the third mate in the pinnace with instructions to hoist a flag if they found three and a half fathoms of water. The signal was given, and the ship weighed anchor and stood in for the channel. She soon encountered the breakers, through which, after several narrow escapes from being lost, she finally succeeded in penetrating, and entered Baker's Bay about midnight. Ross bitterly criticizes the captain for endeavoring to cross the bar in the midst of a storm, without guide or pilot, and so near to sunset. No attempt had been made to pick up the men in the pinnace as the ship passed 190 JOHN JACOB ASTOR them, and the next morning only two survivors were found — one white man and one Islander. Thus the cost of entering the Columbia River on this occasion was the lives of eight men. The next few days were consumed in locating a place for the trading post and in commencing traffic in beaver and sea-otter skins with the natives, who proved quite friendly. No entirely suitable place could be found, but the captain wished to commence his trading cruise along the Coast, and the partners were equally anxious to rid themselves of his presence, so on April 12 the landsmen left the ship and encamped on a point on the south bank, twelve or fifteen miles from the bar. This party was under the command of Duncan McDougall, "the most unfit man in the world to head an expedition or command men," according to the censorious Ross, whose verdicts on all those with whom he came into contact, including Captain Thorn and Astor himself, must be taken with some caution. Himself a rigid Calvinist and apparently of rather unusually high moral standards, he had little patience with those who did not conform to his own ideals of conduct. Indeed he seems to have possessed almost every virtue save charity. The next month was spent in laying the keel of the coasting schooner which had been brought in the hold of the Tonquin, in clearing a space for the fort, and in exploration. The foundations of the fort were laid on May 18, and the establishment christened Astoria. On June i, the Tonquin left Astoria with McKay on board as supercargo, the captain having previously discharged Mumford, the second mate. The vessel crossed the bar on the 5th. It is said that McKay, before his departure, felt premonitions of disaster. Early in August rumors reached Astoria that the Tonquin's crew had been massacred and the vessel itself blown up. These reports seem to have been confirmed late in October by the arrival of an Indian who claimed to have been acting as an interpreter on the Tonquin at the time of the massacre. The ASTORIA, 1808-1812 191 exact details of this tragedy are by no means clear, since all our information comes either through Indians who participated in the massacre or through the interpreter, whose conduct on the occasion was not above suspicion. The main facts, however, are beyond dispute. It is evident that Captain Thorn's opinion of the natives was one of "sovereign contempt," an attitude which at once aroused their resentment and made it possible for them to salve their wounded feelings by an act of revenge. Thorn would not stoop to the dickering and chaffering necessary in the Indian trade; his method was to announce the price he would take for an article and rigidly adhere to it, showing his impatience when his offer was refused by throwing the Indians' furs back in their faces. Although at first he took the usual precautions against attack, he soon, in spite of McKay's protests, allowed the Indians to come aboard in unlimited numbers, when, with weapons concealed about their persons, and knives just purchased from their intended victims, they attacked the unprepared whites and massacred them to a man. During the course of this affray, however, or soon after, fire was applied to the ship's magazine, probably by some wounded member of the crew, and the vessel, with all the natives on board, was blown into the air. Thus perished the Tonquin with twenty-seven of her company, including one of the partners of the Pacific Fur Company, Alexander McKay.53 The blame for this tragedy rests directly on the shoulders of Jonathan Thorn. The recklessness which induced him to allow armed savages to swarm on board his ship, the crew of which was almost unarmed, is further illustrated, though not atoned for, by the circumstances of his own death. When the attack began, he was armed only with a clasp-knife, and with this he is said to have killed and wounded several of his assailants before a club-blow from behind brought him to the deck, where he was cut to pieces with knives. John Jacob Astor, too, must bear some share of the responsibility, though he can be accused ig2 JOHN JACOB ASTOR of nothing worse than poor judgment in fitting the man to the task. In the meantime, the colonists on the Columbia, by June, 1811, the month in which the Tonquin was destroyed with all her crew, had made a certain amount of progress. They had been building a fort, familiarizing themselves with the country, winning the friendship of the natives, and establishing trade. Astor's own part in the project, however, is of more vital interest to us than the activities of his agents, either in the overland party or on the sea expedition. Let us now consider what he had been doing while the events just described were taking place. In the summer of 1810, by which time, of course, he had not received any word from the Enterprise, which had just reached Russian America, Astor was endeavoring to advance the plan he had formed in collaboration with Andrew Daschkoff during the previous year for an alliance with the Russian American Company. To this end he dispatched his son-in-law to Washington to win the support of the new Russian minister, Count Frederic Petrovitch Pahlen. This son-in-law was Adrian Benjamin Bentzon, who had formerly been governor of the Island of Santa Cruz in the Danish West Indies, which had been captured by the English in 1807, and who had the following year married Astor's eldest daughter, Magdalen. In the course of their conversation, Count Pahlen expressed his dissatisfaction that the American government had failed to do anything in regard to the protests made by the Russian government against American adventurers on the coast of Russian America. Bentzon took occasion to assure him that a popular government could never give satisfaction in such a case, and expounded to him Astor's plan, which Pahlen was quite ready to approve. He explained that the necessary arrangements would have to be made at St. Petersburg with the director of the Russian American Company and with Count Nikolai Petrovitch Rumiantzoff, minister for Foreign ASTORIA, 1808-1812 193 Affairs and Commerce. The process, as outlined by Pahlen, was that an authorized agent should be sent by Astor to St. Petersburg, bearing a copy of the plan, accompanied by Count Pahlen's recommendation, to be presented to Rumiantzoff. The latter would then transmit it to the Director, with whom everything would have to be settled, subject to the ultimate approval of Rumiantzoff. Should Bentzon act in this capacity, Pahlen would also give him private letters to Rumiantzoff and others of importance. It was believed that Rumiantzoff, who had no love for the English, would be favorably impressed by any plan tending to minimize British influence in any part of the world. He was also friendly to Daschkoff, and the latter's approval would be no bad recommendation, though Pahlen's own opinion of the consul-general was not high. Pahlen was to be in New York about the middle of July, when the final arrangements with him would have to be made.54 Between July and September, Astor was, of course, principally occupied in preparing for the Tonquin's departure. Later in the year he had gone as usual to Montreal, where on October 2 he, with nearly a score of other gentlemen, was invited to be a guest of the Beaver Club at a dinner to be given at Dillon's Hotel on October 6.55 Evidently the members of the North West Company had not allowed their irritation at Astor's plans for an opposition — which of course had come to their knowledge — to get the better of their prudence. The reason for their continued cordiality was that they were even then negotiating with Astor, as they had been for three years, for the purpose of making some arrangement for carrying on jointly the trade from Michilimackinac,56 and were about to complete their agreement. Originally, the active part in these negotiations had been assumed by Astor, but now it was the North West Company which was the anxious party. His aggressive tactics had aroused their alarm, so that in the spring of 1810 two of the partners had gone to New York to confer 194 JOHN JACOB ASTOR both upon this point and upon co-operation on the North West Coast, though no agreement had been reached on either. On January 28, 1811, however, an arrangement was completed on the Michilimackinac trade. I shall postpone consideration of this until we have disposed of the more immediate question of the Pacific Fur Company, and have inserted the above merely to indicate how, while the North West Company and the Pacific branch of the American Fur Company were destined to be rivals on the North West Coast, they were to act as allies in the region of the Great Lakes. Early in January, 1811, Astor began to make preparations for sending Bentzon to St. Petersburg. For this purpose he applied to Albert Gallatin, requesting him to allow Bentzon a passage on the frigate John Adams, which was to be sent to Denmark with George Erving, a special minister charged with pressing the claims of the United States against that country because of Danish spoliations.57 He reinforced his request by casually mentioning the assistance he and his friends might give to the government in any financial difficulty which might arise, especially "in case of non-renewal of the charter of the Bank U. S." Gallatin communicated the request to President Madison, whom it seems to have impressed favorably.58 At any rate, on January 21, 1811, Astor handed Bentzon his complete instructions, which included, first, a sketch of the progress already made by Astor's company, together with an exposition of the situation in the fur trade which made co-operation between the American Fur Company and the Russian American Company desirable and almost essential, and, second, a statement of the conditions on which Astor would be willing to form such an agreement with the Russian company. These conditions provided for mutual assistance in excluding transient traders from the North West Coast; the delimitation of spheres of influence in the Indian trade; common resistance to any attempted encroachments by the North West Company; and William McGillivray, Montreal Merchant and Head of the North West Company T. 'T.T,Ty?7r? F= ASTORIA, 1808-1812 195 an arrangement by which the American company should furnish the Russian establishment with regular supplies, for which Astor was to be compensated either at so much per ton for transportation, or by an advance on the price of the goods, and this payment might be made either from the proceeds of furs sold on account of the Russian company at Canton by Astor's agents, or in furs received at the Russian establishment, as the Russian American Company might prescribe. For the purpose of resisting encroachments, the principle of reciprocity was strongly asserted, and since it was essential to the welfare of the ^co-operating companies that the North West Company should be resisted in the interior as well as on the coast, it would be advisable for the Russian government to remove, so far as the American Fur Company was concerned, its restrictions on the importation of certain furs, for which Russia was the only good market, and some of which were completely prohibited from entering that country from the United States, while others could be brought in only on payment of an excessive duty. This concession would have no unfavorable effect on the Russian company, since these furs — black bears, fishers, and raccoons — were not an important factor in the Russian fur trade. Moreover, Russian furs were admitted to the United States free of duty, and, further, exemption from the Russian restrictions would greatly assist the American Fur Company to protect the Russian American Company's section of the Coast against Canadian encroachments. Bentzon was given discretion to modify these terms in non-essentials, preserving always the principle of reciprocity.59 Early in September, 1810, Astor had made an attempt, through Gallatin, to secure from President Madison a letter to John Quincy Adams, the minister to St. Petersburg, requesting him to help Astor's agents in accomplishing his ends. Astor's letter to Gallatin was probably the same, or nearly the same, as his instructions to Bentzon, and contained a similar outline 196 JOHN JACOB ASTOR of his purposes. Madison, however, declined to further Astor's attempts to exclude other American traders from the North West Coast or secure the exclusive right to the importation of certain furs into Russia, though he had no objection to instructing Adams to "promote the opening of the Russian market generally to the articles [furs] which are now excluded, and which may be exported from the United States." With this qualified encouragement Astor had to content himself.60 Armed with Astor's letter of instructions, and with the permission of Gallatin and Madison, Bentzon and his wife embarked upon the official vessel, the John Adams, conveying the impression that "he was going to Russia on business deeply interesting to the U. States." Asa result, George W. Erving, whose mission to Denmark had hitherto been regarded as the prime object of the voyage, was forced out of his own cabin and had to sleep on a sofa during the entire passage. His initial irritation at this inconvenience turned to angry disgust when he learned that the gentleman who had so blandly ousted him from his accommodations was merely Astor's personal agent in a commercial arrangement with the Russian American Company. Such was the violence of his wrath that five years after this event had taken place the memory was still rankling in his mind, so much so that he wrote to President Monroe warning him against both Astor and his usurping son-in-law.61 It does not appear whether Astor had received Baranoff's letter of August, 1810, before preparing Bentzon's instructions in January, 1811. At any rate it contained nothing to modify Astor's instructions. It must be remembered that early in 1811, when Bentzon left New York for St. Petersburg (Irving places his departure in March), John Ebbets in the Enterprise was at Canton selling the furs belonging to Astor and the Russian American Company and taking on a return cargo for New Archangel, the overland party under Wilson P. Hunt was wintering on the Missouri, the Tonquin was between the Hawaiian r^rrpft ASTORIA, 1808-1812 197 Islands and the North West Coast, and the Beaver — the next vessel to be sent by Astor to the North West Coast — had not yet returned from a China voyage commenced in the late summer of the previous year. We know scarcely any of the details of Bentzon's negotiations at St. Petersburg. According to Astor, Count Rumiantzoff was much pleased with the whole proposition, but a difficulty arose concerning Astor's provision that the American Fur Company should be allowed to import furs into Russia at no duty or only a moderate one, such articles at that time being absolutely excluded. The government was ready to grant these terms, but this would run counter to the agreement with the Russian American Company at the time of its establishment, which had given that organization a monopoly on the importation of furs, a privilege which it did not now seem inclined to relinquish. However, all the other propositions were acceptable, and Astor seemed fairly confident in March, 1812, that this alliance with the Russian company would finally be consummated in some mutually satisfactory form.62 According to Irving, these hopes were fulfilled, and Astor made a provisional agreement with the Russian company, under sanction of the Russian government, in which "the two companies bound themselves not to interfere with each other's trading and hunting grounds, nor to furnish arms and ammunition to the Indians. They were to act in concert, also, against all interlopers, and to succor each other in case of danger. The American company was to have the exclusive right of supplying the Russian posts with goods and necessaries, receiving peltries in payment at stated prices. They were also, if so requested by the Russian governor, to convey the furs of the Russian company to Canton, sell them on commission, and bring back the proceeds, at such freight as might be agreed on at the time. This agreement was to continue in operation four years, and to be renewable for a similar term, unless some un- 198 JOHN JACOB ASTOR foreseen contingency should render a modification necessary."63 It will be observed that nothing appears to have been said concerning the importation of peltries into Russia. However, this agreement was ratified by Astor in 1813, probably early in the year. So far as his interests on the Pacific Coast were concerned, Astor was principally occupied during 1811 with his preparations for sending the second colonizing ship to the Columbia River. The vessel selected for this mission was Astor's first and favorite specially-constructed ship, the Beaver. A foreshadowing of the opposition Astor was to meet from the North West Company — despite their recently-formed alliance in the interior — appeared in confidential information which Astor received from London in April, 1811, to the effect that a ship called the Prince had been fitted out in London by the rival company to sail in the middle of March for Quebec, there to take on "Indian traders & an assorted cargo" and proceed to the North West Coast to set up an establishment in opposition to all comers, and especially to Astor's agents. Astor conveyed this news to Daschkoff so that he should not be ignorant of the situation and might, if he thought best, send word to his government. Except in an official way, however, Astor wished him to make no communication on this subject, for he wanted his competitors to think he was unaware of their plans.64 It seems that this warning was premature — at least we hear no more of the Prince and her mission — but it was justified to a certain extent, for such a move was one to be anticipated from the North West Company sooner or later, and was one which actually did take place not long afterwards. The Beaver had returned from her China voyage late in July, 1811, and Astor at once set about the task of equipping the vessel for a voyage to the North West Coast and Canton, putting on board supplies not only for the Indian trade and for the use of the colonists at Astoria, but also for trade with the Rus- ^r^^,^.^ "^m^'jt ASTORIA, 1808-1812 199 sian settlement at New Archangel. Astor had evidently received, some time prior to the sailing of the Beaver for the Pacific Coast, the schedule of goods required by Governor Baranoff and the prices which he would engage to pay. As Ebbets had stated, these prices were far too low, but this did not make Astor hesitate to dispatch the goods, since he had been assured by Daschkoff that the Governor would revise his prices to suit Astor's requirements. The articles ordered by Baranoff cost Astor, as he asserted, over $25,000, the insurance amounting to an additional $5,000. They occupied more than half the ship, the equipment of which cost nearly $19,000, to which must be added interest on money, wages, wear and tear, etc., which together would so far exceed Baranoff's offer that the venture would produce a loss of 25 per cent to 30 per cent should additional compensation not be made. Astor was sure that the Governor did not intend to subject him to such a penalty; so great was his confidence that he meant to send another vessel the next year with a better-assorted cargo, including certain needful articles he had not had time to import from Europe.65 During the last quarter of 1810 and the first half of 1811, several vessels had arrived from London, Liverpool, Gottenburg, New Orleans, and Havana, with goods suitable for the North West Coast, such as iron, drygoods, sugar, and molasses,66 and from the cargoes of these four or five vessels Astor was doubtless able to load the Beaver adequately. The Beaver was a somewhat larger vessel than the Tonquin. Cornelius Sowle, her captain for the voyage, was, like Jonathan Thorn, new to Astor's employ, but he was a man of an entirely different type, and by no means so colorful a figure as the naval lieutenant. Sowle was a native of Providence, Rhode Island, and his character, when compared with Thorn's reckless yet resolute attitude, seemed almost timid. He was undoubtedly better prepared by experience for the Pacific Coast trade than his predecessor, though we do not find that his experience was !200 JOHN JACOB ASTOR as long and varied as that of John Ebbets, for example. In 1803 he had returned to Providence from a Canton voyage as captain of the Palmyra,67 and about 1806, while commanding the Tdbour, of the same port, he had distinguished himself on a passage from China to the coast of America by rescuing eight survivors from a wrecked Osaka junk and landing them at Oahu. Amasa Delano, who tells the story, gives Captain Sowle high praise for his courageous and charitable act.68 Upon the Beaver was loaded for account of Governor Baranoff $22,342.38 in merchandise,69 assorted according to the list drawn up by the Governor, supplemented by the suggestions of Captain Ebbets.70 On October 18, 1811, the Beaver and appurtenances were insured for $5,000 from New York to the North West Coast and Canton, the value of the vessel being given as $35,000. "The outward Cargo," it was stated, "consists of Bread, Flour, Rice, Rum, Gin, Woolens, & other dry Goods, pitch, Tar, Cottens, Lead, Iron, Steel, Copper, Muskets, powder, molasses & Wooden Ware &c &c — and tis agreedTin case of total loss on the voyage from the North West Coast to Canton, [that] no proof of property [is] to be required —" It was also prescribed that "This Insurance is against the Natives as well on shore as on board."71 The Beaver cleared from New York on October 13, but, owing to contrary winds, did not sail till the 17th. On board, in addition to the captain, officers, and crew, were six clerks, including Ross Cox, one of the historians of Astoria, George Ehninger, the son of Astor's sister Catherine, and also John Clarke, a partner, appointed by Astor according to the privilege granted him by the articles of agreement. This John Clarke, as we learn from his daughter, is said to have been distantly related to Astor through his mother, who was a German and whose maiden name was Waldorf — the same as that of the town in which Astor was born. Clarke was a native of Montreal, and had been born in 1781; he is said to have been ASTORIA, 1808-1812 201 previously connected with Astor in some way about 1800,72 and had been engaged with the North West Company from 1804 to 1810.73 The Beaver's voyage was by no means as eventful as that of the Tonquin, not being enlivened by a constant feud between captain and passengers. This, of course, may not have been entirely due to the more congenial temperament of Captain Sowle, but rather, partially at least, to the much smaller number of landsmen on the Beaver. Two sailors were lost overboard on Christmas Eve, 1811, and a hunter died of scurvy late in the next month. There had been no similar misfortunes, by the way, during the Tonquin's passage to the Columbia. On March 26, 1812, the ship arrived at Oahu, to provision and take on Islanders for the use of the ship and the establishment. Here one of those quarrels between the captain and an officer, which the air of these islands seems to have rendered inevitable, broke out between Captain Sowle and Mr. Deane, the third officer, culminating in the latter's leaving the ship. His place was taken by a resident of the island who had, six years earlier, had a similar difference with his captain. On April 6 the Beaver sailed for the Columbia, the entrance of which was sighted on May 5. More timid or less rash than Thorn, the captain did not attempt the passage till the 9th, and not till he had sent out the cutter to buoy the channel and taken all precautions against hostile Indians. A barge came out with McDougall, a clerk, and eight boatmen, and the clerk, McLennan, piloted the ship in safely, though she struck twice on the bar. The Beaver's company discovered that the events of the past year had been discouraging to those who had been left at the Columbia by the Tonquin and to the members of the overland party. The great disaster, of course, had been the Tonquin's destruction, which, aside from the direct loss of fife and property involved, also had serious effects upon the fortunes of the colony. A large quantity of the trade-goods brought out by 202 JOHN JACOB ASTOR the Tonquin was still on board at the time of its destruction, for the captain, in his anxiety to get away from the obnoxious partners and to set about his coastwise trade, had landed only a small proportion of the merchandise intended for trade at the post. Thus the settlers were not only without a sufficient quantity of goods to be used in barter, but had also been deprived of a means of conveying to Canton such furs as they were able to collect. Another piece of ill-fortune had been the inordinately long time required for the overland party to make connections with that which had gone by sea. It had been Astor's expectation that the overland party would arrive at the Columbia at about the same time that the Beaver sailed from New York, that is, in October, 1811, as they had left the Missouri River by the middle of July, 1811, and intended to take a more southerly route than that of the Lewis and Clark expedition.74 Wilson Price Hunt, the leader of this party, seems to have possessed every qualification for this position except the essential one of experience, and his decision to take the southerly route turned out to be the first of a series of errors which, with the best of intentions, he was to make during the course of the journey. The route he adopted turned out to lead over a barren country where food was not only scarce but almost unobtainable; horses were discarded for canoes much earlier than was judicious, so that the canoes later had to be abandoned; and finally the party was compelled to divide into four groups, commanded by the four remaining partners, Hunt, McKenzie, McClelan, and Crooks, respectively. The fifth partner, Miller, had thrown up his shares in disgust, on October 9, and had joined one of the groups of beaver trappers which were detached from the party at strategic points along the route. After nearly perishing with hunger, these groups began to straggle in to Astoria early in 1812, the first arrivals being the detachments commanded by the veterans McKenzie and ASTORIA, 1808-1812 203 McClelan, which arrived on January 18. They were followed by Hunt's party, on February 15, but Crooks, who, with one hunter,'had been left behind too weak to travel, among Indians who professed to be friendly, but who later robbed them even of their clothing, did not reach the fort till May 11, the day after the Beaver's arrival, having been found by an expedition from Astoria. These arrivals, tardy though they were, helped to improve the situation at Astoria. One of the colonists' worst troubles had been that, being only thirty-three in number, they had been exposed to the menace of Indian attacks; and the arrival of the overland party added fifty or sixty to their strength, which was also increased by the Beaver's company. The Indian menace was not the only difficulty experienced by the original settlers at Astoria. Sickness had been prevalent, and in the absence of a doctor presented a serious threat. McDougall's leadership is said to have been deficient in consideration for the health and general welfare of his subordinates, so much so that there were several attempts at desertion and hints of mutiny, which finally brought about a change in his attitude. On July 15, moreover, the vanguard of North West Company opposition appeared in the person of David Thompson, geographer and explorer, with a canoe-load of men, who, finding the ground already occupied, endeavored, firstly, to discourage the Pacific Fur Company men by painting the difficulties of the trade in the darkest colors, and, secondly, to put them off their guard by asserting that the wintering partners of the North West Company had resolved not to compete with the American company west of the mountains, on condition that the American company abandoned the trade on the eastern side. These factors may all be placed on the debit side of the 1811 account. On the other side of the ledger, however, it may be inscribed that, leaving Astoria on July 22 with Mr. Thompson, 204 JOHN JACOB ASTOR a party under David Stuart advanced up the river and on September i established a post at Okanogan. This post was left in charge of Alexander Ross, who by March 22, 1812, had collected "1,550 beavers, besides other peltries, worth in the Canton market £2,250 sterling, and which on an average stood the concern in but 5|d. apiece, valuing the merchandise at sterling cost, or in round numbers, £35 sterling," a conclusive proof of the possibilities of the trade if well managed. David Stuart had wintered among a tribe 350 miles from the Okanogan post, and intended to locate an establishment there during the next winter, as beavers were plentiful. The trading house at Astoria had been completed on September 26, and the schooner Dolly launched on October 2, though this vessel proved far too small to be employed, as originally intended, on the coast. Its use was consequently confined to the river trade. In the spring of 1812, now that all the known wintering partners, save Ramsay Crooks, had arrived at Astoria, plans were drawn up for carrying on the trade during the current year. Robert McClelan, discouraged by his arduous journey across the continent and the unpromising state of affairs discovered on his arrival, followed the earlier example of his former associate, Joseph Miller, and resigned from the Company on March 1. It was decided by the others that the clerk John Reed should go overland to New York with dispatches for Astor, which informed him of the final union of the two parties; that another clerk, Russell Farnham, should go after certain goods which had been cached by Hunt on his journey; and that Robert Stuart should head a third party with supplies for the post at Okanogan. The three parties, numbering seventeen men in all, were attacked at a portage known as the Long Narrows, Reed was clubbed, and the dispatches were stolen. McClelan distinguished himself in the ensuing skirmish and the Indians were beaten off, but the loss of the letters put an end to the overland expedition. The whole party went on to a-t—'wn^rxa? ASTORIA, 1808-1812 205 Okanogan, arriving on April 24, where they took on board 2,500 beaver skins and started back to Astoria. During the return journey, quite by accident, they picked up Ramsay Crooks and the hunter John Day, and reached the fort the day after the Beaver's arrival. Here another meeting was held, at which, on May 14, Ramsay Crooks followed the example of his old associates, Miller and McClelan, and threw up his five shares in the Company. He doubtless felt unfitted, after his harrowing experiences, to cope with the hazardous situations of the Indian trade. On June 27 it was agreed that Wilson P. Hunt should accompany Captain Sowle in the Beaver on the coasting voyage of the current season, and that Duncan McDougall should take charge at the post during his absence. Robert Stuart was to proceed to New York with dispatches for Astor, David Stuart was to return to Okanogan and also establish another post to the northward, McKenzie was to winter in the Snake country and recover the goods cached there by Hunt, and Clarke was to winter at Spokane. The various companies, to the number of sixty-two persons, left Astoria on June 29 under the general command of Clarke, separated at Walla Walla, and proceeded to the locations assigned to them. The overland party reached St. Louis on April 30,1813, and Stuart later left for New York, arriving on June 23. The fur- trading detachments met with varying fortunes. At Spokane, John Clarke's post, and at the post presided over by David Stuart, the Pacific Fur Company men came into opposition with posts of the North West Company. Clarke met the situation in the customary fashion with trickery and sharp practice, while the older man is said to have confronted his opponent frankly and openly, and his method proved the more successful, as his competitor was an honorable man. The clerks who had posts under their control seem to have been fairly successful, but Donald McKenzie found himself among 206 JOHN JACOB ASTOR Indians who were buffalo hunters, not beaver trappers. He determined to remove to a better field, but, on visiting Spokane to consult with Clarke, met the North Wester, John George McTavish, "with a strong reinforcement of men and goods," who brought the news that war had broken out between Great Britain and the United States. Putting his goods in cache, the discouraged McKenzie hastened to bring this intelligence to Astoria, where he arrived on January 15, 1813. At this point it will be well to consider the voyage of the Beaver, which left the Columbia on August 4, 1812, intending to take a cargo of goods to New Archangel, trade on the coast, and return again by the end of October "to leave her surplus goods and take in our furs for market." The vessel grounded twice in crossing the bar, and Sowle is supposed to have remarked on this occasion, "I'll never cross you again." The Beaver arrived at New Archangel on August 19. Here, after considerable bargaining, her cargo, which had been invoiced at New York at $22,342.38, was nearly all disposed of on September 25, 1812, to Governor Baranoff for $56,465.87!. However, payment was to be given for these goods in seal skins, and there were then no such articles at New Archangel. Hunt was, therefore, compelled to sail, on October 4, to the Island of St. Paul in the Bering Sea, where there was a sealing establishment. He arrived on October 31, and began the slow task of overhauling the packs of peltries and loading them by small boats on board the ship. Only about half the prescribed quantity had been stowed away when, on November 5, while Hunt and some of the crew were on shore, the Beaver was blown off the coast by a gale, and did not reappear till the 13 th. Hunt and the rest had spent the intervening time in looking over and selecting the skins, and when the Beaver reappeared on the 13 th the remaining half of the consignment was put on board, the following day. The seal skins taken on board were 74,541 in number, large, small, and middle-sized, the price for these :,.nya,.n nn;,.- ::'.:..:;n---n^: :n ^<£~=^-..~' ■■■■ - ■; ■- r *J- n ;^-^nn^ ^nv^ni ASTORIA, 1808-1812 207 classes being $1.00, $0.87}, and $0.75, respectively.75 According to Irving, who is almost our only authority for the movements of the Beaver and the considerations influencing them, Astor's orders positively enjoined upon Hunt and Sowle that the Beaver should return directly to the Columbia after completing the transaction with Governor Baranoff. It seemed to both of them, however, that a special situation had arisen which made a change in plans imperative. The Beaver had suffered severely when blown off the coast, and there was a question whether she would be able to cross the bar safely with her valuable cargo. There was also a strong probability that if the ship returned to the river she would arrive at Canton at an unfavorable season for disposing of her peltries and securing a return cargo. Moreover, a ship from New York was expected to arrive at Astoria in the spring of 1813, and it would be better, they thought, for that settlement to wait those few months for fresh supplies and a means of transportation for the furs which had been brought from the interior than for the Beaver to risk the loss of a good market for her seal skins. These considerations, then, impelled Hunt to order Captain Sowle to sail for the Hawaiian Islands, where the former would await the arrival of the annual vessel from New York. At Oahu the Beaver underwent the necessary repairs, and sailed for Canton on the first day of 1813, leaving Hunt behind. Neither captain nor agent at this time knew of the declaration of war. 208 JOHN JACOB ASTOR NOTES i. Ms. book (photostat), Public Archives of Canada, Ottawa, Minutes of the North West Company, 1801-11, pp. 61-66. This agreement was made December 31, 1806. 2. Ms., Columbia University Library, De Witt Clinton Papers, Letters to De Witt Clinton, vol. iv, 1808-11, pp. 5-6, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., January 25, 1808, to De Witt Clinton, Albany. 3. Ms., Library of Congress, Thomas Jefferson Papers, vol. clxxv, February 6-March 8, 1808, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., February 27, 1808, to Thomas Jefferson, President, United States of America. 4. Ibid., vol. clxxvi, March 10-April 14, 1808, [General Henry] Dearborn, April 8, 1808, to [Thomas Jefferson] President, United States. 5. Ibid., Thomas Jefferson, Washington, April 13, 1808, to John Jacob Astor. 6. Private Laws of the State of New-York, Passed at the Thirty-First- Session of the Legislature: Begun and Held at the City of Albany, The Twenty-Sixth Day of January, 1808 (1808), pp. 160-168 (see below, vol. i, pp. 413-420). 7. Ms., Library of Congress, Thomas Jefferson Papers, vol. clxxix, July 14-August 10, 1808, Thomas Jefferson, Washington, July 17, 1808, to Governor [Meriwether] Lewis. 8. Ms. book, Missouri Historical Society, St. Louis, Gratiot Collection, Charles Gratiot's Letter Book, 1798-1816, pp. 111-113, Charles Gratiot, St. Louis, December 9, 1808, to John Jacob Astor, N. Y. (in English). 9. Irving, Washington, Astoria (1836), chap. ii. 10. Ms. book (copy), Toronto Public Reference Library, Letters and Accounts, North West Company, Alexander Henry, Montreal, March 5, 1786, to William Edgar [N. Y.]. 11. Ms., Library of Congress, Thomas Jefferson Papers, vol. clxxxii, October 19-November 24, 1808, Albert Gallatin, November 18, 1808, to [Thomas Jefferson] President [United States of America]. 12. Ms. book (copy), Public Archives of Canada, Ottawa, Journal of Joseph Frobisher, 1806-10; ms. book (copy), David Ross McCord National Museum, Montreal, Minutes of the Beaver Club, 1807-27; ms. book (copy), Bibliotheque Ste. Sulpice, Montreal, Minutes of the Beaver Club, 1807-27, p. 25. 13. Ms., Library of Congress, Thomas Jefferson Papers, vol. cxcv, January 27-April 30, 1812, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., March 14, 1812, to Thomas Jefferson (see below, vol. i, pp. 508-513). 14. Bancroft, Hubert Howe, History of Alaska (1886), pp. 468-469. ASTORIA, 1808-1812 209 15. Ms., Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letters, A. Daschkoff, Philadelphia, November 7, 1809, to J. Jacob Astor, N. Y. (see below, vol. i, pp. 428-429). 16. New-York Gazette and General Advertiser, April 27,1809, p. 3, col. 1; July 6, 1809, p. 3, col. 1; August 11, 1809, p. 3, col. 1; August 18, 1809, p. 3, col. 2; September 4,1809, p. 3, col. 1; September 7,1809, p. 3, col. 1; September 20,1809, p. 3, col. 1; October 18,1809, p. 3, col. 1; October 25, 1809, p. 3, col. 1; November 11, 1809, p. 3, col. 1; November 14, 1809, p. 2, col. 6. 17. Ms. book, New York Custom House, New York Register, August 9-October 23, 1809, no. 441, September 1, 1809. 18. Bancroft, Hubert Howe, The Northwest Coast, 2 vols. (1884), vol. i, pp. 311, 318, 320; idem, History of Alaska (1886), pp. 406-407; Cleveland, Richard J., A Narrative of Voyages and Commercial Enterprises, 2 vols. (1842), vol. i, p. 240; Delano, Amasa, A Narrative of Voyages and Travels (1817), p. 397. 19. Ms., Library of Congress, Thomas Jefferson Papers, vol. cxcv, January 27-April 30, 1812, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., March 14, 1812, to Thomas Jefferson (see below, vol. i, pp. 508-513). 20. Zapiski K. Khlebnikova 0 Americe (Letters of K. Khlebnikoff on America; St. Petersburg, 1861), pp. 23-25. Translation in the Bancroft Library, Berkeley, California. 21. Ms., Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letters, J. J. Astor, N. Y., November 13, 1809, to J. Ebbets (see below, vol. i, pp. 429-430). 22. Ibid, (duplicate), (John Jacob Astor], Philadelphia [November, 1809], to [John] Ebbets (see below, vol. i, pp. 431-432). 23. Ibid., Letter Book i, 1813-15, letters to Daniel Greene, New Haven, passim. 24. "Townsend, Mr. Ebenezer, Jr., Diary of," Papers ofthe New Haven Colony Historical Society, vol. iv (1888), pp. 3, 4, 10, 22, 61, 113, 115; Cleveland, op. cit., p. 46. 25. New-York Gazette and General Advertiser, November 16, 1809, p. 3, col. 2. 26. Ms., Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letters, John Ebbets, N. Y., November 14, 1809, to John Jacob Astor. 27. Ms. book, Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston, Boston Marine Insurance Company Records, vol. Q, no. 3878, November 24, 1809. 28. Ms., Library of Congress, Thomas Jefferson Papers, vol. cxcv, January 27-April 30, 1812, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., March 14, 1812, to Thomas Jefferson (see below, vol. i, pp. 508-513). 29. Ms., Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letters, Alexander Baranoff, New Archangel, July 27/August 8,1810, to John Jacob Astor, N. Y. (see below, vol. i, pp. 442-445); John Ebbets, Macoa, January 11, 1811 (see 2IO JOHN JACOB ASTOR below, vol. i, pp. 448-453), and Canton, January 19,1811, to John Jacob Astor. 30. Ibid.; Bancroft, History of Alaska, pp. 468-471. 31. Ibid., p. 469; Pilder, Hans, Die Russisch-Amerikanische Handels- Kompanie bis 1825 (1914), p. 75; Khlebnikoff, Kirill Timofeevitche, Zhizneopisanie Alexandra Andreevicha Baranova (Biography of Alexander Andreievitch Baranoff, St. Petersburg, 1835), PP- x38-i39 (there is a translation of Khlebnikoff's biography of Baranoff in the Bancroft Library, Berkeley, California); ms., Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letters, Alexander Baranoff, New Archangel, July 27/August 8, 1810, to John Jacob Astor, N. Y. (see below, vol. i, pp. 442-445). 32. Ibid.; Khlebnikoff, op. cit., p. 139; Bancroft, History of Alaska, p. 471; ms., Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letters, John Ebbets, Macoa, January 11,1811 (see below, vol. i, pp. 448-453), and Canton, January 19, 1811, to John Jacob Astor. 33. Ibid. 34. Ibid., Agreement between Kingqua and John Ebbets, Canton, January 13, 1811; Bancroft, History of Alaska, p. 469; Zapiski K. Khleb- nikova 0 Americe, pp. 23-25. 35. Ms., Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letters, John Ebbets, Canton, January 24, 1811, to John Jacob Astor, N. Y. (see below, vol. i, pp. 459- 461); Franchere, Gabriel, Narrative of a Voyage to the Northwest Coast of America (1854), p. 32; New-York Gazette and General Advertiser, August 25, 1810, p. 3, col. 1. 36. Ibid., July 29, 1811, p. 2, col. 2. 37. Ms., Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letters, [Alexander] Baranoff, New Archangel, August 13/25, 1811, to [John Jacob Astor, N. Y.] (see below, vol. i, pp. 469-474); Khlebnikoff, op. cit., pp. 139-140; Pilder, op. cit., pp. 75-76. t 38. New-York Gazette and General Advertiser, May 12,1812, p. 2, col. 2. / Quotation of a letter from Nathaniel Woodbury, of Danvers, dated Sep-) ytember 5, 1811, from Kegharni^wTtEr^rtliWest Coast. 39. Ibid., May 18, 1812, p. 2, col. 2; June 22, 1812, p. 3, col. 2. 40. Sketch, Chateau de Ramezay, Montreal, John Jacob Astor and John Clarke Driving near Selby Grange, C6te St. Antoine, 1809; Clarke, Adele, Old Montreal, John Clarke: His Adventures, Friends and Family (1906), facing p. 29. 41. "Alexander McKay," "Donald McKenzie," Wallace, W. Stewart, ed., Dictionary of Canadian Biography (1926); Irving, op. cit., chaps, iii and xiii; Ross, Alexander, Adventures of the First Settlers on the Oregon or Columbia River (1923), pp. 9-11; Franchere, op. cit., pp. 20-21. 42. Ms., Baker Library, Astor Papers, Provisional Agreement between John Jacob Astor and Alexander McKay, Donald McKenzie, and Duncan McDougall, N. Y., March 10, 1810. ASTORIA, 1808-1812 211 43. Irving, op. cit., chaps, xiii and xiv; Franchere, op. cit., p. 21; Ross, op. cit., pp. 10, 12, 188, 191; Chittenden, Hiram Martin, The American Fur Trade of the Far West, 3 vols. (1902), vol. i, pp. 158-162, 183, 381, vol. iii, pp. 907-909. 44. Ms. book, Missouri Historical Society, St. Louis, Hunt, Wilson Price, Pacific Fur Company, 1810-13. The agreements and other documents contained in this journal have been reprinted in full in Grace Flandrau's Astor and the Oregon Country (1926 [?]), pp. 24-41. 45. Ms., Library of Congress, Thomas Jefferson Papers, vol. cxcv, January 27-April 30, 1812, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., March 14, 1812, to Thomas Jefferson (see below, vol. i, pp. 508-513). 46. I have not thought it necessary to give an authority for every particular statement concerning the Astoria enterprise. When no reference is given, the information has been taken from one of the four well-known principal sources for this undertaking. These are, in the order of their first publication: Franchere, Gabriel, Narrative of a Voyage to the Northwest Coast of America (French edition, Montreal, 1820; English edition, N. Y., 1854, translated and edited by Jedediah Vincent Huntington); Cox, Ross, The Columbia River, 2 vols. (London, 1832); Irving, Washington, Astoria (N. Y., 1836); Ross, Alexander, Adventures of the First Settlers on the Oregon or Columbia River (London, 1849). Of these authors, Franchere, Cox, and Ross had all been clerks in the service of the Pacific Fur Company in the Columbia River region, and consequently had a personal knowledge of the scenes, individuals, and many of the incidents which they described. Irving based his work on the narratives of Franchere and Cox, upon documents and letters furnished him by John Jacob Astor, and probably upon the personal recollections of some of the participants in the enterprise. His work is particularly valuable for the light it throws on the New York side of the venture. The three participants in the enterprise, however, seem to have drawn very little from one another's narratives, and each account stands largely on its own feet. Franchere's account differs somewhat from the others in that it was written quite shortly after the events described, and by a man whose entire term of service was passed at Fort Astoria; whereas Ross, who also came out in the Tonquin, spent most of his time in the interior, as did Cox, who arrived on the Coast in the succeeding year on the Beaver. Cox's period of service with the Pacific Fur Company was the shortest of the three, as it did not begin until the sailing of the Beaver in 1811 and ended in 1813 when he joined the North West Company. Ross also engaged with that Company, but not till the following year. When the authors are in general agreement, I have not burdened my narrative with specific references, but when one gives information not found in the others, or when there is a difference of opinion on some significant point, I have indicated which authority has been followed. [ 212 JOHN JACOB ASTOR 47. Ms. book, Missouri Historical Society, St. Louis, Gratiot Collection, Charles Gratiot's Letter Book, 1798-1816, p. 117, Charles Gratiot, St. Louis, November 12, 1809, to John Jacob Astor, N. Y. (in English). 48. Ibid., pp. 120-121, Charles Gratiot, St. Louis, June 12, 1810, to John Jacob Astor, N. Y. (in English). 49. Ross, op. cit., pp. 183-193. 50. Fanning, Edmund, Voyages to the South Seas, Indian and Pacific Oceans (1838), pp. 105, 138. 51. Ms. book, Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston, Boston Marine Insurance Company Records, vol. R, no. 4146, September 3, 1810. 52. New-York Gazette and General Advertiser, October 18, 1809, p. 3, col. 1; October 25, 1809, p. 3, col. 1; November 11, 1809, p. 3, col. 1; November 14, 1809, p. 2, col. 6; March 30, 1810, p. 2, col. 6. 53. A contemporary Russian authority claims that the natives were instigated to attack the Tonquin by some of Astor's own countrymen, doubtless meaning North West Coast traders who were alarmed by his proposed monopoly. However, the Indians of the North West Coast had never required any outside encouragement for attacks on trading vessels. (Khlebnikoff, op. cit., pp. 133-135.) 54. Ms., Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letters, [Adrian Benjamin] Bentzon, Washington, July 9,1810, to J. J. Astor, N. Y. (see below, vol. i, pp. 439-442). 55. Ms. book (copy), Bibliotheque Ste. Sulpice, Montreal, Minutes of the Beaver Club, 1807-27, p. 57. 56. Ms., Library of Congress, Thomas Jefferson Papers, vol. cxcv, January 27-April 20, 1812, John Jacob Astor, N. Y, March 14, 1812, to Thomas Jefferson (see below, vol. i, pp. 508-513). 57. "George William Erving," Appleton's Cyclopaedia of American Biography. 58. Ms., Library of Congress, Madison Papers, vol. xli, Writings to Madison, December 23, 1810-April 13, 1811, Albert Gallatin, January 5, 1811, to [James] Madison. 59. Ms. (copy), Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letters, John Jacob Astor, Attorney, American Fur Company, N. Y., January 21, 1811, to A. B. Bentzon (see below, vol. i, pp. 454-459). 60. Gallatin, Albert, The Writings of, Henry Adams, ed., 3 vols. (1879), vol. i, pp. 486, 489-490. 61. Ms., Library of Congress, Monroe Papers, vol. xv, Writings to Monroe, March 19,1815-October 21,1816, George W. Erving, March 18, 1816, to [James Monroe]. 62. Ms., Library of Congress, Thomas Jefferson Papers, vol. cxcv, January 27-April 30, 1812, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., March 14, 1812, to Thomas Jefferson (see below, vol. i, pp. 508-513). ASTORIA, 1808-1812 213 63. Istoritcheskoe Obosranie Obrazovanie Rossiykso-Amerikanskoi Kom- paniy, i deistvia eya do nastoyashtchavo vrememy. sostavil P. Tikhemeneff: Chast 1 (Historical Review of the Origin of the Russian American Company and its doings up to the present time, compiled by P. Tikhmeneff, part 1, St. Petersburg, 1861), pp. 189-190 (translation in the Bancroft Library, Berkeley, California); Obsor Russkikh Koloniy v Severnoi Amerikie (Golovnin, Captain-Lieutenant, Review of the Russian Colonies in North America; St. Petersburg, 1861), pp. 172-173; Irving, op. cit., chap. Ii. 64. Ms., Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letters, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., April 13, 1811, to A. D. Daschkoff. 65. Ibid., John Jacob Astor, N. Y., October 16, 1811, to Count Baranoff. 66. New-York Gazette and General Advertiser, September 22, 1810, p. 3, col. 1; October 4, 1810, p. 3, col. 1; April 13, 1811, p. 2, col. 1; June 13, i8n,p. 2, col. 1. 67. Latourette, Kenneth Scott, "Voyages of American Ships to China, 1784-1844," Transactions ofthe Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, vol. 28 (1927), pp. 237-271. Quotes from Providence Impost Book, vol. B, p. 102. 68. Delano, op. cit., pp. 400-402. 69. Ms., Baker Library, Astor Papers, Invoice of Merchandise Shipped by John Jacob Astor for the Northwest Coast, October, 1811 (see below, vol. i, pp. 478-483). 70. Ibid., Captain Ebbets remarks and notes accompanying his account sales. 71. Ms. book, Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston, Boston Marine Insurance Company Records, vol. S, no. 4423, October 18, 19, 1811. Q~^\ W^-^.' 5/~ik^u -x-Zjr-xs^, /C^> A^^s^-Ujkji^/ 7 72. Clarke, op. cit., pp. 9, 11, 15, 16. This book contains the recollections of John Clarke's daughter, who was at the time of its publication •about sixty years old or over. It is consequently very untrustworthy. 73. Coues, Elliott, ed., Henry-Thompson Journals, 3 vols. (1897), vol. ii, pp. 766-767, note. 74. Ms., Library of Congress, Thomas Jefferson Papers, vol. cxcv, January 27-April 30,1812, John Jacob Astor, March 14,1812, to Thomas Jefferson (see below, vol. i, pp. 508-513). 75. Ms., Baker Library, Astor Papers, Account Sales of Cargo of the Ship Beaver, September 25, 1812 (see below, vol. i, pp. 513-519). jtA^-^r^" O/l^vvJ/y CHAPTER VIII THE PACIFIC FUR COMPANY AND ASTORIA: FROM THE . OUTBREAK OF THE WAR TO THE FINAL RELINQUISHMENT OF ASTORIA TO THE NORTH WEST COMPANY, 1812-1818 The year 1812 was for John Jacob Astor one of great uncertainty and anxiety. At mid-March his tone was one of confidence, if not exultation, so far as his Pacific Coast enterprise was concerned. He had heard that the North West Company had recently sent out two expeditions from Lake Superior to oppose the Pacific Fur Company, but the first of these had been blocked at the Rockies by hostile Indians, and Astor had no fear that his men would fail to thwart the other.1 During the next three months, however, the situation changed. By May 12, at the latest, reports of the Tonquin's loss had reached New York,2 and the accounts of this disaster were confirmed on the arrival of the Enterprise on June 21.3 On June 18 the United States declared war on Great Britain. Matters were now on an entirely different footing, and Astor was forced to take into consideration the measures proper to the welfare of Astoria. He is said to have written immediately to Captain Sowle at Canton, ordering him to return at once to Astoria with supplies and put himself under Hunt's orders there. According to the prearranged plan, a vessel was to leave New York for the North West Coast in the fall of 1812, but Astor feared it might be captured. Therefore he applied to the government for protection, asking that a small garrison should be sent to defend the fort at Astoria.4 Receiving no ASTORIA, 1812-1818 215 answer, he continued his attempts to get a ship safely out of New York harbor, and, in order to have two strings to his bow, sent agents to London to fit out a vessel from that port for Astoria, loaded with arms, ammunition, and other equipment. His emissaries succeeded in securing such a vessel, the brig Forester, and, after considerable delay, she sailed under British colors and convoy from England in the spring of 1813, but never reached Astoria. I mention this incident to refute Alexander Ross's rather ridiculous charge against Astor of indifference to Astoria, in proof of which he asserts that Astor failed to co-operate with certain Boston merchants who had fitted out a vessel to warn their ships on the Coast of the outbreak of war. It is doubtful whether Astor was ever asked to join this enterprise, but inasmuch as he fitted out two vessels, unaided, for the same purpose, the charge is entirely without foundation. Astor, however, seems to have been resolved not to send any ship from New York without positive assurance that she would not be molested. He made use of his agreement with the Russian American Company and, through Andrew Daschkoff, secured a license from the British admiral, Sir John Borlase Warren, under the pretext that the sole purpose of the projected voyage was to supply the settlement at New Archangel with provisions.5 Astor also applied through James Monroe, the secretary of State, for a passport or letter for his ship from the president or the secretary of the Navy, mentioning that she would have a passport from the Russian minister, but saying nothing about the license from the British admiral.6 The request was probably granted, as the Lark, a ship of about 300 tons, sailed from New York on March 6, 1813, under the command of Samuel H. Northrop, and with Nicholas G. Ogden as supercargo. Early in 1813, we find the colonists at Astoria cognizant of the outbreak of war; the ship Beaver lying at Canton, her captain not daring to return to the Columbia; and two ships, the 216 JOHN JACOB ASTOR Forester and the Lark, sailing from London and New York respectively to relieve Astoria, but nearly six months later than was originally intended. Meanwhile, the North West Company had not been inactive. Through their London agents, McTavish, Fraser & Co., and Inglis, Ellice & Co., the partners had on June 20, 1812, petitioned the King in Council for "an exclusive Charter to trade within certain limits;" they declared that they would be unable to compete with the American company without such a charter, as had been proved by the fate of the Michilimackinac Company. A share in the American company had been offered to them, but their loyalty to their country had prevented them from accepting it.7 On August 18 the Montreal agents of the North West Company wrote to their associates at London recommending that a vessel be fitted out in England to send to the Columbia. "The progress already made by the American party who have established themselves in the River," they said, "renders this determination on our part absolutely necessary for the defence of our only remaining Beaver Country, and we know from dear bought experience the impossibility of contending from this side of the Mountains with people who get their Goods from so short a distance as the Mouth of the Columbia is from the Mountains." Moreover, the scarcity of beavers east of the Rockies would make such a move imperative even though no Americans were on the ground. The London agents retained Nathaniel Atcheson, who had, in 1811, turned out a pamphlet, On the Origin and Progress of the North- West Company (praising that organization, and warning the British government that only through it could Astor's designs be successfully met), to secure government assistance for the Canadian company. On September 25 Atcheson transmitted to Viscount Castlereagh, the foreign secretary, certain memorials and papers of the North West Company, to which he requested an early attention. These documents were in turn ASTORIA, 1812-1818 217 submitted to Lord Bathurst, the president of the Board of Trade. On October 1, 1812, McTavish, Fraser & Co., Inglis, Ellice & Co., and Sir Alexander McKenzie again petitioned the King in Council to the same effect as in June. In anticipation of a favorable response to the earlier petition, they said, they had taken steps to establish a colony on the North West Coast, and one party of explorers had already gone and returned, while a party of settlement had been dispatched. They also petitioned that, for this purpose, the exportation of certain goods, not permitted without special sanction, should be allowed for the sake of this party and that a ship from England should be used for this purpose. The North West Company, both through their London agents and through Nathaniel Atcheson, in letters and memorials continued to the end of the year to press their petition for a charter and for governmental assistance to prevent the Americans from retaining undisputed possession of the Pacific Coast. The Canadian company especially requested naval escort, arms, ammunition, and men for the North West Company vessel which was about to sail. Bathurst was induced to promise that he would speak to the First Lord of the Admiralty on the subject of a convoy for the North West Company vessel, and also to the Russian ambassador concerning an arrangement for reciprocal friendship with the Russian American Company.8 Apparently the North West Company were not yet aware that Astor had forestalled them in their advances to Russian America. The application for a convoy, made late in 1812, was finally granted, and the Isaac Todd, a twenty-gun ship bearing a letter of marque, was fitted out in London by the North West Company, and sailed from Portsmouth, with two North West Company partners, John McDonald of Garth and Donald McTavish, on board, "at the latter end of March or February [probably the former] under convoy with a large fleet of at ^ 218 JOHN JACOB ASTOR least forty sails bound for all parts of the world."9 It seems likely that among these was Astor's brig Forester, thus curiously enough sailing under British protection in an attempt to thwart the government-sanctioned plans of a British company. In the meantime, Astor had been notified, late in February, 1813, by his London agents, that the North West Company was planning an attempt to wrest the settlement at the Columbia from American possession. Astor wrote to James Monroe representing the commercial and political importance of the settlement, and urging that the government "throw forty or fifty men into the fort, which would be sufficient for its defence, until he could send reinforcements over land." If the government should take such a step, he thought the fort might constitute a safe place of refuge for other American vessels in the Pacific. Astor did not know that his overland expedition had been eighteen months in reaching the Pacific. This letter was disregarded in the press of business, and the Lark, as we have seen, put to sea early in March. On the 22nd of that month, Astor wrote confirming from later sources of information the news he had communicated to the Secretary of State the previous month.10 This letter seems to have elicited a reply on March 31, and, thus encouraged, Astor returned to the attack in a letter dated in early April from Philadelphia, where he had gone, as he explained with elaborate carelessness, to contract with Mr. Gallatin "for myself & Some of my new york friends for about two & half Million of the Loan." He was now in possession of specific details of the Isaac Todd's purpose and armament, and urged once more that a swift sloop-of- war, the Hornet or the Argus, should be dispatched immediately to the Columbia and, if possible, take the slow-sailing Isaac Todd "at the very mauth of Columbia.'9 He declared that the property of the American ships then on the Coast, which might thus be saved, would more than balance the cost of send- ASTORIA, 1812-1818 219 ing the sloop, and stated that if he himself possessed an armed ship he "would Send her Let cost what it would but there is not one fit to be found which could be fitted with Dispatch."11 Finally, the frigate John Adams was assigned the duty of protecting the settlement, under the command of Captain William Montgomery Crane. Astor determined to send the Enterprise under the frigate's protection. The two vessels, according to Irving, were ready for sea, when orders arrived from Astor's old captain, Commodore Isaac Chauncey, commanding on Lake Ontario, for a reinforcement of seamen in that quarter. The claims of the Astoria colony had to give way, and the captain and crew of the John Adams were sent to the Lakes in July,12 while the vessel itself was laid up. On July 1, 1813, Robert Stuart arrived at New York, bringing word of the final arrival at Astoria of Hunt with the survivors of the overland party, and of Captain Sowle with the Beaver.1Z Encouraged by this good news, Astor determined to send the Enterprise, escort or no escort. For commander and supercargo he resolved on Daniel Greene, who had gone as supercargo on the Enterprise's first North West Coast voyage. On August 12, 1813, he wrote to Greene, pretending that the Enterprise no longer belonged to him,14 and that he was acting for "a friend," who was Nicholas Kosloff, the Russian consul- general. The motive for this concealment was to throw dust into the eyes of the British, and preserve the vessel from molestation. According to Astor, the cargo would amount to about $20,000, which on the North West Coast would produce about $40,000, and this in turn at Canton would probably amount to $80,000 or $ 100,000.15 The vessel, it seems, was to be fitted out both for privateering and for sealing, and Greene proposed that the officers and crew should receive one-half the net profits from prizes and seal skins, and half wages on that part of the voyage when there was no chance of such profits. Greene himself wanted $5,000 if he reached the Coast, half that 220 JOHN JACOB ASTOR amount if he failed, a customary share of the profits, and a commission on any other business he might transact.16 Preparations for the voyage continued, but with some uncertainty and frequent stoppages as the situation changed. The ship was nearly loaded by October 18,17 the crew was being assembled on November io,18 and the sending of the vessel was a subject of correspondence between Daschkoff and Astor a week later,19 but she did not sail. Finally, Daniel Greene grew weary of the delay and engaged for another voyage. Astor, in a letter of December 25, 1813, to Daniel Greene's son, said, "the Ship Enterprise is as he left her & will remain so for some time to come. ... I still expect your father to make a voyage in the Enterprise."20 Soon after this, according to Irving, the Enterprise was unloaded and laid up. The reason is not hard to find. New York was under blockade, and Astor would not risk having his ship captured. He had evidently meant to get it out of the harbor under Russian colors and with British sanction, but his plan did not succeed. We have a paper, in Astor's hand, which, though unsigned and undated, is evidently a copy of a letter from some captain in the British blockading squadron, written some time in November. It is evidently a reply to a personal appeal from Andrew Daschkoff that the British captain should "Suffer the Enterprize to pass." The Briton, however, was gracefully obdurate, while protesting his willingness to protect the Russian flag. He suavely suggested that Daschkoff should apply to Sir John Borlase Warren himself for a license.21 This, however, Daschkoff preferred not to do. This was the last of Astor's attempts to send a ship to the North West Coast in support of his Astoria project. In the midst of his fruitless preparations to send the Enterprise, Astor wrote a very despondent letter to Jefferson, in the desperate hope that he would use his personal prestige to procure governmental assistance for the colony on the Columbia.22 ASTORIA, 1812-1818 221 Jefferson replied in a polite note which must have given Astor very little comfort, and makes one wonder whether he had read the letter very carefully.23 This incident is of little importance in itself, but one thing about Astor's letter is worthy of note. Although he told the history of Astoria at considerable length, he made no mention whatever of the loss of the Tonquin. This might be ascribed to forgetfulness caused by his agitation at the time, but two years later, in a much more detailed account addressed to James Monroe, Astor no less carefully avoided all mention of the disaster.24 The reason for his silence is not obscure. One of his professed purposes in the Astoria enterprise had been to win the friendship of the natives on the Pacific Coast for the government. It was not very satisfactory evidence of progress in this direction that the first of Astor's captains to be connected with the settlement should have aroused a spirit of revenge in the Indians, and should then have been so negligent that they were able to carry out their murderous purpose. These results undoubtedly tended to lower American prestige on the Pacific Coast. This is a sufficient explanation of his motive in disguising his narrative of the above facts in correspondence with public officials. Turning now to Astoria, we find that on January 15, 1813, Donald McKenzie had arrived at the fort with the depressing news of the outbreak of war, which he had received at Spokane from the North West Coaefe partner John George McTavish, who had arrived there with a large company. After consultation between the two partners then at Astoria, McKenzie and McDougall, to which the clerks were admitted with a voice but no vote, it was decided that, since the war would make it impossible for Astor to send any more ships, the establishment | must be abandoned by the beginning of summer, at the latest. This would allow time for the arrival of a ship, should one have been sent from New York according to schedule in the fall of 1812. This decision was not communicated to the men, lest it 222 JOHN JACOB ASTOR should lower their morale, but it was resolved to cease all trade with the natives, except for provisions, both because the supply of trade-goods was no longer large, and because the furs on hand were already more than could be conveniently carried away overland. Provisions were running low, so that the men at the fort had to be sent away to places where food was more plentiful. On February 2 (according to Ross) or March 31 (according to Franchere) McKenzie and a party left to notify the winterers in the interior of this decision, and to procure horses and provisions. On April 11, two canoe-loads of Nor'Westers, commanded by J. G. McTavish and Joseph Laroque, arrived at Astoria, while during May and June the Pacific Fur Company men from the interior began to drop in for the annual rendezvous. Two clerks arrived from the Willamette on May 25 with "seventeen packs of furs, and thirty-two bales of dried venison," while Clarke, David Stuart, and McKenzie appeared early in June with 140 packs of furs, "the first of two years trade at the post on the Okenakan, and one year on the Spokan." The Pacific Fur Company partners were now all assembled at Astoria, and it was necessary to reconsider the decision of abandoning the country. It was now June, and the time originally chosen for the abandonment was past. Clarke and Stuart were not so despondent as McKenzie, for the post at Okanogan had been exceptionally profitable, and that on the Willamette not much less so, while even the one at Spokane had proved on the whole promising, though the latter, according to Cox, was in a country which "did not abound in furs," the natives of which "were rather indolent in hunting," and where the traders had consumed a good deal of expensive horseflesh. Cox explains the great attraction which the trade would have, even at its worst. "The great object of every Indian," he says, "was to obtain a gun. Now a good gun was not to be had under twenty beaver skins; a few short ones we gave for fifteen: and ASTORIA, 1812-1818 223 some idea of the profit may be formed, when I state that the wholesale price of ja_gun is about one pouncLseyen shillings, while the average value of twenty beaver skins is about twenty- five pounds! Two yards of cloth, which originally cost twelve shillings, would generally bring six or eight beavers, value eight or ten pounds! and so on in proportion for other articles; — but they were satisfied, and we had no cause to complain." It can be easily understood why Clarke and Stuart wished to continue this profitable trade, even though goods were running short and furs accumulating without any means of getting them to market. Moreover, as they had largely disregarded McKen- zie's instructions to secure horses and provisions for the return ! overland, it was impracticable to leave Astoria on July 1, as McDougall urged. On June 25, therefore, they unanimously resolved to divide the trade for the ensuing winter with the North West Com- 1 pany, giving up "the Post of Spokan House and the establish- I ment of the Coutenais," on condition that the Nor'Westers I should abandon all other posts in the Columbia region. They ; also agreed to sell the North West Company certain goods, payable next spring in horses or some other medium of exchange, while the North West Company's agents agreed to forward dispatches to Astor "by their usual winter express." On the next day, more detailed plans were agreed upon for the coming winter. Attention was to be devoted mainly to preparations for leaving the country. David Stuart was to- "winter as usual in the North West parts of the Columbia," to trade for beaver and horses; Clarke should winter with the Flat- heads, trading for "furs . . . Horses and Provisions;" the clerk, John Reed, was to winter in the Snake country, to' meet the hunters already there, secure beaver and provision's, and gather up certain of the Company's horses which had been left with the Indians of that region. McDougall was to guard the fort, while to McKenzie was assigned the task of wintering 224 JOHN JACOB ASTOR in the Willamette region with four hunters and eight Canadians to secure provisions. Three clerks, among them the historian jRoss Cox, were to enter the service of the North West Company. On July i, after long discussion, it was resolved to leave the Columbia on June i, 1814, unless the necessary supplies should arrive from New York in the meantime, with instructions from Astor.25 We are elsewhere told that all the parties were to assemble at Astoria on May 1, 1814, and that McDougall was empowered to sell the furs and goods to McTavish, rather than expose them to the dangers of overland transit. Early in July the various parties left Astoria for their posts, though McKenzie remained behind, plying up and down p>the river to collect dried salmon, while those at the fort baled the furs for horseback transportation. On the 20th of August, according to Irving and Ross, Wilson Price Hunt arrived at Astoria in the Albatross, commanded by Captain William Smith. Franchere, who was there at the time, gives the date as August 4, but a record kept on the spot shows that he was wrong. Hunt, it will be remembered, had been left at Oahu on the first day of 1813, when the Beaver sailed for Canton. Knowing nothing of the war, he had hoped for the arrival in the spring of the annual ship from New York. At last, after he had given up hope and bought a small schooner to sail for Astoria, he learned of the war from the captains of some ships from China, who arrived about June 20. One of these ships contained a small invoice of goods for Hunt from Cornelius Sowle, who had arrived at Canton early in February,26 and who had previously unloaded at Oahu more than $3,000 worth of assorted goods for trade,27 evidently expecting Hunt to transport them to Astoria. These invoices, together with a quantity of provisions Hunt had collected at Oahu, seemed to justify the use of a larger vessel than the little native schooner already purchased. Accordingly, Hunt chartered the Albatross for $2,000 and sailed for Astoria, first writing Captain Bennet ASTORIA, 1812-1818 225 of the brig Lydia to bring his vessel and cargo to the Columbia to be purchased by the Pacific Fur Company. When he learned of the decision to abandon the country he was surprised and at first opposed to the plan, as was natural in view of his success in collecting seal skins from Governor Baranoff. However, he was finally convinced that the Company's main interest was now to devise some safe way of abandoning the enterprise without too much additional loss. The furs and other goods must be transported to a market, and the Islanders in the service of the Company to their homes. As a ship would of course be needed, the captain of the Albatross was requested to lie at Astoria during the summer while the furs, goods, and Islanders were brought down from the interior, but the vessel had already been chartered by a Frenchman to take a cargo of sandalwood to the Hawaiian Islands. It was therefore necessary to devise some other plan. On August 25, it was decided that Hunt should go in the Albatross and secure a ship from any source he could. He was also to secure provisions, and endeavor to leave the Islands by January 1, 1814. Before sailing from Astoria, however, he was to draw up three sets of bills of exchange on Astor to the amount of $20,000, to be left with McDougall in case Hunt should fail to arrive with a vessel and they should after all have to return overland. McKenzie was to go up the Columbia to instruct Stuart and Clarke to send down their furs and Islanders by February 15, 1814, and to decide in consultation with them whether they themselves should come to Astoria or stay in the interior in order to cross the continent to civilization. He was also to try to wile McTavish down to Astoria, or, failing that, to make a conditional agreement, not to be binding if a vessel arrived for the use of the Astorians, whereby the North West Company should take over some of the employees of the Pacific Fur Company. McDougall was to stay at Astoria and was to have full power to make arrangements with any agent 226 JOHN JACOB ASTOR of the North West Company. In case Captain Bennet, of the brig Lydia, whom Hunt had asked to come to the Columbia, should arrive, McDougall was empowered to buy the brig for about $3,000, and her cargo for not more than $10,000, at a valuation not to exceed a 40 per cent advance on the Boston invoice, payable at Canton whenever it should be safe to send the Company's skins to market. The goods might be landed and skins put on board to the amount of their value, and the brig might go in search of Hunt and of provisions. Everything was to be done to facilitate departure from Astoria by May 1, 1814, at the latest.28 In pursuance of these resolutions, Hunt left Astoria in the Albatross the day after they were passed, taking with him the clerk Benjamin Clapp, while McKenzie started up the river early in September (according to Franchere) or on October 2 (according to Irving and Ross). McKenzie, as usual, did not long remain absent from Astoria, for he soon met a strong detachment of Nor'Westers commanded by McTavish, Angus Bethune, John Stuart, and James McMillan. They were accompanied by Clarke, whom they had lured away from his post, the trade of which fell into the hands of their Company. Hearing the news brought by this detachment, McKenzie determined to return with them. This he did, and the two parties arrived at Astoria on October 7. Negotiations at once began between the leaders of the two parties, the consequences of which have furnished the most fruitful subject of controversy in the whole history of Astoria. McTavish showed the Pacific Fur Company partners a letter from his uncle, an agent of the North West Company at Montreal. It was dated May 9, 1813, and announced that a frigate from England had brought word of "the Isaac Todd having on board Messrs McTavish & McDonald being ready for Sea on the 18th of March. She is accompanied by a Frigate, to take and destroy every thing that is American on the N. W. Coast." This passage was copied and signed by the three Pacific Fur ASTORIA, 1812-1818 227 Company partners, and also by four clerks, on October 9, 1813.29 * This put matters on an entirely different basis again. No ship could be expected from New York, and Hunt would not return with a vessel for some months. On the other hand, the Isaac Todd and her consort might be expected almost any day. However, the American company was not quite defenceless. They were in possession of the fort, and inadequate though their supplies of provisions and ammunition were, they were at least better off than their enemies, who had almost no supplies. Moreover, the Indians would probably incline more to the Astorians than to the Nor'Westers, especially since McDougall had recently contracted an alliance with the daughter of the Chinook chief, Comcomly. It was easy for Irving, years after the event, to point out how the Astorians should have acted in this situation. He and his disciples declare that if affairs had been differently managed the Astorians might not have had to abandon the settlement. According to Irving's plan, the Canadians of the North West Company could have been scattered with the help of the Indians, the furs sent up the Columbia, and landing parties from the British vessels either defeated or left to take possession of an empty fort, to which the Astorians could have returned when the British sailed away. Franchere, in his English edition, published more than forty years after the event, describes such a plan with approval. However, when Franchere wrote his French edition, in 1820, he gave no hint of such a plan, which must have been suggested to him by the reading of Irving's official account. It is beyond question that if the commander at Astoria and his subordinates had been men of resolute and ruthless character the North West Company's employees might have been driven away with the help of the Indians; but a British man-of- war could not so easily be defeated by a few cannon behind a 228 JOHN JACOB ASTOR wooden palisade, while the Indians would probably have gone over promptly to the British side if they seemed likely to be victorious. Nor would the British afterwards have been so stupid as to abandon the site of the fort for the benefit of the previous occupants. But in any case, the Canadians, who formed the majority of the Pacific Fur Company's employees, had no desire for an actual battle against their countrymen and friends of the North West Company, while even the American citizens present were scarcely less pacifically inclined; consequently the policy actually adopted was very different from the violent measures afterwards advocated. Both parties, as we have seen, were in a precarious position, but the North West Company group, despite its shortage of supplies, had in prospect the arrival of a relief ship, which to the Astorians would mean complete ruin. Consequently, McDougall furnished the newcomers sparingly with provisions, in an effort at once to maintain a spirit favorable to negotiations and to demonstrate to the Nor'Westers that some arrangement would be to their advantage. The Astorians, however, kept strictly on their guard in the fort. This policy, at least in the short run, seemed to be successful. There were discussions of an arrangement by which all the property of the Pacific Fur Company, buildings, peltries, and supplies, should come into the possession of the North West Company. By such a transaction, the North West Company would gain, while the Pacific Fur Company, while receiving only a very small price, would at least be saved from suffering a total loss. Both parties were anxious to reach a speedy agreement, since the arrival of a British frigate would probably mean that the fort and its contents would become a prize of war. A preliminary agreement was reached almost at once between McDougall and McTavish, but John Stuart, arriving later, declared its terms too favorable to the Americans and demanded a revision. Finally, on October 16 (Franchere in- ASTORIA, 1812-1818 229 correctly gives the date as the 23rd), an agreement was signed by McDougall for the Pacific Fur Company and by McTavish and John Stuart on behalf of the North West Company. McDougalTs right to make such an agreement has been questioned. He undoubtedly exceeded the definite powers vested in him on August 25; but he could claim with justice that the receipt of positive news of the dispatch of a British frigate against Astoria necessitated a liberal interpretation of his powers, which, indeed, were in places stated in very large and general terms, and that, as resident agent, he had the right to act in an emergency for the best interests of the concern, especially when he had the consent of the partners then present. By this agreement, as has been said, the property of the Pacific Fur Company was to be sold to the North West Company. Certain articles and pieces of property were set down at various specified percentages on the prime cost, others at definite prices per unit. The total price was to be paid in three installments, due on October 25, November 25, and December 25, 1814, respectively. The North West Company was also to pay the wages due to the employees of the Pacific Fur Company, one month after their arrival at Montreal, and the amount was to be deducted from the first payment. The North West Company also agreed to furnish provisions to those formerly connected with the Pacific Fur Company, and a free passage to their homes.30 Thus, for all practical purposes, the career of both the Pacific Fur Company and Astoria came to an end. But there still remain some loose threads to be gathered up. Ross tells that, after the agreement had been signed, McTavish of the Canadian company delayed giving up the bills of exchange for the amount of the property, apparently hoping to secure it upon better terms if a British ship should arrive to support him. McDougall, therefore, declined to give up the furs, and finally he and McKenzie solved the problem by resorting to bluff. 230 JOHN JACOB ASTOR They put the fort in a condition of defence, trained their guns on the North West Company's camp, and sent an ultimatum to their leader ordering him to sign the bills within two hours or withdraw to other quarters. The bills were signed and surrendered and the affair brought to a close. This story is probably fictitious; Ross was not present at the time, and the bills were actually not delivered for some months, since it was impossible to determine their amounts without a careful inventory of goods at the fort itself and at the various posts. If McDougall did resort to some such bluff in connection with the agreement, it was not an important enough incident to be noticed by Franchere, who was at Astoria all the time. On November 15, two partners of the North West Company, Alexander Stuart and Alexander Henry, a nephew and namesake of Astor's old friend, arrived at Astoria, having left the North West Company post, Fort William, in July, and were surprised to find that the Isaac Todd had not yet arrived. On November 30, however, the Raccoon made her appearance. She was a sloop-of-war under Captain Black, and John McDonald of Garth, a partner in the North West Company, was on board. The Raccoon had been one of the Isaac Todd's convoy, and, becoming separated from that vessel, had gone on to destroy the establishment at the mouth of the Columbia. Owing to bad weather, the captain and officers of the Raccoon did not land until December 12, and on the following day the captain formally took possession of the establishment and the country for Great Britain, and changed the name of Astoria to Fort George. The captain, upon inspecting the fort which he had been sent to capture, is said to have exclaimed with mingled amusement and exasperation that he could batter the whole establishment to the ground in two hours with a four- pounder. The officers were said to have been disappointed at finding there would be no rich prize of furs to reward them, but John McDonald of Garth, who came out in the Raccoon, said ■ mmmm- ASTORIA, 1812-1818 231 on this point: "I heard of no expectation of prize money, nor disappointment in any respect. The force was sent to fulfil a duty to the North West Company; It was no government measure. They were as it were under my directions as a Partner of that Company, and acted accordingly."31 If the Raccoon was sent out solely in the interests of the North West Company, it would seem that the Pacific Fur Company's property would have fallen to the North West Company without any payment but for the agreement between McDougall and McTavish. In view of this fact, McDougall cannot fairly be blamed for accepting McDonald's offer of partnership in the North West Company. McDougall had served the Pacific Fur Company for four years without any gain to himself, and could not be expected to pass over this opportunity to better himself. Irving accuses him of treachery to Astor because of this action, but none of the three writers who knew him personally condemned his conduct. It should be remembered that McDougall had no opportunity of defending himself, and that he was probably used as a scapegoat by Hunt, McKenzie, Clarke, and David Stuart, who all returned to New York while McDougall was still on the North West Coast.32 The Raccoon sailed from the Columbia on the last day of 1813, and David Stuart, the least conspicuous of .the Pacific Fur Company partners, arrived at Fort George, formerly Astoria, on January 6. On February 28, 1814, Wilson Price Hunt arrived at the mouth of the Columbia in the brig Pedler. He had heard from Commodore David Porter, who arrived at the Marquesas Islands in the frigate Essex with a number of British vessels as prizes, that a British frigate and two sloops- of-war had left Rio de Janeiro on July 6 and were believed to be on their way to the Columbia River. Hunt tried to persuade Commodore Porter to fit out one of the prizes to send to Astoria to bring off the people and supplies, or to sell him one of the captured vessels at a reasonable price, but was able only to 232 JOHN JACOB ASTOR secure a half-promise that Porter would try to meet the vessels should he receive definite word of their destination. He was therefore forced to remain at the Marquesas till November 23, when the Albatross sailed for the Hawaiian Islands. On his arrival at Oahu, on December 20, 1813, Hunt discovered that the Lark, which had sailed from New York on March 6, had been capsized near the Islands on August 13 and driven ashore on Maui on the 29th, with the loss of five men and of the brig's entire cargo.33 Hunt immediately sought out Captain Northrop, learned that Astor had ordered the transfer of the property at Astoria to the Russian settlement at New Archangel in order to preserve it from the British, purchased a Boston brig of 225 tons, the Pedler, which he manned from the survivors of the Lark, and sailed late in January for the Columbia River, where, as we have seen, the brig arrived on the last day of February. The next month, March, 1814, was spent in finally closing out the affairs of the Pacific Fur Company. Hunt was indignant at the low price received for the furs, apparently not considering that only their sale at any price had prevented their seizure by force, and is said to have "determined to make an effort to get back the furs," perhaps by purchase, since Irving says that McDougall approached Hunt on behalf of the North West Company, "intimating that he had no doubt the peltries might be repurchased at an advance of fifty per cent." If such an offer was made in good faith, Hunt showed poor judgment in refusing the proposal, which was rather generous in the circumstances. Irving has stated that "not quite $40,000 were allowed for furs worth upwards of $100,000." Astor himself said "that the difference of price in the beaver and otter skins alone, say what I received, and the value of them at Canton at that time is about sixty thousand dollars."34 Consequently, to repurchase these furs at an advance of only 50 per cent, or at a total price of about $60,000, would have been a very good bargain, always provided that it was possible ASTORIA, 1812-1818 133 to convey them safely to Canton or to some other place of security. It is said that Hunt "in the commencement of the business . . . signified his readiness to take the furs," and it may have been because he feared another forced sale at the arrival of the Isaac Todd or some other British vessel that "when the furs were offered him" he objected "to any terms." He had previously, according to Alexander Henry, Jr., "wished to insure his vessel against any of ours should any such arrive previous to his sailing," but "this we could not take upon ourselves to do." Most of the time between March 4, when "Mr. Hunt called and entered upon his business," and the 12th, when "the business was finally closed," was spent in arranging for the payment by the North West Company for the establishment and its contents. The question of the amount to be paid for the property of the Pacific Fur Company began to occupy the attention of the two parties on the 8th. The original invoices of the Tonquin's cargo had been taken across the continent, but Hunt produced copies, certified to as genuine by the clerks Halsey and Franchere, while the originals by the Beaver were discovered on the Pedler, where, it seems, they had recently been deposited by McDougall, perhaps with an idea of constituting himself the mediator between the two parties. "Many disagreeable altercations took place between the parties concerned, both yesterday and today [March 9]. It remained for us [the North West Company partners] either to settle the account according to the first arrangement, or return things to their original state, or deliver up the fort to the P. F. Co. as received from them last fall. None of these alternatives would be convenient for us; and for special reasons, we wished to avoid pushing matters to extremes, not being prepared for an event which undoubtedly would end in the failure of our business here."35 One of the most cogent of "special reasons" was doubtless the non-arrival 234 JOHN JACOB ASTOR of the Isaac Todd. Had Hunt been as violently opposed to McDougall's arrangement as Irving would have us believe, here was his chance to repudiate it, especially in view of the fact that the Indians were showing coolness toward the Canadian company; but, instead of trying to secure more advantageous terms, he signed the original agreement on March io, in place of Duncan McDougall.36 On March 12, "the business with Mr. Hunt is nearly closed. Mr. D. McDougall having assigned the agreement over to him he has appointed Mr. D. McKenzie to take charge of the papers, to be delivered to Mr. Astor or his agent in Montreal. Every point now being settled to the satisfaction of Mr. Hunt, the accounts are balanced and closed, bills given him by Mr. J. McDonald for the amount as per agreement of former settlement, and our account current made out and signed on sight by our party, which Mr. Hunt holds; the other by Mr. Hunt from Mr. Astor, which we hold, made out in Mr. Astor's name, same as inventories, etc.; 12 letters of advice given him, one for each copy. This evening the business was finally closed."37 The amount finally paid for the establishment, its contents, and the goods at the interior posts, including the invoice of $858.80} delivered to J. G. McTavish on June 15, 1813, was $58,291.02. The payment was received thus: Wilson Price Hunt was delivered $436.10} worth of goods from the North West Company and a bill on McTavish, McGillivrays & Co. for $3,711.50,payable at Montreal on October 25,1814; Donald McKenzie received a draft on the same house, and payable on the same date, for $1,483.24. J. G. McTavish and John Stuart also agreed to pay wages due to certain employees of the Pacific Fur Company, amounting to $14,090.17}. This accounted for approximately one-third of the sum due from the North West Company. The remainder was represented by two bills of exchange on the same house as above in favor of Hunt, each for $19,285, and payable at Montreal on November 25 and ASTORIA, 1812-1818 235 December 25, 1814.88 Astor declared "the whole property to be worth nearer two hundred thousand dollars than forty thousand dollars — about the sum I received in bills on Montreal."39 Irving, as we have seen before, said that "not quite $40,000 were allowed for furs worth upwards of $100,000," adding that "the goods and merchandise for the Indian trade ought to have brought three times the amount for which they were sold," which would bring his estimate of the whole to something over $160,000. On April 3, Hunt embarked on the Pedler, accompanied by three clerks who preferred to return home by sea. On the following day the North West Company brigade started overland, accompanied by the three former Pacific Fur Company partners, McKenzie, David Stuart, and Clarke, and by such of the Pacific Fur Company's employees as preferred to return home by land. Among those who returned was one of the historians of the enterprise, Franchere, while the other two, Cox and Ross, chose to remain on the Columbia in the service of the North West Company. This party arrived at Montreal on September 1,1814, whence Donald McKenzie and John Clarke later made their way to New York. On November 12, 1814, a notice appeared in the New York press announcing, "the firm of the Pacific Fur Company is dissolved," and signed by John Jacob Astor, Donald McKenzie, and John Clarke.40 Early in the journey to Montreal, the overland party learned that the trappers who had been left in the Snake country, and John Reed's band who had gone to meet them in the summer of 1813, had all been massacred by Indians, only the wife of the half-breed interpreter, Dorion, and her two children, escaping to tell the story. The fortunes of the Pedler and her company, after leaving the Columbia early in April, 1814, and of the Forester, the vessel which Astor had sent from London early in 1813 with supplies for Astoria, may better be dealt with in another 236 JOHN JACOB ASTOR place.41 However, we should here say something about the experiences of Cornelius Sowle, captain of the Beaver, whom Irving has made into a sort of subsidiary scapegoat for the failure of Astoria. He describes him as "an over-cautious, or rather, a timid seaman," and uses his conduct as an awful warning to "exemplify the evil of commanders of ships acting contrary to orders." To quote directly from his criticism: The Beaver arrived safe at Canton, where Captain Sowle found the letter of Mr. Astor, giving him information of the war, and directing him to convey the intelligence to Astoria. He wrote a reply, dictated either by timidity or obstinacy, in which he declined complying with the orders of Mr. Astor, but said he would wait for the return of peace, and then come home. The other proceedings of Captain Sowle were equally wrong- headed and unlucky. He was offered one hundred and fifty thousand dollars for the fur he had taken on board at St. Paul's. The goods for which it had been procured, cost but twenty-five thousand dollars in New-York. Had he accepted this offer, and reinvested the amount in nankeens, which at that time, in consequence of the interruption to commerce by the war, were at two-thirds of their usual price, the whole would have brought three hundred thousand dollars in New-York. . . . Captain Sowle, however, refused the offer of one hundred and fifty thousand dollars, and stood wavering and chaffering for higher terms. The furs began to fall in value; this only increased his irresolution; they sunk so much that he feared to sell at all; he borrowed money on Mr. Astor's account at an interest of eighteen per cent., and laid up his ship to await the return of peace. On the first point it is enough to say that there was a grave danger of the Beaver9s being captured if Sowle sailed for the Columbia River,42 and this would have meant the loss of Astor's favorite vessel; while her arrival would probably not have been of much benefit to the colonists, as she could not have engaged and defeated the British ships Raccoon and Isaac Todd, and could only have carried the peltries and goods from Astoria to New Archangel. Astor, at all events, did not at the time seem to blame Sowle for his conduct. In reply to Sowle's letter of March 1, 1813, from Canton, all he said was, "I am indeed sorry that the ship had not stopt at Columbia," ASTORIA, 1812-1818 237 and "its a thousand pities, that Mr. Hunt had not determined for you to take him to Columbia, tho' I am sure all was meant for the best." Astor evidently realized that neither Sowle nor Hunt knew of any possibility of war when the decision was made, and hence had not a word of reproach for them in his letter. There also seems to have been some doubt that the Beaver was in a condition to encounter the stormy North West Coast, since Astor enquired whether Sowle could "find means to preserve her, so as to bring home a Cargo." Indeed, on October 30, 1813, Astor wrote to a correspondent, "The Beaver was to remain, so were my instructions." As for Irving's other count against Sowle, he thought that his error lay in chaffering for too high a price for his furs, so that in the end he was not able to sell at all. He had, as we have already been told, refused an offer of $150,000 for seal skins which had been procured for goods costing only $25,000 in New York. The seal skins numbered 75,000 to 85,000, so that the offer of $150,000 would have amounted to about two dollars apiece. We have a letter from Astor written on November 10,1813, in which he says, "I have no doubt [interlineated: but], that if you held on some time, you must have got $2} or more." Astor learned from a letter of April 12,1813, that Sowle had not yet sold his seal skins but was offering them at $2.25, and promptly wrote on January 6, 1814, saying, "I fear you will have been induced to sell your Skins too low, for I am fully of opinion, that they must rise." On February 22, 1814, he repeated, "I have no doubt but your skins will have sold well if you have hold them for some time." On February 22, 1814, Sowle wrote Astor that he had sold 10,000 skins at $2.80, but did not expect more than $1.60 for the rest.43 The prospective drop in fur prices was probably due to the arrival of certain fur ships from the North West Coast. The letter-of-marque schooner Tamaahmaah, Captain Porter, "which had on board the return cargo of four American coasting ships' furs, to the 238 JOHN JACOB ASTOR amount of $300,000, bound to Canton," had left the Hawaiian Islands on January 26, 1814, and anchored at Whampoa on March 4.u It is probable that this was not the only vessel to arrive at Canton with peltries about this time. From Astor's own letters, it is apparent that he could not well blame Sowle for too protracted "chaffering" with the Chinese merchants, and Irving's accusation, implying that Sowle failed to sell his cargo at any price, is rather curious. As for the charge of failure to invest in nankeens, the situation here again is not clear. Astor frequently wrote to Sowle in November and December, 1813, and in January and February, 1814, advising him on the disposition of his funds. At first he favored short-term loans, at interest, to responsible parties and on good security, such as nankeens; as a second choice he suggested investing in nankeens, silks, and china, if cheap. Finally, he at various times advised purchasing one to three hundred thousand pieces of nankeens, according to whether they were at $36 or less than $30 per hundred. In January he advised loading the Beaver two-thirds full with 1,000 chests of bohea tea, and filling the rest of the ship with nankeens, hyson skin, and two or three hundred chests of young hyson tea. This advice was given in anticipation of an early peace. If Sowle saw a chance of getting safely away from Canton, he might do so, and bring only the bohea, or bohea and freight at $80 per ton. However, in May, Sowle was advised to remain where he was, and late in October Astor instructed him, "do not buy any goods nor take any bills on this country but keep the property safe;" also to one of his Canton correspondents, Daniel Stans- bury, Astor wrote, "I shall be glad to learn that the proceeds of the Ship Beaver is at Interest on the best Security & that no purchases have been made for my account. I wish the money to remain at Interest till I write again which will be in a few days." Just as peace was drawing near, Astor seems to have lost hope of its early approach. The later fortunes of the Beaver ASTORIA, 1812-1818 have only a tenuous connection with the erstwhile Pacific Fur Company. In January and February, 1815, Astor was ready to sell the Beaver, or let her try to get through the blockade, with $30,000 to $45,000 worth of bohea tea, or an even smaller cargo with freight on almost any terms. However, on March 3, 1815, he was able to send the news of peace to Canton and order his agents and correspondents to send the Beaver home, so as to arrive by the end of March, 1816, with what goods had already been bought for her account, filling up the rest of the space with teas or 200 tons of freight at $1.00 per ton, unless a large quantity of nankeens and silks had been purchased, in which case these goods had better be sent in a brig which Astor was sending and which would return before the Beaver. The Beaver's expenses had been heavy, as a good many repairs had been found necessary; moreover Astor had drawn bills on her funds to the amount of $40,000. It would not be surprising, then, if Sowle had been forced to borrow money. Consequently, in Astor's final letters of March, 1815, he was given the right to draw on Astor for £10,000 sterling.45 The Beaver, accordingly, sailed from Canton on November 26, 1815, and arrived at New York late in March, 1816, after a passage of 114 days, with a cargo principally consisting of "Black Teas destined for Amsterdam" — 4,000 piculs of black tea and 480 of green.46 When the news of the sale and capture of Astoria finally reached its founder, his mood was one of anger rather than of disappointment. He immediately resolved on taking steps to retrieve this misfortune. On September 27, 1814, he wrote Donald McKenzie at Montreal, announcing, "while I breath & so long as I have a dollar to spend I'll pursue a course to have our injuries repair'd & when I am no more I hope you '11 act in my place; we have been sold, but I do not dispond." Apparently at this time he had no suspicions of McKenzie; though he later developed some, justly or unjustly. The end of the war destroyed any intention which Astor 240 JOHN JACOB ASTOR might have formed of regaining possession of Astoria by military methods. However, he did not for some time lose all hope of its re-acquisition by comparatively peaceful means. On March 6, 1815, he wrote his nephew, George Ehninger, at Canton, stating, "By the peace we shall have a right to Columbia river & I rather think, that I shall again engage in that business."47 In this hope he was encouraged by the statement of Secretary of State Monroe, on July 18, 1815, to "Mr. Baker, the charge d'affaires of Great Britain at Washington, that the president intended immediately to reoccupy the post at the mouth of the Columbia. This determination seems to have been taken partly at the instance of Mr. Astor, who was anxious, if possible, to recommence operations on his former plan in North-West America."48 However, no definite steps were taken in this direction for more than two years, though Astor kept the matter constantly before the government.49 In March, 1816 (or perhaps earlier), Astor was seriously considering the re-establishment of Astoria, but was determined not to act without the protection of the American flag, "for which purpose a lieutenant's command would be sufficient."50 He could hardly have intended to oust the Nor'Westers from Fort George by force, so probably he merely intended to set up a rival establishment on the Coast. However, the murderous struggle then in progress between the North West Company on the one side and Lord Selkirk and the Hudson's Bay Company on the other must have suggested to Astor the fear that such commercial rivalry as he proposed might lead to bloodshed on the Columbia as well. It was probably this fear that made him wish his "New Astoria" to be constituted as a military post. His grandson, Charles Astor Bristed, puts forth another version of the story, to the effect that "Mr. Astor asked of the government but one sloop of war and a lieutenant's commission for himself; with these he promised to defend the territory,"51 but this may be dismissed as family pride. We can ASTORIA, 1812-1818 241 hardly conceive of Astor's transferring his business headquarters to the Columbia River and spending the next few years of his life in command of a platoon of United States marines. Astor's request for military assistance was, it seems, favorably received by President Madison. However, for some reason, Astor "did not think fit to renew his overtures in a more formal manner,"52 though early in September, 1816, he was enquiring of Monroe about a report that the government was "About to Send a vessel to the Pacific ocan;" and, if so, "whether she will proseed As fare as Columbia River — has any farther Demand ben made by our government of the British for that Post."53 Astor seems by the end of 1816 to have given up his intention of renewing his establishment on the North West Coast, but he never lost interest in that region. When, in September, 1817, Captain James Biddle and J. B. Prevost were jointly commissioned to proceed in the sloop-of-war Ontario to the Columbia and there "to assert the claim of the United States to the sovereignty of the adjacent country, in a friendly and peaceable manner, and without the employment of force,"54 it was the "desire of the President [James Monroe] that Mr. Astor, of New York, be informed of the measure contemplated in relation to Columbia River."55 Astor wrote to the commissioners on November 11, 1817, and in this letter, apparently for the first time, accused McKenzie, whom he calls "Daniel M'KLensie," of having been "one of those who aided in the Intrigue by which I lost the post." He also warned the captain to put no trust in the North West Company and to beware of the Columbia bar.56 Biddle (having left Prevost at Valparaiso to transact some business) arrived at the Columbia on August 9, and "took temporary possession of the country on that river, in the name of the United States, after which he returned to the South Pacific." In the meantime there had been some discussion between the ^';:!a'rf '1 iV',lhr^M'V.^ffitf.rMiM*i 242 JOHN JACOB ASTOR governments of the United States and Great Britain as to whether Astoria had actually been taken as an act of war or merely by purchase. However, Captain Black, by formally taking possession of the establishment, had placed the United States in a superior position, and Mr. Prevost was taken in the British frigate Blossom from Valparaiso to the Columbia, where on October 6, 1818, the settlement was restored to the United States and the United States flag hoisted over the fort. This, however, was a mere formality. The trading post remained in the possession of the North West Company, whose right was confirmed by the treaty of October 20, 1818, by which "all territories and their waters, claimed by either power, west of the Rocky Mountains, should be free and open to the vessels, citizens, and subjects, of both for the space of ten years."57 Astor made no further attempt to set up an establishment on the Pacific Coast, his other interests being found sufficient to occupy his attention. His ships still traded occasionally on the North West Coast, but he was merely one of the more prominent of a number engaged in this commerce, rather than the occupant of the unique position which would have been given him by the possession of Astoria. It is curious that Astor, whose main interest throughout most of his life was making money, should have wished to be remembered for an enterprise which brought him a heavy financial loss. The misfortunes connected with Astoria were met with astonishing fortitude. He is said to have attended the theater as usual on the evening of the day when news of the Tonquin9s loss reached New York, saying to a sympathetic friend, "What would you have me do? Would you have me stay at home and weep for what I cannot help?"58 So, too, nine years later, he wrote to John Quincy Adams, "the loss ... though considerable, I do not regret, because, had it not been for the unfortunate occurrence just stated, I should have been, as I believe, most richly rewarded."59 The story of some of n^ ASTORIA, 1812-1818 243 Astor's successful undertakings — his China trade and his fur trade in the interior — would have made, no doubt, an engrossing narrative; but Astor chose to have recorded the enterprise which revealed him as a daring and constructive thinker on a large scale, defeated not by the weakness of his own plans but rather by the very stars in their courses. It cannot be too strongly emphasized that but for the unpredictable outbreak of war in 1812 Astor's plan would almost certainly have been successful. If he made an error, it was in the choice of some of his subordinates, but had it not been for the war this would have been a minor matter, while even had he made the wisest choice the war might still have proved an insurmountable obstacle. Jefferson made the remark on May 24, 1812, that he "had hoped for the establishment of an independent nation on the Pacific Coast, bound to the United States by ties of blood, language and friendship."60 Could this, one wonders, have been a reflection of some half-confessed thought in Astor's own mind? Did this butcher-boy from Waldorf, who had been snubbed by the Knickerbocker aristocracy of New York for his cake- peddling and petty fur-trading, have any thought of becoming the founder of such a nation? If in the Astoria enterprise money was his sole object, why did he elect to have this financial failure handed down to posterity? I think it would hardly be extravagant to conclude that, much as Astor loved money and the power that money gives, he yet preferred the immortality conferred on him by the pen of Washington Irving. Surely he would rather have chosen to be remembered as a dreamer of empire than as "the Landlord of New York." = 244 JOHN JACOB ASTOR NOTES i. Ms., Library of Congress, Thomas Jefferson Papers, vol. cxcv, January 27-April 30, 1812, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., March 14, 1812, to Thomas Jefferson (see below, vol. i, pp. 508-513). 2. New-York Gazette and General Advertiser, May 12,1812, p. 2, col. 2. 3. Ibid., June 22, 1812, p. 3, col. 2. 4. Ms., Library of Congress, Thomas Jefferson Papers, vol. cxcix, August 6-November 11,1813, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., October 18,1813, to Thomas Jefferson (see below, vol. i, pp. 541-543). 5. Coues, Elliott, ed., Henry-Thompson Journals, 3 vols. (1897), vol. ii, p. 845. 6. Ms., Department of State, Washington, D. C, Miscellaneous Letters, January-February, 1813, John Jacob Astor, February 18, 1813, to James Monroe. 7. Davidson, Gordon Charles, The North West Company (1918), Appendix L, pp. 289-292. 8. Ms., Public Archives of Canada, Ottawa, Colonial Office Records, Miscellaneous, 1812, Canada Q, 120, pp. 75-96, 153 ff. 9. McDonald, John, of Garth, "Autobiographical Notes, 1791-1816," in Louis Roderick Masson's Les Bourgeois de la Compagnie du Nord- Ouest, 2 vols. (1889-90), vol. ii, pp. 43-46. 10. Ms., Library of Congress, Department of State, Miscellaneous Letters, March-April, 1813, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., March 22,1813, to James Monroe, Secretary of State. 11. Ms., Department of State, Washington, D. C, Miscellaneous Letters, March-April, 1813, John Jacob Astor, Philadelphia, April 4, 1813, to the Department of State (see below, vol. i, pp. 523-526). 12. Cooper, James Fenimore, History of the Navy of the United States of America, 2 vols, in one (Cooperstown, 1847), vol. ii, p. 169. 13. Ms. book, Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letter Book i, 1813-15, p. 103, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., November 10, 1813, to Cornelius Sowle, Canton. 14. Ibid., p. 66, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., October 8, 1813, to E. P. Halsey. 15. Ibid., p. 35, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., August 12, 1813, to Daniel Greene, New Haven, Connecticut. 16. Ibid., Astor Papers, Terms by D. Green. 17. Ibid., Letter Book i, 1813-15, pp. 44, 49, 60-61, 77, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., August 27, September 8, 30, October 18, 1813, to Daniel Greene, New Haven, Connecticut. 18. Ibid., Astor Papers, Letters, Daniel Greene, New Haven, Connecticut, November 10, 1813, to John Jacob Astor, N. Y. ASTORIA, 1812-1818 245 19. Ibid., Andrew Daschkoff, Philadelphia, November 17, 1813, to John Jacob Astor, N. Y. 20. Ibid., Letter Book i, 1813-15, p. 148, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., December 25, 1813, to William A. Greene, New Haven, Connecticut. 21. Ibid., Astor Papers, Copy of a letter from [?] to Daschkoff. 22. Ms., Library of Congress, Thomas Jefferson Papers, vol. cxcix, August 6-November 11,1813, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., October 18,1813, to Thomas Jefferson (see below, vol. i, pp. 541-543). 23. Ibid., Thomas Jefferson, Monticello, November 9, 1813, to John Jacob Astor. 24. Ms., New York Public Library, Monroe Papers, John Jacob Astor, N. Y, August 17, 1815, to James Monroe, Secretary of State (see below, vol. i, pp. 583-585). 25. Ms. book, Missouri Historical Society, St. Louis, Hunt, Wilson Price, Pacific Fur Company, 1810-13, copies of various agreements and resolutions made in connection with the Astoria enterprise, (printed in full in Grace Flmdvau's Astor and the Oregon Country (1926 [?]), pp. 24-41.) 26. Morse, Hosea Ballou, The Chronicles of the East India Company trading to China, 1635-1834, 4 vols. (1926), vol. iii, pp. 179, 224. 27. Ms., Baker Library, Astor Papers, Invoice of Merchandise Shipped by Cornelius Sowle on board Ship Isabella, Invoice of Sundry Merchandise landed at Honorura [sic] Harbor from on board the Ship Beaver Cornelius Sowle Master — December 1812. 28. Ms. book, Missouri Historical Society, St. Louis, Hunt, Wilson Price, Pacific Fur Company, 1810-13; Flandrau, op. cit., pp. 39-41. 29. Ms. (copy), Baker Library, Astor Papers, Certified Copy of an Extract from a Letter of Angus Shaw, Montreal, May 9,1813, to John G. McTavish, Columbia River; Flandrau, op. cit., p. 41. 30. Greenhow, Robert, The History of Oregon and California (2nd ed., 1845), PP- 442-444; Davidson, op. cit., Appendix M; ms. (copy), Hudson's Bay Company House, London, Pelly to Canning, December 9,1825, F. 0. 5, vol. 208. 31. Masson, op. cit., vol. ii, p. 50. 32. For a detailed discussion of the pros and cons of McDougall's conduct, see: Bancroft, Hubert Howe, The Northwest Coast, 2 vols. (1884), vol. ii, pp. 221-225, 229, 234, text and notes; and Chittenden, Hiram Martin, The American Fur Trade of the Far West, 3 vols. (1902), vol. i, pp. 232-235, 244-246. Here might also be noticed the cock-and-bull story of one P. D. Jeremie, contained in a statement made by him at Lima on November 8, 1818, probably to Captain James Biddle of the United States sloop-of-war Ontario, and recorded as a notation on a letter from Astor to the latter. This Jeremie was one of the French-Canadians who had gone out on the Tonquin. According to his account, "The 246 JOHN JACOB ASTOR Raccoon Captain Black to[ok] this person Jeremy a prisoner to Engd. as he was the only one [?] and because he resisted." We are not told how he happened to be in Lima. He gave the American captain an account of the geography of the Columbia region and some scattering information about the state of the settlement prior to its sale and capture, which may, on the whole, have been reasonably accurate. He then made some statements concerning the transaction by which Astoria entered British possessions, among them being that McDougall received one-eighth of the total price — presumably as the reward of treachery — the remainder being remitted to Astor. But there are many inconsistencies in his account. He describes 2,000 sea-otter skins, worth $60 in Canton, as being sold for $16 each, and 80,000 beaver skins, which would have brought $40 per pound in China, as being disposed of at $4.00 each. This description would make the total sales price amount to $352,000, as against the $48,000 which he mentions elsewhere. Even should we charitably strike off one digit from the number of beaver skins, the total price of the furs would still be $64,000. Moreover, this information as to the number of furs, their prices, etc., conforms neither to the sales agreement nor to the estimates of either Astor or Irving. From Franchere, too, we know something of this Jeremie, and in his pages learn that instead of becoming a "prisoner," apparently for loyalty to the American flag, he willingly enlisted as clerk on the Raccoon (Franchere, Gabriel, Narrative of a Voyage to the Northwest Coast of America (1854), p. 203). It was probably owing to this connection with the British navy that he was at Lima in 1818. In view of these facts, I do not think that the accusations of treachery against McDougall implied in the statement that "McDougU rec'd one eighth of the am*, viz 6000" can much harm his reputation. The statement is probably almost as wildly inaccurate as the estimate that there are "abt million Chenooks, Clatsops" on the Columbia River. (Ms., Library of Congress, Miscellaneous Personal Collections, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., November 11, 1817, to J. B. Prevost, Captain James Biddle, or Jeremy Robinson, see below, vol. ii, pp. 1154-1157.) SS. Ms., Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letters, Captain Samuel H. Northrop, Columbia River, March, 1814, to John Jacob Astor, N. Y. (see below, vol. i, pp. 552-554); Coues, op. cit., vol. ii, pp. 845-846; Cor- ney, Peter, Voyages in the Northern Pacific, Professor W. D. Alexander, ed. (1896), p. 15. Reprinted from the London Literary Gazette (1821). 34. Greenhow, op. cit., p. 442. 35. Coues, op. cit., vol. ii, pp. 849, 851-853. 36. Davidson, op. cit., Appendix M. 37. Coues, op. cit., vol. ii, p. 853. 38. Ms. book, Baker Library, Astor Papers, Journal, Columbia River, March 12,1814. 39. Greenhow, op. cit., p. 441. ASTORIA, 1812-1818 247 40. New-York Gazette and General Advertiser, November 12,1814, p. 4, col. 2. 41. See, however, Porter, Kenneth W., " Cruise of Astor's Brig Pedler, 1813-1816," The Oregon Historical Quarterly, vol.Xxxi, no. 3 (193°)) pp. 224-230; idem, "John Jacob Astor and the Sandalwood Trade of the Hawaiian Islands, 1816-1828," Journal of Economic and Business History, vol. ii, no. 3 (1930), pp. 495-519, especially p. 497, notes 1-3, p. 498, notes 6-8, and p. 499, notes 2-3. 42. Greenhow, op. cit., p. 440; Latourette, Kenneth Scott, "Voyages of American Ships to China, 1784-1844," Transactions of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, vol. 28 (1927), p. 52, quoting from Consular Letters, Canton, 1, in the State Department at Washington. 43. Ms. book, Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letter Book i, 1813-15, p. 89, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., October 30, 1813, to James & T. H. Perkins, Boston; pp. 100-101, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., November 10, 1813, to George Ehninger, Canton; pp. 103-104, 167-169, 182, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., November 10, 1813, January 6, February 16, 1814, to Cornelius Sowle, Canton; pp. 151, 355-366 [sic], John Jacob Astor, N. Y., December 30, 1813, November 23, 1814, to John Dorr, Boston. 44. Coues, op. cit., vol. ii, p. 848; Morse, op. cit., vol. iii, p. 214. 45. Ms. book, Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letter Book i, 1813-15, pp. 103-104, in, 131, 133, 167-169, 182, 205, 334, 455, 495, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., November 10,17, December 11,13,1813, January 6, February 16, May 5, October 24, 1814, February 3, March 5, 1815, to Cornelius Sowle, Canton; pp. 335, 493-494, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., October 24, 1814, March 3, 1815, to Daniel Stansbury, Canton; pp. 429, 498-501, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., January 13 (see below, vol. i, pp. 581- 582), March 4, 1815, to Nicholas G. Ogden, Canton. 46. Ms., Department of State, Washington, D. C, Consular Letters, Canton, March 28, 1792-April 20, 1834, Ship Beaver, Cornelius Sowle, January 28, 1813-November 26, 1815; New-York Gazette and General Advertiser, March 23, 1816, p. 2, col. 2. 47. Ms. book, Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letter Book i, 1813-15, pp. 294-295, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., September 27, 1814, to Donald McKenzie, Montreal; p. 502, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., March 6, 1815, to George Ehninger, Canton. 48. Greenhow, op. cit., p. 307. 49. Ms., New York Public Library, Monroe Papers, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., August 17, 1815, to James Monroe, Secretary of State (see below, vol. i, pp. 583-585). 50. Flandrau, op. cit., Appendix G, pp. 46-48, Albert Gallatin, N. Y., August 5,1835, to John Jacob Astor, N. Y.; Irving, Washington, Astoria (1836), Appendix, same letter. XX.X / Q$5 J'-fCuv 248 JOHN JACOB ASTOR 51. Bristed, Charles Astor, A Letter to the Hon. Horace Mann (1850), p. 14. 52. Irving, op. cit., chap. lxi. 53. Ms., Department of State, Washington, D. C, Miscellaneous Letters, August-September, 1816, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., September 5, 1816, to James Monroe, Secretary of State. 54. Greenhow, op. cit., p. 307. 55. Ms., Department of State, Washington, D. C, Letters of J. B. Prevost, September 25, 1817. 56. Ms., Library of Congress, Miscellaneous Personal Collections, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., November 11, 1817, to J. B. Prevost, Captain Biddle, or J. Robinson (see below, vol. ii, pp. 1154-1157). 57. Greenhow, op. cit., p. 307. 58. Irving, op. cit., chap. xi. 59. Greenhow, op. cit., p. 442. 60. Ms., Library of Congress, Thomas Jefferson Papers, vol. cxcvi, May-October 30, 1812, Thomas Jefferson, Monticello, May 24, 1812, to John Jacob Astor. CHAPTER IX THE WAR OF 1812-1815 : THE FUR TRADE We have already observed the way in which the War of 1812 wrecked Astor's plans for a fur-trading establishment at the mouth of the Columbia River. It will be no less profitable to consider the effect of the war upon his longer-established business interests, the fur trade of the interior, the commerce between New York and Europe, and that between New York and Canton; also the manner in which Astor met and attempted to adapt himself to these special conditions and the reasons for his success or failure. It is probable that Astor had not very strongly anticipated the outbreak of war — at least had not recognized the danger until it was almost upon him. He did not desire the war, and frequently showed, as it seems, a naive faith in theiu^fsHHoIi^ that calamity can be discouraged by disbelief in its possibility. For example, in a letter to Charles Gratiot, of St. Louis, on February 28,1812, he announced with almost too much emphasis, "We are happey in the hope of Peace & have not the Smalest Idia of a war with england."1 Late in 1811, it seems, he had been in Canada, and while there had offered to negotiate government bills for specie to be used for the support of the army in Lower Canada. On December 31, 1811, Noah Freer, the military secretary, wrote from Quebec to W. H. Robinson, commissary general, upon this subject, stating, "His Excellency confirms your acceptance of Mr. Astor's last tender at the terms stated of 20 per Cent Discount, provided he can supply the additional sum of £25,ooo."2 It would seem, then, that the amount he had originally offered to secure was at least as much as the "additional sum" required, and indeed 250 JOHN JACOB ASTOR probably more. The whole amount which Astor was required to furnish must, then, have been £50,000 sterling or over. We do not know whether this contract ever went into effect, and, if it did, to what extent its terms were fulfilled before the outbreak of war rendered it null. Astor, however, must not be regarded as pro-British merely because he was willing to turn a few honest pounds through a transaction which would also benefit those who might in the future become enemies of his adopted country. If business men went too carefully into the effects, both immediate and remote, of every such bargain, the wheels of trade would come to a stop. Thus Astor would doubtless have reasoned with himself, even had he not been so firmly convinced of the impossibility of war. But, to show that his sympathies, at least, were on the right side, he took advantage of his presence in Canada to collect information in regard to the number of the troops to whose maintenance he was to contribute. He transmitted a "statement of the regular force in Canada (Quebec excepted)" on December 16, 1811, to his friend Albert Gallatin, who, in his turn, passed it on to President Madison.3 But Madison's message of June 1 soon forced Astor, willy- nilly, to confront not merely the possibility but the very strong probability of a war with Great Britain — a war which he realized would cut off his supply of trade-goods from Europe, cause the Indians to desert the hunting trail for the war-path, and deprive him of his access not only to the London fur market, but probably also to that of Canton. He saw, too, that it meant the almost inevitable destruction of his Columbia River settlement. What little he could do to prevent this catastrophe, he did. On June 9, 1812, his name headed the signatures of fifty-six New York merchants who petitioned that the embargo should be continued as a substitute for war.4 Doubtless there were certain merchants, regardless of their respective political views, who elevated their eyebrows as they viewed his WAR OF 1812—THE FUR TRADE 251 characteristic flourishes, and enquired sarcastically, even as they affixed their own names, whether it were possible that John Jacob Astor was expecting a new mandarin on his next China vessel. Becoming still more uneasy as the debates went on in Senate and House, Astor desperately resolved to go to Washington and see whether any personal prestige he might possess could avail to maintain peace. He left New York on horseback and rode southward, but while still on the way received word that the United States had declared war on Great Britain, June 18, 1812. Astor's subsequent action subjected him to severe criticism and accusations of disloyalty to his country. In brief, he was believed to have succeeded in communicating the news of the outbreak of war to the British in Canada before the American officer in charge of Fort Mackinac knew of the situation. Thus the British were able to capture the fort before its commander was prepared for a defence. His motive, it is alleged, was to protect his furs at Mackinac from the British, since, it is said, he reasoned that this post would in any case be certain to fall sooner or later, and that it would be well for him to make hay for its probable captors while the sun still shone, and thus win a claim to their special favor.5 In order to understand the basis of this accusation, it is necessary to go back a few years and consider Astor's relations at this period with the fur trade of the Great Lakes region. The headquarters for the fur trade in this district was the Island of Michilimackinac, also known as Mackinac Island, located in Lake Huron very near to Lake Michigan. Here Astor had for some time been sending agents to buy furs, and here, about 1807, he is said to have begun an opposition to the Michilimackinac Company.6 This Company was an organization of Canada fur traders which had been formed the previous year. It included some firms connected with the North West Company; the two companies having an agreement for non-inter- 252 JOHN JACOB ASTOR ference, the delimitation of spheres of influence, and mutual aid against outsiders.7 However, the oppressive regulations of the United States government against the British traders caused losses which led the discouraged wintering partners of the Michilimackinac Company to sell out in the summer of 1810 to two firms which were prominent in the North West Company and had taken a leading part in the formation of the Mackinac organization. The two firms were McTavish, McGillivrays & Co., and Forsyth, Richardson & Co., of Montreal.8 Astor had anticipated something of this kind as early as 1808, and had made his preparations for taking advantage of the situation. He had informed Jefferson that when the American Fur Company, chartered in April of that year, got under way the Michilimackinac Company would probably withdraw from the competition.9 Jefferson was pleased to learn that there were prospects of Americans assuming ascendancy over the British in the fur trade and consequently increasing the American government's prestige among the Indians. Astor attempted to trade on this attitude by informing the President through Gallatin, the secretary of the Treasury, "that if our non-exportation continues, he could not carry on the Michil indian trade." Gallatin confirmed the statement, but apparently Astor's end was not gained in this way.10 Astor had previously offered to buy out the Michilimackinac Company. Early in 1810, therefore, even before sending their agents to purchase the shares of the partners from the interior, representatives of the two Montreal firms, William McGillivray and John Richardson, went to New York and tried to induce Astor to purchase a share in the Michilimackinac Company. They probably hoped that thus they would be able to avoid the governmental restrictions of the United States.11 Since no agreement could be reached, the two firms formed what they called the Montreal Michilimackinac Company to carry on the trade for that year.12 Determining that he must WAR OF 1812 —THE FUR TRADE 253 make some more definite attempt to bring the Canadians to accept his terms, Astor "ordered a quantity of goods from England for this trade, and made engagements with several Indian traders and others, to carry on the business." This was in October, 1810. The opposition which, as we have seen, Astor began about 1807 had already apparently made considerable progress, for in May, 1811, Henry Brevoort, Astor's agent, then at Montreal, sent his employer an account of "the return from Fond du Lac for 1809 & 1810" —presumably of the furs which had been secured by these two "outfits" on Astor's account or that of traders associated with him.13 The two Montreal firms at once realized"that Astor meant business. With his large capital, drawn from a combination of the fur trade and the commerce with China, added to his position of advantage as an American citizen, he would be a formidable antagonist. Consequently, early in 1811, William McGillivray, representing not only the firms of McTavish, McGillivrays & Co., and Forsyth, Richardson & Co. (that is, the Montreal Michilimackinac Company) but also the North West Company, went to New York, where on January 28 he concluded an agreement with John Jacob Astor for the formation of what was to be known as the South West Fur Company. The purpose behind the establishment of this organization was frankly stated. Some of the goods for the Indian trade could most readily be procured through New York, and others through Montreal. If there were two companies in opposition to each other, one with its headquarters in New York and the other with its headquarters in Montreal, each company would inevitably suffer losses which could be avoided by this combination. As a consequence, the South West Fur Company was formed to prevent this double loss. It was to endure for five years, that is, for five complete outfits, unless earlier dissolved by mutual consent. The trade was to be conducted for the joint account of Astor and the Montreal firms, each bearing 254 JOHN JACOB ASTOR half the expenses and sharing equally in the profit or loss. However, if the trading houses established by the United States government in the interests of the Indians should be abolished, the trade was to be thereafter two-thirds on Astor's account and only one-third on that of the Montreal firms, since a larger share in the fur trade of the United States would thus be opened to private traders. An attempt was to be made to import half the necessary goods from England by Quebec and half from New York, each company charging only the actual cost and charges and endeavoring to keep their respective advances equal. The goods should be traded together, not separately. Each company was to appoint an agent to visit Michilimackinac annually and attend to the necessary business of making up outfits, receiving returns, furnishing lists of goods needed, keeping accounts, etc. The furs were to be sent undivided to the place where they could be sold to the best advantage. If Astor thought best, amounts not to exceed two-thirds of the returns might be sent to New York, to be sold or shipped by him, for which he was to receive 2 J per cent commission. This was the only commission to be allowed. Shipments to England should be to McTavish, Fraser & Co. and to Inglis, Ellice & Co. The acting agents of the respective headquarters at New York and Montreal were to be those who were annually to visit Michilimackinac. Accounts should be settled at the end of each year. A very important part of this agreement dealt with the relationship of the new organization to the North West Company and the limits within which the trade was to be conducted. For the year 1811, the new Company was to take the place of the Michilimackinac in the agreement with the North West Company (made on the last day of 1806) for the delimitation of spheres of influence. After 1811, however, the North West Company was to give up every post and every separate interest in the Indian trade within the territory of the United WAR OF 1812 —THE FUR TRADE 255 States. The South West Fur Company, in turn, agreed not to trade or have any interest in Canada save in that part of the Lake Huron area which was not already within the limits of a North West Company post. On the other hand, no new posts were to be established in the Lake Huron district by the North West Company. These territorial limitations, however, did not extend "to any Countries beyond the ridge of the Rockey Mountains nor the river Missouri nor to the North West Coast or in the Pacific Ocean." When this agreement came to an end, the returns from the last year's trade and any other property should be divided, or turned over to agents for sale and the proceeds divided or sold at public auction.14 It had previously been agreed that the North West Company might acquire an interest in the South West Fur Company to the amount of one-third of the share owned by the two Montreal firms. On July 15, 1811, at Fort William, a majority of the North West Company partners agreed to become owners of that proportion.15 The progress of the new Company was handicapped by the passage of the Non-Intercourse Act on March 2, 1811. This Act forbade the importation of goods from France or England. On learning of its passage, Astor sent his agent, Henry Brevoort, who had been employed by him in the fur trade pretty steadily since the beginning of the century,16 to Montreal to consult with his new partners, the other members of the South West Fur Company, on the way in which to meet this unfortunate situation. Brevoort wrote from Montreal on May 9 that he was expecting to leave for St. Joseph's in a week to find out the situation in that quarter. The partners were to have a consultation on the day of the letter.17 Brevoort was at St. Joseph's on June 25, and in his opinion "the aspect of the Fur Company's affairs, at present looks as unfavourable as is possible." The situation appeared so discouraging that he wrote his uncle, John Whetten, advising him by all means not to be- 256 JOHN JACOB ASTOR come a stockholder in the Company until his return. It may be that part of his depression was due to the fact that, as he said, "I entertain not the most distant hope of being actively employed in behalf of the Company — by reason of the son-in- law"18 — Adrian B. Bentzon, who had recently married Magdalen Astor, and to whom Brevoort seemed to think Astor would in the future have to assign all the good commissions within his gift. Brevoort remained in and around Mackinac for more than a month, from late June to late July, keeping both his employer and his friend Washington Irving informed of the situation. The Non-Intercourse Act was interpreted so as to prevent Indian goods from being brought from St. Joseph's to Mackinac, and this prohibition enraged the Indian chiefs, who expressed their feelings in a series of orations. "Shew old Astor the speeches if he wishes to see them," Brevoort wrote to Irving.19 When Astor learned positively through Brevoort that the goods for the Indian trade, which the South West Fur Company had imported by way of Quebec, had been brought to St. Joseph's, on Canadian territory, but in consequence of the Act could not be imported into the United States, and that the goods at Mackinac Island were inadequate for the trade, he made an application to President Madison, in August, 1811. Madison replied that "Congress had left no power with the Executive to grant permission." As a result, the business had been reduced to one-fourth of its usual volume, while the overhead expenses, payment of employees, and maintenance of the establishments could not be reduced. To this loss was added the interest on goods in the United States, which were unsaleable because not properly assorted. Moreover, according to Astor, who quoted Brevoort, the Indians suffered for want of their usual supplies. If the goods could be brought into the United States, the Indian trade could be carried on, but if left in Canada they would have to be sold at a loss to the Indian WAR OF 1812 —THE FUR TRADE 257 Department of Canada or to the Canadian traders, which would cause the Indians to resort to them for supplies. Astor laid these facts before ex-President Jefferson about the middle of March, 1812, with a request for his advice. Should he seek relief from Congress,20 and, if he did so, how should he proceed? Jefferson replied, late in May, that while a strict adherence to law was necessary in view of the situation between Great Britain and the United States, still he was sure that the Act had not been intended to interfere with the consumption of British goods by foreign nations, such as the Indians of the Columbia and the Missouri. He felt that a proper representation of the advantages of Astor's projects would receive favorable attention, but in any case believed that the problem was now in abler hands than his own.21 Thus encouraged, Astor made a further application to the President, but on this occasion he put his request upon a somewhat different basis. By this time a sentiment for war was running high. Consequently, near the end of May or the beginning of June, 1812, Astor informed the government that, should hostilities break out, his arms, ammunition, and other merchandise at St. Joseph's on British territory, would fall into the hands either of the British or of hostile Indians. When the importation of these goods was presented as a war measure, it appeared in a much more favorable light to President Madison than it had in the previous summer as merely a commercial matter. Consequently he directed the Secretary of the Treasury "to instruct the collectors on the Lakes to receive and keep in their custody such of the above-mentioned goods as might be thus brought in by Mr. Astor's agents, and not to commence prosecutions till further orders: it being intended to submit the case, if it should occur, to the consideration of Congress. Letters to that effect were accordingly written to the collectors of Detroit and Michilimackinac" by Gallatin, the secretary of the Treasury. The letter to the Detroit collector, Reuben 258 JOHN JACOB ASTOR Atwater, reached him on June io.22 Another letter to the same purport was written by Eustis, the secretary of War, to General PIull, who had been ordered to Detroit with 2,000 men in anticipation of the declaration of war.23 Astor became alarmed as war seemed to draw closer and closer, and finally, as we have seen, he left New York for Washington on horseback. While between Baltimore and Washington, he learned of the declaration of war on June 18, and arrived in the capital city in the evening of the next day. He immediately made arrangements to inform his agents on the border of the situation, and thus incurred the accusations of disloyalty later levelled against him. He seems to have been especially anxious that his property at St. Joseph's should be immediately brought into the United States, if at all possible. Consequently, he seems to have written to Abbot, the collector at Michilimackinac, on June 21 and 22 from Washington. Also, before returning to New York on June 22 or 23, he left an open letter with Gallatin, addressed to his agent either at Michilimackinac or at St. Joseph's (Gallatin more than a score of years later did not recall which). His special clerk or agent at St. Joseph's and Michilimackinac was one of the L'Herbette family, probably Stephen or Auguste; the agent of the South West Fur Company at St. Joseph's was the French-Canadian Toussaint Pothier. This letter Astor requested should be sent to Detroit, to be forwarded by the collector, to whom he also wrote. Gallatin accordingly turned both communications over to the War Department, which was to send an express to General Hull at Detroit on June 24. Another express to the General had already gone on June 19. Astor's letters of June 21 and 22 are said to have been received by Abbot at Mackinac on July 9, and must have been sent by a different means than the War Department's express. Atwater, at Detroit, is stated to have made an attempt on July 3 to forward Astor's letter to Mackinac by boat, but the messenger learned that the war was WAR OF 1812 —THE FUR TRADE 259 known to all the British posts and returned in fear of capture. On July 10 Atwater made another attempt to forward a "copy of Treasury letter . . . with Astor's letters to Day & Dixon . . . to Michilimackinac by Jacob Smith," but he also failed to reach his destination, and returned on July 29 with news of the capture of Michilimackinac on July 17. The undelivered letters fell into the hands of General Hull, who opened them, and later accused Gallatin of having assisted in getting the word of war to the British by sending a message to that effect under government frank.24 It is evident, then, that the British did not hear of the war from any of the letters from Astor mentioned above. Nevertheless, Astor did not confine his efforts to get word to his agents to any one channel. Unquestionably he also tried to communicate with these agents by private means. Gallatin had this to say about the source from which the news of the declaration of war reached the British posts in Canada. "I have it in my power to prove by whom and how the information was conveyed. . . . But I do not wish, without an absolute necessity, to bring to public notice the name of the party concerned. ... In point of fact, the account reached Maiden by the way of New York, Albany, and Queenstown. ..." Later he added that to "Toussaint Pothier, agent at St. Joseph's in 1812, of the joint concern of Mr. Astor and the Montreal Company . . . was addressed the letter from New York which, in fact, gave the information there of the declaration of war. If that letter had my frank, it was forged, which I altogether disbelieve." Elsewhere he said, "it is probable that an account from New York via Niagara would reach St. Joseph's and Michilimackinac long before the news from Washington would arrive."25 Matthew Irwin, Indian agent at Green Bay, soon after the war wrote to Thomas L. McKenney, superintendent of Indian Affairs, that "on his way to St. Joseph's, he [Astor's agent] communicated to the British at Maiden that war had 260 JOHN JACOB ASTOR been or would be declared. The British made corresponding arrangements and landed on the Island of Mackinac with regulars, Canadians and Indians before the commanding officer there had notice that war would be declared. The same course was about to be pursued at Detroit. . . ."26 From the above it seems a fair presumption that it was Astor or one of his clerks who transmitted the news of the war to Toussaint Pothier, and Pothier who gave the news to the British at Maiden. Pothier himself arrived at St. Joseph's from Montreal on July 3, though it was not till the 9th that General Brock formally notified the British garrison there of the declaration of war,27 whereupon Pothier and Lewis Crawford, another one of Astor's Canadian correspondents, took an active part in the capture of Fort Mackinac on July 17.28 Lest the evidence quoted above should seem unfair to Astor, we have other testimony, to the effect that word of the declaration of war was first received by the British on "the 27th of June, 1812, from a messenger sent by the late John Jacob Astor to Thomas Clark, Esq., of Niagara Falls. An express was immediately sent to the President General Brock, who was at York (now Toronto), the seat of Government." This Clark was a Canadian colonel,29 and his name is found in the index to one of Astor's letter books of about this time. This fact substantiates the statement that he was in communication with the New York merchant.30 General Brock himself said that "the accounts [of a declaration of war were] received first through a mercantile channel."31 We have shown that Astor actually did communicate the news of the war as soon as he could to his agents in Canada; and that some of these, being British subjects, used this information for their own patriotic purposes. But it does not necessarily follow from this that Astor was guilty of disloyal or unpatriotic conduct, and, indeed, sufficient evidence can hardly be found to support such an interpretation of the facts. It is, WAR OF 1812 —THE FUR TRADE 261 of course, easy enough to see that Astor's action might appear to his contemporaries in a most unfavorable light, especially when men known to be associated with him in business were seen at the head of some hundreds of painted and hostile Indians engaged in beleaguering a United States post; but to the dispassionate view of a later generation the incident must appear less incriminating. In the first place, there is no proof that Astor was actuated in sending the news to his agents by a desire to benefit the British. On the contrary, his acknowledged motive of protecting his own interests is quite sufficient to account for his actioiiT Earfiefm the summer, he had urged upon the President the danger that his property at St. Joseph's would be seized by the British if war broke out. Very probably his anxiety was a blind, assumed to enable him to import his trade-goods from Canada, as he did not at that time believe there would be war. But he doubtless believed that if there should be a war the danger to his property would be very real, and when hostilities began he at once took every possible means of getting it out of Canada before the British could seize it, as he must have expected them to do almost at once. Knowing, as we do, what anguish Astor suffered from any financial loss, we need surely look no further for his motive in sending the news to his agents with all speed. Nor does this action appear disloyal in itself. War had been declared, and was not a secret; the news was of course being sent through official channels to the American forces on the border. Astor had urgent private reasons for dispatching his message immediately, for soon it would be too late to send it at all. There is nothing here to suggest treachery. The very fact of his having sent an open letter through an official channel points to the innocence of his intention, while the fate of that letter shows that he took no more than a wise precaution in sending his information by more than one messenger. It is not even certain that his communication was the 262 JOHN JACOB ASTOR direct cause of the capture of Fort Mackinac; and, moreover, the capture of the fort would actually be to Astor's disadvantage, since his property would probably be brought there from St. Joseph's. Further, there is no proof that Astor instructed his agents to impart his news to the British. He presumably did not feel responsible for their subsequent action, though he must have known on which side their sympathies would lie. The most that can be said against him is that he acted rather selfishly, in putting his private interests before everything else, and never pausing to consider the public consequences of his action; but in this he is at least one of a large and even respectable company. The outbreak of war prevented Astor from carrying out his original plan of bringing in the goods from St. Joseph's. However, it gave him another problem of a similar nature. This had to do with the furs belonging to him which were at Michilimackinac and which he immediately realized would be exposed to the risk of capture. These furs may have been bought for him by his agents in that region, such as L'Herbette, but more likely were some which had been collected during the year 1811 by the South West Fur Company, in which Astor was half- owner. While he was at Washington, late in June, Astor had secured a letter from Gallatin to his own old friend Peter Sailly, collector at Plattsburg, requesting him to allow Astor or any other American citizen having furs or other property in Canada to bring such goods into the United States. It is probable that when the war broke out, Astor, in his letters to his agents on the Great Lakes, had ordered them to send his furs from that dangerous zone to Montreal and thence to the District of Champlain, for which Plattsburg was the port of entry. He now hastened to Plattsburg, where he arrived on July 2, and presented Gallatin's letter, dated June 22. While at Plattsburg he was able to demonstrate his loyalty to the American cause by WAR OF 1812 —THE FUR TRADE 263 transmitting word to Albany of the mutiny of Canadian militia I at Lachine on the first of July.32 He waited at Plattsburg till his friends in Montreal succeeded in getting him a passport. It reached him on July 6, and he hurried on to Montreal to make arrangements for the forwarding of his furs. Sailly did not believe he was likely to succeed in his enterprise,33 but his furs at Mackinac Island had been preserved from capture by the articles of capitulation,34 and he was able, with the help of Montreal partners, to secure possession of his property without much difficulty. Not long after Astor's arrival in Canada, one of his agents delivered 26 bales of furs to the customs officials "at the French Mills," which were then forwarded from Plattsburg in charge of Benjamin Graves, one of Sailly's inspectors, to the public storehouses in New York City. Another consignment of "twenty seven puncheons and nineteen bales of furs," estimated as being worth $50,000^ arrived at Rouse's Point in November, 1812. This consisted of "20,380 martins; 46 Bear; 18,000 muskrats; 526 Fisher; 6,021 Otter, 3,389 Mink, 2,048 Fox, 271 Cat and 6 wolf skins." These were also sent to the public storehouses, this time in charge of Ezra Thurber, inspector at Rouse's Point. In February, 1813, Astor sent his agent, L'Herbette, into Canada for some more furs, which were delivered to Sailly in March and forwarded to the same destination as the others, in charge of an inspector called William Hicks. "This lot comprised 5214 lbs dressed beaver coating, which appeared to have been much worn; 4,517 Mink Skins; 32 beaver; 102 Otter; 35 fisher; 60 lynx; 5 fox; 9 wolf; 6 deer and 1490 muskrat."35 No more furs were exported from Canada for some months, but in the fall of 1813 Astor sent agents to Montreal to bring out some of his property deposited there. John Bancker, who was sent to Montreal about September 11, was to try to bring out "21 small packages of Calicoes" in the care of Robert 264 JOHN JACOB ASTOR Gillespie. Late in September William Howard was also dispatched to Montreal to bring out some furs recently arrived from Mackinac, and William Van Ness was requested to take his place should Howard for any reason be unable to perform this service. On October 11 Astor wrote to McTavish, McGillivrays & Co. that he was also sending his nephew, George Astor, son of his brother in London, the musical-instrument maker, George Peter Astor, as a possible substitute for Howard, and that the furs might be delivered to him if necessary. With George Astor was sent a young New York merchant, John Day, who also had some business of his own in Canada. The two were sent partly because word had been received of another consignment from Mackinac to Montreal. It was evident that Astor intended to lose no opportunity of getting the furs from Mackinac safely into his own possession. Day was further instructed to get Indian goods at Montreal if they could be brought into the United States, agreeing that if peace took place before May io, 1814, the purchase should be for the joint account of Astor and the other South West Fur Company partners. Should Montreal be captured or in danger, he was to buy especially large quantities of manufactures and West India goods. Later in the month Day was instructed to sound Astor's Montreal partners as to whether they would sell out "their Interest in the Indian Country."36 After considerable delay, due to the difficulty experienced by the agents in getting into Canada, the furs were, in November, finally "placed within the reach of the Custom House Officers" by Day and George Astor. This lot consisted of "221 bales, 9 hogsheads and 1 barrel of Furs,"37 part of which were "made in the Indian Country for my account while others have been bought from the Northwest Company under contract made previous to the war."38 Apparently Astor had done well in sending so many agents to Canada for his furs, as it seems that only the last two of the five were successful. This batch of furs •^WL->" -\ g vi st- .,r 1 o <u WHHB _ ^ r ^ \S ¥.•: '- 2 N'M& WAR OF 1812 —THE FUR TRADE 265 was brought to New York under the care of Caleb Luther, and arrived early in December. Like the others, it was released to Astor on bonds being given for their full value; these bonds were later remitted "on application (through the Court) to govern [ment] ."89 Astor did not escape calumny for his efforts, legal though they were, to get furs out of Canada through the Champlain district. He was charged with having used his apparent anxiety that all his furs should go through the customs as a blind to cover up extensive clandestine importations. Apparently one of his agents, Bancker, had pursued a "disrespectable & shameful business," and this had redounded to Astor's discredit. It is probably true that Astor's conduct throughout this transaction was well within the law, but nevertheless he was hardly frank in his statement to Sailly, referring to Guy Catlin, who seems to have acted in the same way as Bancker, "I never in my life had any transaction direct or indirect with him."40 Now Astor had written to Catlin, on October 19, requesting him to consult with John Day and guaranteeing the fulfillment of any engagement the latter might make.41 Perhaps Astor's statement to Sailly was literally true, but one would feel more confidence in Astor's single-mindedness had he seen fit to explain the significance of his letter to Catlin, instead of denying, with suspicious emphasis, the whole connection between them. Sailly himself did not escape unscathed, but was accused of having accepted a bribe of $500 to allow the "illegal entry and admission " of Astor's furs. This charge was made by the manager of a steamboat company operating on Lake Champlain, whose enmity Sailly had incurred through his strict enforcement of the customs regulations. Astor, in a letter to the secretary of the Treasury, informed the latter that this sum was given "in Lew of any Claim" Sailly might have to a share in the furs, if condemned, "which," said Astor, "I Did not exspct."42 266 JOHN JACOB ASTOR This was not quite the last of Astor's efforts to bring furs from Canada into the United States by way of the Champlain district. Late in October, 1814, he learned that 8 or 10 packages of marten skins were at St. Johns in Canada.43 Since their value was apparently between $12,000 and $15,000, Astor was naturally anxious either to have them sold at a fair price or at least to get them into his own possession. He consequently wrote to the Astorian, Robert Stuart, who was then "campaigning it between this [New York City] and the Canadian lines,99 partly in Astor's interest and partly in his own u (he was probably engaged in purchasing furs), that he should keep the marten skins safe and, if possible, sell them in Montreal at from 7s. to 7s. 6d., Halifax currency, or about $1.50, good and bad. However, at about the same time, he instructed John Day, who had been concerned in a similar mission a year before, to arrange with Guy Catlin, of Burlington — the same person with whom he had some time before denied any connection — to bring out the furs, on the understanding that Catlin should receive about 10 per cent on their value, if successful, and pay from 25 per cent to 50 per cent if they were lost. Astor also wrote to Peter Sailly, requesting "the same facilities as heretofore." This affair did not seem to be quite as open and aboveboard as previous transactions of a similar kind. Apparently, however, the mission was successful, for late in December Astor informed the firm of Boughton & Lock- wood that some marten skins had arrived, half of which had already been sold to two local furriers. They were packed in casks of 2,500, and were valued at 14s. per skin, payable in approved paper at 6-months credit. Astor had told Stuart a little over a month before that he wished the furs had been sold in Canada at 7s. Halifax, but the ready sale which they were finding in the United States must have made him glad that this had not been done. But Astor's interest in the collection of furs during the War WAR OF 1812 —THE FUR TRADE 267 of 1812 was not confined to those conveyed from Mackinac to Montreal and brought into the United States by way of Plattsburg. He was also engaged in bringing in furs by way of the Great Lakes region.45 His principal agent for this purpose was Ramsay Crooks, who had been a partner in the Pacific Fur Company. Crooks had made the overland trip to the Columbia River, during which he had suffered unusually severe privations, and immediately on his arrival had withdrawn from the Company and returned overland to St. Louis. In July, 1813, Astor had expressed his regret that Crooks had not remained at Astoria and his hope that when peace came Crooks and he might make some arrangement for carrying on the Indian trade, which would "promote our joint Interest." As peace showed no signs of coming soon, Astor thought of another way in which he might utilize Crooks's services, namely, in connection with the furs which were or might still be at Mackinac which belonged to the South West Fur Company. Crooks had come to New York; and on October 8 Astor suggested that he should go to Mackinac, secure the South West Fur Company's skins and other property, and convey them to Buffalo, whence they would be sent to New York. He was also to collect furs in payment of debts owed Astor by Mackinac traders. Crooks declined to go to Mackinac unless that place was in the hands of the United States. Astor said that, if this condition was fulfilled, in addition to securing furs which already belonged to him, the other should purchase largely, up to $30,000 or $40,000 if they could be brought safely to Buffalo, and, if they could be at the seller's risk till safely landed, up to even $100,000 or more. If there was a chance of peace with the Indians, Crooks was to buy large quantities of Indian goods, up to $20,000 or $30,000, which might be sent to St. Louis, or even used in making up outfits for responsible people. All purchases were to be made on joint account up to $36,000, and Crooks was to have one-third interest. Furs were to be con- 268 JOHN JACOB ASTOR signed to Astor, who would sell according to his own judgment. Crooks agreed to these terms on October 12 and started for Buffalo, bearing with him letters to various persons who Astor thought might have furs, and also to army and naval officers. Crooks had arrived in Buffalo by October 21 at the latest. Here he found that little could be done, as no American attempt was to be made that fall against Mackinac and St. Joseph's and there were few furs to be purchased. Astor advised him to stay in the Lakes region and get what furs he could, rather than go to.St. Louis, which Crooks had suggested as a possibility. Furs of the kind to be secured at Sandwich, Detroit, or Mackinac — raccoon, beaver, marten, mink — were in great demand, and Mackinac traders were largely indebted to Astor. Astor was preparing to "take hold of the whole" trade from Mackinac, but was unable to get trading goods for that purpose. Early in 1814 or late in the previous year Crooks moved down to Erie in order to be closer to Detroit, but decided not to visit the latter place because of a reported prospective British attack. Early in March, Astor, who had been advocating patience late in the previous month, forsook his own counsel and advised Crooks to leave the Lakes, go to St. Louis, and purchase deer and beaver skins, as Crooks had suggested before. In the meantime, however, the agent had moved down to Pittsburgh, so that this advice did not reach him until Astor himself had again changed his mind and decided to make an attempt to bring from Mackinac the furs belonging to him which had been there at the time of the capture or which had been preserved to him by the articles of capitulation. To that end he went to Washington early in April, 1814, to get permission to send a vessel on such a mission. He notified Crooks of his intention, and Crooks therefore went to Detroit to await such a vessel. Astor, however, was not able at the time to secure the desired permission. Since he was not entirely devoid of hope that he WAR OF 1812 —THE FUR TRADE 269 might succeed later on, he instructed Crooks to remain in the Lakes region, to buy all the furs possible, and to prepare for decisive action if Mackinac should fall. These instructions to stay near the Lakes instead of going to St. Louis were vindicated by a letter of May 16 from James Monroe, the secretary of State, communicating the President's permission to send a vessel to Mackinac to bring away Astor's f His, provided Sir George Prevost, governor-general of Upper and Lower Canada, would engage to "protect your property, during the Voyage, from all British and Indian annoyance."46 The reason for the government's change of attitude is not hard to find. Late in April Astor had suggested to the Secretary of State that he might arrange to raise a loan for the government amounting to $8,000,000 or $10,000,000, in co-operation with Stephen Girard and David Parish.47 In view of this great possible benefit to the United States, it would hardly have been wise for the government to have been too rigidly impartial in its attitude toward Astor, and therefore the permission, which had previously been refused, was now conditionally granted. In order to get the requisite assurance from Sir George Prevost, George Astor was again sent into Canada. Meanwhile, Crooks was having considerable difficulty at Detroit. He protested that he was badly handicapped by Astor's insistence that all business should be transacted under guarantee of perfect safety. Moreover, exorbitant prices were demanded for the few furs in the market, and the owners would accept neither drafts nor bills, owing, it was said, to Astor's having rejected bills drawn by some individual or individuals (in that country. Though the furs at Detroit were few, there were enough to be of some importance, but Crooks could not get any of them, since he was unable to get bills discounted. An attempt was to be made against Mackinac in July, and though Crooks did not think there was much chance of its success, he intended to join it unless George Astor arrived with a 270 JOHN JACOB ASTOR vessel. His skepticism was confirmed, for, after destroying or capturing British property at St. Joseph's and Sault Ste. Marie, the American forces were repulsed at Mackinac on August 4, and Crooks returned to Detroit, where he arrived on August 17. In the meantime, George Astor had been engaged in securing the requisite assurance from Sir George Prevost that Astor's furs would be protected on the voyage from Mackinac. He succeeded in obtaining it on June 8, being much assisted by his uncle's partners in the South West Fur Company, the members of the two firms of McTavish, McGillivrays & Co. and Forsyth, Richardson & Co., who laid Astor's petition before the Governor-General.48 But Astor's good luck seems to have been exhausted by this initial success. For reasons which we do not know, it was not till late in July that George arrived " at Grand River 70 miles above Erie," where he chartered "a vessel of about 90 tons," a sloop, at what his uncle characterized as a "most extravagant price." She did not reach Detroit before August 23, and was detained there a long time by contrary winds; accordingly it was not till early in November that George and the sloop arrived at Erie with Astor's Mackinac furs, which turned out to be many fewer in number than had been thought, as some had been sent to Montreal, including half of the very desirable raccoon skins, only 8,000 of which were kept. George was ordered to rush all the furs to New York save perhaps a few of the raccoons and the muskrat skins, of which there was an oversupply, for Astor himself had 200,000. George might sell some of the raccoons and muskrats on the way if he could. The whole affair had been very expensive, owing to the delay caused by wind and weather, and the small quantity of skins secured. This consignment, however, accounted for the last of Astor's Mackinac furs. A few peltries, "Twenty one packs containing One hundred and seventeen Buffalo Robes," had been cap- WAR OF 1812—THE FUR TRADE 271 tured on a vessel flying the United States flag, which had arrived at Mackinac after its capture, and had therefore been adjudged a fair prize.49 The great bulk of his property, however, as we have seen, had been saved to him by the articles of capitulation, and perhaps, too, through his partnership with British subjects in the South West Fur Company, and had either been sent to Montreal, whence some had come into New York through the Champlain district, or had finally been brought out from Mackinac by way of Lake Erie. On December 10 none of the Mackinac skins had arrived at New York from Erie, though a vessel had been waiting three weeks for some to complete her cargo for Europe. Late in December, however, seventy-nine packs of the Mackinac skins had reached New York, and early in January, 1815, some were still in Albany; they were not expected to reach New York until the spring, because of the seasonal stoppage of transportation by the Hudson. However, this difficulty seems to have been overcome, for late in January Astor was able to say, "Mr G Astor has arrived here all the furs have arrived here." Ramsay Crooks had not come to New York with his employer's nephew. Astor had suggested that he should take charge of most of the muskrats, with which the New York market was overstocked, and peddle them in the neighborhood of Pittsburgh for hard money, which Astor had heard was comparatively plentiful in that district. Consequently on November 4 George Astor had turned over to Crooks at Erie 100 packs of muskrat skins to be taken to Pittsburgh for a market at 30-32 cents, returns to be made in specie or good bills on New York or Philadelphia. Crooks, accordingly, had arrived at Pittsburgh late in November, where he intended to get into communication with Kentucky hat manufacturers. Astor advised him to sell his muskrats even at 27 cents specie, to make no sales on credit, and to store any specie he secured. ^72. JOHN JACOB ASTOR He advised him to buy mink at 33-37 J cents, fisher at 50-60 cents, and 5,000 or 10,000 pounds of ginseng at 45 cents. Crooks found that the Pittsburgh market was well supplied with muskrats and that it was impossible to sell for specie or New York and Philadelphia bank notes. He was offered 371 cents in Kentucky, but 3-months credit was demanded. Astor thereupon gave Crooks permission to sell 5,000 or 6,000 skins either for treasury notes at par, or on time, taking notes as security. He suggested that, though there was no sale for rats in Philadelphia, Cincinnati was said to be a good market. He disliked to have the muskrats sold for paper, and said that he would keep them if he had them in New York. Treasury notes were preferable to bank notes from south of New York. He suggested that Crooks might try to buy 20,000 or 30,000 pounds of crude ginseng at the rate of one muskrat skin per pound. Consequently Crooks wrote on January 23 that he had accepted the Kentucky offer and was leaving for that state soon to sell skins and buy ginseng. On February 14 Astor was able to give Crooks news of peace, and requested that he endeavor to sell the muskrats, buy ginseng, which should arrive in New York by May 1, and himself return to New York, as Astor expected to engage in the Indian trade with goods due to arrive in about two months. The notes of one bank would now be worth about as much as any other, which would make sales simpler. In Lexington, Kentucky, Crooks had not succeeded in getting any ginseng by the latter part of February, but expected to dispose of about 12,000 rats in the State. He would then go to Ohio in an attempt to sell to hatters and buy ginseng. If ginseng could not be secured, he would go to St. Louis and buy beaver and raccoon; or, if instructed not to do so, would take the best paper available and return to Pittsburgh. The latter course was the one he adopted. Ten packs of skins were sold at Lexington, but there was no demand in Ohio, while in Kentucky there was a demand WAR OF 1812 —THE FUR TRADE 273 but no ready money. Ginseng was unavailable at a reasonable price. Consequently Crooks returned about the middle of April to Pittsburgh, where he seems to have sold twenty more packs of muskrat skins. Soon after this he probably returned to New York. Either he had finally sold the remainder of his skins between Pittsburgh and Philadelphia as advised by Astor, or he took them with him. Thus ended the difficulties connected with Astor's furs at Mackinac which had arisen out of the War of 1812. Astor took advantage of the war to establish somewhat closer connections in the fur trade with the Missouri region. We have already seen how, in 1800, he had made a tentative and unsuccessful attempt to form a commercial relationship with the St. Louis fur traders. He now made a second attempt, though this time it was not with the intention of engaging in anything more than a personal association in the fur trade with his correspondent Charles Gratiot.50 In order to understand the situation it is necessary to go back some years. In 1800 Astor had taken over Charles Gratiot's debt to the London merchant J. H. Schneider, and had received from Gratiot a note for £1,000 sterling, payable at New York in April, 1804. During that year Astor attempted to form an agreement for the fur trade with such St. Louis merchants as Gratiot and Auguste Chouteau, but, though the former was willing and even enthusiastic, the others, more independent, jealous, or shortsighted, prevented any general arrangement from going through. Gratiot was unable to pay the note when it came due, having been disappointed of selling any of his extensive land holdings. Two years after the note had become due, and six after it had been given, he had been able to pay only $1,000. Astor recognized the advantage of having one of the leading citizens of the headquarters of the western fur trade under obligations to him. He therefore refrained from instituting proceedings to force payment, thus setting at rest Gratiot's J 274 JOHN JACOB ASTOR fears. In fact, as Gratiot acknowledged in a letter to a New York merchant, "I am indebted to Mr. Jacob Astor who has treated me with great indulgence. I wish to satisfy him by all the means within my power." This obligation preserved a more or less regular correspondence between Gratiot and Astor up to the time of the Astoria overland expedition, in connection with which Gratiot was able to be of service in forwarding news to Astor concerning the progress of the party, as the reports drifted in from hunters and traders. He was also able to inform Astor of the state of the fur trade in the Rocky Mountain area generally. In November, 1811, Gratiot suggested that Astor might like to join a new Missouri Fur Company, the articles for which the former had recently drawn up; perhaps Astor might take five shares out of fifteen shares at $3,000 per share, furnishing the goods for the trade and selling the furs, both on a commission. He believed that this would be advantageous to Astor's plan to "draw the furr trade in your hands," and would also "facilitate the operations of Mr. Hunt, as you could by that means have a Communication open from this place to the Columbia." All this was probably very true, but Astor remained aloof. Gratiot could speak only for himself, and even admitted that certain of the members of the new company objected to Astor's inclusion. Astor had his proper pride and did not care to expose himself to any such rebuff as he had experienced a decade before. Moreover, his hands might be tied by association with such a company, in case he should want later on to take the fur trade of the West entirely under his own control. At any rate the first definite move should this time come from the Missouri- ans. He therefore thanked Gratiot for thinking of his interests, but added, "I Do Not knaw that I would be interestd if even the company wishd it if hawever I can by any means be of use to tham I shall be happey in So Doing." Little more was heard in regard to Astor's joining the Missouri Fur Company. WAR OF 1812 —THE FUR TRADE 275 Indeed, on April 10,1812, he definitely set the possibility aside, in view of the gloomy prospects of an Indian war, which would ruin the fur trade while it lasted. Late in 1811 and in 1812, up to the outbreak of war, St. Louis fur traders were much interested in Astor's nearly successful attempt to bring his goods from the British post of St. Joseph's into the United States. The fur traders of St. Louis were prevented by the Non-Intercourse Act from getting their goods for the Indian trade from Montreal, and were consequently dependent on American merchants for their supplies of merchandise, which the latter merchants themselves found it difficult to secure in sufficient quantities for even their own purposes. Two St. Louis traders, Cabanne and Chenie, started to Mackinac late in May, 1812, in an attempt to get goods. Being caught by the outbreak of war, they were arrested by officials of the United States for violation of the Non-Intercourse Act, but were finally acquitted in the spring of 1813, partly through Astor's exertions. It would seem, too, that in connection with the arrest of these merchants about 602 packs of skins were also seized, some of which belonged to Cabanne and some to the South West Fur Company. It was probably to those peltries that Astor referred in a letter of June 29, 1813, written to Lewis Farquharson, of Schenectady, stating that they had been sold at auction.51 Just before the news of peace had arrived in New York, Astor was in good hopes of recovering the proceeds of the furs belonging to Cabanne and half of those belonging to the Company. However, since 200 packs had been stolen or destroyed and $2,000 deducted from the total proceeds of $8,000 for expenses, there would not be much left for Astor. But such annoyances, even from the troops of one's own government, were to be expected along any war-time border. I In view of the war, it was extremely doubtful how soon Gratiot would be able to pay his note to Astor. Finally, the L^L^WW-awa, : 276 JOHN JACOB ASTOR creditor decided to put the matter on a more stable footing, 1 To this Gratiot was willing, and even anxious, to agree. In the I spring of 1813 Gratiot had offered a mortgage on 400 arpents \ of land, and late in October, 1813, Astor agreed to take Gratiot's bond, payable in two years, secured by a mortgage, renewable at the end of the term on payment of a part of the sum due. This arrangement was gratefully accepted by Gratiot in December. In the summer of 1813 the idea came to Astor that peltries of one kind or another might be secured at St. Louis, or, rather, it is perhaps more likely that he determined at this time to act on a thought which he had for some time been weighing in his mind. It will be remembered that he had considered letting Crooks go to St. Louis. So, about the middle of July, he enquired of Gratiot concerning the possibility of securing deer skins there. The other replied two months later that he was of the opinion that many could be obtained if only peace were made. Astor doubtless considered that, by using Gratiot as his St. Louis agent, he would not only be able to secure the immediate results of such an appointment but might also help Gratiot towards paying his debts. Accordingly, late in October, he offered the St. Louis merchant a commission of 2J per cent if he could get from Chouteau 20,000 or 25,000 lbs. of deer skins, deliverable in the spring of 1814, at 25 cents per lb. for all over 2 lbs., and 20 cents for those under that weight, the larger quantity to be accepted only if not more than one- third the number were light-weight skins. In December, however, Gratiot found it too late in the season to contract for skins, and asked for definite orders. Accordingly, early in April, 1814, Astor requested Gratiot to purchase for him not more than 30,000 lbs. of "good shaved Deer Skins" at about 30 cents, payable in New York at "not Less than 60 or 90 Days" sight, the skins to be forwarded "to Phila in the best & Safest mode." Late in May, Gratiot gave WAR OF 1812 —THE FUR TRADE 277 it as his opinion that few skins would come to market that year, and mentioned the difficulties of transportation. In an aside he remarked, "The Indian trade will have in future to be carried on by a Compy to become profitable, as it stand now it is too precarious for any body to hazard anything unless the factories were to be abolished." Astor later ordered that the skins were to cost no more than 35-36 cents per lb. in New York, stating that the expenses of transportation from Philadelphia to New York were $1.00 per hundredweight. Early in July Gratiot was engaged in getting deer skins. He enquired whether they might be sent by New Orleans, but said that in any case he would not send them in that direction till September, because of the worms. A month later, Astor ordered Gratiot not to send the skins by way of New Orleans, since from there they could not come to New York. They should remain at St. Louis unless they could be sent by way of Pittsburgh, "So as that the fright will not be more than 10 or 12 Cents p lb here than Send tham as Soon as you can." No more were to be purchased "unless it is Deliverable here in that case I would take 10 or 20m lb more at 35 Cents plb." Late in August Gratiot was preparing to forward about 120 packs of deer skins as soon as an opportunity offered. They were to be sent by keel boat to correspondents in Pittsburgh, whence they were to be forwarded to others in Philadelphia who would see that they reached Astor in New York. On receipt of the invoice from Gratiot about the middle of October, Astor gave him credit for $141.66, this being his commission, 5 per cent on the amount of the invoice, though Astor had at first promised him only 2J per cent. He gave Gratiot permission to contract "for next Season 20 or 30m lb more if to be had at Same price or a Little less —." Gratiot believed, however, that skins could be purchased more advantageously for next year if Astor sent him the cash for payment. Astor declined to do so till later, believing that skins could not then be 278 JOHN JACOB ASTOR purchased. Late in January, 1815, Gratiot admitted that possibly a draft on Astor would be sufficient. He felt reasonably certain that as many skins would be available in 1815 as in the previous year. On February 12 Astor was able to communicate to Gratiot the news of peace, but this did not greatly change the situation. Astor requested Gratiot to buy 25,000-30,000 lbs. of deer skins at 30-32 cents "at as Long Sighte as you can," and a month later changed the order to 15,000-20,000 at 33 cents, French weight. By March 20 Gratiot had purchased 3,000 lbs., but doubted whether he would be able to get the entire amount desired, as the Indians had failed to hunt because of the war. This relationship between Gratiot and Astor in the purchase of peltries continued to the end of 1816, when Astor made an agreement with some St. Louis merchants to buy no skins in their market and thus was forced to cease ordering through Gratiot. In any case the connection could not have endured much longer, for Gratiot died on April 20, 1817. However, throughout the two post-war years during which this relationship continued the transactions in which they were concerned increased in importance. Late in May Astor was ready to accept 100,000 lbs. of deer skins at 28-30 cents for red and 30- 33 cents for shaved. He also wanted up to 500 bear skins. Gratiot accordingly got all the deer skins in the market, 133 packs, which he was loading on a boat for Pittsburgh late in June, 1815. He had been unable to get any bear skins, nor did he later succeed in securing any number worth mentioning. Early in July, 1815, Astor sent Gratiot a request for 10,000 lbs. ginseng at 25-28 cents, which the latter promised he would try to procure, though it had never been an object of commerce in that neighborhood. Late in April, 1816, Gratiot had purchased 10,000 lbs. of deer skins from Cabanne at 33 J cents, in response to an order from Astor for 30,000-40,000 lbs. at 30- 32 cents. Astor sanctioned this purchase and increased his w WAR OF 1812 —THE FUR TRADE 279 order to 40,000-50,000 lbs. at the same rate. By July Gratiot was able to send Astor skins worth $7,850.71, that is, 180 packs of deer skins, 9 packs shaved deer skins, 26 packs red deer skins, 2 packs bear skins, and one pack containing bear skins and one otter. The deer skins were in packs of 100 lbs. each. They had reached New York early in December, 1816. Early in the next year Gratiot was able to send Astor another consignment of deer skins, which he had succeeded in buying at a reduced price after the boats had left with the consignment of the previous summer. This was the end of a relationship between Gratiot and Astor which had begun partly at least because of the interruption of the normal course of the fur trade by the war. Astor's activities in the fur trade during the War of 1812 were not confined to efforts to bring Mackinac furs into the United States or to secure deer skins in the St. Louis market. He also continued his relationship in the fur trade as much as possible with those who had been his correspondents before the outbreak of war, though naturally his contacts were much restricted. His connections were principally with Philadelphia, various cities in New York State, Boston, Baltimore, and New Orleans. His correspondent in Boston for the fur trade was Samuel Barry. Through him he endeavored, in the summer of 1813, to purchase mink skins, but met with no success. At the same time he declined to buy fox skins. However, late in December, 1814, Barry was instructed to send to New York by wagon some fox skins purchased on Astor's account. Throughout this period Astor also offered beavers and muskrats to the Boston merchant, but apparently without success.52 : With Philadelphia he had much more extensive relations. To Benjamin Wilson — evidently a friend as well as a business associate, since he is always addressed as "Dear Benjamin" instead of the formal "Dear Sir!" — he sent, on the last day of 280 JOHN JACOB ASTOR 1813, 25,000 muskrats for sale. He had also offered, a little before, to send Wilson some deer skins, "the finest parcel you ever saw," if the latter so desired. Astor had in his possession some wolf skins belonging to Wilson. In November, 1813, one j bale had been sold at $1.50 per skin, but in the summer of 1814 the rest appeared unsaleable.53 Of greater importance j was Astor's connection with William Lippincott and his brother j Joshua. Early in January, 1814, Astor had sent this firm j 21 bales, each containing 2,500 muskrat skins, for storage and I sale at a later and more favorable time. This time seems to ! have arrived, in Astor's opinion, late in October of that year, when he ordered 5 bales to be exposed for sale at public auction for 30 cents, cash or "at 60 days for approved endorsed notes." This price could not then be secured, but late in January, 1815, \ Astor ordered that muskrats be sold at no less than 34 cents, thriftily mentioning that the four deer skins covering each bale should bring $2.00. However, he was too late, as 5 bales had I already been sold, probably at a lower price, as Astor received $3,500 for them.54 Early in November, 1814, William Smyth j sent Astor 17 bales of wolf skins for sale. Astor was unable to sell the Philadelphian any muskrats late in February of the next year.55 Chandler Price, a Philadelphia fur merchant, acted as forwarding agent in getting Gratiot's deer skins to Astor, for which service he tried to charge 2 J per cent, or double the amount which Astor would pay.56 Astor endeavored to get beavers and raccoons from Guy Bryan late in October, 1814,57 and sent his agent, William Howard, to Philadelphia about the same time to buy such skins, also otter and bear if good and cheap.58 During the War of 1812, Albany was an important fur-trade center, as it had been from Astor's first entrance into the business, both for the purchase and sale of skins and for forwarding those which came from farther to the north and west. In December, 1814, Trotter and Douglass were in charge of forward- WAR OF 1812 —THE FUR TRADE 281 ing the furs and skins brought from Mackinac by George Astor, but though by Christmas 79 packs had arrived at New York, Astor ordered the rest to be put in store, as they would arrive too late for the sailing of a vessel in which he had intended they should be exported.59 In February, 1815, Astor was declining to sell this firm the deer skins stored with them at less than 60-65 cents per lb. With Henry Newman, Astor was engaged in occasional but apparently inconclusive correspondence from the summer of 1813 to shortly after the end of the war, con- Icerning the sale of deer skins to the Albany merchant.60 In the fall of 1814 Astor tried to sell William Fowler two or three bales from his bounteous supply of muskrats, and also suggested that George Astor, coming from Mackinac with raccoons and some more muskrats, should try to make a bargain with the Albany man.61 Astor had considerably more success in selling marten skins to John Bryan, whom he assured, in December, 1813, that the 16,000 marten skins then in his possession— probably the last to arrive that year by way of Plattsburg — were likely to be all that would be available until peace. He had only 16,000 skins, and had had an offer of 13s. each from one man, but, since he preferred to supply all his customers, he would let Bryan have 3,000 at that price at 90-days credit. As a special favor he finally agreed to sell Bryan that number, part of the price to be paid after 120 days, but interest to be charged after the expiration of 90 days. He could let Bryan have 1,000 more if he wanted them. However, in December, 1814, Astor succeeded in getting in some more martens, which he offered to Bryan at 14s., but at the same credit as those of the previous year. There were only 5,000 left at this time, but probably Bryan did not invest, since on March 1, 1815, Astor told him that he might receive some martens later.62 Other cities contained less important correspondents. To H. Eldridge and to Eldridge & Richards, of Troy, and to F. 282 JOHN JACOB ASTOR Albrecht & Son, of New Haven, Astor offered, late in 1813 and early in 1814 and 1815, to sell martens at 13s. and at 60- and 90-days credit.63 To Runyon Harris, of Baltimore, he offered late in 1814 to sell muskrats at 33 cents on 90-days credit, and finally disposed of one bale, as well as another of wool and a cask of hare fur.64 Astor sold Adam & H. R. Lee, of Rahway, New Jersey, a bale of muskrats in January, 1815, for a sight draft on a Baltimore bank.65 Somewhat more important was Astor's interest in the fur market at New Orleans. He had there bought 25,000 lbs. of deer skins at 28 cents per lb. through Charles H. Rodbertus, probably in 1812, or early in 1813, but was forced to have them disposed of at a loss, since they could not easily be shipped and would probably deteriorate in such a climate. Immediately after the news of peace had reached him, he ordered through the same agent 20,000 lbs. at from 28 cents to 30 cents.66 Of course it must not be forgotten that all the time that Astor was selling or endeavoring to sell his furs to merchants in Boston, Albany, Philadelphia, Baltimore, and other such centers of commerce, he was also dealing with furriers in his own city of New York. In October, 1812, the American Fur Company — that is, John Jacob Astor — advertised for public sale on the 27 th of that month a very large quantity of furs, the event to take place at 171 Pearl Street. Astor's own counting- house was at 69 Pine Street, whither he had moved it that same year from 141 Greenwich.67 The peltries thus offered for sale were probably those which had but recently been brought in from Canada by way of Plattsburg, and consisted of 59,557 muskrats, 6,817 raccoons, 2,965^ lbs. beaver, 1,454 fishers, 795 otters, 1,115 martens, 679 minks, 918 bears, 198 bear-cubs, 671 deer, 155 foxes, 88 wild cats, 294 lynxes, 472 swans, 5 wolves, 3 dressed elk, and 4 dressed deer. Terms of payment for any purchase of over $500 and under $1,000 were 60 days, and over the latter sum 120 days, in approved endorsed notes. WAR OF 1812 —THE FUR TRADE 283 Presumably many or most of these skins were disposed of at the specified time. For a month in June and July, 1814, Astor advertised 10,000 deer skins and 60,000 muskrat skins, while for another month in November and December of the same year he described 4,000 otter and 3,500 red fox skins, together with 4,000 lbs. ginseng — a commodity closely associated with the fur trade — as "articles particularly adopted [sic] for the Canton Market."68 How well these furs sold we cannot definitely say. We have only scattered pieces of information. For example, Astor mentioned having sold 16,000 raccoon skins, late in 1813, for 75 cents, good and bad; in September, 1814, he said he had sold 3,500 mink skins, good and bad, at 6s.; while parly in 1815 he disposed of about 15,000 martens to New York furriers at 14s.69 This narrative gives some idea of the way in which Astor endeavored to carry on his customary traffic in furs, within the limits of the United States, during the war, when he suffered many difficulties, including lack of transportation facilities, great scarcity of some kinds of furs, an oversupply of others, land a general lack of funds for purchasing those which were available. These examples of Astor's internal fur trade during t^ar time give us about the same idea of its character under normal circumstances as a skeleton does of the appearance of a living man. 284 JOHN JACOB ASTOR NOTES i. Ms., Bernard P. Bogy Collection, St. Louis, Letters, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., February 28,1812, to Charles Gratiot, St. Louis. Nevertheless, on December 18,1811, Astor had written Jacob Franks at Green Bay to use all his influence to keep peace among the Indians, since, if a war broke out between the United States and Great Britain, trade would be ruined and no one benefited (Neville, Ella Hoes, Martin, Sarah Greene, and Martin, Deborah Beaumont, Historic Green Bay (1893), pp. 138-139). 2. Ms., Public Archives of Canada, Ottawa, Series C, vol. mccxviii, p. 114, Noah Freer, Military Secretary, Quebec, December 31, 1811, to W. H. Robinson, Commissary General. 3. Ms., Library of Congress, Madison Papers, vol. xliii, Writings to Madison, December 11,1811-January 26, 1812, Albert Gallatin, December 17, 1811, to the President. 4. Wilson, James Grant, ed., Memorial History of the City of New York, from its Settlement to 1892, 4 vols. (1891-93), vol. iii, pp. 234-235, note; Parton, James, Life of John Jacob Astor (1865), p. 70; Barker, Jacob, Incidents in the Life of (1855), pp. 36-37; The Weekly Register (June 27, 1812), vol. ii, pp. 278-279. 5. Myers, Gustavus, History of the Great American Fortunes, 3 vols. (1907-10), vol. i, note, pp. 112-113, quoting from United States Senate Documents, 17th Cong., ist sess., 1821-22, vol. i, doc. no. 60, pp. 50-51, Matthew Irwin, U. S. Factor, Green Bay, Wisconsin, to Thomas L. McKenney, U. S. Superintendent of Indian Affairs. 6. Irving, Washington, Astoria (1836), chap. ii. 7. Ms., Public Archives of Canada, Ottawa, Minutes of the North West Company, 1801-11, pp. 61-66, Montreal, December 31, 1806. 8. Tohill, Louis Arthur, Robert Dickson, British Fur Trader on the Upper Mississippi (1927), pp. 29-30. 9. Ms., Library of Congress, Thomas Jefferson Papers, vol. clxxix, July 14-August 10, 1808, Thomas Jefferson, Washington, D. C, July 17, 1808, to Governor [Meriwether] Lewis. 10. Ibid., vol. clxxxii, October 19-November 24,1808, Albert Gallatin, November 18, 1808, to The President. 11. Ms., Detroit Public Library, Burton Historical Collection, Askin MSS., vol. xvi, p. 50, Alexander Henry, Montreal, February 26, 1810, to John Askin, Strabane, Detroit; "Colonial Office Records," Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections, vol. xxv (1894), p. 268, Extract of a letter from John Richardson, N. Y, February 17, 1810, to Thomas Forsyth, London (Public Archives of Canada, Ottawa, Q-114, p. 243). WAR OF 1812 —THE FUR TRADE 285 12. Tohill, loc. cit.; "Colonial Office Records," Michigan Pioneer and I Historical Collections, vol. xxv (1894), p. 268. 13. Brevoort, Henry, Letters of, to Washington Irving, George S. Hell- man, ed., 2 vols. (1916), vol. ii, pp. 181-185. Henry Brevoort, Jr., Montreal, May 9, 1811, to John Jacob Astor, N. Y. These returns were as follows: "1810 1809 4055 Beaver 4072 823 Otters 736 5918 Martens 3555 short 352 Bears 237 75 Cubs 17 19 Brown & Silver Short 8170 Muskrat 27698 516 Mink 622 697 Fisher 340" 93 Raccoon It will be observed that the returns of 1810 marked in general something of an advance over those of 1809, save in the case of muskrats, the tally of which, however, as with martens in 1809, would seem from the marginal notation to have been incomplete. The decrease in the number of beaver and mink in 1810 was insignificant. 14. Ms. book (photostat), Public Archives of Canada, Ottawa, Minutes of the North West Company, 1801-11, pp. 78-84; ms., Baker Library, Astor Papers, Agreement between William McGillivray and John Jacob Astor for the Establishment of the South West Fur Company, January 28, 1811 (see below, vol. i, pp. 461-469). 15. Ms., Public Archives of Canada, Ottawa, Special Originals, 1810- 22, Agreement between McTavish, McGillivrays & Co., Forsyth, Richardson & Co., and the North West Company, Fort William, July 15,1811. ' 16. Irving, Washington, The Letters of, to Henry Brevoort, George S. Hellman, ed., 2 vols. (1915), vol. i, pp. 5-6, Washington Irving, Skeenes- borough, May 9, 1808, to Henry Brevoort, Montreal; p. 16, Washington Irving, N. Y., September 22, 1810, to Henry Brevoort, Albany. Accounts of some of Henry Brevoort's early activities on Astor's account are to be found in a previous chapter. 17. Brevoort, Henry, Letters of, to Washington Irving, vol. ii, pp. 181- 184, Henry Brevoort, Jr., Montreal, May 9,1811, to John Jacob Astor. 18. Ibid., pp. 201-202, H. Brevoort, Jr., St. Joseph's, June, 25 1811, to John Whetten, N. Y. 19. Ibid., pp. 20-43, Henry Brevoort, Mackinac, June 26, 28, July 14* 29, 1811, to Washington Irving, N. Y. 286 JOHN JACOB ASTOR 20. Ms., Library of Congress, Thomas Jefferson Papers, vol. cxcv, January 27-April 30, 1812, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., March 14, 1812, to Thomas Jefferson (see below, vol. i, pp. 508-513). 21. Ibid., vol. cxcvi, May i-October 30, 1812, Thomas Jefferson, Monticello, May 24, 1812, to John Jacob Astor. 22. Zug, Samuel, "The Port of Detroit," Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections, vol. i (1877), pp. 468-472, from the Detroit Tribune, 1864. 23. Gallatin, Albert, The Writings of, Henry Adams, ed., 3 vols. (1879), vol. i, pp. 678-680, De Astor and communications by the Treasury to Collectors before the declaration of war; ibid., vol. ii, pp. 506-511, Albert Gallatin, N. Y., August 23, 1836, to Daniel Jackson; Flandrau, Grace, Astor and the Oregon Country (1926 [?]), pp. 46-48, Appendix G, Albert Gallatin, N. Y., August 5, 1835, to John Jacob Astor, N. Y.; Irving, Astoria, Appendix, same letter. 24. Gallatin, Albert, The Writings of, vol. i, pp. 678-680, vol. ii, pp. 506- 5". 25. Ibid. 26. Myers, loc. cit. 27. "Declaration of War — Campaign of 1812," Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections, vol. xv (1890), pp. 141-144, T. C. Pothier, Montreal, September 8,1812, to General Sir George Prevost (Public Archives of Canada, Ottawa, C 677, p. 70). 28. Tohill, op. cit., p. 46; ms. book, Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letter Book i, 1813-15, pp. 71, 223, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., October 11, 1813, May 21, 1814, to Lewis Crawford, St. Joseph's. 29. Merritt, Captain W. H., "Journal of Events Principally on the Detroit and Niagara Frontiers," Select British Documents of the Canadian- War of 1812, William Wood, ed., 3 vols. (1928), vol. iii, p. 545, vol. i, p. 66. 30. Ms. book, Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letter Book i, 1813-15, "Clark Thomas, Queenston, U. C. folio." 31. "Declaration of War — Campaign of 1812," Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections, vol. xv (1890), pp. 94-96, Major General Isaac Brock, Fort George, July 3, 1812, to General Sir George Prevost (Public Archives of Canada, Ottawa, C- 676, p. 115). 32. Tompkins, Daniel D., Governor of New York, 1807-1817, Public Papers of, 3 vols. (1898-1902), vol. iii, pp. 19-21, Daniel Tompkins, Albany, July 8, 1812, to General P. B. Porter. 33. Ms., New York State Library, Albany, Peter Sailly Palmer Papers, Memoir of the Honorable Peter Sailly, pp. 71-73- 34. Wood, Edwin 0., Historic Mackinac, 2 vols. (1918), vol. i, p. 290. WAR OF 1812 —THE FUR TRADE 287 35. Ms., New York State Library, Albany, Peter Sailly Palmer Papers, Memoir of the Honorable Peter Sailly, pp. 71-73, 131-132. 36. Ms. book, Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letter Book i, 1813-15, pp. 50-152, passim, September n-December 31, 1813, letters from John Jacob Astor, N. Y., to John Richardson, Robert Gillespie, McTavish, McGillivrays & Co. (Montreal), Peter Sailly (Plattsburg, N. Y.), Judge Pliny Moore (Champlain, N. Y.), Guy Catlin (Burlington, Vt.), John ;Bancker, Jr., William Howard, William Van Ness, John Day, George Astor, Jr. 37. Ms., New York State Library, Albany, Peter Sailly Palmer Papers, Memoir of the Honorable Peter Sailly, pp. 131-132. I 38. Ms. book, Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letter Book i, 1813-15, p. 135, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., December 15, 1813, to Peter Sailly, frlattsburg (see below, vol. i, pp. 547-548). 39. Ms., New York State Library, Albany, Peter Sailly Palmer Papers, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., May 31, 1819, to William H. Crawford, Secre- ^tary of the Treasury; Pamphlet, Girard College, Philadelphia, Girard IPapers, 1813, no. 250, Letters from the Secretary of the Treasury transmitting a Report on the Petition of Stephen Girard and Others (1813), p. 11. f 40. Ms. book, Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letter Book i, 1813-15, p. 138, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., December 18, 1813, to Peter Sailly, frlattsburg, N. Y. 41. Ibid., p. 78, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., October 19, 1813, to Guy iCatlin, Burlington, Vt. 42. Ms., New York State Library, Albany, Peter Sailly Palmer Papers, fMemoir of the Honorable Peter Sailly, pp. 179-180; ibid., John Jacob PAstor, N. Y., May 31, 1819, to William H. Crawford, Secretary of the [Treasury. 43. The information concerning the transaction involving these marten skins has been derived, unless otherwise stated, from the following source: fans, book, Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letter Book i, 1813-15, pp. 2>2>3~ 334, 344, 349-35°, 353, John Jacob Astor, N. Y, October 25, 29, November 11, 17, 1814, to Robert Stuart; p. 343, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., October 29, 1814, to John Day; p. 342, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., October 29, 1814, to Peter Sailly, Plattsburg; pp. 342-343, John Jacob Astor, p[. Y., October 29, 1814, to Guy Catlin, Burlington; p. 408, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., December 28, 1814, to Boughton & Lockwood. I 44. Ms. book (copy), Detroit Public Library, Burton Historical Col- llection, Letters of Ramsay Crooks, John Jacob Astor, and the American Fur Company, 1813-43, Robert Stewart, Brooklyn, March 21, 1815, to I Ramsay Crooks, Pittsburg. 45. The sources for Ramsay Crooks's attempts to buy furs in the Lake Region, George Astor's experiences in getting his uncle's peltries from 288 JOHN JACOB ASTOR Mackinac, and Crooks's later endeavors to dispose of the Mackinac muskrat skins, unless otherwise specified, are the following: ms. book, Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letter Book i, 1813-15, pp. 27-506, passim, letters from John Jacob Astor, N. Y., July 19, 1813-March 9, 1815, to Ramsay Crooks (Buffalo, Erie, Pittsburgh, Detroit, Lexington), McTavish, McGillivrays & Co. (Montreal), George Astor, Jr., David Mitchell (Michilimackinac), Lewis Crawford (St. Joseph's), Richard Patterson (Sandwich), John Warford (Plattsburgh), Commodore Isaac Chauncey, Major-General Izard, General Winder, Major-General Harrison, Captain Arthur Sinclair, Juba Storrs (Buffalo), William Fowler (Albany); ms. book (copy), Detroit Public Library, Burton Historical Collection and Missouri Historical Society, St. Louis, Letters of Ramsay Crooks, John Jacob Astor, and the American Fur Company, 1813-43, duplicate letters from Ramsay Crooks (Buffalo, Erie, Pittsburgh, Detroit, Lexington), October 21, 1813-April 17, 1815, to John Jacob Astor, N. Y., original; letters from John Jacob Astor (N. Y., Washington, Georgetown, Philadelphia), October 28, 1813-April 5, 1815, to Ramsay Crooks, also a letter from George Astor, Erie, November 9, 1814, to Ramsay Crooks, Erie. The originals of these letters between Crooks and the Astors, as well as others of a later date, are in the possession of Mrs. Joseph R. Ramee, 125 E. 72 St., New York City. I have not been privileged to see them. 46. Ms., Public Archives of Canada, Ottawa, C- 363, pp. 67-73, James Monroe, Department of State, May 16,1814, to [John Jacob Astor]; ms., Library of Congress, Monroe Papers, vol. xiv, Writings to Monroe, November, 1813-March 19, 1815, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., May 24, 1814, to James Monroe. 47. Ibid., John Jacob Astor, N. Y., April 30, 1814, to James Monroe, Secretary of State (see below, vol. i, pp. 554-556). 48. Ms., Public Archives of Canada, Ottawa, C-363, pp. 67-73, McTavish, McGillivrays & Co., and Forsyth, Richardson & Co., Montreal, June 8, 1814, to Sir George Prevost. 49. Ibid., C- 257, pp. 200, 204-205. 50. The information concerning Astor's relations with Charles Gratiot, and especially their association in the fur trade during and immediately succeeding the War of 1812, has been taken, unless otherwise stated, from three closely interlocking sources. These are: ms. book, Missouri Historical Society, St. Louis, Gratiot Collection, Charles Gratiot's Letter Book, 1798-1816, letters to John Jacob Astor and others; ms. book, Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letter Book i, 1813-15, pp. 9, 25, 27, 81, 185, 252,312, 346,398, 503, letters from John Jacob Astor, N. Y., June 23, 1813-March 7, 1815, to Charles Gratiot, St. Louis; mss., Bernard P. Bogy Collection, St. Louis, letters from John Jacob Astor, N. Y., February 3, 1810-December 10, 1816, to Charles Gratiot, St, Louis (nineteen WAR OF 1812 —THE FUR TRADE 289 of the thirty Astor letters known to be in this collection have been photo- stated and prints deposited at the Missouri Historical Society, St. Louis). 51. Ms. book, Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letter Book i, 1813-15, p. 8, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., June 29, July 1, 1813, to Lewis Farquhar- son, Schenectady. 52. Ibid., pp. 19, 147,187, 289, 402, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., July 13, December 24, 1813, February 24, September 23, December 21, 1814, to Samuel Barry, Boston. 53. Ibid., pp. 108, 126, 142, 147, 153, 250, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., Jfovember 15, December 2, 20, 23, 31, 1813, July 25, 1814, to Benjamin Wilson, Philadelphia. K54. Ibid., pp. 158, 323, 436, 441, 449, John Jacob Astor, N. Y, January 6, October 22, 1814, January 24, 24, 30, 1815, to William Lippincott and to Joshua and William Lippincott, Philadelphia. 55. Ibid., pp. 348, 369, 479, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., November 3, 26, 1814, February 20, 1815, to William Smyth, Philadelphia. 56. Ibid., pp. 313, 386, 395, 410, 419, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., October 12, December 10, 15, 30, 1814, January 2, 1815, to Chandler Price, Philadelphia. 57. Ibid., p. 336, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., October 26, 1814, to Guy Bryan, Philadelphia. 58. Ibid., p. 324, John Jacob Astor, N. Y, October 22, 1814, to William Howard, Philadelphia. 59. Ibid., pp. 382, 398, 403, 406, 409, 453, 480, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., December 5, 16, 23, 25, 29, 1814, February 2, 21, 1815, to Trotter & Douglass, Albany. fiv6o. Ibid., pp. 31, 247, 480, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., August 5, 1813, July 18, 1814, February 21, 1815, to Henry Newman, Albany. 61. Ibid., pp. 315, 375, John Jacob Astor, N. Y, October 15, November 29, 1814, to William Fowler, Albany. 62. Ibid., pp. 144-145,147,154,398,404,490, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., December 21, 24 (see below, vol. i, pp. 548-549), 1813, January 3, December 16, 24, 1814, March 1, 1815, to John Bryan, Albany. 6$. Ibid., pp. 144, 154, John Jacob Astor, N. Y, December 21, 1813, January 4, 1814, to Eldridge & Richards, Troy; pp. 201, 440, John Jacob Astor, N. Y, April 28, 1814, January 21, 1815, to H. Eldridge, Troy; p. 164, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., January 12,1814, to F. Albrecht & Son, New Haven. 64. Ibid., pp. 238, 396, 408, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., June 16, December 15, 29, 1814,'to Runyon Harris, Baltimore. 65. Ibid., pp. 430, 435, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., January 14,19,1815, to Adam & H. R. Lee, Rahway, N. J. 290 JOHN JACOB ASTOR 66. Ibid., pp. 263,345,431,460,469,481,505, John Jacob Astor, N. Y.,i August 24, October 30, 1814, January 14, February 6, 13, 21, March 8^ 1815, to Charles H. Rodbertus, New Orleans. 67. Longworth's American Almanac, New York Register, and City Di4 rectory (1812). 68. New-York Gazette and General Advertiser, October 20, 1812, p. i,| col. 6; June 23, 1814, p. 1, col. 5; November 12, 1814, p. 3, col. 3. 69. Ms. book, Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letter Book i, 1813-15, p. 142, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., December 20,1813, to Benjamin Wilson,] Philadelphia; pp. 285-287, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., September 18,1814J to John P. L'Herbette, Bordeaux; p. 440, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., January 21, 1815, to H. Eldridge, Troy. CHAPTER X THE WAR OF 1812-1815 : COMMERCE WITH EUROPE AND CANTON Kaving devoted considerable attention to Astor's conduct of 0he fur trade under war-time conditions, we now find it necessary to study a closely related subject, namely, Astor's com- ■ierce with Europe during the same period. Two aspects of this commerce may be distinguished. It was from Europe that Astor secured most of the merchandise employed in the trade |sith the American Indians, and it was to Europe that he .shipped many of the furs obtained in exchange for these goods, plie cessation of normal relations with England and the Con- pnent, in consequence, injured Astor in two ways — firstly, by preventing him from securing the necessary supplies for carrying on the Indian trade, and, secondly, by hampering him in disposing of such furs as he had already purchased or as he plight be able to obtain in spite of the war. It will be remembered that Astor had been dealing to a considerable extent in (general merchandise; in an earlier chapter I have described his ptctivities in this field from the time when he first began to import goods from Europe for sale in his own shop, up to about 1803, when China goods commenced to assume predominance j§ver merchandise from England and the Continent. The effect of the war on these importations of general merchandise was naturally serious, though hardly so important as was its effect on the fur trade. We can gather from the New York newspapers some indica- jppn of the extent of Astor's importations during the period before the outbreak of the war. To be sure, the source is inade- teate, but it is often the only one at our disposal. During the ^ JOHN JACOB ASTOR period of approximately nine years between the summer of 1803 and that of 1812, we find mention of at least forty-foul vessels bringing goods for John Jacob Astor from England and the Continent, to say nothing of a score of vessels makinj coastwise trips, principally from Baltimore and Philadelphia! many of which doubtless transported European goods entered through their home ports. Half a dozen vessels from ports in the western hemisphere, principally the West Indies, mighl also be mentioned. Of the vessels from Europe, two-thirdl came from London and Liverpool, the rest from Amsterdam! Tonningen, Rotterdam, Gottenburg, and Nantes. The good! imported from England and the Continent in these vessels wera usually classified as "drygoods" and "hardware," but some! times there was specific mention of powder, brandy, salt, fruit! burr-stones, wine, soap, iron, paints, porter, etc.1 This convey! some faint idea of the extent of Astor's importations front Europe. We know that it gives us by no means a completJ picture, since the few extant customs records of this period fol the port of New York which mention Astor's name do not at all coincide with the marine notes of the New York press.2 During the war, Astor was anxious to procure goods for th! Indian trade, if not for his own immediate use, then for that ol his customers, or in order to have a supply on hand ready to^ send into the Indian country immediately upon the return of peace. He was also strongly desirous of sending to Europl some of his furs which were not readily saleable in the United States. Thus he hoped to relieve the glutted condition of th! market, which had reduced the price of some peltries to a poini which he considered too low for acceptance, though other furl were almost unavailable, and, in consequence, so high in pricl that his usual customers were reluctant to purchase. Consej quently an account of his commercial relations with Europi during the War of 1812 is almost entirely the story of his at! tempts to get his vessels safely from a port in the United State! WAR OF 1812—EUROPE AND CANTON 293 to one in Europe, with passengers, or, preferably, a cargo, and I safely back again, with a similar lading. I Some of his ships got away from New York soon after war had been declared and before British naval officers were aware of the situation. We learn from various sources of the move- Ipaents of individual ships during the first months of the war. Astor's schooner, the Powhattan, which had been engaged in the Mediterranean trade before the war, is said in a Boston /newspaper to have arrived at New York City early in March, ■B13, seventy days from Bordeaux.3 On September 28 of that Jrear she was sold to Edwin Jessup of Fairfield, Connecticut, doubtless because no profitable employment could be found for the vessel.4 She may perhaps have been engaged during the piterim in the coasting trade.5 The little brig Adolphus, not so p&rtunate, was captured some time during the first half of 1813.6 The ship Rockingham, Captain Saunders, not owned by Astor, prrived at New York, fifty-four days from Lisbon, late in March, 1813, with a cargo of salt to March & Benson and John Jacob Astor. On the same day, the Astor ship Enterprise, jfchich had returned to the United States from China immedi- Jpely after the declaration of war, also arrived from Lisbon in pbllast after a voyage of thirty-five days under the command pf Captain Burger.7 Probably her outward cargo had been dGhina goods. Early in April the Astor ship Hannibal, which had returned from China in the fall of 1812, arrived at New York, thirty days from Cadiz, under the command of Joseph Ridgway, with a cargo of salt for the owner.8 In this case, as in that of the Enterprise, it seems probable that the outward cargo had been China merchandise. From this date till late in 1814, however, no more ships were to arrive at New York from Europe bringing goods for John Jacob Astor. This fact can be ascertained from his advertisements during this period, which offered for sale goods which were obviously the remainders of earlier importations, princi- 294 JOHN JACOB ASTOR pally China goods from the cargoes of the Enterprise and the Hannibal, but also small quantities of wines, juniper berries, German steel, and other goods originally from Europe. It is evident, too, that in order to pay his overhead Astor was forced during this period to deal in goods which were largely the products of the United States and her southern neighbors, types of merchandise which had previously interested him very little. During 1813 and 1814, then, he dealt in goat skins, Havana sugar, upland cotton, flour, pork, beef, corn meal, tar, turpentine, pig lead, and Kentucky tobacco,9 goods which he described as "not in my line."10 What a contrast to the silks, teas, nankeens, chinaware, and cinnamon of his Canton cargoes! We have already observed the ingenuity which Astor displayed in getting the Beaver to sea despite the Jeffersonian embargo and in obtaining permission from the British admiral for the Lark to go to the North West Coast unmolested. His ability in such matters was to be tested to the utmost by the war. We may be certain that Astor never fitted out a ship for sea during this period without having good assurance that there was more than an even chance for her to perform the voyage in safety. It is our purpose to examine some of the devices he utilized in an attempt to insure such a result. Of the vessels which Astor succeeded in getting from the United States to Europe in 1813, the first concerning which we have any particulars was the Hannibal, a ship of 522 tons burden, which had been built in New York in 1810. She had returned from China with a cargo for John Jacob Astor in the fall of 1812, had later made a voyage to Cadiz, probably with China goods, and had returned to New York early in April, 1813, with salt. The method by which Astor succeeded in getting the Hannibal past the British blockade, though it may not have equalled in cleverness the device employed in the Beaver affair, was probably more ingenious than that which won a WAR OF 1812 —EUROPE AND CANTON 295 |safe-conduct for the Lark. Early in 1813, Astor, as we have [seen, had succeeded in bringing a great quantity of furs from Mackinac into the United States. He was naturally anxious to Iget them to a European market, but at this time, "our port off &the Hook," as Astor said, was under blockade by Commodore iBeresford.11 But Astor, who had got the Lark to sea early in IMarch under similar circumstances, was not found at a loss. At this time the famous French general, Jean Marie Victor [.Moreau, was in the United States. He had been exiled by I'Napoleon, and consequently, though theoretically an ardent republican, had become favorable to the French royalist cause, and therefore to the Allies, especially to Czar Alexander, whose liberal ideas, he felt, would make the triumph of the side with Iwhich he was associated a victory for progressive principles. He was living the life of a country gentleman on a farm in New ■Jersey, and spending his winters in New York. The general was approached by Mr. Svinin, a member of the Russian embassy, i with a view to persuading him to go to Europe and assist in the ioverthrow of Napoleon. To this Moreau agreed, and nothing could be more natural than for Astor, who owned such a fine (fleet ship as the Hannibal, and who, moreover, was closely (associated with the Russian minister, Andrew Daschkoff, to offer his vessel for this purpose and meet with an acceptance. The British admiral, of course, was let into the secret, and gladly gave orders permitting the vessel carrying such a welcome ally as General Moreau to pass unmolested.12 David parish, the Hamburg financier, then residing in Philadelphia, Jwho was later to be associated with Astor in a loan to the government, seems to have been mixed up in this affair.13 We know that the United States government was aware that an I^stor ship was to sail for Europe, since the President intended ko send dispatches thereby, which, however, arrived too late, Jbut it is very doubtful whether the government knew the Identity of the vessel's most important passenger. The vessel 296 JOHN JACOB ASTOR sailed for Gottenburg on July 22, 1813, under the command of Curtiss Blakeman.14 Astor in this case, as in others, may be accused of a lack of patriotism in that he connived at an act which tended to the strengthening of that nation with which the United States wasj then at war. In defence of Astor's conduct, it might possibly be argued that he recognized Napoleon as a greater menace to the liberties of the world, and consequently to the United States, than Great Britain could possibly be. This, however, seems foreign to Astor's character. His motive was probably much more simple and direct. He recognized a definite profit to himself in being able to get a vessel to Europe, while the chances that this act might later injure his adopted country could only be considered as rather remote and vague. And here, as elsewhere, he decided that an immediate personal profit should be chosen, in preference to an overscrupulous consideration of the general weal. At any rate, the voyage of the Hannibal, as it turned out, resulted in no particular harm] to anyone, save to Moreau, nor in any very definite profit, save to her owner, since General Moreau, who arrived at Gottenburg late in July, 1813, was mortally wounded a month later in the battle of Dresden. General Moreau and his companion Svinin were not the only passengers on the Hannibal. With them went three agents] representing Astor. The first of these was his son-in-law, j Adrian B. Bentzon, to whom the cargo was consigned. He had just returned from a mission to Russia, where he had made an] agreement with the government and the Russian American Company for co-operation with Astor's Pacific Fur Company on the North West Coast. The second was C. C. Cambreleng, whose position seems to have been that of a confidential friend; and the last was John H. Sieveking, who went as supercargo. To the first two of these, and to the captain, Astor handed detailed letters of instruction prior to their departure. WAR OF 1812—EUROPE AND CANTON 297 Bentzon was informed that the invoice of Astor's part of the cargo amounted to $60,000 and that the freight which would be due on some tobacco and coffee came to more than $27,000. Astor anticipated peace at an early date, and if his prophecy proved correct, or if there seemed to be a possibility of a safe return, the outward proceeds were to be invested in Danish lamb's wool, Russian hare skins, cony wool, hare wool, and looking-glass plates, while the rest of the ship was to be filled up with freight, which should not, however, include any of the above articles. Of course, if the war came to an end, the vessel might go from Europe to China, and for such a contingency full directions were given, which may more appropriately be considered in another place. If the war continued, Bentzon was to use his judgment on the question whether to sell the ship, put her under neutral colors, or adopt some other course. He was advised to consult with Cambreleng and Sieveking, especially with the former. The instructions to Cambreleng may be reserved for later consideration, as they almost entirely concern his actions should the return of peace make possible a voyage direct to China. Curtiss Blakeman was instructed to be guided by Bentzon's orders, and he was thriftily urged, if forced to winter in a port in Europe where copper was cheap, to have &he vessel recoppered and fitted with new sails and cables. Astor continued to write Bentzon, Cambreleng, and Blakeman letters of instruction and advice for about a year, that is, until the summer of 1814. The tenor of them all was to buy Russian hare skins and ship them to America by various means, and, if peace did not come — though Astor insisted that it would — either to sell the Hannibal, or to put her under neutral colors and send her to the United States, provided that a British passport could be obtained. She was on no account to return to the United States under American colors, especially if she had a British passport, which might not protect the ship against even the British, and would certainly expose her to 298 JOHN JACOB ASTOR capture by United States vessels, since the use of British pass-j ports by Americans was forbidden.15 It will be logical for us to leave the Hannibal at Gottenburg, j to wait for peace or some decision on the part of those in charge I as to what should be her disposition, and return to the United! States to discuss another prospective voyage closely connected! with that just mentioned.16 At the same time as the Russian] minister, Andrew Daschkoff, had engaged the Hannibal to take! General Moreau to Gottenburg, he had also arranged to secure] from Astor another vessel for Gottenburg, "to sail as soon asj convenient from any port most agreeable or convenient" to thel New York merchant, with dispatches to the Russian govern-! ment. For this purpose Daschkoff furnished Astor a protection from Admiral Sir John Borlase Warren of the British navy, and] also a Russian pass. Astor determined that this ship should! sail from Charleston, probably because he had 500 bales of] cotton at that port. Consequently, early in June, Astor sent] Joseph Ridgway (who had taken the Hannibal to Cadiz and back early in the year, returning to New York about April 2)17] to Charleston to buy and load a ship and sail to Gottenburg! with the dispatches and their bearer. Astor ordered him toj put 300 or 400 casks of rice on board for ballast and fill the rest! of the space with cotton. If he still needed more, after the! 500 bales had been loaded, he was to secure it through Megrath & Jones of Charleston. But at Charleston unforeseen difficulties arose. It seems thatj some time earlier Astor had agreed with Francis Depau orj Charleston to buy a ship, the Caroline, then at that port, if she! was in good condition and otherwise as represented. The vessefl turned out to be smaller than described, and different also inj other respects. Ridgway, however, who was probably a betted navigator than business man, and quite likely handicapped by the uncertainty of communication with his employer, allowed himself to be inveigled into placing before a committee of arbi- WAR OF 1812 —EUROPE AND CANTON 299 ferators the question of whether he, as Astor's agent, was bound to accept the ship. This committee decided that he must take the Caroline, and Astor was, of course, bound by the agreement *)f his representative. Ridgway was accordingly instructed to broceed at once to Gottenburg and there conduct himself as he should be advised by Bentzon and by C. M. Baumhauer, the fbearer of dispatches. Baumhauer was also to act as super- ifcargo, and was to receive for his services in this capacity a commission of 2J per cent on sales and ii per cent on investments, jlhough if the returns were taken in bills he should receive \ of one per cent only. However, the cargo was consigned to Ridgway, "because," as Astor naively remarked, "it will perhaps Itppear inconsistant, that you should appear as Supercargo, Ikhen realy you are the bearer of dispatches which you'll ready %sic] see does not accord with the Ideas of people not acquainted with business." To the delay caused by the dickering over the Caroline was now added a fresh stay for which the elements were responsible. Astor frantically ordered Ridgway to make haste, lest ffcongress pass a law forbidding the use of British passports by fkmerican vessels and thus subject the Caroline to capture by pJnited States ships. Finally, about July 19, the Russian con- fcd-general, Nicholas Kosloff, "agreed whether for himself or Iriend of his I do not know to take the Ship Caroline at what pie cost." This transfer was probably merely a nominal one. (Consequently, the vessel was to sail under Russian colors, unless described as an American vessel in Baumhauer's Russian passport, when she must go as described. As a matter of fact, :$ne of the counts against the Caroline was that she had no American register. Ridgway and the Caroline, however, were pill in port early in August, and, what is more, the captain had lor some reason failed to put the vessel under Russian colors. The cause of this omission is not stated, but it is altogether possible that he had not received Astor's letter notifying him ■— 3oo JOHN JACOB ASTOR of the sale, or that he had been influenced by the proviso concerning Baumhauer's Russian passport. On August 17 Astor wrote Ridgway not to go to sea, but to land the cargo and lay up the ship. These orders came too late, for the Caroline had already put to sea, on August 12. The misfortune which had dogged this enterprise from the beginning did not now remit its pursuit, for immediately on crossing the bar the ship was captured18 by H. B. M. brig Moselle and a privateer of Nassau, taken into that port, and " Ship & Cargo . . . condemned to the Captors." This was done in the face of Baumhauer's Russian pass and of protections from Admirals Warren and Cockburn, dated April 12 and May 10, respectively.19 Possibly the time which had elapsed between the granting of these passports and the sailing of the ship with those dispatches which they were intended to protect, together with the irregularity or inadequacy of the ship's papers, was the factor responsible for her capture. Ridgway entered an appeal, the prosecution of which Astor entrusted to Baring Brothers & Co., of London. Late in May, 1814, Astor was so sure that the proceeds of the vessel and cargo would be recovered that he ordered Baring Brothers & Co. to pay a certain sum of money therefrom to Alexis Svetch- koff, counsellor of the Russian embassy, who had been concerned to the amount of one-half in the voyage — perhaps he was Kosloff's "friend." However, we hear nothing more about the recovery of any such proceeds in the many letters written to the London firm during the months that followed, and if Astor actually did succeed in obtaining anything he would surely have mentioned the fact. On the other hand, if he had received nothing, it was not like Astor to refrain from constantly urging his correspondents to press the matter more vigorously. Perhaps, however, he realized the quantity of red tape to be untangled in an affair of this kind and was aware that the dignified and responsible London firm would do all in WAR OF 1812 —EUROPE AND CANTON 301 its power for his interests without further urging. It seems probable that, despite the representations of the Russian ministers as to the auspices under which she had sailed, the Caroline proved a dead loss, so far as Astor was concerned. The capture and condemnation of the Caroline, a disappointment even more severe because the vessel had seemed so fully protected against such a contingency, when coupled with the uncertainty as to the final outcome of the Hannibal9s voyage, would have been sufficient cause for Astor's decision to make no further operations in the direction of Europe; while even had the Caroline reached Gottenburg in safety, any intention Astor might have formed of sending more ships to Europe would probably have been dissolved, not only by the very effective British blockade of 1813 and 1814, but still more by the embargo laid by an act of Congress in December, 1813, and not lifted till April of the next year, at which time the nonimportation laws were also repealed and American markets opened, legally, at least, to trade with the neutral world. It was not surprising, then, that in the interim Astor should, as he wrote to his friend Peter Smith on the last day of February, 1814, "withdraw from almost every kind of business & I mean to remain so."20 It was not until midsummer of 1814 that Astor began to make plans for renewing his commercial relations with Europe. In December, 1813, he had some cotton at New Orleans in the hands of William Fleckner, John C. Wederstrandt, and Charles H. Rodbertus; and also some deer skins under the charge of the last-named. Late in November, 1813, he had bought one- eighth of the brig Flirt, which sailed from New York for New Orleans on December 2. Fleckner, or, in his absence, Wederstrandt, was instructed to load Astor's space with 40 bales of cotton, consigned to a firm at Nantes. However, in December, Astor sold 739 bales of the cotton under Fleckner's care to the New York firm of Le Roy, Bayard & McEvers, and later de- 302 JOHN JACOB ASTOR cided to send 40 bales of deer skins to John P. l'Herbette at Bordeaux instead of the same number of bales of cotton to the Nantes firm, and wrote to Rodbertus to that effect, conceding, however, that, if the deer skins had already been sold, cotton might be shipped as previously instructed. Accordingly, "25 pipes shaved Deer Skins" were shipped to Bordeaux early in September, 1814, on the Flirt, which had apparently remained at New Orleans for the better part of a year under command of Samuel Green. L'Herbette was to make returns by the Flirt in cony wool and hare skins, and meanwhile was to insure one- third of the outward cargo, of which the total value probably came to $6,000, at 30 per cent.21 But the sailing of the Flirt was a mere side-issue. On July 22, 1814, in a letter to James Monroe which was principally devoted to urging the necessity of admitting the British "Right of theire coming an Board of aur Ships to take thire Seamen or Subjicts," Astor also stated: "I have at present 2 fine ships in this port I would Licke to employ ane of tham as Cartel hawe[ve]r I have no papers from the British Admiral if one could be employd without I wauld Licke it if government wish a fast Sailing vessel to go as a flag to Europe I can also furnish one."22 A few days later he described himself as doubtful of success in securing permission for a ship, as the State Department had not replied to his offer and the British agent had refused a passport. However, by August 18 the desired permission had been obtained from the government, and one of the several vessels which Astor then had in port was being fitted up to go to Havre de Grace with dispatches, starting probably about the end of the month. The vessel selected was the Fin- gal, "380 Tons, Coppered, and a very fine Ship," which had been built in Newbury, Massachusetts, in 1810,23 and had been intended for the China trade. The captain was John Stanton, a man experienced in the passenger service and described as "one of our most able Commanders." The ship was allowed to WAR OF 1812 —EUROPE AND CANTON 303 carry passengers only. The reason for Astor's obtaining this governmental favor, though at about the same time there were "25 applications before the Secretary of State," was probably, as in similar cases, his ability to assist in raising loans for the government. People flocked to secure accommodations on the Fingal, paying $270 for a passage, everything but bedding found. A teetotaller, however, could save $20, for there was a special rate of $250 for a passenger providing his own liquor. A deposit of $100 was required. The capture and partial destruction of Washington, on August 24, put all thoughts of instructions for the American commissioners in Europe out of the minds of the cabinet, temporarily, at least. Because of this event, the date of sailing was postponed to about September 20. But that date came and went and the Fingal still lay in New York Harbor, awaiting the precious dispatches, an expense to Astor and a source of impatience to the passengers. It was not until October 23, when the Fingal had been ready for sea for nearly two months, that Astor was able to hand Captain Stanton his final orders. These orders were, principally, that, unless peace arrived, the ship should be sold in Havre de Grace if from £6,000 to £8,000 sterling could be secured. If this sum could not be obtained, and if war continued, the captain must take a price somewhat lower, unless passengers and freight could be brought back safely, paying $10,000 or $12,000, or such a sum that the price which could be secured in Europe for the ship was not more than $8,000 above the amount which the freight would bring. If the ship was sold, the proceeds were to be paid to Hottinguer & Co., who were in turn to transmit half to Baring Brothers & Co. and the other half to Thomas Wilson, also of London. Both these firms were asked to assist Captain Stanton in selling the ship or in getting passengers. The Fingal was insured for $20,000 at 4 per cent against all risks but British capture, through Henry Payson & Co., of Baltimore. 304 JOHN JACOB ASTOR Less than a week after the sailing of the Fingal, however, Astor reconsidered his advice to sell the vessel if possible. He had learned in the interim that burr-stone, worth $100 to $120 a ton in the United States, cost only $15 in Europe. A cargo of 200 tons would thus "make from 18 to $20,000." If passengers could also be secured for the return trip and word of the ship's sailing conveyed to London and Liverpool (so that letters might be sent to France to go by the Fingal, at a substantial rate of postage), a return with passengers, letters, and a ballast of burr-stone would be much more profitable than the sale of the ship, unless at least £8,000 or £9,000 sterling could be secured. Stanton was urged to come home at an early date unless there seemed a definite advantage in remaining. Astor wrote to Thomas Wilson asking him to help Stanton, for example, in getting good burr-stone and in securing permission for passengers to come from England, and instructing him, if the ship was to return, to make insurance for £4,500 or £5,000 sterling if at 4 to 5 per cent, for £3,500 sterling if at a higher rate.24 Evidently the captain gained information which led him to believe that peace would soon arrive, and, in anticipation of this event, remained in Europe longer than he would otherwise have done. It was not until March 31, 1815, that the Fingal sailed from Havre de Grace, with a cargo of burr-stones and drygoods consigned to John Jacob Astor and more than a dozen other firms. There were also a number of passengers on board the vessel — some thirty English, Irish, and French in the steerage, and about a dozen cabin passengers, among them a Mr. Purviance, who had gone out in the Fingal with dispatches, and a Mr. Storer, who was on this occasion bearing dispatches from Mr. Crawford.25 The vessel arrived at New York on May 1. Evidently Stanton had managed the voyage with some skill, and it probably turned out profitably. On November 8, soon after the long-delayed departure of the Fingal, the Hannibal,™ which had sailed from New York for WAR OF 1812 —EUROPE AND CANTON 305 Gottenburg in June, 1813, returned to New York. She had, it is said, "been sold to some neutral" in Bremen in the summer of 1814,27 in order that she might safely return to the United States. It seems likely, however, that this was a purely formal and legalistic sale, consummated as a measure of protection, and that the vessel for all practical purposes remained in Astor's ownership. This is indicated by the fact that one newspaper described her as the "Prussian ship Hannibal, Capt. Leisevitz ... 50 days from Bremen, with Iron & an assorted cargo of German goods to C. C. Cambreling. Passengers, Capt. Blakeman, Wm. B. Astor and C. C. Cambreling,"28 another called her uThe Ship Hannibal, Blakeman . . . fifty days from Bremen, with a full cargo, to John J. Astor,29 while a third applied the latter description to the vessel on one day and the first on the next.30 A further proof is the statement in the New York press that the Hannibal, owned by J. J. Astor, cleared for Charleston on March 19, 1815, under command of Joseph Ridgway, whence she went to Le Havre, probably with a cargo of cotton, and was sold there in the fall.31 But her neutral colors had apparently been of small advantage to the Hannibal, as "what is almost wonderful she passed more than 50 ships of war not one of which spoke her." One of the most gratifying features of the voyage, to Astor, was that one of the passengers was his son, William B. Astor, who had been studying in Europe during the preceding four and one-half years. There seems to have been some uncertainty in Astor's own mind as to the commercial results of the voyage. On November 17 and 20, Astor mentioned the "very valuable Cargo," but on the latter date he made this depreciatory statement to Andrew Daschkoff, who had been responsible for the Hannibal's going to Europe in the first place and who seems to have had an interest in her voyage: "now about the Hannibal — the Ship was sold in Europe. Mr. B[entzon] and sundry other merchants here have goods in her on freight, mostly 306 JOHN JACOB ASTOR Glass, Iron & some other german goods not of great value, how the concern will wind up it is at present impossible to tell the expense of the voyage & the [great — stricken through] travelling-expense of Mr. B.[entzon] are as you may judge very great and I have at this moment great doubts whether I shall realise any thing more than the same [sum?] agreed to be paid to you — in the course of 6 or 8 days I may be better able to judge. . . . I have no letter from Mr. B.[entzon, who had remained in Europe] & I believe he is still in hopes to obtain something for the benefit of the concern of the ship." This sounds very much as if Astor were endeavoring to avoid paying Daschkoff any more on account of the Hannibal's voyage than, apparently, had already been given him as gratification for making her trip to Europe possible. Elsewhere Astor does not seem to have the same gloomy opinion as to the probably unprofitable character of the voyage. Three days after his discouraging letter to Daschkoff he stated, "Her Cargo comes to a good Market," and on the same day, "I have done very well in the voyage." On December 5, after part of the cargo had been sold, he was still able to say "the Hannibal . . . has made a pretty good voyage." It is not likely that any sudden fluctuation in the condition of the market accounted for Astor's change of tone. Something of the variety of the Hannibal's cargo is illustrated by an advertisement of December, when many sales had doubtless been made. On December 20, Astor advertised "4 cases elegant Table Cloths and Diapers, 5 do. Hair Cloth, 30,000 lb. Hasen-Clever's Steel, 15,000 do. Halbach's do., 15 casks Madder, 35 casks Card Wire, assorted sizes, 8 bales assorted Satton Wool, 9 do. Hare Wool, 20 bales grey Russian Hare Skins, 23 do Danish Lambs Wool, 70 cases assorted Bohemian Ware, Decanters, Tumblers and Wine Glasses, 12 do each 1500 half pint Tumblers, Westphalian glass, 10 cases each 800 pint do do, 5 do pint and half pint cut glass Tumblers, Bohemian glass, 4 do elegant cut glass Lamps and Lustres, WAR OF 1812 —EUROPE AND CANTON 307 plain glass Lamps and milk glass Lamps, 3 cases ass'd Bohemian Glassware, cut and figured, 3 do elegant cut do for table sets, double flint, 1 do assorted Beads, 1 do Glass Animals, Birds and Fishes for Children, 1 do Morocco Pocket Books, Lancets, &c, 1 do ass'd Lead Pencils, 1 do Fidde [sic] Strings and Bows, 1 do Pill Boxes, 3 small boxes Silver Wire in rings, 3 do Apothecaries Weights, 1 do Lancets and Lancet Blades, 2 do syringes, 1 box night Tapers, 1 case Toys, 1 do Hair Pencils, 1 do Silver Spangles, 1 do Gold and Cotton Paper."32 Something of the value, too, of this cargo is revealed in a letter of November 26 to a Baltimore merchant, in which Astor states, "I believe I shall have the most of the Dry goods which came in the Hannibal sold at auction on account of the lateness of the Season otherwise I would have sent about 70 or 8om$ worth to you." Apparently these public sales took place on November 29 and 30. Among the purchasers were F. Konig and F. Hamner, of Baltimore, who had previously "engaged about $6000 worth of Goods," including some violins and bows. Their purchases, however, finally totalled about $20,000. Astor corresponded with William Smyth of Philadelphia in regard to selling the latter some of his 9,000 or 10,000 "best quality Russian Hare Skins " at $1.10 per skin; also with John Dorr of Boston on the same subject. J. J. Levy of Philadelphia wrote in enquiry about madder (of which Astor had 15,000 lbs.), spring lancets, and hair pencils. Runyon Harris of Baltimore bought two boxes of cony wool and two bales of Danish lamb's wool, of which latter commodity only 4,000 lbs. remained on February 8, 1815. Astor sold looking-glass plates to Bird R. Earp & Co., Philadelphia, and to the firm of William J. Tillman & Charles del Vecchio, and would have liked to dispose of some to the Charleston house of Megrath & Jones. He did not dispose of his goods with sufficient rapidity, however, to escape the natural slump in prices caused by the news of peace, which reached New York on February 11, 1815. To 3o8 JOHN JACOB ASTOR take only one commodity, hare wool, which sold at $12 per lb. in December, 1814, was being offered at $6 in March, 1815. Many of the goods from the cargo of the Hannibal, which were first advertised early in December, 1814, were still being offered for sale more than six months later.33 Astor said, commenting on the effects of peace, "I have many goods on hand some that came by the Hannibal on which a profit was exspected will now bring a heavy loss." Thus Astor's rather disingenuous prophecies of loss by the Hannibal's return voyage were later fulfilled, probably to his surprise. While Astor was engaged in disposing of the cargo of the Hannibal he was also preparing to send another vessel to Southern Europe34 in the wake of the Fingal, but this time to dare the blockade with a cargo instead of going with passengers and a flag of truce. For nearly a year Astor had been awaiting an opportunity to ship some of his furs to Europe. His last fur ship had been the Hannibal, which had left New York in June, 1813. Early in January, 1814, he informed his French correspondent, "Should we have peace soon I have a handsome lot of Deer, Bear & Mink Skins to Ship to you." Four months later he again mentioned these same peltries, which he valued at from $12,000 to $14,000. To these were to be added the furs brought by George Astor from Mackinac in the fall of 1814. Late in November, 1814, Astor had a vessel ready to go to France with these peltries. This vessel was the schooner Boxer, of 275 tons, of which he had become the owner on September 29, 1814 (registered October 26). In April of that year he had been one of twenty-three to own shares in that vessel.35 The Boxer had been built at New York by Henry Eckford in 1813, and had in that year made a voyage from New York to Havana, from Havana to New Orleans, thence to Havana again, and back to New York. The time consumed in making the whole voyage from New York to New York was only thirty days. During this voyage she had "been often chased & out WAR OF 1812 —EUROPE AND CANTON 309 sailed all she met with." She was now to be commanded by "Capt* Boyer a very skilful Schr. Master," carry a crew of 35 men, be armed with "4, 12 pound & 2-6 pound Cannons," and "sail as a Letter of Marque with instructions not to fight unless in self defence." About the middle of December, Astor tried to have her insured through Chandler Price "in a good office at 22§ to 25 pC*. flat or 33 J to return for safe arrival." At the former rate he would like to have the schooner insured for $10,000 and the cargo for $15,000, at the latter to "get ... 15 or $20000 done." At the same time he also tried to insure the vessel and cargo through Henry Payson & Co., of Baltimore. He valued the vessel at $20,000, the cargo at $30,000, and wished from $20,000 to $30,000 on the two, but would not pay 30 per cent premium, nor, indeed, did he think it worth 20 per cent. He would not pay more than 27J per cent, flat, for from $20,000 to $25,000. In this letter he described the Boxer's armament as 6 nine-pounders. He succeeded in getting insurance made at Baltimore at 25 per cent, and later asked that $10,000 additional each on vessel and cargo be secured, and that, in the interests of speed, permission be granted to carry only 4 cannon and "be well provided with small arms." It had been intended to send the vessel about November 20. The date was subsequently postponed because of the non- arrival of the furs from Mackinac, including 14,000 deer skins, and set for a month later. The Boxer's captain, wearied by the long delay, is said to have "taken offence" at something Astor did or said, and threw up his command. Finally, on Christmas Day, 79 packs of furs arrived, and it was determined to wait no longer for the rest, though the 14,000 deer skins had not yet come, but to send the vessel early in January, 1815. On the first of the month, James Clark, the new captain, received his instructions, which were to go directly to Nantes or any more convenient French port, to fight only in self-defence, to communicate, directly on his arrival, with John P. l'Herbette, the 3io JOHN JACOB ASTOR consignee, at Bordeaux or Paris, and to have the ship coppered, if this would not prevent him from returning so as to arrive at New York early in the spring, as Astor wanted to send the Boxer to France again before summer. For the successful performance of these duties, Clark was to receive $500 gratification money on his safe arrival in France ($200 being allotted to each of his mates), $50 per month in wages, and another gratification of $600 on his return to New York. Astor informed the consignee, John P. l'Herbette, of the character of the outward cargo and the form in which he wished the returns to be made. The cargo consisted mostly of Astor's furs: 8,000-10,000 deer skins, 2,000 otters, 1,000 red foxes, 1,000 bears, 1,000 fishers, and 15,000 muskrats. He would have waited for the other peltries, especially the deer skins, to arrive, had he not been afraid that the furs would arrive too late for the Leipsic Fair, where he wished them to be taken for sale. Astor had advertised for "About 25 tons light Freight" to go on the Boxer,ZQ and had secured some cocoa, turmeric, snake root, and wolf skins. He also sent some China root, one-fourth on the account of John Whetten, 10 casks of bark belonging jointly to Astor and Jonathan Ogden, and 89 barrels of potash belonging to Astor alone. Returns were to be made in grey hare skins — of which Astor wanted 20,000 — and in cony wool, with salt for ballast. No more than $20,000 was to be invested unless in hare skins and cony wool, of which an additional $5,000 worth might be purchased. The rest of the vessel was to be filled up with freight at $i5o-$2oo per ton, but if no freight could be secured she was to be loaded with good brandy and silks. Astor repeated to L'Herbette his earlier instructions to Clark concerning coppering the schooner, and also ordered him, if war continued, to ship $2,ooo-$3,ooo worth of copper at 35-40 cents per lb. When the cargo had been sold, L'Herbette was to pay himself from the proceeds whatever was due him, remit £1,000 sterling WAR OF 1812 —EUROPE AND CANTON 311 to Baring Brothers & Co., and purchase some more hare skins with the balance. The Boxer was not to stay in France more than three weeks, as Astor wanted to send her back in the spring of 1815 with another cargo of furs, 4,000 deer skins being then on hand. The Boxer sailed from New York on January 4, 1815, and reached Nantes in safety, but the coming of peace caused several changes in the above-mentioned instructions. On February 21 Astor ordered L'Herbette to ship no hare skins from France, but, if possible, to send 5,000-6,000 from Holland, to ship silks but no salt, and to take freight for New York, unless there was an appearance of war between England and France, in which case he was to make up a large cargo of about $40,000 on Astor's account. The Boxer left Nantes on April 23 and arrived at New York in 34 days, with "dry goods, wine in boxes, ochre, burr-stones, &c, to John Jacob Astor, owner," as well as to half a dozen other mercantile firms. She also brought about a dozen passengers, mostly French.37 The Fingal, it will be recalled, had returned about a month before. This account of ships and voyages almost completes the story of Astor's commercial relations with Europe during the War of 1812. He did, however, have some slight connection with France and England through Canada during that period. Nine casks of cony wool, sent by John P. l'Herbette to Montreal with instructions to transmit the material to Astor if it could not be sold well in Canada, seem to have given Astor a good deal of trouble during the fall of 1814 and the early part of 1815. The 4 casks which remained unsold had reached Albany about the time that the news of peace arrived at New York.38 Early in February, 1815, also, Astor had John Mure & Co., of Quebec, ship to Mrs. Elizabeth Astor, widow of his brother George Astor, at London, by the ship Eweratta, 4 casks of furs, containing 1840 fisher skins, 141 foxes, 19 otters, and 40 minks, to be sold at public sale.39 However, the high points 312 JOHN JACOB ASTOR in Astor's relationship with Europe during the years of the war were the attempts to send the Hannibal, Fingal, Boxer, and Caroline, of which all but the last were successful, though the Hannibal's return voyage does not seem to have turned out advantageously. Badly as Astor's connections with Europe were deranged by the war, his intercourse with China was even more disastrously affected, being, indeed, completely cut off. Astor, for the dozen years before the outbreak of war, had been accustomed to send annually at least one vessel, and sometimes two or more, to the Orient, which would return to New York within twelve months or a little longer; but during the years 1812, 1813, 1814, and 1815 not a single voyage was both commenced and completed. However, in regard to the China trade this statement has been made by Parton: "He [Astor] was remarkably lucky in the war of 1812. All his ships escaped capture, and arriving at a time when foreign commerce was almost annihilated and tea had doubled in price, his gains were . . . immense."40 It is true that none of his China ships were captured, but to infer from this that any Canton voyages were completed during the war would be incorrect. The Lark, which left New York in the spring of 1813 for the North West Coast and thence to China, escaped capture but not shipwreck. No other Astor vessel sailed from New York for the Pacific until nearly two years later, when the brig Macedonian got away just before peace arrived. The Beaver was laid up at Canton from early in 1813 to the fall of 1815 because of the war. It is obvious, then, that Parton does not mean that Astor continued anything approximating the ordinary course of the China trade during the war. What he does mean is that during the first year of the war Astor had the good fortune to receive two cargoes of tea from China, despite the British cruisers.41 The first Astor ship from China to arrive during the war was the Enterprise, Astor's first North West Coast vessel, which m^BSM WAR OF 1812 —EUROPE AND CANTON 313 had left New York in the fall of 1809 and had spent the next two years trading between the North West Coast and Canton, and which arrived at New York on June 21,1812. She brought a cargo of teas, silks, china, etc., both to her owner and as freight to four other New York mercantile houses. She had been spoken on June 19 — the day after the declaration of war — by H. B. M. sloop Tartarus, but was treated politely,42 since word of war had, of course, not yet reached the British naval officers on duty near the American coast. The next vessel was the Hannibal, a large ship of 522 tons, which had been built by Henry Eckford at New York in 1810.43 On August 11,1812, the Boston firm of Bryant & Sturgis, writing to a Philadelphia correspondent "for the result of the Canton Sales," remarked that they presumed "the prices will be pretty good as no more Ships (Hannibal excepted) come this year & next season they will all be taken."44 There seems to be something unusual about the way in which this vessel came under Astor's ownership. On August 25, 1812, he made insurance on her cargo from Canton to New York through John Dorr, for $4,000, at the heavy war-time premium of 50 per cent. Her captain was a Mr. Hunt.45 However, the vessel was registered for the first time as belonging to Astor on October 8, 1812.46 It seems probable that the Hannibal's original owner grew panicky at the thought that his vessel with her rich China cargo might be captured, and consequently insured himself against loss by selling out to Astor while the ship was still on the return voyage, doubtless at only a small advance on the original investment. Astor's luck was with him, and the Hannibal with her rich Oriental cargo came safely to port, probably early in October, 1812. Astor's principal connection with the China trade during the war was, then, the sale of his importations by the Enterprise and the Hannibal. These goods were advertised chiefly over a period of about two years from the late fall of 1812. Teas, 3H JOHN JACOB ASTOR china, nutmegs, and cassia were offered for sale in November, 1812, China silks in February, 1813, china in March and until June. Teas, china, cassia, silks, and nankeens all appeared in March, this advertisement continuing till the fall. Again in November, 1813, teas were especially stressed, and evidently sold well,, judging from the great decrease in the quantities offered in an advertisement which began in April, 1814, and ran through the rest of the year, and which also mentioned china and cassia. Nankeens also were offered separately and in decreasing quantities throughout the last half of 1814. Some few chests of tea, sets of china, etc., the remainders of these cargoes, were still on sale at the end of the war, and even for some months thereafter.47 Fortunately we have a better source than the newspapers for Astor's methods of disposing of his China goods during the war,48 namely, his letter book for 1813-15. These methods probably did not differ materially from those employed in time of peace, save that, of course, re-exportations were impossible and, under the circumstances, unnecessary. The latter part of 1813 was a gala season for those who, like Astor, possessed stores of tea. It was no exaggeration to say that during this period tea "doubled in price." Astor's tea was principally hyson, which he shipped for sale to Joshua and William Lippincott, of Philadelphia, Henry Payson & Co., of Baltimore, John Dorr, of Boston, Charles H. Rodbertus, of New Orleans, and Megrath & Jones, of Charleston. The last two were to invest the proceeds in cotton. At the beginning of this period Astor instructed his correspondents to sell hyson at $1.75 per lb. During July, August, and September the price steadily advanced till it was more than $2.00. At the end of August there was in New York no young hyson or gunpowder (superior varieties of green tea), and only about 1,000 chests each of hyson (a medium variety) and souchong (one of the better grades of black tea). Girard was asking $1.50 for hyson WAR OF 1812 —EUROPE AND CANTON 315 skin (inferior to hyson), and had been offered $1.25 for his 1,300 chests. Of this grade there were only about 4,000 chests in Philadelphia, 9,000 in New York, and none in Baltimore. Speculation now took the lead over scarcity in advancing the price of teas, the passage of an embargo act caused an additional 25 per cent advance, and late in December, 1813, the worst of hyson was selling at $3.25, cash, "double the price," Astor lamented, " at which I sold nearly all I had." For his tea in Charleston and New Orleans, farther from the immediate [source of supply, Astor demanded even higher prices. Astor seems to have had some difficulty in preventing his agents from selling below the market, as he occasionally reproved them for disregarding his instructions, and, indeed, seems to have dropped the Lippincotts for that reason. Astor appears, however, to have been rather too optimistic. As tea prices soared, Astor began to sell less and less. The price had by this time become largely speculative, based upon no consumers' demand, and could not, consequently, be long maintained. The inevitable slump came between 1813 and 1814, and was due partly to unfounded reports of early prospects of peace, partly to a shortage of funds. Even the passage of the Embargo Act in December could not cause more than a temporary continuance of the rise in prices. Astor had resumed sales shortly before the crash, and had stated on December 20 that his stock was getting low, but doubtless he spoke comparatively, for on January 9 he mentioned having "yet some considerable tea on hand." By this time hyson had slumped about a dollar per pound, that is, to $2.30. Astor, however, believed prices would rise and held his goods. His expectations were not immediately fulfilled. Rumors of peace and scarcity of money continued to depress prices of merchandise. The repeal of the Embargo and Non- Importation Acts in April, 1814, caused a temporary decline in prices of 50 per cent, though this downward trend was later 316 JOHN JACOB ASTOR somewhat checked by Admiral Cochrane's declaration of a blockade on the whole American coast. Late in April, Astor had "about 200 to $250000 worth of Goods on hand which cannot be sold only to sacrifice." In the next month, although certain brief flurries in the tea market caused Astor to insist that he expected a rise in prices, hyson tea suffered another serious decline. Indeed, it sank below the level not only of the speculative prices of late 1813, but even of the more normal prices of the early part of that year, at one time touching $1.00. Yet even this was a war-time price, which indicates something of the profits when teas were at the peak of $3.25 per lb. These low prices represented as extreme a swing of the pendulum as had the high ones of six months before, and could not long be maintained. Consequently, since peace did not come, the prices of China goods began to rise again, till by the middle of October, 1814, hyson was at a price nearly equal to the highest of the previous year; and Astor, who had hitherto been inclined to hold his goods — he had even broken his rule against speculation and ordered his Baltimore agent to invest in nankeens, as he had also done the previous year — was almost ready to sell at $3.00. This price was really too high, however, and the market began to slide. Astor finally decided to sell, and just as he reached this resolution a large Minturn & Champlin ship arrived at Newport, Rhode Island, from Canton, with a cargo valued at half a million,49 including 2,400 chests of tea. The price of tea was consequently depressed 25 per cent. Astor had intended, in case a tea ship should arrive, to buy "the whole of the Hyson or a great part of it," to maintain the market, but had not learned of this ship in time to do so. So, late in November, he ordered his agents to sell out, practically at what they could get, allowing the unusual leeway — for him — of i2§ cents in the pound, since, as he said, "I am out of patience to hold it longer." WAR OF 1812 —EUROPE AND CANTON 317 In this decision he was wise, for, with the approach of peace, merchandise of all kinds went into a decline, which, of course, became sharper when the good news finally arrived. Astor felt that, since no tea ships could arrive for 10 or 12 months, tea could not fall much lower. Still, he would sell hyson at $1.87}. Late in February, 1815, he was ready to confirm his opinion by investing $io,ooo-$i 5,000 through John Dorr in teas of various kinds, hyson at $1.25, and the cheaper teas in proportion. Had peace been delayed a few months longer, Astor's profits from his two China cargoes would probably have been even greater. But in view of the spread during this period between high and low prices for hyson tea — $3.25 and $1.00 — both of these being war-time prices, it is clear that Astor, who purchased these teas during peace at a much lower rate, could hardly complain when the cessation of war again made it possible for him to resume the China trade under normal conditions. Of course teas were not the only kind of China goods in which Astor was interested during the War of 1812. Henry Payson & Co., of Baltimore, and Charles H. Rodbertus, of New Orleans, had some nankeens from him to sell on commission, James Daniel, of Albany, bought over $7,000 worth of chinaware, and Hoffman & Glass, late in 1814, were ordered to auction off a miscellaneous assortment of goods from China and elsewhere which included 2,000 lbs. of cassia and 100 bags of pepper. Nevertheless, tea was definitely his main interest. But although Astor's chief connection with the China trade during the War of 1812 was in disposing of the goods imported from Canton during the first year of the conflict, his activities were not entirely restricted to this field. The Lark and the Forester, which had left New York and London, respectively, in the spring of 1813, were intended ultimately to reach Canton, though their immediate destination was the North West 318 JOHN JACOB ASTOR Coast. The "original object" of the Hannibal's sailing from New York for Gottenburg, in June, 1813, under British protection 50 was not, according to Astor's own statement, the conveyance of General Moreau to the assistance of Czar Alexander, nor even the transportation of Astor's furs to a market, but rather the provision of a vessel in Europe for Cambreleng, the Hannibal's supercargo, to take to Canton the moment peace was declared. If Denmark made peace with England, Astor's Danish son-in-law, Bentzon, might put the ship under his country's flag and go to Canton despite the continuance of hostilities between the United States and Great Britain. If Cambreleng did go to Canton he was to buy two or three ships and load with tea. He was to send them to separate ports, such as New York, Boston, and Baltimore, so as not to glut the market in any one city. Moreover, he was not to bring such teas as Astor already had in stock. As a side-issue he might send a brig or schooner from Canton with a small cargo for Astoria, carrying instructions to keep the news of peace secret, buy up the cargoes of American fur-trading vessels on the North West Coast, and bring the peltries to Canton for sale. Astor was of the opinion that there was something to be said for sending a neutral vessel to Canton with word of peace, as an American might be delayed by British cruisers, even if finally released. He also stated that the Hannibal should not go to Canton unless word of peace was received soon after it took place, but that "this ought not to prevent Mr. Cambreleng to make a push for C[anton] in a small & fast sailing vessel. . . and should he get there first he may do something handsome." However, all this advice fell on stony soil, for the Hannibal grew tired of waiting for peace and came home under neutral colors with Cambreleng on board. Accordingly, no ship was left to go to Canton from Europe with news of peace, though even after peace had finally come Astor was not quite certain that Bentzon had not sent a vessel to Canton. r WAR OF 1812 —EUROPE AND CANTON 319 Of course, during the entire period of the war Astor was in continual correspondence with Captain Sowle and other officers of the Beaver, blockaded at Canton; we have already considered the situation of this vessel in dealing with the Astoria enterprise. In this connection, too, it will be remembered that in the fall of 1813 Astor attempted with Russian assistance to send the Enterprise under Daniel Greene to the North West [Coast, ostensibly to supply the Russian factory at New Archangel, actually with the primary purpose of reinforcing Astoria and taking the Pacific Fur Company's peltries to a safe place and eventually to Canton. This plan, it will be recalled, failed [because of the well-grounded suspicions of the British naval officers in the squadron blockading New York. We have some evidence that at about this same time, or a little later, Astor was also considering an attempt to get past ithe blockade with a vessel intended to go directly to China.51 I In the latter part of November, 1813, Minturn & Champlin were planning a similar attempt with three schooners, which eventually reached their destination. In October and November, Astor was buying ginseng through Henry Payson & Co., of Baltimore, and John W. Hunt, of Lexington, Kentucky, ordering some 30,000-40,000 lbs. in all, which could be intended If or no other market than Canton. Astor found, he said, that [Minturn & Champlin had "bought up all the Ginsang," but \M he did succeed in securing any himself, unless he disposed of m to the same firm, it probably remained on his hands, for in [December he wrote to John Hunt that the Embargo Act, [passed that month, would prevent the ginseng speculation. But before this restriction had gone into effect, he did succeed [in making a shipment to China by the Sphynx 52 (variously [described as a brig and as a schooner), which was commanded py William Brevoort, probably Henry Brevoort's brother, who pater commanded Astor ships. This consignment consisted of five hogsheads of otter skins, valued at $10,000, He requested 320 JOHN JACOB ASTOR Daniel Stansbury to sell these peltries for him and invest the proceeds in a sufficient quantity of silks to fill up a one-ton room in the vessel, purchasing with the residue short yellow nankeens, to be held for further orders. A difference of opinion arose, however, as to when Astor should pay the $450 freight for the transportation of these silks; Brevoort insisted that payment must be made at Canton at the latest, while Astor would agree to nothing but that he should pay on the Sphynx's return to New York. Consequently, Astor ordered Stansbury to invest the proceeds from the otter skins in long or short nankeens, whichever were the lower. The Sphynx sailed from New Bedford on December 12, 1813, and in the next fall Astor tried to insure his skins on board for $5,000, "if to be had at 15 pCt flat or 25 to return 15 for safe arrival," through Henry Payson & Co., who demanded "much too high" a premium, and on the next day word came that the Sphynx had reached Canton in safety. It has been stated that on her arrival at Whampoa early in May, 1812, she was attacked and captured by H. B. M. S. Doris, which, however, was almost immediately forced to give her up, but it seems probable that this actually occurred to another schooner. At any rate the Sphynx sailed from Canton on January 3, 1815. Doubtless Astor's otter skins had found a good market.53 During most of 1814 Astor was, as he had said early in the year, " almost out of business, as I do not wish to speculate & there is nothing else to be done." Later he remarked, "I am doing nothing which I find is best."54 However, at the very time when he was beginning to prepare for sending the ship Fingal and the schooner Boxer to Europe, he also commenced to lay plans for dispatching one or more vessels to China. The only one which sailed before the news of peace reached America was the brig Macedonian.^ This vessel was of 407 tons burden, and had been built in Chatham, Connecticut, in 1814. She was registered at Middletown on November 1 of that year,56 and WAR OF 1812 —EUROPE AND CANTON 321 iwas "considered by all hands one of the fastest sailing vessels Kn the World." Astor purchased her about December 13,1814, (paying $27,000 cash. He then had her coppered and otherwise Ifitted out at an expense which brought her total cost up to $4o,ooo-$45,ooo. It was Astor's intention to load her with a icargo worth about $30,000, consisting of about $10,000 in Iginseng and the rest mostly in furs. Late in December and {early in January he was enquiring of Henry Payson & Co. at {Baltimore, and of William Wain, for ginseng, and the furs were I those from Mackinac, which were better suited for the Canton fehan for the French market. Astor did not insure the vessel, fbut trusted that she would avoid capture by her swiftness. He [did, however, offer a one-fourth interest in the voyage to D. A. Smith, of Baltimore, though that merchant did not see fit to ! accept, despite Astor's exposition of the possible profits. Astor explained that the $30,000 worth of cargo would in Canton Iproduce about $50,000. This with about $30,ooo-$4o,ooo Imore — either from the funds of the ship Beaver or from a bill on Baring Brothers & Co. — would be invested in teas and lother China goods. If the vessel completed the voyage safely land war continued, "she will clear $300000 — if Peace she will pclear 150 to 200m" — a not too unprofitable enterprise even at the worst. When we consider the low rate at which furs were [procured in barter from the Indians, we have no difficulty in peeing how Astor made his fortune out of the difference in value between the trade-goods which he exchanged for furs with the Indians and the China goods, purchased with the peltries, Iwhich he disposed of in America, the West Indies, and the Mediterranean. The Macedonian, under the command of Curtiss Blakeman, Jthe man who had taken the Hannibal to Europe, put to sea on January 14, 1815, in company with the frigate President, commanded by Stephen Decatur, and other vessels belonging to Ihe United States navy, which were bound for the Pacific, 322 JOHN JACOB ASTOR where they intended to attack British shipping. It has been said that the Macedonian was to accompany this fleet as a store-ship,57 and it may have been through this device that Astor's brig was allowed to sail under the protection of the naval vessels. The President, as is well known, fell in with the British blockading squadron and after a desperate encounter was forced to surrender. Astor at first felt that the speed of his brig had probably taken her safely beyond pursuit, but early in February he began to feel apprehensions as to her fate, which became a gloomy certainty a month after she had sailed, on which date he informed a correspondent, "I lost my fine brig the Macedonian as you will see by the papers being captured 3 days after the President in consequence of having lost her fore Mast." Astor therefore wrote to merchants in various British ports where the vessel might have been taken, requesting that the brig be bought in for him at £5,000 sterling and the ginseng at 40 cents per lb. Early in March, however, on the arrival of Decatur and the other officers of the President, there appeared to be some doubt of the Macedonian's capture, since the officers testified that the brig had sailed 3 miles to the President's 2 and that a British sloop-of-war sent in pursuit had returned unaccompanied. Decatur was even willing to interest himself in the vessel to the amount of $7,000. The Commodore would have been quite safe in making such an investment, for the Macedonian arrived at Canton on July 3,58 having, it is said, been "chased several days on her outward passage by a British frigate, which frigate arrived at Canton 4 days after the arrival of the M with the news of peace."59 She made the outward passage in the very short space of 169 days or less, and must have been one of the first, if not the first, of American vessels to reach Canton after the treaty of peace, thereby living up to her reputation for swiftness. The sailing of the Macedonian ended Astor's attempts to maintain relations with Canton under war-time conditions. WAR OF 1812 —EUROPE AND CANTON 323 NOTES 1. New-York Gazette and General Advertiser, 1803-1812, passim. 2. Ms., Library of Congress, New York Customs Records, J. J. Astor, Joseph, March 8, 1805; John Jacob Astor, ship Young Factor, Gault, December 2, 1807. 3. Columbian Centinel (Boston), March 12, p. 3, col. 1. It is evident from later developments that the statement in another Boston paper of the same date that the "Ship Powhattan, from Bordeaux for N. York, is sent into Portsmouth, E." is an error (New-England Palladium (Boston), March 12,1813, p. 2, col. 5). For one thing, the Powhattan was not, technically speaking, a ship, but a schooner; for another, she was sold at New York in the fall of that year during the spring of which she is above described as having been sent to England as a prize. 4. Ms., New York Custom House, New York Register, April 27- October 28, 1813, no. 121, September 28, 1813. 5. The mention of this schooner, which made a voyage to Europe during the War of 1812, calls to mind one of the many anecdotes concerning John Jacob Astor, and one which sounds more authentic than most. In the words of the narrator: "During the war of 1812 he [Astor] was largely engaged in the tea trade. He also fitted out several blockade runners for Gibraltar. An eminent minister of this city at that time was a clerk in Mr. Astor's store. He relates the following incident. A schooner was purchased, and was to be loaded and cleared in twenty-four hours. It was a case that required despatch. The whole force of the establishment was at work, Mr. Astor among them. The loading began on Saturday morning. At ten o'clock at night Mr. Astor said to the company, 'Now, boys, all knock off. Come early to-morrow morning, and we'll finish up the work.' Turning to the clerk, whom he knew to be a pious young man, he said, 'You need not come to-morrow. I am glad we have one Christian among us. You go to church, and pray for us poor sinners hard at work.'" (Smith, Matthew Hale, Sunshine and Shadow in New York (1868), p. 116.) It is impossible to assert dogmatically that this incident did or did not occur, but there is nothing inherently unlikely in its nature. At any rate it gives us some idea of the stories which were in circulation concerning Astor at a time when many who had known him personally, including his own son, were still alive. 6. Ms., New York Custom House, New York Register, November 9, 1810-January 18, 1811, no. 605, December 29, 1810. 7. New-York Gazette and General Advertiser, March 29, 1813, p. 2, col. 5. Ibid., April 12, 1813, p. 2, col. 2. -.^?rt—^- 3H JOHN JACOB ASTOR 9. Ibid., November 11, 1812, p. 3, col. 2; February 23, 1813, p. 1, col. 3, p. 3, col. 2; March 30, 1813, p. 1, col. 3; June 21, 1813, p. 1, col. 2, p. 3, col. 4; November 13,1813, p. 1, col. 3; December 2,1813, p. 2, col. 4; April 20, 1814, p. 3, col. 3; May 31, 1814, p. 1, col. 4; June 23,1814, p. 1, col. 5; July 1,1814, p. 1, col. 2; September 30,1814, p. 3, col. 4; October 22, 1814, p. 1, col. 6; November 12, 1814, p. 1, col. 5. 10. Ms. book, Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letter Book i, 1813-15, p. 218, John Jacob Astor, N. Y, May 18, 1814, to Thomas Wilson, London. 11. Ibid., p. 7, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., June 28, 1813, to James Munroe [sic]. 12. [Armstrong, William], The Aristocracy of New York (1848), p. 5. 13. Ms., New York Historical Society, Astor Papers, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., June 13, 1813, to David Parrish [sic], Philadelphia. A touch of humor is added to this letter by Astor's requesting Parish to remind Moreau to leave Astor his gardener. 14. Ms. book, Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letter Book i, 1813-15, p. 7, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., June 28, 1813, to James Munroe [sic]. 15. Ibid., pp. 1-2, 20-21, 102, 115, 133-134, 156-157, 208-209, 2°9, 214, 242-243, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., June 19 (see below, vol. i, pp. 533- 536), July 13, November 11, 27, December 13,1813, January 5, May 7, 7, 14, July 11, 1814, to A. B. Bentzon; pp. 4,4-5,15, 21-22, 24,92,101-102, 186-187, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., June 20 (see below, vol. i, pp. 536-538), 21 (see below, vol. i, pp. 538-539), July 9, 14, 16, October 30, November 11,1813, February 22,1814, to C. C. Cambreleng; pp. 4,102,183-184, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., June 19, November 11,1813, February 17,1814, to Curtiss Blakeman; p. 93, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., November 2,1813, to John H. Sieveking. 16. All information concerning this abortive voyage, unless another origin is specifically mentioned, has been derived from the source which follows: ms. book, Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letter Book i, 1813-15, pp. 9, 11, 12, 14, 15-16, 16, 17, 19, 22, 27, 28-29, 38> 38-39, 9°, IQ8, no, 115, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., June 22, July 3, 5, 8,10, 12,13, 13, 14, 19, 20, August 17, October 30, November 15, 17, 27, 1813, to Joseph Ridgway; pp. 13, 17-18, 28-29, 39, 139, 155, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., July 4, 13 (see below, vol. i, pp. 539-541), 20, August 18, December 11, 1813, January 5, 1814, to C. M. Baumhauer; pp. 12, 22, 38, 39, 86, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., July 5, 14, August 17, 18, October 28, 1813, to Megrath & Jones, Charleston, S. C; pp. 20-21,133, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., July 13, December 13, 1813, to A. B. Bentzon; pp. no, 116, 136, John Jacob Astor, N. Y, November 16, 27, December 16, 1813, to Bain & Webster, Nassau, New Providence; pp. 215-216, 230, 232, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., May 16, 27, 30, 1814, to Alexis Svertchkoff; pp. 134, 159-160, 181, 217, 228, 232, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., December 12,1813, January 6, Febru-; ftm/mim imm mtj^ f#ryiiirtii^ WAR OF 1812 —EUROPE AND CANTON 325 ary 10, May 17, May 25, May 30, 1814, to Baring Brothers & Co., London. 17. New-York Gazette and General Advertiser, April 12,1813, p. 2, col. 2. 18. Ibid., August 23, 1813, p. 2, col. 4; December 6, 1813, p. 2, col. 4. 19. The Weekly Register, vol. iv, August 21, 1813, p. 402. 20. Ms. book, Baker Library, Letter Book i, 1813-15, pp. 188-189, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., February 28, 1814, to Peter Smith. 21. Ibid., pp. 124,127,129, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., December 1, 4, 9, 1813, to William Fleckner, New Orleans; pp. 127, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., December 4,1813, to John C. Wederstrandt, New Orleans; pp. 244- 245, 285-287, 310-311, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., July 13, September 18, October 5 (see below, vol. i, pp. 568-570), 1814, to John P. Lherbette, Bordeaux; p. 263, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., August 24, 1814, to Charles H. Rodbertus, New Orleans; p. 318, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., October 15, 1814, to Samuel Green. 22. Ms., New York Public Library, Monroe Papers, John Jacob Astor, [ N. Y., July 22,1814, to James Monroe (see below, vol. i, pp. 558-560). 23. Ms., New York Custom House, New York Register, June 15- December 31, 1814, no. 41, October 21, 1814. 24. Ms. book, Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letter Book i, 1813-15, p. 259, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., August 18, 1814, to John Gill; p. 261, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., August 20,1814, to John Dorr, Boston; pp. 265, 280, 304, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., August 25, September 13, October 5, 1814, to Richard Forrest; pp. 271-272, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., September 1, 1814, to John Whetten; pp. 273-274, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., September 5, 1814, to F. de Masson; p. 276, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., September 8, 1814, to P. Hyde de Neuville; p. 279, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., September 12, 1814, to Thomas St. John; pp. 279-280, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., September 13, 1814, to G. Tibbe; p. 297, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., September 29, 1814, to James Monroe; pp. 313, 318, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., October 13, 17, 1814, to John Graham; p. 327, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., October 23,1814, to Baring Brothers & Co., London; p. 337, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., October 27, 1814, to Sullivan Dorr; pp. 325, 325-326,339,344,345,414 and 416, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., October 23, 23 (see below, vol. i, pp. 571-573), 28, 30, 30, December 31, 1814, to John Stanton; pp. 328-330, 339-340, 345-346, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., October 23, 28, November 1,1814, to Thomas Wilson, London; pp. 331, 338, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., October 24 (see below, vol. i, pp. 573-575), 28, 1814, to Henry Payson & Co., Baltimore; p. 335, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., October 23, 1814, to Hottinguer & Co., Paris. 25. New-York Gazette and General Advertiser, May 2, 1815, p. 2, col. 3. 26. Ms. book, Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letter Book i, 1813-15, PP- 255> 355-356, 370, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., August 12, November 23, 26, 1814, to John Dorr, Boston; pp. 351-352, 378, John Jacob Astor, 326 JOHN JACOB ASTOR November 20, December 2,1814, to D. A. Smith, Baltimore; p. 353, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., November 17, 1814, to Robert Stuart; pp. 352, 370, 373, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., November 20, 26/ 29, to Henry Payson & Co., Baltimore; p. 355, 376, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., November 23, 30, to Baring Brothers & Co., London; pp. 351, 509, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., November 20,1814, March n, 1815, to Andrew Daschkoff; pp. 375, 383, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., November 29, December 5, 1814, to George Astor; pp. 369, 405-406, 491, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., November 26, December 24, 1814, March 2, 1815, to William Smyth, Philadelphia; p. 392, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., December 13,1814, to J. J. Levy, Philadelphia; p. 464, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., February 8, 1815, to Runyon Harris, Baltimore; p. 475, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., February 16, 1815, to Megrath & Jones, Charleston; p. 507, John Jacob Astor, N. Y, March 10, 1815, to Bird R. Carp & Co., Philadelphia. 27. Ms., New York Custom House, New York Register, April 27- October 28, 1813, no. no, June 18, 1813. "Surrendered to the American Consul at Bremen Vessel sold to Foreigners." 28. New-York Gazette and General Advertiser, November 9, 1814, p. 2, col. 3; November 10, 1814, p. 2, col. 4. 29. New York Spectator, November 9, 1814, p. 3, col. 3. 30. New York Evening Post, November 8, 1814, p. 3, col. 3. 31. New-York Gazette and General Advertiser, March 20, 1815, p. 2, col. 3; October 21, 1815, p. 2, col. 3. 32. Ibid., December 20, 1814, p. 1, col. 3. 2,2>> Ibid., June 30, 1815, p. 2, col. 6. 34. Ms. book, Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letter Book i, 1813-15, pp. 155, 206-207, 285-287, 397, 411-413, 418-419, 419, 427, 481-482, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., January 6, May 6, September 18, December 16, 31, 1814, January 2, 8, February 21, 1815, to John P. Lherbette, Bordeaux; p. 375, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., November 29, 1814, to George Astor; pp. 386, 395, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., December 10, 15, 1814, to Chandler Price, Philadelphia; pp. 298-299, 396-397, 403, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., September 30 (see below, vol. i, pp. 566-568), December 16, 23, 1814, to Henry Payson & Co., Baltimore; p. 399, John Jacob Astor, N. Y, December 19,1814, to Joseph Boyer; pp. 403, 406, 409, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., December 23, 25, 29, 1814, to Trotter & Douglass, Albany; p. 409, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., December 29, 1814, to William Smyth, Philadelphia; pp. 417-418, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., January 1, 1815, to James Clark, N. Y. (see below, vol. i, pp. 579-581). 35. Ms., New York Custom House, New York Register, June 15- December 31,1814, no. 42, October 26,1814; ibid., no. 8, April 1,1814. 36. New-York Gazette and General Advertiser, December 20, 1814, p. 1, col. 1. 37. Ibid., June 2, 1815, p. 2, col. 2. r^r^rif^nm WAR OF 1812 —EUROPE AND CANTON 327 2,8. Ms. book, Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letter Book i, 1813-15, pp. 349, 405, 423, 450, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., November n, December 24, 1814, January 6, 30, 1815, to McTavish, McGillivrays & Co., Montreal; pp. 349, 424, John Jacob Astor, Washington, November n, 1814, N. Y., January 6, 1815, to Robert Stuart; pp. 397, 413, 482, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., December 16,31,1814, February 21,1815, to John P. Lherbette, Bordeaux. 39. Ibid., p. 456, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., February 3, 1815, to Mrs. Elizabeth Astor, London. 40. Parton, James, Life of John Jacob Astor (1865), p. 58. 41. Ibid., p. 69. 42. New-York Gazette and General Advertiser, June 22, p. 3, col. 2. 43. Morrison, John H., History of New York Ship Yards (1909), pp. 46-47. 44. Ms. book, Widener Library, Harvard University, Bryant & Sturgis, Letter Book, October 17, 1811-January 15, 1814, Bryant & Sturgis, Boston, August n, 1812, to Grant, Philadelphia. 45. Ms. book, Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston, Boston Marine Insurance Company Records, vol. T, no. 4624, August 25, 1812. 46. Ms. book, New York Custom House, New York Register, April 3- October 27, 1812, no. 224, October 8, 1812. 47. New-York Gazette and General Advertiser, November 11,1812, p. 3, col. 2; February 23,1813, p. 1, col. 3; March 30,1813, p. 1, col. 3; June 21, 1813, p. 1, col. 2; November 13, 1813, p. 1, col. 3; May 31, 1814, p. 1, col. 4; June 23,1814, p. 1, col. 5; November 12,1814, p. 1, col. 5; March 31, 1815, p. 2, col. 4; June 30, 1815, p. 2, col. 6. 48. Ms. book, Baker Library, Letter Book i, 1813-15, pp. 10, 24, 32, 35, 41,42, 48, 53-54, 54, 63, 64, 83, 88, 95, 96, 99,105, 112-113,120, 131, 131, 132, 134, 136, 142, 143-144, 147, 160, 162-163, 201, 204-205, 209, 211, 237, 273, 275, 298, 299, 314, 316, 317, 331, 338, 342, 371, 380, 381- 382, 386, 484, 501, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., July 2, 16, August 6, 12, 21, 23, September 6, 17, 18, 30, October 2, 13, 18, 25, 29, November 3, 5, 9, 12, 19, 29, December 10, 12, 13, 14, 16, 20, 21, 24, 1813, January 7, 10, April 29, May 4 (see below, vol. i, pp. 556-557), 7, n, June 13, September 3, 5, 3° (see below, vol. i, pp. 566-568), October 13, 15, 17, 24 (see below, vol. i, pp. 573-575), 28, 29, November 27, December 4, November [December] 5, 9,1814, February 22, March 6, 1815, to Henry Payson & Co., Baltimore; pp. 14, 29-30, 34, 36, 37, 42, 44, 48, 54, 56, 63, 89, 96, 128, 137, 162, 206, 216-217, 235, 347, 409, 478, 486-487, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., July 7, 20, August 10, 13, 16, 23, 26, 30, September 6, August [September] 17, 24, October 1, 30, November 5, December 8, 16, 1813, January 9, May 5, 17, June 8, November 1, December 29, 1814, February 18, 25,1815; pp. 10, 24-25, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., July 2,16, 1813, to Joshua Lippincott, Philadelphia; pp. 34,36,49, 50, 54, 56,63, 73, 328 JOHN JACOB ASTOR 95,96,105,114,142, John Jacob Astor, N. Y, August 10,14, September 7, 8, 18, 28, 30, October 13, November 3, 5, 9,12, 24, December 20, 1813, to William Lippincott, Philadelphia; pp. 26-27,3°, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., July 19, 21, 1813, to Jacob Idler, Philadelphia; pp. 30, 130, 142, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., July 21, December 10, 20, 1813, to Charles H. Rodbertus, New Orleans; pp. 86, 131-132, 134, 137, 320, 371, 400, 470, 503, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., October 28, December 12, 14, 16, 1813, October 20, November 27, December 19, 1814, February 13, March 7, 1815; p. 37, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., August 16, 1813, to MacDonald & Ridgely, Baltimore; pp. 91, 99, 109, 233, 291; John Jacob Astor, N. Y., October 30, November 8, 15, 1813, June 4, September 26, 1814, to James Daniel, Albany; pp. 133-134, 208, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., December 13, 1813, May 7, 1814, to A. B. Bentzon; p. 144, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., December 21,1813, to John W. Hunt, Lexington, Ky.; pp. 373, 385, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., November 28, December 7, 1814, to Hoffman & Glass; pp. 277, 445, 453-454, 470, 480, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., September 8,1814, January 27, February 12,13, 21,1815, to Dudley Walsh & Co. 49. Niles Weekly Register, October 29, 1814, vol. vii, p. 128. 50. Ms. book, Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letter Book i, 1813-15, pp. 1-2, 156-157, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., June 19, 1813 (see below, vol. i, pp. 533-536), January 5, 1814, to A. B. Bentzon; pp. 4-5, 5-6, 21- 22, 24, 186-187, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., June 20 (see below, vol. i, PP- 536-538), 21 (see below, vol. i, pp. 538-539), July *4,16,1813, February 22, 1814, to C. C. Cambreleng; p. 103, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., November 10, 1813, to Cornelius Sowle, Canton; pp. 102, 183-184, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., November n, 1813, February 17, 1814, to Curtiss Blakeman; pp. 493-494, John Jacob Astor, March 3, 1815, to Daniel Stansbury, Canton. 51. Ibid., pp. 105, 106, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., November 12, October [November] 13, 1813, to Henry Payson & Co., Baltimore; pp. 102, 144, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., November n, December 21, 1813, to John W. Hunt, Lexington, Ky.; p. 106, John Jacob Astor, November 13, 1813, to John Dorr, Boston. 52. Ibid., pp. in-112,123, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., November 17,30, 1813, to Daniel Stansbury, Canton; pp. 113,120, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., November 19, 29, 1813, to William Brevoort; pp. 122-123, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., November 30,1813, to John Whetten; p. 149, John Whetten, New Bedford, Mass., December 13, 1813, to Daniel Stansbury, Canton; pp. 331, 338, 342, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., October 24 (see below, vol. i, pp. 573-575), 28, 29, 1814, to Henry Payson & Co., Baltimore. 53. Morse, Hosea Ballou, The Chronicles of the East India Company trading to China, 1635-1834, 4 vols. (1926), vol. iii, pp. 216, 217, 219, 221, 224. WAR OF 1812 —EUROPE AND CANTON 329 54. Ms. book, Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letter Book i, 1813-15, pp. 157, 208, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., January 5, May 7, 1814, to A. B. Bentzon. 55. Ibid., pp. 403, 432-433, 444, 47i, 5°i, John Jacob Astor, N. Y, December 23, 1814, January 16, 26, February 14, March 6, 1815, to Henry Payson & Co., Baltimore; pp. 407, 438, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., December 27, 1814 (see below, vol. i, pp. 578-579), January 21, 1815, to D. A. Smith, Baltimore; pp. 409, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., December 29, 1814, to John Dorr, Boston; pp. 425,428 [January 7], 10,1815, to William Wain; pp. 449, 496, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., January 30, March 6, 1815, to Baring Bros. & Co., London; p. 455, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., February 3,1815, to Cornelius Sowle, Canton; p. 456, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., February 3, 1815, to Daniel Stansbury, Canton; pp. 485, 493, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., February 24, March 3, 1815, to Curtiss Blakeman; p. 486, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., February 25,1815, to Forsyth & Black, Halifax; pp. 487-488, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., February 24, 1815, to John N. Harvey, Bermuda. 56. Ms., New York Custom House, New York Register, June 21- December 31, 1814, no. 67, December 22, 1814. 57. Niles Weekly Register, vol. v, February 25, 1815. 58. Morse, op. cit., vol. iii, p. 230. 59. New-York Gazette and General Advertiser, January 19, 1816, p. 2, col. 2. CHAPTER XI THE WAR OF 1812-1815 : GOVERNMENT LOANS AND FOREIGN EXCHANGE We have already considered the ways in which the war affected Astor's normal business activities. We may now pay some attention to various interests which arose directly from the conflict. Most important among these was Astor's investment in the various war loans. Early in 1813 Congress authorized the issuance of government stock to the amount of $i6,ooo,ooo.1 Albert Gallatin, secretary of the Treasury, invited proposals from David Parish, Stephen Girard, Herman Le Roy, and John Jacob Astor — two moneyed men from each of the cities Philadelphia and New York — for negotiating $10,000,000 of the loan. The plan fell through, owing to Parish's refusal to join,2 and consequently, on March 4, 1813, Gallatin opened the books for public subscriptions,3 but by the end of that month less than $6,000,000 had been taken. Gallatin was thus left, as a biographer says, "at the mercy of the capitalists." On April 5, Parish, Girard, and Astor came forward, and met Gallatin at Philadelphia. The first two offered to "take eight millions of the loan at the rate of eighty-eight dollars for a certificate of one hundred dollars bearing interest at six per cent; redeemable before December 31, 1825, they to receive one quarter of one per cent commission on the amount accepted, and in case of a further loan for the service of the year 1813 to be placed on an equal footing with its takers. John Jacob Astor on the same day and at the same place proposed to take for himself and his friends the sum of two million and fifty-six thousand dollars of the loan on the same conditions. These offers were accepted and the loan was complete."4 WAR OF 1812 —LOANS AND EXCHANGE 331 Gallatin gave Astor credit for enabling the Secretary "to make his terms with Mr. Parish and Mr. Girard."5 On this subject Gallatin said three years later, "in April 1813, when the federalists of New York refused to subscribe to the 16 millions loan, he [Astor] came out with a subscription of more than two millions of dollars bottomed [interlineated: exclusively] on his own resources & credit, and enabled me [inter- | lineated: by that competition] to obtain better terms from Parish & Girard. I know that amount was much more than was convenient and did much embarrass him."6 It is a matter of interest and possibly of some significance that the three men who agreed to be responsible for five-eighths of this entire $16,000,000 loan were all of foreign birth — a circumstance which that bitter and violent opponent of the government and of the war, Timothy Pickering, used as a major piece of evidence against the righteousness of that conflict which they had helped to finance, giving them full credit for the continuance of "this iniquitous and [interlineated: destructive] war" after the end of 1813, since, as he said, "our best informed & faithful [native] Citizins would not willingly Support it."7 Astor, of course, did not hold as a permanent investment all this $2,000,000 and more of government stock, taken "for himself and his friends." When two or three months had passed and his anticipations of an early peace which would raise the stock's value were disappointed, he began to dispose of his proportion both through his own counting-house in New York and through agents in the other large commercial cities of the northern Atlantic coast, Boston, Philadelphia, and Baltimore.8 For several months, into February, 1814, the price of stock held fairly steadily up to 90 or even a little over, fluctuating somewhat as the prospects of peace seemed immediate or remote, in January, 1813, rising to over 93, though on a few occasions dropping temporarily to a point or a fraction of a point below 90. But in April, 1814, the prospects of peace became so 33* JOHN JACOB ASTOR dubious that stock descended to the price at which it had originally been purchased, that is, 88, after which the decline was fairly steady until, late in August, the capture of Washington sent it down to 80. But the stock had not yet reached bottom. Its price continued to sink till in October, at Boston, where the war was exceedingly unpopular, it stood at 69 and 70. When stock was in the neighborhood of 90 Astor had steadily disposed of his holdings, with only occasional pauses to wait for news from Europe, but when it sank below the price which he himself had paid he sold much less, and when he did sell it was chiefly to obtain funds for such purposes as the purchase and fitting out of vessels for Europe. In the period from September, 1814, till the arrival of peace in February of the next year, during which stocks were somewhere around 75, not much above or below, Astor changed his policy and began to buy stock, especially in Boston, where the price was lower than elsewhere. Early in December, he ordered his Boston broker, William Payne, to borrow money for twenty or thirty days, even at two per cent per month interest, and buy stock. Payne, however, found it difficult to borrow money, and could therefore buy but little stock. When peace came, Astor wrote to the Boston broker, "if you could have procured me the accomodation which I wish'd I should have gained instead of losing money in my speculations through you." At the same time as he was trying to buy in Boston, he also made some purchases of stock, probably not very extensive, through Biddle & Wharton, his Philadelphia brokers. Astor disposed of some stock at about 76 for treasury notes, which were at 7 per cent discount. He informed his Baltimore brokers, Henry Payson & Co., as well as Dennis A. Smith, of the same city, that in order to meet his acceptance of a bill on the latter for $100,000 — given in part payment for $200,000 of 1814 stock —he "absolutely sold 4om$ of 6 pCt at 76 say the very day on which peace arrived." Tl WAR OF 1812 —LOANS AND EXCHANGE 333 Astor and his associates, of course, had to encounter the attempts of other parties to depress the value of the stock. A certain Isaac Bronson is mentioned as having spread false reports with that end in view in May, 1813.9 Later their bete noire seems to have been that exceedingly patriotic Republican and Quaker, Jacob Barker, who in August, 1814, was described as "doing all he can to get Stocks down;" according to Astor, "as to Stocks it's no matter what you offer to sell at, Barker will sell for less."10 Barker's activities in this connection were probably not malicious; he was a large contractor for the 1814 loan, and was forced to sell some of his holdings in the 1813 loan at what he could get in order to meet the payments. Barker, himself, on the other hand, laid to Astor's door the refusal of Oliver Wolcott, the president of the Bank of America, to act as agent in negotiating a loan which Barker, out of pure zeal for the country's welfare, had proposed to undertake in the summer of 1813. He held Astor responsible because Wolcott gave as his reason for refusal" that it might interfere with existing arrangements between Mr. Astor and the government;"11 in other words, this new loan would make it more difficult for Astor to dispose of his proportion of the $16,000,000 stock of 1813. Astor took by no means such a conspicuous part in the $25,000,000 loan of 1814 as he had in the $16,000,000 loan of the previous year. He took none of the first installment of $10,000,000 which opened on May 2, "for the reason of specie being permitted to go out of the country," which Astor had endeavored to have forbidden in order to maintain the price of stocks. On the last day of April he wrote James Monroe, the secretary of State, that Girard, Parish, and he himself had been discussing the question of taking $8,000,000 or $10,000,- 000, but could see no advantage in so doing unless the government would give them better terms than it gave to those who took only $25,000, for example. He suggested that it might be 334 JOHN JACOB ASTOR arranged for Parish to go to Europe and endeavor to sell stock in Holland and England.12 At that time the sale of war stock to the citizens of a hostile nation seems to have been not unusual. The secretary of the Treasury, G^ W. Campbell, was willing to contract with the triumvirate "for five or even ten millions, on the terms of the last loan, giving them credit for the payments," but, in view of Astor's attitude as expressed above, this would hardly tempt him.13 In May, Astor presented a fuller exposition of his idea in the form of two alternative suggestions. The first was that the loan should be negotiated in Europe, through Parish, with the assistance of Astor's and Girard's connections on the Continent and in England; the other that Astor and his associates should "furnish the money here ... on being allowed time to negotiate in Europe on their own account." Campbell was inclined to favor the latter method if a sufficient amount could be raised by it, but thought that if "it should not be considered eligible to rely on either mode alone, both might be adopted to a certain extent."14 Early in June Astor went to Philadelphia to confer with Parish and Girard.15 Parish then went on to Washington, where he laid before the President and the Secretary of the Treasury the proposition they had formulated.16 This seems to have been that the three should purchase $4,000,000 or $5,000,000 of stock at 88, the money to remain deposited in the Girard Bank for at least 4 months, interest, however, beginning at once, after which drafts could be made as the government should require. If sales were made before this period had expired, the government should furnish to the sellers treasury notes, so that there should be no loss of interest. The sales were to be handled by Girard and Astor for the joint account of Girard, Astor, and Parish, and one-half of the stock purchased was to be "disposed of without the least delay." A commission of one-fourth of one per cent was to be allowed for sales in the United States, but if Parish went to Europe to sell _ WAR OF 1812 —LOANS AND EXCHANGE 335 stock he should be furnished with at least $10,000,000 and allowed a commission of 1J per cent. A very important feature of this proposition seems to have been government co-operation in assisting the three associates to ship goods from Europe to the United States, both on their own account and for the use of the government, at a commission of 2 J per cent.17 Barker described their plan as a "project of introducing British fabrics into the United States through Canada," with the co-operation of a certain John Donald of Baltimore, "coupled with a loan of their avails" to the government. To the influence of Astor, Girard, and Parish he ascribed the refusal of the directors of the Bank of America to participate largely in the loan of 1814, lest the plan of the three associates should be rendered futile through the ability of the government to secure funds from other quarters.18 i It does not appear to what extent Parish's plan was approved by Campbell, but it is evident that, whether the Secretary of the Treasury accepted it in its entirety or not, some agreement mutually satisfactory to Parish and Campbell was achieved. It is not at all clear why Astor and Girard failed to fall in with their colleague's attitude toward Campbell's proposition. Perhaps the British blockade, which made their plan for importing foreign merchandise a practical impossibility, was the rock which wrecked their mercantile willingness to participate in the loan. As early as May, President Madison, in commenting upon letters from Astor and Parish, remarked, " As . . . Coch- ranes proclamation . . . threatens a full occlusion [interlineated: of all] foreign merchandize the import of which is the basis of their plan, it is not certain that the plan may not be MM aside."19 tff Astor, however, did not entirely lose interest in the loan of 1814. On August 13, 1813, he wrote to Parish that he had no means of joining with D. A. Smith, of Baltimore, in taking part of the loan at 80, but that, if his circumstances improved, 33& JOHN JACOB ASTOR he might take some for sale in Europe, and in that case would like Parish to become interested with him.20 Two days later he wrote to Girard enquiring whether he wished "to join In an offer for Some of the 6 Millions now advertizd." He also suggested a plan whereby they might "Loan to government for a few months only Recieving Stock as Deposit 4. or 5ooM$ or a larger Sume," thus relieving the government from the necessity of borrowing at such a large discount — 20 per cent — as would much depress the value of the earlier loan, of which Astor and Girard were large holders.21 Alternatively, Girard might loan the same amount to Astor personally, secured by note and ; stock. Astor received no encouragement from Girard, who declined to lend such a large sum either to Astor or to the government,22 j and his hints to Parish on the same subject brought not much more response, though early in December Parish did associate; himself with Astor in purchasing stock on joint account,; Astor's investment being $25,957.20.23 In the meantime Astor > had become more extensively concerned in the $6,000,000 loan j of 1814 with D. A. Smith, of Baltimore,24 to whom he had] written on August 13 suggesting that "if we could make out; to borrow money to Government for a few months we should 1 meet the approbation of our country rather than oblige them j to sell Stock so low." Smith, in return, urged Astor to take $200,000 of the new loan. Astor thought he might do so, if 60-days credit were allowed him on each of the 4 installments,! which normally would be due on September 20, October 10, j November 10, and December 10,1814. Otherwise he could not j accede, since " I am now obliged to sell some stock at very great! loss." But the destruction of Washington caused Astor to ad-] vise on August 30, "best to have nothing to do with the loan."! Nevertheless, on September 16 he wrote to Smith that he would] take $200,000 of the loan, Smith "to draw on me at 4 monthsl for each instalment with a positive understanding to renew fori WAR OF 1812 —LOANS AND EXCHANGE 337 4 months longer." Later in the month, however, he again wrote, "I hope you will not have taken any of the loan for me ... for I find at this moment such difficulty in getting money that I am disgusted with money transactions & I wish now more than ever to be completely out of debt & free from engagements." But Smith, who, "with the officers of the District and Baltimore banks," had "on the 31st of August, 1814 . . . contracted ... for two millions two hundred and fifty-three thousand dollars, payable in the depreciated paper of those banks,"25 was not at all anxious to release so large a subscriber as Astor from his bargain, and on October 3 Astor consented to take the stock on the accommodations previously offered. On October 3 Astor sent Smith "your bill on me accepted for one hundred thousand Dollars, being payment of two installments on $20.0,- 000 worth of 6 Million Loan, which draft or bill when due is if requested renewed for 4 months longer." By November, Smith appears to have become sick of his contract with the government, and according to Girard's agent, Joseph Curwen, who was then in Baltimore buying stock, "he offered Mr. J. J. Astor a Check of 20,000$ if he would take his Contract off his hands." Of course Astor did not accept. He was able to pay the next two installments of $50,000 each, when they came due, in depreciated Baltimore bank notes and treasury notes, but, owing to some misunderstanding, the bill for $100,000 which came due in February, 1815, was not renewed, and Astor had to sell stock at 76 to make payment on the very day news of peace arrived. This concluded his connection with the loan of 1814, so far as the period of the war was concerned. We have some idea of the amount of 1813 stock sold by Astor from the spring of 1813 to February, 1815. We know that at least $600,000 of stock (par value) was disposed of by his agents, Henry Payson & Co., of Baltimore, John Dorr, of Boston, and Biddle & Wharton, of Philadelphia, the last two 338 JOHN JACOB ASTOR firms being the principal sellers. It is probable that Astor had personally sold an equal amount. He had also sent Baring] Brothers & Co., of London, $200,000 of stock to sell or hold as security for bills on them, as they should prefer. Late in December, 1814, he had "near a Million of Stock on hand." We \ are sure of one thing, namely, that Astor did not in the long! run lose anything on his investment in government stock, but, on the contrary, undoubtedly made a great deal, for, as soon after the peace as February 25, he wrote to John Dorr, "My losses by Sea are made up in the peace by the rise on my Stocks of which I have something more than 8oom$." Of course, "losses by Sea" is a very vague expression and may mean much or little. Probably its most obvious significance would be "losses by capture due to the war," and it will be remembered that Astor had suffered the loss of fhe Powhattan, the Caroline,] and (as he at this time thought) the Macedonian, through! British cruisers and privateers. It is evident, at least, thatj Astor, who never exaggerated and seldom even emphasized his financial successes, recognized, even at this early date, that his part in the negotiation of the $16,000,000 six per cent loan of; 1813 had proved an exceedingly profitable investment, despite the low prices at which he had been forced to sell certain parcels i of this stock in the later months of the war. From September, 1814, to the coming of peace, Astor also] dealt in treasury notes, which he sometimes purchased fori stock. These were bought at a discount ranging from 3 per cent] to 9 per cent through Biddle & Wharton, of Philadelphia, at! 2 per cent and 2J per cent through Henry Payson & Co., ofj Baltimore, and from 4 per cent to 14 per cent through Williaid Payne, of Boston. Some of these notes were used to pay cus-j toms bonds, but others were sold in Baltimore, where the credit of the government seems to have been as high as it was! low in Boston. Just before the arrival of peace, in January and! February, 1815, treasury notes were selling at about par ■ r WAR OF 1812 —LOANS AND EXCHANGE 339 IBaltimore while at from 7 per cent to 7! per cent below in New Rfork and Philadelphia. In October, 1814, treasury notes were at a discount of 14 per cent in Boston, while they were at from 2 per cent to 2J per cent in Baltimore and from 3 per cent to 6 per cent in Philadelphia. Astor, of course, took advantage of these variations. : At the same time that Astor was interested in the government loans of 1813 and 1814 he was also paying attention to (transactions in foreign exchange. He bought sterling bills on London, sometimes government bills, at a discount ranging tfrom 5 per cent to 15 per cent — the latter being nearer to the customary rate, though once, in December, 1814, he seems to |have purchased at par — and sold at from par to 14 per cent miscount, though usually at something like 7 per cent to 10 per fcent under par. Sterling bills purchased by Astor were lowest In the late summers of 1813 and 1814, highest in December of those same years and early in 1815. Through Biddle & Wharton, of Philadelphia, Astor sold during the summer of 1813 and the summer and fall of 1814, and also early in 1815, guilder ibills at prices ranging from 42 cents in July, 1813, and September, 1814, to 45 cents in August and November, 1814. For these bills Astor drew on Hope & Co., of Amsterdam, who in purn drew on Baring Brothers & Co., at London, in whose (hands Astor had put $200,000 stock as security for advances, ■&nd to whom he frequently remitted guilder and sterling bills .which he had purchased in the United States at a discount.26 to December, 1813, he "sold bills on Canton at 8J pC* above Ho some of your eastern [Boston] Gentlemen." ii Astor had opposed the renewal of the charter of the Bank of Ifche United States which expired in March, 1811, and had sent 5lo Gallatin through his son-in-law, A. B. Bentzon, "a verbal message that in case of nonrenewal of the charter of the Bank U. S., all his funds & those of his friends to the amount of two piiUions of dollars would be at the command of Government, 34° JOHN JACOB ASTOR either in importing specie, circulating any Govern*, paper, or in any other way best calculated to prevent any injury arising from the dissolution of the Bank. Mr. Bentson," Gallatin continued, in recounting this message, "told me that in this instance profit was not his object, and that he would go great lengths, partly from pride & partly from wish to see the Bank down."27 It has been hinted that one motive which influenced Astor in his desire "to see the Bank down" was that this dissolution would put himself and other wealthy men into a position of great influence in case of an emergency such as was brought about by the war. The dominant factor in determining his attitude, however, was undoubtedly a personal clash he had had with the directors, who had objected to the amount of specie he had drawn from the bank.28 In all events, Astor, as we have seen, fulfilled his pledge of "two millions of dollars" by investing that amount in government stocks. But late in 1814 Astor realized that a national bank was necessary to maintain the credit of the government, and incidentally to keep his own large holdings in the government loan from collapsing completely. In August, 1814, Astor announced, "we must have [a national bank] or we are all gone;" and, late in the month, "It is proposed to have a meeting of i wealthy people at my house to-morrow to consider on the propriety of appling to Congress for a National Bank. . . . Our Idea is to pledge real property for amount of the Bank Stock." Late in September Astor expressed the hope that "Congress! will pass a bill for a Bank, the capital to consist of J in Specie j & f in 6 pC* Stock on liberal terms . . . the Specie cannot be | paid at once, it cannot nor will there be need for it, by time &] proper management The Land scheme I think will be attended j with many difficulties, tho' I believe it's the best to inspire! confidence." Astor continued to interest himself in the passage of a bank bill, instigating petitions in its favor among the mer-1 chants, visiting Washington in November to lobby in its be-^ WAR OF 1812 —LOANS AND EXCHANGE 341 half, and writing Calhoun a tactful letter pointing out the paws in his plan. But, as is well known, despite the efforts of lAstor and his associates, no national bank was established, and the end of the war in February, 1815, eliminated the immediate necessity for such an institution. We have observed how Astor's business life was affected by the war. It will, then, be proper to enquire what was his attitude toward the conflict, both while it was still in anticipation (and during its progress. It has sometimes been stated that he favored the war, but no evidence can be advanced to support [this contention. Astor would have had no motive for adopting puch an attitude, and we know that, on the contrary, he did all [in his power to prevent the outbreak of hostilities. Having Ibeen opposed to the war prior to its declaration, it was natural that he should hope for its speedy cessation, for Astor was not the man to prefer the possibilities of large speculative profits — pom transactions in government stocks, for example — to the steady, less spectacular, but more certain returns from normal commercial activities. His attitude throughout was optimistic; peace, in his opinion, was always just around the corner. f But much as Astor longed for the restoration of normal relations between the United States and Great Britain, he was gar from favoring the policy of non-co-operation adopted by jeertain of the more bitterly anti-government and anti-war ^Federalists, especially those in Boston, of whom Astor's critic, timothy Pickering, was typical. Astor supported the govern- fenent and the war to the tune of something like $2,000,000, and [at considerable financial risk. He strongly disapproved of the attitude assumed by the extreme Federalists of Boston, and p,te in September, 1814, he wrote to D. A. Smith, of Baltimore, j^I find the people to the eastward are determined to ruin the pdministration at the expense of the interest of the country & sail that is & ought to be dear to man; we must endeavour to do Iwithout them & I have no doubt but that when they say [sic] 34* JOHN JACOB ASTOR a determination of this kind, they will at last come in but never before."29 This was indeed an unusual burst of eloquence for Astor. He was not much more backward in expressing his opinion to one of "the people to the eastward;" late in November, 1814, he wrote to John Dorr, of Boston, stating that "nothing is so desirable for the good of us all as an union & good understanding & cooperation between the eastern & other states I have my fears as to the result & dread more from it than the open & avowed enemy of our country." Later in the same month he added, "I believe . . . that G. B. has resceded some, yet I doubt whether it will be peace very soon, the less so, when they see the Spirit of opposition from your quarter to the Government which is matter of great regret."30 This note of pessimism occurs very infrequently in letters from Astor which concern the possibilities for peace. But, though Astor believed in supporting the government, he advocated a conciliatory attitude toward Great Britain. On July 22, 1814, he wrote James Monroe strongly urging thatj "thea Right of theire [the British] coming an Board of aurj Ships to take thire Seamen or Subjicts" be acknowledged,] backing up his position as to the necessity for such a concession! with quotations from merchants both in England and in Sweden, and from such Americans as Rufus King, Brockholst Livingston, and others.31 In September, however, he was urg-1 ing Monroe "to engage Some good offcirs to cam to this countryI Some french Engineers & Some of the German Cavalry Ii Shauld Supose Would be very use full,"32 thereby manifesting! his inborn European belief in the inferiority of American mili-j tary men, an opinion which the events of the war had prob-j ably done a good deal to justify. For nearly three years Astor's fur trade and his commerce] with Europe and Canton had been cut off — which suspension! of activities had "not only caused me great loss," as he saidj "but ruined my favorite plan [Astoria], by which I should have! WAR OF 1812 —LOANS AND EXCHANGE 343 done all I wish'd or ought to have desired."33 Consequently, it was with joy that Astor welcomed the long-anticipated news of peace, even though from a short-run point of view it had reached New York at the worst possible time for his interests. As he wrote to John Dorr, "I am glad of Peace but 6 weeks earlier or 6 weeks later would have differ'd me 100 to 150m Dolls."34 In other words, had peace come six weeks earlier Astor would not have been forced to sell stocks purchased at 88 for as low as 76, as he did, it will be recalled, on the very day peace reached New York. If it had come six weeks later he would have disposed of all the Hannibal's cargo, which had been purchased at war-time prices, at a profit, instead of being forced to sell a large part at peace-time rates, and thus at a loss. He seems to have been caught, financially speaking, between the two blades of the shears. Yet Astor came out of the war in very good condition, comparatively speaking. His losses had been large, but some would later be made up by the advance of his nearly a million dollars' worth of government stock, purchased at a large discount. He had avoided greater loss by keeping himself "practically withdrawn from business,"35 "doing nothing . . . ever since the unhappy war,"36 avoiding commercial ventures involving any considerable element of risk, and abstaining from speculation as much as was possible under the abnormal conditions then prevalent. In May, 1814, he wrote, "it will be well for men who wish to live in comfort to be out of debt, I am more so than I have been for many years, of notes I have scarse any out, I owe some on ace*, of Stock & to the customhouse."37 As a consequence, he was "free from them all [the many failures in September, 1814], as I have neither endorsed nor bought any of their paper."38 On the same subject he wrote to another correspondent, "I am not any wise affected being entirely clear and free of every one — I have since 9 Mos preferr'd to keep my goods & I had no occasion to require any one except 344 JOHN JACOB ASTOR my Brother who is not in business to indorse for me ... at sametime," he added, "I am a great sufferer by the times as most all Men must be who have property."39 The condition in which Astor was left by the war is best summed up in an extract from a letter to Andrew Daschkoff, one month after peace. After mentioning the "most unfortu- j nate period" at which that otherwise happy event had occurred, Astor went on to say, "notwithstanding all this I am glad of peace, because it puts every thing on safe ground & I can always make money if I will be prudent at all events I have enough, since it can make all my children independent, this I however mention only to you."40 Thus in a few lines Astor expressed the position in the business world to which he had attained at a little past the half-century mark, together with the philosophy on which this achievement had been based and his main motive for wishing to attain such success. He was now ready, with capital practically unimpaired and vigor at its height, for his last and crowning score of years in business activity. WAR OF 1812 —LOANS AND EXCHANGE 345 NOTES 1. Laws of the United States relating to Loans, Paper Money, Banking, and Coinage, 1790-1895: Senate Documents, 53d Cong., 3d sess., Report no. 831 (1896), pp. 62-63; Bayley, Rafael A., The National Loans of the United States, from July 4, 1776, to June 30, 1880 (1882), p. 50. 2. Gallatin, Albert, The Writings of, Henry Adams, ed., 3 vols. (1897), I vol. i, pp. 532-533, Gallatin to Madison, March 5, 1813. 3. Adams, Henry, The Life of Albert Gallatin (1880), p. 477. 4. Stevens, John Austin, Albert Gallatin (1883), pp. 220-221; Barker, Jacob, Incidents in the Life of (1855), p. 39; ms., Department of State, • Washington, D. C, Miscellaneous Letters, March-April, 1813, John Jacob Astor, Philadelphia, April 4, 1813, to the Department of State (see below, vol. i, pp. 523-526). 5. Adams, op. cit., pp. 454~455, 477- 6. Ms., Library of Congress, Madison Papers, vol. lviii, Writings to Madison, March 17-July 30, 1816, Albert Gallatin, April 19, 1816, to Madison. 7. Stevens, op. cit., pp. 220-221; ms., Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston, Timothy Pickering MSS., Letters to his Correspondents, vol. xv, 1814-24, pp. 75-76 (draft), Timothy Pickering, Washington, December 25, 1814, to Samuel Hodgdon; ibid., Miscellaneous, vol. Iii, p. 191. 8. All information concerning Astor's transactions in government stock, treasury notes, and foreign exchange during the War of 1812 has been derived, unless another origin is specified, from the following source: ms. book, Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letter Book i, 1813-15, pp. 29- 162, passim, 427-428, 486-487, letters from John Jacob Astor, N. Y., July 20, 1813-February 25, 1815, to John Dorr, Boston; pp. 32-501, passim, letters from John Jacob Astor, N. Y., August 6, 1813-March 5, 11815, to Henry Payson & Co., Baltimore; pp. 45-489, passim, letters from John Jacob Astor, N. Y., August 31, 1813-February 28,1815, to William Payne, Boston; pp. 16-489, passim, letters from John Jacob Astor, N. Y., July 12, 1813-February 28, 1815, to Biddle & Wharton, Philadelphia; PP- 3~"5°9, passim, letters from John Jacob Astor, N. Y., June 19, 1813- March 11, 1815, to Baring Brothers & Co.; pp. 26-309, passim, letters from John Jacob Astor, N. Y., July 19, 1813-October 11, 1814, to Hope & Co., Amsterdam; pp. 202-472, passim, letters from John Jacob Astor, |N. Y., April 29, 1814-February 14,1815, to D. A. Smith, Baltimore. 9. Ms., New York Historical Society, Astor Papers, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., May 17, 1813, to David Parish, Philadelphia (see below, vol. i, pp. 526-527). liiir^rTfrii-n^8^8^^*-" 346 JOHN JACOB ASTOR io. Ms. book, Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letter Book i, 1813-15, p. 256, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., August 13,1814, to David Parish, Philadelphia; p. 255, John Jacob Astor, N. Y, August 13, 1814, to D. A. Smith, Baltimore. 11. Barker, Jacob, Incidents in the Life of, pp. 40, 77-78. 12. Ms., Library of Congress, Monroe Papers, vol. xiv, Writings to Monroe, November, 1813-March 19, 1815, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., April 30, 1814, to James Monroe, Secretary of State (see below, vol. i, PP- 554-55^). 13. Ibid., vol. v, Writings of Monroe, April 10, 1813-June 26, 1820 [James Monroe], Washington, May 14, 1814, to the President. 14. Ibid., Madison Papers, vol. Iii, Writings to Madison, March 10- July 15, 1814, G. W. Campbell, Washington, May 22, 1814, to James Madison, President. 15. Ibid., Monroe Papers, vol. xiv, Writings to Monroe, November, 1813-March 19,1815, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., May 24, June 1,1814, to James Monroe. 16. Ms., Girard College, Philadelphia, Girard Papers, nos. 285-287, David Parish, Georgetown, June 12, 13, 14, 1814, to Stephen Girard, Philadelphia. 17. Ibid., no. 308, Ideas Suggested for Mr Parish [in Parish's hand]. 18. Barker, Jacob, Incidents in the Life of, pp. 58, 65. 19. Ms., Library of Congress, Monroe Papers, vol. xiv, Writings to Monroe, November, 1813-March 19, 1815, James Madison, Montpelier, May 19, 1814, to Monroe. 20. Ms. book, Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letter Book i, 1813-15, p. 256, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., August 13,1814, to David Parish, Philadelphia. 21. Ibid., p. 257, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., August 15,1814, to Stephen Girard, Philadelphia; ms., Girard College, Philadelphia, Girard Papers, no- 354, John Jacob Astor, August 15, 1814, to Stephen Girard, Philadelphia (see below, vol. i, pp. 561-563). 22. Ibid., Letter Book xiii, letter no. 223 [Stephen Girard], Philadelphia, August 17, 1814, to Astor, N. Y. 23. Ms. book, Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letter Book i, 1813-15, pp. 379, 387-388, John Jacob Astor, N. Y, December 4, 10, 1814, to David Parish, Philadelphia. 24. Ibid., pp. 293-429, passim, letters from John Jacob Astor, N. Y., September 27, 1814-Januaiy 14, 1815, to David Parish, Philadelphia; pp. 255-463, passim, letters from John Jacob Astor, N. Y., August 13, 1814-February 7, 1815, to D. A. Smith, Baltimore; pp. 368-369, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., November 23, 1814, to Calhoun (see below, vol. i, PP- 575-577)- 25. Barker, Jacob, Incidents in the Life of, p. 80. WAR OF 1812 —LOANS AND EXCHANGE 347 26. There is some record of these transactions in the account books of Baring Brothers at London. Astor appears in their American and Colonial Ledger^, 1811-13, 1814-16, 1816-18, 1819-23, 1824-28, and 1828- 29. From 1818 on the account runs under the name of J. J. Astor & Son, but neither Astor nor the firm is much more than mentioned after 1822. Astor is said to have ceased his correspondence with the firm because of the habit which S. C. Holland, one of its members, had formed of writing sharp notes to all American houses, regardless of their standing, which had large debits in their accounts current at the end of the year and which did not make immediate remittances. Since Astor was receiving only 5 per cent interest on his balance at London while the rate in New York was from 7 to 10 per cent, he did not feel inclined to put up with such treatment and withdrew his account, as did many other merchants of similar standing. (Nolte, Vincent, Fifty Years in Both Hemispheres (1854), p. 286.) In Astor's account during the war there is frequent mention of drafts drawn on him by Hope & Co. For example, two drafts of £1,400 and £2,655 4s. 7d., respectively, dated October 5 and December 21, 1813, are recorded under the dates of December 20 and 31. On January 31 and February 7, 1815, Astor was credited with 19 and 4 bills amounting to £18,417 and £1,950, respectively. The necessity of remitting such a large amount to Baring Brothers, whether it was to enable his agents at Canton to draw on that branch of the house or for some other reason, may be one of the factors which led Astor to purchase sterling bills at so high a rate late in the previous year. (Ms. book, Baring Brothers, London, American & Colonial Ledger, 1811-13, p. 366, 1814-16, p. 379.) On June 30, 1815, Baring Brothers disposed of $260,000 of Astor's 6 per cent stock, the net proceeds being £53,917 us. 7d. (ms. book, Baring Brothers, London, American & Colonial Ledger, 1814-16, p. 379). Unfortunately, we have the accounts of Astor's connection with Hope & Co., Amsterdam, only for the years 1810 and 1811 (ms. books, Hope & Co., Amsterdam, Ledgers, 1810, pp. 5-6, 1811, pp. 8-9, Daily Journal, 1811, passim). 27. Ms., Library of Congress, Madison Papers, vol. xli, Writings to Madison, December 23, 1810-April 13, 1811, Albert Gallatin, January 5, 1811, to Madison. 28. Mercantile Advertiser (N. Y.), December 21, 1810. 29. Ms. book, Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letter Book i, 1813-15, pp. 288-289, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., September 22, 1814, to D. A. Smith, Baltimore. 30. Ibid., pp. 355-356, 370, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., November 23, 26, 1814, to John Dorr, Boston. 31. Ms., New York Public Library, Monroe Papers, John Jacob Astor, N. Y, July 22, 1814, to James Monroe (see below, vol. i, pp. 558-560). 348 JOHN JACOB ASTOR 32. Ibid., John Jacob Astor, N. Y., September 22, 1814, to James Monroe, Washington (see below, vol. i, p. 566). 33. Ms. book, Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letter Book i, 1813-15, pp. 241-242, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., July 11, 1814, to Gabriel Shaw, London. 34. Ibid., p. 478, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., February 18,1815, to John Dorr, Boston. 35. Ibid., p. 218, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., May 18, 1814, to Thomas Wilson, London. 36. Ibid., pp. 241-242, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., July 11, 1814, to Gabriel Shaw, London. 37. Ibid., pp. 204-205, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., May 4, 1814, to Henry Payson & Co., Baltimore (see below, vol. i, pp. 556-557). 38. Ibid., p. 293, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., September 27, 1814, to D. A. Smith, Baltimore. 39. Ibid., pp. 298-299, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., September 30, 1814, to Henry Payson & Co., Baltimore (see below, vol. i, pp. 566-568). 40. Ibid., pp. 508-509, John Jacob Astor, N. Y., March 11, 1815, to Andrew Daschkoff. DOCUMENTS 1788-1815 D0CUM8NTS i. Letter erom Astor to Washington Irving, November 25, 1836, DESCRIBING ASTOR'S FlRST DAY IN AMERICA. This letter was doubtless inspired in part by the appearance of [irving's Astoria in the previous month. Earlier in the month Astor had paid Irving a visit at "Sunnyside." The letter is of interest as revealing the friendly relations between Astor and Irving, and is ; noteworthy for the fact that it is the only reliable source for infor- : mation concerning Astor's arrival in America. New York 25th. Nov 1836 x My Dear Sir I thank you very much for your kind letter of the 20th. inst. I arrived here from my visit in perfact health and pleased enough to feel a hope to repeat it. For some days past I have |been confined by a bad cold which I trust will leave me soon. I hope you, your sister, your brother & your niece are all as well as I left them, have the goodness to present my friendly re- membrence to them I return you Mr. Gilmore's letter. I was much amused and delighted with its contents. The story about the German laborer is not correct. I remember the day on which I first 'arrived at Baltimore I took a walk to see the town, getting up ^Market S*. while standing and looking about, a little fat man came out of his shop. This was Nicholas Tuschdy he addressed me saying — young man I believe you are a stranger, to which I replied yes. — Where did you come from. — from London — but you are not an Englishman no a German. Then says he we 1 Ms., Pennsylvania Historical Society, Philadelphia, Ferdinand J. Dreer Collection. 352 DOCUMENTS are near country men I am a Swiss — we are glad to see people! coming to this conitry from Europe. On this he asked me into his house and offered me a glass of wine and introduced me to III wife as a countryman. He offered his services and advice j while in Baltimore and requested me to call again to see him. I did call again to see him when I stated that I had some articles j of merchandise to dispose of chiefly music and musical — instruments, he observed that if I would put some in his store that he would sell them free of any commission or expence, and I gave him some to sell. He was a very worthy & kind man and for many years one of my correspondents. About my being a furrier or his giving me a letter to Mr. C Chequer is not true. I remained about three weeks in Baltimore and recd. much kindness & civility for which I could not myself account in any way but the kindness of the people all which I recollect with much pleasure. Believe me dear Sir to be Ever Respectfully Yours John Jacob Astor Washington Irving Esqr. P. S. I think it was on the 24th or 25th of March 1784 that I arrived in Baltimore. Some days previous to the arrival of the ship N. Carolina in which I came passenger having then been more than four months on board. Of course I was desirous to get on shore as soon as I could, which I did and went by land [Signature only in Astor's hand.] 2. Agreement between Astor and Rosseter Hoyle, September 30, 1788, eor shipping Furs erom Montreal to New York and Rotterdam by way of London. The notarial records of Montreal, which include agreements of every description, are a valuable source for economic and business history. This document reveals the difficulties which an American DOCUMENTS 353 merchant had to encounter in shipping furs from Canada to the United States or the Continent before Jay's Treaty, since at that time all such goods must first pass through England. This document is also of interest in being the earliest known business agreement in which Astor was concerned. Before * the underwritten Notaries residing in the City of Montreal in the Province of Quebec duly admitted and Sworn Personally came and were present Jacob Astor of the State of New York Furrier of the one part and Rosseter Hoyle of said Montreal Merchant of the Other part: Which said Parties did and hereby do declare to have made and agreed upon the Articles and Covenants herein after mentioned that is to say.— That he the said Jacob Astor shall Ship on Board The Integrity John Gibson Master Bound for London or on Board of any other Ship or vessel bound for London to the amount of Two thousand dollars in Furrs and Peltries more or less consigned to the order of the said Rosseter Hoyle in London which ■Furrs and Peltries on their arrival there are to be shipped per the first Opportunity to New York to the order of the said Jacob Astor the same being well and sufficiently Insured for the said Voyages, and for which the said Rosseter Hoyle or his assigns are to pay or Cause to be paid the Freight and Insurance^ — stricken through] from hence to London, the Duties and all other Charges and Expences in London and the Freight and Insurance from London to New York in the United States of America, for which he the said Jacob Astor is to pay on Shipping the said Furrs and Peltries, unto the said Rosseter Hoyle Eighteen-per Centum upon the first costs of the said Furrs and Peltries here.— And further that he the said Jacob Astor shall also Ship to the amount of one thousand Dollars more or less in Furrs and Peltries to London and Consigned as above said which are to be re shipped to Rotterdam in the 1 Ms., Palais de Justice, Montreal, Notarial Records of John Gerbrand Beek, feo. 459- 354 DOCUMENTS United States of Holland on the same Terms and Conditions as above mentioned concerning those to be Shipped for New York aforesaid.— Now this present writing Witnesseth That the said Rosseter Hoyle for and in Consideration of the herein above mentioned Eighteen per cent — upon the first Costs of such Furrs and Peltries as he the said Jacob Astor shall well and truly Ship on Board of any Ship or Vessel now Bound for London as aforesaid to be paid unto him the said Rosseter Hoyle immediately after the Bills of Lading thereof shall be signed and Delivered to him the said Rosseter Hoyle [in margin: in Bills of Exchange payable in London R. H. J. J. A.] did and hereby doth Covenant Promise and agree to and with the said Jacob Astor his Executors, Administrators and assigns; that he the said Rosseter Hoyle his Executors, Administrators or Assigns Shall and will well and truly Cause the said Furrs and Peltries to be well and sufficiently Insured; and receive or cause the same to be received in London as aforesaid, and to pay the Freight, Duties, Insurance and all other Charges and Expences thereon, and also to cause the same there to be re-shipped to New York and to Rotterdam in manner as aforesaid, and to pay or cause to be paid in London the Freight, Insurance and all other Charges and Expences there, for New York and Rotterdam aforesaid; so that the Bills of Lading for the same shall be sent to the order of the said Jacob Astor his Executors or Administrators to either of the above said Places free and clear of all Expences whatsoever — he the said Rosseter Hoyle for himself his Executors Administrators and assigns hereby Indemnifying holding and keeping save [sic] and harmless of any whatsoever the said — Jacob Astor his Executors administrators and assigns untill the arrival of the said Furrs and Peltries to their Destined Ports. — when these presents shall cease and be void.— DOCUMENTS 355 And For the True performance Whereof the said Rosseter Hoyle did and hereby doth Bind himself his Heirs Executors administrators and assigns any or either of them unto the Said Jacob Astor his Executors administrators and assigns in the Penal sum of Two hundred & fifty. — pounds Sterling Firmly by these presents.— Thus done and passed at Montreal aforesaid in the office of John Gerbrand Beek one of the said notaries on the Thirtieth day of September in the Year of our Lord one thousand seven I hundred and eighty eight and Signed by the said Parties after being duly read and by us notaries.— J-Jacob-Astor Rosseter Hoyle JGBeek 1788. Nots Pubs. Received of Mr Jacob Astor the Bills of Lading and the Invoices of Six Bales of Furrs and Peltries Shipped by him on Board the Integrity John Gibson Master for London and consigned to my order agreeable to the within written Deed, to wit Four Bales marked HA N° 3. 4. 6 & 7 and two [interlineated: Bales] marked GEA N° 5 & 8. to be Shipped by me or by Order in London for New York and Rotterdam amounting per said Invoices to Seven hundred and Eighty three pounds & three pence half penny Currency equal to Seven hundred and four pounds fourteen Shillings and three pence Sterling & Witness my hand at Montreal this first day of October 1788 — Rosseter Hoyle JGBeek 1788. Not8 Pub8. [Endorsed] [105 — stricken through] 459. . — 30th. September 1788 Jacob Astor & Rosseter Hoyle Agreement for Shipping of Six Bales Furrs & Peltries and Receipt.— 356 DOCUMENTS 3. Deed of Land from Henry Astor to John Jacob Astor, j May 18, 1789. This document records the first conveyance to Astor of land on I Manhattan Island, which was in the next century to become at] once the main source and the chief constituent of his great wealth. It will be observed that this conveyance was not recorded until thirty years after the date of the indenture. Recorded1 for and at the request of John J. Astor September 7th 1819 at 10 A. M This Indenture made the eighteenth day of May in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty nine between Henry Astor of the City of New York Butcher and Dorety his wife of the one part and John Jacob Astor of the same City of the other part Witnesseth that the said Henry Astor and Dorety his Wife for and in consideration of the Sum of Forty Seven pounds current money of the State of New York to him in hand paid at or before the sealing and delivery] of these presents the receipt whereof they do hereby acknowl-; edge and thereof and therefrom and from every part and parcel j thereof do acquit release exonerate and for ever discharge thei said John Jacob Astor his heirs executors and every of them byj these presents Have granted bargained Sold aliened released] and confirmed and by these presents do grant bargain Sell alien] release and confirm unto the said John Jacob Astor (in hisj actual possession now being by virtue of a bargain and Sale to] him thereof made for one whole year by Indenture bearing date the day next before the day of the date of these presents and by] force of the Statute made for the transferring of uses into possession) and to his heirs and assigns All those two certain lots] of ground situate lying and being in the out Ward of the Cityj of New York Known and distinguished by lots number eightyl eight and eighty nine Bounded easterly in front by the Bowry 1 Ms. book, Hall of Records, N. Y., Liber Conveyances 139, pp. 244-247. 1 J DOCUMENTS 357 road northerly by lot number ninety and Southerly by lot number eighty seven and westerly in the rear by the northerly \ part of lott number one hundred and seventeen and also the Inortherly [interlineated: half] part of lotts number one hundred and fourteen one hundred and fifteen one hundred and I sixteen and one hundred and seventeen bounded Westerly in pront by Elizabeth Street easterly in the rear by lotts number leighty eight and eighty nine above mentioned and described [northerly by lott number one hundred and thirteen and south- jerry by the other half part of the Same lotts each said half lotts [Contain each twenty feet in breadth and fifty feet in length fTogether with all and singular the houses outhouses buildings fcrards fences ways paths passages priviledges and appurten- pmces to the lots [interlineated: and half lots] belonging or in ■anywise appertaining or which to and with the same now are or [■at any time heretofore have been held used occupied accepted [reputed taken or known as part parcel or member thereof or of pny part thereof and the reversion and reversions remainder fand remainders rents issues and proffits of all and singular the feaid premises and every part and parcel thereof with the appurtenances and also all the estate right title interest property Idower right of dower claim and demand whatsoever in law and fequity of them the said Henry Astor and Dorety his Wife of in knd to all and singular in the said Lotts and half Lotts of fcround above mentioned and of in and to every part and par- feel thereof with the appurtenances To have and to hold all and ■angular the said Lotts and half Lotts of ground and premises ■above mentioned in and by these presents released and con- prmed and every part and parcel thereof with the appurte- pances unto the said John Jacob Astor his heirs and assigns to the only proper use benefit and behoof of the said John Jacob fcstor his heirs and assigns forever And the said Henry Astor gbr himself his heirs executors and administrators doth covenant grant promise and agree to and with the said John Jacob 358 DOCUMENTS Astor his heirs and assigns that he the said Henry Astor at the time of the sealing and delivery of these presents is lawfully and rightfully seized in his own right of a good sure perfect absolute and indefeasible estate of inheritance in fee simple of and in all and singular the said premises above granted and released with the appurtenances without any manner of condition mortgage limitation of use or uses or any other matter cause or thing whatsoever to alter change charge or determine the same and also that he the Said Henry Astor hath good right full power and sufficient authority in the Law to grant release convey and confirm all and singular the said Lotts and half Lotts of Ground and premises above granted and released with the appurtenances unto the said John Jacob Astor his heirs and assigns to the only proper use benefit and behoof of the said John Jacob Astor his heirs and assigns for ever according to the true intent and meaning of these presents and also that he the said John Jacob Astor his heirs and assigns shall and may at all times for ever hereafter peaceably and quietly have hold occupy possess and enjoy all and singular the said Lotts and half Lotts and premises aforesaid with the appurtenances and every part and parcel thereof without the lawful let suit trouble hindrance molestation interruption or denial of him the Said Henry Astor and Dorety his Wife their heirs or assigns or of any other person or persons lawfully claiming or to Claim any estate right title or interest of in or to the said premises or any part thereof and that freed and discharged or otherwise well and sufficiently saved Kept harmless and indemnified of from and against all former and other gifts grants leases mortgages jointures dowers uses wills entails judgments executions rents & arrearages of rents and of and from all other charges estates rights titles and incumbrances whatsoever had made committed done or suffered or to be had made committed done or suffered by the said Henry Astor and Dorety his wife or their heirs or any other person or persons lawfully claiming DOCUMENTS 359 or to claim any estate right title or interest of in or to the same and that the said Henry Astor his heirs and assigns the said Lotts and half Lotts of ground and premises and every part and parcel thereof with their and every of their appurtenances unto the said John Jacob Astor his heirs and assigns against all and every person and persons whomsoever shall and will warrant and by these presents for ever defend In witness whereof the parties to these presents have hereunto interchangeably I set their hands and seals [interlineated: in New York] the day . and year first above written Henry Astor (LS) Dorety Aster (LS) Sealed and delivered in the presence of the words "John Jacob" on the twenty fourth line and the word "denial" on the twenty sixth line being first written on erazures William ^Mooney Geo. P. Weissenfels. Received New York the day land year within written the full consideration money within mentioned Henry Astor Witness Geo Weissenfels State of i"New York City and County of New York SS on the 3d day of rSeptember ad 1819 personally appeared before me Henry ^Astor of New York and Doretey his Wife both to me known to [be the same persons described in and who executed the within llndenture and they severally acknowledged that they did rexecute the same for the uses and purposes therein mentioned The said Doretey being by me privately examined Seperate kand apart from her said husband confessed that She executed hthe same freely without any fear or compulsion of or from her teaid husband there being no material erazures or interlinea- ttions [interlineated: therein] I do allow the same to be recorded Nathan B. Graham Commissioner 360 DOCUMENTS 4. Agreement between William Hands and Astor, August 29, 1789, for the Future Delivery of Muskrat Skins to Astor. This document indicates a settled intention on Astor's part to continue his connection with the Montreal fur market, and also shows that he had established something of a relationship with the western fur-trade center of Detroit. Before I the underwritten Notaries residing in the City of Montreal in the Province of Quebec duly admitted and Sworn Personally came and were present William Hands of Detroit Merchant of the one part and John Jacob Astor of New York now at Montreal Merchant of the Other part — which said parties declared to have Covenanted and agreed in Manner following, that is to say, The said William Hands did and hereby doth Bind and Oblige himself to deliver or cause to be delivered unto the said John Jacob Astor, or to his order or assigns at Montreal and that on [and — stricken through] or before the Twentieth day of August which will be in the Year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and [eighty — stricken through] ninety, now next, Fifteen thousand Good and Merchantable Musquash Skins [Subject to be receipted by proper Judges of Skins and that — stricken through] at the rate of four pence half penny per skin And the said John Jacob Astor did and hereby doth Bind and oblige himself his Execu-' tors — administrators and assigns to receive or cause to be received at Montreal aforesaid on the day and time before! limitted the said Fifteen thousand Good Marchantable Musquash Skins, and to pay or cause to be paid unto the said William Hands his Executors administrators or assigns at the] rate of four pence half penny Lawful Money of the Province! for every skin so received by him or them on the receipt thereof 1 Ms., Palais de Justice, Montreal, Notarial Records of John Gerbrand Beek, no. 649. DOCUMENTS 361 in ready money Current Species, without any fraud or delay, for thus the said Parties have agreed upon, and for the True performance whereof the said Parties did and hereby do firmly Bind themselves their Heirs & assigns the one to the other in the Penal Sum of One hundred & fifty pounds Sterling to be paid by him that shall Act contrary to the True intent & meaning of these presents. Thus done and passed at Montreal in the office of John Gerbrand Beek Notary on the Twenty ninth day of August in the Year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty nine and signed by the said Parties after being duly read and by us Notaries./. —Twelve words Struck out as void.— William Hands J-Jacob-Astor JGBeek 1789 Not8 Pub8. 5. Protest of Astor against William Hands, August 23, 1790, because of the Non-Delivery of Muskrat Skins. Ont this Twenty third day of August one thousand seven hundred and ninety Before me John Gerbrand Beek Notary Public dwelling in the City of Montreal in the Province of Quebec duly admitted and Sworn — Personally came and appeared John Jacob Astor of New York Merchant Mentioned in the within written Agreement Who declared that Whereas the within Mentioned William Hands of Detroit Merchant by 1 the said within written agreement hath Bound & obliged himself to Deliver unto him the said John Jacob Astor the Quantity of Fifteen thousand good and Merchantable Musquash Skins at Montreal on the Twenty first day of August now Instant and whereas the said time for the Delivery thereof now 1 Ms., Palais de Justice, Montreal, Notarial Records of John Gerbrand Beek, 'no. 649. 362 DOCUMENTS being Elapsed and the said William Hands hath not delivered nor Cause to be delivered the said Fifteen thousand Musquash Skins agreeable to the within Written agreement Therefore requested of me the said Notary to Protest against the said William Hands, for all Costs losses damage & Interests Suffered and to be Suffered for or by reason of the Non delivery of the abovesaid Musquash skins; declaring at same time that he would avail himself of the Penalty by the abovesaid Agreement Stipulated Whereupon I the said Notary, Protested Accordingly. Whereof the said John Jacob Astor required Act and granted unto him these presents to serve where the case should require. Thus done & Protested at Montreal in the office of the said Notary the day & Year above written and Signed the said John Jacob- Astor with us Notary after being duly read. — J-Jacob-Astor [Endorsed] (51) 649 29th August 1789 William Hands of Detroit to John Jacob Astor — of New York — Agreement Transferred to Alexr Henry on the 26th Aug* 1790 6. Transfer by Astor to Alexander Henry, August 26, 1790, of the Agreement with Hands for the Delivery of Muskrat Skins. This document reveals an early business connection between Astor and the prominent Montreal fur merchant, Alexander Henry, later to be the author of Travels & Adventures in Canada and the Indian Territories, 1760-1776, published in 1809. See documents 4 and 5. Before i the underwritten Notaries residing in the City of Montreal in the Province of Quebec duly admitted and Sworn per- 1 Ms., Palais de Justice, Montreal, Notarial Records of John Gerbrand Beek, no. 649. DOCUMENTS 363 sonally came and appeared John Jacob Astor in the hereunto prefixed Agreement mentioned Who declared That for and in Consideration of the said Agreement being one half on the Account and risque of Alexander Henry of Montreal Merchant and for the Consideration of Fifty pounds of lawful money to him the said John Jacob Astor now in hand paid by the said Alexander Henry at and before the Signing and delivery of these presents, the receipt whereof is hereby Acknowledged, hath and hereby doth — grant, Bargain, Sell, assign and set over unto the said Alexander Henry also present and Accepting for himself his Heirs & assigns, the within written Agreement obligation and Conditions and as well the Fifteen thousand Good Merchantable Musquash Skins as the Penalty therein mentioned as — Condition thereof, and all Interests due, and to - grow due for the same and all Costs Losses and Damages, and all his rights, Title, Interest, Claim and demand whatsoever of, in and to the same.— And he the said John Jacob Astor doth Authorize the said Alexander Henry in his name to demand sue for, receive have, hold, and enjoy the said Fifteen Thousand Musquash Skins and the Penalty in case of non delivery of the same that may be Accured, to his own use and behoof for ever — Thus done and passed at Montreal aforesaid in the office of John Gerbrand Beek Notary on the Twenty sixth day of August in the Year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and ninety and Signed by the said parties after being duly read and by us Notaries. — J-Jacob-Astor Alexander Henry — JGBeek 1790 Nots Pub8. [Endorsed in pencil] 26 Aug 1790 364 DOCUMENTS 7. Protest of Richard Dobie against Astor, September 21, 1790, BECAUSE OF THE NON-DELIVERY OF MUSKRAT Skins. It will be observed that this document reveals the price of musk- rat skins at Montreal in the fall of 1790 to have been 7d. each, as compared to 4id.; the price at which Hands (document 4) had agreed in the previous year to deliver 15,000 skins in the next fall. It may be that this rise in price accounts for the refusal of Hands to abide by his bargain, and his failure to deliver the skins may also explain Astor's denial of any bargain with Dobie. In mentioning Astor's lodging place while in Montreal this document also shows that his relationship with Henry was one based upon personal friendship as well as common business interests. Know\ all men by these presents That on the Twenty first day of September in the Year of our Lord One thousand seven hundred and ninety I John Gerbrand Beek Notary Public dwelling in the City of Montreal in the Province of Quebec duly admitted and Sworn at the request of Richard Dobie of the same place Esquire Personally went to the place of residance of Mr John Jacob Astor of New York Merchant being at the House of Mr. Alexr. Henry Merchant in Notre Dame Street in this City where Speaking to the said John Jacob Astor I Demanded in the name of the said Richard Dobie the immediate delivery of Twenty thousand Musquash skins which he the said Richard Dobie Bought of him the said John Jacob Astor at Sullivan's Coffee House the Twentieth Instant, for which I tendered payment on Delivery at the rate of fourteen sols equal to seven pence Currency. And further Informed him the said Astor, that the said Richard Dobie nominated and appointed Mr James Finlay to Pick the Musquash skins in conformity to the condition of the purchase. Whereupon the said John Jacob Astor gave me for answer that he had not made any such Bar- 1 Ms., Palais de Justice, Montreal, Notarial Records of John Gerbrand Beek, no. 654. aytiiisi tmk HMffllftMM DOCUMENTS 365 gain. Wherefore I the said Notary at the request aforesaid Did and hereby do most Solemnly Protest against all whom It doth shall or may concern for all Costs, Losses, Damages and Interests, suffered or to be suffered for or by reason of the said John Jacob Astor's persisting in the not delivering the aforesaid quantity of Twenty thousand Musquash skins sold to him the said Richard Dobie as aforesaid. Thus done and Protested at Montreal aforesaid the day and year above written & delivered a Copy of the same to both the parties concerned as Notice thereof. — In proemissorum Fidem JGBeek (L. S.) 1790 Not8 Pub8. [Endorsed] (59.) 654 21st. September 1790 Richard Dobie Esqr v8. Mr. John Jacob Astor — Protest 8. Letter from Cornelius Heeney to Peter Smith, August, 1792, with an Account of Furs Sent by Smith to Astor. Previous documents have shown Astor's connection with the great fur market of Montreal. Astor also drew furs from the back- country of New York State, through such agents as his former partner, Peter Smith, who at the time of this letter was keeping a store at Old Fort Schuyler. This letter reveals that Astor purchased goods for Smith's account; it is also of interest as being written by one of his first partners, who was probably Smith's successor. New York Aug 1792 * Mr. Peter Smith Sir I recd. your fav1". of 23 Ult°. pr. Captn Simmons with 1 Cask & Bundle of Fur for wch. I credit you as p the annex'd acco*. £266:7:2 which I hope will be satisfactory 1 Ms., Syracuse University, Gerrit Smith Miller Collection. 366 DOCUMENTS The Deer Skin are of a very bad quality & can't sell em even at 1/6 p lb without the Elk @ 8/ p had defer'd send8, you an acco*. till I could close the whole so I take them at that rate & if more can be obtaind shall shall [sic] pass it to your credit — P. Campbell has paid only £50 on your acco*. J. A. being in Montreal can't say anything abo*. the Farm, its probable he may call on you the latter end of Octr. when coming home — The Elk skins are worth abo*. 10/ p piece I remain respectfully Sir Your Hble Serv*. For J. J. Astor Cornelius Heeney P. S. Beg leave to remind you of my want of money — having made a full remittance for the Goods Imported for you some time ago — your acco*. says 114 Martin 37 Mink 64 Bear & Cub 249 best Musrat 1 18 poor J 267 no Martin 41 Mink my a/c { 6^ Bear & Cub — Captn. Simmons 249 good Musrats 8 Fall d°. 18 of no value & 275 kept em to shew when you come down mt^^i^sM DOCUMENTS 367 J. J. A's Acco*. of Peltry rec*3 . from M r. Peter Smith p Captn. Simmons — 249 Musrats @ 2/7 £24:18 8 Fall d°. 1/8 i3H 57 good Raccoon @ 6/ 7: 2:- n poor & small 3/ 1:13:- 1 damaged d° 3:- 6 very bad d° 2/ 0:12:- 8 Wild Cat 6/ 2: 8:- 10 Fisher 7/6 3:15:- 3 bad d° 3/9 11:3 10 Otter 42/ 21:—:- 30 Mink 4/6 6:15:- 6 Staged [?] 2/3 13:6 5 Very bad 9d 3^9 2 Cross Fox 20/ 2:—:- £266-7:2 1 red d° 10:6 Errors Excepted 101 Martin 4/8 23-11-4 Corn8. Heeney 9 Culld. 2/4 1: 1:- For J. J. Astor Schenectady — 24 good D°. 4/8 5:12:- 5 Cub Bear 8/ 2:—:- 3 " damaged 3/9 2:—:- 31 Bear 40/ 62:—:- 7 ditto 32/ 11-4- 1 « 1-12.- 1 cub pi 5 " 14/ 3-10- 1 damaged 8:- 4 " n 2- 8:- 5 " 10/ 2-10- lb 101 1/4 Beaver 13/ 65-16-3 not on list — 2 bad Fox & 1 bad Fisher 10:- [Addressed] Mr. Peter Smith, Merchant, Fort Schuyler, To the care of Mr John Jauncey, Albany 368 DOCUMENTS 9. Two Petitions from Astor to Alured Clarke, September 19, 1792, for Grants of Crown Lands in Lower Canada. These are the first available documents indicating an interest on Astor's part in Canadian lands. It is possible that at this time Astor was in doubt as to whether New York or Montreal, with its greater importance in the fur trade, offered the better permanent field for his talents. It is noteworthy that a resident of New York, as Astor described himself, could be recommended as a suitable grantee of Crown lands in Lower Canada. To1 His Excellency Alured Clarke Esquire, Lieutenant-Governor and Commander in Chief of the Province of Lower Canada and Major General Commanding His Majesty's Forces in North America &c, &c. The Petition of John Jacob Astor of New York in behalf of himself and associates Most Humbly Sheweth That Your Petitioner & his associates encouraged by your Excellency's Proclamation of the 7th Feby last are desirous to settle a Tract of the Waste Lands of the Crown of Ten Miles Square on the terms and conditions held out by the said Proclamation. Your Petitioner humbly prays that a warrant of Survey may issue in behalf of himself and associates of a Tract or Township of Ten Miles Square and that he may have 1200 acres therein — the Tract to be bounded in Front by the back boundary of the Seigneurie of St. Francis on the River Chaudiere and on the three remaining Sides by the Waste Lands of the Crown. And your Petitioner as in Duty bound will ever Pray. Montreal 19 Septr John Jacob Astor 1792 1 Ms., Public Archives of Canada, Ottawa, Series S. s&aaaa DOCUMENTS 369 [Endorsed] No. 250. Petition — John Jacob Astor in behalf of himself & associates. Montreal 19th Septemr 1792. For a Township of ten miles square and that he may have 1200 Acres therein, bounded in Front by the back boundary Line of the Seigniory of St. Francis, on the three remaining sides by the waste lands of the Crown. I Referred to the Land Committee. By order of His Excellency The Lieutenant Governor. Quebec ^22d Septr. 1792 Thos. Aston Coffin. Received & entered on Min. of the Land Committee 24 Sept. 1792 H. F. \ Land Committee. Recommended. c# 1 »ky Chairman 1792 J To his Excellency Alured Clarke Esquire Lieutenant Governor and Commander in Chief of the Province of Lower Canada and Major General Commanding His Majesty's Forces in North &c. The Petition of John Jacob Astor of New York in behalf of himself and associates [ Most humbly Sheweth That your Petitioner and his associates encouraged by your Excellency's Proclamation of the 7th Feby last are desirous to settle a Tract of the Waste Lands of the Crown of Ten Miles Square on the terms and conditions held out by the said Proclamation. Your Petitioner humbly prays that a warrant of survey may issue in behalf of himself and associates of a Tract or Township of Ten Miles Square and that he may have 1200 acres therein. 2KS 37° DOCUMENTS The tract to be granted in free & common soccage, bounded on the West by the Eastern boundary of a Township prayed for by Barent Johnston Esq. which is bounded by the Seigniory of St. Francis upon the River Chaudiere, East side, And your Petitioner as in Duty bound will ever Pray Montreal 19th Septr. 1792. [Endorsed] No. 336 Petition John Jacob Astor John Jacob Astor of New York in behalf of himself & Associates. Montreal 19th September 1792. • reed. 14th Oct. For a Township of ten Miles square & for him to have 1200 acres therein, bounded on the West by the Eastern boundary of a Township prayed for by Barent Johnston Esq. &c. Referred to the Land Committee. By order of His Excellency The Lieutenant Governor. Quebec 15th Nov., 1792. Thos. Aston Coffin. Reed. & entered on the minutes of the Land Committee 14 Nov. 1792. Land Committee. Recommended. Signed by Order 1 Hugh Finlay 16th Nov. 1792. / Chairman 10. Letter from Astor to Peter Smith, May 14, 1793, giving Fur Prices at New York. This letter reveals that Smith was not only sending furs to Astor to pay for goods bought on Smith's account by the New York merchant, but was also buying furs on Astor's account. The prices given in this letter may be compared with those in document 8, ^S^n'^^'r^'t DOCUMENTS 371 New York 14 May 1793 * Mr Peter Smith Sir Your fav*. of Ult° I duly recd. I have now to inform you that I have bad accots. from Europe concerning the Sales of Furs, and unless you can buy Furs at or under the annex'd prices. I wish you not to buy any on A/ceo*, of Good Bear 40/ to 42 Your Hble Seryt u Otter 32 to 36 John-Jacob-Astor " Martin 5 to 5/6 " Mink 3/6 a Fisher 6/ " Raccoon 6/ a Musrat 2/2 Wheat 9/ cash [Signature only in Astor's hand.] [Addressed] Mr Peter Smith, Merch*., Old Fort Schuyler, A fav1*. of Mr. Coarish 11. Account of Purchase by Astor and William Laight from Robert and John Watts, March, 1794, of Lands in the Mohawk Valley. This is the first available document relating to the purchase by Astor of lands in the New York backcountry. The provisions for the payment of quit rent will be noted. Robert and John Watts were the brothers-in-law of Sir John Johnson, to whose father, Sir William Johnson, the lands in question had formerly belonged. 1 Ms., Syracuse University, Gerrit Smith Miller Collection, and duplicate in possession of Lord Astor. 372 DOCUMENTS ,0 o ^ vO vO Ov CO O t>» *-* M 00 M d CO "4. CO VO o VO m t^ vO Tt- csi O Ov ^ -<$■ H O H <tf m w <3 ■a +3 T3 C/3 rt <-> 8. 3 "rT « rt O rf a rt pq S W W rrt Q *• %bo "* *rt «*4 00 CO H? 1 -d T ca <3 M o rt rt ►3 oo 1 CD rt u PQ cfl o 0) < ■8 rt c/i O I > 1 0) rt o o* Q H-» o o o O 8 rt cf .rt t>. c« U H I rt o 1 rCj 2 <J rh N Ov rt <\ DOCUMENTS 373 12. Letter from Astor to Peter Smith, April 13, 1794, outlining Plans for meeting Rival Claims to Lands in the Mohawk Valley. This communication is even more confused, ungrammatical, and badly misspelled than is usual with Astor's autograph communications; these characteristics are probably, in this case, indicative of agitation, despite the confident tone of the opening sentences. New yark 13th Aprill 1794 | Deare Petter I Recd your 2 f av* of 4 Inst from Albay. I observe you have bin an the Lands & that it Do8 not a peare that wer Lick to met with musch traubel an accoumpt of T. C with thas who have prosetian. Exspet the man who has used you ill who but Latley but his pasetian & Improvements I have Spooking to the Mayor & he Says that if this man has nothing mor than pasetian that we Can Eject him & we will Certingley put all Cast an him if Even aure titel Should not be Campld [interlineated: Complet] yet it is very good for Parte to this hawever he advisis that if we Enter with Sperit in to this buisniss we aught not to go on to hastey with it as prehas in in [sic] meantime [wile — stricken through] while we praseed this or any other man may Cam to a Reasonebel Settelmment which may answer oure purpus as well we have nothing muh to feare from posetians but I think un Less we Can meet with Sam Mor proff in oure favr. we may meet with traubele from such as yeates who I Supoes is the Same that was here to I Dont know but think its Likeley to be him I have bin with Mr. Laight shawn him your Letter he Seems not inclind to sell as he Says the abject is worth the Run Should have no objecctians to Sell and your to Consult your awen Intrest as well as aures & whether you wish or think you Can aford to Run any Rissk in the buisniss this is a Matter whih you anley Can & must 1 Ms. Syracuse University, Gerrit Smith Miller Collection. 374 DOCUMENTS Decid with in your Selfe as to my part you knaw my Intrest is not So mush & no Doubt in Equitey we have the best titel that can begiving yet in Law Somthing more may bewanting. Mr. Laight thinks you had best go an with the buisniss at anese with Sperit. I have bin thinking Mantiond it to Laight who a proffs of the plan, that Should we meet with any traubel after you proseeted from any fellow who may pretend to have a Claime under ane of the Pattantees to Give him or tham all the traubel we Can in Law & Should we think it proper get Som person to met him or tham an theare awen ground [interlineated: &] to buy [interlineated: his Claime] of him under that Idia thot whih you know is the Case that his or theare tittel [interlineated: or Claime] is good for nothing & So get it for Littel Rather than have more traubel about it but this Must be Donn With Secricey & thorugh Som other person So that it Can not be supaesd to Cum from us this I think may be Donn at the Last pusch with Respect as to Selling the Lands naw to gether you Say 9/ I think that we aught not to affer to Sell thill Such times that we absolutely meane to Sell & than Sell at Such price as we Can get I for my parte am willing to Sell yet I Dont wish to Expose the Lands thill we may be or have better agreed between us all Respeting the Sale which if at all aught to be absolute and unthill than I think you had best go & Survey the whole & Sell a parte but youl pleas not to Sell more than 10 or 12 Sales of 2 or 250 Acers an my accomptt with a Warrenteed Deed as I would Rather take Less in prie & Sell by the Deeds which we have to this the Mayor also advieis & Says is Somtime Doonn & I hope that after your having Sold Som warrented youl than be abel to Sell the Rest with out but Referr to oure Residels — Jams apeal has Spook to me Severrel times Latley & altho we have mush talk of [illegible] war yet he Says he Can Sell oure Land for a [illegible] price but Mr. Laight has no Confindece in hi[m] fo[r] which Reasan we wih not to affer the Lands thill we may be better Determed So to DOCUMENTS 375 Doo I have now wrote you all I Can think of & Close with Saying that I Leave the whole to you & that I will agreea to wot you may think best to Doo [interlineated: Exspt thot of Selling mor than obaut 2400 Acers with — stricken through warrented an my accompt] as I have Sugd [said?] be befor j {sic] I agree with you in Letting the whhole now but think when onse we Canclued to sell we aught not to stick about the pric however Doo as you pleas I Confid & Depend in you & your judgement in this buisniss more than in my awen, have you Ricd a Letter from J. Watts I am Der frid your find & &c. John • Jacob • Astor NB. I do approve of what Mr. Astor has written, & promise to conform to the measures which you may adopt — Wm Laight. [Addressed] Petter Smith Esquire at old Forte Schuyler, Harkemer County [Postmarked] N York. Apr 13 17 [and] 3 [cents postage] 13. Letter from Astor to Peter Smith, November 10, 1794, requesting smith to protect his interests while He is in Europe. This letter, written immediately before Astor's departure for Europe, where he intended to study the fur trade and also to secure evidence to be used in land litigation, is interestingly revelatory of Astor's personal character and of his relations with Smith. It also shows his connection with the firm of Thomas Backhouse in London. The "Captn. Dean of Albany" mentioned in this letter married a niece of Mrs. Astor and was later to command Astor's first China vessel. New york 10th Navr. 1794 f Dear Sir/ Being about to depart for Europe & not knowing when I Shall return I find Occasion to write you this long letter with 1 Ms., Syracuse University, Gerrit Smith Miller Collection, and duplicate in possession of Lord Astor. 376 DOCUMENTS respect as to our lands, you will no Doubt doo what you think for Our mutual Interest Consulting with Mr. Laight with which I shall be Satisfied if it Could be Sold to Save ourselves I should be happy if not I hope you will get the matter Settled if even if Should Cost us much youl when Occasion Requires Consult with Mr. Laight whatever he thinks proper with what you doo I shall abide by my Dear Peter how will it be with the payment on your part you Know the time will Come when Mr. Laights Bond as well as mine will become due you Know that I would as Soon Injure myself as to do it to You but how Laight may be disposed to You I dont Know, you Know that I have put every Confidence in you that One man can in another & which I have found you have always Kept Sacred altho' its probable that I may want money very much next Summer yet I would not ask you for any more than what you can pay without Injuring yourself but what if laight should ask you for his & perhaps Sue you I don't know what may be your Situation tho I hope its good nor am I affraid of being paid every Shilling by you in time which I will give you provided Laight does the Same but what if he should sue you have you property to pay him & Secure me at Same time I hope you have but if not I hope youlnot pay him without Seeing me at Same time Secured I have Spoke to Mr Laight he told me he would not Injure you but yet one Dont know what may Come to pass & at any rate I think I ought to be the last who ought to loose [interlineated: anything] by You as I dont Know when I may return or what may turn up I have thought best to leave the Bond of yours with Captn. Dean of Albany who perhaps will Call on you with it & act as he thinks best for my Interest & as I have every Confidence in you I hope youll advise him to doo what may be for my Interest at any rate I shall expect it from you that youll at least pay me as soon as Mr Laight or Secure me the Amo*. I hope you'le excuse me for writing you [interlineated: in] this plain manner what ever you may think DOCUMENTS 377 of it I have and wish to Show you as much real Friendship as can be expected from any person who at Same time wishes to do his duty to his family I wish you well god Bless you & keep you in health [The date line and that which follows this note are the only portions of the letter in Astor's own hand.] My Best Respets to Mrs Smith and Remaen Deare frind Yours John • Jacob • Astor I Leave this about the 17 or 18 Inst a Line Dericted for me to Care of Tho8 Backhause at Landan thill 1 of March will Cum to [interlineated: my] hand [Addressed] Mr. Petter Smith at old Forte Shuyler, Harkemer County 14. Newspaper Announcement of Astor, William Laight, and Peter Smith, December 6, 1794, warning the Public against Rival Claimants to their Mohawk Valley Lands. The newspaper in which this advertisement appeared had a wide circulation among the inhabitants of the interior of New York State, which was the reason why the ex-loyalist William Laight, who did not in the least approve of its principles, selected it as the medium for this announcement. Lands, Late the Property of Sir William Johnson, Baronet, deceased.1 The subscribers deem it necessary to inform the public, and all purchasers of lands, that Illustration of a house they are possessed, in fee simple, of two certain tracts (formerly part of the estate of the late Sir William Johnson, deceased) one, known by the title of Adagugbtangag, or Charlotte River, then situated in the county of Tryon, now Montgomery, 1 Greenleaf's New York Journal & Patriotic Register, Saturday, December 6, 1794. r^^/^^ 378 DOCUMENTS in the then province, now State, of New-York; the other, by the name of Byrnes9 Patent, near Schoharie, in the county of Albany, except such parts thereof as had been devised by the said Sir William Johnson to the present occupants, previous to his decease. That their title is in a direct line, conformably to the last will and testament of the said Sir William Johnson, who bequeathed the said tracts of land (excepting such parts as were by him sold in his lifetime) to his executors, Daniel Campbell, Esq. of Schenectady, and others, to be disposed of, and the proceeds divided among his brothers and sisters. That the same was accordingly disposed of in pursuance of the will of the said Sir William Johnson, by the said executors, and the subscribers became purchasers of the said Lands, for a valuable consideration, and now hold the same by regular conveyances. That this public communication is proper on account of the interference of some misinformed or ill-intentioned persons, who, presuming to be the heirs or representative of the associates of the said Sir William Johnson in the original patent, affect to believe and do assert, "that all the mesne conveyances from the said associates to the said Sir William Johnson were not made nor compleated." Now, in order to prevent imposition on unsuspecting purchasers, information is hereby given, That the subscribers are, in law and equity, justly possessed of the tracts of Land aforesaid, except as before excepted, and that those who presume to interfere with their property, will necessarily meet with disappointment and loss. John Jacob Astor William Laight Peter Smith 30 - 2aw. t. f. New-York, Dec. 6,1794 — DOCUMENTS 379 15. Letter from Astor to Peter Smith, September 10, 1795, describing Astor's Financial Straits after his Return from Europe. This letter was written while Astor was on one of his annual autumnal journeys up the Hudson to the Montreal fur market. Forte Miller 10 Septr. 1795 1 Deare Petter I wrote you from N. york Last and than informd you of my intention of going to Canada and that I exspected to be in Albany an or before the 12 Is* I arrivd thare the 9 being in a grate Hurry & not having Recd a Line from you I Left it this. Day I hape to Return in all this month Praphaps in a few Days when I Should be glad to here from you at Albany I Can not Describe to you an Black & white how much I am in want of Cash theare for If you Can Sent me any it will oblige me mush be the Sum ever So Smale. for while I was gon to Europe my Business has got mush Derangd at hame. and I am mush Pressd for Maney if you Sent any Sent it to Captn. Dean at Albany for me and Let me know when I Shall have the Pleasure of Seeing you I am told your leaking a grate fourtune & very fast which gives me muh Pleasure my best Respects to Mrs. Smith & believe me to be your well wisher John • Jacob • Astor [Addressed] Petter Smith Esqr. at old Forte Shuyler, Mant Comry County [Postmarked] Albany Sept. 17 10 [cents postage] 1 Ms., Syracuse University, Gerrit Smith Miller Collection. S—^gi-yirTiwyhnag 38o DOCUMENTS 16. Agreement between David Alexander Grant and Patrick Langan, and Astor, October 17, 1795, for the Acquisition of Crown Lands in Lower Canada through the Agency of Hugh Finlay. This document reveals Astor's connection with one of the many attempts to obtain Crown lands through the instrumentality of members of the land committee, of which Finlay was chairman; it was unsuccessful. Langan had once been Sir John Johnson's secretary. Articlesx of Agreement made and concluded this day between David Alexander Grant Esqr., Seignior of Longueiille &a. in the District of Montreal and Province of Lower Canada, and Patrick Langan Esq1", of Montreal aforesaid, of the one part, And John Jacob Astor of the city of New York in the State of New York, Merchant, of the other part: — Witnesseth, That the said Parties hereunto subscribing being willing and desirous of entering into a Mutual Concern for the acquisition of Land in the said Province of Lower Canada for their joint Profit or Loss, on the following Conditions, and in the proportions hereinafter stipulated. — and Whereas by an arrangement made by two of the herein contracting parties, namely David Alexander Grant and Patrick Langan, with the Honorable Hugh Finlay Esqr. of the City of Quebec and Province aforesaid on the fifth day of October Instant, there is great appearance of and good reason to believe that the said Honorable Hugh Finlay, David Alexander Grant, and Patrick Langan will get possession, by Patents or Deeds conveyed to them, of several Tracts of the waste Lands of the Crown now laid out or to be hereafter laid out in Townships in the said Province, and whereof the said Honorable Hugh Finlay is to have by agreement one Fourth part or Share of all such Tracts as may be so acquired: He the said Hugh Finlay having 1 Ms., Palais de Justice, Montreal, Notarial Records of L8. Chaboillez, Jr., no. 1548. ^*rtm~ = DOCUMENTS 381 taken upon himself, and being obliged by the said agreement to find and procure all the associates that may be necessary towards procuring the Titles to the several Tracts of Land herein contemplated, and also to attend and Transact every business that may be necessary in the premises towards gaining the ends proposed, untill the Patents or Deeds is issued and delivered to the several Proprietors; — Now be it known, That the said David Alexander Grant and Patrick Langan doth hereby [in margin: for themselves their Heirs or assigns — P. L. J. J. A.] promise covenant and agree, That the above named John Jacob Astor, his Heirs or Assigns, shall be intitled to, and have aright to possess one other Fourth part or share of all such Tracts as may be acquired under the agreement or arrangement made by the said David Alexander Grant and Patrick Langan with the said Honorable Hugh Finlay, to the number and extent of Six Townships only, which Six Townships shall be first chosen out of the number the said David Alexander Grant and Patrick Langan may have a concern in with the said Hugh Finlay: Provided always, and it is hereby agreed, that the said John Jacob Astor shall furnish and advance all such Sum or Sums of Money as shall appear necessary or requisite for the Surveying the Townships or Tracts, and subdividing the same into Lots of Two hundred Acres each, And also such Sums as may be necessary to defray the Expence of Fees to be paid at the taking out the Grants or Patents, and for exploring the Tracts in order to ascertain whether they may be worth the patenting, previous to incurring the Expence of Survey; and in short all Expences that may be thought advisable and proper to incur in carrying [in carrying — stricken through] the present undertaking into effect to the greatest advantage for the parties concerned therein, — and for which purpose, and for the better facilitating the undertaking, a good and sufficient credit shall be lodged by the said John Jacob Astor, in Montreal, where the said David Alexander Grant and 382 DOCUMENTS Patrick Langan may draw out such Sums as may be requisite from time to time, to the extent of the Expences that may accrue upon Six Townships, provided the same does not exceed the Sum of Two Thousand four hundred Pounds Current Money of the Province of Lower Canada. And for the better re-imbursing and securing to the said John Jacob Astor or his assigns the two Thirds of all such monies as may be by him so advanced for the present undertaking, (the other one third being engaged on his own account in consideration of holding the Interest of one fourth share in the property when acquired) the said David Alexander Grant and Patrick Langan shall and will give accountable Receipts or Notes to the said John Jacob Astor or his attorney, from time to time for each their one Third proportion of all such Sums so advanced by the said John Jacob Astor, which Receipts or Notes shall be made payable to him or assigns in two equal payments: That is to say, the one half of each sum so advanced, to be paid in Eighteen Months from the date of the Receipt or Note, and the remaining one half in Eighteen Months thereafter: the whole with lawfull Interest, at Six per Cent per Annum. And it is hereby also agreed by the parties, that if any Sale or Sales of the Tracts so to be acquired, or any part thereof, should take place before the payment to the said John Jacob Astor becomes due, that the net proceeds of the Proportions of the said David Alexander Grant and Patrick Langan of such Sales shall go and be appropriated to the discharge of such monies as may be then owing to the said John Jacob Astor by the said David Alexander Grant and Patrick Langan, untill the whole is paid. —j And as the contracting Parties have entered into the Plan herein contemplated with a determination of treating each other with candor and full confidence; they hereby promise and Covenant that in case of any disagreement between them, they will refer the matter in dispute to the decision of four disin- tiresting Persons reciprocally chosen — Those four so chosen **~T"; DOCUMENTS 383 may call in an umpire if necessary, and the award given in such cases shall be considered as final, and be binding upon the parties. — And the contracting Parties also farther agree that neither shall charge the other any commission for any bargain either may make towards a Sale of the Property, nor for any other trouble he may be at in forwarding the business here contemplated: At the same time if it should so happen that the principal part of the trouble should fall upon one of the contracting Parties exclusively, in that case the Concerned may make him what allowance they may judge reasonable. — And, as the Honorable Hugh Finlay, David Alexander Grant, and Patrick Langan had it in view on entering into their agreement to dispose of the Lands so acquired when a good opportunity offered, but seeing the difficulties that must arise in offering an individed Property vested in so many hands to Sale: The said Honorable Hugh Finlay, David Alexander Grant, and Patrick Langan have covenanted and agreed that the Titles to all such Lands so acquired shall be vested in the said Patrick Langan in trust, for the benefit of the concern, with Power to dispose of the same with the consent of one more of the contracting Parties: (they being a majority) So it is understood that this agreement shall not annul or encroach in any shape upon that power so vested in the said Patrick Langan, at the same time that previous to his concluding such Sale, the said Patrick Langan will give due Notice that such Sale is intended, to any attorney which the said John Jacob Astor may appoint in the Cities of Quebec or Montreal; in order that the said John Jacob Astor may avail himself of such Notice if he should be inclined to become a purchaser of the Property so intended to be sold.— It is also farther agreed by the aforesaid Parties that this Written Instrument shall be lodged as a Record in the office of L8. Chaboillez. — Notary Public in Montreal in order that the Parties may have recourse thereto as need may require — In 3H DOCUMENTS Witness whereof the Parties have hereunto Subscribed their names and affixed their Seals this Seventeenth day of October one thousand seven hundred and Ninety five.— Patrick Langan (L. S.) Davd. Alexr. Grant (L. S.) John. Jacob. Astor (L. S.) Signed sealed and delivered in the presence of L8. Chaboillez Jr. N. P. [Endorsed] 1548 Le 17 Octobre 1795. Articles de Societe entre David Alexr Grant, Patrick Langan Esqr. Et John Jacob Astor 17. Letter from Timothy Pickering to Robert Liston, October io, 1797, exonerating Astor from any Suspicion of Complicity in a Filibustering Expedition against Canada. The David McLean mentioned in this letter was executed for an attempt at insurrection in Lower Canada, believed to have been inspired by Pierre Auguste Adet, French minister to the United States. Department of State | Trenton Oct. 10. 1797. Sir You will recollect that you delivered to me last week an extract of a letter dated in New York the 10th of August, & signed R. P. in which the writer says that a German, by the name of Jacob Oster, had imported in the last ship from London 6000 stands of arms & 100 caskes of gun-powder; and because Mr. Oster deals largely in furrs with Canada, the writer meant to 1 Ms. (letter press copy), Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston, Timothy Pickering MSS., Letters to his Correspondents, vol. vii, August-December, 1797, p. 288. F ' -—-1 mmmmmm DOCUMENTS 385 insinuate a suspicion that the arms were destined for the Canadians, in prosecution of M°. Lean's (or rather Mr. Adet's) plan of an insurrection. And I presume that it was under this aspect of the business that you were induced to put the extract into my hands. I immediately wrote to the Collector of New-York, and today have received his answer; by whichdt appears that Mr. Oster has imported no arms, and only a small quantity of gunpowder, in the usual course of his trade, and that the powder chiefly remains on hand. Copies of my letter & his answer I have the honor to inclose; and am very respectfully your ob*. Servant Rob*. Liston Esqr. Envoy Timothy Pickering. Extraordinary, &c. &c. 18. Letter from Astor to Peter Smith, March 17,1798, describing his financial difficulties and his discouragement in regard to their land litigation. Since Astor is usually said to have been worth #250,000 by 1800 (or 1803 at the latest), this account of his financial condition a few years earlier is of interest. By "the frolacke when the ox was Rasted" is meant the occasion upon which Sir William Johnson's tenants and "associates" made over to him their patents for the lands now claimed by Astor, Smith, and Laight. Brockholst Livingston was the triumvirate's attorney in the litigation and Danford was one of the leading rival claimants. It is easy to see why Astor and his associates would prefer to have a jury from Albany or Schenectady judge in the case rather than to have it tried by men who were neighbors of their opponents. New york 17 March 1798 * Dear Petter I have to acknowladge the Recpt of a letter from you Since your Return from Canada/ and am Sorry to Inform you that 1 Ms., Syracuse University, Gerrit Smith Miller Collection. 3*6 DOCUMENTS about i haure ago I had to pay 2040 Dollars for Cast in aure Cursed Sute or go to Prison — it is evident that Mr. B. Leving- ston has not paid that attention to the Busniss which it Re- quird and has Sufferd those fellawes who are employd against us to get every advantage thy wishd — I am very Sick of the Busniess all the mony I Can muster gos for this Damd businiss it is too much for me to Lay aut of and I Do Sincerley wish you would Sent me Som Cash Soon it is as true as I Live I have ben obligd to Sacrafies this Day 15 pet an property In order to get this money it is too hard for me I therefor hope youil at Least Send your share of what I have this Day paid for you — you wish to Sell your Intrest in Charlate River Traict. I am nearly Ready to give mine a way it is truley folley to Repent now it is to Late but at Same time I Can assure you what with waxation which I had Latly & Diffeculaty to get mony to pay Saunderls who have taking advantage of us I am So Confused with this Busniss that I Do wih I had Last io.m Dollars ere I had known any thing of the Land — Say In your next Shall or Can or will you not have a Trial brought on in may if a Trial Say if any thing is to be Done/ if we have no prospect of Success Lets be Done with it at ances and thraugh no more mony away for if no Stop is put to it I shall yet be mind with it. I have Last about £2000 Last year in my Busniss all my property is out of my hands — Sine you have Left Montreal we have a Letter from Langan who in Closes an affidevit taking of Cammel ane of the Pattentees in which he States that he was Cald an by Som person (Williams) on behalf of Danford who told him that he had Claime on Land in 2 traicts & that if he would give him a Deed he would give him So much for [it] that he at the Request of this person had given a deed altho he At that time Did himself not belive that he had any Right to any Land as he had Signd 2 Realeases ane at the frolacke when the ox was Rasted and an ather Some time after Say from 70 to 72 an account of the Deed or Deeds given to Danford which are DOCUMENTS 387 yet in the Hands of Som person in upper Canada he has Red 50 Dollars and he Says that he never was in posetion of any Land in this State I supose this will Do us no good unless the man is excamind by a Cammission to make mor Cost I am yours John • Jacob • Astor P. S. Can we not have aure Cause JDried by a jury from Albany & Schenectady [Addressed] Petter Smith Esqr., old Forte Shuyler, Harkemer County [Postmarked] New York, Mar 19 1798 — 20 [cents postage] 19. Letter from Astor to Peter Smith, December 7, 1799, giving an Encouraging View of their Land Litigation. At this time Astor had five children: Magdalen, b. January 11, 1788; John Jacob, Jr.,b. 1791; William Backhouse, b. September 19, 1792; Dorothea, b. January n, 1795; Henry, b. December 26, 1797. Henry was the child whose death is mentioned in the letter. Astor, in his uncertain English, may have been trying to say that three of his five children were ill. Dowdle was the agent through whom the Mohawk Valley lands had been purchased from the Wattses. Abraham Van Vechten, "father of the New York bar," was evidently acting as one of the attorneys of Astor and his associates. Among the other lawyers retained was Aaron Burr. New York 7 Dec 1799 1 Dear Peter I Recie' Severel Letters from you that of the 11 ulto is the Last/ you might well esspected Some from me for you ought to have had tham but youil esuse me when I tell you that on my Return from Canada I found my famely at Albany and my 3 Childrin 111 one of whom I Lost a fine Little boy 23 Months old Died 14 Days ago in this Situation I could not think mush of business 1 Ms., Syracuse University, Gerrit Smith Miller Collection. 388 DOCUMENTS Dowdel told me that he wishd me & you & himself to pur- chas the Lands of Lawyer & Zimerman but as I know nothing of the pries or value of cours I Can not Say anything Re- speting it. I see you have Sold & Leasd Some of Byrns I had a Conversation with Mr. Laight who I am Sorry to Say is 111 and wishes not mush to betroubld with anything to Pray on his mind This however he Says that he Should Like to See the business of our Land in such a Train as would promise a Speedy & final Conclution Respecting the Law Sutes as also to Lead to a kind of general Settlement of the property betwen us as this Can not now be done he thinks it best and I am of Same oppinion that our accounts of espenics Should be Settled & as to the Disposition of Beyrns we are willing to Leave it Intierly & Soly to you in every Respect only it is our oppinion that if 1/4 of it Could besold to advantage or tolrabely So it Should be Done we will Send you full powers in a short time — while the Court was Sitting In Albany I was there & one hour befor it Brock up I Spoke to B. Livingston & A. Vaneghten who boath assured me that we Should obtain judgement but behold Mr A. V. never had given notics to have the question Tryide & Says he did not know that there was any ocation for it thos by the want of knowledge or neglect we are playd off There apears however no Doubt but we will get judgement meantime I would have you write to A. Vanveghten & I will do to Same for there Seems to beno Dependancs on him or any other Layer — you must Send me the names of the persons against whom you wish to have attachments from the Court of Chanery B.L. tells me that befor they Can be obtained the bill of Cost must be presented & moneys Demanded and if they Refuus than only Can we get attachments out. This business I think has [interlineated: been] much neglected I will do all that Can be done here & do you what you can & Lets get the money or Sent the Raskels to Brison at Least those who So sms h~ DOCUMENTS 389 well Deserve it — have you ever got the will of S. W. J. Recorded, you write for a Surway of Parkins of C. River Tract there is no such thing I have an account of his paid by S. W. J. in which is Chargd £8.0.0 for a Large feild booke of that Tract wiH writ to Canada if it Can be found My Respects to Mrs Smith believe me to be yours J. J. Astor [Addressed] Petter Smith Esq1., Old Fort Shuyler, Harkemer County [Postmarked] New York, Dec 10 17 [cents postage] 20. Letter from Astor to Auguste Chouteau, January 28, 1800, SUGGESTING A COMMERCIAL RELATIONSHIP with the St. Louis Fur Traders. This letter reveals Astor as making collections at St. Louis as the agent of a London firm and as offering his services in purchasing merchandise and disposing of furs for the St. Louis traders. It is one of the earliest evidences of that expansionist policy which a few years later resulted in the founding of Astoria. Auguste Chouteau and Charles Gratiot were leading figures in the St. Louis fur trade. a New York le 28 Janvier 1800 | a Monsieur Auguste Chouteau Monsieur, Je regrette beaucoup de n'avoir jamais pu realiser le desir, dont Je me suis flatte il y a long time, de visiter votre pays — pour y etablir des liaisons de Commerce et pour arranger avec vous le Compte de nos amis Messieurs Schneider & Cme. a Londres. — Je dois recevoir le sold qui leur revint, — lequel, avec l'interet &c, monte a la somme de £3945.0.6 sterlin, comme vous verrez par le Compte Courant ci-enclus. — Vous 1 Ms., Missouri Historical Society, St. Louis, P. Chouteau Collection, Pierre Chouteau Papers. 39° DOCUMENTS savez deja qu'une partie de cette somme, £1700 sterling, doit £tre payee a Monsieur Gratiot — ce que Je vous prie de faire — et de prendre sa quittance pour parfait payment de toutes de- mandes contre nos dits amis de Londres, avec son billet pour £1000 sterling, tire en ma faveur. — Le solde qui revindra alors, montera a la Somme de £2245.0.6 sterlin — lequel, il vous plaira payer a Monsieur Jacques Swan qui est muni de ma part d'une procuration a cet effet, a lui fournie en vertu de cette que Je tiens de Messieurs Schneider & Cnie .—.— Mr. Swan vient chez vous, expres pour ces objects. Plusieurs personnes qui ont l'honneur de votre connoisance, m'ont assure que vous desirez beaucoup de voir terminee cette affaire — ainsi il ne me faut pas vous parler la depuis — Je n'ai que vous prier de le faire aussi-t6t possible pour hater le retour de Monsiur Swan, et par ce moyen d'eviter des frais a nos amis Mess8. Schneider & Cnie. Le Commerce des Peaux, ou Je suis engage, m'oblige toutes les annees un voyage a Montreal pour acheter des peaux de divers especes, telles qui se trouvent dans votre pays, et dont vous achetez vous-meme une quantite considerable, comme les Peaux de Castors, raccoons, de daims et de loutres. Dans le mois de Septembre dernier lorsque J'etais a Montreal J'ai achete une partie de celles que vous y aviez ex- pedies.— Ne sera-t-il pas possible pour vous d'en envoyer tout droit de votre pays jusqu'ici? Je ne doute pas que eel a ne puisse [interlineated: se] faire; et meme a notre avantage mutuel-dans un tel cas, il ne me serait plus necessaire d'aller a Montreal — dont, Je vous assure Je serais bien rejoui; car, non seulement les frais de voyage, mais, ce que vaut encore plus, la perte de trois mois de terns, seraient ainsi evites. Les marchandises provenants de l'Europe, de quel genre que ce soit, J'ai les moyens d'en faire venir aux prix les plus avan- tageux — & quant aux peaux, de votre pays, Je sais les placer au meilleur benefice. S ■■-;■;; w---'^ w- -:■ ■ -w- . wa; a w,- DOCUMENTS 391 Je vous prie de penser k ces sujets — et de les considerer avec Monsieur Gratiot, a qui J'ai addresse de pareilles propositions. J'ai l'honneur d'etre Monsieur, Votre tres Hble & Ob Serviteur John • Jacob • Astor 21. Entry of Merchandise imported by Astor from Hamburg, February 12, 1800. One of the largest elements in Astor's importations from Europe was wool of various kinds which was used for the same purpose as some of the furs in which Astor dealt, that is, in hat-making. The mark used on these goods was quite likely an error for HA. J. C. Hook was probably one of Astor's clerks. Entry of Merchandise Imported by John J. Astor in the Ship Arathusa Nathaniel Tyler Master from Hamburgh New York feby. 12*1800 | Marks Numbers Packages & Contents ioprCt 12% 12J 15% Cost Invoice HA 16 One box Contg Hare Wool i75o 17 One box Coney Wool 3I7.I5 Outward duty to Hambg 48. Cocket & fees 3.16 For the boxes & packg 14.2 Receivg & delivering 3.18 Carrying on board 12 Freight from hence to Tirol 4.16 d°. from Tirol to Bremen 40.8 Insurance & Commiss 94-13 2278.0 for J J Astor Josh C Hook [Endorsed] John J. Astor pr J C. Hook, Arethusa Tyler, Febry 15111800 Hair & Wool Free 1 Ms., New York Historical Society, Astor Papers. 392 DOCUMENTS 22. Letter from Astor to John V. Henry, March 25, 1800, requesting indulgence in the payment of quit Rents. New york 25 March 1800 * Sir/ After Congratulating you in your offices. I take the Liberty to represent to you that Mr. Petter Smith of old Fort Shuyler William Laight & myself are proprioters of two Tracts of Land the One Cald Byerns tract & the other Charlote River tract granted to Sir William Johnson & others, at the time we pur- chasd these Lands it was aur Intention to pay the quit rents than Due in 3 pCt Stocke of UN States but to aur grat misfortune There apeared Severel persons who pretented to have better titles to those Lands than we and on excaming our papers there apeared Some wanting to make our tittle Complete in Consequenc of which it was tought advisable that we should Suspend the payment of the quits which as will apeore on your booke was Done \ Sence the yeare 94 we have ben Involved in very heavey & expenive Law Sutes to establish aure Right to the Lands by Law which Indeed is not yet tho nearly effected I make this true representation to you with assurances that when you See, aur Situation you will Grant us Sush Indolginis as is Con- sistand with the Dutys of your offies which far. will allways be gratfully acknawladgd by Sir yaur very Hube Servnt John • Jacob • Astor [Addressed] Mr John V Henry, Comptroler, Albany [Postmarked] New-York, Mar. 26 Paid 17 [cents postage] [Endorsed] John J. Astor's letter 25 March 1800 1 Ms., New York Historical Society, Astor Papers. ! - '^4d^ DOCUMENTS 393 23. Entry of Merchandise imported by Astor from London, April 12, 1800. The goods mentioned in this invoice were, from their nature, doubtless intended for use in the trade with the Indians. Entry of Merchandise Imported by Jn°. J Astor in the Brig Fair American Rud Master from London — New York 12th Ap. 1800l Cost Marks Numbers Packages & Contents 10 prC*. 12% I2§-IS% 20% Charges Invoices PGO 1 One Bale contg Blankets 17. 4.0 2 One d°. d°. d°. 16. 9.0 3 One d° d° d° 14. 6.6 4 One d° d° d° 15- 4-o 5 One d° d° d° 21.12.0 6 One d° d° d° 18.13.0 7 One d° d° d° 21.12.0 8 One Cask Cutlery 5.8.0 5.8 125. 8.6 $613 @ iop 61 D30C 26 B 15 3.90 65.20 [Endorsed] J J Astor by J C Hook p Fair Afar [?] B April 15 65:20 24. Certificate of Merchandise landed at Canton from the Ship Severn, October 30, 1800. This document was used to enable those concerned in this voyage to secure a drawback on the duties for which they became responsible when the goods mentioned were imported into the United States. It is of particular interest in that it relates to the first China voyage in which Astor was concerned. William Laight, associated with Astor in this voyage, was also concerned with him in New York backcountry lands. The captain, Stewart Dean, the second American captain to take a vessel to China, had married Mrs. Astor's niece. 1 Ms., New York Historical Society, Astor Papers. 394 DOCUMENTS (Ix Stewart Dean — Temporary resident in) the City of (Canton —) do hereby certify, that the goods or merchandize hereinafter described, have been landed in this city, between the (Tenth) and (Twentieth) days of (October 1800) from on board the (Ship Severn) of (New York) whereof (Stewart Dean) is at present master, viz. (Seventeen Bales Camblets N°. 7 thirteen ps. forty Eight yards Eache " 7 twelve ps forty Eight yards Ea- tt 7 twelve ps forty Eight yards Ea- a 7 fourteen ps. forty Eight yards Ea- " 6 twelve p8. forty Eight yards Ea- " 16 twenty ps fifty five yards Ea. f 5 twenty ps fifty five yards Ea- I 9 twenty ps fifty five yards Ea- " 11 twenty ps. fifty five yards Ea. " 10 twenty ps. fifty five yards Ea. " 7 twenty ps fifty five yards Ea- I 14 twenty ps fifty five yards Ea- I 12 twenty ps. fifty five yards Ea- u 8 twenty ps fifty five yards Ea- u 6 twenty p8 fifty five yards Ea- " . 13 twenty p8. fifty five yards Ea- " 15 twenty ps. fifty five yards Ea-) 1 Bale Markd [ § 1 d°. u do 1 d°. u H T 1 d°. a T 1 d°. 1 F T 1 d°. a G&HL 1 do. 1 4* 1 d°. « D° 1 d°. u d° 1 d° a ^ 1 d° | m 1 d° 1 d° 1 d° 1 d° 1 Bale u d° 1 d° u d° 1 d° 1 d°. 1 d° u G&EL Which according to the Bills of Lading for the same, were shipped on board the said (Ship Severn) at the port of (New York) in the United States of America, on or about the (twenty Sixth) day of (Aprill 1800) and consigned to (Me) by (Jacob Astor W. Light & Son Jn°. Titus [interlineated: and George Lewis]) of the (City) of (New York) Merchant(s) Given under (my) hand at the city of (Canton) this (thirtieth) day of (Octr. 1800 Stewart Dean) 1 Ms., New York Historical Society, Astor Papers. DOCUMENTS 395 Port of (Canton) We (Stewart Dean Master) and (Jn°: Stouts Sailor having no mate) of the (Ship Severn) of (New York,) lately arrived from the port of (New York) in the United States of America, do Solemnly Swear, that the Goods or Merchandize enumerated and described in the preceding Certificate, dated the (thirtieth) day of (October. 1800) and signed by (Stewart Dean in) the city of (Canton, —,) were actually delivered in this port from on board the said (Ship Severn) within the time specified in the said Certificate (Stewart Dean Jn°. Stouts) Sworn at the city of (Canton) before me, (this thirtieth) day of (Octr. 1800 Samuel Snow Consul of the United States of America) (I Samuel Snow) Consul of the United States of America, at the city of (Canton in China,) do declare, that the facts set forth in the preceding Certificate, subscribed by (Stewart Dean Now resident in,) the said city, and dated the (thirtieth) day of (Octr. 1800.) are [to — stricken through] (in my opinion) just and true, and deserving of full faith and credit. In Testimony Whereof I have hereunto subscribed my name, and affixed the seal of my office, at the city of (Canton) this (thirtieth) day of (Octr in the Yare One thousand Eight Hundred Samuel Snow Consul of the United States of America) [The above is a printed form. Words in parentheses are rilled in by hand.] [Endorsed] John J Astor, Bond Cancelled 12 May 1801 396 DOCUMENTS 25. Entry of Merchandise imported by Astor from London, September io, 1801. This document reveals that Astor was still interested in musical instruments, fifteen years after he had first opened his music store. The mark on this merchandise was quite likely an error for HA. Henry Brevoort, Jr., Mrs. Astor's nephew, was Astor's clerk and fur-buying agent. Entry of Merch Imported by John J Astor in the Ship Factor Kemp Master from London — N York Sipr 10 1801J Mks. & Nbs. Pack & Contents 15 pCt. — free Chg3. Total HA 103 Three Cases Contg an organ £200. ". \ pack & Cases Custom House & 1 Shipg. Expences J 1.14.3 Convoy Duty 4. 2." Insurance | 5- " 6.18. i 205.16.3 12. 3.u £217:19:3 Stg 1005 5025 $1005 — $150.75 John J Astor p HBrevoort Jr 15075 [Endorsed] Entry pr Factor Brevoort for Astor pr Factor B Sept 9 1801 150:75 26. Conveyance of Land in Lower Canada from William Barnard to Astor, December 8, 1801. Astor, after futile attempts to acquire lands in Lower Canada as the leader of a township or through the chairman of the land committee, finally acquired a large tract in payment of a debt due him by William Barnard, leader of a township, who was a native of Massachusetts and had been a British spy in the Revolution. This land was later sold by Astor to his brother George, at a profit. 1 Ms., New York Historical Society, Astor Papers. Hlkn DOCUMENTS 397 Province* of Lower Canadal District of Quebec to wit / On the Eighth — day of December in the Year of our Lord One thousand eight hundred and one Before the subscribing Public Notaries duly admited and Sworn for the province of Lower Canada residing in the City of Quebec in the Said province personally came and appeared William Barnard of the Township of Shipton in the District of Three Rivers and province of Lower Canada Farmer of the one part, and George Pyke of the City of Quebec in the aforesaid Province Barrister at Law in the name of, and as Attorney to, John Jacob Astor of the City of New York in the State of New York in the United States of America Merchant of the other part. Whereas the Said William Barnard and one James Barnard by a certain Notarial Obligation made and passed at Montreal on the twenty Second day of September in the Year of our Lord One thousand eight hundred before J. A. Gray and J. W. Delisle Public Notaries residing in the Said City of Montreal did acknowledge and declare themselves to be indebted to the said John Jacob Astor in the sum of four hundred and Seventy Seven pounds two Shillings and Seven pence Currency of Lower Canada for so much money at that time lent and advanced by the said John Jacob Astor to the said William Barnard and which said sum they the said William Barnard and James Barnard did by the said Notarial Act or Obligation bind and oblige themselves jointly and severally to pay to said John Jacob Astor or his order on demand for value received as aforesaid together with lawful Interest on the Same until paid. And Whereas the said William Barnard is desirous of discharing and paying off the said sum of four hundred and seventy seven pounds two shillings and seven pence and the Interest thereon due to the said John Jacob Astor by the aforerecited Obliga- 1 Ms., Palais de Justice, Quebec, Notarial Records of John Jones, Jr. 398 DOCUMENTS tion Now therefore Know all Men that in the presence of us the said Notaries the said William Barnard for and in consideration and in discharge of the said Debt or sum of four hundred and seventy seven pounds two Shillings and Seven pence and Interest due and owing as aforesaid to the said John Jacob Astor, and also for and in consideration of the further sum of Three hundred pounds of lawful Currency of the province of Lower Canada in the presence of us the &c &c Said Notaries by the said George Pyke in the name of and as Attorney to the said John Jacob Astor in hand well and truly paid the receipt whereof is hereby acknowledged. Did and Doth hereby grant bargain sell alien convey and confirm unto the said John Jacob Astor (he the said George Pyke being present and in the name and as Attorney to the said John Jacob Astor accepting hereof) and to his Heirs and Assigns for ever The Several Lots of Land in the Township of Brompton in the District of Three Rivers and province of Lower Canada herein after particularly described and set forth that is to say The Lots known and described on the plan of the said Township of Brompton as, Lots Numbers One, three, four, six, and seven in the third Range of Lots in the said Township of Brompton granted by his Majesty to William Wakefield by Letters Patent bearing date the twenty seventh day of November in the present year of our Lord One thousand eight hundred and one and by the said William Wakefield since sold conveyed and assigned to the said William Barnard Also Lots Numbers sixteen, and seventeen in the fourth Range of Lots in the said Township and Lot Number fifteen in the twelfth Range and Lots Number thirteen and fourteen in the thirteenth Range granted by the aforesaid Letters patent to Ephraim Knap junior and by him since sold and conveyed to the said William Barnard. Also Lots Numbers One two and four in the sixth Range and Numbers twenty two and twenty four in the seventh Range granted by the same Letters patent to Barnabas Wilcox and by him since sold con- DOCUMENTS 399 veyed and assigned to the said William Barnard. Also Lots Numbers One two four five and six in the eighth Range granted by the same Letters Patent to Samuel Barnard and by him since sold and conveyed to the said William Barnard. Also Lots Numbers twenty two twenty three twenty five twenty six and twenty seven in the said eighth Range granted by the same Letters patent to Enoch Rice and by him since sold conveyed and assigned to the said William Barnard, Also Lots Numbers five six eight nine and eleven in the sixth Range granted by the Same Letters patent to John Wakefield and by him since sold conveyed and assigned to the said William Barnard Also Lots Numbers six seven nine ten and twelve in the tenth Range granted by the same Letters patent to Ephraim Kee and by him since conveyed sold and assigned to the said William Barnard. Also Lots number thirty two in the ninth Range and Numbers nineteen twenty twenty two and twenty three in the eleventh Range granted by the same Letters patent to Miles Dorman and by him since sold conveyed and assigned to the said William Barnard. Also Lots Numbers thirteen fifteen and sixteen in the eleventh Range and Numbers thirteen and fourteen in the twelfth Range granted by the same Letters patent to Thomas Bartlett and by him since sold conveyed and assigned to the said William Barnard Also Lots Numbers eight ten eleven and thirteen in the third Range granted by the same Letters patent to Jedidiah Caswell and by him since sold conveyed and assigned to the said William Barnard, all which said Several Lots described and numbered as aforesaid upon the plan of the said Township of Brompton contain in the whole Ten thousand and thirteen Acres more or less including the usual allowance for Highways, and were all duly granted by his Majesty by his aforesaid Royal Letters patent to the said William Wakefield. Ephraim Knap Junior, Barnabas Wilcox Samuel Barnard Enoch Rice, John Wakefield, Ephraim Kee, Miles Dorman, Thomas Bartlett and Jedidiah Caswell respec- 400 DOCUMENTS tively as aforesaid and by them duly and legally sold conveyed and assigned to the said William Barnard by their several Notorial Acts and Deeds of Sale executed at Quebec before [ . ] Public Notaries residing in the said City of Quebec and all bearing date the [ ] day of this present Month of December in the present Year of our Lord One thousand eight hundred and one, all which will more fully and at large appear by the Said Letters Patent Notarial Acts and Deeds of Sale, reference being thereunto had, and every part and parcel of the said before described Lots with their and every of their appurtenances and all the Estate property Right Title Interest Claim and Demand whatsoever of him the said William Barnard of in to or out of the said Lots of Land and premisses hereby granted bargained and sold or intended so to be and every part thereof To Have and to hold the said Lots of Land and all other the premisses hereby granted bargained and sold or mentioned or intended to be hereby granted bargained and sold and every part and parcel thereof with their and every of their appurtenances unto the said John Jacob Astor his Heirs and Assigns forever to the only proper use and behoof of him the said John Jacob Astor his Heirs and Assigns for ever Subject nevertheless to the terms conditions, provisoes limitations restrictions and reservations in the aforesaid Letters Patent of the said Township of Brompton set forth and contained— And the said William Barnard in the presence of us the said Notaries for himself and his Heirs Executors Curators and Administrators did and doth hereby promise and agree to and with the said John Jacob Astor that he the said William Barnard and his Heirs the said Lots of Land and all and singular other the premisses herein before mentioned to be hereby granted bargained and sold and every part and parcel thereof with their and every of their appurtenances unto the said John Jacob Astor and unto his Heirs and Assigns for ever against him the ._ ,,..nnv^-^_^-.'- ■ < ' '• :-±^£fj iffiiigii DOCUMENTS 401 said William Barnard and his Heirs and against all and every other person or persons whomsoever shall and will warrant and for ever defend by these presents. And the said William Barnard in the presence of us the said Notaries for himself his Heirs Executors Curators and Administrators and each and every of them did and doth hereby promise covenant and grant to and with the said John Jacob Astor his Heirs Executors Curators and Administrators and Assigns and to and with each and every of them that he the said William Barnard his Heirs and Assigns and all and every other person or persons and his and their Heirs having or claiming any Estate Title or Interest of in or to the said Lots of Land and premisses hereby granted bargained and sold or mentioned or intended so to be, or of in or to any part or parcel thereof shall and will from time to time and at all times hereafter upon every reasonable request and at the proper costs and charges of the said John Jacob Astor his Heirs Executors or Administrators make do acknowledge levy execute and suffer or cause or procure to be made done acknowledged levied executed and suffered all and every such further and other lawful and reasonable Acts Deeds Devices and Conveyances and Assurances in the Law whatsoever for the further better more perfect and absolute granting conveying and assuring the said before described Lots of Land and premisses with their appurtenances unto him the said John Jacob Astor his Heirs and Assigns or his or their Counsel learned in the Law shall be reasonably advised devised or required— And the said George Pyke in the name of and as Attorney to the said John Jacob Astor, in the presence of us the said Notaries Did and Doth hereby declare that in consequence of the aforesaid Sale he doth by these presents acquit and discharge the said William Barnard from his herein before recited Obligation bearing date the twenty second day of September in the Year of our Lord One thousand eight hundred and Doth declare the same to be hereby fully paid and 402 DOCUMENTS satisfied, And the said George Pyke doth hereby undertake and engage that the present Deed and every part thereof and particularly the last Clause shall be in Nine Callendar Months from the date hereof fully ratified accepted and confirmed by the said John Jacob Astor. Thus Done and passed at Quebec in the Office of [the said — stricken through] John Jones junr one of the subscribing Notaries the day and year first above written, the said William Barnard and George Pyke having to these presents first duly read in their presence and deposited in the Office of the said John Jones set and subscribed their names in the presence of us the said Notaries who have also hereunto subscribed our names. (mots William Barnard 1900) [in pencil] George Pyke $2.10 Attorney to John Jacob Astor John Jones Junr Not Pubc [Endorsed] 8th. Decr 1801 William Barnard to John Jacob Astor Deed of Sale Delivered Copy's to John Jacob Astor and to William Barnard respectively. 27. Letter from Astor to Peter Smith, April i, 1802, in regard to settling the tltle to the charlotte rlver Tract by Arbitration. An agreement for the arbitration was finally reached on May 31. The commissioners, three in number, were to be appointed by Abraham Van Vechten and by Ambrose Spencer, the " Cunning fellow" of this letter. Brockholst Livingston, the attorney of Astor and his associates, had been an aide-de-camp to General Philip Schuyler. ^""-r r tiT'iir iTirf rn*m fffra&F^KT DOCUMENTS 403 New york 1 Aprill 1802 * Dear Sir/ I have this Day your far of 27 ulto and note its contence you Say what a Dilema you will bein should thy Danford & others camfor ward and you Can not acceed I should Supose you Can have no Deficulthy in beng off it if you have not bound your- Self & if you have bound yourself than I will abide by what you have Done Let it go as it will, but the fact is you have never explained any thing before your Last Letter relitive to the arbitration Mr. Laight is I am Sorry to Say an the point of Death, if you Sill wish a power of Attorny from me Say So and I will Sign one at any rate you may praseed & I will abide but Do not Consent to an arbitration withaut you have at Least one or two of the judges of the Suprem Caurt of this State I wrot you befor that B. Livingston things it the very worst thing we Can Do to Leave this matter to Arbitration you may agree this Day with a Sect of Pepol & to morrow an other Cams forward & lays Claim to the Land, if our tittel is estab- lisih by Law in a Caurt it will be mush better Spencer is a Cunning fellow and one whom I shauld be afraid of you have Certainly a Sect of men to Deal with which require aman to be on his Gaurd & too I have the Highest oppinion of your judgement & prudanese yet I thicke it not amiss that you Shauld take Some adviese of Mr. Vanveghten & Genral Schuyler You Say your tired of this Buissness woud it than not be well to have a Disition in Caurt & than Sell out if even we got but 24/ an acer or I will Say 22/ which Surly is not half of what the Land is worth & I supose but little if any more from the offer you mantian Viz 20,000 more than Cost Intrest & expence an the whole I hope that ere Lang youil get the matter So ar- rangd that youil be well paid for all your trauble & Care. Cauld not you Sell aut to tham the Improvd Lands & keep the 1 Ms., Syracuse University, Gerrit Smith Miller Collection. 4°4 DOCUMENTS w[ild] to aurselfs. I am Sorry that I Can not bee with you for a fwe Days. We are to have aur business Desited in Chanciry the next Caurt & no Doubt will recover aur Cast Do please writ me Soon & Donte worie your Self To Death but make yourself Easey & all will be well we have justuis an aur Side with grat regard I am P. S. I am told your to go yours truly to Congress next Session? John-Jacob-Astor 2 April our friend Mr Laight is no mor [Addressed] forward Mr. Petter Smith of Uetica [Albany — stricken through] [Postmarked] New-York, Apr 2 17 [cents postage to Albany], 12 1/2 [to Utica], 29 1/2 [total] 28. Letter from Astor to Peter Smith, February 8, 1804, introducing a fur-trade agent. This letter reveals Astor as still drawing furs from the New York backcountry and as employing travelling agents for their purchase rather than depending entirely upon backwoods storekeepers. Several members of the L'Herbette family were at one time or another connected with Astor in a business way, either as his employees in this country or as his correspondents in France. The tract of land mentioned in this letter was one of Astor's many investments in the New York backcountry. New york 8 Feby 1804x Dear Sir I have allready taking the Liberty to Intradues to you a young man Mr. Le Herbett I know him in europe & know his father Who resids in Parris he was quite a respeectabe man its 7 or 8 years Since I know him this young man Came to me without particular recamendatian as he States he Left franes to avoid being a Soldier having nieghter mony nor frinds here 1 Ms., Syracuse University, Gerrit Smith Miller Collection. DOCUMENTS 405 I tought to employ him in purshasing furrs So that he might earn his Bread but from a System of Acting Causiously I Gave him but 500$ & a Cridet of 500 or 1000 more an Albany now it apears he is gone your way & without making use of the Cridet at Albany So that he has but abaut 500$ with him with which you know he Can not purshas much furr. I would there for be glad if in Case he shauld Lay aut his Little money if you would eighter pay him for my account from five to ten hundred Dollars — or pass his Bill on me for that amount this hawever youil observe is to be done only in Case that you have no reason to belive that he maks any bade use of the money — Give my respcts to Mrs. Smith and belive that I am allways yours John • Jacob • Astor P. S. I am offerd a Dollar pr acre for the Land I offrd to you for 3/4 Do you know anything more about it & what is it worth I wrot a Letter to Mr. Le Herbett which is or will be found at post offus Uitica [Addressed] Peter Smith Esqr., Utica [Postmarked] New-York, Feb 8 Paid 17 [cents postage] 29. Letter from Astor to Gerrit W. Van Schaick, Cashier of the Bank of Albany, May 12, 1804, in regard to procuring specie for the china trade. Specie was one of the staple commodities used in making up cargoes in America for Canton and it was often difficult to procure a suitable amount. This situation comes out amusingly in a letter written by the firm of J. & T. H. Perkins to Prime, Ward & Sands, March 18, 1816, which also brings in Astor's name. It is found in L. Vernon Briggs's History and Genealogy ofthe Cabot Family, 1475- 1927, p. 552, and reads: "We observe the draft on J. J. Astor is expressed 'Spanish dollars': — we shall not accept paper, tho we have no doubt he will attempt to pay in that." May was the usual month for a vessel to clear from the United States to China. William Sanders was Astor's clerk during the year 1804-05. 406 DOCUMENTS New York, May 12th. 1804x Dear Sir, This will be handed to you by Mr. Sanders who will also deliver you notes of your Bank to the amount of $40130 and my check for $8172.21 which you'll please receive of him. There are still some more of your Bank notes in the Manhattan Bank, but fearing that it might not be convenient to give dollars for them all, I have declined taking them. — I am sure you will do every thing in your power to facilitate my views and expedite the business with speed, by which you'll oblige me very much, as I want to have my ship sail by the 23d. Ins*. — Dollars have for some days past been quite plenty, about 14 days ago 2 to 3 p Ct premium was given for them but I understand that now they are exchanging them @ 1 p Ct. — There is still a very great pressure for money with us which keeps every thing very low. — I have taken the liberty of sending 2 small cannisters of Tea which I hope you'll do me the favour to accept for Mrs Vanschaick as its better than what is generally to be had. — I am Dear Sir, with very great respect Your most Obedient Servant John • Jacob • Astor [Signature only in Astor's hand.] [Addressed] Mr. G. W. Vanschaick, Albany [Endorsed] Letter from John Jacob Astor, N York May 12 recd. i6nth 30. Manifest of the Cargo of the Ship Severn, John Cowman, Master, bound for Canton, May 25, 1804. This document is the only available invoice of the cargo of an Astor ship bound for China. The make-up of the cargo is typical, though the proportions of the various commodities included might 1 Ms., New York Public Library, Gansevoort Lansing Collection, Van Schaick Papers. ^^n DOCUMENTS 407 well vary; the value of the furs is small for an Astor vessel. The "Specia" was Spanish dollars. The mark most frequently used by Astor on his merchandise was HA. Report and Manifest of the Cargo ladend on board the Ship Severn at the Port of New York John Cowman Master- bound for Canton In China.1 Marks Nos Package contents Value at N York HA 1 at 38 Cask Ginsang | G 1 « 9 a « > $6000 GR 1 u 6 $ i J IA 1 | 7 u Furs $8000 HA 1 J 18 bales Cotton $IOOO HA 1 a 51 Keges Specia $140000 C 1 box i $2600 S 1 a 2 Kegs a $6000 0 « I $2500 31. Register of the Beaver, May 7, 1805. The Beaver was the first vessel to be built specially for Astor. She was somewhat larger than the ordinary American vessel engaged in the China trade at that time. The Beaver made several voyages between New York and Canton, was engaged in the Astoria enterprise, and was the first Astor vessel to make a direct voyage from New York to South America. John Whetten was Mrs. Astor's nephew and was concerned as captain or part-owner in various voyages of Astor vessels to China. His friendship with Astor is said to have begun in England when he gave the young German emigrant help in selecting a vessel for the voyage to America. No (198)2 (P) In Pursuance of an Act of the Congress of the United States of America, entitled, " An Act concerning the registering and recording of Ships or Vessels,99 (John J. Astor of the City, County, & 1 Ms., Library of Congress, New York Customs Records, Outward, ship Severn, Cowman, Canton, 25 May 1804. 2 Ms. book, New York Custom House, New York Register, March 16- May 15,1805. ^1 408 DOCUMENTS State of Newyork. Merchant) having taken or subscribed the (Oath) required by the said act, and having (Sworn) that (he together with John Whetten of said City Mariner are the) only owner(s) of the ship or vessel called the (Beaver.) of (Newyork) whereof (said John Whetten) is at present master, and is a citizen of the United States, and that the said ship or vessel was (Built at the City aforesaid, in the [year — stricken through] present year as appears by the Certificate of Eckford & Beebee, Master Carpenter under whose direction she was built) And (William S. Smith. Surveyor of this District) having certified that the said ship or vessel has (two) deck(s) and (three) mast(s) and that her length is (One Hundred eleven feet.) her breadth (Twenty nine feet, six inches.) her depth (Fourteen feet, nine inches.) and that she measures (Four Hundred twenty seven & 32/95) tons; that she is (a square Sterned Ship) has (a square tuck) (Quarter Galleries) and (a Woman) head; And the said (John J Astor) having agreed to the description and admeasurement above specified, and sufficient security having been given according to the said act, the said (Ship) has been duly registered at the port of (New York) Given under (Our) Hand and Seal at the Port of (New York) this (Seventh) day of (May) in the year one thousand eight hundred and five [The above is a printed form. Words in parentheses are filled in by hand.] [Endorsed] District of New York Port of New York 9th July 1806 Isaac Chauncey in lieu of John Whetten Signed L Osgood Notp Jno Kearny Surrd New York 8th. June 1807 New Owners in part Regrd anew &c DOCUMENTS 409 32. Arbitration between Astor and Bernard Hart, December 30, 1805, in a Matter relating to Manhattan Island Real Estate. Bernard Hart was a leading Jewish merchant of New York. The land which Astor offered to sell to him had been purchased from Edward Livingston in 1803, 32 lots for #12,500. The arbitrator, Augustus H. Lawrence, was a prominent broker. Decr. 30th. 1805 * On the 18th. Instant while at the Manhattan Bank conversing with Mr. Fish on the subject of Lots of Ground. I told him that I had bought some of E. Livingstons Lots near the Bowery. He enquired the price. I mentioned various prices, but, that lots on Elizabeth Street the next to the Bowery sold from 460 to 500 Dollars, Mr Astor who stood near said that he would sell me lots on that street, at the same price. I ask'd him how many? He said 8 or 9- Have you a plan? He replied he had, that he was going home and would shew it me - I call 'd shortly after & Mr. A produced a Map of the lots, they joined those I had mentioned to Mr. Fish and were of the same dimensions — I then ask'd him the price. He answered 500 Dollars, I told him that I had said the lots sold from 460 to 500 Dollars, and I thought the medium say 480 Dollars, would be a fair price, He replied no, his price was 500 Drs., that he had given Mr Livingston 400 Dollars, and he thought them low at that price — I then ask'd the terms. He said Cash, finding there was no probability that he would vary the price or terms - I said, I intend this afternoon to look at the lots I had bought, that I would look at his lots, and give him an answer the next day He replied, very well, the same Evening I met Mr. A at the Coffee House, who ask'd me whether I had look'd at the lots, I answered yes - He then said that he had found another Map that had been made subsequent to his purchase, in which some 1 Ms., New York Historical Society, Astor Papers. 410 DOCUMENTS of the lots were 25 feet front instead of 20 feet — I told him I would call at his house the next day at 11 oClock and look at it. — I call'd and the map was presented to me, by which it appeared that 3 lots contained 25 feet front one 22 feet and 2 lots 20 feet, I afterwards met Mr A and told him that I had seen the map - when he said he must have £250 a lot — I was surprised at his demand & replied that he ought not to expect more than the proportionate difference in the size of the lots, which I agreed to allow, but which he objected to — The above is submitted to the decision of Augustine [?] H Laurence whether Mr. Astor, is, or is not, bound in honor, to give the lots at the price he ask'd on the first day paying him for the difference of those that are 25 feet front and rear instead of 20 feet front and rear — Bern Hart John • Jacob • Astor A. H Laurence, having duly consider'd the Within statement as ford. to him by Messr. Bernd. Hart - & Jn°. Jacob Astor, is of opinion (taking as he believes a fair view of the subjict) that Mr. Astor is not in honor bound to let Mr. Hart- have the lots. As he thinks in all purchases & sales, without a special agreem*., the parties should stand on an equal footing, and the priviledge of completing the bargain be at the option of either. — AH Laurence 33. Document showing Sales of Furs in London on Astor's Account for John Williams, April 12, 1806 — February 3, 1807. This document shows that Astor sometimes utilized his connection with the London fur market to sell on commission for merchants of Detroit and elsewhere. John R. Williams, a Detroit merchant and trustee of the town, had agreed to sell furs for Henry Barthelet, and in turn made an agreement with Astor, who had the skins sold through some of his London correspondents. The account also gives an idea of the charges involved in disposing of furs in the London market. DOCUMENTS 411 vO 3 vO On 5* Ov 0* O ■»*• O CN CO By Rowe & Co for sold at public sale 5 & 6 March. 55 Bear Skins 60/ 165. 69 Do. Do. 18/ 62.2 15 Otter Do. 20/6 *5-7-6 By Rowe & Cu sold by private Contract 1000 Racoon Skins 2/ £ E Excepted: London 25th October 1806 Sign'd/ Pryor &c Dollen 1806 April 12 July 12 [ H COtOH OS 3 1O00 5S 5* 5S COW vO ■ CO H t*»vO O O O^OO^O O ^"H N ON l *t VO C* CO H H 3 H5S5S « 5S 00 t>- 00 H M N 1 CO To paid freight prime. priv*^ quaren- tine chg8. To disct. on £242.9.6 @ 2 1/2 pCt. Brokerage on £236.8.3 1 pCt Duty p money & Water charges Housing Cartage & warehouse rent Unpack*, sorting lotting &c Sale charges of 4 lots Excise on £236.8.3 @ 1 pCt Errors £9.9.2 Interest on duties advanc'd 73 days proportion of Insurance from Fire disc*, on ioo£ @> z\ pCt. Warehouse rent Commission on £342.9.6 a 2 1/2 pCt J J Astor for Nett proceeds Errors 1 9/6 in the Calculation £ Do118 Nt proceeds 217.17.2 Stg is 968^ O H CI O ( 00 . 1$ CI M 1 VO co O CO 00 H vo Tj- O 0 Ov O gg c3 CO «f en ft d d M 0" 00 ?tK CO ft-° 3 >> iff ii 0 ip en i w 1 i w£ »—» vo I—» O 00 & \4 -M CA CI r3 § 1 1 U F« 10 O 00 vo om CO 1 Q« ^t <>. Ov CO H JGoo 1^ CO On H .s 7* 0 rt- co 0 Ov CI 8 || en H a ecj q H S »3 0 0 & ■D 0 ^ i c3 +J »HCJ <& £?< too O ug® 0 »H d d 00 J3 oJ O .S+jO 0 <£ 0 •sal c3§a 0 vO en <u 0) 1 Ov a 0 u d ee d tn < O d O 0 d c<J "e3 pq 0 ** p 1 H CO P 0 8 00 >» Hi PQ b s w # 73 « I o W d d P4 4I2 DOCUMENTS 34. Extracts erom the Journal of Samuel Bridge, September 15, 17, 24, 1806, relating to Social Life in Montreal. These jottings are of interest in showing the position Astor held at this time, socially and financially, in Montreal fur-trading circles. Most of the persons mentioned in these entries belonged to families connected with the North West Company. Samuel Bridge was a young Manchester merchant who later lived in St. Louis, where the naturalist, John Bradbury, accompanying the Astorian overland party, met him in 1810. Magdalen Astor, the size of whose dowry was a subject of such admiring speculation among the young bucks of Montreal, was to marry, in the next year, Adrian Benjamin Bentzon, former governor of the Island of Santa Cruz in the Danish West Indies. Sept. 15.1 As I was not to go to Mr Frobishers till 12 I strol'd abt the town till that time & we then set of [sic] the home we went to is on ye Lower La Chine Road, between 2 & 3 Miles from Quebec [?] & myself & a Mr. Hamilton took the opportunity to go abt 3 Miles further to see the La Chine Rapids. ... on our return we found all our party assembled & Mr. Frobisher acting as head Cook in setting out the Table & our party consisted of Mr. Frobisher, his son & Lady, Mrs. Ogden & two Daughters, Miss Magilvray, Miss Caldwell Miss Henry, a Miss Astor from New York (her father who is at present here is said to be worth 2oo,ooo£ — report says he will give this daughter 25,ooo£) Mr. Cartwright & 2 Daughters, another Lady, Mr. Ogden, Junr, Mr. Wells Mr. J. Read, Mr. Sewell, Mr. Hamilton, a Captn Clark of the 49 Regt & 2 other Gentn Sept. 17th. Went to the Library at n & staid till 3. At 4 to Mr. Frobisher to dinner, where I met Judge Ogden, Lady & 2 Daughters, Mr Astor & daughter, a Miss Ergene, Mr. Henry 1 Ms. book (copy), David Ross McCord National Museum, Montreal, Samuel Bridge's Journal, April 14-November n, 1806, pp. 63-64, 68. 'n\ DOCUMENTS 413 & Daughter, Miss Bouchette from De Troit, Mr. Ogden, Junr, Mr. Todd, Mr. Mac Kenzie, Mr. Wells, Mr. Stewart, Mr. Holawell, Mr. Hamilton, Mr Macgilvray, etc. — .... Sept. 24th. ... — took a stroll by myself after dinner & abt 7 went with Mr. Wells to Mr. Henry where we met a very large Party, the greater part of whom were known to me, among whom were Lady Johnston & her Two Sons, both of whom are in ye Army & two Daughters, one of whom was lately married to Col. Bowes of 49 Regt & is going to England in ye Eweretta, Mr. Magilvray & his Daughter, Mr. Ogden Jr & his 2 Daughters, Miss Sutherland Mr. & Miss Astor, Mr Read, Miss Caldwell, Miss Carr, Mr. Portier, Mr & Mrs Holawell, Mr & Mrs Mackenzie, Mr. & Mrs. Frobisher, Junr, & some others — we consisted of abt 40. Lady Johnston amused herself at Whist whilst the sprightly dance was kept up till past twelve — chiefly country dancing but some few Reels & one Cotillion in complement to Miss Astor, as they scarcely dance anything else at New York. 35. Articles of Incorporation of the American Fur Company, April 6, 1808. In view of the fact that Astor furnished all the capital for the purposes of this Company, the disingenuousness of the reason for its incorporation, as given in the preamble, becomes obvious. Chap. CXL.1 An Act to incorporate the American fur company. Passed April 6th, 1808. Whereas John Jacob Astor, has presented his petition to the legislature, representing among other things, that he is desirous of forming a trading company, for the purpose of 1 Private Laws of the State of New-York, Passed at the Thirty-First Session of the Legislature: Begun and Held at the City of Albany, The Twenty-Sixth Day of January, 1808, pp. 160-168. 4I4 DOCUMENTS carrying on an extensive trade with the native Indian inhabitants of America; but that an undertaking of such magnitude would require a greater capital than any individual or unincorporated association could well furnish, and who would be less able to support a fair competition with foreigners who are at present almost in the exclusive possession of the fur trade; and has prayed that he and such other persons as may be associated with him, may be incorporated, the better to enable them to carry into effect this design; And whereas, such an establishment may be of great public utility, by serving to conciliate and secure the good will and affections of the Indian tribes toward the government and people of the United States, and may conduce to the peace and safety of our citizens inhabiting the territories bordering on the native Indian tribes: Therefore Be it enacted by the people of the state of New-York, represented in senate and assembly, That the said John Jacob Astor, and such persons as shall hereafter be associated with him for that purpose, and their successors and assigns be, and hereby are erected, a body corporate and politic, by the name of "The American Fur Company," and they are hereby ordained, constituted, and declared to be a body politic and corporate, in fact and in name, and by that name they and their successors, for twenty-five years hereafter, shall and may have succession, and shall be persons in law capable of suing and being sued, pleading and being impleaded, answering and being answered unto, defending and being defended, in all courts and places whatsoever, and in all manner of actions, suits, complaints, matters and causes whatsoever; and that they and their successors may have a common seal and the same may make, alter and change at their pleasure; and that they and their successors, by the name of the American Fur Company, shall in law be capable of buying, purchasing, holding, conveying and selling any lands, tenements, hereditaments, goods, wares and DOCUMENTS 415 merchandise, or any real or personal estate whatsoever, for the use of the said company. And be it further enacted, That the capital stock of the said company, for two years to come, shall not exceed one million of dollars; and that a share in the said stock, shall be five hundred dollars; but if at any time or times, after the expiration of the said two years, from the passing of this act, the said company shall deem it expedient to increase the amount of their capital, it shall and may be lawful for the said company to call for further payments on each share of the said stock, [sic] not exceeding in the whole the sum of five hundred dollars in addition to the original value of each share, so that the whole capital stock of the said company, shall at no time exceed two millions of dollars. And be it further enacted, That John Jacob Astor, James Fairlie, William Edgar, William Denning and Edward Laight or any three of them shall be and are hereby appointed commissioners, to do and perform the several duties herein after mentioned, that is to say; they shall, on or before the first Tuesday of November next, provide a book, and enter in the same, the words following, "We whose names are hereunto subscribed do for ourselves and our legal representatives promise to pay to the American fur company, the sum of five hundred dollars, for every share of stock in the said company set opposite to our respective names, in such manner and proportion, and at such time and place, as the said company may determine and direct;" which book shall be deposited with such person in the city of New-York, and be opened at such time and place in the said city, for subscriptions, as the said commissioners may direct; and that every subscriber shall at the time of subscribing, pay to the said commissioners, or one of them, the sum of twenty-five dollars, on each share, so by him subscribed; and as soon as one thousand shares shall be so subscribed, the said commissioners shall cause an advertise- 416 DOCUMENTS ment to be inserted in two of the public newspapers, printed in the city of New-York, and in two of the public newspapers, printed in the city of Albany, giving at least thirty days notice of the time and place, when and where the said subscribers are to meet for the purpose of electing nine directors, being stockholders, for the managing and conducting the business and affairs of the said company for one year from the day of such election; and the Tuesday preceding the day of such election, shall be the day for the annual election of directors of the said company thereafter; and the said election and all subsequent elections of directors shall be by ballot, and be made by such of the stockholders as shall attend for that purpose, in their proper persons, or by proxy; and at every such election each stockholder shall be entitled to one vote for every share held by him or her at the time of such election; and the persons who shall have the greatest number of votes at any such election shall be the directors of the said company; and if it shall so happen, at any election, that two or more persons shall have an equal number of votes, so that a greater number of persons than nine, shall appear to be chosen by a plurality of votes, then the stockholders authorised to vote at such election, shall proceed to ballot a second time, and determine by a plurality of votes which of the persons so having an equal number of votes shall be the director or directors, so as to complete the number of nine directors; and the said directors immediately, or as soon as may be after their election, shall proceed to elect, in like manner, by ballot, one of their number to be their president; and if any vacancy or vacancies shall at any time happen among the directors, by death, resignation or otherwise, such vacancy or vacancies shall be filled up, for the remainder of the year, by such person or persons as the remaining directors for the time being, or the major part of them, shall appoint. And be it further enacted, That it shall and may be lawful for the directors of the said company, or the major part of them, "'■nu DOCUMENTS 417 if they shall deem it expedient, to retain and reserve for the use of the said company, one third of the whole number of shares of the capital stock of the said company, to the end, that the same, or the dividends thereon may be applied to the purpose of remunerating, encouraging and rewarding the factors, agents and servants, who may be employed by the said company in their said trade; Provided always, That no votes shall be given or received at any election for directors, for any shares so retained and reserved for the use of the said company. And be it further enacted, That all the stock, property, business, affairs and concerns of the said corporation shall be conducted and managed by the nine directors so to be elected as aforesaid; and that the said directors shall have power to appoint the time and place of all meetings of the directors, for the transaction of the affairs of the said company, and the dispatch of business; to appoint a secretary and all such officers, agents and servants as they shall deem necessary, for carrying on the business and affairs of the said company; and shall have power to make and prescribe all such by-laws, rules, orders and regulations, as to them shall appear necessary and proper, for the transaction of the business and affairs of the said company, and the management and disposition of its property, estate and effects, and touching the duties and conduct of the secretary, clerks, agents, factors and servants employed therein, and touching all matters and concerns whatever appertaining to the said company; and to give such salaries, and make such allowances and compensations, to such officers, clerks, factors agents and servants, as they may deem meet; and such officers, clerks, agents, factors and servants, at their pleasure, to displace and remove: Provided always, That such by-laws, rules and regulations be, in no wise, repugnant to the constitution and laws of the United States, or of this state. And be it further enacted, That in case it should, at any time happen that an election of directors should not be made, on any 418 DOCUMENTS day when it ought to have been made pursuant to this act, the said corporation, shall not for that cause be dissolved; but that it shall and may be lawful on any other day to hold and make such election of directors, according to the manner directed by this act, or the laws and ordinances of the said corporation. And be it further enacted, That it shall and may be lawful for the directors of the said company, so to be elected as aforesaid, to call for and demand from the stockholders respectively, all such sums of money by them subscribed or to be subscribed, or such part and parts thereof, at such times and in such proportions as they shall deem fit, under the pain of forfeiture of their shares and of all previous payments thereon to the said company. And be it further enacted, That not less than five directors shall constitute a board for the transaction of business, of whom the president shall always be one, except in case of necessary absence, in which case his place may be supplied during such absence, by another director, to be elected by a majority of the directors present. And be it further enacted, That it shall and may be lawful for the said company to establish any trading-houses, ware-houses or factories, and to import, export, buy and sell any goods, wares, merchandises and commodities which may be necessary for the objects of the said corporation: Provided always, That the same and the trade so carried on as aforesaid, shall be conformable to the constitution and laws of the United States, and subject always to such laws and regulations as are or may be made and established by the congress or the government of the United States, touching such trade and commerce. And be it further enacted, That bills of exchange may be made and issued by the said company, signed by the president and countersigned by the secretary, or any two of the directors, and shall be as binding on the said company as if the same were made and issued under their seal; and an action or actions on the case may be maintained thereon, against the said corpora- DOCUMENTS 419 tion by the payee or payees, indorsee or indorsees thereof: Provided always, that the whole amount of such bills of exchange shall not, at one time, in the aggregate, exceed the one half of the amount of the capital stock of the said company so paid in. And be it further enacted, That the lands, tenements and hereditaments, which it shall be lawful foFthe said corporation to hold, shall be such only as may be requisite and necessary for the better carrying on the trade and transacting the business and affairs of the said company, or such as shall have been or may be bona fide mortgaged to the said company by way of security,- or which may be conveyed to it, in the course of their said trade and business, or purchased at sales upon judgments which shall have been obtained for such debts, or taken as security for loans of such part or parts of the capital stock of the said company, as may at any time remain unemployed in the said trade: And further, That it shall not be lawful for the said company to use or employ any part of its capital in any bank or banking business whatsoever, or in buying or selling any stock, created by any act of the congress of the United States or any particular state, unless in buying the same, bona fide in order to convert any part of its capital stock, unemployed in trade, and for better securing the same, or in selling such stock for the payment of its debts, or to reinvest in other stock, or when truly pledged to it by way of security, for debts due to the said corporation. And be it further enacted, That it shall be the duty of the directors of the said company, on the first Monday of January, in every year, to make a dividend of so much of the profits of the said company, as to them, or a majority of them, shall appear prudent and advisable, among the several stockholders, according to their respective shares in the said stock: Provided, in case of loss or losses, whereby the capital stock of the said company shall be diminished, no subsequent dividend shall be made, until a sum equal to such diminution arising from the 4^o DOCUMENTS profits of the said company, shall have been added to the capital. And be it further enacted, That the stock of the said company shall be deemed and considered personal estate; and pass and be transferred as personal estate. And be it further enacted, That no person shall be a stockholder of the said company or in any way interested therein, who is not a citizen of the United States. And be it further enacted, That this act shall be and hereby is declared to be a public act; and that the same for the time herein before limited, shall be construed in all courts and places benignly and favorably, for every beneficial purpose therein intended; that for all debts which shall be due and owing by the said company, at the expiration of the said period of twenty- five years, the persons composing the said corporation at the time of its dissolution, shall be responsible in their individual and private capacity to the extent of their respective shares and no further, in any suit or action to be brought or prosecuted, after the dissolution of the said corporation. 36. Letter from Samuel Latham Mitchill to Thomas Jefferson, July 12, 1808, introducing the Chinese Merchant Punqua Wingchong. Samuel Latham Mitchill was a Democratic Senator from New York State and a professor of natural history in the College of Physicians and Surgeons in New York City. Philip Hone spoke of him as pre-eminently "distinguished for scientific and literary acquirements" but "strangely deficient in that useful commodity called common sense." Sir New york, July 12 : 1808 : Punqua Wingchong, a Chinese merchant, will be the bearer of this note of introduction. He came to New york about nine months ago, on business of a commercial nature, and has re- 1 Ms., Library of Congress, Thomas Jefferson Papers, vol. clxxviii, May 26- July 13,1808. ^%c DOCUMENTS 421 sided during that time, partly here and partly in Nantuck[et. H]aving completed the object of his visit to the [Unit]ed States, he is desirous of returning to Canton, where the affairs of his family and particularly the funeral obsequies of his grandfather, require his solemn attention This stranger is represented to me as a man of respectability and good standing in his own Country; and is consequently intitled to a corresponding regard and treatment in ours. The chief object of his visit to Washington is to sollicit the means of departure, in some way or other, to China; but he feels at the same time a strong desire to see the Chief executive officer of the United States. He will be accompanied by Mr. Palmer, an inhabitant of Newyork who will aid him in stating his request and explaining his meaning. This gentleman, in addition to many other valuable qualities, possesses admirable skill in acquiring languages; and he is perhaps already master of more living tongues than any person among us-as an evidence of which he has already made considerable [pro] gr ess in Chinese. While I recommend these two persons to the notice of the president, I beg leave to accompany the recommendation, with the expression of my high & respectful consideration. Thomas Jefferson Sam L Mitchell President of the United States [Endorsed] recd July 25 37. Letter from Thomas Jefferson to Albert Gallatin, July 25, 1808, suspending the Embargo ln favor of the Chinese Mandarin Punqua Wingchong. Dear Sir Monticello July 25. 08 x I inclose you the petition of Somes to do in it whatever is agreeable to general rule. Pinqua Winchung, the Chinese mandarin, has, I believe, his headquarters at N. York, and therefore his case is probably 1 Ms., Library of Congress, Thomas Jefferson Papers, vol. clxxix, July 14- August 10, 1808. 422 DOCUMENTS known to you. he came to Washington just as I had left it and therefore wrote to me praying permission to depart for his own country with his property in a vessel to be engaged by himself. I inclose you Mr Madison's letter which contains everything I know on the subject. I consider it as a case of national comity, and coming within the views of the is section of the first embargo act. the departure of this individual with good dispositions may be the means of making our nation known advantageously at the source of power in China to which it is otherwise difficult to convey information it may be of sensible advantage to our merchants in that country. I cannot therefore but consider that a chance of obtaining a permanent nationel good should overweigh the effect of a single case taken out of the great field of the embargo, the case too is so singular that it can lead to no embarrasment as a precedent. I think therefore he should be permitted to engage a vessel to carry himself and his property under such cautions & recommendations to him as you shall think best. I leave it therefore to yourself to direct all the necessary details without further application to me, and for this purpose send you a blank passport for the vessel &c and Mr Graham will obtain & forward you passports from the foreign ministers here. I salute you with affection & respect The Secr of the Treasury J 38. Letter from Albert Gallatin to David Gelston, August 3, 1808, giving the Regulations for the Voyage of the Beaver to Canton with Punqua Wingchong. Treasury Department * (Copy) August 3d. 1808 Sir, Punqua Wingchong, a respectable Chinese, who had with the leave of his Government, come over to the United States 1 Ms., Library of Congress, Thomas Jefferson Papers, vol. clxxix, July 14- August 10, 1808. DOCUMENTS 423 for the purpose of collecting debts due to his Father's Estate, having obtained the special permission of the President of the United States to engage a vessel to carry himself, together with his attendants and property to his native Country, and having made arrangements for that purpose with the owner of the Ship Beaver of 427 tons, or thereabouts; you will be pleased to permit that vessel to depart for Canton on the following terms & instructions viz*. 1. The vessel to be allowed such Crew, Equipment, Arms for resisting Malay pirates, Provisions and sea-stores as is usual & proper for such voyage, and also such as may be wanted for the accommodation of Punqua Wingchong and attendants, and of such other passengers as the owner of the vessel may chuse to take — 2. The property of Punqua Wingchong and attendants, consisting, besides their baggage and personal effects, of about forty five thousand dollars, as per enclosed memorandum, may be shipped on board, either in specie, or in furs, Cochineal, Ginsang, or any other species of merchandize at his choice. 3. No other property, either in specie or merchendize (the usual personal effects allowed to the Crew and passengers in other cases of permissions granted during the Embargo, only excepted) can be permitted to be shipped on board the vessel. 4. The ship will be allowed to bring as a return cargo, only the proceeds of property shipped bona fide by a Citizen, or Citizens of the United States prior to the 22d day of December last. The privileges usually allowed on such voyages to the Captain and other officers must be so modified as to come within that rule. 5. The same Bond to be given, and the same oath to be taken as are prescribed by the seventh Section of the Act of 12th. March last in relation to vessels obtaining permissions under that Section; to which you may add such other cautionary measures as may in your opinion be necessary for prevent- 4*4 DOCUMENTS ing the exportation of specie or Merchandize, other than is hereby allowed. I enclose a special passport from the President for the vessel, the blanks of which you will be pleased to fill; and it is probable that passports will also be transmitted to you, for the vessel, by the Ministers of Foreign Nations residing in the United States David Gelston Esq'. I™ T^ffY J* Collector New York Your 0bed • Serv ' 39. Letter from Philadelphia Merchants to Albert Gallatin, August 10, 1808, declaring Punqua Wingchong to be an Impostor. Philada. 10th. Aug*. 1 (Copy) Sir, The Embargo laws were doubtless considered by our Government as a necessary relinquishment of present gain, for the attainment of future security and peace. Our citizens individually are invited by patriotism, and enjoined by duty patiently to sustain the consequent privations; and not only to obey the laws with fidelity, but to detect and expose imposition, and evasion; lest avarice and turpitude should frustrate the intention of the Legislature, and reward the violator, at the expense of the faithful observer of the law. We are led to these reflections by the belief that such practices have prevailed, and that in a recent instance permission has been surreptitiously obtained for a ship to pursue a voyage from New-York to Canton on the application of a Chinese, who, we understand, has been represented as a Mandarine, and 1 Ms., Library of Congress, Thomas Jefferson Papers, vol. clxxix, July 14- August 10, 1808. ^^L. DOCUMENTS 425 Merchant of distinction, visiting this country for the purposes of trade, and the collection of large debts, with which he was prohibited from returning to his native Country. Satisfied that he is an impostor, and an insignificant instrument in the hands of others, we beg leave to represent that the fact of his emigration may be considered as proof of his obscurity and indigence: for the wealthy, or privileged classes never emigrate from that Country: but we rest our exceptions on still stronger grounds. We have severally been engaged in the China trade as supercargoes, and some of us as residents in Canton several years. To some of us he is known only as a petty shopkeeper in Canton, utterly incapable of giving a credit; and to the remainder he is altogether unknown; which could not be [interlineated: the] case were his character and standing in any degree respectable. If as a collateral claim by others for permission, the collection and return of American property alledged to have been left at Canton shall have been set up; we believe it to be equally fallacious: for in the course of our experience we do not recollect to have known an instance of any part of the fund of an American ship to remain unappropriated without an equivalent having been advanced, and generally a considerable credit in addition. As prompt to avow as to communicate, you will please make such use of this letter as the occasion may require. We are respectfully Your Obed*. Servants W*1 Jones W™ Heyl James Latimer Charles Ross Edwd. Gray James Barclay Fran8. Gurney Smith R. Willing Charles Graff William Mc. Ilwaine Anthony Stocker 426 DOCUMENTS A number of gentlemen in addition to the signers will come forward when called upon: they are at present out of town. The Honble. Albert Gallatin Secretary of the Treasury 40. Letter from Albert Gallatin to Captain William Jones, August 17, 1808, answering the Protests of Philadelphia Merchants against the Beaver's Voyage. At this time the Beaver was owned by Astor and John Whetten. She did not actually sail until the date of this letter. The Perkins firm, mentioned in this letter, wrote to its branch in Canton on August n: "The Beaver, by which this goes, is permitted to sail for Canton with a Chinese Mandarin & his Suite, but without Funds." Treasury Department * (Copy) August 17th. 1808 Sir, I had the honor to receive at New York on the 12th. inst. your letter of 10th. ins*, signed by yourself and other gentlemen concerned in the China trade. It came however too late to produce any effect. The President had granted to Punqua Wingchong, a native of China, permission to engage a vessel to carry himself, attendants and property to Canton, under such restrictions & limitations as I should prescribe. Wingchong made arrangements for that purpose with Mr. Astor & others, owners of the Ship Beaver. The restrictions imposed by me were precisely those defined by the 7th. Section of the Act of 12th. March last for vessels sailing under permission in order to bring American property into the United States: vizt. that she should carry 1 Ms., Library of Congress, Thomas Jefferson Papers, vol. clxxx, August n- September io, 1808. n^nn^u- n- ^^ni^^ -■•, ..•_,--- ^ wm DOCUMENTS 427 nothing but sea stores, and the Chinese's property, nor bring any other return cargo but the proceeds of American property shipped prior to the 22d day of Decm. last. The ship was accordingly equipped, the crew engaged &c, and she was ready for sea on Thursday the 11th. ins*., waiting only for the return of Wingchong from Nantucket. I was not therefore authorised to detain the vessel, and to render thereby Government liable to the payment of damages: and although an opinion that the standing of Wingchong in China was of a higher grade than is stated in your letter may partly have influenced the President's decision, yet that being the only point in which a mistake might have taken place, it appeared improbable that in that stage of the business he would for that reason alone alter the decision. But there was not, as already stated, time to refer again the question to him. Whether the owners of the ship will be able to find American property of the description above mentioned so as to obtain a freight and make an advantageous voyage, is their concern, and not Government's; the permission not having been granted on the ground that they could bring such property but under the first Section of the first Embargo Act, to Wingchong himself. As the importation of goods from China is not forbidden by law, they might have imported what they pleased, had it not been for the restriction which was imposed, and which being that directed by the Legislature in certain other cases of vessels sailing under permission, appeared the safest rule in this case. If the owners bring property which they cannot prove to be of the description aforesaid, their bond will be forfeited. It is however proper to add, that the only two applications made subsequent to the ist. of June for permission to go to Canton, under the 7th. Section of the Act of 12th. March were by Mr. Astor & by Messr. Perkins of Boston; that they were rejected on general grounds, & not because they appeared unfair; and that I understand that the only property intended to be 4^8 DOCUMENTS brought in the Beaver is that of those two Houses, and the same for which the application had been made & rejected. Cap*. William Jones I have &c Philadelphia. [Endorsed] recd Sep. 5. 08 [by Jefferson] 41. Letter from Andrew Daschkoff to Astor, November 7, 1809, IN REGARD TO MAKING AN AGREEMENT WITH Governor Baranoff. Daschkoff was Russian consul-general to the United States; John Ebbets, an experienced North West Coast captain, was to command the Enterprise, Astor's first North West Coast vessel, and make a commercial agreement with Alexander Baranoff, governor of the Russian American Fur Company settlement at New Archangel. The "adventurers" were American traders on the North West Coast, principally from Boston, who sold rum and arms to the natives and infringed upon the Russian monopoly. Philadelphia 7th. November, 1809.1 Mr. J. Jacob Astor. New York. Dear Sir, I had the pleasure to peruse Several times your last letter, and I refer in all points to my answer, finding that nothing material may be added to it. Only I request you to furnish Mr Ebbets with Such full powers as may be, and which could be adapted to all different cases mentioned in my letter; that no impediment Should occur for beginning the business as Soon as possible, and to Say expressly to Mr. Baranoff that you authorise Mr. Ebbets to make any contract with him in all explained and aforesaid cases, partly or in the whole; and this conditional or absolute binding as they would agree between 1 Ms., Baker Library, Astor Papers. ~,x^ rimm DOCUMENTS 429 them. I take the liberty to enclose here [with: interlineated] one letter to Mr. Baranoff. I cannot tell you how much I wish to See the trade of furs in Canton only in the hands of both you and Mr. Baranoff. Indeed it is a a [sic] matter of no Small importance, particularly when I will Succeed (what I hope very much) to put the adventurers on these N. W. coasts out of their way. — Then the business Should became very fair. have the goodness, my Dear Sir to believe me with great esteem and respect Your obedient Serv* A. Daschkoff. [Addressed] Mr. John Jacob Astor, New York [Postmarked] Phi 7 No 37 1/2 [cents postage] [Endorsed Mr Daschkoff, Nov. 7, 1809 A Dashkoff, 7 Nar. 1809. 42. Letter from Astor to Captain John Ebbets, November 13, 1809, giving Instructions as to the Acquisition and Care of Furs. Astor's intimate knowledge of furs and the fur trade comes out clearly in these instructions. The Henry Merschel mentioned in this letter may have been the same as the Marshall said to have been Astor's nephew, who went out on the Lark in 1813 and to whom has been ascribed the responsibility for the wreck of that vessel. New york 13 Navr. 1809.1 Dear Sir I give you note of furrs as I am in hopes you will find Some Land furrs which will be worth brining here at all events beso good & bring with you from every port you Stop at Some few Skins of easch kind & keep a memrandum of where thy cam from also particular account of where easch kind are the most 1 Ms., Baker Library, Astor Papers. 43° DOCUMENTS plenty Henry Merschel Whom you have on Board has Some knowlage of the quality as also how to preserve tham all kind of Skins Should be put in Cask Say rum punchions to be [s]crewd [?] but not to hard except Deer & Muss Skins which are to Large for Casks & Should beput in Bales — at foot you have price &c all Skins are the better for being keept from the air in a cole place & where it is not Damp as other wise thy grow Mauldey Do not omit to writ to me as often as you can if you find many Land furrs of good quality it may well be worth while to trade for tham & bring tham here Say Minck & Martin Skins as also fisher & Silver fox and Musrat Skins if any all these take Little Room and will Sell here Say Martin Skins from 4 to 8/- Minck from 2/ to 4/ Fischer from 4 to 8/- Mush Depends on the coller of the Martin and Mink the Darker the better & providd thy are taking in Season wild Catts are worth from 4 to 8/- gray fox 2 to 4/- wolf from 4 to 8/- Beare Skins black are worth from 8 to 40/- thy aught to be thick and Long fine haire— Deer Skins in red haire of the wight of 2 lb to 2 1/2 lbs are worth 6 to 7/ pr Skin those in gray Blue haire wighing 3 lbs are worth 6/- those of long gray haire & thin Lether are not worth anything Deer Skins Should have thick Lether & thin haire — furrs the Skins Should be thin & the furr thick — Racown Skins if well furrd & Large are worth 4/- Muss Skins if thick 16/- Musrat Skins 3/ if very good you may find Still Same ather Skins & if So bring Some and ob[li]ge Dear Sir your Hbl Svt J. J. Astor [Endorsed] Letter with Describtion of furrs to J. Ebbetts 1809 ^^^_ DOCUMENTS 431 43. Letter from Astor to Captain John Ebbets, November, 1809, giving Instructions for the Voyage of the Enterprise to the North West Coast. This letter is of interest as being the only one available containing instructions from Astor to the captain of a North West Coast vessel; its significance is increased by the fact that the Enterprise was the first Astor vessel to go to the North West Coast. The instructions given in this letter, which was doubtless intended largely for Daschkoff's eyes, were in large measure modified or countermanded by other communications from Astor. Daniel Greene was particularly experienced as captain of a sealing vessel. In view of the fate of the Tonquin in the next year, Astor's warnings concerning the natives were particularly pertinent. Duplicat Philadelphial I transmit to you herewith the Papers of the Ship Enterprise, now under your Command You will please proceed on your Voyage as soon as the Wind & weather will permit, understanding from Mr. Bentzon that the Ship is ready, Mr. Daschkoff the Minister being very anxious that you should sail without further delay, and you will readily conceive that I can not be less desirous of your getting away. You will proceed direct for the Russian Port of New Archangel on the North West Coast of America & there deliver your Cargo to His Excellency Alexander Baranoff Governor of the Russian Settlements. — It is however understood between His Excelly Andrew Daschkoff and myself that if Governor Baranoff should find it expedient, that part of your Cargo should be delivered at Ochots or any one other part of the Russian Settlements on the North West Coast, you are to proceed to such Port and deliver such part or residue of your Cargo there, as he shall desire: but, you are not obliged to proceed to more than one Port besides New Archangel, unless by agreement to receive such compensation as Mr. Greene the 1 Ms., Baker Library, Astor Papers. 43^ DOCUMENTS Supercargo, shall agree and accept of from Governor Baranoff.— After you have delivered your Cargo, you will put your Ship in as good order as possible and return direct to a Port in the United States. § For your services as Master it is understood you are to receive thirty five Dollars p Month Wages and your Cabin and all Stores found and five hundred Dollars on your return in place of Primage, and when the Voyage is safely ended. I deem it proper to point out to you in case you should meet with any accident while on the Coast (which God forbid) and which should oblige you to put by distress in to any River, Bay or Port among the Natives, to be carefull of them and not permit them to come on board, nor even near the Ship, as I understand several Ships have been taken and with their Crews destroy'd by them. — On all occasions you will consult and advise with Mr. Greene who has been recommended to me ^,s a Man of great experience and good Judgement. With good wishes for the safety of yourself and your Ship & Crew and a desire that you make all possible despatch I am Your Humble Serv*. [Endorsed] to Ebbets Ship Enterprise 44. Account of Sales of Ship Enterprise by John Ebbets for Astor's Account, July-August, 1810. This document will give an idea of the goods in demand upon the North West Coast at this time, and their prices, as well as the prices of furs. The vessels with which Ebbets traded — except the Diana, which belonged to the Russian navy — were among the most prominent of those engaged in the maritime fur trade, and their captains were the "adventurers" who Daschkoff hoped would be eliminated through an alliance between Astor and the Russian American Fur Company. ^itjS^*jy^n^^y-.*-* --■- DOCUMENTS I I 433 HV© coOvh O N to O ^t N tJ-vOOO N h vO CI locoes ^ d OvO O OO OO OvOoO t-» d rr Oioooooioco^o 434 DOCUMENTS I I S>| 2 vo I IO <N <N 00 OO CM M IO 00 rt- fO H 00 O ^*0 ^- M'O VO VO ">*■ VO MM CO O o vol CO vO to CM OvOO w o 00 CO CO CO i2 )j£ o w o io vo 00 rf *- £9= 4& <N en t& &¥ ^ en <§)^ "CJ- vo o00 M <U | | Oh en i en en en <u M CU o -M 2 M CU o . tn CN '** M CCJ en M CD O »v o \g . 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Bentzon to Astor, July 9, 1810, recounting a conversation between bentzon and Count Pahlen in regard to a Projected Agreement between Astor and the Russian American Fur Company. Count Frederick Petrovitch Pahlen, Russian minister to the United States, was the son of the Count Pahlen who had led the palace revolution against Czar Paul 1. Peder Pedersen was Danish charge d'affaires to the United States; the reference to him is in relation to some private business belonging to Bentzon. J. J. Astor Esquire N°. 3.1 New York. City of Washington 9 July 1810 Dear Sir! After some general conversations with Count P., he of his own accord told me, that Mr Daschkoff had according to his instructions desir'd the A. G. to prohibit the citizens of A. from supplying the Indians of the N. W. Coast with arms; but that he had from the A. G. receiv'd nothing but vague and general expressions of a friendly disposition to meet the views of Russia, qualified however by a question, what compensation A. had to expect for such a compliance; that he (P. himself) though without instructions to make it the subject of a formal note, was directed to urge the subject in his conversations with the Executive, that he however was convinced of the impossibility of effecting any thing with this government, [in margin: & that he thought it nearly beneath the dignity of R. to make further sollicitations.] at which he expressed a good deal of dissatisfaction. I confirmed him in this Idea, and explained to him the reasons, which must prevent a government, constituted as this is, from adopting any measure, that may in the remotest 1 Ms., Baker Library, Astor Papers. 44° DOCUMENTS manner interfere with its popularity, following the clew, I open'd to him your plan, in which he entered with great readiness, and in the forwarding of which he has given a positive promise of every assistance.— the business must be finally settled in S*. Petersburgh, where Count Rumanzoff as Minister for foreign affairs and comerce together with the Director of the Russian Company will be the persons to deal with. The form will be this, a person, authorised on your part must conclude the affair at S . Petersburgh; the person going there must carry with him the plan here presented to Count Pahlen, who will send along with it his recommendation to Rumanzoff, who will then transmit it, to the Director of the company, with whom every thing must then be finally arrang'd before it goes back for ultimate decision to the Minister. In case I was to go, P. will besides the official dispatch, give me private letters to Rumanzoff and others, in order to enable me to know the "terrain" and he thinks, that setting aside other considerations the plan, holding out some opposition to english interest, will for that reason be warmly supported by Rumanzoff, who is a violent Anti-anglican. - I have given Count P. a detail'd sketch of the plan, of which I shall bring you the Copy - it being too voluminous to send by the post - the detail of our conversations I refrain from, as I shall in a few days See you. — Count P. will at the end of the present month be in New York, when every thing with him must be settled. I was in my opinion under the necessity of telling P., that you had before his appointment was known communicated some thing of the plan to D. - he thinks of him but so, so. Rumanzoff however has no bad opinion of D. and it will be proper in time to manage him. - he is certainly incorrect, when he wishes to impress you with a idea, that the R. Gov: has but little to do with the affair, but at the same time the company will be the other party in the agreement - as such however it is ^V DOCUMENTS 441 subject to the controul and influence of the Minister for commerce. — I may from motives of civility to the Russian gentlemen here, who have all been very polite to me, stay a couple of days more. P has presented me to Mr Madison, Smith etc: I have delivered your letter to Mr Gallatin, but he is going to New York to morrow, he introduced me however to Mrs. Gall, yesterday at the Fish club, a kind of rural entertainment, from such entertainments heaven guard all christian souls. — It is extremely singular that I have had no letter from Magdalen — I am perfectly uneasy and besides not well. I hope to god nothing has happened in the family. - I think when I come to New York, and shew you [interlineated: sketch of] the plan and explain to you different things, I do not wish to trust to paper, youll be satisfied, that my voyage hither has not been useless, and that the affair is or will be put on the best possible footing, of which it is capable in this country. — I told you in my letter N°. 1, that I would send you the particulars of the papers granted by Mr Pedersen. they are as follows: 1. n March 1808 Sealetter granted to Schooner Ant, Wm. Dye, authorising her to sail with a Cargo of Coffee for Bordeaux, arriv'd there and admitted — afterwards seiz'd, because the Capt. was no Dane — but both vessel & Cargo liberated, & proceeds remitted here. — 2. 21 April 1808. ditto for Schooner Hamlet to go to the Westindies and load colonial produce & from thence to proceed to Bordeaux Capt. a Dane — Arriv'd in a port of Biscay in the possesion of the French and sold her cargo to advantage 3. 22 April — d°. to Danish Schooner Blossom — but the destination was altered and the Pass not used. 442 DOCUMENTS 4. 25 June 1808 d°. for Schooner Mary fate not known, only that she was sent to Europe. — 5. d°. for Schooner Janus, Capt: Menil[?] — to France with colonial produce — captured by the British. — If Mr Gallatin should be in New York before me it would perhaps be advisable to be on your guard in any conversation respecting your N. W. business until you have seen me, when you will be able to determine, how far you can make him any confidences I, am Sir! with great respect and the best wishes for your family Your Very ob: hble Servt Bentzon [Endorsed] Benzon, July 1810 46. Letter from Alexander Baranoff to Astor, July 27/ August 8, 1810, describing his Dealings with Astor's First North West Coast Captain. The Russians were barred by the Chinese from the trade with Canton, a fact which explains Baranoff's agreement with Ebbets to sell the Russian company's skins at that port. "Mr. Wolve" was probably John D'Wolf, a well-known North West Coast captain, who sold the Juno to Baranoff in 1805; he later became the author of A Voyage to the North Pacific and a Journey Through Siberia (Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1861). New Archangel on the N W coast of America July 27/August 8,1810.1 [At bottom of first page: John Jacob Astor Esqre. New York] Sir I had the honour to receive your letter dated the 4th. of November 1809 from New York, brought here by Mr. Ebbets, 1 Ms., Baker Library, Astor Papers. DOCUMENTS 443 who having touched at several places on the coast arrived in safety at this port on the 19 of June/i of July, in answer to your polite letter I have the honour to communicate to you the following circumstances. On Mr. Ebbet's arrival here, in consequence of our mutual agreement, I bought out of the cargo brought by the Enter- prize several merchantizes for dollars giving him in pay furrs of different sorts. After our accounts being settled I agreed on my part to send the Enterprize to Canton, with a quantity of furs, and Mr. Ebbets agreed to carry and to sell them there on my account and with the sum received for them to buy and bring at this port several Chinese goods, according to the list I have given him — for freight I engaged myself to pay to the owner of the said ship 18,000 dollars, out of which sum 6,000 dollars he is to receive at Canton and the remainder on his return at this place, with furs, that may be in the stores at the time. — He intends to leave this Coast by the first of October, but till this time he will touch at diff[er]ent places, for carrying on trade with the Indians. During the time of Mr. Ebbets's stay here we had often communications concerning the plan proposed by you for our mutual Commercial advantages, but as I have not received either from you or from Mr. Daskoff our consul General a list of the current prices in America of several articles of trade, therefore I could not determine to receive your propositions; for not knowing the prices, I may import goods, which shall coast me more, than I could buy them in times here. — but having examined the accounts I had with several ships, that touched at this place at different times, I deleivered to Mr. Ebbets a list of several articles, provisions &Ca. with the prices, at which I can take them and proposed him that 1 or 2 ships should be sent with these articles, if the prices suit your interest to do so the Copy of the said list, I have transmitted also to Mr. Dashkoff and desired him to conclude with you a proper agreement in consequence 444 DOCUMENTS of your proposals — but the best mode in my opinion to settle finally this business is that Mr. Dashkoff should write to the directors of the Company at S . Petersbourg. For my part having not received nearly three years any instructions from them, I am affraid they have perhaps concluded some other contracts with other merchants of the United States. As it is well known that Mr. Wolve of having sold here his Cargo and ship went to St. Petersbourg with the intentions to Contract with the directors for supplying this Colony — Moreover perhaps Russia is at piece at present in such a case ships shall be sent from S*. Petersbourg with all necessary goods for this place. — At the same time I must inform you, that having already applied for permission to return to Russia, I expect very soon to leave this place, consequently I don't think it is proper for me to contract for such a long time as you propose — but if according to the list and prices proposed by me, you shall send here the goods therein specified: I bind myself to receive the whole and to pay for them with furs according to the prices of them mentioned in the same list and this obligation will be equally binding on my successors in case I leave the place before the arrival of the ship; of this my proposition to you, Sir, I will write to the directors immediately by a man of war, which will shortly sail for Kamtskatka, and equally communicate to them your proposals. I hope they will avail themselves of the advantages you propose to the Company. Concerning the exclussion of the many speculators from the trade with the Indians on this coast it appears to me impossible without some vigorous measures even if we should run risk of losing any sum by underselling them; of this point I shall write more particularly to Mr. Dashkoff — and you shall learn from him, as well as from Mr. Ebbets also of all the advantages and disadvantages that may follow from the trade on this coast — On Mr Ebbets's return from Canton, I shall have the honour DOCUMENTS 445 to write to you again, and hope it will be in my power to make you several other communications, as I expect a transport with reinforcements from Ochotsk and instructions from the directors. In the mean time except my sincere thanks for your polite letters. I have the honour to be with great esteem Sir Your most obedient humble servant AjieKcaHn;p'L EapaHOB-B PocciftCKO-AMepHKaHCKOfi KoMnaHin bi> AMepHK'fe npaBHTejit. [Alexander Baranoff Russian-American Company Governor in America] [Endorsed] Letter from the Russian Governor of New Archangel N. W. Coast of America July 27. 1810. 47. Henry Livingston to Astor, August i, 1810, giving an Account of his Tour through Dutchess County for the purpose of notifying the occupants of the morris Estate of his Employer's Claims. This visit of Astor's agent to the lands then being claimed by Astor through his purchase in the previous year of the reversionary rights of the Morris heirs to property confiscated by New York State was intended to bring before the people the necessity of causing the legislature to take steps to extinguish his title. Copyx of a letter written to John Jacob Astor Esqr dated Respected Sir I am just retd. from my tour to yr. lots N°. 3, 5 & 9 of philipses upper pat*, in Dutchess county. 1 Ms., New York State Library, Albany. 446 DOCUMENTS I found a friendly personal reception every where. One Gentleman I wished to have waited upon but I was informd he was from home on a visit to a sick relation in Bedford — namely Davoust Bailey Esq — However I wrote him a letter inclosing [interlineated: copies of] Mr. Harisons opinion & your note to myself, so that in point of ettiquette he will be satisfied: This gentm. lives on Lot N°. 5 & is the most considerable land-holder on all your estate. Judge Johnson was not at home: However I had a previous conversation with him on the subject of your claim. He observd. then that the most considerable part of his property was the estate of B. Robinson altho lying in Mrs. Morris's lot N°. 5: I found 2 other farms on the same lot N°. 5 whose possessors held under different titles than of Mrs. Morris, probably these were parcels sold to make up the amount of the £3000 mentd in the deed of settlement. These at most are minor considerations compared to the great object in view. In no instance did I find a single person express a wish to open an immediate negociation — Nor indeed ought I to have expected it. Altho the most of these people had heretofore heard somthing of the claim of the descendants of Mrs Morris — none of them knew of the recent sale made by them & that you now represent them, until I informd them. They uneformly spok of resting their cause with the Legislature under which they hold. This public annunciation of your claim has however created a very considerable sensation — and that sensation must increase, as no sales can be made of any part of these 3 lots till the matter is set at rest; at all events no advantageous sales This circumstance will induce the Holders under the State to wish for a decision as soon as possible. Whether the Legislature will at all Doude? until the death of Mrs Morris is problematical. Public bodies ever wish to avoid trouble & generally postpone discussions of this kind as long as possible. Many of the gentlemen interested put the question to me MSm DOCUMENTS 447 (perhaps out of mere curiosity) "You tell me that Mr. Astor is disposed to make sale on reasonable terms, what is the price? " Now be sure I was not prepared to give a decisive answer; & until an earnest application is made it may be endless to furnish me with your specific terms. The object of my mission is now effected. Thro me they have had a fair notice of the existence of your claim & it now rests with the Holders to take their own measures. I inclose my account which you can if you please pay to the Gentleman who will hand you these papers & his receipt shall be as my own. If in the prosecution of this business any exertions of mine can be of service to you please to command them. I am respectfully yr. ob*. Humble servant Poughkeepsie H. Livingston Aug*. ist 1810 John Jacob Astor Esqr. Copy of my account John Jacob Astor Esqr. to Henry Livingston Dr. 1810 from ] To a Journey to the city of New york June 9th. to > for the express purpose of conferring Aug*. ist. J with M*. Astor [interlineated: on his Morris concern] 9 1/2 days at 28/2 pr. day £13. .6 Expences (of which the passages alone was £2-) in all — 3.4 To 10 1/2 days employ'd in a tour to the towns of Southeast, Carmel, Frederic & Philips &c 14.14 Expences during said tour 2.10.6 [Endorsed] Copy of my letter to Mr. Astor & my account £33.14.6 448 DOCUMENTS 48. Letter from John Ebbets to Astor, January ii, 181 i, describing the First Voyage by an Astor Shd? to the North West Coast. "New-e tee" (Newettee, New Eity, Newity, etc.) was a well- known port of call for vessels engaged in the North West Coast trade. The vessels and captains mentioned in this letter, mostly from Boston, were prominent in the maritime fur trade, except the Diana, which belonged to the Russian navy. It seems strange that Daschkoff did not have Russian copies made of Astor's letters to Baranoff. Ebbets apparently did not intend at this time to do any more trading between the Coast and Canton, but instead to return to the United States, "free of expence." If this was his meaning, he later reconsidered it. "Mr Wilcox " was probably B. C. Wilcocks, the United States consul at Canton. Macoa January 11th 18111 John Jacob Astor Esqr. Sir The particular account of our passage thus far would be neither interesting or amuesing, suffice it to say we arrived at the port of New-e tee North West America June 1 ith 204 days from New York on the 23d of the Same we left it and Anchored in sheetka the 28th. where we found laying the ship Isabella, and Brig Lydia of Boston Capt Davis of the ship had been on the coast of California, and had come to This place to dispose of the remainder of his Cargo, which he did before my arrival and was now waiting for Canoes and kodiack Indians to return to California for the purpose of killing Sea Otter Capt Brown of the Brig had bro't the remainder of the crew of a Small Vessel belonging to this place, which was takeing [on — stricken through] a cruize to review the Southern coast and Visit Columbia's River but was cast away to the Nd. of that 1 Ms., Baker Library, Astor Papers. A duplicate of this letter written at Macoa was mailed from Canton, January 19, 1811, and sent to New York on board the Trumbull, commanded by Captain Page. mrsBffrri DOCUMENTS 449 port — the Vessel lost but most of the Crew saved — the ship O Cain Winship had been here and sold her Cargo — and was now hunting the Otter in Company with one of their ships on shares, I delivered M. D. letters to G B. but was much disappointed at not finding any person at the Settlement who understood either English or french — soon after the ship Diana arrived the Commander of whom Understanding both, your Communications to G B were put into Russ, and I had much conversation with him on the several matters therein Contained — but found it impossible to Conclude any Agreement that would be satisfactory to you, Altho' I did not fail to point out the manifold advantages that would result to the settlement by doing so — in his Letter to you he gives his reasons for not makeing the propos'd arrangements, but binding himself and successor to purchase the goods as pr Invoice inclos'd with the prices attach'd to the Same many of those prices are not first Cost those that I think would answer I have mentioned — you will be the best judge wether to send a ship from America or not — I would observe that after next Year Winship and perhaps Davis will return— if a ship should sail in September a small invoice for the natives would always find a ready sale— two months sooner would have made a great difference in my Collection of Furs; I obtain'd the Same price the ships who arriv'd before me did which was the most I could get — the furs on the Coast this Year have been very scarce, thinking I'should do but little this winter and judeing Furs would be high in Canton — I thought it most for our Interest to proceede thither and after much trouble I finally Came to terms as pr agreement inclosed — August 26th oCain and Consort arrived having kill'd about 1500 otter — but were obliged to return the Natives haveing kill'd several of their people, throughout the Coast they appear determined to prevent their hunting any more, in this you may be assured they are encouraged, by the Several traders, Capt 45° DOCUMENTS Winship Intended for Canton but my previous agreement disappointed him 27th. ship Mercury arived from California, with a Cargo of provissions, you perceive this has become quite a Commercial place almost every thing is sent to their western Settlements and sold at a great profit— from the Commander of the Diana I obtain'd [interlineated: some] Information but after G B, had given his lesson he was not quite so communicative, from him I obtain'd a few of the Siberian sables which I shall send you a sample off — in May they are plenty at Kamschatka, and as the merchants are free to trade there — from information well authenticated in that month many might be purchas'd if they were an object — Tea, Loaf sugar Fine cloths, silks, Calicoes, sewing silks and above all Brandy is most in demand — the price of the sable is said to be high in Turkey and Russia — you will be able to judge what they are worth in America, the high price demanded by G B for his furs is a great detriment to makeing a Voyage — it would appear the Bostonians think this part of the world opens a wide field for speculation — as they leave no means untry'd to gain the esteem of G B which I assure you is no easy matter — in this place and as far as his Autherity extends he is a absolute — he has Nephew with him who speaks little or no English, and yet you would affront the Govenor if you told him he did not, which to a Person unacquainted makes the transaction of any business difficult from him no information Could be obtaine'd Concerning their settlement, but they Cannot yet extend it as thy hav not men and the numerous tribes near them are ever on the watch to cut them off — next Year I shall endeavour to procure you all the information I can— the Mercury was last from Columbias River, she had been in Company with a ship Call'd the Albitross collecting Beaver, neither of them had been succesful, not having purchas'd more then 300, the brig Lydia had also been there — there was a man by the name of Brown came out in the albitross that •"" - n • -_-.; SZSZ DOCUMENTS 451 intended to stay at the River, I understood he expected to be join'd by others that were coming across the continent. Assisted by the ships company he Commence'd building a House, but was oppos'd by the Natives and left the River in the ship — a ship call'd Myrtle was expected with a Large Cargo of Furs but did not arrive before I sail'd which G. B. much regretted — we left New-e tee Octb 2d haveing left a letter under the Tree according to your Instructions — Inclos'd you have an acct of furs bro't to Canton &c1 I have inclos'd Mr Dff8. Letter to you that you may know the time he receives them if you wish to have any further communications with him you will be sure he knows G. B. intentions and I rather [expect — stricken through] suspect that he has given him power if some goods are too low price'd to make a greater advance on them — You will be very reserve'd with him on any observation's I may make on the Settlement, particulary as it respects Liquor — you may recollect in his list of Cargo he mentioned none and Yett without any we should have been unwelcome visitors it is the Idol of the Common people as they all drink an astonishing quantitey G B himself not excepted, and I assure you it is no small tax on a person's health that does business with him, a Cargo of Rum would I belive sell — the Derby arrived in July on the Coast she brou't out a Cargo of $56,000 which was divided between the ship Hamilton and Brig Lydia whose collection of furs, she left the Coast within October — but has not yet arrived — Messrs Perkins & Lyman intend if possible to Monopolize this business if we may judge by the Capital they have on the Coast— the Brig Lydia being a foreign Bottom is to stay 5 years, they intend to have one Vessel leave the Coast every year — on my return I shall be able to inform you wather a good Voyage might not be made from Canton, at present I think there might I am de- tirmin'd not to return again myself and should Expect a pas- 1 Printed above, pp. 432-438. 452 DOCUMENTS sage home free of expence, if therefore you think proper in Case I thought it much for your interest to fit the Enterprize out from this place next year with such a Cargo as I shall think proper you will let me know I would thank you to be as Explicit as possible that I may in all my Transactions meet your wishes — The killing Sea Otter on California is been attended with little danger and much profit this Year the Canoes were all engag'd I intend should the Enterprize return to endeavour to make a Conditional agreement that G B will let her have Canoes, from the account of all the Gentleman who have dealt with him, his word may be rely'd on — Actuated by sincere motives to promote your interest I have sugested this plan to you and trust you will give it a candid consideration — at present I think prospect flattering for the following reasons now there are too many ships on the Coast Next Year there will be very few, and when the ship returns it will be in a Season there will be but few furs in Canton — I am much surprised at finding no letters here from you as you surely had an Idea that I might be here this Year — but I am in hopes that the Beaver will be soon here when no doubt I shall receive letters as much of my voyage depends on dispatch I shall leave this place as soon as possible your haveing no Agent here made me something at a loss what to invest the property in, but as most of the Hong merchants are very poor I have deter- min'd to sell my Cargo for Cash, I have waited on Mr Wilcox with whom Mr Hosack has left a power of attorney to transact any business you might consign to him but wether Mr W. is a person you would wish to do so or Mr Hosacks leaving china would meet your approbation you well know I must be ignorant off — I shall therefore wait untill just before sailing when if no orders arrive I shall invest the property to Mr Wilcox in those Silks you have order'd to be shipe'd the first oppour- tunitey at present no shjps want freight, — I have heard of the Tonquins fitting out for N W America — and have left a DOCUMENTS 453 letter at New e tee according to orders no doubt by her I shall receive orders from you which I shall not fail to execute — the Merchants are now looking at our furs as soon I have sold I shall not fail to inform you in the Mean I am Sir with Respects Your humble Sev* John Ebbets [Addressed] John Jacob Astor Esq1*., Merchant, New-York — U.S. A — [Endorsed in pencil] Capn Ebbets, Macoa, Jan. 11th 1811 49. Agreement between Kingqua and John Ebbets, January 13, 1811, for the Purchase and Sale of Furs at Canton. This document is of interest as being the only available Canton agreement between an Astor agent or captain and a Hong merchant, one of that group which had the monopoly of foreign trade at Canton. The prices to be paid by Kingqua may be compared with those at which some of these furs had been sold by Baranoff (see document 44). Dressed seal skins brought a lower price than undressed, probably because of the inferior quality of the native process. The "Cumsha & measurement of the ship" were assessments by the Chinese officials upon foreign vessels. This * Agreement made & concluded this thirteenth day of January 1811 between Kingqua, Hong Mercht, on the one part & John Ebbets, Master & Agent of ship Enterprise on the other part witnesseth. — That said Kingqua promises & engages to secure said ship Enterprise Conformable to the rules & regulations of the port of Canton, & further to purchase of said Ebbets the Cargo of said ship, Consisting of sea otter furs beaver skins & seal skins, on the following terms viz, 1 Ms., Baker Library, Astor Papers. 454 DOCUMENTS To pay for each & every sea otter skin large & small the sum of twenty one dollars & a half, — For each and every Sea otter tail the sum of two dollars & 21 1/2 cents, — For each & every dressed Seal Skin the sum of one dollar pr piece, & for each & every undressed fur seal skin the sum of two dollars pr piece, — For each & every Beaver Skin both large & small the sum of six dollars & fifty cents pr pi[e]ce & Said Kingqua promises & engages to make the payment in the following manner Viz — Ten Thousand Dollars to be paid on the fourteenth instant & ten thousand to be paid in Five days from the signing of this Contract, the balance after deducting the Cumsha & measurement of the ship to be paid before the delivery of any of the abovementioned furs: the money to be paid at the weight of Seven hundred & seventeen tale pr thousand dollars, — And said Ebbets on his part promises & engages to deliver to said Kingqua the above mentioned furs at the stipulated prices on the due fulfillment of his part of this Contract. — In witness of our free assent we hereunto subscribe our names and affix our seals this thirteenth Day of January 1811 [Endorsed in same hand and ink as agreement] Jn° Ebbetts Agreement with Kingqua. [Endorsed in different hand and ink] Ebbetts agreement with Howqua 50. Letter from Astor to A. B. Bentzon, January 21, 1811, with Instructions for an Agreement with the Russian American Fur Company. In this letter Astor makes some slight exaggerations. By the two ships already sent to the Columbia River he apparently means the Enterprise and the Tonquin, but the cargo of the former was not intended to be used in establishing a settlement on the Coast. The overland expedition actually numbered sixty-four men. The error in the latter case was probably due merely to lack of knowledge; in the former to a desire to impress the Russian American Fur Company with the progress already made. as DOCUMENTS 455 Copy Sir! New York 21st. of Jan:* 1811 From the several conversations, I have had with you on the subject of trade with the Indians in the Interior and on the North West Coast of America, you are made acquainted with the plan, now in contemplation — a part of the arrangement necessary for carrying the same into effect is submitted to your management and for this purpose you have from me a full power of Attorney for and on behalf of the American Fur Company. — you are inform'd of the vast undertaking of this company and of the means employ'd by them; two ships of 300 tons have already been sent; fill'd with every thing requisite to make a permanent establishment on or near the entrance of the Columbia river, another ship is now preparing, which will soon be dispatch'd, and more will follow; for the further support of this plan an expedition consisting of about 100 men well equipt and experienc'd in the intercourse with Indians has been sent up the Missouri River in order to explore and open the communication across the Continent and to form a junction with the establishment on the Columbia River for the purpose of effectually securing through an intercourse with the inland nations the trade on the Northwest Coast. — It is further known, that the Russian government has long ago granted a charter of incorporation to a company, which has already made considerable establishments on the higher parts of the North West Coast. — Long experience, dearly bought by the different Canada traders, has proved, both, that the Indian trade can not be carried on, but by companies, and that, when two companies come in contact, they must join and come to a friendly understanding or both be ruined. — in the present case another im- 1 Ms., Baker Library, Astor Papers. 456 DOCUMENTS portant circumstance seems to augment the necessity of such a combination; The Russian establishments have repeatedly been exposed to serious dangers from the hostile disposition of the Indians; who surround them, and who receive with great facility implements of war from citizens of the United States, who transiently trade with them. It is therefore evident, that, if by any means these transient traders, could be prevented and discouraged from the trading in these parts, that the trade would be not only more beneficial, but beyond comparison more safe and secure. The furnishing of arms by the transient American traders must be well known to the Russian Fur company, at whose instance, I presume, the Government of H. I. M. has made representations to the Government of this country on that subject; but how so ever well the Executive of the U. S. may be dis- pos'd to please his Majesty, the Efriperor of all the Russias, there is no constitutional power vested in said Executive, by which any citizen could be prevented from a trade not illegal by municipal law, and were the government even to obtain a law for the purpose, it would have no means of enforcing such a law, as has been seen in parallel cases. — This peculiar situation of the Russian Fur company and the general consideration of the advantages accruing to companies, liable to come in contact, whenever they come to an amicable understanding, has occasion'd the conception of a plan, which if adopted, will no doubt, be effective in all its points and secure every desirable object in view relative to the trade in question — viz: The American Fur Company proposes to the Russian imo. a most cordial and friendly understanding in aiding and supporting each other on the Northwest Coast and in excluding transient strangers from the same. 2do. to ^x limits for the trade of each company, so as not to interfere with each other either by trading or by sup- **%!§ ^SSSOtt i rrtrvrt? i'ffiVlifira DOCUMENTS 457 plying the natives within the respective boundaries with arms or ammunition to enter into an engagement to furnish the whole or parts of the Russian establishments in that quarter of the world with regular supplies — on terms as per statement. A Ship of 300 Tons will cost 22500 By Ship on her return 10000 Extra Sails & Cordage 3Soo " freight on 300 Tons 18 months' provisions &c: 4000 30000 a $1392 pr Ton 41850 Interest on 30,000 for 18 m: 3iSo Insurance to cover, is on"! $44200 a 25 pC: / 11050 Seamen's pay for 18 m9 1 say 25 men a £ 17 / 7650 / 51850 51850 A Ship of 300 Tons to cost 22500 By value of Ship on return 10000 Extra Sails & cordage 35oo 1 proceeds of cargo a 150 18 ms. provisions &c: 4000 pC: advance on $40000 100000 18 d°: pay for 25 men 7650 Co^ttjfDargo 40000 'fSm interest on $70,000 735o Ins: to cover $78000 a 25 pC: 25000 IIOOOO IIOOOO to carry for the Russian Fur Company any furs, or skins, which they may from time to time be disposed to send to Canton, to sell them there for Act. of the R. Company, and to receive payment for the supplies above mention'd in the proceeds of such furs at Canton or in Furs and Skins at the Russian Establishments on the Northwest Coast, at the option of the Russian Company. 458 DOCUMENTS 5to. To prevent as much as possible any interference of trade from the Canada North West company who are now making their way fast towards the coast in high latitudes and who intend soon to be in contact with the Russian company, for which purpose they have already establish'd several posts on the North branch of the Columbia river near the Rocky mountains. — 6to. It shall always be understood, that the terms of arrangement are to be on principles of reciprocity and that each company shall on all occasions endeavour to promote the interest of the others, but in order effectually to check the Canada N. W. company it is indispensably necessary that the American Fur Company should carry on an extensive opposition trade in the Interior of North america; from hence will be drawn sundry articles of furs and skins, for which Russia is the only good market, but of which some are at present subject to the payment of a heavy duty and others totally excluded. The taking off this duty and prohibition by the Russian government in favor of the American Fur company would encourage it greatly in opposing with vigour the dangerous rival of both Russian and american enterprise in this quarter, the Canada Company — We would thereby be enabled to prevent them completely from extending themselves to the Northwest Coast, it is expected that this proposal will meet with a friendly reception, especially when you state, as is the case, that Russian furs are admitted free of duty in this country and that the articles, for which the permission is desired, are neither amounting to a great quantity nor found but in the interior of this continent, — at least form no part of Russian fur articles viz: black bears — Fishers & raccons: and that the exclusive permission will have ^^k^rf.-^n* ^^r^y ^-.^Vg- ^f y.^^-^ 5* a^ ,, ,„,,,. ,y r^r^r-^^r^H f] ,-, ;?flg DOCUMENTS 459 an effect so decided an effect on the prosperity of the Russian Company as to arrest in its progress and prevent from coming in Contact with the coast a company, as powerful and intelligent as that of the actual Canada traders. If the safety and success of the establishments on the Coast are of any consideration to the Russian Government or Company, I have no doubt, if the project here in contemplation is well understood, of your meeting with ready success, perhaps not exactly in the form proposed, but at all events in some shape or other, in this case it is understood, that You have discretionary power, and that You may vary somewhat from the terms propos'd provided the difference be not in essentials and, that You keep in view the principle of reciprocity and mutual advantage, which will eventually insure lasting and certain success to all concerned. With wishes for your health and safety, I am Sir your ob: hble Servant A. B. Bentzon Esqr. John-Jacob-Astor Attorney For the American Furr Compy /[Endorsed in pencil] Important 51. Letter from John Ebbets to Astor, January 24, 1811, giving Plans for a North West Coast Voyage. Edward Carrington had been the United States consul at Canton. The Tonquin, in June, was captured by Indians and blown up by one of her company, so Ebbets' plan to meet her and furnish her with beads and assistance came to nothing. Ebbets' meaning in regard to "a passage home free from expense" in case the Enterprise returned is not clear; he was in command when the vessel reached New York in June, 1812. The reference to the high standing of Perkins & Co., the Canton branch of the Boston firm of J. & T. H. Perkins, is of interest. 460 DOCUMENTS Canton January 24th. 1811 John Jacob Astor Esqr. Sir Ed. Carrington Esqr. being just on the point of leaveing Canton I again write you a few lines by him — my disappointment has been great in receiveing no Letters by the Beaver — surely you must have had an idea that I might be in Canton this season — as you mention in my instructions that from the several conversations you had with Mr. Dashkoff you made no doubt but G Bff would purchase the whole of my Cargo — the high price demanded for his Sea Otters — and his [interlineated: not] offering enough for my Woolens prevented my return to New York this season — but my comeing to Canton has surely been to our advantage. — I have heard of the Tonquin's fitting out and probably shall be on the Coast nearly as soon as she is — when I shall not fail to render her all the assistance in my power with a view to carry those plans into execution you communicated to me before sailing. — should you determine the Enterprize should return next year to New York you may make arrangements for loading her here — or if not I shall fill her up on freight — I shall probably be in Canton in February — please to be as explicit in your instructions as possible that I may endeavour to put your plans into execution in the manner most agreeable to your wishes — but recollect if the Enterprize returns I expect a passage home free from expense — Mr. Wicox being disappointed in those silks you order'd I shall invest the property in Nankeens — by the Beaver, by whom [interlineated: &] by every other opper- tunity I shall write you — I would mention Mr. Wilcox ob- serv'd the silk Merchant wanted all the Money in advance — this I should have been imprudent in paying— I presume after setling my business I shall have about $40-000 to invest by the Beaver — you will make the necessary insureance for 1 Ms., Baker Library, Astor Papers. DOCUMENTS 461 me — you may recollect on this subject we have had a full understanding I shall therefore always consider my part in the Ship and Commissions insur'd — I have not a moment to spare as the Merchants are now counting our Furs — and it requires every moment of my time, in attending them and collection articles for N W America, the Beads that answer Columbia's River are plenty here I shall purchase some for the Tonquin— from Messrs. Perkins and Co I have [interlineated: recd] much assistance — & I hesitate not to say they are so well acquainted with the fur [bu]siness here they would obtain a higher price than any house in Canton. Yours with Esteem John Ebbets [Addressed] John Jacob Astor Esqr, Merchant, New York [Endorsed] Letter from Ebbetts. Jan 24. 1811 52. Articxes^Of Agreement for the South West Fur Company, January 28, 1811. ThisWreement was made between Astor and the agents of the North We^stCompany for the trade of the Great Lakes region only, the regions of the Missouri, of the western side of the Rockies, and of the North West Coast being specifically excepted. Thus Astor was in partnership with the North West Company in the interior, through the South West Fur Company, and in bitter competition with it on the North West Coast, through the Pacific Fur Company. Whereas j a Concern or Company has been formed at New York by John Jacob Astor and others under the Firm of the American Fur Company, for the purpose of carrying on Trade to the Indian Country, and another Concern or Company has 1 Ms., Baker Library, Astor Papers. A document identical with the foregoing, save for reversing the order of the companies, is in the Public Archives of Canada, Ottawa, Minutes of North West Company, June 30, 1801-January 8, 1811, pp. 78-84. 462 DOCUMENTS been formed at Montreal by Forsyth Richardson & C°. and Mc. Tavish Mc. Gillivrays & C° (with authority to admit other associates) also for carrying on Trade to the Indian Country from Michilimackinac under the Firm of the Montreal Michilimackinac Company— And whereas experience has proved that the People, Supplies and Materials for carrying on that trade are best procured in part from and through Canada, and in part from and through the State of New York; consequently an opposition between Companies so circumstanced would be productive of certain loss to both, whilst a reciprocal Communication of the advantages arising out of the localities would assure a Material benefit to each — It is therefore hereby concluded and agreed upon, by and between John Jacob Astor of New York Merchant, now at New York for and on behalf of all those concerned, or that may become concerned in the American Fur Company and William Mc.Gillivray of Montreal Merchant now at the same place, for and on behalf of all those concerned or that may become concerned in the Montreal Michilimackinac Company as follows viz:— ist. That for five Years from the first of April next, all Outfits to be made for the Trade to the Interior Country from Michilimackinac, commencing with the Outfit of the year 1811, all supplies of whatsoever kind which shall be requisite for the said Trade shall be furnished by each of the Companies above- said in equal proportions and from such places where the same can be procured to most advantage, whether England, Canada or the United States. — 2d. That the American Fur Company shall import by New York their proportion of Goods from England and the Montreal Company shall import their proportion by Quebec, so as that one half of the amount of the Value of Goods imported shall be by New York and the other half by Quebec, unless from political events or other causes it shall hereafter be found DOCUMENTS 463 for mutual benefit to vary the proportion. And the American Fur Company shall furnish all Such articles as it may be found necessary to have from the United States, and the Montreal Company all such articles as will be required from Canada And for the Supplies so imported and so procured or furnished, no more shall be charged by each Company than the actual Cost and Charges (Interest inclusive when such accrues) which they respectively shall have paid or become liable for, either in the first instance or in forwarding the same to their ultimate destination— It being understood and hereby agreed that each Company shall furnish to the other its due proportion and in due Season from time to time of all the Monies needful for the fulfillment of ^Engagements made or to be made as occasions require, for/the said supplies from the United States and Canada as well as for the Cash advances which in the course of the saioY Trade to be carried on therefrom shall become expedient and necessary: Keeping always in view the principle of equalizing from time to time as nearly as may be the respective advances of each Company in their due proportions, until that the annual general equalization herein after mentioned can take place. — 3d. And whereas certain Merchandise Goods and effects are remaining at Montreal, S*. Joseph and Michilimackinac, being the remainder of the Stock of the late Michilimackinac Company — and whereas the Montreal Company have purchased Six Sixteenths of said Goods, it is agreed that the said purchase shall be for account of the present concern at the price and terms purchased, and that the American Fur Company shall also be interested in the remaining ten sixteenth parts of said Goods, and shall account for their proportion of Interest to the Montreal Company viz: The Goods at Montreal shall be taken at first Cost and Charges at the price, at which Goods of equal quality will be Shipped this Year from England, and payable 464 DOCUMENTS the first day of January next - and those in the Upper Country at the Inventory price of the late Michilimackinac Company and payable on the first day of October 1812- And debts due by Clerks and Engagees shall be assumed by this concern at such valuation as the agents shall judge fair to both parties, and in case of disagreement they shall call a disinterested person to decide the amount to be paid, that is to say the Proportion of the American Fur Company on the first day of October next - It being understood however that the Assumption of Debts here alluded to, are of such persons only as shall be deemed necessary to be employed by this concern for the future 4th. That on the arrival at Michilimackinac of the Goods and supplies so furnished by each Company, the same (to avoid the ruinous consequences of opposition in the Interior) shall not be traded apart, but shall be put together and the needful Outfits or Supplies to Traders made therefrom, to which each Company shall contribute an equal proportion as well as of every Expence'and advance needful for or incident to Equipments or Outfits to the Indian Country. — 5th. That this concern shall annually send two Agents [interlineated : one of which to be appointed by each Company] with proper assistants to Michilimackinac to do the business thereof, as well in respect to the Equipments or Outfits, and receiving Payments or Returns therefrom and sending the same down, — as in respect to keeping and settling the requisite accounts, and transacting whatsoever else may concern the Trade: and the said agents shall in the Month of October or earlier in each year furnish to each Company Lists or Schedules of the Supplies which they shall consider needful for the Outfit of the Succeeding Season distinguishing therein such articles as are to be provided from England, Canada and the ^%L DOCUMENTS 465 States respectively — And no Agent shall receive for his Salary or Services more than the Sum of Two thousand Dollars per Annum, and his expences paid while on actual duty for the concern absent from Montreal or New York on the business of this Concern. — 6th. That all Returns from the Trade shall belong to each Concern in equal proportions, and be sent undivided to such places as shall be considered best for the disposal of the Same to most advantage, and each Company shall preserve its undivided Share, or proportion in each article until sold, when the nett proceeds thereof shall be divided, but if in the opinion of John Jacob Astor it shall be thought best that the major part of the returns shall be sent to New York, not exceeding in the whole amount, two thirds of the Returns, the same shall be sent and sold or shipped by the American Fur Company, who are to be allowed two and one half per Cent Commission on the Amount, in consideration of the said John Jacob Astor's attention to the Superintending in the assorting classing, disposing and Shipping of the Same. — 7th. That Returns sent to the United States shall be disposed of by the American Fur Company and Returns sent to Canada shall be disposed of by the Montreal Company, and the Nett Proceeds reciprocally accounted for by the one to the other in their respective Proportions, but no Commission shall be allowed thereon, other than amount mentioned in the foregoing article to the American Fur Company nor any charge made beyond the actual expenses disbursed. — 8th. That Shipments to England upon account of the Companies, shall be consigned without division of the articles shipped to McTavish Fraser & C°, and to Inglis Ellice & C°., and the nett Proceeds thereof creditted according to the re- 466 DOCUMENTS spective Interests of the Companies therein, — and Shipments elsewhere shall be consigned as may at the time be thought most advantageous to the Concern. — 9th. That there shall be Establishments or Agencies provided at Montreal and New York for carrying on the Trade to the Indian Cpuntry hereby contemplated- That such Establishments shall be formed upon as economical principles as the case will admit of, and the acting agent of each Company at New York and Montreal shall be the Agents as abovemen- tioned, who are to go up annually to Michilimackinac - And in order to prevent unnecessary expence as far as may be and to give to each Company an Interest that each Branch of the Business, shall be done in the place best adapted to it, the expences of the said Establishments respectively (according to an estimate or Scale to be agreed upon) shall be reciprocally borne in the proportions that each Company shall have in the Trade. — 10th. That regular Books shall be kept by each Establishment at New York and Montreal, and general Accounts shall be stated therefrom, and rendered by the one Company to the other up to the thirty first day of December in each Year, at which period a general equalization in the due proportions of all advances (when not already made) shall take place comprehending Interest where the same shall accrue thereon 11th. To remove all causes of collision with the Company trading from Canada called the North West Company it is hereby agreed that the Companies who are parties hereto, shall on no Account trade nor equip any Person to trade/after the Outfit of the Year 1811/, with Indians beyond the Territorial Limits of the United States, unless to such part of Lake Huron as shall not be within the Limits of any Trading Post at present DOCUMENTS 467 established by the said North West Company — Provided always that the said North West Company shall also agree on their part not to Trade, nor equip any Person to trade /after the said Outfit of the year 1811,/ with Indians within the Territorial Limits of the United States, nor beyond the Limits of any Trading Post near Lake Huron now actually established by the said Company — It being however understood, that for the Outfit 1811 each Company is to conform itself to the restrictions agreed upon between the North West Company, and the said late Michilimackinac Company. — 12th. And whereas the Factories established and supported at a heavy expence by the United States for trading with Indians may be withdrawn, it is therefore understood and hereby agreed upon by and between the Parties hereto, that in such case, the proportion of Shares herein before established for each of the Companies, shall be altered in so far, that the American Fur Company in such case shall furnish two third parts of all supplies, and receive two third parts of all returns and Payments, and the Montreal Company shall only furnish one third part of all Supplies, and receive one third part of all Returns and Payments, and every disbursement and receipt of whatsoever kind shall in the like case, be in such New Proportion — but the present Agreement is to remain in full force in all respects, excepting as to such alteration of the proportions in the event of such withdrawal of the said Factories. — 13th. That on the Receipt of the Returns which shall arise from the Outfit to be made in the Year 1815 or Sooner if the present Agreement shall by common consent of the Parties thereto be annulled, then every thing in which the said two Companies shall have an Interest, whether consisting of Furs and Skins, Merchandise or other effects or Debts due by Traders or other Persons, shall either be divided in kind in the 468 DOCUMENTS proportions abovesaid so as to be as nearly as possible of like proportional Value — or shall be put into the hands of Agents to be sold or realized for the common benefit, and the proceeds then divided,- or the same shall be sold at Public Auction to the highest bidder, who shall give Sufficient Security for duly complying with the conditions of Payment which shall have been agreed upon to regulate such Sale. — 14th. It is hereby expressly agreed upon by and between the Parties hereto, that the North West Company shall after the present year deliver up to this concern all and every post of trade or trading house which they at present occupy within the Territories or Limits of the United States of America, and shall not hold any Separate Interest in trade with any other person or persons other than the present concern, in the Indian Country within the Territories of the United States of America, nor furnish any person or persons with Goods for the purpose aforesaid — and it is further declared and agreed upon that the Limits within which the trade of this Concern shall be carried on, has no application whatsoever to any Countries beyond the ridge of the Rockey Mountains [interlineated: nor] the river Missouri nor to the North West Coast or in the Pacific Ocean, any thing herein contained to the contrary notwithstanding.— 15th. As both the Parties to these Presents have ordered supplies of Goods for the Indian Trade from England and other places — It is hereby understood that such Supplies of whatever nature they may be shall be received into the Stock of this Concern, and accounted for by the one party to the other, as forming part of the Outfit of 1811, without any advantage to the party so providing, than if such supplies had been ordered by the joint Concern 16th. It is hereby declared and agreed upon that the Business in contemplation, and to be carried on by this concern, shall be ^»-*«"*wm^ DOCUMENTS 469 conducted under the firm of The South West Fur Company, and shall so continue for the full end and term of five Years next to come, or &ve complete Outfits. — In Witness Whereof the Parties to these presents have hereunto Set their hands and Seals at New York the twenty eighth day of January 1811. — Sealed and delivered in presence of The Words "one of which " * . ] ™*?°T 0 r I u - «. a u u M'TavishMGilhvray& [seal] to be appointed by each m 1 ,,,.<. m » • 4.u th t> and for & on behalf of Company" in the 5th Page , (( „ . ,, th -d Forsyth Richardson & Cie & and "nor" in the iotn Page \ M a _T „ r. . . . r , the North West Company first interlined * J ^^7dTT j i. i John Jacob Astor For [seal] DVa Hardenbrook m 'J . ^ ^ L J The American Fur Company [Endorsed in pencil] Articles of Agreement of the North West Compy, Jan 28. 1811- $3. Letter from Alexander Baranoff to Astor, August 13/25, l8li, describing the situation at new archangel (Sitka) and his Agreement with Captain Ebbets. It is hard to puzzle out the names of vessels and captains as given by Baranoff. "Cap* Eress" is G. W. Ayres of the Mercury; W. H. Davis commanded the Isabella; Jonathan and Nathan Winship were captains of the O'Cain and the Albatross. "Interess" remains a mystery; it may have something to do with "Cap* Eress." Cornelius Sowle had been on the Coast in former years, but at the time of this letter he was probably in New York, fitting out Astor's ship Beaver for a voyage to the Columbia River. Captain Lemuel Porter was on the Coast at this time in an unnamed vessel, perhaps the Hamilton, which he had formerly commanded. Bennett was in command of the Lydia at this time, and Blanchard's vessel was the Catherine. Rogers has not been identified. 47o DOCUMENTS translation.1 from the Russian govt. New Archangel situated on the N. W. Coast of America. August 13/25. 1811./ Dr. Sir, I had the honor to forward last [1810 year — stricken through] 27 July/8 August 1810 by Capt Ebbet's my explanations to the [interlineated: commercial] propositions you Made me for the benefit of both parties, and likewise to our Russian Genr. Cons1. Mr. A Daschkof, which Cap* Ebbets assured me had been send to New York from Canton, by some [interlineated: other] American vessel[s — stricken through], and would come to hand in due time. — Cap*. Ebbets returned here May 26th old Style from Canton having sold there our [interlineated: companie's] cargo consisting in furs and other articles from here, for $74,021 J deducting there [the sum — stricken through] out of 18000 — $6,000 for fr[a — stricken through]ight and [for — stricken through] the 5 pr cent for the comission belonging by condition, and a small sum [for — stricken through interlineated: as — stricken through interlineated: in] payment [interlineated: for me] to a Pilot on my bill; for the remaining sum brought different chineas[es — stricken through] goods, and having settled the accounts, he received the remaining $12,000 for fright and likewise for the newly received goods from him not belonging to the goods of the company, [in — stricken through] in furs of different kind, the [total — stricken through interlineated: hole] commercial transaction with him was as follow, from Canton as above stated for 7402i|D.; in the first voyage here in 1810 Europeen & [America — stricken through] from the U. S. of America [interlineated: goods &] produces for 26,929°: 58IC. and in the present voyage from Canton — same kind of goods for 35,348°: 15C. total 136299°: 23! Appears to be not a trifle! [But — stricken through interlineated: &] considerable commercial benefits! withfout — stricken through] 1 Ms., Baker Library, Astor Papers. DOCUMENTS 471 mutual agreement those affairs have been settled, [for which — stricken through interlineated: in testimony of which] I have given to Mr. Abbets a certificat with my signature and the seal of the Russian American Company and at last [agreed — stricken through] in confirmation of [the — stricken through] former arrangements We [have — stricken through interlineated: have made an] agreepnterlineated: ment that the provinces—stricken through] to provid [interlineated: us] with colonial produce & vitals from the American provinces, and he was provided with a register for the prices, if by the former one it was not agreed to send it, when the terms mentioned were small and if the vessel arrives and it should happen to receive & pay it with sea beaver of two quality, those of the larger size at 2°. and smaler at i| like those he sold at Canton with advantage and received a new the sum [of — stricken through] for credit — But if it should [interlineated: not] be profitable to send the vessel and if it does nt arrive here with the above mentioned cargo [for — stricken through] in April 1813. the contract shall not be in power, and the company will take other measures for the trade. — from the Russian govt of Ochotsk there has been a transport from the month of August last 1810 but I have not received any other papers but from the year 1808 & 9. and though there was another vessel, Maria ready, to put to sea, by which very likely all the instructions of the chife Depart e- ment have been forwarded to me, but it is not arrived yet and I am left in ingnorance for the measures they have prescribed for the way of providing us with provition &c — therefore I request you kindly to pardon me for not entering [interlineated: in] to farther agreements. In account of the [future— stricken through interlineated: next] cargo though I had offerd to Cap* Ebbets / but he declined taking it, [as — stricken through] the price of those animals being much lower at Canton than with us, who have it fixed by the [com — stricken through interlineated: contract 472 DOCUMENTS with the] gen1 Company and without whose consent I can't lower it, and other animals I had not, see otters & , were all given [for — stricken through interlineated: as] payment for goods to Cap*8 Winshin & Brothers & Davis of Boston who came here from the coasts of California. As I have not received any [interlineated: positif] news from Europe for this 2 years past and that at Canton the English search very strictly our cargos and papers, I am fearfull of sending these for my own risk and will wait till better times, besides there is no advantage because [interlineated: the prices there for] our merchandise is lower than upon the frontiers of Siberia and China, and [it — stricken through interlineated: we] could [nt be done but — stricken through interlineated: do only] in case we would receive some of their strong goods that would repay us the loss we would sustain upon the exchange of the furs. [Of the — stricken through] American vessels [interlineated: known to me that have] remained [ing — stricken through] here on our coast there are 4 and one of Mr. Windship is gone to the same place, but how many are arrived this summer is not known yet we expect Cap* Eress from Canton too, the following vessels are going to Canton, Interess Davison, Isabella and 2 Winshipon, O Cean and Albitross, and we have heard too [interlineated: of] Sole, Porter Benet, Blonchar & Rodgers, who went for the mischief of our company, they have a quantity of muskets, pistols, powder & lead, but we can't do anything it is [interlineated: not — stricken through] the business of the Government and our Sovereign to settle among nations, my duty is only to point it out. Upon the coast of New Albion a detachement of our hunters went for 5 month on hunting and thank god they [got — stricken through interlineated: found] about 1000 places[?] of the and another detachement went with the DOCUMENTS 473 two Winship [on — stricken through] & Davis, and for [interlineated: the] part [interlineated: of] our Companie we got of the same kind about 3 thousand skins, but they did not return without a small loss of men. Lastly I must assure you of my sincerest gratitude, having received by Mr. Ebetts from you a ton of Madeira wine, and having nothing worth sending you in return as all the goods here are mearly of furs I begg you will kindly excuse me, Sir, and receive with goodness tho small for the large, a pocket book made of plants, a work of the women of the Island of Sicey griade [?] and a [interlineated: my] bonnet of Kamtchatkas sables [as — stricken through] I have no more of them but you can see if this will succeed in your country, for I can procure you from Iakutsk and from there a good deal and some better ones and the as upon the top if convinient to you at the prices you will find We can send them to you, and not to Canton, where they dont esteem neither the quality nor the species, but they are very much esteemd in the ports and fortresses on the frontiers of Turky and among Greeks. I [beg — stricken through interlineated: pray] the Almighty for your welfare and that he may preserve you from all sufring and deseases and prolonge your life for the benefit of mankind. I have the honour to be &c 1811. August. — Upon the N. W. Coasts of America in New Archangel. — The director of the Russian American Company Alexander Baranoff and the citizen of New York John Ebbets in confirmation of a former contract have concluded the following. 1. If by thfc former register that had been send to [that — stricken through] Mr. Astor from Canton of the cargo, [it — stricken through] will be send in hole or in part Mr. Baranoff ingages by the prices fixed in that register to make the payement and fixe the term for May 1812. — yusnli 474 DOCUMENTS 2./ In case the cargo does not arrive in time, it will not be expected and the director and Comp: will take other measures and therefore Mr. Ebbets is provided with a nother register [where — stricken through interlineated: with — stricken through interlineated: where] some changes [in the prices were made — stricken through] and additions of new articles were made and that he expected on his return to America to send here if the former had not been shipped for April or at least for May 1813.— for which cargo the Director Baranoff or his successor ingages himself to pay only for the hole cargo in sea beavers by the prices fixed in the first and last register — fixing the price [at — stricken through interlineated: with] mutual consent at 2° the large ones and at if the small, as has been already paid this time. 3./ In case at the time of the arrival of the cargo we should not have a suffishian quantity of skins, Mr. Ebbets con sents to sail to Ounolachka or even [interlineated: to] the Islands where that business is carried and which are not more than 120 Miles from Ounolachka and to carry to both places, part of the cargo brought on board of his vessel [and — stricken through] which will be fixed by the authority of this place, and then [interlineated: he] will receive the remaining [of the — stricken through] skins due to him in payement, besides [interlineated: these] no other conditions have been made and [interlineated: in any no — stricken through] acco[unt] we are not answerable and if in due time the vessel and cargo don't arrive, then as has already been mentiond the Compe is in the right to dispose of the skins / sigd [Endorsed] Barranoff 15. Aug* 1811 137 Water Street DOCUMENTS 475 54. Articles of Agreement between Astor and the Clerks and Men to Go Out on the Beaver, October 8, 1811. Several of those signing this agreement later distinguished themselves in various fields. Benjamin Clapp left Astoria to become a midshipman under Commodore Porter, was captured by the British, and, after his release and return to New York, engaged in the fur trade, both on his own account and as an agent of the American Fur Company. John C. Halsey, who was one of those who left Astoria on the Pedler, was later in the fur business with Clapp. Alfred Seton also engaged in the fur trade, was one of Captain Bonneville's backers, and was vice-president of the Sun Mutual Insurance Company. Ross Cox (the low-salaried man of the group) probably became better known than any of the others, through the publication of The Columbia River, London, 1832. Articles * of Agreement made the Eighth day of October in the Year of our Lord One thousand eight hundred and Eleven Between John Jacob Astor of the City of New York in the State of New York, Merchant acting for and on behalf of the Pacific Fur Company of the first Part, and the several other persons whose Names are subscribed and Seals affixed to these Presents of the second Part— Witnesseth that the said Parties of the second part each for himself respectively, but not jointly, or one for the other, do hereby covenant and agree with the said John Jacob Astor acting as aforesaid, that they the said Parties of the second Part will respectively proceed without delay in the Ship Beaver whereof Cornelius Sowle is Master, to such Place or Places on the North West Coast of America as the said John Jacob Astor on Behalf of the said Company shall or may direct or appoint And shall and will at such Place or Places and elsewhere if the said Company or its principal Agent or Agents on or near the said Coast shall or may so, 1 Ms., Baker Library, Astor Papers. 476 DOCUMENTS direct well and faithfully and to the best of their Skill and ability for the full term and time of &ve Years to commence on and be reckoned from the first day of January next ensuing the Date of these Presents (unless sooner discharged by the said Company or its said Agent or Agents [interlineated: which discharge the said Company and such Agent or Agents] shall have full Power to give) serve the said Company in such Capacities, Stations and lawful Business as the said Company or its said Agent or Agents shall or may from time to time direct and appoint and in and by all Matters and Things in the Power of the said Parties respectively promote the Interests and execute the lawful Commands of the said Company as they may be respectively required to do by the said Company or its said Agent or Agents. And farther that they the said Parties of the second Part respectively shall not during the said Term or Time transact or carry on any Trade or Traffic whatsoever with the Native Indians or any Person or Persons whomsoever unless under and by the Direction of the said Company or its said Agent or Agents and for the Benefit of the said Company, and that if any Trade or Traffic shall be carried on by any of the said Parties contrary to the said Agreement — then that each of the said Parties concerned therein shall and will forfeit and pay to the said Company three times the amount of his annual Salary or Wages at the liquidated Damages incurred by the said Company by reason of such Breach and Contravention of the said Agreement. And the said John Jacob Astor on behalf of the said Company doth hereby promise and agree to and with the said Parties of the second Part, that is to Say to and with each of them respectively and separately that the said Company shall and will at the end of each of the said Years pay and allow to the said Parties of the second Part respectively the annual Salary or Sum of Money annexed to their several names signed at the foot of these Presents the said annual Salary to com- ———■ DOCUMENTS 477 mence from the said first day of January next and to continue as long as the said Parties respectively remain in the service of the said Company by virtue of these Presents and for three Calender Months thereafter. And that the said Company shall and will also pay in proportion for any less period than a Year at which the said Service shall or may terminate - And that the said Company shall and will during all the time that the said Parties of the second Part respectively continue in such Employ and for three Calender Months thereafter, find and provide each of the said Parties respectively with sufficient Meat, Drink, and Lodging and find for and deliver to each of them at the End of every Year that they shall so respectively continue in the said Employ a good Suit of Comfortable Cloathes, provided always that before any such payment shall be made to any of the said Parties if it shall be necessary for them respectively if discharged from the said Service to produce to the said Company a Certificate Signed by such Agent or Agents that they have respectively been regularly discharged and have faithfully performed their Duty according to these Presents during the time that they continued in the same Service — And the said Party of the first Part doth further agree on behalf as aforesaid that the said Company shall within a reasonable time after the said Parties of the second Part shall be respectively discharged from the said Service or in a reasonable Time after the Expiration of the said five Years (whichever shall first happen) find and provide a suitable passage for each of the said Parties back to the City of New York if the State of things upon the said North West Coast renders it practicable, and the Said Parties of the second Part have respectively kept and performed this agreement in all things by them respectively to be done and Executed - In Witness Whereof the Parties to these Presents have hereunto inter- JUITWmL' 478 DOCUMENTS changeably set their hands an Seals the day and Year first above written -^ Sealed and Delivered in presence of The words, "which discharge the said Company and such Agent or Agents" first interlin'd in the first Page — (signed) David Hardenbrook (signed) John Jacob Astor — L. S Charles A Nicoll — One hundred & fifty dollars, per annum L.S. Benjamin Clapp. One hundred & fifty Dolls per annum LS Moses Flanagan. One hundred & fifty Dollars per Ann LS Micajah Baker — Three hundred Dollars LS John C Halsey — One hundred & fifty Dollars pr Annum LS James Travers — One hundred & fifty-six Dollars pr Annum LS John Patterson — One hundred & Eighty Dolls pr Ann LS Richard Millagen Two hundred & forty Dollars p Ann LS Alfred Seton — Two hundred Dollars pr annum LS John Reveau — One hundred & fifty six Dollars pr Ann LS Henry Spicer. One hundred & forty four Dollars pr Ann LS Ross Cox. One hundred Dollars pr Annum LS Witness Daniel + Perry — One hundred & Eighty Dolls pr Ann LS D.H Henry Willetts — One hundred & fifty Dolls pr Ann LS his Witness John X Little — Two hundred & forty Dollars pr Ann LS D. H. mark [Endorsed] Copy of Agreement with Clerks, Men &c pr Beaver. 55. Invoice of Merchandise shipped by Astor on the Beaver to the North West Coast, October, 181 i. These goods, from their mark and the fact that their prices are given in roubles, were doubtless intended specifically for Governor Baranoff. More than 3,000 gallons of brandy, rum, gin, and wine were included, which indicates that Astor had followed Ebbets' advice as to the indispensability of intoxicants in the trade at New Archangel. DOCUMENTS 479 M O £.23 CU H '-3 a 0) CJ & ° o "^ * *2 o rt OQ * Tl c/) CJ Ph S rC| T3 UJ <D oo 03 o m 4-J d Tl «J CU rd rt o s £ rt *H o o U CJ « 3 rt( M O u PQ • T3 O O Ph- O Tj- -+ r{- !>• M M M H 0* Tf CO CO ^ W H <N CO N O Oi IN N 0* H4 H u *& in oo o o h « O M o o *- rt JZJ O n © rf *-» H 6 o «fr ■«t .O ctf . """' > CO H CN H O W C« CO <N O CO t- O • o m oo l^. 6 vo 00 O o H io to 0 ^ H OJ CO rt- to vo C/3 a ^ <N O fc* ! *& IOh^ PQ O 480 DOCUMENTS CO H IO VO IO 00 CO On OO VO O ^h 9 ; 0 < o OO f* . o H 00 CO <^> CJ CJ o <N o m On w to ^ T^- vO vo <n Pil rt <v en HO73 g§ vo o vo rt- i>.oo On "* u rt ccj Ph i rt 0 §1 en (U en en cu rt m cu ii H en 1 rt en 1 en Tl n O O to vo M O M 0;£8 I 1 en ■ 4 0 4 1 4 O IN M O H M H O O O CO M H O Ttvo M H tJ- CO M M H H H H H 00 H O H IO (N CO xtf- Ov Tt-vO O O t}- to to vo vo ON Ov 0\ H I co tot rt" O O h Tj" 00 H H H M t>» t^ O O 0 00 CO <N to X) M H I CJ o H 6 t>. 6 6 rf Tint t^ f» tJ- H CO O M H O W CO O CO CO rf" CO co co co H H H H M H O H 00 00 M VO H *H Ifc =sa DOCUMENTS 481 -3 10 u r-p O !~* 00 o p votowowvoOwoow fc* 00 COWHOWMO<NHtH IO <N CJ I I 75 "b 06* o H« O M M CN H CJ 21 O o 7 4.««°*"< 00 CI CO 'fi$t;$B °* ? 99 \CJ • • o *>. H CN CN CO CN 00 vo O o* ifi O 00 vo 0 0 M O to H Ov Tj- OOO Tj" O OOO OV <N Kg to vO to co & tJ-cocn to<NvovO<0 O <N en 10,0 O m it^Ph £ .9 o- o^ CO JR en en rt . 4) H o w rt vO S O -1 c<j O 8 O H P Ph oPm N 2 « ;5\ CJ . "ft H <U en * a pO 03 ,^ PQ H Ov co pas o £ NT)00 O O w <N Ph If PS *tf Ph &". .3 O Q, Ov o 9 S> s £3 PQ PQ ccj _ 1 IB r=J o J* rt J c/2 £> cW iu S . . OsS</3 rt +3 rrt *J3 ccj ,«g CU 13'JF °° 2 P-t <N 3 4> CJ £ w* en O a 00 S O O O O Ov o O O to O 0\ cn <N m vo I »1 en o m p CJ vo WH ^ CO o v_ o ^ DOCUMENTS 1—1 o ■«§ to CJ 04 <—? vO o i CN to H CO to to 00 WOO OvOvOOO OCOO H -<^-CN H tOH O 00 kJ- <N t^ rj- Ov <N <N N rj-OO H O M OS* _2 a-d H VO CN VO ^O I I . o,' I ! I • ^Wvo m ^^-WO VO vo vo 4*1= s to to m^ I vo co | (N O 00 to Ov P< t}- O cn Ov 00 00 O CN IO 1 oo <st- to CO CN ! w tt vo O to ■**■ O h t^ cs O to vo CO to t">- H H P4 't IN « rJ-OO M N N <t *3-00 CN t>. rf- -^J- t^ ccj to M en oo H o cej 'd 1 j I rt I rt en £h o § 1 t3 #rd .3^ r o -d "rrt en CO I i ccj i3 I GO irt rt o XJ CU r£j ^'d cu IO (U 1 -rt en . . pO cu o o c# B cu "£} o* tD PQ-d 2^^ w cu o (U -M 1 1 CO o & O -t^ en H ■K&i& a CU CU rt ?! o "d »-i ccj si TD en rt rt oj O 3 J2 3 ^ ccj ^ ™ 73 PQ -2 - rt * £ € ^ cu rt cu J ."rt jM _& ±» ■d _q rrt ."rt Jrt H £OrgO w >■«* s 2 a B pui Ph Pm Ph PQCJ OB DOCUMENTS 483 cOi>-vovO ioOvOcntJ- to cn 0* vo ^t ih ^ w O Q CJ CJ ' fco cu ,0 rt jd o* Ph • Ma CN rt- Cu Kt- M co 1 "h* CS 0* "0 M 4©= 5S A en cu rt rt I rt rt 0 to en 3 t^ cs W 0 vO 00 Kt-I 0 0 to H CO CN O* Kj- 00 cs rt CO N 00 to VO CN <N CO cs M H VO m O 42 ccj -d en invo 00 3 a »d 0 0 Ph CO "* to CO "St- co 0 to CJ O ,—I ^ 2_, cu "d cu 11 £ .s ^ b© O ccj ccj Pn-rt §*1§ r2? ^ cu ccj CO CO ^44 1 ^2 §s ccj ccj PQ O ! £ O -7-j ^ , 2^5 8,2 ■ PQ Jx > PQ rt rt WiotOH rf- v© v© ri- O* O en 42 ■d 1-^ cu 44 . CU ^'d Ph 43 K- O CO £ EL CU cu bO £ CO '-a 0 »-< i rt cu > ccj CU PQ *d '—7* 0 en O j-i rt O <U t> Cu £ .5 484 DOCUMENTS 56. Invoice of Merchandise shipped by Astor on the Beaver, October 16, 1811, for Sale and Trade on the North West Coast. The character of the goods in this invoice will hardly confirm Alexander Ross's complaint that "all the useless trash and unsalable trumpery which had been accumulating in his [Astor's] shops and stores for half a century past [!] were swept together to fill his Columbia ships." Specifically, Ross charged that "instead of guns we got old metal pots and gridirons; instead of beads and trinkets we got white cotton; and instead of blankets, molasses." These criticisms were intended to apply most definitely to the Tonquin's cargo, and it is, of course, impossible to make a direct refutation. Nevertheless, in the Beaver's cargo guns and trinkets were not forgotten, while the contemned molasses was a staple in the trade; blankets, however, do seem to have been very deficient in number. But certainly the Beaver's cargo could not be justly described as "useless trash," and it is not probable that the goods on the Tonquin were an inferior assortment. DOCUMENTS 1 *£ ^ 00 485 M "8 J B H H B ccj §3 i H« ~r2 w « co to O co fcT'S %£ cc? <U CO O tJ- O O «fr pq^ a3- CO cu 1 O O vo rf to Ov Ov vo 3.1 si +* <§ a O o ■g §.& »0 M vo tO H MD 8°J IO to CO IO io CO 42 jh o pi 2*5 0 rtcM J-h cc? o Hw Asto &C risk CO CO H 00 00 r^ 00 vo M M M M I.) nj. oast. and , . H|N tH|C» >H|M i-f|M iH|NH|N tH|C4 H|NH|ttH|C*i-l|ei H|M 5^§ i>- Ov to tovO 00 W tJ- Th tj- to vO 00 rj-vo VO rj- Tt h tJ- CO to cocotococococococococo cocococorococococococo *<►»«£ "2 -^ ^ rl _ a-5 S d,* ccj en ■rt M <U <U £ m * 60 CO rrt "♦"* & o o 1 o o tI^-O o *d ~ o nd 'O rchan< er, for ale an Feara apper Fearr apper £;rt,co M-l «* o J 1 s 1 M 1 m > 9 —h o -3 u 3 •§ o to to M PQ i O IO IO H 0 en I eico l-H to i " II > * 5 « ,, • j i tovo t^00 Ov O H cs co ■"f to \0 t—CO O O H W CO ^- tovo cj CU "^•■^■rt-rfTi-ioiotoioioio IO to io tovO VO vO vO vO vO VO 0 P j-i O u j2 i PQ n t^ 00 ccj PQ en 1 i 'ri 1 PQ 486 DOCUMENTS Hn l-llN oo 8R to vo Ov Ov rf t^ O O o H H § Hn W|C^I rt|« Ov 00 CO VO t*. vO to to t-» Ov vO O t*. Ov N to O co H H H VO H vo O M to to O vo rf IO to to n- to O O o tO H CO IO t-t H to H i>» IO io CO to to CO to to CO co vo VO vo Ov H t^ II 00 t^ VO t^ H H . H H H|N H|MH|N <H[M H|N H|NH|N H|N H|N H|HH|tt H|N HfNHlN CO cOvO rf vO tovo covO to t-«- Is- OvvO vo t>-vO NiocO tovo co to co to cn vo «vo ^J- co ■'f cococococococococococo cococococococococococo cococococococococococo CO eg to 43 . 43 43 bO _ ■ 60 rt o © o "d ^ rt o o rt o o O T3 "d O T3 *d a >h S A fi i M <u H nj H <o £ o< S ft 1 ft £ §• Ik »-• _4. H CU ' s 1 2 1 i s r3 O W m -So 1 -rt O PQ -SO IO IO H IO tO H IO to H t^OO Ov O H <N CO rf tovo t*» 00 Ov O H <N CO T}- tovO l>-CO Ov O H « CO rf tovO t^OO On vo vO vo r^-t^t^-t^tr—*"^*^*"^ t-~ t->00 OOOOOOOOOCOOOOOO 00 Ov OvOvOvOvOOOvOvOv HHHMHHHHHHH HHHMHHHHHHH HHHHHHHHHHH CU 54 rt PP % Ov o H 1 « CO DOCUMENTS 487 H|« rH|e« H|NH|N COO t^vo to CS to r}- to covO cococococococococococo o •=; O H <N co rf tovO t^OO Ov O OOOOOOOOOOh H <N CO rf tovO t^OO Ov O H HHHHHHHHHCNCN fa § CO 00 Ov to to CO H|M rHl-MHlC* H|N vo vO vo vO vo VN to covO covO cococococococococococo <N co rj- tovo J>-00 O O h <N WCSCSCiCSCvJCvjCNCOCOCO <NOCN<N(N<N(NCNCNCvSCN 488 DOCUMENTS J3 PQ o .5 j PQ TJ > o to to H to to w CO rf tovo *->»00 O O H W co cococococococorfrfrhr)- N«NN«N«WW«CS rf tovo i>»00 Ov O H « rfrfrJ-Tj-rfrflOlOlO CO rf to to S I PQ to vO fa I tovo r^oo Ov O H M co -^- to tototototovOvOvovOvovO DOCUMENTS 489 si O H HN HiNH|NW|e* 00 t^tovO t^cocotovo HC" cococococococOCOcococo H|e» hN «oNMn HHMNroNMe»H|c»TH|e* »HiH|c«rt|c9 oiNHNtoaH«oOHaoooHHNO\ « co co co co <N cocococococs co«S cocoes « fa I vo ir^OO Ov O H CS co rf tovo PC vQvOvO t>- 1>» t~~ !>. t-» t-* t-». I t^OO Ov O H « CO Th tovo t-00 Ov O H C* CO rf t^ t- t-~00 000000000000000000 OvOvOvOvO «C*«W«W«C«C<C<«CJCJW«C<WC» fa PQ 490 DOCUMENTS o to 5? H|-<i(H|-*H|^IH|')IH|THre!«5|Ti(H|'*rt!rH H|lNH|<N r-l|ei»l-l[THH|N H|N OVWOOCSCOCV1<NCOCOH01<NOVHHOOV W cocOcOcococococococococo<N CO CO CO 0* vO l>-00 Ov O H CM CO rf tovo t^-00 Ov O H d CO OvOvOvOvOOOOOOOOOOhhmh N CN W (N cocococococococococococococo ^ -^^ DOCUMENTS 491 H|Nrt|ri H««I-*h|«ih|nh|-* h|nhMi hI-mmW h|n «hhhcoOcOhOhOhO<ncsOvOv cocococococs cOeOcocOcococococococN es •5 J2 S tovo t^oo ao h « co Th tovo t^-oo o> 0 h vn HHHHHd01C40«C4C4CNO*<NC*COCOCO cocococococococococococococococococo fa PQ H Ov 00 vO t^ Ov H vO o 492 DOCUMENTS vO vO vO vO vO vO vO vO vO vO vO vO 00 vO vo rhrfThrfThThThThCOCOCOCOOvOvOv «NNNNWNNNWNN««N ® o~ Pvo o to O CO 00 « 00 CO CN © So ! &£ o OH << DOCUMENTS 493 42 PQ J H o 1 rt o U cj ^ CO CO *! 44 ■ H O rf IO rf H H <N 42 W <-> „• Ov. M M 1-1 CO .■rt ~ -4-3 CO +j I I 1 ^ 44 g rt rt 0* N t>- OWO PQPh s^ CO CO CO H H gp5 CO CO CO H pi *v CU o o CN H o <u c3 So 8 S) cu s rt <u M WM C"> <3 494 DOCUMENTS CJ tA TftO to CJ M •+-' <N O' CI CI CO H c I <y O cu " cn wv . <u 5? >"rt c> £co B|« rt rt jg ca- pqpqWpq to H Th <N VO w]p« CI rf • IO CN O O h | •""< ro rt rt PQPQ rt* 2, *! to rf vo ^h CO rt < co o Th H t^VO rh Th O rf 00 Th CI CI vo r-^ rf CO o rh to to o O rf rf O CO C* f^H W DOCUMENTS 495 CJ Th O OO rf O to rf CI t>.vo « N»0 vO O CI Ovv© to O rh rh CO &■ 00* 00 rf VO CI !>. to OOOOOOOOO 2* c3 1 00 rt >» to rt3 cu o SPQ 1 O O CO 1 O O O co rt 1 VO 00 rf s Rosin Turpe Tar 13 I j O vO H to rt O h H rf i ■^- tr. Ov t^ v ^ ^ ! Ov Ov 00 H M O O H Sj-o-o a m frt OM CJ m CJ CO cooO Ov ci tOVO rf rf to ci cs vo vo vO r 496 DOCUMENTS 00 0 vO to Ov !>• H CO to CI VO to O CI vOtoto OvcociOOOO tocit^. O *C h 10 10 10 10 Ov Ov CO Ov 0 00 00 ci O H CI H H H NNCOCONrt1 CN H CI rf ^O to co u CI H|C1 """■^ H IO • CI Hi"* cuirt CO co O H cu rC3 rt rt >*+2 1 O -y rt 43 <u rt cu CI c^hQ PQ 0 cu §•«! eW fa H-> Ph en cu t>0 H CO p, <rt£> Wl 1 fa CU ^ 1 -Oa B fa CO CO 'o §3 §J2 OT 2 S 00 <u ^rt opers [let m ble Sp iss Co dlocks s Cand cu co rt CJ to cu rt CU cu 0 1] 3 44 0 O OScSHrtnCOco OpqHPQPM|^| CO CU rt 0 ^5 CO ccj • fa 8 a <nO '2 Doz PairP fishH< PairB .3 fa w«T?7^iTOBiflrihlS"rf'r'T DOCUMENTS 497 co to VO vo vO vo vO O o» cToO OO ci m rt h Ii O oWQ g'B%% 1'0 ^Wp^ffl PQc2 ! o ^ -5 rt o M rt PQPQO hU H VO CN vo VO rf\© Os < vovovovovovovo VO rf O H r~.00 cotorft^cototot^.cot*.Ov H CI CI H ccj Oh CO o a §1 HI coCO^? 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H H IO H rf H I I H H M CI H W ffi^tssig?-if. 3^r$f as -. - - ■.- ss ISISffiS&iaS DOCUMENTS 499 oo co M vO vO H rtf-O « CI CI Th NO^H vO «3 00 rf rf w CO vO CO rf to ^" *g* vO vO rfvo to to T3?» s s a ^ rtKl >+* W to CN VO OO 00 00 rf rf rf vo to & feJi ** Tf ^" H M N o< o <UM <<8 Ph tO H .S s ■a o o O-rt O £* i m^ *-> o ^3.B-rt" ) J3l> to ^ "io rt"0 h n =3 rt 5°° DOCUMENTS £f J^gv^OO ^"to W O O Th wvovo rh rf O COVO 00 IO W to CI H TfHtOThThH H « H ^ 'TT" vOOO Q toQvO HiOOO N covO N « « W 4> 3 SO O CU .B^> 43 O^ 5 42 +J^ O ^•gjrt Q SPQco OVVO H H IO IO CN CI Ov Ov to tp o ooo m o < ^^p^^, rt i § sg3o^!ag ^H ft8S,86S8^ CJ' H H CH H COVO vOpO«VO«TJ'C1Cl rt rt > i 'rt £ 'cS S I k„ to rt ,H • co n H & £ * l co CO SL^S-S^rt rt"" >,oo r5 > ft"rtrrt rt o g& HPQ rt O > • M ci'rt 1 • • 3 oYg/ 0« O-g^ §>« ; M j? ^ 11 ^ 1 .« O . -h? 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PPCJPhPh^^coc-" ~rN DOCUMENTS 501 vo Th co rh « 1 vo Th<o Th ci « I PQ m o, to &CO fa (U O tgjij ccj _cj Q rt^* CO <u o bj cu to cu c_, rt g o cu SfQw ~ fa Sort rt +j a .a co -m O, fe .a a o fa jpq AH a 5JJ.S o &s a rtg&faSc^afa^ CJ o~ Q 8- °« 502 DOCUMENTS vorf «NOHH<tO M MM *0 CO « H H H M vO O to to O *o «00 N H IO CI H t^OO VO 00 t^. to « H rf <3 m grt „HO 0 HIN H '•3 to HlN (U <y w H HIN co£o« * acofa 1 . rt *to O «• « gfaniT W to to to CI CI « ~-% 8.2 o o «rt -wrtrtrt Ti CO 'del *£ rt« Oa rt rt .9*3 ii g.3 iS ^ a> O +j •3 8 faPQ 1* « ho « ! 42 <% PQ§« 1^ 5co , oo^rt ci •-"< .rt n rt oa fafi 00 vo I H H I I I CI t*» to to 6 6 tO^,' 3 a 'a § PQPQ 6 co)^<j «S ffitirvi'&i[i"[riM-rrri-ii DOCUMENTS 503 *• tO CN 00 t* O 00 « to 0 0 § CO H 00 h r-» t» rfOO H CN to to Q H 00 o CO 00 O CO O N 00 OtotO « CI to vo toco vo tONN TfvO to O t^. to « Ov H M CI vO vo w O 00 VO rf W C« lOCOMTfH H CO CN CN rfOO to ThO H H CI to CI 00 t"* OC1VOOOVO OO CI <N Th H«VO COCOHHH W ^< t-* •O vo He* 0\ t^ H H 4©! ca '53 H 2 rt _2 CO w to to H co*a3 CI H O H VO VN to <-> H H rt PQ fl vo 3 H co vo pj S 8 8> 3^ rt Wwq > to ■*!* CU "* CO rt CO M rt rt rt faCJPQ Ufa^ o^*-.S fa £ 00 H £«* ort u o<£ £ CO 543 ,pH42 Z*ti ^«3 u^ rt rt"-^rO rt « rt ZX rt ci W' 53 Oh ;£ -gS I ThCO^^« § | = ■hJrt o ] cu ee fatfQcoffl 73 M rt CU5- ^coP4 OS a ^ Q d <n fa £ -5.3 H«+H to rt Q* cu Oh'h M rt g b« 0 0 2 PQin a rt'—• 'B'rt^ IS" Sfacrt coPQ «nw}N««h«m"hi o PQ ! ®\ 5°4 DOCUMENTS He* h!n tovO t^ tovO vo §.3 apQ , Oh JO r. *£ <y u s a-° fc^-rt cu': +j co.cO'O M CU43 H ' rt o rt.31^ .OPQWPQ PQ 00 cu .a£ go DOCUMENTS 505 t^ to f* 00 vo to 5v O OO Sn h OV rf to 00 00 to tovo O O to O to i^ to tO to MON CO W to 0 O to to M H rh l^. CI COVO rf H CO H CIVO COtOCOCI IOCI H H H H W H HUH ^ M H «3 •O vO vo H CI co O H H CO H CN 00 VO 00 00 rf vo VO to rf 00 O" O O h Ov ci CI CN rh CO CN d CO H CN 6v - •5 O O a -y ^50 CJ H H-> tO I'M. •rt -<-»lB PQ & T:cj o\. ^ CN CO rf rt . > oM 42 rt ob H H CN "<f CI H CN .CJ 42 o cq ?rt "-rt H~l Ojs 1* ft Is. .1 ^o sag a rt^.2 <u .H rt £ Onrtco > N a N coOy 5o3 a CJ .rt rt So CU •rt &o o o« >* >^rt44 ijgiop SSI'S* * rt*^ acS^w ^pqu *3 ft •H Qi rl to.tr rt "S-0 44 TfdVOCOHHCICN" rfTfrfrhH rf rf rf Th Th O CN < kJiinniwIJ 506 DOCUMENTS tO rf rf to O O *>» tO ^" t"« to »o NV)H H 00 CO « Q vo cn m"6o m~ m~ f rt M p. to rt >3 PQ vo'JS ^3 <°a -rt co co cu rt 0 I rt rt <^ort7 u rt.rt^ 'SP54 # I l^fi* *h^ ■di .^^gllrtpg, wpj H HcofaH co HcofaP»"U ^S^-l §*> 5tfHVO rfH H HVO CI CO CI " Ov. mrnms to .2 rt o O JrtflfaS^ J JB o rt'rt^- Frt-S^QH^I §££ -m^o (£* H'rt rt a .3* g>3 H coCJ U « TO CJQfa H H Th^hHOO ^H H ! « CO O h"o co1^ fa t^ H«43 CN -£ i2> *PQ^ Wfa rt 3z DOCUMENTS 507 to a o o faO ^PQgcj^ ** H tX CO M to art s rt S3 O G-^h Qi s o a ow faOcoCJ 15 CN Th .a -a 508 DOCUMENTS 57. Letter erom Astor to Thomas Jeeeerson, March 14, 1812, describing the Situation oe the Astoria Enterprise as known to Astor shortly beeore the Outbreak of War. Word of the Tonquin's loss did not reach New York until about two months after this letter. The overland party reached Astoria not in October, 1811, as Astor had hoped, but in January and February of the next year. New York, 14 March 1812 1 Sir, I am induced to take the liberty of addressing you, from a belief that it will afford you some satisfaction to be informed of the progress which has been made in carrying on a trade with the Indians, which at it's commencement was favoured with your approbation. Since I had the pleasure of speaking to you first at Washington concerning it, my constant study has been to attain the object; and for this purpose I sent a ship in November 1809 to Columbia River, the captain of which had several times been there, and enjoyed both the esteem and confidence of the Indians. He took with him a cargo for trade, while in the mean time he was to prepare the Indians for a friendly reception to some white men who would come to stay with them. From thence he was to proceed to the Russian Settlement, with a proposition to the Governor for the purpose of friendly intercourse and mutual benefit in trade. In June 1810 I sent a party of men, say about seventy in number to ascend the Missouri, with a view to make Columbia River and meet the people who had gone by water, as well as to ascertain the points at which it might be most proper to establish posts for trade, &c. 1 Ms., Library of Congress, Thomas Jefferson Papers, vol. cxcv, January 27- April 30, 1812. DOCUMENTS 509 In September 1810 I sent a second ship to Columbia River, with sixty men and all the means which were thought necessary to establish a post at or near the mouth of that river. In October 18111 sent a third ship with above sixty men and all necessaries, to fix a post and to remain at or near Columbia River, and to cooperate with those who had gone before. The first ship made her port, and from thence made a visit to Count BarranofF, Governor of the Russian Settlements in North West America. My propositions met with attention, and I have received from him a letter approving of my plan, but for a final arrangement he referred to the Government and the Russian American Fur Company at S . Petersburg. The ship made a voyage to Canton, sold her furs, and returned to Columbia River to meet the one which sailed in 1810, and to concert with her. I hope to hear from them in about three months. The last account which I had of the party which ascended the Missouri was by letter of 17 July last, about 180 miles below the Mandan Village, where they left the Missouri, and took the Big River in a southern course, this being recommended as nearer and easier to the south branch of the Columbia than the route taken by Mr. Lewis: they were well provided, and had procured near a hundred horses to transport their baggage. — The accounts as to ultimate success were fair and encouraging, and they had no doubt of meeting their friends who went by sea; which I think they must have done in October last. In June 1809, when Mr. Daschkoff was sent to this country, he was charged by his Government to remonstrate to ours against a trade carried on by citizens of the United States to the North West Coast, supplying the Indians with arms & ammunition, which not only afforded the means of killing one another with greater facility, but also endangered their own settlements. — As the Government could not well prevent 5io DOCUMENTS this, I proposed a plan to Mr. Daschkoff which it was thought would meet the end required, namely, an agreement between the American Fur Company of this country and the American Fur Company of Russia, that the former should supply the latter with all articles which they needed from this country and from Europe, (thus becoming their carriers &c) and to have an establishment at or near Columbia; but not to trade with natives near the Russian Settlements, and by no means to supply them with arms or ammunition. On the other hand the latter not to deal with any transient traders or ships, nor with the natives at or near Columbia River. This plan was submitted to the Governor of the Russian Settlements on the North West course [sic], who approved of it. When Count Pahlen came to this country, he also was charged by his government to speak to our government [interlineated: on this subject]. I communicated the plan to him, who was so much pleased with it that he transmitted it to his Court. I sent a gentleman for this purpose to S . Petersburg, who presented it to Count Romanskoff, who also is much pleased with it, but there exists some difficulty as to a condition which I had proposed, namely, that the Russian Government should allow the American Fur Company to carry their articles of fur from this country to Russia free of duty, or subject to a moderate duty only (at present they are prohibited). The Government seems well enough disposed to grant this, but it appears there was an engagement entered into between them and the Fur Company at the time of its formation, prohibiting the entry of furs except by the Russian Fur Company, who had not yet felt inclined to consent to the admission. There was however still some hope: to all the other propositions they were ready to agree. Should this plan succeed I think we shall do very well as far as respects that part of our business. With respect to our trade on the frontier and in the Interior, I have not been so fortunate: on the contrary great and insur- DOCUMENTS 511 mountable difficulties are thrown in our way by the present restrictions on our commerce. After negociating with the Michilimackinac Company for nearly three years to purchase them out, and not succeeding, 1 had determined to risk an opposition; and accordingly in October 1810 I ordered a quantity of goods from England for this trade, and made engagements with several Indian traders and others, to carry on the business. The people of Canada being informed of this, & knowing that an opposition would be very injurious, and at the same time seeing that I was determined to push one they proposed to sell to the American Fur Company the property and establishments they had in the Indian country within the territory and boundaries of the United States, together with that at S*. Joseph's, on condition that we should not for five years trade beyond those boundaries or in British dominions in opposition to them, and that for five years the trade within those limits should be carried on upon joint account. This agreement was completed and the American Fur Company became possessed of the property before mentioned: but as the assortment of goods on hand at St. Joseph's, Michilimackinac and other places was very incomplete for outfits in the interior, it became necessary to obtain a further supply, and we were in hopes that by some change in our political situation we might be enabled to bring in our goods which we had ordered from England, and which had been transported to S . Joseph's (for in consequence of the President's proclamation they had been shipped, though before the 2 Feby 1811, to Canada instead of New York.) But very unfortunately for us our expectations have not been realised. On application to the President in August last we were informed that Congress had left no power with the Executive to grant permission. The consequence has been, that the Indians have been very badly and not half supplied; and though in the mean while we have been under the necessity of retaining in pay the 512 DOCUMENTS people we had engaged, as well as of keeping up all our establishments at the usual expense, yet we have been unable to carry our business to more than a fourth of its' usual extent. This dead expense is a serious loss to us, beside the interest on a stock on hand, Chief part of which is unsaleable from want of other articles; while on the other hand the useful & saleable commodities is locked up at Montreal and St. Joseph's. If we had only a part of them in the Indian country or at Michili- makinac we could make out to keep the Indians [contained — stricken through] contented, and keep the trade in our own hands. But unless this is the case, we shall be under the necessity of selling our property to great sacrifice (as the articles are not saleable except for the Indian trade) either to the British agents for the Indian department of that Government, or to the Canada traders: thus totally relinquishing the trade to them. I have been thinking to apply to Congress for relief, at least to get permission to transport our property from the island of St. Joseph to the Indian country within the territory or boundary of the United States. Whether such application would be likely to meet with success, or whether in the present state of things it would be proper to make it, I have not been able to determine. I am so much embarrassed I know not what to do. It is probable that unless our Government do something by which the Indians may get their usual supplies (and which are not now to be had in the United States) there will be great uneasiness on their part, if not actual hostility: for they will become desperate by those privations: under which indeed they cannot exist.— Perhaps, Sir, you will condescend to give some advice to me how to proceed. The Government, say the President and heads of Executive Departments, are well informed of the situation of the American Fur Company, as no step of importance has been taken without their previous approbation: they know of my plan with the Russians, as well as of my arrangements in the Interior. Bffffii j =\ ■ 'ffitiniMiinrrh DOCUMENTS 513 The party which ascended the Missouri is under the direction of a very respectable gentleman from Trenton, New Jersey, by the name of Hunt. The North West Company of Canada having received information of our intention to establish a post at Columbia, sent a party of forty men in 1810 from Lake Superior, with intent to be before us; but they were prevented by Indians in the Rocky Mountains from proceeding further, and were obliged to return. Another party has been sent in 1811 from the same place and for the same object, consisting of sixty men. We shall know next summer how far they have succeeded; at all events I think we must be ahead of them. By what I can learn there is a great deal of fur on the west side of the mountains, and a considerable business is to be done on the coast with the Russians. [Only below this in Astor's hand.] I am with great Respcet Sir your very Humble Servt Thomas Jefferson Esqr. John • Jacob • Astor N. B. I will thank you to consider that part of my Comunca- tion which relates to the cantemplated arrangement with the Russians as Privet. [Endorsed] Astor John Jacob. N. Y. Mar. 14. 12 recd Mar. 25 $8. Account oe Sales oe the Ship Beaver to Alexander Baranoee, September 25-NovEMBER 14, 1812. This account may be compared with that in document 55. It will be observed that the brandy, rum, gin, and molasses unaccountably increased between their being taken on board at New York and their sale to Baranoff a year later. The mention of white metal and gilt buttons — evidently "trinkets" to be used in the Indian trade — is of interest. The blankets "shipped at Columbia River" were evidently part of the Tonquin's cargo, and their mention helps to refute Ross's complaint that there was a deficiency in this article. 5H fa O CO - <U rrl : I 8jS -s, So o fa § o a i *• CJ Ph rt CJ h cu «+-. r^ rtJ ^ y « rt *u rt CO rt "^s ^P^ o a 11 §•52 u ^ o DOCUMENTS O IO CO JR O 3 i IO H IO O VO too O vo ThrJ-vO O "^-tOOvCN OOO Ovvo tocovO xr^vo Ov >-* oo o CN vo O NO rh O O oo *>» Th IO CN to £S CN CN Cn vo vo cn m ^h O. IO CI H vo CI £* cu co S r5 O PQ W ft ioOvovo ^h^h^ Ooo 5j a a a a co "2 o O o o J3 o o o o *A flfl^flPflfl fa O rt o o fa o a n»o H H vo oo O H H <N IO Ov Ov IO M M VO "t O rt rt ! rt : P^ *« p pq rt c« r v <U CJ M rt ' O Xt ilii CM H O O .9 1? b> rt «£ 1 u cu roof Gi Tenee. ses r(Supe Bread ccj cu o o ingP hSte fa fa 52 g „ M M ^ ccj ccj o ccj 42 1 CO rt 4=1 fa CCJ O co w CU 1 earns Writ 3 Canvas ars Lead ubs swedis fflpqO W pq rt fa PQ H o> Hfc:.n:.n DOCUMENTS 515 & 8 42 00 rt _l OO O VO O Ov O 00 00 0 0 00 O OO O VO H CO «"*• O O rh rh co IO co ^h vo 0 H vo 00 rh CO VO rh CO 00 M rh CN rh H W 3 S rh CN VO vO CO^O O vo <§> C/3 Vh J_i 4-> H PQ o § .t; 0 q rt h< H oj -5 PQ fi ^3 2- 43 +J -M ! "g S h rt P2h ed WP to CO ^ _ <D O O 2ft ft £ »Jrt rt a cu O §Q i CM CN H H O vo rt ]B ~ "rt S - PQ .a rtp O o wm CJ rt r£ 9 m rt o rt rt *5 S3 S'S 2 ccj ss«£ CN O Ov O CN O Ov vo co rh vo O 5i6 DOCUMENTS Ov Ov vO Ov rh vo rh 00 H rt vo rh O N00 O O vo vo t^ P4 x>- ci O vo oo ^h O Ov "^- ov rh 00 VO CO CN CN M t^ CN O 1^ vo Ov O t^ H H VO N rh rh t^ rh O £* 1 :pflfl O U £P 3 ►^ CO ^£ CO i —• -a rh O i o o PP O !=l asr,k; j-i o | £ <s£pQ>< .3 ccj .rt! m Pn r^ O o o o co * & fiflfln © a « ^ P pq W PP cu CO o ccj v. cu i CO cu rt <u 4j ^ rt CU 4h CU >PQ rt rt o o p PP HH O^ O u °(] 22 -2 ^ S o 02 f CO rt O r^H <W jd n 42 a WMPQPQ voh vom CM vovo-^-vovo rhCN CI CM H CJ 01 **"""'•-•■* DOCUMENTS 517 4> co O W 'rt CM VO O S "° ' ' Ph vo ci 0 0 CN CJ 00 O 00 VO rh VO CN CI Cn 0*: 0 VO O O M 00 VO 00 00 M Q 0 >"CJ ccj « a O m Ov rhO t^» O N vo COVO s +>. "2 ° ^P Ph cm W 43 bO 0 eg $ 3!L> rt 0 CJ 1 u 3 wm 0 Ct} co Ph ^ Wm M rt co v. >-H [ O O PQ 0 J-H 1^ , cu co ,-y 8 P cu o •Sis : O 0 irtH rt I #rt Jh Jj Jj s pq 5 S g-2 ^ •« XH WT3 •4-> 42 CU CU 44 CO rt g.H a CO 4 rt 0 <u o cu tj II 1 j PQ i 1 ccj ! Ph, P£ O O t^-00 5i8 DOCUMENTS CO P P4 £ a 2 H O <U M 1 rt ank arm asso a pq o w ffl , CO tfl b rt 3 Chw5^ *rt s CM P» CO 1-1 "^~ -. O o U H m co m il •rt cu O | &os P W Ph ft ro O H CO CO a to h rt +■> cu ccj I ccj rt rt co cu S2 rt <u p^^ <U co 5T ccj .&• ° CO 3 43 U ft CO 1 o 1 O H m w a p Pi p g H U H rt O rt £ § c§^ g CJ CO £ , ^j <; co *s^-rt 2 £ o S ^trt jo o c •M*|.g P^ 2 rt ccj rt rt O o g O PQ < ccj 43 PQ -^ CU 43 43 Oh W CO bo P rt ►—> CU ;>. 42 42 I DOCUMENTS 519 *** w t>. ■a a i o o i i-3 ccj PLH OOO OOO O r- O 00 vo vo OOO M eg ^ a HH CO OOO OOOO to to vo OO CM X>> VO O O A O O 11 p S | S S 'co ' 5 rt CCJ 5. P^ fl OOOO ias pppp VO VO CO W CM OV VO CN vo w 1 o i cm rt CJ 00 ^ • g m.ph<s5 vO d ^ ci § ^ cu *5 bO P^< o o 43 520 DOCUMENTS 59. Barter Account of the Ship Beaver, September 20- December 24, 1812. The ships and captains mentioned in this account were engaged in the maritime fur trade. The identity of "Mr. Terripigrispy" is not known, but he was probably connected with the Russian company. The prominence of gin will be noted. Baranoff, apparently not satisfied with his purchase for the account of the company, had bought a large additional quantity on his own behalf. It may be that the deficiency in "trinkets" complained of by Ross led to the large purchases of beads on the Beaver's account. ttS ses DOCUMENTS 521 O. ° •Pr h -^ co H h pl, pq co « O « . j g a & 3 1 * * * NOQhQD <3 Ofr>»CNvO • • H r^ S o CO >o H HHCIClCJOcNH H CO vo 00 Ov CN S* w &rt& 0 cfl Oh w rt Amethyst Capt ards Fearnough . Gurrahs n 0 rt 0 ecj PQ <u rt i atharine C Gallons Gi ves Sugar methyst C ons Molas 0 Gin rel Tar CJ I .rt rt a =§ 43 cc? CO 44 c3 f-i 1 O rt O en fl O "a 1 1 n 1 S-i M^- § ^fl^ M « rt ccj cc? 0 1 PQ #o^ co t-Q OhO PQ ,0,^ A ft^ A CO 43 CO CO ,rt O M H 4h 00 rh -3- VO H 3 vo CO MD CO co CO CO CN CO ci CN en IIIHIIlil 522 DOCUMENTS H OO 00 co I I m 3cj rt O CM CN is up *21 -3 I eg co ■ a., _ I a <^ P4 pq pq & ^J* O CN H O CN O CN m ^ rt PQ ccj -^ "W r°1 ^ CJ £ m pq P H >> ccj M g *C en PQ £ Fc! £( Wfl W 8 a CN CO CN VO M H rt CO vo U J° W o I O M O O 8 H €©= ffl a o CJ ^ i 3 <u O a * Mr. Terripigrispy 45 Gallons Gin 45 Yards Wrapper i Compass i Barrel Vinegar 17 lbs Soap 6 1 Candles PQ H-> ccj S CJ ^ 1 en M 00 rJ3 tO CO H PQ CN rh "t H CN o I > O I £ i zrrri3 DOCUMENTS 523 60. Letter from Astor to John Bryan, January 3, 1813, in regard to the Sale of Marten Skins to Bryan. Bryan was an Albany merchant. The lands mentioned were in township no. 11, Chenango County, New York. John Bryan New york 3d. Jany. 1813 * Dear Sir! I have recd. yr. fav*. of 31st. Ulto. and give you Credit for Taxes paid on my Lands, for which I am much oblig'd to you. I have put up 3000 Martinskins for you in two Casks which I wish to deliver to some one of your friends here as I find it not so convenient to keep them in my Store please say to whom I shall deliver them, you will see that I put them to accommodate you at 90 & 120 days but charge you Interest on the last payment; have the goodness & send me your two notes by return mail, as I want to realize them being in want of money. I can let you have 1000 Skins more, if you wish them. Your &c. J. J- A. 61. Letter erom Astor to the Department of State, April 4, 1813, asking Protection for Astoria. The Astor vessel which was to go from England to the Columbia was the brig Forester; "Mr P." was Captain William J. Pigot, who was to act as supercargo. The "Mr McTavish" mentioned by John Dorr, one of Astor's Boston correspondents, was Donald McTavish, who was to go out as governor of the projected North West Company post on the Columbia, and "Mr. McGilivary" was William McGillivray, president of the North West Company. Dear sir Philadelphia 4 April 1813 2 I came here yesterday with a view to meet Mr. Gallatin and to contract with him for myself & Some of my new york friends 1 Ms. book, Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letter Book i, 1813-15, p. 154. 2 Ms., Department of State, Washington, D. C, Miscellaneous Letters, March-April, 1813. DfflHi) 5*4 DOCUMENTS for about two & half Million of the Loan but he is not yet arrived but is exspctd to Day we have a report that he is apointed to go to Russia to make Peace I hope it is true for if he gos & meets a man of Sence he will effect the objict- I here found your Letter of the 31 ulto which brings again before me my once Darling objict the Settlement at Columbia I have also riced here a Letter from Landon & a Copy of one from Mr Dorr of Boston riced at New York Seince I Left it I Send you the orignial of the former & extract of the Later by which it will be seen that even yet it is not too Late to Do good if aur Government would act with promptness - a Decision if a Sloop of War was now Send I belive we Should be compleately Triumpha[nt] In that Quater of the world the Hornet if she was ready would Suit Best unless the Argus Sails faster Good god what an objit is to be securd by Smale means - If I had an armd Ship fit I would Send her Let cost what it would but there is not one fit to be found which could be fitted with Dispatch-there is one Steep which I have taking & which is known to none but myself in this country but which may now be known to you & I think it ought to the government if they mean to aid As Soon as war was Declard I considerd Columbia in Danger if not Lost - but wishng to Safe it as much as I wishd to Safe my Life it acurd to me that I aught to procure ane or two Confidential persons to go to england & there Pracure a neutral j vessel put on board of her Arms munition Blankets & & and Cleare for the Pacific ocationpS;] but go Derict to Columbia for this purpose I placed i2ooo£ Stg in the hands of the gentlemen whom I Send — a vessel was pracurd and Loaded but the Delay is beyond everything you See by the Letter from Mr P. who had Charge of this buissnes that an the 24 Jany thy ware yet in England but ware as you See exspecting to Sail Soon under Convoy — I presum to Certain Latitude Whens they must bare for Cap Horn where thy will arrive in bad Season & DOCUMENTS 525 the Isaac Todd being a Heavey Dull Sailor will have a very Lang passage now an [interlineated: american] [Sloop of — stricken through] Sloop of war would take her at the very mauth of Columbia I Send Sence the war a fast Sailing Ship under cover to Columbia Loading with Provision So that nothing will be wantig but forces and that the government ought to give withaut Delay there are 12 or 13 American Ships on that coast all which might be Safd if Steeps ware naw taking I pray you Lay this again before Mr Monroe assure him that the abjict is great all the americans could Go in Columbia River Lay under aur fort and waite in Safty for Peacs which may I think Soon be Lookd for at any rate all there Cargos could be Safe an Shore Good God the very revnew from there cargos would pay for half Dagd Sloops of War— I have not time to point aut all the advantages that would result from the Securing the River to us — any Informatian Mr Monroe wishes I will of cours Give with pleasur & if Requird go to Washington again tho it Would not be convenient just now but no Sacrefice would be considerd to great if government will only act quikly I am Dear Sir truly yours John Jacob Astor P. S. Dos Mr Monrae Know of the orrangement with the Russian Company if not State the whole to him Extract of A Letter from Mr J Dorr Boston March 30. 1813 The Ship alluded to in a former Letter bound from London to the northwest coast is named the Isaac Todd abaut 450 tons formerly in the Quebec trade She Carrys 80 men & 20 Guns was nearly ready for Sea at [Ports — stricken through] Pors- mouth the middle Jany She taks a Letter of marque is bound 526 DOCUMENTS to Columbia River & River of the west to Establish a Coloney Som Insuranes was I understand affected at 16 pCt — She is to proseed to Canton with her furrs by permission of the E. Indea Company & from there home with a Cargo for thire account a Mr McTavish fits aut the Ship a Mr McGilivary is concernd & provebly the north West compay of Canada I wish this Information may be of use to you I belive it to be correct Could aur government be Induesd to expedite-the argus to Columbia River and Strangle this attempt to Colonize During the war it might Save maney questions after Peace & not Injure your Interst [Endorsed] 4 April, 13 John J. Astor, New York enclosing an extract from Mr. Dorr of Boston respecting a Shipment from England to the Columbia River &c. 62. Letter from Astor to David Parish, May 17, 1813, in regard to attempts to depress government stock. Isaac Bronson was a wealthy merchant and financier, a founder of the Merchants' Bank of New York City. New york 17 May 1813 * Dear Sir I had the pleasure to Ricie your Letter of the 14 Ist by which I note that you would hand over Mr. D's Stocks to Mr. Campbel which No Doubt has ben Done — in Reply to the Latter part of your Letter I took Some paines to Learn the Sawers from whih arose the report that you wauld part with Some Say Large amount of the new Loan at a very Smale advans and I am Lead to belive that it originated with a Mr. Isaac Bronson whom you may know — a friend tells me that he mantiond to an other friend who was about to purchas that he Mr. Branson Could get from you 4 or 500ml at fist cost an being a gaine 1 Ms., New York Historical Society, Astor Papers. DOCUMENTS 527 Cold on about 3 Days ago to know if he would engage to Procure the Stock from you he Sayd he could not engage now but he Still belivd you might Give it if not at first cost you would at a very Smale advanus — from the whole run of the buisness 1 am inclind to belive that Mr. B had no other object in view but to Depress the Stock and I am happey that you have given me the best means to Contradcit him which I will Do with aut fail the gentlemen who wanted to Purshas 300ml offerd to give 2 pet ad vans but from what you Say its useless to make any propal of the kind — I am very Resptfully Dear Sir your obed Servat John • Jacob • Astor [Addressed] D. Parish, Esqr., Philadelphia [Postmarked] New-York, 17 May i2§ [cents postage] [Endorsed] 1813 Jno. J. Astor Newyki7.May recd— 18. d°. answd. 18 dy 63. Letter from Astor to David Parish, May 27, 1813, on War-time Finance. Astor's persistent optimism as to the prospects for an early peace comes out clearly in this letter. . New york 27 May 1813 | Dear Dir I was glad to Learn that you are at Washington Where no Doubt you will Do Some good — from the Presidents Message there apears not much for Congress to Do exept to Lay taxes [interlineated: without] which thy Can never have a Sure & Safe System of finance, this every man of commen Sence must understand Still I have my Doubts Whether thy will now go into the measure at all events I think thy aught to pass Some Law for this purpose if even it was a Contingent one that is to 1 Ms., New York Historical Society, Astor Papers. 528 DOCUMENTS Say that if We have not Peace in or on a Certain Day that than the Law Laying Such taxes Shall take effect — this I thinke Could be made to pass more easey thon a any other tho the other might be best Sence Some Days past considerable enquiry has ben made for Stock but 92 to 92J only is offerd & at this Some has ben Sold I think it too Cheap belivig as I Do that we will Soon have Peace & that an other Loan will not be obtaind on terms So favourable to the buyer — Mr. Seveking whom I belive you are acquainted with & know his Connection Seems to be quit aut of Employ & wishes to go aut as Supercargo— Can you recomend him as being in your opinion worthy the trust of one hundred thousand Dollars — to be Left to his Discretion ond entire Control — I will be oblgd to you for your answer to this as also for any Information which you may please to give to me as to what is Lick to be Done in Congress — with offer of my Serveis I am Dear Sir your oblgd frind & Hul Srt John • Jacob • Astor [Addressed] David Parish Esqr., City of Washington [Postmarked] New-York, 27 May 17 [cents postage] [Endorsed] 1813 John Jacob Astor Nyk. 27 May Re — 29 d°. A — 30 d°. 64. Account of Furs and Goods at Astoria and other Columbia River Posts, June i, 1813. This account reveals the reason for the good opinion which John Clarke and David Stuart had of the prospects for the fur trade of the Columbia as contrasted with Donald McKenzie's pessimistic attitude. ^Z22Z2XZ22Z2Z sasssrzrssr SEZS DOCUMENTS 529 4J .3 -3 § >H CO w w 10 oP O CO O IO NVO H vo rh m rh ci rh W Q\ VO H rh H 10 rh H 0 0 8 vo vo 6 O O vo O O O VO O* 0 0 CN CN VO VO VO CS CN vo VO CI VO VO M 0 vo H H HI W ^ ft w CJ « «« 1-1 H rt 3 o> rt > ccj a ecJ fl 44 *w O o 1 O w • M *fi •M O cn +■* •|< r/v +j ecj .a £ i 0 00 43 m a -5 O gi a a 1-3 CO to o fc* o & lib CO ffl H-l CO rt hQ ffl hQ co 1 «« « £2 8 Rial 2 & r? ^ j2 fa ^ ."rt 'rt , 00 m §, y^^rtgSti^K'S'rrtrt p< ^^ 3 § pq u £ fa CJ ^ co rt 73 -9 .a O MMO\CNt>-COrhOOVOMOVOCOH H COVO vOOOvO^rhCO H rh 00 CN M HI t^ Ov CO h m 530 DOCUMENTS Ov vo O O O N «00 rh vO Ov vO CN H CN O Ov vo O vo O O O CN VO CN CO HI 6 il . -3 1 n o ccj I E'S.S'S do ccj .55 ,3 g pq k? fa S 44 O O VO CN O fa co •a g 1 'C OT S2 -S £ «g 1.1 ~OT ci d w o 00 43 a co d ■ 43 CO 0 00 M d 2 ti, m ed <1> ■g P^ t~4 ccj T3 43 < bo J-H ccj I c/l .a 44 <& u m a) M 44 H ccj M ccj rt >t.S u u « O H^P^^fa^^PClfa tf >> 0 a a d fa 1, CI) 43 cu > .a s en rt co cn 0 H >% CO OO rt <u H M fa & 0 0 a rt CJ CJ In r^ *T* M CO O -H> ,r| d TJ 0 *o rt 0 d § d H-l "a 5=3 O w 00 CU rt CO rt en rt ^J HI !*• < HI -^'SEffSfSf s^^-^ Tfyaraas: DOCUMENTS 531 CN i-iHi CN 00 CO rh VO <N O M 4 CO 00 CI vo vo 00 rh M H VO rh vo CO CO 00 VO vo ci Ov rh ci co >* 8 cu rt 1 £ M J O ft Q S H-> d rt 0 cn m 0 CJ Hi CU 1 *P^ en *cn 0 rt a cn 0) to Hi rt I-} CU cn ] d rt ^s' en .9 .a i > M H. cn <u « « a * s >* '5 ft 44 O O 4-> -H» -H» M-l O cn a 42 cu MH CU -H> H. O f3 cn d HI 0) cn h || rt O en rt cn .a ri4 54 r 3 Hi O CO rt 9 a rt cu rt en 3 Link isher ear en en M cu 0 cn M CU >> Hi d CO H 00 44 en cn Hi CU M O >> Hi O d & pq h3 a 1 fa pq <# > rt d 1 M & S 44 en a d CU 43 d CO en Hi CO O 00 O 00 vO vovo rh t^. VO CN cn u fa cu rt cu M ni PQ I d HH H CU d 1 2 rt fa CU PQ Hi fa H-3 cu i d HH H OO rt fa CN HI HI Ov MH HI !>. rh «4H «4H 0 VO CN « rh <w tn O vO vo H O O vO H O H ~j "a ^ "a "a CU 1 < 3. **? < I S3* DOCUMENTS -5 CO o VO o vo VO CO CM M Cn VO CO vO vo CI VO vo vO rh IO H o *o vo **"» O to O rh t<* io CO VO 00 Cn VO H t>> Cn CO 00 vo OO 00 OO H VO t*» H o' H O vo « O ci vo O O O vo O O vo vo vo ci O vo H Q O vo O O O CI cn vo O CO H HI O vo vo O CI CN CO .a, ^ cn d §.a '3 X X3 en cu >> ed d^^gtSS VO CO vo h vo o 9 ■9 44 O •a d 3 co p pq ^ || fa fa O Qv CN t^ t^ vo <N H rh CO b tJ en 3 fa 3 a $ 0) d I d od 0) H rt la Jrt "d p P ft P pq S . & £ ■ .v-,.^,™^ I^SSSfeS M^'fflTTT" DOCUMENTS 533 65. Letter from Astor to A. B. Bentzon, June 19, 1813, giving Instructions eor the Hannibal9s Voyage. This letter shows the detailed instructions which Astor was accustomed to give to his captains and agents, and is of particular interest because it deals with war-time conditions. A. B. Bentzon, Esq'. NeW Y°rk ^ J1™' $g Dear Sir! I hand you invoices & bill of lading over my part of the Hannibals Cargo, which is consigned to you, & which, as you will see, amounts to about $60,000. you have also note of freight to be paid on tobacco & Coffee amounting to $27,143 77/100, which is to be paid in Spanish dollars or at the current rate of exchange at the port of discharge, and which you'll receive accordingly. With the Cargo you will see, that the best is done, & I would like to have the proceeds vested, if possible it could be done in- Season & that it can be shipp'd [interlineated: here] with safety in articles asf> enclosed list— the danish Lambs wool & furs or Hare & Coney wool are at present very good articles, as they are in demand, and pay no duty - they are therefore very desirable - and if these articles say the looking glass plates & danish Lambs wool could be had by detaining the ship, I think it would be worth while to do so — as these will not nearly fill up the ship freight must of course be taken on the best terms possible, and in such case care should be had not to take onboard any such articles as wool or furs or Glass-plates - there may be found some other articles, which may answer here for which a discretion is here intended. Should the Cargo come from Russia, the Hare skins are under all circumstances one of the best articles & they ought of course be attended to without loss of time, the more so, if low, as they were lately — I think it will scarsely be an object to 1 Ms. book, Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letter Book i, 1813-15, pp. 1-2. 534 DOCUMENTS look for any favour as to the outward bound Cargo, but if such can be had for this ship or another ship on a next voyage it would of course, when the Cargo could be assorted accordingly, be of great importance, then you & Mr. Cambrelling will think, how that is best to be done - perhaps the ship could under foreign colour go to some port direct & get a Cargo- in such case, no doubt, the Havana would be among the best for white sugar & Coffee — in this there may be some difficulty on account of payment, unless the ship could stop at Lisbon & procure Government bills on England - on the whole I think it might be difficult to make the arrangement, and it may be best to abide by the first plan for the ship, if peace, to go to Canton or come here, but if no peace then you must exercise your judgment - for you must know in such case after the ship returns here, she would become useless as an American therefore some other arrangement should be made, & if so, as at same time to preserve her american papers with safety, so much the better. Let us suppose* Your Government arranges with England & we at war, then you might buy or sell the ship, put her under danish colour & send her to Canton for a Cargo of teas & nankeens - to do this you must remit your funds or put them in hands of Cambrelling & let him go to London to obtain bills -1 suppose a Cargo of tea for Europe would not cost much-it being Congou, Souchong & some Bohea with small quantity of Hyson-skin, the whole of which might cost about 7om$ & to this about 20 to 25000 short nankeens might be added which would cost about 8 or 10,000$ more. — It appears not improbable, that Holland may become free, then, if you come that way you might endeavour to procure from the E. I. company a permission to import one or two Cargo's from Canton - these have heretofore been given to all respectable merchants on the only condition, that the Cargo is on return put in their hands & be sold at their convenience, which I believe is no disadvantage - & if you get to Amsterdam you *•%, —-n- ccSr^t^d ise *^*?r 'Vffiapy^ DOCUMENTS 535 might as well think to contract for some of the new loan, say $3 or 400,000. I will keep this sum on hand for some time to come - the last sales there I understand were at 92 as exchange is at 5 to 7 1/2 above par it would bring it to 97 to 99 1/2, which would do well in time of war & not bad in time of Peace — the money must of course be paid in Amsterdam as other wise I should lose the exchange, but if they pay the money here, I would not sell less than 95 - Care must be taken, that my bills are paid on the delivery of the Stock, or it may be transferred here on proper security, being given through the medium of Messrs. Baring, Brothers & C°. of London or Mess18. Hope & C°. of Amsterdam. — Should you see Mr. Gallatin he will be able to give you very good advice & information on this subject, & if you ask him, will give you letter to his banker at Amsterdam — If you make Sale, you may probably get me the Commission to be agent here, for receiving the Interest on the Stock, which in time might lead to something more important. Should it be peace & Cambrelling go to Canton & Ridgway arrive & you send the Hannibal to Canton, you'll send in her some of the proceeds of outward Cargo — the fact is, that Cambrelling ought to have at least $200,000 with him whereas he has or will have from London only $150,000 because I have it not in my power to make it more, as it realy ought to be, & This will be more necessary if a Dispatch & the Hannibal go, you will then ship the german goods in Ridgways ship, or if he does not arrive in some good Vessel, on freight, if not to be had, remit the funds to Baring, Brothers & C°. of London. — I pray you write to me often in all directions; I will write to you by Ridgway, under cover to Mr. Joulinatz, Consul at Gottenburg, to Parish & C°. at Hamburg, & Cramer at S*. Petersborg, & you'll desire them whereto send your letters -1 do not wish to leave any of my property on the Continent unsold, but wish to have the business finally finnish'd, before you or Mr. Cambrelling leaves it - I suppose the fine others would sell in Can- 536 DOCUMENTS ton at 6 to 6 1/2, perhaps 7$ - the common at about $5, from which you may judge, whether best to sell in Europe or ship them to Canton, if a Vessel does go, if not, they must of course be sold, for the most, that can be had I think you will find Cambrelling clever & you will please give him as much charge of my Interest as you can & confer with him frequently as well as Sieveking - tho' I think the judgment of the former best - in case of your leaving property, leave it so, that Cambrelling will have some control as well as Sieveking. Wishing you health and a successful voyage and speedy return I am, Dear Sir! Your &c. X J- A. 66. Letter from Astor to C. C. Cambreleng, June 20, 1813, giving Instructions for a Voyage from Europe to Canton in case of Peace. Churchill C. Cambreleng had gone to Europe on the Hannibal to act as one of Astor's agents. The "certain event" was the arrival of peace. It was Astor's intention to have Cambreleng arrive at Canton before the news of peace reached that quarter of the world and profit from his unique knowledge by making "good speculations." Cambreleng was to buy an American ship "under the idea that you mean to put her under foreign color" in order to avoid arousing suspicion that peace had come and that it would be safe for American vessels to leave Canton under their own national ensigns. The whole letter exemplifies with what clarity and detail Astor could give instructions, without, however, stifling his agents' initiative. These instructions were never carried out. C. C. Cambreleng New York 20th. June, 1813.1 Dear Sir! You know pretty well my views relative to the object, which you are about to obtain by a voyage from Europe direct to Canton, provided a certain event tak's place, in which case 1 Ms. book, Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letter Book i, 1813-15, pp. 4-5. me<.'!**im«m DOCUMENTS 537 expedition will decide the fortune of the speculation out as well as home. I can have no doubt, but that if you are fortunate to get to Canton with a certain knowledge, you may make good speculations & then if so you find there a ship of mine load her without delay, if none of mine is there and you can buy an american ship under the idea, that you mean to put her under foreign color, do so, & if you cannot buy endeavour to freight or charter one — the common rate is $60 prton, on this occasion you might give 70 or 80, and indeed if the prospect was to get here first, you might give even $100. it will be much better to bring home any kind of tea then to take freight & therefore I recommend you not to receive any freight unless Silks at 10 Pet. on the cost, or nankeens at 15 Pet. Suposing you find a ship of mine there, this ought not to preclude you from charting or buying one other-indeed the more you can get the better, provided you can get goods to put in them & this I think you may, for if you can not get fine, you can certainly [interlineated: get] common teas, such as Bohea, Campoy, Congou, Singlo & Hyson-skin — a little Gunpowder will do, no Hyson, but of young Hyson all you can get. nankeens very- few yellow, but some blue will do well — An assorted cargo of common tea for a ship of about 300 tons will not cost more than 60 to 70,000$, and by paying some Cash you can always get some Credit of which you ought to avail yourself - if supose you had secur'd once the ships, which you might find there or the freighting of them and having bought part of your goods or all of them, then you may make known, that you are my agent or at least you may say, that you have right to draw on me or take up Credit for account & to the extend of shipments, which you make for me, & which I hereby give to you — The more I reflect, the more I think it will be best to go under neutral color out & if you buy a dispatch vessel, you can send her here with a Cargo, which will answer pretty well, as p'list; if you had 2 or 3 vessels at Canton you ought to send one to Bos- 538 DOCUMENTS ton, one here & one to Baltimore. Should any accident be fall Mr. Bentzon /rwhich God forbid:/ you will then act as far as relates to my business in his stead, & take charge of the property under his care. Wishing you a safe & prosperous Voyage I am respectfully, Dear Sir! xr ju 1+ 0 + I Your Obd\ Senr. — J. J- A. 67. Letter from Astor to C. C. Cambreleng, June 21, 1813, with Instructions for a Voyage from Canton to the North West Coast. Cambreleng was to follow these instructions upon his arrival at Canton, after a voyage to be undertaken from Europe immediately upon receiving word of peace. Like those in the foregoing document, they were never carried out. C. C. Cambreleng New York 21st. June, 1813 f Dear Sir! Should you be so fortunate, as to arrive in Canton with the good news of peace, I would be glad, if you would immediately dispatch a Brig or Schoner with a faithful person to Columbia River — direct him to go some short distance to a Fort, cafl'd Fort Astoria & make the communication to Mr. Hunt, our Chief-Agent. I have on the coast the ship Lark, which ought also be inform'd of this event, any vessel carrying a white flag with a red A or red flag with a white A is friendly to me, & may be spoken — you may send some Cargo in the vessel: common rum, or other spirits, bread, rice, sugar, iron, Steel, Cordage, some little black tea, & you may learn of some other you might give instructions to the person you send, if he falls in with American vessels to keep the knowledge & buy of them their skins & furs - any of these ought to be brought to Market without loss of time; but the Vessel ought to carry docu- 1 Ms. book, Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letter Book i, 1813-15, pp. 5-6. <#*&m '■' .Hi.'«i«««»»*»»rtfaij aaeaasa DOCUMENTS 539 ments, to inform of the peace, in case of falling in with a Cruizer or vessel of war — & if you go from England, take out with you about 300 pair 21/2 point Blankets, 300 - 2 point, 100 - 1 1/2 point, some 50 to 60 Thimbels, gimblets, some fils, common knifes & Scissars - Buttons & blue pound Beads - all of which are very good for the Coast, also some common Linnen & in- dian Callicos of high colours - the investment not to be very large - some Windsor Glass - and 100 north west Guns, cost about 30/- 500lba Powder & some Goos & Buck shot. P. S. It is possible, that our Fort may be J. J. A. taken by the English - of course some precaution ought to be taken, you need not send more then 10 or 12 Chests of tea - if Leaf tobacco could be had reasonably you might send [interlineated : one] or two hhds. desire by all means the people on the north west coast to send their furs to Canton without loss of time. — 68. Letter from Astor to C. M. Baumhauer, July 13, 1813, giving Instructions for a Voyage to Europe from Charleston in War Time. Baumhauer, a member of the Russian consular service, was to fill the dual roles of a bearer of dispatches, in his official capacity, and of the vessel's supercargo, as a private person. This, as Astor pointed out, might seem strange to the uninitiated. Astor had written some sharp letters to Captain Ridgway, blaming him for allowing the unsatisfactory Caroline to be forced upon him. C. M. Baumhauer New York 13th. July, 1813 * Dear Sir! Yesterday I received your favr. of the 7th. Inst, it was not until yesterday, that I was made acquainted with the name of the ship, which unfortunately proves to be the Caroline, a ship having no American register & subject to foreign duty & ton- 1 Ms. book, Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letter Book i, 1813-15, pp. 17-18. 540 DOCUMENTS age - be that now as it may, I have desir'd Captn. Ridgway, long since to get ready & I hope by the time this corn's to hand, the ship will be loaded and ready to proceed. I enclose you a letter for Captn. Ridgway, which you will please read & then deliver it to him. The reason why the Cargo is to appear by bill of lading to be consigned to him is that because it wiU perhaps appear inconsistant, that you should appear as Supercargo, when realy you are the bearer of dispatches which you'll ready see does not accord with the Ideas of people not acquainted with business. I have also given Mr. Ridgway a power to sell the ship if required, for I think, as she has not Register it would be much better to have a good American ship, but here there is no time perhaps in Europe you may get one, but that only in Case of a return Cargo to this Country & that the Cargo is of goods paying duty, if of wool & furs, which are of the best Articles, it will make no difference as they pay no duty, & if no peace the ship may be put under Russian or other foreign colour, of all which I have wrote to Mr. Bentzon & you will advice with him - on this as well as the disposition of the Cargo. The proceeds of which must be vested as before stated to you or in good bills remitted to Messrs. Baring Brothers & C°. of London for my account, as well as the proceeds of the ship if sold. I think I mentioned to you before the necessity of having dispatches onboard even on your return, though I do not know, that such is required by the passport, yet it will perhaps render every thing more safe. I hope you have a passport from our Government, as it may be very useful in case of a Law being pass'd forbidding all other passports. I am sure you will have good Care of the property committed to your Care, and not place any of it in other than the most safe hands. Should there be a bad market for Cotton and a peace soon expected on the Continent, it may in such case be well to leave the Cotton with a most respectable house and take an advance for the amount to bring home a Cargo or *% f.- .- ""re ..-re., .. .^'- .-^"K ^ -^ ^ ~ ^ ^ .'1 S^ . ^ ^ , ^li-"* , ~-- DOCUMENTS 54i remit to London as shall be in need of the funds I hope you will write me often via London. I enclose Check for $200, which I charge to you, I would have sent it before, but realy forgotten it. Should Captn. Ridgway be offendet at some letters, which I wrote to him, & perhaps refuse to go the Voyage, I must request you to procure the best Captn. you can get, and proceed without delay; but I hope there will be no objections on his part; he is a very clever man, though he has made an error against me, but I shall forget that & say no more about it. After you have read this letter & made your notes, I think you had best return it to me or destroy it. Wishing you a safe & pleasant passage & speedy return I am Dear Sir! Your Obd*. Serv*. J- J- A. 69. Letter from Astor to Thomas Jefferson, October 18, 1813, giving an Account of the Astoria Enterprise UP TO THE DEPARTURE OF THE EASTWARD OVERLAND Expedition. It will be observed that Astor does not even mention the loss of the Tonquin, probably because this letter was written in the hope that Jefferson would exert his personal influence to persuade the government to aid in protecting the settlement at Astoria. New york 18 acr 1813 * Thomas Jefferson Esqr Sir From the corect view which you had of the Importanes of my undertaking Relative to the trade in the Indian country and Particularly our establishment near the mouth of Columbia River I am Lead to belive that it would have aforted you pleasure to have heard of our Sucess which I had hopes to have 1 Ms., Library of Congress, Thomas Jefferson Papers, vol. cxcix, August 6- November 11,1813. 542 DOCUMENTS Comunicated to you & which I Should have had in my Power to have Done had we not fallen a Sacrifies to Political events tho the Restrictive Measurs adopted by Congress prevented our oprating from this quater in the Interio yet we ware going on well from the other Side of the Land all our Pepol those who went out by Land aCross the Country & those who went by Watter Round Cape Horn had meet at Columbia River where In 1811 thy Establishd tham Selfs thy had build a forte & & & and had Cleard Some Land from which thy ware Raissing Considerable Suplys - thy found the Indians in the vecenity Peaceble & friendly and thy had in 1811 Send Several parties in the Interior and a Long the coast to explor the country which thy found to abound with fish & game and the quantity of valuable furrs fare exceeding our most Sangguine exspectations thy had Establishd Several trading houses or post in the Interior & all Seemd to Promise well — the north west Compay of Canada became Sencible that in consequece of our arrangements thy would have to abandon a great part of thire Indian trade made Representation to the British government which ever being Ready to graps at & to monopolize the commerce of the world readly Listond to thire Representations & thy have Send out a frigate to Destroy aur establishment & no Doubt to blunder us of aur property from the Information which I have Recid I am Lead to belive that the British government means to take possistion of Columbian River & to protect the north west Company in fixing a post for trade— I have Long Sence ben fearefull of [interlineated: that] Such Steeps would be taking & I did Inform our government of it 12 months ago. Soliciting Some protection and Recomending that a Smal Garison might be plaisd there which with what we had and could have Done would have Securd the plaise for at Least Some few years to com I hope yet that government will Do Something and if So we may yet hold our possion which if Peace would in 4 or 5 years Prove of very great Importanis ^L DOCUMENTS 543 you may have Seen by the pubHck papers the arrivl of Mr Stuart & others from Columbia the former gentleman had resited there 15 months & had During that time explord a considerable part of the country he keep a journal & of his voyage across the country which he Left with the President should you feel a Desire to read it I am Sure the President will Send it to you you will See that thire are Large & extensive Rivers in that part of the country of which we we [sic] had no Knowl- adge before— I belive in the cours of 4 or 5 years if we had remaind at Peac we Should have Drawn furrs from that country to amount of Some Millions of Dollars p annum - and we should most Certainly have confind the British traders to British Dominions - but as it is unless we have a Speedy Peace & that than we are permitted to carry on a trade to there we must exspect to abandon our plan & Loss aur Property & the Labour & time which has ben Spent in the undertaking which is very Considerable — in the mean time I am fearfull that our pepol will be Driven off & perhaps Dispers and it may not be easey to get tham to gether again thire number is obaut 120 and about 30 to 40 Sandwich Islanders who apear to be an excellent pepol Since the war I have Send two ships to Columbia River to give noties of the war and to furnish tham with Suplys — which if thy have arrivd in Safty may be the means to Safe the place tho I have greate fears — I am with very great Respt Sir your most obt Servent John • Jacob • Astor 70. Letter from Astor to Ramsay Crooks, November 15, 1813, giving Instructions for the Fur Trade of the Great Lakes Region in War Time. Lewis Crawford was connected with the North West Company, and thus with the South West Fur Company as well, and was a leader of Canadian volunteers in the War of 1812. Conrad Ten 544 DOCUMENTS Eyck, a Detroit merchant, had been expelled by the British in 1812 but had managed previously to conceal "about ninety Packs of Skins." General Lewis Cass had been appointed governor of Michigan Territory and left in charge at Detroit. Ramsay Crooks New York 15 Nov1*. 1813 * Dear Sir! I have yesterday recd. your letter of the 31st. ulto. and I am surprised at what you write to me, surely our people know not the importance of Michilimackinac & S*. Joseph, I was sure they had gone & taken it, we expect every day the news of Montreal being taken, if so, the country above must fall. I think you will do well to have gone to Detroit & Sandwich for tho' you may not get many you will get some furs, and as they are now very high any little parcel will be an object, pretty good racoon would readily sell at 5/- Martin Mink & Beaver are also very high of Muskrat there is a large quantity at Montreal, which I think will come here some way or other, and of course the price will not rise, in my last letter of ist. Nov1. I mentioned that the quantity of furs belonging to me at Mackinac is very considerable & I presume L. Crawford has them in care I wish you to attend to them as well as those you purchase & as all the traders or nearly so are more or less in debt to me you will if you are early on the spot at Mackinac have chance to purchase their returns which will come in to our agreement as to any trouble & care you have in consequence of my own business I will satisfie you & I rely on your attention. I note what you say on the business generally, it is of course my object to take hold of the whole & you may have judged of that from what I wrote to you, while here, when I requested you to give me a full account as to what may be done & what will be required to do it, no doubt you must be interested and I can- 1 Ms. book, Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letter Book i, 1813-15, pp. 107-108. DOCUMENTS 545 not believe that you entertain any fears of our agreeing as to the terms, but at this moment it would be premature to fix any thing, since we cannot yet know what is to be done — the only difficulty will be to get goods, I have a few in Canada & I hope to get some more, but this is not certain, the Indians & others ought to entreat our Government for supplies of goods. I will certainly try once more to get permission to import, but the success is always doubtful. I think you had best not go to S*. Louis for by going we may miss the greater object & I think you could neither get much of such furs as we shall most want. I hope you will get Ten Eycks' parcel & some others which may pay expenses & if you do get them send them on as soon as you can, no doubt there will be many buyers at Detroit & you must be first. I sent you letter to Commodore Perry, but it came too late, I will get you one to Gen1. Cass which may be of use to you, by all accounts from Europe we do not see much chance for peace & yet I think it equal that we get it by spring, it would appear that on [interlineated: the] Continent the french have the worst - I have bought tobacco for the Indian trade and I shall not fail to buy any other article which offers for the same purpose — the Ship Beaver was at Canton, Hunt was at Sandwich Island waiting to go to the river. Your &c. J. J. A. 71. Letter from Astor to Peter Smith, November 28, 1813, giving Good Advice. It has been said in Paul Demund Evans' The Holland Land Company (1924) that "in 1815 . . . Busti learned . . . that John Jacob Astor was planning ... to buy heavily of the stock [of the Holland Land Company] and later to ask the New York Legislature for a division of the lands among the shareholders." It is probable, however, that Astor was sincere in his disclaimer of any such intention, despite the undue emphasis with which he preached on the cares of "too mush property" and his desire to escape them. 546 DOCUMENTS New york 28 Nar. 1813 Dear Sir Your Letter of the 14 I* only cam to hand Some Days ago When I was from horn — Why in deed Do we not Corespond the Reason is plain we are both engagd in buissness & the cars of this world that we have not time to Writ to friends only when Interst maks it necessarry— as to me I have allways the Same esteem for you tho I Do not writ and as to you I know you have So mush trouble that all the world hangs over you — this the Result of too mush care & too mush property— I wish I could Induce you to Do what I wish but can not Do muy Self know how mush you are blesd with the good things of this Life how Soon you must Die how much you will Leave behind you how Soon you will be forgotten & how vain than all your cares take Care of what you have and Desire no more make your Self easey & endevour to make & Live happey with your famely & those who are about you — And in a little time you will be more contend know that every one has trouble & those who have tham by Imagination as you have have the worst & the most of tham— I writ as your friend as I am & I trust you will Recive it So— I thank you for the Information of my Lands N°. 11 I Did not know anything about it - Several persons have Long Since Spooken to me about the Holland Corn- pays Lands but I never wishd to have any thing to Do with it I have trauble & property anough & want no more of eighter but I am pleased with your grind Stone Manufactory they are Scears & Dear here Supose Some wauld Sell wiell I bought Some the other Day & paid 5$ pr 100 lb the war to me is wors than the loss of one Million Dollars would have ben — 1 Ms., Syracuse University, Gerrit Smith Miller Collection. "^ DOCUMENTS 547 I will See the Mr. Laights pepol thy are not very attentive please to present My Respects to Mrs. Smith & tell her what good advise I have given you & that I hope you will take it & I will in that case follow your excample With great Seccerity & frdship I am Dear Sir your obd Servnt John • Jacob • Astor [Addressed] Peter Smith Esqr, Peter'boro', Madison County, L.[?] N [Postmarked] New-York, 28 Nov 17 [cents postage] [Endorsed] J J. Astor Esq., 28 Novem., 1813 — & 28. Feb. 1814— & after — 72. Letter from Astor to Peter Sailly, December 15, 1813, in regard to furs from mackinac imported into the United States by way of Lake Champlain. Peter Sailly was the collector of customs at Plattsburg; George Astor, Jr., Astor's nephew, was then in Canada on his uncle's business. Peter Sailly New york 15 Decr. 1813 t Dear Sir! I had the pleasure to receive your letter by Mr. Luther who delivered the furs, some of which I am very sorry to say are much damaged, which I understand happened before they were put in your possession which is so much the worse. I have not yet seen Mr. Gelston but his Son has doubts whether his father the collector can bond them, unless you give him more explicit orders, than what is contained in your letter to him. I would therefore to safe expense & trouble be much obliged to you to give him your orders to that effect, the information which you have recd. as noted in your letter relative 1 Ms. book, Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letter Book i, 1813-15, p. 135. ifflmfflmimnm«BBffnmniTi?rffill 548 DOCUMENTS to these furs is not correct the Invoice being different as also some marks arises from the circumstances, that some of the furs have been made in the Indian Country for my account while others have been bought from the Northwest Company under contract made previous to the war & the 13 Bales of which there was no invoice arrived at Montreal from Michilimackinac after the other furs had been sent of, they are Musk- rat & Deerskins. I send to you by Mr. Luther a cap & tippet which as you will see are of common fur such as they are I will thank you to accept of. I addressed a letter some time ago to Mr. G. Astor Jr. to your good care which he could not have recd. I will thank you to open it, there being 2 or 3 open ones for Canada, which I would be glad if you would send on, they relate of course to commercial business as you will see, the letter for Mr. A. may be destroyd. Your &c. J. J- A. 73. Letter from Astor to John Bryan, December 24, 1813, offering to sell bryan marten skins. See document 60. At this time Mackinac, the fur-trade center of the Great Lakes region, was still in the hands of the British and the fur trade virtually suspended by the war. Bryan had been paying the taxes on Astor's land in Chenango County. John Bryan New york Decr. 24, 1813 *• Dear Sir! I have received your letter of the 20 Inst and thank you for your attention to the request of my land at foot are the numbers of the Lots. I can let you have 3000 N. W. Martin Skins at 13/- 90 days, they are considered better than last year by about 2/ p Skin. You will please inform me by return post whether you take them or not, and if you do, send me your 1 Ms. book, Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letter Book i, 1813-15, pp. 147- 148. t *fcn DOCUMENTS 549 note, and say to whom I shall deliver the Skins for you. I had the offer of this price for all I have from one man but I wish rather to supply all my Customers, though they will fall short, as the whole quantity is but about 16000 & no more to be expected untill we get possession of the country & the trade. Your &°. P. S. By referring to a former letter J. J. A. of mine to you I find 2 more lots on which please pay also the taxes. - 74. Letter from Astor to Henry Payson, February 2, 1814, on Government Loans and the Prospects of Peace. Henry Payson was a Baltimore merchant. Henry Payson New York 2d. Feb^. 1814 x Dear Sir! I have your esteemed letter of 31st. Ulto. it will be perfectly agreeable & convenient to me to adjust my account with you and to pay to you the balance on the ist. of May or any other period most agreeable to you. The price of Stock of U. S. has for some time past been lower here than in Boston Philadelphia or Baltimore & that is the case at present. — The price for the next loan must altogether depend on the prospect of peace & the manner our people at Washington will manage; if they require any very large amount speedily I should suppose they must pay dear for it, but that I presume they will endeavour to avoid. I do not know of any Company forming here or to the eastward for any part of the loan & our banks here I presume will not take much. As to my opinion on the prospect of peace it's worth nothing, not knowing how our people mean to adjust the question of impressement or what Great Britain 1 Ms. book, Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letter Book i, 1813-15, pp. i73~ 174. llllilllllllllll 55° DOCUMENTS will do. between ourselves I know it was the opinion of Mess™. Bayard & Gallatin before they left this Country, that if G. B. wished for peace that peace would be made & I presume that matters are now pretty much in the same State. I wish I could give you more decided & certain information. I am on the whole rather inclined [interlineated: to think] without knowing more than what I write to you, that peace will be made in the present year. I am &c. J. J. A. 75. Letter from Astor to John Wright, February 14, 1814, acknowledging the news of george astor's Death. George Astor was the London musical-instrument maker, John Jacob's older brother, with whom he had lived from 1779 to 1783. John Wright was the brother of George's wife. The "Wild lands" referred to had been sold by John Jacob to George earlier in the century. Despite John Jacob's advice, George's widow continued the musical-instrument business. John Wright New york Feby. 14,1814? Dear Sir. I received yesterday your letter of the 17th. Decr. & saw with deep regret the death of my brother George; this event was the more unexpected, as I was not even apprised of his indisposition, indeed I have not had any account of him this long time past; the last letter which I have received from him was dated the 15th. of May, in that letter he stated to me the many losses which he had met with, say to extent of £1000 Stlg. in the course of one year. I remitted to him on the ist. of Octbr. last 2 bills for £500 each & on the 19th. of Decr. one for £1000 more making together £2000; on the day before yesterday I wrote 1 Ms. book, Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letter Book i, 1813-15, pp. 178- 179. "^ DOCUMENTS 551 & enclosed a bill for one thousand pounds more, which will go by this oppertunity this was intended in advance as he expressed a want in his last letter to me; my letter of the is. Octbr. covering the 2 bills must have been received before the date of your letter to me & I expect soon to have a Confirmation of this from you or Mrs. Astor. I will thank you also to acknowledge receipt of my letter of 19 Decr. & that of 12 th. Inst. — with respect as to property belonging to my brother I am sorry to say there is not much I know of, none except what is in dispute & some under other unpleasant circumstances; if all his claims could be recovered there might be one thousand pounds Stlg coming to the estate, but I doubt whether more than half the sum will be recovered; he has besides this some claims in Philadelphia, to what extent I do not know; but I understand that some goods which he shipp'd since the war has been seized & is or will be condemned, & I understand also, that he has a Claim against Mr. B. Wilson of that city Mr. B. W. thinks he ought not, but which I think he ought to pay, what the amount is I know but presume my brothers books will show it. I take it for granted that his family know of his having some Wild lands in Lower Canada I think 10000 acres which he had from me, what the Value of it is I know not, but if the title has not been impair'd I should think the land must be worth 1500 or two thousand pounds Sterling. I have however not any particular knowledge & cannot speak with certainty; besides this I know of no property in this Country; there are indeed one or two bad debts which are not worth estimating & particularly at this period when no suit can be brought. I can assure you that it would afford me much Satisfaction to be of use to your sister for whom I have & always have had a great regard. I sincerely wish that her situation may be made easy & comfortable & that her large family may live genteely & respectable. I think my brother could not have done better with his property than to place it in 552 DOCUMENTS the hands of Mrs. Astor who I am sure will take good care of it & having you at hand she cannot want good advice. I presume she will not think of carrying on the business if possible to avoid it & to keep what little property she may have & not risk it in strange hands, you may make it still less. I remember you Sir always with great pleasure & having often enquired about you I had always the satisfaction to learn that you stand high in your respectable profession & were doing well. I am Dsir! Your &c. J. J. A. 76. Letter from Samuel H. Northrop to Astor, March, 1814, giving an Account of the Loss of the Lark. Northrop makes no reference to the alleged relationship to Astor of Marshall, the second mate, who was in charge of the deck when the vessel capsized. The cargo was mostly rum, which explains the captain's reference to its "bouyant nature." Columbia River March 1814 * John Jacob Astor Esqur. Sir it is with varey greate regret I inform you of the loss of the Ship Lark. — nothing for a space of time hapned more than frequentley experencing Contrarey gales of wind whiche greately retarted our passage, — but on the 13th of august 1813 in running down for the Sandwich Islands in Lattitude 2i°.30/ N Longitude i5o°West was unfortunately knock on our beam-ends, — at the time this unfortunate affair happned we weare Scudding under a closte reeft Main Topsail & Foresail experencing hard gales of wind from the Eastward, the first mate being Sick and confinde to the cabbin I left the decks in 1 Ms., Baker Library, Astor Papers. X^s DOCUMENTS 553 Charge of the Second whilst I wasm the Cabbin Taking a cup of Tea, at about 5 p m at anungarded Moment of the helmsman we ware by a heavey Sea hove on our beam ends, the helm not So Spedily rited as required together with the inability of the offercer in Such Cases; the Ship was almost instantly keelout, being destitute of expermect offercers and a greate parte of the Crew young and unacquainted with any kind of Seaman Ship we ware in greate Confusin and disorder. — I however dismasted hir as soonas posible She then rited but full of water, the boats Swept from the Wreck all hatches & Scuttles tourn up — the Cargo being of a bouyant nature prevented the hull from Sinking, — it may not be improper to Mention that Such tophamper as usaly necessary tobe Sent down at Such times was taken down on the 10th of the month at the commencement of the gale and the greatest care taken to keep the Ship in tpnterlineated: r]im, but notwithstanding She was always by [interlineated: the] head.— as it was wholey impractible wen we cut away the masts to observe the necessary procaution to cut the Lee rigging first we had all the Spars remaining by us Fore days, during which time the Ship lay in the trough of aheavey Sea braking over us with greate violance, the Spars heaving too & fro wounded & brused us much whilst we Clung to the Stumps of the Masts and Boatsprite, — on the 17th or 5th day the wind abated and the Sea became Smooth So as to anable us to Cleare the wreck of the Spars guns anchors &c, and rigged a jurey foremast Suffishient to Set a Mizen Topsail theireon; with afew broaken Spars I formd asorte of Stage from the belfrey to the nite heads & where we kept out of the Sea, and by the Sandwich Islandsers diving into the Cabbin procured about half agill of wine p day and alittle indian meal, in this State we drifted down to the Islands and on the 29th of the month droave a shore on the weather Side of Tahoorowa all aforts being rendred usless, about 30 hours before She dpnterlineated: r]ove ashore 554 DOCUMENTS I Sent Mr. Marshall and one Seaman ashore to the Island of moowee at the first oppertunity to hire as many canoes ascould be got in hopes of toeing hir to a harbour but no asistance Could be obtaind, — avarey little of the Cargo nor aney part of the Ship was Saved that which was, was Taken by the king and plundred by the natives, we was here treated with greate inhumanity, Stript to ashirte & trowes unable to make aney resistance against somaney natives, with a crew almost helpless worn down with Starvation & thirste; — I here met with [interlineated: Mr.] Wilson P Hunt whith whoom I am ingaged on Board the Brig Pedler, — A varey fine Brig Wall built and Sails well lately Baught on your account — I am Sir your Moste obt & Varey humble Sirvant Sam1. H Northrop Names of those died and drownded are as follows viz Mr. Richard Maxey first mate died august 14th 1813 Daniel Choss Seaman drownded in the Forcastle 13th Timothy Trowbridge was[interlineated:h]t from the wreck & drownded 17 William Granniss . Do Do . . Do . . 17 A Negro Man Ships Cook died august 24 [Addressed] John Jacob Astor Esqr., New York —. [Endorsed] Northrope March, 1814 [in pencil] giving ace* of loss of the Lark. 77. Letter from Astor to James Monroe, April 30, 1814, with Suggestions for raising a Loan to the Government. It is interesting to observe the matter-of-fact way in which Astor speaks of raising part of the loan in the country with which the United States was then at war. xbsffiKKK mumm DOCUMENTS 555 New york 30 April 1814 -1 Sir I address you on a Subject which tho aut of your Department must neverthe Less be interesting to you, viz the ways & Means for government to get money When I was on my road to Washington I had considerable conversation with Mr. Spehen Girard & Mr. Parrish of PhiK on the Subject of the Loan I tought tham prerty well Disposed to jone me with one or two other, to make Some arrangement to take about 8 Millions or perhaps the 10 Millions but the Mode adopted by government to Dispose of it is Such as must forever Discaurage men of Capital to enter On Such Speculation it aught to be understood that we Do not buy the Stock to keep for anytime Longer than thill we can Sell it again & if government will Sell to every ane a Sume of 25000$ on Same terms as a Million Where is the Induesment to take largely - I feare all the money now wanted will not be obtaind under the present plan & advertizement & if So we expose aur Poverty to all the world & Injure the Cridet of the country not anly here but also in Europe it acurd to me that an other Sources aught to be applyd to viz Europe Say Holland & england if government would act an terms to give us an opper- tuity to gain something Mr. Girard & Parrish would jone me and one or two more Responceble men, to make an extencive opration Mr. Parrish I belvie could be prevaild on to go Imedeatly to Europe with the Stack & we would use all aur exertions to Suply government with mony & from aur jont connections in Europe I have no Doubt Parrish could make favaurable oprations I wish you to Reflect on this & Speek to the President about it & if Desirable Parrish & me will come to washigton 1 Ms., Library of Congress, Monroe Papers, vol. xiv, Writings to Monroe, November, 1813-March 19,1815. Iltlllllllilll 556 DOCUMENTS I wrote to Mr Campbel but perhaps not So plain as I Do to you and if you will have the goodness to Give me a few Lins you will confer a favr you See the Ellection here as gone as it aught to - Mr Astor - I am with very great Respt The Honbl Sir your most obet Sert James Munroe John • Jacob • Astor Secretarry of State [Endorsed] 1814-30 April John Jacob Astor relating to a loan of 10 or 15. millions to government- Jointly with Stephen Gerard & Mr Parish 78. Letter from Astor to Henry Payson, May 4, 1814, on Tea Prices and the Exportation of Specie. Astor's careful analysis of possible fluctuations in the tea market is of interest, as is also his discussion of the effect of the exportation of specie upon the value of government stocks, of which he was a large holder. His essential caution and conservatism comes out in his description of the way in which he had virtually withdrawn from business since the outbreak of the war. Henry Payson New York May 4, 1814 1 Dear Sir! I have your favr. of the 2d. Inst, and note its Contents, you make me a Compliment which I cannot receive as not meriting the same, in times like these judgement if a man passed it is of little advantage my opinion allways has been that the restrictive measures being taken off, the article of teas ought not to fall in price in consequence because it can now as before only be brought in neutral vessels & in that case Skin tea ought to bring $2 & Hyson $2 3/4 plb. and as the quantity in Market is small one would suppose the price ought to have 1 Ms. book, Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letter Book i, 1813-15, pp. 204- 205. DOCUMENTS 557 been kept up yet we see it has fallen every where, tho' I think at this moment it is on the rise here. I have yet considerable tea on hand, but do not think of selling at present I doubt whether I would take $2 for Hyson, the question whether we have an armistice is not decided, if we do not have one teas will certainly rise, if we have one they will not fall, if we have peace in July or August they cannot fall much, such event I do not expect, if we have no peace till Octbr. which is most likely teas must rise, & if we do not have peace out of this negociation which is possible teas will get very high, I think therefore that the chance is in favour of tea. I have been long aware as to your observation of money matters, when I left Washington I was quite confident that Congress would to a certain extend or for a certain period prohibit the exportation of specie while I was there I spoke much in favr. of such a measure & I handed to some members as also to the Secretary of the treasury a scale of the high price of silver & Gold in England, I pointed out the effect of the exportation of specie on bills & stocks that both would be affected & that it woud cause great distress in the country perhaps you will be a little surprised that I recd. some abuse for this. I think with you, that while Silver & Gold is so high in England stocks & bills must keep low here & that it will be well for men who wish to live in comfort to be out of debt, I am more so than I have been for many years, of notes I have scarse any out, I owe some on ace*, of Stock & to the customhouse, had teas not fallen I meant to have sold half of mine this spring as it is I will not. 11 [sic] have not taken any of loan for the reason of specie being permitted to go out of the country if we have peace it will rise some but until then there will be nothing but trouble & care & tho' a man may wish to serve Government & ruin himself by it he will get no compensation P. S. I draw on your house to day favr. of R. Higins bothom for amount of the Sterling bill. v «c T T A 558 DOCUMENTS 79. Letter from Astor to James Monroe, July 22, 1814, on the Proper Terms of Peace. This letter shows Astor as a strong advocate of peace. Rufus King, a Federalist, had opposed the war but supported the government after its declaration. Brockholst Livingston, on the other hand, had affiliations with the Republican party. Astor apparently wished to show that representatives of both political groups supported his belief that the right of Great Britain to take her subjects from American ships should be recognized. Concerning "Mr. Har- sey of Delaware" nothing is known. Jacob Barker was a strong supporter of the government, but had clashed with Astor over the war loans. Privert New york 22 July 1814 — * Dear Sir Senice I had the pleasure to See you at Washigton I have Recid a Letter from Gottenbourgh and an other from London boath are from very Inteligent Merchants after Speeking an the Subjict of commerce thy bouth give it as thire apinian that Great Britain will not make Peace with this country unless we acknowladge thea Right of theire coming an Board of aur Ships to take thire Seamen or Subjicts — the Englishman Says if your government or the publick mind is not prepard to Conseed this point the war will go on untill thy are it is to me Some what Singular that two merchants the ane in Londan & the other in Sweedne Should at Same time write & express opinions So Leik each ather On Conversing with Some of our most Intelligent men in this part of the country I find it the prevaling opinion that we aught to Canceed this point - I had the ather Day a Long conversation with Mr Ruffus King When Specking an this Subjict [interlineated: he sayd] I would Let great Britain have her men fram aur Ships but I Daubt whether aur cammissnors 1 Ms., New York Public Library, Monroe Papers. ^%__ DOCUMENTS 559 have Such Pawer or even the Discrission & if thy have whether thy will exursize it & take the Respancebelity on thamSelfs and the Less So if g. B. Shauld Desire it in terms which might Leave a Reflection an the country but Says he If it can be Done in any mode to give it not a Disgracesfull apearanis I would acknowladge the Right to its fullest extent and the cauntry will aprave of Such a treaty but if g. B. asks anny- thing more I would befor war otherwise for Peace which he exspects will be the Result of the present negocation it is his opinion that a Cal of Congress would at this time excite too mush alarm the more if for the purpose as is Sayd to have ben Asserted by Mr. Barker to aid the treasury it might Injure the Credut of the cauntry more than Do it good it wauld be ather- wise if Congress ware cald to Recive Some Important comuni- cation from the President — Mr. judge Brackholst Livingston with whom I had yesterday a Long conversation is Disitedley of opimion that we aught to acknowledge the Right of the British to take there Subjicts from aur ships and he adds that as an englishman he would carry on the war untill we Did acknawladge this Right In a Canversation with Mr. Harsey of Delaware I found him of the Same apinnion In fact as I Sayd before this is the pre- valing opimion in this part of the country and I think that unless we admit this right the war can not be mad Popular but if this point be yelded and g. B. maks any father Demand She will unite us in the War When We Shall have everything to hope for the Honnor of the Cauntry — whether this question is to be Left to the Discression of aur commissnors may be very Im portand thy may Refuise to take the Respuncebelity & it will becam a questian whether the executive aught not to take this Responsibelity as otherwise it may be tought as Schrincking from what may at this time be considrd as necessary to be boldly facesd — I presume you are not to mind apinions in Matters of Which you can judge better than those illllllllllllllM^ 560 DOCUMENTS who give tham Still I wish you to Knaw tham — I have at present 2 fine ships in this port I would Licke to employ ane of tham as Cartel hawer I have no papers from the British Admiral if one could be employd without I wauld Licke it if government wish a fast Sailing vessel to go as a flag to Europe I can also furnish one I am with very great Respt Dear Sir your most obd Sert John • Jacob • Astor [Addressed] The Hanebl James Munroe [Endorsed] 22d July 1814, Mr Astor - 80. Letter from Astor to Charles Gratiot, August io, 1814, in regard to gratiot's purchasing of deer skins for Astor. Skins at New Orleans in the summer were likely to be damaged by worms, while the British blockade would prevent them from being brought thence to New York. Charles Gratiot and B. Berthold were prominent St. Louis fur traders. Presumably "Mr Roux" was also a fur trader of the St. Louis area. New york 10 Agt 1814 x Dear Sir I have Ricvd your letters of 10 April 29 May 3 & 10 July— What ever Deer Skins you may have bought for me must be Send to this place or Remain with you till thy can be Send thy must not go by way of New orlans as from thence thy can not cam here I would mush Rather have tham at St Louis than at orlans- if thy can be Send from St Louis here via Pitsbourgh in Safty & So as that the fright will not be more than 10 or 12 1 Ms. (photostat), Missouri Historical Society, St. Louis, Bernard P. Bogy Collection, and ms. book, Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letter Book i, 1813-15, p. 252, ^L DOCUMENTS 561 cents $ lb here than Send tham as Soon as you can — but otherwise you will please to Keep tham and you will have the goodness to See that thy Do not Receve Damage by worms I wish you not to purshas any more at presant unless it is Deliverable here in that case I would take 10 or 20m lb more at 35 Cents plb I note your letter to Mr. Roux & his to you & I am glad that your proposal Was for him to Deliver the Skins here as ather- wise it would not answer my purpose & we must abide by that proposal— I have not heard from your nephew Mr. Berthold his Beaver will come to a good Market this City will afford the best & I will write to him by this Days Mail it will aford me pleasure to Serve him or any of your friends mean time I am Dear Sir Respt fully Charles Gratiote Eqr. Your abed Servent St Louis John • Jacob • Astor 81. Letter from Astor to Stephen Girard, August 15, 1814, in regard to a national bank and the loan of 1814. Although rivals, in a sense, in the China trade, the German, Astor, and the Frenchman, Girard, were on terms of personal friendship. Girard is said to have had considerable admiration for the younger man, and is quoted in Sydney and Marjorie Greenbie's Gold ofOphir as having said of Astor that he had "passed through every stage of mercantile life, from small toy-seller to respectable fur dealer, then to the immense China merchant, cracking his half million cargoes of teas as you would a bale of goods." Astor and Girard co-operated in the loan of 1813 and in the second Bank of the United States. It may be that the fact of their foreign birth drew them together and led them to join with the Hamburg financier, David Parish, in assisting the Swiss-born secretary of the Treasury, Albert Gallatin. J 562 DOCUMENTS New York 15 Augt 1814 —* My Dear Sir There is no doubt but congress will in the early part of the session tak up the subject of a national Bank which now apears to have becom indispensible the probability is that such Bank will be established its capital will probebly be 30 Millions of Dollars or upwards - the notes are not to be made a tender except in payments to the government but the Bank must be protected from being obliged to pay Specie for their notes at Least till one or 2 years after the war - It is contemplated to form an Association and to mak application to Congress for the Charter I Mantian this to you in confidence and I wish to know whether you will Lick to becom Interested in such an Institution I understand government have made arrangements to send a considerable part of the Stock of 25 Million Loan to Europe thy wish now to borrow but a small Sume have you any Disposition to join In an offer for Some of the 6 Millions now advertizd Supose the terms given will be about 80- I thinkit Low tho money very Scears would it Suit you to Loan to government for a few months only Recieving Stock as Deposit 4. or 5ooM$ or a larger Sume I wish very much that thy should get Some money without being obligd to Dispose of Stock at present Reduesd preises - it would be well for the country & well for us all I am with great Respt Stephen Girard Esqr Dear Sir your most obd Servent Philadelphia John • Jacob • Astor P. S. We have just now a prize Schooner arrived with English accounts of 8 July thy state that g. Britain had apointed [interlineated: & Send] 5 Commissianors to meet ours & that the Genral belive was Peace if you do not Leik to Loan to govern- 1 Ms., Girard College, Philadelphia, Girard Papers, 1814, no. 354, tifl*r"*wf«^^ DOCUMENTS 563 ment 4 or 5ooM$ and will Loan it to me I will give you Stocks at Low Rate and my note with good name to make it perfectly safe to you I want it not for MySelf but I wish to help the treasury at this particular moment. 82. Letter from Astor to James Monroe, September 2, 1814, on War-time Politics. General John Armstrong, whose resignation as secretary of War seems to have given satisfaction to Astor as well as to the people, later became connected with the Astors through the marriage of his daughter Margaret to William B. Astor in 1818. Rufus King, senator from New York, was the Federalist candidate for the presidency in 1816, opposing James Monroe. George Washington Campbell, the rather ineffective secretary of the Treasury, resigned soon after this letter. Privet New york 2 Sepr. 1814 P Dear Sir Aur Citizens have ben mush depresd in consequenc of the unfortunate & Disgracefull event of aur Capitol to Day pepols sperits Seem a little Raisd by Genl Armstrangs Resignation which has given Genral Satisfaction — there is a Report here in Circulation that has orignated at Washngton that the President had ben forcesd to this measure & that there is Some fear of Civel commotion I hope the Latter is not founted on truth — federalists Seem to have fore Seen this. Several gentlemen Cald on me Some Days ago & Stated the Distresd Situation of aur Country observing the necessity of union and that such could only be broght about by the federalist particcaptong in the Administration & Remorking that if you would take Charge of the War Department and Let Mr King cam in to the Deportment of State the federals would be pleasd & aid in 1 Ms., Library of Congress, Monroe Papers, vol. xiv, Writings to Monroe, November, 1813-March 19,1815. Ufflft 564 DOCUMENTS every Respect the Administration I mearly observed that if Mr. King wishd to cam in with a view to the Presidency I Suposd & that Mr Monroe & his friends Suposd his pretentions & qualifications as good as Mr Kings - but that Mr Campbell being in Bade State of health he would provebly Resign & in Such case if Mr King wishd to Serve the Country he might if the President tought proper to apoint him cam in that Deportment to which it was observed thot his talents are not of thot nature to Render him fit for it — We are bussey in forming a plan for a national Bank which if adopted must Relive the Country in its Pecuneary matters — I am with great Respt The Honbe Dear Sir your obd Servnt James Monrae John • Jacob • Astor 8^. Letter from Astor to George Astor, September 14, 1814, with Instructions for the Sale of Furs. George Astor, Jr., son of John Jacob's brother George, had come to the United States at about the time of the outbreak of war. He had been sent to Mackinac to get Astor's furs, which had been preserved from capture by the articles of capitulation. He has sometimes been confused with his father. George Astor New york Septr. 14,1814* Dear George! I have received your letter of 26th. Ult°. from Detroit, your voyage I expect will turn out unprofitable, for the great expense & delay attending it will I fear half consume the property however I am anxious the business wound up & to know the worst of it, the whole has been a scene of misfortune, dis- 1 Ms. book, Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letter Book i, 1813-15, pp. 280- 281. DOCUMENTS 565 aster & disappointment, Muskrats are not in demand. I have a large quantity on hand & cannot get 30°. for them, if you could dispose of some at Detroit or its vicinity for good bills on this or Philada. at about 31 or 32°. I would recommend the sale or if you can get British army bills they would do as well, as they are worth par here, but I am told there are many counterfeits, you can therefore only take them under good guarantee or indorser good bills on Montreal or Quebec are equally good or better, as to our country Bank notes I do not thiTiTr that it will do to take them, if you have a large quantity of Muskrats & Mr. Crooks is with you perhaps it might do as well for him to take the whole & go with them to Pittsburgh & dispose of them. I have no doubt but he might dispose of them all in that part of the country for hard money which I believe is more plenty there than any where else on this continent & which bears a premium here say dollars 3 & Gold 6 pC*. as all the Banks have stopp'd paying Specie, if you have more than 25000 Raccoon Skins. Mr. Crooks might also take 4 or 5000 of them with him, tho' I believe they will sell better here, in Albany, you may sell both Raccoon & Muskrat Skins, the former is worth here about 5/6 to 6/ and the latter 30 to 32°. if good. Beaver if you have any, you will bring with you here as also all other articles except Muskrat & Raccoon, the last will sell readily here. I'll endeavour to open a credit for you, but if you could sell & pay it would be more pleasing as I am much push'd for money on account of the low price of Stocks and no goods selling. I expect every day your coussin William. I pray you take care not to expose the goods to damage or capture as I can less than ever afford to lose.— Yours &c. J. J. A. luiiiiiJifiifiuiiJiiiiyiiifiniimTamif&iiamomTiuiiimiuiiiiiii^ 566 DOCUMENTS 84. Letter from Astor to James Monroe, September 22, 1814, with Advice on getting Military Experts from Europe. The ship referred to was the Fingal, which was to go to Europe as a flag of truce with dispatches for the American peace commissioners. j. ~. New york 22 Spr. 1814 —* The Ship is allready for Sea & will Sail As Soon as your Dispatches arrive — I presume you have not forgotten to write to aur Com- missinors to engage Some good offcirs to cam to this country Some french Engineers & Some of the German Cavalry I Shauld Supose Would be very use full these if the matter is well managd in Europe can easely cam aut as pasangers in Privet Caposity — During the Short Stay of Genl Armstrang in this City Mr Kings Interviews ware So frequent with him that it attracted the noteis of his Mr. K Friends and acationd Some Surprize among tham we Shall heare more of this by & by As Soon as the Ship is Saild I mean to Do my Self the pleasure to See you at Washigton mean time I am Resptfully The Holle Dear Sir your obdt Sert James Monroe John-Jacob-Astor [Addressed] Privet. The Hanbl James Monroe, Washington [Endorsed] Sepr. 22. 1814. The inclosed is Lett recd. from Mr. Astor — 85. Letter from Astor to Henry Payson & Co., September 30, 1814, on General Business Matters. Henry Payson & Co. was a Baltimore firm; the first sentence in the letter refers to the failure of the British to capture that city earlier in the month. In 1807 Elias Kane and others had been concerned with Astor in the Magdalen. 1 Ms., New York Public Library, Monroe Papers. Henry Payson & C°. Gentlemen DOCUMENTS 567 New York 30 Sept 1814 * I ought to have congratulated you ere this on your Success of beating the Enemy - It gave me great satisfaction & I hope you are perfectly secure - I wish we were more so than what we are - You have heard of the distresses of our Commercial Community: Many of our most respectable Merchants having suspended Paym*. & I fear some more will have to do so ere long - It will give you some pleasure to know that I am not any wise affected being entirely clear and free of every one - I have since 9 Mos preferr'd to keep my goods & I had no occasion to require any one except my Brother who is not in business to indorse for me By Mr E Kane I may lose $5000 which I lent him last spring but there I stopp'd, at sametime I am a great sufferer by the times as most all Men must be who have property Having a quantity of Furs on hand which are valuable in Europe but not so here I have concluded to Ship them to France & for this purpose I bought yesterday a fine Schr. of 270 tons burthen called the Boxer; she is built by Mr Eckford upon the most approved plan or Model; she is 12 Mos. old and made only one Voyage from this to the Havana & from there to New Orleans & back to the Havana & thence to this Port, all which she performed in 30 days being not longer at Sea - I wish to have about 25 to $3oM Inse. on her & Cargo - Will thank you to inform me at what it can be done at from this to a port in france, say the first she can make - Also what premium against Sea risk on Ship Fingal from this to Havre de Grace - She is 380 tons Coppered and without exception one of our first rate Merchant Ships and commanded by one of our 1 Ms. book, Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letter Book i, 1813-15, pp. 298- 299. 568 DOCUMENTS most Skillful Masters - This Ship I value at $25000 in own estimation but in making Insc. not more than $20000 — Please also inform me the price of Teas and if you can purchase for me 10 to $2oM ps. of good Shirt Nanks at 84 to 85° at 90 days you will please to do it — You shall hold them till paid for - If you find them for Sale please to buy quick as they are on the rise — What is Exchange on London & what the price of Treasury Notes I am Yrs &c JJA 86. Letter from Astor to John P. PHerbette, October 5, 1814, IN REGARD TO FUR SHIPMENTS AND INVESTMENT of Proceeds on Astor's Account. John P. l'Herbette was a merchant of Bordeaux and was probably the P. l'Herbette who had been in Astor's employ from about 1804 to 1810, after which he returned to Europe. He was a friend of his fellow employee, Henry Brevoort, and of the latter's friend, Washington Irving. Astor had met L'Herbette's father, John N. l'Herbette, on his European tour of 1795, and two of John P. l'Herbette's brothers, Auguste and the Stephen of this letter, were also in Astor's employ about the time of the War of 1812. John P. Lherbette New York 5 Octr. 1814.1 Dear Sir! The Schooner Flirt sailed from New Orleans about 30 days since for France and I hope she has arrived in safety. You have herein Invoice of the 25 pipes shaved Deer Skins shipped for my account to your address. For amount of these I want you to Ship me Coney wool & Hare Skins and to make Insurance if to be had at 30 pC*. for i/3d. amount for the 2/3d. I will risk, I presume it will not be less than about $6000, as 1 Ms. book, Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letter Book i, 1813-15, pp. 310- 311. DOCUMENTS 569 there will be no freight to pay, being owner of i/8th. part of the vessel, and if you like to ship something for joint account of you and me, I would have no objection to take the half of $6000 or $8000 more provided the same can be insured, and I would recommend to ship the whole in Hare Skins & Coney wool, the former I think the best, whether Russian or German Hare Skins no matter, but let them be of good quality, they are at present high, but a considerable quantity is expected. The Smyrna Skins will also answer. I have the right to fill up i/8.th part of the Flirt which cannot be less than 20M Hare Skins, I fear you cannot get them in time, in that case ship Coney wool if it can be done with safety. I 've bought a very fine Schooner 275 tons, by which I expect to ship to you about 20M dollars worth of Furs & Deer Skins, say fine Otter Bear & some Fishers, for these I will require a part returns in Hare Skins say about 20M Skins, some Coney wool & some Silks — I do not propose for the vessel to sail before the 15th. of November when the risk will be less than at present. The Flirt is addressed to Messrs. Hottinguer & C°. Paris, I do not know at which port, you'll see that all my proportion of Freight will be filled up. I enclose letter to the captain which you will please to deliver. Should the Schr. I propose to send arrive safe, I would like her to return speedily & therefore hope you will make some preparatory arrangements. Your Brother Stephen will sail in a ship of mine shortly. I pray you not to send any Galloons, the last of yours brought only about 39°. p. franc. Yours &c. J- J- A. P. S. I annex note of Silks at present most in demand & which would sell at 55°. p. franc Black Galoons & Hat Ribbons N°. 12 Black & Cold. Levantines Florence Silks Fringed Ribbons 570 DOCUMENTS Merino Shawls principally large plain with rich borders Dutch Tapes Black Crapes Sewing Silks, black blue & cloth Black Florentines or Serge de rome [Endorsed] ist.—, 2d.—, 3d. Fingal, 4. Los dos Amigos 87. Letter from Astor to Mrs. Elizabeth Astor, October 15, 1814, giving Advice about her Business Affairs. Elizabeth Astor, formerly Elizabeth Wright, was the widow of John Jacob's elder brother, George Peter, the London musical- instrument manufacturer. Mrs. Elizabeth Astor New York Octr. 15,1814.1 Dear Sister! I have recd. your letter of 28th. June with power &c. &c. I was sorry to see that my brother had unfortunately made so many as I fear bad debts from what I knew of his business in this country I have been afraid that such would be the case I am sure there is several sums due here which will be lost; I wish that more of what is outstanding may be collected than you expect, nothing is to be done here at present but as soon as the unfortunate war is over I hope to obtain something more to remit to you far distant as I am from you an little as I understand of your business it would be vain in me to pretend to give you any advice other than in general terms and as I often did to my poor brother not to credit his goods unless quite sure to get his pay - your son George is at present in the country on some business for me, I am in hopes he will become steady & usefull, & once that is the case he will do well, I hope that his brothers may [do — stricken through] understand their own 1 Ms. book, Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letter Book i, 1813-15, p. 3*7- ^_ DOCUMENTS 571 interest & accustom themselves to industry & good habits in which case with common attention they must do well. My family desires their respect to you & I pray you to remember me to all of your dear Children & believe me &c. J. J. A. [Endorsed] ist. Fingal 88. Letters from Astor to John Stanton, October 23, 1814, giving Instructions for the Management of a Voyage to Europe with a Flag of Truce. This letter illustrates the detailed character of the instructions given by Astor to his captains, and also indicates the extent to which he was forced to depend upon the judgment of others. Captn. John Stanton New York Octr. 23d. 1814 Jj Dear Sir! I hand you herewith the papers of the ship Fingal now under your command this ship sailing as a Flag of Truce to carry dispatches for Government to our Commissioners has the passport from Admiral C Malcolm as well as that of the Secretary of State of these you will be particularly carefull, it is the desire of our Government that Mr. Purviance the Bearer of Dispatches should be [content—stricken through] landed with them at a port convenient for him to go to Ghent. Havre de Grace has been fixed on as being as convenient as any of course you will sail thither as soon as the wind & w[h — stricken through] eater permit, you will please notice, that by the passports you can only go to one port, which as before mentioned will be Havre de Grace. I have to regret that the accommodations for Colonel Barclay are not better, this is owing to my not having as you know timely notice of his intention of going, 1 Ms. book, Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letter Book i, 1813-15, pp. 325- 326. 57* DOCUMENTS you will however I am convinced do every thing in your power to render his situation as agreeable as circumstances will admit. Mr. Tibbe is to find his own liquors as p. agreement. All the letters which you have for England you'll please to send by Mr. Wilson to England in Bags seald & directed to the General post office. There you will address yourself to Messra. Hot- tinguer & C°. this house resides in Paris, but I think they have a branch in Havre de Grace, my letter to them you'll forward or deliver on arrival. I shall insure your Ship here against Sea risk, wishing you a pleasant passage I remain your ob. serv*. (signed) John Jacob Astor. — [Endorsed] Recd. Copy of the above Letter John Stanton. Captn. John Stanton New York Octr. 23d. 1814 Dear Sir! I have written to you this day when I handed to you the Fingals papers and now I enclose to you a power of attorney in which you are authorized to sell the Fingal By way of guarding against accidents I have added the house of Hottinguer & C°. in the power. I write to them to confer with you on the sale of the Ship & I also write to Mr. Thomas Wilson of London who is well acquainted with the value of ships &c. and on whose judgement I should place much reliance. You will please understand that the ship if sold at all as I wish her to be she must be sold in Havre de Grace as by the passports she can only go to one port & I do not on any account wish to run any risk, if however there should be peace with Great Britain in that <?ase I would not sell the ship, but leave it to Mr. Wilson as to what destination to give her. Mr. Bentzon who is married to my daughter will probably be in Europe I've also written to him about the ship & he will probably address you, if he has any plan for her, you will please to come into his views, the neet proceeds of the Ship you'll pay into the hands of Messrs. ^ti -—— DOCUMENTS 573 Hottinguer & C°. I cannot but suppose that you will find ready sale for the ship & I hope also that you will get a good price say from 6 to £8000 Stlg. her Copper is good & nearly new her materials are all good and as to her other qualities you'll know them in course of the voyage, if however you cannot obtain any thing near the price above stated you must take less sum, unless you can get passengers or charter on account of [passengers — stricken through] Government in such way as that the Ship will & can come home in safety and that you can make freight of 10 or $12000 home or such [price — stricken through] sum as that the price at which the ship might be sold in Europe shall not differ more than [in margin: about] eight thousand dollars more than the freight which you can make home so that the ship here would stand in not more than about $8000 which I presume will be about her value in the Worst of times - It is understood that if the Ship is Sold in Europe your expences & Passage Money home will be paid by me and you will also receive five hundred Dollars to be paid to you in Europe agreeably to our Agreement - If the Ship returns here you will find it convenient for the Ship to take Stone ballast at Havre de Grace — I am Dr Sir Your Hu. Serv* Signed J J. A [Endorsed] Recd. Copy of the Above Letter — John Stanton. 89. Letter from Astor to Henry Payson & Co., October 24, 1814, PRINCIPALLY IN REGARD TO PROCURING INSURANCE on Astor Vessels. It is of interest to observe the fluctuations of insurance rates upon Astor vessels for voyages between New York and Canton, as revealed in the records of the Boston Marine Insurance Company. In the nineteenth century, before the War of 1812, the premium for 574 DOCUMENTS a voyage from New York to Canton and back fluctuated between 7\ per cent and 9 per cent; for a voyage from one port to the other, with no provision for return, it was 5 per cent. Just after the outbreak of war Astor paid 50 per cent premium for a voyage from Canton to New York. From 1816 to 1831 insurance rates for a voyage and no return declined from 3 per cent to ij per cent; from 1819 to 1827 for a voyage and return they declined from 4 per cent to 3 per cent. New York Octr 24 1814| H Payson & C° Gentlemen I have recd. yr favours of 21 & 22 Ins*, the letter covering ten treasury Notes $1000 each for which I have given you Credit $9923 — I thank you for your attention to this transaction, as it is quite agreeable & convenient to you to repay yourself out of Sales on my Ace* I will not send any Remittance - If you can procure me $5000 more of treasury Notes at 2 pC*. disc*. I would like to have them & I will immediately remit if you wish it - The Ship Fingal Captn Stanton left here yesterday & is gone down the Bay, there to receive Co1. Barclay on board which I presume is done by this time & before night I expect she will be at Sea — You will please to effect Insurance on her for me say $15000 or $2oM I do not care which - She is one of our best Ships & has one of our most able Commanders on board as well as two of the best officers - She has a Pass from the British Admiral & our Gov*, to go to a Port in Europe having a Messenger with Despatches on board & other Passengers for Havre de Grace -1 Notice that one of your offices has proposed to take the risk at 3 pC*. - If the office is good then have $2oM done; if not supposed good, then get it done at some good office at the lowest premium not to exceed 5 pC*. and at 5 pC*. not more than $i5M, as I think 5 pC*. too high & therefore will risk $5000 myself; but if you can get it done at 4 or under then make it $20000 say free of 1 Ms. book, Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letter Book i, 1813-15, p. 331. ^%_ DOCUMENTS 575 Capture by the British but if loss in consequence of detention the office must pay - As the Ship has sailed it is desireable that the Insurance be effected without delay - The Schooner Boxer has not recd. any Cargo on board - When she is about ready to sail I will inform you to get some Insurance done — I Shipped last Decr on board the very fine Schr Sphinx some furs, she sailed I think at about 12 Decr last from New Bedford; there is no Accounts of her & it is taken for granted that she has arrived safe in Canton, - The Master of her W"1 Brevoort has been for about 15 Years in that trade having been brought up in it - The Adventure I have on board is about 10M Doll8. I would like to have $5000 insured if to be had at 15 pC*. flat or 25 to return 15 for safe arrival Please to enquire at what rate your offices will write her from Canton to this Port or a Port in the United States — If you can dispose of 35 Chests of my Hyson Tea at $2 3/4 you will please Sell that quantity, tho' I think it will be more soon, yet I am willing to have 35 Chests Sold Yrs&c J. J. A 90. Letter from Astor to J. C. Calhoun, November 23, 1814, criticizing Calhoun's Plan for a National Bank. To other correspondents Astor wrote in terms of much less tactful disapproval concerning Calhoun's bank plan, his main objections to which are set forth with sufficient clarity in this letter. Mr. Calhoun New York 23 Novr. 1814\ Dear Sir I had to regret the necessity of leaving Washington without having had the pleasure of again seeing you. I have read with much Interest the amendment which you made to the 1 Ms. book, Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letter Book i, 1813-15, pp. 368- 369. ilil 576 DOCUMENTS 2d section of the Bank Bill on ideas which never occured to me but which is certainly calculated to place the whole community on a more equal footing as to the advantages arising from the Institution than the original Bill. Whether this plan will produce the same good effect on public Credit is yet to be ascertained; from what we have seen the effect has been the revers as Stocks have already fallen 2 to 3 pc*. although I see in your plan a proposition to relieve the heavy pressure of the Stocks yet I think it doubtful if or whether the purchase of the 1 Millions of Stock as proposed will be so effectual on the price and credit of public Stocks as the other made would have been, whether the Bank will fill is also a matter of doubt and cannot well be judged untill the details of the Bill are finished & agreed on The public opinion here is against it and if the government should have no connection with the Bank and the Notes are not to be received in all payments of taxes and pay*, to gover*. generally I should doubt much whether the Bank will have any Subscribers for I do not see whence the advantages of this Bank are over that of any other whose stock is plenty in this city at 20 PC*, below par and the U. S. Stocks at 24 - 25PC*. under par and declining I am sorry to observe in the minds of the community of this city a depression which since the declaration of the War has not been so visible before the fear of a commotion appears to increase and which I think arises from the appearent want of Union among the ruling Powers Since these few Days Exchange on London has advanced considerably from the circumstances of wealthy men transferring a part of their property to England where they think it more Secure. I do not well see how Govern*, is to get money to Supply these present demands if some measure is not quickly taken to revive public Credit which is at present very low and declining. We have here a report which I hope is without foundation viz: that Mr. Dallas is about to retire from office This, I think, would be a misfortune to our country. Should DOCUMENTS 577 you wish any informations from this quarter such as I can give to you I shall be at all times happy to communicate I am with great respect, Dear Sir Your Ob*. Serv*. 91. Letter from Astor to Ramsay Crooks, December 10, 1814, giving Instructions for the Sale of Furs in the Ohio Valley. "D. Mc. King & Clark" were Donald McKenzie and John Clarke, former partners in the Pacific Fur Company. " N. W." refers to the North West Company, which McKenzie soon joined instead of following Clarke's example. Ramsay Crooks Esqr. New-York Decr. 10, 1814 x Dear Sir I received yesterday your letter of the 29 ult°. for which I was glad to see you safe arrived at Pittsburgh the seasan of the Year, I fear, will be some what against the sale of.ihe Skins but you must do the best you can & sell all you can if you can only get 29 to 30 cents p skins & get specie for them I would even rather have you take 27 C*s specie than not to sell them whatever money you do receive be so good & have it put.up in some Box or Kegg in Dollars or other specie & have it under my mark Subject to your order in some Safe Bank the Cashier will give you a receipt for it. It will not do to put it in the Bank in account because the Bank may like other stop paying Specie the true way is to put it up in some package say: Box or Kegg & secure it in safe keeping. If you could make such a deposit in the Bank of Chilocothe I would like it as probably I shall soon be in want of some there but you must deposit it in the way before mentioned I have at present a large quantity of Muskrats on hand they sell here at 32 cents & not fast then 1 Ms. book, Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letter Book i, 1813-15, pp. 389- 390. I 578 DOCUMENTS there is a difference of 15 pc*. between the money & specie By this you can judge how it will be best for you to act & then actually it will be better to sell at 27 for specie than bring them here ©32 C*s. besides this its now an abject to get the money which I want more than I do skins. I would not like you to sell an credit. Mr. G. Astor was at Buffaloe some time about the end of last month I have not yet received any of his Packs & I have been detaing a Vessel for them here these 3 weeks which is to go to France & was to take the Deer skins. Your old friends D. Mc. King & Clark have been here about 14 Days They are now in Canada and the latter Gentleman has become a partner in the Hudsan bay Company who are going an againt N. W. It is not unlikely but Mc. K will also join them. Skins and furs of all kinds are very high in Europe. We have a good prospect for peace and I have a pretty good assortment of goods for Indian Trade so that if peace has now come we shall be in that respect ready for it. I shall be glad to hear from you after and I am with respect, Dear Sir Your Humbsv*. P. S. Philadelpa Bank notes are 1 1/2 pc*. worse than New- York notes and Baltimore Bank notes 5 pc*. worse Virginia will not do at all 92. Letter from Astor to D. A. Smith, December 27, 1814, offering a Share in a China Voyage. Astor's ordinary policy was to insure his vessels with one or more of the various insurance companies of New York, Boston, and Baltimore. During the war, however, he felt that their rates were too high and preferred to share the risk as in this offer to D. A. Smith. By "I am offer'd #5000 profit" Astor seems to have meant that someone had offered to take over the brig and her cargo and give him in addition the profit mentioned. Astor, however, was willing to take the risk of losing at least three-fourths of his investment, in view of the large profit which he had prospects of making. DOCUMENTS 579 D. A Smith Esq1 Newyork Decr 27-1814| Dear Sir I have bought here about 14 days since a new Brig of about 410 Tons for which I paid $27000 Cash -1 had her Coppered & that with other expences to make her outfit complete will amount to about 45 or $46000 that is to say she will cost that when ready for Sea which I presume will be the case in 5 or 6 days -1 propose to put on board of her about $30000 worth of [her — stricken through] Cargo which I presume will produce there about $50000, this with about 30 or $4oM more I mean to have vested in Teas &c. which if the Vessel returns safe & the War continues she will clear $300000-if Peace she will clear 150 to 200M The risk is not much for she is considered by all hands one of the fastest Sailing Vessels in the World — The whole investment here will be about 75 or $8oM I do not want to insure nor do I want to risk the whole - If you will take 1/4 In*. & leave the whole management to me you will in all respects be on same footing as myself - You can have 1/4 but you must write by return Mail -1 am offer'd $5000 profit -1 mean to ship $10000 Ginsang good quality @ 75°. & some Furs which I presume will yield 50 pC if not YrsJJA 93. Letter from Astor to James Clark, January i, 1815, with Instructions for a Voyage to France as Captain of a Blockade Runner. James Clark New York January 1, 1815 2 Dear Sir! I hand you the papers of Schooner Boxer which is under your command, you will please to sail in her as soon as the wind will permit direct for Nantz in France, if on arriving on 1 Ms. book, Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letter Book i, 1813-15, p. 407. 2 Ibid., pp. 417-418. uaiiiiiiimtmiititi{iMniimii»uiimiH[t^MnimuiniijmiiiJiiMNHiiiiHi»Miiiiniriij»nmiifiiifiiJtijni 58o DOCUMENTS II the French coast you should be Chased, and find it necessary for safety's sake to make any other port in France you will do so, or if any other [interlineated: cause] should occur to render it necessary for the sake of safety to run to another port you will also do it. - Though you are armed you know that fighting is not my object of this voyage, but merely to get my property to a market, you are therefore strictly to observe that you are not to deviate from your course unless obliged to do it or in other words, you are not to fight on the voyage out, but in your own defence & that you proceed in your course direct for the port mentioned. The Schooner and all the property on board of her belonging to me is consigned to Mr. John P. Lher- bette residing in Bordeaux; as soon therefore as you do arrive, be it in what port it may, you will without delay write to him and inform him of your arrival & for safety's & expedition's sake drop also a note to him addressed at Paris, as some times he is there; in the mean time you have a few lines to Messr. Delaroche Armd. Delepert & C°. at Nantz as also one to Mr. Dupleuze to either of which you will apply for advise to enable you to enter your vessel &c. you have also a letter for Mr. Filleau at La Rochelle. I am very anxious that you should return without delay and I have requested Mr. Lherbette to give you all possible dispatch, because I wish you to come on the coast pretty early in Spring, when I will have another Cargo ready for the Boxer & then I will wish you to return to France; for this reason I have desired Mr. Lherbette if he cannot get freight at once to fill up & load the Schooner for my account with Brandy & between the pipes and other small places you may throw Salt which will at least pay a good freight unless we should have peace, then Salt will not answer; but in that case I think you can readily get freight & some small packages [of good — stricken through] to make good Stowage to which under all circumstances you will please pay particular attention. If you find good copper in the port, DOCUMENTS 581 where you discharge say about 16 or 18 ounce copper and find that it will not delay you, then I would like to have the Boxer copper'd of this I wrote to Mr. Lherbette & I hope you will get it done. I also wrote to him to pay you five hundred dollars gratification money for safe arrival in France & to each of your mates two hundred dollars, besides this you are to have fifty dollars wages p. month & six hundred dollars here, if you arrive safe in the Boxer as gratification money, you'll please use all your exertions to get the Boxer safe to her port of destination and make all possible dispatch to return. Should Captain Stanton of this place wish to come passenger with you, you will please to give him good accommodations. Please write to me & let me know by every oppertunity about what time you expect to sail from France, wishing you health, a prosperous voyage & Safe return I am, Dear Sir! respectfully your obd. ser (signed:) J. J. Astor Jas. Clark [Endorsed] Recd. the original of the above New york January 2d. 1814 94. Letter from Astor to Nicholas G. Ogden, January 13, 1815, with Instructions in regard to the Beaver at Canton. Ogden had gone out as supercargo of the Lark, which was wrecked in the Hawaiian Islands, and had thence made his way to Canton. Nicholas G. Ogden New york January 13, 1815.1 Dear Sir! I have already wrote to you by this oppertunity I think I mentioned that I had Insurance on the Ship Beaver to this port for 12000 say twelve thousand dollars on vessel & ten 1 Ms. book, Baker Library, Astor Papers, Letter Book i, 1813-15, p. 429. IflDWIBBIIJUimiliUJIIIJIIllI 582 DOCUMENTS thousand dollars on Cargo, if the ship has been repaired then we must either sell or keep her in the latter case it may be well if a good oppertunity offers such as if one of our frigates should come there & raise the blockade, but even then, I would not like to risk more than about 30 to 35000 dollars say thirty five thousand dollars of cargo in Bohea teas or on any thing which will pay better profit, tho' I know nothing that would be so suitable for her. I must have you to judge some what of the amount and in which you will be governed by circumstances, but on no account must the investment exceed 40 or forty five thousand dollars, if the ship has not been repaired & is not seaworthy it may be as well to have her condemned & sold for the account of underwriters, but you must observe that this must only be done under circumstances to make them pay & that can only be done by proving that the ship has recd. such damage while on the northwest coast as has rendered this step necessary for without this will not be liable and the Ship must not other wise be condemned; we have still hopes of a speedy peace & I am respectfully Good Bohea would sell at 8oc. Your &c. J J A perhaps 90, if the war goes on it will get still higher. — 95. Letter from Astor to Peter Smith, June 9, 1815, with Good Advice. The check was on account of the Charlotte River and Byrnes Patent land, owned by Smith, Astor, and the Laights, on which a grindstone quarry had been discovered. New york 9 June 1815 * Dear Sir I have Reid your Letter of 26 May and 1 of June with Check for one thousand Dollars which beng on the Uitica Bank I can not use here — 1 Ms., Syracuse University, Gerrit Smith Miller Collection. DOCUMENTS 583 I See you are in the old way full of trouble & there I exspect you will Remain- I should Supose that as you have got Verdicts againts Some of your Excellent tennants Would have felt well for a moment at Least— now about our grind Stone this Speculation I belive will not answer here the Most I can Get is 30$ p ton at which I have Sold about 14 tons the Stone are Lickd but you See the price is I presume not more than to pay expneses on tham — I am Realy Sorry to See Mrs. Smith was not Well I Supose She has her owen traubl to See you have So mush. I wish you would mak it less as you easely can Do — I am your frid & give you allways good advise I wih Realy you wauld take it I am Dearsir with great Respts Your Hubl Sert Peter Smith Eqr. John • Jacob • Astor [Addressed] Peter Smith Esqr., Peterboro', N. Y. [Postmarked] New-York, Jun 9 25! [cents postage] [Endorsed] From — Mr. Astor See to 96. Letter from Astor to James Monroe, August 17, 1815, giving an Account of the Loss of Astoria. It will be observed that even in this letter Astor did not feel called upon even to mention the destruction of the Tonquin. B New York August 17th 1815 * I had the honour to receive your letter of the 9th Instant, in which you request such information relative to our Settlement on the Columbia River as is in my knowledge or Possession. — In the year 1810 the Ship Tonquin was equipped and sailed from this port with about Sixty persons on board, with the necessary means to form and fix an Establishment at or near 1 Ms., New York Public Library, Monroe Papers, iiiiiiiiiiiiiiiumuMiwjiiiiiiimiiUj 584 DOCUMENTS the Mouth of that River; and a party of Men, about Ninety in Number were in the same year fitted out to cross the Continent, to endeavour to form a junction with the people who sailed in the Tonquin — Both parties met in 1811 at or near the Mouth of the Columbia, where, by consent of the Natives a Fort under American Colours was established, some Buildings were erected and some Land was cleared — In 1811 another Ship was fitted out with about Sixty persons more on board to proceed to the same point and which they reached in 1812 Our Establishment was doing well & progressing as fast as could be expected, when the North West Company, apprehensive of danger to their Trade made representations to their Government with a desire to frustrate our Purpose. But the British Government did not at that time think proper to interfere. As soon as the late War broke out they renewed their application with representations that the American Establishment at Columbia was endangering their trade, and that unless aided by Government, they, the North West Company, would be ruined by the Americans, who by having possession of this point had greatly the advantage over them &c. &c. — In consequence of these representations, the Government ordered the Frigate Phoebe & Sloops of War Cherub & Raccoon to proceed to the Columbia River and to destroy the American Establishment. The North West Company at the same time fitted out a ship in London, the Isaac Todd, which sailed under Convoy of the above named Ships of War with intent to carry the means of fixing a post at Columbia River. And in the mean time they sent some fifty or sixty men across the Country to join with their people on board the ship. When these people arrived at Columbia they brought with them, the News of War, and also the information that the Phoebe &c. had sailed with intent to destroy us and take possession of our Fort. DOCUMENTS 585 At this time our Chief Agent Mr Hunt was absent and he had unfortunately left some discretionary power and appointed a Mr. Mc.Dougall (a Canadian) as Sub Agent. This Man it is believed has been bought over by the North West Company and induced to an arrangement with them by which our people should abandon the place and Property in Consideration of a Sum of $42000 All our property worth about $200,000 was accordingly surrendered to the Agents of the North West Company and they took possession of our Fort Buildings &c. Soon after the supposed fraudulent above mentioned arrangement had been entered into, the British Sloop of War Raccoon arrived at Columbia River, say on the 28 Novr. 1813, Captn Black the Commander with some Men landed and took possession of our late Fort (called Astoria) in the Name of His Britanic Maj- sty, hoisted the British Flag and called the Fort, Fort George. — After having spent some time he left the place in Possession of the North West Company. I never understood that he left any Men in the Service of his Government, that is to say, no public officer. — All the Native American Citizens engaged in our Employ came away — Some of them have arrived in the United States, others are still in that part of the World waiting for Instructions from here. Most of the Naturalized Citizens and some Canadians joined the North West Company. — [Only below this in Astor's hand.] I have the Honour to be The Hobe Sir, With great respect James Monrae Your Mo: Ob* Serv* Secretary of State John • Jacob • Astor [Endorsed] Mr. Astor 1815 — on the subject of our establishment at Columbia River. ilJIIilllllllllllliliiiiilJinniliiiiliiiiiffiiiiiliiiiiiijiiii; iiiimniiiiiniinuininaiinniimH 1 lllllllllllilillMQIMlOlIi^
A typed letter addressed to Judge F.W. Howay dated 19 June 1931 found inderted before the title. Other copies: http://www.worldcat.org/oclc/55110112
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Original Format: University of British Columbia. Library. Rare Books and Special Collections. F5819.2.A8 P7
Astor, John Jacob, 1763-1848
John Jacob Astor, Business man
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