CONTENTdm
British Columbia Historical Books Collection
United States Exploring Expedition
Wilkes, Charles, 1798-1877
"On half-title: By authority of Congress. Atlas has title: Atlas. Narrative . . . By authority of Congress. Edition limited by Act of Congress to 100 copies. Wilkes, however, secured a copyright on his Narrative and published an edition of 250 copies of which the U.S. Government received 100. He also brought out several cheaper editions: Philadelphia, Lea & Blanchard, 1845, 1845 (5 vols. and atlas), 1849, 1850, 1852, 1854; New York, George P. Putnam, 1851, 1856; London, Printed in Philadelphia, 1845; Ingram Cooke and Co., 1852 (2 vols.); Whittaker & Co. [printed 1845] condensed version. There is also an abridged one-volume edition with title: Voyage round the world . . . Philadelphia, G.W. Gorton, 1849; New York, George P. Putname, 1851. See no.581 for official series of the Expedition publications, and also Haskell's bibliography for the history of the publications." -- Strathern, G. M., & Edwards, M. H. (1970). Navigations, traffiques & discoveries, 1774-1848: A guide to publications relating to the area now British Columbia. Victoria, BC: University of Victoria, p. 320-21.
xv, 438 pages : illustrations ; 34 cm
application/pdf
UNITED STATES EXPLORING EXPEDITION. NARRATIVE UNITED STATES EXPLORING EXPEDITION, DURING THE YEARS 1838, 1839, 1840, 1841, 1842. CHARLES WILKES, U. S. N. COMMANDER OF THE EXPEDITION, IN FIVE VOLUMES, AND AN ATLAS. VOL. III. PHILADELPHIA: LEA & BLANCHARD. 1845. .CONTENTS OFYOL III. vl CHAPTER I. DEPARTURE FROM NEW ZEALAND—CAPE BRETT—HALO AND PARHELIA—SUNDAY ISLAND —SHIP TOBACCO-PLANT —WATER-SPOUTS—ARRIVAL AT TONGATABOO — THREATENED WAR —OFFERED MEDIATION —LANDING AND RECEPTION - NATIVE WARRIORS —KING JOSIAH — KING GEORGE —COUNCIL CALLED —ITS PROCEEDINGS— • CAUSE OF HOSTILITIES—AMBITION OF KING GEORGE—MESSENGER SENT TO THE HEATHEN PARTY—TOWN OF NUKUALOFA—MR. AND MRS. TUCKER—KING GEORGE'S TOWN—HIS HOUSE AND FURNITURE—RETURN OF THE MESSENGER—ARRIVAL OF /THE HEATHEN CHIEFS-FEELINGS OF THE HEATHEN OF TONGA—MUMUI—CASE OF THE CURRENCY LASS — DEPARTURE OF THE HEATHEN CHIEFS —VISIT OF THE KINGS TO THE VINCENNES—THEIR CANOE—CANOES OF THE TONGESE—BOAT-SONG —NATIVE MUSIC—INTERVIEW WITH THE KINGS—FAILURE OF THE MEDIATION- VISIT TO MOA—RELIGION OF THE HEATHENS-NATIVES OF ROTUMA-APPEARANCE AND DRESS OF THE TONGESE-THEIR CHARACTER—TAMAHAA—SPORT OF RAT- CATCHING—FEEJEE WARRIOR—COUNCIL OF WAR—POPULATION OF THE ISLANDS- MISSIONARY OPERATIONS—FEATS OF THE TONGESE IN SWIMMING—GEOLOGICAL STRUCTURE OF TONGA-VEGETATION —CULTIVATION —PRODUCTIONS-CLIMATE — DISEASES —MODE OF TRAFFIC — ARRIVAL OF THE PORPOISE — DISPUTE BETWEEN THE PILOTS—ARRIVAL OF THE PEACOCK—HER REPAIRS AT SYDNEY—DIFFICULTIES ATTENDING THEM—PASSAGE OF THE PEACOCK FROM NEW SOUTH WALES—ROYAL FAMILY OF TONGA—TERMINATION AND RESULT OF THE WAR-CASE OF THE FEEJEE WOMEN—TOM GRANBY... 1* (v) CONTENTS. CHAPTER II. DEPARTURE FROM TONGATABOO—1 FEEJEE GROUP—ARRIVAL AT LEV PLANS OF OPERATION —TENDER PORPOISE DETACHED-ENTRANCE INTO THE —TCJI LEVUKA—MESSAGE SENT TO TANOA— THE SHIP LEONID AS —EXCURSION TO THE PEAK OF ANDULONG-OBSERVATORY ESTABLISHED-BOATS DETACHED TO SURVEY -ORDERS TO-THE OFFICERS - ARRIVAL OF THE FLYING - FISH-PRECAUTIONS- ARRIVAL OF TANOA-HIS RECEPTION AT LEVUKA-HIS VISIT TO THE VINCENNES- HIS ADOPTION OF THE RULES AND REGULATIONS—HIS SUITE—HIS SECOND VISIT- DISTRICTS OF OVOLAU—LABOURS OF TUI LEVUKA—RULING POWER IN OVOLAU— TOWN OF LEVUKA — DISTRICTS OF THE FEEJEE GROUP —RECENT HISTORY OF AMBAU—INTRODUCTION OF FIRE-ARMS—REIGN OF ULIVOU—ACCESSION OF TANOA —WAR W(TH REWA —REBELLION AGAINST TANOA —HIS TRIUMPHAL RETURN — DISTURBANCES BETWEEN AMBAU AND REWA — PREPARATIONS FOR MAKING A GARDEN —ROYAL PRESENT FROM TANOA —DEATH OF DAVID BATEMAN — VISIT FROM SERU —HIS RECEPTION ON BOARD THE VINCENNES — VISIT FROM PADDY OONNEL—HIS HISTORY 43—70 CHAPTER III. INTRODUCTORY REMARKS—PERSONAL APPEARANCE OF THE NATIVES—THEIR EXPRESSION OF COUNTENANCE—THEIR CHARACTER—DIVISION OF TRIBES AND RANK —VASUS—FEEJEE WARS—CEREMONIES IN DECLARING WAR —ADDRESSES TO THE WARRIORS-FLAGS —FORTIFICATIONS—SIEGES—MODE OF BEGGING FOR PEACE — CEREMONIES OF A CAPITULATION —SUBJECT TRIBES —RELIGION —TRADITION OF THE ORIGIN OF RACES AND OF A DELUGE — GODS — BELIEF IN SPIRITS — NDENGEI, THEIR SUPREME GOD —HIS SONS — INFERIOR GODS —OTHER RELIGIOUS OPINIONS- IDEA OF A SECOND DEATH — MBURES OR SPIRIT-HOUSES — AMBATI OR PRIESTS — THEIR JUGGLERY - THEIR INFLUENCE - ORACLE AT LEVUKA - SACRIFICES - RELIGIOUS FESTIVALS —MARRIAGES —INFIDELITY AND ITS PUNISHMENT —BIRTHS — CONSEaUENCES OF THE RELIGIOUS BELIEF-PARENTS PUT TO DEATH-SUICIDE- WIVES STRANGLED AT FUNERALS-DEFORMED AND DISEASED PERSONS PUT TO DEATH - HUMAN SACRIFICES - FUNERAL RITES - MOURNING-CANNIBALISM-PRICE OF HUMAN LIFE-ATTACKS ON FOREIGN VESSELS-CASE OF THE CHARLES DOG GETT—VENDOVI'S PARTICIPATION—RESOLUTION IN REGARD TO HIM 71—105 CHAPTER IV. DEPARTURE OF THE PEACOCK FROM LEVUKA-HER ARRIVAL AT THE ANCHORAGE OFF NUICALOU-PROGRESS OF HER BOATS IN SURVEYING-AMBAU-VERATA AND CONTENTS. vii REWA—MISSION OF LIEUTENANT BUDD—THOKANAUTO, OR MR. PHILLIPS—VISIT OF THE KING AND HIS BROTHERS—THE KING SIGNS THE RULES AND REGULATIONS- VISIT OF CAPTAIN HUDSON TO REWA —ARRIVAL OF PADDY CONNEL — THE KING'S HOUSE —HIS MODE OF EATING —HIS ENTERTAINMENT OF OUR OFFICERS — MESSENGER FROM KANTAVU-CEREMONY OF AVA DRINKING—KING'S CUPBEARER—HIS CONVERSATION —EXHIBITION OF FIREWORKS — NOCTURNAL ADVENTURE —ROYAL BREAKFAST —COUNTRY AROUND REWA —TOWN OF REWA —MBURES — NGARANIN- GIOU'S HOUSE —THOKANAUTO'S HOUSE — LIKENESSES TAKEN BY MR. AGATE —TRIBUTE FROM THE PEOPLE OF KANTAVU—LIEUTENANT BUDD EXPLORES THE RIVER —VATIA —NOU SOURI — NATACALLO — CAPAVOO — FATE OF CHARLEY SAVAGE —CO- . RONGANGA — NACUNDI — NAITASIRI — TAVU-TAVU — BETHUNE'S POINT — MOUNTAIN DISTRICT—SAVOC—CAPTAIN HUDSON RESOLVES TO TAKE VENDOV1—VISIT OF THE KING AND aUEEN—VISIT OF NGARANINGIOU—THE KING, aUEEN, AND CHIEFS MADE PRISONERS —NGARANINGIOU UNDERTAKES TO BRING VENDOVI —CASE OF THE CURRENCY LASS—DISPOSITION OF THE PRISONERS—THEATRICALS FOR THEIR ENTERTAINMENT— PHILLIPS RELATES THE HISTORY OF REWA —CHARACTER OF PHILLIPS—RETURN OF NGARANINGIOU WITH VENDOVI—LEAVE-TAKING BETWEEN VENDOVI AND HIS BROTHERS —VISIT FROM MR. CARGILL —SAILING OF THE PEA- COOK—HER FAILURE TO REACH KANTAVU 107—138 CHAPTER V. EFFECTS OF THE INTENTION TO TAKE VENDOVI —FEAR OF AN ATTACK ON THE OBSERVATORY—SERU DETAINED AS HOSTAGE—PREPARATIONS FOR RESISTANCE- RETURN OF THE FLYING-FISH—TONGESE CHIEFS-CORODOWDOW—VANUA-VATU— TOVA REEF — TOTOIA —MATUKU —MOALA — IMPRUDENCE OF LIEUTENANT UNDER- jjj WOOD—REPORT OF MIDSHIPMAN MAY—MOTURIKI—VISIT OF RIVALETTA—ARRIVAL OF CURRENCY LA§S — CATHOLIC MISSIONARIES — CRUISE IN THE FLYING-FISH — RABE-RABE POINT —RETURN TO LEVUKA — H. B. M. SHIP SULPHUR—VISIT FROM SERU—SECOND CRUISE IN THE FLYING-FISH—WAKAIA—DIRECTION ISLAND—VUNA -SOMU-SOMU —GOAT ISLAND — MISSIONARIES AT SOMU-SOMU —CANNIBAL FEAST- TRIALS OF THE MISSIONARIES — JUNCTION WITH THE PORPOISE — COUNCIL OF CHIEFS —CEREMONIES OF AVA DRINKING — HORRID PRACTICES AT SOMU-SOMU — FUNERAL OBSEaUIES OF KATU-MBITHI — SUFFERINGS OF THE LADIES OF THE MISSIONARIES — OLD KING OF SOMU-SOMU — TUI ILLA-ILLA — RETURN TO OVOLAU 139—162 CHAPTER VI. THE PORPOISE PARTS COMPANY—HER VISIT TO ONGEA — FULANGA— CANOES BUILDING AT FULANGA — MORAMBA — ENKABA — KAMBARA — TABANAIELLI — NAMUKA — ANGASA—KOMO—MOTHA—ORUATA—FIRST VISIT TO LAKEMBA—MR. CALVERT—TUI Vlll CONTENTS. NEAU-THAKI-DEPARTURE OF THE PORPOISE FROM LAKEMBA-THE TWO AIVAS- ARGO REEF -ONEATA- OBSERVATORY ISLAND - SECOND VISIT TO LAKEMBA- ASCENT OF KENDI-KENDI-WORSHIP AT THE MISSION CHURCH-VISIT OF LIEUTENANT RINGGOLD TO TUI NEAU-ESCAPES FROM BEING BURIED ALIVE-EXTENT OF TUI NEAU'S AUTHORITY — NATIVE DANCE — HARBOURS OF LAKEMBA — LEVU KIANS-GEOLOGICAL STRUCTURE OF LAKEMBA-ISLAND OF NAIAU-TABUTHA- ARO-CHICHIA—MANGO—VEKAI—KATAFANGA—EXPLORING ISLES—VANUA - VALAVO -MUNIA-ITS HIGHEST PEAK ASCENDED-TICUMBIA-SUSUI-ITS FINE HARBOUR- - MALATTA-AVIA-OKIMBO-NAITAMBA-KAMIA AND VUNA-PORPOISE ARRIVES AT SOMU-SOMU—FLYING-FISH LEAVES SOMU-SOMU—STRAITS OF SOMU-SOMU—HARBOUR OF BAINO —FAWN HARBOUR — NABOUNI —BATIVA —RETURN TO LEVUKA —H. B. M. SCHOONER STARLING —VISIT TO CAPTAIN BELCHER —HIS OPINION OF THE REGULATIONS—TCI NDRAKETrS LETTER — NUKALAU — OPERATIONS OF LIEUTENANT UNDERWOOD —NAIBAI —HARBOUR OF VENEMOLE — MANUFACTURES OF NAIRAI— TOWN OF COROBAMBA —COBU ROCK—REMARKABLE LOCAL MAGNETIC ATTRACTION—ANGAU-RETURN OF LIEUTENANT UNDERWOOD—DESERTION OF MURRAY- REEF OF ANGAU —ESCAPE OF THE FLYING-FISH - FROM WRECK —CLUB-DANCE — FEEJEE CLOWN —MUSIC —FEEJEE FLUTE AND PANDEAN PIPE —ALARM AT OBSERVATORY—VISIT FROM TUI LEVUKA —ASCENT OF UNDERWOOD TOWER —ATTACK THREATENED BY THE NATIVES — VISIT FROM I dUEEN OF AMBAU —MR. WALDRON PURCHASES CENNES LEAVES LEVUKA—DIRECTION ISLAND—FA PROCEED ON A SURVEY—DANGERS OF THE PASS; THE NATIVES —DANGEROUS ANCHORAGE — BAY C ABORTIVE OPERATIONS OF THE LAUNCH AND F AND HORSESHOE REEF —NATIVES OF SAVU-SAVI SCARCITY OF AGED PERSONS—DISTRICT OF SAVU- OF THE NATIVES—PEOPLE OF THE INTERIOR—TE CENNES SAILS FOR MBUA—MEETING WITH THE PE BAY... UJDK J —VISIT OF THE ND I OR A SCHOOL — VIN- THj B FLYING-FISH TO 0 SA nr- AVU—AMBUSH OF LVU — HOT SPRINGS — CUTTER- -ISLAND OF GORO NCE OF THE FEMALES — -OF ILEVU—CURIOSITY N A SURVEY—VIN- K-MB UA OR SANDALWOOD CHAPTER VII. PEACOCK AT VATULELE EMMONS-SUVA—MBENG. OF VITILEVU — OPERATIONS OF LIEUTENANT laUEST BY NGARANINGIOU—NAMUKA—HARBOUR OF NDRONGA—MALOLO PASSAGE—LIEUTENANT EMMONS JOINS THE PEACOCK- LOSS OF THE LAUNCH-PEACOCK ANCHORS OFF BA-TABOOA-VOTIA-DONGALOA— MALAKI-MASSACRE OF ITS INHABITANTS BY TANOA-MALAKI PASSAGE-SANDALWOOD BAY-CIVIL WAR OF MBUA —CAPTAIN HUDSON MEDIATES A PEACE — THE CHIEFS ADOPT THE RULES AND REGULATIONS-THEY ARE FEASTED-LIEU TENANT EMMONS AGAIN DETACHED-CAPTAIN HUDSON VISITS THE SHORE-TOWN OF VATURUA-ALBINO-MATAINOLE-RETURN OF ONE OF THE BOATS-WAR- DANCE - TRADING FOR PROVISIONS - DIMBA-DIMBA POINT - RUKE-RUKE BAY- CONTENTS. IX VILLAGE OF WAILEA—DILLON'S ROCK—BICHE DE MAR FISHERY-BAY OF NALOA— TAVEA—VOTUA — CANOES AND POTTERY — NATIVE DANCE —MURDER OF CUNNING HAM—MUTHUATA—LIEUTENANT EMMONS REJOINS THE PEACOCK—PRESENTS FROM THE KING OF MUTHUATA —HIS WIVES —EXTENT OF HIS TERRITORY —VISIT OF KO-MBITI — VISIT FROM THE KING'S WIVES —KING ADOPTS THE RULES AND REGULATIONS — CAPTAIN HUDSON DEMANDS THE MURDERERS OF CUNNINGHAM — TURTLE • PEN — SECOND VISIT FROM THE KING'S WIVES —THEFT DETECTED AND PUNISHED-BURIAL-PLACE—VISIT OF THE KING'S SON-CUNNINGHAM'S MURDERERS REPORTED TO HAVE ESCAPED - GINGI - EXCURSIONS OF THE NATURALISTS — ARRIVAL OF MR. HARRISON AT MUTHUATA — PREPARATIONS OF THE NATIVES FOR A FEAST—PEACOCK LEAVES MUTHUATA—RENEWAL OF THE CIVIL WAR OF MBUA —CANNIBALISM—JUNCTION OF THE PEACOCK WITH THE VINCENNES 203—235 CHAPTER VIII. STATE OF THE SURVEYS — REDUCTION OF THE MEN'S ALLOWANCE—RETURN OF LIEUTENANT ALDEN — BOATS REPAIRED — RETURN OF LIEUTENANT PERRY —HE REPORTS THE CAPTURE OF THE FIRST CUTTER IN SUALIB BAY—MEASURES TAKEN IN CONSEQ.UENCE — EXPEDITION TO TYE AND SUALIB — INTERVIEW BETWEEN A CHIEF OF TYE AND WHIPPY —CONDITIONS PROPOSED TO HIM —ATTACK UPON TYE —ITS DESTRUCTION —NECESSITY FOR DESTROYING IT —GOOD CONDUCT OF OFFICERS AND MEN—RELEASE OF SUALIB CHIEFS—NATIVE MUSIC AND SONG—EXPEDITION IN THE TENDER AND BOATS — THEY ARE JOINED BY THE PORPOISE — ANGANGA — OPERATIONS OF THE PORPOISE — NUGATOBE ISLETS — KANATHIA— MALINA — VANUA-VALAVO — PORT RIDGELY DUFF REEF—YALANGALALA—NUKU- MANU AND NUKUMBASANGA —SOMU-SOMU —KEA —PERILOUS ADVENTURE OF DR. HOLMES-RAMBE—UNDA POINT—YENDUA—PORPOISE HARBOUR — ATROCITIES COMMITTED BY GINGI—ROUND ISLAND—ASAUA CLUSTER-YA-ASAUA — TAU-THA-KE— NAVITI —ELD ISLAND —WAIA-OBSERVATORY'PEAK —VOMO —FLEET OF CANOES FROM WAIA —TURTLE-FISHERY —SHELL STRIPPED FROM THE LIVING TURTLE- TRADE IN TORTOISE-SHELL — BOATS REJOIN THE TENDER —SAD INTELLIGENCE BROUGHT BY THEM 237—262 CHAPTER IX. PARTICULARS OF THE MURDERS AT MALOLO—BURIAL OF LIEUTENANT UNDERWOOD AND MIDSHIPMAN HENRY—PREPARATIONS FOR THE ATTACK ON MALOLO-CANOES INTERCEPTED—OPERATIONS OF THE BOATS—ARRO BURNT—OPERATIONS OF LIEU TENANT-COMMANDANT RINGGOLD — FORTIFICATIONS OF SUALIB—ATTACK UPON SUALIB-SUALIB SET ON FIRE, AND COMPLETELY DESTROYED—RETURN OF LIEU TENANT-COMMANDANT RINGGOLD'S DIVISIONS — LIEUTENANT EMMONS'S ACTION WITH FIVE CANOES-OVERTURES OF THE NATIVES FOR PEACE-MESSAGE TO THE NATIVES-SECOND LANDING ON MALOLO-THE NATIVES BEG FOR MERCY-CONDI- CONTENTS. [ SYDNEY ISLAN: - KAUAI — OAHU — ENDERBURY'S ISLAND — FAILURE TO REA( MADE—ANCHORAGE IN THE ROADS OF HONOLULU—LANDING—COUNTRY AROUND HONOLULU—APPEARANCE OF THE NATIVES — VINCENNES ENTERS THE HARBOUR OF HONOLULU—VISITS FROM THE FOREIGN RESIDENTS — ARRIVAL OF THE PEA COCK—SEPARATE OPERATIONS 0 PORPOISE—NATAVI BAY—CHICOBEA—SOMU-SC —LATI — TOOFONA — SHOALS - CREW OF THE SHYLO' 1ACOCK-SEPARATE OPERATIONS OF THE U-SOMU—VATOA—LOSS OF SHIP SHYLOCK -PORT REFUGE —TONGA MISSIONARIES — NATIVES— ,U—CHURCH BUILDING—MURDER OF GIDEON SMITH- DEMAND MADE FOR HIS MURDERERS — DESERTERS GIVEN UP —PORPOISE SAILS FROM UPOLU, AND ARRIVES AT HONOLULU — SEPARATE OPERATIONS OF THE TENDER —KIE —FRIENDLY RECEPTION AT THE SANDWICH ISLANDS-PLANS FOR THE FUTURE OPERATIONS OF .THE SQUADRON — RESHIPMENT OF THE SEAMEN- ENGAGEMENT OF KANAKAS-DUTIES ASSIGNED TO THE PEACOCK AND TENDER—TO THE PORPOISE—TO THE VINCENNES—VISIT FROM THE GOVERNOR — SCHOOL FOR mHE CHILDREN OF CHIEFS—MODE OF CARRYING BURDENS—DWELLINGS IN HONOLULU—VALLEY OF NUUANU—EMPLOYMENTS OF THE OFFICERS AND NATURALISTS —MISSIONARY INFLUENCE 365—394 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. VOLUME III. Club Dance. Biche de Mar Housp Toi tMut Observatory Peak. Vaixey of Voona. Pali, Oahu. PLATES. Drawn by A. T. Agate. Engraved by C. A. Jewett, 3 Drawn by A. T. Agate. Engraved by Rawdon, Wright and Hatch, 56 Drawn by A. T. Agate. Engraved by W. C. Armstrong, 109 Drawn by A. T. Agate. Engraved by J. F. E. Prudhomme, 119 Drawn by A. T. Agate. Engraved by Welch and Walters, ' 127 Drawn by A. T. Agate. Engraved by J. W. Paradise, 136 Drawn by J. Drayton. Engraved by Rawdon Wright and Hatch, "l90 Drawn by A. T. Agate. Engraved by J. F. E. Prudhomme, 220 Drawn by A. T. Agate. Engraved by J. Smillie, 231 Drawn by A. T. Agate. Engraved by Jordan and Halpin, 239 Sketched by A. T. Agate. Engraved by Jordan and Halpin, 292 Sketched by A. T. Agate. Engraved by J. B. Neagle. 391 VIGNETTES. Sketched by C. Wilkes, U. S. N. Engraved by Wm. H. Dougal, Sketched by A. T. Agate. Engraved by C. A. Jcwctt, DSTI lTION Drawn by A. T. Agate. Engraved by J. N. Gimbrede, Sketched by J. Drayton. Engraved by Smillie and Hinchelwood, Sketched by T. R. Peale. Engraved by G. B. Ellis Sketched by J. Drayton. Engraved by Smillie and Hinchelwood, Drawn by J. Drayton. Engraved by Sherman and Smith, Drawn by A. T. Agate. Engraved by E. Gallaudet, Drawn by A. T. Agate. Engraved by Smillie and Hinchelwood, Sketched by A. T. Agate. Engraved by Sherman and Smith, Tui Levdka. Music. Ava Bowls, &c. Feejee Girl. Feejee Oracle. Cannibal OookingJV Mbore-Hocse. Vendovi. Thokanauto. WOOD-CUTS. Sketched by A. T. Agate. Engraved by R. S. Gilbert, Sketched by J. Drayton.f Engraved by J. J. Butler, Sketched by J. Drayton.f Engraved by J. J. Butler, Sketched by J. Drayton, Sketched by A. T. Agate. Engraved by R. H. Pease, Sketched by A. T. Agate. Engraved by R. S. Gilbert, Sketched by J. Drayton. Engraved by J. J. Butler, Sketched by A. T. Agate.f Engraved by J. J. Butler, Sketched by J. Drayton.t Engraved by R. S. Gilbert, Sketched by J. Drayton, Sketched by A. T. Agate.-f Engraved by J. J. Butler, Sketched by J. Drayton.* Engraved by R. S. Gilbert, Sketched by J. Drayton. Engraved by R. S. Gilbert, 3. Sketched by A. T. Agate. Engraved by J. J. Butler, Sketched by A. T. Agate.f Engraved by R. H. Pease, Sketched by A. T. Agate. Engraved by R. H. Pease, Sketched by A. T. Agate. Engraved by J. J. Butler, Sketched by A. T. Agate. Engraved by J. J. Butler, Sketched by A. T. Agate.-f Engraved by J. J. Butler, Sketched by J. Drayton. Engraved by R. H. Pease, Sketched by J. Drayton, Sketched by A. T. Agate. Engraved by J. J. Butler, Sketched by A. T. Agate.t Engraved by T. H. Mumford, Sketched by A. T. Agate. Engraved by J. J. Butler, Sketched by A. T. Agate. Engraved by R. H. Pease, Sketched by A. T. Agate. Engraved by J. J. Butler, Sketched by J. Drayton, Sketched by A. T. Agate. Engraved by R. H. Pease, Sketched by A. T. Agate. Engraved by T. H. Mumford, Drawn by F. D. Stuart. Engraved by J. J. Butler, LI j OF 1 LUSTRATIONS XV Wild Feejee Man. Feejee Drum. Chief's House. Toka. Ula. Mode of Building Feejee Canoe. Cooking-Jars. Mode of Drinking. Mode of Sitting. Mode of Sitting. Likus. Feejee Wigs, &c. Mode of Carrying Street, Honolulu. Sketched by A. T. Agate. Engraved by R. S. Gilbert, 291 Sketched by J. Drayton.t Engraved by R. O'Brien, 300 Sketched by A. T. Agate.t Engraved by J. J. Butler, 305 Sketched by J. Drayton. Engraved by J. J. Butler, 311 Sketched by J. Drayton. Engraved by J. J. Butler, 316 Sketched by A. T. Agate.t Engraved by R. S. Gilbert, 338 From the Collection.t Engraved by R. H. Pease, 342 From the Collection.t Engraved by R. H. Pease, 342 From the Collection.t Engraved by R. H. Pease, 343 From the Collection.t Engraved by R. H. Pease, 343 HousesT Sketched by A. T. Agate.t Engraved by R. O'Brien, 344 Sketched by A. T. Agate.t Engraved by R. S. Gilbert, 345 Sketched by A. T. Agate.t Engraved by R. H. Pease, 349 Sketched by J. Drayton.t Engraved by R. H. Pease, 349 Sketched by A. T. Agate.t Engraved by R. S. Gilbert, 351 Sketched by A. T. Agate.t Engraved by R. S. Gilbert, 353 From the Collection.t Engraved by J. J. Butler, 355 From the Collection.t Engraved by J. J. Butler, 364 Burdens. Sketched by J. Drayton.t Engraved by R. H. Pease, 389 Sketched by A. T. Agate.t Engraved by J. J. Butler, 394 Those.marked with a t, were drawn with a t, by W. G. Armstrong. Those n >n the wood by J. H. Manning; those marked t marked, by the Artists of the Expedition. CHAPTER I. CONTENTS. DEPARTURE FROM NEW ZEALAND —CAPE BRETT —HALO AND PARHELIA—SUNDAY ISLAND —SHIP TOBACCO-PLANT —WATER-SPOUTS —ARRIVAL AT TONGATABOO — THREATENED WAR — OFFERED MEDIATION — LANDING AND RECEPTION — NATIVE WARRIORS —KING JOSIAH —KING GEORGE — COUNCIL CALLED —ITS PROCEEDINGS — CAUSE OF HOSTILITIES —AMBITION OF KING GEORGE — MESSENGER SENT TO THE HEATHEN PARTY-TOWN OF NUKUALOFA-MR. AND MRS. TUCKER-KING GEORGE'S TOWN—HIS HOUSE AND FURNITURE—RETURN OF THE MESSENGER—ARRIVAL OF THE HEATHEN CHIEFS—FEELINGS OF THE HEATHEN OF TONGA—MUMUI—CASE OF THE CURRENCY LASS —DEPARTURE OF THE HEATHEN CHIEFS—VISIT OF THE KING TO THE VINCENNES—THEIR CANOE—CANOES OF THE TONGESE—BOAT - SONG—NATIVE MUSIC —INTERVIEW WITH THE KINGS — FAILURE OF THE MEDIATION — VISIT TO MOA —RELIGION OF THE HEATHENS — NATIVES OF ROTUMA — APPEARANCE AND DRESS OF THE TONGESE — THEIR CHARACTER — TAMAHAA — SPORT OF RAT-CATCHING - FEEJEE WARRIOR - COUNCIL OF WAR-POPULATION OF THE ISLANDS - MISSIONARY OPERATIONS —FEATS OF THE TONGESE IN SWIMMING — GEOLOGICAL STRUCTURE OF TONGA — VEGETATION — CULTIVATION — PRODUCTIONS — CLIMATE — DISEASES — MODE OF TRAFFIC — ARRIVAL OF THE PORPOISE — DISPUTE BETWEEN THE PILOTS—ARRIVAL OF THE PEACOCK—HER REPAIRS AT SYDNEY—DIFFICULTIES ATTENDING THEM—PASSAGE OF THE PEACOCK FROM NEW SOUTH WALES—ROYAL FAMILY OF TONGA—TERMINATION AND RESULT OF THE WAR—CASE OF THE FEEJEE WOMEN—TOM GRANBY. NARRATIVE THE EXPLOEING EXPEDITION. CHAPTER I. TONGATABOO. 1840. Having completed such repairs as were necessary, the Vincennes, with the Porpoise and Flying-Fish in company, sailed from the Bay of Islands on the 6th April, for Tongataboo. I believe that no person in the squadron felt any regret at leaving New Zealand, for there was a want of all means of amusement, as well as of any objects in whose observation we were interested. We had at first a light breeze from the northward and westward, followed by a calm, after which the wind came round to the southward. The weather was remarkably pleasant. Cape Brett, according to our observations, is erroneously placed in the charts, which make it forty-two minutes too far to the eastward. We experienced after sailing a current of eight miles to the northward in twenty-four hours. On the 8th April, the current set northeast-by- north, half a mile per hour. On the 9th, the sea was very smooth, and the day calm; and we not only tried the current, but the distance below the surface at which a white object was visible. The sun's altitude was observed at the same time. These observations are recorded in Appendix I., and it will be seen that the rate of the current had increased considerably. TONGATABOO. s to pass over the positions of some of the doubtfu' shoals, and to verify the longitude assigned to Sunday Island, (the Raoul of D'Entrecasteaux.) Had this not been my design, I should have preferred pursuing a more eastern route than I did, which I am satisfied would have shortened our passage to Tongataboo. I do not conceive, however, that there is any difficulty in reaching that island, or any risk of falling to the leeward of it at this season of the year, for westerly winds prevail in its neighbourhood. We had a light wind from northeast to east-northeast. On the 11th April, we had reached latitude 29° S„ longitude 178° W., and had on that day a most beautiful halo. It was formed at first of the segments of two great circles, the chords of which subtended an angle of 54°. These gradually united, and formed a circle around the sun, whose diameter measured 42°. Its appearances, at 2h 40m and at 3 p. m., are represented in the figure. The parhelia were very distinct, and had spurs on their outer sides; two points in the vertical plane intersecting the sun, were very bright, but did not form parhelia; the sun's altitude was 29° 20': no"decided clouds were to be seen, but the whole sky was hazy, and the wind fresh from the northeast. About two hours after this phenomenon, much lightning occurred, with torrents of rain, but no thunder, and this continued throughout the night. The barometer stood at 29-99 in; TONGA thermometer 71° 75'. The weather by six in the morning had cleared, and we had the wind light from the westward. The clouds were seen flying rapidly from the northeast. On the 13th the wind still continued from the southward and westward, but light clouds were still flying from east-northeast, and the sea was rough and uncomfortable. We had passed over the place assigned to the Rosetta Shoal, and I believe I may safely state it does not exist in that places On the 14th we made Sunday Island, the Raoul of D'Entrecasteaux. It is high and rugged, and had every appearance of being volcanic; the rocks rise like basaltic columns. The island affords no anchorage, and the wind being light, I was not able to get near enough to send a boat to land and procure specimens; the sea, also, was very rough. Sunday .Island, according to our observations, lies in latitude 29° 12' S., and longitude 178° 15' W., which agrees well with its established position ; it is said to be inhabited by a few white men, and some of the officers reported that they saw smoke. On the 15th, we fell in with the Tobacco Plant, American whaler, Swain, master, that left the United States about the same time we did. She had not been very successful. A singular circumstance is connected with this ship during her cruise: H. B. M. ship Herald, Captain Nias, whom we met in Sydney, picked up, several months since, off Java Head, four hundred miles from land, a whale-boat, with six men, who reported to" Captain Nias that they had left the ship Tobacco Plant, which had been burnt at sea. They were taken on board the Herald, most kindly treated, brought and landed in New South Wales. The crew of the Herald presented them with £100, and Captain Nias allowed them to sell their boat; besides all this, they were amply supplied with clothes. This report of the loss of the ship seemed placed beyond contradiction, and to meet her afterwards caused us great surprise. A day or two after we had lost sight of the ship, a man whom I had taken on board as a distressed seaman, confessed that he had deserted from her, and also informed us that the six men had left the ship at sea in an open boat, in consequence of the ill treatment they had received from the captain, and the short allowance of provisions on board. The manner in which they carried on Iheir deception upon Captain Nias, his officers, and crew, was remarkable, and shows how much commiseration all classes of men feel for those in distress, and how unwilling they are to scrutinize a tale of sorrow, when they have the apparent evidence before them of its truth. These men were upwards of twenty days on board the Herald, and yet I was told that they were throughout consistent in their account of the alleged misfortune, and apparently showed much proper feeling for the fate that had befallen their companions. Until the 19th we had light breezes; in the afternoon of this day we saw the appearance of a water-spout, forming about half a mile from the ship; the water was seen flying up, as if from a circle of fifty feet in diameter, throwing off jets from the circumference of the circle, not unlike a willow basket in shape, and having a circular motion from right to left; there was a heavy black cloud over it, but no descending tube; and it did not appear to have any progressive motion. Desirous • of getting near, I kept the ship off for it, but we had little wind; the cloud dispersed, and the whole was dissipated before we got near to it. The electrometer showed no change. The next day, the 20th of April, in latitude 24° 26' S., longitude 174° 47' 30" W., we took the trades from about east: passed over the position assigned to the island of Vasquez, but saw nothing of it. Some appearance of land existing to the eastward, the Porpoise was despatched to look for it. On the 22d, we made the island of Eooa, and that of Tongataboo. The wind the whole day was very variable, with squalls and heavy rain ; and it being too late to run through the long canal that leads to the harbour, I deemed it most prudent to haul off for the night. A southerly current drove us further off than I anticipated, and we did not succeed the next day in regaining our position; we experienced much lightning and rain, with the wind strong from the eastward. On the 24th, at 1 p. m., we rounded the eastern end of Tongataboo, and stood down through the Astrolabe canal. This is a dangerous passage, and ought not to be attempted when the wind is variable or light; it is nine miles in length, and passes between two coral reefs, where there is no anchorage; it was at the western end of it that the Astrolabe was near being wrecked in 1827. It is from half to one mile wide, gradually narrowing, until the small island of Mahoga appears to close the passage. When nearly up to this island, the passage takes a short and narrow turn to the northward; in turning round into this pass, I was aware of a coral patch, laid down by the Astrolabe, and hauled up to avoid it, by passing to the eastward; but the danger was nearer the reef than laid down, and the sun's glare being strong, we were unable to see it, and ran directly upon it. For a moment the ship's way was stopped, but the obstacle broke under her, and we proceeded on to the anchorage off Nukualofa, the residence of King Josiah, alias Tubou. In our survey of the above passage, no TONGATABOO. shoal was found in the place where the ship had struck, and we had the satisfaction of knowing that we had destroyed it without injury to the vessel. The tender had arrived before us, and I found also here the British vessel Currency Lass. This harbour, when it is reached, is a safe one, and is well protected by the reefs. Nukualofa is a station of the Wesleyan Mission, the heads of which, Messrs. Tucker and Rabone, paid me a visit, and from them I learnt that the Christian and Devil's parties were on the point of hostilities; that Taufaahau or King George, of Vavao, had arrived with eight hundred warriors, for the purpose of carrying on the war, and putting an end to it. The islands of Tongataboo and Eooa are the two southern islands of the Hapai Group (the Friendly Isles of Cook) ; the former is a low, level island, while that of Eooa is high. The highest part of Tongataboo is only sixty feet above the level of the sea, while that of Eooa rises about six hundred feet; the strait between them is eight miles wide. Tonga is extremely fruitful, and covered with foliage, and contains ten thousand inhabitants; while that of Eooa is rocky and barren, and contains only two hundred inhabitants. Believing that I might exert an influence to reconcile the parties, and through my instrumentality restore the blessings of peace, I proffered my services to that effect, which were warmly accepted by the Reverend Mr. Tucker. I therefore sent a message to the chiefs of the Christian party, to meet me in fono in the morning, and late at night received a notice that they would be prepared to receive me. On the morning of the 24th, I landed, with all the officers that could be spared from other duties; we were received on the beach by Mr, Tucker, and were at once surrounded by a large number of natives. It was impossible not to be struck with the great difference between these people and those we had just left in New Zealand; nothing of the morose and savage appearance so remarkable there, was seen; here all was cheerfulness and gaiety; all appeared well-fed and well- formed, with full faces and muscles. The number of children particularly attracted our notice, in striking contrast to the New Zealand groups, where few but men were seen. In a few minutes we heard the native drum, calling the warriors and people together; we went a short distance along the beach, passed into the fortification, and up a gentle acclivity, on the top of which is now the Mission church, and the house of King Tubou. On our way up we passed by the drum, or as it is here called, told, which is a large hollow log, not unlike a pig- trough, made of hard, sonorous wood; it is struck with a mallet 'NGATABOO. shaped somewhat like that used by stone-cutters ; it gives a sound not unlike a distant gong, and it is said may be heard from seven to ten From the top of this hill (sixty feet high, and the most elevated point on the island) there is an extensive view, over the island on one hand, and on the other over the encircling reefs and the deep blue sea. I felt familiar with the scenes around me, from the description I had often read in Mariner's Tonga Islands, and feel great pleasure in confirming the admirable and accurate description there given. The we heard were familiar to us, and we found, through the natives and missionaries, that many of the descendants of the persons of whom he speaks were pres I was within the fortification of Nukualofa, the scene of many of the exploits which Mariner relates. I was now surrounded by large numbers of warriors, all grotesquely dressed and ready for the fight, with clubs, spears, and muskets. In addition to the usual tapa around their waist, they had yellow and straw-coloured ribands, made of the pandanus-leaves, tied around their arms above the elbows, on their legs above and below the knees, and on their bodies: some had them tied and gathered up in knots; others wore them as scarfs—some on the right shoulder, some on the left, and others on both shoulders. Some of these sashes were beautifully white, about three inches wide, and quite pliable. Many of them had fanciful head-dresses, some with natural and others with artificial flowers over their turbans (called sala); and nearly all had their faces painted in the most grotesque manner, with red, yellow, white, and black stripes, crossing the face in all directions. Some were seen with a jet black face and vermilion others with half the face painted white. When a body of some eight hundred of these dark-looking, well-formed warriors, all eager for the fight, and going to and fro to join their several companies, is seen, it is hardly possible to describe the effect. The scene was novel in the extreme, and entirely unexpected, for I considered that we were on a mission of peace. A few minutes' conversation with Mr. Tucker accounted for it all. The evening before, the "Devil's" party, it appeared, had attacked their yam-grounds ; some of the natives were wounded on both sides ; and great fear had been entertained that they ild have followed up their attack even to the town of Nukualofa; most of the warriors had, therefore, been under arms the whole night. We were led through all this confusion to the small hut of Tubou or King Josiah: here we were presented to his majesty, with whom I shook hands. He was sitting on a mat winding a ball of sennit, which he had been making, and at which occupation he continued for TONGATABOO. the most part of the time. He has the appearance of being about sixty years old ; his figure is tall, though much bent with age ; he has a fine dignified countenance, but is represented as a very imbecile old man, fit for any thing but to rule; as domestic and affectionate in his family, caring little about the affairs of government, provided he can have his children and grandchildren around him to play with, in which amusement he passes the most of his time. Seats were provided for us from the missionaries' houses, and were placed in the hut, whose sides being open, gave us a full view of all that was passing without. King Josiah, with his nearest relatives and the highest chiefs, about ten in number, occupied the, hut, together with the missionaries and ourselves. The warriors were grouped about in little squads, in their various grotesque accoutrements. When all was apparently ready, we waited some few minutes for King George. When he made his appearance, I could not but admire him: he is upwards of six feet in height, extremely well proportioned, and athletic; his limbs are rounded and full; his features regular and manly, with a fine open countenance and sensible face; all which were seen to the greatest advantage. The only covering he wore was a large white tapa or gnato, girded in loose folds around his waist, and hanging to the ground, leaving his arms and chest quite bare. He at once attracted all eyes; for, on approaching, every movement showed he was in the habit of commanding those about him. With unassuming dignity, he quietly took his seat without the hut, and as if rather prepared to be a listener than one who was to meet us in council. This was afterwards explained to me by Mr. Tucker, who stated that King George is not yet considered a native chief of Tonga, and, notwithstanding his actual power here and at Vavao, is obliged to take his seat among the common people. On observing his situation, and knowing him to be the ruling chief de facto, I immediately requested that he might be admitted to the hut; and he was accordingly requested to enter, which he did, and seated himself at a respectful distance from the king, to whom he showed great and marked respect. Mn Rabone, the assistant missionar)^ was the interpreter, and the conversation or talk that passed between us was in an undertone. The peculiarity of figurative speech, common to all the islanders, was very marked in King George, affording a condensed, or rather concise mode of expression, that is indicative of sense and comprehension. They began by assuring me of the pleasure it gave them to see me, when they were just about going to war, and were in much trouble. I proposed myself as a mediator between the parties, and that each party 20 TONGATABOO. should appoint ten chiefs, to meet under my direction and protection, in order to arrange all the difficulties between them; that these should meet on neutral ground, on the island of Pangai-Moutu, about halfway between the heathen fortress of Moa and Nukualofa. I also offered to send officers or go myself to the heathen fortress, to make a similar request of them. With all this they appeared pleased, but in answer to it King George simply asked, "Will they ever return'?" After a little conversation, they assented to my propositions. I then took the occasion to rebuke them mildly for allowing their followers to assemble in their war-dresses, and with so many warlike preparations on such an occasion, telling them that I thought it indicated any thing but the peaceful disposition, in the belief of the existence of which I had called the meeting. The affair concluded by their leaving the whole matter to my discretion, and with an assurance that they would conform to my decision. During the half hour spent in this conference, the whole multitude outside seemed as though they were transfixed to the spot, awaiting in anxious expectation the result. As King Josiah (who it seems is exceedingly prone to somnolency) was now seen to be nodding, I judged it time to move an adjournment, and the council was broken up. All now became bustle and apparent confusion; every one was in motion; the whole village, including the women and children, carrying baskets, hoes, sticks, &c, besides their arms and war instruments: all were going to the yam-grounds, expecting an engagement with the heathen. It had a fine effect to see them passing quickly through the beautiful cocoanut-groves, in companies of fifteen to twenty, in their martial costumes, painted, belted, and turbaned,—some of the finest specimens of the human race that can well be imagined, surpassing in symmetry and grace those of all the other groups we had visited. The fashion of their warlike dress is changed for every battle, in order to act as a disguise, and prevent them from being known to the enemy, but yet they are readily distinguished by their own party. Anxious to know the actual cause of the war, I made every inquiry that was in my power, and satisfied myself that it was in a great measure a religious contest, growing out of. the zeal the missionaries have to propagate the gospel, and convert the heathen. With this is combined the desire of King George, or Taufaahau, who is already master of Hapai and Vavao, to possess himself of all the islands of the group. About three years prior to our visit, a war had broken out in Tonga of a similar character, and the Christian party being hard pressed, sent to ask the aid of King George, who came, relieved them, and defeated their enemies. Mr. Rabone, the missionary above spoken TONGATABOO. 11 of, was residing at Hihifo, a town or fortress on the west end of the island, where he converted a few of the natives, who were required to remove from the district by the ata, which is the title the governor of the district bears. They refused, as they asserted their lands were all there, and they wished to remain. About the same time, Mr. Rabone thought proper to shoot one of their sacred pigeons, which incensed the people against him; for if a native had committed the same act, he would have been clubbed, and as he himself confessed he knew their superstitious feeling for this bird. Mr. Rabone, in consequence of this occurrence, was obliged to remove to Nukualofa. The heathen also complained that their temples were desecrated, their customs broken in upon, and their pleasures destroyed by the Christian party, who endeavoured to interdict their comforts, and force laws upon them in the shape of taboos through their king; that they even prohibited the smoking of tobacco, an innocent pleasure, which the natives have long been accustomed to, and take great delight in, but which is now forbidden by royal ordinance to the Christian party, and any infraction of the law severely punished. The heathen now said that they could no longer endure these acts, and were determined to resist them by retaliation, and prevent the further propagation of the Christian religion. The natives who had renounced heathenism, and joined the Christian party, finding they were not permitted to remain at Hihifo, retired to a short distance from it, and built themselves a small fortress, which the ata finally blockaded. The Christian party now sent for aid to Nukualofa, and having enlisted the feelings of the missionaries and their adherents in the cause, they sent a message for King George, who again came with a large force from Hapai and Vavao to their assistance. On his arrival, a long conference ensued, in which the ata expressed himself desirous of treating for peace, and proposed that a conference should take place in his fort. To this King George assented, and proceeded to the small Christian fortress in the vicinity of Hihifo, where it is said he was met by a deserter from Hihifo, who told him that the only purpose of inviting him to a conference there was to assassinate him and his chiefs. This story was said to have been confirmed from other sources, but this additional evidence seemed far from being satisfactory. King George immediately resolved to invest and storm the fortress of Hihifo; and, for the purpose of diminishing the enemy's strength, had recourse to a singular stratagem. He directed all of his men who had any friends or acquaintances in Hihifo, and of these there were many, to advance towards the walls, and each one to call to his relation, friend, or acquaintance, within, and assure him of safety if he would desert! This had the desired effect, and a great many persons, forming a large part of the garrison, jumped over the wall, and joined the besiegers. The remainder, being weakened and disheartened, surrendered. Thus the difficulty ended for the present, the rest of the heathen not having yet joined in the affair, although it was said' they were fully prepared for hostilities. King George now re-embarked, to return home with his warriors, sailing for Honga Tonga and Honga Hapai, which is the route taken in their voyages when going back to Vavao. The following account of the resolution he took there was derived from King George, through Mr. Tucker, and clearly proved to my mind that his object now was to enlarge his dominions, by adding to them the island of Tonga. " Here he reflected upon the subject of his departure, and the defenceless state of King Josiah or Tubou; and he was so forcibly struck with his danger, and that of the missionaries, that he resolved to return, and remain at Nukualofa until the heathen were finally subdued." We, in consequence, found him established, building and fortifying a town, and his forces daily arriving from Vavao and Hapai. Indeed his whole conduct did not leave us any room to doubt what his intentions were, and that the missionaries and he were mutually serving each other's cause. I mentioned njy suspicions, relative to King George's ambition, to the missionaries, and how likely it would be to prevent any reconciliation or peace with the heathen, and was much surprised and struck with the indifference with which Mr. Rabone spoke of the war. He was evidently more inclined to have it continue than desirous that it should be put a stop to; viewing it, in fact, as a means of propagating the gospel. I regretted to hear such sentiments, and had little hope, after becoming aware of them, of being instrumental in bringing about a peace, when such unchristian views existed where it was least to be expected. On consultation, Eliza Anne Tubou was selected as the most proper messenger of peace that could be sent, and the only one indeed who could go with safety. She is the daughter of Faatu, the heathen chief of Moa, one of the largest heathen fortresses ; is married to a chief of the Christian party. She is a fine intelligent-looking woman, with good sense and much good feeling, and entered warmly into the arrangements. She was despatched with a written proposal for the conference, and was to return the next day. She is called the sacred daughter, and goes where she likes without being molested. After the council was over, I went with Mr. Tucker to the missionary houses, passing through the town (if so it maybe called), composed entirely of reed huts, of small dimensions, and enclosed with TONGATABOO. 13 wicker-work fences. The missionary houses are on the out skirts; the whole contains about six hundred houses; and on looking into a few, they did not appear to be very cleanly. The houses are built after the fashion of the Samoans, only the sides are of wicker-work, - made of the slender sugar-cane. The dwellings of the missionaries are very like those of the better sort, and are within an enclosure; and the only difference I observed was, that they had glazed windows. Like the others, they had no floors, and the earth was covered with mats. Mrs. Tucker, whom we found exceedingly intelligent, gave us a kind welcome. She has for some time been the principal instructress of both old and young: I can myself vouch for the unexpected proficiency of some of her scholars in speaking English. To her and her husband I feel much indebted for their answers to the many inquiries respecting the state -of things in the island, — the employments and character of the natives, their wars, manners, and customs. They appeared indefatigable in their exertions for what they considered the good of the natives; among other things, they have endeavoured to introduce a variety of vegetables and fruits: cabbages, turnips, and mustard were seen; among the fruits, were pine-apples and custard-apples, which thrive well; oranges have been introduced, but do not succeed, because they are injured by an insect, which leaves its larva? on the fruit, and causes it to fall before it reaches maturity. They are obliged to pull all their fruits before they are ripe, in consequence of their liability to destruction by' the ants, if left to ripen on the tree. King George, or Taufaahau, is building his town near by, just without the fortification of King Josiah: it is an enclosure of four hundred yards square; the fence consists of close wicker-work, made of the small sugar-cane, and in order to make it stronger, several thicknesses are put together: this makes a more, effective defence than one would imagine; it is about eight feet high, and trimmed off on the lop, and when new has a very pretty appearance. The permanency and arrangement with which the town is laid out, make Taufaahau's intentions quite evident. The avenues cross the square diagonally, the gates being at the corners, and in the centre is a large area, left for a chapel. ■*llte The houses of King Josiah's or Tubou's town are mostly within the fortress; this is a high mud wall or embankment, on the top of which is a wicker-work fence; on the outside of the wall is a ditch, twelve feet wide by five feet deep. There are three principal gateways, which are very narrow entrances, formed by thick cocoa-nut posts, set firmly and closely in the ground, admitting only two persons at a time; these entrances are about fifteen feet long, and in order to secure them against an attack, they are so arranged as to be filled up with earth; they have likewise a number of hollow logs buried in the wall, and set obliquely, serving as loop-holes, through which they may have a cross-fire at their enemies as they approach. These loop-holes can only be used for muskets, and have been introduced since the natives began to use fire-arms, or since the time of Mariner, for he makes no mention of them in describing the fortresses. King George's house is near by: it was originally built at Hihifo, for a chapel; the chief of that place gave it to Taufaahau, and it was divided into three parts, and brought to Nukualofa in canoes. On my TONGATABOO. visit the king was not at home, but Mr. Tucker asked me to walk in. The building is not a large one; it is divided into three apartments by tapa screens, and was partly furnished. I observed many decanters and tumblers on a shelf, the former well-filled to appearance with spirits and gin; but I had no opportunity of knowing actually what the contents were. Many of the queen's waiting-maids were present, arranging the house previous to her arrival; she was hourly expected from Hapai, and is reported to be the most beautiful woman in the group. The new town is rapidly progressing; great regularity exists, and every thing is so arranged that each company of warriors with their families are assigned a particular quarter in which to build; they have come prepared, too, for the purpose, having brought many parts of their houses with them. These houses have a temporary appearance, although they are very comfortable; and the rapidity with which they build them is astonishing: the enclosure, and about fifty houses, were built in three days; twelve men can complete a house in a little more than a day. The average size of the houses is fifteen by twenty feet, and about fifteen feet high under the ridge-pole; they are of circular or elliptical form. The furniture of the natives consists of their implements of war, ava-bowl, a chest or box for their valuables, and a set of mats, some of which are made for the floors, and others for screens; the latter are about two feet in width, and are seen partly surrounding them when sitting, standing on their edges, which are supported by scrolls at each end; they are quite pretty, some of them being much ornamented. |6 TONGATABOO. They have great quantities of tapa cloth, in a thin sort of which they use to roll themselves at night, as a security against the musqui- toes, with which their island abounds. The new town is beautifully situated in a bread-fruit and cocoa-nut grove, which gives it perpetual shade, whilst it is sufficiently open to admit the cool breeze. On the 26th, agreeably to my engagement, I moved the ship to the island of Pangai-Moutu, in order to be near the place of meeting of the conference between the two belligerent parties, and to protect both from the treachery they seemed mutually to fear. Pangai-Moutu is about three and a half miles from Nukualofa, and is now considered as neutral ground; the anchorage is a good and safe one. Our messenger, Anne Eliza Tubou, returned, and gave me assurances that the heathen were willing to meet in conference; that they desired peace, and to be left in the quiet enjoyment of their land and their gods, and did not wish to interfere or have any thing to do with the new religion. They again asked me, if they came, would I protect them fully 1 In reply to this, I sent the strongest assurances of protection to them. My hopes, however, of producing a peace and reconciliation among them, began to decline; for it was evident that King George and his advisers, and, indeed, the whole Christian party, seemed to be desirous of continuing the war, either to force the heathen to become Christians, or to carry it on to extermination, which the number of their warriors made them believe they had the power to effect. I felt, in addition, that the missionaries were thwarting my exertions by permitting warlike preparations during the pending of the negotiations. On the 28th, our boat returned from Moa, bringing an old blind chief, called Mufa. The wife of Faatu came in place of her husband, accompanied by four or five lesser chiefs, who had been deputed to attend the council. The wife of Faatu is a large fat woman. He himself was willing to attend, but his chiefs and people interfered and prevented him, as he was coming to the boat, fearing lest he should be detained as a hostage ; and they made such an outcry (according to the officer) against it, that he was obliged to yield. Mufa is the grandfather of Taufaahau, and was supposed would have some influence with him. From every thing we saw, we became satisfied that the heathen were desirous of making peace, at least the people of Moa. I gave orders to provide them with every thing for their comfort, giving them full assurance of my protection, and their safe return; and finding them ill at ease on board ship, I ordered a tent to be pitched on shore for their accommodation, and had them supplied with rice and molasses, as well as the food they are in the habit of eating, consisting of yams, taro, &c. TONGATABOO. 17 Deeming it advisable that Faatu should be present himself, I again sent a boat for him. The people of Moa, though heathens, have not taken an active part in the late disturbances, which are for the most part confined to Boa and Houma; and although the Moans are more strongly allied to the latter, they have always kept up an intercourse with Nukualofa. One can readily enter into the feelings of the heathen, who are inhabitants of the sacred Tonga, and have always been looked up to by the inhabitants of the rest of the group, who were obliged to carry thither offerings, &c, to the gods, as superior to themselves, when they see an attempt made to subjugate them, by those whom they have always looked upon with contempt, and to force upon them a new religion, and a change in every thing they have hitherto looked upon as sacred. Such feelings are enough to make them war against any innovation in their social polity and laws; and after having been acknowledged from time immemorial as pre-eminent throughout the whole group, including Wallis, Hoorn, Traitor's and Keppel's Islands, it is not surprising that they should be found the active enemies of religious encroachments. Their vexation is augmented by the disappointment they experienced in the last election of the King of Tonga (Tui Kanakabolo); Tubou, although the brother of his predecessor, was chosen by them in preference to Mumui, the son, because they believed him to be favourable to their side, and opposed to the Christian party; Mumui, on the other hand, was brought up by the missionaries, speaks English tolerably well, and is the missionaries' principal school-teacher. Mr. Tucker informed me that Mumui is now considered as the son of Tubou, and will be entitled to the succession, for which both Faatu and Taufaahau, are likewise candidates, on the death of Tubou. I The singular custom is said to prevail in Tonga, that none of the royal family ever receive a title of office ; for by so doing, I was told, they would virtually renounce their right to the kingdom. The Tui Kanakabolo has the power of rescinding titles. In one view, the government may be considered a kind of family compact, for the persons holding titles and offices, address one another by the names of father, son, uncle, and grandfather, without reference whatever to their real degree of relationship. The titles generally consist of the name of the district over which the chief rules, and of which they receive the revenues, with " Tui," a word synonymous with lord, before it. This, however, is not always the case, for there are others who have distinct titles, as Lavaka, the King of Bea, one of the bitterest opponents of the Christians, and who TONGATABOO. is determined to die rather than submit to them ; and Ata, Takafauna, and Vaea, the great chief of Houma. The latter was deposed a short time since, yet still retains his title among the heathen. Shadrach, or Mumui, as he is also called, is a good sample of the Tongese. I saw him at Mr. Tucker's, where he was introduced to me; and I must confess myself not a little surprised to hear him address me in tolerably good English, asking me the news, and what occurrences had taken place in Europe. It appeared ridiculous to be questioned by a half-naked savage upon such subjects; but I must do him the justice to say he seemed quite familiar with some of the events that have taken place during the last fifteen or twenty years. He is one of the missionaries' most zealous converts, and I believe to Mrs. Tucker is due the credit of teaching him; he has, I understood, sole charge of their large school of three hundred scholars, and it, in order and regularity, equals, if it does not exceed, any in our own country. Mrs. Tucker thinks this is partly to be ascribed to his being a high chief, whom they are brought up to have a great respect for. Mumui's countenance shows much intelligence, but his figure is rather out of proportion: his age is under thirty. On the 27th, I visited Nukualofa, on business respecting the English schooner Currency Lass, Captain Wilson, which vessel was found here. The master reported that two of his men had been seized by King George, and imprisoned, until a ransom was paid, and the four Feejee women he had on board were delivered up. On inquiry, it proved that two of the crew of the Currency Lass, with the knowledge of the commander and owner, (who was present,) had taken the Feejee women on board at Vavao, knowing it to be against the laws of that island; they thence sailed for Tonga. On their leaving Vavao, a canoe was immediately despatched to Tonga, to inform King George of the occurrence, and it arrived before the vessel. King George, on her arrival, immediately sent on board for the purpose of a search; but the women were concealed below, and they were believed not to be on board. It however became known, in some way, that they were there, and when four of the vessel's crew were sent on shore to mend the casks to receive oil, King George seized them, and tied them to trees. He then sent word, that the women must be given up, and that the owner must pay a ransom of muskets for the men. I found no difficulty in arranging the business. King George was very frank and straightforward about it, and told the facts very much as they are above related. On my pointing out to him that he had taken the wrong course, and was punishing the innocent men of the crew, he said he had no means of telling who were the guilty, but that if he had done any TONGATABOO. 19 thing wrong he was willing to make amends. I thought that the conduct of the Currency Lass had been improper, and the decision being left to me, I determined that the men should be set at liberty, the women given up, and the muskets paid; that King George should return the water-casks, and pay for those that had been injured. I took occasion, however, to impress upon King George the necessity of not being so precipitate in punishing the innocent for the guilty. The men of the Currency Lass who had received bad treatment at his hands, received a recompense, and so the affair was ended. On the morning of the 29th, it was reported to me that Mufa, the old blind chief, and his companion, had decamped, without giving any notice of their intention, and after eating their fill of the good things set before them, besides carrying off the remains of their feast. This movement, I afterwards learnt, was owing to their having received intelligence of the people of Bea having made another attack upon the yam-grounds of the Christians, and carried off a large quantity; and they were fearful lest some retaliatory measures should be taken to intercept them. This day the kings visited me, with a number of their chiefs and people in a large canoe, afld made a fine appearance on approaching the ship; it was the largest we saw during the voyage: it was one hundred feet in length, and of the double kind, which consists of two canoes of different size joined together by a deck thrown across'them both; on this deck a small house is constructed, which serves for a cabin to keep off the weather; above the house was a small platform, eight feet square, with a railing on each side; the mast, which is about thirty feet long, is supported by guys, having a long yard attached to it, with its mat-sail of huge dimensions furled. In all canoes, both double and single, small hatchways are left at both ends, with high combings, and when under w'ay, a man is always seen in each baling out the water. Their mode of propelling the canoe by sculling is peculiar to the Tongese and Feejees; the sculler, instead of using the oar as we do, stands behind it, and holds it perpendicularly. The oar has a broad blade, and is ten feet in length: the sculler thus has the whole weight of his body to assist his strength in using it: it is confined in a hole in the platform. There' is generally one of these oars at each end, and they are enabled to propel one of these large canoes between two and three miles an hour by means of them. The Tongese are great adepts in managing their canoes when under sail; and they sail much more swiftly on a wind than before it. As this canoe is of Feejee origin, I shall defer describing it until a succeeding chapter. rONGATABOO. The canoe of these chiefs was seen advancing slowly over the calm sea by the efforts of its scullers, and was filled with men, all singing the following air, keeping perfect time and making excellent music; the notes were obtained by Mr. Drayton. U^»--^j.-l «-K= L^,—1 E^m^^^m =^=^ To this they sing any words, but generally such as are applicable to the mission of business or pleasure they may be on; and although the air and bass are heard most distinctly, the four parts are all sung in the most perfect harmony. From the fact that the tenors and basses sing parts of a bar, alternating with each other, and come in perfectly, it would seem that they cultivate music in their own rude way, producing a wild but agreeable effect. To this the scullers keep time. This music has a great resemblance to that of the Samoan Group, and it is the custom in both to sing it while at work. It may therefore be inferred that it is native, for the Tongese never had foreign music of any kind taught them. The missionaries themselves do not sing, and declared they were not able to tell Old Hundred from God save the King, if the same words were adapted to .both ! The females of this island, generally, have very musical voices, whose pitch is the same as that of European women; the voices of the men are a full octave below, round and full; all are very apt in learning a tune. Mr. Drayton remarks that he did not hear a single strain in the minor mood in singing, nor even in their natural sounds in speaking. Music might be cultivated among this people with great success, from the evident delight they take in musical sounds, and their strong desire to learn; but they could with difficulty be prevailed upon to sing, for the state of the country and the fear of the missionaries, or the order of edi Pindin the island of Pangai-Moutu, at the observ TONGATABOO. 31 lory, the natives passed to the shore. I received them in my tent, and the first words spoken were to inform me that they had come to the conference; and they asked where their adversaries were? Being ■well aware that they had avoided coming the day before, and Had gone out to make battle, instead of coming as appointed to the meeting, and that they knew the chiefs of Moa had returned, I took care to let them know that I was not to be imposed upon by such a trick. When they saw .they could not deceive me, they seemed disposed to laugh it off; but finding that their chiefs and warriors (upwards of one hundred) were all armed, I took care to retort upon them for their want of confidence, and to tell them how unlike it was to their profession of Christianity, and that they"must show a proper disposition, before the white people would give them any credit for being Christians. I then took the two kings with me on board the ship, leaving their canoe to follow. Shortly after we had embarked, King George's followers, finding a canoe on the beach owned by three natives of Rotuma, who reside at Moa, stole the paddles out of it, turned it over, and set it adrift. On making it known to King George, however, he promised recompense, but would not punish or seek to find out the perpetrators of the deed. I felt provoked that the king should not have had more control over them. He in truth seems to exercise very little power over his people. The kings were, shown over the ship, and several guns were fired, which they pretended to wonder at very much. They remained on board upwards of an hour, and took lunch with me. I was much amused with their conduct; they ate heartily of every thing on the table, and finally crammed themselves with almonds and raisins, with a most unkingly appetite. They then requested leave to take some to their wives, which they tied up in the corner of their tapas. Before they left the ship, I presented King George (in the name of the government) with a handsome fowling- piece, and King Josiah with a red silk umbrella, which highly delighted him. Their majesties were both naked, except the tapa wound around their waists; and it was a curious sight to see them endeavouring to imitate us in the use of knives and forks. They left the ship highly delighted with their presents and visit, embarked in their canoe, and proceeded to Nukualofa, all joining again in the same chorus. The canoe was nearly level with the water, and appeared like a floating mass of human beings. Thus ended my hopes of effecting the desired reconciliation between the two parties. The heathen are represented by the Christian party and missionaries, as a set of cruel savages, great liars, treacherous, TONGATABOO. and evil-disposed; and this character seems to be given to them only because they will not listen to the preaching; and it is alleged they must therefore be treated with severity, and compelled to yield. Under these feelings it was in vain to expect to produce a reconciliation; and, had I been aware of them, I should not have attempted the task. I must here record, that in all that met our observations, the impression was, that the heathen were well-disposed and kind, and were desirous of putting an end to the difficulties. Several of the officers visited Moa. In order to reach it, it is necessary to pass in boats through a large shallow lagoon, and it must be crossed nearly at high water, or the channel will be found very tortuous. The town or village is situated a little above the general level; it is surrounded by a ditch, which has little depth, as the coral rock is soon reached, and is not cut into. The intrenchment is com- of earth and logs, over which is a wicker fence, like that at Nukualofa; at the gates the ditch is interrupted, so as to form entrances, which are narrow and low. On the inside a guard-house with a sentinel was found; within the intrenchment was a high and well-built fence, and inside again were separate enclosures. They were led to the house of Faatu, the principal chief, who treated them with civility and kindness; they found him to possess both dignity and politeness. In his house were several Tonga drums, which were offered as seats. The natives were in great numbers, of all ages and sexes. A brisk tra"de was carried on for the supplies we needed ; and although Faatu took no active part, yet the whole was evidently under his supervision. The missionaries were kind enough to give me the following outline of the belief of the heathen belonging to this group of islands. They worship many gods, who are believed to possess unlimited power over them, and are called the gods of Bulotu or Atua faka Bulotu, whom they believe immortal; some of these gods are of this world, and are called Atua. They believe that all evil is inflicted by certain gods, called Atua lanuu; that the spirits of all chiefs go to Bulotu; but that those of poor people remain in this world, to feed upon ants and lizards; that the island of Bulotu is not distant, although they do not attempt to fix its locality; that both gods and goddesses have visited Tonga within thirty years past, when they drank ava in their temples, and were married 4o Tonga chiefs; that the higher gods or those of Bulotu do not consider lying, theft, adultery, murder, &c, as crimes, but as things of this world, which are left for the inferior gods to deal with, their more elevated natures. The onlv crime TONGATABOO. against the higher gods is sacrilege, committed towards their temples, or an improper use of the offerings. They call their oldest god Maui, and say that he drew the world or islands out of the sea with a hook and line: the first he drew up he named Ata, which is referred to Pylstart; the next was Tonga, with all its group of islands; then Lofanga and the other Hapai islands; and last, the Vavao Group. After he had finished his work, he came and fixed his residence at Tonga. In those days the sky was so near the earth that men were obliged to crawl. One day Maui is represented as having met an old woman with water in a cocoa-nut shell, of whom he begged some drink, which she refused until he promised to send the sky up high, which he did, by pushing it up, and there it has remained ever since. To Maui is ascribed the origin of that most useful tree called toa, the iron-wood (Casuarina), which in time reached the sky, and enabled'the god called Etumatubua to descend. Maui had two sons, the eldest called Maui Atalonga, and the younger Kijikiji, but by • whom is not known. Kijikiji obtained some fire from the earth, and taught them to cook their food, which they found was good, and from that day food has been cooked which before was eaten raw. In order to preserve the fire, Kijikiji commanded it to go into certain trees, whence it is now obtained by friction. They further say, that during the time old Maui was on the earth, the only light was like that of the moon, and that neither day nor night existed; that Maui and his two sons live under the earth, where he sleeps most of his time; that when he turns himself over, he produces earthquakes, which they call " mofooeke." Maui is not now worshipped by any tribe, nor is he loved or feared. Tangaloa, their second god, is thought to be nearly as old as Maui, and equal to him in dignity. He resides in the skies, which the Tongese believe to be very numerous. Hikuleo is the god of spirits, and is the third in order of time; he dwells in a cave in the island. Bulotu is most remarkable for a long tail, which prevents him from going farther from the cave in which he resides than its length will admit of. In this cave he has feasts, and lives with his wives, by whom he has many children; he has absolute power over all, and all are forced to go to him; he is a being without .love or goodness; to him the spirits of the chiefs and mataboles go, becoming his servants, and are forced to do his will, and to serve for what purpose he pleases; he even uses them to make fences of, or as bars to his gates; and they have the "idea that his house and all things in it are made of the spirits of people, where they continue to serve without end. They never pray to Bulotu, except when some sacrilege has 24 TONGATABOO. been committed to the offerings they make him; and on this occasion they always make a human sacrifice. They also invoke him when the Tui Tonga is sick; and it depends on the reigning Tui Kanakabolo whether or not a human sacrifice is offered. None but gods are ever permitted to come from Bulotu. This god has his spirit-temple where all their valuable presents to the gods are deposited. I was shown by the missionaries some large whale's teeth that were prettily carved, which had been found in the .temple lately destroyed by the Christian party. We saw here three natives of the island of Rotuma, who had been some time at Tonga: one of them was said to be a chief of high rank; another, an old man, a chief also, and a kind of Mentor to the former, who spoke a little English, and was quite blind, having become so since he had left his own island. The old man seemed to feel great solicitude about his charge, and expressed a wish to get away from Tonga. The reason he gave me for this desire was, " there was too much fight here; it would be bad for the young chief, who was to be a king." He told me also there had been no war on his island for many years. It is generally known by the whalers and others, that at Rotuma, the people are the most peaceable of any of these Polynesian islanders and the whalers have been in the habit of resorting thither, because they experienced little difficulty, and are in no danger of boing molested by the natives. He mentioned that many of his islanders were now abroad, on board of whale-ships, where they earned good wages, and afterwards returned to the island with some property; he said that TONGATABOO. 25 Rotuma contained very many people. He who was designated as the high chief, was a pleasing, handsome young man, and appeared modest and gentle in his deportment. Some thought he resembled in physiognomy our American Indians, but I did not myself remark it. The natives of Tonga, in habits, customs, looks, and general appearance, are so like the Samoans, that we were greatly struck with the resemblance; indeed, in writing of Samoa, I mentioned that many things have been derived from Tonga, particularly their tapa covering from the waist downwards, called siapo. The two races also agree in having no covering for the head, and the females resemble each other. The missionaries, through the king's ordinance, have caused the females to clothe themselves up to the neck with the pareu; but this is only conformed to before the missionaries, for we as frequently saw it worn in the native fashion. In colour the Tongese are a little lighter than the Samoans, and the young children are almost if not quite white. As they grow up, they are left, both males and females, to run about in a state of nature, with their hair cropped close, except a small curly lock over each ear. This is a practice which has before been spoken of, as prevalent among the Samoans. Indeed, the similarity between the appearance of the children in the two groups is such, that they might be mistaken for each other. A larger proportion of fine-looking people is seldom to be seen, in any portion of the globe; they are a shade lighter than any of the other islanders; their countenances are generally of the European cast; they are tall and well made, and their muscles are well developed. We had an opportunity of contrasting their physical characters with those of several other natives, and particularly with a native of Erromago. The features of the latter were more nearly allied. VOL. III. c 4 to those of the negro than any we had yet seen. His hair was woolly, his face prominent, and his lips thick. His nose, however, was not remarkably broad; his eyes were small, deeply sunk, and had a lively expression; his countenance was pleasing and intelligent, and his cheeks thin ; his limbs were slender, and the calf of his leg high.* We also found some of the Feejee islanders here: the intercourse between Tonga and the windward islands of the Feejee Group, is frequent. This intercourse is said to be the cause of the warlike habits which the Tongese have acquired. The people of Feejee appear to disadvantage when contrasted with those of Tonga; for the latter have much larger frames, their colour is several shades lighter, and their hair straight and fine, while that of the Feejee is frizzled. The women of the Tonga Group are equally remarkable for their personal beauty. The natives of Tonga, from the missionaries' accounts, are industrious and ingenious; much attachment exists between husband and wife, and they are very fond of their children. We were surprised at their numbers, which give a striking air of cheerfulness and gaiety to the scene, when they are seen in groups, playing, and practising many kinds of jugglery. As far as we observed, the Tongese are very fond of amusements, and smoking tobacco is absolutely a passion with them ; this is raised by themselves: the leaf is cut up very fine, and then rolled within a fine pandanus-leaf, forming a cigar. The Christian party are not * Among other peculiarities of this that instead of wrapping himself up in .of burying himself in the sand in order at night, like the Tongese roid the musquitoes. s stated by the low hew n the habit TONGATABOO. 27 allowed to smoke, although they use large quantities of ava, made of the Piper mythisticum, which has more intoxicating and deleterious effects than tobacco. So singular an interdiction of the one, with the free use of the other, induced me to ask Mr. Tucker' the reason of it, and why, if they had only the power to prevent the use of one, they did not prohibit the most pernicious? The only answer I got was, that it would be a pity to break up their ava circles. I believe that few rise from them without being somewhat stupified, but it does not amount to actual intoxication. The manner in which these natives use tobacco is one of the most pleasing of their social customs, and shows an absence of all selfishness; it is the same as at the Samoan Group, where the person who lights a pipe seldom gets more than two whiffs of its contents, as it is immediately passed around. As a people they may be termed warlike; and war-councils, making speeches', and drinking ava, may be called the business of their lives. The women are said to be virtuous; their employments are to make tapa, mats, baskets, &c, and do the housework. The men cultivate the ground, and fish. The females are more in the habit of using lime-water and lime on their hair than those we have seen elsewhere. This application turns it red, but its chief use is to promote cleanliness. Of the ingenuity of the men we saw many proofs, in their manufacture of boxes, baskets, and miniature canoes. The last day I visited Nukualofa, Mr. Tucker was kind enough to take me to see Tamahaa, the aunt of Tui Tonga, who is considered of divine origin, for which reason great respect and honours are paid her. It is said that she has great influence with the heathen, although being a convert, she is favourable to the Christian side. As a token of the great respect with which she is regarded, it was remarked that the natives never turn the back upon her until at thirty or forty feet distance, and never eat in her presence. She is old enough to remember the arrival of Cook when she was a child. We found her sitting in her house, with a child who could just walk, (both enclosed in a rolled screen, before described,) whom she was feeding with cocoa- nut pulp. We shook hands and sat some time with her, making many inquiries about the former persons of the island, which the entertaining volumes of Dr. Martin, relating the adventures of Mariner, had made me acquainted with. She seemed to know Togi Uummea, the name by which Mariner was known, and also most of the people mentioned in Mariner's account. On a visit to the missionaries, I found Tubou or King Josiah, who had been sitting-for his picture, and had fallen fast asleep. Wishing to get some information from him, I felt desirous of waking him up, 28 TONGATABOO. and for that purpose asked him some questions about the kingly sport of rat-hunting, described in Mariner's Tpnga Islands, and whether he could not indulge me with an exhibition of a hunt. His eyes at once brightened, and he became aroused to great animation, as though his former feats and pleasure in this sport were vividly before him. He regretted that the present state of the island, and the all-engrossing war, occupied too much of their attention to allow them to engage in any such peaceful occupation. He was represented to be a great sportsman, and the animation with which he spoke gave evident proof of it. He said that the game or sport was now seldom practised; that the rats had in consequence, much increased, and were a great annoyance to the cultivator;—but the war seemed to engross all the powers of his feeble mind. He told me that the heathen in all had fifteen hundred warriors; that they usually made war by attacking the taro and yam-grounds; these they plunder and destroy, which ultimately produces a famine, not only to their enemies but to themselves. He seemed to rejoice that the heathen had made the first attack, as they would thereby, according to their belief, be conquered. He told me he much desired peace and quietness, and was willing to do any thing to bring it about; and as far as he was personally concerned, I believe he was in earnest, for every one seemed to give him the credit of being an imbecile sleepy fellow, and paid him little or no respect. During this visit I also saw a noted Feejee warrior, who had been absent from Tonga many years, and on his return had been engaged in these wars; he was described as a very wicked fellow, and if so, I can only say that his looks did not belie him: a worse or more brutal- looking man I have seldom seen. I understood that his arrival had been looked for with much impatience by the heathen, as affording them additional strength in a noted leader; but, to the surprise of all, he joined himself to King George, and desired to become a Christian; he was received as such, and was now employed fighting against the heathen. On the evening of the day on which King George visited the ship, he held a council, in which he addressed his chiefs and warriors on the necessity of carrying on the war with vigour; and measures were taken to prosecute it accordingly. The meeting took place in the malai opposite his house, while he sat in the doorway with his two children, with the church-people forming a circle around him. At this meeting was seen the noted chief and Feejee warrior who has already been spoken of, fully armed, in the background. After the council had debated and talked over the subject fully, King George gave some commands, which several messengers were sent to execute TONGATABOO. 29 and the council was dismissed in a truly primitive style and language: " Let every man go and cook his yams." After the assemblage was dismissed, the king and chiefs remained some time in consultation. In this council, an attack upon the heathen towns was arranged. The next morning, smoke was seen ascending from some of the heathen villages, and word was brought to me afterwards, that King George, having sallied forth with eight hundred warriors at midnigh^had burned two of the heathen towns. Although he had ordered seven hundred more warriors to follow him at daylight, he did not pursue the heathen, who fled before him. On his return in the evening he held an ava feast in honour of his success; at this meeting, Lavaka and Ata, or the chiefs who held these titles, were formally degraded from their offices by the king,—a stroke of policy that is thought will have much influence in alienating this people, as it has usually had that effect; I, however, very much question its success in the present instance, when the parties have such a deadly animosity towards each other; for the very authority by which the act of degradation is performed, has abandoned the religion by which the act was sanctioned. The population of the Tonga Islands, as now given by the missionaries, is 18,500, viz.: Eooa, 200 Hapai, 4,000 Vavao, 4,000 Keppel's, 1,000 Boscawen, 1,300 Tonga, 8,000 Total, .... 18,500 At present the number on Tonga is increased by about one thousand. About four thousand five hundred of the natives are Christians, of whom two thousand five hundred are church members. The jurisdiction of Tui Kanakabolo, or Lord of Kanakabolo, used to extend to Uea or Wallis Island, and several of the smaller islands in the neighbourhood. This group of islands is divided into three missionary stations, viz.: Tongataboo, commenced in ] 829 Hapai, " 1829 Vavao, " 1830 The missionaries reside at each of these stations. The smaller islands are under the care of native teachers, and are visited occa- sionaliy by the missionaries to marry and baptize, &c. There is a printing-press established at Vavao, which has been in operation since 1832. Many of the women can sew, and a great number of the natives have learned to read and write; a few of them have been taught the rules of arithmetic, and the principles of geography. A very great improvement has taken place in the morals of the Christian part of the community; but the attachment of the people to their ancient usages is so strong, and the island so little visited by civilized nations, that they have not had that stimulus to improvement which others have derived from such advantages. While I bear witness to the arduous labours and well-conducted operations of these missionaries, I cannot help remarking that I was disappointed in finding religious intolerance existing among them. It was to be expected, that among a class so devoted, and undergoing so ' many privations, dangers, and sacrifices for the cause they are engaged in, charity would not have been wanting; and that they would have extended a friendly hand to all, of whatever persuasion, who came within their sphere of duty, especially those engaged in similar duties with themselves; but an instance of intolerance came to my knowledge here, that I regretted to hear of. On board the Currency Lass were two Catholic missionaries, who had been in this small vessel of one hundred and twenty tons for five months, and three weeks of that time they were in this harbour, without having received even an , invitation to visit the shore from the Wesleyan missionaries, nor were any civilities whatever offered or paid to them. I can easily conceive why objections should be made to their preaching or remaining to propagate their creed in a field that was already occupied; but to withhold from them the common courtesies of life, in the present state of the world, surprised me not little; and I am satisfied that the example set in this case by the missionaries has caused much remark among the natives themselves upon this want of hospitality. They cannot understand the dogmas of the different sects of Christians, so that they naturally look upon them all as missionaries of this same faith, and cannot see why they should treat each other with less courtesy than is extended to those who are not missionaries. Their ideas of epemies only extend to those who fight, which they well know all missionaries refuse to do. Were missionaries aware of the unfavourable impression produced on the minds of most of the natives by such intolerance, it would never be practised, particularly as it is calculated to excite prejudices in strangers who visit their different mission stations, which not unfrequently so blinds them that they go away with unfavourable impressions. Every endeavour is frequently made by those whites TONGATABOO. 31 who are resident near them to store up and repeat these facts, wi.h exaggerations, which go far to damp the ardour of those who are interested in forwarding the great cause in which they are engaged. For all these considerations, they ought to avoid, by every means, falling short of that high-minded liberality that is expected from them. The Tongese are remarkable for their feats in swimming, and are very daring when sailing their canoes. An instance was told me that occurred in 1839, the year before our visit, which is looked upon as a well-established fact in this group. Two canoes left Hapai for Vavao; ' on their way, the wind arose and blew a strong gale from the north directly against them; one of them was driven back and landed at Ofalanga, an uninhabited island of the group, occasionally visited by the natives for nuts, shells, fish, &c.; in the other canoe as they were taking in sail, a man fell overboard, and the wind and sea being strong and high, it was found impossible to save him without risking the lives of all on board, and he was given up; this was about four o'clock, and the canoe was just in sight of land. The man accordingly turned his face towards Hapai, and resolved to reach it if possible; he knew the wind was north, and directed his course by feeling the wind in his right and left ear, intending to swim before it; he continued swimming, and resting by floating upon the water, until the moon rose ; he then steered his course by that luminary, and thus continued until morning, when he was near land and almost within reach of the coral reef. When he had thus nearly escaped drowning, he was on the point of becoming the prey of a huge shark, whose jaws he avoided by reaching the coral shelf; he then landed upon the island, which proved to be Ofalanga, where the first canoe had been driven; the crew found him on the beach senseless, and attended to him; he soon was brought to, and shortly afterwards recovered his strength. This man's name is Theophilus Tohu; he is a native of Huano on the island of Hapai. The canoe from which he was lost returned to Huano before Theophilus did, and when he reached his home, he found his friends had passed through the usual ceremonies of his funeral. The island of Tongataboo is of coral formation, and with extensive coral reefs to the northward of it; it has a shallow lagoon, which extends about ten miles into the interior. The soil is deeper than upon any island of coral formation we have yet visited; it is nearly a dead level, with the exception of a few hillocks, thirty or forty feet high ; the soil is a rich and fertile vegetable mould, and it is not composed of sand, as in the other coral islands. The vegetation, probably for this reason, does not altogether resemble that found on those islands. The i of the foliage is not surpassed. Some few specimens of pumice have been found on its shores, probably drifted there from the island of Tofooa, which is said to have an active volcano. Tofooa is the highest island of the group, and next in height is Eooa. There is a marked difference in the appearance of the islands of Eooa and Tonga; on the former of which there is comparatively little vegetation. On Tonga, although the vegetation equals any within the tropics, I ■ was struck with the exaggerated accounts of the cultivation of the island; for, so far from finding it a perfect garden, exhibiting the greatest care in its cultivation, it now appeared to be entirely neglected. The yam-grounds are more in the interior of the island, and in consequence of the war, there was no safety in passing beyond the limits of the party which possessed the north part of the island, or that in the vicinity of Nukualofa. The natives cultivate yams, ^sweet-potatoes, bananas, cocoa-nuts, bread-fruit, sugar-cane, shaddock, limes, and the ti (Spondias dulcis); the pandanus is much attended to, and is one of their most useful trees, I of it all their mats are made; a little corn is grown, and they have the papaw-apple (Papaya), and water-melon. The missionaries have introduced the sweet orange from Tahiti, and a species of cherimoyer (Annona); many other things have, as I learned, been attempted, but have hitherto failed. I presented the missionaries with a variety of both fruit and vegetable seeds, and trust that they will succeed and be of advantage to future visiters; the natives, I was told, understand the different kinds, discriminating among them in their planting. The botany of this island resembles that of the Samoan Group. A species of nutmeg was found here, differing from either of the Samoan ones: the trees were very full of fruit, and much larger; one of them s observed a foot and a half in diameter, and upwards of forty feet in height. There was a number of ornamental shrubs. A description of climbing plants, which it was found a difficult matter to trace among the varieties of forest trees, gave a peculiar character to some parts of this overgrown island. The climate of Tonga is humid and the heat oppressive, rising frequently to 98° in the shade; much rain falls; the mean temperature during our stay was 79-25°. The trade-winds are by no means constant, and westerly winds occasionally blow in every season, which, from their variable character, have obtained the name with the natives of " foolish winds." We had to regret the state the island was in, as it prevented our making that full examination of it that I had intended and hoped; we TONGATABOO. saw enough, however, to satisfy ourselves that Tongataboo is not the cultivated garden it has been represented to be. The Ficus tree figured in the voyage of the Astrolabe, whose trunk is there stated to be one hundred feet in circumference, was visited. We were surprised to find it had no proper trunk, but only a mass of intertwined roots, through which it is possible to see in many directions, rising to a height of eighty or ninety feet, when it throws around its great and wide- spreading branches. Two other species of Ficus were found, one with labiate branches and horizontal spreading arms, the other with a trunk about nine feet in diameter. The climate cannot be considered salubrious; very heavy dews fall at night, and no constitution can endure frequent exposure at this time; the transitions from heat to cold are sudden and great, and the nights are often so chilly as to make blankets, necessary. Hurricanes are frequent in this group, scarcely a season passing without some occurrence of the kind: the months of February and March are those in which they occur; but they have also taken place in November and December. The missionaries as yet have made no series of observations, nor kept any kind of meteorological diary; but in answer to my inquiries I obtained the information, that the storms begin at the northwest, thence veer to the eastward, and end in southeast. The wind continues to increase until it becomes a hurricane: houses are levelled, and trees torn up by the roots; vessels are driven on shore; canoes lost or driven hundreds of miles away to other islands. In these storms the wind is frequently observed to change almost immediately from one point to its opposite; and In the same group of islands, trees have fallen, during the same gale, some to the south and others to the north. They are local in their effects, and fall chiefly upon Hapai and Vavao; if the fury of the storm be felt at Vavao, Tonga generally escapes, and vice-versa; but Hapai is more or less the sufferer in both cases, situated as it is between the two places. A very severe hurricane was felt at Lefooka, Hapai, in 1834. These hurricanes vary in duration from eighteen to thirty-six hours ; after a destructive one, a famine generally ensues, in which numbers of the natives die: it destroys all their crops. The natives give the name to those which are most severe, " Afa higa faji," or the hurricane that throws down the banana-trees. Earthquakes are frequently felt here, though there is no knowledge of any destructive effects from them. The diseases of this climate are influenza, colds, coughs, and consumption; glandular swellings, some eruptive complaints, fevers, and some slight irregular intermittents are experienced; but to judge from 34 TONGATABOO. the number of old persons, longevity is by no means uncommon. The venereal disease has not made the same devastation here as elsewhere; probably because, as respects morals and virtue, these natives are the opposite to those of Tahiti. •Desirous of obtaining some of their arms, implements, and other curiosities, Mr. Waldron, Mr. Hale, and Mr. Vanderford, went to Nukualofa to make purchases, taking with them a large assortment of articles for the fair. The difficulties to be encountered in making purchases of the natives is scarcely to be imagined; no small amount of patience is required to go through the chaffering that is necessary to secure the article desired; for if their price is at once acceded to, they consider their bargain is a bad one. No inducement is sufficient for them to part with several articles of a kind at once; each must be disposed of separately, and on all, a like chaffering must be gone through with. The natives, before they bring articles for sale, fix their minds upon something they desire to obtain, and if that is not to be had, they take their things away again, it matters not whether the article is equivalent in value or not. Mr. Vanderford, who has been here several times since 1810, told me " he had never found the Tonga people such saucy fellows." During our stay here, we were much incommoded by the mus- quitoes. I never saw them more troublesome; and for three or four nights the officers and men obtained no sleep, which, added to the excessive heat, was overpowering, after the fatigues of a day spent.in surveying. I never saw the men look as much fatigued when the day dawned; some of them declared that the musquitoes had bitten through every thing but their boots and hats; they even sought shelter in the tops and cross-trees, hoping thus to escape the attacks of these tormentors ; the ship was so filled with them, that she was (not unaptly) likened to a musical-box. Their attacks bade defiance to all defences in the way of musquito-nets; night observations became almost impracticable in consequence of this intolerable annoyance, and I felt quite desirous for the time of our departure from the island to arrive. On the 1st of May, our observations and surveying duties being completed, the instruments were embarked, and the boats hoisted in. A new difficulty now arose; for I was informed that the native pilots had received a message from the king, forbidding them to take the ships through the reefs; and although we needed their services but little, yet I thought it was a circumstance that required some investigation. I however gave orders to weigh anchor; but, while in the act of doin^ so, the Porpoise was reported as in sight: I therefore awaited her joining company. She had been detained in consequence of light, • TONGATABOO. 35 variable winds; had seen nothing of Vasquez Island, but had sighted Pylstart's Island. We found that the crew of the Porpoise had been, as well as ourselves, affected by the epidemic influenza, and that one case (that of David Bateman the marine) was somewhat serious; we therefore received him on board the Vincennes, for his better accommodation. In the afternoon we ran down to the anchorage, off Nukualofa, when the Porpoise and Flying-Fish both went ashore on the reef, in consequence of the sufTpreventing it from being seen; they got off soon after without any damage. On anchoring, I despatched an officer on shore, to inquire into the reason of the order sent the pilots; word was immediately returned, on the part of the kings, that they knew nothing of the business; and they disclaimed any interference with them at all. On further investigation, the report was found to have grown out of the jealousy between two pilots, Tahiti Jim and Isaac: the former being the favourite of King George, whilst the latter was attached to King Josiah. Isaac having come on board first, was accepted as pilot; but Tahiti Jim being shrewd and cunning, (of which we had much experience afterwards,) did not like the idea of Isaac, who, as he told me, was no pilot, reaping all the reward; he accordingly intimated to him, that unless he promised to share the profits with him, he should report him to King George; and that if he got the ship ashore the captain would hang him. This so alarmed Isaac, that, being unwilling to fall under the displeasure of the king, and equally so to divide his profits, concocted the story that he was • ordered by the king not to take the vessel to sea. I rather suspected Tahiti Jim of delivering such a message; finding, however, since the arrival of the Porpoise, that there was now a prospect of profit for both, they became reconciled. This affair being settled, and having finished my orders for the Peacock, and sent them to the missionaries, we hove up our anchors, and made sail. Before we had got. without the reef, a sail was descried, which proved to be the" Peacock, After passing congratulations, by cheering, I made signal to anchor, which was done, near the outer reefs, in ten fathoms water. We were now once more together, and only a few days behind the time allotted for reaching the Feejee Group, and beginning operations there. The Peacock, as we have seen, was left at Sydney to complete her repairs; these detained her until the 30th of March, for it was found extremely difficult to obtain mechanics; and all who were employed, except two, were a lazy and drunken set: they all belong to the " Trades' Union;" and to such an extreme is the action of this association carried, that they invariably support the most worthless, and 36 TONGATABOO. make common cause with them. Employers are completely under their control, and there is no manner of redress for idleness or bad work. If the employer complains, they all leave work, refusing to do any thing more, and soon compel him to re-engage them irough The repairs were made, as has been stated,'in Mossman's Cove, on the north shore of the harbour of Sydney, one of the many natural docks that nature has provided for this harbour. The ship was laid aground, so as to expose her whole fore-foot, during the ebb tide." The damage which she had sustained has been before spoken of; the stem was literally worn to within an inch and a half of the wood- ends. After repairing this, by scraping the stem and putting on a new cut-water, they made use of a diving apparatus to place the new braces, and mend the copper that was broken. Although they were removed some distance from Sydney and its vile, grog-shops, despite the utmost caution to prevent the crew from procuring spirits, it was found that a plan had been formed to supply them with it. In a hut near by, lived an Irishman, familiarly called Paddy, who acted as a kind of suttler, in supplying the messes of the officers and men with fresh bread and milk, and also doing the washing. After a few days it was discovered that the men were obtaining some extra allowance of spirits, and suspicions naturally enough fell on Paddy as the cause of this irregularity, and its consequent disturbances. Orders were therefore given to search him, on his next visit to the ship; this fully confirmed the suspicion, and his presence on board was at once interdicted. Paddy had no idea of being thus defeated in reaping his harvest from the ship's company; he therefore enlisted in his service a man, if possible, of a worse character than himself, whom he kept constantly supplied with rum, brandy, and gin from Sydney, and made it known to the crew that he was ready to furnish his former customers. The men soon managed, under various pretexts, to visit his hut, and supply themselves at the expense of their clothing, or some other equivalent This new arrangement succeeded for a time, but was at length detected, and the nuisance wholly stopped; steps were also taken for the punishment of the offenders, by making a complaint against them, which caused the apprehension of Paddy and his partner, and he was required to pay a fine of £30, or be imprisoned for six months. Paddy was not the only annoyance they had to encounter. Another was the poisonous snakes that infest the secluded nooks of Mossman's Bay, numbers-of which were daily seen near the ship; among, them TONGATABOO. 37 was one resembling the diamond-snake, of a light silvery colour, about eighteen inches in length, and as thick as the little finger: these are very numerous, and it is very desirable to avoid coming in contact with them, for their bite has often proved fatal. Instances are known in Sydney of persons who have been bitten, and have died in a few hours. An eminent physician of Sydney, on being asked the treatment in case of a bite, replied : " To bandage the affected part as soon as possible, cut it out, and as soon as preparations can be made, amputate the limb!" Thesevenomous snakes frequently crawl into houses near the woods, and persons have been bitten whilst sitting at their doors in the evening. A lady? living on the north shore near the residence of the American consul, was sitting playing on the piano, when, hearing some rustling noise, suddenly looked around, and discovered a diamond-snake only a short distance from her; she screamed aloud and jumped on the music-stool; a servant soon came to the rescue, and killed the intruder. Instances occur repeatedly of these snakes infesting the houses, and so common are they, that if a person is stung, it is at once supposed to be by a snake. The effects of the bite, if not fatal, are said to produce partial blindness. On the 30th of March they left Sydney, and passed the Heads of Port Jackson on the same afternoon. They had at first light winds, and made but little progress. When about seventy miles from the coast, in latitude 33£° S., they experienced a change of four degrees in the temperature of the sea; and on the 3d of April, they found they had been set thirty miles to the southward during the day. On the 5th, the temperature again fell to 72°, with an easterly current. Several English vessels were seen cruising for whales in latitude 28° S., longitude 157° E. The winds continued contrary and light. On the 9th, in longitude 159° 43' E., latitude 26° S., an opportunity occurred for trying the deep-sea temperature. At eight hundred and thirty fathoms below the surface, the temperature had decreased to 46°, that of the surface being 76°; and the current was found setting east-by-south half a mile per hour. The next day, in longitude 160° E., latitude 25° 40' S., the experiments were repeated, at different depths; the results will be found in Appendix I. The current was now found setting to the south-southwest, at the rate of half a mile per hour. On the 18th they again attempted to get a deep-sea cast, and had nineteen hundred fathoms of line out; in hauling in the line it parted, and nearly seventeen hundred fathoms of it were lost, besides the only self-registering thermometer we had left in the squadron, which put a stop to our experiments. They had now several days of light variable 38 TONGATAB OO, winds, with occasional rain and much lightning and thunder. The island of Eooa was made on the 30th of April, and on the 1st of May they passed through the reefs and joined the squadron. The present King Josiah is one of the sons of Mumui, who was reigning in Cook's time. Three of King Josiah's brothers have preceded him as rulers of Tonga: these were Tugo Aho, Tubou Toa, and Tubou Maloki. The first reigned but a short time, being put to death by Tubou Ninha, a brother of the celebrated Finau. Tubou Ninha was afterwards murdered by Tubou Toa, who reigned over the Hapai Islands, Tubou Maloki receiving the title of King of Tonga, or rather Tui Kanakabolo, or Lord of Kanakabolo, while that of Vavao was governed by the younger Finau, adopted son of Finau Ulukalalu. This was the state of the island at the time of Mariner's, or Togi Uummea's visit. A few months after his departure, Finau died a natural death, and was succeeded by his uncle, Finau Feejee, having Toa Omoo to assist him. Finau Feejee was murdered by Hala Apiapia, who succeeded him ; but his ambition of obtaining kingly power was not long satisfied, before he was put to death by Paunga, a high chief. The son of Finau Ulukalalu, named Tuabiji, succeeded, but died within a few years, and did not bear a' good character. His dominions were immediately seized upon by Taufaahau, the present King George, then King of Hapai, the son of Tubou Toa, and grandson of Mumui; and there is now a prospect of his becoming king of the whole group. The Tui Kanakabolo, Tubou Maloki, was succeeded by the present King Josiah, or Tubou. Before the death of Tubou Maloki, his power had become very limited, Tonga itself being distracted by many civil broils; neither has his successor, King Josiah, more energy. His domain may now be said to be circumscribed to the town of Nukualofa; and if it had not been for the timely aid of Taufaahau, he would in all probability ere now have been driven from his kingdom. The son of Tubou Maloki, Mumui, before spoken of, is most thought of as his successor, though against such a powerful competitor as King George, he does not stand much chance. Since leaving the island, in the month of August, whilst employed in the neighbouring group (the Feejee), we learned that the war in Tonga had terminated very differently from what had been anticipated,—in the complete rout of the Christian party, King George and all his warriors being compelled to fly the island. On the arrival of Captain Croker, of H. B. M. sloop Favourite, he warmly interested himself in the advancement of the missionary cause, and determined to engage in negotiations with the heathen; but finding that many difficulties impeded his plans, he unfortunately determined to bring matters at TONGATABOO. once to an issue, and demanded that the terms he dictated should be acceded to by the heathen within a few hours. To enforce his demand, he landed a large part of his crew, with officers, and proceeded to the fortress of Bea; only an hour was given its defenders to decide. I am informed that it has since been understood that if a longer time had been granted, they would have acceded to his demand. He was punctual to his time, and on the chiefs refusing to surrender, he made an attack upon the fortress. On his advancing near the gate, he, with many of his officers and men were shot down; the survivors suffered a total defeat, and were obliged to retreat forthwith. The heathen now became the assailants, and the Christian party, together with the missionaries, were forced to embark, and afterwards landed at Vavao; King George was obliged to retire, and Nukualofa was invested by the heathen. Thus ended this religious war, and I cannot but believe that the precipitate zeal of the missionaries was the cause of so disastrous a result. That the heathen were well disposed to make peace, I am well assured; a little patience and forbearance, and at the same time encouraging intercourse with their towns and setting them a good example, would have gradually and surely brought about the desired results; while to force them to become converts, was a mode of proceeding calculated only to excite their enmity and opposition. The night previous to our sailing, May 3d, two of the Feejee women who had been smuggled from Vavao by Captain Wilson, paddled off in a canoe to the Peacock, entreating to be received on board and conveyed to their own country, and with the view of securing their object, it was found they had thrown away their paddles. The request was denied, and Captain Hudson had new ones at once made for them; they were compelled to enter their canoe again, and paddled off. They then visited the tender Flying-Fish, and in order to prevent their being turned off in the same way, they set their canoe adrift. As it was late at night, they were retained on board, and sent to the Vincennes early in the morning. Well understanding, from the interview I had with King George in relation to the Currency Lass, his feelings on the subject, (for the abduction of these very women from the island of Vavao had been the cause of the difficulty,) I immediately ordered them to be landed. I did this because I was not willing to have an appearance of inconsistency in the minds of these natives, in first blaming conduct I thought unwarrantable in Captain Wilson, and then doing the same act myself. Had I taken any other course, it would no doubt have provoked aggression upon the first American vessel that visited any of the ports of this group. My commiseration and that of many of the officers was 40 TONGATABOO. excited at the sight of these poor defenceless creatures, who were desirous to return to their native island, and who had made such strenuous efforts to accomplish their wishes; but my public duty was too well defined for me to allow their tears and entreaties to prevail over higher considerations. The intercourse between the Feejee and Tonga Islanders, has been of late years frequent; the latter are more inclined to leave their homes than the former, and when a Tongese has once visited the Feejee Group and returns safely, he is looked upon as a traveller. In Tonga they consider and look up to the. Feejee Islanders as more polished, and their opinions are viewed with much respect; this, one not only observes in their conversation, but they show it in adopting their manners and customs, and the attention and deference they pay to the opinions of those who have visited or belong to that group; from them they obtain their canoes, and have learned the art of sailing and navigating them; and from the situation' of their islands, being more exposed to a rough ocean, they are probably now better and more adventurous navigators. This intercourse is kept up more particularly with the eastern islands of the Feejees: at Lakemba we found many of them residing. When Cook visited this group, little was known of the Feejees. Thirty years afterwards, during the time Mariner resided on the Tonga Islands, the intercourse and information had become greater and more accurate; and at the period of our visit, we heard of many things that were passing in that group as familiar topics; and we found among them many Tongese who were enjoying the hospitality of their western neighbours. The prevailing winds are in favour of the intercourse on the side of the Tongese, which may in some measure account for it; and the favour with which they have always been received, and the flattering accounts those who returned have given of their reception, may in some measure account for the desire they always evince to pay the Feejee Group a visit. In a very few years, through the intercourse that will be brought about by the missionaries, there will be as much passing to and fro between them, as there is now among the several islands of either group, which will have a great tendency to advance the civilization of both. Previous to my departure, a sailor by the name of Tom Granby desired to have a passage to the Feejees, and although I entertained always much suspicion of the vagabonds who frequent the different islands, Tom's countenance was so very prepossessing, and his modesty as to his capabilities as a pilot such as to satisfy me that he was not one of the runaways or convicts; he was, besides, as he informed me, a resident of the island of Ovolau. I had already made up my mind TONGATABOO. 41 that this island should be the first place the squadron should go to, on account of its central position, which, if the harbour proved convenient, offered the best point whence to superintend the duties and to fix my observatory at; Tom was therefore taken on board, and remained with us during the whole time we were in the Feejee Group, and I was well satisfied with him; in short, he did not belie his countenance. CHAPTER II. CONTENTS. DEPARTURE FROM TONGATABOO—THE PORPOISE DETACHED—ENTRANCE INTO THE FEEJEE GROUP-ARRIVAL AT LEVUKA-TUI LEVUKA-MESSAGE SENT TO TANOA- PLANS OF OPERATION-TENDER OF THE SHIP LEONIDAS-EXCURSION TO THE PEAK OF ANDULONG - OBSERVATORY ESTABLISHED - BOATS DETACHED TO SURVEY — ORDERS TO THE OFFICERS-ARRIVAL OF THE FLYlNG-FlSH-PRECAUTIONS-ARRIVAL OF TANOA-HIS RECEPTION AT LEVUKA-HIS VISIT TO THE VINCENNES-HIS ADOPTION OF THE RULES AND REGULATIONS-HIS SUITE—HIS SECOND VISIT-DISTRICTS OF OVOLAU —LABOURS OF TUI LEVUKA—RULING POWER IN OVOLAU —TOWN OF LEVUKA—DISTRICTS OF THE FEEJEE GROUP—RECENT HISTORY OF AMBAU—INTRODUCTION OF FIRE-ARMS —REIGN OF ULIVOU— ACCESSION OF TANOA —WAR WITH REWA - REBELLION AGAINST TANOA - niS TRIUMPHAL RETURN — DISTURBANCES BETWEEN AMBAU AND REWA — PREPARATIONS FOR MAKING A GARDEN —ROYAL PRESENT FROM TANOA—DEATH OF DAVID BATEMAN—VISIT FROM SERU—HIS RECEPTION ON BOARD THE VINCENNES-VISIT FROM PADDY CONNEL-HIS HISTORY. CHAPTER II. At daylight on the 4th of May, the squadron got under way from the harbour of Nukualofa, and passing without the reefs through a narrow passage, safely bore off to the westward under all sail, having the wind from east-northeast. At meridian we had the islands of Honga Tonga and Honga Hapai to the north of us; these are both high, and are distant from Tonga twenty-seven miles. On the 5th we had a sight of Turtle Island, and determined it to be in longitude 178° 33' W., latitude 19° 48' S. ;* it has the appearance of a small rounded knoll. The wind was blowing fresh from the southeast, and after dark I determined to heave-to, to await daylight, off the southern and eastern islands of the Feejee Group ; this was done in order to set the Porpoise at her work. Since leaving Tonga, we have found ulcers prevalent among our men, from the bites they had received; they were inflammatory and difficult to cure, prevailing among those apparently most healthy. Just at dawn we made an island, and at the same time a large sandbank, about half a mile from us; had darkness continued half an hour longer, we should have probably been wrecked upon the latter, as I did not believe myself within five miles of it. Our unexpected vicinity to it was caused by a strong current to the northward. At 6 a. m. we began our observations, and at eight I made signal to the Porpoise to part company, in order that Lieutenant-Commandant Ringgold might proceed to carry into execution the orders which will be found in Appendix II. We continued our course with the Peacock and Flying-Fish in s by the Porpoise, plac l longitude 178° 37' 13" W., lati- 4tJ OVOLAU. company. I had compiled a chart of the comparatively unknown sea we were about to traverse; but the weather was threatening, and from the specimen we had had in the morning of its dangers, I thought it. would be prudent to haul off, which I did, at. 2 p. m. At five, land was reported ahead, and on the lee bow; it proved to be the island of Totoia, which I now found was thirty miles out of the position assigned it by former navigators. I at once came to the determination of running into the group, feeling assured we should thus save much time, and probably find smoother water; the dangers we had to encounter in either way were about equal. It was now blowing a fresh gale, which obliged us to take three reefs in the topsails; it is by no means a pleasant business to be running over unknown ground, in a dark night, before a brisk gale, at the rate of seven or eight miles an hour. The sea was unusually phosphorescent, and the night was disagreeable with rain and mists. The Peacock and Flying-Fish followed us. The morning proved fine, and at daylight we were within a short distance of the Horse-shoe Reef, unknown to any of us but Tom, who thought we must be at least twenty miles from it. We found ourselves in the. midst of a number of beautiful islands, viz.,* Goro, Vanua-levu, and Somu-somu on our right; Nairai, Ambatiki, and Matuku, on the left; whilst Ovolau, Wakaia, and Mokungai, were in front; they were all girt by white encircling reefs. So beautiful was their aspect, that I could scarcely bring my mind to the realizing sense of the well-known fact, that they were the abode of a savage, ferocious, and treacherous race of cannibals. Each island had its own peculiar beauty, but the eye as well as mind felt more satisfaction in resting upon Ovolau, which as we approached, had more of the appearance of civilization about it than the others; it is also the highest, most broken, and most picturesque. In consequence of light winds, we did not succeed in reaching the harbour of Levuka that evening, and passed the night under way, between Ovolau and Wakaia. At daylight on the 8th of May, we were off the port, and made all sail for it. At nine o'clock, being off the entrance, I took the precaution, as the breeze was light, to hoist the boats out (having to pass through a passage only eight hundred feet in width), and sent them ahead to tow. At first it is not a little alarming to approach these entrances with a light wind, and often with a strong current setting in or out; the ship rolling and tossing with the swell as she nears the reefs, the deep-blue water of the ocean curling into * In the orthography of the names of the Feejee Group, I have followed the pronuncia- >n of the Ian explained ii OVOLAU. 47 white foam on them, with no bottom until the entrance is gained, when a beautiful and tranquil basin opens to the view. The remarkable peculiarity of these coral harbours, if so I may call them, is that in gaining them, it is but an instant from the time the sea is left until security is found equal to that of an artificial dock ; this is particularly the case with the harbour of Levuka. The shore was lined with natives, watching our progress with their usual curiosity; and it was amusing to hear the shouts of applause that emanated from the crowds on shore, when they witnessed the men, dressed all in white, running up the rigging to furl the sails. In passing to the anchorage, we saw a tiny boat, in which was David Whippy, one of the principal white residents here, with one of his naked children. This man ran away from a ship, commanded by his brother, that was trading in this group, in consequence of the ill treatment he received on board ; he now has been eighteen years on this island, and is the principal man among the whites. He is considered a royal messenger, or Maticum Ambau, and is much looked up to by the chiefs. He speaks their language well; is a prudent trustworthy person, and understands the character of the natives perfectly: his worth and excellent character I had long heard of.* He immediately came on board to welcome us, and after we had anchored near the town, he brought off Tui Levuka, the chief of the Levuka town. This dignitary was a stout, well-made man, strong and athletic, entirely naked, with the exception of a scanty maro, with long ends of white tapa hanging down before and behind, and a turban.of white fleecy tapa, not unlike tissue-paper, around his head, of enormous size. These turbans designate the chiefs, and frequently have a small wreath of flowers over them. His face was a shining black, having been painted for the occasion; his countenance had a good expression, and he seemed, after a few moments, to be quite at his ease. As is customary, I at once gave him a present of two whale's teeth and two fathoms of red cotton cloth, with which he was well satisfied, clapping his hands several times, which is their mode of expressing thanks. His hair was crisped, with a small whalebone stick or needle, twelve or fourteen inches in length, stuck into it on one side; he did not leave me long in doubt as to the use to which the latter is put, for it was continually in requisition to scratch his head, the vermin being not a little troublesome. He was very desirous of doing every thing for me, and said that any ground I wished to oc- * He has, since our return, been appointed vice-consul for the Feejee Group cupy, was at the service of the countrymen of his friend Whippy. Mr. Drayton during our stay obtained a camera lucida drawing of him, whilst he was leaning against a tree. Ovolau is the principal residence of the white men in the group, to whose general deportment and good conduct I must bear testimony; I met with none better disposed throughout the voyage than were found there. I at once engaged them to become our interpreters during the time we stayed, which afforded us many advantages in communicating with the natives. About three hours after the Vincennes anchored, the Peacock entered ; but there was no news or sign of the Flying-Fish, nor had she been seen while the Peacock was in the offing. I felt much uneasiness about her, more so on account of the inexperienced officer who had her in temporary charge. I directed the chief, Tui Levuka, to send a message immediately to Ambau, to inform King Tanoa of my arrival, and desire him to visit me. This was at once assuming authority over him, and after the fashion (as I understood) of the country; but it was doubted by some whether he would come, as he was old, and a powerful chief. I thought the experiment was worth trying, as, in case he obeyed, it would be considered that he acknowledged me as his superior, which I thought OVOLAU. 49 might be beneficial in case of any difficulty occurring during our stay; I believed, moreover, that it would add greatly to the respect which the natives would hold us in. The town of Levuka contains about forty houses ; it is situated on the east side of the island of Ovolau, in a quiet and peaceful valley, surrounded by a dense grove of cocoa-nut and bread-fruit trees, with a fine stream of fresh and pure water running through it to the beach; high, broken volcanic peaks rise to the west, forming the background. The frames of the houses are built of the bread-fruit tree, and are filled in with reeds, whilst the roof is covered with a thatch of the wild sugar-cane. They are usually oblong in shape, and from twenty to twenty-five feet in length by fifteen in breadth. The most conspicuous and remarkable structure is the mbure, or spirit-house, which is built on a raised and walled mound: its proportions are exceedingly uncouth, being nearly twice as high as it is broad at its base, and forming a singular, sharp-peaked roof; the piece of timber serving for the ridge-pole, projects three or four feet at each end, is covered with numbers of white shells (Ovula cyprasa), and has two long poles or spears crossing it at right angles. A drawing of one of these mbure will be seen in the succeeding chapter. At the termination of the thatching, the roofs of all the houses are about a foot thick, and project eighteen inches or two feet, forming eaves, which secure them from the wet. For the most part they have two doors, and a fire-place in the centre, composed of a few stones. The furniture consists of a few boxes, mats, several large clay jars, and many drinking vessels, the manufacture of pottery being extensively carried on by them. The sleeping-place is generally screened off, and raised about a foot above the other part of the floor. Having settled definitively the mode of operation I intended to pursue in surveying the group, I was desirous of fixing some of the main points in my own mind, as well as in that of the officers, and therefore ordered a large party from each ship to be prepared to accompany me on the following morning, to one of the high peaks of the island, called Andu- long, taking with us the barometers, &c, for measuring its altitude. I likewise issued an order, directing officers who left the ship for any purpose, to be armed; being well satisfied that every precaution ought to be taken, in order to prevent surprise in any shape; I also impressed upon all the necessity of circumspection, and of keeping themselves on their guard, which, as I learned from the few incidents related to me by Whippy and others, was highly necessary; orders were also given to prepare the boats of both ships for surveying duties. I understood that about forty whites had taken up their residence here; but we only found twelve, who were all married to native women, and generally had large families. We found lying at anchor here a small sloop, about the size of a long-boat, called "Who'd have thought it!" a tender to the ship Leonidas, Captain Eagleston, who was at another island curing the biche de mar; she was in charge of his first officer, Mr. Winn, who had been about trading for tortoise-shell at the different islands. He reported to me that one of his men had been enticed from the boat, and had been murdered, and probably eaten: this was said to have occurred near Muthuata, on the north side of Vanua-levu. It appeared that Mr. Winn, with only four or five men, had been trading in this small boat, for vessel she could not be called, around the group; they had with them a small skiff or punt, capable of holding only one man. In this one of the crew had been sent on shore, for the purpose of ascertaining whether the natives had any thing to dispose of. On his landing, he was led up from the beach, and never returned. This incident claimed our attention afterwards, and our proceedings in relation to it will be spoken of in their proper place. On the morning of the 9th, the weather proved fine, and at half-past seven we all went on shore with our instruments. Orders were left with the ship to fire guns, on a signal being given from the top of Andu- long. I put up both of the barometers, and made several comparisons, and then left one under charge of an officer to make half-hourly observations. We set off for the peak of Andulong, apparently but a short hour's walk. Our party consisted of about twenty-five officers and the naturalists, all intent upon their different branches of duty. Being entirely unused to so fatiguing a climb, some gave out, and were obliged to return; the strongest of us found no little exertion necessary to overcome the difficulties which beset our path: every now and then a perpendicular rise of fifteen or twenty feet was to be ascended, then a narrow ridge to be crossed, and again a descent into a deep ravine; the whole was clothed with vines at intervals, and the walking was very precarious, from the numbers of roots and slippery mud we encountered ; water continually bubbled across our path from numerous rills that were hurrying headlong down the ravines. The last part of the ascent was sharp and steep, having precipices of several hundreds of feet on each side of us. On passing up the path, I saw our native guides each pull a leaf when they came to a spot, and throw it down; on inquiry, Whippy told me it was the place where a man had been clubbed: this was considered as an offering of respect to him, and, if not performed, they have a notion they will soon be killed themselves. OVOLAU. 51 Judging from the number of places in which these atonements were made, many victims have suffered in this way. The path we followed over the mountain was the high-road to the interior towns, and the inhabitants of these mountains have the character among the cannibal population of the coast, of being very savage! Just before noon, we reached the top of Andulong, and succeeded in getting the meridian altitude. The scene that now presented itself was truly beautiful; the picturesque valleys of the-island of Ovolau lay in full view beneath us, exhibiting here and there spots of cultivated ground, with groves of cocoa-nuts and bread-fruit; the towns perched upon apparently inaccessible spots, overlooking their small domains ; the several peaks rising around, all cut and broken in the most grotesque forms, only one of which, that of Dille-ovolau, overtopped the one on which we were, being about two hundred feet higher; around us in the distance, we had the various islands of the group, and the fantastic needle-shaped peaks of Vanua-levu were distinctly seen, although at the distance of sixty miles. The detached reefs could be traced for miles, by the water breaking on them, until they were lost in the haze. The squadron lay quietly beneath us, and every danger that could in any way affect the safety of a vessel was as distinctly marked as though it had been already put upon our charts. Each officer was now directed to observe a series of angles between all the points, peaks, and islands, and to enter the names of them: these were obtained through the interpreters. The barometer was set up, and observations made. The signal was now given, upon which guns were fired from the vessel, while we noted the time that elapsed between seeing the flash and hearing the sound. The angles of depression were also taken of all objects. The results of these different methods gave the altitude of Andulong two thousand and seventy feet. We remained on the summit until near sunset, and obtained much knowledge relative to the situation of all the islands and reefs that lay around us, which I found of much service in the progress of our work. During our stay on Andulong, a native came up, who appeared to be under the influence of great fear; he reported that one of the officers had fallen down, and that something was the matter with him. On being asked why he left him, he told us that the chief had said G—d d—n, and that he was afraid that he would kill him. Lieutenant Emmons went down with him, and after a short descent, he found Mr. Eld lying quite exhausted near the path, and it was with difficulty he was enabled to reach the town. The descent proved more toilsome and dangerous than the ascent; 52 OVOLAU. the slipperiness of the path frequently brought us in contact with sharp rocks. I have seldom witnessed a party so helpless as ours appeared, in comparison with the natives and white residents, who ran over the rocks like goats. Darkness overtook us before we reached the town; many of the natives, however, brought torches of dried cocoanut-leaves to light us on our way, and we reached our respective ships without accident, though much fatigued. Many new specimens were added to our collections, and I believe all felt gratified in having had an opportunity of viewing from so elevated a point this labyrinth of islands, reefs, and sunken shoals. The island of Ovolau is eight miles in length, north and south, by seven in breadth, east and west; it is of volcanic formation, and its rocks are composed of a conglomerate or pudding-stone; it is high and rugged throughout. The valleys extend only a short distance into the interior, and leave but little level ground ; they are, however, exceedingly fertile, with a deep and rich soil, and are well cultivated. Its harbours are all formed by the reefs, and were it not for these, there would be but few in the group; that of Levuka is safe, has good holding-ground, and is easy of access. On the 10th, the Flying-Fish was still missing. Feeling satisfied that Ovolau was the most suitable place for my purpose, I selected a site for my observatory on a projecting insulated point, about thirty feet above the beach, on which was sufficient room to accommodate our tents and houses. I also obtained a few acres of ground from the chief, for the purpose of planting a garden, which was well fenced in, and placed under the direction of our horticulturist, Mr. Brackenridge. On the 11th, the instruments, tents, &c, were landed and put up. The surprise of the natives was extremely great to find a village or town as they called it, erected in a few hours, and every thing in order: the guards on post to prevent all intrusion most excited their curiosity. All the necessary arrangements having been made, the launch and first cutter of the Vincennes, under Lieutenants Alden, Knox, Midshipman Henry, and Assistant-Surgeon Whittle, were despatched to survey the north shore of Viti-levu; the launch and first cutter of the Peacock, under Lieutenant Emmons, Passed Midshipman Blunt, and Mr. Dyes, to examine and survey the south shore, visiting Viwa, Ambau, and Rewa, the missionary posts : Chaplain Elliott was of the latter party, that he might be enabled to gather information from these establishments; pilots, who acted as interpreters, were sent with both. Orders, of which the following is an extract, were issued to the officers OVOLAU. 53 in writing, in relation to the natives, pointing out to them the necessity of watchfulness. " You will observe the following instructions very particularly, and in no case depart from them, unless it is for the preservation of your party. " 1st. You will avoid landing any where on the main land or islands, unless the latter should be uninhabited. "2d. Every precaution must be observed in treating with these natives, and no native must be suffered to come alongside or near your boats, without your boarding-nettings being up; all trading must be carried on over the stern of your boat, and your arms and howitzers ready to repel attack. "3d. You will avoid any disputes with them, and never be off your guard, or free from suspicion; they are in no case to be trusted. " 4th. Your two boats must never be separated at night, but anchored as close together as possible. " You will always keep the boats within signal distance of each other, separating them in cases of extreme necessity only for a short time." These and other instructions will be found in Appendix III. The Flying-Fish now made her appearance, to my great relief. Her delays had been owing to her having run (on the 8th, the night after she parted company with us), through carelessness, on the reef off the island of Nairai, in fine moonlight, with the reef full in view; here she remained some hours, having had a narrow escape from total wreck; she, however, only lost a part of her false keel. Lieutenant Carr, the first-lieutenant of the Vincennes, was immediately put in command of her. The Peacock and Flying-Fish were now ordered to prepare for sea with all despatch. I must confess I felt great anxiety for the safety of our parties in the boats, and issued the foregoing orders very particularly, in order to avoid all misapprehension, and to leave as little as possible to the discretion of the officers who had charge of the boats. They were all well armed, and the boats were provided with boarding-nettings; for I felt satisfied that any inattention or want of care would inevitably lead to the destruction, if not of the whole, at least some of the party. the accident that had recently occurred to the tender of the Leonidas, showed that the least degree of confidence reposed in the natives was attended with great risk, and that so treacherous a people were not to be trusted under any circumstances. A departure from these instructions, and an undue confidence, resulting from having for a long time escaped the many dangers encountered, was, I regret to say, the cause 54 OVOLAU. of the loss we met with before leaving this group, and taught, when too late, the necessity of obeying strictly the orders of their commanding officer, whether absent or present wm On the 12th, whilst engaged at the observatory, the canoe of Tanoa, the King of Ambau, was discovered rounding the southern point of the island : it had a magnificent appearance, with its immense sail of white mats ; the pennants streaming from its yard, denoted it at once as belonging to some great chief. It was a fit accompaniment to the magnificent scenery around, and advanced rapidly and gracefully along; it was a single canoe, one hundred feet in length, with an outrigger of large size, ornamented with a great number (two thousand five hundred) of the Cypraea ovula shells; its velocity was almost inconceivable, and every one was struck with the adroitness with which it was managed and landed on the beach.* Tanoa disembarked, accompanied by his attendants, who are generally Tonga men, forty of whom had the direction and sailing of his canoe. Shortly after landing, he was met by Mr. Vanderford, who had formerly been shipwrecked here, and who had lived under his is told that Tanoa frequently ami .ving those who belong to them ti s himself, when sailing, by running down ca ecover their canoe and property the best wai OVOLAU. 55 protection for ten months. The meeting was a curious one: the old chief walked up to him, and stood looking, first on one side and then on the other, without noticing him, and pretending that he did not see him; Mr. Vanderford then walked up to him, clapped him on the back, and called him by name, when they both began laughing heartily. Mr. Vanderford spoke much of the kindness of Tanoa to him during his residence among the people of Ambau: it is true, that he robbed him of every thing but his skin, but then he protected him from the attacks of others. Shortly afterwards a large double canoe arrived, entirely manned by Tonga people, under their two chiefs, Lajika and Tubou Totai, who were both of them, with about five hundred of their followers, paying Tanoa a visit at Ambau; they were the sons of Tubou Ninha, and nephews of the celebrated Finau. Tubou Totai told me that he and his brothers had been residing several years iii the Feejees; that they were employed building canoes on some of the eastern islands, and that it generally took them seven years from the time they left Tonga, to finish them and return. Tanoa took up his abode in the mbure, or council-house, which is the place where all strangers are entertained. Here he seated himself, with his principal attendants about him, when his orator, or prime minister, made a complimentary oration, at the end of which a clapping of hands took place; to this oration one of the principal townspeople replied. This is the usual mode of conducting the ceremony: the guest, the moment he arrives, gives a condensed account of all his doings since they last saw each other, ending with many compliments; to which the host replies in equally flattering terms, wishing him all kinds of happiness and prosperity. This ceremony being over, Tanoa despatched David Whippy on board to inform me of his arrival, when I immediately sent Lieutenant Carr to call upon him and inform him that my boat would be at the shore in the morning for him. Food was then brought by the Levukians, according to their native custom: it consisted of two large baskets containing each a roasted pig, yams, taro, bread-fruit, &c, which were placed before the company; this present was accompanied by another speech, to which the prime minister again replied; then came clapping of hands, and the feast ended with ava drinking. On the following morning, when the boat landed, the three chiefs were waiting on the beach, and all came on board, the large canoe following the boat; every thing was prepared to give them a most marked reception, excepting the salute. Tanoa was the first to mount the side of the ship, where I was ready to receive him, with the officers at the gangway. When he reached the deck, he was evidently much astonished, particularly when he saw the marines, with their muskets, presenting arms, and so many officers. The novel sight, to him, of my large Newfoundland dog, Sydney, who did not altogether like the sable appearance of his majesty, the noise of the drum and boatswain's pipe, combined to cause him some alarm, and he evinced a disposition to retire, keeping himself close to the ship's side. He was, after the fashion of his group, almost naked, having a small maro passed around his loins, with long ends to it, and a large turban of tapa cloth in folds about his head, so as almost to hide the expression of his countenance; his face was bedaubed with oil and ivory-black, as were also his long beard and mustaches, the natural hue of which I understood was quite gray. From his begrimed look he has obtained the sobriquet of " Old Snuff," among the whites; he is about sixty-five years old, tall, slender, and rather bent by age; on his breast, hanging from his neck, he wore an ornament made of mother-of-pearl, tortoise-shell, and ivory, not very neatly put together, and as large as a dinner-plate, (called diva ndina); on his arms he had shell armlets, (called ygato,) made of the trochus-shell by grinding them down to the form of rings; his countenance was indicative of intelligence and shrewdness, as far as it could be seen; his mind is said to be quite active; he is about five feet ten inches in height, and of small frame; his features are rather inclined to the European mould, and not the least allied to the negro; his hair is crispy; he speaks through his nose, or rather as if he had lost his palate; his body is, like that of all his people, remarkably hairy. After presenting him to the officers, and receiving the rest of his suite, I led him to the after part of the deck, where mats were laid down, and we all seated ourselves to hold a council; for I was anxious to finish first the business for which I had particularly sought the interview; this was to procure the adoption of rules and regulations for the intercourse with foreign vessels, similar to those established in the Samoan Group the year preceding. David Whippy became my interpreter, but Tanoa had too much dignity about him to receive the interpretation through Whippy alone, although he understood all that he said perfectly, for Whippy speaks their language well; but he had his " speech-explaining counsellor," Malani-vanua Vakanduna, or prime minister, who was a remarkably good-looking, intelligent man. Whippy, gave his name as Korotumvavalu, and said that he had great influence with the king. It was amusing to see their mode of conducting the business, and to understand that Tanoa's dignity would be offended by holding discourse with our friend Whippy as interpreter; not, however, (as it was explained to me by Tubou Totai,) from any objection he had to Whippy, but it would be derogatory to his rank and station. a§K OVOLAU. 57 On the production of the rules and regulations, Tanoa seemed rather confused, and at first, appeared dull and stupid; this I imputed to his ava drinking, in which they had all indulged to excess the night before. He did not seem to comprehend the object of them, or as the interpreter expressed it, " could not take the idea." This is not to be wondered at, when it is considered that this was the first act of the kind he had been called upon to do. Tubou Totai being a traveller of some note, readily understood their meaning, and through his explanations Tanoa soon comprehended the object, and listened with attention (his whole suite sitting around), to the reading of them, sentence by sentence; after which he made signs of understanding them, and gave his approval and consent to having them established, and the next day signed them, by making his mark. (See Appendix V.) That which he was to keep I had rolled up and put into a bright round tin case, which he seemed to regard with great pride. Although I did not anticipate much immediate good from these regulations, yet I was well satisfied they would be of use in restraining the natives as well as masters of ships, and in securing a better understanding between them; at any rate it was a beginning, and would make them feel we were desirous of doing them justice. I talked to him much, through the interpreter, of the necessity of protecting the whites, and of punishing those who molest and take from them their goods in case of shipwreck. He listened to me very patiently, and said. I he had always done so; that my advice was very good, but he did not need it; that I must give plenty of it to his son Seru, and talk hard to him; that he would in a short time be king, and needed it." We now proceeded to show them the ship. Tanoa expressed great astonishment at the wheel, and the manner of steering our large canoe or man-of-war. I told him I was going to order some guns to be fired with balls, when he immediately expressed his joy at it, saying that he thought I was offended with him, from my not firing when he came on board. On my telling him it was not so, but that he must consider it more honourable to him to fire balls, he was well satisfied. It was amusing to see the curiosity excited among them all, when they understood the large guns were to be fired. On the firing taking place, they all made an exclamation of surprise and astonishment— followed with a cluck of the tongue in a high key, putting their fingers 58 OVOLAU. to the mouth, and patting it after the fashion of children, or one of our own Indians in giving the war-whoop. Tanoa would not at first look at the ball flying along and throwing up the water. When the second was fired, he uttered the same marks of surprise as the rest; and after the third, he begged that no more should be fired, as he was amply satisfied with the honour, and the noise almost distracted him. As they went about the ship, when they saw any thing that pleased them, they would say— In expressing their satisfaction for many things, they repeat the words vi naka several times very quickly. Suitable presents were now distributed to Tanoa and suite, consisting of shawls, axes, accordions, plane-irons, whales' teeth, and a variety of other articles, among which was a box of Windsor soap, tobacco, a musket, watch, &c. These were received with clapping of hands, their mode of returning thanks. It was my intention to have had the feast of rice-bread and molasses on board, but I found their numbers so great that I determined on sending it on shore, and only treated them to some weak whiskey and water in lieu of ava, with which they were much pleased. The marines were" put through their exercises, marched and countermarched to the music of the drum and fife, which delighted them extremely. After bemg three hours on board, hearing that the provisions for the feast had been sent on shore, they desired to depart, and were again landed. The Tongese sang their boat-song as they sculled his canoe ; but this custom, according to Whippy, is not practised by the Feejees. I have scarcely seen a finer-looking set of men than composed the suite of Tanoa. There was a great contrast between the Tongese and Feejees; the former being light mulattoes, while the latter were quite black: their whole make seemed to point out a different origin. The Tongese have small joints, and well-developed and rounded muscles, while the Feejees' limbs are large and muscular; the latter are slender in body, and apparently inured to hard fare and living. The difference in manner was equally great: in the Tongese there was a native grace, combined with fine forms, and an expression and carriage as if educated; whilst there was an air of power and independence in the Feejees, that made them claim attention. They at once strike one as peculiar, and unlike the Polynesian natives, having a great deal of activity both of mind and body; this maybe owing, in a great measure, to their constant wars, and the necessity of their being continually on the alert, to prevent surprise. It was pleasant to look upon the Tongese, but I felt more interest in the Feejees; the contrast was somewhat like that observable between a well-bred gentleman and a boor. After the king got on shore, they had much talk at the mbure-house, upon all they had seen, and among other things, he remarked, " that my men might be goojd warriors, but they walked very much like Muscovy ducks," a bird of which they have numbers. Tanoa sent me word he would like to come and see things without ceremony, to which I readily consented. The next day he came on board, as he said, to look and see for himself; he stayed some hours. When he entered the cabin, I was pouring out some mercury for my artificial horizon, of which I gave him several globules in his hand. He complained of their being hot, and amused*himself for a long time in trying to pinch them up, which of course he found it impossible to do, and showed some vexation on being foiled, nipping his fingers together with great vehemence to catch the metal. His actions resembled those of a monkey; he kept looking at his fingers, and seemed astonished that they were not wet, and could not be made to understand how it could wet a button, (which I silvered for him,) and not his fingers. He talked a great deal of the regulations he had signed. I was desirous of knowing whether he fully understood them, which I found he did. I then asked him if it would not be better for his son Seru to sign them also, as he is understood to be the acting chief; he said " no," that his signing was quite sufficient, and made them binding on all the dependencies of Ambau. He desired me, when his son Seru paid me a visit, to talk hard to him, and give him. plenty of good advice, for he was a young man, and frisky; but he himself was old, and saw things that were good and bad. He said Seru would visit me in a few days, when he returned, as they could not both leave Ambau at the same time. The observatory duties were now commenced, and Lieutenant Perry and Mr. Eld were ordered to assist me. I had, while thus employed, ample time to get information from David Whippy, who seemed not only to have acquired the language perfectly, but also a good knowledge of the customs, manners, and habits of the natives. Ovolau is divided into four districts, viz., Levuka on the east, Fokambou on the southwest, Barita on the southeast, and Vaki Levuka on the northwest; besides these, there is the interior or mountainous region, called by the natives Livoni. Levuka is mbati to the chiefs of Ambau; Fokambou and Barita are ygali to the same power, but Vaki Levuka is ygali to Levuka, whilst the mountainous regions are independent and predatory. The term mbati signifies allies, or being under protection, though not actually subject to it. Ygali expresses that they are subjects, and compelled to pay tribute yearly, or obliged to satisfy the demands of the chiefs, whenever made upon them. Tui Levuka is the principal chief of Ovolau ; his"authority extends over eight towns on the east side. He is very friendly to the whites, and is represented by them to be a kind-hearted and honest chief: he is between forty and fifty years of age, and has a pleasing countenance; he rules his village with great popularity. It was amusing to see his bewilderment in attending to the various duties and offices he had to perform, in providing the large supplies of food, consisting of yams, taro, &c, that were required for our use; he was, however, very industrious, and by the aid of Whippy, got through very well, though with much fear and trembling, lest he should be held accountable for any theft or depredations committed on our property, or accident to our men, in the various occupations that were all going forward at the same time, consisting of watering, wooding, digging gardens, making enclosures, building, as he said, towns, holding markets, and trading all day long for spears, clubs, shells, &c.; he had great fears, too, of exciting the jealousy of the Ambau chiefs, who he judged would not like to see the advantages he was reaping from our lengthened stay, which would naturally enough bring their displeasure upon him. I found him of great use,vand was in the habit of receiving from him almost daily, visits at the observatory, so that when Whippy was at a loss for any information relative to the islands, Tui Levuka was always at hand to supply it. The rest of the island is under the Ambau chiefs, or as they express it, ygali to Ambau, excepting the mountaineers, who are easily brought over to fight on any side, and are, from all accounts, true .savages. Tui Levuka has never been properly installed into office, although from his courage and talent as a leader, he is highly respected. The circumstance which has prevented this ceremony from taking place was, that the Ambau chiefs succeeded by stratagem in getting possession of Ovolau about fifteen years ago, or in 1825, before which time it had belonged to Verata, with which Ambau was at war. I The Verata chiefs had been always in the habit of installing the chiefs, but since they have lost Ovolau, they refuse to perform the rite, and the Ambau chiefs will not exercise it, on account of religious dread, and the fear of offending their gods. The islands of Wakaia and Mokungai, near that of Ovolau, are OVOLAU. 61 under Tui Levuka; they have but few inhabitants. Tui Levuka's eldest son is the chief of Wakaia. The town of Levuka is much larger than one would imagine on seeing it from the water. Many of the houses are situated on the side of the hill. Its natural position is pretty: it has a fine brook running through it, coming from the gorge in the mountain, the water of which is made great use of for irrigating the taro-patches, which, with their yam-grounds, claim the^principal attention of the inhabitants: the natives constantly bathe in it, and are remarkably cleanly in their persons; the evident pleasure they take in the bath is even shared by those who see them sporting in the water. The Feejee Group is composed of seven districts, and is under as many principal chiefs, viz.: 1st. Ambau. 5th. Somu-son 2d. Rewa. 6th. Naitasiri. 3d. Verata. 7th. Mbua. 4th. Muthuata. All the minor chiefs on the different islands are more or less connected or subject to one of these, and as the one party or the other prevails in their.wars, they change masters. War is the constant occupation of the natives, and engrosses all their time and thoughts. Ambau is now the most powerful of these districts, although it is in itself but a small island on the coast, and connected with Vitilevu; but it is the residence of most of the great chiefs, and, as I have before observed, Tanoa, the most powerful chief of all the islands, lives there. The original inhabitants of Ambau were called Kai Levuka, and are of Tonga descent. During the absence of most of the natives oh a trading voyage to Lakemba, the natives of Moturiki, a neighbouring island, made a descent upon Ambau, and took possession of it, ever since which the Kai Levuka have remained a broken people: they still retain their original name, but are now only wandering traders; they have no fixed place of residence, and are somewhat of the character of the Jews. They reside principally at Lakemba, Somu-somu, Vuna, and occasionally at other islands. Most of the exchange trade is in their hands; their hereditary chief resides at Lakemba; they are much respected, and when they visit Ambau, they are treated with the best of every thing, in acknowledgment of their original right to the soil. At Ambau there are now two classes, one known by the name of Kai Ambau, or original people of Ambau, and the other as Kai Lasikau, who were introduced from a small island near Kantavu, some sixty years since, to fish for the chiefs; these are considered as inferior to 62 OVOLAU. Kai Ambau, but are not exactly slaves. About eight years before our arrival, dissensions arose between these two classes, which resulted in Tanoa's being expelled, and obliged to seek refuge in another part of his dominions. According to Whippy, at the commencement of the present century, Bamivi ruled at Ambau; he was succeeded by his son Ulivou. At this time Verata was the principal city of the Feejees, and its chiefs held the rule: this city or town is about eight miles from Ambau, on Vitilevu; the islands of Ovolau, Goro, Ambatiki, Angau, and others were subject to it, as was also Rewa. The introduction of fire-arms brought about a great change of power; this happened in the year 1809. The brig Eliza was wrecked on the reef off Nairai, and had both guns and powder on board. Nairai was at this time a dependency of Ambau, and many of the crew, in order to preserve their lives, showed the natives the use of (to them) the new instrument. Among the crew was a Swede, called Charley Savage, who acted a very conspicuous part in the group for some few years. These men joined the Ambau people, instructed them in the use of the musket, and assisted them in their wars. The chief of Ambau was at that time Ulivou, who gladly availed himself of their services, granting them many privileges; among others, it is said that Charley Savage had a hundred wives! Taking advantage of all the means he now possessed to extend his own power and reduce that of Verata, he finally succeeded, either by fighting or intrigue, in cutting off all its dependencies, leaving the chief of Verata only his town to rule over. In the early part of Ulivou's reign a conspiracy broke out against him, but he discovered it, and was able to expel the rebels from Ambau. They fled to Rewa, where they made some show of resistance ; he however overcame them. They then took refuge on Goro, where he again sought them, pursued them to Somu-somu, and drove them thence. Their next step was to go to Lakemba, in order to col- . lect a large fleet of canoes and riches, for the purpose of gaining allies on Vitilevu ; but they were again pursued, and being met with at sea, were completely destroyed. This fully established Ulivou's authority, and the latter part of his reign was unmarked by any disturbances or rebellion against his rule. He died in 1829. Tanoa, his brother, the present king, was at this time at Lakemba, on one of the eastern islands, engaged, according to Whippy, in building a large canoe, which he named Ndranuivio, (the Via-leaf,) a large plant of the arum species. When the news, reached him he immediately embarked for Ambau, and on his arrival found all the chiefs disposed to make him king. It is said that he at first refused the dignity, lest " they should OVOLAU. 63 make a fool of him ;" but by promises and persuasion he was induced to accede. Preparations were accordingly made to install him. This ceremony is performed by the Levuka people, the original inhabitants of Amoau, uniting with those of Kamba, inhabiting a town near Kamba Point, the most eastern point of Vitilevu, and about ten mile's east of Ambau. As soon as the chiefs of Ambau have elected a king, they make a grand ava party, and the first cup is handed to the newly elected chief, who receives the title of Vunivalu. Some time after this, the Kamba and Levuka people are called in to make the installation, and confer the title of royalty. It is related, that .while the preparations for this ceremony were going on, the chiefs of Ambau were restless, and determined to make war upon Rewa, a place always in rivalry, about fifteen miles distant from Ambau, to the south. Tanoa, however, was well disposed towards the people of this district, being a Vasu of Rewa. There are three kinds of Vasus, Vasu-togai, Vasu-levu, and Vasu. The first is the highest title, and is derived from-the mother being queen of Ambau. Vasu-levu is where the mother is married to one of the great chiefs of Rewa, Somu-somu, or Muthuata, and the name of Vasu extends not only to the minor chiefs, but also down to the common people. It confers rights and privileges of great extent, and is exclusively derived from the mother being a high chief or wife of some of the reigning kings. It gives the person a right to seize upon and appropriate to his own use any thing belonging to an inhabitant of his mother's native place, and even the privilege of taking things from the sovereign himself, and this without resistance, dispute, or hesitation, however much prized or valuable the article may be. In the course of this narrative, some instances of the exercise of this power will be related. Tanoa therefore used all his efforts to prevent an outbreak, but without success, and he was compelled to carry on the war. He, however, secretly gave encouragement, and, it is said, even assistance, to the opposite party; this becoming known, produced much difficulty and discontent among the Ambau chiefs and people. Notwithstanding this, he at length contrived to bring about a truce, and invited many of the Rewa chiefs and people to visit, him, whom he received with great distinction. This incensed his new subjects very much; and on his presenting to the late enemy his new and large canoe, Ndranuivio, their indignation was greatly increased, and caused sonie of them even to enter into a plot to murder him. Among the conspirators were the head chiefs, Seru Tanoa, Komaivunindavu, Mara and Dandau, of Ambau, Ngiondrakete, chief of Nikelo, and Masomalua, of Viwa. Tanoa, on being advised of this, took no means to frustrate their plans openly, but appears to have been some what on his guard. In the third year of his reign, whilst on a visit to Ovolau to attend to his plantation of yams, the rebellion broke out, of which he was soon advised, and fled to Goro, where his enemies followed him ; but he continued his flight to Somu-somu, the people of which had been always his friends and supporters. Here he found protection, his defenders being too numerous for his enemies. The conspirators tried, however, to urge upon them the propriety of giving up their king, saying that they only desired he should return and reign over them; but the people of Somu-somu deemed this too shallow a pretence to be listened to. After Tanoa's expulsion, the rebels installed his brother Komainokarinakula as king. Tanoa remained under the protection of the chief of Somu-somu for three years, in gratitude for which he made over to him all the windward islands, viz.: Lakemba, Naiau, &c. During all this period, Tanoa was carrying on a sort of warfare against the rebels, with the aid of the natives of the eastern group and those of Rewa, who remained faithful to him, encouraging them all in his power, collecting his revenue from the former, which he distributed bountifully among his adherents', and buying over others to his interests. As Tanoa was about to sail for Lakemba, word was brought to him, that his nephew, called Nona, residing on Naiau, a neighbouring island, had been bribed by the chiefs to put him to death. He therefore, on his way, stopped at Naiau, and when his nephew approached him under the guise of friendship, Tanoa at once caused him, with all his family and adherents, to be seized and put to death. Tanoa, finding his strength increasing, concluded to prosecute the war with more activity. In order to do so, after having first collected all his means, he removed to Rewa, where he established himself, and began his secret intrigues to undermine and dissipate his enemies' forces. He was so successful in this, that in a short time he had gained over all their allies, as well as the towns on the main land or large island in the vicinity, and even many of the chiefs at Ambau. The latter object was effected through the influence of his son, Ratu Seru, who had been suffered to remain there during the whole war, although not without frequent attempts being made on his life, which he escaped from through his unceasing vigilance and that of his adherents. During the latter part of the time, he was constantly in communication with his father, who kept him well supplied with the articles in which the riches of the natives consist: these were liberally distri- OVOLAU. 65 buted among the Lasikaus, or fishermen, and gained the most of this class over to his interests. All things being arranged, on a certain day the signal was given, and most of the allies declared for Tanoa. Whilst the rebel chiefs were in consternation at this unexpected event, the Lasikaus rose and attacked them. A severe contest ensued; but it is said the fishermen, having built a wall dividing their part of the town from that of the Ambau people, set fire to their opponents' quarter, and reduced it to ashes.^ The latter fled for refuge to the main land, across the shallow isthmus, but found themselves here opposed by the king with his army, who slaughtered all those who had escaped from Ambau. This done, Tanoa entered Ambau in triumph, and receiving the submission of all the neighbouring towns, resumed the government, after an absence of five years. This recovery of his kingdom took place in 1837. Being thus re-established, Tanoa, in order effectually to destroy his enemies, sent messages to the different towns, with presents, to induce the inhabitants of the places whither the rebels had fled to put them to death. In this he soon succeeded, and their former friends were thus made the instruments of their punishment. Tanoa having succeeded in establishing his rule, put a stop to all further slaughter; but all the principal chiefs who had opposed him, except Masomalua, of Viwa, had been slain. Tanoa's authority was now acknowledged in all his former dominions ; but this has not put an end to the petty wars. The three chief cities, Ambau, Rewa, and Naitasiri, are frequently at war, notwithstanding they are all three closely connected by alliances with each other. Here, in fact, is the great seat of power in the group, though it varies occasionally. These three places form, as it were, a triangle, the two former being on the north and south coasts, while that of Naitasiri is situated inland, on the Wailevu, or Peak's river. These disturbances most frequently occur between Ambau and Rewa. Tanoa takes no part in these contests, but when he thinks the belligerents have fought long enough, he sends the Rewa people word to " come and beg pardon," after the Feejee custom, which they invariably do, even though they may have been victorious. Mr. Brackenridge, our horticulturist, was soon busily engaged in preparing the garden for our seeds. I had been anxious that this should be done as soon as possible, in order that we might have a chance of seeing it in a prosperous state before we left the island; and I feel much indebted to him for the zeal he manifested. About twenty natives were employed in putting up the fence, the chief having agreed with each of them to make two fathoms of it. Some were employed in clearing away the weeds, and others in bringing reeds and stakes down from the mountains. Mr. Brackenridge marked out the line for OVOLAU. the fence, but they could not be induced to follow it, or observe any regularity, each individual making his allotted part according to his own fancy; these separate portions were afterwards joined together, forming a zigzag work. The parts of the enclosure were tied together by a species of Dolichos, crossed, braced, and wattled like basket- the whole making a tight fence, which answered the purpose well enough. The digging of the ground was performed with a long pointed pole, which they thrust into the ground with both hands, and by swinging on the upper end, they contrived to raise up large pieces of the soil, which was quite hard. After this, two sailors with spades smoothed it. The centre of the garden had been a repository for their dead, where many stones had once been placed, which had become scattered. These the natives were told to throw in a pile in the centre. They went on digging for some time, probably without an idea that any one had been buried there, but as they approached the pile they simultaneously came to a stop, and began to murmur among themselves, using the words mate mate. No inducement could persuade them to proceed, until it was explained to them by David Whippy, that there was no desire to dig in the direction of the grave, which was to be left sacred. With this intimation they seemed well satisfied, and went on digging merrily. A large quantity of seeds, of various kinds of vegetables and fruits, were planted. For the fencing and digging of the garden I gave, by agreement, a trade musket, and I believe this included the purchase of the ground ! The day after Tanoa's visit, I received from him a royal present of ten hogs, a quantity of yams, taro, fruit, &c. Our stay at Ovolau continued for six weeks. Among the incidents which occurred during this time-were the following. On the 17th May, David Bateman died. He had been a marine on board the Porpoise, and had been transferred to the Vincennes at Tonga. A post mortem examination showed that the right lung was almost wholly destroyed by disease, and there was about a pint of purulent matter in the pleura. On the 19th, Seru, the son of Tanoa, arrived from Ambau, for the purpose of visiting me. I immediately sent him and his suite an invitation to meet me at the observatory on the following day, with which he complied. Seru is extremely good-looking, being tall, well made, and athletic. He exhibits much intelligence both in his expression of countenance and manners. His features and figure resemble those of a European, and he is graceful and easy in his carriage. The instruments at the observatory excited his wonder and curiosity OVOLAU. 67 He, in common with the other natives, believed that they were intended for the purpose of looking at the Great Spirit, and in consequence paid them the greatest respect and reverence. This opinion saved us much trouble, for they did not presume to approach the instruments ; and although some of them were always to be found without the boundary which had been traced to limit their approach, they never intruded within it. They always behaved civilly, and said they only came to sara-sara^(look on). I afterwards took Seru on board the Vincennes, where, as his father had recommended, I gave him plenty of good advice, to which he seemed to pay great attention. I had been told that he would probably exhibit hauteur and an arrogant bearing, but he manifested nothing of the kind. He appeared rather, as I had been told by his father I would find him, " young and frisky." He was received with the same attentions that had been paid to his father. The firing of the guns seemed to take his fancy much, and he was desirous that I should gratify him by continuing to fire them longer; but I was not inclined to make the honours paid to him greater than those rendered to his father, knowing how observant they are of all forms. The whole party, himself included, showed more pleasure and were much more liberal in their exclamations of vi naka, vi naka! and whoo! using them more energetically than the king's party, as might be naturally expected from a younger set of natives. Seru is quite ingenious ; he took the musket given him to pieces as quickly, and used it with as much adroitness as if he had been a gunsmith. His ambati (priest) was with him, and the party all appeared greatly delighted with the ship. On the whole I was much pleased with him during his visit; shortly afterwards, he, however, visited the ship during my absence, and displayed a very different bearing, so much so as to require to be checked. I learned a circumstance which would serve to prove that the reputation he bears is pretty well founded. He on one occasion had sent word to one of the islands (Goro, I believe), for the chief to have a quantity of cocoa-nut oil ready for him by a certain time. Towards the expiration of the specified interval, Seru went to the island and found it was not ready. The old chief of the island pleaded the impossibility of compliance, from want of time, and promised to have it ready as soon as possible. Seru told him he was a great liar, and without further words, struck him on the head and killed him on the spot. This is only one of many instances of the exercise of arbitrary authority over their vassals. One day, while at the observatory, I was greatly surprised at seeing one whom I took to be a Feejee-man enter my tent, a circumstance so inconsistent with the respect to our prescribed limit, of which I have spoken. His colour, however, struck me as lighter than that of any native I had yet seen. He was a short wrinkled old man, but appeared to possess great vigour and activity. He had a beard that reached to his middle, and but little hair, of a reddish gray colour, on his head. He gave me no time for inquiry, but at once addressed me in broad Irish, with a rich Milesian brogue. In a few minutes he made me acquainted with his story, which, by his own account, was as follows. His name was Paddy Connel, but the natives called him Berry; he was born in the county of Clare in Ireland; had run away from school when he was a little fellow, and after wandering about as a vagabond, was pressed into the army in the first Irish rebellion. At the time the French landed in Ireland, the regiment to which he was attached marched at once against the enemy, and soon arrived on the field of battle, where they were brought to the charge. The first thing he knew or heard, the drums struck up a White Boys' tune, and his whole regiment went over and joined the French, with the exception of the officers, who had to fly. They were then marched against the British, and were soon defeated by Lord Cornwallig; it was a hard fight, and Paddy found himself among the slain. When he thought the battle was over, and night came on, he crawled off and reached home. He was then taken up and tried for his life, but was acquitted; he was, however, remanded to prison, and busied himself in effecting the escape of some of his comrades. On this being discovered, he was confined in the Black Hole, and soon after sent to Cork, to be put on board a convict-ship bound to New South Wales. When he arrived there, his name was not found on the books of the prisoners, consequently he had been transported by mistake, and was, therefore, set at liberty. He then worked about for several years, and collected a small sum of money, but unfortunately fell into bad company, got drunk, and lost it all. Just about this time Captain Sartori, of the ship General Wellesley, arrived at Sydney. Having lost a great part of his crew by sickness and desertion, he desired to procure hands for his ship, which was still at Sandalwood Bay, and obtained thirty-five men, one of whom was Paddy Connel. At the time they were ready to depart, a French privateer, Le Gloriant, Captain Dubardieu, put into Sydney, when Captain Sartori engaged a passage for himself and his men to the Feejees. On their way they touched at Norfolk Island, where the ship struck, and damaged her keel so much that they were obliged to put into the Bay of Islands for repairs. Paddy asserts that a difficulty had occurred here between Captain Sartori and his men about their provisions, which was amicably settled. The Gloriant finally sailed from New Zealand for Tongataboo, where they arrived just after the capture of a vessel, which he supposed to have been the Port au Prince, as they had obtained many articles from the natives, which had evidently belonged to some large vessel. Here they remained some months, and then sailed for Sandalwood Bay, where the men, on account of their former quarrel with Captain Sartori, refused to go on board the General Wellesley: some of them shipped on board the Gloriant, and others, with Paddy, determined to remain on shore with the natives. He added, that Captain Sartori was kind to him, and at parting had given him a pistol, cutlass, and an old good-for-nothing musket; these, with his sea-chest and a few clothes, were all that he possessed.' He had now lived forty years among these savages. After hearing his whole story, I told him I did not believe a word of it; to which he answered, that the main part of it was true, but he might have made some mistakes, as he had been so much in the habit of lying to the Feejeeans, that he hardly now knew when he told the truth, adding that he had no desire to tell any thing but the truth. Paddy turned out to be a very amusing fellow, and possessed an accurate knowledge of the Feejee character. Some of the whites told me that he was more than half Feejee; indeed he seemed to delight in showing how nearly he was allied to them in feeling and propensities; and, like them, seemed to fix his attention upon trifles. He gave me a droll account of his daily employments, which it would be inappropriate to give here, and finished by telling me the only wish he had then, was to get for his little boy, on whom he doated, a small hatchet, and the only articles he had to offer for it were a few old hens. On my asking him if he did not cultivate the ground, he said at once no, he found it much easier to get his living by telling the Feejeeans stories, which he could always make good enough for them; these, and the care of his two little boys, and his hens, and his pigs, when he had any, gave him ample employment and plenty of food. He had lived much at Rewa, and until lately had been a resident at Levuka, but had, in consequence of his intrigues, been expelled by the white residents, to the island of Ambatiki. It appeared that they had unanimously come to the conclusion that if he did not remove, they would be obliged to put him to death for their own safety. I could not induce Whippy or Tom to give me the circumstances that occasioned this determination, and Paddy would not communicate more than that his residence on Ambatiki was a forced one, and that it was as though he was living out of the world, rearing pigs, fowls, and children. Of the last description of live-stock he had forty-eight, and hoped that he might live to see fifty born to him. He oad had one hundred wives. CHAPTER III. 'HE NATIVES — THEIR [SION OF TRIBES AND WAR—ADDRESSES TO CONTENTS. INTRODUCTORY REMARKS — PERSONAL APPEARANCE EXPRESSION OF COUNTENANCE — THEIR CHARACTER RANK — VASUS — FEEJEE WARS-CEREMONIES THE WARRIORS-FLAGS—FORTIFICATIONS—SIEGES-MODE OF B CEREMONIES OF A CAPITULATION—SUBJECT TRIBES—RELIGION—TRADITION OF THE ORIGIN OF RACES AND OF A DELUGE—GODS-BELIEF IN SPIRITS—NDENGEI, THEIR SUPREME GOD—HIS SONS—INFERIOR GODS—OTHER RELIGIOUS OPINIONS—IDEA OF A SECOND DEATH—MBURE3 OR SPIRIT-HOUSES—AMBATI OR PRIESTS—THEIR JUGGLERY —THEIR INFLUENCE —ORACLE AT LEVUKA —SACRIFICES —RELIGIOUS FESTIVALS- MARRIAGES—INFIDELITY AND ITS PUNISHMENT—BIRTHS-CONSEQUENCES OF THE RELIGIOUS BELIEF —PARENTS PUT TO DEATH — SUICIDE — WIVES STRANGLED AT FUNERALS—DEFORMED AND DISEASED PERSONS PUT TO DEATH—HUMAN SACRIFICES —FUNERAL RITES—MOURNING—CANNIBALISM—PRICE OF HUMAN LIFE—ATTACKS ON FOREIGN VESSELS—CASE OF THE CHARLES DOGGETT—VENDOVI'S PARTICIPATION- RESOLUTION IN REGARD TO HIM. CHAPTER III. CUSTOMS OF THE FEEJEE GROUP. Before proceeding to the narration of the operations of the squadron in the Feejee Group, it would appear expedient to give some account of the people who inhabit the islands of which it is composed. A reader, unacquainted with their manners and customs, can hardly appreciate the difficulties with which the performance of our duties was attended, or the obstacles which impeded our progress. Our information, in relation to the almost unknown race which occupies the Feejee Group, was obtained from personal observation, from the statements of the natives themselves, and from white residents. I also derived much information from the missionaries, who, influenced by motives of religion, have undertaken the arduous, and as yet unprofitable task of introducing the light of civilization and the illumination of the gospel into this benighted region. Although, as we shall see, the natives of Feejee have made considerable progress in several of the useful arts, they are, in many respects, the most barbarous and savage race now existing upon the globe. The intercourse they have had with white men has produced some effect on their political condition, but does not appear to have had the least influence in mitigating the barbarous ferocity of their character. In this group, therefore, may be seen the savage in his state of nature; and a comparison of his character with that of the natives of the groups in which the gospel has been profitably preached, will enable our readers to form a better estimate of the value of missionary labours, than can well be acquired in any other manner. The Feejeeans are generally above the middle height, and exhibit a great variety of figure. Among them the chiefs are tall, well-made, 74 CUSTOMS OF THE FEEJEE GROUP. and muscular; while the lower orders manifest the meagerness arising from laborious service and scanty nourishment. Their complexion lies, in general, between that of the black and copper-coloured races, although instances of both extremes are to be met with, thus indicating a descent from two different stocks. One of these, the copper-coloured, is no doubt the same as that whence the Tongese are derived.* None of them equal the natives of Tonga in beauty of person. The faces of the greater number are long, with a large mouth, good and well-set teeth, and a well-formed nose. Instances, however, are by no mea.ns rare, of narrow and high foreheads, flat noses, and thick lips, with a broad short chin; still, they have nothing about them of the negro type. Even the frizzled appearance of the hair, which is almost universal, and which at first sight seems a distinct natural characteristic, I was, after a long acquaintance with their habits, inclined to ascribe to artificial causes. Besides the long bushy beards and mustaches, which are always worn by the chiefs, they have a great quantity of hair on their bodies. This, with the peculiar proportion between their thighs and the calves of their legs, brings them nearer to the whites than any of the Polynesian races visited by us. The eyes of the Feejeeans are usually fine, being black and penetrating. Some, however, have them red and bloodshot, which may probably be ascribed to ava drinking. The expression of their countenances is usually restless and watch-, ful; they are observing and quick in their movements. The hair of the boys is cropped close, while that of the young girls is allowed to grow. In the latter it is to be seen naturally arranged in tight cork-screw locks, many inches in length, which fall in all directions from the crown of the head. The natural colour of the hair of the girls can hardly be ascertained, for they are in the habit of acting upon it by lime and pigments, which make it white, red, brown, or black, according to the taste of the individual. Mr. Drayton procured a very correct camera lucida drawing of a girl about sixteen years of age, which will give the reader a better idea of the females of that age than any description: she is represented in the cut. When the boys grow up, their hair is no longer cropped, and great pains is taken to spread it out into a mop-like form. The chiefs, in particular, pay great attention to the dressing .of their heads, and for this purpose all of them have barbers, whose sole occupation is the care of their masters' heads. The duty of these functionaries is held wigin of the Feejeeans 1 11 be found abh illusli report JEE GROUP. to be of so sacred a nature, that their hands are tabooed from all other employment, and they are not even permitted to feed themselves.* To dress the head of a chief occupies several hours, and the hair is made to spread out from the head, on every side, to a distance that is often eight inches. The beard, which is also carefully nursed, often reaches the breast, and when a Feejeean has these important parts of his person well dressed, he exhibits a degree of conceit that is not a little amusing. In the process of dressing the hair, it is well anointed with oil, mixed with a carbonaceous black, until it is completely saturated.! The barber then takes the hair-pin, which is a long and slender rod, made of tortoise-shell or bone, and proceeds to twitch almost every separate hair. This causes it to frizzle and stand erect. The bush of hair is then trimmed smooth, by singeing it, until it has the appearance of an immense wig. When this has been finished, a piece of tapa, so fine as to resemble tissue-paper, is wound in light folds around it, to protect the hair from dew or dust. This covering, which has the look of a turban, is called sala, and none but chiefs are allowed to wear it; any attempt to assume this head-dress by a kai-si, or common ' * These barbers are called a-vu-ni-ulu. They art in numbers of from two to a dozen. + The oil is procured by scraping and squeezing ; pared ftom the laudi nut attached to the household of the chiefs it called maiketu; the black is pre- 76 CUSTOMS OF THE FEEJEE GROUP. person, would be immediately punished with death. The sala, when taken care of, will last three weeks or a month, and the hair is not dressed except when it is removed; but the high chiefs and dandies seldom allow a day to pass without changing the sala, and having their hair put in order. The Feejeeans are extremely changeable in their disposition. They are fond of joking, indulge in laughter, and will at one moment appear to give themselves up to merriment, from which they in an instant pass to demon-like anger, which they evince by looks which cannot be misunderstood by those who are the subjects of it, and particularly if in the power of the enraged native. Their anger seldom finds vent in words, but has the character of sullenness. A chief, when offended, seldom speaks a word, but puts sticks in the ground, to keep the cause of his anger constantly in his recollection. The objects of it now understand that it is time to appease him by propitiatory offerings, if they would avoid the bad consequences. When these have been tendered to the satisfaction of the offended dignitary, he pulls up the sticks as a signal that he is pacified. According to Whippy, who had an excellent opportunity of judging, the Feejeeans are addicted to stealing, are treacherous in the extreme, and, with all their ferocity, cowards. The most universal trait of their character, is their inclination to lying. They tell a falsehood in preference, when the truth would better answer their purpose; and, in conversing with them, the truth can be only obtained, by cautioning them not to talk like a Feejee man, or, in other words, not to tell any lies. Adroit lying is regarded as an accomplishment, and one who is expert at it is sure of a comfortable subsistence and a friendly reception wherever he goes. Their own weakness in this respect does not render them suspicious, and nothing but what is greatly exaggerated is likely to be believed. In illustration of the latter trait, I was told by Paddy Connel, that he never told them the truth when he wished to be believed, for of it they were always incredulous. He maintained that it was absolutely necessary to tell them lies in order to receive credence. Covetousness is probably one of the strongest features of the Fee- jeean character, and is the incentive to many crimes. I have, however, been assured, that a white man might travel with safety from one end of an island to the other, provided he had nothing about him to excite their desire of acquisition. This may be true, but it is impossible to say that even the most valueless article of our manufactures might not be coveted by them. With all this risk of being put tc CUSTOMS OF THE FEEJEE GROUP. 77 death, hospitable entertainment and reception in their houses is almost certain, and while in them, perfect security may be relied on. The same native who within a few yards of his house would murder a coming or departing guest for sake of a knife or a hatchet, will defend him at the risk of his own life as soon as he has passed his threshold. The people of the Feejee Group, are divided into a number of tribes, independent and often hostile to each other. In each tribe great and marked distinctions of rank exist. The classes which are readily distinguished are as follows: 1. kings; 2. chiefs ; 3. warriors ; 4. landholders (matanivanua); 5. slaves (kai-si). The last have nominally little influence ; but in this group, as in other countries, the mere force of numbers is sufficient to counterbalance or overcome the force of the prescriptive rights of the higher and less numerous classes. This has been the case at Ambau, where the people at no distant period rose against and drove out their kings. Among the most singular of the Feejee customs, and of whose origin it is difficult to form a rational opinion, is that which gives certain rights to a member of another tribe, who is called Vasu (nephew). To give an idea of the character of this right, and the manner in which it is exercised, I shall cite the case of Tanoa. He, although the most powerful chief in the group, feels compelled to comply with, and acknowledges Thokanauto (better known to foreigners as Mr. Phillips) as Vasu-togai of Ambau, who has in consequence the right of sending thither for any thing he may want, and even from Tanoa himself. On Tanoa's first visit to me, among other presents, I gave him one of Hall's patent rifles. This Thokanauto heard of, and determined to have it, and Tanoa had no other mode of preserving it than by sending it away from Ambau. When Rivaletta, Tanoa's youngest son, visited me one day at the observatory, he had the rifle with him, and told me that his father had put it into his hands, in order that it might not be demanded. Afterwards, when Thokanauto himself paid me a visit, he had in his possession one of the watches that had been given to Seru, and told me openly that he would have the musket also. While at Levuka, he appropriated to himself a canoe and its contents, leaving the owner to find his way back to Ambau as he could. The latter made no complaint, and seemed to consider the act as one of course. When the Vasu-togai or Vasu-levu of a town or district visits it, he is received with honours even greater than those paid to the chief who rules over it. All bow in obedience to his will, and he is received with clapping of hands and the salutation, " O sa vi naka lako mai 78 CUSTOMS OF THE FEEJEE GROUP. vaka turanga Ratu Vasu-levu," (Hail! good is the coming hither of our noble Lord Nephew.) When the Vasu-levu of Mbenga goes thither, honours almost divine are rendered him, for he is supposed to be descended in a direct line from gods. Mbenga formerly played a very conspicuous part in the affairs of the group, but of late years it happened to get into difficulties with Rewa, in consequence of which Ngaraningiou attacked it, conquered its inhabitants, and massacred many of them. Since that time it has had little or no political influence. • The hostile feelings of the different tribes makes war the principal employment of the males throughout the group; and where there is so strong a disposition to attack their neighbours, plausible reasons for beginning hostilities are not difficult to find. The wars of the Feejeeans usually arise from some accidental affront or misunderstanding, of which the most powerful party takes advantage to extend his dominions or increase his wealth. This is sometimes accomplished by a mere threat, by which the weaker party is terrified into submission to the demand for territory or property. When threats fail, a formal declaration of war is made by an officer, resembling in his functions the heralds (feciales) of the Romans. Every town has one of these, who is held in much respect, and whose words are always taken as true. When he repairs to the town of the adverse party, where he is always received with great attention, he carries with him an ava root, which he presents to the chiefs, saying, " Korai sa tatau, sa kalu," (I bid you goodbye, it is war.) The usual answer is, " Sa vi naka, sa lako talo ki," (it is well, return home.) Preparations are then made on both sides, and when they mean to have a fair open fight, a messenger is sent from one party to ask the other, what town they intend to attack first. The reply is sometimes true, but is sometimes intended merely as a cover for their real intentions. In the latter case, however, it rarely succeeds ; in the former, both parties repair to the appointed place. In preparing for war, and during its continuance, they abstain from the company of women; and there were instances related to me, where this abstinence had continued for several years. When a body made up of several tribes has approached near the enemy, the vunivalu, or general, makes a speech to each separate tribe. In this he does all in his power by praises, taunts, or exhortations, as he thinks best suited to the purpose, to excite them to deeds of bravery. To one he will talk in the following manner: " You say you are a brave people. You have made me great pro- CUSTOMS OF THE FEEJEE GROUP. 79 mises, now we will see how you will keep them. To me you look more like slaves than fighting men." Or thus : " Here' are these strangers come to fight with us. Let us see who are the best men." \ To another tribe he will say: " Where do you come from 1" Some one of the tribe starts up, and striking the ground with his club, replies by naming its place of residence. The vunivalu then continues, " Ah! I have heard of^you; you boast yourselves to be brave men; we shall see what you are; I doubt whether you will do much. You seem to be more like men fit to plant and dig yams than to fight." After he has thus gone through his forces, he cries out: " Attend!" On this the whole clap their hands. He then tells them to prepare for battle, to which they answer, " Mana ndina," (it is true.) In some parts of the group the forces are marshalled in bands, each of which has a banner or flag, under which it fights. The staff of these flags (druatina) is about twenty feet in length, and the flags themselves, which are of corresponding dimensions are made of tapa. As an instance, the forces of.ReWa are arranged-in four bands, viz.: 1. The Valevelu, or king's own people, who are highest in rank, ind held in the greatest estimation. 2. The Niaku ne tumbua, the people of the vunivalu or fighting .mief. 3. The Kai Rewa, or landholders of Rewa. 4. The Kai Ratu, which is composed of the offspring of chiefs by common women. The flags are distinguished from each other by markings: that of the Valevelu has four or five vertical black stripes, about a foot wide, with equal spaces of white left between them; the rest of the flag is In the flag of the vunivalu the black and white stripes are horizontal. The flag of the Kai Rewa is all white. The Kai Ratu use, as flags, merely strips of tapa, or array themselves under the flag of a chief. Each of the first three bands is kept distinct, and fights under its own flag, in the place which the commander appoints. The flag of the latter is always longest, and is raised highest, whether he be king or only vunivalu. To carry a flag is considered as a post of the greatest distinction, and is confined to the bravest and most active of the tribe. A town, when besieged, has also its signal of pride. This consists of a sort of kite, of a circular shape, made of palm-leaves, and decorated with ribands of white and coloured tapa. When an enemy approaches the town, if the wind be favourable, the kite is raised by 80 CUSTOMS OF THE FEEJEE GROUP. means of a very long cord. The cord is passed through a hole made near the top of a pole thirty or forty feet in height, which is erected in a conspicuous part of the town. The cord is then drawn backwards and forwards through the hole, in such a manner as to be kept floating as a signal of defiance, immediately over the approaching enemy. The attacking party, excited by this, rush forward with their flag, and plant it as near the walls as possible. If the garrison be sufficiently strong they will sally out and endeavour to take the flag; for it is considered as a great triumph to capture a flag, and a foul disgrace to lose one. When flags are taken, they are always hung up as trophies in the mbure; and in that of Levuka I saw many small ones suspended, which, as I was informed by Whippy, had been taken from mountaineers of the interior of the island. The towns are usually fortified with a strong palisade made of bread-fruit or cocoa-nut trees, around which is a ditch partly filled with water. There are usually two entrances, in which are gates, so narrow as to admit onlyone person at a time. The village of Waitora, about two miles to the north of Levuka, is justly considered by the natives as a place of great strength. This was visited by Messrs. Hale and Sandford, who give the following description of it. It is situated upon a hill, and can be approached only by a narrow path along the sloping edge of a rocky ridge. At the extremity of this path is a level space of about an acre in extent, which is surrounded by a stone wall, and filled with houses. In the centre is a rock, about twenty feet high, and one hundred feet square. The top of this is reached by a natural staircase, formed by the roots of a banyan tree, which insert themselves in the crevices of the rock. The tree itself, with its numerous trunks, spreads out and overshadows the whole of the rock. A house stands in the middle of the rock. This contains two Feejee drums, which, when struck, attract crowds of natives together. Some of the principal towns are not fortified at all. This is the case with Ambau, Muthuata, and Rewa. The fortifications of which we have spoken, whether palisades and ditch or stone walls, are constructed with great ingenuity, particularly the holds to which they retire when hard pressed. For these a rock or hill, as inaccessible as possible, is chosen, with a small level space on the top. Around this space a palisade is constructed of upright posts of cocoa-nut tree, about nine inches in diameter, and about two feet apart. To the outside of these, wicker-work is fastened with strong lashings of sennit. Over each entrance is a projecting platform, about nine feet square, for the purpose of guarding the approach by hurling spears and shooting CUSTOMS THE FEEJEE GROU11 61 arrows. The gates or entrances are shut by sliding bars from the inside, and are defended on each side by structures of strong wicker- work, resembling bastions, which are placed about fifteen feet apart. When there is a ditch, the bridge across it is composed of two narrow logs. The whole arrangement affords an excellent defence against any weapons used by the natives of these islands, and even against musketry. Sieges of these fortified places seldom continue long; for if the attacking party be not speedily successful, the want of provisions, of which there is seldom a supply for more than two or three days, compels them to retire. Although such assaults are of short duration, the war often continues for a long time without any decisive result. If one of the parties desires peace, it sends an ambassador, who carries a whale's tooth, as a token of submission. The victorious party often requires the conquered to yield the right of soil, in which case the latter bring with them a basket of the earth from their district. The acceptance of this is the signal of peace, but from that time the conquered become liable to the payment of a yearly tribute. In addition to this burden, the more powerful tribes often send word to their dependencies that they have not received a present for a long time; and if the intimation has no effect, the message is speedily followed by an armed force, by which the recusant tribe or town is sometimes entirely destroyed. The bearer of such a message carries with him a piece of ava, which is given to the chief of the town in council, who causes it to be brewed, after which the message is delivered. But when an errand is sent to Ambau, or any superior chief, the messenger always carries with him a gift of provisions and other valuables. If a town, is compelled to entreat to be permitted to capitulate, for the purpose of saving the lives of its people, its chiefs and principal inhabitants are required to crawl towards their conquerors upon their hands and knees, suing for pardon and imploring mercy. The daughters of the chiefs are also brought forward and offered to the victors, while from the lower class victims are selected to be sacrificed to the gods. Even such hard conditions do not always suffice, but. a whole population is sometimes butchered in cold blood, or reduced to a condition of slavery. To avoid such terrible consequences, most of the weak tribes seek security by establishing themselves on high and almost inaccessible rocks. Some of these are so steep that it would be hardly possible for any but one of the natives to climb them; yet even their women may be seen climbing their rocky and almost perpendicular walls, to heights of fifty or sixty feet, and carrying loads of water, yams, &c. VOL. III. 11 82 CUSTOMS OF THE FEEJEE GROUP. I Tribes that do not possess such fastnesses, are compelled to take refuge under the protection of some powerful chief, in consideration of which they are bound to aid their protectors in case of war. They are summoned to do this by a messenger, who carries a whale's tooth, and sometimes directs the number of men they are to send. A refusal would bring war upon themselves, and is therefore seldom ventured. There is, however, a recent instance in which such aid was refused with impunity by Tui Levuka, who was persuaded by the white residents* to-disobey a summons sent from Ambau. Having done this, the people of Levuka felt it necessary to prepare for defence, by repairing their stone walls and provisioning their stronghold in the moCin- tains. They thus stood upon their guard for a long time, but were not attacked. The religion of the Feejeeans, and the practices which are founded upon it, differ materially from those of the lighter-coloured Polynesian people. The tradition given by the natives of the origin of the various races is singular, and not very flattering to themselves. All are said to have been born of one pair of first parents. The Feejee was first born, but acted wickedly and was black: he therefore received but little clothing. Tonga was next born; he acted less wickedly, was whiter, and had more clothes given him. White men, or Papalangis, came last; they acted well, were white, and had plenty of clothes. They have a tradition of a great flood or deluge, which they call Walavu-levu. Their account of it is as follows: after the islands had been peopled by the first man and woman, a great rain took place, by which they were finally submerged; but, before the highest places were covered by the waters, two large double canoes made their appearance ; in one of these was Rokora, the god of carpenters, in the other Rokola, his head workman, who picked up some of the people, and kept them on board until the waters had subsided, after which they were again landed on the island. It is reported that in former times canoes were always kept in readiness against another inundation. The persons thus saved, eight in number, were landed at Mbenga, where the highest of their gods is said to have made his first appearance. By virtue of this tradition, the chiefs of Mbenga take rank before all others, and have always acted a conspicuous part among the * This is not the only instance in which the white residents have exercised a salutary influence. It is fortunate for the natives that those who have settled among them nave been principally of such a character as has tended to their improvement There are, however, some exceptions, by whose bad example the natives have been hi into many CUSTOMS OF THE FEEJEE GROUP. 83 Feejees. They style themselves Ngali-duva-ki-langi (subject to heaven alone). The Pantheon of the Feejee Group contains many deities. The first of these in rank is Ndengei. He is worshipped in the forj* of a large serpent, alleged to dwell in a district under the authority of Ambau, which is called Nakauvaudra, and is situated near the western end of Vitilevu. To this deity, they believe that the spirit goes immediately after death, for purification or to receive sentence. From his tribunal the spirit is supposed to return and remain about the mbure Or temple of its former abode. All spirits, however, are not -believed to be permitted to reach the judgment-seat of Ndengei, for upon the road it is supposed that an enormous giant, armed with a large axe, stands constantly on the watch. With this weapon he endeavours to wound all who attempt to pass him. Those who are wounded dare not present themselves to Ndengei, and are obliged to wander about in the mountains. Whether the spirit be wounded or not, depends not upon the conduct in life, but they ascribe an escape from the blow wholly to good luck. Stories are prevalent of persons who have succeeded in passing the monster without injury. One of these, which was told me by a white pilot, will suffice to show the character of this superstition. A powerful chief, who had died and been interred with all due ceremony, finding that he had to pass this giant, who, in the legend, is stationed in the Moturiki Channel, loaded his gun, which had been buried with him, and prepared for the encounter. The giant seeing the danger that threatened him, was on the look-out to dodge the ball, which he did when the piece was discharged. Of this the chief took ■ advantage to rush by him before he could recover himself, reached the judgment-seat of Ndengei, and now enjoys celestial happiness! Besides the entire form of a serpent, Ndengei is sometimes represented as having only the head and half the body of the figure of that reptile, while the remaining portion of his form is a stone, significant of eternal duration. No one pretends to know the origin of Ndengei, but many assert that he has been seen by mortals. Thus, he is reported to have appeared under the form of a man, dressed in masi (white tapa), after the fashion of the natives, on the beach, near Ragi-ragi. Thence he proceeded to Mbenga, where, although it did not please him, on account of its rocky shores, he made himself manifest, and thence went to Kantavu. Not liking the latter place, he went to Rewa, where he took up his abode. Here he was joined by another powerful god, called Warua, to whom after a time he consented to resign this loca- 84 CUSTOMS OF THE FEEJEE GROUP. lity, on condition of receiving the choicest parts of all kinds of food, as the heads of the turtle and pig,—which are still held sacred. Under this agreement he determined to proceed to Verata, where he has resided ever since, and by him Verata is believed to have been rendered impregnable. Next in rank, in their mythology, stand two sons of Ndengei, Tokairambe and Tui Lakemba.* These act as mediators between their father and inferior spirits. They are said to be stationed, in the form of men, at the door of their father's cabin, where they receive and transmit to him the prayers and supplications of departed souls. The grandchildren of Ndengei are third in rank. They are innumerable, and each has a peculiar duty to perform, of which the most usual is that of presiding over islands and districts. A fourth class is supposed to be made up of more distant relatives of Ndengei. These preside over separate tribes, by whose priests they are consulted. They have no jurisdiction beyond their own tribe, and possess no power but what is deputed to them by superior deities. In addition to these benignant beings, they believe in malicious and mischievous gods. These reside in their Hades, which they call Mbulu (underneath the world). There reigns a cruel tyrant, with grim aspect, whom they name Lothia. Samuialo (destroyer of souls) is his colleague, and sits on the brink of a huge fiery cavern, into which he precipitates departed spirits. These notions, although the most prevalent, are not universal. Thus: the god of Muthuata is called Radinadina. He is considered as the son of Ndengei. Here also Rokora, the god of carpenters, is held in honour; and they worship also Rokavona, the god of fishermen. The people of Lakemba believe that departed souls proceed to Na- mukaliwu, a place in the vicinity of the sea. Here they for a time exercise the same employments as when in this life, after which they die again, and go to Mbulu, where they are met by Samuialo. This deity is empowered to seize and hurl into the fiery gulf all those whom he dislikes. On Kantavu they admit of no god appointed to receive departed souls, but suppose that these go down into the sea, where they are examined by the great spirit, who retains those he likes, and sends back the others to their native island, to dwell among their friends. Another belief is, that the departed spirit goes before the god Taseta, who, as it approaches, darts a spear at it. If the spirit exhibits any signs of fear, it incurs the displeasure of the god, but if it advances with courage, it is received with favour. * Some say he h a, called Mautu (the bread-fruit). CUSTOMS OF THE FEE'JEE GROUP. 85 On Vanua-levu it is believed that the souls of their deceased friends go to Dimba-dimba, a point of land which forms Ambau Bay. Here they are supposed to pass down into the sea, where they are taken into two canoes by Rokavona and' Rokora, and ferried across into the dominions of Ndengei. When it blows hard, and there are storms of thunder, lightning, and rain, the natives say that the canoes are getting ready. Some few of the nativesjy.orship an evil spirit, whom they call Ruku batin dua (the one-toothed Lord). He is represented under the form of man, having wings instead of arms, and as provided with claws to seize his victims. His tooth is described as being large enough to reach above the top of his head; it is alleged he flies through the air emitting sparks of fire. He is said to roast in fire all the wicked who appertain to him. Those who do not worship him, call him Kalou- kana, or Kalou-du. At Rewa, it is believed that the spirits first repair to the residence of Ndengei, who allots some of them to the devils for food, and sends the rest away to Mukalou, a small island off Rewa, where they remain until an appointed day, after which they are all doomed to annihilation. The judgments thus passed by Ndengei, seem to be ascribed rather to his caprice than to any desert of the departed soul. This idea of a second death is illustrated by the following anecdote, related by Mr. Vanderford. This officer resided, for several months after his shipwreck, with Tanoa, King of Ambau. During this time there was a great feast, at which many chiefs were present, who remained to sleep. Before the close of the evening amusements, one of » them had recounted the circumstances of his killing a neighbouring chief. During the night he had occasion to leave the house, and his superstition led him to believe that he saw the ghost of his victim, at which he threw his club, and, as he asserted, killed it. Returning to the house, he aroused the king and all the other inmates, to whom he related what he had done. The occurrence was considered by all as highly important, and formed the subject of due deliberation. In the morning the club was found, when it was taken, with great pomp and parade, to the mbure, where it was deposited as a memorial. All seemed to consider the killing of the spirit as a total annihilation of the person. Among other forms of this superstition regarding spirits, is that ©f transmigration. Those who hold it, think that spirits wander about the villages in various shapes, and can make themselves visible or invisible at pleasure; that there are particular places to which they resort, and in passing these they are accustomed to make a propitiatory 86 CUSTOMS OF THE FEEJEE GROUP. offering of food or cloth. This form of superstition is the cause of an aversion to go abroad at night, and particularly when it is dark. It is also a general belief, that the spirit of a celebrated chief may, after death, enter into some young man of the tribe, and animate him to deeds of valour. Persons thus distinguished are I pointed out as highly favoured; in consequence, they receive great respect, and their opinions are treated with much consideration, besides which, they have many personal privileges. In general, the passage from life to death is considered as one from pain to happiness, and I was informed, that nine out of ten look forward to it with anxiety, in order to escape from the infirmities of old age, or the sufferings of disease. The deities whom we have named are served by priests, called ambati, who are worshipped in buildings denominated mbure, or spirit- houses. Of such buildings each town has at least one, and often several, which serve also for entertaining strangers, as well as for holding councils and other public meetings. In these mbures, images are found ; but these, although much esteemed as ornaments, and held sacred, are not worshipped as idols. They are only produced on great occasions, such as festivals, &c. « 5g The ambati, or priests, have great influence over the people, who consult them on all occasions, but are generally found acting in concert CUSTOMS OF THE FEEJEE GROUP. 87 with the chiefs, thus forming a union of power which rules the islands. Each chief has his ambati, who attends him wherever he goes. The people are grossly superstitious, and there are few of their occupations in which the ambati is not more or less concerned. He is held sacred within his own district, being considered as the representative of the kalou, or spirit Mr. Hunt informed me, that the natives seldom separate the idea of the god from that of his priest, who is viewed with almost divine reverence. My own observations, however, led to the conclusion, that it is more-gspecially the case at Somu-somu, where Mr. Hunt resides, and where the natives are more savage, if possible, in their customs, than those of the other islands. If intercourse with white men has produced no other effect, it has lessened their reverence for the priesthood; for, wherever they have foreign visiters, there may be seen a marked change in this respect. s.JQ kZ: The office of ambati is usually hereditary, but in some cases may be considered as self-chosen. Thus, when a priest dies without male heirs, some one, who is ambitious to succeed him, and desirous of leading an idle life, will strive for the succession. To acccomplish this end, he will cunningly assume a mysterious air, speaking incoherently, and pretending that coming events have been foretold him by the kalou, whom he claims to have seen and talked with. If he should have made a prediction in relation to a subject in which the people take an anxious interest, and with which the event happens to correspond, the belief that his pretensions are well founded is adopted. Before he is acknowledged as ambati, he, however, is made to undergo a further trial, and is required to show publicly that the kalou is entering into him. The proof of this is considered to lie in certain shiver- ings, which appear to be involuntary, and in the performance of which none but an expert juggler could succeed. I had an opportunity, while at Levuka, of seeing a performance of this description. Whippy gave me notice of it, having ascertained that the offering which precedes the consultation, was in preparation. This offering consisted of a hog, a basket of yams, and a quantity of bananas. In this case the ambati had received notice that he was to be consulted, and was attached to the person of Seru, (Tanoa's son,) for whose purposes the prophetic intervention was needed. On such occasions the chiefs dress in the morning in their gala habits, and proceed with much ceremony to the mbure, where the priest is. On some occasions, previous notice is given him ; at other times he has no warning of their coming, until he receives the offering. The amount of this offering depends upon the inclination of the party who makes it The chiefs and people seat themselves promiscu- 88 CUSTOMS OF THE FEEJEE GROUP. ously in a semicircle, the open side of which is occupied by the person who prepares the ava. This mode of sitting is intended as an act of humiliation on the part of the chiefs, which is considered as acceptable to the gods. When all is prepared, the principal chief, if the occasion be a great one, presents a whale's tooth. The priest receives this in his hands, and contemplates it steadily, with downcast eyes, remaining perfectly quiet for some time. In a few minutes distortions begin to be visible in his face, indicating, as they suppose, that the god is entering into his body. His limbs next show a violent muscular action, which increases until his whole frame appears convulsed, and trembles as if under the influence of an ague fit; his eyeballs roll, and are distended ; the blood seems rushing with violence to and from his head; tears start from his.eyes; his breast heaves; his lips grow livid, and his utterance confused. In short, his whole appearance is that of a maniac. Finally, a profuse perspiration streams from every pore, by which he is relieved, and the symptoms gradually abate; after this, he ! again sinks into an attitude of quiet, gazing about him from side to side, until suddenly striking the ground with a club, he thus announces that the god has departed from him. Whatever the priest utters while thus excited, is received as a direct response of the gods to the prayers of those who made the offering. The provisions of which the offering is composed are now shared out, and ava prepared. These are eaten and drunk in silence. The priest partakes of the feast, and always eats voraciously, supplying, as it were, the exhaustion he has previously undergone. It is seldom, however, that his muscles resume at once a quiescent state, and they more usually continue to twitch and tremble for some time afterwards. When the candidate for the office of ambati has gone successfully through such a ceremony, and the response he gives as from the god is admitted to be correct, he is considered as qualified to be a priest, and takes possession of the mbure. It is, however, easily to be seen, that it is the chief who in fact makes the appointment. The individual chosen is always on good terms with him, and is but his tool. The purposes of both are accomplished by a good understanding between them. There can be no doubt that those who exercise the office of ambati, and go through the actions just mentioned, are consummate jugglers; but they often become so much affected by their own efforts, that the motions of the muscles become in reality involuntary, and they have every appearance of being affected by a supernatural agency. By the dexterity with which the ambati perform their juggling performances, they acquire great influence over the common people; DF THE 89 but, as before remarked, they are merely the instruments of the chiefs. When the latter are about going to battle, or engaging in any other important enterprise, they desire the priest to let the spirit enter him forthwith, making him, at the same time, a present. The priest speedily begins to shake and shiver, and ere long communicates the will of the god, which always tallies with the wishes of the chief. It sometimes happens that the priest fails in exciting himself to convulsive action; but this, among a people so wrapt in superstition, can always be ingeniously accounted for: the most usual mode of excusing the failure, is to say that the kalou is dissatisfied with the offering. The chiefs themselves admitted, and Whippy informed me, that they have little respect for the power of the priests, and use them merely to govern the people. The ambati are generally the most shrewd and intelligent members of the community, and the reasons for their intimate union with the chiefs are obvious: without the influence of the superstition of which they are the agents, the chief would be unable successfully to rule; while without support from the authority of the chief, the ambati could scarcely practise their mummeries without detection. The priests, when their services are not wanted by the chiefs, are sometimes driven to straits for food. In such cases they have recourse to the fears of the people, and among other modes of intimidation, threaten to eat them if their demands are not complied with. To give force to the menace, they pretend to have had communication with the god in dreams, and assemble the people to hear the message of the deity. This message is always portentous of evil; the simple natives are thus induced to make propitiatory offerings, which the priest applies to his own use. The priest at Levuka pretends to receive oracles from a miniature mbure, an engine of superstition of the form represented in the figure, Ill 90 CUSTOMS which he keeps behind a screen in the spirit-house. It is about four feet high; the base is about fifteen inches square; it is hollow within, has an ear on one side of it, and a mouth and nose on the other. This oracle is covered with scarlet and white seeds, about the size of a large pea, which are stuck upon it in fantastic figures with gum. To the priest this is a labour-saving machine; for, on ordinary occasions, instead of going through the performance we have described, he merely whispers in the ear of the model, and pretends to receive an answer by applying his own ear to its mouth. The occasions on which the priests are required to shake, are usually of the following kinds: to implore good crops of yams and taro; on going to battle; for propitious voyages; for rain ; for storms, to drive boats and ships ashore, in order that the natives may seize the property they are freighted with; and for the destruction of their enemies. When the prayers offered are for a deliverance from famine, the priest • directs the people to return to their houses, in the name of Ndengei, who then at his instance is expected to turn himself over, in which case an earthquake ensues, which is to be followed by a season of fertility. When it is determined to offer a sacrifice, the people are assembled and addressed by a chief. A time is then fixed for the ceremony, until which time a taboo is laid upon pigs, turtles, &c. On the appointed day, each man brings his quota of provisions, and a whale's tooth if he have one. The chief, accompanied by the others, approaches the mbure, and while he offers up his prayers, the people present their gifts. The latter then return to their houses, and the offering is distributed by the priest. When a chief wishes to supplicate a god for the recovery of a sick friend, the return of a canoe, or any other desired object, he takes a root of ava and a whale's tooth to the mbure, and offers them to the priest. The latter takes the whale's tooth in his hands, and then goes through the operation of shaking, &c, as has already been described. Besides the occasional consultation of the gods through the ambati, there are stated religious festivals. One of these, which is said to be only practised in districts subject to Tui Levuka, takes place in the month of November, and lasts four days. At its commencement an influential malanivanua (landholder) proceeds just at sunset to the outside of the koro, or town, where, in a loud voice, he invokes the spirit of the sky, praying for good crops and other blessings. This is followed by a general beating of sticks and drums, and blowing of conchs, which lasts for half an hour. During the four days, the men CUSTOM SOF THE FEEJEE GROUP. 91 live in the mbure, when they feast upon the balolo,* a curious species of salt-water worm, which makes its appearance at this season, for one day, while the women and boys remain shut up in the houses. No labour is permitted, no work carried on; and so strictly is this rule observed, that not even a leaf is plucked; and the offal is not removed from the houses. At daylight on the expiration of the fourth night, the whole town is in an uproar, and men and boys scamper about, knocking with clubs and sticks at-the doors of ihe houses, crying out, " Sina- riba." This concludes the ceremony, and the usual routine of affairs goes on thenceforth as usual. At Ambau a grand festival takes place at the ingathering of the fruits. This is called Batami mbulu (the spirit below or in the earth). On this occasion a great feast is held, and the king, chiefs, and people walk in procession, with great pomp and ceremony, to Viwa, where they pay homage to the spirit. I was unable to obtain further details of this festival, but its object was explained to be a return of thanks for the fruits of the earth. The marriages of the Feejeeans are sanctioned by religious ceremonies, and, among the high chiefs, are attended with much form and parade. As at all other ceremonies, ava drinking forms an essential part. The ambati, or priest, takes a seat, having the bridegroom on his right and the bride on the left hand. He then invokes the protection of the god or spirit upon the bride, after which he leads her to the bridegroom, and joins their hands, with injunctions to love, honour, and obey, to be faithful and die with each other. During this ceremony, the girls are engaged in chewing the ava, on which the priest directs the water to be poured, and cries out '.' Ai sevu." He then calls upon all the gods of the town or island. He takes care to make no omission, lest the neglected deity should inflict injury on the couple he has united. He concludes the ceremony by calling out " Mana" (it is finished); to which the people respond I Ndina" (it is true). For the marriage of a woman, the consent of her father, mother, and brother is required, and must be asked by the intended husband. Even if the father and mother assent, the refusal of the brother will prevent the marriage; but, with his concurrence, it may take place, even if both father and mother oppose. In asking a woman in marriage, rolls of tapa, whales' teeth, provisions, &c, are sometimes pre- n both cooked and r; 92 CUSTOMS OF THE FEEJEE GROUP. sented to the parents. The acceptance of these signifies that the suit is favourably received; their rejection is a refusal of the suit. If the proposals of the young man are received, he gives notice of it to his own relations, who take presents to his betrothed. Her own relations, by way of dowry, give her a stone-chopper (matawiwi) and two tapa-sticks (eki), after which the marriage may take place. Among the common people the marriage rites are less ceremonious than those of the chiefs. The priest of the tribe comes to the house, when he is presented with a whale's tooth and a bowl of ava, and making a sevu-sevu (prayer), invokes happiness upon the union. The bride's near relations then present her with a large petticoat (licolib), and the more distant relatives make gifts of tapas, mats, and provisions. Every man may have as many wives as he can maintain, and the chiefs have many betrothed to them at an early age, for the purpose of extending their political connexions by bonds which, according to their customs, cannot be overlooked. The daughters of chiefs are usually betrothed early in life. If the bridegroom refuses to carry the contract into effect, it is considered as a great insult, and he may lay his account to have a contest with her relations and friends. If the betrothed husband die before the girl grows up, his next brother succeeds to his rights in this respect. Many of the marriages in high life are the result of mutual attachment, and are preceded by a courtship, presents, &c. The parties may be frequently seen, as among us, walking arm-in-arm after they are engaged. Forced marriages sometimes occur, although they are by no means frequent in this class; in such instances suicide is occasionally the consequence. A case of this sort had occurred previous to our arrival, when a daughter of the chief of Ovolau killed herself by jumping off a precipice behind the town, because she had been forced to marry a- brother of Tanoa. The females of the lower classes have no such delicate scruples. Among them, marriages are mere matters of bargain, and wives are purchased and looked upon as property in most parts of the group. The usual price is a whale's tooth, or a musket; and this once paid, the husband has an entire right to the person of the wife, whom he may even kill and eat if he feel so disposed. Young women, until purchased, belong to the chief of the village, who may dispose of them as he thinks best. Elopements, however, sometimes take place, when a marriage is opposed from difference of rank or other cause, when the parties flee to some neighbouring chief, whom they engage to intercede and bring about a reconciliation. Wives are faithful to their husbands rather from fear than from CUSTOMS OF THE FEEJEE GROUP. 93 affection. If detected in infidelity, the woman is not unfrequently knocked on the head, or made a slave for life. The man may also be treated in the same manner; but this punishment may also consist in what is called suabi. This is a forfeiture of his lands, which is signified by sticking reeds into the ground. These are bound together by knots, so as to form tripods. If the offender wishes to regain his lands, he must purchase the good-will of the offended party by presents. In some cases, the friends oX the injured party seize the wife of the offender, and give her to the aggrieved husband. There are also other modes in which a husband revenges himself for the infidelity of his wife, which do not admit of description. We have seen that the extent to which polygamy is carried is limited only by the will of the man and his means of maintaining his wives. The latter are almost completely slaves, and usually, by the strict discipline of the husband, live peaceably together. The household is under the charge of the principal wife, and the others are required to yield to her control. If they misbehave, they are tied up, put in irons, or flogged. The birth of the first child is celebrated by a feast on the natal day; another feast takes place four days afterwards, and another in ten days, when suitable presents are made to the young couple. Parturition is not usually severe, and some women have been known to go to work within an hour after delivery. Others, however, remain under the nurse's care for months. It is the prevailing opinion that hard work makes the delivery more easy. After childbirth the women usually remain quiet, and live upon a diet composed of young taro-tops, for from four to eight days, after which they bathe constantly. Midwifery is a distinct profession, exercised by women in all the towns, and they are said to be very skilful, performing operations which are among us considered as surgical. Abortion is prevalent, and nearly half of those conceived are supposed to be destroyed in this manner, usually by the command of the father, at whose instance the wife takes herbs which are known to produce this effect. If this do not succeed, the accoucheur is employed to strangle the child, and bring it forth dead. A child is rubbed with turmeric as soon as it is born, which they consider strengthening. It is named immediately, by some relative or friend. If, through neglect or accident, a name should not be forthwith given, the child would be considered as an outcast, and be destroyed by the mother. Girls reach the age of puberty when about fourteen years old, and boys when from seventeen to eighteen. This period in a girl's life is CUSTOMS OF THE FEEJEE GROUP. duly celebrated by her; for which purpose she requests the loan of a house from a friend, and takes possession of it, in company with a number of young girls. The townspeople supply them with provisions for ten days, during which they anoint themselves with turmeric and oil. At the expiration of this time, they all go out to fish, and are furnished by the men with provisions. The only general fact to be derived from the various,opinions in relation to the spirits of the dead, which have been stated in the way we received them, is, that a belief in a future state is universally entertained by the Feejeeans. In some parts of the group, this has taken the following form, which, if not derived from intercourse with the whites, is at least more consistent with revealed truth than any of those previously recorded. Those who hold this opinion, say that all the souls of the departed will remain in their appointed place, until the world is destroyed by fire and a new one created; that in the latter all things will be renovated, and to it they will again be sent to dwell thereon. This belief in a future state, guided by no just notions of religious or moral obligation, is the source of many abhorrent practices. Among these are the custom of putting their parents to death when they are advanced in years; suicide ; the immolation of wives at the funeral of their husbands, and human sacrifices. It is among the most usual occurrences, that a father or a mother will notify their children that it is time for them to die, or that a son shall give notice to his parents that they are becoming a burden to him. In either case, the relatives and friends are collected, and informed of the fact. A consultation is then held, which generally results in the conclusion, that the request is to be complied with, in which case they fix upon a day for the purpose, unless it should be done by the party whose fate is under deliberation. The day is usually chosen at a time when yams or taro are ripe, in order to furnish materials for a great feast, called mburua. The aged person is then asked, whether he will prefer to be strangled before his burial or buried alive. When the appointed day arrives, the relatives and friends bring tapas, mats, and oil, as presents. They are received as at other funeral feasts, and all mourn together until the time for the ceremony arrives. The aged person then proceeds to point out the place where the grave is to be dug; and while some are digging it, the others put on a new maro and turbans. When the grave is dug, which is about four feet deep, the person is assisted into it, while the relatives and friends begin their lamentations, and proceed to weep and cut themselves as they do at other funerals. All then proceed to CUSTOMS OF THE FEEJEE GROUP. 95 take a parting kiss, after which the living body is covered up, first with mats and tapa wrapped around the head, and then with sticks and earth, which are trodden down. When this has been done, all retire, and are tabooed, as will be stated in describing their ordinary funerals. The succeeding night,the son goes privately to the grave, and lays upon it a piece of ava-root, which is called the vei-tala or farewell. Mr. Hunt, one of the missionaries, had been a witness of several of these acts. . On one occasion, he was called upon by a young man, who desired that he would pray to his spirit for his mother, who was dead. Mr. Hunt was at first in hopes that this would afford him an opportunity of forwarding their great cause. On inquiry, the young man told him that his brothers and himself were just going to bury her. Mr. Hunt accompanied the young man, telling him he would follow in the procession, and do as he desired him, supposing, of course, the corpse would be brought along ; but he now met the procession, when the young man said that this was the funeral, and pointed out his mother, who was walking along with them, as gay and lively as any of those present, and apparently as much pleased. Mr. Hunt expressed his surprise to the young man, and asked how he could deceive him so much by saying his mother was dead, when she was alive and well. He said, in reply, that they had made her death- feast, and were now going to bury her; that she was old; that his brother and himself had thought she had lived long enough, and it was time to bury her, to which she had willingly assented, and they were about it now. He had come to Mr. Hunt to ask his prayers, as they did those of the priest. He added, that it was from love for. his mother that he had done so; that, in consequence of the same love, they were now going to bury her, and that none but themselves could or ought to do so sacred an office! Mr. Hunt did all in his power to prevent so diabolical an act; but the only reply he received was, that she was their mother, and they were her children, and they ought to put her to death. On reaching the grave, the mother sat down, when they all, including children, grandchildren, relations, and friends, took an affectionate leave of her; aj^rope, made of twisted tapa, was then passed twice around her neck by her sons, who took hold of it, and strangled her ; after which she was put into her grave, with the usual ceremonies. They returned to feast and mourn, after which she was entirely forgotten as though she had not existed. Mr. Hunt, after giving me this anecdote, surprised me by expressing his opinion that the Feejeeans were a kind and affectionate people to their parents, adding, that he was assured by many of them that CUSTOMS OF THE FEEJEE GROUP. they considered this custom as so great a proof of affection that none but children could be found to perform it. The same opinion was expressed by all the other white residents. A short time before our arrival, an old man at Levuka did something to vex one of his grandchildren, who in consequence threw stones at him. The only action the old man took in the case was to walk away, saying that he had now lived long enough, when his grandchildren could stone him with impunity. He then requested his children and friends to bury him, to which they consented. A feast was made, he was dressed in his best tapa, and his face blackened. He was then placed sitting in his grave, with his head about two feet below the surface. Tapa and mats were thrown upon him, and the earth pressed down; during which he was heard to complain that they hurt him, and to beg that they would not press so hard. Self-immolation is by no means rare, and they believe that as they leave this life, so will they remain ever after. This forms a powerful motive, to escape from decrepitude, or from a crippled condition, by a voluntary death. Wives are often strangled, or buried alive, at the funeral of their husbands, and generally at their own instance. Cases of this sort have frequently been witnessed by the white residents. On one occasion Whippy drove away the murderers, rescued the woman, and carried her to his own house, where she was resuscitated. So far, however, from feeling grateful for her preservation, she loaded him with abuse, and ever afterwards manifested the most deadly hatred towards him. That women should desire to accompany their husbands in death, is by no means strange, when it is considered that it is one of the articles of their belief, that in this way alone can they reach the realms of bliss, and she who meets her death with the greatest devotedness, will become the favourite wife in the abode of spirits. The sacrifice is not, however, always voluntary; but, when a woman refuses to be strangled, her relations often compel her to submit. This they do from interested motives; for, by her death, her connexions become entitled to the property of her husband. Even a delay is made a matter of reproach. Thus, at the funeral of the late king, Ulivou, which was witnessed by Mr. Cargill, his five wives and a daughter were strangled. The principal wife delayed the ceremony, by taking leave of those around her; whereupon Tanoa, the present king, chid her. The victim was his own aunt, and he assisted in putting the rope around her neck, and strangling her, a service he is said to have rendered on a former occasion, to his own mother. Not only do many of the natives desire their friends to put them to CUSTOMS OF THE FEEJEE GROUP. death to escape decrepitude, or immolate themselves with a similar view, but families have such a repugnance to having deformed or maimed persons among them, that those who have met with such misfortunes, are almost always destroyed. An instance of this sort was related to me, when a boy whose leg had been bitten off by a shark was strangled, although he had been taken care of by one of the white residents, and there was every prospect of his recovery. No other reason was assignecLby the perpetrators of the deed, than that if he had lived he would have been a disgrace to his family, in consequence of his having only one leg. When a native, whether man, woman, or child, is sick of a lingering disease, their relatives will either wring their heads off, or strangle them. Mr. Hunt stated that this was a frequent custom, and cited a case where he had with difficulty saved a servant of his own from such a fate, who afterwards recovered his health. Formal human sacrifices are frequent. The victims are usually taken from a distant tribe, and when not supplied by war or violence, they are at times obtained by negotiation. After being selected for this purpose, they are often kept for a time to be fattened. When about to be sacrificed, they are compelled to sit upon the ground, with their feet drawn under their thighs, and their arms placed close before them. In this posture they are bound so tightly that they cannot stir, or move a joint. They are then placed in the usual oven, upon hot stones, and covered with leaves and earth, where they are roasted alive. When the body is cooked, it is taken from the oven, and the face painted black, as is done by the natives on festal occasions. It is then carried to the mbure, where it is offered to the gods, and is afterwards removed to be cut up and distributed, to be eaten by the people. Women are not allowed to enter the mbure, or to eat human flesh. Human sacrifices are a preliminary to almost all their undertakings. When a new mbure is built, a party goes out and seizes the first person they meet, whom they sacrifice to the gods; when a large canoe is launched, the first person, man or woman, whom they encounter, is laid hold of and carried home for a feast. When Tanoa launches a canoe, ten or more men are slaughtered on the deck, in order that it may be washed with human blood. .Human sacrifices are also among the rites performed at the funerals of chiefs, when slaves are in some instances put to death. Their bodies are first placed in the grave, and upon them those of the chief and his wives are laid* The ceremonies attendant on the death and burial of a great chief, were described to me by persons who had witnessed them. When his VOL. III. i 13 98 CUSTOMS OF THE FEEJEE GROUP. last moments are approaching, his friends place in his hands two whale's teeth, which it is supposed he will need to throw at a tree that stands on the road to the regions of the dead. As soon as the last struggle is over, the friends and attendants fill the air with their lamentations. Two priests then take in each of their hands a reed about eighteen inches long, on which the leaves at the end are left, and with these they indicate two persons for grave-diggers, and mark out the place for the grave. The spot usually selected is as near as possible to the banks of a stream. The grave-diggers are provided with manr grove-staves (tiri) for their work, and take their positions, one at the head, the other at the foot of the grave, having each one of the priests on his right hand. At a given signal, the labourers, making three feints before they strike, stick their staves into the ground, while the priests twice exchange reeds, repeating Feejee, Tonga ; Feejee, Tonga. The diggers work in a sitting posture, and thus dig ■ a pit sufficiently large to contain the body. The first earth which is removed is considered as sacred, and laid aside. The persons who have dug the grave also wash and prepare the body for interment, and they are the only persons who can touch the corpse without being laid under a taboo for ten months. The body after being washed is laid on a couch of cloth and mats, and carefully wiped. It is then dressed and decorated as the deceased was in life, when preparing for a great assembly of chiefs: it is first anointed with oil, and then the neck, breast, and arms, down to the elbows, are daubed with a black pigment; a white bandage of native cloth is bound around the head, and tied over the temple in a graceful knot; a club is placed in the hand, and laid across the breast, to indicate in the next world that the deceased was a chief and warrior. The body is then laid on a bier, and the chiefs of the subject tribes assemble; each tribe presents a whale's tooth, and the chief or spokesman says: " This is our offering to the dead ; we are poor and cannot find riches." All now clap their hands, and the king or a chief of rank replies: " Ai mu- mundi ni. mate," (the end of death); to which all the people present respond, " e dina," (it is true.) 'The female friends then approach and kiss the corpse, and if any of his wives wish to die and be buried with him, she runs to her brother or nearest relative and exclaims, " I wish to die, that I may accompany my husband to the land where his spirit has gone! love me, and make haste to strangle me, that I may overtake him !" Her friends applaud her purpose, and being dressed and decorated in her best clothes, she seats herself on a mat, reclining her head on the lap of a woman; another holds her nostrils, that she may not breathe through them; a cord, made by twisting fine tapa (masi), CUSTOMS OF THE FEEJEE GROUP. 99 is then put around her neck, and drawn tight by four or five strong men, so that the struggle is soon over. The cord is left tight, and tied in a bow-knot, until the friends of the husband present a whale's tooth, saying, " This is the untying of the cord of strangling." The cord is then loosed, but is not removed from the neck of the corpse. When the grave is finished, the principal workman takes the four reeds used by the priests, and passes them backwards and forwards across each other; he then-lines the pit or grave with fine mats, and lays two of the leaves at the head and two at the foot of the grave; on these the corpse of the chief is placed, with two of his wives, one on each side, having their right and left hands, respectively, laid on his breast; the bodies are then wrapped together in folds of native cloth; the grave is then filled in, and the sacred earth is laid on, and a stone over it. All the men who have had any thing to do with the dead body take off their maro or masi, and rub themselves all over with the leaves of a plant they call koaikoaia. A friend of the parties takes new tapa, and clothes them, for they are not allowed to touch any thing, being tabooed persons. At the end of ten days, the head chief of the tribe provides a great feast (mburua), at which time the tabooed men again scrub themselves, and are newly dressed. After the feast, ava is prepared and set before the priest, who goes through many incantations, shiverings, and shakings, and prays for long life and abundance of children. The soul of the deceased is now enabled to quit the body and go to its destination. During these ten days, all the women in the town provide themselves with long whips, knotted with shells; these they use upon the men, inflicting bloody wounds, which the men retort by flirting from a piece of split bamboo little hard balls of clay. When the tabooed person becomes tired of remaining so restricted, they send to the head chief, and inform him, and he replies that he will remove the taboo whenever they please; they then send him presents of pigs and other provisions, which he shares among the , people. The tabooed persons then go into a stream and wash themselves, which act they call vuluvulu; they then catch some animal, a pig or turtle, on which they wipe their hands: it then becomes sacred to the chief. The taboo is now removed, and the men are free to work, feed themselves, and live with their wives. The taboo usually lasts from two to ten months in the case of chiefs, according to their rank; in the case of a petty chief, the taboo would not exceed a month, and for a common person, not more than four days. It is generally resorted to by the lazy and idle; for during this time they are not only provided with food, but are actually fed by attendants, or 100 CUSTOMS OF THE FEEJEE GROUP. eat their food from the ground. On the death of a chief, a taboo is laid upon the cocoa-nuts, pigs, &c, of a whole district. Taking off a taboo is attended with certain ceremonies. It can be done by none but a chief of high rank. Presents are brought to the priest, and a piece of ava, which is brewed and drunk; he then makes a prayer (sevu-sevu), and the ceremony is finished. In laying a taboo, a stone about two feet in length is set up before the mbure, and painted red; ava is chewed; after which the priest makes a prayer, and invokes maledictions on the heads of those who shall break it. Trees that are tabooed have bands of cocoa-nut or pandanus-leaves tied around them, and a stick is set in a heap of earth near by. We had an instance of this at the time of our arrival, when we found all the cocoa-nuts tabooed. We in consequence could obtain none, until I spoke to the chiefs of Ambau, who removed the taboo. To the funeral ceremonies we have described, others are added, in some parts of the group, and there are differences in some of the details of the rites. Thus, at Muthuata, the body of a chief is usually taken to the royal mbure, on the island of that name, to be interred. The corpse, instead of being dressed in the habiliments of life, is wrapped in white mats, and borne on a wide plank. On its arrival at the mbure, it is received by the priest, who pronounces an eulogium on his character, after which, the young men form themselves into two ranks, between which, and around the corpse, the rest of the people pass several times. All the boys who have arrived at a suitable age are now circumcised, and many boys suffer the loss of their little fingers. The foreskins and fingers are placed in the grave of the chief. When this part of the ceremony is over, young bread-fruit trees are presented by the relatives of the chief to the boys, whose connexions are bound to cultivate them until the boys are able to do it themselves.* The strangulation of the chief's wives follows; and this is succeeded by a farther eulogium of the deceased, and a lament for the loss his people have sustained. The whole is concluded by a great feast of hogs, taro, yams, and bananas. The funerals of persons of lower rank are of course far less ceremonious. The body is wrapped in tapa or mats, and sometimes sprinkled with turmeric, and is buried in a sitting posture, just below the surface of the ground. Even in this class the wife generally insists on being i important influence >riginated with that v CUSTOMS OF THE FEEJEE GROUP. 101 strangled. Instances are now, however, beginning to occur, in which this custom is not persisted in, a circumstance which seems to show that the dawn of civilization is breaking upon them. On the day of the death, a feast called mburua is always provided; another four days after, called boniva; and a third at the end of ten days, which is called boniviti. The usual outward sign of mourning is to crop the hair or beard, or very rarely both. Indeed, they are too vain of these appendages to part with them on trifling occasions; and as the hair, if cut off, takes a long time to grow again, they use a wig as a substitute. Some of these wigs are beautifully made, and even more exact imitations of nature, than those of our best perruquiers. Another mark of sorrow is to cut off the joints of the small toe and little finger; and this is not done only as a mark of grief or a token of affection, but the dismembered joints are frequently sent to families which are considered wealthy, and who are able to reward this token of sympathy in their loss, which they never fail to do. Women in mourning burn their skin into blisters, as is the practice also in other groups visited by us. The instrument used for the purpose is a piece of tapa twisted into a small roll and ignited. Marks thus produced may be seen on their arms, shoulders, neck, and breast. This custom is called loloe mate. The eating of human flesh is not confined to cases of sacrifice for religious purposes, but is practised from habit and taste. The existence of cannibalism, independent of superstitious notions, has been doubted by many. There can be no question that, although it may have originated as a sacred rite, it is continued in the Feejee Group for the mere pleasure of eating human flesh as a food. Their fondness for it will be understood from the custom they have of sending portions of it to their friends at a distance, as an acceptable present, and the gift is eaten, even if decomposition have begun before it is received. So highly do they esteem this food, that the greatest praise they can bestow on a delicacy is to say that it is as tender as a dead Even their sacrifices are made more frequent, not merely to gratify feelings of revenge, but to indulge their taste for this horrid food. In respect to this propensity, they affect no disguise; I have myself frequently spoken with them concerning it, and received but one answer, both from chiefs and common people, that it was vinaka (good). The bodies of enemies slain in battle are always eaten. Whippy told me that he saw, on one occasion, upwards of twenty men cooked; and several of the white residents stated that they have seen bodies 102 CUSTOMS OF THE FEEJEE GROUP. brought from such a distance as to be green from putrescence, and to have the flesh dropping from the bones, which were, notwithstanding, eaten with greediness and apparent pleasure. War, however, does not furnish enough of this food to satisfy their appetite for it. Stratagem and violence are resorted to for obtaining it. While we were at Levuka, as a number of women belonging to the village were engaged in picking up shells and fishing, a canoe belonging to the Lasikaus, or fishermen, in passing by the reef, seized and carried off two of them, as it was believed, for cannibal purposes. When 1 heard the story I could not at first believe it; but it was confirmed by Tui Levuka, who said that the Lasikaus frequently stole women from the reefs for the purpose of eating them. All doubt, however, was removed, when Mr. Eld, while stationed at the observatory, became an eye-witness of an attempt of the kind. The daughter of the Vi Tonga* chief, with some of her companions, was engaged in fishing on the reef in a small canoe. By some accident the canoe was swamped, which rendered them a prize to whoever should capture them. A canoe from Ambau had watched the poor creatures like a hawk, and, as soon as the accident happened, pounced upon them. The men in the canoe succeeded in capturing the chief's daughter, and forced her into the vessel. When near the shore, however, she contrived to make her escape by jumping overboard, and reached the shore before they could overtake "her. Clubs and spears were thrown at her, with no other effect than a slight scratch under the arm, and a bruise on her shoulder. On the beach she was received by her friends, who stood ready to protect her, upon which the Ambau people gave up the pursuit. The cannibal propensity is not limited to enemies or persons of a different tribe, but they will banquet on the flesh of their dearest friends, and it is even related, that in times of scarcity, families will make an exchange of children for this horrid purpose. The flesh of women is preferred to that of men, and they consider the flesh of the arm above the elbow, and of the thigh, as the choicest parts. The women are not allowed to eat it openly, but it is said that the wives of chiefs do partake of it in private. It is also forbidden to the kai-si, or common people, unless there be a great quantity, but they have an opportunity of picking the bones. As a further instance of these cannibal propensities, and to show that the sacrifice of human life to gratify their passions and appetites is of almost daily occurrence, a feast frequently takes place among CUSTOMS OF THE FEEJEE GROUP. 103 the chiefs, to which each is required to bring a pig. On these occasions Tanoa, from pride and ostentation, always furnishes a human body. A whale's tooth is about the price of a human life, even when the party slain is of rank, as will be shown by the following anecdotes. Rivaletta, the youngest son of Tanoa, while passing along the north end of Ovolau in his canoe, descried a fishing party. He at once determined to possess himself^of what they had taken, and for this purpose dashed in among them, and fired his musket. The shot killed a young man, who proved to be a nephew of Tui Levuka, the chief of Ovolau, and was recognised by some of Rivaletta's followers. This discovery did not prevent their carrying the body to Ambau to be feasted upon; but, in order to prevent it from being known there, the face was disfigured by broiling it in the fire in the canoe. Tanoa, however, soon became aware of the fact, and forthwith sent a whale's tooth to Tui Levuka, as the value of his loss, together with a number of little fingers, cut from the people of Ambau, as a propitiatory offering. The remuneration was received by Tui Levuka as sufficient, and no more notice was taken of the matter. Before we left the group, an inferior chief ran away with one of the wives of Tui Levuka. The latter immediately despatched his son to the town where the chief resided, for the purpose of killing the offender, which was effected, and the woman brought back. Tui Levuka thereupon sent a whale's tooth and some tapa to the principal chief of the town, and the affair was ended. When they set so little value on the lives of their own countrymen, it is not to be expected that they should much regard those of foreigners; It is necessary, therefore, while holding intercourse with them, to be continually guarded against their murderous designs, which they are always meditating for the sake of the property about the person, or to obtain the body for food. Several recent instances are related, where crews of vessels visiting these islands have been put to death. One of these, in particular, became known to me, and led to certain proceedings on my part, which will form an important part of the following- chapter. The vessel in question was the American brig, Charles Doggett, Captain Bachelor. I had heard of the attack upon her, and after Paddy Connel paid me his first visit, of which I have before spoken, I learned that he had been on board the brig at the time, and had a full knowledge of all who were concerned in the transaction. I therefore, on his next visit, questioned him in relation to the affair, and obtained the following particulars. 104 CUSTOMS OF THE FEEJEE GROUP. - In the month of August, 1834, Paddy, with some other men, was engaged by Captain Bachelor to assist in getting a cargo of biche de mar. The brig then went to Rewa, where the captain made a contract with 'Vendovi, a chief of that island, and Vasu of Kantavu, for further assistance in attaining his object. Here the conduct of Vendovi, Thokanauto, and other chiefs, led to the suspicion that some mischief was intended; Paddy heard rumours of the great value of the articles on board the brig, accompanied by hints that the crew was but small, and predictions that it would not be well with her. He also found that a desire was evinced that he should not go further in the vessel. In consequence, Paddy, while on the way to Kantavu, mentioned his suspicions to Captain Bachelor, and advised him to be on his guard. When they arrived at Kantavu, they proceeded to a small island near its eastern end, where the biche de mar house was erected, and a chief of the island was, as usual, taken on board as a hostage. The day after he came on board, he feigned sickness, and was, in consequence, permitted to go on shore. He departed with such unusual exhibitions of friendly disposition, as served to confirm Paddy's previous suspicions ; but he felt assured that all would be safe so long as the captain remained on board. On the following morning, (Sunday,) Vendovi came off, saying that the young chief was very sick, and he wanted the captain to come to the biche de mar house, where he said he was, to give him some medicine. In this house eight of the men were employed, of whom two were Sandwich Islanders. The captain was preparing to go ashore with the medicine, when Paddy stepped aft to him, and told him that to go on shore was as much as his life was worth, for he was sure that the natives intended to kill him, and to take all their lives. The captain in consequence remained on board, but the mate went on shore, and took with him the bottle of medicine. Vendovi went in the boat, and landed with the mate, but could not conceal his disappointment that the captain did not come also. Paddy now was convinced, from the arrangements that had been made to get the people and boats away from the brig, that the intended-mischief was about to be consummated. He therefore kept a sharp look-out upon the shore, and soon saw the beginning of an affray, the mate, Mr. Chitman, killed, and the building in flames. The others were also slain, with the exception of James Housman, who had been engaged at the same time with Paddy, and who swam off, and was taken on board. Those in the brig opened a fire from the great guns, but without effect. On . the following day Paddy was employed to bargain with the natives for the bodies, seven of which were brought down to the shore CUSTOMS OF THE FEEJEE GROUP. 105 much mutilated, in consideration of a musket The eighth, a negro, had been cooked and eaten. Captain Bachelor had the bodies sewed up in canvass, and thrown overboard, in the usual manner. They however floated again, and fell into the hands of the savages, who, as he afterwards understood, devoured them all. They complained, however, that they did not like them, and particularly the negro, whose flesh they said tasted strong of tobacco. The brig then went to Ovolau, where Paddy left her. In addition, Paddy told me that he was satisfied that all the chiefs of Rewa had been privy to the plot, particularly the brothers of Vendovi, and that the whole plan had been arranged before the brig left that island. Vendovi, however, was the person who had actually perpetrated the outrage. Having heard this statement, I determined to capture Vendovi, and asked Paddy if he would carry a letter immediately to Captain Hudson, who was then, with the Peacock, at Rewa. After some hesitation he agreed to do it, if I would give him a musket. I accordingly prepared instructions directing Captain Hudson to make Vendovi prisoner, and despatched Paddy next morning in a canoe for Rewa. If CHAPTER IV. CONTENTS DEPARTURE OF THE PEACOCK FROM LEVUKA—HER ARRIVAL AT THE ANCHORAGE OFF NUKALOU—PROGRESS OF HER BOATS IN SURVEYING—AMBAU — VERATA AND REWA—MISSION OF LIEUTENANT BUDD—THOKANAUTO, OR MR. PHILLIPS—VISIT OF THE KING AND HIS BROTHERS—THE KING SIGNS THE RULES AND REGULATIONS- VISIT OF CAPTAIN HUDSON TO REWA—ARRIVAL OF PADDY CONNEL—THE KING'S HOUSE—HIS MODE OF EATING—HIS ENTERTAINMENT OF OUR OFFICERS—MESSENGER FROM KANTAVU — CEREMONY OF AVA DRINKING — KING'S CUPBEARER — HIS CONVERSATION—EXHD3ITION OF FIREWORKS—NOCTURNAL ADVENTURE—ROYAL BREAKFAST—COUNTRY AROUND REWA—MBURES—NGARANINGIOU'S HOUSE—THOKANAUTO'S HOUSE—LIKENESSES TAKEN BY MR. AGATE — TRIBUTE FROM THE PEOPLE OF KANTAVU—LIEUTENANT BUDD EXPLORES THE RIVER—VATIA—NOU SOURI—NATA- CALLO—CAPAVOO—FATE OF CHARLEY SAVAGE—CORONGANGA—NACUNDI—NAITASIRI —TAVU-TAVU—BETHUNE'S POINT —MOUNTAIN DISTRICT—SAVOU—CAPTAIN HUDSON RESOLVES TO TAKE VENDOVI—VISIT OF THE KING AND aUEEN—VISIT OF NGARANINGIOU—THE KING, aUEEN, AND CHIEFS MADE PRISONERS—NGARANINGIOU UNDERTAKES TO BRING VENDOVI—CASE OF THE CURRENCY I PRISONERS—THEATRICALS FOR THEIR ENTERTAINMENT — HISTORY OF REWA—CHARACTER OF PHILLIPS—RETURN OF K VENDOVI-LEAVE-TAKING BETWEEN VENDOVI AND HIS BROTH1 'SITION OF THE RELATES THE WITH tERS—VISIT FROM MR. AILING OF THE PEACOCK—HER FAILURE TO REACH KANTAVU. «S»M8B8gSSi^ CHAPTER IV. When the Peacock left the harbour of Levuka for Rewa, it was for the purpose of visiting that town and inducing the King of Rewa to sign the Feejee regulations, and also to carry on the surveys in that quarter. (The instructions will be found in Appendix VI.) The Peacock left Levuka on the 15th May, and reached Rewa at noon the next day. The harbour of Rewa is formed by two small islands, called Nukalou and Mukalou, with their attached coral reefs, and has three passages into it. The two southern ones are safe, though narrow, but the northern one is much obstructed with coral lumps. The port is a secure one, and the anchorage, which is off the island of Nukalou, is about three miles from the mouth of Wailevu, or Peale's river, and six from the town of Rewa, which is situated on a low piece of land, which the river, passing on each side of it, has formed into an island. The east point of Vitilevu is low, and is divided by several small and unimportant streams, which we had not time to examine ; there is, also, at high water, a passage for canoes through one of them to Ambau, which lies ten miles to the northward. The launch and first cutter of the Peacock, under Lieutenant Emmons and Passed Midshipman Blunt, were found here, having advanced thus far in their surveying operations. They had passed around the bay of Ambau, stopped at the town, and met with rather an unfriendly reception there; the chiefs refused to give them any water unless paid for, on account, as they said, of our trade-master not paying a higher price for the yams they carried him. For this reason the chiefs were in a bad humour, and had refused a supply of water to the boats. Ambau is a singular-looking place. It occupies a small island, which is entirely covered with houses, among which the mbure stands 110 REWA. conspicuous. The approach to the town is much obstructed by reefs of coral; and the water being shallow, is impassable for an armed vessel. The island is connected with the main land or large island, by a long flat of coral, which is fordable, even at high water, and is in places quite bare at low water. One is at a loss to conceive how this place could have acquired its strength and importance. I am rather inclined to impute it to the enterprise of its first settlers, and the ascendency given it by the accidental aid that has been afforded its chiefs by the whites, who came among them and joined their side. It was, probably, at first, the retreat of the fishermen; and from their enterprise, the difficulties they had to encounter, and the powerful connexions they have formed with the other towns and districts, it is likely that their rule will continue until the people shall have become civilized, when, from the want of internal resources, the terror of its name will pass away, and it must fall to the rank of a place of secondary importance. At present it is in the ascendency, and its chiefs have a high estimate of their own importance. Thus, while I was at Levuka, I was much amused by a question put me by Seru, " Why I had not gone with my ship to Ambau? why come to Levuka, where there were no gentlemen, none but common people (kai-si) 1 all the gentlemen lived at Ambau." The towns of Verata and Viwa ; Ambau, and have both been its rivals, outrage has been perpetrated upon trading vessels, for which the guilty have been but partially punished. The chief of Viwa, I understood, had made it his boast that the French had only burned a few of his mud huts, which he could shortly build again; that it would give a very few days of labour to his slaves; and that he would cut off the next vessel that came, if he had an opportunity. He thinks that it was a very cheap purchase to get so much property for so little damage. The Ambau people also spoke vauntingly of having given the French permission to destroy Viwa, as it was nothing, and satisfied the Papalangis; but they did not intend that any property or lives should be lost, for they had sent to inform the Viwa people that the attack was to be made, and even helped them to remove all their valuables. Viwa is not so large a town as Ambau, but is built on a larger island, and affords more conveniences for a port. The whole bay of Ambau is well shielded by extensive coral sea- reefs. Here the launch and first cutter again left the Peacock, on their way to the island of Mbenga, to the westward. Captain Hudson, after anchoring, sent Lieutenant Budd to the town within a short distance of At each of these some fearful of Rewa for the purpose of communicating with the king and chiefs, and of obtaining the services of Thokanauto (Mr. Phillips) as interpreter and pilot. Lieutenant Budd observed much apparent fear among the chiefs and people. The king, Kania, on the approach of the boats, had gone to hide himself in the outskirts of the town, but Mr. Phillips was met on the way coming towards them, and after much hesitation determined to accompany Mr. Budd on board the ship. The natives appeared to entertain the same fears as their chief. Phillips is about thirty years of age, of middle size, active, and well made; he is more intelligent than the natives generally, and his appearance less savage; he speaks English tolerably well, though it is not difficult to perceive whence he has obtained his knowledge of it by the phrases he makes use of. It was not a little comical to hear a Feejee man talk of " New York highbinders," " Boston dandies," " Baltimore mobtowns." On assurances being given to the natives that we were their friends, they became more reconciled, and after a time the king, Kania, or Tui Ndraketi, was found, and invitations delivered to him to pay a visit to the ship. Lieutenant Budd then crossed the river to the missionaries' houses, where he saw their wives, and found Mr. Jagger, who is one of the mission. The Rev. Mr. Cargill had visited the ship shortly after the Peacock anchored ; his canoe was manned by Tonga men. He was on his way to a town fifteen miles distant, where the chief and a few of the people had just embraced Christianity. He was invited to preach on board the next day; he complied, and delivered an excellent discourse. On the morning of the 18th, Monday, the king and his brother, Ngaraningiou, visited the ship. The king came in a canoe of beautiful construction, about forty feet in length, propelled by paddles, which the king alone is allowed to use. Ngaraningiou was in a much larger canoe, having a large mast and sail, and the chief's pennant flying from the yard, but sculls were used. Captain Hudson now despatched Lieutenant Budd and Passed Midshipman Davis, with two boats, up the river. Mr. Peale, one of the naturalists, went with this expedition, and Mr. Phillips's services were engaged to accompany and protect the boats in the exploration of the river. The ship had been prepared for the king's visit; he was received with due ceremony, and was led aft, and seated on the quarter-deck. Tui Ndraketi is about forty years of age, and is a tall, fine-looking man, with a manly expression of countenance, and much dignity. His intellect is not as quick as that of his brother, Mr. Phillips; and his 112 REWA. manner was cold and repulsive. He was without any attendants of high rank. Ngaraningiou shortly afterwards made his appearance, accompanied by six chiefs, and a retinue of thirty or forty men, forming a singular contrast to the unassuming appearance of the suite of the king. Another of the party was a chief of high rank, called Vunivalu, " Root of war.:" he is a descendant of the royal family that were dethroned by Kania. His position gives him great influence, and, in case of war, the operations are confided to him. This chief bears, among the foreigners, the title of governor. Ngaraningiou is equally tall with his eldest brother, the king, and better and more gracefully formed. He may be considered a good specimen of a Feejee man of high rank and fashion; indeed, his deportment struck the officers as quite distinguished: he has, withal, the appearance of a roue, and his conduct does not belie the indications, and he is considered by all, both natives and white residents, as a dangerous man. The young chiefs who were his companions, resembled him in character and manners. They were all shown over the ship, and every thing exhibited that it was thought could interest them; the small-arm men were exercised, the only music on board, the drum and fife, were played. These, together with the firing off the guns, shotted, did not fail to draw forth their usual expressions of wonder and surprise, "whoo-oo!" the same that was uttered by Tanoa's party, on board the Vincennes. After partaking of some refreshments with Captain Hudson, the rules and regulations, similar to those subscribed by Tanoa, were carefully interpreted to them by Mr. Cargill, and willingly subscribed by the king and chiefs, with the strongest assurances, on their part, that they should be carried into effect, and most strictly observed. Suitable presents were then distributed to the king and chiefs, and they left the ship, apparently highly delighted with their visit. The surveying operations were now prosecuted, and the naturalists, with as many officers as could be spared, visited Rewa. Captain Hudson describes the passage up to Rewa as tortuous and difficult, even for a boat, on account of the many sand-banks and shoals. Several of the gentlemen embarked with Mr. Cargill in his canoe, which had a high platform, underneath which was a sort of cuddy, with seats. It was a tolerably comfortable conveyance in fine weather; but it was their misfortune to experience a heavy rain, and all were well wetted. The wind being contrary, they were obliged to scull the whole distance, and they describe the canoe as having an uncomfortable rocking motion. • Captain Hudson visited the missionaries, and found them most miserably accommodated, in a small rickety house on the left bank of the river, opposite the town of Rewa, the dwelling-house that they had occupied having been blown down in the tremendous storm* which happened on the 25th of February, 1840. After Captain Hudson had spent some time with the missionaries, my messenger, Paddy Connel, made his appearance and delivered him my letters. Paddy had a very awkward mishap in rounding Kamba Point, for his canoe had capsized, and he had been obliged to swim for his life. He had thought, as he said, that some ill luck would overtake him, and had, therefore, tied my letter in the handkerchief on his head. By this means he kept it dry, and he believed the important paper, as he called it, had kept him from drowning. Although it had rained hard, Captain Hudson resolved to fulfil his promise to the king, of showing him some fire-works, and the gunner had been ordered up with rockets, fire-works, &c, for that purpose. He, therefore, proceeded across the river to the king's house, where he found a large collection of natives. The house is large, and in shape not unlike a Dutch barn: it is sixty feet in length and thirty in width; the eaves were six feet from the ground, and along each side there were three large posts, two feet in diameter and six feet high, set firmly into the ground; on these were laid the horizontal beams and plates to receive the lower ends of the rafters; the rafters rise to a ridge-pole, thirty feet from the ground, which is supported by three posts in the centre of the building; they were of uniform size, about three inches in diameter, and eighteen inches apart. The usual thick thatch was in this case very neatly made. The sides of the house were of small upright reeds, set closely together. All the fastenings were of sennit, made from the husk of the cocoa-nut. Some attempts at ornament were observed, the door-posts being covered with reeds wound around with sennit, which had a pretty effect. There are two doorways, one on each side: these are only about three feet in height, and are closed by hanging mats. At the inside of the principal door are two small cannons, pointed across it, which, in the eyes of the king, give it a formidable appearance. A sort of dais was raised at one end, a few inches; this was covered with mats for the king and his wives, while at the other end mats were laid for his attendants; above was a shelf for his property, or riches, consisting of mats, tapa, earthenware, spears, and clubs. On one side of the house, as is usual t with, if not part of, the gale that occurred 114 R E W A. among the Feejeeans, the cooking-place is excavated, a foot deep and about eight feet square; this was furnished with three large earthen pots, of native manufacture, and two huge iron kettles, obtained from some whaling-ship, such as are used for trying out oil. These were crammed with food. Some of our gentlemen entered a short time previous to Captain Hudson's arrival, and found the king taking a meal, with his principal wife beside him stretched out on a mat. All those around him were sitting after the manner of the natives, for none presume to stand or lie down in the presence of the king. When he had finished eating and pushed the food from him, a general clapping of hands took place, after which water was brought, and the cup held to his mouth until he nad done drinking, when clapping of hands again ensued. This was repeated whenever the king finished doing any thing—a piece of etiquette always observed with great strictness. On state occasions this ceremony is carried much farther: the king's food at such times is passed around a large circle, until it reaches his principal wife, who feeds him with her hands. Many ol the chiefs always require the ava-cup to be held to their mouths. Notwithstanding all this ceremony, the chiefs, and the people sitting around them, join familiarly in the conversation, and appear otherwise perfectly at their ease. The king at once ordered provisions for his guests, for whom seats were provided on a sea-chest. The principal article of food was the salt beef he had received as a present from the ship, and which he named bula-ma-kau. The origin of this name is not a little singular, and is due to our countryman, Captain Eagleston, who has been for several years trading among this group. Wishing to confer a benefit on these natives, he took on board a bull and cow at Tahiti, and brought them to Rewa, where he presented them to the king. On being asked the name of them, he said they were called " bull and cow," which words the natives at once adopted as a single term to designate both, and thenceforward these animals have been known as bula-ma-kau. The beef was found to be more savoury than on board ship, perhaps from being twice boiled. The king was asked to join them, which he did, although he had just finished a hearty meal. After the meal was over, a small earthen finger-bowl was brought to the king to wash his hands, and as the attendant did not seem to be prepared to extend the like courtesy to our gentlemen, a desire for a similar utensil was expressed and complied with, although apparently with some reluctance. In like manner, when the jar of water was brought to the king, one of the party seized upon it and drank, and the REWA 115 rest followed suit, to the evident distress of the attendant It was afterwards understood that his anxiety arose from the vessel being tabooed, as every thing belonging or appropriated to the use of the king is. The Papalangi chiefs are exempted from these restrictions. When the meal was finished, the whole company seated themselves in a semicircle. The house was now converted into an audience-hall, and the officers and stewards of the king entered to render their report of the day respecting the management of his business. A chief had just arrived to pay his respects to the king, and was dressed in a piece of new tapa, which was wrapped around his body in numerous folds. When he had seated himself, he unrolled it, and tore it into strips of three fathoms in length, which he distributed to the chiefs around him, who immediately substituted it for their own dresses. This chief was the messenger announcing a tribute from Kantavu, and he had come to receive the commands of the king relative to its presentation, which was fixed upon to take place the next day. Ava was chewing when Captain Hudson and his party entered. They were kindly received by the king, who seated them near him. There is a peculiar ceremony observed among this people in mixing their ava. It having been first chewed by several young persons, on the pouring in of the water, they all, following the ambati, raise a kind of howl, and say " Ai sevu." The people present were arranged in a semicircle, having the chief operator in the centre, with an immense wooden bowl before him. The latter, immediately after the water is poured in, begins to strain the liquid through the woody fibres of the vau, and at the same time sings. He is accompanied in his song by those present, who likewise imitate all his motions with the upper part of their bodies while in a sitting posture. The motions keep time to the song. The king joined occasionally in the song; and when any important stage of the operation was arrived at, the song ceased, and a clapping of hands ensued. As each cup was filled to be served out, the ambati sitting near uttered the same wild howl as before. The first cup is filled from another, that answers both for dipper and funnel, having a hole in it, over which he who brews the ava places his finger when dipping, and then withdrawing it, lets the liquid run out in a stream. They are very particular to see that no one touches the king's cup except the cupbearer. On the present occasion, a worthless Englishman by the name of James Housman, called Jim or Jimmy, officiated. Few would have distinguished him from a native, so closely was he assimilated to them in ideas and feelings, as well as in his crouching before the chiefs, his mode of sitting, and slovenly walk. On the king's finishing drinking, 31(5 1 C W A. there was a general clapping of hands; but when the lower order of chiefs were served, this was not observed, and in lieu of it, there was a general exclamation of " Sa madaa," (it is empty.) After ava the king rinses his mouth, lights his cigar or pipe, and lolls on his mat It was laughable to see the king's barber take his ava; as he is not allowed to touch any thing with his hands, it becomes necessary that the cup shall be held for him by another person, who also feeds him. One of the officers gave him a cigar, which was lighted and put in his mouth, and when he wished to remove it, he did it in a very ingenious manner by twisting a small twig around it. The king made many inquiries, spoke of his riches, his patent rifle, and the feast he intended to give; but he wanted a double-barrelled gun. He likewise spoke of being desirous of sending his two little girls (the only children he has) to the missionary school, but their attendants (they have male nurses) were such thieves they would steal every thing they could lay their hands on from the missionaries, and in this way would give him a great deal of trouble. Captain Hudson induced him to promise to build the missionaries comfortable houses, as soon as the weather became good and he had received his tribute from Kantavu. He spoke kindly of the missionaries, and seemed well satisfied that their object was to do himself and his people good. The king ordered his household to chaunt a kind of song, for the amusement of his guests, the subject of which was the adventures of a chief on a voyage, after leaving his wife, and her resolution to destroy herself in consequence of his failing to return. About nine o'clock the fireworks were exhibited. When the first rocket was sent off, the natives exhibited fear and excitement; the king seized Captain Hudson by the hand and trembled like a leaf. When the rockets burst, and displayed their many stars, they all seemed electrified. The effect produced by the blue-lights on the dark groups of naked figures, amazed and bewildered as they were, was quite striking, particularly as the spectacle was accompanied by the uncouth sounds of many conchs, and by the yell of the savages, to drive away the spirits they supposed to be let loose and flying in the air. Paddy Connel, alias Berry, told them that nothing but the unwillingness we had to do them injury prevented us from sending them to Ambau, ten miles distant, and he said there was no doubt that they believed that it could be done. This exhibition excited the wonder and amazement of all the country round, and induced them to believe that these flying spirits were collected for the destruction of Rewa, and that they themselves would be the next to suffer. After the fireworks they all retired, Captain Hudson taking up his REWA. 117 abode with the king, and continuing to talk with him until a late hour. When they retired to their sleeping apartments, he found his place of rest was divided by tapa-cloths and screens from the rest of the apartments of the house, and well furnished with musquito-netting. Ere he got to sleep, he was surprised to find his musquito-net moving, and still more so when he saw the figure of a woman, one of the king's own wives, of whom he has a large number, endeavouring to become his bedfellow. This was to him an unexpected adventure, and an honour of which he was not ambitious. He therefore called loudly for Paddy Connel and Jimmy, the king's body-servant and cup-bearer, and through them very politely declined the honour; but the lady positively refused to go away, saying that she had been sent by the king, and must sleep there; .that she durst not go away, for the king would club her! She was told that she must go, that the matter would be arranged with the king in the morning, and she need have no fears about it. She then left the musquito-net, although with evident alarm as to the consequences, and would go no further. Seeing this, Captain Hudson sent Jimmy to the king, to say he did not wish a bedfellow; to which the monarch replied it was well, and directed the woman to withdraw, which she did as soon as satisfied that it was the king's command. This circumstance, together with the continued trampling of the mice, with which the palace is overrun, drove away any thing like sleep; and Captain Hudson, in self-defence, was obliged to pass the remainder of the night with Paddy and Jimmy over the fire. As soon as the day dawned, his majesty, who is an early riser, called for his ava, and her majesty called out lustily for Jimmy to light a cigar and bring it to her in bed, for she is as fond of cigars as her royal spouse. After the king had drunk his ava and smoked his cigar, they had breakfast of baked pig, taro, and yams. The repast was spread upon a mat; after which Captain Hudson, accompanied by the king and Paddy Connel, crossed the river, to the missionaries, where they partook of a second breakfast, the king behaving himself with great decorum at the table; and Paddy, too, took his second lunch behind the door, with great enjoyment The king renewed his promises to build their houses, as soon as the weather became fine, and said that then he would not leave them until they were finished. This engagement, I am happy to say, he fully performed. After breakfast, they again crossed the river to Rewa, and, the weather having cleared up, the town presented an entirely different appearance. The scenery around Rewa is fine. There are in its neighbourhood many creeks, not unlike narrow canals, bordered on each side with rich and beautiful vegetation, resembling that of Oriental regions. Dr. Pickering 118 REWA. and Mr. Rich threaded many miles of these creeks, in the canoe of Mr. Cargill, who was kind enough to loan it to them. During this excursion they landed and went to a village, where they saw a well- planned ball-alley, kept in good order, level and clean. Taro and sugar-cane were found to be extensively cultivated. After wading across several creeks, they finally reached an uncleared wood, consisting of large trees of Inocarpus, Barringtonia, and Uvaria, with Palms and Pandanus, resembling the vegetation of Ovolau. The country appeared very wet, and was full of mud-holes and small creeks, which rendered walking irksome. They returned to Rewa by dark, and the next day proceeded in another direction, when a Feejee dandy offered to be their guide, and was extremely attentive to them throughout their excursion. He refused all compensation, until a little girl, who was near, seeing a jews-harp, requested to have it. He then accepted it, and gave it to her. This act, together with his civil and attentive behaviour, produced a favourable impression upon them. The town of Rewa, though in a low situation, has a picturesque though singular appearance. It extends about a mile along the river, and contains from five to six hundred houses of all sizes, from the lofty mbures with their pointed roofs, and the barn-like edifices of the chiefs, to the rickety shantees of the kai-sis, and the diminutive yam- houses, perched on four posts, to protect the yams from the depredations of the rats. It is every where intersected by narrow lanes, closely shut in with high reed fences. The party visited the most conspicuous houses of the place. The first which they saw was the mbure, situated on the spot where the king's father was murdered; the mound on which it is built is an artificial one, ten feet high., The mbure is about twelve feet square, and its sides or walls only four feet high ; while its high-pitched roof rises to the height of about thirty feet. The walls and roof of the REWj! 119 mbure are constructed of canes about the size of a finger, and each one is wound round with sennit as thick as a cod-line, made from the cocoa-nut husk. At a little distance, the whole house looked as though it was built of braided cord, and presented a singular and curious appearance, creating a favourable idea of the skill as well as labour expended in its construction. There are others of small dimensions, of which the wood-cut on the preceding page^jwill give an idea. These are generally used as the depositories of the chiefs or persons of note. The next building visited was that of the king's women. This is one hundred and eighty feet in length, twenty-four feet wide, and thirty feet high. Here were a number of women engaged in making mats, tapa, and baskets. They were gay and merry, though busily engaged at their work. Another large spirit-house was next visited, in which the mountaineers congregate; and on their exit from it they saw a bull near the door, which the natives, in essaying to follow the party, had to encounter. It was'not a little amusing to see them spitting at the beast to drive him off. Ngaraningiou's dwelling was then visited. This is considered the most elegant house in the Feejees. It is very elaborately ornamented with sennit and braid. Order and decorum reign throughout, for Ngaraningiou is extremely dignified and reserved in his domicile, and is reputed to be somewhat of a tyrant. He will not suffer any of the natives to approach and gaze in at his doors, which is a common practice with them ; and when, on one occasion, a stranger took the liberty to peep in at his door, he is said to have asked him if his head was made of iron that he dared thus to presume. Thokanauto's house was occupied by several of our gentlemen during their stay. It is quite a large establishment, and was one of the noisiest that can well be imagined ; for Phillips himself being absent with the boats, his wife did not possess the requisite authority to maintain order. On the first night of their lodging there, about fifty persons, men, women, and children, were collected, feasting, drinking ava, and maintaining a prodigious racket. They were apparently engaged in detailing and discussing the events that had taken place on board ship, and the narrative was constantly interrupted by jokes, laughter, expressions of astonishment, and arguments leading to sharp words, until the shrill voice of the young mistress of the mansion was heard in earnest expostulation. The eloquence of Phillips's orator, and his many barbers, was not to be so easily repressed; and, after a few moments' silence, an altercation arose, that gradually grew into a quarrel and 120 REW A. terminated in a furious fight, in which one of the combatants was thrown against the musquito-bar serving as a screen to our gentlemen, breaking down one end of it. They now sought their arms, and placed themselves on their guard for self-protection, not knowing what Feejee ferocity and treachery might bring about. The hostess at last interfered with some effect, and put down the commotion, and the house was quieted for the night, excepting the rats and mice, which during the nocturnal hours took full possession. Little can one imagine the noise of these rat races; Whittington's cat, here, would indeed be worth her golden price. Mr. Agate made good use of his short stay at Rewa. While wandering about, he was met by a priest, who came to him and signified by signs he wished him to sketch something, and at the same time pointing to a house. Mr. Agate followed him in. There were a large number of retainers present, and shortly after his entrance a man was aroused from his mat, who said he wished his likeness taken. His head was dressed in the most elaborate and extravagant fashion of Rewa, and from the number of his retainers he appeared to be a high chief. A day or two after he proved to be the notorious Vendovi, brother to the king, and the person whom we desired to capture. He had his face smeared with oil and lamp-black. From his head-dress our gentlemen recognised him as the individual who had been their guide in one of the short excursions they had made in the neighbourhood, and with whom they had been so much pleased when they offered him a reward for his services. Mr. Agate also obtained good likenesses of the king and queen. REWA. 121 Whilst he was employed in sketching these, he witnessed the delivery of their tribute by the people of Kantavu. When the king was seated in state, with his principal officers around him, the chiefs of Kantavu appeared, each encircled with many folds of tapa and mats. After leaving their clubs, &c, near the door, they entered, crouching upon their hands and feet, and thus passed round the semicircle to their appointed places. Their chief continued to proceed towards the king, and when—near, presented his majesty with a whale's tooth, neatly slung in the manner of a powder-horn. The king, on receiving it, answered, " Endina." The chief then retired, and was followed by another, who, after disburdening' himself of the tapa in which he was enveloped, gave place to another, and so on to the last. Each offering was acknowledged by the king in the same tone of voice and manner. When all had been received, they retired in the same order they had entered, and the king took especial care to place the new acquisitions among his valuables. This was understood to be the tribute for a year. These presents are usually received in the square before the king's house, and a dance generally follows. But owing to the heavy rains, which had converted, not only this spot, but the whole of Rewa, into a mud-puddle, they were deprived of an opportunity of witnessing one of these tribute dances; a deprivation which they much regretted, for foreigners seldom have an opportunity of seeing them. The expedition under Lieutenant Budd, that went to explore the river, had now returned, after having proceeded forty-five miles above Rewa, which is ten miles farther than it had been before ascended. The party consisted of Lieutenant Budd, Passed Midshipman Davis, and Mr. Peale, with two boats. They left the ship at one o'clock, and in consequence of rain took refuge in an mbure at the town of Vatia. There they found a large quantity of arms, collected by a tax on each male, of a spear, club, &c. These being kept in a consecrated place, the wounds made by them are considered as always fatal, while the same kind of injury by a new or unconsecrated spear would heal. They had here an opportunity of seeing the reverence paid to Phillips, who is a very high chief. Whenever the natives saw him, they invariably dropped on their hams until he passed; when he spoke to them, they clapped the palms of their hands together; and in his presence none presumed to walk upright. In the village they saw quantities of the cyrenas and lingula shells, the tenants of which had been eaten by the inhabitants. They found subsequently on their trip, that the former made excellent soup. This village is famous for its pottery, and some earthen jars were seen that would hold a barrel of water. The clay of which they are made is VOL. III. L 16 122 REWA yellow, and is dug out of the banks of the river. The mode of modelling these vessels is described in another place. The pots are very light, and of many fanciful shapes; but they are quite fragile. They reached Rewa before dark, and took up their lodgings in Phillips's house, which is one of the largest in Rewa, and built in the same manner as the king's. Screens of ornamented tapa were used to divide it into apartments, and the floor was neatly covered with mats. The furniture consisted of a hand-organ, table, benches, several arm-chests, and a closet. To crown all, the supper-table was laid with a cloth, dishes, plates, knives and forks, and they were waited on by his white steward (an Italian), who was left here sick by the Currency Lass under his charge. He has also a white carpenter. The night was passed uncomfortably, in consequence of the many noisy natives who assembled to drink ava. The ava-bowl of Phillips was three feet in diameter. In drinking the ava, the first cup was handed to Phillips, and as there was more in it than he chose to drink, the remainder was poured back into the bowl. The ceremony of clapping of hands was then performed. Instead, however, of their serving out more ava from the bowl, the whole was thrown away, for it is the custom that when any is poured back from the chief's cup, none must' drink from the vessel. More ava was therefore prepared, which they sat drinking nearly all night. The usual savage hospitality was offered each of them, and they kept their arms and accoutrements in readiness. The next morning they proceeded up the river, the banks of which were from eight to ten feet, above the water, and covered with a thick REWA. 123 growth of reeds. Beyond them are well-cultivated fields of taro, yams, and bananas, as before described; all giving evidence of the overflowing of the banks. Islets were continually passed, and many towns containing from two or three hundred to a thousand inhabitants. Numerous creeks disembogued on both sides. The town of Nou Souri was next passed. Here the chief Cornu- balavoo sent presents to them—he is the cousin of Phillips—and afterwards accompanied them up the river in a canoe. About seven miles up from Rewa is a creek leading to Ambau, which is passable for canoes at high water. The town of Natacallo is here situated, and the first rise of hills takes place. This is one of • their great battle-grounds, and was, according to Phillips, the scene of many of his deeds, which he recounted. About a mile above this there is a bar which extends nearly across the river. The channel lies close to the hills, which are two hundred feet in height. Below this bar the banks of the river are all alluvial. There is here an elbow in the river, above which is the town of Capavoo, of four hundred inhabitants, which was the scene of one of the bloody attacks of the Ambau people under the notorious Charley Savage. It is said that he was afterwards killed near Mbua or Sandalwood Bay, and so great was the enmity of the natives towards him, that he was not only eaten, but his bones were ground to powder and drunk in their ava. Phillips mentioned that a daughter of this notorious villain is now married to one of the king's brothers, at Rewa. Stopping in the evening for the men's supper, they saw many fine shaddock trees in full fruit along the banks, and Mr. Peale shot a beautiful parrot, with very gay blue and red plumage; he also obtained two ducks. Phillips says the low islands have been formed in the river by the frequent floods from the mountains, "since he has had whiskers" His age is supposed to be thirty-five years. The native houses hereabouts are constructed with a solid basement surrounded with piles, to prevent their being washed away on the occurrence of the floods. At night they stopped at the town of Coronganga, about eighteen miles above the mouth of the river. Here they took possession of the mbure, and with the assistance of Mr. Phillips's white steward, they made themselves quite comfortable. The same deference and respect were paid Phillips here as they had before observed; but, notwithstanding this, Lieutenant Budd and party took every precaution to prevent surprise, to convince the natives that their watchfulness was never asleep. The banks showed a rise and fall of the water during the night. It 124 REWA was full tide about eleven o'clock at night; according to Phillips, the tide flowed some miles above this place. The current of the river was found by the boats to be about a mile and a half the hour. Having passed a comfortable night, (more by reason of their own fatigue than the comforts of the mbure,) notwithstanding the musqui- toes and bats, which were both very numerous, they left the town of Coronganga at an early hour in the morning. The best possible understanding existed between themselves and the natives, and they distributed presents to the chiefs, for which the latter expressed many thanks. VMkll Shortly after leaving Coronganga, they passed the town of Nacundi, containing about six hundred inhabitants. The 'scenery here was beautiful, being embellished by many clumps of noble trees, resembling - our oaks in their wide-spreading branches, covered with vines, and interspersed with ferns and tall graceful palms. The banks were here twelve feet high, and steep. From appearance the country is thickly populated, notwithstanding the destructive wars which have been mmm REWA. 125 waged with the people of Ambau. All the inhabitants were observed to be clustered in the villages, for the purpose of mutual protection; and the same reason causes them to choose as their sites for building either some inaccessible point, or a place that affords facility for fortification. Five miles above Coronganga, the country changes its character; the river passes by cliffs of sandstone five hundred feet in height, whose stratification dips ten degrees to the eastward. Ranges of hills now rear themselves to a goodly height, and extend some miles back into the interior. They next passed the town of- Naitasiri, where one of the brothers of Phillips, called Savou, is chief. Naitasiri is the capital of this district, and is next in power to Rewa, on the island of Vitilevu. Phillips was not disposed to land here; for a misunderstanding had occurred between him and his brother, in consequence of Savou having taken charge, for Phillips, of some two hundred hogs, of which, when demanded after a short time, only ten or fifteen were to be found, Savou having either eaten or given away the remainder. Cornubalavoo went on shore in his canoe, and took Savou on board, who spoke as he passed Phillips, but the latter would not condescend to return his salutation. As they passed further up the river, they were preceded by Savou, and when opposite the town of Tavu-tavu, a canoe came off with a present of baked taro and yams, from Savou to Phillips and Lieutenant Budd. This was considered as a peace-offering, and appeared to be acceptable, at least to the vanity of Phillips. In the vicinity of this village there was much sugar-cane growing. Just above it is an elbow in the river, the point formed by which was that reached by Captain Bethune, of H. B. M. sloop of war Conway. This Lieutenant Budd called Bethune's Point. They shortly afterwards passed the small town of Viti, opposite to which is a cliff four hundred feet in height, overgrown with shrubbery; and near this many streamlets enter the river. Just after passing this place, the guides pointed out a creek that led to Ambau. The country appeared here more thickly peopled than that below; many more natives were seen, and the whole surface was well cultivated. There was great astonishment evinced at the appearance of our boats, and it is believed our people were the first whites who had been thus far in the interior. The mountain district was reached at thirty-six miles from the mouth of the river, and the ridges were from twelve to fifteen hundred feet high. The Wailevu, which I have named Peale's river, here makes a turn to the westward of four miles, to a point where it. divides 126 REW A into two branches. That on which they were, comes from the mountains direct, while the other, taking a course to the south, is said to disembogue at the town of Indimbi, on the south shore, about ten miles to the westward of the harbour of Rewa, and opposite to the island of Mbenga. Having reached the mountains, they could proceed no further in the boats, and began to retrace, their route. Near the place where they turned back, there was a remarkable waterfall of several hundred feet leap. The natives state that this river flows from a large lake in the centre of Vitilevu, and that, by ascending the heights above Ragi-ragi, the water may be seen.* On their return they were again presented by Savou with a load of cooked provisions, and a fine red-striped variety of sugar-cane. Savou seemed to be very desirous of mollifying Phillips's anger. They were well drenched with rain all the afternoon, and reached their old quarters at Coronganga just at dark. They had a disagreeable night. The next morning they set out early, and reached Rewa in the afternoon, without accident Their royal guide presented every one of the party with something as a token of remembrance, even to each of the boat's crew. Phillips returned on board ship with them, where a handsome present awaited him, for his good and hospitable conduct. The number of inhabitants comprised in the towns and villages on this river is, from the computation given by Phillips, about six or seven thousand. The party having now returned, all the officers were ordered on board. Captain Hudson's next step was to endeavour to capture Vendovi. From information he obtained, it was believed that this chief intended to visit the ship the next day, to receive the presents which, as was given out, awaited his coming. Captain Hudson would then have had an opportunity to detain him without any difficulty or disturbance whatever. They all, therefore, left Rewa for the ship, and on the way down the river, stopped at the small village of Vatia to purchase some earthenware; this is a village of potters. They were at once surrounded by several hundreds of the inhabitants, all pressing their wares on them, of which they bought several specimens, but not enough to satisfy the venders, who, when they found that the officers did not intend to purchase more, hooted and shouted many offensive epithets, that only became known through the interpreter's report. m REWA 127 At an early hour on the 21st, the king and queen, one of their children, and Ngaraningiou, together with the son of Vunivalu, came on board. As Mr. Phillips was already there, all the royal family, excepting Vendovi, were, by their own act, within our power, and it was said he was also to come in the afternoon. There was an evident constraint in the manner of the visiters, which was apparent from their not expressing the usual astonishment at every thing they saw. Theii little daughter, of-five or six years of age, had a sprightly countenance, and, as is usual, her head was enveloped in twisted locks. One of the officers presented her with a sash, which he tied on, and the bystanders were much amused to see the queen rearranging it after the Feejee fashion. The queen was observed to have paid more attention than is usual to the decency of her dress, being enveloped in the pareu, after the Tonga fashion. She is a fine-looking woman, with an intelligent countenance. The king wore his maro, accompanied with the seavo, which is the name they give to the long trains of tapa attached to it, that are worn by chiefs to denote their rank. The seavo of the king trailed several feet on the ground. The person^ho attracted the most attention was Ngaraningiou, with tiis attendant chiefs. In truth, he came in fine style, moving towards the ship in his beautiful canoe, with its long streamers (denoting the rank of the owner) floating in the breeze. When he came on board, it was at once seen that he had decked himself specially for the occasion. His face was painted red and black, which, if possible, improved his appearance as a savage chief. He was, by far, the finest-looking person among the whole assembled group. His hair was frizzled out with great care; around his neck he wore a necklace of shells, with armlets of the trochus; and his thighs were encircled with a black cord. The usual seavo was worn by him, and over it a flounce of black fringe, which added much to the effect of the whole, and gave him the look of being partly dressed. Every exertion being made to entertain them, the constraint they were under was soon dissipated, and never did people seem to enjoy themselves more. It was hoped by Captain Hudson, until afternoon, that Vendovi would make his appearance; but four o'clock came, and no chief. Captain Hudson then concluded that he was not coming, and that it would be impossible to take him, unless by force. He therefore determined to try the expedient of retaining those he had on board until Vendovi should be forthcoming. He ordered the drums to beat to quarters, and placed a sentinel at the cabin-door, ordering at the same time that all their canoes should be retained alongside. The king and chiefs were immediately informed, through the interpreter, that they were prisoners, and that the object was to obtain Vendovi, the murderer of the crew of the Charles Doggett, some eight years before. It may readily be imagined that this announcement threw them all into great consternation, while it was, at the same time, a matter of surprise to all the officers of the ship. The poor queen was apparently the most alarmed, and anxiously inquired of Phillips if they were all to be put to death. Phillips was equally frightened with the rest, and it was observed that his nerves were so much affected for some time afterwards that he was unable to light a cigar that was given him, and could not speak distinctly. Captain Hudson reminded them, that they had visited the ship of their own accord, and without any promise of safeguard from him; that his object was to obtain Vendovi, and that all hopes of obtaining him without this decisive measure had failed; that he meant them no harm, but it was his intention to detain them until Vendovi was brought off. The canoes were likewise secured, and orders given to allow none to leave the ship. The whole party thus made prisoners consisted of seventy or eighty natives. The king and chiefs, when they had recovered themselves a little, acknowledged that our demand was a just one; that Vendovi deserved to be punished; that he was a dangerous character among themselves; and that they would be glad to see him removed. At the same time, they said they thought the capture of Vendovi impossible, and gave many reasons for this opinion. They expressed great fears for the missionaries and their families, when the people of Rewa should hear of their detention. Captain Hudson had assured himself previously of the perfect safety of the missionaries and their families, and well knew that this was a ruse on the part of the king to induce him to change his purpose. They soon found him fully determined in his purpose. It was shortly arranged that, with his permission, Ngaraningiou and another chief should go quietly to Rewa, take Vendovi by surprise, before he had time to escape, and bring him on board alive if possible. In order to insure protection to the missionaries and their establishments, they were particularly told that the missionaries had nothing to do with the business, and did not know of it, as was evident from Mr. Jagger having returned to Rewa before they were detained, and that every influence must be exerted to protect them from harm, or the prisoners might expect the most exemplary punishment. REWA. 129 The selection of Ngaraningiou as the emissary to capture the murderer was well-timed, as Vendovi had always been his rival, and the temptation to get rid of so powerful an adversary was an opportunity not to be lost by a Feejee man, although that adversary was a brother. He was soon under way in his double canoe, which, with its enormous sail spread to a strong breeze, was speedily out of sight. The king, at Captain Hudson's request, informed his people that none must attempt to leave the ship, or they would be fired at; that they must remain on board until further orders; and that, in the mean time, they would be supplied with food. One attempt was made by a small canoe to leave the ship, but on seeing the preparations for firing at it, the persons in it quickly returned. After the departure of Ngaraningiou the king, queen, and chiefs, became more reconciled to their position. They talked much about Vendovi and the murder he had committed on the crew of the Charles Doggett, and said that he had also killed his eldest brother. The king, during the evening, spoke much of his being a friend to the white men, asserted that he had always been so, and adduced, as an instance of it, his conduct in the case of the Currency Lass, an English trading schooner, of Sydney, New South Wales. He said that this vessel, in going out of the harbour, had got on shore near the anchorage; that his people had assembled round about her for plunder, but that he went on board himself, and kept all his subjects off that were not required to assist. He told Captain Wilson and the owner, Mr. Houghton, who was on board, that if she got off he should expect a present, which they readily consented to give; but if she broke, and got water in her hold, the vessel and property must be his. This, he said, they also agreed to. His people, wishing her to go to pieces, made several attempts to remove the anchors, but he stopped them, and drove them away; and the only thing he did, with the hope of getting the vessel himself, while he was assisting the captain to get her off, was to send up some of his chiefs to Rewa, to give a present to the ambati, at the mbure, to offer up prayers to the Great Spirit, that he would cause her to get water in. Something went wrong with the spirit, and the vessel got clear. The only thing the owner gave him was a whale's tooth and a small looking-glass ! When the evening set in, the natives (kai-sis) were all brought on board for the night, and placed forward on the gun-deck. Here they were supplied with plenty of hard bread and molasses, which they enjoyed exceedingly, and afterwards performed several dances. The performers arranged themselves in two ranks, and went through vol. in. 17 130 KEW A. various movements, with their bodies, heads, arms, and feet, keeping time to a song in a high monotonous key, in which the whole joined, the ranks occasionally changing places, those in the rear occupying the front, and the others retiring behind. The inferior chiefs were provided with a sail under the half-deck; the king, queen, and their little daughter, were accommodated by Captain Hudson in his cabin. The king having expressed a desire to have his evening draught of ava, some of the piper mythisticum, from which it is made, was fortunately found among the botanical specimens which had been collected, and a large and well-polished dish-cover was converted into an ava-bowl. The ava was accordingly . brewed, and all the usual ceremonies gone through with, even to the king's having his own cup-bearer, Jimmy Housman, who was one of the party. After the ava was over, theatricals were resorted to for the amusement of their majesties. This was a business in which many of the crew of the Peacock were proficients, having been in the habit of amusing themselves in this way. Jim Crow was the first piece, and well personated, both in appearance and song, by Oliver, the ship's tailor. This representation did not fail to amuse the audience exceedingly, and greatly astonished their majesties. Jim Crow's appearance, on the back of a jackass, was truly comical: the ass was enacted by two men in a kneeling posture, with their posteriors in contact; the body of the animal was formed of clothing; four iron belaying-pins served it for feet; a ship's swab for its tail, and a pair of old shoes for its ears, with a blanket as a covering. The walking of the mimic I quadruped about the deck, with its comical-looking rider, and the audience, half civilized, half savage, gave the whole scene a very remarkable effect. The king confessed that if he had been alone, he would be much frightened at the curvetting and braying of the beast before him. The queen, on its being explained to her that what she saw was only two men, expressed the greatest astonishment in her eager, incredulous look. The dance of " Juba" came off well, through the exertions of Howard and Shepherd, but the braying ass of Godwin, with the Jim Crow of Oliver, will long be remembered by their savage as well as civilized spectators. The whole company seemed contented and happy; the king had his extra bowl of ava, the queen and chiefs their tea and supper; and all enjoyed their cigars, of which they smoked a great number. On Captain Hudson expressing to the king his hope that the queen had got over her fears, and inquiring if she was tired, he replied, " Why should she be troubled? is she not with REWA 131 me? When I die, must not she die also?" Thereby intimating that were he in peril, she would be equally so, whether present or absent. The theatricals having been ended, they all retired to rest. One could not but perceive the great difference between the Tongese and Feejees who passed the night on board. The former are generally Christians, or missionaries' people; they were orderly and respectable, and before going to rest, quietly and very devoutly met and had their evening prayerpwhich, contrasted with the conduct of the others, had a pleasing effect Mr. Phillips, in recompense for his attention to Lieutenant Budd and Mr. Peale, was well provided for by the officers; and, at various times, imparted information respecting the history of Rewa, his own family, and others, that may be looked upon as quite authentic; and I have little doubt that it will prove interesting to the reader. By the aid of the whites, Tambiavalu, father of Kania, was established as king, upon the dethronement of the reigning family, of whom Vunivalu, the governor, is a descendant. Rewa at this time was of little consequence, comprising only the small town of Ndraketi, from which the king now derives his title. Tambiavalu governed with great firmness and wisdom. During his reign, all criminals met with exemplary punishment. According to the Feejee custom, he had many wives, the chief among whom was a descendant of the family of Mbatitombi, who reigned at Ambau before Bamiva, the father of Tanoa, succeeded in gaining the kingdom. Although considered the queen, and holding the title of Ramdini- Ndraketi, she was not the highest in rank. There was also among the wives of Tambiavalu a sister of Tanoa, named Salaiwai, who was younger, and in. consequence had not the station to which her rank entitled her to. Phillips gives Tambiavalu the credit of having had a hundred children by his numerous wives and concubines, a statement of which those best acquainted with Feejee history do not doubt the correctness. Of this large progeny, the children by the two above mentioned females are alone entitled to any rank. By the queen, Ramdini- Ndraketi, he had four sons, named Madonovi, Kania, Valivuaka, and Ngaraningiou. By Salaiwai, he had only two, Seru and Thokanauto (Mr. Phillips). Of the six, Kania, Ngaraningiou, and Thokanauto are still living. Tambiavalu had a long and prosperous reign, and under him Rewa assumed a rank among the chief cities of the Feejees, having acquired much territory, and among the rest, the island of Kantavu. His eldest son, Koraitamano, was the child of a Kantavu woman of rank; he 132 REWA. was, in consequence, a vasu of the most important possessions of Rewa, and had many connexions and friends throughout the country; he had so ingratiated himself with the chiefs and people, that he could have made himself king on the death of his father. Ramdini-Ndraketi, the queen, who is represented as a most artful as well as unscrupulous woman, was fearful that his popularity might become disadvantageous to her children, and she determined to have him removed. She managed to instil into the king's mind suspicions that Koraitamano intended to seize upon the succession, which determined him to put this son to death. Koraitamano received a hint of his intentions, and was able to evade every attempt. On some occasions he was obliged to flee to distant places, once to Ra, the western end of Vitilevu, and another time to Mbenga, where he remained until a kind of reconciliation took place, when he was induced to return. He had not been long in Rewa, before the queen recommenced her machinations for his destruction, and his father also resumed his designs against him. Koraitamano was doubtful whether again to resort to flight or remain, when some chiefs who were hostile to the king, represented to the young chief that the only method to secure his own safety effectually was to put his father to death, assuring him they would stand by him in the struggle. By their persuasions he was induced to accede to their designs. At night he set fire to a canoe-house, and coming into his father's dwelling, he approached the place where he was sleeping, and cried out, " Do you lie here asleep when your city is burning !" Tambiavalu immediately started up and ran out. Koraitamano following closely after him, watched an occasion, struck him with his club on the back of his head, and killed him on the spot; after which he retired to his own house, trusting to the promises of his friends and adherents, that they would protect and defend him. But the queen was more than an equal for his cunning, and her hatred caused her to go to the greatest lengths in wreaking her vengeance upon him. She had the body brought to the house, where, observing that the external injury to the head was slight, she conceived the singular plan of making the deed of the assassin and his friends recoil upon their own heads. She, therefore, at once raised a cry that the body showed signs of life, and that her husband was not dead. She then had the body conveyed to the farther end of his house, under the plea that he required to be removed from the noise; and no one was suffered to approach the body but herself and a Tonga woman, who was her confidant. She soon spread the report that the king had recovered his senses, but was very weak, and called upon several chiefs in the king's name, saying that he required the instant death of Koraitamano. REWA. 133 The chiefs convened a meeting to consider the course that ought to be pursued, but could come to no decision, in consequence of the general opinion that the conduct of Koraitamano was justifiable; although, on the other hand, they feared the wrath of the king, in case he should recover, particularly those who had advised and wished to uphold Koraitamano. The queen becoming aware of their hesitation, on the following morning took some whales' teeth and other valuables, and presented thehTherself to the chiefs, saying they were sent by the king to purchase the death of his son. Fearing to hold out any longer, they went to Koraitamano and announced to him the fatal mandate, and he was immediately killed. They then proceeded to the king's house to report that the deed was done, and on approaching the couch of the king, the putrescent odour which proceeded from the corpse at once disclosed to them the deception that had been practised. It was, however, too late to amend the matter, and Madonovi, the eldest son of the queen, now succeeded his father without opposition. One of the first acts of Madonovi was to build an mbure over the spot where his father was murdered. His succession deprived Seru and Thokanauto (Phillips) of their right to the throne, and of course excited their hostility to the reigning chief, who was by no means so popular as his father, and i did not govern to the satisfaction of his subjects. Seru, who was the oldest of the two malcontents, was a very tall and remarkably handsome man, and had great influence among the people, which excited the- jealousy of the king. Such was his strength that it is said he could knock down a full-grown hog by a blc;w on the forehead, and would break a cocoa-nut by striking it on his elbow. Mutual words of defiance had passed between the two brothers, and they were living in daily expectation of some encounter that would bring on serious disturbances. During the height of this feeling, they met on the road, where the scene that was enacted was quite remarkable, and the narration of it by Phillips equally so. Seru had one of the short missile clubs (ula) in his girdle, which Feejee men usually wear stuck in behind. As Madonovi approached, Seru placed his back against the fence, without any design. The king had three shaddocks (molitivi) in his hand, of which, as he came up to Seru, he held one up and called out in sport,, that he meant to throw it at him. The thought then came into Seru's mind that if the king threw and hit him he would let him pass, but that if he missed he would take the opportunity to put him to death. He, therefore, replied to his brother in the same jocose manner, " Throw, but if you miss, I'll try." The king threw, but missed. He then drew nearer, and holding up another of the shaddocks, cried out, " This time I will hit you." To 134 REWA. which Seru replied, " Take care; if you miss, then I'll try." The king threw again, but Seru, by a quick movement, avoided the missile. Madonovi then advanced to within two or three yards of Seru, saying, " This time I think I shall hit you." Seru made himself ready to avoid it, and with his hands behind him, said, " If you miss, then I take my turn." The king threw the third time and missed, for Seru stooped, and the shaddock passed over his shoulder. Seru then drew himself up, flourished his club in the air, and exclaimed in tones of exulting mockery, " Aha, I think you did not see this!" With that he hurled his weapon with so deadly an aim that it crushed the skull of the king, and killed him on the spot. As soon as this event became known, the queen with her other sons fled to Ambau, leaving the supreme power in the hands of Seru, who, however, did not take the title of Ndraketi, but adopted that of Tui Sawau, after the chief town of Mbenga, on which he had made war and captured, and by which title he was thenceforth known. He was not, however, long left to enjoy his authority. The exiled family made several unsuccessful attempts to destroy him, and at last induced Vendovi, by a large bribe, to undertake his destruction. Vendovi managed to get to Rewa unobserved, and looking in at the door of Thokanauto's house, saw Tui Sawau lying on his mat eating. He immediately levelled his musket and shot him. Four balls passed through his breast, but such was the strength of his constitution, that he survived for eight days. This occurred in the year 1827. When it became known at Ambau that this fratricide had been committed, the queen and her sons returned to Rewa, and Kania assumed the direction of the government, to the exclusion of Thokanauto. The character of Phillips, who calls himself the white man's friend, is rather equivocal. He is said while young to have been fed mostly on human flesh. When I saw him on board my ship at Levuka, I told him I had heard that he liked this food, and I thought that he showed much shame at being considered a cannibal by us. His youthful practices, which he told as though some credit were due to himself for a change in his latter conduct, will tend to show how early these natives employ themselves in inflicting pain on each other. One of these was to set a sharp-pointed stick in the ground, cover it with earth, and then challenge another boy to jump with him. He would then leap in such a manner that the boy on following his example would alight upon the pointed stick, and run it through his foot. He is said also to be frequently employed by the king as an instrument of his vengeance. The missionaries relate that REWA. 135 he was once sent to kill a native by the king's order, upon which he went to the person's house, and told him that " The king has sent me to kill you;" to which he replied, " It is good only that I should die." Phillips struck, but only stunned him, after which he returned, and told the king he had not succeeded in killing him. When the man recovered, Phillips was again sent back, and succeeded in giving him his deathblow, which he received with the same resignation as before. Notwithstanding his bad traits, he is certainly one of the most intelligent natives that I have met with in all Polynesia. He possesses much information respecting his own people, and would, if the king allowed it, be the means of effecting many improvements. He has already introduced some into his own establishment, and is very desirous of learning, but he unfortunately has not sufficient knowledge to distinguish between good and evil. He visits all the vessels that touch at this group, and says that he passes most of his time on board of them. He produces many recommendations from their commanders, which, besides recommending him, give the very salutary precaution of always being on their guard while among these natives. The prisoners on board the Peacock were early in motion on the following morning, looking anxiously for the return of Ngaraningiou; and many speculations were thrown out as to whether he would succeed in his errand, or connive at the escape of Vendovi. The hatred he was known to bear Vendovi, was in favour of his return with him, either dead or alive. These surmises were shortly put to rest, by the appearance of the large canoe emerging from the mouth of the river, which drew all to watch its approach. It soon came alongside, and Vendovi was recognised as a prisoner on board. The mode of his capture was singular, and shows the force of the customs to which all ranks of this people give implicit obedience. Ngaraningiou, on arriving at Rewa, went at once to Vendovi's house, and took him by surprise. Going in, he took his seat by him, laid his hand on his arm, and told him that he was wanted, and that the king had sent for him to go on board the man-of-war. He immediately assented, and was preparing to come at once, but Ngaraningiou said, " Not till to-morrow." They passed the evening and night together, and in the morning embarked to come on board. Vendovi was at once brought on board and delivered to Captain Hudson, who forthwith examined him before the king and chiefs, and in the presence of the officers of the ship, assembled in the cabin. Vendovi acknowledged his guilt in causing the murder of part of the crew of the Charles Doggett, and admitted that he had held the mate 1 136 REWA. by the arms while the natives killed him with clubs. Captain Hudson now explained why he had thought proper to retain the king and the others as prisoners, saying that the course the affair had taken had saved them much trouble, and probably fighting, for he would have thought it incumbent upon him to burn Rewa, if Vendovi had not been taken. - The king replied, that Captain Hudson had done right; that he would like to go to America himself, they had all been treated so well; that we were now all good friends, and that he should ever continue to be a good friend to all white men. Vendovi was now put in irons, and the others were told that the ship would go to Kantavu, to punish any other chiefs that had participated in the act, and burn their towns. They were assured of our amicable disposition towards them so long as they conducted themselves well; and in order to impress this fully upon them, after their own fashion, presents were made them, which were received gratefully. When the leave-taking came, Phillips appeared the most dejected of all. This seemed strange after the part Vendovi had taken in the murder of his brother, of one whom he represented as having been very kind to him as a protector, and with whom he lived when the fatal shot was fired by Vendovi. Phillips expressed himself in this way, " That as long as Seru lived he could be saucy, but after his death he was all alone, just like a stick." This kind of opposite conduct is conformable to the usual policy of this people, and is characteristic. Vendovi, at this time, was the only one of his brothers who favoured the party of Phillips, and was among his strongest adherents. I could mention many other instances of the same inconsistency of conduct on the part of chiefs. All the party were now much affected. Kania, the king, seated himself on the right side of Vendovi, taking hold of his arm, while Navumialu placed himself on the left. Phillips walked up and down in front. All shed tears, and sobbed aloud while conversing in broken sentences with their brother. The-natives shed tears also, and none but Ngaraningiou remained unmoved. The king kissed the prisoner's forehead, touched noses, and turned away. The inferior chiefs approached and kissed his hands, whilst the common people crawled up to him and kissed his feet. One young man who belonged to the household of Vendovi, was the last to quit him ; he wished to remain with his master, but was not permitted. In bidding farewell to the chief, he embraced his knees, kissed his hands and feet, and received a parting blessing from Vendovi, who placed both his manacled hands on his head. The young man then retreated backwards towards the ladder, sighing and sobbing as though his heart would break. The last REWA. 137 request the king made to Captain Hudson was, that his own barber, Oahu Sam (a Sandwich Islander), might accompany Vendovi. This was readily assented to, as he would be a useful man on board ship, having sailed in a whaler, and having some knowledge of the English language. Mr. Cargill, the missionary, came on board the Peacock shortly after the royal party had left her, and informed Captain Hudson, that the night before, the chief who had been sent for his protection had visited him, and -said that he should keep guard over him and his house, and not suffer any one to cross the river from Rewa. Mr. Cargill said there had been no kind of disturbance, the chief having remained at his house "until the king returned, and he felt much indebted to Captain Hudson for the lively interest he had taken in his affairs. He did not feel at all apprehensive of danger to themselves, and there was no kind of necessity for the detention of the ship on that account At noon Mr. Cargill took his leave. When I saw him, a few weeks afterwards, he spoke in very high terms of the conduct of Captain Hudson, and the manner in which he had conducted the whole business at Rewa. He also told me that the chiefs often spoke of it, and were fully sensible that it was just that Vendovi should be punished. Mr. Cargill spoke much of the vast benefit that would result from our visit, not only to the trading vessels and whites generally, but also to the natives, as well as the advantage it would be to the missionary cause. The surveys of the harbour having been all completed and joined with the survey of the river, made by Lieutenant Budd and Passed Midshipman Davis,—both of whom deserve much credit for the manner in which their operations were conducted, not only as regards the duties performed, but the care and attention' they paid to the party entrusted to their charge,—preparations were now made for sailing; but, owing to the wind being ahead, they were not able to pass the reefs until the morning of the 23d; in the mean time, Oahu Sam was received on board as Vendovi's barber. When they got to sea, Captain Hudson again examined Vendovi, before several of the officers, respecting the Kantavu murder, and the part he had himself taken in it. He stated, that he was sent by Ngaraningiou to pilot the brig to Kantavu, and that a chief of that place, called Thebau, who is now dead, was to take the vessel for Ngaraningiou. Thebau was to make what he could for himself, and was the leader of the conspiracy to murder the crew. Ten of the crew were killed, eight of them in the biche de mar house, and the mate and boy near the boat. The people of the towns of Numbuwallo, Lueti, and Roro, had cut large vines to pass under the cable, for the purpose of hauling the vessel on shore VOL. III. M2 18 138 REWA during the night. He also stated that a black man had been roasteo. and eaten by the natives, but that he himself did not partake. Nine bodies were given up to Paddy Connel, and were taken on board, sewed up in canvass, and sunk alongside. The bodies afterwards floated on shore, and were eaten by the natives. His statement, therefore conformed to that of Paddy in all important particulars. Vendovi likewise mentioned another act of his, as follows. About two years before, the mate of the whale-ship Nimrod, of Sydney, New South Wales, landed at Kantavu to purchase provisions. Vendovi saw some large whales'teeth in possession of the mate, in order to obtain which, he made him and the boat's crew prisoners. He then told the mate to write to his captain to ransom him and his men, and that he must have fifty whales' teeth, four axes, two plates, a case of pipes, a bundle of fish-hooks, an iron pot, and a bale of cloth. These were all sent him, and they were released, he giving the mate a present of a head of tortoise-shell. Captain Hudson, having thus successfully accomplished the capture of Vendovi, steered for Kantavu, in order, if possible, to bring to punishment more of the offenders: but the wind fell light, and he found that the ship had drifted, during the night, to the eastward of the Astrolabe Reef, and consequently would be compelled, in proceeding to Kantavu, to retrace his route. This would have occupied much time, and the prospect of gaining their port would have been faint. •He therefore determined, as the allotted time for joining the boats had nearly expired, to bear up for the west end of Vitilevu; where I shall now leave him, and return to Levuka, to the rest of the squadron. CHAPTER V. CONTENTS. EFFECTS OF THE INTENTION TO TAKE VENDOVI—FEAR OF AN ATTACK ON THE OBSERVATORY—SERU DETAINED AS HOSTAGE—PREPARATIONS FOR RESISTANCE- RETURN OF THE FLYING-F.ISH —TONGESE CHIEFS — CORODOWDOW —VANUA-VATU— TOVA REEF-TOTOIA—MATUKU-MOALA—IMPRUDENCE OF LIEUTENANT UNDERWOOD —REPORT OF MIDSHIPMAN MAT —MOTURIKI —VISIT OF RIVALETTA — ARRIVAL OF CURRENCY LASS —CATHOLIC MISSIONARIES — CRUISE IN THE FLYING FISH — RABE- RABE POINT—RETURN TO- LEVUKA-H. B. M. SHIP SULPHUR—VISIT FROM SERU— SECOND CRUISE IN THE FLYING-FISH-WAKAIA—DIRECTION ISLAND—VUNA—SOMU- SOMU-GOAT ISLAND—MISSIONARIES AT SOMU-SOMU—CANNIBAL FEAST—TRIALS OF THE MISSIONARIES—JUNCTION WITH THE PORPOISE—COUNCIL OF CHIEFS—CEREMONIES OF AVA DRINKING—HORRID PRACTICES AT SOMU-SOMU—FUNERAL OBSE-' ttUIES OF KATU MBITHI—SUFFERINGS OF THE LADIES OF THE MISSIONARIES—OLD KING OF SOMU-SOMU—TUI ILLA-ILLA—RETURN TO OVOLAU. CHAPTER V. SOMU-SOMU. I Immediately after despatching Paddy Connel on his errand to Captain Hudson, Whippy came to me. He had heard, on board the ship, some intimation of the purport of the message sent to Rewa by Connel, and he advised me to be on my guard for the first movement after Vendovi's capture. He thought that an endeavour would be made by the people of Ambau to surprise the observatory, and to take me prisoner, (for the purpose of ransoming Vendovi,) for they are closely allied to those of Rewa. As our distance from Ambau was no more than a few hours' travel, it would be easy for Tanoa, or his son Seru, to fall upon us with a thousand men, before we could have any notice whatever of their approach. After hearing all he had to say upon the subject, I sent him for Tui Levuka, who came to my tent. His amazement was great when he was told what was in progress, and he seemed to be almost beside himself for a few moments. When he was sufficiently recovered, I told him that I put implicit confidence in him; that if he suffered me to be surprised by any force, on him and his people would rest the responsibility, and that I looked to him to give me the earliest notice of any attempt to attack me. This he accordingly promised, and, at the same time, he told Whippy, the most probable persons from whom any attack would come would be the mountaineers, who were all now under the influence of Ambau, and would be easily induced to attack us. A thousand of them, according to his opinion, might be upon us in a few hours; but we had little to fear before dawn of day, for that was the only time at which they made an attack, choosing the time of the second or soundest sleep. He 142 SOMU-SOMU. s scouts and spies, in order to bring me the then went off to send out I. earliest information. Seru was on board the ship when I heard these things. I, therefore, sent off word that he should be kept on board as a kind of hostage, and ordered forty men to reinforce the observatory, after dark, for the ship was not near enough to use our guns in defending it. The night, however, was quiet, and there were no signs of the natives moving about on shore. Indeed they are extremely averse to go out after dark, from a fear of meeting kalous, or spirits. Seru was amused with rockets, &c, on board, and passed his time to his satisfaction. On the 2J st, the ship was moved up abreast the observatory point, in order to protect it, and moored so that her guns might rake each side of the point in case of an attack. The knoll-on which I had erected the observatory' was a strong position, and we now set to work to make it more so, by clearing it of all the rubbish and brushwood that might afford cover to assailants. Signals were arranged with the ship in case of attack, to direct the fire of the guns, and all things made ready to give any hostile force a warm reception. About eight o'clock in the evening, Whippy told me that a report had reached Tui Levuka that there was trouble at Rewa, and that the king and chiefs were prisoners; but to this we gave no credit at the time. In the morning, however, I learned through him, that one old chief had got information that Vendovi was a prisoner, and that the king and queen would be released ; in fact, nearly the whole story that has been related in the preceding chapter, reached Levuka before the day on which it occurred had passed. On inquiring of Tui Levuka, through Whippy, after I had heard the particulars and learned how nearly they corresponded with the report, how he obtained his information, his answer was, " Did you not tell me to bring you the earliest news, and have my spies out?" The news must have been brought a distance of twenty miles in less than six hours, for I can scarcely believe that any native could possibly have invented the story, or could have surmised what was to take place. Early on the morning of the 22d, Seru left the ship and proceeded to Ambau, although I had been informed that it was his intention to go to the different islands, to bring us hogs and yams. Tui Levuka called my attention to this, and also to the fact that a messenger had brought Seru intelligence of what had happened at Rewa during the stay of the Peacock there, and of the sailing of that ship with Vendovi on board. During this time many things occurred to keep us on the alert. On the nigh* of the 23d, the usual number of men were landed at the ob- ) M TJ-SOMU. 143 servatory, and in the night a musket was accidentally fired, which, of course, created some stir, but it proved a false alarm; it, however, served to keep up our vigilance in case of attack. On the 26th the Flying-Fish returned, entering through the reefs after dark. Lieutenant Carr had executed the greater part of the iuties pointed out in his instructions. Among these were that of carrying Tubou Totai, the Tonga chief already spoken of, to the Porpoise. He was represented as-an excellent pilot for the eastern group, and as likely to be of service to Lieutenant-Commandant Ringgold, in pointing out the shoals and reefs," which might save much time in the surveying operations. Tubou spoke English tolerably well.. He had been in New South Wales, and was a guest at the Government-House; talked much of the kindness of Sir George and Lady Gipps, and amused me by the accounts he gave of the balls and parties to which he had been invited, and of the attentions he had received, particularly from the ladies. He said that they had admired him very much, and called him a very handsome man. He knew well how to behave himself, was well acquainted with our habits and customs, and had all the grace and elegance of a finished gentleman, if one can imagine such a being in a Tongese Islander. I have, indeed, seldom seen a native so correct in his deportment. He was a professing Christian, and might be called more than half civilized. He talked much to me of the gentlemen of Ambau ; said " they were such fine fellows, so hospitable, and such gentlemen; there was so much pleasure in their society; there was nothing like Feejee fashions." I spoke to him of their eating human flesh, but he could not be brought to talk of it, and invariably refused to answer my questions in relation to that horrible custom, except as regarded himself. He said that he never touched it. At times he would evade the question by saying, " Feejee country was a fine country," and be silent. Tubou Totai is the brother of Lajika, who is generally an attendant of the preaching of the missionaries.* The brothers are somewhat alike in point of face and feature, but Lajika is much darker in complexion, and seems to have some Feejee blood in his veins. I learned from one of the missionaries that the family of these Tongese was of Feejee origin, their name being derived from the principal fortress on Lakemba, called Tumboa. They are well received in the group, and hospitably entertained by the kings and chiefs of Ambau. The minor » The proselytes of the missionaries consist altogether of the few Tongese that a in the group; these reside principally at Lakemba, and from what I understood are lowers of Lajika and Tubou Totai. 144 SOMU-SOMU. chiefs and people have, however, different feelings, and call them impudent and greedy fellows, saying they breed a famine wherever they go. Lieutenant Carr also took with him, as a messenger or ambassador from Tanoa, an Ambau chief of some note, called Corodowdow. He was a true savage, well formed, and of extraordinary size, being six feet three inches in height; his features were finely formed, and his countenance of the European cast; his colour a deep black; his hair was frizzled; he had a fine eye, and an intelligent expression, and seemed not wanting in quickness of apprehension. He devoured his food at first like a savage, and had a portentous appetite: a fowl was but a small portion of a meal for him. He is said to have improved in his style of feeding, and to have been able to use a knife and fork on his return. Few men showed to more advantage in the Feejee costume; the sala and seavo of the white tapa cloth, set off well his colossal and dark figure. Both Tubou and Corodowdow had their suites of slaves, who were a great nuisance to both officers and men; and had I been aware before engaging them, that we must take their attendants also, I am now inclined to think I should have dispensed with their services altogether. Corodowdow fell in love with a French print of a female that belonged to one of the officers, and was hanging up in the tender's cabin, which he would sit admiring for hours together. Tom Granby was sent in the tender to act as a pilot, and Lieutenant Underwood went also with a boat's crew. Lieutenant Carr reached Lakemba on the morning of the 17th. He was immediately visited by the Reverend Mr. Calvert, the resident missionary, who informed him that it was Lieutenant-Commandant Ringgold's intention to return in a few days. The letter and despatches were therefore given to Mr. Calvert.; and Tubou and Corodowdow, with their attendants, were sent on shore. They were both dressed out in their best attire, and when they made their appearance the natives all prostrated themselves, uttering, at the same time, a low moan. For the kindness shown him, Corodowdow presented Mr. Sinclair with his long bone or hair-pricker, as a mark of his friendship, . telling him it was made from the thigh-bone of one of his enemies whom he had killed in battle. Leaving Lakemba, Lieutenant Carr proceeded with the tender to Vanua-vatu, where they began their surveys. The tender's boats were launched, and the island was circumnavigated. It rises gradually, on all sides, to the height of several hundred feet, and is covered with foliage; it is six miles in circumference, and is encircled by a SOMU-SOMU. 145 reef, through which there are two entrances for boats, but neither of them is sufficiently wide for the entrance of a vessel. This island is not inhabited, but the natives resort there for the purpose of fishing. Lieutenant Carr next surveyed the Tova Reef, which was found about equidistant from Totoia, Moala, and Vanua-vatu. He represents it as one of the most dangerous outlying reefs in the group; it is a mile in diameter, and nearly circular: the two former islands are in sight from it, but the latter, being low, was not seen. At low water this reef is quite dry, and it then forms a snug basin, into which there is a shallow passage for boats. The soundings within the reef were found extremely irregular, varying from two to fourteen feet. At high water the reef is entirely covered, and the sea breaks on it at all times. The next island that claimed Lieutenant Carr's attention was Totoia. Here he discovered a passage leading through the reef, into which he went with the tender, and anchored in fifteen fathoms, half a mile distant from the shore. They found here a canoe from Vavao, manned by Tongese. Totoia is high and much broken; it resembles the rest of the group in its volcanic formation; it is covered with luxuriant foliage, and has many fertile valleys. On the morning of the 20th, in heaving up the anchor in order to proceed with the survey, it broke at the crown, and the flukes were lost: an incident which does not say much for the goodness of the anchorage on the northern side. Lieutenant Carr thinks that this harbour can be useful only as a temporary refuge. It is filled with broken patches, has very irregular soundings, from three to thirty fathoms, and the passages between these patches are quite narrow and tortuous. The weather setting in bad, they were obliged to forego the examination of a small part of the southern portion of the reef for openings: it is believed, however, that none exist. Among the whites and natives in the group, the natives of this island have the reputation of being more ferocious and savage than any other; they are said to be constantly at war, and are obliged to reside on the highest and most inaccessible peaks, to prevent surprise and massacre. Water and wood may be obtained here in sufficient abundance, but whoever visits the island should be cautious and continually on their guard. Matuku was the next island. Of this they began the survey on the southeastern side, whence they passed round the southern shore. On the western side they discovered an opening through the reef, through which they passed, and anchored in one of the best harbours in the group. This I have called Carr's Harbour. Its entrance is, perhaps, vol. in. n 19 SOMU-SOMU. too narrow for a ship to beat in, which the prevalence of easterlv winds, would generally require to be done; but the channel to it is quite clear of patches, and the passage through the reef is a good one, though long. Within the reef there is a circular basin of large extent, in all parts of which a ship may select her berth with good bottom. On anchoring in the harbour, the natives appeared on the beach, armed with clubs, spears, and muskets, and evidently with no friendly intent. They were very shy at first, but, after some persuasion, were induced to bring off cocoa-nuts, yams, &c. They said they were at war with their neighbours on the mountains. Their village was close by the anchorage, covered and embosomed in trees. There never was but one small vessel in the harbour before, which had traded for tortoise- shell. Wood and water are to be had here in plenty. The natives resemble those of the other islands, and are considered as possessing skill in the use of their arms. The face of the island is broken into volcanic peaks, but has many fertile valleys, and it was thought to exceed any of the other islands in beauty. After surveying the harbour, they proceeded with the survey around the island; and, as they were about finishing it, a native came off to visit them; but all that they could understand from him was, that he professed to be a Christian. On the eastern side, between the islands, there is a small opening, leading through the reef, but it is full of patches of coral, and offers no facility for vessels. Moala was next visited. It is a high volcanic island. There is an opening through the reef, on the west side, that leads to an inferior harbour, which the boats surveyed. They found here a white man, calling himself Charley, who was of some use to them in pointing out the localities. Lieutenant Carr sent him, the next morning, with the boats, to examine a supposed harbour, into which, in consequence of the light winds, the tender was unable to enter. The reef on the north side of Moala resembles that of Totoia, being a collection of sunken and detached patches. The reef on the northeast makes off to the distance of two and a half miles. After passing it, there is a deep indentation in the island, with a broad passage through the reef, leading to a safe and very fine harbour, and, what is unusual, the passage is sufficiently wide for a vessel to beat out. This, however, would seldom be necessary, as there are several passages through the reef to the westward, which are safe with a leading wind. This island affords wood, water, and some provisions, and has about seven hundred inhabitants. The imprudence and over-confidence of Lieutenant Underwood SOMU-SOMU. was.very near involving them in difficulties; and had it not been for the timely caution of Charley, there is little doubt but a disaster would have happened to them. The two boats were under charge of Lieutenant Underwood and Passed Midshipman Sinclair. In the foremost of them was a chief of the island, in the latter was Charley. Lieutenant Underwood approached the shore-reef, with the intention of getting some hogs and yams, which he had sent the natives to seek; but they would not trade~unless the boats landed, and this Lieutenant Carr had expressly ordered Lieutenant Underwood not to do. When the natives discovered they could not be induced to land, they collected in great numbers, headed by a chief, became very noisy, and showed signs of hostility. Lieutenant Underwood, notwithstanding the precautionary orders, was unprepared to meet an attack; and the necessity of resorting to their arms was only thought of, when Charley called out, " You had better stand to your arms, gentlemen; they are after mischief." Upon this the boat was immediately hauled out. When the arms were displayed, the natives took to their heels. According to Charley, these islanders, not long since, seized a boat belonging to a trader, and, after plundering it, would only liberate the crew on receiving a large ransom. Such appears to have been the over-confidence and carelessness of some of the officers on these boat duties, that they neglected not only the strict orders, to be at all times prepared, but likewise needlessly put in jeopardy the lives of the men entrusted to them. It is now, on looking back, a wonder to me that we escaped accident so long as we did, and certainly not extraordinary that one did at last happen. I am well satisfied, that had full attention been paid to the orders given, and specially impressed upon all, no disaster could have happened. Lieutenant Carr, finding that his time was almost expired, determined to proceed to Ovolau, by passing close to the Mothea Reef, off the southern point of Nairai. On the 25th, the tender anchored at Levuka. On receiving Lieutenant Carr's report, I immediately despatched him to survey the passage round the western side of Ovolau. The eastern portion, together with the harbour of Levuka, had already been completed by the Vincennes. Lieutenant Carr had, in the performance of this duty, reached the island of Motnriki, when the time allotted for the purpose had expired. He accordingly left the two boats under Lieutenant Underwood, to complete the remaining part of the work, which occupied them two days, during which time, it appears, from Passed Midshipman May's account, they had another narrow escape from disaster, under the following circum- 148 SOMU-SOMU. stances. The night the boats left the tender, they imprudently landed on the island of Moturiki, where they unloaded their boats, allowing the natives to help them up, and then removed all the things out of them up to the mbure, although there was reason to apprehend, from their conduct, that mischief was meditated. They deemed it necessary to have sentinels posted, and all the men remained with their arms by their side. The natives before ten o'clock had dispersed, except ten or fifteen, who were seemingly on the watch. These were discovered passing in some clubs, which were secretly laid by a log. Lieutenant Underwood then determined to compel them all to quit the house, which they did, going out in rather a sulky manner. The moment the tide floated the boats, it was thought necessary to load them and shove off. They then anchored, and passed the remainder of the night in them. The next night, for greater safety, they sought shelter from the rain and wet under the rocks, which caused them much difficulty in lighting their fires. This was not overcome until their old native guide took the tinder, and, ascending a tall cocoa-nut tree to the fronds, quickly returned with a blazing torch. Having finished the survey of that part of the Moturiki Passage assigned them, they returned to the ship at Levuka. The island of Moturiki is almost in contact with that of Ovolau to the south of it. The same reef extends around both of them, and there is no passage between them, except for boats and canoes. A large square castellated rock lies midway between them, called Lau- dolib, of which there is a tradition, that Ndengei was bringing it to block up the big passage of Moturiki, which, according to the natives, leads to his dominions, but being overtaken by daylight, he dropped it where it now lies. Moturiki is three miles long, and one broad; it is not so much ' broken as Ovolau, though it rises in its centre, forming a high ridge. There are two small islands, named Leluvia and Thangala, to the south of it, and between these and Moturiki is the entrance to the bay of Ambau, termed the Moturiki Passage: this is about two miles long, and is a mile in width towards its eastern end; the tide flows strongly through it, and the flood sets to the westward. On the 28th, I had a visit from Tanoa's youngest son, Rivaletta, who is a fine-looking young man, about eighteen years of age. He was accompanied by a number of young fellows of his own age, but could not be induced to visit the ship, either from fear of detention, or, as Tui Levuka told me, because he had no presents to give in return for those which he should receive, and therefore would not pay a visit SOMU-SOMU. 149 He was, as I afterwards f Muthuata, to claim his until he could comply with this custom, learned, the bearer of a message to the kin daughter as a wife for old Tanoa. It is not at all surprising that the chiefs and people of Ambau should be so much detested by the inhabitants of the group. As an instance of the outrages they are in the habit of committing, Riva- letta, after refusing to visit the ship and the observatory, went to a village on the mountains^ from which the inhabitants fled with their valuables for fear of losing them.- Failing thus in his intention of plunder, he immediately set fire to the town, and left it a heap of ruins. He departed the same day for Vanua-levu. The tender having returned to Ovolau, I made preparations to leave that place. The launch and cutter under Lieutenant Alden and Passed Midshipman Knox, had also returned from the survey of the north side of Vitilevu, as far as its west end, and of Malolo. Lieutenant Alden reported the natives of the latter island as being extremely hostile to the whites, and having a very bad character. A native stole a knife from one of the men. Tui Levuka proposed killing him, but was told not to do so : the thief was taken on board, and confined for two days, when he was released, as I did not think his guilt was sufficiently established. The moment he was free he jumped overboard and swam on shore. The schooner Currency Lass, which we had seen at T°nga> arrived on the 30th, bringing me letters from Lieutenant-Commandant Ringgold, by which I learned they were all well, and proceeding rapidly with their work. The Currency Lass, since she had left Tonga, had been at Wallis Island (Uea), where the Roman Catholic missionaries had succeeded in gaining over one half of the population. The Devil's men had attacked the converts, and had laid a plan to cut off the schooner. The missionaries, however, gave timely notice of it, and the abrupt departure of the vessel was the only thing that saved her, which the^wind fortunately enabled her to accomplish, for a large number of canoes had approached the vessel, and were waiting for a reinforcement, when they intended to make the attack. The services of the Catholic priests on board the Currency Lass not being required by their brethren, they afterwards went to Hoorn Island, where they were landed and kindly received by the natives. Not being able to spare the services of Lieutenant Carr as first lieutenant, I transferred him to the Vincennes, and ordered Lieutenant Case to the tender. Lieutenant Carr was put in charge of the observatory, while Lieutenant Alden in the launch, and Mr. Knox in "1 150 SOMU-SOMU. the first cutter, were relieved by Lieutenant Perry and Mr. De Haven. Both boats received new crews, and proceeded to survey the reefs by Passage Island, and thence to Vanua-levu. I embarked in the tender on the 3d of June, and by night anchored off Mbua or Sandalwood Bay, where I had appointed to meet the Peacock. We burnt blue-lights and sent off rockets, but received no answer, and in the morning found the ship had not arrived. I obtained sights on shore for the meridian distance, and stood into the bay to examine it. This done, I anchored a buoy, with a sealed bottle and flag attached to it, for Captain Hudson, containing further instructions. In consequence of the delays he had met with, he had not been able to reach the bay at the appointed time. I then returned. The passage back was rather more difficult to make, for the wind was ahead part of the way. In the afternoon, while beating up, although we had Tom at the masthead, we grounded in the tender between two coral knobs; but, the tide rising, we were soon enabled to get off, and towards evening we anchored under Rabe-rabe Point, which offers a safe shelter. All vessels navigating among these islands, should anchor during the night, whenever it is possible to do so. In the morning, at a seasonable hour, we reached Passage Island, where I met Lieutenant Perry and Mr. De Haven-by appointment. Here I extended their orders. Having acquired a further knowledge of the ground, and after observations for time and latitude, and a round of angles, we again set out for Ovolau, leaving Lieutenant Perry and Mr. De Haven to continue their work along the immense coral reef, which nearly forms a junction between the two large islands. Levuka was reached at 2 a. m. ; here I found H. B. M. schooner Starling, Lieutenant Kellet, consort of the Sulphur, Captain Belcher, on a similar duty with ourselves. Lieutenant Kellet informed me that the Sulphur, in going into Rewa, had struck on some coral lumps in the north passage, and lost her rudder; and the object of Lieutenant Kellet's visit was to obtain aid, or new pintles for that ship. As those of the Vincennes were thought to be too large, I at once ordered a boat to be manned, and sent under charge of Lieutenant Underwood to Mbua Bay (seventy miles), to the Peacock, for the purpose of obtaining those belonging to that ship. It afforded me great pleasure to be of service to any of Her Majesty's ships, and knowing how important it was to have prompt and efficient aid, there was no delay. I had the pleasure of a few hours' conversation with Lieutenant Kellet, but as my appointment with the Porpoise rendered it necessary that I should meet her at the town of Somu-somu, on the island of Vuna, I was soon obliged to leave Levuka for the eastern part of the group. SOMU-SOMU. 151 In the mean time, I obtained my return meridian distances and the night observations. Before I left Levuka, Seru, Tanoa's eldest son, paid us another visit, and brought some hogs and other provisions, as a present On this occasion, his conduct towards Mr. Vanderford was not what it should have been, for he appropriated some of that officer's property to himself. I regret I did not learn this until some time afterwards, for 1 had no opportunity of speaking~~to Seru again; but I sent him word that his conduct was not approved of, and he must not take such a liberty again. Orders were left with Lieutenant Carr to despatch Lieutenant Underwood and Passed Midshipman Sandford, with two boats, to survey the islands of Ambatiki, Nairai, and Angau, all of which are in sight from Ovolau. At five o'clock the next morning we were under way, in the tender, with two boats of the Vincennes in company, and crossed over to Wakaia, where I left Passed Midshipmen Knox and May to survey that island and Mokungai, with their reefs. Here I fixed a station, and observed, with the theodolite, on the distant signals. I then made an endeavour to get out of the reef, but the weather looking bad, I put back and anchored in a snug bay, which I had called Flying-Fish Harbour. This is on the west side of the island of Wakaia, and has two passages through the reef to it. The next morning we again got under way, and stood for Nemena, or Direction Island, where we anchored, after passing through a narrow passage in its outlying reef. Direction Island forms two high regular hills, covered with a dense foliage. It is not inhabited, being only occasionally resorted to for turtles by the natives. On the 7th, we were engaged in the survey of the island and reef, with the boats, while I fixed a station on its western summit, where I passed the day observing for longitude and latitude and angles, on all the points, peaks, and signals, in sight. In the evening, we sailed for Vuna Island. The wind was very light, and we did not make much progress, but spent the greatest part of the next day in getting up with the island. Not wishing to be detained, I took my gig and pulled for Somu-somu, where I communicated with the missionaries, Messrs. Hunt and Lythe, who had heard nothing of the Porpoise; and as the townspeople were rather uproarious, keeping a feast, I thought it advisable that I should repair to the small island of Corolib, about a mile and a half from it in the strait. Towards dark, not seeing any thing of the tender, and having been supplied with some yams, &c, by the missionaries, I went to the island 152 SOMU-SOMU. to pass the night there. Its only inhabitants were goats, which we drove from a cave, in which we built our fire, and made ourselves comfortable for the night, keeping two men on guard to prevent surprise. The tender did not reach the anchorage until late. On anchoring, they made signals, but I was snug in the cave and did not see or hear them, and of course they got no answer. Lieutenant Case and the officers on board became uneasy, for there was shouting and yelling on shore, with war-songs and dances, as at their cannibal feasts; and it required but little imagination in the vicinity of such a people as the Feejees, to give birth to the idea that we had been surprised and cut off. They had their boarding-nettings triced up, and spent a very uncomfortable night. At daylight, however, they discovered the gig under Goat Island, and I joined them soon after. In the forenoon I visited the missionaries, Messrs. Hunt and Lythe, with their ladies. They were living in a large house, formerly occupied by the king, called Tui Thakau. As he was an old man and incapable of moving about, I at once called upon him. He was a fine specimen of a Feejee Islander, and bore no slight resemblance to our ideas of an old Roman. His figure was particularly tall and manly, and he had a head fit for a monarch. The king's oldest son now exercises all the powers of king; he is a large, well-made, and truly savage-looking fellow; and from the accounts of the missionaries and others, his temper and disposition correspond with his looks. His name is Tui Ula-illa. Somu-somu, although one of the chief towns of Feejee, acknowledges a sort of subjection to Ambau. The cause of this is found in an ancient tradition of a contest between their respective tutelar spirits, in which the spirit of Somu-somu was overcome, and compelled to perform the tama or salute due to a superior, to the god of Ambau. The town of Somu-somu contains about two hundred houses, which are more straggling than any I had yet seen. It is partly built below a bluff, which affords a very safe retreat and strong defence to its inhabitants, and is divided, therefore, into a lower and upper town. The old mbure near the missionaries' house is nearly gone to decay. Here was found the only carved image I saw in the group; it was a small figure cut out of solid wood, and the missionaries did not seem to think that it was regarded by the people with any reverence. The priest appears to have taken up his abode with the old king, and was apparently held in great reverence. The town is situated on the northwest side of the island of Vuna, which is separated from the island of Vanua-levu, or the large land, by a strait five miles wide in its narrowest part, which I have called SOMU-SOMU. 153 the Strait of Somu-somu. The island of Vuna rises gradually to a central ridge, the height of which, by several measurements, was found to be two thousand and fifty-two feet. The summit is generally covered with clouds. From its gradual rise, and its surface being smoother, it is susceptible of a much higher state of cultivation than the other islands; the soil is a rich reddish loam, and it appears to be considered as the most fruitful of the islands. At the same time, its inhabitants are acknowledged by all to be the most savage. Cannibalism prevails here to a greater extent than any where else. The length of Vuna is twenty-five miles, and its breadth five miles. Although there is a navigable passage between Vuna and Corolib, yet, it is made somewhat intricate by sunken coral knolls and banks of sand. These shoals extend two miles beyond the island, into the strait. The tides are strong, but set through the strait. Calms and light winds prevail, in consequence of its being under the lee of the high land of Vuna, which makes the passage through it tedious and uncertain. Corolib, or Goat Island, I made one of my stations, as it commanded most of those we had been at; and I obtained the necessary observations to secure its position. I dined and spent the afternoon with the missionaries and their ladies, and heard a recital of some of the trials they have been subjected to. I cannot but feel astonished that they can endure to live among such a horde of savages. Their house is a tolerably comfortable one, and they have a few Tongese around them as servants, some of whom are converted; but all the rest of the inhabitants are cannibals. Mr. Hunt was kind enough to give me an account of some of the scenes they had to witness, which will convey an idea of what, their situation is, and what they have had to undergo. Mr. and Mrs. Hunt, and Mr. and Mrs. Lythe, arrived at Somu- somu in August, 1839, and consequently at the time of our visit they had been there nearly a year. On the 11th of February, 1840, one of their servants informed them that the king had sent for two dead men from Lauthala, a town or koro not far from Somu-somu. On inquiring the reason, he knew of none but that the king was angry; this was sufficient to know, and in some degree prepared them for what they shortly afterwards had to witness. They now found that their servant was only partly informed, for, instead of two men, they soon observed eleven brought in, and knew that a feast was to take place. Messrs. Hunt and Lythe went to the old king, to urge him to desist from so barbarous and horrid a repast, and warned him that the time would come when he would be punished for it. The king referred him to his son, but the savage pro- vol. tit. 20 154 SOMU-SOMU. pensities of the latter rendered it impossible to turn him from his barbarous purposes. On the day of the feast the shutters of their house were closed, in order to keep out the disgusting smell that would ensue, but Mr. Hunt took his station just within his fence, and witnessed the whole that • follows. The victims were dragged along the ground with ropes around their necks, by these merciless cannibals, and laid, as a present to the king, in the front of the missionaries' house, which is directly opposite the king's square, or public place of the town. The cause of the massacre was, that the people of Lauthala had killed a man belonging to the king's koro, who was doing some business for the king; and, notwithstanding the people of Lauthala are related to the king, it was considered an unpardonable offence, and an order was given to attack their town. The party that went for this purpose came upon the unsuspecting village when (according to themselves) they were neither prepared for defence nor flight, or, as they described it to Mr. Hunt, " at the time the cock crows, they open their eyes and raise their heads from sleep, they rushed in upon them, and clubbed them to death," without any regard to rank, age, or sex. All shared the same fate, whether innocent or guilty. A large number were eaten on the spot. No report makes this less than thirty, but others speak of as many as three hundred. Of these it is not my intention to speak, but only of what was done with the eleven presented to the king and spirit. • The utmost order was preserved on this occasion, as at their other feasts, the people approaching the residence of the king with every mark of respect and reverence, at the beat of the drum. When ' human bodies are to be shared, the king himself makes a speech, as he did on this occasion. In it he presented the dead to his son, and intimated that the gods of Feejee should be propitiated, that they might have rain, &c. The son then rose and publicly accepted the gift, after which the herald pronounced aloud the names of the chiefs who were to have the bodies. The different chiefs take the bodies allotted to them away to their mbures, there to be devoured. The chief of Lauthala was given to their principal god, whose temple is near the missionaries' house. He was cut up and cooked two or three yards from their fence, and Mr. Hunt stood in his yard and saw the operation. He was much struck with the skill and despatch with which these practised cannibals performed their work. While it was going on, the old priesf was sitting in the door of his temple giving orders, and anxiously looking for his share. All this, SOMU-SOMU. 155 Mr. Hunt said, was done with the most perfect insensibility. He could not perceive the least sign of revenge on the part of those who ate them, and only one body was given to the injured party." Some of those who joined in the feast acknowledged that the people of Lauthala were their relations, and he fully believes that they cooked and ate them, because they were commanded to do so. The coolness, Mr. Hunt further remarked, with which all this was done, proved to him that there was a total want of feeling and natural affection among them. After all the parts but the head had been consumed, and the feast was ended, the king's son knocked at the missionaries' door, (which was opened by Mr. Hunt,) and demanded why their windows were closed ? Mr. Hunt told him to keep out the sight as well as the smell of the bodies that were cooking. The savage instantly rejoined, in the presence of the missionaries' wives, that if it happened again, he would knock them in the head and eat them. The missionaries were of opinion, that after these feasts, the chiefs become more ferocious, and are often very troublesome. In the present case, they attempted to bring accusations against the missionaries, that they might have a pretext for plundering them, but the only fault they could find to complain of was, that they did not receive presents. The missionaries' conduct was firm and decided, telling them if they desired the property, they must take it by force. This the natives seemed afraid to do, and after they were fully convinced they could not intimidate them, showed a desire to become friends. The missionaries then took them a present, which they were glad to accept, and gave one in return, as a make-peace, since which time they have lived in peace. I know of no situation so trying as this for ladies to live in, particularly when pleasing and well-informed, as we found those at Somu-somu. The missionaries have made but slow advancement in their work, and there is but little to be expected as long as the people remain under . their present chiefs, for they dare not do any thing but what they allow them. All the chiefs seemed to look upon Christianity as a change in which they had much to lose and little to gain. The old chiefs, in particular, would often remark, that they were too old to change their present for new gods, or to abandon what they considered their duty to their people; yet the chiefs generally desire the residence of missionaries among them. I was, therefore, anxious to know why they entertained such a wish, when they had no desire for their instruction. They acknowledged that it was to get presents, and because it 156 SOMU-SOMU. would bring vessels to their place, which would give them opportunities of obtaining many desirable articles. The presents from the missionaries are small; but an axe, or hatchet, or other articles of iron, are acquisitions, in their minds, which their covetousness cannot forego the opportunity of obtaining. They express themselves as perfectly willing that the missionaries should worship their own spirit, but they do not allow any of the natives to become proselytes, and none are made without their sanction, under fear of death. It is not to be supposed, under this state of things, that the success of the missionaries will be satisfactory, or adequate to their exertions, or a sufficient recompense for the hardships, deprivations, and struggles which they and their families have to encounter. There are few situations in which so much physical and moral courage is required, as those in which these devoted and pious individuals are placed; and nothing but a deep sense of duty, and a strong determination to perform it, could induce civilized persons to subject themselves to the sight of such horrid scenes as they are called upon almost daily to On the afternoon of the 9th, the Porpoise joined me here, agreeably to appointment. On the 10th, I endeavoured to get the chiefs on board the Porpoise to sign the treaty, or regulations, which the chiefs of Ambau and Rewa had done. For this purpose I gave them an invitation to come on board; but no inducement could persuade them to place themselves in our power, for fear of a like detention with Vendovi. Finding that they were determined to persist in their refusal to come on board, I asked that a council of chiefs should be held on shore. To this the king agreed, and issued his orders for the meeting. It took place in his house, which is built much after the fashion of an mbure, though of larges dimensions; it had four apertures for doors; the fire-place was in one corner, and partof the house was curtained off with tapa. A large number of junk-bottles were hung from a beam, both for use and to display his wealth, for they are very much valued. The king also possessed a chair, two' chests, and several muskets. The former he seemed to take much pleasure in silting in, having discovered, as he told the interpreter, that they were very comfortable for an old man. We had a full meeting, and I was much struck with the number of fine-looking men who were present. Their complexions were dark, and they resembled one another more than any collection of natives I had before seen in the group. The two sons of the king were present. Tui Illa-illa, who is the SOMU-SOMU. 157 actual king, is held much in awe by the people. The regulations.. after a full explanation of their objects, were signed, or rather they made their mark, for the first time, on paper. The old king has always been friendly to the whites, but his son is considered quite unfriendly towards them; and it is thought, by the missionaries, that were it not for the old man, and the fear of punishment by a man-of- war, they would not be safe. Messrs. Hunt and Lythe acted as interpreters on this occasion, but not until after the one I had chosen was unable to make them understand. This was intentional on my part, for I did not wish the king and natives to think that the missionaries had had any part in the proceeding; and they did not undertake the office until the king and chiefs desired their assistance. Besides the signing, we had the clap ping of hands and thighs, and the three audible grunts of satisfaction from the audience. The meeting broke up with a distribution of presents, and all, I believe, went away satisfied. The ceremony attending the ava drinking of the king, at Somu- somu, is peculiar. Early in the morning, the first thing heard is the king's herald, or orator, crying out, in front of his house, " Yango-na ' ei ava," somewhat like a muezzin in Turkey, though not from the housetop. To this the people answer, from all parts of the koro, ■ Mama," (prepare ava.) The principal men and chiefs immediately assemble together from all quarters, bringing their ava-bowl and ava- root to the mbure, where they seat themselves to talanoa, or to converse on the affairs of the day, while the younger proceed to prepare the ava. Those who prepare the ava are required to have clean and undecayed teeth, and are not allowed to swallow any of the juice, on pain of punishment. As soon as the ava-root is chewed, it is thrown into the ava-bowl, where water is poured on it with great formality. The king's herald, with a peculiar drawling whine, then cries, I Sevu-rui-a-na," (make the offering.) After this, a considerable time is spent in straining the ava through cocoa-nut husks; and when this is done, the herald repeats, with still more ceremony, his command, "Sevu-rui-a-na." When he has chaunted it several times, the other- chiefs join him, and they all sing, " Mana endina sendina le." A person is then commanded to get up and take the king his ava, after which the singing again goes on. The orator then invokes their principal god, Tava-Sava, and they repeat the names of their departed friends, asking them to watch over and be gracious to them. They then pray for rain, for the life of the king, the arrival of wangara Papalangi (foreign ships), that they may have riches and live to enjoy them. This prayer is followed by a most earnest response, " Mana 158 SOMU-SOMU. endina," (amen, amen.) They then repeat several times, " Mana endina sendina le." Every time this is repeated they raise their voices, until they reach the highest pitch, and conclude with "O-ya-ye," which they utter in a tone resembling a horrid scream. This screech goes the rounds, being repeated by all the people of the koro, until it reaches its farthest limits, and, when it ceases, the king drinks his ava. All the chiefs clap their hands, with great regularity, while he is drinking, and, after he has finished his ava, the chiefs drink theirs, without any more ceremony. The business of the day is then begun. The people never do any thing in the morning before the king has drunk his ava. Even a foreigner will not venture to work or make a noise before that ceremony is over, or during the preparation of it, if he wishes to be on good terms with the king and people. It is almost impossible to conceive the horrible particulars relative to these natives, that have come under the personal observation of the missionaries, and are not for a moment to be doubted, from such respectable authority. They told me, that during their residence they had known of only one instance of a natural death, all having been strangled or buried alive ! Children usually strangle their feeble and aged parents, and the sick that have been long ill are always killed. Dr. Lythe pointed out to me a chief of high rank, who had strangled his own mother, as he himself saw. They went in procession to the grave, the mother being dressed in her best attire, and painted in the Feejee fashion. On arriving at the grave, a rope of twisted tapa was passed around her neck, when a number of natives, besides the son, taking hold of each end, soon strangled and buried her. Dr. Lythe had a patient, a young girl, in a most critical state. She was scarce fourteen, when she was brutally violated by the same high chief who had strangled his mother; and much injury had resulted, in large swellings, which they attempted to cure, according to the Feejee custom, by large gashes with sharp bamboos, but without success. The seducer had determined to destroy her, when Dr. Lythe heard of it, and, by interceding, after much difficulty and ridicule, was allowed to take her away, and put her under treatment. Some time previous to our arrival, Katu Mbithi, the youngest son of Tui Thakau, was lost at sea, on the knowledge of which event the whole population went into mourning. He was much beloved by the king. All his wives were strangled, with much form and ceremony. Some accounts make their number as high as seventy or eighty; the missionaries stated it below thirty. There were various other ceremonies, not less extraordinary. To supply the places of the men who were lost with Katu Mbithi, the SOM U-SOMU. 159 same number of boys, from the ages of nine to sixteen, were taken and circumcised. For this ceremony long strips of white native cloth were prepared to catch the blood when the foreskin was cut. These strips, when sprinkled with blood, were tied to a stake, and stuck up in the market-place. Here the boys assembled to dance, for six or seven nights, a number of men being placed near the stakes, with a native horn (a conch-shell), which they blew, while the boys danced around the stake for two or three hours together. This dance consisted of walking, jumping, singing, shouting, yelling, &c , in the most savage and furious manner, throwing themselves into all manner of attitudes. The blowing of the conch was any thing but musical; but this is not always the case, for some of their performances have a kind of rude music in them, which the missionaries thought was not unlike in sound to that which is made in a Jewish synagogue, which certainly gives the best idea of the music of a Feejee dance-song. After the circumcision of the boys, many of the female children had the first joint of their little fingers cut off. The ceremonies ended by the chiefs and people being assembled in the market-place to witness the institution of the circumcised boys to manhood. In doing this, a large leaf is taken, of which they make a water-vessel, which is placed in the branches of a tree. The boys are then blindfolded very closely, and armed with clubs or sticks; they are then led about until they have no recollection of the situation of the tree, after which they seek the vessel, and endeavour to strike it. The first who succeeds in knocking it down was to be considered as the future great warrior. Two or three managed to hit the vessel, amid shouts and applause of the concourse. The sticks were afterwards thrown on the graves of the wives of Katu Mbithi. Katu Mbithi was considered the finest man in the group, and the favourite of his father, the old king, who in passing an eulogy upon him, ascribed to him all the beauty that a man could possess in the eyes of a Feejee man. He concluded by speaking of his daring spirit and consummate cruelty, and said that he would kill his own wives if ,they offended him, and would afterwards eat them! On the 8th of August, 1839, seventeen of the wives of Mbithi were strangled, very near the houses of the missionaries, who heard their groans and saw the whole ceremony. They considered it a privilege to be strangled as the wives of the great chief. The feast made on this occasion was said to have surpassed any thing that had before taken place in Somu-somu. Immense quantities of food were prepared for it; one hundred baked hogs were given to the people of one town alone; and it is said that after such occurrences 160 SOMU-SOMU. it'becomes necessary to lay a taboo, in order that a famine may not be the result of so much waste. To give some idea of what the ladies of the missionaries here have to endure from such a savage as Tui Illa-illa, he will at times come into their house and walk \Iirectly into any room he pleases, take up any thing he has a fancy to, and endeavour to carry it off. He has not unfrequently been found by them before their dressing-cases fixing and arranging himself. He carries off spoons, knives, and forks, which, on being sent for, are returned. One thing may be said in his favour, that he has never attempted any rudeness to the ladies, farther than a desire to make use of their dressing-cases. The very sight of such a savage, six feet three inches in height, and proportionately stout, and the thought of his cannibal appetite, are calculated to intimidate persons with stronger nerves than these ladies. How they are enabled to endure it, I am at a loss to understand. I paid several visits to the old king, and every time with more interest. He looks as if he were totally distinct from the scenes of horror that are daily taking place around him, and his whole countenance has the air and expression of benevolence. The picture of him sitting plaiting his sennit, surrounded by his wives and family, all engaged in some kind of work, was truly pleasing, and they would frequently feed him with the care of love and affection. Such cheerfulness as reigns among them is quite remarkable. He was very desirous of making me presents, and among the curiosities I accepted was a huge head-dress, in shape somewhat like a cocked-hat It is represented in the wood-cut at the end of this chapter. I met his son Tui Illa-illa, and having understood that he was the cause of his father's not having come on board, I took care to show him that I was not afraid of coming among them, however much they feared to trust themselves on board the vessel. He said he understood I had a brother of the king of Rewa prisoner, which afforded me an opportunity of letting the interpreter give the account of the Vendovi transaction, and to say, that although many years might pass over, yet any one who committed an act of the kind would be sure to meet with punishment sooner or later, and that he himself would be punished if any disturbance or harm happened to the whites, particularly the' missionaries. It seemed to have its effect upon both the old and young king, and I took advantage of the moment to make them both promise to protect the missionaries and their families against any harm. The tender having returned with the boats of the Porpoise from surveying the straits opposite Goat Island, we received on board Tubou Totai and Corodowdow, together with their suites; and I was SOMU-SOMU. 161 happy to be able to give the Rev. Mr. Hunt a passage to Rewa, whither I intended proceeding on my return to Levuka. Mr. Hunt was going for the purpose of offering to take the charge of the children of the Rev. Mr. Cargill, who had met with the melancholy loss of his wife shortly after the Peacock had left Rewa. From this gentleman I obtained much information, and found that he confirmed a great deal of that which I have already given. He was obliging enough to act as my interpreter on many occasions afterwards. CHAPTER VI. CONTENTS. THE PORPOISE PARTS COMPANY-HER VISIT TO ONGEA-FULANGA-CANOES BUILDING AT FULANGA-MORAMBA- ENKABA-KAMBARA-TABANAIELLI-NAMUKA-ANGASA- KOMO —MOTH A —ONE ATA —FIRST VISIT TO LAKEMBA —MR. CALVERT—TUI NEAU — THAKI—DEPARTURE OF THE PORPOISE FROM LAKEMBA—THE TWO AIVAS—ARGO REEF—ONEATA—OBSERVATORY ISLAND—SECOND VISIT TO LAKEMBA—ASCENT OF KENDI-KENDI—WORSHIP AT THE MISSION CHURCH—VISIT OF LIEUTENANT RINGGOLD TO TUI NEAU—ESCAPES FROM BEING BURIED ALIVE—EXTENT OF TUI NEAU'S AU THORITY —NATIVE DANCE —HARBOURS OF LAKEMBA — LEVUKIANS — GEOLOGICAL STRUCTURE OF LAKEMBA-ISLAND OF NAIAU-TABUTHA-ARO-CHICHIA-MANGO- VEKAI —KATAFANGA — EXPLORING ISLES — VANUA-VALAVO — MUNIA — ITS HIGHEST PEAK ASCENDED—TICUMB1A—SUSUI—ITS FINE HARBOUR—MALATTA—AVIA—OKIMBO —NAITAMBA—KAMIA AND VUNA—PORPOISE ARRIVES AT SOMU-SOMU—FLYING-FISH LEAVES SOMU-SOMU—STRAITS OF SOMU-SOMU—HARBOUR OF BAINO—FAWN HARBOUR —NABOUNI—RATIVA—RETURN TO LEVUKA—H. B. M. SCHOONER STARLING—VISIT TO CAPTAIN BELCHER—HIS OPINION OF THE REGULATIONS—TUI NDRAKETI'S LETTER— NUKALOU-OPERATIONS OF LIEUTENANT UNDERWOOD—NAIRAI—HARBOUR OF VENE- MOLE—MANUFACTURES OF NAIRAI—TOWN OF COROBAMBA—COBU ROCK—REMARKABLE LOCAL MAGNETIC ATTRACTION—ANGAU—RETURN OF LIEUTENANT UNDERWOOD—DESERTION OF MURRAY —REEF OF ANGAU —ESCAPE OF THE FLYING-FISH FROM WRECK—CLUB-DANCE—FEEJEE CLOWN—MUSIC—FEEJEE FLUTE AND PANDEAN PIPE—ALARM AT OBSERVATORY—VISIT FROM TUI LEVUKA—ASCENT OF UNDERWOOD TOWER —ATTACK THREATENED BY THE NATIVES —VISIT FROM NGARANINGIOU — VISIT OF THE ttUEEN OF AMBAU—MR. WALDRON PURCHASES GROUND FOR A SCHOOL —VINCENNES LEAVES LEVUKA—DIRECTION ISLAND—FAILURE OF THE FLYING-FISH TO PROCEED ON A SURVEY—DANGERS OF THE PASSAGE TO SAVU-SAVU—AMBUSH OF THE NATIVES—DANGEROUS ANCHORAGE—BAY OF SAVU-SAVU—HOT SPRINGS-ABORTIVE OPERATIONS OF THE LAUNCH AND FIRST CUTTER — ISLAND OF GORO AND HORSESHOE REEF—NATIVjES OF SAVU-SAVU—DANCE OF THE FEMALES-SCARCITY OF AGED PERSONS —DISTRICT OF SAVU-SAVU —OF WAILEVU — CURIOSITY OF THE NATIVES —PEOPLE OF THE INTERIOR —TENDER SENT ON A SURVEY —VINCENNES SAILS FOR MBUA—MEETING WITH THE PEACOCK—MBUA OR SANDALWOOD BAY. (163) CHAPTER VI. LAKEMBA AND SAVU-SAVU. 1840. It has been stated tnat the Porpoise parted company with the Vincennes on the 8th May, off the island of Fulanga. From this time, until June 9th, when I met her at Somu-somu, Lieutenant-Commandant Ringgold had been engaged in the survey of the eastern islands of the group; and it is now time that I should revert to the operations in which he had been engaged. A heavy gale blowing from the southward and eastward for several hours, and which afterwards hauled to the northeast, was followed, after it moderated, by heavy rain. These prevented the surveys from being commenced as early as I had hoped. When it cleared off, the work was begun at the southeast island, called Ongea. There are, in fact, two islands enclosed in the same reef, called Ongea-levu and Ongea-riki. A good entrance was found on the northwest side of the reef, and a harbour, to which the name of Port Refuge was given; but there is little or no inducement to enter it, for the islands are barren, and no water is to be found. A few wretched inhabitants are on them. The position of these islands is given in the tables. Three miles to the southward and eastward of Ongea is a dangerous reef and sand-bank, called Nugu Ongea. Fulanga was the next examined. This is a fine island, surrounded by the usual coral reef, which has an entrance through it on the northeast side, (suitable for small vessels,) that expands into a large basin, with many islets and reefs, where large quantities of biche de mar have been gathered. The boats circumnavigated this island, and their crews were on shore all night, in consequence of having been obliged to return to the place where they first began their work, 166 LAKEMBA AND SAVU-SAVU. and of there being no possibility of passing over the reef to enable them to join the brig before the night closed in. They were kindly treated. During the night a heavy squall was experienced from the north- northwest, with vivid lightning and rain; but the following day proved fine. In the "morning the boats rejoined the brig and brought off a native who gave his name as Tiana, and through Jim, the interpreter, they gathered the information that the island is subject to Tui Neau, king of Lakemba. He also gave the names of all the islands in sight He knew our flag, and spoke of vessels often visiting this island. In preparing the boats for service after dinner, an accident happened which nearly proved fatal to a man named Henry Hammond; in passing the arms into the boat, one of the carbines went off when the muzzle was within six inches of his side; he gave a loud shriek, and fell; his shirt took fire from the explosion, and all thought the ball had passed through his body; but his position was fortunately such that it only passed through the integuments, and came out about three inches from the place where it entered, having glanced off from one of the short ribs. The wound did not prove dangerous. The boats left the brig in the afternoon, under the pilotage of Tiana, finished the survey of the island, and made the west bluff of Fulanga, by triangulation, one hundred and fifty feet high. They then returned, bringing on board a chief of the island, whose name was Soangi, and the native missionary from Tonga, called Toia. Neither of them had any covering but the maro. They remained on board all night. In the morning, Lieutenant-Commandant Ringgold and several officers visited the island. The passage through the reef was intricate, and a strong tide was rushing through it. After passing the reef, an extensive basin, with numerous islets and reefs in it, is reached, in which the water is deep and of a dark blue colour. The islets are composed of scoriaceous materials of volcanic origin, and, what seemed singular, was their being undermined by the action of the sea to the distance of ten or twelve feet Some of the rocks had, in consequence, the appearance of a large overhanging shelf, of the form of a mushroom. They landed at the village at the head of the bay, which consists of twenty or thirty huts. These were of an oval form, and composed of a light frame covered with mats. They contained little else than a few mats spread on the ground, and had but a temporary appearance. The natives were civil, and had picked up some phrases in English, in which they soon began to beg for small articles, such as buttons, needles, &c. They sold their fowls and vegetables for tobacco, cloth, LAKEMBA AND SAVU-SAVU. 167 and knives. Their stock, however, was not very abundant, and they had no yams. Lieutenant-Commandant Ringgold supplied them with some for planting, and also with Indian corn, potatoes, onions, &c. The native missionary, who is one of the most prominent men among the inhabitants, received directions for planting them, and he promised that they should be well taken care of. This island is one of those on which fine timber grows, and is, therefore, resorted to by the Vavao and Friendly Islanders for building canoes. Three of these were seen in the process of construction, under a long shed, one of which^on measurement, was found to be one hundred and two feet long, seven feet wide, and five feet deep, of a beautiful model; the other two were somewhat smaller. The builders said that they were constructing them for a Vavao chief, called Salomon, for the Tonga war. The work was performed under a contract, and the price agreed on was to be paid in whales' teeth, axes, guns, &c. Salomon was at the village, and went off with Lieutenant-Commandant Ringgold to the brig, for the purpose of accompanying him to the other islands. He was a remarkably handsome man, and resembled the Tonga chiefs more than the other Feejees. There is another village situated on the southeast side of the island, but it is inaccessible by water except for canoes. Good water, fruit, vegetables, and poultry, can be obtained here; the natives are friendly, and under the care of a Tongese missionary. The population was one hundred and fifty souls, three-fourths of whom were converts to Christianity. They manufactured native cloth, mats, and other articles of Feejee property in abundance. Just before the brig made sail, they were boarded by a large double canoe, in which there were fifteen persons, bringing quantities of fowls and taro for trade. This canoe resembled those which have been described as seen at Tonga, with a platform, and had the immense triangular mat-sail. Salomon said that it was capable of containing two hundred persons. Assistant-Surgeon Holmes obtained some few botanical specimens, and the other officers many shells. The beach abounded with very good oysters, and many small turtles were seen. At Fulanga several cases of severe pulmonary and cutaneous diseases were observed by Dr. Holmes, and also a case of well-marked consumption in a young woman. After liberally rewarding the chief and missionary, Lieutenant- Commandant Ringgold bore away for Kambara, having first surveyed the small island of Moramba, which is half a mile in diameter. It is 168 LAKEMBA AND SAVU-SAVU. well wooded, and is surrounded by a reef, but offers no facilities to vessels. Enkaba, which is two miles long by one wide, is inhabited, well wooded, and has a breach in the reef, but no harbour. Kambara was the next island in course. It is of a rectangular form, is about"Tbree miles and a half long and two wide, and is the westernmost of what I have termed the Eastern Group. It is fertile and well wooded; its timber is esteemed above that of all the other islands of the group for canoe-building; and cocoa-nut groves abound along its shores. The island is not entirely surrounded by the reef, which is wanting on the northwest side. On examination it proved to have no anchorage for large vessels, but small ones and boats may find protection. This island may be known by a remarkable bell- shaped peak on its northwest side, which is a good landmark. It is covered with rich verdure, and was found to be three hundred and fifty feet high. Tabanaielli is a small uninhabited island on the western side of Kambara. Namuka, which was the next to claim attention, has a very extensive reef surrounding it, and offers no anchorage. There are but few natives upon it. Angasa and three smaller islands are enclosed in one extensive reef, along with several small uninhabited islets. Angasa is the largest and most eastern of them. It is easily distinguished, and is remarkable for long regular ridges, that extend through the centre, and appear as though they had been artificially formed. Ularua is a small desolate island encompassed by an extensive reef. To the north of these were found two small islands, Komo-levu and Komo-riki, enclosed in the same reef, through which there is a passage on the northeast side. Good anchorage was found here, except in northeast winds. Motha lies to the eastward of Komo. It is one of the most picturesque islands in the group, with an undulating surface; its hills were more free of wood than those they had before surveyed; it is about two miles in diameter, and is surrounded by an extensive reef, through which there is only a boat-entrance on the north shore. Karoni, which is of small size, lies within the same reef, towards its southern end. Motha forms the southern side of what I have called the Oneata Channel ; it is a good landmark to run for in making the group, being high and surrounded with sloping sides. Its soil is rich. Its population LAKEMBA AND SAVU-SAVU. 169 consists of a few natives. There are three detached reefs to the eastward, and within a few miles of it. Oneata lies north of Motha, and forms the northern side of the Oneata Channel. It is of good height, and may readily be known by Observatory Isle to the northeast, two hundred and fifty feet in height, with three lofty trees on its apex. The reef around Oneata is also extensive; it has two good entrances on the northeast side, and three on the west. Not being able to pass through the reef of Oneata, Lieutenant-Commandant Ringgold bore away to the northwest for Lakemba, which is twelve miles distant At nine o'clock on the 15th the Porpoise was off its south side, and as the boats were preparing to land, a canoe was seen leaving the beach, having on board the missionary, the Reverend Mr. Calvert, belonging to the Wesleyan Society. He had been on the island more than a year, and succeeded the Rev. Messrs. Cargill, Cross, and Jagger, who had removed to the larger and more important islands of the group. Lieutenant-Commandant Ringgold and some of the officers returned with him to the island, where they were kindly entertained by him and his lady. Mr. Calvert did not express himself favourably regarding the natives, describing them as cruel and bloodthirsty, and said it was the prevailing custom to destroy all shipwrecked persons. Cannibalism, however, is now extinct on this island. The king of Lakemba, Tui Neau, was found seated in a large canoe-house, near the landing, with a numerous retinue of almost naked natives about him. He is a corpulent nasty-looking fellow, and has the unmitigated habits of a savage. He is said to have one hundred wives! He exercises despotic power over all the surrounding islands, has the character of being a cruel tyrant, and lives in the midst of all kinds of excesses. The settlement is dirty and badly built, but has some large houses. In it were seen numbers of ugly women and children. Salomon, the Tonga chief, left the brig at Lakemba; he had been of but little use as a pilot in consequence of being sea-sick nearly the whole time, which was somewhat singular for a person who was almost constantly engaged in navigating canoes. In his stead they procured a person whose name was Thaki. Thaki was a very respectable old man, and had many letters of recommendation, giving him the highest character. Among them was a letter from some shipwrecked sailors, who by his exertions were saved from death, and afterwards supplied by him with every thing that was necessary, until they got on board an English vessel. Chevalier Dillon, also, had given him a printed document. All of these papers Thaki takes great pride in showing, and carries them constantly with him. He had been vol. in. p 22 170 LAKEMBA AND SAVU-SAVU. at Sydney, and had evidently profited much by his trip. He was acquainted with the characters of Napoleon and Washington, and when prints of them were shown him, he expressed a desire to have them, which was complied with. On seeing a likeness of the Duke of Reichstadt, he asked if he had not been poisoned. The print of General Jackson was-highly prized by him. Mr. Calvert was landed in the evening, and the next morning, the 16th, the brig resumed the surveying duties, the islands of Komo, Ularua, and the Aivas, (both the high and low,) Oneata, and Motha, all in the neighbourhood of Lakemba, were observed on and explored. At night there was a violent squall, accompanied with lightning and rain. Among these islands and numerous reefs, such squalls become very dangerous, but fortunately they are not of long duration. The two Aivas are both uninhabited; they lie between Lakemba and Oneata, and are surrounded by an extensive reef, with the exception of a large opening in the northeast side, which affords anchorage, exposed, however, to the northeast winds. On the 17th they were engaged in exploring the great Argo Reef. Its native name is Bocatatanoa, and it is one of the most extensive and dangerous in the group. Its English name is derived from the loss (on its southeast end) of the English brig Argo, which happened in the year 1806. The outlying reefs off Angasa and Motha, were also examined and surveyed. Lieutenant-Commandant Ringgold then proceeded towards Oneata. Here they found excellent anchorage, under Observatory Isle, near a settlement on the northeast side of the island. A second anchorage is to be found off the west side of the island, near a large sandy bay. No water is to be had here, except from wells, but there is abundance of fruit, vegetables, and poultry. The population is two hundred. Two Tahitian missionaries were found here, and about one half of the people are Christians. The natives showed themselves sharp traders. They seldom adhere to the value they have set upon an article, after their first demand is agreed to, but ask a more exorbitant price, and show an indisposition to comply with their engagements. It was amusing to witness the trade between them and the sailors. They generally took a fancy to some one thing, and nothing would suit them but it. Bottles were found here to be the articles in most request, and a porter-bottle would purchase two baskets of yams or sweet-potatoes, and be received in preference to knives or cloth. The village is situated on the south side of the island, in a grove of cocoa-nut trees, but from the clouds of musquitoes, was not the most LAKEMBA AND SAVU-SAVU. 171 inviting place. Their plantations seemed to be well taken care of, and large patches of taro, yams, potatoes, some corn (maize), and young plantains, were in fine condition. The soil is made up of decomposed lava. Large quantities of scoriaceous matter were scattered over the island, and some pumice-stone was seen floating about. There was a small church, plastered and whitewashed, with its . burying-ground attached. Old Thaki here pointed out the graves of two of his children, side by side. At the foot of the graves he had planted a fragrant shrub, which he said he had brought from Lakemba for the purpose, as the plant did not grow at Oneata. Much pains had been taken with many of the graves, and a few of them were neatly laid out The Tahitian missionaries prepossessed all in their favour by their quiet and orderly behaviour. They have many recommendations from the former visiters to the island. They have been on Oneata upwards of twenty years, having been placed there, as they said, by Mr. Williams, who was the pioneer for so many years in the missionary field, in which service he lost his valuable life. Observatory Island was made one of the magnetic stations, and Lieutenant-Commandant Ringgold also obtained there a full set of observations for latitude and azimuth, sights for chronometers, and a round of angles on all the islands and reefs in sight. The weather being unfavourable, they did not succeed in finishing the survey of Oneata and its reefs until the 23d. Tiana, the pilot whom they took on board at Fulanga, was here parted with. He had proved very serviceable, and possessed much knowledge of this part of the group. Lieutenant-Commandant Ringgold gave him his discharge with many presents, and a certificate of his good conduct and abilities as a pilot The officers frequently visited the shore. The natives seemed to vie with each other as to who should appear most in the European garb. The native missionaries, and some others, wore ruffled shirts marked P. Dillon. These, with a straw hat, constituted their only clothing, except the maro. Quantities of vegetables were brought for trade, which gave an opportunity of procuring a supply for the crew that was much needed. The few days they spent here were the only ones since the preceding November, that they had had any respite from duty, having, with the rest of the squadron, been kept in a constant state of activity, and, much of the time, on very arduous and fatiguing service. The southern side of Oneata is a mass of lava, somewhat resembling the clinkers of the Sandwich Islands, to be spoken of hereafter. This rock is comparatively recent, having undergone but a slight 172 LAKEMBA AND SAVU-SAVU. )sition. Deep chasms were occasionally met with. The whole is partially covered with vines and creepers, and the shore was lined with mangroves. The men enjoyed the opportunity of a walk on shore, and also the chance of bathing. Old Thaki, with many expressions of regret, brought off a hatchet and gimlet that had been stolen the day before, and had not yet been missed. These islanders are particularly anxious to obtain iron tools, and seem to prefer the axes of American manufacture to those of England, considering the former more serviceable. On the 22d, they sailed, and continued the surveys to the eastward, towards the Bocatatanoa, or Argo Reef. Besides the brig Argo, another vessel, by the name of the Harriet, is said to have been lost here. According to Thaki's report, all hands from one of these vessels were killed, while only a few from the other escaped. He remembers the occurrence, but it was a long time ago. This extensive reef was examined, when Lieutenant-Commandant Ringgold, having heard of the arrival of the Flying-Fish, with a pilot and despatches, returned to Lakemba. Here they took on board Tubou Totai and Corodowdow, with their suites, whom I have mentioned before, as having been left by the Flying-Fish, the former to act as pilot. It is remarkable that, up to this time, in all their trials of the current, they had found it setting to the eastward about half a mile per hour, varying in direction from east-northeast to east-southeast. This fact is confirmed by the information obtained from the natives, that canoes which are wrecked to the westward are always drifted upon these islands. On the 28th, Mr. Totten and Dr. Holmes were despatched on shore, to ascend Kendi-kendi, the highest peak of the island of Lakemba, for the purpose of making observations and getting its height by sympieso- meter. The altitude was thus found to be seven hundred and fourteen feet. The ascent was not difficult, for a regular path led to the highest point. The ruins of a town were found on it, called Tumboa, from which the Tonga chiefs of the family of Tubou Totai are supposed to have derived their name, as has been before mentioned. This town was occupied for the purpose of defence against their enemies, both Tongese and Feejees. Mr. Calvert and his lady received them most kindly at the mission, as they had already done the other officers. The house and out-buildings are comfortable, and the church, which stands near the mission- house, is a good building, eighty feet long by thirty-two wide, and LAKEMBA AND SAVU-SAVU. twenty-five feet high. The latter is convenient and appropriate to its purpose, and its floor is covered with mats. At 4 p. m. the hollow log drum was beaten for prayers, which the officers attended with Mr. Calvert There were only fifteen persons present. A Tonga man officiated, as Mr. Calvert was fatigued with his morning jaunt; and the services consisted of singing and prayer. There are about fifty resident Christians, nearly all of whom are Tongese, of whom about one-third of the population is composed; and they have literally taken possession of the island, for they never work, but subsist on the labour of the Feejee population, who hold them in much awe. The difference between the two races was as striking here as at Ovolau. Heathenism is fast passing away at Lakemba, and its absurd rites are held in ridicule by most of those who are still considered as heathens. The influence of the priest is diminished, and the temple or mbure has fallen into decay. Lakemba is the largest island in the eastern group. It is five miles in diameter; its shape is nearly round, with an extensive encircling reef. There is an opening, on its eastern side, sufficient for large vessels, but dangerous, from the number of coral patches which stud it The town is on the south side, and contains about two-thirds of the population of the island, (one thousand people.) Lieutenant-Commandant Ringgold, with his officers, again visited the king, Tui Neau, at his house, which is really very little better than a large pig-pen: it is about one hundred feet long by thirty wide, and has in it, after the example of the king of Rewa, two old rusty nine- pounders, mounted on damaged carriages. There were a great number of women about the king, and some chiefs. He appeared to be too fat to be able to exert himself. He is about the middle size as to height, slovenly in his person and habits, with a dull-looking countenance, childish in his behaviour, and has been found to be mean and niggardly in his disposition. In proof of this character, a few circumstances will be given, which I have from the missionaries, and which happened while they resided there. On the occasion of some thefts having been committed on the missionaries at Lakemba, they made complaint in a formal manner to the king. They were shortly afterwards surprised by a visit from a messenger, with many apologies, and the presentation of five small sticks, on which were stuck five little fingers that had been cut off from those who had committed the thefts, as a propitiation for their losses! A poor man happening to offend a high chief by the name of Togi, one of the brothers of Tui Neau, king of Lakemba, the chief in revenge, took his wife from him ; but the woman was so unhappy, that 174 LAKEMBA AND SAVU-SAVU. she told the chief that she would rather die than live to be his slave. He said she should have her desire, she should die; but she must wait a little while, as he had some great work doing, and, when it was finished, she should be cooked at the feast, and then eaten. She was accordingly kept and fed for that purpose, and when the time came, a man was sent to kill her. He, however, was afraid, and, while he was contending with his fears, she effected her escape. The chief, contrary to the usual custom, spared the man's life. Some instances of persons preserved from being buried alive have occurred; but they are few. The fear of disgrace, and the miseries that are entailed upon the old and helpless by their friends and relatives, induces many to undergo willingly this death. Nothing strikes one more, among a crowd of natives, than the absence of the aged. An anecdote of one of these escapes was told me by a missionary. A Tonga man had made it a constant practice to beat his wife, and, to use his own words, he had " knocked almost all the teeth out of her head, for her disobedience." The poor woman, after one of these beatings, was taken ill, and her Feejee friends wished to express their love by taking her to her own town to bury her. They took her to the grave and put her into it, but she now refused to be buried alive, and effected her escape. Her husband knowing where she was gone, and having some affection for her notwithstanding his ill treatment, went to see her. On his way he met a person from the town, who told him that she was dead and buried; but on his arrival at the place, he found that she had extricated herself from her murderous relatives, and both husband and wife were much relieved and rejoiced at the meeting. In order to free themselves from such customs they both at once embraced Christianity, which is considered as absolving them from this horrid obligation. Tui Neau's authority extends over the eastern group, but he is subject to Tanoa, and at present pays his tribute to the king of Somu- somu, in consequence of an agreement with Tanoa. It is thought, however, that on Tanoa's death, Seru, his son, will insist upon receiving the tribute again, as he is known to be very unfriendly to the king of Somu-somu, and is now desirous of making war upon him. Tui Neau was presented with various articles, and was told the object of the visit, and the friendly disposition we had towards him. This communication he only noticed by a low.grunt. He is disposed to be friendly towards the missionaries, and says he will turn Christian when Tanoa dies. It was observed that the same savage homage was paid him that I have before spoken of in the other islands, similar expressions being used by both men and women. LAKEMBA AND SAVU-SAVU. 175 Two of the officers of the Porpoise remained on shore all night, and had an opportunity of seeing a native dance, in which about one hundred and fifty men and women were engaged. The men and women did not dance together. Their motions were thought to be stiff and inelegant. They kept time to a monotonous chaunt, in which they all occasionally joined. The whole had a wild and singular effect, as seen by the flickering light of the cocoanut-leaf torches. Many of their movements were highly indecent, and these were much applauded by the natives. The people of this island seemed to be far from healthy; pulmonary diseases were common, and often fatal, and an unsightly scrofulous affection appeared to be quite prevalent. The survey of Lakemba gave its length five miles east and west, by three north and south. The reef extends six miles from the island, in an east-northeast direction; in it there are two openings, one on the southeast side, and one opposite to the town on the south or southwest side. Into the latter a vessel of one or two hundred tons may enter; but after getting in, the space is very confined, and it would be necessary to moor head and stern. This island is the principal location of the people I have heretofore described, under the name of Levukians, as the first settlers of Ambau. They live in a village which is denominated Levuka, and have the character, at Lakemba, of being a wandering, faithless tribe, addicted, occasionally, to piracy. This is not considered the case elsewhere, for the Feejee men, in general, look upon them as a useful class, and through them they carry on the trade between the different islands. It is not surprising that they should bear a bad name among the Tonga men, for I heard that they were the means of checking the depredations of those of that race who now hold possession of the island of Lakemba, and exert a great influence on the southeast islands of this group, which they find essential for their purposes of obtaining war- canoes. Lakemba was found, like the rest of this group, to be of volcanic formation. The soil is similar to that of Vanua, composed of a dark red loam. The island, in point of fertility, will compare with any of the others, and exceeds all those of the southeast in size and productiveness. It has rich valleys, or rather ravines, gradually rising and contracting until they reach the hills. Extensive groves of cocoa-nuts cover its shores and low lands, and add much to its beauty. The Porpoise, having taken Tubou Totai on board, proceeded to the island of Naiau. This is a high island, and rises in perpendicular cliffs from the sea to the height of two hundred and seventy-five feet. 176 LAKEMBA AND SAVU-SAVU. It has only a small reef attached to it on one side, the other side being free. It offers no facilities for the visit of vessels. Naiau contains a population of two hundred inhabitants, who are perched upon inaccessible peaks, in order to protect themselves from depredations. Tabutha is thirty miles north of Lakemba. It has a remarkable peak, which rises on its northwest end, and is the Cap Island of the chart*—A reef surrounds it, in which there are two boat-entrances on the southwest and northwest sides. There are on it about ninety inhabitants: it has no water except from wells. Tubou Totai says that this island belongs to him, he having received it as a present from the king of Lakemba. There are two small reefs, called Mamouko, to the southwest of it, which can be closely approached, and have a passage between them. They are three miles from the island, south- southwest (true). To the eastward of Tabutha lies the small island of Aro. This is a very pretty island, and has three reefs in its neighbourhood,—one lying northeast seven miles ; another, east half south two and a half miles; the third, south half east two and a half miles. This small island is only inhabited during the turtle season, which begins in October and ends in February. Chichia lies twenty miles to the northwest of Naiau. It is nearly circular, is three miles in diameter, and a shore-reef extends around it, with no opening but for canoes. Some of its points are three hundred feet high. It is in places thickly wooded, and has about three hundred inhabitants. There is a small reef to the southwest, with a passage between it and the island. The soil is rich, and every thing is produced in abundance. Extensive cocoa-nut groves clothe its low points. Mango is another small island, eighteen miles to the north-northeast of Chichia. It is remarkable for an open space near its centre, which appears as if it had been artificially cleared. It is surrounded by a reef, which has a break on the northwest side, but affords no protection for vessels. The southern part of the reef extends off about a mile, and has -two small islets in it. It affords no shelter, and there is no water except from wells. Its shape is an oval, whose longest diameter is three miles, and its shortest two. There is a distinct reef, which lies northwest-by-north, four miles from it Vekai, Katafanga, and the reef of Malevuvu, all three lying north of Tabutha, were next examined. Vekai is six miles from Tabutha. It is a low islet, with an extensive reef lying on its northwest side, and is resorted to during the turtle season. LAKEMBA AND SAVU-SAVU. 177 Katafanga is also a small isle, inhabited only during the turtle season. Its reef is much more extensive, being four and a half miles from east to west, and has a small opening, which would admit a vessel drawing ten feet of water, were it not impeded by some dangerous coral knolls. There are huts on its northeast point, and abundance of sugar-cane, fruit, and vegetables, may be procured. Both the last named islands are volcanic, and specimens of lava were obtained from them. The latter island is one hundred and fifty feet in height. The reef of Malevuvu is two and a half miles long, and is awash, with the sea breaking over it. It is seven miles north-by-east from Katafanga. Lieutenant-Commandant Ringgold having understood from Tubou that the reef around Munia enclosed, besides that island, six others, and that there was a wide and safe passage through the reef, determined, on coming up with it, to enter, which he did on its southeast side. The islands, seven in number, were all of considerable size: Vanua-valavo, the largest of them, proved to be of a serpentine shape, and fourteen miles in length; each island had its separate reef around its shore, and the whole were enclosed by a very extensive reef, somewhat of the shape of a triangle, whose sides are twenty-four miles in length. The large island is in no place more than two miles wide ; it is situated along the western side of the triangle, and contains many fine bays and safe anchorages. The other islands are called Munia Susui, Malatta, Ticumbia, and Osubu. Lieutenant-Commandant Ring gold gave to the cluster the name of the Exploring Isles. Boats were dropped to survey the entrance, whilst the brig proceeded to her first anchorage under Munia, to which the name of Discovery Harbour was given. This anchorage was a good one, in eight and a half fathoms water, with fine sandy bottom. In the afternoon they landed, and, as they approached, they saw a number of natives holding up a white flag, most of whom soon disappeared, leaving only three or four in sight. The rest, as Tubou said, had concealed themselves behind the rocks for the purpose of attacking the boats. Corodowdow hailed them, on which they all appeared, and confirmed the probability of Tubou's surmise, by being armed with spears, clubs, bows, and arrows. They, however, at once showed the utmost respect for the Ambau chief, crouching and stopping when he walked past them, and walking half bent when in his presence. The koro, or village, was situated some distance from the beach, upon hills, which were covered with bread-fruit, cocoa-nut, and banana trees. At the koro only two or three persons were found, and these appeared to be much terrified; all the rest, men, women, and children, had fled to the hills and bushes. This fear proved to be vol. in. 23 178 LAKEMBA AND SAVU-SAVU. occasioned by the presence of Tubou Totai, who acknowledged that some years ago he had landed on this island and killed sixty of the inhabitants, in consequence of their having destroyed a Tonga canoe, with all on board. Tubou, in order to remove their apprehensions, made them a speech, assuring them of his friendly disposition. As is usual among the other islands of the group, they applauded at every sentence, by clapping hands, in which Tubou himself joined. Confidence was quickly restored, the natives flocking around, exhibiting the greatest curiosity, examining the clothing, skins, and arms, of our people, and constantly uttering guttural sounds. The chief of this island (Munia) had but one eye. He appeared somewhat under the influence of fear, but made some presents of bananas and cocoa-nuts, and complained much of his poverty. They returned on board at sunset. The next day the boats were prepared for surveying. The launch and another boat, under Lieutenants Johnson and Maury, were sent to circumnavigate the large island. Parties were also despatched to get wood and water. Mr. Totten and Dr. Holmes ascended the highest peak of Munia, called Telanicolo, the measurement of which, by sympiesometer, gave one thousand and fifty-four feet above the level of the sea. This peak is composed of volcanic masses, with high, craggy, and overhanging cliffs. The ascent proved difficult, for the path passed over steep hills and along the edges of the rocks, and it was in places so narrow that only one person could pass at a time. A few men might defend the ascent against an army. Upon the summit they found the ruins of a small village; some of the huts were, however, kept in repair, as refuge in times of danger. The view from the top they describe as beautiful, many of the other islands being in sight. The natives who accompanied them, to carry the instruments, &c, behaved well, and were amply rewarded. All the natives yet seen by the Porpoise were exceedingly fond of tobacco, a very small piece of which is an ample reward for a long service. Some thefts were committed from the boats by the natives who assisted in bringing the water, but on speaking to the chief they were quickly returned. He at the same time pointed out the thieves, and requested they might be killed. The island of Munia contains about eighty inhabitants, and the settlement is on the western side, where water may be obtained in small quantities. Ticumbia lies five miles to the northeast of Munia. It bears a close resemblance to Munia, but is much smaller; the inhabitants are about seventy in number. This island affords but little water. LAKEMBA IND SAVU-SAVU. 179 Susui lies next to Vanua-valavo, and between it and Munia. It is divided into three parts, of which the easternmost is low, and covered with thick shrubbery and groves of cocoa-nuts; the western portion rises in broken basaltic peaks, several hundred feet high, and is thickly wooded. On this island are several villages, and the number of inhabitants is one hundred and fifty. The ground is much better cultivated than is usual, the patches of taro and yams being kept remarkably neat. Good water may be obtained on the northwest side, running from the cliff. On the northwest side, Lieutenant-Commandant Ringgold discovered a beautiful harbour, secure from all winds, whence an extensive valley runs back, thickly covered with bananas, cocoa-nuts, &c, with a small stream running through it. They landed on the smooth sandy beach, accompanied by Tubou and Corodowdow, and took the road to the village, under the guidance of several of the natives. The soil of the plain consisted of a rich loam. After ascending some distance, they reached a settlement surrounded by large banana and other fruit trees. Passing on further, they arrived at a second plantation, pitched on an eminence, where they found the women all at work making native cloth* Quantities of fossil shells were lying about in every direction, and were seen exposed in the strata on the hill-sides. Sugar-cane was growing in great perfection. The southern side of the island is in close proximity to the reef that surrounds the cluster. Malatta is the next island. It lies near Susui, and is of smaller size than it. It is divided from Vanua-valavo by a narrow passage. The southern part of the latter island is called Lomo-lomo; its northern is called A via; it has a good harbour on its east side, opposite Susui, protected by a small islet. On the west side of the island are two openings in the reef, a spacious harbour, and large stream of water. There is a large village at the head of the bay. The population of Vanua-valavo is five hundred. Avia is a small island to the northeast of Vanua-valavo. It has a few natives residing upon it. On the southern side of the great reef, are two small uninhabited islands. These Exploring Islands are well situated for the resort of vessels. The anchorages are very safe and easily reached. They afford an abundance of fruit and vegetables. There are five openings in the large reef, two at the east end, two on the west, and one on the north side; all safe. Vessels wishing to anchor on the western side must enter one of the western passages, as the near approach of Vanua-valavo to the large reef does not admit of a passage for vessels between them. 180 LAKEMBA AND SAVU-SAVU. On the 8th, the Porpoise sailed from the Exploring Isles, and continued the surveys of Okimbo and Naitamba, with the surrounding reefs, both attached and separate. The former is made up of three small isles, enclosed in the same reef, four miles east and west, by three miles north and south, which are seven miles to the north of the northwest point of Vanua-valavo. The detached reefs are from one to four miles in length; they are awash and dangerous. Okimbo is desolate, and affords nothing but turtles in the season, and some biche de mar. Naitamba is high and rugged ; it is of a circular form, one mile and a half in diameter. The reef does not extend beyond half a mile from it, and has no openings. It has few inhabitants. The time having now arrived for our meeting at Somu-somu, Lieutenant-Commandant Ringgold bore up for that place, passing through Tasman's Straits, which lie between the islands of Kamia and Vuna. Both of these have many reefs projecting from their shores. This passage should not be attempted except in favourable weather, and the best time is during the morning hours, when the sun is to the eastward of the meridian. The currents are strong, and calms are very frequent under the highlands of Kamia and Lauthala. In passing through these straits, although they had a careful look-out at the masthead, they were close to a coral knoll before it was seen, and passed within a few feet of it. It had no more than eight feet of water on it. At noon they rounded the north point of Vuna, entering the Straits of Somu-somu, and at two o'clock p. m. they reached the anchorage off the town of Somu-somu. Having finished all my business at Somu-somu on the 10th of June, at ten o'clock at night, I determined, notwithstanding the lateness of the hour, to get under way with the tender, in order that I might take up the survey of the south side of Vanua-levu, beginning at Tokanova Point, early the next morning. We accordingly weighed anchor, and stood out of the Straits of Somu-somu. In rounding Goat Island we did not give it a sufficient berth, and grounded on a sunken patch of coral, an accident which hurt the feelings of Poor Tom the pilot more than it injured the tender. We remained on this shoal about an hour, and after getting off we drifted through the strait, and by daylight found ourselves in a position to begin the survey. At an early hour, Lieutenant Case, Passed Midshipman Harrison, and myself, took our boats and entered the reef. Mr. Sinclair was left in the tender, with orders to follow the reef close aboard, and directions to enter Fawn Harbour; but having in our progress along the reef discovered an opening, I made signal for the tender to enter. LAKEMBA AND SAVU-SAVU. 181 This entrance appears to be unknown, and leads to a harbour which I called Baino, after a town that Tubou informed me was near by. It offers good anchorage, being protected by the coral reef, which extends off some distance. After the tender had fired guns for fixing our base line, a signal was made for her to get under way and proceed to Fawn Harbour, four miles to leeward, and anchor at sunset. We joined her there, having brought up our work. This has been called Fawn Harbour after the name of an American brig, which was wrecked on the reef. In attempting to beat out, she missed stays and went ashore. Tubou and Corodowdow requested permission to go on shore and spend the night, which I readily gave them, and proposed to Tubou to accompany them. On consultation, they said they did not think it safe for me to do this, for the people were wild and savage, and " there were no gentlemen there." The town is called Tuconreva; it is situated in a pretty cocoa-nut grove, and has a stream of water near it. In the morning early we surveyed this small harbour; and the two chiefs having returned on beard, we started on our surveys of the coast. From the appearance of Tubou and Corodowdow, I thought I could perceive the reason why they did not wish my company : they evidently had been carousing. The tender at the commencement gave us our base by sound, and we proceeded on our survey, leaving her to get under way, with orders to anchor at Savu-savu. We continued our work all day, and passed only one opening in the reef, which is near the small islet of Rativa, and offers little accommodation for any class of vessels. It is opposite the town of Nabouni. Lieutenant Case and myself stopped for an hour or two to obtain our latitude, on one of the small islets, where we found the natives building a canoe. They at first seemed uneasy at our presence, but soon became more familiar, and finally were disposed to take liberties. I had taken the precaution to keep two of the men under arms on guard, and would not permit the savages to approach near the boats. In the afternoon I observed for chronometer sights on the small island of Rativa. Two miles beyond this, the reef joined the shore.' Mr. Sinclair having conjectured that I had received erroneous information respecting the distance to Savu-savu, returned to this point to pick us up before dark, and finding an opening in the reef sufficient for small vessels, we took advantage of it to join the tender. I at first intended to anchor in this little harbour for the night; but when I reflected how necessary it was for me to return to Levuka, I determined, after getting on board, to take advantage of the strong breeze, and push direct for Ovolau, and at ten o'clock the next morning anchored at Levuka, where I found all well. 182 LAKEMBA AND SAVU-SAVU. The Starling had sailed for Rewa with the rudder-pintles of the Peacock, which Lieutenant Underwood had succeeded in getting; and having heard that Captain Belcher was still at Rewa, I determined to visit it, for the double purpose of seeing if we could afford him any further facility, and getting observations for latitude and meridian distance, as well as effecting a comparison with my intensity needles. Having transferred Lieutenant Case to the Vincennes, Assistant- Surgeon Fox and Midshipman Henry joined the tender, and at noon we were again under way for Rewa, where we anchored at 9 p; m. 1 had the pleasure of finding Captain Belcher there. He was on' the eve of sailing, having nearly completed the repairs of his ship, and was making his last series of observations. We had many agreeable topics to converse upon. The Starling had sailed for Mbenga a few days before, whither the Sulphur was to go to join her. Captain Belcher sailed the next evening; and the following day the tender was hauled in close to the beach of the island of Nukalau, in order to protect the spot where we were observing throughout the day, and guard against surprise upon us by the chiefs of Rewa, which place was but a few miles from us. The Rev. Mr. Hunt went to Rewa, and I had the pleasure of a visit from the Rev. Messrs. Cargill and Jagger, the missionaries. I was not a little amused at Captain Belcher's account of the effect of the regulations as operating upon his vessel. The chiefs required him to pay port-charges, and in default thereof refused to give him any supplies. In drawing up the Rules and Regulations for the trade, it had never occurred to me to mention men-of-war as being free, feeling assured that they would all very readily give five times the amount of the articles required in presents. But it appears that Captain Belcher did not think proper to make the customary present, and the chiefs refused to allow any supplies to go to his vessel until he should comply with the rules. This incensed the captain, and caused him to take offence at the missionaries, who he supposed prevented the supplies from being sent. I well knew, however, that they were guiltless. He likewise broke out into strong invectives against the chiefs, declaring that it was impossible they could understand the rules, &c, although the whole proceeding showed they were not only conversant with their meaning, but also with the power they had in their hands of compelling the visiter to pay. The following native letter to the missionary, received a few days before from Tui Ndraketi, king of Rewa, by the Rev. Mr. Cargill, will show the character of this people, and the light in which they viewed the visit of H. B. M. ship Sulphur. LAKEMBA AND SAVU-SAVU. 183 The king of Rewa, it is necessary to say, is a heathen, and has been much opposed to the missionaries making proselytes. The messenger presented Mr. Cargill with three reeds of different lengths, the longest of which signified that he thought the Feejee fashions and customs bad; the second, that it was wrong to injure white men, and that any Feejee man who did so hereafter should be punished; the third, that Captain Belcher was a wrongheaded and bad man; that he did not wish to see his ship there again, or have any thing to do with him, as he only came to make trouble, and look at the sun, and consequently they believed him to be a foolish fellow. The letter was to condole with the missionary, Mr. Cargill, whom he supposed the captain had maltreated. After finishing my observations, we returned to the schooner, and a chief of Rewa brought us a present of pigs, for which he received an ample return. We saw but few natives, and they all behaved civilly. Nukalau is a low, sandy island, well covered with wood. On the eastern side it has an extensive coral reef; but the western is clear, and may be approached closely. There is a pool of water on the island, but no one could water a ship there without the risk of causing sickness on board. During the night we were awakened by a great noise on deck, and some alarm was experienced. It proved, however, to be the chief's pigs that had jumped overboard, and the look-out endeavouring to take them ; and before steps could be taken to recapture them, they had reached the island and effected their escape. The Rev. Mr. Hunt here left us for Rewa, and in the morning, before daylight, we got under way, on our return to Ovolau. The day having proved calm, we were at sunset yet some distance from the island. I concluded, therefore, to lay under Ambatiki for the night, and by 10 a. m. on the 18th, we again anchored at Levuka. The night of the 17th, during my absence at Rewa, there was a report that the observatory was to be attacked. Thirty men were, in consequence, landed by Lieutenant Carr, and double guards placed. The alarm arose from six war-canoes having anchored behind the point nearest to the ship, where they were concealed from view. The people of the small town of Vi Tonga left their town with all their moveable property and fled to the mountains, so apprehensive were they of an attack. Natives were seen during the night passing to and from the point, who were believed to be spies; nothing, however, occurred. In the morning these war-canoes made their appearance, when it was given out that it was Seru, with a war-party, on his way to attack Goro. His real intention, it was thought, was an attack upon the observatory, as he must have known that the usual vigilance 184 LAKEMBA AND SAVU-SAVU. had not been kept up there for the last week or ten days. His views, whatever they may have been, were, however, frustrated. Lieutenant Underwood and Passed Midshipman Sandford, I found had returned from the survey of the islands of Angau, Nairai, and Ambatiki, to the eastward of Ovolau. David Whippy, the Maticum Ambau, had been sent with them as an interpreter, and to hold proper authority over the natives. The first island which had occupied their attention, was Ambatiki. It is in shape nearly an equilateral triangle, surrounded by a reef, which offers no protection for vessels, and only passages for boats. The island is seven hundred and fifty feet high, of a dome shape, and contains five hundred inhabitants, all subject (or ygali) to Ambau. The people were civil, and gave them taro and yams in plenty, but would not part with any pigs. The reason given for this was, their fear of Tanoa. They live in villages and seem thriving. The island has very little wood on it. The reefs extend-one-third of a mile from its shore. Nairai was the next island visited by them. They first anchored on the west end of the Onoruga Reef, that extends off from the middle of Nairai, five miles in a westerly direction. There is a passage between this and the Mothea, or Eliza Reef, stretching off from the island towards the south; and there are also a good passage and harbour between the reef and the island. The Cobu Rock is a good mark for the former passage, when it bears east. It lies a mile south of the south point of Nairai. The boats anchored in the harbour of Venemole, which may be known by two small islets, joined to Nairai by the reef, which forms a protection against the north winds; and vessels of any draught of water may anchor here in fifteen fathoms, with good bottom, from a quarter to half a mile from the shore. Somewhat farther to the southward is a three-fathom bank, which is the only danger that exists inside the reef towards the Cobu Rock or southwest passage. About a mile to the north is Venemole Bay. It is circular, with a narrow entrance, affording, seemingly, a good harbour; but, on examination, this entrance proved to be quite shallow. The bay had the appearance of having been an old crater; at low water, it may almost be said to become a lake. The officers were much struck with the beauty of the bay. It contains a village of the same name and also another, called Tulailai; but both are small. The natives were quite peaceable. They anchored at night off the town of Toaloa, which lies in a bight at the north end of the island, and proved the largest town on LAKEMBA AND f iVU.SAVU. the island. Here David Whippy, acting as the "Maticum Ambau," obtained for them all kinds of provisions, and, by his exertions all night in superintending the cooking, they were prevented from being delayed the next day. Whippy told me that this island held a medium between mbati and ygali to Ambau, being not exactly in that state of servitude that the last would imply, nor yet as free as the first. Nairai is famous for its manufactures of mats, baskets, &c, a large trade in which is carried on throughout the group by exchanges. The reef extends from the island four miles northward, and, where it ends, turns for a short distance to the westward. There are a few patches of rock on its western side, but none farther from it than half a mile. This is the reef on which the Flying-Fish struck on entering the group, and where she came near being lost. It does not join the island, but is connected with the Mothea, or Eliza Reef; and there is, between it and the island, a good ship channel, leading to the large bay of Corobamba. On the eastern side of "this bay, there is safe anchorage, in thirteen fathoms water, with a white sandy bottom. The reef, extending as it does to the southward for a long distance, protects it from the sea in that direction. A broad passage leads from Corobamba to the southward, and then passes between Cobu and Nairai to the southwest pass through the reef. The only danger is a 6mall coral patch, lying east-southeast, a mile from the south end of the island, and a mile north of Cobu Rock.' The town of Corobamba lies at the bottom of the bay, and is next in size to Toaloa. The Cobu Rock is a singular one. It is inaccessible on three sides, of volcanic formation, and is enclosed by the Mothea Reef, which here spreads to the width of about three miles, and extends four miles farther south, where it forms a rounded point. The eastern side is an unbroken reef, but the western is somewhat irregular and broken, with many openings for boats. Lieutenant Underwood ascended the Cobu Rock, for the purpose of obtaining angles; and, after observing these with his instrument, turning to take the compass's bearing, discovered a remarkable effect of local attraction. So great was this, as to cause a deviation of thirteen and a quarter points; Nairai, which was directly to the north, bearing, by compass, southeast-by-south one quarter south, while, what was quite remarkable, at the foot of the rock, near the water, the same compass gave the bearing north, agreeing with that taken from the opposite bearing on Point Musilana. They next fixed the southern point of Mothea Reef. This has obtained the name of the Eliza Reef, from the loss of the brig of that name in 1809. On that occasion a large amount of dollars fell into vol. in. a 2 24 18 LAKEMBA AND SAVU-SAVU. the hands of the natives, who fished them up from the water. They were afterwards traded off to the whites, some of whom told me they yet occasionally saw a native wearing one as a kind of medal; but none fell under our notice. This accident brought the notorious rascal Charley Savage among them. They now steered for the northeast point of Angau, whence the reef extends off one mile and a half, and has no deep water inside of it. It was, therefore, difficult to find a place where they could anchor the boats, but at last they found anchorage off the town of Vione, which is concealed from view by the mangrove bushes that line the shores of this island for several miles. Angau is much larger and higher than either Ambatiki or Nairai. They found the natives of Angau much more shy than they were at either of the other islands. Whippy landed and chased one of them into the woods, before he could make him understand that he was the great Maticum Ambau of whom they had heard so much. On its becoming known to them, they became reconciled, and took the provisions on shore to cook them. The reef continues round the east side, close to the island. There are several openings in it, but none that offer a fit place for a vessel to anchor. As the south side is approached, the reef extends off several miles, and the water upon it is so shoal that even the boats were forced to keep on the outside, and, for want of an opening, were obliged to anchor without the reef. In the morning they crossed the reef at high water, and soon got into deep water. The survey of the southern side proved there was safe anchorage, the holding-ground being good in twenty fathoms water in the bay, and opposite the town of Lakemba; but during a southerly blow, a vessel would be much exposed to the wind and sea. There are several openings and clear passages through the reef on the northwest side, and clear water round to the south, but the bights to the north are full of coral patches. There are villages every few miles around this island. It is subject to Ambau, and its inhabitants are considered much more savage than those of the other islands in its neighbourhood. Having completed the surveys, agreeably to his instructions, Lieutenant Underwood returned by the way of Ambatiki, and reached Levuka after an absence of nine days. The men had been at their oars pulling almost constantly for the period of eight days, sleeping in the boats, and seldom allowed to land. Mr. Knox and Colvocoressis were sent with the tender to complete the surveys of Wakaia, Mokungai, and Mekundranga. All three con* tain few inhabitants, and have been the scene of the horrid tragedies LAKEMBA AND SAVU-SAVU. 187 often committed by the stronger on the weak tribes of this group. There is a remarkable shelf formed near the centre of the island of Wakaia, which goes by the name of the Chief's or Chieftain's Leap. Near this there is now a small town, at which the former inhabitants for some time defended themselves from their savage enemies, but being hard pressed, and finding they must be taken, they followed their chief's example, threw themselves off the precipice, several hundred feet in height, and were dashed to pieces, to the number of a hundred and more. Mokungai fell under the displeasure of the Ambau chiefs, and the whole population was exterminated after a bloody battle on the beach of its little harbour. Some of the whites witnessed this transaction, and bear testimony to the bloody scene, and the cannibal feasting for days after, even on those bodies that were far gone to decay. They are both, as 1 have before said, under the rule of the chief of Levuka. Wakaia now contains only about thirty inhabitants, whilst Mokungai has only one or two families. While the schooner was at Wakaia, a man by the name of Murray, swam on shore, assisted by one of the air-mattrasses to buoy him up and carry his clothes; it was two or three days before he was taken, which was done by surprising him in the village; he was found surrounded by a number of the natives, who had not time to conceal themselves. All the villages, or koros, are very desirous to have a white man living with them, and are anxious to procure one if they can. These islands are in sight from Ovolau, from which they are separated by a strait of ten miles in width. Although several miles apart, they are situated within the same reef. There are several openings leading through the reef near Wakaia, on its eastern side, but they cannot be recommended except for small vessels. I passed through one of them, but found it much blocked up with coral knolls. The entrance on the southwest side, leading to Flying-Fish Harbour, is quite narrow. On the west side of Mokungai there is also a small harbour, formed partly by reefs and partly by the little island of Mekundranga. - Finding, on examination, that there was a reef that had not been surveyed, orders were sent for the tender to return to Levuka, which she did on the following day, and on the next I sent her, with Lieutenant Underwood, to examine the reef off Angau. This reef is called Mumbolithe, and is situated fourteen miles to the south of Lobo Hill, the southeast point of Angau; it is oval in shape, and three-fourths of a mile in length; the sea breaks on it at all times. In returning from this service, when off Nairai, they had a narrow 188 LAKEMBA AND SAVU-SAVU. escape from shipwreck, being nearly on- the reef, in a dark night, before it was discovered. Any other vessel of the squadron but the Flying-Fish would probably have been lost; but her admirable qualities were well proved in the exploration of this dangerous and unknown group. Tui Levuka had prepared an exhibition of the native club-dance, which we went on shore, by invitation, on the 24th, to witness. For this purpose, all the chiefs and people of the neighbouring town, under his authority were called upon to assist, and it required three or four days to complete the arrangements. As the day drew near, the bustle of preparation increased, and, previous to our landing, many people were seen running to and fro, to complete the arrangements. We were shown the way to the mbure, the platform or terrace of which, overlooking the whole scene, was assigned to us. The street, if so I may call it, widened and formed a square at the mbure, both sides being enclosed by stone walls; in front, at about thirty paces distance, were seated about one hundred men and boys: these we afterwards ascertained were the musicians. The stone walls in the vicinity were crowded by numbers of natives of both sexes, while beyond them an open space was apparently reserved, and surrounded by numbers of spectators. We stood in expectation of the opening of the entertainment, and were amused to observe the anxiety manifested by the natives, both old and young. Suddenly we heard shouts of loud laughter in the LAKEMBA AND SAVU-SAVU. 189 open space beyond, and saw moving towards its centre a clown. His body was entirely covered with green and dried leaves, and vines bound round in every way; on his head he wore a mask somewhat resembling a bear's head, painted black on one side, and orange on the other; in one hand he carried a large club, and in the other, one of the short ones, to which our men had given the name of " Handy Billy;" his movements were very much like those of our clowns, and drew down immense applause from the spectators. The musicians now began a monotonous song on one note, the bass alternating with the air; they then sound one of the common chords in the bass clef, without the alternation. Some of the performers clapped their hands to make a sharp sound; others beat sticks together; while a few had joints of large bamboo, two or three feet long, open at one end, which they struck on the open end, producing a sound similar to that of a weak-toned drum. Although it could not be called music, they kept good time. The notes of the music were obtained, and are as follows: *Ej^^fe£ IE * $Effi£E&E&*EE3&$m ^mmgmm To this air they use words applicable to the occasion. The dancers now advanced two by two, from behind a large rock which had served to screen them from view; they were all dressed in their gala dresses, with white salas and new masi on; the chiefs had around their turbans, wreaths of natural vines and flowers, which had a pretty effect; their faces were painted in various patterns, black and vermilion. In entering, their progress was slow, taking no more than three measured steps between each halt; as they drew nearer they changed their order to three and four abreast, using their clubs in a variety of attitudes, which are well represented in the admirable drawing Mr. Drayton has 190 LAKEMBA AND SAVU-SAVU. made of this scene. The whole number of dancers in the procession was upwards of a hundred. At the end of each strain of music they advanced three steps at a time, bowing gracefully to us, and changing the position of their clubs. When all had entered the square they became more violent in their actions, jumping, or rather treading the ground violently, at the same time joining in the song. Each dance was finished with a kind of war-whoop at the top of their voices. The clown was, in the mean time, very active in mimicking the chiefs and the most remarkable of the dancers. The whole exhibition lasted fully an hour, and when the dance was over, each brought his club and laid it in front of us as a present. These weapons formed a very large pile ; and it was amusing to me to perceive many of them change their clubs for those of much less value before they brought them to present. In r were given them. John Sac, or Tuatti, the dance of his country, them. John's dance was i for these, they expected presents, which • New Zealander, was desirous of showing which excited great astonishment among ne of great energy and violence, and as opposite from that we had just witnessed as could well be conceived. We had afterwards several dances by young girls and children, with which the afternoon's amusements ended. The flute, although much in use among them, was not played on this occasion. It consists simply of a piece of bamboo, both ends of which are stopped; it has five holes, one of which is placed near the end, to which the left nostril is applied. Of the other holes, two are in the middle, and two at the other end, for the fingers. This instrument produces a low plaintive note, which is but slightly varied by the closing and opening of the holes. It is sometimes accompanied by the voice, a union which the whites informed me was greatly admired by the natives, who not unfrequently applaud the performance by clapping their hands. No other instrument but the flute is played by the women as an accompaniment for the voice. They likewise have a kind of Pandean pipe, made of several reeds of different sizes, lashed together. The next day, Tui Levuka paid me a visit for the purpose of receiving the presents, which I told him I was desirous to give him, in return for the clubs we received at the exhibition of the dance. He remained late in the evening, in order, as he said, to prevent the LAKEMBA AND SAVU-SAVU. 191 Ambau people from getting a sight of them, in which case they would all be taken from him. On the 25th of June, as I was employed surveying, having David Whippy in the boat with me, it being a remarkably clear day, and the peaks on the far-distant islands very conspicuous, I proposed to Whippy to ascend an almost perpendicular rock, some eighty feet high, on the north end of Ovolau, which we had named Underwood Tower. David seemed to hesitate, and said it was beyond the boundary of Tui Levuka's authority; but seeing me anxious, he said he thought it might be done. I accordingly landed at some distance from its base. There were no natives in sight at the time. After a hard scramble we reached the top, which was about ten feet square, with the instruments. Here I was soon engaged in my occupation, and took no note of what was passing around me, except that after a time I observed several natives sitting around, and was a little annoyed by David fidgeting about me. Finally, I got through all that I desired, and now found the cause of the anxiety felt by David. A number of natives had collected, and he thought, to use the expression of white men, they were after mischief. He at once ordered them to go beyond club distance, and with three men, Whippy, and myself, well armed, passed down safely to the boat, where we found the rest of the crew, with their arms in their hands, and under no small anxiety to see us safely back. Whippy's great care was to get me out of the reach of accident; and he told me after we shoved off, that he never expected to get to the boat without killing some of those rascals. He expected the attack on the rock, and thought they would have endeavoured to throw me headlong down. This incident will serve to show how little these natives are to be trusted at any time, and how unaware one may be of the danger that is at all times impending. The Rev. Messrs. Cargill and Hunt reached Levuka from Rewa. Mr. Hunt was to remain with me until an opportunity offered in our surveying operations to send him to Somu-somu. Mr. Cargill offered me every information in his power relative to the group, and I here take occasion to acknowledge his liberality in this respect, as well as that of the rest of the missionaries. Mr. Cargill was about to return to England, having recently lost his wife, and been left with five young children. For this purpose, he intended proceeding to Sydney in the Currency Lass. Ngaraningiou, the brother of Vendovi, who, it will be recollected, played so important a part in his capture, visited the ship. He is a remarkably fine-looking chief. He requested that his likeness might be taken, and, to his great delight, after it was finished, it was pre- 192 LAKEMBA AND SAVU-SAVU. sented to him. He was attended by a white man, an Englishman by the name of Wilson, who lives with him, and is a partner of Houghton, the owner of the Currency Lass. Ngaraningiou was accused of having robbed, with the connivance of Wilson, the house of the latter, and possessed himself of all the property; but it appeared to me, on an investigation of the business, that it was a complication of roguery all round; I therefore left it for them to settle among themselves. The officers at the observatory, whilst at dinner, were one day visited by her majesty the queen of Ambau, one of Tanoa's hundred wives. She was not dressed differently from the rest of the females. The usual liki was worn; she had a trochus ring on her arm, and a spondylus hung from her neck, and her head was covered with a prodigious mass of parti-coloured hair. Her majesty and retinue soon cleared the table of its contents; and it was quite fortunate that the officers had finished their dinner before she arrived. Mr. Eld procured from her majesty her bracelets and two baskets, in return for which he presented her with a small looking-glass and a few brass rings, with coloured glass in them, with which her majesty and the attendants were highly delighted. The ladies of the seraglio were constant visiters, and seemed determined to obtain all the presents from us they could possibly extract. The expense of gratifying them was trifling; but after seeing many of them they became tiresome, and were not a little annoying by leaving large grease-spots where they sat, from the profusion of oil and turmeric with which they were covered. The highest queen of Ambau came last, and she took great pains to impress this on every one. She brought a large retinue with her, among whom was a young son of Tanoa. Among the natives who had been round the observatory, were some from the town of Lebouni, mountaineers, who had been living in the neighbourhood, and doing some little jobs for the men stationed there. This young son of Tanoa began throwing stones at the cocoa-nut trees, to insult these natives; and when they remonstrated, he threatened to stone them also. Some of these natives soon secured the youth, near the village of Vi Tonga, and had his head on a stone, and their clubs raised to knock his brains out, when he was rescued by some of the white men. The affair was finally settled by the queen and the chiefs of Levuka and Vi Tonga. On the breaking up of the observatory, when I was desirous of building the stone pile, the natives of Lebouni, or mountaineers, would not assist, alleging that the three who had been working for the LAKEMBA AND SAVU-SAVU. 193 cook and men had not been treated to extra presents, although they could not deny that they had been liberally paid; and, as we looked upon this conduct as an attempt at extortion, no more notice was taken of them, and they sat idle during the whole time. The white residents at Levuka were very desirous of obtaining a mission-school for their children, and Mr. Waldron took a lively interest in promoting this object. Having bought a piece of ground from the chief, he presented it to the missionaries for the purpose. Mr. Cargill stayed a few days at Levuka, after our departure, in order to make arrangements respecting the erection of a school-house and chapel, which the chief had promised to erect on the ground, that the white men might enjoy their own religion, or lotu. Mr. Hunt mentioned to me, that the gift of Mr. Waldron would, according to the custom of the Feejees, enable them to establish a mission station at Levuka, notwithstanding the objections of Tanoa, for the owners now had a right to do what they pleased with the soil or ground that belonged to them, without hindrance or control. Tanoa has hitherto resisted every attempt to induce him to admit a missionary within his immediate sovereignty, while all the other towns or districts have acceded to and desire their residence. I was told that his reason for refusing was, that he considers that the moment the missionary comes, a chief loses his influence, or must change his religion. This he now was too old to do, as- he would be unable to learn all about the gods of the Papalangis, and it would be showing great disrespect to his own gods, whom he has worshipped so long. I have myself but little doubt if Tanoa, in the height of his power, had embraced Christianity, the whole of his people would have followed; but as long as he resists none will change, partly through fear of their own chief, but more so from the punishment which would await them by the orders of the great Ambau chief. On the 27th, the instruments were all embarked, and the return of the tender enabled me to put to sea on the 28th of June. Intending to visit the hot springs of Savu-savu on Vanua-levu, we left Levuka in the morning, and stood over towards the end of the Wakaia Reef, with the view of passing round it It being Sunday, the Rev. Mr. Hunt, who was a passenger on board with me, volunteered to officiate for us, which was gladly accepted. After service, I found the wind would not permit my weathering the point of the reef; so I bore up to pass through the Mokungai Passage, with a strong breeze. After getting through (which we had some difficulty in doing, in consequence of the strong ebb tide setting to the southward and westward), I stood on towards Direction or Nemena Island, intending, as the 194 LAKEMBA AND SAVU-Si wind was becoming light, to enter through the narrow passage in the reef, and anchor under it, rather than remain surrounded by reefs during the night Tom Granby had some doubts about the propriety of attempting it, but, as I knew the passage well myself, I determined to try it, if we reached it before sunset On our way across, we^saw a school of sperm whales. These begin to frequent the seas around these islands in the month of July, are most plenty in August and September, and continue about the reefs and islands four or five months. I am informed that they are frequently seen from the town of Levuka, near the harbour and adjacent reefs. It seems remarkable that the natives of these islands, who value whales' teeth so highly, should have devised no means of taking the animal that yields them, although it frequents their seas for three or four months in the year. The chiefs, of whom I inquired, seemed to show an ignorance upon the subject that I was a little surprised at. Although daring navigators in other respects, they showed a great difficulty in comprehending the mode of capturing whales. Their canoes would not be adapted to this object, being easily overturned, and, as yet, they have but little intercourse with whale-ships. It was nearly four o'clock when we reached the passage and passed through. Out of either gangway a biscuit could have been tossed on the reef: there is not room for two vessels to pass. Tom could not help congratulating me and himself that we had got through in safety. Three miles more brought us to the anchorage. The weather being perfectly clear, and all the peaks of Ovolau and the other islands to the south in sight, I determined to take advantage of it. I therefore had my boat lowered, and, as soon as the ship dropped her anchor, pulled for the shore, where I reached the station I had before occupied when in the tender, and succeeded in getting all the observations 1 desired. Before leaving the ship, I had ordered Lieutenant Alden and Passed Midshipman Colvocoressis, with two boats, to join the tender, and proceed to the survey of Goro and the Horseshoe Reef. On my return on board, I was surprised to see her returning, and ascertained that they did not think she could get through the reefs, on account of the darkness. I immediately sent boats to assist her through with lights, for I did not think the alleged impediment a sufficient one to prevent her. She had been familiarly nicknamed by the crew as " The Night-Hawk." By this aid she got through, and, in consequence, they were off Goro the next morning, ready to begin the survey. Thus, much time was saved by a little perseverance, and a determination on my part to have the work executed. The occurrence will serve to show the difficulties that frequently arose in LAKEMBA AND SAVU-SAVU. 195 enforcing the strict observance of orders, by which a loss of time incompatible with the service we were upon was often sustained. The next day completed my observations and finished the survey of Nemena, or Direction Isle. In the afternoon we got under way, and stood over to the northward for Savu-savu on the island of Vanua-levu. The wind was quite light when we passed out of the reef, on the opposite side to that where we had entered it. I had previously sent two boats to examine the passage, and anchor in the deepest water. We approached the passage with a light air, having all sail set, but had very little headway. The water was perfectly clear, and the rocks, and fish, with the bottom and keel of the ship, were plainly visible. When we got in the passage, the officer in the boat told me that the keel looked as if it was in contact with the coral; the lead, however, gave three fathoms, one and a half feet to spare. It was a little exciting for twenty minutes, but we did not touch. If we had, the ship, in all probability, would have been a wreck; for, as the tide was falling, she would have hung on the coral shelf, and been but partly supported by it. This is the great danger attendant on the navigation of this group, as indeed of all coral islands. We were becalmed during the whole night; and the next morning, finding the calm still continued, I took to my boat, directing Lieutenant Carr to steer in for the bay when he got a breeze, supposing it would set in at the ordinary time, eleven o'clock. I landed on a small islet, about six miles from the place where I left the ship, and near the mouth of the bay. To reach the islet we pulled in over the reef, which had on it about four feet of water. The islet was composed of scoriaceous lava, much worn, and about twelve feet above the coral shelf. Here I established myself, and was busy securing my observations, when I discovered that my boat was aground, and that the tide was still falling. The islet as well as the reef became dry. It was not long before we observed the shadow of natives projecting from a rock about fifty yards from us, who it now appeared were watching us closely; and not long after not less than fifty shadows were seen in different directions. I at once ordered all the arms and ammunition to be brought up on the top, and made our situation as defensible as possible, for I had little doubt if they saw that we were unprepared they would attack us. The firing of one or two guns, and the show that we were all on our guard, at once caused a change in their intentions towards us, which they manifested by bringing articles of trade. The natives of this part of the group are considered by the rest as the most savage, and have seldom been visited by the whites. The afternoon came; and the ship not having made much progress, I LAKEMBA AND SAVU-SAVU. made signal for a boat, for my men had nothing to eat, and had exhausted their water. The signal was after some time seen and answered, and a boat sent, but came without any supply. Towards sunset we were relieved from our awkward situation, and shortly after, the tide having risen, I took a reconnaissance of the point of the reef, and went on board. A light breeze springing up, we stood in; but the wind came out ahead, and I was obliged to send three boats to anchor near the danger, in order to be able to enter. I reached a temporary anchorage on the shelf of the coral reef at midnight. This was the only bottom I could find during the night, and we dropped the anchor in fourteen fathoms. Sounding around the ship, we found she had scarcely room to swing with twenty-five fathoms of chain cable; but it was better than beating about among reefs, the position of which I was then almost wholly ignorant of. The next morning proved our position to be far from enviable, but the wind kept us off the reef. Some officers and men were sent to search the reef for shells, others were engaged in surveying, whilst with some others I procured another set of observations on the islet, off Savu-savu Point. In the afternoon we again got under way, and proceeded farther up the bay, anchoring off Waicama, or the hot springs, in twenty-eight fathoms water. The bay of Savu-savu is a fine sheet of deep water, ten miles in length, east and west, by five miles in breadth, from north to south; it is surrounded by very high and broken land, rising in many places into lofty needle-shaped peaks; it is protected by the extensive reef reaching from Savu-savu Point on the east, to Kom- belau on the west, excepting a large opening of about a mile in width, two miles distant from Savu-savu Point. On anchoring I despatched two boats, under Lieutenants Case and Underwood, to join the surveys we had made in the tender, as far as Rativa Island ; they departed the same evening on this duty. The projection of land forming Savu-savu Point is much lower than that on the other sides of the bay. I visited the hot springs, which are situated opposite a small island, round which *a narrow arm of the bay passes, forming a small harbour; a considerable stream of fresh water enters the bay, about a mile above the situation of the springs. On landing, we found the beach absolutely steaming, and warm water oozing through the sand and gravel; in some places it was too hot to be borne by the feet. The hot springs are five in number; they are situated at some distance from the beach, and are nine feet above the level of high water; they occupy a basin forty feet in diameter, about half-way between the base of the hill and the beach. A small brook of fresh water, three feet wide by two deep, passes so close to the basin, that one LAKEMBA AND SAVU-SAVU. H hand may be put into a scalding spring, and the other in water of the temperature of 75°. That of the spring stands at 200° to 210°. The waters join below, and the united streams stand at 145°, which diminish in temperature until- they enter the sea. In the lower part of the bed of the united stream, excavations have been made, where the natives bathe. The rock in the neighbourhood is compact coral and volcanic breccia, although it is no where to be seen exposed within a third of a mile of the spring. The ground about the spring is a deep brown and black mould, covered with coarse native grass, (a species of Scirpus,) which is thickly matted. There is no smell of sulphur, except when the head is brought as close as possible to the water; but it has a strong saline taste. No gas appeared to be disengaged. The basin is in a mixture of blue and brown clay, and little grass grows in it. These springs are used by the natives to boil their food, which is done by putting the taro or yams into the spring, and covering them up with leaves and grass. Although the water scarcely had any appearance of boiling before, rapid ebullition ensues. It gurgles up 198 LAKEMBA AND SAVU-SAVU. to a height of eight or ten inches, with the same noise as is made by a cauldron when over the fire. Taro, yams, &c, that were put in, were well done in about fifteen minutes. The mouths of the springs are from eighteen inches to two feet in diameter, and have apparently been excavated by the natives for their own purposes. The account they give of them is, that they have always been in the same state since the spirit first took up his abode there. They are convinced that he still resides there, and the natives say that one spring is kept pure for him, which they do not use. There is one ambati or priest who has communication with the spirit, and there was a small mbure building between the springs and the beach. A chief amused me by saying that " the Papalangi had no hot water, and that the natives were much better off, for they could go to sleep, and when they woke up, they always found their water boiling to cook their food in." From the accounts of the natives, this place was formerly very populous, but constant wars have destroyed or expelled the dwellers. At present there are but few, and none reside nearer than the town of Savu-savu, which is two miles off. On the hills behind the springs, there has been one of the strongest forts in the Feejee Islands. It has two moats, and in the centre was a high mound, that had evidently cost much labour in its construction. These hills were bare of trees. On my return I stopped on a coral rock, one-third of a mile from the springs, through which boiling water was issuing in several places. This rock is one hundred and fifty feet from the beach, and is covered at high water, but at low tide rises about three feet above the surface; it is ten feet wide by twenty long. Mixed or embedded in this coral rock is a large quantity of comminuted shells. One hundred and fifty or sixty feet further in the woods there is another boiling spring, from which a large quantity of water is thrown out; indeed the whole area; of half a mile square, seems to be covered with hot springs. The coral rock was so hot that the hand could not be kept upon it. A considerable quantity of the water was procured, and has been analyzed by Dr. Charles T. Jackson, of Boston. It gives the following results. 3p. gr. 1-0097 ; Temperatur. 0 F.; Barom., 30-89 in. A quantity of the water, equal in measure to one thousand grains of distilled water, was evaporated to entire dryness, and the weight of the salts amounted to 7-2 grains. LAKEMBA AND SAVU-SAVU. These salts yielded upon analysis the following results: Chlorine Sodium Magnesia Silica and iron, Carbonic acid . Organic matter and loss 3-577 1-665 or Soda—2-238 0-440 0-366 0-200 0-493 6-741 7-200 Early in the morning, the launch and first cutter came in. From the officer's report, I found that he had surveyed (since I left him on the 4th of June on Passage Island) the reef between it and Vanua-levu, and part of the distance down to Mbua or Sandalwood Bay. There he had remained inactive for ten or twelve days, until Captain Hudson sent him a fresh supply of provisions, and additional orders to proceed along the south side of Vanua-levu, which he was doing when he joined me. In extenuation of his delay at Sandalwood Bay, he pleaded the literal construction of his orders; they will be found in Appendix VIII. On such duty, a commanding officer frequently labours under a disadvantage from giving officers more credit for a zealous disposition than they deserve. I thought the orders were sufficiently explicit to have allowed a construction to be placed upon them that would have saved much valuable time, and have left the officer full liberty to work hard if he were so inclined. The bay of Mbua was not even surveyed, and I was forced to send him back again the same afternoon to the survey of the route he had already passed over. On the 3d of July, we were engaged in surveying the upper portion of the bay, and in making astronomical observations which were all completed by night. Towards evening the tender came in and anchored, having succeeded in accomplishing the survey of both the island of Goro and the Horseshoe Reef. The former is considered by the natives one of the most fruitful islands of the group; it is a high island, though not so much broken as the others, and, from appearance, would be susceptible of cultivation to its very top. It is ygali to Ambau, by which it is constantly looked to for supplies. It is surrounded by a reef, which is, for the most part, a shore-reef, and affords no harbour; there is, however, anchorage on the northwest side. The island is nine and a half miles long, by four miles wide. The produce of Goro is oil and tor- 200 LAKEMBA AND SAVU-SAVU. toise-shell, and exceeds in quantity that of any other island of the group; its population is two thousand. The Horseshoe Reef lies between Goro, Nairai, and Wakaia ; it is an extremely dangerous one. The name is derived from its shape, and its opening is on the north side; it is even with the water, which after stormy weather may be seen breaking on it, from the heights of Ovolau ; it is one mile in diameter ; there are no other dangers nearer to it than the north reef of Nairai. On the 4th of July, I suspended work, and gave the crew liberty to go on shore, which they enjoyed greatly, and amused themselves with playing at ball and other exercises. Many of them scalded and cleaned their pork in the hot water at the coral rocks. On our first arrival here, few natives made their appearance, but we soon had a number of them around us from all parts of the bay. Some of these from the west side were savage and wild-looking fellows. There were, in all, about two hundred, and the females were much better looking than those we had heretofore seen. The latter danced for us; if the motions of their arms and legs, and clapping of their hands to a kind of chaunt, resembling that of the Jews in their synagogue, deserve to be so denominated. Their mode of dress is much the same as in the other parts of the group. Among all this number we did not see one man over forty years of age; and on asking for the old people, we were told they were all buried! The district of Savu-savu, from the best estimate I could obtain, contains about two thousand three hundred inhabitants. This'district includes the part of the south coast of Vanua-levu, from Fawn Harbour, in the Tukonreva district, to Nemean Point, about eight miles west of the town of Savu-savu; it contains seventeen koros or towns. To the westward of Savu-savu district is Wailevu, which extends beyond Kombelau, where the chief resides. He is said to have one hundred towns under him. This is, undoubtedly, an exaggeration, although his district is populous, and from information I received, the number of people under his rule may be set down as nearly seven thousand. These two districts are entirely independent of the great chief of the Feejees. The inhabitants are a fine-looking race of men, and we were told that they are well disposed towards the whites. The young women are the best-looking of any I have met with in the group, and are treated with more consideration and equality than is usual among these islands. The natives about Savu-savu evinced much greater curiosity respecting us than we had heretofore remarked, and those from the bay LAKEMBA AND SAVU-SAVU. 201 are particularly wild-looking. As elsewhere, when asked about the people of the interior, they describe them as being ferocious and cruel, saying that they go entirely naked, wearing no tapa; are very large and strong, eating roots and wild berries. They invariably connect something marvellous with their accounts; but on closely questioning these men, they all agreed that they had never seen one, and, from all the inquiries I have made through the missionaries, natives and whites, I am satisfied there are very few, if any, inhabitants that dwell permanently in the mountains. It is contrary to the usual habits of the Feejees, and those of all the groups in the Pacific. The climate of the mountains is too cold and wet, and entirely unsuited to their tastes and habits; so far from seeking the high lands, they are invariably found inhabiting the fruitful valleys, and only in times of danger and war resort to neighbouring inaccessible peaks, to protect themselves against their more powerful adversaries. Their food is almost exclusively produced in the low grounds and along the seashore, for it consists principally of fish, taro, yams, and cocoa-nuts, and the latter, as has been before observed, seldom reach maturity even at the altitude of six hundred feet. The bay of Savu-savu may be known by a remarkable saddle- shaped peak, lying just behind it; there are several other high peaks, that show the interior to be very rugged and high. Some of these peaks reach the altitude of four thousand feet. On the evening of the 4th, Lieutenant Case returned, having finished the survey, connecting his work on with Rativa Island. There was no harbour found along this shore, expect for very small vessels and boats. Lieutenant Alden, in the Flying-Fish, was now directed to proceed and examine some reefs on the north side of Vitilevu, that he reported having seen from the top of the Annan Islands, and also to examine the offing for reefs. He sailed on this duty at ten o'clock at night. At daylight on the 5th, the Vincennes got under way to proceed to Mbua or Sandalwood Bay, with a moderate and favourable breeze. I determined to take the outside passage off Kombelau Point, although that usually pursued, which is close to the land, is considered the safest. There is a reef off Kombelau Island, five miles in length by two in width; and beyond, and between it and the great Passage Island Reef, there is a passage supposed to be full of shoals. I had reason to believe, however, from the examination of Lieutenant Perry and Mr. De Haven, that there would be no difficulty in taking the ship through, which I accordingly did. This channel has shoals in it, some with but a few feet of water over them, while others have sufficient for any class of vessels. The least water we had was nine vol. m. 26 202 LAKEMBA AND SAVU-SAVU. fathoms. I believe we were enabled to locate all the shoals in it, and I think it a safe passage. With the sun in the east, and steering towards the west, the dangers are distinctly visible. After passing through this channel, we kept the great reef in sight, sailing for Buia Point. When about half way to that point, we passed along a reef a mile in length, lying four miles off the large island. The water is so smooth within these reefs that it is necessary to keep a good look-out from aloft, as the smaller ones seldom have any break on them. Beyond Buia Point the passage becomes still more intricate, and opposite Rabe-rabe Island it is quite narrow, though there is ample water for any vessel. We, however, went briskly on, having a fine breeze from the eastward. After getting sight of the Lecumba Point Reef, there is but a narrow channel into the bay, which we reached at half-past 3 p. m. The Peacock had just arrived from the north side of Vanua-levu, and anchored. Mbua or Sandalwood Bay, though much filled with large reefs, offers ample space for anchorage. The holding-ground is excellent, and the water not too deep. The bay is of the figure of a large segment of a circle, six miles in diameter, and is formed by Lecumba Point on the east, and that of Dimba-dimba on the west. The land immediately surrounding it is low, but a few miles back it rises in high and picturesque peaks. That of Corobato is distinguished from the Vitilevu shore, and has an altitude of two thousand feet. The shores of the bay are lined with mangroves, and have, generally, extensive mud-flats. There are few facilities here for obtaining either wood or water, as the anchorage is a long distance from the shore. Several small streams enter the bay in its upper part, flowing from some distance in the interior. This was the principal place where the sandalwood was formerly obtained, but it has for some years past been exhausted. I shall defer speaking of this district until I have given an account of the operations of the Peacock. CHAPTER VII. CONTENTS. PEACOCK AT VATULELE —SHORES OP VITILEVU - EMMONS—SUVA—MBENGA—ITS CONGIUEST BY NGARANINGIOU—NAMUKA—HARBOUR OP NDRONGA—MALOLO PASSAGE-LIEUTENANT EMMONS JOINS THE PEACOCK—LOSS OF THE LAUNCH—PEACOCK ANCHORS OFF BA—TABOO A—VOTIA—DONG ALO A—MALAKI -^MASSACRE OF ITS INHABITANTS BY TANOA-MALAKI PASSAGE-SANDALWOOD BAY —CIVIL WAR OP MBUA—CAPTAIN HUDSON MEDIATES A PEACE—THE CHIEFS ADOPT THE RULES AND REGULATIONS—THEY ARE FEASTED—LIEUTENANT EMMONS AGAIN DETACHED-CAPTAIN HUDSON VISITS THE SHORE—TOWN OF VATURUA—ALBINO— MATAINOLE—RETURN OF ONE OF THE BOATS—WAR-DANCE—TRADING FOR PROVISIONS—DIMBA-DIMBA POINT—RUKE-RUKE BAY—VILLAGE OF WAILEA—DILLON'S ROCK —BICHE DE MAR FISHERY—BAY OF NALOA—TAVEA—VOTUA—CANOES AND POTTERY —NATIVE DANCE—MURDER OF CUNNINGHAM—MUTHUATA—LIEUTENANT EMMONS REJOINS THE PEACOCK—PRESENTS FROM THE KING OF MUTHUATA—HIS WIVES- EXTENT OF HIS TERRITORY—VISIT OF KO-MBITI—VISIT FROM THE KING'S WIVES— KING ADOPTS THE RULES AND REGULATIONS—CAPTAIN HUDSON DEMANDS THE MURDERERS OF CUNNINGHAM — TURTLE PEN —SECOND VISIT FROM THE KING'S WIVES—THEFT DETECTED AND PUNISHED—BURIAL-PLACE—VISIT OF THE KINGS SON —CUNNINGHAM'S MURDERERS REPORTED TO HAVE ESCAPED—GINGI—EXCURSIONS OF THE NATURALISTS-ARRIVAL OF MR. HARRISON AT MUTHUATA-PREPARATIONS OF THE NATIVES FOR A FEAST—PEACOCK LEAVES MUTHUATA—RENEWAL OF THE CTVIL WAR OF MBUA—CANNIBALISM—JUNCTION OF THE PEACOCK WITH THE VIN CENNES. CHAPTER VII. MBUA BAY AND MUTHUATA. 1840. On the 26th of May, the Peacock was off Vatulele. Leaving Mbenga to the north, Kantavu on the south, and passing through the sea of Kantavu, they had surveyed the southwest side of Vatulele, and afterwards stood for the opening in the reef off the west end of Vitilevu, through which they passed after sunset, anchoring on the inside. of the reef of Navula, in thirteen fathoms water. This is the limit of the king of Rewa's authority. On the morning of the 27th, they coasted along the land inside of the reef. The shores of Vitilevu are here low; but the land within a short distance rises to the height of one thousand feet, and has a brown and barren appearance. It is destitute of trees, except on the low points along the shores, which are covered with mangrove (Rhizophora) and cocoa-nut groves. Here and there is a deep valley or mountain-top clothed with wood, which is seen in no other places. This was afterwards observed to be generally the case with the leeward side of all the islands, and particularly of the large ones. I do not think that this can be accounted for by the difference of climate, although it is much drier on the lee than on the weather side; but I deem it probable that the practice of burning the yam-beds and clearing the ground by fire, may have consumed all the forests, in dry seasons. The yam is extensively cultivated every where, and, from our observations, it would seem that the leeward parts of the island would afford most excellent pasturage for cattle; yet it is remarkable, that, although several head of cattle were introduced about five years before our visit, they have not in a single instance multiplied. (905) 20(5' MBUA BAY AND MUTHUATA. Beyond the immediate coast, the land rises in mountain ranges, between four and five thousand feet high. The islands to the west—the Asaua Group, with Malolo, Vomo, and the adjacent low coral islands-r-are all in sight, with their labyrinth of reefs; whilst the numerous towns of Vitilevu, perched on their eyrie cliffs, continued to meet the eye, showing very conclusively that the savage character of the natives had rather increased than diminished. Towards sunset the vessel ran upon a coral lump, which gave her a considerable jar; but, on getting out a kedge, they very soon hauled off, when Captain Hudson anchored for the night. He describes the channel through which he was compelled to beat as being tortuous. There are many sand-banks on the reefs, and small patches of rock, but it is easy to avoid them. The sunken knoll of coral on which they struck had about twelve feet of water on it, and was of small dimensions: the bow and stern of the ship were, one in thirteen the other in ten fathoms, while she hung amidships. In the evening, partly as a signal for the absent boats that were appointed to meet the ship here, and partly for effect on the natives, they fired an evening gun, burnt a blue-light, and set off three rockets, or as the natives term them, "fiery spirits." These brought forth many shouts from the land, which were audibly heard on board, although the vessel was at a great distance from the shore. These signals were soon answered by a rocket from the boats, which joined the ship early the next morning. Lieutenant Emmons, his officers and boats' crews, were all well. No accident had occurred to them, and he reported that he had finished his work. After leaving the ship at Rewa, he passed outside the reef for several miles, until he came to a narrow and deep passage through the reef, which led to a spacious harbour, on which lies the village of Suva. The natives of this village told Mr. Emmons's interpreter, that they were subjects of the king of Rewa, and that they had lately become Christians. This is the village where the Reverend Mr. Cargill had been the Sunday preceding, and its inhabitants were the first proselytes he had. Suva Harbour was surveyed and found to be an excellent one, free from shoals, well sheltered, and with good holding-ground, easy of ingress and egress, with an abundance of wood and water. It lies ten miles west of Rewa Roads. During their stay there, they had some heavy squalls, accompanied with thunder, lightning, and much rain. From the frequent occur- Mbua bay and muthuata. 207 rence of these squalls every thing in the boats became wet, compelling them to sleep in their wet clothes. On the 20th, the boats stood over for Mbenga. They found the current setting very strong to the eastward, which made a disagreeable short sea, obliging them to keep two hands baling to prevent the boat from swamping. Towards night they entered the reef that sur rounds Mbenga through a shallow passage, and anchored off a deep harbour, where they remained for the night. The next morning, Lieutenant Emmons examined Sawau Harbour, which he found two miles deep and one wide, contracting at the entrance to a quarter of a mile; it has good anchorage in. from four to ten .fathoms water, on a muddy bottom. This harbour enters from the north, and nearly divides the island in two. Mbenga rises on all sides towards two very prominent peaks, which were found by triangulation to be twelve hundred and eighty-nine feet in height. The land round the harbour of Sawau rises in most places from one to two hundred feet. At the head of the harbour a few huts were seen perched upon a perpendicular craggy rock, about five hundred feet higher than the surrounding land. The natives were very civil, and laid aside their arms at some distance from the party, before they approached; they brought bread-fruit, yams, &c, to trade. The island appears in many places burnt, the natives setting fire to the tall grass before planting their crops. Another harbour was found on the west side, which I have called Elliott's. This is not so deep as the one on the north, but is more open at its entrance, and is surrounded by equally high land. On the left of the entrance is a white sand beach, and a neat village of about thirty huts. There are two small islands in the neighbourhood of Mbenga, one of which lies to the south, and is called Stuart's, and the other to the eastward, to which Lieutenant Emmons gave the name of Elizabeth. The island of Mbenga has suffered severely of late years from the tyrannical power of the Rewa chiefs, and is now ygali to Rewa. Formerly, its inhabitants had a high idea of their importance, styling themselves "Ygali dura ki langi"—subject only to heaven ; but of lafe years, in consequence of their having offended the king of Rewa, he sent a force which finally overcame them, and butchered nearly all the inhabitants. Ngaraningiou is said to have been the bloody executioner of this act. Since that time these descendants of the gods, according to their mythology, have lost their political influence. Mbenga, like all the large islands of this group, is basaltic. Its shape is an oval, five miles long by three wide. 208 MBUA BAY AND MUTHUATA. The boats now explored the reef, and anchored at night under Namuka, within the same reef as Mbenga. They found about one hundred natives on this island, who were very friendly, bringing them quantities of cocoa-nuts, fish, and some small articles, for traffic. The reef on the northwest side was found to contain many ship- passages. After the examination of these, they visited Bird Island, lying in the passage between Mbenga Reef and Vitilevu. The reef off this part of Vitilevu nearly joins that of Mbenga. Two miles beyond this, Lieutenant Emmons entered a well-sheltered harbour, where the boats stayed over-night. About three miles to the westward of it, they found another similarly situated, after which they continued to proceed down the coast, along the reef, without meeting any harbour until after dark, when they succeeded in getting into the exposed one at Ndronga. Just before anchoring, it being quite dark, they were hailed several times in the native language from a small vessel, and not answering, they were about being fired into from the " Who would have thought it!" Mr. Winn, who was lying here collecting tortoise-shell for the ship Leonidas, Captain Eagleston, which vessel was then curing biche de mar at Ba, on the north side of the island. The harbour (if so it may be called) of Ndronga, affords no protection against the southwest winds, and is only suitable for small vessels. The anchorage is in five fathoms water. The reef from this point westward increases in distance from the shore from one to two miles. It extends to the westward six miles further, where an opening in the reef occurs, which leads to a harbour. The entrance of this was narrow, and open to the southward and westward, the reef broken, and some sunken patches of rock. On the eastern side of the harbour there is a small islet with cocoa-nut trees, on which Lieutenant Emmons landed. Here he found a native's hut, but no inhabitants. Some shells and cocoa-nuts were procured, and the harbour was sounded out, after which the boats put to sea. Five miles beyond this harbour they came to the Malolo Island Passage, where the great sea-reef from the westward joins, having two entrances, the largest of which I have named the Malolo Passage. That to the eastward, which I called the Navula Passage, they passed through, and anchored at night under the town of Navula. The " Who would have thought it!" again joined their company. On the 26th, Lieutenant Emmons gained Ba, the point where his work was to terminate, and be joined by that of the other parties. On I he 28th they went alongside of the Peacock, after having been in the 'boats seventeen days. I U T H U A T A. ■ The Peacock now took the launch and cutter in tow, and began beating up for the purpose of reaching the Malaki Islands, in order to take a departure from Amboa Bay. The natives on this side of the island speak quite a different dialect from that of the other portions of the group, and the interpreters were not able to understand them at all. Few canoes were seen, and none visited them. The land close to the shore is low, but it gradually rises for five or six miles in hills from five to seven hundred feet in height; and here and there through the breaks may be seen the distant blue mountains, towering above them. While the ship was standing-in towards Ba, the launch capsized and sunk. At the time there were two men in her, by whose carelessness the accident occurred; these were both picked up. Captain Hudson immediately brought the Peacock to an anchor, lowered all the boats, and made every possible exertion to recover the launch, but without success. This was a great loss to our surveying operations, and compelled us to redouble our exertions. In the evening they anchored off Ba,- where the ship Leonidas, Captain Eagleston, had been fishing for biche de mar. He had left his long biche de mar house, which was deserted, but contrary to the custom of persons in this business, had not been destroyed. A large quantity of wood was found near it, which Captain Hudson supplied . himself from. This was the only house in the valley, but there are several towns along this part of the coast,- though it has not the appearance of being densely inhabited ; and the natives, who are usually found following a vessel, seemed all to' have vanished. Paddy Connel, who was with the boats that landed, showed himself a true Feejee man on the occasion, for finding, the officers were desirous of having communication with the natives, he ascended one of the hills, and kept up a continuous hallooing in such a variety of voices that those who were left on the beach, believed that a whole host was coming down; but he did not succeed in bringing any to the shore. The 30th and 31st they continued beating up to the windward. On the latter day, in getting under way, William Dunbar (seaman) had the misfortune to have his hand caught in the chain-nipper, which crushed several of his fingers so much, that amputation of them became necessary. On the 30th, they anchored off the town of Tabooa, to the northward and eastward of the island of Votia.- Off this island is a passage through the sea-reef, which I have called the Ba Passage. On the 1st of June, they reached Dongaloa, where they had some communication with the natives. They wore very shy, whic'ff Paddy vol. tit. S2 27 210 MBUA BAY said was owing to some ill conduct on their part After a while a few were induced to venture near, and were much pleased at having their faces and noses daubed with vermilion. They belonged to the town of Dongaloa, and gave the name of their chief as Aleokalou. They said they were mbati to the king of Ambau, being obliged to furnish him with fighting men. Paddy said they spoke a different dialect from that of either Ambau or Ra.* In looks they did not differ from the natives of other parts of the island. There were one or two Tonga vitis seen, but Mr. Hale found they did not understand a word of their paternal language. The country in this vicinity so far changes its aspect, that the highlands approach nearer the shore, and level ground is only to be seen in narrow and contracted valleys. Little appearance of cultivation is to be seen, proving, conclusively, that there are but few people in this district On the 2d of June, they reached and landed on the island of Ma- laki, which is a high islet. Malaki is divided from the large island by a narrow strait, near which is the town of Rake-rake, which is also subject to Ambau. A few young native boys, one of whom was the chief of Rake-rake's son, were looking for shell-fish on the rocks, and were at first very timid, but were induced to approach. Being treated well, their fears subsided and they became communicative. The island of Malaki had once a large fishing town on it, and its inhabitants were compelled to send, yearly, a number of turtles to Tanoa at Ambau. Unfortunately for them, they one day ate one of the turtles they had caught. This soon reached the ears of Tanoa and the other Ambau chiefs, and was considered so high a crime that orders were immediately given for an expedition to be prepared against them. On the war-party reaching Malaki, they put to death every man and woman on the island, and carried off the children captive. It is said that they returned to Ambau with some of the little ones suspended to the masts and sails of their canoes; and it is further alleged, that the rest were kept for the rising generation, to exercise them in the art of killing! However extraordinary these circumstances may appear, I can readily believe, from the knowledge I have of the people, that far greater atrocities than even these are occasionally practised. Malaki has the appearance of having once been well cultivated, and there are a number of terraced taro-patches of great extent, which had been erected with great care, but are now entirely de- MBUA BAY AND MUTHUATA. 211 serted. This island is eight hundred feet high, and on the top are the remains of a fortification of stone, whose walls are four feet high, surrounded by a moat several feet deep, and ten feet wide. From this height the passages through the reefs were very distinctly seen, and could be traced for a long distance. On presents being distributed to all the natives who were present, it was amusing to see the young son of a chief, according to the custom of his country, very deliberately taking possession of the whole, and rolling them up in his maro. On the 3d, they were still beating up for the Malaki Passage, and were in hopes of being able to- pass out of it; but the wind being ahead, it was found too narrow to beat through. After sustaining two sharp thumps, it was deemed advisable to return and await a more favourable opportunity. Some of the officers again landed on a small island of much less height than Malaki, but nothing interesting was found. It had evidently been inhabited, from the overgrown and deserted plantations which were every where to be seen. The island was, for the most part, covered with a sweet-scented grass, (Andro- pogon schcenanthus.) They had now been seven days upon this coast, with the wind blowing directly along it, and had only made about fifty miles. This channel through the reefs must always be fatiguing and wearing to both vessel and crew. For the whole distance they found the bottom a white clay, and the depth of water varying from five to twenty fathoms. As they approached the windward side of the island, they found the weather to become more rainy, and the winds much stronger. On the 5th, at daylight, they passed out of the reef and stood over for Mbua or Sandalwood Bay. The weather during the day set in stormy, so much so as to make their situation not only unpleasant but dangerous, in consequence of the many reefs by which they were surrounded, and which they had to pass through before reaching their destination. These reefs on the shores of Vanua-levu, in the most favourable times, are dangerous, but particularly so in thick and stormy weather. Fortunately, when near the passage, they were able to see the land for a short time, and soon after reached their destination in safety. In passing into the bay they discovered the buoy I had left for Captain Hudson, with the despatches enclosed in a bottle, and had it brought on board. Lieutenant Underwood joined them soon after, and set out the next morning with the ship's rudder-pintles for Captain Belcher. Captain Hudson then sent a boat to the town for the king or one of the princi- 212 MBUA BAY AND MUTHUATA. pal chiefs, which brought off Tui Mora, the son of Tui Mbua, from whom he learned that the whole district was in a state of civil war, and had been so for the last year; that all their towns were barrica- doed and their canoes broken up. This was an unforeseen event, putting a stop to the plans we had entertained of getting a chief to accompany the surveying party to the Asaua Group. On no consideration would Tui Mora leave his district, nor had he any one to send. Captain Hudson, under these circumstances, after talking to the chief, determined, in the first place, to effect a peace, to which he found this chief favourably disposed. He was desired to send a message to the town of the old chief Tui Mbua, which was but a few miles off, in order to ask him to come on board. He at once said the king was absent at the Bay of Naloa, where the ship Leonidas was fishing. The distance thither, he said, was ten miles by land, and thirty by water, and no one's life would be safe in going there, as they would have to pass several of the enemy's towns, and must certainly be killed. On being asked to send a canoe, he said they had none, and if they had had any, it would be impossible to reach the desired point, for it would be captured and the men killed. Captain Hudson at once determined to proceed himself to the Leonidas, and bring the old king back with him, retaining Tui Mora on board in the mean time. Accordingly, he left the ship at noon, and reached the Leonidas after dark. Tui Mbua.was at once sent for and proper explanations being made to him respecting the object in view, to restore peace, he readily consented to accompany Captain Hudson back to the ship. They set out near midnight, and reached the Peacock by eight o'clock the next morning. The two rival chiefs were kept out of sight of each other, until they had been made to understand the object in view. When brought together they were soon reconciled, and - every thing amicably arranged: they shook hands and solemnly promised to forget all that had passed. They could not, however, help passing an occasional accusation against each other, as having been the cause of the war. Messengers were immediately despatched by both to their respective towns, to proclaim peace, and with orders to the people to put aside their preparations for war, and to plant and cultivate their taro and yam grounds. This was an end worthy of the exertions that Captain Hudson had made to secure it. The rules and regulations that had been signed by the chiefs of Ambau and Rewa were now explained to both parlies, by sections. To all of these they agreed, saying they were glad to enter into them, and (hat they should be strictly observed by their people. MBUA BAY AND MUTHUATA. 213 After all this business was finished, a feast was given to the king and chiefs. At this they took a particular fancy to the wine, of which they seemed inordinately fond. Presents were then made to them, consisting of brass kettles, shawls, hatchets, pipes, tobacco, plane-irons, and small looking-glasses. Old Tui Mbua readily agreed to accompany the boats to the Asaua Group, showing thereby great confidence on his part, and an intention to be at peace, by leaving his people at the time certainly liable to many contingencies, which it was impossible for us to guard against, from the treachery of those with whom he had been at war. He, however, left an old chief, called Raritona, his counsellor, to act for him during his absence. During the time occupied in the arrangement of these affairs, the first and second cutters were prepared for an expedition to the Asaua Cluster. Of this, Lieutenant Emmons, with Passed Midshipman Blunt, were placed in charge, with his majesty for a pilot, and two white men as interpreters. Tui Mora, who was quite an intelligent young man, remained on board, with several of his chiefs. Divine service was performed, at which they were present, and behaved with great decorum and propriety. They all, including the old king, expressed a great desire to have missionaries settle among them, and said they would take good care of them, believing that they would put an end to their wars; for " where missionaries lived there were no wars." This kind of talk is very common among the Feejee chiefs, for deceit is a part of their national character. They are very quick in discerning what will please those whom they wish to conciliate, and readily accede to their views. That this was the case with these people, there can be but little doubt; for, as far as my experience goes, the Feejee character is entirely at variance with the ideas ffiey expressed. They have imbibed these notions from the whites, which will, in time, however, do good, because they believe that what the whites possess is better than that belonging to the dark- coloured race. They may thus become fixed, and rendered really desirous of obtaining the residence of those who are not only the pioneers of religion, but of civilization also, in the islands of Polynesia. On the 8th June, Captain Hudson set about the survey of Sandal wood Bay. He then, with the naturalists and many of the officers, visited the shore. There are three rivers that flow into the bay; the middle one of these they entered. It has two entrances for boats. It is bordered on each side by extensive mud-flats, which are bare at low water for a considerable distance. Parts of these flats are covered 214 MBUA BAY AND MUTHUATA. by thick mangrove-bushes, among which many women and children were seen catching a large kind of crab, whilst flocks of paroquets were flying around them. This river is about two hundred feet wide, and very tortuous. The town, named Vaturua, is situated about a mile up the river. The entrance to it is through a hollow way, to pass through which it was almost necessary to creep. They were warned of their approach to it by the chattering of the women and children, who were assembled in numbers to greet their arrival. The village is about two hundred yards from the bank of the river; it is surrounded with palisades of cocoa-nut trees and other timber, and a ditch, with gates, &c, very much on the same plan as that observed by us at Moa on the island of Tongataboo. It contains fifty or sixty houses, among which are several mbures. In some of their houses graves were observed, which the natives said were placed there to protect them from their neighbours. They seemed the most good-natured set we had yet met with, and appeared quite familiar with the whites. This was, however, to have been expected; for their intercourse with foreigners has been, until recently, more frequent than that of any other part of the group. It is here that so large a quantity of sandalwood has been shipped. It was said that the chief, Tui Mora, had even made the people break up their canoes for the purpose of constructing the palisades to fortify the village, and thus at the same time to prevent his people from deserting to his enemy. On their landing they saw an albino, who had the features of his countrymen, although he resembled the lower class of Irish, so much so that the sailors jocosely remarked that a blunder had been committed by his having been born in a wrong country. His skin was a dirty white, and fairer than that of an European would be if exposed to the sun; he was marked with many brown spots, about the size of a sixpence or less ; his hair was of the same colour as that of the natives who use lime-water for cleaning it; his eyebrows and eyelashes were of a flaxen colour ; his eyes were almost constantly closed, as if the light affected them; the iris was blue, with no tinge of red. On a subsequent visit he had dyed his hair a coal-black, which gave him an odd and ludicrous appearance. The natives called him Areea. He was about thirty years of age. The white men say that albinos are not unfrequently seen. I saw a man who was partially so, having an appearance as if he had been scalded about the face and upper part of his body. Dr. Pickering suggests that it is not improbable that the white individuals reported to MBUA BAY AND MUTHUATA. 215 have been seen among the inhabitants of New Guinea may have been of this description. About one-fourth of a mile from Vaturua is another town, called Matainole, which also belongs to Tui Mora, and is in all respects similar to the other. Between the two towns is a kind of causeway, of some width, built by the natives, by throwing the earth up from each side. The paths wind along it, and on. each side are extensive taro- patches, which were flooded. Mangroves abound here, while the drier grounds are covered with plantations of bananas and cocoa-nut On the way from Vaturua to. Matainole, a piece of consecrated ground was passed, on which were mounds of stone, with a rude idol, dressed with a turban and the Feejee hair-pins. The idol was surrounded by clubs set up edgewise, and many spears, arrows, trinkets, cocoa-nuts, &c, lay around, which had evidently been placed there as offerings. A large party of natives, who were with our gentlemen, on seeing them approach it, deserted, excepting a man and boy, who, contrary to the others, seemed anxious for them to partake of the offerings which lay about, and offered to sell the idol, which was bought for a paper of vermilion. Neither of them, however, could be tempted to touch a single article himself, although they had no objection to our gentlemen doing so. On the next day, Mr. Peale returning from his jaunt, took his purchase and carried it on board. Tui Mora attended to the disposal of the different articles that were brought for sale, consisting principally of taro, yams, fruit (shaddocks, bananas, lemons, and cocoa-nuts), but not a pig was to be seen of any size; in fact, these people had but little food to spare. The houses are by no means as substantial as those at the principal towns of Ambau and Rewa; their framework is much smaller, and the eaves extend to the ground. Both the walls and roof are of reeds, thatched. . The chiefs of the Mbua district are not considered as belonging to the nobility of the islands, but to the class kai-si; it is only since the whites have frequented the islands, that this place has become of any note. Formerly Rawaike, Tui Mora's father, the Tui Mbua, or lord of Mbua, governed the whole district, which comprises the coast from Buia Point to beyond Naloa on the north shore, or about one- sixth of the island of Vanua-levu, and is next to that of Nandi on the west, although there are two or three independent towns between them near Buia P int. In 1809, when Mr. Vanderford, who was master's mate on board the Vincennes, was there, Rawaike was very powerful, and exercised 216 LND MUTHUATA. rule over nearly the whole island. The bay of Sandalwood was then thickly populated, and appeared to enjoy much political consideration in the group. Since the accession of the present Tui Mbua, Makatu, its authority is very much decreased, and it now is of scarcely any consideration at all. Makatu was born in the district of Nandi, but was a vasu of Mbua, and managed, when Rawaike died, to be chosen king. Since that time they have had continual civil wars, in which many of the.people have been killed, while others have sought a different abode. This last war, to which Captain Hudson put a momentary cessation, had lasted more than five months, during which time they had killed upwards of fifty of the enemy, and lost about thirty of their own men. Among the reasons assigned for not coming to terms long before was " the fear of being clubbed by the opposite party through treachery." One of the surveying boats, with Passed Midshipman Blunt, returned from the island of Yendua, with James Strahan, seaman, belonging to the Vincennes, who had fallen from a tree while cutting a sprit, and broken his leg. The boat was again despatched, with an extra quantity of provisions, to make up for that consumed by the delay the accident had occasioned. On the 9th, many natives were on board, and gave an exhibition of - a war-dance (dimba) on deck: many of the officers thought it bore a striking resemblance to the war-dance of New Zealand. The performers held a paddle in one hand, while with the other they struck their thighs, keeping time to a song from the whole. They moved slowly forward and backward, in a bending posture. On the finishing of the chorus they stopped simultaneously and stood upright, the leader repeating, in a hurried loud tone, a short recitative, which the rest answered by their usual guttural shout, huh! huh! huh! flourishing their paddles in the air in great excitement. On the 10th, Mr. Spieden, purser of the Peacock, visited the shore for the purpose of purchasing provisions, and notice was given that all the produce they would bring would be purchased. In consequence of this the natives brought a quantity of yams, taro, papaws, shaddocks, lemons, &c, together with an abundance of crabs, of which, all that the boat could carry were purchased. Hatchets, knives, plane-irons, scissors, beads, fish-hooks, looking-glasses, red cloth, and red paint were given in return, of which the two latter articles were preferred. As Mr. Spieden was not able to carry away all they had collected, their expectations of a market were not realized, and they threw the remainder into the river, saying they had been told, "the white men never told lies, but they now saw they had two faces." MBUA BAY AND MUTHUATA, 217 I In the afternoon Captain Hudson got under way, although nearly all the officers and men were still at work on the survey, and anchored the ship off the northern point of Mbua Bay. This point is called Dimba-dimba, and is considered by the natives as sacred ground; it is kept strictly from any kind of disturbance, for it is supposed to be inhabited by the spirits of the departed, and to be the place where they embark for the regions of Ndengei. It is a most beautiful spot, and in strong contrast with the surrounding country, which is in many places devoid of trees, while here they flourish as nature has planted them. The ground gradually rises from the shore for a short distance, then succeed abrupt precipices, of forty or fifty feet in height; and the land, as it recedes from the water, forms a kind of hanging garden, on which is seen a beautiful growth of large forest-trees, with here and there clumps of shrubbery of the tropical climates, which give it a peculiar aspect The quiet and hallowed appearance was well calculated to keep up the impression that their priests have made upon them. On (he 11th, the Peacock again got underway, and passed along between the shore and reefs. Here large schools of fish were passed through, apparently of two kinds, a small and larger one, of which the former leaped entirely out of the water. By the persuasion of the pilot, Captain Hudson was induced to attempt an outer passage, that the pilot thought existed round the island of Anganga; but after getting on coral knolls twice, Captain Hudson returned to the inshore channel, leading towards Ruke-ruke Bay, which is the next beyond Mbua. There is a high and insulated peak north of Dimba-dimba Point, which has a town perched on its very top. The bay of Ruke-ruke has a reef across its mouth, leaving only a narrow ship-channel into it. They anchored under Ivaca Peak, a high and bold bluff, whose height, by triangulation, is one thousand five hundred and sixty-three feet. On its top is also a town. The island of Anganga is immediately opposite to this peak. To the passage between them Captain Hudson proposed to give the name of Monkey- Face Passage, in consequence of one of the rocks having a remarkable resemblance to the face of that animal. They visited the village of Wailea, now containing only fifty persons. A few years since most of the former inhabitants were exterminated by the warriors of Ambau, who frequently make excursions thus far. On the 12th, they were under way at an early hour, and soon after passed the rock where Captain Dillon's adventure occurred. Captain Eagleston, of the Leonidas, came on board, and piloted them to Naloa VOL. Ill T 28 218 1BUA BAY AND MUTHUATA Bay. The Leonidas saluted the Peacock with nine guns, which it was regretted could not be returned except by cheers, for the chronometers forbade all unnecessary firing. To Captain Eagleston the squadron is much indebted, and it affords me great pleasure to make my acknowledgments to him for his attentions and assistance rendered the service we were upon. I am also indebted to him for some observations relative to the gales that have occurred among these islands, which will be spoken of in another place. Captain Eagleston was engaged in taking the biche de mar, sometimes known as the sea-slug. The animal belongs to the genus Holothuria, and the prepared article finds a ready sale in the China market, where it is used as an ingredient in rich soups. Of the biche de mar there are several kinds, some of which are much superior in quality to the others; they are distinguishable both by shape and colour, but more particularly by the latter. One of the inferior kinds is slender and of a dark brown colour, soft to the touch, and leaves a red stain on the hands; another is of a gray colour and speckled; a third is large and dark yellow, with a rough skin and tubercles on its sides. The second kind is often eaten raw by the natives. The valuable sorts are six in number: one of a dark red colour; a second is black, from two inches to nine inches in length, and its surface, when cured, resembles crape ; a third kind is large and of a dark gray colour, which, when cured, becomes a dirty white; the fourth resembles the third, except in colour, which is a dark brown; the fifth variety is of a dirty white colour, with tubercles on its sides, and retains its colour when cured; the sixth is red, prickly, and of a different shape and larger size than the others; when cured, it becomes dark. The most esteemed kinds are found on the reefs, in water from one to two fathoms in depth, where they are caught by diving. The inferior sorts are found on reefs which are dry, or nearly so, at low water, where they are picked up by the natives.' The natives also fish the biche de mar, on rocky coral bottom, by the light of the moon or of torches, for the animals keep themselves drawn up in holes in the sand or rocks by day, and come forth by night to feed, when they may be taken in great quantities. The motions of the animal resemble those of a caterpillar, and it feeds by suction, drawing in with its food much fine coral and some small shells. Captain Eagleston stated that the biche de mar is found in greatest abundance on reefs composed of a mixture of sand and coral. The animal is rare on the southern side of any of the islands, and the most MBUA BAY AND MUTHUATA. 219 lucrative fisheries are on the northern side, particularly on that of Vanua-levu, between Anganga and Druau. In this place, the most frequent kind is that which resembles crape. In some places the animal multiplies very fast, but there are others where, although ten years have elapsed since they were last fished, none are yet to be found. The biche de mar requires a large building to dry it in. That erected by Captain Eagleston, on the island of Tavea, is eighty-five feet long, about fifteen or twenty feet wide, and nearly-as much in height. The roof has a double pitch, falling on each side of the ridge to eaves which are about five feet from the ground. The roof is well thatched, and ought to be perfectly water-tight. There are usually three doors, one at each end, and one in the middle of one of the sides. Throughout the whole length of the building is a row of double staging, called batters, on which reeds are laid. On the construction of this staging much of the success of the business depends. It ought to be supported on firm posts, to which the string-pieces should be well secured by lashing. The lower batter is about four feet from the ground, and the upper from two to three feet above it. Their breadth is from twelve to fourteen feet. Upon the large reeds with which the batters are covered is laid the "fish fence," which is made by weaving or tying small cords together. This is composed of many pieces, the height of each of which is equal to the breadth of the batter. A trench is dug under the whole length of the batters, in which a slow fire is kept up by natives, under the direction of one of the mates of the vessel. The earth from the trench is thrown against the sides of the house, which are at least two or three feet from the nearest batter, in order to prevent accident from fire. This is liable to occur, not only from carelessness, but from design on the part of the natives. As a further precaution, barrels filled with water are placed about eight feet apart along both sides of the batters. After the house has been in use for about a week, it becomes very liable to take fire, in consequence of the drying and breaking of the material used in the lashings. > In this case it is hardly possible to save any part of the building or its contents. To prevent the falling of the stages by the breaking of the lashings, fresh pieces of cordage are always kept at hand to replace those which are charred, and show signs of becoming weak. A constant watch must be kept up night and day, and it requires about fifteen hands to do the ordinary work of a house. The fires are usually extinguished once in twenty-four hours, and 220 MBUA BAY AND MUTHUATA. the time chosen for this purpose is at daylight. The fish are now removed from the lower to the upper batter, and a fresh supply introduced in their place. This operation, in consequence of the heat of the batter, is hard and laborious, and fifty or sixty natives are usually employed in it. Fire-wood is of course an important article in this process, each picul of biche de mar requiring about half a cord to cure it. This fuel is purchased from the chiefs, who agree to furnish a certain quantity for a stipulated compensation. As much as twenty cords are sometimes bought for a single musket. In carrying on the drying, it is important that the doors be kept shut while the fires are burning. Much also depends upon the location of the house, whose length should • be at right-angles to the course of the prevailing winds. The batters also should be nearest to the lee-side of the house. Before beginning the fishery, the services of some chief are secured, who undertakes to cause the house to be built, and sets his dependants at work t<5 fish the biche de mar. The price is usually a whale's tooth for a hogshead of the animals, just as they are taken on the reef. It is also bought with muskets, powder, balls, vermilion, paint, axes, hatchets, beads, knives, scissors, chisels, plane-irons, gouges, fishhooks, small glasses, flints, cotton cloths, chests, trunks, &c. Of beads, in assorted colours, the blue are preferred, and cotton cloth of the same colour is most in demand. For one musket, a cask containing from one hundred and thirty to one hundred and sixty gallons, has been filled ten times. When the animals are brought on shore, they are measured into bins, where they remain until the next day. These bins are formed by digging a trench in the ground, about two feet in depth, and working up the sides with cocoa-nut logs until they are large enough to contain forty or fifty hogsheads. If the fishery is successful, two of these may be needed. Near the bins are placed the trade-house and trade-stand. In the first the articles with which the fish is purchased are kept, and in the second, the officer in charge of them sits, attended by a trusty and watchful seaman. The stand is elevated, so that the persons in it may have an opportunity of seeing all that is taking place around them. All the fish are thrown into the bin before they are paid for. In these bins the fish undergo the operations of draining and purging, or ejecting their entrails. These, in some of the species, resemble pills, in others look like worms, and are as long as the animals themselves. The larger kinds are then cut along the belly for a length of three or four inches, which makes them cure more rapidly, but care must be rr MBUA BAY AND MUTHUATA. 221 taken to avoid cutting too deep, as this would cause the fish to spread open, which would diminish its value in the market. When taken out of the bins and cut, the fish are thrown into the boilers, which are large pots, of which each establishment has five or six. These pots have the form of sugar-boilers, with broad rims, and contain from one hundred to one hundred- and fifty gallons. They are built in a row, in rude walls of stone and mud, about two feet apart, and have sufficient space beneath them for a large fire. The workmen stand on the walls to fill and empty the pots, and have within reach a platform, on which the fish is put after it has been boiled. It requires two men to attend each pot, who relieve each other, so that the work may go on night and day. They are provided with skimmers and ladles, as well as fire-hooks, hoes, and shovels. No water is put into the pots, for the fish yield moisture enough to prevent burning. The boiling occupies from twenty-five to fifty minutes, and the fish remains about an hour on the platform to drain, after which it is taken to the- house, and laid to a depth of four inches upon the lower batter. Thence at the end of twenty-four hours it is removed, as has been stated, to the upper batter, where it is thoroughly dried in the course of three or four days. Before it is taken on board ship, it is carefully picked, when the damp pieces are separated, to be returned to the batter. It is stowed in bulk, and when fit for that purpose should be as hard and dry as chips. Great care must be taken to preserve it from moisture. In the process of drying, it loses two-thirds both of its weight and bulk, and when cured resembles a smoked sausage. In this state it is sold by the picul, which brings from fifteen to twenty-five dollars. Captain Eagleston had collected, in the course of seven months, and at a trifling expense, a cargo of twelve hundred piculs, worth about $25,000. The outfit for such a voyage is small, but the risk to be incurred is of some moment, as no insurance can be effected on vessels bound to the Feejee Group, and it requires no small activity and enterprise to conduct this trade. A thorough knowledge of the native character is essential to success, and it requires all possible vigilance on the part of the captain of the vessel to prevent surprise, and the greatest caution to avoid difficulties. Even with the exercise of these qualities, he may often find himself and his crew in perilous positions. In order to lessen the dangers as much as possible, no large canoes are ever allowed to remain alongside the vessel, and a chief of high — MBUA BAY AND MUTHUATA. rank is generally kept on board as a hostage. When these precautions have not been taken, accidents have frequently happened. The biche de mar is sometimes carried to Canton, but more usually to Manilla, whence it is shipped to China.* The bay of Naloa is a wide opening, protected on the north by two or three small islets, some of which are inhabited. One of them has been bought by the Lasikaus or fishermen, who gave Tui Mbua three hundred whales' teeth for it. It is not long since they settled on it, having been driven from their former location by the war-parties of the Ambau people, and taken refuge here. Their town, Tavea, although of recent date, is already enveloped in a banana grove. The growth of these trees is well adapted for the purposes of the natives, and they seldom fail to plant them as soon as they begin to build, and by the time their houses are finished and occupied, they already yield shade for the planters to retire to in the heat of the day. The employment of fishing is considered one of the most honourable among the natives. Veraki, the chief of Tavea, has the reputation among the whites of being " a hearty old cock and a great rascal." On another of these islets, which is uninhabited, Captain Eagleston has his biche de mar house. The town of Votua on Vanua-levu has been the residence of Tui Mbua, since he was driven or expelled from Mbua Bay. Captain Hudson was desirous of obtaining both wood and water, and made arrangements accordingly for their being brought off by the natives. This he succeeded in doing, because the chiefs are very willing that their subjects should work, when they have all the profit of their labour. The natives here were very friendly, and the chief desirous of serving us.. The town of Votua lies about a mile from the shore. It contains about fifty buildings, including temples, houses, and yam-houses, which * In order to show the profits which arise from th cost and returns of five cargoes, obtained by Capta These he obligingly favoured me with. 3 trade in biche de r nar, I give the n Eagleston in the Feejee Group OP OUTFIT. SALKS. $1,101 $8,021 1,200 17,500 3,396 15,120 1,200 12,600 3,500 27,000 A further profit also arises from the i Eagleston also obtained 4,488 pounds of to United States for $29,050 net. vestment of the proceeds in Canton. Captaii oise-shell, at a cost of $5,700, which sold in thi MBUA BAY AND MUTHUATA. 223 are all built after the plan of those at Mbua Bay; the rafters being planted in the ground, and curved towards the ridge-pole, which is supported from within. The rafters are about one foot apart, and are covered with reeds, upon which the thatching is laid. The chief's house was situated on a small square, on the opposite side of which were two temples, and between them was a kind of war- trophy, consisting of five of the large earthen jars used for cooking human flesh, placed in a row. Beside each of these, some spears and clubs were firmly planted in the ground, crossing each other at the top, about three feet from the ground; on these a basket was suspended, and long strips of masi or tapa were wreathed about and hung upon them. These five jars proved to be the vessels in which five of their enemies, whom they had killed in battle about two months before, had been cooked ; the baskets were those which haa been used at the feast to convey the food about to the cannibal eaters; the masi, spears, and war-clubs were those belonging to the slain. At a little distance there was another pot, in which a chief had been boiled, and behind these again was a basalt column,* serving as a sepulchral monument to one of their own chiefs. The top of the latter was tied around with rolls of masi, and was surrounded by his spears, clubs, &c. There were a number of other columns lying about, all of which were taken from the same basaltic quarry between the landing and the village. These columns are very distinct and perfect. The river that runs up near the village may be entered by boats, ascending through the mangroves some three or four miles, and has very much the character of those emptying into Mbua Bay. The river above the town is about seventy yards wide, and there has been a bridge over it, of which there are, even now, remains. The bridge appears to have been built on piles made of cocoa-nut trees, of which there is still a single row left, supported by stakes on each side. Some of our gentlemen, in their wanderings under the guidance of the natives, were desired to come close to them, as a party was approaching; and shortly afterwards, a troop of native women and children were seen moving along in single file, some of them labouring under excessive loads. The women, in fact, are their beasts of burden, and are every where considered as an article of trade. Many of the natives were seen with gunshot wounds, received in the late war. Word was brought in that a native of another village had been killed, which created but little excitement. s they call sav MBUA BA"5 The soil of the islands around Naloa Bay is gravelly and barren; it is covered with a growth of small trees and bushes, among which Casuarina was most abundant. The scenery was quite pretty: the deep green of the mangroves at the beach rising gradually into the distant peaks, with here and there some lofty blocks of basalt, joined with and toned down by a tropical sky, give an impression little in accordance with the savage habits of these horrid cannibals. Some of our gentlemen were struck with the number of the singing-birds, and the variety of their notes, some of which resembled those of the songsters of our own country. At the village of Vatea was the largest collection of canoes they had seen in the group, and the natives being fishermen, take particular pride in them. Here the officers saw the operation of making the pottery, which is described in another place. Several women were also seen preparing mandrai, .of unripe bananas, and packing it, after stripping off the rind, in large unbaked earthen jars. These are afterwards buried, in a spot carefully marked, and secured by a large stone, to provide for an anticipated scarcity. Having finished, wooding and watering, Captain Hudson prepared for his departure for Muthuata. The evening before he sailed, the chiefs and natives gathered on board the Peacock, where, after being remunerated for their labour, they performed several dances similar to MBUA BAY AND MUTHUATA. 225 those already described. The performers were remarkable for the regularity with which they moved and kept time to their monotonous tune, with their arms, legs, and head. They all joined in the chaunt. Paddy Connel, who was instrumental in getting the dances up, was urged very much to take part, but he felt it would be lowering himself in the eyes of the natives, if he condescended to do so. It was evident, however, that he wished to partake, and he at last allowed himself to be persuaded to join them, when, taking his club, he flourished it aloft, and danced away with all the energy he was possessed of. Captain Eagleston, intending to sail at the same time with the Peacock, fired his biche de mar house in the evening. This is always the custom, in order to prevent its being made use of by any other and smaller traders. It made a glorious illumination. On the 17th of June, the Peacock left the bay of Naloa, in company with the Leonidas. On the 18th they had advanced to within a few miles of Muthuata, and anchored off the village of Navendarra, where the sailor from the " Who would have thought it!" was murdered and eaten by the natives. The circumstances, as related to me by Mr. Winn, the mate of the Leonidas, who was in charge of the little sloop when the accident occurred, were as follows.* The man, whose name was Cunningham, volunteered to go on shore for some shell, which they understood the natives had for sale, from their hailing from the shore. He was allowed by Mr. Winn to go, but with the strictest injunctions not to land. On getting to the beach and talking for some time, they told him to come again. He came back to the vessel, and afterwards went on shore again, when he was enticed up to the town, and was there murdered and eaten. Mr. Winn, alarmed at his absence, fired guns and made signals, but to no purpose. It was afterwards ascertained that Cunningham had been employed on board one of the traders, a few years ago, as a sentry over the chief Gingi, at whose town he was murdered. This circumstance claimed a good deal of our attention, as will subsequently appear. On the afternoon of the 19th, the Peacock anchored off the town of Muthuata. Captain .Hudson immediately despatched Lieutenant Budd, with an interpreter, to visit the king, and invite him and his chiefs to come on board the next day. Lieutenant Budd found the people much alarmed: the women and children had all been sent out of the town, and every thing packed up for removing. The king, how- 226 MBUA BAY AND MUTHUATA. ever, consented to come on board, the next morning. The ship was prepared for the visit, the quarter-deck being dressed with flags, and every thing ready for his reception. At noon the king sent off word that he was sick, the spirit had struck him, and that he was afraid to come on board; but that if Captain Hudson would send an officer to remain on shore as a hostage, while he visited the ship, he would come. Immediately Passed Midshipman Reynolds and Midshipman Hudson (the captain's son) were sent on shore; notwithstanding which, the old king was not inclined to venture. One only of the principal, with a few of the inferior chiefs, visited the ship: they all seemed uneasy and fearful, when they first came on board; but, on being kindly treated and shown around, they soon regained their self- possession. They were feasted and received some presents, and left the ship apparently well pleased with their visit. When they reached' the shore, the officers who were there as hostages returned. The land on this part of the coast rises abruptly from the water in volcanic peaks, to the height of two thousand feet and upwards. Lieutenant Emmons reached the Peacock on bis return from the examination of the Asaua Group. As I shall shortly have to speak of the second examination of this group, I will postpone the subject till then; but I feel it my duty to speak of the satisfactory manner in MBUA BAY AND MUTHUATA. 227 which this officer had performed his duty, and the energy and strictness with which both himself and his assistant, Passed Midshipman Blunt, carried out the service they were charged with. On the 22d, the Leonidas went to Malitu, twenty-five miles to the eastward, where the chief Gingi was erecting a biche de mar house for Captain Eagleston. The same day two divisions of boats, the one under Lieutenant Walker and Midshipman Blair, the other under Lieutenant Budd, Passed Midshipman Reynolds, and Midshipman Hudson, started on surveying duty, the one to the eastward, the other westward from Kie Island, off Muthuata, on the north side of Vanua- levu. On the same day the old king of Muthuata sent off to Captain Hudson a present of eight turtles as a propitiation. Communication was now had with the town of Muthuata. It consists of about one hundred houses, built closely together, and is situated in an open valley close to high-water mark. It is very much exposed and quite defenceless; has but few trees about it, but is one of the best-built towns in the Feejees. The style of building resembles that of Rewa. The king's name is Ndrandranda; his title, Tui Muthuata. He is old and quite infirm, the result of an attack of elephantiasis in one of his legs, which renders it difficult for him to walk. His expression of countenance is mild. As is usual, he is surrounded by his wives. The head one of these, whose title is " Yandi Muthuata," is one of the largest women, if not the very largest, in the Feejees. She is upwards of six feet high, very stout, and seems to understand her own dignity. The second wife, called Henrietta, was a native of Rotuma, and spoke a little English. She had, while at her native island, been married to a Tahitian, who was residing there, and had gone with him to Tahiti. Thence, wishing to return to Rotuma, they had taken passage with Captain Eagleston, about five years before we saw her. On reaching Muthuata, they were induced to land and remain with some of her countrymen, of whom they found many at this place. Unfortunately, the king saw and took a liking to her, and, to remove all obstacles, killed and ate her husband, and compelled her to become his wife. Henrietta is of a fair complexion and good-looking. In other respects she cannot be distinguished from the Feejee women; for her hair, which on her arrival was straight and black, has, by frizzling, twisting, and colouring, become like that of the natives of these islands. She is discontented with her position, and anxious to escape, which, however, she finds impossible. 228 BAY AND MUTHUATA. whoi: sgarded by the king The third wife is a Feejee woman, j with as much favour as the others. Each of these wives has a separate house, and the king spends his time in lounging alternately in them during the greater part of the day. These visits constitute the great business of his life. Of these three royal ladies, Yandi Muthuata was the favourite with the officers of the squadron. She always received them courteously, and would, on their entrance, immediately lay aside such household occupations as she and her women were generally found engaged in, for the purpose of attending to and conversing with them. Henrietta, on the other hand, was occasionally found in ill-humour, which, however, is not to be wondered at, when we consider her history. On the beach at Muthuata were two fine and large canoes, one of which belonged to the king, the other to his son. Tui Muthuata has from eighty to one hundred towns under his control; and his territory extends from Unda Point to the island of Tavea, in Naloa Bay. Many of these towns are of small extent, and contain but few inhabitants; and I found that to estimate the population by the report of the chiefs themselves, would give erroneous results. Feejee men lie with great plausibility, and particularly if it is to swell their own importance. After receiving the king's present, Captain Hudson, understanding that they were still under alarm on shore, sent word again to the king that he had nothing to fear, that they were friends, and again invited him to come on board. This message had a good effect, although he refused to come, on account of his sickness from his leg. Whether this sickness was brought on by his fears, was not determined; but he despatched his son, Ko-Mbiti, and several chiefs; an officer—Passed Midshipman Davis—remaining on shore to satisfy them that no advan- MBUA BAY AND MUTHUATA. 229 tage was intended to be taken of so many being in our power. Ko- Mbiti is a very good-looking, well-made man, but appeared near-sighted. He had a large retinue with* him. It was amusing to see the effect produced on him by placing a pair of concave spectacles on his nose, and his wonder and astonishment at the change they produced in his sight. The chiefs stayed several hours on board, visited every part of the ship, partook of refreshments, and received presents, every thing being done on the part of Captain Hudson to give confidence, produce goodwill, and create a good understanding. It was known that the chief Gingi was in town to-day, but as there was no positive evidence of his having been concerned in the murder, it was deemed more prudent to make no attempt for his capture, particularly as it would at once destroy the prospect of the good understanding which was being brought about, and which was necessary for the prosecution of our duties, as well as for the safety of future visiters. The invitation to visit the ship being extended to the royal ladies, the queen, her daughter (the betrothed wife of old Tanoa of Ambau), and three lesser wives, with two of the king's sons, came on board, on the 23d. When her majesty arrived on board, she presented Captain Hudson with a black pig. These ladies were so much pleased with the attention shown them, that they remained six hours. They ate, drank whiskey and water, and smoked cigars, of which they are extremely fond, looked all over the ship, examining the prints, drawings of birds, &c, and seemed delighted. There was a circumstance that occurred during this visit that will serve to show the Feejee artfulness in a strong light. While they were engaged in looking at the engravings in the cabin, the queen spoke in rather an authoritative tone to the rest, when they all, from seeming inattention, became very attentive, and showed marks of pleasure. Captain Hudson, thinking that they had seen something that particularly delighted them, was desirous of knowing what was the cause ; but not observing any thing that could account for this burst of enthusiasm, he inquired of the interpreter what the queen had said, who told him she had remarked to them, " Why don't you seem pleased ! why don't you laugh!" Captain Hudson having effected a friendly understanding with the king, went on shore on the 24th, with as many of his officers as could be spared from duty, to hold an audience with the king and his chiefs, at which the rules and regulations were adopted by them, after being fully explained. He then made a demand for the murderers of Cun- 230 MBUA BAY AND MUTHUATA, ningham; for whom the king engaged to send messengers, and to give them up if they should be found. Afterwards an appropriate present was made to him, in return for his turtles, &c. From this time the natives became reconciled, and much intercourse was had with them. It was found that the head queen was the principal adviser of Tui Muthuata, and that in all his difficulties her judgment rules the state. She seemed entirely devoted to him, bestowed much care and attention in the selection of his food, and in every way endeavoured to please him. Near the landing there is a large turtle-pen, in which the king's turtles are kept, of which some weigh three hundred pounds. The pens* are three in number, each of which contains a dozen. Both kinds are caught, hawksbill and green turtle. The former is considered the most valuable on account of its shell, and they are indiscriminately used for eating. Both are caught in large quantities on the islands in the season, and form a principal part of the food of chiefs, but the lower class are not allowed to partake of them. It was said they were preparing for a large feast, to be given shortly. The ship was again visited by a large number of the wives of the chief, nearly all of whom were in a state of nudity; yet they behaved themselves well and modestly. A feast was prepared for them, for if this were neglected, it would be considered an unpardonable oversight. They did not manage very well in sitting at table or using the knife and fork. Their attack on the eatables, and the quantity they devoured, showed not only appetite, but great capacity o'f stomach. The knife and fork was too slow a process for them, and their use was soon dispensed with for that of the fingers. During their visit, a native was detected stealing a hatchet. This was the first theft committed on board the Peacock since being in the group. The king's son, who was on board at the time, wanted to club the thief on shore and roast him, but Captain Hudson thought it was better for him to settle the business himself, and accordingly punished him at the gangway, and gave orders that he should not be admitted on board again. There are in Muthuata a greater number of light-coloured Feejee men than are elsewhere to be met with. They are generally half- caste, and this mixture has arisen from their intercourse with the Rotuma Islanders, of whom they are very fond. Mr. Hale succeeded in getting permission to disinter some skeletons on the island of Muthuata, which lies immediately off the town. Thij * The pen e shallow pits, within the flow of the MBUA BAY AND MUTHUATA. 231 rind, but adds island not only protects the harbour from the north j much to its beauty by its high and luxuriant appearance. It is a little over a mile in length. It appears to have been for a long time a burial- place for both chiefs and common people. The graves are scattered in groups along the shore, those of the chiefs being apart from the rest, and distinguished by having small houses built over them, from two to six feet high. The fronts of these houses were of a kind of lattice-work, formed of braided sennit of which the cut will give an idea. These houses were entirely vacant. Before some of them spears or poles were crossed in the form of an X; before others a stick was planted in the ground, with its top tied around with sennit; near others were long pieces of tapa, suspended from poles, with clubs, spears, and a canoe, laid beside them. The natives said that the deposit of these articles was (soro soro ni kai viti) a religious ceremony. The graves of the common people (kai-si) had merely stones laid over them. On the natives who accompanied Messrs. Hale and Agate being told that they had permission to take a skeleton, which they call I kalou mate," they showed no reluctance whatever to assist, and took them to a grave where they said two Ambau men were buried, who had died from eating poisoned fish. Though the grave was not deep, some difficulty was experienced in removing the gravel and stones with which the bodies were covered. The natives were playing and making sport while at their work, and seemed at a loss to know at which end to look for the head. There was no covering found on the bodies, which had been laid naked in the grave; the bones were clear of flesh and whole, but were brittle and decayed. On the 27th, they had a visit from the king's son, who came in full costume, with his long seavo pendent both from before and behind, and a full turban. His visit was for the purpose of obtaining a small pennant that was making for his canoe, consisting of a yard or two of red bunting with a white star in it With this he went off in great glee. He was on his way to Somu-somu, to invite the chiefs of that place to the feast about to be given at Muthuata. Captain Hudson was now informed that the messengers had returned without the murderers. The report they brought back was that they had fled into the mountains, and joined the chiefs there for protection, at the time the Peacock passed the town. This was not credited, and the king was desired to make another attempt, which he 232 .MBUA BAY AND MUTHUATA. did. He seemed desirous of obtaining the murderers, and together- with the chief Gingi, advised that the town to which they belonged should be burnt, although all the other inhabitants were innocent. This Captain Hudson refused to do, as he did not wish to punish the innocent for the guilty. Gingi himself was suspected of having had a hand in the murder of Cunningham. Although not of the royal blood, he has much influence in Muthuata, and is, in all respects, a disreputable character. He has four houses, which are the best in the town, and are occupied by as many wives. He possesses a considerable quantity of other property, which he has accumulated from his earnings in the biche de mar fishery. He does" not hesitate to boast of his savage actions, and to reckon up a dozen men whom he has killed with his own musket. When I come to speak of the Asaua cluster of islands, some of his wholesale massacres will be recorded. In these encounters he has not escaped unscathed, for he received on one occasion a musket- ball, which entered beneath his shoulder-blade and came out beneath the nipple of his breast. Gingi is remarkable for the energy of his character, and his savage disposition when offended. While the Peacock lay at Muthuata, the naturalists employed themselves in excursions to the mountains. The bright tin boxes carried by the botanists attracted much attention, and excited no little alarm, for a report had got abroad, that these boxes contained our " fiery spirits." In consequence of this idea, when one of these gentlemen, after his return from an excursion, opened his box for the purpose of looking at the plants he had gathered^ there was a general outcry and flight among the younger natives. They frequently met native women in their walks, who seemed very much amused with the Papalangis, and laughed immoderately at the shaking of hands, which some were bold enough to venture upon. Those they met would, if alone and carrying any thing, throw down their load and run like the wind to escape. On their mountain excursions, they were accompanied by a Rotuma man who spoke English. On their way up, as they were about to enter a hamlet, he advised them to load and prepare their fire-arms, saying that the people of the mountain did not like those of the coast, and that to visit them was dangerous. It did not prove so, however, on this occasion; yet the advice clearly shows that a state of hostility exists between those who live in the mountains and those on the coast. The former are probably those who have . escaped punishment for crimes, or from the cruelty of the chiefs on the coast, and who fled to the mountains for safety. IND MUTHUATi 233 The excursion to the top of the peak proved very interesting to our botanists, whose collections were increased by many specimens, among which was a young Kaurie pine. The point which was measured, was two thousand feet high; another point, which was inaccessible, was about three hundred and fifty feet higher, making the highest point two thousand three hundred and fifty feet The party witnessed some natives who were employed in taking fish, near the mouth of a small stream, by poisoning the water with the stems and leaves of a climbing Glycine, which grows abundantly near the coast They had ample evidence of the hostility existing among these natives, in the fear exhibited by their guides when occasionally approaching huts on their rambles, and they said that they would not have dared to venture among the mountaineers except in company with the Papalangis. In these rambles they occasionally visited the high peaks, and whenever they had a view of the interior, a number of high, volcanic, and many of them sharp-pointed peaks, presented themselves to the eye. On the 28th, Passed Midshipman Harrison arrived in the schooner Kai-viti, with the supply of yams, and my orders to the Peacock to join me at Mbua Bay on the 4th of July. The next day was employed in getting ready to sail. Captain Hudson had employed his carpenters in getting out the frame of a new launch of the iron-wood (Casuarina); but subsequently, at the Sandwich Islands, we found that it was ill-adapted for that purpose, and it was consequently rejected. The king again sent off word that his messengers had returned a second time, without any further tidings of the murderers than those they had first brought. This day, Joseph Baxter, the second mate of the Leonidas, who had been badly burnt when firing a cannon on board the Leonidas, was brought on board the Peacock. The accident was caused by the ignition of a cartridge which he had carelessly put. into his bosom. Every possible attention was paid to him. The natives of the town of Muthuata appeared to be busily engaged in making preparations for the great feast. Hogs, yams, taro, and turtles, were continually brought into town, and it was said that the king of Muthuata had collected a hundred hogs and ten thousand yams. In anticipation of the coming feast, all articles were tabooed, and none could be purchased. The women, both old and young, were daily practising their dancing and music, and preparing turbans and masi for the chiefs, while VOL. III. U2 30 234 MBUA BAY AND MUTHUATA. all were engaged in dressing their hair with ashes and a white clay, each striving to vie with and outdo his neighbour. On the 2d of July the Peacock sailed from Muthuata, and the king seemed very happy at the departure of the ship. In the evening they anchored in Naloa Bay, off the village of Fokasinga. A fleet of canoes came off to the ship the next morning, from which they learned that the war had again begun in earnest, and that Tui Mbua's party had killed three of the people of the opposite party, in revenge for the death of the one who had been killed during the former visit of the Peacock. One human body had already been brought over and just feasted upon. Shortly afterwards a canoe came alongside, bringing the skull yet warm from the fire, much scorched, and marked with the teeth of those who had eaten of it. The brain had been roasted and taken out, as well as the eyes and teeth. Another canoe came alongside with some roasted flesh in it. While Mr. Spieden and others were agreeing with the natives for the purchase of the skull for a fathom of cloth, a native stood near him holding something in his right hand, which he soon applied to his mouth, and began to eat. To their utter astonishment they discovered it to be the eye of the dead man, which the native had plucked from the skull a few moments before. So revolting and unexpected a sight produced a feeling of sickness in many; this ocular proof of their cannibal propensities fully satisfied them. The native was eating it, and exclaiming at the same time, " Vinaka, vinaka," (good, good.) Another was seen eating the last of the flesh from the thigh-bone. This was witnessed by several of the officers and men, who all testify to the same facts. Previous to this occurrence, no one in the squadron could say that he had been an eye-witness to cannibalism, though few doubted its practice, but the above transaction placed it beyond all doubt, and we have now the very skull which was bought from those who were picking and eating it, among our collections. Tui Mbua came alongside with his family, and asked permission to remain all night, which was granted him. Mr. Agate succeeded in getting a good likeness of him. Lieutenant Budd, and the boats under his charge, came alongside in the evening, and left the ship again the next morning to complete the survey and bring it down to Mbua Bay. The next day being the 4th of July, they beat through Monkey-Face Passage, and on reaching Ruke-ruke Bay, Captain Hudson anchored, after which the crew kept the 4th of July by feasting on a turtle, and enjoyed themselves with their double allowance of grog. BAY AND ML 235 On the 5th, the Peacock anchored in Mbua Bay, about an hour before the Vincennes reached it, all well and in good spirits. The naturalists were now ordered to return on board the Vincennes, and the prisoner Vendovi was also transferred to her, and remained on board of her until the expiration of the cruise. CHAPTER VIII. CONTENTS. STATE OP THE SURVEYS — REDUCTION OF THE MEN'S ALLOWANCE — RETURN OP LIEUTENANT ALDEN —BOATS REPAIRED — RETURN OF LIEUTENANT PERRY —HE REPORTS THE CAPTURE OF THE FIRST CUTTER IN SUALIB BAY—MEASURES TAKEN IN CONSEQUENCE—EXPEDITION TO TYE AND SUALIB—INTERVIEW BETWEEN A CHIEF OF TYE AND WHIPPY—CONDITIONS PROPOSED TO HIM—ATTACK UPON TYE-1TS DESTRUCTION—NECESSITY FOR DESTROYING IT —GOOD CONDUCT OF OFFICERS AND MEN—RELEASE OF SUALIB CHIEFS—NATIVE MUSIC AND SONG—EXPEDITION IN THE TENDER AND BOATS—THEY ARE JOINED BY THE PORPOISE-ANGANGA—OPERATIONS OF THE PORPOISE—NUGATOBE ISLETS—KANATHIA—MALINA—VANUA-VALAVO—PORT RIDGELY —DUFF REEF—YALANGALALA —NUKUMANU AND NUKUMBASANGA —SOMU- SOMU—KEA-PERILOUS ADVENTURE OF DR. HOLMES-RAMBE—UNDA POINT—YENDUA —PORPOISE HARBOUR—ATROCITIES COMMITTED BY GINGI—ROUND ISLAND—ASAUA CLUSTER — YA-ASAUA — TAU-THA-KE — NAVITI — ELD ISLAND —WAIA— OBSERVATORY PEAK—VOMO—FLEET OF CANOES FROM WAIA—TURTLE-FISHERY—SHELL STRIPPED FROM THE LIVING TURTLE—TRADE IN TORTOISE-SHELL—BOATS REJOIN THE TENDER —SAD INTELLIGENCE B ^ '' ':■ M ' '. CHAPTER VIII. TYE AND SUALIB. Upon the junction of the Peacock with the Vincennes in Mbua Bay, I had it in my power to examine and collate all the work that we had thus far accomplished. After doing this, I found that so much yet remained to be done before a thorough survey of the Feejee Group could be completed, that I must either leave this important duty unfinished, or devote more time to it than had originally been contemplated. I deemed this to be among the most important of the objects of the Expedition; and considering that the seas around these islands abound in dangers whose position had up to this time been entirely unknown, I resolved not only to complete the surveys, but not to leave the group until I had entirely satisfied myself of the accuracy of the work. In furtherance of the last object, I set all who had been employed in the service to work in plotting and calculating their surveys, while the features of the region were yet fresh in their memories. This duty occupied several days after my arrival at Mbua Bay, and was performed without any loss of time that could have been employed in actual surveying; for the weather was bad, in consequence of a gale from the southeast that lasted four days, and it would have been impossible to work in the open air. In consequence of our protracted stay, it became necessary to reduce the allowance of the men's provisions one-third. Orders to this effect were, in consequence, given. The men, when informed of it, readily acquiesced, and I heard not a word of complaint. On the 9th, Lieutenant Alden, in the tender, returned from the Annan Islands, without having completed all the duties he was 240 TYE AND SUALIB. charged with, and he had seen nothing of the shoal he had before reported to me. On the same day I despatched Lieutenant Case and Passed Midshipman Blunt, in the second cutter of the Peacock, around the north side, of the island of Vanua-levu, for the purpose of falling in with the schooner Kai-viti, Passed Midshipman Harrison, and with directions to proceed with her to Somu-somu, and there purchase a cargo of yams. Lieutenant Case had also orders, on overtaking Lieutenant Walker, to relieve him, and to continue the survey with which that officer was charged, as far as Somu-somu, after which he was directed to return by the south side of the island of Vanua- levu, surveying and examining the harbours as he went along. The Rev. Mr. Hunt took advantage of this opportunity to return to his home. Notwithstanding it was raining and blowing a gale, I could not delay this service any longer, particularly as I believed that the gale would moderate before the cutter would reach the other party, and that, as they would pass under the lee of the shore, they would not be very much exposed to it. Necessity alone, however, would have induced me to despatch a party in such weather. For a few days, at this time, every one was employed, who could work, in repairing the boats, preparatory to the further examinations which I contemplated making on the hourly-expected arrival of the Porpoise. On the afternoon of the 12th, Lieutenant Perry arrived in the launch, bringing with him Mr. Knox and the crew of the first cutter. That boat had been captured by the natives, at Sualib Bay, about twenty- five miles to windward, on the same island. In this bay the launch and first cutter had taken refuge during the bad weather, although it offers indifferent accommodation. After being there two or three days, they attempted to beat out, when the cutter, in trying to go about, near the reef, missed stays and was thrown on it. At the time this occurred, it was low water. The natives, who, it was supposed by the party, had anticipated the accident, had followed along the reef, and, as soon as it happened, crowded down, all well armed with clubs, spears, stones, &c. Mr. Knox, finding it impossible to get the boat off, thought of looking into his means of defence, and found himself completely in the power of the natives, for all his arms and ammunition were soaked with salt water. Lieutenant Perry, finding that the launch could not make headway against the wind and sea, had anchored at long gunshot from the spot where the cutter had gone on shore. As soon as he saw what was going forward, he opened a fire on the natives, but without effect; for they, notwithstanding, collected around Mr. Knox's party, and gave them to understand that they must abandon the boat TYE AND SUALIB. 241 and go on board the launch. Having no choice left, he took out all the arms and the chronometers, and, keeping the natives at bay, by pointing the guns at them and threats of killing them, the crew reached the launch in safety. The natives took possession of the first cutter, dragged her over the reef, and stripped her of every thing. They then appeared to be eagerly watching the launch, at which they occasionally fired their muskets, with which they are better provided on this island than elsewhere. They did not prove good marksmen, however, for they did no damage. Two natives, from another part of the shore, now swam off to the launch, with offers of assistance-to Lieutenant Perry; but he supposed that this was done to spy out his weakness, and learn how to take advantage of it. He, therefore, at once seized and retained them. They proved to be a great chief and an inferior one. After he had obtained possession of these men, the natives on shore gave him no further trouble, but remained lurking about the mangroves. The next morning, the weather having moderated, he was enabled to get out of the bay, and reached the ship at the above date. This occurrence was another cause of detention. Immediately on receiving the report, I ordered the two prisoners to be put into irons, and the schooner and eight boats, four from each ship, to be ready for service at sunset Twenty additional men and officers were put on board the tender. Captain Hudson and myself both accompanied the party, which left the ships at the appointed time. Our first rendezvous was about twelve miles from the ship, and it was my intention to reach Sualib by daylight the next morning. We, however, found so much sea on the outside of the reefs, from the late gale, that it was difficult to pull against it. Tom Granby, of whom I have before spoken,. took an oar in my boat, somewhat reluctantly, to pull with the crew. It was no sinecure, particularly to one who was not accustomed to rowing, and Tom soon grew weary, as became quite apparent to me, by an occasional expression of fatigue, which an oar twenty feet long soon brings about. After a hard pull, we reached the small island, and I immediately ordered the few boats' crews that had arrived to get what rest they could previous to the arrival of the Others. My own tent was quickly pitched for that purpose, and all were snugly slumbering in a short time, except Tom, whose ill-humour would not allow him to take rest. He continued grumbling for some time, and, finding that no notice was taken of him, allowed his mo- roseness to get the better of him. His complaints became so loud as to keep many of us from sleeping, and I was compelled to silence him, by threatening to tie him to a tree, and leave him there until our re- 242 TYE AND SUALIB. turn, if he did not desist. This, with a threat to take a shot at him, brought him to his senses, and in part restored his wonted good- humour. After a rest of two or three hours, most of the boats having joined, we left the island, and reached Sualib Bay at about eight o'clock in the morning. Here I again awaited the arrival of the schooner and boats, which began to drop in. The cutter, we found, had been drawn up to a considerable distance, and the tide being low, there was a wide mud-flat between her and the place where we lay at anchor, through which a small tortuous creek led up to her. The natives of the two towns on each side of the bay, one called Tye and the other Sualib, seemed both to be active in preparing to give us a warm reception. Our interpreter gave me reason to expect that we should not get the boat without a sharp fight, and that she would be perhaps destroyed by fire before we should be able to save her. As it would, in all probability, have been attended with loss of life to make the attempt at low water, I determined to await until the tide rose, and in the mean time to attempt to procure her restoration by negotiation. I therefore sent Whippy and Tom to hold a parley, and to state to the natives, that if they restored the boat and every thing belonging to her, I would, for this time, forgive them. One of their chiefs came half-way to meet Whippy, and, both being unarmed, they held a long conference, during which they occasionally referred to their principals. Finally the chiefs agreed to deliver up the boat, which they launched and brought some distance down the creek towards us, whither I sent men to receive her; but she had nothing in her but her spars: all other articles, of every description, including the men's clothes, books and instruments of the officers, breakers, sails, &c, had been detained. My conditions not being complied with, I determined to make an example of these natives, and to show them that they could no longer hope to commit acts of this description without receiving punishment. The dinner hour had now arrived, and finding that the tide would not suit for two or three hours, I ordered the boats off to the tender to get dinner, telling the men that we should burn the town before sunset. We accordingly pulled to the tender and took dinner. In the mean time I was occupied detailing the boats with officers and men in divisions, and when the time came, the boats shoved off from the tender, leaving only Dr. Palmer and two men in charge of her. We moved on in an imposing array, keeping ourselves well prepared for an attack, to which we were necessarily exposed on our approach. TYE AND SUALIB. 243 A very few men could have done us much mischief, had they been tolerable marksmen and stood their ground. To approach the village we had to pass between long lines of mangrove bushes, and I was assured by Whippy, who had been before on a war-party with a formidable force against these natives and been beaten off, that we should have something more than a mere show of resistance to encounter. Under this expectation we proceeded forwards ; but all was silent, and no impediment was offered to our course. When near the beach the boats were anchored, and the officers and men jumped overboard, and waded in about two feet water to the shore. Every thing was conducted with the most perfect order; the three divisions landed; Captain Hudson, with two, proceeded to burn and destroy the town, and the third remained on the beach as a reserve to protect the boats, for I was apprehensive that an attack might be made on them by those on the other side of the bay, a great many of whom were visible, armed, and apparently ready for a fight. The precaution I had taken to let them know, through Whippy, that I held . their chiefs as hostages, and that their safety depended upon the good conduct of the townspeople, I felt was some security, but I had made up my mind not to trust the natives in any way. I therefore kept a large force under my own charge to repel any attack on the boats, and act as a reserve should it become necessary. The town was soon fired, but the anxiety of some of the sailors to make a blaze, induced them to fire one or two of the thick thatched roofs to windward, while the rest of the party had gone to begin the work of destruction to leeward. The whole village was in consequence soon wrapped in sheets of flame, and many of the men were exposed to danger on their return, from the intense heat of the burning buildings. So close was the resemblance of the noise made by the bursting of the bamboo canes, (of which material the houses are for the most part built,) to a running fire of musketry, that every one believed that a general fight was taking place in the parts distant and opposite to him. I About an hour sufficed to reduce the whole to ashes, leaving the village a heap of smoking ruins. We then returned to our boats in the same good order in which we landed. The town of Tye contained about sixty dwellings, built of bamboo, besides a number of yam-houses, wherein they had gathered their crops. The upper and outer yams were well roasted, but the heat from the light material was of short duration, so that few in reality were lost. Another small collection of yam-houses, about a quarter of a mile distant, was also burnt. 1 244 TYE AND SUALIB Few things were found in the town, for the natives had removed all the articles that could be carried away. Three or four weeks of labour would, therefore, suffice to rebuild their houses, and restore them to the same state as before the burning. There was no opposition made to this attack; all the Feejee men had retired out of gun-shot, and were only now and then seen from behind the bushes, or on some craggy peak on the sides of the neighbouring hills, from which they were occasionally dislodged by our rockets. This firework produced consternation, and dispersed them in every direction. As the boats were pulling off from the shore, a few balls fell near us, but did no damage. As we pulled off, the launch (Lieutenant Perry) was just seen making her appearance, having got aground in the passage up, and lain the whole of the tide. His men being much exhausted, were transferred to the tender, and others put in their stead. We then all set out for the ships, which we reached a little before midnight The infliction of this punishment I deemed necessary; it was efficiently and promptly done, and, without the sacrifice of any lives, taught these savages a salutary lesson. In the first cutter was private and public property to the value of over one thousand dollars, which was all lost By reference to my instructions, it will be seen that cases of theft were expressly mentioned as occasions that might require punishment to be inflicted on the natives; yet this transaction formed the gist of one of the charges preferred against me by the administration, on my return to the United States. The conduct of the officers and men on this occasion showed a promptness and energy that were highly creditable, and gave me the assurance that they were as much to be depended upon in dangers of this description, as I had hitherto found them in others. The next day having become satisfied that the Sualib chiefs who had been detained by Lieutenant Perry had really meant to act a friendly part, I determined, for the purpose of making the contrast as strong as possible between those who had offered aid and those who had stolen the cutter, to reward the former for their good intentions.* The next morning, all hands were called on deck, and the prisoners * It must be borne in mind, that any canoe or vessel, whether native or foreign, when driven on shore, is accounted an offering to the gods. All that it contains is considered as belonging to the chief of the district where the accident happens, and the people on board are at once sacrificed. The opinion I formed of the intentions of the two chieft who swam off to Lieutenant Perry, was, that they expected an accident to occur to the launch, and being with her, could have at once claimed her as their own, and would have protected the lives of those on board from the multitude by the authority they held over them. TYE AND SUALIB. 245 brought to the gangway in irons, expecting that their time was now come, and exhibiting great fear, both in their countenances and trembling limbs. Through David Whippy, I then told them, that although appearances were at first against them, I had satisfied myself that they intended to act a friendly part in assisting the launch, and as they had taken no share in the robbery and capture of the boat, and the people of their town had done nothing to molest us, instead of punishing them, I should reward them with presents, and send them back safely to their town. The joy that was depicted on their countenances at this change can readily be imagined. Their irons were then removed, and the presents given. After thanking the officers and men for their good conduct in this affair, we piped down, and our several occupations were resumed. During the time that these chiefs were prisoners on board, a chief of this bay, who called himself Tui Mbua, (after the old chief of that name who has already been spoken of,) came on board, to beg that he might have the bodies of the prisoner chiefs to eat, expecting of course, they were to be killed. The request was made to one of the officers, (Mr. Vanderford,) who had been in this place before, and who spoke the Feejee language. It is said that such a request is considered the greatest token of Feejee friendship, and it is believed that this was the inducement in the present case. The two chiefs remained on board some days, in consequence of the difficulty of sending them back, for the boats that attempted it were obliged to return, in consequence of the fresh trade-wind which was blowing. They afterwards requested permission to be set on shore, as they would prefer going home by land, which was accordingly done. During their stay on board, many of their customs were obtained from them, through the interpreter. The youngest, as I have before stated, was a high chief, and a person of some consequence, and what is remarkable for a Feejee man, was fond of music. He sang, of course, in the manner of his country. From him Mr. Drayton obtained the music, and through the interpreter, the words of the song. The character of the music is the same as that heard from others. It is as follows : TYE AND SUALIB. - ke kau ng-ai tang-i kou-m - bau gag^^^fesffiaEf Se-ni-kun-dra - vi OF THE ABOVE SONG. 1 I woke up suddenly and cried, I was going to get some kundravi flowei For a wreath in the harmonious dance. ANOTHER SONG. Ne avu Rewa tala n'drondro ni singa n So thangi toka ni uthu i Rewa, Ma kurea no a sinu kungera, Me rathuru salu salu nai alewa Thuru sinu ka umbeti a lemba, Ra mbola rua kau tombena, Ma kerea ko yaudi kau serea, Andi ko a luvata ma na oru lemba, Kau viriani ki na loya leka, Ru thakava na lemba kau thakava, Mera ne levu mai a marama, . thungiawa, iai Thangi-lemba, li vakatrava, Ta a lik'thuru ki n Thundru tiko ko ti A onda meke ka si Katu ni votua sa n Vuravaru na vanua saurara, Ravuli vuthura tamu rawataka, N dromu ndole singa ki Muthuata. TRANSLATION. In Rewa a fine southerly wind was blowing, The wind was blowing from the point of Rewa, And it shakes down the flowers of the sinu tree, So that the women may make garlands. String the sinu, and cover it with the lemba flowers, When put together I will hang it on my neck, But the queen begs it and I take it off; Queen! take our garland of lemba, I throw it on the little couch. rYE . SUALIB. Take ye the garland that I have been making, That the ladies may make a great noise in coming. Let us go to the thungiawa, (a house.) The mother of Thangi-lemba was vexed, Why did you give away our dance 1 The basket of dance-fees is empty. This world is a world of trouble, They will not succeed in learning to dance, The sun goes down too soon in Muthuata. The music of the Feejee Islanders is more rude than that of any people we have had communication with in the South Seas. The men rarely care for music, nor have, they any pleasure in musical sounds. The tones of the violin, acordion, flute, and musical-box, which caused so much delight among other islanders, had no charms for them. Their attention is seldom riveted by these instruments, and they will walk off insensible to the sweetest notes. Mr. Drayton says that all their attempts at singing are confined to the major key, and that he does not recollect to have heard a single sound in the minor. Although the Feejeeans have little knowledge of musical sounds, and apparently care not for them, yet they are fond of verse-making, and appreciate the difficulties they have to encounter in their compositions, and according to Mr. Hale, in some of them the manner of rhyming is peculiar and difficult, as they are obliged to confine themselves throughout the stanzas to those vowels which are contained in the two last syllables of the first line of a stanza. For further information I must refer the reader to the Philological Report. The men's voices in speaking are generally higher than those of the natives of the other groups, but some of them speak in a full deep tone. The females speak in a higher note than the Samoans or Tongese; their voices are very agreeable, full of intonations and musical force, giving expression to every thing they say. sOn the. 16th of July, the tender and boats being prepared, I ordered the following officers upon an expedition: Assistant-Surgeon Fox, Acting-Master Sinclair, Passed Midshipman Eld, and Mr. Agate, to accompany me in the tender; Lieutenant Alden and Midshipman Henry in the first, and Lieutenant Underwood in the second cutter of the Vincennes ; Lieutenant Emmons and Midshipman Clark in the first cutter of the Peacock. The boats being fully manned and armed, left the vessels in the afternoon, for the island of Anganga. Orders were left with Captain Hudson to resurvey the Bay of Mbua, (for I was not satisfied with the survey that had been made,) including the outlying reef, and after having completed this duty, to proceed with the Peacock round to Muthuata, and then return for the Vincennes. It 248 TYE AND SUALIB. was my intention to circumnavigate the whole group of islands, carrying meridian distances from island to island, and likewise to complete and connect by triangulation all the parts that required further examination. I proposed to return to Muthuata by the north and east side of Vanua-levu. Having satisfied myself with observations on Lakemba Point,, I set out in the tender at eight o'clock p. m., in order to join the boats early the next morning at Anganga Island, about thirty miles from Mbua Bay. The night was beautiful, and with a light air the tender fanned along. Tom was at the masthead, but, towards morning, being somewhat fatigued, he got into a doze, while the man at the helm believed that Tom would take care of the vessel, and was accustomed to run very close to the reef. All at once the tender brought up on the coral reef, at the north point of Ruke-ruke Bay. This jarred Tom not a little, and waked him up. He protested most strenuously that he had not been asleep, but that " a kind of blur had come over his eyes." Notwithstanding this excuse, I gave the place the name of Sleepy Point, in commemoration of the event. No damage was sustained by the tender. We proceeded on, and at 6 a. m. we anchored near the west end of Anganga Island, where the boats soon after joined us. Finding that Lieutenant Underwood had carried away his mast, I despatched him back to the ship to get a new one, and directed inquiries to be made relative to the provisions that had been served to the boats' crews. Three days' allowance had been put on board each boat, cooked, which the next morning was entirely gone. I could not bring myself to the belief that the quantity which I had ordered had been put on board. But it proved to be the case, and will serve to show what formidable appetites the men acquired during these boat expeditions. Lieutenant Underwood was directed to join me at Yendua, an island lying to the southward and westward of Mbua Bay. After despatching the other two boats to examine the reef outside of Anganga, I landed at the point and remained on shore during the day, with Passed Midshipman Eld, making observations for time and latitude. Dr. Fox and Mr. Agate were engaged in picking up shells and plants, and the latter also made sketches. Two small and beautiful specimens of cyprseas were found here by Dr. Fox. The height of the Ivaca Peak was also measured, and found to be fifteen hundred and sixty-three feet. At noon I was rejoiced to discover the Porpoise in sight. She had been looked for during some days, and I could not but feel anxious, knowing the dangers with which the service I had sent her on was TYE AND SUALIB. 249 surrounded. On her coming up, I ordered signal to be made for her to anchor near us, and in the afternoon we joined company. The brig was then ordered to get under way, and follow our motions. In standing into Ruke-ruke Bay, in the tender, we stood too near the reef, and the wind heading us off, we missed stays and were " obliged to drop anchor to avoid going on shore. With the assistance of the brig we hauled off, ran round Sleepy Point, and it being too late to proceed, anchored for the night. It was my intention to reach Yendua Island that night, but this mishap prevented us. Anganga Island is high, and very much broken ; it is not inhabited, and offers nothing but turtles in the season. I now had communication with Lieutenant-Commandant Ringgold, and before going on with the details of the expedition upon which I had set out, will recount those of the operations of the Porpoise, since I left her at Somu-somu, five weeks previously. Lieutenant-Commandant Ringgold procured as pilot, in place of Tubou Totai, a young Feejee man of Tonga parents, named Aliko, quite intelligent, whom he afterwards found remarkably useful. He was well acquainted with the outlying reefs and islands, having frequently visited them. He was extremely good-looking, and his skin as light as that of the Tongese. On the 14th they left Somu-somu, to' continue the surveys, proceeding round the south end of Vuna. Owing to variable and light winds, they made but little progress for the first few days. They then passed Vaturera, Nugatobe, and Ythata. The former is a high, square-topped, rugged island, with an extensive reef, quite desolate, and lying northwest of Chichia. The Nugatobe Islets are three in number, and small; the two westernmost are enclosed in the same reef. Ythata is a high island, with a bell-shaped peak, lying north of Vaturera; it is surrounded by an extensive reef. There are two low islets lying east of it, connected by a reef, in which is a small canoe- passage at high water. Ythata has extensive cocoa-nut groves along its shores: it is one of the islands that form the southern boundary of the Nanuku Passage. It has about twenty inhabitants. Lieutenant-Commandant Ringgold landed on the islets, and found them composed of white sand and coral. Some pandanus trees were seen. The centre isle is composed of black lava and stones. The reef extends from fifty to one hundred feet, with a break to the north. Here magnetic observations and chronometer sights were obtained. Kanathia, with its many verdant and fertile hills, is a remarkably ' pretty island. Its central peak is sharp and lofty, somewhat resem- vol. in. 32 250 VND SUALIB. bling a lookout-house, formed of basaltic columns. It is surrounded by a reef with boat-entrances, and has on the north a break. The reef extends four and a half miles on the northeast side, and to within two miles of that, of Vanua-valavo. Kanathia is three miles long from north to south, by two and a half mijes from east to west; it lies five miles west of Vanua-valavo. The passage between them is. clear, and the reefs of both islands are visible at the same time. A detached reef lies off the southeast end five miles distant. Kanathia has about three hundred inhabitants. Malina was next surveyed. It lies north of Kanathia, is low, small, and has little herbage. It has an extensive reef surrounding it. Lieutenant-Commandant Ringgold next visited the island of Vanua- valavo, which is included among the Exploring Isles, which he had previously visited. He now entered by the western passage, where he found good anchorage, and visited several fine harbours, where wood and water are to be had in abundance, and the natives were quite friendly. From the top of one of the peaks of Vanua-valavo, called Mount Totten (after the distinguished head of the engineer corps), angles were obtained on all the surrounding islands and reefs. The barometer gave for the height of this peak six hundred and sixty- four feet. The officers were engaged sounding and surveying the harbours, and examinations were made of the several passages.* The chief of the principal village is a mild, good old man, who afforded all the facilities in his power, and the natives were glad to communicate and trade their taro, yams, pigs, &c, in exchange for iron and cloth. They are not so swarthy as the other islanders, and some of them are nominally Christians. The island is estimated to contain one thousand inhabitants. Lieutenant-Commandant Ringgold designated this large and fine anchorage as Port Ridgely, after Commodore Ridgely; and it affords me great pleasure to confirm this compliment to one to whom the Expedition was much indebted on its outfit On the 23d, they left this anchorage and proceeded easterly along the reef that surrounds the Exploring Isles, when they discovered a detached reef to the eastward, lying parallel to the side of the main reef. The southern end of this detached reef is two miles distant from the other. It has a small sand-bank on its south side, and trends north- northeast and south-southwest for four miles; there is, also, on it a black block of rock. On the 25th, they discovered a large bank of coral, on which they 11 be particular! e Hydrographic Memo) TYE AND SUALIB 251 found eleven fathoms of water. Lieutenant-Commandant Ringgold believes that it extends for several miles. There is plenty of water on most parts of it for any class of ships, though it would be well to avoid it, as there may be some coral knolls that might bring a ship up. A current was found here setting to the north a mile and one-eighth hourly. The next day the Duff Reef was examined, as well as the sea, for about thirty or forty miles to the east of it, but no other dangers were visible. The Duff Reef has an extensive sand-bank on it, and the island of Vuna is plainly visible from it. The island of Yalangalala, which lies just to the westward of the Duff Reef, has an extensive reef. It is uninhabited, and forms, with Velerara, the southern side of the Nanuku Passage—the island of Nanuku and its reef forming the northern side. This passage between these islands is ten miles long; the course through is southwest. The islands to the north of this passage are small and low, and surrounded by very large and extensive reefs. The most northern of these are Korotuna and Nukulevu, both of which are low, covered with trees, fertile, and have many inhabitants. Nukumanu and Nukumbasanga lie to the southward of these; they are almost united by reefs and sunken patches of rock, which extend to the Nanuku Reef, and round to Lauthala and Kambia. Too much precaution on the part of mariners cannot be used in approaching this part of the group. Several times during the survey the Porpoise was in great danger. The currents and tides are irregular and much governed by the winds, and at times are found running with great velocity through the various and contracted passages. After making these examinations the Porpoise went to Tasman's Straits, or to those to which I have assigned that name, under the belief that they are those discovered by that navigator. They lie between Vuna and Kambia. This strait was examined, and though contracted, affords a safe passage. Although I was able to identify Tasman's Straits, his Hemskirch I was unable to make out. There is a fine harbour on the Vuna side called after Tubou the pilot, which the brig reached on the afternoon of the 3d of July, having dropped her boats the evening before to pass round Lauthala and Kambia. The boats joined her previous to her entering the straits, having passed the night in a small bight off the island of Kambia. Tubou Harbour is well protected except from the north winds; it is formed by an extensive reef and sand-bank. The 4th of July was spent here, but not in festivity, for Lieutenant-Commandant Ringgold deemed the weather too fine to lose; so the survey of the straits was 252 TYE AND SUALIB. continued, and many of its reefs and sunken patches determined. The next day was similarly employed. On the 6th, the Porpoise reached Somu-somu, where they found the missionaries all well; but the town was nearly deserted, as the king and chiefs had gone to a distant town to a feast The Porpoise experienced here the same gale of wind we had at Mbua Bay, from the 7th until the 11th. On the 10th, it having abated a little, Lieutenant-Commandant Ringgold started for Rambe with the launch in tow, intending to despatch the boats inside the reef, down the north side of Vanua-levu, agreeably to my orders. On reaching the open straits he found that it still blew a gale, and he was obliged to run for shelter under the northwest side of Kea, an island on the Vanua-levu side of the straits. This place they termed Port Safety, having run imminent risk in reaching it. The weather continuing boisterous, the time was usefully, employed under the lee of the island, in examining the bay, reef, and island, officers being sent to the different points to determine its height, and connect it with the other stations that were in sight from its top. Dr. Holmes was one of the number who went on a botanical excursion, and after reaching the top - with the party, he set out to return alone. An adventure then befell him, which will be better told in his own words, which I extract from his journal. 11 started alone to return, intending to deviate a little from time to time from the direct path, to collect a few botanical specimens. I had walked a short distance only, when I struck off" into a fine cocoa-nut grove, and pursued my new path so long, that I was puzzled to retrace my steps. At length I thought I had succeeded, and reached the beach. The form of the island is peculiar; it is narrow, and along its central part runs a long range of hills, whose sides are covered with a thick tall hedge and underbrush, so densely as to make it impossible to cross from one side to the other, except by paths with which I was of course unacquainted. I pursued my course along the beach for an hour or two quite cheerfully, expecting every moment to see the brig; but as I rounded point after point with quick steps and anxious eye, no vessel appeared, and I was fain to push on again for some more distant promontory, promising myself that there my walk was to end. After spending four hours in this manner, my strength began to fail, and I was forced to believe I was on the opposite side of the island to that where the brig was anchored. To retrace my steps was now impossible, and I was completely ignorant how far I should be forced to walk before I should be in safety. I pushed on until I was completely exhausted, and, moreover, found myself stopped by a thicket of man- AND SUALI I 253 groves, which was utterly impassable. I lay down upon the sand, determined to await here until some surveying boat might chance to pass; this was but a poor alternative, as I was not aware the island was to be surveyed in this manner, nor was it so surveyed. I had heard that it was inhabited, and of course could have little hope of kindness from a Feejee native. I pushed on a short distance, and lay down quite worn out. I had had no food or drink for eight or nine hours, and had been incessantly upon the move in a very hot day; the muscles of my legs were cramped and painful, and I could go no farther. I committed myself to fortune. I had lain a few moments only when I heard voices behind me, and looking around saw two huge natives, both well armed" and running to the spot where I was lying; one was entirely naked, and the other wore a maro only. I was totally unarmed, and rising, offered my hand to the foremost one, at the same time giving them the native greeting. I was rejoiced to see that one of them was a Tongese. They shook hands with me in the most friendly manner, at the same time expressing and inquiring where I came from, who I was, and how I got there. I told them, as well as I could, that I wasla ' Turanga Papalangi,' belonging to a ' huanga-levu,' lying in the bay, and had lost my way; at the same time requesting them to guide me back to her, and provide me with water to quench my thirst. After a little parley, during which they were joined by two other Feejee men, they despatched one after cocoa-nuts, and began to examine my clothes and body, showing great curiosity, but being very respectful and good-natured. The nuts were soon brought, and, refreshed by the delicious draught, I set off to follow my guides, not without great distrust. But a short distance was sufficient to deprive me of all strength, and I could drag myself no farther; after a consultation, one of them took me upon his back and carried me through the mangroves, another proceeding with a hatchet, to cut a path. At last I was brought safely to the spot where I had landed from the brig; guns from'the brig, fired for me, served to guide my leaders. A boat was immediately sent for me, and I was taken on board, worn out with fatigue, but full of joy and gratitude for my safe return." These men accompanied Dr. Holmes on board, and were liberally rewarded for their kindness, with hatchets, cloth, paint, fish-hooks, &c. The inhabitants of this island amount to about thirty; they reckon ten Feejee men and five Tongese, with their families. They have an abundance of provisions, consisting of pigs, fowls, (which are said to be wild in the woods,) yams, taro, and cocoa-nuts. A few women were seen, but they were kept at a distance. 254 TYE AND SUALIB. After remaining for another day on account of the weather, Lieutenant-Commandant Ringgold concluded that he ought to rejoin the squadron at Muthuata, on account of his provisions becoming short. He therefore got under way and stood for Rambe Island. This is a lofty island, and very much broken; it is in full view from Somu- somu ; is well wooded, with many deep bights or indentations; one of these, on its southeast side, affords anchorage. There is a large settlement on its northwest side. Between it and Vanua-levu there is a passage, though it is much studded with reefs. The island of Rambe on the southeast, with Point Unda on the northwest, are the two boundaries of the bay of Natava. After making some observations on Rambe, Lieutenant Commandant Ringgold stood over for Unda Point, and steered along the reef to the Sau-sau Passage. When the Porpoise entered this passage, she was boarded by Lieutenant Case, and came to anchor. From Lieutenant Case, Lieutenant-Commandant Ringgold received my instructions of the 9th, and was furnished with a pilot. After supplying Lieutenant Case's boats, he proceeded with the Porpoise through the channel, along the north shore of Vanua-levu, until he joined me off the island of Anganga, as before stated. It would have been desirable, at this time, to give all hands a rest, before undertaking this second examination. But, from the nature of the service, and working against time, as we were constantly obliged to do, I found it impossible, and particularly so now, as our provisions were at a low ebb, and we could not procure any nearer than the Sandwich Islands, whither our supplies had been sent. On the 17th, we all got under way at daylight, having strong breezes from the southward and eastward. The brig was ordered to take the first cutter of the Vincennes in tow; we ran across to Yendua Island, through a large number of coral patches, whose exact locality it was impossible to fix. The whole is foul ground, and ought not to be attempted by ships. I felt tBat it was necessary for us to run the risk, but I would not advise any one to try this route, as there is a free and good channel lying in a direct line from Mbua Bay to Yendua. We passed through a narrow entrance in the reef into a very pretty harbour, which I have called Porpoise Harbour; its form is that of a large segment of a circle, about one mile and a half deep, and a mile in width. It lies open to the southeast, but has a double reef protecting it; the entrance is on the east side. This harbour was surveyed by theboats of the Porpoise and the tender. Yendua may be said to be divided into two islands, having a boat- TYE AND SUALIB. passage between them; both are composed of a black volcanic conglomerate, and the hills are covered with large boulders of lava, landed at once for observations, tents being pitched for the boats' crew, The next morning, Lieutenant Underwood again joined me in the Leopard, and we passed the day on shore, observing for time and latitude. The other officers were variously employed in surveying, and some ascended the peak, and succeeded in getting a round of angles on the distant peaks. The day was remarkably clear. Round Island and the Asaua Group were also in sight. There is but one village and only about thirty inhabitants on these islands; very few of the latter are males. Gingi, the noted chief of Muthuata, had passed by a few months before, on his way to the Asaua Group. Having demanded a large quantity of provisions, yams and taro, which it was impossible to supply, as the hurricane of the preceding March had destroyed all the crops, he landed and murdered all the men, women, and children that could be found. The anchorage and bays on the west side were all explored, particularly those parts that Lieutenant Emmons, from want of time, had been unable to effect; but they were of minor importance. The anchorage in the western bays is not good, as they are so much filled with coral patches, as to make it difficult to find a clear berth for a ship. The island is about twelve miles in circumference. The ebb tide was found setting to the southward and westward. Having finished the observations I designed making here, preparations were made for an early start in the morning. The boats received orders to pass at once over to the Asaua Group, while the brig and tender ran down the reef towards Awakalo or Round Island. I landed on Round Island in time to secure my observations. The shelf on which we landed was found to be of black conglomerate, having had the soft sandstone washed away for fifteen or twenty feet above. The island is of a crescent form, both on the water-line and at its top, rising to the height of five hundred feet in the centre, and dropping at each end. It is, in various places, so deeply rent, as to make it impossible to reach its summit, which I was desirous of doing. There is no coral attached to it, but an extensive patch, on which there is anchorage, lies to the eastward; on this, however, it is not safe to anchor, for the ground is much broken. From the appearance of the water-worn strata, the island would appear to have been upheaved at several different times. After going round the island in my boat, I joined the tender, and ran over, south-southwest, for the Asaua Cluster. The distance was found to be ten miles by the patent log, and the pas sage is perfectly clear. 256 TYE AND SUALIB. We reached the most northern island of the cluster, Ya-asaua, which has several small islets off its northern point. We were just in time to get sight of the black rocks lying off the entrance of what I have called Emmons Bay, after Lieutenant Emmons, who had surveyed it. I felt so much confidence in this officer's work, that I ran into the bay after the night closed in, and was followed by the Porpoise. We thus obtained safe anchorage for the night. The boats answered our signal by large fires on the beach, at the head of the bay. In the morning, we set about sounding this bay out, and orders were given to the Porpoise, to stand off and look for the great sea-reef which was supposed to exist to the westward, with passages through it, and to extend as far as Biva Island. This examination, together with a subsequent one by the tender, proved that it became deep and sunken a little to the northward of Round Island. Ya-asaua is a very narrow island, about ten miles in length, and rises towards the southern part into a high peak, called Tau-tha-ke. Wishing to get observations from the top of it, we ran down and anchored near the southern bight, which is well protected, except from the northwest, by the small island of Ovawo and two small islets. We landed here with a strong party, well armed, as we knew the natives were particularly savage. We succeeded in getting good observations, and then ascended Tau-tha-ke, from which we obtained an excellent set of observations. The weather being very clear, the view was remarkably fine from its top, commanding all the surrounding headlands, islands, and reefs; the ascent to it is on the northern side, over a fine fertile plain upwards of a mile in extent, on which were the remains of a village or town, and of extensive plantations of bananas. These are now in total ruin, having been entirely destroyed by Gingi in his late expedition. The inhabitants, who had the air of a conquered people, treated us with great civility, but all the provisions they could furnish were a few cocoa-nuts, every thing else having been destroyed. They were found subsisting upon the yaka, a kind of root which grows wild on the hills, and is quite palatable when roasted. Mr. Agate took a most capital likeness of the wife of the chief of this village. She was about forty years of age; her head and side- locks were nearly of a scarlet colour; her necklace was composed of a whale's tooth, shells, and a few beads; the corners of her mouth were tattooed in circles of a blue-black colour. She was sitting modestly after the fashion of her country, and had a peculiar cunning look, through eyelids nearly closed. Altogether she TYE AND SUALIB. furnished the most characteristic specimen of the appearance of this people, of any I had seen; but the imagination must supply the place of a bright red lock on the side of the head. From the top of Tau-tha-ke, the beautiful little bay of Ya-sau-y-lau appeared to lie at our feet, with the picturesque rock on its eastern side, having much resemblance to a ruined castle or impregnable fortress. This rock is entirely volcanic, with but little vegetation on it Tradition states it to have been the abode of an immense bird, called Ya-sau-y-lau, which it is said was in the habit of frequenting Vitilevu, where it would pounce upon the first individual it met, and carry him off to its eyrie for food. The natives of Vitilevu held it in great dread for a long time, but desperation drove them to seek its abode on this rock, where they were so fortunate as to find the bird asleep on its nest, and killed it. Tau-tha-ke was found to be seven hundred and eighty-one feet in height. The boats' crews pitched their tents on shore for the night, near the schooner's anchorage. During our visit to Tau-tha-ke, although the natives appeared friendly, and were powerless from the late depredations, I thought it necessary to get the chief safe on board the tender as a hostage. I found him very ready to comply, for they were always sure of receiving presents when the time was up. After we returned on board, he remained during the evening, when we sent up some of our | fiery spirits," which greatly astonished him. He seemed to be more intelligent than the others we had met with. Through the interpreter I asked him several questions; among others, what would become of him and his people when they died. The answer was 258 TYE AND SUALIB. quickly given, " That it would be the last of him and them; that there were some foolish people, who thought they would live in some other world; but they were very ignorant, and there were very few who thought in this way." The next morning the boats were ordered to survey and sound out Ya-sau-y-lau Harbour, and thence to go on beyond the island of Na- viti, passing those of Androna and Yangata. All these islands have passages between them, and are little incommoded with coral reefs. Some of them rise to a considerable height, that of Naviti being nine hundred and fifty-four feet high. They all have many small villages on them, which are generally built on a snug bay, and have near them a secure place of retreat, on the top of some inaccessible rock. I had expected to find anchorage and a good position for observing at Naviti, but none was accessible. Just to the south of Naviti, is an island, the name of which I could not obtain, and which I subsequently called Eld Island, after Passed Midshipman Eld. To three others near it I gave the names of Fox, Agate, and Sinclair. Eld Island was found to be adapted to my purposes. We ascended its peak, and obtained the requisite observations. I then despatched the tender to bring up the boats. During the absence of the tender, we discovered three or four canoes with a number of natives concealed just around the bluff of the next island. These natives were watching our motions very closely, and I deemed it necessary to put the men at the boat, which was some distance from us below, upon their guard, and sent extra boat-keepers to reinforce them. These natives learned that we were well-armed, by the occasional firing of our guns at birds, and did not trouble us. On the arrival of the tender, they went off, and we saw no more of them. It was by no means pleasant to be constantly feeling that if one of us should straggle, he might be kidnapped and taken off to furnish a cannibal feast. The boats again at night pitched their tents on the beach near the tender. Naviti has several large villages, though there is little level ground for cultivation. From the top of Eld Island, that of Biva, in the west, extensive coral reefs trending north from the island of Vomo to the east, and the small islands in the southern part of this group, could be distinctly seen. A few natives were seen on this island, who had swum across the narrow passage between it and Naviti. They were living in a miserable hut, and their principal food appeared to be the yaka, which an old woman was baking in the fire. From the natives digging in search TYE AND SUALIB. 259 of this root, all the hills on these islands had an appearance as if rooted up by pigs. At daylight I despatched the Vincennes' first cutter and the Leopard to survey the small islands in their route towards Malolo, where I had ordered a rendezvous with the brig; and with the tender and Peacock's first cutter I took the inner islands and shoals. The former passed to the right of Waia Island, while the latter took the left side. Waia is the highest and most broken island of this group, its peak being about sixteen hundred and forty-one feet above the level of the sea. Connected with it are Waialailai and Waialailaithake, all very rugged and broken. On the latter I landed, and succeeded, after some difficulty, in getting to the top of one of its rocky peaks, which I called Observatory Peak. At the first view it appeared almost inaccessible, but in making the attempt, we found that the difficulties fortunately diminished as we neared the top. We found the ascent very fatiguing, encumbered, as we were obliged to be, not only with our instruments, but with fire-arms, for it was very necessary to keep constantly on our guard against attacks by the natives. On landing, we had thought that this island was uninhabited, but we were not long on the top before we saw several natives keeping a close watch upon us. This constant necessity of keeping on one's guard for fear of surprise was not a little harassing, and made my anxiety for the parties very great. The more knowledge I obtained of the natives, the less was I disposed to trust them. The Waia Islanders are said to be quite independent of any authority except that of their own chiefs. All endeavours made to subjugate them have proved unavailing; and they keep themselves retired within their own fastnesses, avoiding communication with the other natives, except when they occasionally make an incursion, with a strong force, on the defenceless towns of other islands. From their cruel conduct on these expeditions, they have obtained, even from their cannibal neighbours, the name of savages. The island is said to be fruitful, but I can hardly credit the assertion, for it. seems little better than a craggy rock: it is thought to contain three thousand inhabitants. It is surrounded by a few patches of coral reef, but not enough to afford it a harbour. The western sides of the islands are very much worn by the sea, in consequence of there being no sea-reef to protect them from the full swell of the ocean, in the storms which at certain seasons rage here with violence. The observations from Observatory Peak were quite satisfactory, for we were fortunate in having very clear weather, so that we had all 260 TYE AND SUALIB. the objects under view that we desired. The height of this peak was found to be about five hundred and fifty-five feet In the afternoon, I made for Vomo, and anchored under it. Here I found Lieutenant Emmons, on his return from his examinations of some detached reefs. The southern half of Vomo has a high, narrow, and almost perpendicular bluff; the northern half is sand, covered with a thick growth of bushes, the resort of many pigeons: it is two miles in circumference. There is a detached rock, of a somewhat castellated appearance, at its northwest end, which I called Castle Rock. There is anchorage for a small vessel, but in any thing of a gale even she . would be badly protected. Messrs. Sinclair and Eld were sent at early daylight to the top of the rocky bluff, to get a round of angles, in which they succeeded. I passed the greatest part of the day on the beach, making the usual series of observations for latitude and meridian distances, and also taking a round of angles. At about half-past three, just as we were about getting under way, a large fleet of canoes was seen approaching the island from Waia. Vomo is usually their place of stopping, being about half way to the Vitilevu shore from their island. They are always very cautious in their descent on the large island, although it is supposed that many of its towns hold communication with them, and the original inhabitants of the Naviti and Waia Islands are said to have been renegades from the larger islands. Tom told me they must be after some mischief towards us, as they seldom left their island with so large a force. However true this might have been, we were soon under way, standing towards the Vitilevu shore, for the wind did not permit us to lay our course for Malolo. We passed through narrow passages in reefs, and over patches of rock, where there was little more water than the tender drew. Our pilots had never been over this ground, and thought the natives, who are well acquainted with it, must have calculated upon our meeting with some accident, and intended to be near, to take advantage of it. Vomo, the island just spoken of, is famous for its turtles, more being caught here than on any other island of the group; the time for taking them is from December to March. During this season every place to which the turtles are in the habit of resorting is occupied by the natives, who remain in these.haunts of the animal for the whole of the TYE AND SUALIB. 261 above time, engaged in taking them. At other seasons turtles are occasionally taken in nets, made of cocoanut-husk sennit, among the shoals and reefs. We have seen that the chiefs keep turtles in pens; and I have been informed, by credible witnesses, that when they do not wish to kill them, and have an opportunity of disposing of the valuable part of the shell, they will remove it from the living animal. They do this by holding a burning brand close to the outer shell until it curls up and separates a little from that beneath; into the gap thus formed a small wooden wedge is inserted, by which the whole is easily removed from the back. After they have been thus stripped, they are again put into the pens, and although the operation appears to give great pain, it is not fatal. Each turtle is covered with thirteen pieces, five on the back, and four on each side. These together make what is called a head, whose average weight is about fourteen pounds. Tortoise-shell, I am informed, sometimes sells in Manilla for from two to three thousand dollars the picul (one hundred and thirty-three English pounds). It constitutes the chief article of trade in these islands, and causes them to be visited by traders every season, while it is the chief inducement for the residence of whites among them, who endeavour to monopolize the trade. The visits of the traders in tortoise-shell, who come in small vessels, are attended with no little risk, and there are many accounts of attempts made by the natives to cut them off. They resort to many methods of effecting this purpose ; among others, one of the most frequent is to dive and lay hold of the cable: this, when the wind blows fresh towards the shore, is cut, in order that the vessel may drift upon it; or, in other cases, a rope is attached to the cable, by which the vessel may be dragged ashore. The time chosen for these purposes, is just before daylight. The moment a vessel touches the land, she is considered and treated as a prize sent by their gods. By five o'clock we had anchored under the Vitilevu shore, off the point called Viti-rau-rau, where we lay until 2 a. m. Having the advantage of the moon, by whose light we trusted to find our way through the reefs, and being favoured by a land-breeze, we then weighed anchor, in hopes of reaching Malolo in time for early observations. At eight o'clock, a. m. it fell calm, and not wishing to lose the day, I determined to land on a small sand-island, a mile and a half in circumference, (which I called Linthicum Island, after my cockswain,) that was near us, and afterwards to connect it with that of Malolo by triangulation. The anchor of the tender was accordingly 262 TYE AND SUALIB. dropped, her sails remaining up, as a signal to the boats of our position. We were then about five miles east of Malolo. I soon landed, with Mr. Eld, and became engaged in our observations. In the afternoon, I was congratulating myself that I had now finished my last station of the survey, and that my meridian distances and latitudes were all complete. We were putting up our instruments to go on board, when it was reported to me that the three boats were in sight, coming down before the breeze. So unusual an occurrence at once made me suspect that some accident had occurred; and on the first sight I got of them, I found that their colours were half-mast and union down. 1 need not describe the dread that came over me. We reached the tender only a few moments before them, and when they arrived, I learned that a horrid massacre had but a short hour before taken place, and saw the mutilated and bleeding bodies of Lieutenant Joseph A. Underwood and my nephew, Midshipman Wilkes Henry. The boats were taken in tow, when we stood for Malolo, and as the night closed in, anchored in its eastern bay. _'";\. -^rv ^^sSSiPf-^ST0 CHATTER IX. CONTENTS. PARTICULARS OF THE MURDERS AT MALOLO—BURIAL OF LIEUTENANT UNDERWOOD AND MIDSHIPMAN HENRY—PREPARATIONS FOR THE ATTACK ON MAEOLO-CANOES INTERCEPTED—OPERATIONS OF THE BOATS—ARRO BURNT —OPERATIONS OF LIEUTENANT-COMMANDANT RINGGOLD — FORTIFICATIONS OF SUALIB — ATTACK UPON SUALIB—SUALIB SET ON FIRE, AND COMPLETELY DESTROYED —RETURN OF LIEUTENANT-COMMANDANT RINGGOLD'S DIVISIONS — LIEUTENANT EMMONS'S ACTION WITH FIVE CANOES—OVERTURES OF THE NATIVES FOR PEACE—MESSAGE TO THE NATIVES-SECOND LANDING ON MALOLO—THE NATIVES BEG FOR MERCY—CONDITIONS IMPOSED UPON THEM —CAPTIVE CHIEF LIBERATED — REMARKS ON THE CIRCUMSTANCES OF THE MURDERS, AND ON THE CONSEaUENCES OF THE PUNISHMENT INFLICTED ON MALOLO—THE BOATS SENT BACK TO THE SH1PS-THE FLYING- FISH AND PORPOISE SAIL FROM MALOLO — NAVULA REEF —NAVULA PASSAGE — THE PORPOISE DETACHED TO OVOLAU — VATULELE — KANTAVU — ONO — PASSED MIDSHIPMEN'S ISLANDS — ASTROLABE REEF — ARRIVAL OF THE FLYDVG-FISH AT OVOLAU—LEVUKA—DEPARTURE OF THE FLYING-FISH FROM LEVUKA—VALLEY OF VOONA—PASSAGE ROUND THE ISLAND OF OVOLAU—AMBAU—CASE OF THE AIMABLE JOSEPHINE —OF THE BRIG SIR DAVID OGILBY — CAUTION TO VESSELS VISITING AMBAU — MOTURDXI PASSAGE —WAR THREATENED BETWEEN SOMU-SOMU AND AMBAU—INTERFERENCE ON BEHALF OF THE MISSIONARIES—ORATOR OF THE KING OF SOMU-SOMU —MANNER OF TRADING —UPPER TOWN OF SOMU-SOMU — EXHIBITION OF ROCKETS—NEWS OF CAPTAINT CHOKER'S ATTACK ON THE HEATHEN OF TONGA, AND OF THE LOSS OF HIS LIFE—DEPARTURE FROM SOMU-SOMU—CHICOBEA—MALI- REUNION OF THE saUADRON—SEPARATE OPERATIONS OF CAPTAIN HUDSON—EXCURSION OF DR. PICKERING AND MR. BRACKENRIDGE—THE TWO CHIEFS OF SUALIB —JUGGLERY OF A PRIEST—CAPTAIN HUDSON DEMANDS A DESERTER—RETURN OF THE SON OF THE KING OF MUTBUATA-NALOA BAY-SURVEY OF THE HARBOUR OF MUTHUATA—PROCEEDINGS OF A MEETING OF OFFICERS—RECOVERY OF A DESERTER —ARRIVAL OF THE KAI-VITI AT MUTHUATA—WHALE-SHIP TRITON—JOY OF THE KING OF MUTHUATA AT THE DEPARTURE OF THE SHITS—NATIVE PUNISHED FOR THEFT BY THE KING — SEPARATE OPERATIONS OF LIEUTENANT - COMMANDANT RINGGOLD—BIVA—HUDSON ISLES—PREPARATIONS FOR GOING TO SEA—THE INTERPRETERS DISCHARGED—THEDJ CHARACTER. CHAPTER IX. MALOLO. 1840. The melancholy event of which I became aware in its full extent by the return of the boats under Lieutenant Alden, as related at the close of the foregoing chapter, was calculated to excite the most intense feelings that can agitate the mind of a man or of an officer. It took place just as,—after weeks of intense anxiety for the safety of those under my command, exposed in open boats to the perils of the sea, and in small detachments to the insidious attacks of savages, instigated not merely by cupidity, but by the horrible instinct of cannibal appetite,—I had myself closed the operations of the survey, and awaited only my junction with the boats to be satisfied that all our . perils were at an end. One of the victims was my own near relation, confided to my care by a widowed mother; I had therefore more than the ordinary degree of sorrow, which the loss of promising and efficient officers must cause in the breast of every commander, to oppress me. The blood of the slain imperatively called for retribution, and the honour of our flag demanded that the outrage upon it should not remain unpunished. On the other hand, it was necessary, in order that any proceedings I should adopt should be such as would be capable of full vindication and meet the approval of the whole civilized world, that my action in the case should not appear to be instigated by mere vindictiveness, and should be calculated to serve, not as an incitement to retaliation upon future visiters, but as a salutary lesson, as well to the actual perpetrators of the deed, as to the inhabitants of the whole group. It was beyond every thing else important, that in the desire of inflicting punishment, I should avoid, as far as possible, the risk of voL.m. x 34 f365) 266 MALOLO. losing other valuable lives. The two chief vessels of my squadron were at a distance, and I knew that the natives of Malolo were not only guarded in their towns by fortifications, impregnable in their own mode of warfare, but were furnished with fire-arms and ammunition. To burn the dwellings of these fastnesses, as I had done at Tye, if an adequate punishment for mere thefts, would have been no sufficient penalty for the present heinous offence, nor would it have served to deter the people of Malolo from similar acts for the future. The passions of all around me were excited to the highest pitch, and although the most severely injured of any, it became my task to restrain the desire of revenge within the bounds of prudent action in the conduct of retaliatory measures, as it became afterwards my endeavour to prevent a just and salutary punishment from becoming a vindictive and indiscriminate massacre. My first duty was to receive the report of the officer in command of the boats,* and to make such further inquiry into the circumstances of the transaction, as should satisfy me that the bloody deed had not been provoked on the part of the victims. The results of this inquiry were as follow. On the 22d July, the first cutter of the Vincennes, Lieutenant Alden and Midshipman Henry, and the Leopard, Lieutenant Underwood, left, as has been stated, the station at Eld Island, and proceeded along the right side of Waia, for the purpose of fulfilling my. orders to survey the small islands lying north of Malolo. This done, they had instructions to join the tender or Porpoise on the western side of that island, and survey such islands as they might fall in with on the way. After passing Waia, the boats anchored for the night under one of the small islands. The next day, they were employed in the survey of the small islands, and in the evening anchored in the bay on the east side of Malolo, formed by it and Malolo-lai-lai, or Little Malolo. On reaching this place, Lieutenant Alden, being desirous of ascertaining if the Porpoise was at the anchorage on the west side, directed Lieutenant Underwood to land near the south end of Malolo, and to ascend a small eminence to get a view of that anchorage. Lieutenant Alden, it appears, cautioned Lieutenant Underwood to go well armed and to be on his guard with the natives, as on his former visit, about six weeks before, he had been led to doubt their friendly disposition, and, in consequence, had avoided having any communication with them. He also directed Lieutenant Underwood to return before sunset » See App. V L O L O. 267 Lieutenant Underwood landed and went up the hill with one of his men. After a few minutes, Lieutenant Alden observed some suspicious movements among the natives near the point, and, in consequence, hoisted a signal of recall. Lieutenant Underwood was soon seen returning to the boat with his man and a native. Before leaving the beach, he had some talk with the natives. On joining Lieutenant Alden, he reported that there was no vessel in sight, and mentioned that on his way up the hill, he suddenly came upon a native carrying an armful of clubs, who, the moment he perceived him, threw down his load and attempted flight, but Lieutenant Underwood detained and made him go before them to the boat. When they reached the beach, a party of natives joined, and appeared to him much disconcerted at finding the lad a prisoner, and without arms. They passed the night at anchor in this.bay, and on the morning of the 24th, discovered the tender at anchor to the eastward. At nine o'clock Lieutenant Emmons joined them in the Peacock's first cutter, having passed the night at one of the small sand-islands in the neighbourhood. Lieutenant Emmons found them waiting breakfast for him. They anticipated that he had some more provisions for them, as he had recently parted with the tender, and hoped to procure some yams, pigs, &c, from him, or from the tender herself, which would in all probability reach Malolo during the day. When Lieutenant Emmons arrived, several of the natives, some of whom were armed, were on the beach where the boats' crews had cooked their breakfast. Many inducements were offered to them for pigs, yams, &c, with very little success, each offering some excuse, and urging the necessity of the boats going to their town for such things. Just after they had finished their breakfast, the chief spokesman of the village came, wading out near the boats, and invited them, in the name of the chief, to their town, where he said the chief had secured four large hogs as a present for them. In this talk, Oahu Sam, who it will be recollected came on board the Peacock as Vendovi's barber, was the interpreter. It appears that Lieutenant Underwood now volunteered to go to the town for provisions, taking with him John Sac (the New Zealander heretofore mentioned) as interpreter, from Lieutenant Alden's boat. He, in consequence, shoved off, leaving the other boat to follow him as soon as the tide would allow it to cross the reef between the islands. Lieutenant Emmons then pushed his boat for the shore, and landed, with three armed men, on Malolo-lai-lai, in order to obtain some angles from the top of a hill. On his approaching the beach, the natives • MALOLO. waded off to his boat, but he ordered them off, and directed the officer with him, Midshipman Clark, to keep his boat afloat, and not suffer them to approach her during his absence. This order was strictly attended to, and although a similar attempt was again made, the natives when ordered off retired as before. Lieutenant Underwood's boat drew too much water to get across the reef, and grounded, upon which a number of natives collected around her, and joining with the boat's crew, assisted to drag her over the reef. At this time the natives got a knowledge of the feebleness of the armament of Lieutenant Underwood's boat To my surprise I have since learned that Lieutenant Underwood had left the greater part of the armament with which he had been furnished on board the brig some few days before. Seven rifles had been put on board that vessel, under the idea that it would lighten the boat, and no more than three out of the ten he took with him from the Vincennes remained. On landing they found no more than two pigs tied to a tree for sale, instead of the four they had been promised as presents. These the natives declined selling until the chief, who was out upon the reef fishing, should return. A messenger was sent for him, and he soon made his appearance, but conducted himself haughtily, and refused to part with his hogs except for a musket, powder, and ball, which being against orders was refused. Lieutenant Alden entertained some uneasiness at the number of natives that had crowded around the Leopard, and proceeded to join her, but was detained near the reef about twenty minutes before the tide would allow the boat to pass over, the first cutter drawing more water than the Leopard. On entering the bay, he found the Leopard at anchor about two thousand feet from the shore, in just sufficient water to enable his boat to get alongside. He was informed by the boat's crew that Lieutenant Underwood had gone on shore, leaving a hostage in the Leopard, whom Lieutenant Alden immediately took into his own boat. Lieutenant Underwood was accompanied to the shore by J. Clark, armed with a rifle and sheath-knife; J. Dunnock and J. M'Kean, armed with cutlasses ; William Leicester, who had the trade-box, unarmed; John Sac, interpreter, unarmed; Jerome Davis and Robert Furman, unarmed. The rest of his men remained in the boat, armed with cutlasses and two rifles. Lieutenant Underwood was now seen on the beach, endeavouring to trade with a party of about fifteen natives, whence he sent off Robert Furman, a coloured boy, to Lieutenant Alden, to say that the natives would not trade, except for powder, shot, and muskets. Furman was sent back by Lieutenant Alden to say, that he would not consent to any such exchange while the schooner was within reach; that they could be supplied by her, and that he must hurry off, as he thought he had been long enough absent (having remained on shore about an hour) to purchase all they required, if the natives were disposed to trade. After this, Midshipman Henry asked, and Lieutenant Alden gave him permission to land in the canoe, and come off with Lieutenant Underwood. A few moments after, a small canoe came alongside Lieutenant Alden's boat, and exchanged some words with the hostage, who displayed a little anxiety to return with them to the shore. As the canoe shoved off, he attempted to leave the boat, when Lieutenant Alden took him by the arm and directed him to sit down, giving him to understand that he must keep quiet. Lieutenant Emmons now joined, and the Leopard was ordered to drop in as near to the party on shore as possible. The tide had by this time risen sufficiently to allow her to go most of the way on the reef. After another half hour had expired, Jerome Davis, one of the boat's crew, came off with a message from Lieutenant Underwood, that with another hatchet he could purchase all he required. The hatchet was given to Davis, who was directed to say to Lieutenant Underwood that Lieutenant Alden desired to see him without delay, and that he should come off as soon as possible with what he had. While Lieutenant Alden was relating the circumstances of the hostage's desire to escape to Lieutenant Emmons, from the starboard side of the boat, the hostage jumped overboard from the larboard quarter, and made for the shore, in two and a half feet water, looking over his shoulder, so as to dodge at the flash if fired at. He took a direction different from that of the party on the beach, to divide the attention of those in the boats. Lieutenant Alden immediately levelled his musket at the hostage, who slackened his pace for a moment, and then continued to retreat. Midshipman Clark, who was ready to fire, was directed to fire over his head, which did not stop him. J. Clark testifies that Lieutenant Underwood, M'Kean, and himself, were standing near the beach, waiting the return of Davis, when they saw the chief escape from the boat, and heard the report of the musket. The old chief, who was standing near, immediately cried out that his son was killed, and ordered the natives to make fight. Upon this two of them seized upon Clark's rifle, and tried to take it from him. One of these he stabbed in the breast with his sheath-knife; the other Mr Underwood struck on the head w'th the butt end of his pistol, upon which both relinquished their hold. Lieutenant Underwood then ordered the men to keep close together, and they endeavoured to make their way to the boat, facing the natives. Lieutenant Underwood also called upon Midshipman Henry to assist in covering the retreat of the men to the boats, to which Mr. Henry replied, that he had just received - a blow from the club of a native, and would first have a crack at him. He then pursued the native a few steps, and cut him down with his bowie-knife pistol, and had again reached the water's edge, when he was struck with a short club on the back of the head, just as he fired his pistol and shot a native. The blow stunned him, and he fell with his face in the water, when he was instantly surrounded by the natives, who stripped him. The natives now rushed out from the mangrove- bushes in great numbers, some of them endeavouring to get between Lieutenant Underwood and the water, while others crowded upon his party, throwing their short-handled clubs and using their spears. Lieutenant Underwood, having received a spear-wound, fired, and ordered the men to do the same; and after he had fired his second pistol, was knocked down by the blow of a club. Clark at the same time was struck, and had no farther recollection. J. Dunnock says that he was at some distance from Lieutenant Underwood at the time the attack was made; and the first intimation he had of it, was Lieutenant Underwood's order to keep together and go down to the boat. While obeying the order, he saw the natives seize upon Clark's rifle, and strike Lieutenant Underwood; but after this he had as much as he could do to avoid the clubs and spears hurled at himself. He says that Mr. Henry was near him, and up to his knees in water, when he received the blow from the short club which knocked him down lifeless, with his face in the water. He did not see the hostage escape, nor hear the gun fired. M'Kean states that he was standing by the side of Lieutenant Underwood at the time they were awaiting the return of Davis; that suddenly there was a movement among the natives, and the cause of it was discovered to be the escape of the hostage. Mr. Underwood, anticipating trouble, immediately ordered the men to assemble and make for the boat. John Sac's story corroborates that of M'Kean. He says, that upon hearing the gun, and seeing the hostage escaping, the chief cried out that his son was killed, and gave the war-cry. On seeing the attack, Lieutenants Emmons and Alden pushed for the shore, with both boats. The former had already started to endeavour to retake the hostage. The boats commenced firing as they sailed in on some natives who appeared to be wading out to meet MALOLO. 271 them As soon as the boats took the bottom, all jumped out except two boat-keepers, and waded in, occasionally firing at the natives, who now retreated, carrying off their dead and wounded, and soon disappeared among the mangrove-bushes. Before reaching the beach, J. G. Clark was met badly wounded, and was taken at once to the boats. On the beach lay Lieutenant Underwood, partly stripped, and Midshipman Henry, quite naked, with a native close by the latter, badly wounded, who was at once despatched. The party, picking up the bodies, bore them to the boats. On the first inspection, some faint hopes were entertained that Midshipman Henry was not dead ; but a second examination dissipated this idea. The boats now hauled off, and made sail to join the tender, where they had seen her in the morning at anchor. Every attention was paid to the wounded and dead by the officers that affection and regard could dictate; and I could not but feel a melancholy satisfaction in having it in my power to pay them the last sad duties, and that their bodies had been rescued from the shambles of these odious cannibals. Yet, when I thought that even the grave might not be held sacred from their -hellish appetites, I felt much concern relative to the disposition of the bodies. I thought of committing them to the open sea; but one of the secluded sand-islands we had passed the day before occurred to me as a place far enough removed from these condor-eyed savages to permit them to be entombed in the earth, without risk of exhumation, although there was no doubt that our movements were closely watched from the highest peaks. On consultation with the officers, they concurred with my views on this point. There being no doubt, from the reports of all parties present, that this outrage was entirely unprovoked, I had no hesitation in determining to-inflict the punishment it merited, and this, not by the burning of the towns alone, but in the blood of the plotters and actors in the massacre. The two first cutters of the Vincennes and Peacock were therefore directed to take up stations to prevent the escape of any persons from the island, and before daylight Passed Midshipman Eld was despatched on the same service with the Leopard. The tender got under way at the same time, and proceeded towards the spot I had chosen for the place of burial. The sun rose clearly, and nothing could look more beautiful and peaceful than did the little group of islands, as we passed them in succession, on our melancholy errand. At the last and largest, about ten miles from Malolo, we came to anchor. Dr. Fox and Mr. Agate went 272 MALOLO. on shore to select a place, and dig a common grave for both the victims About nine o'clock they came off, and reported to me that all was ready. The bodies were now placed in my gig, side by side, wrapped in their country's flag, and I pulled on shore, followed by Mr. Sinclair and the officers in the tender's boat Only twenty sailors, (all dressed in white,) with myself and officers, landed to pay this last mark of affection and respect to those who had gone through so many toils, and shared so many dangers with us, and of whom we had been so suddenly bereaved. The quiet of the scene, the solemnity of the occasion, and the smallness of the number who assisted, were all calculated to produce an unbroken silence. The bodies were quietly taken up and borne along to the centre of the island, where stood a grove of ficus trees, whose limbs were entwined in all directions by running vines. It was a lonely and suitable spot that had been chosen, in a shade so dense that scarce a ray of the sun could penetrate it. The grave was dug deep in the pure white sand, and sufficiently wide for the two corpses. Mr. Agate read the funeral service so calmly and yet with such feeling, that none who were present will forget the impression of that sad half hour. After the bodies had been closed in, three volleys were fired over the grave. We then used every MALOLO. 273 precaution to erase all marks that might indicate where these unfortunate gentlemen were interred. I felt as if to refrain from marking the spot where they were laid, deprived us of one of the consolations that alleviate the loss of a relative and friend, but was relieved when it occurred to me to fix a more enduring mark on that place, by naming the island after my nephew, " Henry," and the pretty cluster of which it forms one, " Underwood Group." Places remote from the grave were now more disturbed by footsteps and digging than the grave itself, and our tracks were obliterated from the sand, leaves being thrown about to obscure all indications that might lead the wary savage to the resting-place of the dead. We wandered about the beach a short time, after which we embarked and weighed our anchor to return to Malolo. Shortly after, we discovered the Porpoise entering the Malolo Passage, with whom we soon joined company, and anchored again in the bay on the east side of Malolo before dark. Preparations were now actively commenced to punish the actors in this foul deed ; the arms were prepared, and the parties duly organized in the course of the night. Upon the island there are two towns, Sualib and Arro. The former was on the southwest side, and the residence of the principal actors in the massacre. Upon this I intended to inflict the heaviest blow. The latter, whose inhabitants had also taken a part in the tragedy, and whose unprovoked hostility had been exhibited by their firing upon the boats from the mangrove-bushes, I determined to burn to the ground. It was also necessary to be prepared upon the water to prevent any attempt at escape, or the more desperate effort to capture the vessels, necessarily left under a feeble guard. The two latter objects were connected, and for this purpose I kept under my own immediate command, my gig, the first cutters of the Vincennes and Peacock, under Lieutenants Alden and Emmons, and the tender's boat, under Midshipman Clark. The party which was to land and attack Sualib, was placed under the orders of Lieutenant-Commandant Ringgold. It was composed of seventy officers and men, of the crews of the Porpoise and tender, with a few men from the boats, and was arranged in three divisions, under Lieutenant-Commandant Ringgold himself, Lieutenants Johnson and Maury. To the party were also attached Lieutenant North, Passed Midshipmen Sinclair and Eld, with Assistant-Surgeon Holmes t:nd Mr. Agate. The party had orders* after landing, to move upon Sualib, destroy- * For orders, see Appendix XIII. VOL. III. 35 274 MALOLO. ing all the plantations they should meet on their way, sparing none except women and children. They were then to march across the island to Arro, and join me for the purpose of re-embarking. Acting-Master Totten, who was too unwell to assist in active operations on shore, was left in charge of the brig, with such of the crew as were on the sick- list, and had orders to prevent the natives escaping across the channel to Malolo-lailai. My plan of attack, and the operations which resulted from it, will be understood by reference to the annexed diagram of Malolo. The anchor represents the brig' 3. Position of boats off Sualib. 4 Lieutenant Emmons met for mercy. Track of boats and shore party. Tom Granby, the pilot, with three men, were left to get the tender under way, and proceed with her to the north side of the island, to cover our landing at the town of Arro. The parties were all fully armed, and were provided with port-fires, and rockets ("fiery spirits"), which we had found so efficient on a former occasion. Nine o'clock in the morning was the hour appointed for landing MALOLO. 275 Lieutenant-Commandant Ringgold's force, which was effected in good order, and the party being arranged in its three divisions, marched off. Before the disembarkation was effected, two natives endeavoured to pass over to Malolo-lailai, but a well-directed shot from Mr. Totten compelled them to return. As soon as Lieutenant-Commandant Ringgold's party had moved off, two canoes were seen turning the point of Malolo-lailai. I gave immediate orders to chase and intercept them, when, if they were from any other island, they were to be directed to return on their course, but if belonging to Malolo, they were to be captured. All the boats pulled out, and Lieutenant Emmons, who took the lead, succeeded in cutting them off from the shore. Through Oahu Sam, he found that they belonged to Malolo, and the men in Lieutenant Emmons's boat were so much excited that they at once fired several muskets into the canoes, by which some of the persons in them were struck; the rest immediately jumped overboard, and swam in various directions. By this time I had approached near enough to order the firing to cease, and quarter to be given. The swimmers were then picked up. Among them were found one of the chiefs of Arro, the town we were about to attack, with a woman, a girl, and an infant. I directed the three last to be set on shore and liberated, telling them we did not war against women and children. The men I sent on board the brig, to be put in irons, and had the canoes towed alongside of her. I now found that the tender had grounded on the only shoal in the bay, and as the tide was rapidly falling, I knew it was useless to attempt to get her off. I therefore left her with Tom Granby, mortified at his bad luck, and disappointed in not having to play a conspicuous part as her commander, for which he had evidently prepared himself. The boats now pulled towards the north end of the island. As we proceeded in that direction, towards the town of Arro, which I now intended to attack, we heard a distant hail from the shore-party, who were on the top of the ridge of the island, informing us that five canoes were in sight to the northward, standing for the island. As soon as we reached the town of Arro, perceiving no natives to oppose us, I despatched Lieutenant Emmons to pull towards the approaching canoes and intercept them, while with the rest of the boats' crews the town of Arro was burnt. In doing this we met with no hindrance, for although the place was large, evidently populous, and well fortified with a ditch and fence, it was found deserted. Many of the male inhabitants, as I afterwards learned, had gone to Sualib, to aid in the defence of that town, while others had accompanied the MALOLO. women and children to the mountains, whither all their movable property had also been carried. This fact shows that the islanders were not ignorant of the consequences that were likely to follow the murder of our officers, and had made timely preparations to resist our attack on one of the towns, and save themselves from serious loss at the other. Having completed the destruction of Arro, I proceeded in the gig towards the northwest point of the island, for the purpose of joining Lieutenant Emmons, on rounding which, I observed the smoke of the burning of Sualib. As I pulled around the island, I saw many of the natives on the highest peaks, whither they had retreated for safety, and others upon the beach, who, on seeing the boat, fled towards the mountains. In pursuit of these, the "fiery spirits," were frequently sent, to their great alarm. When I had proceeded far enough to get a view of the bay in front of Sualib, neither boat nor canoes were in sight, and I turned back, to rejoin the other boats off Arro. On reaching them, Lieutenant Alden reported that he had executed the orders, and had, at high water, towed off or destroyed all the canoes. During my absence, an old man had ventured down to the beach, with two others in his company, and made signs that he wished to speak with them. They held a parley with him, through the interpreter, and learned that he was the chief of Arro. He told them that he was houseless, had lost his property, his son, and many of his people ; he declared that his village had nothing to do with the killing of the Papalangis, and offering pigs, &c, as presents, begged that we would not punish him any farther. Lieutenant-Commandant Ringgold, with his party, reached Arro just at sunset. His three divisions were separated immediately after they landed, in order to cover more space, and more effectually to destroy the plantations. The division under Lieutenant Maury was the first to approach Sualib. As soon as the natives got sight of it, they set up shouts of defiance. No signs of fear were exhibited, but on the contrary, every proof of a determination to resist. Lieutenant-Commandant Ringgold in a short time came up with his division, and on examining the defences of the town, thought it expedient to await the arrival of Lieutenant Johnson. Upon the latter officer coming up, which was shortly after, the three parties descended the hill, and approached the ditch of the town. The natives boldly sallied out to meet them, with a discharge of arrows, and exhibited the utmost confidence. They in truth believed their town to be impregnable, for it had hitherto withstood every attack made by Feejee MALOLO. 277 warriors. Its defences evinced no little skill in engineering: a ditch twelve feet wide and full of mud and water, surrounded the wbole; next came a strong palisade, built of cocoa-nut trunks, placed four or five feet apart, among which was here and there a living tree; this palisade was united by a fence of wicker-work, about ten feet high, so strong and dense as to defy all attempts to penetrate or even see through it; inside of the palisade was a second ditch, recently excavated, the earth thrown up from which formed a parapet about four feet in thickness, and as many in height. In the ditch the defenders sheltered themselves, and only exposed their heads when they rose to shoot through the loopholes left in the palisade. As the whole party continued to approach the fortification, our men spread out so as to outflank the skirmishers, and by a few rockets and a shower of balls showed them that they had different enemies from Feejee men to deal with. This compelled them to retire within the fortification, and abandon all on its outside to destruction. When the skirmishers had retired into the fortress, all united in loud shouts of lako-mai (come on!), flourishing their spears and clubs. Our party having approached within about seventy feet of the stockade, opened its fire on the fortification. Now was seen, what many of those present had not before believed, the expertness with which these people dodge a shot at the flash of a gun. Those who were the most incredulous before, were now satisfied that they could do this effectually. For about fifteen minutes an obstinate resistance was kept up with musketry and arrows. In this the women and children were as actively engaged as the men, and all made a prodigious clamour. • After the above time, the noise diminished, the defence slackened, and many were seen to make their escape from a gate which was intentionally left unattacked, carrying the dead and wounded on their backs. A rocket, of which several had already been tried without visible effect, now struck one of the thatched roofs; a native sprung up to tear it off, but that moment was his last, and the roof immediately burst into flames. Upon this Lieutenant-Commandant Ringgold recalled several officers who were desirous of storming the town through its small gate, an attempt, which even if successful, must have been attended with loss of life on our part, and which the sue-' cess of the rocket practice rendered unnecessary. To force the gate would have been a difficult operation, had it been defended with the least pertinacity, for it was constructed in the manner of a fish-weir. The natives, as has been seen, had, in addition to their arrows, clubs, spears, and muskets; but the latter were so unskilfully handled as to 278 MALOLO. do little damage, for they, as I had before been informed was their practice, put charges into them according to the size of the person they intended to shoot at. They believe that it requires a larger load to kill a large man than it does to kill a small one. -The bows and arrows were for the most part used by the women. The moment the flames were found to be spreading, a scene of confusion ensued that baffles description. The shouts of men were intermingled with the cries and shrieks of the women and children, the roaring of the fire, the bursting of the bamboos, and an occasional volley of musketry. The heat became so intense, that Lieutenant-Commandant Ringgold drew off the divisions to a cocoa-nut grove in the neighbourhood, where he waited until the conflagration should have exhausted its fury. After the lapse of an hour, the whole town was reduced to ashes, and a few of the officers and men were able, although with difficulty, to enter within its ditch. It was evident that large quantities of water and provisions (pigs, &c.,) had been stored up, in the anticipation of a long siege. Numerous clubs, spears, bows and arrows, with several muskets, were picked up, together with fish-nets, tapa, &c, and the cap of Lieutenant Underwood. Only four bodies were found, among whom was that of a child, which had been seen during the conflagration, apparently deserted, and in a state of danger, from which our men would gladly have relieved it, had it been possible. Our party sustained but little injury. Only one man was struck by a ball, which, however, did no other, harm than to tear his jacket. Several were wounded by arrows, but only Samuel Stretch, quarter- gunner, so severely as to cause any solicitude. After the destruction of the town, the third division, under Lieutenant Maury, was ordered to return to the brig, along the beach of the western side of the island. This route was chosen for the sake of the wounded man, who was unable to travel over the hills. The first and second divisions marched across the island to the town of Arro. The officers describe the scene that lay before them, when they had reached the highest part of the ground that lay in their route, as extremely beautiful. In the valley below them, and on the declivities of the hills, were to be seen yam and taro-patches kept in the neatest order, with the small yam-houses (lololo) in the midst, surrounded by groves of tall cocoa-trees, and plantations of bananas. All looked quiet and peaceful, in strong contrast to the exciting contest in which they had just been engaged, and the character of the ruthless and murderous race who had been the occupants of the smiling valley. Lieutenant-Commandant Ringgold, with these divisions, reached the beach of Arro at sunset,* when a part of the men were embarked in the canoes and boats. Lieutenant Alden was at once despatched round the island in the cutter, for the purpose of rendering assistance to Lieutenant Maury, but he arrived too late to be of service. While these transactions were taking place on the island, the water also became the scene of a conflict. Lieutenant Emmons, who had been despatched to intercept the five canoes, reported to be seen from the ridge, pulled round the island without discovering them. While making this circuit he fell in with the party under Lieutenant North, and took the wounded man into the boat, leaving one of his eight in his place. He then pulled to the brig, where he refreshed his men, and in the afternoon proceeded round Malolo-lailai to search for the canoes, supposing they might have escaped and been drawn up in the mangrove-bushes. He sopn, however, discovered the enemy poling along on the outer reef towards Malolo-lailai. They were somewhat separated when first seen, but as he approached, the weathermost made sail to leeward to join theif companions, and when they had accomplished this, all struck their sails and advanced to attack him, manoeuvring together. In each canoe there were about eight warriors, having a kind of breastwork to protect them from the shot, while Lieutenant Emmons's boat's crew consisted only of seven. After a short but severe contest, only one of the canoes escaped; the others were all captured, together with their warriors. Lieutenant Emmons reached the brig, with three of his prizes, a little before midnight. Shortly after daylight, a few natives were seen on the beach opposite to the tender. I had been hoping throughout the night that some overture would be made, and at once took my gig, with the interpreter, and pulled for them. As we approached the edge of the reef, which was now bare, it being low water, all the men retired, leaving a young native woman standing, with the different articles near her belonging to Lieutenant Underwood and Midshipman Henry. She held a white cock in her arms, which she was desirous of my accepting; but, believing it to be an emblem of peace with this people, (which I found afterwards was the case,) I refused it, but took the other articles. I declined the pacific offering, because I had no idea of making peace with them until it should be sued for after their own fashion. I had obtained a sufficient knowledge of their manners and customs to know that it was usual for them, when defeated, and at the mercy of their enemies, to beg pardon and sue for mercy, before the whole of the attacking party, in order that all might be witnesses. I * For his report, see Appendix XIII. 280 MALOLO. also knew that they never acknowledged themselves conquered unless this was done, and would construe my failing to require it of them into an admission that I had not succeeded in overcoming them. Many messages were, indeed, delivered to me by this girl from the chiefs, expressive of their sorrow for having attacked and killed our little chiefs; but, in Feejee language, this amounted to nothing; and, I was determined to receive from them a formal acknowledgment of defeat, according to their own mode, before I made peace with them, however anxious I was to avoid any more bloodshed. I therefore sent the chiefs and people a message that they must come and beg pardon and sue for mercy, before all our warriors, on a hill that I pointed out, on the south end of the island, saying that I should land there in a little while to receive them, and that if they did not come they must be responsible for the consequences. At about eight o'clock I went on board the Porpoise, where I had in confinement a chief of Arro and some of his followers, in order that the fears of the people of the island might not induce them to neglect the opportunity of asking for peace, and knowing that this chief would have great influence in bringing about the result I desired. I had an interview with him in the cabin. The first question I put to him startled him not a little : it was, whether he could trust his life in the hands of any of his people that were on board with him ; for it was my intention to send a messenger from among those natives on board to the chiefs and people of the island, and if he did not execute it and return at the appointed time, I should shoot him. His eyes grew very large, he hesitated, and then spoke very quickly. At last he said, " Yes;" but that he would like the two younger boys to be sent, as they were the best and most trustworthy. My object was now fully explained to him; and after he thoroughly understood the penalty both to himself and the people of the island, he entered warmly into my views, as he perceived that by so doing he would at once regain his own liberty, and save his island from farther devastation. The boys, who were respectively about fifteen and seventeen years of age, were then called into the cabin. I took two reeds, and repeated, through the interpreter, the messages, which the chief took great pains to make them understand. They were to this effect: that the whole of the natives of the island should come to me by the time the sun was overhead, to beg pardon and sue for mercy; and that if they did not do so, they must expect to be exterminated. This being fully understood by the boys, they were landed, the chief having previously assured them that his life depended on their good conduct and haste in executing their charge. MALOLO. 281 • Every thing was now prepared, agreeably to the orders of the nio-ht before, and the whole force was landed; but instead of moving on to make farther devastation and destruction, we ascended the eastern knoll. This is covered with a beautiful copse of casuarina trees, resembling somewhat the pines of our own country. Here we took our station, and remained from about ten in the morning till four o'clock in the afternoon. The day was perfectly serene, and the island, which, but a few hours before, had been one of the loveliest spots in creation, was now entirely laid waste, showing the place of the massacre, the ruined town, and the devastated plantations. The eye wandered over the dreary waste to the beautiful expanse of waters beyond and around, with the long lines of white sparkling reefs> until it rested, far in the distance, on the small green spot where we had performed the last rites to our murdered companions. „A gentle breeze, which was blowing through the casuarina trees, gave out the moaning sound that is uttered by the pines of our own country, producing a feeling of depression inseparable from the occasion, and bringing vividly to my thoughts the sad impression which this melancholy and dreadful occurrence would bring upon those who were far away. Towards four o'clock, the sound of distant wailings was heard, which gradually drew nearer and nearer. At the same time, the natives were seen passing over the hills towards us, giving an effect to the whole scene which will be long borne in my memory. They at length reached the foot of the hill, but would come no farther, until assured that their petition would be received. On receiving this .assurance, they wound upward, and in a short time, about forty men appeared, crouching on their hands and knees, and occasionally stopping to utter piteous moans and wailings. When within thirty feet of us, they stopped, and an old man, their leader, in the most piteous manner, begged pardon, supplicating forgiveness, and pledging that they would never do the like again to a white man. He said, that they acknowledged themselves conquered, and that the island belonged to us; that they were our slaves, and would do whatever I desired; that they had lost every thing ; that the two great chiefs of the island, and all their best warriors had been killed, all their provisions destroyed, and their houses burned. They acknowledged a loss of fifty-seven killed. Whether the twenty-five that were opposed to Lieutenant Emmons were included in this number, I know not, but I am rather inclined to believe that they were ; for accounts subsequently received, give the same number. They declared that they were now convinced that they never could make war against the white men (Papalangis); and that they had brought two of the chief's daughters as a present for the great chief. During the whole time that the old man was speaking, they all remained bent down with their heads to the ground. I asked them many questions, and, among others, what had induced them to murder the little chiefs. They acknowledged that the officers had done them no harm, and confessed that they had been killed without the slightest cause. They stated that all the murderers were slain, and that the act was planned and executed by the people of Sualib, none of whom were then present, or could be found; and said that the persons present were the only ones uninjured. Some of the officers believed that they recognised several of them as having been in the fight. I then, through the interpreter, dwelt upon the atrocity of their crime, and pointed out to them how justly we were offended with them, and how much they deserved the punishment they had received. I told them they might consider themselves fortunate that we did not exterminate them ; and farther assured them, that if ever a like act was committed, or any aggression on the whites again took place, the most terrible punishment would await them ; that we did not wish to do them any harm, but came among them as friends, and wished to be treated as such; that they must now see the folly of Opposing us, as they had lost their best warriors, while we had not lost one; that we never fought against women or children, and never received any gifts or presents; that I granted them pardon, but they must do as I was about to direct them. I then told them, that to-morrow, very early, they must all come to the town of Arro unarmed, and bring back every article they had taken from the officers, with what provisions they could gather, and that. they would be employed to bring water for the vessels. This was according to their customs, that the conquered should do work for the victors. They readily assented to all these demands, but said that many of the articles belonging to the little chiefs must have been destroyed by fire, and that they knew not where to obtain them, or where to find any thing to eat. I knew that the last assertion was false, as I had seen many plantations on the northwest side of the island which had not suffered, and remained untouched. I therefore told them thev must comply with all they had been ordered to do. They were then dismissed, and instantly vanished from before us. Orders were now given to embark, and we reached the vessels at sunset. I had great reason to be satisfied with the result of this day's proceedings ; for I felt, that after administering to the savages a very severe punishment, I had probably effected the desirable end of preventing any further bloodshed. Early on the morning of the 28th, the tender and brig got under way, and anchored off the town of Arro, where the natives, to the number of seventy, came down to the beach, with every appearance of humility, to carry into effect the terms we had made with them. The water-bags and breakers were given to them to fill and bring to the beach for the boats. They found this very hard work, and often expressed themselves to the interpreters, who were with the officers attending to the duty, that it would have been as well for them to have been killed in battle as to die of hard work. They toiled thus until nearly sunset, and procured about three thousand gallons of water for us. They also brought twelve good-sized pigs for the crews, some yams, and about three thousand cocoa-nuts. Among the articles restored, was the silver watch of Lieutenant Underwood, almost entirely melted up, and a piece of the eye-glass of Midshipman Henry. When I went on shore, I saw the chief and about twenty of the old men, who were not able to take part in the work. I had a long talk with them, through the interpreter, and explained to them that they had brought this trouble upon themselves. I pointed out, particularly, that the blow had fallen upon the town of Arro, as well as upon that of Sualib, because its inhabitants had fired at the boats from the' mangrove-bushes, which was wrong; and if it occurred again, or they ever molested the Papalangis, they would meet with exemplary punishment. They all listened with great attention, and said it should never occur again, and that when any Papalangis came to their island, they would do every thing for them, and treat them as friends and children. At evening, I had the chief who was our prisoner brought up and liberated. He had now, from the death of the one at Sualib, become the highest chief of the island. I gave him good advice, and assured him, that if he allowed any white man to be injured, he would sooner or later be punished. He promised me, that as long as he lived they should always be treated as friends and children; that he would be the first to befriend them ; that he now considered the island as belonging to the Papalangis; that he had noted all that I had said ; that it was good, and he would be very careful to observe it; that he would, if he had no canoe, swim off to the white people's ships to do them all the service in his power ; and that his people should do so also. He was then, with the natives who had been captured, put on shore. When they landed, the whole population were heard crying and wailing over him at his return. 284 M A L O L O. The above are all the important facts relative to this tragical affair, both to the natives and ourselves. I feel little disposed to cast blame any where, but it must be apparent that if the precautions directed in the orders given for the conduct of the officers on boat duty had been adhered to, this misfortune would not have occurred. It is therefore to be regretted, that a strict regard had not been paid to these orders, and that care and watchfulness to preserve and keep all on their guard had not been constantly manifested. It is difficult to imagine how some of the officers should, in spite of all warnings, have indulged an over-confidence in the peaceable disposition and good intentions of the natives; and it is still more surprising that this should have been the case with Lieutenant Alden, who had charge of the party for the time being, and who had frequently expressed himself satisfied, and had also warned others, that the natives of Malolo were not to be trusted. This opinion was not adopted by him without good grounds; for on his former visit, about six weeks before, they had shown a disposition to cut off the launch and first cutter, of which he was then in charge. There was no absolute necessity for obtaining provisions, and still less for his allowing Lieutenant Underwood to remain an hour and a half on shore, chaffering for two or three pigs, when they knew the tender was in sight, and that she would reach the place of rendezvous before night. The whole of this afflicting tragedy I cannot but believe grew out of a want of proper care and watchfulness over the hostage, after he had shown a disposition to escape, and a heedlessness that it is impossible to look at without astonishment. The hostage certainly would never have attempted to escape, had there been a proper guard kept over him while in the boat; and from the evidence of all those who were on shore, it appears certain that no disturbance took place until the escape was made. I am well aware, that all the officers and men present were not at the time satisfied with the punishment inflicted. Many of them even thought that all in anyway concerned in the murder ought to have been put to death. But I felt then as I do now, that the punishment was sufficient and effectual, while it was accompanied, as far as it could be, with mercy. Some, no doubt, will look upon it as unnecessarily severe; but if they duly considered the wanton murders that have been committed on the whites in this group of islands, merely to gratify the desire of plunder or the horrid appetite for cannibal repasts, they would scarcely think the punishment too severe. The warriors of this island were looked upon as a nest of pirates MALOLO. even by the rest of the group, and had their great crime been suffered to go unpunished, would in all probability have become more fearless and daring than ever. The blow I inflicted not only required to be done promptly and effectually, as a punishment for the murder of my officers, but was richly deserved for other outrages. It could not have fallen upon any place where it would have produced as much effect, in impressing the whole group with a full sense of our power and determination to punish such aggressions. Such has been its effect on the people of Malolo, that they have since been found the most civil, harmless, and well-disposed natives of the group. Notwithstanding that the opinion of all the officers who were present and cognizant of all the facts was, that I had not gone far enough in the punishment I had inflicted, I found myself charged on my return by the administration, as guilty of murder, and of acting on this occasion in a cruel, merciless, and tyrannical manner. To make out the latter charge, it was alleged that I had made the natives actually crawl to my feet to beg pardon. The part of the whole affair for • which I take some credit to myself is, that when I judged it had become necessary to punish, it was in like manner obligatory on me to study how it could be done most effectually; and from the knowledge I had obtained of the customs of the natives, during the time I had been engaged in the group, I was enabled to perform this painful though necessary duty, in a manner that made it vastly more effectual, by requiring of them their own forms of submission, and their own modes of acknowledging defeat. All the facts of the case are before my countrymen, and they will be able to judge whether I should, for my conduct in the punishment of this atrocious massacre, have been arraigned on a charge of murder, and of acting in a cruel, merciless, and tyrannical manner, and this without any previous inquiry into the facts or motives that led to my actions, and merely on the report of a few discontented officers of the squadron, whom the good of the service compelled me to send back to the United States. These grave charges were not made known to me until two days before the court was convened for my trial upon them. While I am unable to refrain from stating wherein I consider some of the officers blamable, I must mention with high praise the promp-. titude with which the bodies were saved from ministering to the cannibal appetites of the murderers. The punishment inflicted on the natives was no doubt severe; but 1 286 MALOLO. cannot view it as unmerited, and the extent to which it was carried was neither dictated by cruelty nor revenge. I thought that they had been long enough allowed to kill and eat with impunity, every defenceless white that fell into their hands, either by accident or misfortune, and that it was quite time, as their intercourse with our countrymen on their adventurous voyages was becoming more frequent, to make the latter more secure. I desired to teach the savages that it was not weakness or fear that had thus far stayed our hands; and was aware, too, that they had ridiculed and misunderstood the lenity with which they had heretofore been treated both by the French and English men- of-war. During the night I found it would be impossible for the boats to proceed, and I felt little inclined to run the risk of another accident through want of care and necessary precaution in dealing with the natives. I therefore determined on sending them back to the ship by as'direct a route as possible, and ordered them to make the best of their way to Muthuata, proceeding first to the Annan Islands, thence across to Mbua Bay and along the north shore of Vanua-levu. They arrived at Muthuata on the 31st day of July, bearing the sad news of the events at Malolo. Remaining myself in the tender, I proceeded, with the Porpoise in company, to the Vitilevu shore, intending to pass out of the Malolo Passage; but we found the flood setting so strong, that we were compelled to anchor under the Navula Reef, where we lay until the tide changed, employing ourselves looking over the extensive reef for shells, and observing to fix and prove the survey of the passage. The opening through the great reef here, which I have called the Navula Passage, is very remarkable; it has for portals two small islands of nearly the same size, which I have named Waldron and Spieden, after the pursers of the Expedition, between which the tide rushes with great strength. The great sea-reef appears to have been here broken asunder by some convulsion of nature, and the rushing tide has entirely swept the fragments away, leaving a fine open passage between the two islands ' of a mile in width. This may be termed the lee reef of these islands. Few things are more remarkable than the extent of these zoophytic formations; and the variety of their shapes, direction, and configuration, seem to put all speculation at defiance. Although I had often, in sailing over them in my boat, been impressed with the beautiful appearances they exhibited, I thought this day they excelled any I had before seen, and had a still closer resemblance to a rich parterre of I flowers. I could scarcely realize the fact, that objects so essentially;! different could, by any means or in any way, be ma'de to resemble I MALOLO. 287 each other. At times my gig's crew have called my attention to them on either hand, as we drifted slowly over these broad reefs, which are not only declced with the rocky habitation of these industrious litho- phytes, but innumerable fancifully coloured fish of all shapes and sizes find shelter around and beneath them. The water is so limpid as to make the smallest marking and lightest shades, not only of the fish but of the corals themselves, perfectly distinct. Towards sunset, the tide having ceased to flow, both vessels got under way and beat through the Navula Passage. This has nearly the shape of an elbow, and ought not to be attempted with a contrary wind, as there would not be room to beat through, except in a small vessel. We reached the open sea before it was quite dark, and began beating to the eastward along the Vitilevu shore. Finding, during the morning of the 30th, that the brig detained me, I determined on parting company, and sent orders to her to repair to Ovolau, observe for chronometer sights at Observatory Point, procure a large quantity of yams, and thence proceed to Muthuata to join the rest of the squadron. By the Porpoise I sent orders to Captain Hudson to have every thing ready for sea by the 10th of August, as I believed that the remaining duties might be performed by that time, and informed him that I would join the squadron at Mali Island, intending to leave the group through the Mali Passage. This southwest coast of Vitilevu had already been examined in the boats, under Lieutenant Emmons, as I have before mentioned. Nothing was left to be performed for the completion of this survey; 1, therefore, when opposite the situation of Vatulele, put over the patent log and ran for it, by which method I found its distance from Vitilevu to be eighteen miles. We remained all night under Vatulele, and in the morning began the survey of its east side, the Peacock having already completed its western shore. Vatulele has the appearance of a raised coral island, although it is not so, but is of volcanic formation. The north part of this island is about seventy feet above the sea level, and is composed of strata of reddish clay and sandstone, lying nearly in horizontal layers, and closely resembling the red cliffs of Vitilevu opposite to it It gradually descends to a low point at its southern end. There is no more than a narrow shore-reef on its western side, but on the eastern shore a reef extends off two or three miles, forming a kind of bow from the south to the north end of the island. There was no opening in the reef except for boats, and near its north end it enclosed several small islets. 288 MALOLO. which bear the names of the midshipmen of the squadron. Vatulele is well covered with wood, and is inhabited. After having finished the examination of Vatulele, w'e shaped our course for Mbenga, and at noon discovered a coral reef extending about three hundred yards north and south, by one hundred and fifty east and west. It is awash, and bears from the south point of Vatulele east-by-north, distant seven miles. After getting angles on Mbenga Peak and Vatulele, and obtaining chronometer sights, we left this small, though dangerous spot, which I have called Flying-Fish Shoal. We passed the night under the extensive reef that surrounds Mbenga, not being able to find the entrance, as the night was extremely dark. In the morning early we stood over for Kantavu, to survey its north side, and reached it in time to secure the latitude close to the point of its reef off Malatta Bay, which I found to be in 18° 58' 34" S. The distance from Mbenga Reef was found to be twenty-six miles by the patent log, in a southeast-by-south direction. We then anchored in its harbour, formed by the coral reefs, which only exist to any extent about this part, where the island is almost divided in two. So low and narrow is the isthmus, that the natives frequently transport their canoes over it. Many natives came off, but they were not willing to trust themselves on board when they understood who we were. The whole length of Kantavu is high and mountainous, with the exception of a small part of its centre, near Malatta Bay. This bay was surveyed; it is small, and offers safety to a few vessels for temporary anchorage, although it is difficult to chose a place for the purpose, on account of several reefs that lie across it The Flying- Fish was anchored in sixteen fathoms, sandy bottom. I now established, from several bases, all the peaks- and points for our surveying operations the next day. Many canoes came off to us "before we anchored, but we could not persuade the people to come on board, as long as we were under way; they said we might carry them off; but on our anchoring they came alongside, bringing a few yams, pigs, &c, which they sold cheap. A chief coming off, we succeeded in getting him on board, and induced him to remain and send his canoe for provisions. He was a remarkably fine-looking man, and extremely intelligent, having strongly marked Jewish features. He counted forty-five towns on Kantavu, which would make its population upwards of ten thousand. The island is well covered with pine timber, resembling the Kaurie MALOLO. 281) pine of New Zealand, and most of the large canoes used in the Feejee Islands are built here. The chief informed me that he would for three muskets get me, in three days, trees large enough to make masts for the tender. These were fourteen inches in diameter, and sixty feet in length, or large enough for topmasts of a ship of seven hundred tons. It takes them eight moons to build a canoe. The people of Kantavu are industrious, and the chief said they had abundance of provisions, of which, if I would stay over the next day, he would bring me. any quantity I desired. After making inquiry about Vendovi, he said that the people of Kantavu were glad he had been taken away, for he was -continually making exactions on them for all kinds of articles, under his authority of vasu. The chief said there were no harbours on the south side of the island, and that they sometimes transported their canoes over the narrow neck to visit that shore, but it was a very rough place, and too much exposed to the sea to be safe for canoes. This island, as it has been before mentioned, is tributary to Rewa. Most frequently the annual tribute is paid in canoes, except when the king of Rewa designates otherwise. Many whale-ships stop here for supplies; these are principally English, belonging to Sydney, who seldom go to the north of these islands. The natives reported that they had seen eight within two moons. The bay they generally frequent is one to the westward of Malatta, called Tabuca. On this bay there is quite a large settlement • of the same name, and it was reported by the chief as having ample supplies. Anchorage may be had off the town in fifteen fathoms water, with sandy bottom. It is a very picturesque spot. According to the pilot's account of the Kantavu people, they are not to be trusted, being prone to acts of violence, which they can commit with impunity, as they have always a secure retreat from their enemies, in the mountain districts. Boats and crews, if not on their guard here, are frequently detained until they are ransomed; so that it behooves all who visit and wish to deal with these people, to be exceedingly cautious. Early on the morning of the 3d of August, we got under way, and stood along the island of Kantavu, to its western end. The distance from Malatta Bay thither was found by patent log to be six miles. After reaching this point, we hove about under the Peak of Kantavu, which is a dome of large dimensions, and has the appearance of being an extinct crater, similar to those we have observed at the other groups. Having several remarkable peaks fixed, we were enabled to make a good running survey. The most northern coral shoal is off Malatta vol. hi. z 37 290 MALOLO. Bay, and it is the only place where there is any detached reef off the whole length "of the northern shore of the island. We found the island to be twenty-five miles in length. At one o'clock we had reached its eastern end, off" which lies Ono, a round island with two villages on it. Ono is about eighty feet high, and between it and Kantavu there is a good and well-protected harbour. It was near Ono that the brig Charles Doggett was cut off by the chief Vendovi. To the north is a cluster of rocky islets, which, finding without names, I have designated by those of the passed midshipmen belonging to the squadron. They are all situated in the great Astrolabe Reef, called after the name of that ship, in consequence of her remarkable escape from shipwreck on its eastern side. From Ono it trends nearly north. On its east side it is quite unbroken, and extends in a sweep round Ono, until it joins Kantavu; on the west side it is much broken, and has several safe passages through to the Passed Midshipmen Islands. These are eleven in number, and under some of them there is good anchorage. A few of these islands yield cocoa-nuts, but there are no inhabitants except on Ono. The length of the Astrolabe Reef, from Ono to its northern point, is ten miles; near the northern point is a remarkable rock, which is seen very distinctly from all directions. At the northern point of the reef is a clear passage through it The water inside appears as blue as the ocean, and is doubtless very deep. Whales were seen sporting within the reef. This reef is not only dangerous from its extent, but on account of the strong currents which prevail here, which for the most part set to the eastward. From the point of the reef the high land of Vitilevu and Mbenga can be seen. It was just sunset when we left it, and stood on a north- by-east course, intending to make the reef off Nasilai Point. After running thirty-one miles, we came up with it, and found that we were obliged to make two short tacks to get far enough to the eastward to clear it, after doing which we arrived off Ovolau at 2 a. m. Notwithstanding the darkness, we passed in and anchored near the Porpoise. On the 4th, I was engaged until late in the afternoon observing for time, in order to verify the meridian distances between Ovolau and those places at which I had again observed, and to ascertain if any change had taken place in the rates of my chronometers within the last five weeks. The proof of their correct performance was most satisfactory. Levuka looked almost deserted, in comparison with what it had been during our stay there. Tui Levuka received me with much MALOLO. 291 hospitality. I took a look at the garden we had planted, and found that many of the vegetables had already gone to seed, which the white man, George, had gathered ; but it wanted weeding, which they promised me should be done, under an injunction that they would pull up nothing that they did not know. On the Observatory Point, Seru, Tanoa's eldest son, had built an mbure for the accommodation of strangers, and the spot is now held sacred. I found he had respected the pile of stones I had left as a mark for the harbour. The Lebouni people, I was told, would occasionally complain that they had not been sufficiently r&warded for their services at the kitchen. They are a remarkably wild-looking set of fellows, and may be termed wild Feejee men. The wood-cut conveys a good representation of them. An anecdote of a noted chief, proves they have some commendable points about them. This man is known by the whites at Ovolau by the name of the "Dog of the Mountains," he was offered a large reward if he would assist in killing them; but this he positively refused to do, or to let any of his people be engaged in so dishonest an affair, assigning as a reason that they had always behaved well and been their friends, and he would in all ways protect them. When he visits Levuka, since this became known to the white residents, he is treated with marked distinction and kindness. Here I ao-ain saw Paddy Connel. He complained of ill health, and imputed it to his being capsized in the canoe off Kamba Point, when proceeding to Rewa with my letters. He said he was now on his way to Ambatiki, to live again with his fourth wife, and his two small 292 MALOLO. brats, the forty-seventh and forty-eighth, and trusted before he died he would have two more to make up fifty, for his ambition was altogether in that way now. I endeavoured again to find out the cause of Paddy's banishment from Levuka, in order to discover by what secret laws or rules this small community of whites governed themselves; but he would not tell me. He only said that it was as much as his life was worth to remain beyond his time. He appeared perfectly contented, and was more nearly allied to a savage in feeling and taste than any other white man I met with during the cruise. My observations being completed, I went on board the tender, (leaving the Porpoise taking in yams for the squadron,) and proceeded round the north side of the island, within the reef. The afternoon was a beautiful one, and the water unruffled. As we passed abreast of the valley of Voona, which is one of the most fruitful in the group, Mr. Agate succeeded in getting a sketch of it, which is extremely characteristic of Feejee scenery. One of those almost inaccessible peaks on which the natives locate their towns for safety, is conspicuous in this view. Sailing along the north side of the island, we passed many fish- weirs formed of reeds, into which the fish are sometimes driven. At other times the fish are lured by food into these traps at high water; the weir is then closed, and the fish taken at low water. The women use the hand-net, which is thrown over the school. They have large seines for turtles, as well as smaller ones, both of which resemble our own, the weights being small bits of coral, while for floats they use the seed of the Barringtonia. These nets are all well made. They likewise make pens of stones, into which they drive the fish, and capture them either by spearing or when the water runs out at low tide. It is also a custom with them to dam up small streams, and stupify the fish with the Glycine. Hand-nets are sometimes used in a peculiar manner, thus: when they see a large fish take refuge in the coral shelf, they surround the place with a net and drive the fish out into it. We passed round the island, in the tender, as far as the island of Moturiki, under which we anchored, intending to proceed the next day to examine the bay of Ambau, and to have communication if possible with that town. On the 5th, at an early hour, we stood for Ambau. The wind, however, was ahead for the greater part of the distance, and so light that I found we could not reach that place without much detention. Having no business to transact there, I thought it might occasion some delay if I landed, and thus interfere with our other duties, as well as ULii ii ' — ■II MALOLO. 293 orolong the time of our stay in the group. We, therefore, contented ourselves with surveying those parts that required correction, and testing the accuracy of the former examinations. Ambau is one of the most striking of the Feejee towns; its mbure is very conspicuous, and it is, upon the whole, one of the most extraordinary places in this group, holding as it does so much of the political power. The island on which it is situated is not more than a mile long by half a mile wide, and the place has literally been made of importance by the assistance of a few renegade whites, who, besides aiding the inhabitants in their wars, have taught them all manner of roguery. Among those who thus added all the vices of civilized life to their own native barbarity, I would include the people of Viwa and Verata, who have frequently been enabled to carry on their wars at a distance by the assistance of the foreign vessels that have been here, and in return have in several instances massacred their white coadjutors. It was at Ambau that the French brig Aimable Josephine, Captain Bureau, was cut off, on the night of the 19th July, 1834. In retaliation for this act, Captain D'Urville destroyed the town of Viwa in 1839. It appears that this vessel had been frequently employed in transporting the warriors of Ambau from place to place. In return for this service, a promise was made to supply Captain Bureau with a cargo of biche de mar and shell. Instead of fulfilling this promise, the chief Namosi- malua, in whom he had long trusted, seized upon his vessel and caused him to be put to death. The chief was, it is said, averse to the latter crime, but was constrained to it by the chiefs of Ambau, although he at the same time acknowledged himself under many obligations to the captain, and professed a great Feejee friendship towards him. The captain was warned by the traders as to the danger of trusting the natives as much as he did. But he disregarded these cautions, and the consequence was the loss both of the vessel and his own life.* The brig was cut off through the instrumentality of six of the natives of Viwa, whom he had on a former visit taken on board and carried with him to Tahiti. These went on board on the afternoon of 19th July, leaving at the fish-house Charley, an English resident of Viwa, and a Frenchman named Clermont When the natives came on board and were in the gangway, the second officer, with the cook and steward, were standing on the forecastle, and the captain was on the quarter-deck. One of the natives called the attention of the captain to the small schooner which was then lying at a short distance * See Appendix XVII., for Captain Eagleston's letter. "1 294 MALOLO. from the brig, telling him that she was full of water. The captain took his spyglass to examine her, and while he was looking through it, one of the natives struck him on the head with a club, and killed him on the spot. They then rushed on the second officer and boatswain, and killed them also, although the death of the latter had not entered into their plans. The lives of the cook and steward were spared, and they were sent on shore. Immediately after the murder of the captain, Rata Mura and 'Namosimalua went on board, and a general plunder began. The native who gave the captain his mortal wound, was the adopted son of Namosimalua, and had been treated by the captain with great kindness, on which account he had long refused to join in the plot At length, however, the chiefs of Ambau threatened to strangle him if he would not give his aid. After the deed was committed, he was seen in tears, and told those around him that he would not have done it except to save his own life. The bodies were thrown overboard, and that of the captain was not again seen; but the other two drifted on shore, where Mr. Osborne and Charley obtained permission from the chiefs of Ambau to bury them. From all that Mr. Osborne saw, he was satisfied that those chiefs were the instigators of the deed, and had forced Namosimalua into the plot The natives of Ambau'were seen the day after the act was committed, rejoicing and parading the streets, in the clothes of the murdered men. Many articles were also seen at the house of Namosimalua. Mr. Osborne went on board the brig on the 22d July, and found the chiefs in the cabin engaged in dividing the spoil. They appeared disappointed, both in relation to the quality and quantity of the goods, for but little merchandise remained, and of arms no more than a few broken muskets. The crew, who were prisoners, were put to work to bend the sails and prepare the vessel for a cruise. Mr. Osborne bought at Ambau, from a sailor, a few splendid ornaments that had belonged to Captain Bureau, which he sent to Manilla, by Captain Winn, of the ship Eliza, to be delivered to the French consul at that place, for the purpose of being forwarded to Captain Bureau's wife. He had not heard whether they reached their destination. The natives at first expressed a desire to sell the vessel, but afterwards refused to do so. Instead of disposing of her, a large number of men were put on board, and sent up the river to attack the town of Nasilai, which had hitherto proved impregnable to the people of MALOLO. 295 Ambau. The vessel's guns bein pelled it to capitulate. On he ed i gainst this town, soon com- eturn from this expedition, they ran her on shore on the eastern point of the mouth of the river that falls into the sea at Ambau, where she bilged and still lies a •wreck. An attack was also made on the English brig Sir David Ogilby, which was near proving successful. The particulars of this will give a further insight into the treacherous ^character of the Feejees. Captain Hutchins, who commanded this vessel, had made arrangements to establish a biche de mar house at Verata, on the bay of Ambau. This was to have been under the direction of a man called Rewa Jack, who was to have managed it, with the aid of the native chiefs, while the vessel was employed in cruising among the islands. One pot had already been landed, and the trade-chest with manufactured goods, muskets, and whale's teeth, was on deck, ready to be sent on shore. The vessel was in the act of getting under way, while a number of natives, among whom was Fimowlangi, the chief of Verata, were on deck, and many more in canoes alongside. The anchor being apeak, the crew were engaged in hoisting the fore-topsail, and one of them was in the foretop; the captain was walking the quarter-deck, with his cutlass in his hand, and just as he had cried " belay," Fimowlangi coming behind, struck him on the head with a club, and killed him instantly. Fimowlangi, thinking that the death of the captain insured him possession of the vessel, jumped immediately into the cabin ; but the mate, Mr. White, who saw the captain fall, ran to his assistance, although unarmed. He was immediately attacked by some of the natives, who had seized upon the captain's cutlass; with this they wounded Mr. White severely in several places, and he fell senseless on the body of the captain. One of the hands, named William Brooks, jumped overboard, where he was also killed. It so happened that an arm-chest with muskets and ammunition had been kept in the fore-top, with which the man who, as we have seen, was stationed there, began an effective fire upon the natives on deck. Two others, one" of whom was Rewa Jack, succeeded in reaching the foretop; the rest ran below to seek arms, but were unable for a time to return to the deck, of which the natives had obtained complete possession. The fire from the foretop, however, became so destructive, that the natives began to jump overboard, and those who had gone below were enabled to return to the deck and regain possession of it. The whole of these events occurred in less than ten minutes, during 296 KA >L0. which a man of the name of Hunter, who had gone below, and was armed only with a hammer, had a scuffle with Fimowlangi, which was ended by the latter being shot through the skylight, by one of the men who had regained the deck. The vessel being thus recovered and under way, went on to Levuka, where she arrived the next day. During the.passage, the bodies of the chief and of another native who was found wounded in the forecastle, were thrown overboard. It is supposed that this transaction was not the result of a concerted plot, but was conceived on the instant; for many of the natives appear to have been as much surprised as the crew. Had this not been the case, it is unlikely that the vessel could have been recaptured. At Levuka, Captain Eagleston of the American brig Howard, finding that there was no officer left to navigate the brig, put her in charge of Mr. London, and sent her to Sydney, to the agent or owner, Mr. Neill, of that place. We mention, with regret, that Captain Eagleston has never received the slightest acknowledgment for this important iny exactions, and to have It may be as well here to alongside, unless they have ide. When hostilely Vessels that visit Ambau are liable to v all kinds of difficulties thrown in their waj caution all traders against admitting canoe a quantity of provisions and other article inclined, they invariably have a few provisions, for the purpose of deception ; but those who will take the trouble to examine, will soon discover the truth. When any work on board ship, such as getting under way, &c, is going on, the natives ought never to be suffered to be on deck, but should be kept in their canoes, and away from the vessel's side. Those that have the most experience of these savages invariably trust them the least. After establishing bases by sound, we observed on all the remarkable points, and towards sunset anchored in the bay of Ambau. The next morning we got under way, with a light breeze from the westward. This wind amounts almost to a land-breeze, and frequently lasts until I near noon. With its aid, we passed out of the Moturiki Passage, which has on its southern side the small islands of Leluvia and Than- gala, and on its northern, that of Moturiki and its reefs. This passage is clear from obstructions, and is one mile and a half in length by half a mile wide. An east-by-south course (per compass) leads through it, and when Black Peak, on Vitilevu, can be seen, it is a good leading mark. The tide sets with some strength through the passage, the flood running to the westward, or in, and the ebb to the eastward, or out There is safe anchorage, either under Leluvia or Moturiki, on their MALOLO. 297 west side, in water from seven to twelve fathoms deep; but a good and safe harbour exists on the Moturiki side, by entering through a narrow channel before reaching Thangala Island. This channel may be known by a large coral rock on the reef. After getting through the reef, there is anchorage in from seven to ten fathoms, with sandy bottom. We passed through the Moturiki Passage, and steered for Ambatiki, examining on our route, the transit bearings, and taking angles on the different peaks, in order to verify the charts. We also passed close to the Horseshoe Reef, off which I obtained chronometer sights and angles; and made many .useful observations on Goro, Nairai, Angau, Ambatiki, Wakaia, and Ovolau. We thence proceeded to Vuna, which we did not reach until daylight on the 7th, after a tedious sail, contending with light winds and calms under its highlands. At Somu-somu we found the missionaries under some alarm respecting the prospect of war with Ambau, which had been for some time threatening them, and was now about to commence. The cause of hostilities appeared, according to the missionaries, to have been a difficulty that had occurred between Somu-somu and the town of Buia, on the south side of Vuna. Several months previously, some canoes belonging to Vuna, when in distress, took refuge in the dominions of Ambau, and received kind treatment; for the people of Ambau, instead of putting them to death, or making them slaves, afforded them the means of returning to their own country. The Vuna people, after their return, proposed to give the Ambau chiefs and people a feast, which, becoming known to Tui Thakau, king of Somu-somu, he became offended, and argued, that if they were rich enough to give feasts, they might pay more tribute, which he at once called upon them to do. This they considered as very arbitrary, and contrary to their usages. They therefore [ refused to pay, having first applied to Ambau for protection, which was readily promised them, agreeably to the wily policy of Ambau, which is always to protect the weak, and produce strife in the different districts, that they themselves may finally profit by the contention. This prospect of war prevented the Somu-somu chiefs and people from uniting in the festivities of the king of Muthuata; and instead of accepting the invitation, they were obliged to request the alliance of the king, through his son Ko-Mbiti, who, it will be recollected, had returned to Muthuata after the Peacock's arrival. The old king of Muthuata, although very friendly to Somu-somu, yet feared the displeasure of vol. in. 38 298 MALOLO. Ambau, with which he already had a misunderstanding, in relation to the young wife of old Tanoa." He therefore refused to become the ally of Somu-somu, but offered his mediation between the parties. This did not settle the affair, as will be seen in the sequel. The difficulty was brought to a state of open war by the capture of a small fishing-canoe belonging to Ambau, by the Somu-somu people, who killed the natives that were in it. Their bodies were afterwards eaten by the chiefs and people of Somu-somu, with much exultation and rejoicing, at a feast where the captors of the canoe were painted and smeared with turmeric, and dances and ava drinking concluded the festivities. Messrs. Hunt and Lythe, with their ladies, were very glad to see us, for they were in much trouble, as the fact of their residing at Somu- somu would subject them to be treated, as though they were actively engaged in the war; for all strangers residing within the limits of the koro, are in time of war considered as enemies, so far as being subject to plunder. I felt a great interest about the missionaries, and regretted the absence of Tui Illa-illa, the acting king, who was on the island of Vanua-levu, gathering his warriors. Not being able to await his arrival, I^iad a long talk with his old father, Tui Thakau, whom I found sitting in his house, as usual, with his wives about him, all of whom asked the interpreter, Tom, for red paint, (aloa.) I distinctly told the king, that neither the missionaries nor any other white men must be hurt; that if it ever occurred, or he touched a hair of their heads, he might rely upon it, that sooner or later, punishment would come upon him; I urged upon him, for his own sake, the necessity of taking care that no harm should come to them or their families, and spoke of the necessity of their giving them ground, and building them a house without the limits of the town. To all this he listened with great willingness, and promised to do all he could j but he said that his son Tui Illa-illa must be consulted, and that when he came back he would talk the matter over with him. He, however, promised that no harm should come to the missionaries. This had a good effect, and quieted in a measure the fears of the ladies of the mission. The old king told me he did not pretend to rule out of his own house, for he had become too old. He passes his time with his wives, muskets, and junk-bottles, of the latter of which he has a goodly supply, hung all around his house. His stock of them had increased since my last visit, the Currency Lass having, I believe, disposed of MALOLO. 299 some hampers of them. As I entered, I found one of his young wives helping him to food, his hands being tabooed since the death of his son. Requiring some yams for the vessels, I asked him to have a quantity brought. He was all willingness at first, and with those about him appeared very anxious to procure a quantity for me; but I understood this manoeuvre, and well knew from other indications that none would be brought. Messenger after messenger in a short time began to arrive, stating one excuse and another, and many more messengers returned than went forth. The king's orator had, on my first landing, importuned me to exchange some yams for bottles, to which I finally agreed, in order to get rid of him, and sent my cockswain off to the tender for them. About the time the messengers were coming in, the cockswain returned. The orator, it appeared, had now changed his mind, and had no yams to barter. I now began to talk of our "fiery spirits" to the chief, through the interpreter, telling them all the mischief they could do, how they could burn the roofs off the yam-houses, so that one could see whether the Feejee men told lies, and how they could be made to follow a man who did not keep his engagements. To all this they listened with great attention, and I wound up by telling them that I wished to purchase three hundred yams, and that if they were not in a heap before the chief's house before ava could be drunk, I would be obliged to send a spirit to look in, for I was well aware they had plenty of yams, and large ones too. As respected the • orator, I said that if he did not at once perform the engagement which he had so importuned me to make with him, I would send a spirit to chase him. It was truly amusing to see this fellow's consternation ; he flew about from house to house, begging for yams, (for I do not believe he owned one,) until he got his ten; and these were very fine ones. In a short time the whole koro was in a stir, and natives of all sizes and sexes were bringing yams to the heap. The largest in size were carefully placed outside of the heap, and one of these measured four feet six inches long, and seven inches in diameter. When the heap was finished, it was presented to me in due form, with a native drum (lale), which I had desired to have. For all this I sent the chief a musket, the usual price of one thousand yams, and a whale's tooth in token of friendship. After the drum had been presented to me, I was desirous of hearing them beat upon it. They have several beats or calls to give notice to the koro, one of which was for the calling of the people together to 300 MALOLO. the feast of human bodies. They were all distinct, and they said quite audible at a great distance. The Feejee drum is similar to that described at Tonga, and is made of a log hollowed out and placed on one point. i It gives out a deep hollow tone when struck vith the small and large stick, with which they " produce the different sounds. I now had an opportunity of visiting their upper town, which was not offered me before. This is situated on a bluff rising abruptly behind the lower village, and being strong by nature, is susceptible of being maintained against a large force. There is a trench and palisade around a great portion of it. The upper town is so much concealed by the trees and bushes growing on the bluff, that one might be at Somu-somu many times without noticing it. The approach to it is through a narrow pass, from which there is a beautiful view. I also had an opportunity of seeing their manner of trading among themselves. This is entirely conducted by barter. The market is held MALOLO. 301 on a certain day in the square, where each one deposits in a large heap what goods and wares he may have. Any one may then go and select from it what he wishes, and carry it away to his own heap; the other then has the privilege of going to the heap of the former and selecting what he considers to be an equivalent. This is all conducted without noise or confusion. If any disagreement takes place, the chief is there to settle it; but this is said rarely to happen. The chief has a right to take what he pleases from each heap. Towards sunset, as was my custom, I went on board. The missionaries had mentioned to me that the skulls of the men that had been eaten a few days since were lying on the beach. We, in consequence, looked for them, but they were not to be found. We took leave of our missionary friends, with many feelings of regret, for their situation is a most deplorable one, and I sincerely wished them safely fixed in another and a happier position, and that they had some other protector than the brute Tui Illa-illa, in whose hands their fate seems to be continually precarious.' Here I received information of the wreck of the whale-ship Shylock, on Turtle Island, and felt extremely desirous of sending one of the vessels to the assistance of the crew and preservation of the cargo, if any remained. I had promised the king and chief that I would show him some of our " fiery spirits" after it grew dark; and when eight o'clock came, the rockets were set off. The loudest shoutings were heard from the beach, where the whole koro had gathered to witness the " fiery spirits" flying in the air. I had promised that they should do them I no harm, as we were friends. A rocket happened to be placed just over one of the guns, which, like the others, was kept primed and with the apron on; but the latter not being fastened, the rocket blew it off and set fire to the charge, which went off at the same time. The gun was loaded with grape and canister. .Fortunately the tender was lying so that the shot flew obliquely towards the beach, and fell in the water before reaching it. A point or two hearer, and they would have had a practical illustration of our " devils" by their sweeping the arms, legs, and heads of many of them off. The firing of the gun produced great astonishment both to them and ourselves. The news of Captain Croker's attack on the town of Bea, at Tonga, reached us here, and excited a good deal of interest, as I had but a few months before been endeavouring to mediate a peace between the hostile parties. It appears that Captain Croker, being desirous of bringing the war and difficulties to an end, espoused warmly the mis- 302 MALOLO. sionary cause, and determined to bring all thCnatives into acquiescence. The town of Bea being one of the strongest of those belonging to the principal chief of the devil's party, he undertook to capture it, but underrated the strength of its fortification and its means of defence. For this purpose he landed a large party from his ship (the Favourite sloop-of-war), and proceeded to the town of Bea, on reaching which he sent a message to the purport that its inhabitants must come to terms within an hour, and gave them no time to consult or arrange matters, after their own fashion. As soon as the hour was up, he called upon them to surrender, which they refused to do, upon which he at once proceeded to attack the gate. The native warriors resisted and fired upon him. The affair resulted in the loss of his own life, with those of several of his officers and men, and a consequent abandonment of the object. The retreat was succeeded by the expulsion from the island of the missionaries and Christian party. It is supposed that if a longer time had been allowed the chief of Bea, all its inhabitants would have come over quietly to the Christian party, under the fear of the storming and taking of the place, for they had but little idea that they could withstand the attack of a white, or Papalangi force. On the morning of the 8th, we left Somu-somu and stood to the northward for the Ringgold Isles. These are seven in number, and are surrounded by extensive reefs. The highest of the group, called Budd Island was ascended : it is composed of volcanic scoria and large blocks of lava, rising to the height of eight hundred feet, and has an almost perfect crater in its centre. The outside, or rim, of this crater forms the island, and is very narrow at the top; its inner side is quite perpendicular, while its outside is generally inclined at an angle of fifty or sixty degrees, although in places it is almost perpendicular; the climbing is, however, made comparatively easy by the assistance of the roots of the trees that grow upon it, of which some of large size are near its base. The other islands in its neighbourhood we did not land on: they are uninhabited, except at the turtle season; they are barren rocks, and too dangerous to be approached by a vessel, the reefs extending as far as the eye can reach. Having succeeded in making all the requisite observations, we returned to the tender, and left Ringgold Isles, with the intention of anchoring under Rambe; but we were benighted before we reached the reef; and as our pilots did not know where the entrance was, I determined to proceed to Unda Point, off which we arrived near midnight, and lay-to until daylight. On the morning of the 9th of August, at daylight, we found ourselves MALOLO. 303 near the island of Chicobea, which is the most northern of the group, We took sights on it, and connected it with Unda Point. The form of Chicobea is oval, and it is formed of two hummocks, of considerable elevation. It is three miles long, southeast and northwest, and one mile and three-quarters wide; is surrounded by a shore-reef, which has no openings, except for boats, and offers nothing to tempt a vessel to land. We then ran down the reef off the northern side of Vanua-levu, and at noon entered the Sau-sau Passage, which is the first that occurs in connexion with the ship-channel within the reef. There, is, however, one tolerably good harbour, called Tibethe, and there are several towns around the bay. Indeed, the north shore of Vanua-levu appears to be well peopled. At 3 p. m., we were off the island of Mali, which is thinly inhabited. Native villages were seen on the high bluffs of the island. Opposite to Mali is the Mali Passage, through which it was my intention to put to sea with the squadron, which I had, in consequence, directed to meet me. As we proceeded to the place of rendezvous, and before sunset of the 9th August, we met the remainder of the squadron on their way to Mali, when I joined the Vincennes. The wind failing soon after, we cast anchor. I now received the reports of the operations of the other vessels during the time I had been separated from them. Under the direction of Captain Hudson, the bay of Mbua had been again surveyed, with all its reefs. The work began on the 16th July, and continued until the 21st As soon as it was concluded, Captain Hudson proceeded with the Peacock to Muthuata. During his absence a tent was set up at Lecumba Point, for the accommodation of the sick, who were sent on shore. The case which rendered this more particularly needful, was that of J. Baxter, the second mate of the Leonidas, who, as has been stated, had been badly burnt with gunpowder on the 29th June. His wounds were so severe, that from the first the surgeon entertained but little hope of his recovery, and he did not long survive. Before his decease he disclosed his real name, that of Baxter being an assumed one. He was a native of France, about thirty years of age, and his true name was Vincent Boudet Our officers and naturalists, during their stay at Mbua, had several opportunities of making short excursions into the country. They found a considerable difference in the vegetation since their former visit, about five weeks before. Many plants, of which there were then no signs, were now in full bloom. Several of these were very showy, among which were the willow-leaved acacia, a species of callistemon with scarlet flowers, &c. They also met with a new species of iron-wood, (Casuarina,) which is a tree of upright growth, thirty feet high, with a dense green top; its cones are large and terminal. The country, for five or six miles inland, is a range of low barren hills, producing small shrubs, with masses of wild sugar-cane and fern. Dr. Pickering and Mr. Brackenridge penetrated, in one of their excursions, to the mountains, in search of the sandalwood, to procure specimens. They landed at Myandone, the town situated on the stream from which we obtained our water. This stream is small, and water was procured with difficulty, on account of the flow of the tide to a long distance up the creek. The natives, however, obviated this difficulty, in a great measure, by building a dam of mud, which rose above high-water mark, and formed a kind of pool. The water in this, if disturbed, would have been too muddy to take, they, therefore, inserted in the dam several bamboo stems, on closing which the water rose quietly to some height, and upon opening them again, was drawn off quite clear. A house was built here, where any of the officers or naturalists who might be detained after sunset might sleep in safety. The chief of Myandone furnished our gentlemen with guides for the mountains, and they set out on their excursion. For the first five miles they passed through barren hills, after which they proceeded up a valley, through which a small stream meandered, passing by plantations of bananas, yams, and taro. As they approached the base of the mountain, they met with groves of trees, among which were some species of Ficus, Bread-fruit, Inocarpus, Erythrina, and several new plants. At the base of the mountain, they visited a town scattered over several hills on both sides of the stream. At an mbure house their guides entered into a discussion with an old man, seemingly to obtain permission to proceed. The old man received them with hospitality, and cooked some yams for them. Crowds of natives, men, women, and children, gathered around to see the Papalangis, whom they had never laid eyes on before. The distribution of a few beads and a little tobacco, greatly delighted them. After the yam breakfast, the old man accompanied them, and was of great service in leading them in the right path, for it appeared that neither of the men whom they had brought as guides was at all acquainted with the route. At the end of two hours, they reached the top of the mountain range, which has an elevation of about two thousand feet; but they were unfortunate in being overtaken with rain, MALOLO. 305 so that their view was confined to a short distance. Near the top ol the mountain they found two species of cinnamon, very aromatic in flavour; they also met with a handsome little palm (Corypha), and obtained specimens of it in flower. They returned to the town by a different route, through the woods, and concluded that it was better to attempt to reach the boat before sunset, than to remain among these savages. They accordingly set out for this purpose, but were benighted, nearly opposite to the town of Myandone, where they met the chief, who invited them to his town; and, as there was nothing better for them to do, they accepted the invitation. The path led over many mud-holes, which it was dangerous to cross, even in the daytime, as the means of doing so were no more than a single stick, and that stick under water. What was dangerous by day, of course became vastly more difficult at night. The chief directed that they should mount on the shoulders of the natives, and thus astride, they passed over the morass for a distance of upwards of .a quarter of a mile, finding their way by the light of the torches, which served to show them the difficulties they were encountering, and the disaster that was to be expected from a false step of their bearers. On their arrival at the town, they entered the mbure, and became the guests of the chief for the night. He treated them to a supper of small clams and yams, and a corner of the mbure was assigned to them for sleeping. The night was passed under some feeling of insecurity, for their host was the noted rebel chief who had been making war on Tui Mbua, and was not considered very trustworthy. The next morning, after rewarding the chief with jack-knives and tobacco, they recrossed the morass in like manner, and reached the 306 MALOLO. ship by the boat. As this party had not succeeded in obtaining the specimens of sandalwood they desired, an opportunity offering, through the invitation of old Tui Mbua, who was on board the Vincennes, was taken advantage of, and several officers embarked with him, to spend the night at his village, called Fakosega. They were accompanied by David Whippy, as interpreter. Their principal object was to obtain specimens of sandalwood, which has now become so rare on these islands, and which the old chief promised to find for them. This district of Tui Mbua is that whence the sandalwood was formerly obtained. Tui Mbua furnished our gentlemen with guides, and they set out. The country was the same as before described on the other route, consisting of barren hills, trees being only found in the valleys, which are of small extent. They were soon shown several specimens of sandalwood, very small, and hardly to be distinguished from the surrounding shrubs. The natives call it assi. Proceeding on to the top of the hill, several solitary trees of sandalwood were met with, the largest of which were no more than twenty feet high, and had a stem only six inches in diameter at the height of eighteen inches from the base. The general habit of the tree is represented as of slender form, and a growth very much resembling that of a peach-tree. It is found to be affected by a kind of dry-rot, which, however, does not lessen the fragrance of the wood. They procured specimens both in fruit and flower; the latter is not conspicuous. The fresh wood is destitute of odour, and therefore cannot be recognised by this property. The district where this wood is found is exceedingly small, being no more than fifteen miles square. A line running north from Lecumba Point, and including Anganga Island, will comprise the whole of it. This district forms the most western point of the island of Vanua-levu. Its soil is rocky and barren, but not more so than that of several other districts that have been visited. Mr. Brackenridge remarks, that they met with a species of Rhus, which grows in the form of an upright tree. Nothing could induce the natives to ascend to obtain specimens of it, for it is considered by them as poisonous; and they made signs that it would injure their hands and feet, or any part of the body that came in contact with it. Our naturalists, however, obtained specimens of the tree by breaking down a branch with a hooked stick. Tui Mbua's town is situated on an almost inaccessible peak, six hundred feet above the level of the sea. It contains about four hundred inhabitants including men, women, and children. They are all now miserably poor, and have little to eat, having recourse to the MALOLO. 307 fruit of the mangrove (Rhizophora), which the women were seen gathering. Tui Mbua had forewarned his guests that he had no luxuries to give them. They had a comfortable mbure, however, to sleep in, and supped upon yams. The labour of transporting all the water and provisions up the ascent falls upon the women. In the town of Tui Mbua, were the two Feejee chiefs of Sualib Bay whom I had freed; they proved to be the friends and allies of the old king, and at their request they were landed to pay him a visit, and thence to proceed homeward. In the evening they were entertained with a Feejee dance by the men, which consisted in movements of the body, arms, legs, and head, not ungraceful. The dancers had evidently practised a great deal together. The glowing light of the bamboo torches on their dark skins and fine forms, decked in their pure white turbans (sala), with the crowd gathered around, produced a fine effect. A few girls were also induced to dance, but they did not do so well, for want of practice. With the assistance of David Whippy, they got rid of the old king almost by force, as he was inclined to pass the night in their company. Tui Mbua has always been a great friend of the whites. They returned on board the next day. At Lecumba Point, where many of the natives were frequently gathered, the ambati or priest was induced to shake as if the spirit was in him. He always, however, declined doing so unless they were alone, for fear he should lose his influence with his countrymen. His first operation was to put every muscle in full tension, clenching his fists and placing his feet apart. This done, he would begin to shake with great violence, the muscles of his legs becoming so much excited, that involuntary motions continued for some time afterwards. A small present was usually made him for these exertions. Captain Hudson, as has been seen, had proceeded with the Peacock to Muthuata. As soon as he arrived at that place, he went on shore to visit the king, and demanded of him Hugh M'Bride, a deserter from one of the surveying boats. He was the second man who had attempted to leave the squadron for the purpose of taking up his abode among these cannibals. The king disclaimed all knowledge of his desertion, and promised to have him sought after. The king's house was found surrounded by his warriors and people, armed, who all appeared much agitated and alarmed at the second visit of the ship. Every thing was, however, done that could be to quiet his fears, but not with much success. 308 MALOLO. Captain Hudson having furnished his first lieutenant with written instructions, returned to bring the Vincennes round from Mbua Bay. Hugh M'Bride was afterwards found at Muthuata, secreted by natives, and strong suspicion existed that it was with the full knowledge and concurrence of the king. Many surveying signals were also stolen, even in sight of the ship, and in broad daylight. It therefore became necessary to put a stop to these thefts, which not only impeded the operations, but could not be overlooked without the risk of further depredations. Captain Hudson visited the king, and told him distinctly that the articles must be returned in a day, or he must take the consequences. The king made many promises, and kept them better than those he had before given, for he set about effecting the recovery of the signals in earnest. On the 26th July, the king's son Ko-Mbiti, returned from Somu-somu in state, without bringing any guests to the famous fete they were preparing. Instead of them he presented his father with a large whale's tooth, and a request that he would take part in the war about to take place against Seru, who headed the Ambau warriors. The son, it was understood, favoured the Somu-somuans, but the old king more prudently desired to observe a strict neutrality. The observations at Lecumba Point having been finished, and Captain Hudson having returned from Muthuata to take the Vincennes, every thing was embarked in her, and on the 29th they got under way for Muthuata. In the evening they anchored in Naloa Bay, where the next morning they took in a quantity of wood, and visited the town of Tavea on the island of that name. Here Mr. Drayton witnessed the making of-pottery by women. The clay used is of a red colour, and is obtained in quantities on the island, and the vessels are formed by the women with the same instruments that are described in another place. Some of their work appeared as round as though it had been turned in a lathe. The pots are dried in the open air, and for baking or burning them, they use a common wood fire, without any oven. The vessels are of various shapes, some of which are quite pretty. The tenacity of the clay is such, that even without baking the pottery is quite strong. The islands from Naloa Bay to Muthuata, are for the most part low, and covered with tiri (mangrove) bushes. There is one within a few miles of Muthuata, called Nucumbati, which is remarkable in shape, as well as picturesque in appearance. On this is a deserted town of about sixty houses, situated in a beautiful grove of cocoa-nut trees. The account obtained of it from our interpreter was, that its chief and MALOLO. 309 most of its people had been killed, and that the rest had left it It appeared to have been a long time deserted. According to Mr. Budd, who was occupied in its survey, the site of the town is easily distinguished by a large spirit-house that stands on the beach in front of it. The Feejee tomato (Solanum) in its green state, was first seen at Tavea. It was from this town, Tavea, that the natives belonged, who came off to the Peacock eating human flesh, and it was not surprising that ranges of pots for cooking the unnatural food were seen beside the mbures. A short time before noon, the Vincennes got under way, and before night anchored off the town of Muthuata, near the Peacock. On the 31st July, the boats from Malolo reached the ship, and also Lieutenant Case, from Somu-somu, by the south side of the island, having been engaged in surveying some small harbours that I was desirous should be more particularly examined than had been done previously. Captain Hudson now began a very particular survey of the harbour of Muthuata, continuing it as far as Mali, the boats of both ships being engaged in this duty. The shore was frequently visited by the officers and naturalists, and the botanical specimens much increased. The tomato, already spoken of, was found here in its ripe state. It is believed to be a perennial plant. The fruit is the size of an orange, and of an agreeable flavour; it has been grown and ripened in Philadelphia, and I am in hopes will in a short time be acclimated in the United States, where it will be a great acquisition. The return of the boats from Malolo, brought the melancholy news .of the death of Lieutenant Underwood and Midshipman Henry. Immediately on the receipt of this information, Captain Hudson ordered the flags of both ships to be lowered halfmast, and issued the following order, which was read to the crews of both ships. Information having been received, from the commander of the Expedition, of the death of Lieutenant Joseph A. Underwood and Midshipman Wilkes Henry, on the 24th instant, who were treacherously murdered by the natives of Malolo, one of the Feejee group of islands, the officers of the United States ships Vincennes and Peacock will wear the usual badge of mourning for thirty days, as a testimony of regard for the memory of their departed brother officers, who have been suddenly cut off from their sphere of usefulness in MALOLO. the Expedition, while arduously engaged in the performance of their public duty. (Signed) William L. Hudson, Feejee Islands, July 31st, 1840. Commanding U. S. Ship Peacock. Subsequently to this, on the 8th of October, a meeting of the officers was held on board the Peacock, at which Captain W. L. Hudson was called to the chair, and Lieutenant R. E. Johnson appointed secretary. The chair announced that the object of the meeting was to obtain a just expression of feeling in relation to the death of Lieutenant Joseph A. Underwood and Midshipman Wilkes Henry, who on the 24th of July last were treacherously killed by the natives of Malolo. On motion, a committee, consisting of Lieutenant Johnson, Dr. Palmer, Mr. Rich, (botanist,) Passed Midshipman Blunt, and Midshipman Blair were appointed to draft resolutions befitting this melancholy occasion. The committee, in obedience to their instructions, reported the following resolutions, which were unanimously adopted. Resolved, That amid the toils and dangers which the officers of this Expedition have been called upon to encounter, they could have incurred no deeper calamity than the untimely death of their beloved coadjutors, Lieutenant Joseph A. Underwood and Midshipman Wilkes Henry. Resolved, That the loss of these gentlemen is most deeply mourned, not only on account of their personal worth, but from our sincere interest in the Expedition, which has thus been deprived of two most efficient officers. Resolved, That the energetic and persevering manner in which the lamented dead performed all duties, however arduous, offered an example worthy our emulation, and that the strongest terms of sympathy with their friends at home, are inadequate to the expression of our regrets. Resolved, That as a mark of affection and respect for our lost associates, we cause a monument, designed among ourselves, to be erected to their memory, in the cemetery at Mount Auburn. Resolved, That a copy of these resolutions be transmitted to the bereaved relations of Lieutenant Underwood and Midshipman Henry. It was further resolved, that a committee of nine persons be appointed to carry the foregoing resolutions into effect, and that the committee consist of the following gentlemen: Captain W. L. Hudson, Lieutenants James Alden and Case,. Dr. J. C. Palmer, T. R. Peale, (ornithologist,) Passed Midshipman S. Blunt, Purser W. Spieden, Midshipmen G. W. Clark and J. Blair. Resolved, That the sum of two thousand dollars be appropriated for the erection of the monument, and that the pursers of the Expedition be authorized to charge the said sum to the officers and scientific corps in proportion to the rate of their several salaries. The^ subject of an inscription was referred to a future meeting, and the committee was instructed to select a model from the designs which they might hereafter receive. The meeting then adjourned. ' LIEUTENANT JOSEPH A. UNDERWOOD, ) SCIENTIFIC CORPS, (Rear.) LIEUTENANT UNDERWOOD, UNITED STATES EXPLORING EXPEDITION. 1IDSHIPMAN HENRY, JULY 24, 1840. PASSED MIDSHIPMEN REID AND BACON FREDERICK A. BACON, 312 MALOLO. Since our return this monument has been erected at Mount Auburn, after a design by Mr. Drayton, by John Struthers and Son, of Philadelphia. The opposite wood-cut is a representation of it. Another deserter from the Peacock was recovered, being delivered up by the king. The amount, according to the regulations, was at once paid for his apprehension. The Kai-viti schooner, Passed Midshipman Harrison, arrived with a load of yams from Somu-somu, having on board the mate and cooper of the ship Shylock, Captain Taylor, which vessel had been lost on Turtle Island on the 20th of June. The mate stated that the ship was run on the reef about ten o'clock, p. m., when seventeen of the crew narrowly escaped in two boats, leaving eight on the wreck, whose fate was unknown. The two boats reached Vavao in two days and a half, without any provisions. Five of the seventeen, including the captain, mate, cooper, and two men, joined a missionary schooner, and reached Somu-somu, and thence the mate and cooper came in the Kai-viti to join the squadron. William Smith, ordinary seaman, was accidentally drowned from on board the Kai-viti during her last cruise. (See Appendix XVI.) On the 2d of August, a sail was descried off the island of Kie. Lieutenant Budd was despatched with a boat to board and offer her any assistance that she might require; she was brought in under the pilotage of that officer, and was found to be the whale- ship Triton, Captain Parker, without any guns or arms on board whatever! Had it not been for the presence of the squadron, she would at once have been taken possession of by the natives, on learning that such was the fact. When such imprudence is committed, it is not surprising that so many ships that have gone into the Pacific have never been heard of. In many cases, doubtless, not one has been left to tell the tale of the many, very many, valuable lives that have been lost from over-confidence in these treacherous savages. This alone would point out the strong necessity of providing our numerous and hardy navigators with a correct knowledge of these islands, as well as those still further to the westward. I am happy to know that we shall enable the navigator to visit this group without fear and with comparatively little danger,, if he will but observe a proper share of caution; and there is now open to him one of the best groups in the Pacific for obtaining supplies and refreshing his men after their arduous labours. The time having elapsed, the king was punctual in sending off such MALOLO. 313 portions of the flags stolen as he had been able to recover, soliciting pardon for the offence of his people, and making an offering of ten hogs and one thousand yams for the flags not returned. This offering, Captain Hudson received, determining before leaving to repay their full value. Captain Eagleston, in the Leonidas, having completed his cargo of biche de mar at Mali, again anchored at Muthuata, and communicated that Gingi, the chief suspected of the murder of Cunningham, had told him that the old king of Muthuata had never sent after the murderers as he had promised. An officer was at once sent .on shore, with David Whippy as interpreter, to tell the king what had been heard, and to demand the murderers forthwith. The king, on his part, made many asseverations that he had uttered no lies, and had not deceived us, but had made every attempt to take the murderers; that his people were now in the bush, and that when they returned he would call a meeting, and let Captain Hudson know in the morning. The Porpoise joined the squadron from Ovolau, on the 7th of August. As nothing was heard from the king, Lieutenant Walker was despatched on shore, with the interpreter, to ascertain the cause. The king replied, that he was afraid, for the people of the town of Naven- darra, where the murder had taken place, had sent him word, " That if he interfered, they would come and burn him out." This proved what had been for a long time suspected, that the old king's power was all but extinct; and Captain Hudson, under the circumstances, did not feel justified in punishing them. The day before his departure, he paid the king and chiefs a visit, gave them some advice relative to their future conduct, and mentioned to them that he was going away. The king and chiefs, with great naivete, replied that they were extremely glad to hear it, for they had been in constant dread of having their town burnt, in consequence of the number of lies that were constantly told to him of them. During the slay of the vessels at Muthuata, one of the mountaineers who frequented the town, stole a comb from the king's house. On search being made, the thief was discovered among the mangrove- bushes, where he was captured and taken before the king, who ordered his punishment after the following mode. They laid him on a canoe- mast, about seven inches in diameter, one end resting on a log a little above the ground; his hands were tied, and his arms stretched beyond VOL. III. 2B 40 314 MALOLO. his head on the mast; they then took a rope, an inch and a half in thickness, when, beginning at his ankles, they wound it around his body and the mast, the turns being taken not far apart, up to his shoulders, allowing his head only to move a little, and thus exposed him all day to the sun! He was, towards evening, unbound and suffered to go, but he could not move, and was carried by four men. It is suppose^ if the ships had not been there, another and more deadly punishment would have been inflicted upon him. I have now to speak of the examination the Porpoise made of the great sea-reef and islands to the west of the Asaua Group. They left the anchorage of Ya-asaua on the 21st of July, and shortly after discovered a sail, which proved to be the ship Triton, an American whaler, from which they obtained a few articles of provisions. Occasional soundings were found all over the space to the east of the island of Biva, the most western of the group, which I have already spoken of as being in sight from the high peaks that were observed on. On the night of the 21st the brig struck several times with great violence on a coral shoal, but got over in safety. The next day they were near Biva, a long low island, with two smaller ones connected with it covered with cocoa-nut trees. Boats were sent out to examine it. The island is surrounded by a reef, and affords no anchorage; it is inhabited by about fifty souls. Fifteen of them came around the boat's crew on their landing, armed with clubs and spears, but they seemed very timid and inoffensive. They said they had suffered much from want of food, and that some had even perished from starvation. The island did not seem to produce any thing but cocoa-nuts, of which, after much difficulty, a few were procured. In their trade with us they preferred fish-hooks to any thing else, and gave as a reason to Aliko the pilot, that with them they could obtain food. They stated that in times of scarcity each person was allowed no more than three cocoa-nuts a day. Their koro was small and not far from the place of landing; but it was not visited, as they seemed unwilling that the party should do so. After obtaining sights for chronometers and making the necessary examinations, they returned to the brig, and found the whaling-ship in company. The reef that surrounds Biva extends three miles to the south of the island. Near its southern end is the opening, but it is not practicable even for a small vessel, without danger from the numerous coral lumps. MALOLO. 315 The great sea-reef was entirely lost sight of until approaching towards Malolo and the small islands to the north of it. The latter are numerous, and as they have no names, and are, as it were, detached from the Asaua Group, I have called the separate islands after some of the officers of the Expedition, and the whole the Hudson Isles. Finding also many others in a cluster on the northeast side of the group, I have given them the name of Ringgold Isles, and named the several islands after some of the officers engaged in the survey of them. On the 25th, the Porpoise passed through the Malolo Passage, and shortly after joined company with the tender, near Malolo, as has been before related. The reunion of the several vessels of the squadron did not give rise to the feeling of pleasure which had attended such meetings on other occasions. A deep gloom on the contrary was spread over the minds of all by the melancholy fate of their comrades, who had been the victims of the butchery at Malolo. In honour of their memories a funeral sermon was preached, on the 10th August, by the chaplain, before the assembled officers and crews. The address was affecting and appropriate, and on our arrival at Oahu was published.at the request of the officers. On the 10th of August, in the afternoon, the squadron beat down to Mali, and all the necessary preparations were made for going to sea the next day. Among these, several transfers were made in the officers of the squadron. But a few parts of the group still required some further examination, viz.: Natava Bay, lying to the eastward, together with Rambe Island and the adjacent reefs, and the sea-reef extending from Kie Island towards Round Island. I was desirous, also, of looking after our shipwrecked countrymen on Turtle Island. I therefore gave the Porpoise and tender orders to execute these remaining duties, for which see Appendix XV. We beat out of the passage of Mali, and discharged all the interpreters and pilots we had employed. They were paid off, and put on board their schooner the Kai-viti. It gives me pleasure to bear testimony to their respectability and good conduct during our stay. The services of these men were of great value to the Expedition. To their acquaintance with the natives, I feel myself indebted for much of the information I have been able to give of this extraordinary people. On taking our final departure from these islands, all of us felt great pleasure; Vendovi alone manifested his feeling by shedding tears at the last view of his native land. CHAPTER X. CONTENTS. GEOGRAPHICAL POSITION OP THE GROUP —SURVEYS —CLIMATE —WINDS —TIDES- EARTHQUAKES—POPULATION — LANGUAGE—MODES OF SALUTATION —DISEASES- SURGERY—SPORTS—MESSAGES—TREATMENT OP THE WOMEN ~ AGRICULTURE — PLANTS—FOOD—SOIL—RAPIDITY OF VEGETATION—MONTHS AND DIVISION OF TIME- TAMBO NALANGA—ARMS OP THE FEEJEES —HOUSES —CANOES —TOOLS —POTTERY- DIET—FEASTS-MODE OP SITTING—IDEAS OF GEOGRAPHY—DISTRIBUTION OF TIME— DRESS — TATTOOING — NATIVE IDEAS OP DECENCY—USE OP OIL — COMMERCE — DANGERS ATTENDING NAVIGATION—DEATH OF MRS. CARGILL—WHIPPY'S LETTER- EVENTS SINCE OUR DEPARTURE. CHAPTER X. FEEJEE GROUP. The Feejee Group is situated between the latitudes of 15° 30' and 19° 30' S., and the longitudes of 177° E., and 178° W. It comprises one hundred and fifty-four islands, sixty-five of which are inhabited. The remaining eighty-nine are occasionally resorted to by the natives for the purpose of fishing, and taking biche de mar. There are also numerous reefs and shoals. The latter occupied much of our time and attention, and, with the numerous harbours, have been fully surveyed. The shortness of the time we spent in the group may perhaps incline some to doubt the accuracy of our surveys. I am however well satisfied myself, that with the exception of the south side of Kantavu, every portion of the group has been as thoroughly examined as is necessary for any nautical purpose, or for those of general geography. The south side of Kantavu, according to the reports of the natives and white pilots, contains no harbours, affords no shelter for vessels, and moreover had been already examined by the French Expedition. During our stay at Levuka, we obtained full sets of moon culminating stars for the longitude, placing it in 178° 52' 40-78" E.; and circummeridian observations of sun and stars, making its latitude 17° 40' 46-79" S. For the other points whose positions were determined, I must refer to our tables. These were all carefully fixed by meridian distances from Levuka, in the island of Ovolau, which occupies nearly a central position in the group. Its position will be more clearly perceived and understood by reference to the map of these islands, which will be found in the atlas. At Ovolau, a regular series of observations for magnetic results were gone through. Some interesting magnetic 320 FEEJEE GROUP. disturbances took place, which were observed with Gauss's needle, and will be found in the chapter on magnetism, where also are recorded the dip and variation at the different points. ' For the manner in which the detail of the survey of this group was accomplished, I have to refer to the Hydrographical Memoir, where it will be fully explained and illustrated. Taking into account the methods employed, and the means placed at my disposal, it will, I trust, be apparent that the comparatively short time in which so great a quantity of work was performed, can be no reason why its results should not be relied upon. Besides the four vessels of the squadron, which were for a considerable part of the time under way, seventeen boats were actively, engaged in the surveys. Even the amount of work performed will give but little idea how arduous the duties were. The boats were absent from the vessels from fifteen to twenty days at a time, during which the officers and men rarely landed, and were continually in danger from the treachery of the natives, who were ever upon the watch for an opportunity to cut them off. It gives me great pleasure to be able, with but few exceptions, to bear witness to the untiring zeal of those who were attached to the Expedition, and to the accuracy with which the work was performed; and in the cases where error or careless work was suspected, the doubtful parts were resurveyed, correcting any mistake which might have been committed in the first instance, and verifying the survey where it was accurate. The opportunities of the naturalists were as great as could be afforded them consistently with their safety. It was considered desirable that the interior of the large islands should be reached ; this —was partly effected up the river Wai-levu, by Lieutenant Budd. But journeys on foot into the interior were out of the question, and only those parts of the islands in the immediate proximity of the seashore could consequently be visited with safety. Many novelties have been obtained. For a more full description of the several branches of natural history and botany, I would refer the reader to the reports of the different naturalists. The climate of the different sides of the islands may, as in all the large Polynesian islands, be distinguished as wet or dry, the weather side being subject to showers, while to leeward it is remarkably dry, and droughts are of long continuance. The difference in temperature is however small, and on comparing the meteorological journal kept on board the Peacock, on the west side of Vitilevu, with that kept at Levuka, I find that at the same hours they stand within two degrees of each other. FEEJEE GROUP. 3r,j The appearance of the vegetation shows this difference of climate more strongly than the thermometer; for on the lee side, the islands have a barren and burnt appearance, while the weather sides exhibit a luxuriant tropical vegetation. Our stay in this group was not long enough to enable us to speak of the vicissitudes of the seasons, yet we had time to observe a great change in the plants, whose flowers succeeded each other. It is by these that the natives are guided in their agricultural occupations. Thus the scarlet flowers of the Erythrina indica, mark the season of planting, and, according to some of the white residents, the natives encourage the growth of this plant near the towns, for the purpose of pointing-out the proper time for this important operation in agriculture. The mean temperature at Ovolau, during the six weeks that the observatory was established there, was 77-81°. The barometer stood at 30-126 in. The lowest temperature was 62°; the highest 96°. The first occurred at 4 a. m. on the 23d, the last at 2 p. m. on the 25th June. The only bad weather that was experienced in the Feejee Group, was from the 7th to the 11th July, during which time the wind blew constantly from the southeast, and was attended with a light rain. The winds, from April to November, prevail from the east-northeast to southeast quarter, at times blowing a fresh trade-wind. From November to April northerly winds are often experienced, and in the months of February and March heavy gales are frequent. They usually begin at the northeast, and pass around to the north and northwest, from which quarters they blow with most violence ; then haulino- to the westward, they moderate. They generally last two or three days. A very heavy gale was experienced from 22d of February to the 25th, which may have been the same that was felt by us at New Zealand, on the 1st of March. If they were connected, it would make the vortex upwards of six hundred miles in diameter. The only data I was enabled to get, at all to be depended upon, was from Captain Eagleston, who was lying in his ship under Toba Peak, on the north shore of Vitilevu. The gale began from the northeast, with heavy rain, on the morning of the 22d. During the night, and morning of the 23d, it was more to the north, increasing with violent gusts. They let go a third anchor, and sent down the topmasts and lower yards. On the 24th, the gale was the same, attended with much rain and wind, hauling to the westward at midnight of the 25th. It became northwest in the morning, when it began to moderate, the wind hauling gradually to the southward, when it cleared off. The missionaries could give me no further information, than that the gale had lasted four days. This gale was not felt at Tonga, although they had strong winds vol. in. 41 ! 322 FEEJEE GROUP. there at that time. It is much to be regretted that the foreign missionary establishments should not be furnished with a few instruments to aid them in making observations upon the climate. I have found some of them'without even a thermometer. The tides throughout the group appear to be very irregular, until they are closely studied. The flood sets in opposite directions on the eastern and western sides of the group. Thus, on the south side of Vanua-levu, it flows from the east as far as Buia Point, where it is met by the flood coming from the west. It is high water at Ovolau at 6h 10m, on the full and change of the moon. At Muthuata 5h 30m. The manner in which the tide flows will be better understood by reference to the map of the group, on which it is exhibited. From the observations of the Porpoise, and information obtained from the natives, there appears to be a continual current setting to the eastward, at the rate of about half a mile an hour. This current we observed to exist both on the north and south sides of the island; and I am disposed to think it would be found to prevail for the most of the year. The greatest rise and fall of the tide is six feet. The currents set strongly in and out of the passages, until the water rises above the level of the reefs, when it flows over in all directions, and its force is much decreased. Earthquakes are not unfrequent: according to the white residents, they generally occur in the month of February. Several shocks are often felt in a single night. The only place where there are any visible signs of volcanic heat, is Savu-savu; but several islands in the group exhibit signs of craters. One of these is at the west end of Kantavu. There are others at Nairai, Goro, and in the Ringgold Isles. The peaks, however, are usually basaltic cones or needles, some of which rise to the height of several thousand feet, and no running stream of lava has been seen occurring on any of these islands. It may consequently be inferred, that the date of the formation of these islands is more remote than that of the other groups of Polynesia. Volcanic conglomerate, tufa, and compact and scoriaceous basalts are found, of every texture and colour, and in all states of decomposition. When decomposed, they afford a rich soil, which, clothed with a luxuriant foliage, covers the islands to their very tops, clinging to every point where it is possible for a plant to take root This rich vegetation gives a degree of beauty to the aspect of the whole group, that is scarcely surpassed in any part of the world. In relation to the population of these islands, it was found difficult to obtain information that could be implicitly relied upon, and we had -eason to suspect that the white residents rather overrated the number FEEJEE GROUP. 323 of inhabitants. There is, however, one circumstance, which renders it more easy to obtain satisfactory information in relation to the amount of population in this group, than in almost any of the others, namely, the hostile feelings which exist between the different tribes. This renders it impossible for the inhabitants of another district to flock to that where ships are lying; and there is no chance of counting the same persons a second time, as we inferred it was probable had been the case elsewhere, particularly at Tahiti. The number of natives at Levuka during our stay seldom varied more than could be accounted for by visits from the neighbouring towns. I adopted the plan of counting the inhabitants wherever I had an opportunity, in order to check the estimate given me by others. The following account of the numbers in the several districts, &c, I believe to be as correct as it is possible to arrive at. The islands of Ovolau and Kantavu are the most thickly peopled. The whole group contains about 130,000 inhabitants, who are divided as follows: Ambau ...... 3,000 Viwa 1,000 Rewa 5,000 Verata 1,000 Naitasiri 8,000 South side, from Rewa to Ra . . . 5,000 North shore from Verata to Navula . . 12,000 Interior 5,000 Mbua . . .... 6,000 Buia 3,000 Nandi 8,000 Savu-savu ...... 5,000 Tocanova 3,000 Muthuata 15,000 Ovolau ...... 8,000 Kantavu . . . • . . 13,500 Vuna 7,000 Rambe 1,500 Nairai 7,000 Goro 2,000 Ambatiki ...... 500 Angau 1,300 Moala 1,400 Ono 500 Matuku 1,500 Totoia 1,000 Wakaia 200 Mokungai ....•• 100 Asaua Group 5,000 Eastern Group . 3i000 Total 133,500 324 FEEJEE GROUP. This of course can be considered only as an approximation, but I am inclined to believe it rather above than below the actual number of inhabitants. It will be perceived that I have set down no more than five thousand for the number of inhabitants of the interior, although there are a number of persons who believe that this portion of the large islands is densely peopled. But all my own observations tend to confirm me in the opinion, that there are very few inhabitants in the interior of these islands. The circumstances attending a residence there are so contrary to Feejee habits, that I cannot give credit to a statement so entirely at variance with what we find at the other Polynesian islands. The food that the natives most esteem, is gathered near the sea-shore and from the sea, and there is little probability that any persons would dwell in the interior unless compelled by necessity. The natives of the different islands are of various sizes: some have their forms more fully developed than others, as will have been seen. In the opinion of the white residents, the natives of Ovolau were thought to be of inferior size to those of the other islands; this, however, did not strike us particularly, and I was of opinion that they were a fair specimen of the natives of the group. Those who have Tonga blood are designated as the Vitonga, and are decidedly the best-looking natives that are met with. These are to be found more among the eastern islands than elsewhere, showing the effects of the intercourse. Our accounts of the language are derived from the missionaries, who are making great exertions to become thoroughly acquainted with it, in its different dialects, of which there are several in the group. They have found more than ordinary difficulty in bringing the language into a written shape, and have not yet fully completed the task. The characters they have employed for this purpose are the Roman, and they have made such changes in the usual sounds of some of the letters, as are absolutely necessary to express the peculiar sounds of the Feejee tongue. The vowels are used generally to express the sounds they denote in the French language, except the broad sound of the a, which that letter is not always confined to; b is used to represent the sound m'b; c, that of the Greek 6; d is sounded n'd ; .»■&• Of all the letters, r and s retain most closely the sounds by which they are known to us; t has a peculiar sound, partaking of th, and in some of the districts is not used at all. The sound of k is entirely wanting in the Somu-somu dialect, whilst it is much used and distinctly uttered in the others. In the Lakemba dialect they use the j, sounded nja, which they ' derive from the Tongese. The following is the alphabet adopted by the missionaries. It con- FEEJEE GROUP. 325 sists of twenty-four letters, being the same as our own, with the exception of the x, which is wanting. They were kind enough to give me the sounds of the different letters, which are as follows: A, a, as in father, or in manner. M, ma. B, mb, as Bau, sounded Mbau. N, na. C, tha or la, sounded tha. O, o. D, nda or dina, sounded ndina. P, pa, it is sounded like va. E, eda, sounded enda. Q, nka. F, fa, sounded like v. R, ra. G, nga. S, sa. H, there is no aspirate. I, e, J, ja, this sound is seldom used. K.ka. L,la. T.ta. U, u, French sound. Y.ya. The missionaries were at first inclined to doubt that any affinity existed between the Feejee language and the other dialects of Polynesia ; but this arose from a superficial acquaintance with it, for on close study they became satisfied that their original impressions had been prematurely adopted, and they are now satisfied that it is no more than a branch from the great root whence all the Polynesian languages are derived. Originality and boldness appear to be the characteristics of the Feejee tongue. It has been found to be extremely copious, for a vocabulary of five thousand six hundred words has been already compiled, and still much remains to be accomplished. It furnishes distinctive names for every shrub and every kind of grass the islands yield; the names for various kinds of yam amount to more than fifty; each species of taro and banana has its distinctive appellation; and there are words for every variety of cocoa-nut, as well as for every stage of its ripeness, from the bud to the mature fruit. Words may be found to express every disease to which the body is liable, as well as every emotion of the mind. The most delicate shades of meaning may be expressed; thus, there are no less than five words equivalent to our " foolishness," each of which has its peculiar signification. The superlative degree of adjectives is expressed in six or seven different ways ; but all of these are not used at any one place, and this constitutes one of the features to which the differences in dialect are to be ascribed. These differences, however, are only verbal and not idiomatic, and are marked by an omission of letters. According to the missionaries, at Rewa and in its neighbourhood the language is spoken in its greatest purity. The difference of dialect 326 FEEJEE GROUP. was experienced by our parties in places, which rendered it difficult at times to communicate with the natives, but this was apparently confined to small districts. The natives themselves say, that the language of those dwelling on the west end of Vitilevu, is different from that which is generally spoken in the group. At the island of Malolo, which lies off this part of Vitilevu, we found no difficulty, however, in the communications we had with the natives. But this subject will be amply treated in the Philological Department, and on that perhaps I may have trespassed too much already. The language has the dual number, and plurals for expressing large and small numbers. It has distinct inclusive and exclusive pronouns, and certain pronouns that are only used in speaking of articles of food. One of its peculiarities is the combination of consonants without the aid of the usual number of vowels; as, for instance, " ndrondrolagi," a rainbow; and this constitutes such a difficulty in its pronunciation, that natives of no other group can utter these sounds, unless they lived among the Feejees from infancy. The language affords various forms of salutation, according to the rank of the parties; and great attention is paid to insure that the salutation shall have the proper form. Women make their salutations in different words from those employed by the men, and no less care is taken by them to observe the appropriate formula. Thus, the wives of the matanivanua, or landholders, say, on passing a chief's house, " a-a-vakau dn-wa-a;" women of the lower orders say, " ndnoo;" and fishermen's wives say " wa-wa," stooping, with their hands behind their heads. Equals salute each other with " ei vilitui." Men of the lower orders address chiefs, " duo-wa turanga," and the chiefs reply, " ivea rakaw." They have also forms of expression equivalent to our " yes, sir," " no, sir ;" as " io saka," and " sanga saka." When the men approach a chief they cry out " duo-wa," to which the chief replies, " wa!" The salutation is not accompanied by any obeisance of the body, except when a chief is met on his route, when all retire out of his path, crouch, and lower their clubs. The mode of salutation varies in different parts of the group; but in all, a chief would be thought ill-mannered if he did not return the salutation of a common man. Dr. Fox, the acting surgeon of the Vincennes, had an opportunity, during the stay of the ship at the island of Ovolau, to examine many of the diseases of the natives, and of practising among them to some extent. The most remarkable disease, and one that is believed to be FEEJEE GROUI 327 peculiar to this group of islands, is what the natives call the " dthoke." It somewhat resembles the " yaws" of the West Indies, so common among the negroes. In adults who are afflicted with it, it assumes the form of secondary syphilis, and those unacquainted with the history of the disease, would unhesitatingly pronounce it a syphilitic taint. It usually attacks children from two to nine years of age, and, according to the natives' and white fnen's experience, none escape. Dr. Fox is of the same opinion; every child of ten years of age that fell under his observation, had had this disease, and in many cases, still had it. Its first symptoms are fretfulness and inactivity on the part of the child; a swelling of the fingers arid pains in the bones follow; these pains, which are rheumatic in character, continue at intervals throughout the disease, and are followed by small red spots in different parts of the body. These become round pustules, varying in size, and result in ulcers. After the eruption has appeared, the pains about the bones cease to be so general. Sometimes they disappear in fine weather, but return when it is damp and wet In other cases they lose the fugitive character, but have a constant fixed pain over some bone, which is not relieved until the integuments inflame and carious bones find exit. In the first attack there is much irritation, particularly at night, and more or less fever. This also disappears in most cases as soon as the eruption is out. The mouth, arms, and umbilicus, ulcerate around the whole circumference. The extent of the disease about these parts, Dr. Fox thinks is owing to the constant scratching of the child. Very large and extensive' ulcer's, at the same time, exist in various parts of the body, some having the appearance of a fungous mass. In adults the pericranium is oftener affected than in children, the bone is denuded, and frequently pieces of the table of the skull come away. In some cases the eruption does not appear, or after appearing immediately dries up. These cases are said to prove invariably fatal. Cases are by no means rare of the loss of the bones of the palate and nose. In several instances we' observed the upper lip entirely gone, and the teeth and gums denuded. The females, in particular, are very often seen with deep cicatrices about the lips, so much so that in making inquiries relative to their customs, I was induced to ask Whippy, if making cicatrices in their lips was one of them. Dr. Fox imputes it to the dthoke, though Whippy refers it to tattooing: I am inclined to believe the former is the true cause. This disease varies in duration, from nine months to three years. The ulcerations continue longest on those parts of the body that are easily reached by the 328 FEEJEE GROUP. fingers, and those about the mouth frequently remain after every other vestige of the disease has disappeared. The ulcers begin to heal in the centre, even while yet enlarging at the edges. They generally attain the size of a dollar, and are apt to become fungous about the mucous orifices. The natives say this disease has always prevailed among them, and always speak of it as a Feejee disease. We have observed something of a similar nature on the other islands which I have heretofore mentioned. For this disease they have several remedies ; and when the pain is severe and fixed, they make incisions over the part, which gives relief. The ulcers are usually left to nature, no applications being made until they are very foul, from the quantities of pus discharged, which serves in place of a covering. The mother takes a child who is affected with the disease to a running brook, and with a sharp shell or piece of bamboo, scrapes the ulcers all down even with the skin: she then rubs them with soot, and the ulcers usually heal rapidly after such treatment. It seems a very painful one, but I did not find the children complain or cry much while undergoing it. They generally believe that the disease will run its course, but they avoid eating pork or any thing sweet, as they have found, by experience, it is hurtful and aggravates the disease. If the eruption has a tendency to dry up at too early a period, Dr. Fox says they give an infusion which has the effect of driving it out; but he did not learn particularly what it was. While at Levuka, Dr. Fox had several of the white men, affected with the disease, under treatment. One of them had had it for about a year. Dr. Fox says that this man was improving when he first saw him, but was still labouring under severe pains in damp weather. All the ulcerations had been healed excepting one upon the frontal bone, which was exposed. This ulcer was of the size of a shilling. He placed his patient on a generous diet, gave him sarsaparilla freely, and before we left Ovolau his pains had left him entirely. The outer table of the skull came away, and the parts healed over it He saw this man a month afterwards, when he was perfectly well. He adopted the same treatment with a number of others, applying the Citron ung. to the ulcers, which operated like a charm, healing them up very rapidly. Foreigners are not exempt from this disease. If they remain any time in the group, they are affected in the same manner as the natives. Age seems to influence it but little. The natives assign no cause for the disease, but Dr. Fox thinks the climate, diet, and habits^ of the natives," ducing it. the i [ causes pro- FEEJEE GROUP. 329 The influenza is at times prevalent among the natives, where the foreigners call it the " dandy cough." It was so. prevalent, that scarcely one escaped. The natives give it the name of the Papalangi disease, as they suppose that it was brought among them by the whites. It made its appearance among them some years since, and again about a year before our arrival. Dr. Fox thinks, from the description he received from the natives, that it resembles in all particulars the epidemic that raged so extensively in America about the same time. From the natives' account, the last time that it occurred, there were not enough of well people in the village to look after the sick. In some villages one-half the population died* Whippy did not think this account exaggerated, and many of the whites say that at least one-tenth of the inhabitants fell victims to it, either at the time of the attack or from the effects of it Whippy said that the mode of treating it was to drink plenty of warm water, roll themselves up in mats, and lay themselves down in their houses, where many of them died. Tui Levuka, when asked for information about it, spoke of it with much dread. From the observations throughout the group, we found that elephantiasis did not prevail to the extent that we had remarked at the more eastern and northern groups. It is said to prevail most at the isle of Kantavu, but as we had but little communication with its natives, I am not able to assert that this is correct. Dr. Fox remarks, that rheumatism is very common, more particularly among the women* Acute rheumatism is not very prevalent. The pain is principally experienced in the long bones, and they relieve it as they do other pains, by making deep incisions over the part affected: for this purpose sometimes, when cutting about the joints, they sever the tendons. The effect of this practice is seen in large scars upon almost every individual* Dr. Fox saw a lad, of ten years old, who had been cut in all directions for a severe rheumatism he was subject to. Exostosis of all the long bones, and also of the skull, were apparent on him. He had, however, received so much relief from it, that he rather sought the operation. He suffered the most severely at night, and in bad weather. Dysentery has never prevailed here as an epidemic, although cases now and then occur, from irregularities, as elsewhere. The disease of the spine which we found so prevalent at the Samoan Group, is quite rare here. Of phthisis pulmonalis Dr. Fox did not see a Case, and he thinks it must be rare. In his inquiries among the white men, he heard of a disease somewhat resembling it, and which* he thinks, may be it, 01 vol. in. 2C2 42 330 FEEJEE GROUP. some acute disease of the lungs. This was said frequently to attack fine stout and healthy young men, who would be seen engaged in all kinds of sports with their companions, and apparently as active and in as good health as any around them, and would suddenly contract a cough, become emaciated, and in a few days it would prove fatal to them. Fevers, whether intermittent or remittent, are unknown. Ophthalmia is less common here than in the other groups. Hernia is as frequent as it is in the United States. Primary syphilis does not exist among the people, as far as the information of the whites goes. No case of it occurred among our crew during our visit; nor are the other diseases of this kind found here. Bad ulcers on the extremities are frequent, and this is one of the most disgusting things about the Feejee men. I might say, that almost every third man has either his fingers or his toes ulcerated; but, though more common among the Feejee men, it is also frequent among the natives of the other groups. These ulcers are often neglected, even among the chiefs. Our friend Mr. Phillips had a very bad one on his finger. The whites who reside among the natives, told me that they frequently had them, but that when treated in time they were easily cured. The natives, however, generally leave them without any application. They have no physicians, but were anxious to receive medical advice from our surgeons; and, when the kings or chiefs took medicine, it sometimes happened that all their people were desirous to take They occasionally suffered great distress from gunshot wounds, but the nature of their climate, and the vegetable diet to which they are at most times restricted, operate to effect cures in cases that would elsewhere be dangerous under the most skilful treatment. By their constant use of human subjects, they have become somewhat acquainted with the anatomy of the human frame. They can, therefore, perform several surgical operations, in a rude way, and are, at times, successful in their treatment of diseases, although, from the following anecdotes, they have more confidence in the skill and knowledge of the whites than in themselves, however rude the practitioner. One of the natives of Ambau being taken sick at Levuka, David Whippy (who told the story to me himself) proposed to bleed him from the arm, to which the native consented. Not having any lancets, Whippy sharpened his sheath-knife (such as is used by sailors) to as fine a point as he could get it, punctured the vein in the arm, and drew FEEJEE GROUP. 331 a quantity of blood, which at once afforded the native great relief. He soon afterwards returned to Ambau, where he related the circumstances to his friends. In the course of a few days several large double canoes arrived at Levuka from Ambau, and some of the people proceeded to David Whippy's house, informing him that they had come to be bled, and that there were a number with them on the same ^ errand. Whippy endeavoured to dissuade them, as they were all stout-looking fellows. He told them it would do them more harm than good, and that they did not require it; but all he could say was of no avail; they had come from Ambau to be bled, and bled they would be. Finding all his remonstrances fruitless, the old sheath-knife was again put into requisition, and the next morning the one hundred and fifty Ambau men returned to Ambau, having each left behind him a tin pot of blood. Many of the natives, since then, have become bleeders, but occasionally a canoe still arrives from Ambau, with subjects to undergo the operation by Whippy. While young, both sexes indulge in a variety of amusements. Among the girls, the sports, are: vimoli, which is a species of legerdemain performed by keeping five or six oranges circling around the head; garali, similar to our hide and seek; libigilla, or forfeits, in which there are two parties, one of which wraps a girl in a mat, and carries her to the other, who is to guess her name; if the guess be not correct, yams and taro must be paid for a treat. Meke (dancing) is also a favourite amusement. For instruction in this there are regular dancing-masters and mistresses, who are much esteemed, and receive high prices for their services. Those who can invent new figures are most in request. The performers in the common dance (nuka i ndina) are generally girls, from ten to fifteen years of age. These arrange themselves in a line, in a place selected for the purpose, which is usually a green in the village. One of them acts as leader, and stands in the middle of the line, a little in advance of the rest. The feet of the performers are seldom moved from the place, and the dance consists altogether of movements of the body, bowing, twisting, writhing, from side to side, and backwards or forwards. All join in a song, and, towards the close, arrange themselves in a semicircle, when the dance is brought to a conclusion by a simultaneous clap-of the hands. The boys have a game which is played with sticks. One is set in the ground, and another, sharpened at the point, is thrown at it; the first person who succeeds in striking it, wins. They have also the game of hide and seek, and another called vitaki, which consists in throwing a stick from a hollow reed. He who throws farthest is the winner. Men of two different towns also play this game in parties. 332 FEEJEE GROUP. A place about two hundred feet in length is cleared for this purpose, and it excites great interest, often producing quarrels attended with bloodshed, and sometimes wars. The older boys are trained to the use of the spear, using in the exercise long reeds and sticks, whose ends are rolled up in tapa, in order to prevent accident. The Feejee mode of sending messages (lotu) is as follows: a chief, when he wishes to send one, gives the messenger as many reeds as the message is to contain separate subjects. These reeds are of different lengths, in order to distinguish them from each other. When the messenger arrives at his destination, he delivers the reeds successively, and with each of them repeats the purport of the part of the message of which it is the memorial. Such messages are carried and delivered with great accuracy; and the messengers, when questioned on their return, repeat them with great precision. A reed is also used as the pledge on closing an agreement, and the delivery of it makes it binding. If a chief presents a reed, or sticks one in the ground, it is considered as binding him to the performance of his promise. The women are kept in great subjection, and this is not accomplished without severity. Their lords and masters frequently tie them up and flog them, and even the whites punish their native wives, which they say they are compelled to do, as without the discipline to which they are accustomed, they could not be managed. The women are besides never permitted to enter the mbure, nor, as we have seen, to eat human flesh, at least in public. They keep the house clean, take care of the children, weed the yam and taro beds, and carry the roots home after the men have dug them up. Like other property, wives may be sold at pleasure, and the usual price is a musket. Those who purchase them may do with them as they please, even to knocking them on the head. The girls of the lower classes of a town or koro, are entirely at the disposal of the chief, who may sell or bargain them away as he pleases. Next to war, agriculture is the most general occupation of this people. To this they pay great attention, and have a great number of esculent fruits and roots which they cultivate, in addition to many spontaneous products of the soil. Of the bread-fruit tree they have nine different kinds, distinguished by fruits of different sizes and shapes, and the figure of their leaves. The variety Galled umbudu, is the largest, sweetest, and most agreeable to the taste; those known by the names of botta-bot and bucudo, are also excellent. FEEJEE GROUP. 333 The fruit of the latter are oval-shaped and prickly; when baked or roasted, they are not unlike a good custard-pudding. Nature seems to have been particularly bountiful in her supply of this fruit, for the varieties, in season, follow each other throughout the year. March and April, however, are the months in which it is found in the greatest perfection; and it may be considered a fortunate circumstance, that many of the sorts ripen between the seasons of taro and yams. If the bread-fruit is to be preserved, it is prepared by scraping off the rind with a piece of bivalve shell; a hole is then dug in the ground about three feet deep, of the form of an inverted bell, the sides of which are lined with banana-leaves. This is filled with the fruit to within a few inches of the top, when the whole is thatched with banana-leaves, to preserve it from the rain; many stones are laid on the top to press it down, and keep the pigs from it. After a while it undergoes fermentation, and subsides into a mass, somewhat of the consistency of new cheese. These pits, when opened, emit a nauseous, fetid, and sour odour, and the colour of the contents is of a greenish yellow. In this state it is called mandrai-uta, or native bread, of which they distinguish several kinds, as mandrai n'dalo, mandrai y taro, mandrai sivisivi of the ivi, mandrai vundi of bananas, &c. It is said that it will keep several years, and is cooked with cocoa-nut milk, in which state it forms an agreeable and I should think nutritious food. To my taste, however, the bread-fruit is better baked when fresh, and I found it superior here to that of any of the other islands we visited. There are other uses to which the bread-fruit tree is put; the green leaves are employed to serve their victuals on; they are also burnt, and form a black ashes, from which the natives draw a ley, which they use in washing their heads to destroy the vermin, which so much infest them. The general height of the bread-fruit trees is fifty feet, and some of the leaves are two feet in length. The banana is called by the natives vundi. This fruit is insipid, but the natives make a very nice pudding by forming a cavity in the fruit, which they fill with finely-grated cocoa-nut, and pour over it the milk; it is then tied up in the leaves and boiled. They have five or six varieties of this fruit. Of the plantain we found three varieties, cultivated to a great extent in Vanua-levu. The natives, instead of hanging up the fruit until it becomes mellow, bury it in the ground, which causes it to appear black on the outside, and destroys the flavour. The wild species of Tahiti and Samoa, called by the natives fae, was here found cultivated, displaying its rich orange-coloured fruit, densely set. on large upright spikes, but not wild. 334 FEEJEE GROUP. The cocoa-nut, called niu, I was told by Whippy that the natives say they have three varieties, but I believe our botanists obtained no more than two, which are distinguished by the brown and green colours of the nuts. The two varieties of the tree are much the same in appearance, and frequently grow to the height of seventy or eighty feet; each of them bears from ten to twenty nuts. The natives are in the habit of collecting the sap from the flower-stalks when young, by cutting off the extremity, and suspending to it a vessel: this, when fresh, forms a pleasant beverage ; it has a tartness that it acquires by the length of time it takes to run, but is in other respects very like the milk of a green or a fresh cocoa-nut. What all voyagers have said of this tree we found to be true; only instead of its uses being exaggerated, as some have supposed, they are in my opinion underrated: a native may well ask if a land contains cocoa-nuts, for if it does, he is assured it will "afford him abundance to supply his wants. One circumstance, to which my attention was early drawn by Mr. Brackenridge, was. the peculiarity of its growth, which would seem to point out something peculiar in its constitution: it does not thrive higher than six hundred feet above the sea. All those seen above that height had a sickly appearance; and the lower it grew, even where its roots were washed by the salt water, the more prolific and flourishing it appeared. There was a use to which it was applied here that we had not before seen: the kernel of the old cocoa-nut is scraped, and pressed through woody fibres; the pulp thus formed is mixed with grasses and scented woods, and suffered to stand in the hot sun, which causes the oil to rise to the top, where it is skimmed off. The residuum, called kora, is pounded or mashed, wrapped in banana-leaves, and then buried under salt water, covered with piles of stones. . This preparation is a common food of the natives, and will keep for a long time; they prepare it as a kind of soup, which serves them (according to the whites) for tea or coffee. A large quantity of the oil is made and exported. Of this a part reaches the United States, where it is manufactured into " soap, and again sent to Polynesia to be consumed. The wood of the cocoa-nut is only used for fortifying their towns, and as sills for their houses. The ivi of the natives, (Inocarpus edulis,) otherwise called the Tahiti chestnut, produces a large nut that is eaten by them, and is the prh> cipal food of the mountaineers. This they store away in pits, in the same manner as the bread-fruit. The papaw apple, (Carica papaya,) called walete, is in great abundance, but is not prized by the natives. FEEJEE GROUP. 335 I Shaddocks were in great abundance. Both the red and white kinds are indigenous. The same bitter orange was found here as at the Samoan Group. The natives of Feejee call it moli-tiri. The trees grow to the height of forty feet. They give the name of moli ni papalangi, or the white man's orange, to the lemon and sweet orange. They were both introduced by Mr. Vanderford, (from Tahiti,) about the year 1823. Several new native fruits were seen. One of these, called taravou, is about the size of a plum. It grows on a large tree, and has a bitter and acrid taste : the natives are very fond of it. The indava is also much esteemed, both by the natives and whites. The fruit is about the size and shape of a hen's egg, with the exception of being flattened at both ends: it has a glutinous, honey-like taste, has a kernel, and grows on a tree about fifty feet high. The Malay apple, called kabita, was also found here, though it does not appear to be as plentiful as at Tahiti and the Samoan Group. They have also several other fruits, which are only used in times of scarcity, and when hard pressed by famine. The new species of tomato, (Solanum,) of which mention has already been made, may be almost classed with the fruits; it is cultivated by the natives on account of its fruit, which is round, smooth, and about the size of a large peach; when ripe, its colour is yellow; its taste was by some thought to have a strawberry flavour. We have made every endeavour to introduce the plant into the United States, by sending home seeds, some few of which have fallen into good hands, and been taken care of; but I regretted to find the greatest part had been distributed to those who had not taken any care in its cultivation. Fruit from these seeds has, however, been produced in Philadelphia. The plant will, no doubt succeed in the southern section of the Union. It is supposed to be biennial. There were also two smaller varieties of the same species, which the natives eat, and which are about the size of a small egg. Mr. Brackenridge also found a nutmeg (Myristica) on the heights of Ovolau. The fruit of this, when green, is about the size of a pigeon's egg, with a round kernel and a large quantity of mace around it. He describes the kernel as having a greasy taste, and little of that aromatic flavour distinctive of the nutmeg known to us. From a wound in the bark of the tree issued a red acrid juice. We did not learn that the natives make any use of this plant. Pumpkins, ctscumbers, Cape gooseberry, guava, pine-apples, watermelons, and large red capsicums, are in abundance. The chief proportion, however, of the food of the natives is derived [WHPP"1 336 FEEJEE GROUP. from yams (Dioscorea) of which they have five or six varieties. One kind is found growing wild on Ovolau. The season when they begin to plant their yams is pointed out by the blossoming of the Malay apple. This happens about the beginning of August. The old yam is cut into triangular pieces, of which from four to six are obtained from each root, according to its size. Care, however, is taken to notch each root on the top, in order that no mistake may occur in planting. Sometimes entire small roots are planted. One set is put into each of the hills, which are three or four feet apart. The yams are from six to eight months in coming to perfection, and the yam- digging season is in April or May. The crop is an uncertain one, and the product is from one to fifteen roots in each hill. In some places the yam attains a very large size, as in Somu-somu, where I saw some four or five feet in length that were very farinaceous. Around all the koros or towns are houses for storing the supply of yams, in which they keep them well aired and protected from the wet In all parts of the group that were not at war, we found them in great plenty; indeed, they have already become an article of export, for cargoes of them have been taken to Sydney with profit. There is another root called kawai, which resembles the Malay batata. The tuber of this is oblong and of a brownish colour; the outer skin is hard, and when cooked, peels off like the bark of a birch tree: it is white and farinaceous, of a sweet and agreeable taste, and very prolific. The natives, in lifting the large tubers, usually allow the smaller ones to remain for the succeeding crop. Our horticulturist was of opinion it would be desirable to introduce this root into our country, which any vessel coming direct from the Feejees could easily effect by bringing the small tubers alive: it would undoubtedly be a great acquisition. At Rewa, a root called ivia is found in the marshy grounds, which is peculiar to that island. It is perennial, and if left to grow several years, reaches an immense size, becoming thicker than a man's body, and several yards long. It has many roots, which send forth others, all of which throw out leaves in various directions, so that a single plant will form a perfect jungle. When used for food, the outside is scraped or peeled off, and the inside, after being cut in pieces, is boiled; but, however well cooked, it is usually tough. It is also made into a mandrai, called mandrai sivi-sivi. The Rewa people, in consequence of their possessing this root, never fear a famine. Taro is grown here in vast quantities on the margin of streams, by which the patches are irrigated. When the root is ripe, the greatei FEEJEE GROUP. 337 part of it is cut off from the leaves; the portion which is left attached to them is at once replanted. These roots are prepared for eating by boiling, and when not properly cooked an acrid juice remains, which will smart the mouth and throat. They are also pounded into a kind of flour, that is preserved by kneading it up into large balls, which they make into puddings with cocoa-nut milk. Large quantities of taro are also stored away in pits, where it becomes sour, and is afterwards used by the natives as mandrai. The natives also make use of the arrow-root (Maranta arundinacea), which is found in great abundance in a wild state. They pound it up into a kind of flour, for puddings. This plant might be cultivated ex- ■ tensively, and would prove a valuable article of commerce. Sugar-cane is somewhat cultivated by the Feejees, who use it for chewing, for thatching their houses, and for arrows. It also grows wild in all parts of the islands. The root of the ti (Dracaena), which they wrap closely up and bake, contains even more saccharine juice than the sugar-cane, and is very agreeable to the taste. The turmeric (Curcuma) also claims much of their attention. The natives dry it, and pulverize the part of the root below the bulb between stones. It is used by the women to rub over their bodies to promote health, and in their opinion beauty; from this habit they have a yellow oily appearance, and some are seen who are of a saffron colour. Tobacco is cultivated in quantities, and smoked with avidity. They are exceedingly pleased with a gift of it; however small, it is always thankfully received; this, however, is the prevailing taste throughout Polynesia, and the farther west one travels, the more the natives seem to be addicted to its use. We were told by the whites of a native nankeen-coloured cotton: of this we did not get specimens; but we found another, which produces a fine white cotton. They have also the cotton-tree (Gossy- pium herbaceum), which grows to the height of fifteen feet. The Feejees carefully cultivate the paper mulberry (Broussonetia papyrifera), from which they make their tapa-cloth, and which they call malo. The plantations of this tree resemble young nurseries. The plants are cut down when the stems are about one inch in diameter ; the bark is taken off in as long strips as possible, sometimes the whole length of the tree, ten or twelve feet; it is next steeped in water, scraped with a conch-shell called kaku, and then macerated. When thus prepared it is laid on a log (nondatua) and beaten with a mallet (ike), three sides of which are grooved longitudinally, and the 338 FEEJEE GROUP. fourth is plain. They always beat two strips of tapa into one, for the purpose of strengthening its fibres, and during this operation it is diminished one-fourth in length. The bark is always kept moist by water, which unites with the gluten. Although it contracts in length, a piece of two inches wide is not unfrequently beaten out to eighteen inches in width. They find no difficulty in joining the pieces together, for the sap is sufficiently tenacious for that purpose, and the junction is often so neatly done as to escape detection. After the tapa is made, it is bleached in the sun, as we are in the habit of doing with linen; and that which they desire to have figured, undergoes the following process, called kesukesu. Strips of bamboo, of the size of the little finger, are fastened on a board; on these the tapa is laid, and rubbed over with a sort of dye, or juice, from the fruit of the laudi, which only adheres to the tapa where it touches the bamboo; it is then washed with a thin solution of arrow-root, which gives it a kind of glazing. Tapa-making is the work of women, who are generally employed at it early in the morning, and a woman can make ten fathoms of cloth a day. The tapa is also printed after the manner which has been described in treating of the Samoan Group. The bark of the Hibiscus tiliaceus is much used in braiding bands, &c.; for this purpose it is first steeped in water, to make it soft and pliable; of it the women make their liku, which is a band beautifully braided, about three inches wide, where the ends of the bark project so as to form a fringe, which is dyed red or black. This is the only article the women wear to cover their nakedness. The band is so plaited as to be a little elastic, by which means only it is kept on. The manner of braiding it is by affixing it to the great toe of the right foot. The Pandanus odoratissimus furnishes the materials for their mats, FEEJEE GROUP. 339 railed baya-baya; they are woven in the same manner as at the other islands, only they appear stronger, more firmly made, and more suitable for the purpose to which they are applied,—that of covering the floors. A rattan (Flagellaria) is used for making baskets; for this purpose the stem is split, and the baskets are very neatly made. It is also used as ties for the fastening of houses. The palm-tree (Caryota) is used for rafters in building; its straight stems, with its hard, durable, and tough qualities, render it well adapted to this purpose. The stems of the tree-fern are used for doorposts. The bamboo is here used for vessels to contain water, and also for rafts, which the natives use in taking fish. Another use it is put to, is for torches to light them in their evening dances. These, with the addition of cocoa-nut oil, give a good light In some places it forms the rafters of houses, but its growth is confined to a few districts. The iron-wood (Casuarina indica) is preferred for making spears and clubs; it is a fine-grained and very heavy wood. The old pendent roots of the mangrove are used for their bows, which are very tough and elastic. A species of pine, called by the natives * dackui, resembling the Kaurie pine of New Zealand, is found on several of the islands, more particularly on Vitilevu and Kantavu. One of these was seen growing near Levuka, that measured five feet in diameter. 1 The yase, or sandalwood, is now almost entirely destroyed, but our botanists succeeded in getting a few small specimens in the neighbourhood of Sandalwood Bay. The natives grate it on the mushroom coral, (Fungia), and use it for scenting their oil. The soil of the islands consists of a deep loam, of a yellowish colour, with a large portion of decayed vegetable matter; combined as this is with a fine climate, and abundance of water, it is no wonder that all the native plants, as well as those introduced, should grow with luxuriance, and be prolific. To give a better idea of the rapidity of the vegetation, Mr. Brackenridge, our horticulturist, gave me the following memoranda of the garden which he planted. Turnips, radish, and mustard seed, after being sown twenty-four hours, the cotyledon leaves were above the surface. Melons, cucumbers, and pumpkins, sprung up in three days; beans and peas made their appearance in four. In four weeks from the time of planting, radishes and lettuce were fit for use, and in five weeks, marrowfat peas. Several kinds of beets, carrots, leeks, three kinds of pole with 340 FEEJEE GROUP: Windsor and long-pod beans, three sorts of peas, five varieties of gourds, two of pumpkins, two of cucumbers, three varieties of musk and water-melons, two kinds of turnips, parsley, cabbage, cresses, several kinds of small salad, a few tomatoes, together with the Peruvian cherimoyer and Tahiti orange, were vegetating together, and I trust will establish themselves in these islands for the benefit not only of the natives, but of our navigators who may hereafter visit these parts for refreshments. The garden was left under the charge of David Whippy, a native of New Hampshire, of industrious habits, who I trust will not fail to take the best means to preserve and perpetuate what will no doubt prove a great blessing to the future population of this group. . The climate of the Feejee Islands is well adapted to all the various tribes of tropical plants, and to not a few of those of the temperate zone; for many of the islands are of a mountainous character, and numerous localities present themselves adapted to the growth of the latter. These islands were once covered with vegetation from the coral reefs to the top of their highest peaks, but below the elevation of one thousand feet, on the leeward side of the large islands, the original - vegetation has been for the most part destroyed by the fires which the natives use to clear their planting grounds. During our sojourn we occasionally saw the fire running over vast fields. The forest above that elevation, having escaped its ravages, forms umbrageous masses, where the underwood and herbaceous part of the vegetation disappear. As the ridges and summits are approached, the trees become more sparse, giving an opportunity to the numerous species of ferns (Filices), to receive both light and air; these are found in great quantities, and varieties, both terrestrial and parasitical, intermingled with various forms of epiphytical orchideae, and many mosses, with which the trees are decked. Climbing plants are numerous, but are found chiefly to prevail around the margin of cultivated patches and the banks of rivulets, finding there more nutriment for their support. Three species of Freycinetia, a melastomaceous and asclepiadeous plant, were the only climbers observed above the height of two thousand five hundred feet. The lower region is usually appropriated to plantations of fruits and roots. The yams are generally planted in dry open situations, but the bananas and plantains are found in extensive plantations, growing in rich soil, protected by the bread-fruit and ivi trees from the violent winds which they occasionally experience. The plants that strike the eye of a stranger visiting these islands, are those immediately above high-water mark, viz.: Hibiscus tiliaceus, Barringtonia, Hernandia FEEJEE GROUP. 341 sdnora, Erythrina indica, Cordia, with rich yellow flowers, Xylo- carpus, which has a large and very attractive-looking yellow fruit; a species of Ixora and a Volkameria, both with fragrant blossoms; the mangrove (tiri of the natives), which pushes its vegetation even into the salt water, and covers large tracts of coral reefs and muddy creeks, giving a beautiful appearance to the low and swampy ground. The last-named plant seems peculiarly adapted to this situation, and it not only lives and thrives in salt water, but the young plants are found pushing themselves towards the sea, springing from the chinks and cracks of the coral; they are frequently overflowed three or four feet at high water, but they nevertheless contrive to hold their place, and when they gain sufficient height, they again send forth their aerial roots, which descending, soon give the parent stem sufficient support to withstand all the efforts of the surf to displace them. Our botanists were extremely industrious in collecting in this new and prolific field. The list of the plants gathered amounts to about six hundred and fifty species, and they are of opinion, that many more remain, which, at some future day, it may fall to the lot of other botanists to collect. This, however, cannot happen until the islands shall have become more civilized, and there shall be some safety in wandering into the mountain regions, which is now attended with much danger. The labours of agriculture, and the phenomena of vegetation, serve as the foundation of their calendar, and furnish names to some of their months, or the portions into which they divide the year. Of these they reckon eleven, viz.: 1. Vulai songa sou tombe sou, or Nuga levu Reeds blossom. 2. Vulai songa sou seselieb . . . Build yam-houses. 3. Vulai Matua, or Endoye doye . . Yams ripe. 4. Vulai mbota mbota. 5. Vulai kele kele, or Vulai mayo mayo . Digging yams. 6. Vulai were were Weeding month. 7. Vulai lou lou Digging ground and planting. 8. Vulai Kawawaka. 9. Bololo va va conde. 10. Bololo lieb. 11. Numa lieb, or Nuga lai Iai. The first of these corresponds nearly to January. The month of Bololo lieb seems to be the only one that is astronomically determined; and that arrives when the sun is over a particular part of Ambatiki, an island in sight from Ovolau. The month of June is known and established by the flowering of a vine, that is found on the shore, called tombebe. 342 FEEJEE GROUP. The months always begin with the new moon, which is called Vula vou. When it is first seen, it is celebrated by shouting and beating of drums. This takes place particularly on Vanua-levu, or the Buia land, as it is sometimes called. Connected with the seasons, is a singular ceremony, called Tambo Nalanga, which takes place in the month of November, and lasts four days. At the commencement, the most influential matanivanua, or landholder, goes, just at sunset,"without the koro, or town, and invokes, in a loud voice, the spirit of the sky for his blessing, good crops, &c.; after which a general beating of sticks and drums, and blowing of conchs, takes place for half an hour. During this festival every one remains shut up, without labour; and so strictly is it kept, that not even a leaf is plucked during this period, nor is any work carried on, and all the offal, &c, is retained in the houses. The men, during this period, live in the mbure, and feast upon the balolo, a curious sort of salt-water worm, of a green colour, which makes its appearance about this time; this is eaten either raw or cooked, as suits their fancy. It is generally obtained at Wakaia. At daylight, on the expiration of the four days, (or rather nights, for they count by nights instead of days,) the whole town is in an uproar, both men and boys scampering about, knocking at the houses with clubs and sticks, crying out " Sinariba," after which the ordinary routine takes place. This ceremony, I was told, was only practised in the district subject to Tui Levuka. The arms of the Feejees consist of spears, clubs, bows and arrows. The spears are of various lengths, from ten to fifteen feet; they are made of cocoa-nut wood, and are used at times with great dexterity. Some parts of them are wound round with sennit. They are pointed, and the end charred. I have seldom observed any that had any other pointing to them, although sharp bone is sometimes used. These spears are called motu. They have several kinds of clubs, made from the casuarina (iron- wood). That which they prize most for their fights is called maloma. The larger end of this is generally the part of a tree next the root. It is about three and a half feet long, and very heavy. They frequently have a variety of figures carved upon it. The second kind of long club is peculiar to the chief, and is called Feejee group. 313 nirou. It is somewhat shovel-shaped, and equally heavy, and with it they can cleave a man down. The toka is the name of another club, of a somewhat peculiar shape, being bent near the extremity, and having, a large knob full of small points, with a single larger point projecting from it. This appears to be more for show than use. The ula is a short club, used" as a missile: it is about eighteen inches long; the handle is small, and at the end is a natural knot. The size of the end is as large as an eighteen-pound ball. Our sailors gave this the name of Handy Billy, and it is almost incredible with what accuracy and force the natives can throw this weapon. The long club is usually carried by the natives over the shoulder, which, on meeting another, is at once lowered to the ground. They are never to be found without the ula, which is usually stuck in the girdle behind. Their bows and arrows are by no means good. The former are made of the pendent roots of the mangrove; the latter of the wild sugar-cane, with pieces of hard wood inserted, that have been charred: they are too light to do much harm. There are many of these clubs, spears, and arrows deposited in the mbure, which are held in great veneration. Some of these, that they say belong to the spirit, it is not easy to buy from them. If a price is offered for one, they generally answer, that it belongs to the spirit, and cannot be sold. In hopes of a higher price, however, and not allowing the purchaser to escape, they usually offer to consult the spirit. For - this purpose they take up any thing that it may be convenient to consider the spirit to dwell in, and then name the spirit's price for it. This is generally twice as much as they are willing to take, and after several consultations the first offer is accepted. Besides the general occupations of war and agriculture, and the barbers we have mentioned as attending on the chiefs, the men carry burdens, and build houses and canoes. In the construction of these they employ persons who are by profession carpenters, and who are held in great estimation. Their houses differ from those of the other groups, although they are constructed of similar materials. The frame and sills are made of the cocoa-nut and tree-fern; they have two doorways, on opposite sides, 344 FEEJEE GROUP. from three to four feet high, and four feet wide; the posts are set m the ground, and are placed about three feet apart; the rafters of the palm tree are set upon a plate, resting on the post; these have a very steep pitch, and support a cocoa-nut log, that forms the peak of the roof; the ends of the peak extend beyond the thatching at each end, and are covered with shells (Cyprsea ovula). The thatching is peculiar, being thickest at the eaves; to make the roof they begin at the peak, whence they thatch down with the wild sugar-cane, under which they place fern-leaves. These gradually increase in quantity until they reach to the eaves, which are about two or three feet thick, project 3 distance over the sides, and are cut off square. The sides are closed in with small cane, in square wicker-work, and not in diamond-shape, as those of Tonga. Mats are hung before the doors. The mbures are built after the same manner, but the roofs are more peaked; they are generally fifteen or twenty feet square,, and about thirty feet high, and have an exceedingly awkward appearance in our eyes. The common houses are oblong, from twenty to thirty feet in length, and fifteen feet high. Some of the best class of buildings, belonging to the chiefs, are exceedingly well and ingeniously built. If a person wishes to build a house, he carries a present of a whale's tooth to the king or chief, and tells him his wish, the size, &c. The king or chief orders^ the men who are generally employed for such purposes, to prepare the timber, and get all things ready. The direction of the work is given to some one as the chief superintendent, and from one to five hundred men are employed, as may be deemed necessary. The house is finished in ten or fifteen days, and will last about five years without repairs to its thatching. They are, however, generally considered as tenantable for twenty years, or upwards. All the houses have fire-places a little on one side of the centre; these are nothing more than an ash-pit, with a few large stones to build the fire FEEJEE GROUP. 345 and place the pots on. The same kind of fire-place is to be found in the mbures, where a fire is kept burning night and day, which they believe the kalou or spirit requires. The houses generally are not divided by partitions, but at each end they are raised about a foot above the centre floor. These elevations are for sleeping, and are covered with layers of mats until they are soft and pleasant to lie on. In sleeping they use a pillow made of a piece of bamboo or other species of wood, about two inches in diameter, with four legs; this is placed immediately under the neck, and is sufficiently high to protect their large head of hair from being disarranged. From the constant use of this pillow, a scirrhous lump, as large as a goose-egg, is often formed on the nape of the neck. This pillow was undoubtedly brought into use to protect their peculiar fashion of wearing their hair; and from the inquiries made, I found it had been used from time immemorial. Many of these pillows are carved and ornamented, and a chief always travels with his own. The kai-si or common people make themselves temporary ones. The Feejee canoes are superior to those of the other islands. They are generally built double, and those of the largest size are as much ^as one hundred feet in length. The two parts of which the double canoe is composed are of different sizes, and are united by beams, on which a platform is laid. The platform is about fifteen feet wide, and extends two or three feet beyond the sides. The smaller of the two canoes serves as an out-rigger to the other. The bottom of each of the canoes is of a single plank ; the sides are fitted to them by dovetailing, and closely united by lashings passed through flanges left on each of the pieces. The joints are closed by the gum of the bread- 346 FEEJEE GROUP. fruit tree, which is also used for smearing them over. They have generally a depth of hold of about seven feet, and the two ends, for a length of about twenty feet, are decked over to prevent the canoe from shipping seas. Amidships they generally have a small thatched house or cuddy, to protect the crew from the weather, above which is a staging, on which there is space for several people to sit. The frames of the canoes which belong to chiefs are much ornamented with shells. The sails are so large as to appear out of all proportion to the vessel, and are made of tough yet pliable mats. The mast is about half the length of the canoe, and the yard and boom are usually twice as long as the mast. The mast is stepped on deck in a chock. The figure on the preceding page represents one of these canoes. The halyards are passed over a crescent on the head of the mast. These are bent on nearly the length of the mast, from the tack of the yard. The natives are very expert in managing these vessels, and it requires no small skill in beating against the wind to do so. In sailing the canoe, it is always necessary that the out-rigger should be towards the weather side ; this is easily effected by proper care ; the mode of tacking becomes therefore curious, and is performed by putting the helm up instead of down. When the wind is thus brought aft, the tack of the sail is carried to the other end of the canoe, which now becomes the bow, and the course on the other tack is then pursued. If the out-rigger gets to leeward while the canoe is under sail, some accident always happens, for no kind of vessel is so easily overturned; and yet, when they are properly managed, they will carry sail when it blows heavily, and still preserve almost an upright position: this is effected by the natives going out on the out-rigger, and thus counterbalancing the force of the wind by their weight. The canoes are made of logs hollowed out and built upon, and show a great deal of ingenuity: they are capable of making long voyages. The only food they provide themselves with for sea, is said to be yams. Altogether, they have a pretty effect, covered as they are with white shells (Cyprsea ovula), and ornamented by white pennants. They use cocoa- nut shells to preserve their water in, and with a fire and ava-bowl are equipped for sea. It is the custom for the chief always to hold the end of the sheet; thus it is his task to prevent the danger of upsetting. They steer with an oar having a large blade. In smooth water these canoes sail with great swiftness, but .from the weight and force of the sail they are much strained, leaking at times very badly, requiring always one and FEEJEE GROUP. 347 sometimes two men to be constantly baling out the water. Notwithstanding all this, they make very long voyages,—to Tonga, Rotuma, and the Samoan Islands. The canoes are generally built of the vas wood. The planks are brought into and kept in shape by small ribs, almost exactly as in our mode of boat-building. The following are the dimensions of a double canoe of the most common size: Length of the larger canoe, ..... 70 feet. Length of the smaller canoe, ..... 55 Distance of the canoes apart, ..... 7 Length of the platform, . . . . . . 30 Breadth of the platform, ...... 15 Length of the cuddy, ...... 15 Breadth of the cuddy, ...... 6 Height above water, ...... 10 Draught of water, . . . . . . 2 to 3 Length of yards, . . ... 15,35, and 60 Length of mast, . . • . . . . 35 Such a canoe will carry conveniently forty or fifty men. When a chief requires a house or a canoe to be built, he applies to the head carpenter, whose title is rokola, and whose office is hereditary. He is a person of great consequence, and the workmen constitute a caste, in which the trade is hereditary also. The chief gives the rokola a whale's tooth as a fee, and pays him for the work, not even feeding the workmen, who are paid by the rokola, and provide themselves with food. With great exertion, a canoe may be built in three or four months, but it usually takes as many years. The principal tool of the carpenters is an adze, which, since the introduction of foreign tools, they make by lashing a plane-iron to a crooked handle, with sennit. They also now use the chisel and knife. For boring holes, they use the long spines of the echina, bones, and, of late, nails. Carving is performed by the teeth of small animals (rats and mice) set in hard wood, much as diamonds are set for glaziers' purposes. Their patience, industry, and perseverance in their occupation are great, and the workmanship excellent, when the imperfection of their tools is considered. They are aware of the superior qualities of our tools, and anxious to possess them. That which they prize most is the American hatchet, which comes nearer in shape to their own instrument than any other. Their knives are made of the outside of a piece of bamboo, which is cut down for the purpose and put into the proper form while green. After it has dried for a time it is charred, which makes it very hard and sharp. It may be fitted for surgical 34g FEEJEE GROUP. operations by charring it a second time, and grinding it down on a smooth stone. The potters also constitute a separate caste, of which the women only exercise the art, and do no other work. They dig the clay, and carry it in baskets to the village, where they knead and temper it with sand to the proper degree of tenacity. Their tools are very simple, namely: aflat mallet (tala); a small round flat stone (vatu); and a circular cushion made of cocoa-nut leaves. A lump of the tempered clay is first taken, which is fashioned somewhat into the shape of the part of the vessel the workwoman desires to form; the stone then being introduced in the inside, the mallet or spatula is used on the outside with the left hand. The different parts are all fashioned or made separately, and afterwards joined. The joints are very neatly closed and finished, so much so as to escape detection. The strokes with the mallet are exceedingly hard at first, but as the vessel approaches the intended shape they become more gentle, and the finish is given by smooth pressing. Many of the vessels are extremely graceful in shape, and must require a very true eye to form the various parts so as to fit. The figures or tracings that are seen upon them are executed by young girls with the fibres of a cocoa- nut leaf. The pots are baked before an open fire, after which the glazing, or rather, varnish is put on, consisting of the resin of a species of pine (resembling the Kaurie pine of New Zealand), called makandi, mixed with a decoction of the mangrove bark. FEEJEE GROUP. 34g The use of pottery is the cause of a difference between their mode of cooking and that of the other Polynesian islands. While the latter bake by means of ovens heated by red-hot stones, the Feejees cook almost i^-"' wholly by steam. Their pots or jars for cooking will contain from five to ten gallons, and they have a mouth sufficiently large to admit a yam. They are set on the fire obliquely. When these jars are employed in cooking, they use little water,.and stuff the neck of the jar full of banana-leaves, which allow the steam to -escape but slowly. This is the most c way of preparing food. Their food, as has been seen, is rather steamed than boiled; they also sometimes bake their food. In all their modes of cooking they are remarkably cleanly, and they wrap every thing in fresh banana- leaves, in which also it is served. They have many other kinds of earthen vessels, which they use for various purposes, and which are of various patterns. Their drinking vessels have usually three small holes at one end, similar to the eyes of a cocoa-nut. They never put the vessel to the mouth in drinking, considering it quite objectionable for several persons to drink out of the same vessel with their mouths to it. To avoid this they hold the vessel eight or ten inches above their heads, and allow the water to run into their mouths as if from a spout, throwing the head back for that purpose. It is difficult to conceive the awkwardness of this strange mode of drinking until it is tried; but it is invariably practised throughout the group, except by the king and high chiefs, whose drinking vessels are always tabooed. They eat with their fingers generally, using a piece of taro or yam at the same time. In serving up their food they always sweep off the mats or lay down new ones, placing the victuals upon fresh bread-fruit leaves. Their diet is principally vegetable, consisting of bread-fruit, yams, I 1 350 FEEJEE GROUP. taro, &c. In the mountain districts the ivi is much used as an article of food. This is found in great plenty in the more elevated regions. It is about the size of an apple, and when cooked resembles a Spanish chestnut On the coast they have abundance of fish, some of which are of fine kinds, and differ in species from any we had before seen. They likewise have fine crabs, which are caught among the tiri or mangrove bushes. The higher classes occasionally indulge in fowls and pigs, a luxury the common people cannot afford. They make at least twenty different kinds of pudding, each of which has its appropriate name, though all are included under the generic term of oakalolo. That most frequently met with is called saku-saku, and is made of taro or yams, chiefly of the former. The taro is first roasted, and plunged while hot into cold water; this takes off all the hard outer surface, and leaves the mealy interior free. The latter is pounded into paste with cocoa-nut milk, and wrapped in a banana-leaf to be cooked. When thoroughly done, this dish resembles a sweetened pudding of coarse Indian meal. Their feasts are attended with much ceremony and form, and evince a degree of politeness and good breeding that was unexpected, and cannot but surprise all who witness it. These ceremonies and attentions to minute punctilios are more evident in their turtle-feasts than on other occasions. These may be given either by the king or by high chiefs. Those given by the king are held in the mbure, on which occasion it is spread with new mats, and the perpetual fire, which is usually only smouldering, is excited to a blaze. The king stretches himself out near the fire at full length, the guests are seated in rows opposite to him, and the dishes are placed between him and them. As they are extremely punctilious in relation to rank, there are rarely on such occasions more than about fifteen guests. Among these are always the councillor of state, a priest, and a distinguished visiter or two. The rest are matanivanua (landholders). The other guests, and particularly the strangers, are received by the priest, who does the honours of the mbure, and makes them a speech of welcome, which is ' closed by a clapping of hands from the rest of the company. Each person is seated according to his rank, and to the king a separate dish is assigned, while the rest help themselves with their fingers out of the same basket The feast is composed of several courses of the different parts of the .turtle, with taro, yams, &c.; and after each course, a cocoa-nut shell containing water is handed round to rinse the hands. The first course is composed of the inferior parts of the turtle; the second of taro, yams, mandrai, and bananas together with the water, FEEJEE GROUP. 351 or soup, in which they have been boiled, which is drunk out of cups made of cocoa-nut shells; the third, or principal course, is the better portion of the turtle, baked and served up smoking, in its own shell. Over this the priest pronounces a short prayer; after which two of the company proceed to carve it with knives of bamboo. Pieces are often cut off to be sent to the king's wives, who are not allowed to be present. After the third course, ava is served, and the feast breaks up with the retiring of the king. The mode in which they sit at feasts, and, indeed upon almost all occasions, is peculiar. The annexed figure will give a better idea than any desoription. . The mbure being used for such purposes, is furnished much after the manner of their dwellings, except that a portion of it is screened off for the spirit and the priest. The mbure is also used for the reception of visiters. The coming of these is generally announced beforehand, and preparations made for their reception. As soon as the canoes heave in sight, the whole population of the town go down on the beach to meet them. The strangers land in silence, and proceed to where the villagers are assembled, where both parties squat down. The chief of the visiting party then tells all the news and incidents of the voyage, which done, the chief of the town gives a narrative of events since they last met. All then join in a kind of song of praise, or thanks to their spirit for his protection, containing also a welcome to the strangers. They then unite in hauling up their canoes; and when this is done, the strangers are taken to the mbure and feasted. Dancing, stories, and ava-drinking succeed. 352 FEEJEE GROUP. The mbure is not only the place where feasts are given, and strangers entertained, but is the usual lounge of the chiefs, in which they often sit for hours together, particularly if they can get any one to talk to, or to tell them stories. Among other subjects, they are very- fond of asking questions about foreign countries; and in this way they have been told that the world is round—a statement which was observed to be received with incredulity, and an obvious expression of unbelief on their countenances. Their own idea is, that the Feejee Group is the centre of the world, and the term they apply to the whites—Papalangi—signifies " beyond the sky," because they suppose that, in approaching their islands, we sail through the visible heavens. I was one day amused at an intelligent old chief, who, after many other questions had been put to him, through Whippy, was asked if he could believe that the world was round. After hesitating some time, he said yes; and on being asked why, he said, because the Papalangis told him so: it might be true, for the sun, and sometimes the moon, were round; but he thought the Feejee country was flat, and not like other parts. They could seldom be induced to look at the globes that were hanging up in my cabin, and invariably turned away from them when the Feejee Islands were pointed out. Whippy said they had talked about the balls as they called them, and thought them all lies. The mode in which the people of the Feejee Group regulate the distribution of their time, is in conformity to the nature of their climate. They usually rise very early, and, before going to work, wash and take ava. Among the chiefs, the latter is, in some places, attended with great formality, of which an instance has been given in another place. They then go to their work, in which they are engaged until ten or eleven o'clock, when they return to their houses, bathe, and anoint themselves with cocoa-nut oil. When this is done, they take a light meal, which they call "vasse," and their white associates, a "snack." During the afternoon, they remain sleeping and lounging about, and the higher classes undergo the pleasing labour of the toilet, which occupies a large portion of their time. When this is over, they resort to the mbure, pay visits, or lounge about, looking at what is to be seen (sara sara). In the evening, they take their principal meal (vakasi ya levu), over which they spend much time. In their toilet, the hair claims the first attention among all classes. The barbers of the chiefs are always important personages in their suite, and the size to which they contrive to dress out their masters' hair is almost incredible. In one case, the bush of hair was measured, at Ovolau, and found to be sixty-two inches in circumference. The more hair they have, and the wider its mass is distended, the FEEJEE GROUP. 353 more they pride themselves upon it, and the more they are admired by their countrymen. The women exhibit droll fancies in the cropping of their children's hair, always leaving one long lock, which is well frizzled, and stands out from some part of the head, giving an uncouth appearance to the boy or girl. The hair of the men is cut in various shapes. Some clip it close behind, and allow it to project in front. Others crop it short, in a band about three inches wide, passing across the head from ear to ear. In general, the prevailing fashion is to have it cut round. They have a process by which they destroy the colour of their hair, and nine out of ten individuals will be found with some part of their hair brown or red, as it may have suited their fancy. They are obliged to have recourse to some solution to destroy the quantity of vermin that infests these prodigious mops, so thick that no comb can possibly penetrate; and one of the most disgusting customs of these natives is the search after the insect, and sharing in the banquet that results from the hunt. One-third of the vermin is awarded to the searcher, and this occupation is constantly going on in their villages, when they are at rest. No greater insult, I was told, could be offered a native than to appropriate more of these spoils than the allotted share. It is also considered a great insult to search a child's head, as that is considered entirely the father and mother's perquisite. Cocks' feathers are frequently worn in their hair, and chiefs wear a oand of hibiscus bark around their heads, in which the gay feathers of the paroquet are stuck with the gum of the bread-fruit tree. Young girls and virgins allow their hair to grow in long locks, of which some have many, and others but few, according to their fancy, and are frequently decked with flowers. Their curls are naturally VOL. III. 2E2 45 354 FEEJEE GROUP. of the corkscrew form, which is called tombi. Their usual mode of sitting is represented in the cut on the preceding page. After they are married, the locks are clipped off, and the hair is kept short and frizzled like a thick wig. They frequently whiten it with lime, and then they call it ulu-lase. Another preparation is applied to the hair, for the purpose of cleansing it. This, as has already been spoken of, is prepared from the ashes of the leaves of the bread-fruit tree. This is thick and viscid. They dip their heads into it, and their mops imbibe a large quantity of the liquid, so that on raising the head it courses down their cheeks, when on throwing the head from side to side it forms zigzag lines, each of which leaves its mark on the skin. These marks are considered very ornamental, and are called ndraou. Those who have not as much hair as they desire, have recourse to wigs, which are made with such ingenuity as to baffle any attempt at detection. The face undergoes its daily ornamental style of painting. The oil of the maiketa, mixed with the soot or lampblack of the laudi-nut, is used to blacken it, and when this can be relieved by a vermilion nose, a few spots here and there of the same colour on the face, or a broad band of it passing diagonally over the visage, they fancy themselves and are considered by their fellows beautiful, and will sit for hours with a small six-penny looking-glass admiring themselves with great delight. The turban, or sala, and the maro are the distinguishing marks of chiefs. The former are of large size, with ample folds; the latter of a length conformable to the rank of the wearer. The sala is formed of light tapa, resembling taffeta, and is passed from one to a dozen times around the head. The maro, or seavo, for the full dress of a chief, is said to be sometimes as much as fifty yards in length, and on state occasions I have seen it so long as to require an attendant to act as train-bearer. The chiefs also wear sometimes a pareu, like that of the Samoans and Tongese. High chiefs wear, as an ornament around the neck, a single shell of the cypraea aurora, and a valve of a large red spondylus. Both of these are highly prized, and handed down from father to son. Some wear a collar or necklace of whale's teeth, fashioned like claws; others strings of beads; others of human teeth, torn from the victims of their cannibal feasts; others strings of the cyprsea moneta, and occasionally of large shells of the Venus. Armlets are also worn, for which purpose the shell of the trochus is ground into a ring FEEJEE GROUP. 355 The mode of wearing the hair-pricker, or comb, is an indication of rank. None but the king wears it in front. Those next in rank wear it a little to one side, while the lower class carry it as clerks do their pens, behind the ear. They have a very high opinion of their taste in dress, and in this their national pride may be said chiefly to consist. The women are not allowed to wear tapa,* and their dress is slight and scanty. It consists of no more than the liku, a kind of band, made, as has been stated, from the bark of the vau or hibiscus. Before marriage the liku is worn short, but after the birth of the first child, it is much lengthened. Tattooing is only performed on the women, and is chiefly confined to the parts which are covered by the liku. The women believe that to be tattooed is a passport to the other world, where it prevents them from being persecuted by their own sex, numbers of whom, by command of the gods, would meet them, if not tattooed, and, armed with sharp shells, would chase them continually through the lower regions. So strong is this superstition, that when girls have died before being tattooed, their friends have painted the semblance of it upon them, in order to deceive the priest, and thus escape the anger of the Besides the parts covered by the liku, the corners and sometimes the whole circuit of the mouth are tattooed, which is said to be done for the purpose of preventing wrinkles. The Feejee word for tattooing is ngia. It is performed by women only, who use an instrument called bati ni ngia. This is dipped in a pigment formed by mixing the charcoal of the laudi-nut with oil, and is struck in by blows from a piece of sugar-cane. The common women are tattooed about the age of puberty (fourteen), but women of rank * This prohibition appears to arise from the jealousy of their own sex, severely any who infringe upon this custom. As an instance of this, an old w vuka was pointed out to me by Whippy, who once took it into her head to \ piece of tapa, with which she showed herself in the village, whereupon the othe upon her, and after beating her almost to death, bit off her nose, and left her of her own vanity, and of the ferocity of the fair sex of Feejee. who punish 356 FEEJEE GROUP. later, and sometimes not until they have borne their first child. Aftei being tattooed, they are tabooed for a time. Both sexes have the lobe of the ear bored; the women that of only one ear, the men both. For the purpose of distending the holes, roll? of tapa, pieces of wood, or shells, are inserted, which sometimes are so large as to tear the parts asunder. In one instance the hole in the lobe of the ear was so large that the person could pass his hand through it. The women manufacture wreaths both of natural and artificial flowers. With these they adorn their own persons, and the salas ol their husbands. This custom, however, is not as common here as at Tahiti. Both men and women are extremely fond of using redpigment, and a small quantity of vermilion, or croom, as they call it, is esteemed as the greatest possible acquisition. Whole hours are taken up adorning and ornamenting themselves. At times one sees them with their heads entirely covered with lime, while others have it shorn quite close, leaving a single lock on one side, that has a very droll appearance. Though almost naked, these natives have a great idea of modesty, and consider it extremely indelicate to expose the whole person. If either a man or woman should be discovered without the maro, or liku, they would probably be killed. As an instance of this feeling, we may cite a circumstance which occurred during the stay of the French Expedition at Levuka. A party of French sailors were sent on shore to fill their casks with water at the stream which passes through the town. Being employed in the water, they had removed all their clothes, and were seen in a state of nudity by the chiefs and people, who sent off a deputation immediately to Captain D'Urville, to represent the indelicacy of it, and to request that he would not allow his men to appear so. The people keep their bodies well oiled, which they find a preventive against colds. A Feejee mother therefore desires beyond almost all other articles of civilized manufacture, a glass bottle, to contain her scented oil, and early every morning she may be seen with her flock of little ones around her undergoing ablution, which done, she applies the contents of her bottle, until they fairly glisten. There is but little opportunity for profitable trade in these islands, and they possess few commercial advantages. A cargo or two of biche de mar may be collected in the course of a favourable year, with a small quantity of tortoise-shell. Shells as curiosities can be procured, but the value is of course small. Sandalwood, as I have FEEJEE GROUP. 357 before stated, is exhausted. On the other hand the group offers many inducements for the recruiting of crews after long voyages, and yields many of the necessary supplies, with the best facilities for procuring wood and water. I deeni the harbour of Levuka, in the island of Ovolau, to be best suited for these purposes. It is easy of access and egress, affords a safe anchorage after it is entered, and the natives are unusually well-disposed. It is also'the seat of all the white residents, who are therefore at command, to act both as pilots and interpreters. The approach to it is attended with little difficulty, and if a vessel be foiled in entering it before nightfall, there is ample room to keep under way between Ambatiki and Ovolau. The articles most in request are muskets, powder, ball, and flints, whales' teeth, plane-irons, vermilion, buttons, bottles, trunks and chests, looking-glasses, axes, hatchets, cloth, gimlets, fish-hooks, knives, and scissors, and some places blue beads. There is, however, no certain and regular demand, the natives at one time preferring one thing, at another another, and sometimes refusing to trade altogether. Their tastes are in fact capricious. A little vermilion is generally a passport to their favour; when a native has a small quantity put on his nose or cheeks, his good-will is at once conciliated, and the envy of those around him excited. To trade at, or even to visit these islands for refreshment, is, as must already have been seen, attended with no little danger both to life and property. The character of the navigation in a sea abounding with reefs and shoals, of which no chart possessing any claim to confidence has hitherto been published, has not been the cause of less danger than the treachery, covetousness, and cannibal propensities of the inhabitants. Eight vessels, of which five were American, are known to have been lost within the Feejee Group between the years 1828 and 1840. In one of these instances every soul on board perished. In addition, eleven trading vessels and one English ship of war have been on shore, and sustained greater or less damage within the same space of time. Considering how small a number of vessels have as yet visited these islands, these instances of total or partial loss bear an enormous proportion to those of escape without injury. I confidently trust that the labours of our squadron will have so far diminished the risks which had previously attended communication with this group, as to render a visit to them much less perilous. From the notes of the missionaries and conversations with them, I obtained the following information relative to their operations. There are six missionaries, viz: Messrs. Cargill and Jagger, established at 358 FEEJEE GROUP. Rewa ; Mr. Cross, at Viwa; Messrs. Hunt and Lythe, at Somu-somu; and Mr. Calvert, at Lakemba, all of whom belong to the Wesleyan Missionary Society of Great Britain. They have had little success, and the principal members of the church are the Tongese. At Lakemba, which has the largest number, there are two hundred and forty-nine admitted to the privileges of the church, and forty- four on trial; at Rewa there are thirteen members, and thirty- seven on trial; and only twelve members at Somu-somu; making about five hundred in all. But a much greater number attend service; of these, many attend divine service more from curiosity than from any commendable motive. The missionary schools contain about two hundred and fifty chil- In the course of the narrative of our operations in the Feejee Islands, I have already shown some of the trials that the missionaries have at times had to undergo; but this is only a small part of their hardships. They, their wives, and children, are almost hourly liable to fall under the displeasure or caprice of these merciless savages. The natives, notwithstanding, seem desirous of having the missionaries among them, partly from the feeling that it will be advantageous to them in their intercourse with the vessels that come from time to time to bring them supplies, and partly for the protection which, in their opinion, the spirit or God of the missionaries will afford to the koro where they reside. Upon the whole I think that the missionaries are safe as to life. They require much nerve and temper to withstand the trials they are often subjected to. The chiefs and others consider that they have a perfect right to enter the missionaries' houses at all times, and not unfrequently their behaviour is rude and indecent. There is no situation in life that requires more moral and physical courage, than that into which they are repeatedly thrown, often for the diabolical purpose of trying to excite and induce them to commit some act which might be taken advantage of to extort presents, or as a pretext to plunder them. The natives are extremely clever in devising schemes of annoyance, and will frequently take a vast deal of trouble and time to accomplish them. When detected, they have little idea of further concealment, and generally join in a laugh at beino- Although they seldom fail in outward respect to the missionaries, they interdict their making any converts, or interfering with their priests or gods. The chiefs will not allow them to construct any dwellings for them- FEEJEE GROUP. 359 selves, but apply the law of the land most rigorously, in not permitting any building to be constructed, without their own order and consent. On Captain Hudson's reaching Rewa, he found Mr. Cargill, with his wife and five children, living in a small house, with only one apartment, having had his house blown down in a hurricane some two months before. The king paid no attention whatever to the request to build him a new house, until spoken to by Captain Hudson, when he promised to set about it forthwith. I cannot speak too highly of the cheerfulness and resignation with which the members of the mission and their families meet the trials they have to go through; nor can I withhold my surprise how any ladies or their husbands can endure a residence attended with such dangers and discomfort, cut off as they are from all communication with their friends and kindred. Truly, there is no poetry in such a life, and it requires all the enthusiasm that fervent religion calls forth, to endure the pains and perils to which they are subject. We regretted to learn the death of Mrs. Cargill during our stay among the group, leaving a family of five young children. I can scarcely conceive a situation more pitiable than Mr. Cargill's is rendered by this bereavement In consequence of the destitute state in which his children were left, he was obliged to return to England without delay. It will be seen that the missionaries here have had but little encouragement. Neither is there a prospect of their making much progress for some time to come. The chiefs are averse to the new religion, because they do not choose to adopt, as they say, other gods at their time of life, and lest they should lose their authority over their people, whom they govern now through the medium of their gods or priests. They refuse to allow any one of the natives under their rule to join the mission, or receive instruction. From my own observation, I am very well satisfied that the common people, if permitted, would readily seek the change that would insure any thing like security from the tyrannical customs they are now suffering under. The opinion is becoming general, that where a missionary resides wars do not take place; and the moment will arrive when the change in this group will be more rapid than that which has heretofore attended their exertions elsewhere. Although this may yet be at some distance, it must certainly ensue, whenever the intercourse with the whites shall have so much increased as to make it desirable for the chiefs to acquire the art of writing, and they have formed a proper estimate of our power. Should the king of one of the powerful districts be converted, his whole tribe will follow the royal example. 360 FEEJEE GROUP. The missionaries have already been settled from one to five years at the different stations. A press has been established at Rewa, and catechisms have been published in the Ambau, Somu-somu, and Rewa dialects. The book of Mark, with some elementary works, have also been published in the dialect of Rewa and Lakemba. All the missionaries with whom I had intercourse, were of opinion that the natives of this group were far more intelligent than those of other parts of Polynesia. There are few of them that could not express themselves with great clearness and force. My own experience, and that of the officers generally, is conclusive as to the last point, for the interpreters frequently made use of expressions that I am well persuaded did not emanate from themselves. Since we left the Feejee Islands, a letter has been received from David Whippy, giving a history of the transactions that have occurred in this group up to 1841. I shall relate the substance of this, as it will illustrate the intrigues and cruelties incident to the character and government of this savage people. The pilots all reached Levuka safely, three days after they left us, and found all things well, except the garden, which, David says, had come to nought. He was not aware that we ourselves had gathered some of the fruits of it. Shortly after their return, the mountaineers showed hostile intentions towards them. The reason assigned for this, and which was altogether untrue, was, that the three mountaineers who had been employed at the observatory had never been paid, and that the white men of Levuka were the cause of it. About the same time, Seru and his cousin Wai-nue quarrelled at Ambau, which the latter left, and went to Somu-somu, where he was kindly received. This event caused the war that had been so long in expectation to break out between Ambau and Somu-somu. Seru came to Levuka, and wanted the white men to engage in the war on his side; but they refused, preferring to remain at home to protect their property, as the natives of Levuka were to accompany him. This greatly affronted him. He then went against Somu-somu, but came back in a few days, having failed in his expedition. In November, the mountaineers ran away with nine of the women of Levuka. On application being made to Ambau, Seru sent to demand that they should be returned, but the mountaineers refused to give them up. It was afterwards understood that Seru had privately told his messenger to tell the mountaineers not to give the women up, —an act of duplicity which the whites accounted for by their refusal to join him against Somu-somu. FEEJEE GROUP. 301 In December, the Currency Lass again visited Levuka, when Houghton, the owner, bought of Seru the island of Wakaia. In January, Seru sent a party to Naloa, to create a disturbance among the people of Muthuata. This party secretly informed the old king, Tui Muthuata, that the chief Gingi was conspiring to kill him, and offered him assistance, which he gladly accepted. In the night they landed at Muthuata, and, with the king's party, killed Gingi and about ninety of his followers. When this massacre was finished, the Ambau people returned home, and there found that the king of Rewa and his brother had quarrelled, and that the brother had fled to Ambau for protection. In February, the Ambau people fitted out another expedition against Muthuata, now much weakened by the late massacre. The king being absent, they burnt his town, killing and taking prisoners many of his people. They also burnt the town of Soulabe, and returned to Ambau. During their absence, Wai-nue, the chief who had fled to Somu-somu, had bought over the fishing people on the Verata shore, who attacked Ambau and killed five of its people, and took their bodies to Somu-somu. This caused the war to break out anew between these two districts. The Ambau people, in March, sought revenge on the fishermen, but their expedition proved unsuccessful. During their absence, one of Tanoa's queens had burnt Ambau. They then were obliged to rebuild it, but prepared for another expedition. In April, Paddy Connel died on Ambatiki, without having any more issue. The chief of Viwa, Namosimalua, whose town Captain D'Uryille, of the French Expedition, had destroyed, and who had since pretended to turn Christian, and who was, with his nephew, the person who instigated the taking of the French brig Josephine, and the massacre of her captain and crew, affected to quarrel with Ambau. The cause of the dispute was the wife of the Viwa chief. He then sent to the fishermen of Verata to engage their assistance against Ambau, which was most readily granted. This chief and Seru kept up the semblance of great enmity, but planned the destruction of the fishermen, of whom they had both become jealous. The day the two parties met, on the signal for the fight being given, the Viwa and Ambau forces fell upon the unsuspecting fishermen, and massacred one hundred and eighty of them. They, however, made a most resolute resistance, and killed about seventy of their murderers. In July, Ambau was again rebuilt. FEEJEE } R O U P. On the 2d of August, a total eclipse of the moon occurred. It began about 8 p. m., and the moon was totally obscured until two o'clock in the morning. When it emerged, it was of a blood-red coloui, which it retained until it set. The natives were in great consternation, and said that it foreboded the death of some great chief, and the destruction of some town. On the strength of it, Whippy says, the mountain chiefs on Ovolau began to quarrel, and four of them were severely wounded in a fight, but none killed. The chief of Levuka sent his son to try and make peace among them, but with little effect. The chief of Rewa's brother, Mr. Phillips, who had fled to Ambau, returned to Rewa, which he was again ordered to leave; but he refused, and is determined to fight if his brother should undertake to compel him. The islands are becoming worse every day, for the tyrant Seru is depopulating them, and will do a great deal of harm if his career be not stopped. He is now, in fact, king, for Tanoa does not dare to act without Seru's permission. He is constantly sending to the white men at Levuka for their property, and notwithstanding his demands are complied with, he continues to threaten to break their heads. To please him they find to be impossible, and Whippy writes, if his reign be not shortened, their lives will be. Several trading vessels have been at Malolo, who all speak of the natives, both there and in the neighbourhood, as being very friendly and civil. Several vessels had arrived and were fishing for biche de mar, but without much success. The wars and massacres constantly occurring had, in a great measure, put a stop to all the labours of the natives, and had turned their attention from all peaceful pursuits. In the latter part of July, both the towns of Levuka were totally destroyed by fire, which took place ih the dead of the night. Whippy and the rest lost all their property; books, papers, &c, were all burnt, but no lives were lost. The town, however, was fast rebuilding, and would be much improved. The missionaries and their families are all well at Somu-somu, but they have made no converts. Mr. Cross complains that the Viwa chief, Naugarrasia, had turned out a hypocrite, after having deceived him for a year. The missionaries are making no further progress at Rewa, and the troubles there will prevent any. They have not yet been favoured with a missionary teacher at Levuka, which these respectable men have been long endeavouring to obtain. They are FEEJEE GROUP. 303 anxious for the means of instruction for their children, of whom they have among them about fifty. It is to be hoped that this opportunity, which is offered to the missionaries, will not be long neglected. To instruct children, who are thus offered to them, appears to be one of the best possible modes of furthering the great object they have in view. The present generation of the Feejee nation I cannot but consider as irreclaimable, and that it would be the true policy to direct their whole efforts to the rising one. In this they will be most likely to succeed by fostering the white men of Levuka, and connecting themselves with them. From them they would receive every possible assistance, in consequence of their anxiety to forward the education of their own children; and the latter, under missionary auspices, would soon rise up into a class, that, connected in blood and language with the natives, and at the same time instructed in the way of religion and civilization, could not fail to exert a most salutary influence over the destinies of these fine islands. In taking leave of the Feejee Islands, I was deeply impressed with the recollection of the various feelings and anxieties to which my operations among them had given rise. In spite of the severe loss I had sustained in the death of one dear to me, I could not but consider that we were fortunate in having performed our duties without suffering a greater number of serious accidents. The contrast of the character of the' islands themselves, with that of the race of beings by which they are inhabited, is marked most strongly. The latter are truly wretches in the strongest sense of the term, and degraded beyond the conception of civilized people. For the sake of decency, and to avoid shocking the moral sense of my readers, I have refrained from relating many things which happened under my own eyes. What I have stated, will, however, serve to give an idea of the habits, manners, and customs of the natives of Feejee, in every point that can be spoken of without exciting a blush. No one can visit these islands without feeling a poignant regret that so lovely a part of God's creation should be daily and hourly sullied by deeds of such unparalleled depravity as those to which I have alluded. The time will, I trust, ere long arrive, when the missionaries, by their perseverance, courage, and devotedness, shall reclaim these islanders from their sensual and savage customs, and bring them within the fold of civilization. For the success of their meritorious labours they have my most hearty prayers; and it has afforded me no small pleasure to learn that we were considered by them as having in "1 364 FEEJEE GROUP. some small degree aided in making the way for the introduction of the gospel more easy and smooth to them, than it had been before out . visit to this group. The few remaining operations of the squadron in this group will be found in the following chapter. CHAPTER XI. CONTENTS. DEPARTURE OP THE SOUADRON FROM THE FEEJEE GROUP—PORPOISE AND TENDER DETACHED—VINCENNES AND PEACOCK SEPARATE^OPERATIONS OF THE VINCENNES —GARDNER'S ISLAND—M'KEAN'S ISLAND-HULL'S ISLAND—BIRNIE'S ISLAND—ENDER- BURVS ISLAND — FAILURE TO REACH SYDNEY ISLAND — KAUAI — OAHU MADE —ANCHORAGE IN THE ROADS OF HONOLULU—LANDING—COUNTRY AROUND HONOLULU- APPEARANCE OF THE NATIVES—VINCENNES ENTERS THE HARBOUR OF HONOLULU- VISITS FROM THE FOREIGN RESIDENTS —ARRIVAL OF THE PEACOCK— SEPARATE OPERATIONS OF THE PEACOCK—SEPARATE OPERATIONS OF THE PORPOISE—NATAVI BAY — CHICOBEA— SOMU-SOMU—VATOA— LOSS OF SHIP SHYLOCK—LATI —TOOFONA- SHOALS—PORT REFUGE—TONGA MISSIONARIES—NATIVES—CREW OF THE SHYLOCK— DPOLU —CHURCH BUILDING — MURDER OF GIDEON SMITH —DEMAND MADE FOR HIS MURDERERS —DESERTERS GIVEN UP —PORPOISE SAILS FROM UPOLU, AND ARRIVES AT HONOLULU —SEPARATE OPERATIONS OF THE TENDER — KIE — FRIENDLY RECEPTION AT THE SANDWICH ISLANDS — PLANS FOR THE FUTURE OPERATIONS OF THE SaUADRON — RESHIPMENT OF THE SEAMEN — ENGAGEMENT OF KANAKAS —DUTIES ASSIGNED TO THE PEACOCK AND TENDER—TO THE PORPOISE—TO THE VINCENNES— VISIT FROM THE GOVERNOR — SCHOOL FOR THE CHILDREN OF CHIEFS —MODE OF CARRYING BURDENS —DWELLINGS IN HONOLULU — VALLEY OF NUUANU — EMPLOY MENTS OF THE OFFICERS AND NATURALISTS—MISSIONARY INFLUENCE. CHAPTER XL HONOLULU. 1840. After the squadron had cleared the reefs, I made signal to the Porpoise to part company, for the purpose of proceeding to execute the orders I had given her commander. I afterwards despatched the tender to run along the sea-reef as far as Round Island, before shaping her course for Oahu in the Sandwich Islands. The Vincennes and Peacock continued their course to the northward in company, and on the 13th, passed from east into west longitude, when we in consequence changed our reckoning a day. At the same time we lost the regular trade, and began to experience variable winds and light squalls. Having now made all the necessary arrangements with Captain Hudson, I determined that the vessels should part company. By so doing, our passage to Oahu would probably be expedited,—a matter of some importance, in consequence of the low state of our stock of provisions; and pursuing separate tracks, there would be a better opportunity of searching for some doubtful islands, and of obtaining information in relation to the currents and winds. The vessels therefore parted company on the evening of the 14th, I having previously transferred Passed Midshipman Eld to the Vincennes, and Passed Midshipman Colvocoressis to the Peacock. On the 15th August, the winds inclined more to the south, and on the 16th, on board the Vincennes, we had variable winds, veering to the northward. I therefore tacked to the eastward, in order to take advantage of the change of wind in making easting. Many tropic- birds were now seen. Our latitude was 5° 41' S., longitude 175° 46' W. On the 17th we passed the position where an island has been re- (367) 368 HONOLULU. ported to exist, but saw nothing of it; and the wind was again from the northeast. The sick that had been received in the Vincennes from the Porpoise were all recovering rapidly. On the 18th, the weather was fine and the wind still light; tropic- birds and tern were seen, and a constant look-out was kept, in the expectation of seeing land. This was the second anniversary of our sailing from the United States. On the 19th, we made an island in the neighbourhood of the position assigned to Kemins' or Gardner's Island. Its true place is in latitude 4° 37' 42" S., longitude 174° 40' 18" W. This is a low coral island, having a shallow lagoon in the centre, into which there is no navigable passage; but the reef on the western side is so low that the tide can flow into the lagoon. When near enough to the island, the boats were lowered, and a number of officers and men landed, after passing for a considerable distance through a dangerous surf, breaking with violence over that part of the reef through which the tide flows into the shallow lagoon. The remainder of the reef which forms the island, is white coral sand, about three hundred feet wide, on which there is a vegetation that, unlike that of the other low islands of Polynesia, is devoid of low shrubbery. Birds were numerous on the island, and very tame; the tropic-birds so much so that some of the sailors amused themselves by collecting their beautiful tail-feathers, which they twitched from the bird while it sat on its nest,—an operation which the bird often bore without being disturbed. Besides birds, a large rat was found on this island. The flood here sets strong to the northward, and the rise and fall of the tide was four and a half feet. No coral blocks were seen on this island, and it is less elevated above the water than those further to the eastward. The soil, however, appeared to be better than upon those, the coral sand being finer, and mixed with a greater quantity of vegetable mould. To this may be ascribed the larger growth of the trees upon it, which although of the same kinds as those which have been already mentioned as found growing on the coral islands, are forty or fifty feet in height. The island may be seen on a clear day at the distance of fifteen miles. Believing this to be the island discovered by Captain Gardner, I have retained his name. Here we made observations of magnetic declination, inclination, and intensity; after completing which, we passed through the surf without accident, and on reaching the ship, filled away, and stood on our course. HONOLULU. 369 The dip was 7° 39' S„ the variation 7° 26' E. Light winds continued to blow from the eastward: we held our course to the northward. At ten on the morning of the 19th, breakers were discovered from the masthead, and by noon a small island was seen, to which I gave the name of the man who first saw it,—M'Kean's Island. In the afternoon, boats were despatched to survey it. M'Kean's Island is composed of coral sand and blocks, and is three- fourths of a mile long, by half a mile wide. It rises twenty-five feet above the level of the sea, and has upon it no vegetation except a scanty growth of coarse grass. The surf was too heavy to permit a landing. Our observations place M'Kean's Island in longitude 174° 17' 26" W., and latitude 3° 35' 10" S., and it lies about north-northeast sixty miles from that of Kemins. The upper stratum of clouds was perceived to be moving to the westward with much rapidity, yet we had little wind below. On the beginning of the 21st we had showers of rain, accompanied with a light wind from the westward, and the weather was much more comfortable than it had been for the last few days. During the latter part of the day a quantity of rain fell—5-2 inches. The temperature of the rain-water was 62°. This rain destroyed all our wind, but it came out again from the northward and eastward, with beautiful clear weather. The upper stratum of clouds was moving from the east- northeast. We caught a porpoise this day, differing somewhat in species from any we had yet seen. On the 22d we again had a light breeze from the northward and westward, and, what surprised me, a heavy, disagreeable, rolling sea, from the southwest, towards which quarter we experienced a current of some strength. On the 23d, while steering for Sydney Island, we had baffling airs: the swell left us, and we found the ship more comfortable. On the 24th, we had no wind, but experienced thunder, accompanied with a little rain. The tropic-birds were screaming around us at night, and tern were seen during the day. On the 25th we again had thunder-showers from the northeast, succeeded by light winds^from the eastward, the upper stratum of clouds continuing to fly from east-by-north. On the 26th we made land, which proved to be a lagoon island, about sixty miles to the westward of the position of Sydney Island. At ten o'clock, being near it, the boats were lowered and sent round one side of the island, while the ship proceeded round the other. This island was not found on any chart; I therefore called it Hull's VOL. III. 47 !70 HONOLULU. Island, in honour of that distinguished officer of our navy. It has no doubt been frequently taken for Sydney Island. Its northwest point lies in longitude 172° 20' 52" W., and latitude 4° 29' 48" S. To our great surprise, we found on this island eleven Kanakas from Tahiti, with a Frenchman who had been left there some five months before, to catch turtles, of which they had succeeded in taking seventy-eight The Frenchman was unwell and we did not see him, but three of the Kanakas came on board and remained a short time. They knew Sydney Island, which they told us lay about sixty miles to the eastward, and also two small islands to the northward, but no others hereabouts. Sydney Island they said they had visited, and that it was like the one on which we had found them. Hull's Island has a little fresh water and a few cocoa-nut trees upon it, but offers few inducements to visit it, even for the business of taking turtles. The value of those taken could scarcely cover the expenses incurred, which must have been beyond one thousand dollars, taking into consideration the time spent by the vessel going and returning. They informed us that their vessel had gone to Samoa for the purpose of trading, and that they had been expecting her for some time past. We now stood for Sydney Island, and ran in the darkness until the screaming of the birds around us, warned me that it was most prudent to heave-to, and await the morning light. The morning proved squally, no land was in sight, and the wind was strong from the eastward. No observations could be taken at noon, and soon after that hour land was discovered from the masthead, bearing northwest, which proved to be Hull's Island, showing that we had been strongly affected by a southwesterly current. I now saw that to attempt to reach Sydney Island, with the wind as we then had it, would occasion much loss of time ; I therefore determined, first to search for those islands said to lie to the northward. With the wind at east-by-south, we stood to the north, and at daylight saw an island twelve miles to the westward, which was Birnie's Island. At ten o'clock we made another island, Enderbury's, which our observations placed in latitude 3° 08' S., longitude 171° 08' 30" W. On the latter island we spent the most of this day, making observations for dip and intensity. As it was somewhat peculiar in appearance, we made a particular survey of it. It is a coral island, with a dry lagoon. The usual shore coral reef, which is from thirty to one hundred and fifty feet wide, surrounds it, and extends a short distance from its points; its greatest height above the shore-reef, was found to be eighteen feet; it is almost entirely composed of large coral slabs, intermixed with sand: the slabs have the sonorous or ■ I HONOLULU. 371 clinky sound heretofore noticed, and are likewise of compact coral rock. The bottom of the lagoon is entirely formed of these, and is in places below the level of high tide. The slabs are thrown and piled in all manner of ways, and are generally about the size and thickness of tombstones. They have the appearance of having once formed an extensive pavement that is now broken up in all manner of ways, and would, if laid down, cover, according to estimation, a much larger extent than the whole island. The island was found to be three miles long, by two and a half wide. The southern end is the widest, and on it are two clumps of stunted shrubs and plants, consisting of Cordia, Tournefortia, Portu- laca, Boerhaavia, &c. The northern end is almost bare of vegetation, with the exception of a small running vine (Convolvulus maritimus). At this end the lagoon is most apparent. There is a small channel on the eastern side, through which the water probably flows when it is unusually high, and fills the lagoon, from which it is gradually evaporated. On the west side of this island we found a quantity of driftwood, lying just on the edge of the bank of coral slabs. Some of the trunks were very large, being fifty or sixty feet in length, and from two to three feet in diameter. This occurrence of drift-wood would lead to the conclusion, that during the westerly monsoons in these seas, the winds and currents under the equator extend thus far from the more western islands. The locality in which these large trees are found, would show that there is at times a very great rise of the waters, which must submerge the islands altogether. There were likewise, rats here, and, as if subverting the order of things, we found their nests built on tussucks of grass, about eighteen inches or two feet high, while those of the birds occupied the ground. At about four o'clock we were all on board, and stood for Birnie's Island, in hopes of seeing it before night, which we did not succeed in doing, and I was compelled to lay-to, owing to the dangers that were reported to exist. By morning I found the ship had drifted so far to leeward that it was impossible to reach the island without spending much time in beating up. The wind now hauled so as to give us the hope that we might reach Sydney Island; but owing to its baffling us, and to the current, we fell to leeward a second time. I then stood on to the southward, for a supposed reef in latitude 5° S., but none was discovered. Feeling that it was necessary for us to be making our way to the Sandwich Islands, on account of the shortness of our provisions, I tacked to the northward, after having spent thirteen days in this vicinity. 372 HONOLULU. On the 31st of August, we found a current setting thirty-three miles S. 63° W. On the 1st of September, the current was found to have set us to the south-by-west twenty-two miles; and until the 4th, we had strong breezes from east-by-north and east-northeast. On the 4th, we crossed the line, in longitude 167° 45' 30" W., with delightful weather, but met no westerly winds. For two or three days we had seen several kinds of birds: tern, plover, boobies, and tropic-birds, indicating that land was not far distant. On the 6th and 7th, we had changeable weather, short calms, squalls, and fresh breezes, both fair and foul. The wind was' generally from southeast to east-northeast On the latter day, we experienced a current setting to the northeast. The winds appeared to be affected by the time of the day, and were found to be regular in their veering from one .side to the other. The breeze is usually lost after a shower of rain. We had now reached the latitude of 7°. 10' N, longitude 162° 25' W., and had passed the magnetic equator in latitude 3° S. On the 10th of September, the northeast trades were met with, in latitude 8° N., and longitude 161° 10' W. On the 12th, the wind hauled to the northeast, when I tacked to the southward and eastward; but after a few hours I again put the ship's head to the northward, deeming it advisable to run at once through the trades. Until the 17th, we had light breezes, with occasional squalls, the current setting to the westward. Our observations placed us in latitude 21° 33' N, longitude 161° 37' W., which being about two hundred miles to the westward of Oahu, I determined to beat up for it, instead of standing to the northward of the islands. The wind occasionally veered four or five points, which was favourable to this design. On the 20th, we made the island of Kauai, which is mountainous : it bore north-northwest and east-northeast The lightness of the ship, with the sea and slight current setting to leeward, combined to impede our progress, and I found, although we had a good breeze, we were beating without making much headway. I therefore, although reluctantly, determined on filling up our tanks with salt water, to enable the ship to hold a good wind and make progress. On the 23d of September we made the island of Oahu, and stood in for what those who had been there before, and professed to have a knowledge of the land, said was the situation of Honolulu. They all knew its locality to be under our lee, and I ordered .the course HONOLULU. 373 accordingly. On approaching the land there was no town to be seen, and every one then knew that a mistake had been made, of which no one was willing to assume the blame. Instead of being off Honolulu, we were under the high land of Mauna Kaala, on the west side of Oahu, near the small village of Wainai. The appearance of Oahu is by no means inviting; it has a greater resemblance to the desert coast of Peru than any other of the Polynesian islands we had visited, and has as little appearance of cultivation. The country would be termed at first sight barren and rocky. The land in' places is very much broken, and rises into high ridges, here and there divided by deep and narrow ravines, with little vegetation, except on the mountain ranges. From the published descriptions of the Hawaiian Islands, I was prepared to see them, and particularly Oahu, a perfect garden. I was inclined to impute my disappointment to our approach being made on its lee side, which is unusual; but I regret to say that any side of it, when seen from the sea, is very far from having an inviting appearance. Judging myself still to leeward of our port, as our observations, on calculating them up, proved, I made a tack off, and by four o'clock we saw the town of Honolulu, which is very conspicuous from the sea, and has more the appearance of a civilized land, with its churches and spires, than any other island in Polynesia. It is, therefore, strange that it should have been forgotten by those who had once seen it. As it was too late to reach the anchorage, I concluded to beat to windward till the morning of the 24th, when, at 8h 30m a. m.. we came to anchor in the roads, and found the tender had arrived a few days before us, all well. Honolulu exhibits, even to a distant view, many dwellings built in the European style, with look-outs, and several steeples rising above the habitations. Some edifices of large size are also seen in the progress of construction. Native houses, with thatched roofs, however, predominate, which prevent it from losing the appearance of a Polynesian town, and are associated with ideas of a semi-civilization. To look upon it was, notwithstanding, a source of pleasure, as it gave evidence of a change being in progress, in which some of our own countrymen are performing a prominent part. It has for several years past been their scene of action, and bears testimony to their spirit of enterprise. They still constitute the majority of the foreign residents. Many of us, also, expected to meet friends, and all knew that the squadron was anxiously looked for, while letters for us had certainly been accumulating, in which news from home was to be found. The aspect of the country around Honolulu, as seen from the roads 374 HONOLULU. is barren; the plain on which the town stands is almost destitute of verdure, and exhibits only a few scattered houses. This plain extends both east and west from the town, while behind it the land gradually rises towards the Nuuanu Valley. Several crater-shaped hills are in sight, one of which, called by the foreign residents " The Punch-Bowl," stands out in bold relief on one side of that valley. The entrance to the valley, with the green taro-patches, affords an agreeable relief to the eye, after it has dwelt upon the scorched and dusty aspect of all that is seen elsewhere. The fort, with its numerous embrasures, and the shipping, lying in the contracted reef-harbour, give an air of importance, that could hardly be expected in a Polynesian island or harbour. The roadstead is safe, except during the winter months, when a southwest gale may happen; but such gales have seldom been felt during the residence of the missionaries, for the last twenty years. Mr. Brinsmade, our consul, kindly sent off our numerous letters, which were indeed a treat, as we had been upwards of a year without any news from home. I went on shore to make arrangements for taking the ship into the harbour, and choosing a suitable position for our anchorage. On landing, a great uproar prevailed, and groups presented themselves to view, so motley that it would be difficult to describe their dress or appearance. There are, indeed, few places where so great a diversity in dress and language exists as at Honolulu. The majirity were in well-worn European clothing, put on in the most fanciful manner; but upon the whole, I should say that the crowd were scantily covered, some being half-dressed, many shirtless, none fully clothed, and numbers of them with nothing on but the maro. I had been led to expect a greater appearance of civilization. The women were all clad in long loose garments, like bathing-dresses, and many of them were sporting in the water as if it had been their native element. Some of these natives wore the simple tapa, thrown over their shoulders, which gave them a much more respectable appearance than those who were clothed in cast-off garments. I was told not to form an opinion of the people too hastily, for this was not a fair view of them ; but it is as well to give one's impressions on the first appearance. The place showed much stir of business, owing principally to the work of repairing vessels, and the attendance on them by the natives. The landing is upon a small wharf, erected on piles; and there appeared to be sufficient accommodation for the vessels that were in the harbour at this time. The number was nine. HONOLULU. 375 The natives, in colour, are between the Tongese and Feejees. The grouping of the adobe walls, European houses with piazzas, native houses and pulperias, is as striking as the variety of feature and dress, from the Chinese in their loose shirt and trowsers and broad-brimmed straw-hat, to the well-dressed European, in cloth coat and tightly- strapped pantaloons. Every thing is earth-colour, with the exception of a few green blinds. The streets, if so they may be called, have no regularity as to width, and are ankle-deep in light dust and sand. Little pains are taken to keep them clean from offal; and, in some places, offensive sink-holes strike the senses, in which are seen wallowing some old and corpulent hogs. One of these, which was pointed out to us as belonging to the king, was tabooed, and consequently a privileged personage. The walk on shore, however, after so long a confinement to the ship, was agreeable. After having arranged my business, and received an introduction to the ladies of the consul's family, I returned on board to read my letters from home. Every preparation was ordered to be made to weigh anchor at daylight, which is the only time at which the harbour can be entered, for the wind is then light and well to the eastward. On the 25th, early in the morning, we got under way, in charge of the pilot, and stood into the harbour, the wind just enabling the fore- and-aft sails of the ship to draw full. Hawsers were prepared as guest- warps, with two or three hundred natives on the reefs to man them. The ship was given a strong headway by coming up with the outer buoy under all sail, when every thing was clewed up, and the ship luffed up to pass on, until the hawsers were reached, which, being taken on board and made fast, the natives marched off with. At this time it might almost have been thought that Bedlam had broken loose. The whole shore, harbour, fort, boats, vessels, and housetops, were covered with a mass of human beings, and a continual shouting kept up; for on the arrival of a man-of-war, all Honolulu is abroad, and at the water-side, or on the housetops. It is not novelty alone that creates this excitement, for they have many times witnessed the advent of a man-of-war; but they look upon it as a kind of silver shower that is to fall upon them, and joy and gladness, with a kindly welcome, were depicted upon every countenance. During the day, the foreign consuls, residents, and missionaries, called on board, and gave us a hearty welcome to the island, offering all the assistance that might lie in their power. This kind reception, received from all, both foreigners and natives, gave us much pleasure, and tended to make us at once feel at home. Our arrival had been 376 HONOLULU. anxiously expected for at least six months. It was to us most agreeable to see and meet so many of our countrymen, and feel ourselves so immediately identified and connected with the place and its inhabitants. I must, however, leave Oahu, and its chief town Honolulu, and return to the other vessels of the squadron. On the 30th of September, the Peacock reached Oahu, all well. On parting company with the Vincennes, Captain Hudson passed over the position assigned to a reef, by Captain Swain, in longitude 176° 56' W., latitude 9° 55' S., without seeing any thing of it, and continuing to the northward, crossed the line on the 27th of August. The winds, until the latitude of 3° S., were from the east, after which they became more variable, between northeast and southeast, accompanied with light squalls of rain and frequent lightning. The weather on the 25th being favourable, they tried the current every hour, and also the depth at which the white object could be seen. A table of these experiments is given in Appendix I. It was clear sunshine throughout the day. The table will show the difference with a high and low altitude of the The winds, after crossing the line, were found still to be variable, though inclining more to the northeast. The weather was at times hot and sultry—the temperature throughout the twenty-four hours being from 81° to 84°. Between the latitudes of 5° and 8° N, the Peacock experienced a similar current with ourselves, setting northeast. On the 8th of September, in latitude 14° N., the wind hauling to the northeast, they tacked to the southward, until the 17th, when, having reached the longitude of 100° 27' W., their head was again put to the north. They continued to have squalls and variable winds during the rest of the passage, with a current setting to the westward, and lost much time owing to the lightness of the winds. On the Peacock's arrival at Oahu, she had no sick on board. I will now refer to the operations of the Porpoise, which vessel, it will be recollected, received orders the day we left the Feejee Group, to proceed to Turtle Island in search of the crew of the ship Shylock, which had been wrecked there. After parting company, on the 11th, they proceeded to complete the surveys pointed out. On the 12th they were employed in the survey of the island of Chicobea. From thence they went to Natava Bay. In anchoring on a coral patch in the bay for the purpose of surveying it, the brig fouled her anchor: in heaving it up the chain cable parted, and Lieutenant-Commandant Ringgold was obliged to leave it. The Porpoise was the first vessel that had anchored in this bay, and HONOLULU. Lieutenant-Commandant Ringgold says that it is without any harbour or protection for vessels. There are several small villages around it, but no town on the east side, with the exception of a village under Natava Peak, where there is the appearance of a stream of water from the mountains. The land is much broken into volcanic peaks. The bay extends to the southwest twenty miles, and is seven miles wide. The bay, which should be more properly called a gulf, affords no inducements for commerce, or for vessels to venture in; there is no bottom except with great length of line, and where anchorage exists it is very near the shore. On the west side of the bay are many projecting reefs. From this bay they passed round the north end of Rambe, examined its reefs, and then stood for Somu-somu, where they found the people preparing for a grand feast, in consequence of the breaking out of the war with Vuna. The old king was found, as I had frequently seen him, braiding his sennit, and surrounded by his wives. Lieutenant-Commandant Ringgold had communication with the king and chiefs respecting the missionaries, and urged upon them the necessity of providing a suitable place for them. Tui Illa-illa was for a long time unwilling to make any promises, and wished to procrastinate. He professed great love for the fnissionaries ; but his character being well understood, little reliance was placed in his promises. Finding, however, that Lieutenant-Commandant Ringgold was not to be deceived, he at last consented to assign to the missionaries a piece of land in the suburbs of the town, where they might build a dwelling. Tui Illa-illa was very desirous of obtaining one of our " fiery spirits" (rockets), with which he believed he could put an end at once to the Vuna war; and the hope of obtaining one was no doubt a great inducement to his yielding his consent to giving the land so freely to the missionaries, for it is well-known he bears them no good will. He offered one hundred pigs for a single rocket, and enforced his request by kissing the hands of Lieutenant-Commandant Ringgold with great eagerness. He did not, however, succeed in procuring the object of his wishes. During the stay of the Porpoise at Somu- somu, the boats, under Lieutenant Maury and Mr. Knox, were despatched to survey the bay of Matapuen, on the opposite side of the straits, which service they completed, and reported its having a good and safe anchorage. After their return, preparations were made for departure. At Somu-somu they found the celebrated Ambau chief, Wainue, cousin to Seru, with whom he had quarrelled, and had fled to Somu- VOL. III. 2G2 48 378 HONOLULU. • somu: he was now about joining in the war against his own relatives. He was remarkably fine-looking, tall, and well made, and dressed oul in the extreme of the Feejee fashion. Provisions were in great abundance, but not for sale, as they were reserving them all for the great feast to celebrate the commencement of the war. Aliko, their former and favourite pilot, who had been left at Muthuata, now returned with some canoes, bringing a refusal on the part of old Tui Muthuata to engage himself openly in any conflict with Tanoa of Ambau, which was a great disappointment to the people of Somu-somu. Lieutenant-Commandant Ringgold having now settled all the business for which he had been despatched to Somu-somu, took his departure at daylight on the 18th for Turtle or Vatoa Island, in search of the ship Shylock, of Rochester, Massachusetts, Charles Taber, master. The particulars respecting the loss of this vessel are as follows : On the 21st of June, 1840, at 6 p. m., Turtle Island bore southeast, according to their reckoning, distant thirty miles, and they were steering north under all sail, with a man on the look-out; at about ten o'clock p. m., the reef was discovered close aboard, and before they had time to avoid it, the ship struck. Two boats were at once lowered, in which the master, first mate, and sixteen hands embarked, leaving the second mate and six men on board the vessel. These boats at twelve o'clock bore away for the Friendly Islands. After two days they reached the island of Toofona, on which they landed and obtained some food. The next morning they again left Toofona for Vavao, stopping on their way for two or three days, at the Hapai Islands, where they were kindly treated by the missionaries. On the ninth day they reached Vavao, the whole distance being about three hundred and fifty miles. The captain, mate, and part of the crew, embarked there in a missionary schooner, bound for the Feejee Islands, and arrived a few days after at Somu-somu, where several of them joined our squadron. As usual, while under the lee of the island, the Porpoise experienced light winds and hot weather. On the 25th of August they made the island of Ono, in latitude 21° S., longitude 179° W., and the same day saw Turtle Island, bearing east-by-north. At daylight on the 26th, Turtle Island was in sight from the deck of the Porpoise, about twelve miles distant. In the afternoon they were up.with it, and were boarded by a canoe, with a white man, who said he was a seaman belonging to the schooner Currency Lass, which vessel, on hearing of the Shy- lock's disaster, had gone there in search of any of the cargo that HONOLULU. 379 might have been saved by the natives. The white man gave the following further particulars of the wreck. The eight persons who were left on the wreck, (with the exception of the boy, who was drowned in falling from the main-top,) succeeded in reaching the island on the jib-boom the day after the accident, (22d of June,) and were kindly treated by the natives. Two or three days afterwards, a boat from a whale-ship, (supposed to have been the Clarendon,) coming from the Hapai Islands, called at the island, and took them off. Twenty casks of the oil, which had drifted ashore, had been saved by the natives, and were purchased by the owner of the Currency Lass, who arrived on the 3d of August. This purchase was made in a most extraordinary manner, and by way of showing it, I have inserted the bill of sale in Appendix XIX. Some flour, cordage, canvass, and clothing, which had been seized by some natives from Lakemba, had been recovered; and a portion of the oil had also drifted on the weather islands of the Feejee Group, and had there been secured by the natives.* An anchor, chain, and smaller cable, with the main-mast, were still on the reef. The Shylock struck on the northwest side of the reef, which is detached, being two and a half miles from the island, with a clear passage between them. The reef is of an elliptical form, six and a half miles long, by three and a quarter wide, and has heavy breakers on all sides, forming a lagoon, with some narrow boat- entrances on the northwest side. The current was found setting five- eighths of a mile per hour to the east. Vatoa, or Turtle Island, as determined by the Porpoise, lies in latitude 19° 50' S., longitude 178° 37' 45" W. It was found to be three miles long, by one and a quarter miles wide. The reef extends all around the island, and is from one and a half to two miles wide. The island contains about fifty inhabitants, who have native missionaries, and are Christians; they have but a scanty supply of food, and no water is to be obtained. The Porpoise now made sail for Vavao, the northernmost of the Friendly Islands. On the 29th, they passed the islands of Lati, Toofona, and Koa. The first and last have high conical peaks, while Toofona is comparatively low. The latter is the only active volcano here, and is said to be in almost constant action; smoke was seen issuing from it. The cooper of the Shylock, who was put on board the Porpoise, landed on it from the boats on his way to Vavao. He * This was an additional proof that the c May last. e experienced ir 380 HONOLULU. describes its whole surface as being covered with cinders and lava. When off the island, he saw the volcano emitting to some height columns of flame and smoke. Both Lati and Koa have also the appearance of having craters, particularly the latter, the summit of which is cleft On the 1st of September, at daylight, they found themselves in shoal water, the bottom being distinctly seen, and the lead gave but fifteen fathoms depth. This proved to be an extensive shoal lying to the southwest of Vavao. A few hours after, they passed over another shoal, and were in nine fathoms: but the shoal was of much less extent. At noon they took a white man, as pilot, on board, and passed into the fine bay of Vavao, called Port Refuge. In going in, they passed a large number of rocky islets, uninhabited, and of volcanic formation. The pilot informed Lieutenant-Commandant Ringgold that there were still five of the Shylock's crew on the island, the rest having been taken off by H. B. M. sloop Favourite, bound for Sydney. The Porpoise anchored in twenty-seven fathoms water, in the outer harbour of Port Refuge. This harbour is an extensive and beautiful sheet of water, studded with many islets with bold and steep shores ; there is little tide, and no concealed dangers. They were boarded by a ca*>e, which showed a printed document in Tongese and English, containing the regulations of the port; among them was one prohibiting the introduction and sale of spirits, and another fixing the fees for pilotage, and other services. The inner harbour is completely land-locked, and on its shores the village is situated, which is of considerable size, with a large native mission church, and a good parsonage-house. The town, as well as island, looked desolate, from the effects of the severe hurricanes, of which they have had for several years a succession. The houses, fences, trees, &c, were many of them prostrate and going to ruin. Few natives are to be seen, and those are only the old, decrepit, and very young; for all the warriors had accompanied King George to Tongataboo, to carry on the war against the Devil's party. Lieutenant-Commandant Ringgold, and his officers, visited the mission, and found the parsonage exceedingly comfortable and well- arranged, exhibiting a strong contrast to the devastation and ruin of the native huts and houses. The Rev. Mr. Thomas is the resident missionary. A printing-press is established here. The missionaries from Tonga had lately made their escape, in H. B. M. ship Favourite, from the seat of war. The report of the death of the commander of the Favourite, Captain Croker, which I had heard HONOLULU. 381 at Somu-somu, was confirmed; and apprehensions appeared to be entertained that King George and his forces, or the Christian party, would have to abandon their attempt to reduce the Devil's town, and force the inhabitants to become Christians. The natives of Vavao were equally good-looking with those of Tonga, and some of the women and children were thought by the officers quite faultless in form and feature. Lieutenant-Commandant Ringgold received on board the Porpoise three of the shipwrecked crew of the Shylock, two young Americans and an Irishman; the remaining two of the five preferring to stay on shore. Both of the latter were foreigners, one an Englishman, shipped at New Zealand, and a deserter from a British ship of war, the other a Portuguese, shipped at the Azores. After getting chronometer sights and dip observations at the village, they returned on board and prepared for their departure. At 11 p. m. they got under way, and by four o'clock they had passed the heads, and discharged the pilot. They now stood northeast, for the Samoan Group. On the afternoon of the 4th of September, they made Tutuila and Upolu, and at night hove-to, to windward of the harbour of Apia. At daylight on the 5th, they made sail along the island of Upolu, and saw a ship at anchor in the harbour of Saluafata. A boat soon after boarded the brig from the American whale-ship Lome; and one of the Porpoise's boats was despatched to her, in the hopes of obtaining a small supply of provisions; but without success. At nine o'clock the brig came to anchor at Apia, and a messenger was at once despatched for Mr. Williams, our consul, who lives at Fasetootai, twenty miles down the coast to the westward. The missionaries were visited, from whom they met a kind reception. There appeared some little improvement in the village; the stone church had been finished, and its white walls were seen through the deep green groves of bread-fruit trees. This building was constructed by the Rev. Mr. Mills and his flock, and he was constantly seen engaged in the manual labour of its erection, the natives all assisting him cheerfully in the task. He thus not only exhibited a good example, but effectually taught them how to perform all the operations in carpentry and stone-masonry, as well as the use of the tools, in all of which they had acquired much adroitness. It was contemplated that the church would be finished by the first of the year. An anecdote of the cause which gave rise to the building of the church was related by Mr. Mills. When the missionaries first came and settled, they were allowed to hold their service in the fale-tele, or town-house; but Pea, the chief of 382 HONOLULU. the town, contrived to cause objections to be made to this application of the building, and the natives, finally, after raising many difficulties and throwing obstacles in the way, refused it altogether, and would listen to no proposition to build a church. This was quietly borne, and Mr. Mills held the meetings in the open air, under a large tree near by. One day, as they were engaged in service, and the whole congregation was seated around in their best attire, a violent shower came up. All looked to the preacher, who was Mr. Mills, for an adjournment ; but he was too fervent, and continued his exhortations until the whole were well drenched, and their finery of tapa, &c, which cannot stand the wet, spoiled. This taught them a lesson, and they not only agreed to the use of the fale-tele, but set about heart and hand to build the church. I On the arrival of Mr. Williams, Lieutenant-Commandant Ringgold was informed that a man by the name of Gideon Smith, a native of Bath, Massachusetts, late of the ship Herald, of Dorchester, had been murdered by a small chief, named Tagi, at the instigation of Sanga- pabetele, chief of the towns of Saluafata, Fusi, and Saleleso. The assigned cause was, that Smith had not been faithful to his promise of giving Tagi some small articles. He was, in consequence, waylaid and killed at night by Tagi. (See Mr. Williams's letter and affidavit, in Appendix XX.) Mr. Williams and the British consul, Mr. Cunningham, held an examination of the murderer and his family, and the circumstances all clearly proved the murder to have been most deliberate. It will be recollected that, according to the rules and regulations of the king and chiefs, assembled in fono, at Apia, murderers were to be given up to the first man-of-war. of our nation which should visit the island. Lieutenant-Commandant Ringgold, with the consul, proceeded, on the morning of the 8th of September, to Saluafata, to demand the murderer from the chief in whose town he resided. They reached that place at an early hour, and made the demand of the chief Sangapabetele. A council of the chiefs was at once assembled, when all united in the deliberate falsehood, that the murderer had escaped, but that they had sent in pursuit of him. They ended by promising that, as soon as he was caught he should be delivered at Apia. Three deserters from the American ship Lome, which was at anchor in the harbour, were then demanded; and these men were promptly caught and delivered over the next day, to the master of the Lome, by the chief of Saluafata. The chiefs and people of Upolu, including even our old friend Pea, and his natives of Apia, boasted much of the failure of our attempt to HONOLULU. 383 get the chief, and said we were afraid to take him by force, and this too in the presence of the missionaries. Lieutenant-Commandant Ringgold procured all the papers from the consul for my full understanding of the case, and prepared for his departure, after laying in a good stock of pork, vegetables, and fruit for his crew. The Polenchano, commanded by a Frenchman, was - lying, at Apia: this is the vessel the part of whose crew we saw on Hull's Island, engaged in taking turtles. On inquiry being made about Opotuno, it was found that no claimant had appeared for the reward; the deposit was therefore taken on board again, and exchanged for the requisite provisions for the crew, which were found in great abundance here. On the 10th of September, the Porpoise left the harbour for the Hawaiian Islands, steering for some islands which the missionaries had reported to me as existing about two hundred and fifty miles to the northeast; but no indication of land was seen on that bearing, and at that distance. In this passage they experienced similar winds and weather to those described in speaking of the passage of the Vincennes, and saw many birds flying about in the neighbourhood of the island we visited. They found the magnetic equator in latitude 3° 15' S., longitude 166° 07' W., and crossed the equator in 166° W. They had the east-southeast and east winds until latitude 5° N. Between that and latitude 10° N., they experienced the same easterly current that we had done. In that latitude the northeast winds were fallen in with, accompanied with squalls of rain, and sometimes of wind. From latitude 10° N, the current was found to set to the westward ; and the winds settled with little variation into the northeast trades. On the 7th of October they made the Hawaiian Islands, and on the 8th reached Oahu; by ten o'clock they had taken the pilot on board, entered the passage, and anchored in the harbour. The officers and crew were all well. Their passage from the Samoan Islands occupied thirty days ; and their course was nearly direct. The tender, agreeably to the orders given her, made the island of Kie, and ran down the sea-reef as far as Round Island, where it becomes a sunken one, running in the direction of Biva, the most western island of the group. The Round Island Passage is the only large break through it. There are, indeed, several narrow passages as Round Island is approached, but none that it would be advisable for a vessel to enter, the ground inside being thickly studded with sunken coral reefs. The tender, after reaching Round Island, made sail for the Hawaiian 384 HONOLULU. Islands, and performed the passage in thirty-three days. They did not see any thing during the whole route. The weather they experienced seems to have been much of the same kind as heretofore described; there was little interruption of the easterly winds. The northeast trades were met in latitude 10° N., and the tender crossed the equator in longitude 166° W. The easterly current was found to affect her in latitudes from 4° to 6° N., and they occasionally experienced the westerly current during the rest of the passage. I have already mentioned the warm reception we met with at the Hawaiian Islands. The governor, Kekuanaoa, kindly placed at my disposal the large stone house belonging to Kekauluohi, in the square where the tomb in which the royal family are interred, is situated. The tomb was at that time undergoing some repairs. The state coffins, which are richly ornamented with scarlet and gold cloth, and in two of which the bodies of the late king, Liho-liho, and his wife were brought from England, in the frigate Blonde, were deposited in the house I was to occupy. The governor had them at once removed to the tomb, and in two days I was comfortably established, and engaged in putting up my instruments, and getting ready to carry on our shore duties. It will now be necessary for me to enter into some particulars relative to the future operations of the squadron, in order to show the' difficulties that had to be encountered at this part of the cruise. Before reaching Oahu, I was convinced that it would be altogether too late to attempt any thing on the Northwest Coast of America this year, and to winter there would have rendered us liable to contract diseases to which, the men would have been too prone, after the hard service they had seen in the tropics; besides, I was averse to passing our time in comparative inactivity, and I wished to make the most of the force that had been intrusted to my charge. As my instructions had not contemplated such an event, I was left to my own judgment and resources, to choose the course which would prove most beneficial to our commerce, and to science; I had also to take into account what we could accomplish in some other direction, prior to the end of April, when the season would become favourable for our operations on the Northwest Coast, and in the Columbia River. On our way from the Feejees, various hints were thrown out that the times of the crew had expired, and that they would not reship. I understood their disposition, however, and had little apprehension of their being led astray by those who were disposed to create difficulties among them. Their time, in their opinion, would expire on the 1st of. November; in my mind this construction was at least HONOLULU 385 doubtful, the wording of the articles being, that "they shipped for three years from the 1st of November, 1837, to return with the vessels to a port of safety in the United States." The latter clause certainly contemplated the possibility of the expiration of the time prior to their return, and therefore the engagement was not limited to three years; nor did it allow of my discharging any of them by paying them off in full, or of my crippling or retarding the duties of the Expedition. Many of the men spoke very sensibly on the subject, and expressed a desire to finish the cruise, which they would be glad to do by re- shipping, a course by which they would become entitled to one-fourth more pay; others again seemed desirous of producing discord, in which they were encouraged by the imprudent language of a few of the officers, whether with the intention of producing discontent, 1 know not. This indiscretion, however, was promptly arrested on its becoming known to me. As I was obliged to make a deviation from the original cruise pointed out in my instructions, which would extend its duration, I thought it but just that new articles should be opened; and in order that all should be placed on an equal footing, I included the crew of the Porpoise, as well as all those who had joined the squadron previous to our last southern cruise. A large majority of the crew re-entered for eighteen months, on doing which they received three months' pay and a week's liberty. The few who declined told me that it was not from any dislike they had to the ship or service, but having families at home, they wished to avoid a longer separation from them. About fifteen of them took passage in vessels that were bound to the United States. The character of sailors was oddly exhibited on this occasion ; the man who, before arriving, had protested most strenuously that he would not reship, was the first to place his name on the roll, as I had predicted he would be; their conduct caused much amusement, and showed how little sailors know their own minds. Captain Hudson addressed his crew, confidently expecting that every man would volunteer to reship, and on his desiring all to pass to the other side who did not wish to reship, the whole crew passed over; yet within eight-and-forty hours they had all re-entered, with the exception of three or four, who held out for a time, to show, as they said, their independence. It now became necessary to supply the places of those who had left the squadron, and thus to complete our effective complement. Instead, however, of resorting to picking up the worthless, dissipated, and worn- out vagabonds of all nations, who have been wandering from island to 386 HONOLULU. island for years, without any object or employment, I concluded to take a number of Kanakas, and enter them upon such terms that I could at any moment discharge them. The authorities of Oahu were applied to through our consul, and readily agreed to the men being employed, provided they were returned to the island agreeably to their own laws. Articles of agreement were consequently entered into to this effect, by which I bound the government of the United States to return them after their services were no longer needed; and a stipulation was made that the rations of spirits should not be drawn by them. I was thus assured of having at least sober men. Word was sent to the different parts of the island for those who were disposed to enter, to assemble on a given day at the fort, under the authority of the governor. Upwards of five hundred men assembled in consequence, out of whom Captain Hudson and myself chose about fifty, all able-bodied and active young men, in perfect health. The authority for thus completing our complement of hands is contained in the Act of Congress of March the 3d, 1813; the ninth section of which provides as follows: " That nothing in this act contained shall be construed to prohibit any commander or master, of a public or private vessel of the United States, whilst in a foreign country or place, from receiving any American seaman, in conformity to law, or supplying any deficiency of seamen on board such vessel, by employing American seamen or subjects of such foreign country, the employment of whom shall not be prohibited by the laws thereof." Yet, notwithstanding my acting under this ninth section, on my return home it was alleged that I had violated the first section of this same act, and it was made one of the charges against me by the Secretary of the Navy. The whole act is to be found in Story's Laws of the United States, vol. ii. p. 1302. It was. highly necessary for the service I was engaged in, to enlist these men for a time; it was done according to law; all the circumstances were duly reported to the government in my next despatches, and my conduct was not objected to until the charges were made out against me. I was now enabled to complete my plans of operation, and every exertion was made forthwith to put the vessels in condition for service, half of the crews being retained on board to proceed with the outfits, while the rest were on liberty. The services on which I proposed to employ the vessels of the squadron, were as follows, viz.: Captain Hudson, in the Peacock, accompanied by the tender, was HONOLULU. to be instructed to return to the Samoan Group, and re-examine the surveys made by the Flying-Fish and boats, of the south side of Upolu, in which I had detected oversights, and suspected neglect; to seek for several small and doubtful islands, said to be under the equator, and to visit the little-known groups of Ellice and Kingsmill; to inquire into the fate of Captain Dowsett, commanding an American . schooner engaged in the whale-fishery at the Pescadores ; and to seek redress for the capture of the American brig Waverley, owned by Messrs. Pierce and Co., of Oahu, at Strong's Island. Having by the arrival of the Porpoise learned the news of the murder of Gideon Smith at Upolu, I included in my orders to Captain Hudson, the duty of investigating the circumstances of the crime, and punishing the offenders. He was likewise instructed to seek for the magnetic equator in longitude 160° W., and to follow it down to the westward. These duties accomplished, I directed him, after visiting Ascension Island, to join me at the Columbia River, towards the end of the coming month of April. These instructions covered a wide field, which had, as far as I could learn, been but little explored, and which our whaling fleet is continually traversing. To examine it could not fail to be highly useful to those engaged in that important branch of industry. I designed to employ the Porpoise in a more close examination of some islands in the Paumotu Group or Low Archipelago, which it had not been in my power to accomplish during our visit of the previous year. She was also to leave a party, with the boring apparatus, upon one of the islands, as soon as she reached the group, to remain there for about six weeks, or so long as the vessel was engaged in the examination of the other islands. This examination being completed, Lieutenant-Commandant Ringgold was directed to touch at Tahiti, and thence, after surveying Penrhyn and Flint's Islands, to return to Oahu before the 1st of April. With the Vincennes, it was my intention to proceed to Hawaii, there to ascend to the top of Mauna Loa ; to make the pendulum observations on the summit and at the base of that mountain ; to examine the craters and late eruptions; and after performing these duties, if time allowed, to proceed to the Marquesas Islands, and thence to pass along the magnetic equator to the meridian of the Hawaiian Islands, whither it was my intention to return before the 1st of April, to meet the Porpoise, and proceed, in company with her, to the Northwest Coast. I deemed the time from the 25th of November would be amply sufficient, with proper attention, to enable us to perform these duties, 388 HONOLULU. and also afford sufficient relaxation to the officers and men, from their long confinement on board ship. The tender was overhauled in a few days, when Passed Midshipman Knox was again put in charge of her, and the naturalists sent on an excursion to Kauai. After their return I again despatched those who were attached to the Peacock in her to Hawaii, being desirous that they should have an opportunity of visiting as much of these islands as possible. On the 28th, I had the honour of an official visit from the governor, Kekuanaoa. He is a noble-looking man, upwards of six feet in height, and proportionately large. He was in a full dress uniform of blue and gold, and was altogether very striking and soldier-like in his appearance, and pleasing in his address. He was received by the officers and guard of marines, and with manned yards. He was self-possessed, and appeared quite used to the etiquette on such occasions. He had been one of the suite of King Liho-liho on his visit to England, and speaks a little English. I entertained him with a collation, and paid him the other marks of attention to which his rank entitled him. He is one of the highest chiefs, and was the husband of Kinau, the sister of Kaahumanu. His children are now the heirs apparent to the throne: they are at school under the care of Mr. and Mrs. Cooke. Kekuanaoa is now governor of the island of Oahu, and is possessed of much energy of character, of which I shall have occasion hereafter to speak. The house which I occupied was in the eastern suburbs of Honolulu, near the residence of the missionaries, and in connexion with the school of Mr. and Mrs. Cooke for the chiefs' children. The latter I had the pleasure of visiting at an early day after my arrival, and was. much delighted with the order and cleanliness of the whole establishment. Mr. and Mrs. Cooke superintend the amusements as well as the studies of the children, and impress upon them the necessity of application. Much attention is paid to them, and being removed from all contagion from without, they have many advantages over the other natives. This was the best-regulated school I saw in the islands; the pupils, consisting of eleven boys and girls, were .under good management and control. The object of this school is exclusively the education of the royal family; to form their characters, teach them, and watch over their morals. Much good, it is thought, will accrue from this system of education. I am not, however, satisfied it will have the full effect that is hoped for, or that the impressions given them. are those that are proper in the education of princes. The system pur- HONOLULU. 389 sued rather tends to republican forms; a good, practical, religious education, however, may be the result. How far it is intended to carry it, I did not learn. I have seldom seen better behaved children than those in this school. Connected with Mr. and Mrs. Cooke, I must not omit to mention John Ii, who is_ their guardian and protector. During my stay I saw them frequently. The Saturday after my arrival, I had them on board the ship, with their tutors. They were hardly to be distinguished from well-bred children of our own country; were equally well dressed, and are nearly as light in colour. After a further acquaintance with Honolulu, it appeared much more advanced in the scale of civilization than I thought it at first, and 1 found some difficulty in being able to realize that I was among a Polynesian nation, so different are they from the other islanders in the scale of improvement One cannot but be struck with seeing the natives winding their way along the different thoroughfares, laden with all kinds of provisions, wood, charcoal, and milk, to supply the market and their regular customers. Indeed, there are quite as many thus employed as in any place of the same number of inhabitants in our own country. Their usual mode of carrying burdens is to suspend them with cords from the ends of a stick ; this is laid across the shoulders, and so accustomed are they to carry the load in this manner, that they will sometimes increase the weight by adding a heavy stone, in order to balance it The stick on which they carry their load is made of the Hibiscus tiliaceus, which is very light and tough. Instead of baskets, 390 HONOLULU. they use a kind of gourd, which grows to a large size, and seems peculiar to these islands; these are thin and brittle, but with the care the natives take of them, are extremely serviceable: they are used for almost every thing, as dishes, for carrying water, &c. It takes two gourds to make one of the baskets used for transporting articles; and the smaller one being turned over the opening cut in the larger one, effectually protects the contents from rain. Some of these gourds will contain upwards of two bushels. For travelling on these islands, they are almost indispensable. The gait of the Kanaka moving with his load is a quick trot, and he takes very short steps. The loaded calabashes, when suspended from the sticks, have the see-saw creaking sound that is heard from an easy old-fashioned chaise. Besides the carrying of burdens, there are many natives engaged in the same employments as the lower classes in the United States. Almost every profession of civilized nations is represented here, except that of law, of which, as yet, there are no practitioners either in Honolulu or at the other islands. There is no great beauty in the location of the town of Honolulu, nor any taste displayed in its plan; yet there are a number of comfortable habitations, surrounded with young trees, intermixed with the grass-houses of the natives. The roads, or streets, are entirely destitute of trees, and the natives and foreign residents here seem to have no inclination to plant them in the town: this surprised me,'for it would tend more than any thing else to their comfort. The high adobe walls, which have been introduced from South America, however convenient they may be, certainly do not improve either the beauty or comforts of Honolulu; being suffered to fall into decay, they, in so dry a climate, add not a little to the discomforts of the inhabitants, from the quantity of fine dust that the trade-winds put into circulation for a few hours each day. But these dusty roads and barren plains can, in a few minutes, be exchanged for one of the most agreeable and delightful climates in the world, by a short ride to the valley of Nuuanu. The contrast is like passing from the torrid to the temperate zone. In this valley a number of the gentlemen of Honolulu have cottages, that form pleasant retreats during the hot season. The valley of Nuuanu is formed by a break in the central volcanic ridge of Oahu: it ascends gradually from behind the town, and is about seven miles long, by half a mile wide at its entrance. It contracts until it reaches the northern side of the ridge, where it suddenly terminates HONOLULU. 391 in a deep precipice of eleven hundred feet, called the Pali. Here the trade-wind rushes through, between the two high peaks, fifteen hundred feet above, with violence, while their tops condense the clouds, whose waters are descending constantly in small silver rills, that leap from rock to rock on all sides, unite in the middle of the valley, and form a large brook, which is again distributed by the natives, to give fertility and luxuriance to part of the plain below. The beauty of the valley, when passing into it, is at times striking, from the effect of the light and shade produced by the clouds, which are occasionally seen lowering on the mountain peaks, and are, as it • were, held in check by them. The clouds now and then escape and pass above the peaks, and again burst by with renewed and accumulated strength, sweeping through the valley, and carrying fertilizing showers over it, with every variety of rainbow, while the whole western sky is one glorious sunlight. The sunbeams now and then gain possession of the valley, thus causing a constant and rapid succession of showers and sunshine. The ride to the Pali is a most agreeable one. There is a tolerable horse-path three-fourths of the way; the remainder would be considered impracticable for horses by those unaccustomed to their performances in a mountain country; but, however frightful the road may appear, I would recommend all those who attempt it, to keep to the horse's back, and trust to his getting them over the steep knolls, and through the miry places. On reaching the Pali, beware of losing not only your hat, but yourself; for when the trade-wind is blowing strong, it is impossible to stand with safety. The view of the plain beneath, the ocean, and the long line of perpendicular cliffs, will amply repay the labour. The Pali may be descended: for this purpose there are steps cut in the rock, and an iron rod to assist in accomplishing the descent in safety. The path leads to the village of Kanehoe, but is little frequented. The house which the kindness of Governor Kekuanaoa had placed at my disposal, was a double one, of two stories, with piazzas in front, and a wing on one side: it afforded sufficient accommodations for all the duties connected with the surveys, and I took advantage of the opportunity to revise and complete all the charts we had constructed up to this time. The vessels were undergoing the necessary repairs: the officers who were not required on board, were therefore detailed for these duties, reporting to me daily at the observatory, at nine o'clock a. m., where they were employed until 4 p. m. ; others were permanently employed in the observatory duties, magnetic and pen- 392 HONOLULU. dulum observations, and some in the local surveys of the islands; so that, although our stay at Honolulu had the name of relaxation, I found it myself one of the busiest parts of the cruise. The house, though convenient, was seldom occupied by its owner: they invariably prefer the grass-houses, which are more convenient for their mode of life, and better adapted to the climate; and if they could be preserved in the state they are when first built, they would be exceedingly pleasant residences. The chiefs have much ambition to own an European house, which are built of coral blocks, taken from the reefs to the westward of the town : of this there appears to be an inexhaustible supply. It is found in layers of from one to two feet in thickness, and by cutting through them, a block of almost any dimensions may be obtained. I understood a foreigner had obtained a lease of this profitable source of revenue from the government. In my first interview with the king, he spoke of the decrease of the depth of water in the harbour, imagining the quarrying of the coral had been in part the cause of it, and asked me to direct my attention to it, and to point out a remedy if possible to obviate it; fop they were very desirous to preserve the harbour as it was, free from obstructions. Within these last fifteen years much alteration has taken place, by the deposit of mud, which will in time close it entirely up, if not removed or prevented. The stream coming down the Nuuanu valley, though small, makes a considerable deposit; this, with the wash from the town, and the dust and earth that are daily in motion from the violence of the wind, though imperceptible, will in time produce effect: much of this may be obviated by the construction of a wall on the reef, near the inner edge of it, which would intercept a great part of it, and prevent the deposit from taking place in the deep water, which it now does. It will be very easy to direct the discharge of the Nuuanu in a direction towards the sea, by damming, and this could be done at very little expense. The naturalists were not idle, but usefully employed in rambling over the islands, so that we had every opportunity of becoming acquainted with the productions, soil, climate, and inhabitants. We had a good opportunity of observing the advance they were making in civilization under the new organization of the government and laws, and the amount of good the missionaries had done; of which I shall speak hereafter. From my long stay at the different islands of this group, many opportunities were afforded me of examining their establishments in HONOLULU. 393 detail. I therefore feel that I may be permitted to give an opinion without the imputation of having been over hasty, or prejudiced in forming it. Such haste or prejudice may with some reason be imputed to those who not unfrequently imbibe their notions of these islanders and their teachers from a few days' sojourn, and who have had intercourse only with those opposed to both the government and missionaries. I am not at all surprised that this should be the case with those who only visit Honolulu. That great licentiousness and vice exist there, is not to be denied ; but to throw the blame of them on the missionaries, seems to me to be the height of injustice. I am well satisfied that the state of things would be much worse were it not for their watchfulness and exertions. The lower class of foreigners who are settled in these islands, are a serious bar to improvement in morals, being for the most part keepers of low taverns, sailors' boarding-houses, and grog-shops. Every inducement that can allure sailors from their duty, and destroy their usefulness, is held out to them here. Such men must be obnoxious in any community, and that they are not able to make more disturbance than they do, supported as they are by those who ought to know better, is, I am satisfied, mainly owing to the attention and energy of the governor, and the watchfulness of the members of the mission over the natives. I do not desire to be understood to express the opinion that the course pursued by the missionaries is in all respects calculated to produce the most happy effects. I am, however, well satisfied that they are actuated by a sincere desire to promote the welfare and improvement of the community in which they live; I therefore feel it my duty. to bear ample testimony to their daily and hourly exertions to advance the moral and religious interests of the native population, not only by precept, but by example; and to their untiring efforts, zeal, and devotion, to the sacred cause in which they are engaged. I shall hereafter have occasion to speak of the institutions of which they are the authors, and of their connexion with the government; in short, of their secular avocations. I have myself had intercourse both with the missionaries and those who are their opponents; and it gave me pleasure to perceive that, with but three or four exceptions, there was a degree of moderation exhibited by both parties, that bespoke the dawn of a good feeling towards each other, to which they had long been strangers. In consequence of this new state of things, I was not called upon to listen to the vituperation and abuse of the missionaries that I had been vol. in. 50 394 HONOLULU. prepared to hear. A warfare was, however, kept up between the individuals belonging to the rival nations of England and the United States, which afforded ample room for the tongue of scandal to indulge itself. The missionaries wisely abstained from all connexion with either party; and the governor, with much energy and decorum, sustained with impartiality the supremacy of the laws. CONTENTS. . EXPERIMENTS MADE ON BOARD U. S. SHIPS VINCENNES AND PEACOCK . ORDERS TO PORPOISE . ORDERS FOR SURVEYS » . ORDERS TO LIEUTENANT CARR . FEEJEE REGULATIONS . ORDERS TO PEACOCK . PAPERS RELATIVE TO THE BRIG CHARLES DOGGETT . ORDERS FOR SURVEYS . ORDERS TO PORPOISE . ORDERS FOR SURVEYS - . STATEMENT RELATIVE TO JAMES CUNNINGHAM - . ORDERS FOR EXPEDITION TO SUALIB . ORDERS TO CAPTAIN HUDSON . INSTRUCTIONS AND REPORTS CONCERNING MALOLO . ORDERS FOR SURVEYS . LETTER OF PASSED MIDSHIPMAN HARRISON RELATIVE TO WILLIAM SMITH . CAPTAIN EAGLESTON'S LETTER TO THE CAPTAIN OF THE JOSEPHINE S TO DR. PICKERING AND MR. DRAYTON S CONCERNING SALE OF OIL ON TURTLE ISLAND , CERTIFICATES CONCERNING THE MURDER OF GIDEON SMITH.... APPENDIX. EXPERIMENTS MADE ON'BOARD U. S. SniP V 9th APRIL, 1840. TIME. SDN'SALT. SKV. DEPTIIP0TSEKX. cm,,sr. 10 A. M. 38o Clear. 16 fathoms. None. 11 « 48 16 " 1 fathom north. 12 noon. 50 if^-H^r 17 « 1 " west-northwcsL 1 P. M. 47 « 17 2 « 2 » 40 15 « 2 « l||||lp 3 « 30 15 « 2 « 4 « 19 14 « 2 « west-by-south. 5 " PillPlI 14 « 2 " 6 " 4 13 « 2 « Water at the surface stood at . " 10 fathoms below the surface 3 1st march, 1840. 714 691 73 63.J APPENDIX. I.—Continued. EXPERIMENTS MADE ON BOARD U. S. SHIP PEACOCK, AUGUST 25TH, 1840. TIME. — SKV. | DEPTHPOTSEEI, III 10 A. M. 53° 30' Clear. 17 fathoms. 3 J fathoms south-by-west. 11 « 69 17 " 3i « 12 noon 78 1811 17 « J &thoms south-by-west ( three-fourths west. 1p.m. 70 16 « 2J " south-by-west. 2 « 56 17 « 2 3 « 41 filllll 15 2 4 « 27 IS11E 15 " 1J " south. 5 « 12 SBiki 15 « 2J " south-by-east U. S. Ship Vincennes, Tongataboo, May 4th, 1840 Sm,— Herewith you have enclosed a chart of the Feejee Islands, in which you will find the eastern group, including the reefs, marked in red, which it is my intention you shall examine and survey, in as particular a manner as possible; beginning at the southern ones, and proceeding thence northward, to and fro, as you may find it advantageous, and the winds and weather will permit. I would desire that nothing may escape you, and that you preserve the usual manner of surveying them that has been adopted in our former surveys. You will keep particular notes relative to the passages through them, with the dangers that are to be avoided, and how they may be, taking sketches of their appearances; the set of currents, and the harbours, if any, to afford shelter for large or small vessels. The supplies to be afforded, including wood, water, provisions, &c. On reaching Lakemba, you will obtain a pilot. There is one, I understand, there, who is well acquainted with the northern part of them, and who speaks English: you will communicate with the chief who resides there, and has the control of the whole group, and of APPENDIX. 401 course conciliate his good-will, to obtain the necessary assistance. A missionary resides there, through whom you may effect this desirable end. On your reaching Duff's Reef, which I think you will do prior to, or by the 1st of June, you will put into the Harbour of Somu-somu, where you will find me, or orders directing your movements. In the discharge of this duty, I would call your attention particularly to the necessity of great accuracy in the bearings of the different islands, shoals, and reefs, from each other, the latitude and longitude of the different points, and their distance from each other. The chart that accompanies this is extremely inaccurate, and is in fact but an apology for one. It is, however, though a poor guide for your labours, the best that exists at present, therefore all due caution is necessary in sailing over space that you have not already explored. I" would recommend your constructing one from it on a larger scale, (roughly,) say one-fourth of an inch to a mile, and correcting it as you go on, at the same time constructing another on a similar scale for a fair copy. On service of this kind, accidents are to be looked for: in case of your meeting with any, you will immediately take measures to give information, which will reach me at Ovolau, in the way you may think most advisable. You will make magnetic observations at all places you can, and obtain all the information in your power, relative to the character of the natives, their actual state, and obtain all specimens of things you may meet with in the different departments of science, which must be carefully preserved. Do not omit to measure the heights of the different islands by triangulation, or with the sympiesometer, and obtain sketches of the natives, their dresses and implements. Great confidence is felt in your successful accomplishment of this duty, and it is hoped that you will be favoured with fine weather. The coming moon will be of assistance in protecting you from accidents. It is very desirable that both sides of the reefs and islands should be examined at the same time; this you will be enabled to do with your boats. The winds are to be expected from the southeast to east, with fine weather; and in order to make the most of it, I should deem it advisable that you begin operations every day at daylight and work until dark. The sun's amplitude at rising and setting are the best bearings to begin and end with. The error and rate of your chronometer (standard) are herewith enclosed. I need not tell you, that observations with the artificial horizon, when practicable, are to be preferred. "OL. III. 3f2 51 402 APPENDIX. You will endeavour to obtain the native names of all the islands you survey. You will continue in company until signal is made to you to execute the above orders. I am, &c, Charles Wilkes, Commanding Exploring Expedition. Lieut. Com. C. Ringgold, U. S. Brig Porpoise, III. U. S. Ship Vincennes, Ovolau, May 10th, 1840. Sir,— The launch and first cutter, with Mr. Knox, Mr. Henry, and Dr. Whittle, twelve men, and a pilot, are placed under your orders for a surveying excursion along the north side of the island of Vitilevu. You will observe the following instructions very particularly, and in no case depart from them, unless it is for the preservation of your party. 1 st. You will avoid landing any where on the main land or islands, unless the latter should be uninhabited. 2d. Every precaution must be observed in treating with natives, and no natives must be suffered to come alongside or near your boats without your boarding-nettings being up. All trade must be carried on over the stern of your boat, and your arms and howitzers ready to repel any attack. 3d. You will avoid any disputes with them, and never be off your guard or free from suspicion: they are in no case to be trusted. 4th. Your two boats must never be separated at night, but anchored as near together as possible. You will adhere to the following route of proceeding, viz.: Leaving the ship, you will proceed round the north end of Ovolau and steer for the main island of Vitilevu, to a point off which there is a small island; observing, running down, and fixing the reefs that may lay in your way there, dividing your boats so as to obtain their outlines as accurately as possible, particularly the northern reef that leads to the inshore channel of that island, and along its north shore. From the above-mentioned point you will proceed to the westward, tracing the shore and line of reefs outside of you. The passage is supposed to be from two to five miles wide, and is said to be a good one for a ship. All coral patches and broken ground that may be fallen in with will be particularly observed, and their positions APPENDIX. 403 ascertained with regard to the main points in sight; and all entrances or passages through the great reef to the northward, must not escape your attention: none it is believed occur, until you reach Ragi-ragi, on the east side of the Malaki Islands. At these islands, the ship- channel is supposed to go between them and the main island. You will observe particularly if the main northern reef joins these islands. Ascertain their size, and get an azimuth on the high hill of Ovolau if possible; here it is extremely desirable to obtain accurately the latitude and longitude. Chronometers are furnished both boats, whose rates and errors are given. After passing these, you will continue on to Taboa, when you will find another passage through the reef to the northward; this will be examined, as that off Ragi-ragi, getting the trending of the outside reef both east and west by careful bearings at both places. Thence you will proceed through the aforesaid ship- channel, along the island of Vitilevu, down as far as Ba, where you will find the ship Leonidas, Captain Eagleston, who no doubt will be happy to supply any thing you may be in want of, for which he will receive remuneration. You will make no unnecessary delay here, but continue on your survey as far as the island of Malolo, off the western end of Vitilevu, where you will meet further orders from me in ten days; if, however, this should not occur, you will return. On. your way back, following the outside reef on its inner edge (which I believe does not exist beyond fifteen miles from the land), and taking observations so as to establish its various points by bearings and latitude and longitude, and regain this anchorage as soon as possible. A patent log is furnished you for' measuring your distances run, and an azimuth compass. You will observe the variation, and not omit your latitude daily by meridian observation or double altitudes, and also sights for your chronometers, morning and evening; taking comparisons daily between them, which will be inserted in your note-books. You will make a rough diagram as you proceed, on a large scale, which you will have in readiness to send me by any opportunity that may occur. Each boat will keep a log of her proceedings. You will always keep the boats within signal distance of each other, separating them in cases of extreme necessity only, for a short time. You will communicate these instructions to Mr. Knox. I am, &c, Charles Wilkes, Commanding Exploring Expedition. LrEUTENANT Ja.MES AlDBN, U. S. Ship Vincennes. 404 APPENDIX. U. S. Ship Vincennes, Ovolau, May I2th, 1840. Sir,— The launch and first cutter of the Peacock, with Chaplain Elliott, Mr. Blunt, and Mr. Dyes, twelve men, and a pilot, are placed under your orders, for a surveying excursion along the south side of the island of Vitilevu. You will observe the following instructions very particularly, and .in no case depart from them, unless it is for the preservation of your party. You will avoid landing on the main land or on an island, unless the latter should be uninhabited. Every precaution must be observed in treating with the natives: none of them must be suffered to come alongside or near your boats, without your boarding-nettings being up. All trade must be carried on over the stern of your boat, and your arms ready to repel any attack. You will avoid all disputes with them, and never be off your guard or free from suspicion: they are in no case to be trusted. Your two boats must never be separated at night, but anchored as near together as possible. You will adhere to the following route of proceeding, viz.: leaving the ship, you will proceed round the north end of Ovolau, running down the reef of the west side of it, until you make and get observations on the insulated rock between it and the island on the south side of Ovolau (Moturiki), thence to the main land of Vitilevu, off a point nearly opposite, near which you will find a small island. In running down, you will fix the reef on the east side of the passage. At this island you will ascertain your latitude and longitude, and observe azimuths on the trending of the coast, east and west. From thence you will proceed to the southward, tracing the coast, reefs, and channels that may be practicable for vessels towards Ambau and Viwa, and getting a knowledge of the route for vessels navigating towards these places, in order that sailing directions may be obtained from your chart. From thence you will proceed round Kamba Point inside the reefs, laying down their positions, trending, and passages through them, if any occur. One is supposed to exist near the two small islands off Kamba Point. Thence you will follow the reefs inside of those towards Rewa, in like manner tracing the land, &c. Rewa Harbour you will make a survey of, and'the passages leading into it, and as far up as the town, noting the best anchorages, &c, and ascertain its latitude and longitude. After completing this duty, you will proceed along the reefs to the island of Mbenga, and if safe for your boats, as far as Vatulele; but APPENDIX. 405 you will be cautious not to run the risk of passing the night without the reefs, but seek always an early and safe anchorage. From thence you will run the land down to the western end of the island of Vitilevu, anchoring lastly in the harbour of Ba. It is believed that twelve days will be amply sufficient for you to finish the work designated for you to perform; should you reach the west end before this time, the island of Malolo and the reefs adjacent will claim your attention. You will examine as much of this locality, and the reefs and island to the westward, as will enable you to reach Amboa in time to meet the Peacock on the 25th instant, when you will report to Captain Hudson. You will examine all coral patches and detached reefs, locating them accurately with the main land and adjacent reef. Chronometers are furnished both boats. You will, when practicable, get morning and evening observations for the longitude and also latitude, by meridian observations and double altitudes : keeping a diagram and chart on a large scale (one quarter of an inch to a mile), which will be brought up at the end of each day's work. Let your observations be taken, when possible, with the artificial horizon, and your courses and distances carefully ascertained with azimuth bearings on all points, both before you reach them and after you have passed them. Each boat will keep a careful and particular log of her proceedings, which will be transmitted to me, together with your report and the chart made during your passage. You will make no unnecessary delay on your route, and care must be taken that your men be not suffered to remain in wet clothes at night. Comparisons will be made with your chronometers daily, carefully noting them in your log-book. You will always keep your boats in signal distance, separating them only in cases of necessity, for a short time. When practicable, Mr. Dyes will be employed in collecting shells, &c. You will communicate these instructions to Mr. Blunt I am, &c, Charles Wilkes, Commanding Exploring Expedition! Lieutenant Geo. F. Emmons, U. S. Ship Peacock. APPENDIX. IV. U. S. Ship Vincennes, Ovolau, May 13th, 1840. Sir,— You will proceed with the Flying-Fish to survey the following islands of the Feejee Group. For this purpose Lieutenant Underwood is ordered to accompany you, with a boat and crew, and Tom the pilot. 1. Ambatiki, and its distance from Ovolau by patent log, examining its reefs on both sides. 2. Nairai, with its reefs to the south. 3. Angau. 4. Matuku, Moalo, and Totoia. 5. Reef called Tova. 6. Vanua-vatu. 7. An island upon the charts to the southward of Vanua-vatu, that I do not believe exists. 8. Goro, Direction Island, and the Horseshoe Reef. Ten days are allowed you to complete this work. You will ascertain their bearings and distances asunder, latitude and longitude, and examine them for harbours; none is supposed to exist but at Moalo. You will not suffer any of your boats to be taken by surprise, or to land, unless you deem it necessary for the purpose of carrying on your surveying operations more effectually. I need not point out to you the observations required to be made. You will bring up your work every evening, and construct a chart as you proceed, on a large scale, a quarter of an inch to a mile. I enclose a chart herewith, on which the islands to be surveyed are marked. Should you not be able to finish all the surveys in the given time, you will omit Goro, Direction Island, and the Horseshoe Reef. Sketches of the islands are required, particularly those as they appear on approaching them from the sea; and as much of their topography as can be obtained in surveying them. Two more chronometers are furnished you, with their rate and errors. Do not omit daily comparisons as usual. Try your patent log well before using it: a strong line of twenty- five or thirty fathoms will be enough. Wishing you a successful cruise, I am, &c, Charles Wilkes, Lieutenant Overton Carr, Commanding Exploring Expedition. U. S. Ship Vincennes. APPENDIX. 407 Ovolau, May 14th, 1840. Sir,— You will, before beginning to execute the enclosed orders, proceed direct to the island of Lakemba, with Tubou Totai on board, there to meet the Porpoise, when you will transfer him to Lieutenant-Commandant Ringgold, and deliver the enclosed orders to him. Should he not have touched yet at Lakemba, you will then land Tubou Totai, and deliver to him the letter to Lieutenant-Commandant Ringgold, and then proceed without delay to the execution of your instructions. If the Porpoise should have passed Lakemba previous to your arrival there, you will bring Tubou back with you, and execute your instructions. I am, &c, Charles Wilkes, Commanding Exploring Expedition. Lieutenant Overton Carr, U. S. Ship Vincennes. U. S. Ship Vincennes, Ovolau, May 14th, 1840. Sir,— I have sent the Flying-Fish, with the Tonga chief, Tubou Totai, to join you: he is the person of whom I spoke in my orders to you. You will pay him all attention in your power. He is a person of much distinction and well informed, and will no doubt be of great service to you. When I inform you, that he has been a messmate of the Honourable Captain Waldegrave, and an inmate of Sir George Gipps's house, and had a seat at his table, I am sure you will leave him no room to complain of his treatment on board the brig. If you can, while he is on board, extend your work to the reefs beyond Duff's Reef, I think it would be advisable; but the time allowed you to be at Somu-somu cannot be extended, as I am under promise to bring him back here from Somu-somu as soon after the 1st June as possible. You will send me your work up to the last day, with information of your progress, by Mr. Carr, who is ordered to make no delay at Lakemba. We are all well, and hard at work. I am, &c, Charles Wilkes, Commanding Exploring Expedition. Lieut. Com. C. Ringgold, U. S. Brig Porpoise, Lakemba. APPENDIX. Commercial regulations, made by the principal chiefs of the Feejee group of islands, after full consideration in council, on the 14th day of May, 1840. 1st. All foreign consuls duly appointed and received on the Feejee group of islands shall be protected and respected, both in their persons and property, and all foreigners obtaining the consent of the government, and conforming to the laws, shall receive the protection of the king and chiefs. 2d. All foreign vessels shall be received into the ports and harbours of the Feejees, for the purpose of obtaining supplies, and for commerce ; and, with their officers and crews, so long as they shall comply with these regulations, and behave themselves peaceably, shall receive the protection of the king and chiefs. 3d. The fullest protection shall be given to all foreign ships and vessels which may be wrecked, and any property saved shall be taken possession of by the master of the vessel, who will allow a salvage, or . portion of the property so saved, to those who may aid in saving and protecting the same; and no embezzlement will be permitted under any circumstances whatever. The effects of all persons deceased shall be given up to the consul of the nation to which they may have belonged. 4th. Any person guilty of the crime of murder upon any foreigner, shall be given up without delay to the commander of any public vessel of the nation to which the deceased may belong, upon his demanding the same, or be punished on shore. 5th. Every vessel shall pay a port-charge of three dollars for anchorage, to the king, before she will be allowed to receive refreshments on board, and shall pay for pilotage in and out the sum of seven dollars, before she leaves the harbour; and pilots shall be appointed, subject to the approval of the consuls. 6th. All trading in spirituous liquors, or landing the same, is strictly forbidden. Any person offending shall pay a fine of twenty-five dollars, and the vessel to which he belongs shall receive no more refreshments. Any spirituous liquors found on shore shall be seized and destroyed. 7th. All deserters from vessels will be apprehended, and a reward paid of eight dollars, viz., five dollars to the person who apprehended APPENDIX. 409 him, and three dollars to the chief of the district in which he may be apprehended, on his delivery to the.proper officer of the vessel. No master shall refuse to receive such deserter under a penalty of twenty- five dollars. Deserters taken after the vessel has sailed, shall be delivered up to the consul, to be dealt with as he may think fit. Any person who entices another to desert, secretes a deserter, or in any way assists him, shall be subject to a penalty of five dollars. 8th. Any seaman remaining on shore after nine o'clock at night, shall be made a prisoner of until the next morning, when he shall be sent on board, and shall pay a fine of five dollars. 9th. Should the master of any vessel refuse to comply with any of these regulations, a statement of the case shall be furnished to the consul of the nation to which he belongs, and redress sought from thence. 10th. All magistrates or chiefs of districts, when vessels or boats may visit, shall enforce the rules and regulations relative to the apprehension of deserters, or pay such a fine as the principal chief shall impose. 11th. These regulations shall be printed, promulgated, and a copy furnished to the master of each vessel visiting these islands. Done in council by the principal chiefs of the Feejee Group, this 14th day of May, A. D. 1840. Tanoa, his X mark, King and Principal Chief of Ambau, and the adjacent districts and islands. In presence of Wm. L. Hudson, Commanding U. S. Ship Peacock. R. R. Waldron, Purser, U. S. Navy. B. Vanderford, United States Navy. The foregoing commercial regulations having been signed by King Tanoa in my presence, and submitted to me, after due consideration, I approve of the same, and shall forward a copy of them to the American government, for the information of masters of vessels visiting the Feejee group of islands. Charles Wilkes, U. S. Ship Vin .Feejee Islands, May 14th, 1840. APPENDIX. You will proceed with the Peacock to the harbour of Rewa,-where you will anchor, and endeavour to effect the signing of rules and regulations similar to those recently made by Tanoa, King of Ambau, making friends with the chiefs and favourably impressing them with our intentions towards them. You will, in all probability, overtake Lieutenant Emmons, at Rewa, whom you will furnish with all the aid in your power for the accomplishment of his work. You will explore with your boats a river in the vicinity of Rewa, coming from the . centre of the island of Vitilevu; affording the scientific gentlemen an opportunity of making collections. In order to secure the safety of your boats, it will be necessary to engage the services of a chief. There is a man, named Phillips, residing there, who is well disposed and speaks English. A gun will be fired morning and evening during your stay. After having satisfied yourself that nothing more can be procured at Rewa, you will proceed with the Peacqck to the island of Kantavu, where you will anchor, if possible, and explore as much of the coast and interior as your time will permit. From thence you will proceed to examine Vatulele, fixing its latitude and longitude. Thence you will run down the coast to the west end of the island of Vitilevu, entering within the reefs at Malolo, and anchoring in the harbour of Amboa; which'you will reach by the 25th instant, and there be rejoined by the boats of your ship. At Amboa you will, in all probability, meet the ship Leonidas, Captain Eagleston, and on board that ship there is a Mr. London, who is considered a good pilot for the Asaua Islands. You will, therefore, endeavour to engage his services as soon after your arrival as possible. If his services can be engaged immediately, and he deems it safe for the Peacock to anchor at those islands, you will proceed with your ship, launch, and first cutter to such place as he may recommend, where you will commence an examination of them. Nine days are supposed to be amply sufficient for this purpose, if the weather should be fine ; after which time you will proceed to Sandalwood Bay, where you will again anchor. On your arrival there, you will despatch your two boats to survey the south side of the island of Vanua-levu, to continue the examination until they receive further orders. APPENDIX. 411 You will have to calculate your time closely, as it is very important that you should reach Amboa by the date mentioned. If Mr. London does not deem it safe for your ship to go to the Asaua Islands, you will then proceed direct to Sandalwood Bay, by such passage as you may deem best, taking Mr. London with you if possible, as an extra pilot, to be employed in any vessel of the squadron that may be deemed most suitable. On your arrival at Sandalwood Bay, in case of your going direct from Amboa, your launch and first cutter will be despatched to execute the survey before mentioned, while, with your other boats, you will make a survey of the bay. At that anchorage you will await my arrival. If any accident should befall you, measures will be taken to inform me as soon as possible. The regulation relative to the hours that the officers are required to be on board the ships, will be strictly enforced. Wishing you a successful cruise, I am, &c. s WlLKl Commanding Exploring Expediti VII. U. S. Ship Vincennes, Ovolau, May 17th, 1840. Sir,— The bearer, Connel, was present at the massacre of the crew of the Charles Doggett; he knows all the circumstances and parties concerned, and may be of service to you, if you should conclude to take any measures relative to her. It is earnestly to be desired that some steps should be taken to obtain the chief, or perhaps destroy the town where the offence occurred. Your own judgment will, however, be your best guide as to the course to be pursued; that which you adopt will be satisfactory to me. I am, &c, Charles Wilkes, Commanding Exploring Expedition. Captain Hudson, U. S. Ship Peacock, Rewa. APPENDIX. F JAMES MAGOUN. The following is the deposition of James Magoun, a native of Salem, Massachusetts, in relation to the murder of the crew of the brig Charles Doggett, Captain Bachelor, at the island of Kantavu. il On the 1st of September, 1834, I joined the brig Charles Doggett, in the Moturiki Passage, as a supernumerary, to be employed in curing the biche de mar. The crew of the vessel consisted at that time of twenty-five men, besides an Irishman-by the name of Patrick Connel, long a resident among the Feejees, by whom he is called Berry. On Thursday, September 3d, we arrived at Kantavu, and came to anchor within musket-shot of the shore. Vendovi, the chief who was to have charge of the party, immediately came on board, and having received a present, returned to the shore with Captain Bachelor. It was there agreed between these two, that on Monday following a large boat should be despatched to Kantavu-levu, to purchase tortoise-shell, while the pinnace went for water, and during their absence a large canoe should go alongside, with a present of yams and taro. On Saturday, September 5th, I was on shore with eleven men, curing biche de mar, when an unusual noise outside the house attracted my attention, and I went out to see what was the matter. The natives answered to my inquiries, that our pigs had got out of the pen, and they were driving them back again; but on looking into the pen, I saw all the pigs safe. This circumstance awakened my suspicions, which I immediately communicated to the men that were at work with me. Early on Sunday morning, I applied to the natives who were in our employ to make me some ava, but they all hung down their heads, and excused themselves on frivolous pretences : this confirmed my suspicions of the previous night, and I reported my fears to Barton and Clark. Vendovi was at this time in the spirit-house, and the natives were offering us yams and taro, all of which we purchased. About 7 a. m., I found Vendovi upon the beach, preparing to shove off in a small canoe, and applied to him for a passage to the brig, which he refused, saying, "Why do you wish to go on board?" I answered, to get some tobacco and coffee. " I'll bring them to you myself," he said, and ordered his people to shove off. I now walked to our house, and sat down at the end of it, to keep a look-out on the brig. When Vendovi had been on board about fifteen minutes, I was surprised to see the chief who had been retained as a hostage, get over the side, and land APPENDIX. 413 at a very unusual place. I called the attention of my comrades to this singular procedure, and as the hostage feigning himself sick came along, supported by two men, I inquired what was the matter. He answered that " the spirit had hit him." About 8 a. m., I saw the captain accompanying Vendovi to the gangway of the brig, and immediately walk aft again, to give the mate a bottle. The mate, with Vendovi and-four men, in the pinnace, now left the brig, and pulled for the same unusual landing-place, where the hostage had landed. Vendovi, on landing, accompanied Mr. Chitman, the mate, part of the way to the biche de mar house, and there left him. I now inquired of Mr. Chitman why he came on shore. He answered, " To bring the bottle of medicine to the sick chief." This he accordingly deposited at the door of the house, and went in. I lost no time when he came out to repeat my suspicions of the natives to Mr. Chitman, who accordingly determined to return without delay to the brig. On his way to the boat, Mr. Chitman met Vendovi, who took him by the hand and walked along with him a short distance, then suddenly seized him by both arms, and held him fast while a native beat him to death with a club. I now betook myself to the house, and loud shouts ensued outside, in the midst of which I heard Vendovi's voice ordering his people to murder all the whites. While this was in progress, the Kantavu chief gave orders to fire the house, which was accordingly done in several places. While the house was burning, three Tahitians belonging to the brig, all wounded with spears, came in and stood beside me: one of them soon left us; the second sat down in a corner, saying he would sooner be burned than clubbed to death. I remained with the third until I heard a native outside telling another that the white men were all dead, and it was time to share the spoils. When no longer able to bear the heat, we ran out together and took to the water. The Tahitian was a good swimmer, eluded the pursuit of the natives, and got safe on board. I was up to my waist in the water, when, looking around, I saw a man raising a club to strike me. After receiving four blows on my head, back, and hands, I drew my knife to defend myself. At this the assassin retreated, and called to the pursuer of the Tahitian for assistance to despatch me. By this time I had slipped off the bank, and fortunately escaped a spear and club that were hurled at me, struggled into deep water, and was picked up by the pinnace. In the mean time the brig kept up a fire from her big guns, on a cave to which the natives had retreated, and obliged some of them to raise a breastwork, from which they ineffectually fired with their muskets in return, while others were engaged in dragging the dead bodies of our comrades over the beach. On Monday morning 414 APPENDIX. we saw nine of the dead bodies stretched on the shore astern of the brig; the tenth, a negro, had been cooked, but the natives had not eaten him, because they fancied his flesh tasted of tobacco. Captain Bachelor, with the assistance of Connel, contrived to get the dead brought off to the brig in exchange for a musket. The bodies were so much mutilated that they could not be distinguished, so we sewed them up in canvass, and buried them alongside. About three days after, we got under way and went over to Ovolau. (Signed) James Magoun. Personally appeared before me, the deponent, James Magoun, and took oath upon the Holy Evangelists of Almighty God, that the foregoing statement to which he has appended his name, is in every particular true. (Signed) William L. Hudson, Commanding U. S. Ship Peacock. Witnesses. Wm. M. Walker, Lieutenant, U. S. N. J. C. Palmer, Assistant Surgeon. Wm. Sweden, Purser, U. S. N. I certify that I have known James Magoun for several years, and believe him to be a man whose statements are to be trusted. (Signed) J. H. Eagleston, Master of the Ship Leonidas. Feejee Islands, June 15th, 1840. U. S. Ship Vincennes, Ovolau, May 31st, 1840. Sir,— The launch and first cutter, with Messrs. De Haven, Thompson, and Elliott, twelve men, and a pilot, are placed under your orders for surveying duty. You will observe the following instructions very particularly, and in no case depart from them, unless it is for the preservation of youi party. You will avoid landing any where on the main land or islands, unless the latter should be uninhabited. Every precaution must be observed in treating with natives, and none must be suffered to come alongside or near your boats, without APPENDIX. 415 your boarding-nettings being up. All trade must be carried on over the stern of your boats, and your arms and howitzers be always kept ready to repel an attack. You will avoid any disputes with them, and never be off your guard or free from suspicion: they are in no case to be trusted. Your two boats must never be separated at night, but anchored as near together as possible. You will proceed to the northward, and examine the reefs, passages, and islands, towards the Buia land, on the west side of *Mokani and *Vakai, connecting the positions of the different reefs and points with those of Ovolau. At Passage Island you will obtain a round of angles on the objects we have observed, or from Ovolau. I shall anchor there with the tender on Tuesday or Wednesday, where you will await me until Thursday morning. From Passage Island you will proceed to *Labatoo, and from thence to Mbua Bay, making all possible examinations and surveys. Chronometers are furnished to the boats, and their rates and errors given. You will make careful comparisons daily, noting them in your books. A patent log is furnished you to measure your distances run, and an azimuth compass. You will observe the variation, and not omit your latitude daily by meridian observations or double altitudes; and also sights for your chronometers morning and evening. You will make a rough diagram or chart as you proceed, distinct from your note-book, noting thereon the latitude and longitude of the principal points. Each boat will keep a log of her proceedings, in which the.results of observations for latitude and longitude will be inserted, showing the positions of your boats at noon, their anchorage at night, and the spot from which they get under way in the morning. You will communicate these instructions to Mr. De Haven. I am, &c, Charles Wilkes, Commanding Exploring Expedition. P. S. The boats will always be kept within signal distance, and separated only in cases of necessity for a short time. Respectfully, &c, C. W. APPENDIX. Sir i, June 10th, 1840. You will examine and survey the island of Somu-somu, by the south around to the northeast point; thence by the island off Hat and Cap Islands, and thence to the islands and reefs to the northward, as far as the island or reef called Farewell Island. You will return toward the north end of Somu-somu, surveying the islands and reefs in your way to the harbour of Tubou, to the north of this anchorage. From thence to the opposite shore of Vanua-levu, taking up Mount Cocoa-nut and its points, and, proceeding to the northward and westward, the boats carefully examining the reefs and bays for harbours, as far as the bay of Mali, when you will enter the reef, and proceed to the anchorage near Kie, or Muthuata, on the chart, where you will meet me or orders. On your arrival at Muthuata, your work will be brought up, and the notes or deck-board agreeably to formula, and a rough chart of your surveys furnished me, together with your report up to that time. If you should, on your way to Muthuata, meet any of the boats of the squadron surveying, you will despatch them back, provided you have completed the work as far as you have gone. You will take up their points, and carefully examine their operations, making and continuing your charts up to Muthuata. It is impossible for me to point out the length of time this will occupy you; but it is hoped you will do the work as quickly as possible, and at the same time effectually. In the event of accident, you will inform me at Muthuata, by the earliest opportunity. Before leaving Somu-somu, you will ascertain whether any of the boats of the squadron have been seen to pass around the island of Vanua-levu. supplied with three months' wood and j had without impeding The Porpoise will be kept s water, filled at those places where it may fc your operations. la r. Com. C. Ringgold, U. S. Brig Porpoise. - Q, &C, Charles Wilkes, Commanding Exploring Expedition. APPENDIX. X. U. S. Ship Vincennes, At Sea, January 29th, 1840. You will proceed with the Flying-Fish, to beat up for the Horseshoe Shoal, ascertain its correct latitude and longitude from Ovolau, and angling from it on the different islands in sight, and getting its extent. Thence to the island of Goro, which you will carefully examine for harbours, and sounding carefully any that may be found; tracing its reefs and shores, and ascertaining the latitude and longitude of one of its points, by observations with the sextant and artificial horizon. After completing this duty, you will stand in for Savu-savu, and if I should not be there, you will proceed direct to Sandalwood Bay. It is expected that this duty, will be quickly, at the' same time effectually, performed. Mr. Colvocoressis, with a boat and her crew, will join you from his ship. I am, &c, Charles Wilkes, Commanding Exploring Expedition. Lieutenant James Alden, U. S. Ship Vincennes. Lieutenant Alden and Mr. Sandford, with a boat and her crew, will be prepared to join the Flying-Fish for duty, on the ship's anchoring. Charles Wilkes, Commanding Exploring Expedition. U. S. Ship Vincennes, At Sea, June 29th, 1840. Sir p Vincennes, i-savu Bay, July 4th, 1840. . You will proceed with the Flying-Fish to Nandi Bay, where you will find the launch and first cutter. You will there receive Carter, the pilot, on board, and proceed to Passage Island, from which point you will steer so as to strike the reefs seen by you from the Annan Islands. VOL. III. 53 APPENDIX. The theodolite Mr. Perry has, will be delivered to you. You will land, if possible, on the above reefs, and observe a full round of angles, together with the latitude and longitude, by equal altitudes. Any reefs you may meet with on your way, you will take sufficient angles to establish their positions. The direction of the current will also claim your attention, and the time of high and low water. Should you require the services of another officer, you will take one from the launch or cutter. You will be expected to join the 10th instant. me at Sandalwood Bay, on or before I am, &c, Charles Wilkes, ' Commanding Exploring Expedite l XI. U. S. Ship Vincennes, Savu-savu, July 3d, 1840. You will, with the launch and first cutter, Mr. Knox, proceed this night to the harbour of Kombelau, which you will finish your survey of, by taking careful soundings, &c. This, it is presumed you will finish to-morrow. You will proceed the next day to survey the bay of Nandi, if you should hear nothing from me in the mean time ; and after completing that work, you will proceed to Passage Island, where you will remain a day, for the purpose of proving the observations heretofore made there; thence to Sandalwood Bay, by the way of the sunken patches of coral leading from the main reef, which you will carefully explore, where you will find me or orders. The former orders relative to your intercourse with the natives, must be observed strictly: they are only revoked so far as respects landing for the necessary observations; and you must on no account omit the necessary precautions, as if you were apprehensive of an attack from them, viz.: that of arming yourselves well. The tides must be carefully observed, to ascertain the times of high and low water, in the way I have indicated to you, and their direction in ebb and flood, together with their strength by the current log. You will note, at the time, particularrly the trending of reefs and land in places. If the ship should be seen by you to-morrow evening off Kombelau, you will hoist two lights at the cutter's masthead, anchored off the APPENDIX. 419 inch, near the place of point of the reef, and also one in anchorage. If you should at any time discover this ship, or any boats or vessels of the squadron, you will endeavour to have one of your boats in signal distance, and keep a good look-out for them. One thing more, which is, that you will take nothing for granted that your pilot may say, but see for yourself until you are satisfied: I am, &c, Charles Wilkes, Commanding Exploring Expedition. U. S. Ship Vincennes, Mbua Bay, July 9th, 1840. Sir,— You will proceed, in charge of the Peacock's second cutter, taking with you Mr. Blunt, and Mr. Hunt the missionary, around the north end of Vanua-levu, towards Somu-somu. The first night you will reach the island of Tavea, but if the wind should favour you, you will be enabled to run all night, Mr. Blunt being well acquainted with the route. In case of your falling in with the schooner Kai-viti, you will take her with you to Muthuata, on your way.to Somu-somu, where you will probably meet the Porpoise, or hear something relative to her; if so, you will ascertain whether Lieutenant-Commandant Ringgold has taken up the survey of Vanua-levu from the points at which we commenced, in order to find whether all parts of the island have been thoroughly examined. If the Porpoise is found at Muthuata, you will deliver the letter to Lieutenant-Commandant Ringgold, who will supply your wants, and proceed with the Kai-viti to Somu-somu, where you will land Mr. Hunt, and engage a full cargo of yams, pigs, &c, for the Kai-viti, making as you proceed on the opposite side, examinations to complete the survey of this island. You will return by the south side of Vanua-levu, stopping in at Baino and Fawn Harbours, which you will re-examine, getting data by which they may be plotted on the scale of four inches to the mile; after which you will return to this bay as speedily as possible. In event of your hearing that an accident has occurred to the Porpoise, you will take immediate means to advise me of it, and endeavour to afford her any assistance that may be in your power. This duty it is supposed will not employ you more than ten days. The Kai-viti, in all probability, will be found to windward of Muthuata. 420 APPENDIX. You will, therefore, see the necessity of pushing beyond that place as quickly as possible. The letter to Captain Eagleston you will deliver on board the Leonidas as you pass her. On your meeting the boats of Lieutenant Walker, you will take under your command his best boat and crew, and put Mr. Blunt in charge of her, and proceed as rapidly as possible. After the Kai-viti is loaded with yams, &c, at Somu-somu, you will give her orders to proceed at once to this place to join the ships here. I need say nothing to you about Mr. Hunt, for I am sure you will take good care of him, and see him safely landed at his home. I am, &c, Charles Wilkes, Commanding Exploring Expedition. Lieutenant A. L. Case, P. S. If you should meet with the Porpoise, you will show these orders to Lieutenant-Commandant Ringgold. Respectfully, COPY OF STATEMENT RELATIVE TO THE DEATH OP JAMES CUNNINGHAM. I sailed from the ship, then at Ragi-ragi, to cruise to Muthuata, in the cutter Young Philips. We arrived at Muthuata on the I4th of March. On the same day, and at a place called " Navendarra," the natives made signal for us by smokes. It being inconvenient for us to stop, I proceeded to Muthuata, and concluded to call there on my return, which I accordingly did on the afternoon of the 15th of March. Soon after we had anchored, I sent James Cunningham on shore in the boat, to ascertain if there was any shell on shore. He soon returned, and reported that there were three heads of shell, and that if he would come on shore in the morning they would bring it off to sell. I accordingly despatched him early the next morning, with orders not to remain any length of time, as I was anxious to get back to the ship as soon as possible. After waiting two hours, I fired a gun as a signal for him to return ; immediately after which, the natives gave the war- shout and fired their muskets at us, the balls all falling short of us. I then got under way and stood across the bay several times, but neither saw nor heard any thing of the man until I arrived at Tavea, when I was informed that he had been killed and eaten; and I have no doubt APPENDIX it was done by the order of Gingi, a chief of Muthuata and of the town where the man was killed. We had no communication with these people, except what has been stated. (Signed) John Winn, First Officer, Ship Leonidas. I believe the foregoing statement to be correct. (Signed) J. H. Eagleston, Master, Ship Leonidas. Naloa Bay, June 13th, 1840. U. S. Ship Vincennes, Mbua Bay, July 12th, 1840. Sir,— You will have the following boats belonging to your ship, ready for service, fully manned, armed, and equipped, for surveying operations, viz.: gig, first cutter, and two quarter-boats. Passed Midshipman Eld will have charge of one of the quarter-boats. You wi appoint officers to the rest from your ship. You will order Dr. Palmer to. the Flying-Fish, and ten men will b sent to her, with three days' provisions for them and the crews of the boats. Charles Wilkes, Commanding Exploring Expedition. Captain Wm. L. Hudson, U. S. Ship Peacock. Lieutenant Alden, Passed Midshipman May, Dr. Fox, Gunner Williamson, and ten men, will be sent to the Flying-Fish. Lieutenant Perry will have charge of the launch with Midshipman Henry. Lieutenant Underwood of the Leopard, with Midshipman Elliott. Mr. Knox, of the Rover. The men sent to the schooner, and the crews of the boats, will b supplied with three days' provisions. Passed Midshipman Eld will report for duty to Captain Hudson. Charles Wilkes, Commanding Exploring Expediti U. S. Ship Vincennes, Mbua Bay, July 12th, 1840. 422 APPENDIX. P. S. The boats will be fully armed and equipped for surveying service, and ready for duty this afternoon by five o'clock. Sir,- U. S. Ship Vincennes, Mbua Bay, July 13th, 1840. On your arrival here, you will lose no time in repairing to the anchorage under Rabe-rabe Point, about fourteen miles to windward of this bay, where, if you should not find me after a stay of one day, you will proceed to Levuka, Ovolau. I am, very respectfully, &c, Charles Wilkes, '. Commanding Exploring Expedition. Lieut. Com. C. Ringgold, U. S. Brig Porpoise. 1st Lieutenant Perry will rejoin the Peacock, and be employed with charts. 2d. Doctor Fox and Passed Midshipman Eld will hold themselves in readiness for service in the Flying-Fish. 3d. The Flying-Fish will be ready for sea at twelve o'clock tomorrow. 4th. The first cutter and Leopard, of the Vincennes, and the first cutter of the Peacock, will also be in readiness for service, at twelve o'clock to-morrow, equipped for surveying duty, with provisions for ten days for full crews. Lieutenant Alden will have charge of the first cutter of this ship, with Midshipman Henry; Lieutenant Emmons, the Peacock's first cutter; and Lieutenant Underwood, the Leopard. Charles Wtlkes, Commanding Exploring Expedition. U. S, Ship Vincennes, Mbua Bay, July 14th, 1840. U. S. Ship Vincennes, July 14th, 1840. Sir,— Having been fully satisfied that the chiefs brought from Sualib were innocent of any participation in the piratical act recently committed at APPENDIX. 423 that village, I have released them from confinement, and given them presents, to encourage them in friendly actions to foreigners, and shall return them to their homes. You will communicate this to the officers and crew of the Peacock, and express to them my entire satisfaction of their conduct on that occasion, tendering them my thanks for their efficient services. I am, &c, Charles Wilkes, Commanding Exploring Expedition. Captain Hudson, U. S. Ship Peacock. 1st. Proceed through the Round Island Passage to the northward as far as latitude 16° 25', and fall in with the sea-reef to the eastward; thence follow it to the southward and westward to Biva. 2d. Survey that island ; where you will perhaps meet me, or one of the boats. 3d. Thence to the southward and eastward, follow the reef as far as Malolo Passage. 4th. Enter Malolo Passage, and anchor under that island, or within sight of it, and await me or orders. In four days I contemplate reaching it. 5th. Observations, &c, to be made at Biva on shore. Respectfully, &c, Charles Wilkes, Commanding Exploring Expedition. Lieut. Com. C. Ringgold, U. S. Brig Porpoise. 25th July, 1840. Sir,— At the given signal being made, you will land, and follow the route designated in the plot herewith enclosed, with the force placed under your command. When you reach the top of the island, so as to be seen from the schooner or boats, you will make a signal with ensign, if you have been successful, and it is your intention to approach to our side. If 424 APPENDIX. you find it impossible, you will then make signal No. 5. On your coming in sight, our attack will begin, which you will have notice of from the schooner's guns. The disposition of your force (sixty men) is left to your own judgment ; but great care is to be taken that your men are well arranged in divisions, to support each other, and that they are not suffered to stray from their divisions. Strict orders must be given that their ammunition is not wasted, and that their fire is reserved for the natives. No woman or child is, on any account, to be hurt, unless it should be for the preservation of life of your party; but every man or native capable of using a club, or stone, is to be destroyed. This you will make all understand before they leave the brig. Your whole force must be ready by eight o'clock to-morrow morning. The strictest injunctions will be given that all orders are executed strictly and with promptness, and in silence, and no confusion suffered to take place. You will destroy every kind of plantation. Respectfully, your obedient servant, Charles Wilkes, Commanding Exploring Expedition. Lieut. Com. C. Ringgold, U. S. Brig Porpoise. SlR,- U. S. Brig Porpoise, Isle of Malolo, July 26th, 1840. In compliance with your instructions of this day, I landed on the isle with a force of sixty men, arranged in three equal divisions, taking the centre myself, with Lieutenants Johnson and Maury on my right and left, and proceeded without delay to the accomplishment of your orders. My first object was to endeavour to dislodge the natives who had assembled in considerable numbers on the hill-tops, armed, and evincing signs of hostility. I employed Lieutenant Maury in the destruction of extensive plantations on the left, while Lieutenant Johnson proceeded on the right towards the hills. Our movements could not be concealed from the natives, owing to the surface of the isle being free from undergrowth and trees, and our approach of course discovered in time for them to flee to more remote and distant peaks. I at once resolved to proceed forthwith to the attack of the village, calling the two divisions to my assistance, and set forth in the direction of it, about a mile distant. I soon discovered the natives were APPENDIX. 425 determined to resist and give battle, being in great numbers, and apparently using their exertions to strengthen their position. Upon reconnoitring, I found the village situated in a plain, at the base of a high peak, and in the midst of an extensive cocoa-nut grove. A very strong and ingeniously constructed stockade surrounded it, with a large deep dike, and an entrenchment, breast high, thrown up within, evidently for the occasion. The stockade was formed of heavy piles of cocoa-tree firmly driven in, and strengthened by a closely interwoven barrier of bamboo, rendering the whole almost impervious to a rifle-ball; it was of quadrangular form, with a small opening at three of the angles. My first intention was to surround the stockade, and advance upon it simultaneously, under a fire, but was prevented, from the fear of sustaining serious injury from our own cross-fire. I concluded to assail it from three points, having the advantage of confining the natives to a small space for escape, and that in the direction of the sea, near at hand. After a short attack, in which the chief and six men were killed, resistance ceased, when I withdrew to a short distance to replenish the cartridge-boxes, examine the arms, &c. While thus engaged, I directed a party to fire the town, which was executed, and the entire destruction followed, together with much of the property. I completed the work of destruction by setting fire to and destroying the canoes, &c. The officers and men evinced that zeal and energy to be expected from those despatched upon the melancholy duty of avenging the death of our comrades, and in the chastisement necessary to be inflicted under the circumstances. I am happy to report having sustained no injury beyond a few slight wounds from arrows and spears, although many fire-arms were used by the natives in their resistance. I then spread the divisions again, and hastened on with a desire to scour the remainder of the isle, cross the mountains, and descend upon the opposite village. Upon reaching the summit of the ridge dividing the isle, I perceived from the smoking plain below, I had been anticipated. I descended the plain, where I joined you, and at 8 p. m. had reached the Porpoise with the force, all In good order. I am, very respectfully, &c, C. Ringgold, Lieutenant-Commandant. Charles Wilkes, Esq., Commanding Exploring Expedition. VOL. III. 2L2 54 426 APPENDIX. P. S. If you require it, I will without delay furnish a more minute detail of my proceedings. Respectfully, C. Ringgold. E REPORT OF U. S. Ship Vincennes, Feejee Islands, August 1st, 1840. Sir,— In compliance with your instructions, I have the honour to submit to you the following report of transactions which fell under my observation, between the 21st and 24th ultimo. At daylight on the morning of the 22d, the Flying-Fish stood to sea from the anchorage near the south end of Naviti Island. Soon after, I followed with the boats, and made the best of my way towards my destination. At sunset, the wind failing, anchored under one of the small islands to the northward of Malolo. Next morning got under way,, and at 5 p. m. anchored in the harbour on the east side of that island. Supposing it possible that the Porpoise had anchored on the opposite side, where you had directed me to join her, I despatched Lieutenant Underwood with directions to land near the opening between the islands, where, by ascending a slight eminence, he would have a view of her anchorage; communicating to him my doubts of the good feeling of the natives, with which I had been impressed in the short time I had had of observing their conduct on my previous cruise, also that we had held no intercourse with them ; directing him at the same time to be well armed, and return before sunset A few minutes after he had landed, I saw him return to his boat, with one of his crew, who had landed with him, and a native; at the same time I observed certain movements among a party of natives, who at the moment appeared around the point near which Lieutenant Underwood's boat was lying, and with whom he appeared to hold conversation. I immediately hoisted his recall, which was promptly obeyed. After reporting no vessel in sight, he informed me of the following circumstances, which had occurred during his short absence. As he ascended the hill, already referred to, He suddenly came upon a native carrying an armful of clubs, who, the moment he perceived Lieutenant Underwood, threw down his burden and attempted flight, but was detained and made to follow them towards the boat. When he arrived on the beach, the party of whom I have spoken approached, APPENDIX. 427 and appeared much disconcerted at finding their comrade without arms and in his power. After some conversation with Lieutenant Underwood on the subject, we mutually agreed that in our endeavours to procure provisions, of which we were in need, it would be necessary to adopt every precaution. Next morning, the 24th, we discovered the schooner at anchor about eight miles to the eastward, and at nine o'clock Lieutenant Emmons joined us with the Peacock's first cutter. Several natives came off with a few yams and small pigs, and in reply to our inquiries, informed us that their town was too distant to bring off provisions in great quantities, and that we must go there if we desired more. I then gave John Sac, our interpreter, permission to visit the town to ascertain if provisions could be obtained; he soon returned, and informed me that he thought we could get what we wanted. Lieutenant Underwood immediately requested permission to go and make the necessary purchases, which I granted, informing him that I would follow as soon as the tide permitted, when he shoved off for the passage between the islands. About the same time, Lieutenant Emmons departed, for the purpose of making observations on the smaller island. I soon perceived that the Leopard grounded in the passage, and that a number • of natives, perhaps fifteen or twenty, had collected about her, and joining their song with that of the boat's crew, were assisting to drag her through. As the number of natives appeared increasing, and impelled by apprehensions of some danger, I immediately attempted to follow him, but the cutter being much heavier, I was unable to do so, until after a detention by the tide of perhaps twenty minutes. After getting into the bay, I found the Leopard at anchor about two thousand feet from the shore, in just sufficient water to permit me to get alongside, and was informed by the crew that Lieutenant Underwood had gone ashore, leaving a hostage, whom I immediately took into my boat. With the aid of my glass, I saw Lieutenant Underwood, with several of his crew, apparently in conversation with a party of twelve or fifteen natives. Nothing occurred for the space of an hour, when Robert Furman was sent off by Lieutenant Underwood to inform me that the natives would not trade unless for muskets or powder. I directed Furman to return to the shore and say to Mr. Underwood, that I would not consent to such an exchange while the schooner was within reach ; that we could be supplied by her; and to hurry off, as I thought he had been quite long enough absent to purchase all we required, if the natives were disposed to trade. About this time Midshipman Henry obtained my permission, and left for the shore. A few II I 428 APPENDIX. minutes after, a small canoe came alongside, and after an exchange of some words with the hostage, he displayed a little anxiety to return with them to the shore. As they pushed off, he attempted to leave the boat, when I took him by the arm and directed him to sit down, giving him to understand, as well as possible, that he must keep quiet till the return of our party. Shortly after, Lieutenant Emmons rejoined me, and made his boat fast to mine. In about half an hour Jerome Davis came off to say, that with another hatchet Lieutenant Underwood could purchase all required. I directed Davis to take it to him, and say to Mr. Underwood, that I desired to see him without delay; to come off with what he could get as soon as possible. In the mean time, the water having risen, I ordered the Leopard to drop in as near the landing as possible. She had been gone about ten minutes, when the hostage jumped overboard and made for the beach, which was the first intimation I received of any thing going wrong on the shore. * I immediately seized my rifle and directed it at him, when he slackened his pace. I then ordered two men to follow and secure him ; he thereupon resumed his course, when I determined to shoot him, but stayed my hand lest his death should bring destruction to our absent people. As I turned to direct my boat to be got under way, I noticed Midshipman Clark in the act of firing, and ordered him to fire over his head, at the same time directed Lieutenant Emmons to pull after and take him if possible, dead or alive. The report of fire-arms then reached us from the beach, to which ensued a general melee, the natives having suddenly increased to about fifty. By this time my boat was flying before a fresh breeze to the stage of conflict, and I called to Lieutenant Emmons to follow me. In a few moments we passed the Leopard shoving out, when I was informed of the death of Lieutenant Underwood. The boats had not yet grounded, but we immediately jumped overboard, and with all speed hastened to the beach, opening a fire upon the natives as soon as they were within range, when they immediately dispersed, carrying oft' their dead and wounded. Before we got upon the beach, we found J. G. Clark (seamen), badly wounded, and delirious; I directed some one to take him to the boat, and con tinued my course. When I reached the beach nothing living was to be seen. About ten paces from the water I found Lieutenant Underwood lying upon his back, partially stripped of his clothing. I raised his head upon my arm, and hope was for a moment flattered on perceiving some signs of life; but, alas! he breathed twice only. Turning aside from the melancholy spectacle, my eye fell on Midshipman Henry, who lay very much in the same situation in which I had found Lieu- APPENDIX. 429 tenant Underwood. This was the earliest intimation I had of his being one of the sufferers. I raised him in my arms, and hope again was flattered—I thought I perceived him breathe. A native lay a few paces from him, badly wounded. I ordered him despatched; and with heavy hearts we bore our murdered comrades to the boat, and made sail for the schooner, which we reached in about an hour, at five o'clock P. M. Very respectfully, I am, sir, your obedient servant, (Signed) James Alden, Lieutenant, U. S. Navy. To Charles Wilkes, Esq.., Commanding Exploring Expedition. XV. U. S. Ship Vincennes, August 10th, 1840. Sir,— You will proceed and finish the survey of Natavi Bay, from Unda Point to the outside of Rambe Isle, thence to Somu-somu and the bay , within Kea Island, and between it and Mount Cocoa-nut. At Somu- somu you will impress upon the chief that an active watch is being kept upon his conduct towards the missionaries; and if they should require any assistance that it is in your power to render them, you will do so. From Somu-somu you will proceed towards Turtle Island, and make diligent search after the crew of the Shylock, and if they are found, you will afford them every assistance in your power, and at the same time make examinations for the reef on which the Shylock was wrecked. From thence proceed, with all despatch, towards the Sandwich Islands. It is believed, in your route northward, you may reach the Samoan Islands, where you will be enabled to get a supply of fresh pork; if so, touch at Apia and see Mr. Williams. If he has not been enabled to capture Opotuno, you will receive of him the articles left there, and supply your crew amply with provisions. On leaving the Samoan Group, there are said to have been seen a group of islands, lying to the northward and eastward, about two hundred and fifty miles; these will lay in your route to the equator, and you will run for them if time will permit you to reach the harbour of Honolulu, without reducing the allowance. 430 APPENDIX. On your passage towards the Sandwich Islands, you may calculate on making your easting under the equator, as westerly winds are said to prevail at this season. The cooper of the Shylock is transferred to the Porpoise. Wishing you a pleasant passage, I am, &c, Lieut. Com. C. Rinc Charles Wilkes, Commanding Exploring Expediti P. S. You will procure sufficient provisions to complete your rations for the crew, from any vessels you may meet with. Should you succeed in obtaining the chief Opotuno, you will keep him safely on board the Porpoise until further orders, and will obtain from the consul or missionaries all the evidence possible, relative to his attacking any American citizens. C. W. You will proceed to the Sandwich Islands, running for all shoals that may lay in or near your track, and if any are found, they will be carefully examined. A copy of those existing is herewith enclosed. This duty is not to divert you so far from your course, as to subject you to the necessity of a further reduction of your rations. " You will endeavour to procure provisions from any vessel you may meet with, so as to enable you to issue the complete ration. I am, &c, Charles Wilkes, Commanding Exploring Expedition. Captain Hudson, U. S. Ship Peacock. I send you the dipping-needles: at any land yoi observations with them. You will not omit, on making any land whatev ea, August 11th, 1840. make, you will get APPENDIX. 431 patent log, and run a. base, and get what results you can in passing it, particularly the latitude and longitude of its points and peaks. On your way to the northward, I have concluded you will be enabled to reach Vavao without difficulty. You will therefore have communication with it so far as to ascertain the dispositions of the Shylock's men, without delay. I am, &c, Charles Wilkes, Commanding Exploring Expedition. Lieut. Com. C. Ringgold, U. S. Brig Porpoise. Sib,— You will proceed and make the reef off Kie, and sail it close aboard, as far only as Round Island. You will not look for it to the westward of Round Island, from whence you will proceed to carry out my order of the 11th inst, with all despatch. You will use the patent log, and report the result of all your transactions to me. I am, &c, Charles Wilkes, Commanding Exploring Expedition. Tender Flyin U. S. Ship Peacock, August 1st, 1840. Sir,— I address you this letter, for the purpose of stating the circumstances attendant upon the death of Smith, a man attached to the Kai-viti, under my command. I was at anchor on the night of the 14th of July, pretty near the land. Happening to be awake at eleven o'clock, I thought I would ascertain if the look-out was awake. I got up in the companion-way, and called him by name two or three times. Receiving no answer, I went forward and found him asleep. Taking up a small piece of sennit stuff, I struck him with it smartly on the hand. He awoke, and I reproached him for having neglected his duty. He denied having been asleep, and became insolent. I began 432 APPENDIX. to walk aft, but finding that he continued his impudence, I attempted to chastise him, and finally hove a small piece of wood at him. He caught it, and advanced with it uplifted, to strike me. Seeing this, I said " What, you dare!" and then seized him by the shirt, and made some blows with my fist. He clenched me, and in the struggle that followed we both pitched overboard. He dragged me a few feet below the surface, but fortunately lost his hold. I rose, and got on board by the fore-channels. At the time of his death, Smith had on a pea-jacket and tarpaulin trousers, and could not, I understand, swim. The pilot was awake below, and probably heard some of the conversation between us. At the time I was coming out of the water, he was on deck, and saw me. The next day I tried to get some natives to dive for the body, but they refused, giving as a reason their fear of sharks. I am, sir, Very respectfully, Your obedient servant, George W. Harrison, Passed Midshipman Respectfully referred to Captain Wilkes. William L. Hudson, Commanding Peacock. XVII. June 12th, 1834. Captain French Brig. Dear Sir,—I address you as a stranger, and I hope you will not think hard of me for writing you a few lines to put you on your guard. This being my third voyage to these islands, will show you that I understand the roguishness of the natives. They are a treacherous set of devils, and you can place no dependence on them. They will lead you on with fine stories, that they will fill your ship with shell and biche de mar; and after they get all out of you that they can, they will give you nothing; and from what I hear I fear they will finally take your ship. I hear you have but a few men, and as a friend I wish you to be on your guard. Do not let many of the natives come on board, for I know they are up to no good. Do not let this lead you to think I wish to get you from this place, for I 434 APPENDIX. Number of casks:- R. H., 1 to 16, 17, 21, 22, 23, 25, 26, 27, 29, 3 31, 32, 33, and 34,—twenty-nine casks. 31 and 32 empty. Fetoa, August 3d, 1840. This is to certify, that the twenty-seven casks of oil, and two empty casks, left on the northwest side of Turtle Island, marked H. 1 to 16, 17, 21, 22, 23, 25, 26, 27, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, have been sold by us to Captain C. B. Wilson, of schooner Currency Lass, and have received full payment for the same. On demand, we promise to deliver the said oil and casks to the said Charles B. Wilson, and to no other person whatever, native or foreigner. In the absence of Charles B. Wilson, we also promise to look after the oil, and prevent the natives or foreigners from stealing the said oil, or damaging the casks which contain said oil, and to erect a house over it, for which we have also received payment. We also promise to feed and protect Joseph Rees, who remains ashore with the oil. In testimony of which we set our hands. Faka Ilo Tonga, his X mark. Mataka Lakemba, " X " Davida Paula, " X " Witness—James Baillie. XX. Gideon Smith, a native of Bath, State of Massachusetts, United States, left the ship Harold, whaler, of Dorchester, Massachusetts, reported to have been murdered at or near Saluafata, Upolu, Navigator Islands, on Saturday evening, eleventh of July, one thousand eight hundred and forty, between the hours of seven and right. John Maitland, a native of Pernambuco, Brazil, having been duly sworn, stated, that a few days after G. Smith landed, (about the 1st of May,) he went to live with Palasi, in the village of Fatua, where he lived with a woman belonging to the family of Palasi. After a few weeks, he reported to J. Maitland that the family did not use him well. Maitland accordingly went with him, and stated to the family of Palasi, that they should have a monkey-jacket (belonging to. deceased, and which they much desired), on condition of their behaving kindly to him. Three nights previous to the murder, Palasi's family P P E N D I X. 435 wishing to drive Smith away and retain the jacket, took away the woman for three successive nights. He, Smith, left the house, on account of this usage, on Friday night, 10th instant, and came to Maitland's lodgings, at twelve o'clock at night, bringing with him three axes, four fathoms of cloth, a shawl, and a tapa, all of which belonged to the family of Palasi. He stated that the people had taken his jacket and detained the woman; that he had taken these articles till they should think proper to return the jacket. These articles were placed in Maitland's chest. The next morning, Palasi and his wife came and inquired for Smith, and said, " Keep the articles, but give me my white man." Smith refused to go, and said all he wanted was his jacket, which was soon after brought and delivered to Smith, who -then returned all the aforesaid articles which he had taken away. Maitland advised Smith not to leave the village, or walk about till the anger of the family was over. Deceased walked in the evening, in company with Maitland, to Murivai, a division of the village of Saluafata. Hearing that two white men had arrived from a distance, and were waiting at a neighbouring house, Smith said he wished to go to them, in order to fetch them to where Maitland and he then were, the distance of which did not exceed three hundred yards. Maitland advised him not to go, as there might be danger; but as he persisted, Maitland told him to be particular and look well about him. The moon was near the full, and the night clear, the fires having been lighted about an hour. About half an hour after Smith left, a native came with food to Maitland. A few minutes after, another native came and inquired for Smith. The native who first came then said, " He had stepped in something on the road: it could not have been water, it must have been blood." Now Seumu said he was afraid something had happened to Smith, as he had been visited by Vave alias Tagi, Palasi's brother, having in his hand an axe, inquiring at the same time for Smith, who he (Vave) said had a piece of siapo or tapa of his. He then said to a boy near Tui, " Come with me and seek Smith." On hearing this, Maitland ran to some white men and gave the alarm. Having procured lights, they all went to where the native said he had stepped in blood. When they found the blood, the alarm was general; the natives were assembled and searching for the body of the deceased. Maitland was not on the spot when the body was found, but came a few minutes afterwards. The corpse had one cut on the right side of the neck, which nearly severed the head from the body; another deep cut on the left side of the neck; a deep cut, seemingly with an axe, on the breast; another cut on the back of the 436 APPENDIX. head, which fractured the skull. Deceased was dressed in a dark red flannel shirt, with short sleeves, bound with white tape, a new pair of blue pilot-cloth trousers, and a leather belt round his waist; in his trousers-pocket he had a knife and two keys. On Sabbath morning the 12th, Mailland sent for the keys to the family with whom deceased had resided. They at first reported they could not be found, but afterwards, a woman named Tria brought them. William Brown, a native of South Carolina, United States, being duly sworn, slated: that on the evening of the 11th, between seven and eight, he, in company with, two white men, were passing along the path, when he heard the natives shouting that Smith was dead. About one hundred yards onwards, he saw blood on the path; and accompanying the natives with torches, they traced blood along a path till they found a larger quantity of blood. Further on, they saw the wall of a taro plantation broken down: from this there was no trace on account of water. After a few minutes, the body was discovered, buried under the mud and pressed down with stones. The body was taken up and washed. Tagi, alias Vave, being duly questioned, whether he had murdered the person, G. Smith: Did he or another kill the white man? He, Tagi, answered, " I did." Palasi being questioned: Did you assist to kill the white man ? He answered, "I did not see him till after he was dead : perhaps he killed himself." Tagi, why did you kill the white man? Answer. " My heart was pained with his theft." Tagi stated as follows: that when Smith first landed, he (Smith), accompanied by a white man, came to me to procure a female, having an American axe and a jacket as the reward or purchase for her services. Smith procured a little girl, a virgin, from his family; that some time afterwards, Smith and Maitland went to him (Tagi); Smith gave him a jacket; afterwards Smith said, he wished to live with Maitland. The family consented to let them go, and the girl attended him. The next day a report reached the family, that the girl had cried all night; and the cause of her crying was, that the white man had hurt her. After a time, Smith and the girl went to Tagi's house ■to live; and one night the girl left the tainamu (or bed) and slept outside. Smith got angry, and stole the jacket and went away, leaving the girl alone. He stayed several days at the shore, when, Atone, a white man, said Smith wished?to return. He was told, if he returned, the jacket must be returned likewise. He (Smith) went back and lived with the girl some time, till one night she again cried and called to APPENDIX. 437 Tagi. Smith never beat the girl, but she was not come to the years of puberty. He gave a long statement of the grievances of the girl, not being able to live with Smith from the cause, above mentioned. Smith departed with three axes and six properties. Next morning Palasi went and demanded the articles. Tagi, questioned, said : that they were in anger at his house at the loss of a piece of siapo, which belonged to the girl, which was missing; then he took up an axe and went in search of Smith: his wife followed him with a child. Questioned. When you took up the axe, did you intend to kill him? Answer. " I did." When he came along the road he told the woman not to follow him, but to go another road; but she persisted to follow him till they met Smith : she then turned away. Tagi twice asked Smith for the siapo, and Smith twice denied ever having it. He then took hold of Smith's hand, who wrenched it away. He immediately struck him with the axe, and killed him. Why did you kill him ? Because I was afraid he would steal all our property. It was my determination to kill him outright The woman fetched Tui and told him to follow Tagi, for he intended to kill the white man. He ran, and found Tagi attempting to strip the body, in which he assisted. They dragged the body to the stump of a cocoa-nut tree, where they left it. The woman, in the meanwhile, went to Palasi, and told him to follow Tagi. He met Tagi and the boy Tui. Tagi said, I have killed the white man. Have you buried the man of God ? No. Then let us go and bury him. They then went and buried him in the taro plantation. Palasi, being requested to sit apart from his relatives, who attended him while he was examined, stubbornly refused, and consequently the examination was put a stop to, as he, being informed by them of all the statements made by the confession of his brother, was directly on his guard not to implicate any one by his answers. ■ From circumstantial evidence, and the result of examination, it appears that Palasi, being acknowledged the head of the family, made the agreement with the deceased, came and demanded him the morning after he (Smith) carried off the property, and demanded his person in terms that left no doubt of his intention of doing violence to the person of the deceased. At the time, Palasi was attended by his wife and the lad Tui; they knew of his threats the same evening. Palasi was at hand to assist to bury the body; he chid his brother and the lad Tui 438 APPENDIX. for leaving it exposed. The woman was also at hand; leaving no doubt of their knowledge of the projected murder. But, from the positive refusal of them to comply with a separate examination, they . were told they must be considered as also guilty. They were informed of the satisfaction demanded by civilized nations for murder, having them tried and hanged in Tahiti, of what they should do, and that, on the arrival of an armed ship, they (the chiefs) particularly the head of the village, would be held responsible with his liberty for producing the family for trial, and Tagi for punishment. John Chawner Williams, United States Consul. Saluafeta, Upolu, 15th July, 1840. The foregoing statements were made in my presence, I having accompanied Mr. Williams to the village, and attended during the whole of the inquiry. William Crichton Cunningham, H. B. M. Vice-Consul for Navigator and Friendly Islands. 15th July, 1840. 1% if
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Original Format: University of British Columbia. Library. Rare Books and Special Collections. F880 .W66 1845A
United States Exploring Expedition (1838-1842)
Voyages around the world
Scientific expeditions
Oceania--Discovery and exploration
South America--Description and travel
Hawaii--Description and travel
Oregon--Description and travel
Antarctica
Narrative of the United States Exploring Expedition. During the years 1838, 1839, 1840, 1841, 1842. In five volumes, and an atlas. Vol. III
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