@prefix ns0: . @prefix edm: . @prefix dcterms: . @prefix dc: . @prefix skos: . ns0:identifierAIP "d38a63c1-1770-4afd-8198-76f833af364f"@en ; edm:dataProvider "CONTENTdm"@en ; dcterms:isReferencedBy "http://resolve.library.ubc.ca/cgi-bin/catsearch?bid=1198514"@en ; dcterms:isPartOf "British Columbia Historical Books Collection"@en, "Report of the north-western tribes of Canada"@en ; dcterms:creator "British Association for the Advancement of Science"@en ; dcterms:issued "2015-05-15"@en, "[1889?]"@en ; dcterms:description "\"Title varies slightly. No 2d report was published in any form. The 3d report does not appear to have been issued separately and can be found in the association's report for 1887, p. 173-200. Partial listing of contents for this series on p. 1-2 of the 10th report. Index to the 4th to 12th reports in the 12th report. Reprinted from: Report of the ... meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science. Papers on the physical characteristics, language, industry, and social conditions of Indian tribes in British Columbia by Franz Boas, A. F. Chamberlain, Livingston Farrand, Horatio Hale, and E. F. Wilson.\" -- Lowther, B. J., & Laing, M. (1968). A bibliography of British Columbia: Laying the foundations, 1849-1899. Victoria, BC: University of Victoria, p. 77."@en, ""@en ; edm:aggregatedCHO "https://open.library.ubc.ca/collections/bcbooks/items/1.0221931/source.json"@en ; dcterms:extent "[797]-893 pages : illustrations, tables ; 22 cm"@en ; dc:format "application/pdf"@en ; skos:note """ APPENDIX Fifth Report of the Committee, consisting of Dr. E. B. Tylor, Dr. (x. M. Dawson, General Sir J. H. Lefroy, Dr. Daniel Wilson, Mr. K. Gr. Haliburton, and Mr. G-eorge W. Bloxam {Secretary), appointed for the purpose of investigating and publishing reports on the physical characters, languages, and industrial and social condition of the North-Western Tribes of the Dominion of Canada. [PLATES X.—XV.] Remarks on North American Ethnology : Introductory to the Report on the Indians of British Columbia. By Hoeatio Hale. The Province of British Columbia offers probably the best field of ethnological research now to be found in North America. This distinction is due to two circumstances, each of much importance. The one is the fact that the tribes of this Province have thus far suffered less displacement and change from foreign influences than those of any other region. They still for the most part occupy their original seats, and they retain to a large extent their primitive customs and beliefs. The other circumstance, and one of special scientific interest, is the great number of linguistic ■stocks, or families of languages, which are found in the Province. There ■are, as will appear from the report and map, no less than eight of these J stocks, being twice as many as now exist in the whole of Europe. The importance of this fact will be appreciated if we bear in mind ■ that in America the linguistic stock is the universally accepted unit of ethnological classification.' It is not that the physical distinctions which have elsewhere been proposed as the basis of classifications are lacking on this continent. On the contrary, they are markedly apparent. In colour the difference is great between the fair-skinned Haidas and Tsimshians of the northern coasts and islands, and the swarthy, almost black, natives of Southern California. Even more notable is the difference between the short, squat, broad-faced, and coarse-featured members of the coast tribes of Oregon and British Columbia, and the tall, slender, oval-visaged Indians of the interior. The striking differences of cranial measurement are shown in Sir Daniel Wilson's work on 'Prehistoric Man.' Hair varying from coarse, straight, and black to fine, brown, and curly; eyes with horizontal and eyes with oblique openings; noses in some tribes aquiline, and in others depressed, show varieties as great as those of colour, stature, and cranial outlines. These and other physical distinctions, however, have not been accepted by any scientific inquirer in America of late years as grounds of classification of the native tribes, for the simple \\ 798 report—1889. reason that they are manifestly due to climatic or other local or casual influences, and cannot be held to indicate any difference of race. But the distinction of linguistic stocks is radical and profound. The differences which it indicates extend far beyond language, and are displayed in the whole nature and character of the speakers of each language. This fact became apparent to me many years ago, in making for the U.S. Government an ethnographical.survey of Oregon and of a part of British Columbia.1 Its existence perplexed me at the time, as it has since perplexed other investigators; and the question of the origin of so many linguistic stocks, or languages radically and totally distinct, found in so limited a district, has appeared to present a problem of the highest scientific interest.2 In an address delivered before the American Association for the Advancement of Science in 1886, and published in their volume of ' Proceedings ' for that year, I ventured to propose an explanation of the origin, not only of these American languages, but of all stock languages; whatsoever, except, of course, the primitive language (whatever it may have been) which was spoken by the first community of the human species. A succinct but clear outline of this theory was given by Pro. fessor Sayce in his Presidential Address at the Manchester meeting in 1887. While pointing out what he considered the merits of the theory, Mr. Sayce asked, very reasonably, for more evidence to sustain it than had been able to include in my brief essay. This evidence I have endeavoured to give in a paper read last year before the Canadian Institute of Toronto, and published in the ' Proceedings ' of that society for 1888-89. With Professor Sayce's address in the hands of the members of the Association, I need only say, briefly, that the theory supposes these isolated idioms to have had their origin in the natural language-making faculty of young children. Many instances of languages thus spontaneously created by children were given; and in my Toronto paper evidence was produced to show that the words and grammar of such languages might, and probably would in many cases, be totally different from those of tb parental speech. The fact was pointed out that in the first peopling o every country, when, from various causes, families must often be scatter© at very wide distances from one another, many cases must have occurre 1 ' In the long and narrow section of this continent, included between the Rocky' Mountains and the Pacific, and extending from the country of the Eskimo on the north to the Californian Peninsula on the south, there are found perhaps a greater number of tribes.speaking distinct languages than; in any other territory of the same size in the world. Not only do these tribes differ in their idioms, but also in personal appearance, character, and usages.'—United, States Exploring Mcpedition wider diaries Willies, vol. vii. 'Ethnography and Philology;' by Horatio Sale; 1846; p. 197. 2 ' It [the map] brings out in a most striking way the singular linguistic diversity which obtains along the west line of this part of America—a fact for which it is indeed difficult to offer a reasonable explanation, knowing as we do how essentially maritime the coast tribes are in their habits, and how skilled and fearless they are in] the management of their excellent canoes. The anomaly appears still greater whenj we contrast the several clearly defined colonies of the coast with the wide sweep of the languages of the interior of the Province, where from the generally rugged and often densely wooded character of the country, and the turbulent nature of the rivers, intercommunication must have been by comparison extremely difficult.'—Br George M. Dawson: Preface to ' Comparative Vocabularies of the Indian Tribes of JBritish Colwnbia; with a MdpiUvstrating Distribution ;' by Drt, Tohnie and l)aivso>i, 1884, p. 7. I JN THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES OF CANADA. 799 where two or more young children of different sexes, left by the death of I their parents to grow up secluded from all other society, were thus com- .pelled to frame a language of their own, which would become the mother- I tongue of a new linguistic stock. This result, it is clear, would only i follow in those regions where, from the mildness of the climate and the spontaneous fruitfulhess of the soil, young children would be able to find subsistence for themselves through all seasons of the year. It is evident that, along with their new language, these children and their descendants would have to frame a new religion, a new social policy, and, in general, new customs and arts, except so far as reminiscences of the parental example and teachings might direct or modify the latter. All these conclusions accord precisely with the results of ethnological investigations in America. It should, however, be borne in mind that, whether the theory which I thus proposed is accepted or not, the fact will still remain that the existence of a linguistic stock involves the absolute certainty that the ■ribe speaking such a form of language, differing entirely from all other tongues, must have lived for a very long period wholly isolated from all other communities ; otherwise this idiom would not have had time to be formed and to become the speech of a tribe sufficiently numerous and strong to maintain its independence. In this long isolation (however it might arise) the tribe would necessarily acquire by continual intermarriage a peculiar mental character, common to the whole tribe, and with it the modes of thought and the social institutions which are the necessary outcome of such a character. Thus the linguistic stock, whatever its origin, must naturally and necessarily be, as has been said, the ■proper ethnological unit of classification. The experience of the able philologists of the American Bureau of ■Ethnology entirely confirms these views. Special attention, of course, ■has been given by them to the investigation of the stocks in North .America. Mr. J. C. Pilling, of the Bureau, the author of the valuable i ,• series of bibliographies of American linguistic stocks now in course of publication, informs me that the number of these stocks in North America V north of Mexico), so far as at present determined, is fifty-eight—a greater Aumber, perhaps, than can be found in the whole eastern hemisphere, rpart from Central Africa. Of this number no less than thirty-nine are ■comprised in the narrow strip of territory west of the Rocky Mountains, which extends from Alaska to Lower California. Why a great number of stocks might naturally be looked for along this coast, with its mild and equable climate, and its shores and valleys abounding in shell-fish, berries, and edible roots, is fully explained in my essays already referred to. From what has been said it follows that in our studies of communities in the earliest stage, we must look, not for sameness, but for almost end- J less diversity, alike in languages and in social organisations. Instead of one ' primitive human horde ' we must think of some two or three hundred primitive societies, each beginning in a single household, and expanding gradually to a people distinct from every other, alike in speech, in character, in mythology, in form of government, and in social usages. The language may be monosyllabic, like the Khasi and the Othomi ; or agglutinative in various methods, like the Mantshu, the Nahuatl, the ' ^Eskimo, and the Iroqnoian; or inflected, like the Semitic and the Sahaptin. Its fonaamay be simple, as in the Maya and the Haida, or complex, as in the Aryan, the Basque, the Algonkin, and the Tinneh. The old theo- ,\\l ^ >■> jr '800 REPORT—1889. retical notion, that the more complex and inflected idioms have grown out of the simpler agglutinative or monosyllabic forms, must be given up as inconsistent with the results of modern researches. In like manner, we find among primitive communities every form of government and of social institutions—monarchy among the Mayas and the Natchez, aristocracy among the Iroquois and the Kwakiutl, democracy among the Algonkins and the Shoshonees, descending almost to pure, though perhaps peaceful, anarchy among the Tinneh, the Eskimo, and various other families. In some stocks we find patriarchal (or 'paternal')' institutions, as among the Salish and the Algonkin; in others, matriarchal] (or ' maternal'), as among the Iroquoian and the Haida. In some the! clan system exists; in others it is unknown. In some exogamy prevails,] in others endogamy. In some, women are honoured and have great in-1 fluence and privileges; in others, they are despised and ill-treated. In] some, wives are obtained by capture, in others by courtship, in others by the agreement of the parents. All these various institutions and usages exist among tribes in the same stage of culture, and all of them appear to be equally primitive. They are simply the forms in which each community, by force of the character of its people, tends to crystallise. We frequently, however, find evidence, if not of internal development,] at least of derivation. Institutions, creeds,, and customs are in many! cases adopted by one stock from another. As there are now ' loan-words ' in all languages, so there are borrowed beliefs, borrowed laws, and bor- rowed arts and usages. Then, also, there are many mixed communities, in which, through the effect of conquest or of intermarriages, the physical] traits, languages, and institutions of two or more stocks have becomej variously combined and intermingled. In short, the study of human* societies in the light of the classification by linguistic stocks is like the study of material substances in the light of their classification by the chemical elements. In each case we find an almost infinite variety oil phenomena, some primitive and others secondary and composite, but alll referable to a limited number of primary constituents: in chemistry, th(| material elements ; in ethnology, the linguistic stocks. Such is the resul* of the latest investigations, as pursued on the Western Continent, wher- for the first time a great number of distinct communities, in the earlies social stages, have been exposed to scientific observation, with all theS organisation and workings as clearly discernible as those of bees in ai glass hive. The researches of Dr. Boas, while pursued, as will be apparent, with out any bias of preconceived theory, will throw much valuable light on the subjects now referred to, as well as on others of equal importance. It should be added that some of the facts which he has gathered, par-l ticularly in regard to the tenure of land among the tribes of British1 Columbia, have a great practical value. This is a point which deserves special mention, as the Canadian Government is now sharing with tht- Association the expense of these inquiries. Many of the most costly wars which the Colonial Governments have had to wage with the aboriginal tribes in America, New Zealand, and elsewhere have arisen, as is well known, from misunderstandings growing out of the acquisition of land from the natives. The great benefit which accrued to New Zealand, in the improved relations between the natives and the colonists, from the researches of Sir George Grey into the laws, usages, and traditions of the Maori tribes, is a matter of history, The state of affairs in British. SB! |u ON THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES OP CANADA. 801 [Columbia is in some respects remarkably similar to that which prevailed [in New Zealand. If the inquiries which have been instituted by the Association shall have the effect of averting a very possible conflict of traces, their utility will be very great—one might almost say incalculable. It may be well, therefore, to draw particular attention to some noteworthy facts set forth in Dr. Boas's report. We learn that the land occupied by | certain tribes is held, not by the tribe, nor by individuals, but by the clan, i or gens, which is consequently the only authority able to dispose of it; I and, further, that when the land is sold the original owners are still considered by the' native law to retain ' the right of fishing, hunting, and gathering berries in their old home.' It is easy to see how, when these native laws and usages are not understood, collisions might at any time arise, in which each party would naturally claim to be in the right. It should, further, be borne in mind that as there are eight distinct stocks in the Province there may possibly be as many distinct systems of land tenure. At all events, it is certain that the tenure among the tribes in which the clan system exists must differ in one important respect from [that of the tribes in which it is unknown. It is evj lent that, as Dr. Boas suggests, this branch of inquiry is one which deserves to be carefully prosecuted, both for its scientific interest and for the great practical benefit which may result from it. X Wyrst General Report on the Indians of British CoT/wmbia. By Dr. Franz Boas. Introductory Note. The following report on the Indians of British Columbia embodies |the general results of a reconnaissance made by the writer in the summer - of 1888, under the auspices of the Committee of the British Association appointed for the purpose of collecting information respecting the North- Western Tribes of the Dominion of Canada, supplemented by observations made by the author on a previous trip in the winter of 1886—87. A preliminary report was published in the Fourth Report of the Committee. The present report contains the principal results of the author's investigations on the Tlingit, Haida, Tsimshian, and Kutonaqa (Kootanie). His limited time and the preparations for a new journey to British Columbia, undertaken under the auspices of the Committee, did not permit him to study exhaustively the extensive osteological material collected on the previous journeys. For the same reason the linguistic material collected among the Nootka and Kwakiutl is kept back. Besides this it seemed desirable to await the publication of the grammar of the latter language by the Rev. A. J. Hall in the 'Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada' before publishing the linguistic notes on the same stock, which are necessarily fragmentary when compared to a grammar drawn up by a student who has lived many years among the Indians 1 speaking that language. The chapters on social organisation, customs, art, and knowledge are also necessarily incomplete. The difficulty of observing or even acquiring information on such points during a flying visit of a fortnight—the maximum time spent among any single tribe— is so overwhelming that no thorough report is possible, and it is almost impossible to guard against serious errors. On account of this difficulty the author has paid great attention to the collection of reports 1889. 3 v 802 REPORT—1889. on historical events and of traditions. In these the peculiar customs j and character of a people always appear very clearly,, and the facts | mentioned in these tales form a valuable starting-point for the observation of customs which would else remain unnoticed. Among tribes who have partly yielded to the influence of the contact with whites they afford a valuble clue to their former customs. . The chapter on ' Arts and Knowledge ' has not been treated fully, as j the general character of North-West American art is well known, and, in order to give a complete account of the conventionalism of .the works of art of these tribes, an exhaustive study is necessary, which the writer has been so far unable to undertake. The author's researches do not include the Tinneh tribes, some of which are comparatively well known. The Salish languages are merely enumerated, as investigations on this interesting stock are being carried on, and the material in its present shape would require an early revision. The present report is supplemented by the following papers by the author:— 'Zur Ethnologievon Britisch-Columbien.' Petermann's Mittheilungen, | 1887. No 5, with map. ' Mittheilungen iiber die Bilqula Indianer.' Original Mittheilungen aus dem Museum fur Volkerkunde, Berlin, pp. 177-182, with two plates, i ' Die Sprache der Bilqula.' Verh. anthrop. Ges. Berlin, 1886, pp. i 202-206. I Census and Reservations of the Kwakiutl.' Bull. Am.lGreogr. So«v Sept. 1887. ' On Certain Songs and Dances of the Kwakiutl.' Journ. Am. Folk- Lore, 1888, pp. 49-64. 'Chinook Songs.' Journ. Am. Folk-Lore, 1888, pp. 220-226. ' Die Tsimschian.' Ztschr. fur Ethnologie, Berlin, 1888, pp. 231-247. \\ ' The Houses of the Kwakiutl Indians.' Proc. U.S. National Museum,! 1888, pp. 197-213. ' Notes on the Snanaimuq.' Am. Anthropologist, Washington, 1889, i pp. 321-328. ' The Indians of British Columbia.' Trans. Roy. Soc. of Canada, 1888, Sec. II. pp. 47-57. ' Die Mythologie der nordwestamerikanischen Kustenstamme.' Globus, Braunschweig, 1887-88. The following alphabet has been used in the report:— The vowels have their continental sounds, namely : a, as in father; e, like a in mate; i, as in machine; o, as in note; u, as in rule. In addition the following are used: a, o, as in German; d=aw in law; E=e in flower (Lepsius's e). Among the consonants the following additional letters have been g\\ a very guttural g, similar to gr; k', a very guttural k, similar I q, the German ch in bach; h, the German ch in ich f Q, be- j used: to kr tween q and H; c=sh in shore; c, as th in thin; tl, an explosive dl, a palatal I, pronounced with the back of the tongue (dorso-apical). Character op the Country, The north-west coast of America, from Juan de Fuca Strait to Cross Sound in Alaska, is characterised by its fiords, sounds, and islands, which j make it very favourable for navigation in canoes and other small craft. ON THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES OP CANADA. 803 [Among the most important of these fiords is Portland Inlet, in the [extreme north of the territory. Near" its mouth Nass River empties [itself, which is navigable for canoes for about 80 miles. Between the 55th and 54th degrees of latitude the coast is comparatively open. Here I the Skeena River has its mouth. Farther south we find an extremely intricate network of fiords and channels, some of which penetrate far \\ into the interior. Among these we may mention Gardner and Douglas I Channels, Dean Inlet, and Bentinck Arm, and the straits and sounds I separating Vancouver Island from the mainland. This region has a very > temperate climate, the heat of summer and the cold of winter being moderated by the influence of the sea winds. This influence, however, does not extend far inland, and a few miles from the sea-coast low temperatures prevail in winter. While intercourse all along the coast is greatly facilitated by its character, it is almost impossible to penetrate into the interior, the high peaks of the coast ranges rising abruptly from the sea. There are only a few passes by means of which intercourse is possible. The most important of these are on Skeena River, and on Salmon and Bella Coola Rivers of Dean Inlet and Bentinck Arm. As the precipitation all along the coast is very great, its lower parts are covered, with dense forests, which furnish wood for building houses and canoes. Among these, the pine, hemlock, and the red and yellow cedar are the most prominent; while the hard wood of the maple is used for implements of various kinds, principally for paddles. The woods abound with numerous kinds of berries, which are eagerly sought for by the Indians. They also make use of the kelp and seaweed with which the sea abounds. In the woods the deer, the elk, the cariboo, the black and the grizzly bears, the wolf, and numerous other animals, are found. The mountain goat lives on the high mountain ranges. The beaver, the otter, and the fur-seal furnish valuable skins. The Indians keep a great number of dogs in their villages, which look almost exactly like the coyote. In the northern villages they are much like the Eskimo dog. Of prime importance to the natives is the abundance of fish and other animals living in the sea. Seals, sea-lions, and whales are found in considerable numbers, but the Indian depends almost entirely upon the various species of salmon and the olachen (Thaleichthys pacificus, Gir.), which are caught in enormous quantities in the rivers. Various species of cod and halibut are caught throughout the year: herrings visit the coast early in spring; in short, there is such an abundance of animal life in the sea that the Indians live almost solely upon it. Besides fish, they gather several kinds of shell-fish, sea-eggs, and cuttle-fish. The interior of the Province is throughout mountainous, with the exception of a portion of the territory occupied by the Tinneh. The country east of the coast ranges is comparatively dry, hot in summer and cold in winter. The southern parts of this region are desolate, the rivers cutting deep gorges through the valleys, which are filled with drift. Agriculture can be carried on only by means of irrigation, but the country is well adapted to stock-raising. Salmon ascend the rivers, and the lakes are well stocked with fish, which forms the staple food of the tribes west of the Selkirk Range. Between this range and the Rocky Mountains the wide valley of the Cc ambia and Kootenay Rivers extends from the International Boundary to near the great bend of the Columbia. The Indians of this valley have access to the great plains over a number of passes. 3 v 2 .J*A r XN cs ^^-a&sayj-^gaig^-jy 804 REPORT—1889. Inhabitants. The country i3 inhabited by a great number of tribes belonging to seven or eight linguistic stocks. Certain similarities of form and phonetic elements between the Tlingit and Haida languages have given rise to the opinion that farther researches may show them to be remote branches of the same stock. This presumption might appear to be strengthened by their divergence from all other stocks inhabiting the territory. Nevertheless the dissimilarity of vocabularies and of grammatical elements is so great that the coincidences referred to cannot yet be considered sufficient proof of their common origin, although the two languages must be classed together in one group when compared with the other languages of the North Pacific coast. Counting them for the present as separate stocks, we distinguish the following families :— 1. Tlingit.—Inhabiting Southern Alaska. 2. Haida.—Inhabiting Queen Charlotte Islands and part of Prince of Wales Archipelago. 3. Tsimshian.—Inhabiting Nass and Skeena Rivers and the adjacent islands. 4. Kwakiutl.—Inhabiting the coast from Gardiner Channel to Cape Mudge, with the sole exceptions of the country around Dean Inlet and the west coast of Vancouver Island. 5. The Nootka.—Inhabiting the west coast of Vancouver Island.1 6. The Salish.—Inhabiting the coast and the eastern part of Vancouver Island south of Cape Mudge, the southern part of the interior as far as the cr£st of the Selkirk Range and the northern parts of Washington, Idaho, and Montana. 7. The Kutonaqa.—Inhabiting the valley of the Upper Columbia River, Kootenay Lake and River, and the adjoining parts of the United States. The Tlingit, although not belonging properly to British Columbia, have been included in this report, as they must be considered in a study of the Haida and Tsimshian. I do not enumerate the tribes composing the Tlingit ard Haida peoples, as the former have been treated by Dr. A. Krause in his excellent work, ' Die Tlinkit Indianer,' while I am not acquainted with the subdivisions of the latter. Dr. G. M. Dawson in his ' Report on the Queen Charlotte Islands' gives a list of villages. It seems that the Haida divide their people into several groups, each group comprising a number of villages. The Haida call themselves Qa'eda, i.e. people. They are called by the Tlingit Dekyino', i.e. people of the sea. The Tsimshian call them Haida, which is evidently derived from Qa'efla. The following list of Tsimshian tribes was obtained by inquiries at the mouth of Skeena River. The language is spoken in two principal dialects, the Nasqa' and the- Tsimshian proper. I. Tribes speaking the Nasqa' dialect: 1. Nasqa', on Nass River. 2. Gyitksa'n, on the upper Skeena River=people of the Ksia'n. 1 New observations made in 1889 seem to indicate that there exists an affinity | between the fourth and fifth groups. ON THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES OF CANADA. II. Tribes speaking the Tsimshian proper: 1. Ts'Emsia'n, on the mouth of Skeena River=on the Ksia'n. 2. Gyits'umra'lon, below the canon of Skeena River=people on the upper part of the river. 3. Gyits'ala'ser, at the canon of Skeena River=canon people. 4. Gyitqa'tla, on the islands off the mouth of Skeena River= people of the sea. 5. Gyitg'a'ata, on the shores of Grenville Channel =peopie of the poles, so called on account of their salmon weirs. 6. Gyidesdzo', north-west of Milbank Sound. Some of these tribes are subdivided into septs, each of which inhabits one village (see 'Ztschr. fur Ethnologie,' 1888, p. 232). 1 The Tsimshian are called by the Tlingit Ts'otsQE'n ; by the Heiltsuk* Kwe'tsla; by the Bilqula, Elqi'miH ; while the Haida designate each tribe by its proper name. The whole people is divided into four clans: the raven, called Kan- ha'da ; the eagle, called LaqsM'yek; the wolf, called Laqkyebo'; and the bear, called GyispotuwE'da. Details on this subject will be found in the chapter on social organisation, 4. The Kwakiutl.—So far as I am aware, the language is spoken in three dialects, the people speaking them not being wholly unintelligible to each other : the Qaisla', the Heiltsuk-, and the Kwakiutl proper. The •Qaisla' is spoken north of Grenville Channel; the Heiltsuk' embraces the tribes from Grenville Channel to Rivers Inlet; the Kwakiutl proper is spoken from Rivers Inlet to the central part of Vancouver Island. I do not enter into an enumeration of the many tribes of this group, one list having been published by Dr. George M. Dawson in the ' Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada,' 1887, another, accompanied by a detailed map by the writer, in Petermann's ' Mittheilungen,' 1887. The most northern tribe of this group, the Qaisla', are called Gyit'ama't by the Tsimshian; the Gyimanoitq of Gardner Channel are called Gyitlo'p by the same people. The Heiltsuk* proper are called Wutsta' by the Tsimshian, Elk'l^/sumH by the Bilqula. 5. Nootka.—Regarding their tribal divisions I would refer to Sproat's ' Scenes and Studies of Savage Life.' The PE'ntlatc call the Nootka Cole'itc, but as a rule this name is used for the tribes of Alberni Channel only. The Qatlo'ltq call these tribes O'mene, the Sk^qo'mic call them^ Tc'Eca'atq. (Detailed information on the tribes of this stock will be given in tile report for 1890.) 6. The Salish.—This important stock, which inhabits a large part of British Columbia and the adjacent territories of the United States, is represented by two groups of tribes on the coast of the province :— A. The Bilqula of Dean Inlet and Bentinck Arm, comprising four [tribes. B. The Coast Salish.—I comprise in this group the numerous dialects ■of the Salish stock that are spoken on the coasts of the Gulf of Georgia and of Puget Sound. The difference between these tribes and those of | the interior, in regard to their mode of life and language, is so marked that we may be allowed to class them in one large group. H. Hale and A. Gallatin first pointed out their affinities to the Salish proper. A num. Pber of tribes of Puget Sound are included under the name of Niskwalli (more properly, Nsk'oa'li), but it seems to me that the subdivisions of the 806 REPORT 1889. latter are not perfectly known. The Niskwalli would properly form one- of the larger divisions of the Coast Salish. The latter is spoken in the following dialects in British Columbia:— 1. Catlo'ltq, in Discovery Passage, Valdes Island, Bute and Malas- pina Inlets. The Qatlo'ltq are called Ko'moks by the Le'kwiltok*. 2. Si'ciatl, in Jervis Inlet. Called Si'catl by the Snanaimuq, Ni'ciatl by the gatlo'ltq. 3. P-E'ntlatc, from Comox to Qualekum. 4. Sk-qo'mic, on Howe Sound and Burrard Inlet. Called Sk'qoa'mic- by the gatlo'ltq. 5. K'au'itcin, from Nonoos Bay to Sanitch Inlet, and on Fraser River as far as Spuzzum. 6. Lku'ngEn, on the south-eastern part of Vancouver Island. Called Lku'mEn by the K'au'itcin. Similar to their language is the Tla'lEm of the south coast of Juan de Fuca Strait; the S'a'mic, which is spoken east of San Juan Island; the- Semia'mo of Semiamo Bay, and the Qtlumi (Lummi). C. Ntlakya'pamuQ, from Spuzzum to Ashcroft. D. Stla'thumH, on Douglas and Lilloet Lakes. E. SQua'pamuQ, from Kamloops and Sh'ushwap Lakes to Quesnelle.. Called Tlitk'atEwu'mtlat by the Kutona'qa (= without shirts and trousers). P. Okina'k'en, on Okanagan and Arrow Lakes. Called TcitQua'ut by the Ntlakya'pamuQ; Kank''utla'atlam (= flatheads) by the Kutona'qa. 7. The Kutona'qa (Kootenay), inhabiting the valley of the Kootenay and Columbia Rivers. The language is spoken in two slightly differing- dialects, the upper and lower Kootenay. I. Upper Kootenay, on the Columbia Lakes and upper Kootenay River. (1) Aqkisk'anu'kEnik, = tribes of the (Columbia) lakes. (2) Aqk'a'mnik, at Fort Steele. (3) Aqk'anequ'nik (= river Indians), Tobacco Plains. (4) Aqkrye'nik, Lake Pend d'Oreille. II. Lower Kootenay. Aquqtla'tlqo, Aquqenu'kqo ; Kootenay Lake. The Kutona'qa call the Blackfeet Saha'ntla = bad Indians ; the Creer Gutskiau'm = liars ; the Sioux, Katsk'agi'tlsak = charcoal legs. The census returns of the Indian Department give the following numbers for the various peoples. The Tlingit are not included in this list, as they do not live in British territory. Haida, Kaigani excepted (estimated) Tsimshian (estimated) Bilqula and Heiltsuk- (estimated) Nootka ..... Kwakiutl and Lekwiltok" . Coast Salish .... Ntlakyapamuq, Stla'tliumH, and SQua' pamuQ Okina'k-e ..... Kutona'qa 1883 1884 1885 1886 1887 1888 __ 2,500 — — — — — 5,000 — — — — — 2,500 3,612 3,437 3,445 3,415 3,361 3,160 2,264 1,889 1,969 1,969 1,936 1,898 — 6,605 6,874 7,080 6,724 6,838 5,791 5,470 4,740 4,649 4,665 4,497 1,188 1,188 1,020 1,004 956 942 — 568 587 These figures show that the census is approximate only. The inland ON THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES OF CANADA. 807 tribes appear to be decreasing in numbers, while the coast tribes appear to be almost stationary. The above list gives a total of about 27,900. To these must be added 1,500 Tinneh and 8,522 'bands not visited,' whoever these may be. The Indians of the interior have almost entirely given up their ancient customs. They are mostly Roman Catholics, but there are a few Protestants. Of course a considerable amount of paganism is still lurking under the Christianism of these natives. They are good stock-raisers, and endeavour to irrigate their lands; but it seems that the majority are poor. The lower Kutona'qa still adhere, to a great extent, to their ancient customs. They are principally fishermen. All the Salish tribes catch a considerable amount of fish, while the upper Kutona'qa were originally hunters. The coast Indians are well off up to this day. While the efforts of missionaries among the Haida have so far not been very successful, the Tsimshian proper have become Christianised. They have given up all their old customs except those referring to their social organisation. The gentes are still acknowledged, and the laws referring to the mutual snp- I port among members of one gens and to the work to be done by the I father's gens at certain occasions (see p. 837) are still in force. The final giving up of customs seems to be done by the council, not by the individuals. The Heiltsuk* have been Protestants for many years, while I the Bilqula are still uninfluenced by contact with missionaries. The I same is true, to a large extent, among the Kwakiutl, only a few individuals of the Nimkic tribe adhering to the Episcopalian Church. The Coast Salish belong in part to the Roman Catholic Church ; but notwithstanding their allegations paganism still prevails to a great extent. In the report of ' the Department of Indian Affairs almost all of them are enumerated as Roman Catholics, even the pagan tribes of Comox, Victoria, and Nanaimo, where their old customs are still rigidly adhered to. Among the Nootka the Roman Catholics have gained considerable influence. In my preliminary report I have dwelt upon the present state of these Indians, the causes of their discontent, and'the incapacity of white settlers to understand the peculiar culture of the Indian. The establishment of industrial schools, which is now taken up energetically, is a great step forward, and will help the Indians to reach independence and j to retain or regain self-esteem, one of the foundations of progress. T will j not repeat the statements made and the views expressed last year. It is to be hoped that by a considerate land policy, by the encouragement of industries rather than of agriculture, and by an attempt to develop existing institutions instead of destroying them the Indians will in course of time become useful men and good citizens. Physical Character. The physical characteristics of the coast tribes are very uniform. This is undoubtedly due to the frequent intermarriages between the various tribes, which have had also a distinct effect upon the various languages, some of which have borrowed great numbers of words from the languages spoken by neighbouring tribes. I shall refer to this fact later on. The habitus of the northern tribes of this region is similar to that of East Asiatic tribes—a fact which was observed by R. Virchow, who r m 808 REPORT—1889. fixamined a number of Bilqula who visited Berlin in the winter of 1885-86. This similarity is very marked among the Tlingit, Haida, Tsimshian, Kwakiutl and Bilqula, to a less extent among the Nootka, while the Coast Salish and the Salish of the interior show a different type. As the Bilqula speak a language belonging to the Salish family, it must be assumed that they acquired their distinct physical character through intermixture with the neighbouring tribes. Many tribes of this region are in the habit of deforming the heads of their children. I noticed three different methods of deformation. The tribes of the northern part of Vancouver Island use circular bandages by means of which the occiput acquires an extraordinary length. Excessively deformed heads of this kind are found on the northern part of the west coast of Vancouver Island among the K'oski'mo. Farther south a strong pressure is exerted upon the occiput, a bandage is laid around the head immediately behind the coronal suture, and a soft cushion is used for pressing down the forehead. The Flatheads proper compress forehead and occiput by means of boards or hard cushions. It seems that the Tlingit, Haida, and Tsimshian never practised the custom of head-flattening. It is unfortunate that no observations on the Tsimshian of the upper Skeena River exist. Those at the mouth of the river have frequently intermarried with the Tlingit, Haida, and Heiltsuk*. Among the Tlingit, Haida, Tsimshian and Heiltsuk' the custom prevails of perforating the lower lips of the females. In these perforations, which are enlarged with increasing age, labrets are worn, which are in some instances as long as 40mm. and as wide as 20mm. The men of all the coast tribes have the septum perforated, the operation being performed in early childhood. Earrings are worn either in a series of perforations of the helix .or in the lobe of the ear. Chiefs' daughters, among the Tsimshian, have the incisors ground down to the gums by chewing a pebble of jade, the row of teeth thus assuming an arched form. Among the Nootka scars may frequently be seen running at regular intervals from the shoulder down the breast to the belly, and in the same way down the legs and arms. Tattooings are found on arms, breast, back, legs, and feet among the Haida; on arms and feet among the Tsimshian, Kwakiutl, and Bilqula; on breast and arms among the Nootka ; on the jaw among the Coast Salish women. - Members of tribes practising the Hamats'a ceremonies (see p. 851) show remarkable scars produced by biting. At certain festivals it is the duty of the Hamats'a to bite a piece of flesh out of the arms, leg, or breast of a man. The women of the Kwakiutl tribes wear very tight anklets, which prevent free circulation between feet and legs. These anklets leave lasting impressions. Before describing the general features of these tribes I give a table of measurements. Unfortunately I was not in possession of a glissiere, and therefore no great weight is attributed to the" measures, which ought to be made with that instrument. A T-square, to which a movable arm was attached, was used as a substitute. The seven individuals, all male, were measured in the jail at Victoria, kind permission having been given by Major Grant. I did not consider it advisable to make anthropometrical measurements in the villages of the natives, *as I feared to rouse their distrust, and had nowhere time to become well acquainted with them. It ON THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES OF CANADA. lis almost impossible to use profitably a very short time for both anthro- pometrical and ethnological collections. The following" individuals were measured:— Haida: Tsimshian! 1. Getgalga'o (Samuel), 25 years old; raven gens; native of Coal Harbour. 2. Johnny Dixie, circ- 50 years old; native of Skide- gate. 3. Johnny, circ. 32 years old; native of Port Simpson. 4. William Seba'sa, circ. 28 years old; raven gens ; native of Meqtlakqatla. 5. Peter Vann, Kesuwa'tk, circ. 25 years old; wolf gens; native of Meqtlakqatla. Kwakiutl: 6. Nalakyu tsa, circ. 50 y ears old; native of Port B upert. Nootka : 7. "Wispu, < lire. 25 years; Nitinath. Haida T simshian Kwakiutl Nootka 2jO -03 ,2 ■ a) 0$ u \\ CO O-> 1 S *° > S3 Peter "Vann, Kesuwa'tk Meqtlakqatla, 25 years 0 3 a 0 p 10 a a os 2 |-S 03 ^ "os 5 !3PS Wispu from Nitinath, circa 25 years I. I lEAD. mm. mm. mm. mm. mm. mm. mm. Maximum length 192 203 • 201 192 199 206 189 Maximum width 149 159 154 160 159 175 162 Height of ear .... 149 — 127 127 126 130 135 Chin to hair .... 196 213 203 201 188 200 190 Chin to root of nose . 130 118 128 ' 126 122 121 127 Root of nose to mouth 76 86 90 81 74 81 78 Width of face between zyg. arch. 154 142 151 146 151 138 152 „ „ angles of jaw 114 — 102 104 114 — 122 „ of sup. max. bone 105 108 121 112 112 105 117 Distance of edges of orbits 107 120 108 108 113 121 121 „ inner corners of eyes 38 37 38 35 38 38 40 „ outer corners of eyes 95 96 98 95 98 92 99 Chin to tragus .... 146 150 156 152 144 152 156 Tragus to root of nose 112 112 124 119 114 107 129 Nose, height .... 58 — 57 62 54 54 60 „ width .... 38 41 38 33 38 35 41 Mouth, length .... 56 57 56 56 54 57 59 Ear, height .... 76 76 73 70 67 71 67 Horizontal circumference. 581 — — 578 603 — — Vertical circumference from ear 358 — — 365 341 — — to ear II. I, SfDICES Length-width index. I 77-6 78-3 76-6 83-3 79-9 85-0 85-7 Height of ear index . . . 77-6 — 63-2 66-1 63-3 631 71-4 Facial index .... 84-4 83-1 84-1 86-3 80-8 87-7 83-6 Nasal index .... 1 65-5 — 66-6 63-2 7C-4 64-8 68-3 810 REPORT—1889. Haida Tsimshian Kwakiutl Nootka tJT _io m ^ KD 5 g „ SP 3 a! ,^ ie fro te, ears 0) o Jj of 09 "c8 2 a o (3 oa Si 9 >7 P 151 5: ■S8>o co.S -02 4) r-* 3 \\MM CD do Samuel from Cc 25 Johnny Ski circa a o 1-5 Willia: Meqt 28 2 ii10 3 5*n CO 3 m III. Body. Total height .... 1,689 1,603 1,637 1,649 1,589 1,575 1,711 Distance between fi nger-tips, the 1,705 1,692 1,727 — 1,676 1,664 1,829 amis extended horizontally Height of chin .... 1,441 1,353 1,413 1,405 1,356 1,343 1,470 „ top of sternum. 1,365 1,287 1,306 1,317 1,278 1,273 1,391 „ shoulder (right) 1,382 1,311 1,313 1,329 1,321 1,292 1,403 (left). — 1,286 „ elbow (right) . 1,071 968 1,007 1,025 995 965 1,065 „ wrist.... 825 752 768 826 776 760 814 „ second finger . 612 570 571 614 597 571 618 „ nipples 1,210 1,105 1,143 1,205 — 1,133 1,230 „ navel 970 913 933 946 876 89-7 985 „ crista ilii . 940 930 930 943 905 933 — „ symphysis. — 835 851 — — 832 — „ perinasum . — 711 721 — — 714 — „ ant. sup. iliac spine . — 873 870 892 857 851 — „ trochanter 861 841 829 825 — — — „ patella 444 444 400 427 438 429 — ' „ malleolus internus . — 86 83 — — 89 — „ seventh vertebra — 1,362 — 1,400 1,353 1,299 1,475 „ vertex in sitting — 873 876 — — ■ 873 914 Width between iliac spines — 267 267 — — — — „ iliac crests — 292 298 — — 283 — „ trochanters — 314 314 — — 289 — Circumference of chest 910 930 960 940 950 925 945 „ waist 800 815 822 822 825 860 727 thigh . — 508 524 — — 480 — „ calf of leg — 311 355 — — 310 — Length of thumb 67 65 60 63 57 63 65 ,, second finger . 98 101 97 97 97 98 98 Width of hand at fingers . 84 82 82' 84 85 84 78 Length of foot .... 243 245 241 236 — 245 251 It appears from these tables that the size of these Indians varies considerably ; including measurements of nine Bilqula, made by B>. Virchow (see I Verh. G-es. f. Anthr., Bthn. n. Urg.' 1886, p. 215), the average height is 1,655 mm., the extremes being 1,743 mm. and 1,542 mm. I am under the impression that, as regards size, the Coast Salish are much smaller than the other tribes. The distance between the tips of the finger, the arms being extended, is in all cases greater than the total height. The- skin is very light, resembling that of Europeans. Only No. 6 of the above table has a somewhat reddish hue. This, however, is due to the- fact that he is the only one among the individuals measured who does not wear trousers and shirt, but still adheres to the ancient custom of wearing a blanket. In most cases the hair is black, smooth, coarse, and ON THE NORTH-.WESTERN TRIBES OF UL DA. 811 It seems that the heads of the brachycephalic than those of the decide how far that is due to arti- abundant. In a few cases it has a brownish tinge. In alTNtribes there are a few individuals who have slightly wavy hair. In the vii\\lage of Sa'menos, in Cowitchin Valley, I observed wavy or even V 'v fbair comparatively frequently. It is worth remarking that the Indian^ have a tradition referring to this fact, which shows that this peculiarity has obtained for several generations. The eyebrows are thick, and remarkably wide on the outer side. This peculiarity may also be observed in the carvings of these tribes. The eyebrows are carefully trimmed. The beard is sparse, but it must be remembered that the hair is generally pulled out as it appears, particularly on the cheeks, while the moustache and the chin-tuft are allowed to grow. The iris is dark brown. Virchow first pointed out the frequent occurrence of the plica interna. I found it to occur very generally, particularly among the Haida and Tsimshian. The face is wide, the cheek-bones prominent, the index chamse- prosopic, averaging (including Virchow's measures) 83'1. The nose is narrow, the root narrow and depressed. The ridge of the nose is frequently depressed, particularly among the Haida and Tsimshian; while among the Nootka, Kwakiutl, and Salish I observed very generally straight or slightly hooked noses, southern tribes are decidedly more northern tribes ; but it is difficult to ficial deformation. From the limited material at my disposal, I do not venture to describe any physical features as characteristic of one tribe or the other. The- frequent intermarriages between the various tribes make it probable that none of them shows peculiar somatological characteristics which do not occur also among the neighbouring-tribes. Notwithstanding this fact, it is quite possible to distinguish individuals belonging to various tribes, but this is principally due to the variety of artificial deformations. The Kwakiutl have a remarkably deep sinus in the hair at its anterior margin. Their heads are very long and wide, particularly when compared with the width of the face. I am unable in the present report to give a full description of the crania and skeletons I collected; the latter belong principally to tribes of the Salish stock. I have only a single Tsimshian cranium, which, however, is of some interest. Plates X. to XV. are orthogonal tracings of four Tsimshian crania. Nos. XI. to XIII. are from the Morton Collection in the Museum of the Academy of Natural Sciences at Philadelphia. The measurements of this series of crania are given in the table on the following page. Notes.—No. X, was a syphilitic individual. Marks of the disease are seen particularly around the bregma and on the right parietal bone. The cranium is asymmetrical, more particularly the occiput. The sagittal suture in its hind part is depressed, while slight indications of a ridge may be seen in the part immediately behind the bregma. The face is narrow as compared to the other specimens. The grooves of the lachrymal duct are comparatively small. The most peculiar feature of the present skull is its dental and alveolar prognathism of the upper row of teeth, which project considerably over the lower one. Nos. XI., XII., and XIII.- show very marked sagittal ridges. There is no indication of premature/synostosis, and I conclude that this must be considered a characteristic feature of.these skulls. No. XII. has a flattened occiput, but without any compensatory flattening of the forehead. This 312 REPORT—1889. shows that ^ne flattening is not intentional, but merely the result of the hardness of the cradle board on which the child was kept. The occi- ■nifoal spine and protuberance of No. XII. are very strongly developed, but. they are very marked in all the crania. The vertical plate of the ethmoid bone and the nasal process of the maxillary bones are in Nos. XI. and XII. much distorted. Tsimshian. I k; I. Boas, No. 85. Male II. in. IV. Philadelphia, No. 213. Philadelphia, No. 214. Philadelphia, No. 987. Youth, about Male Female 18 years of age Crania. 1. Horizontal length 176 188 176 177 2. Maximum length. 176 190 176 178 3. „ width . 135 147 135 147 4. Minimum width of forehead 89 91 87 95 5. Total height.... 130 134 127 129 6. Height of ear ... 110 112 112 112 7. Length of basis . 95 109 100 95 8. Width of basis . 99 119 106 102 9. Length of pars basilaris 29 32 31 25 10. Max. width of For. Magn. . 32 33 ■ 28 30 11. Max. length of For. Magn. . 43 . 38 35 36 12. Horizontal circumference 500 — — 520 13. Sagittal circumference 363 — — 366 14. Vertical circumference. 301 — — 330 15. Width of face 97 106 105 90 16. Width between zygm. arches 126 149 139 124 17. Height of upper face . 69 > 81 69 65 18. Height of nose 49 57 52 49 19. Max. width of nose 26 24 25 22 20. Width of orbit . 38 41 40 41 21. Height of orbit . 32 36 35 36 22. Length of palate . 50 59 54 (45) 23. Width of palate at second 35 38 38 35 molar 24. Width of palate at posterior 40 — 47 42 end 25. Length of face 96 102 98 95 26. Angle of profile . 83° Indices 88° 86° Length—width .... 1 76-7 78-2 1 76-7 830 Length—height .... 73-9 71-3 72-1 72-9 I do not intend, in the present report, to treat of the deformed crania of the southern tribes. Suffice it to say that three methods of deformation are practised in British Columbia: (i) the conical one, which results in the long heads of the Kwakiutl, and which is also used by the Qatloltq; (ii) the flattening by means of cushions and bandages, resulting in asymmetrical hyperbrachycephalic heads; and (iii) flattening by means of boards. It may be of interest to show the effect of these methods upon the length and width of the crania. The second group comprises only crania flattened by means of cushions. I add a short column of crania with little or no deformations. 1 Height of face, 116. ON THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES OF CANADA. 813 1. Comox 2. Sanitch 3. Songish Length Width Length Width Length Width 171 • 150 158 158 192 144 181 149 160 147 186 144 173 138 171 153 183 142 162 131 162 158 176 139 179 145 141 152 178 144 177 135 161 156 190 147 178 143 156 155 189 143 186 147 147 138 180 140 171 138 156 137 180 140 174 139 169 164 187 146 175 142 164 163 195 157 Average . . 175 142 159 153 185 144 Indices 81 •1 96 ■2 77-8 The following are measurements of a few Songish crania in the possession of Dr. Milne, of Victoria, British Columbia. V Songish Crania. I. n. III. 1. Horizontal length .... 183 181 2. Maximum length 183-5 153 181 3. Intertuberal length . 182-5 146 180 4. Maximum width 139-8 154-6 154 5. Minimum width of forehead 98 98 97 6. Total height 143-2 123-2 138-5 7. Height of bregma . 141 122-3 137 8. Height of ear . 114 106 117 9. Height from ear to vertex 114 114» 123 10. Length of basis 103 89 101 IQa. Width of basis 111-2 106 118 11. Length of pars basilaris . — 23-5 29 12. Max. width of foramen magnum ■ . 33 34 37-5 13. Max. length of foramen magnum 34-5 29 34 14. Horizontal circumference 523 485 535 15. Sagittal circumference 375 3212 382 16. Vertical circumference 320 328 335 17. Width of face . 105 91-5 103 18. Width between zygom. arch . 146 130 148-5 19. Height of face . — 101-5 — 20. Height of upper part of face . 72-5 61 76 21. Height of nose 50 47 54 22. Max. width of nose . 22-7 22 26-5 23. Max. width of orbit . 42 38-5 44 24. Horizontal width of orbit 41-5 38 41 25. Maximum height of orbit 36-5 35 37-5 26. Vertical height of orbit . 37 • 35 36 27. Length of palate 49 45 51*5 28. Width of palate at second molar 34 35 41 29. Width of palate at posterior end 46 39 47 30. Length of face | 102 88 100- I 1 Vertex 25 mm. behind bregma. 124 Sut. nas. front, to bregma, 222 Lambda, 248 interparietal sut. S14 REPORT—1889. Finally, I give a series of measurements of seven crania from Lytton, probably of the Ntlakyapamuq, collected a number of years ago by Dr. dr. M. Dawson, who kindly had the measurements made at my request. Skulls from Lytton B. C. in the Museum of the Geological and Natural History Survey of Canada. Senses and Mental Charactebs. It is only with a considerable degree of diffidence that I venture to •express an opinion on the senses, mental capacity, and character of the natives of British Columbia. Observations made in the course of a few •days hardly entitle an observer to judge of the mental faculties or of the virtues and vices of a people. The only tribes with whom I came into ^closer contact are the Tlatlasik"oala of Hope Island and the Catloltq of Comox, among both of whom I lived for a few weeks in 1886. The Indians of the whole coast are able-bodied and muscular, the upper limbs being very generally better developed than the lower ones, as the constant use of the paddle strengthens arms and chest. They have a keen sight, but in old age become frequently blear-eyed, presumably an effect of the smoke which always fills the houses. I have not made any experiments regarding their acuteness of sight, hearing,, and smell. Their mental capacity is undoubtedly a high one. The state of their culture is ample proof of this. I have expressed my opinion regarding the possibility of educating them at another place. The best material for judging their character is contained in their •stories, in which appears what is considered good and what bad, what commendable and what objectionable, what beautiful and what otherwise. Regarding the last point, whiteness of skin and slenderness of limbs is considered one of the principal beauties of men and women. Another beauty of the latter is long, black hair. In some tales red hair is described as a peculiar beauty of women. Red paint on the face, tight- fitting bracelets and anklets of copper, nose- and ear-ornaments of variegated haliotis shells, and hair strewn with easrle- downs add to the ** ON THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES OF CANADA, 815 X natural charms. The fact that in honour of the arrival of friends the house is swept and strewn with sand, and that the people bathe at such occasions, shows that cleanliness is appreciated. The current expression is that the house is so cleaned that no bad smell remains to offend thV guest. For the same reason the Indian takes repeated baths before praying, c that he may be of agreeable smell to the Deity/ The Indian is grave and self-composed in all his actions. This is shown by the fact that playing is not only considered undignified, but actually as bad. In the Tsimshian language the term for \\ to play l means to talk to no purpose : and doing anything i to no purpose ' is contemptible to the Indian. He is rash in his anger, but does not easily lose control over his actions. He sits down or lies down sullenly for days without partaking of food, and when he rises his first thought is, not how to take revenge, but to show that he is superior to his adversary. A. great pride and vanity, combined with the most susceptible jealousy, characterise all actions of the Indian. He watches that he may receive his proper share of honour at festivals; he cannot endure to be ridiculed for even the slightest mistake ; he carefully guards all his actions, and looks for due honour to be paid to him by friends, strangers, and subordinates. This peculiarity appears most clearly in great festivals, which are themselves an outcome of the vanity of the natives, and of their love of displaying their power and wealth. To be strong, and able to sustain the pangs of hunger, is evidently considered worthy of praise by the Indian; but foremost of all is wealth. It is considered the duty of every man to have pity upon the poor and hungry. Women are honoured for their chastity and for being true to their husbands; children, for taking care of their parents ; men, for skill and daring in hunting, and for bravery in war. Closely connected with their vanity is their inclination to flatter the stranger or friend, but particularly anyone who is expected to be of service to the Indian. Vanity and servility are the most unamiable traits of his character. Wit and humour are little appreciated, although they are not wanting. The character of the Indian, on the whole, is sombre, and he is not given to gentle emotions. Even his festivals have this character, as he retains his dignity throughout. 1 Pood—Hunting and Pishing—Clothing—Implements. It is not the object of this report to give a fall description of the various kinds of food and of the methods of hunting and fishing. It seems, however, desirable to mention the most important points in connection with this subject. The principal part of the food of the natives is derived from the sea. It seems that whales are pursued only exceptionally, though the West Vancouver tribes are great whalers. Sea-lions and seals are harpooned, the barbed harpoon-point being either attached to, a bladder or tied to the stem of the boat. The harpoon lines are made of cedar-bark and "sinews. The meat of these sea-animals is eaten, while their intestines are used for the manufacture of bowstrings and bags. The bristles of the sea- lion are used by the TsimsHan and the neighbouring tribes for adorning dancing ornaments. Codfish and halibut are caught by means of hooks. These are attached to fish-lines made of cedar-twigs, or, what is more / 816 REPORT—1889. Mg. 1. frequently used, of kelp. The hook, the form of which is well known, is provided with a sinker, while the upper part is kept afloat by a bladder or by a piece of wood. The hooks rfre set, and after a while taken up. Cuttle-fish is extensively used for bait. The fish are either roasted near or over the fire, or boiled in baskets or wooden kettles by means of red- hot stones. Those intended for use in winter are split in strips and dried in the sun, or on frames that are placed over the fire. I did not observe such frames among the tribes south of the Snanaimuq. The most important fish, however, is the salmon, which is caught in weirs when ascending the rivers, in fish-traps, or by mea,ns of nets dragged between two boats. Later in the season salmon are harpooned. For fishing in deep water a very long double-pointed harpoon is used. Herring and olachen are caught by means of a long rake. The latter are tried in canoes filled with water, which is heated by means of red-hot stones. The oil is kept in bottles made of dried and cleaned kelp. In winter dried halibut dipped in oil is one of the principal dishes of the tribes living on the outer coast. Fish, when caught, are carried in open-work wooden baskets. Clams and mussels are collected in a similar kind of basket. They are eaten roasted, or dried for winter use. Cuttle-fish are caught by means of long sticks ; sea-eggs, in nets which are fastened to a round frame. Fish-roe, particularly that of herrings, is collected in great quantities, dried, and eaten with oil. Sea-grass is cut in pieces and dried so as to form square cakes, which are also eaten with oil, as are all kinds of dried berries and roots. The Kwakiutl and their neighbours keep their provisions in large boxes. These are bent out of thin planks of cedar. At those places where the edges of the box are to be, a triangular strip is cut out of the plank, which is thus reduced in thickness. Then it is bent so that the sides of the triangle touch each other. After three edges have been made, the sides of the fourth are sewed together. The bottom is either sewed or nailed to the box. The lid either overlaps the sides of the box (fitting on it as the cover on a pill-box) or moves on a kind of hinges. In the latter case it has always the following form. The Coast Salish keep their stock of provisions on a loft, with which every house is provided. In winter deer are hunted. Formerly bows and arrows were used for this purpose, but they have now been replaced by guns. The bow was made of yew-wood. The arrows had stone, bone, and iron points. The bow was held horizontally, the shaft of the arrow resting between the first and second fingers of the left hand, that grasps the rounded central part of the bow, while the arrow is held between the thumb and the side of the first finger. Deer are also captured by being driven into large nets made of cedar-bark, deer-sinews, or nettles. Elk are hunted in the same way. For smaller animals traps are used. Birds are shot with arrows provided with a thick wooden plug instead of a point. Deer-skins are worked into leather and used for various purposes, principally for ropes, and formerly for clothing. The natives of this region go barelegged. The principal part of their clothing is the blanket. This is made of tanned skins, or more frequently woven of mountain- sheep wool, dog's hair, or of a mixture of both. The thread is spun on the bare leg, and by means of a stone spindle. The blanket is woven on a Fig. 2. ON THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES OF CANADA. 817 ilsolid frame. Another kind of blanket is woven of soft cedar-bark, the [warp being tied across the weft. They are trimmed with fur. At the present time woollen blankets are extensively used. Men wear a shirt under the latter, while women wear a petticoat in addition. Before the introduction of woollen blankets, women used to wear an apron made of cedar-bark and a belt made of the same material. The head is covered with a water-tight hat made of roots. In rainy weather and in the canoe a water-tight cape or a poncho, both made of cedar-bark, is used. The women dress their hair in two plaits, while the men wear it comparatively short. The latter keep it back from the face by means of a strap of fur or cloth. Ear and nose ornaments are extensively used. [They are made of bone and hahotis-shell. Besides the baskets mentioned above, a variety of others are used, 'j some made of dried seaweed, for keeping sewing-utensils; others made of I cedar-bark, for storing away blankets. Still others are used for carrying the travelling outfit. They have two straps attached to them, one passing over the brow, the other over the breast, of the carrier. Watertight baskets made of roots are used for cooking purposes and for holding water. Mats made of cedar-bark, of reed, and of rushes are used to a great extent, for covering the walls of the house, for bedding, for packing, for travelling in canoes, &c. In olden times work in wood was extensively done by means of stone implements. Of these, only stone hammers are still used. They are either carved stones, flat on one side, and having a notch in the middle, attached to a handle by means of a leather strap, or they are similar in * shape to a pestle. Trees were felled with stone axes, and split by means of wooden or horn wedges. The latter are still extensively used. In order to prevent the wooden wedge from splitting, a cedar-bark rope is firmly tied around its top. Boards are split out of trees by means of these wedges. They were planed with adzes, a considerable number of which were made of jade that was evidently found in the basin of Fraser and Lewis Rivers. Carvings were made with stone knives. Stone mortars j and pestles were used? for mashing berries and bark, the latter for mix- 1 ing with tobacco. Paint-pots of stone, with two or more excavations, i were extensively used. Pipes were made of slate or wood. Canoes_are principally made of cedar-wood. After the tree has been felled, about one-third, of TEs^HBicknesiris removed by means of wedges, the outer side worked according to the proposed dimensions of the boat, and then the tree is hollowed by means of axes, fire, and adzes. When the sides of the canoe have almost reached the desired thickness, it is filled with water, which is heated by means of red-hot stones. Thus the wood becomes pliable, and is gradually shaped. Jn large canoes the gunwale is made higher by fastening a board to it. The northern tribes use the so-called ' Tsimshian canoe,' which has a high prow and a high stegnT^ The southernJirjb.es use the ' Chjnook canoe,' which has a smaller prow, and the.stern oiLsvhich is-^traighitjip and down, ""ffiome other types ofooats are used for the purposes of war and fishing, 41kejx)at is3 propellecTand itjaered-by means of-paddles. In hunting there is a steersman in the .stern of the canoe, while the harponeer stands in the stem. It seems that sails have beenjnsed only since the advent of the whites. iThey are sometimes made of mats of cedar-bark. Most of the large boats jhaye names-of- their own. For fishing on rivers very narrow canoes are !used, which differ somewhat in shape among the various tribes. 1889. 3 g V v 5^t 818 REPORT—1889. j/ The Salish of the interior and the Lower Kootenay also live to a great 1 extent upon fish. They use dug-out canoes, in which they navigate the| (lakes and rapid rivers. Fish, are caught by means of hooks, but principally in bagnets. Deer, elk, mountain goat, big-horn sheep, and bears are hunted extensively. At the present time these tribes raise considerable numbers of horses, which are used in hunting and travelling. The upper Kootenay are principally hunters. They used to cross the mountains and hunt buffalo on the plains. The Salish dress in the blanket, in the same way as the coast tribes do; while the clothing of the Kootenay resembles that worn by the Indians of the plains. They wear moccasins, leggings, breeches, and a buckskin jacket, trimmed with metal and leather fringes, Men and women wear braids wound with brass spirals and trimmed with beads. The art of pottery is unknown in British Columbia, and in the eastern parts of the province little carving in wood is done. Large baskets serve for cooking purposes. Stone hammers and pestles and mortars are still used throughout the Province. I cannot give a satisfactory account of the arts and industries of the tribes of the interior, as these have been supplanted by the use of European manufactures, and old implements are scarce and difficult to obtain. Houses. The coast tribes live in large wooden houses. The plan of the house of the northern tribes differs somewhat from that of the Coast Salish, although the mode of construction is the same. The framework of the house consists of heavy posts, which support long beams. The walls and the roof are constructed of heavy planks. Those forming the walls rest upon strong ropes of cedar-bark connecting two poles, one of which stands inside the wall, while the other is outside. The boards overlap each other in order , to prevent the rain from penetrating the house. The boards forming the roof are arranged like Chinese tiles. The rain flows off on the lower boards, as through a gutter. The house of the northern tribes is square. It faces the sea. A platform of about two feet high and four feet wide runs all around it { inside. It has a gable roof, which is supported by one or two beams resting on two pairs of heavy posts which stand in the centre of the front and of the rear of the house. The door is between the pair of posts standing near the front of the house. Three "or four steps lead up to the door, which is on the platform. Very large houses have two or three platforms, and thus attain, to some extent, the shape of an amphitheatre. The houses are generally occupied by four families, each living in one corner. Small sheds are built on the platforms, all along the walls of the I houses. They serve for bedrooms. Each family has its own fireplace, near which the enormous family settee, capable of holding the whole family, stands. Some of the houses of the Heiltsuk* and Bilqula are built) on posts, the floor being about eight feet above the ground. In these 'houses the fireplaces are made of earth and of stones. The Tsimshian, Haida, and Tlingit make a hole in the centre of the roof for a smoke- escape, while the Kwakiutl merely push aside one or two boards of the roof. The houses of the Coast Salish and ISTootka are very long, being occupied by a great many families, each of whom owns one section. The roofs are highest in the rear part of the house, and slope downward ?1 i< ON THE OF CANADA. 819 towards the front. T m running along the walls of the houses ; bat while ne Kwakiutl it is made of earth, here it is carefully boil oil along the rear wall of the house, which is somewhat higher than the opposite, runs a loft, which is about five feet wide. It is used as a storeroom. There are no sheds serving for bedrooms, but the beds are arranged on the platforms.1 The houses here described are found in stationary villages. In travelling small sheds made of bark, of wood, or of branches are used. The Salish of the interior used to live in subterranean houses, access to which was obtained from above. These were used in winter, and afforded a good shelter from the severe cold. In summer tents were used. The Kootenay live in large lodges, the framework of which consists of converging poles. They used to be covered with buffalo hides, but now canvas is mostly used. Social Organisation. J. G. Frazer, in his comprehensive review of totemism totem as ' a class of material objects which a savage regard tious respect, believing that there exists between aims'- ber of the class an intimate and altogether spec" tinguished from a fetish, a totem is never an if always a class of objects.' Accepting this defied/ the peculiar kind of totemism as observed in T the Kootenay and Salish of the interior I di7 of the existence of totems. The Tlingit, Haida, Tsimshian, and The first of these have two phratries— the Tsimshian have four totems—rav Heiltsuk' three—raven, eagle, and 7 totems in the proper sense of this + They are not found among th" same linguistic stock to w*" four peoples mentioned ab' These phratries or clans that the natives do nr The Tlingit, for inst clearly and plainly wolf, a raven as a member of its cla to the wolves, 'T withstandine* tr O far as I am awt las frequently ^g-arding the t n a great feast, which was to be cele- ™ of the whole coast came, using ^\\ej were so numerous that the red Yaqagwono'osk's house. ~-r flowed into the house. £ to enter was Kuw&'k/ aa dangerous points and IntEpwe'n, Ktlkuo'l, T dangerous o and t angerous monsters E ind the platform \\ qtl. He wore a d to give him an lg'atlso'ks &5^,' eryone what k -. resent promisL -i , r puil •eturn remove-Mi Taqagwono'osk he used them. fc their heraldicC lo not belonet^ 3 descendantaj of the kinc1 ON THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES OF CANADA. [described—that is, his nephews and nieces, and their descendants in the female line—use the emblems he obtained in consequence of his adventure. This accounts for the diversity of emblems and the variety of their grouping on the carvings, paintings, and tattooings of the Indians. In these cases the whole group would therefore more properly be styled phratry than gens. The raven and wolf (eagle) groups of the Tlingit and Haida are pre-eminently phratries. Each gens, which forms a subdivision of the phratries, derives its origin from one of these mythical ancestors who | had an encounter with one of the animals of the phratry. The following is a partial list of the totems of each of the two phratries I of the Tlingit:— I. Raven: Raven, frog, goose, sea-lion, owl, salmon, beaver, codfish (weq), skate. II. Wolf (eagle): Wolf, bear, eagle, Belphinus orca, shark, auk, gull, sparrow-hawk (g'ano'k), thunder-bird. Among this and all other tribes of the coast the crest of a group includes those animals which serve as the food of the animal from which the group takes its name. As an example I enumerate the gentes of the Stikin tribe of the Tlingit, the only one with members of whom I came into closer contact. I give also the chief emblems of each gens :— I. Wolf: Nanaa'ri or siknaq'a'de, bear (corresponds to the Kagonta'u of other Tlingit tribes). Qoke'de, Belphinus orca. II. Raven: Kasq'ague'de, raven. Kyiks'a'de, frog. Katc'a'de, raven. Tir hit tan (=&ar& house gens), beaver. Detlk'oe'de (=people of the point), raven. Kagan hit tan (==sun house gens), raven. Qetlk'oan, beaver. Among these the gens Nanaa'ri has six houses, the people of each forming a sub-gens:— 1. Hara'c hit tan, porch house gens. 2. Tos hit tan, shark house gens. 3. K-'etgo hit tan, 4. Quts hit tan, bear house gens. The names of the remaining two houses I did not learn. The proper names of members of the various gentes are derived from their respective totems, each gens having its peculiar names. The connection between name and totem is sometimes not very clear, but it always exists. Here are a few examples taken from gentes of the Stikin tribe:— Nanaa'ri names: Male: Tl'uck'E', ugly (danger face), referring to the bear. G'aqe', crying man (referring to the howling wolf). Sektutlqetl, scared of his voice (to wit, the wolf's). Ank'aqu'ts, bear in snow. REPORT—1889. Female : Qutc gya's, standing bear. He'lEng djat, thunder-woman. Kun djat, whale-woman. Qok'e'de names: Cak'a'ts, head-stick (reference doubtful). G6uq naru', slave's dead body (reference doubtful). Betlk'oede names: Yetl rEde', little raven. Tle'neqk, one alone (the raven on the beach). Hiqtc tle'n, great frog. Yetl k*u djat, raven's wife. The social organisation of the Haida is very much like that of the Tlingit. They have also two phratries, raven and eagle. Their totems are also similar to those of the Tlingit, but they are differently arranged. The most important difference is that the raven is an emblem of the eagle gens. I. Eagle phratry (Gyitena'): Eagle, raven, frog, beaver, shark, moon, duck, codfish (l'a'ma), waski (fabulous whale with five dorsal fins), whale, owl. II. Raven phratry (K'oa'la): Wolf, bear, Belphinus orca, skate, mountain-goat, sea-lion, tsVmaos (a sea-monster), moon, sun, rainbow, thunder-bird. From some indications I conclude that the division of emblems between the two phratries is not the same among the Kaigani and the tribes of Queen Charlotte Islands, but the subject requires further study. The phratries of the Haida are divided into gentes in the same way as those of the Tlingit. They also take their names, in the majority of cases, from their houses. The people of Skidegate village (Tlk-agitl), for instance, are divided into the following gentes :— I. Eagle phratry : !Na yu/ans qa'etqa, large house people. Na s'a'yas qa'etqa, old house people. Dj'aaqulg'it 'ena'i, Gyitingits 'ats, II. Raven phratry: ISTaeku'n k'eraua'i, those born in rTaeku'n. Djaaqui'sk-uatl'adagai (extinct). Tlqaiu la'nas, Kastak-e'raua'i, those born in Skidegate Street. The following gentes are said to exist in one of the Kaigani villages. I did not learn the gentes of the eagle phratry. I. Ts'atl la'nas, eagle. II. Yak' la'nas=middle town. Raven. Yatl nas :had'a'i Graven house people. k-'at nas :had'a'i=shark house people, gutgune'st nas :had'a'i=owl house people. :h of the Kaigani dialect stands for q of the other dialects, by a slight intonation. It is an A preceded ON THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES OF CANADA. qo'utc nas :had'a'i=bear house people, na k-'al nas :had'a'i=empty house people, t'a'ro nas :bad'a'i=copper house people, kun nas :had'a'i=whale house people. g'Egihe't nas :had'a'i=land-otter house people. k''et nas :had'a'i=sea-lion house people. :hot nas :had'a'i=box house people, k'ok' nas :had'a'i=snow-owl house people. From the first of these lists it will be seen that two of these gentes are called from the locality which they formerly inhabited. Wemiaminow and Krause noted a few Tlingit gentes which were also named from the places at which their houses stood, and one name of this kind is found on the preceding list on p. 824. The majority of gentes are called from the names and emblems of their houses. If a new house is built by the chief of the gens it receives the name of the old one, the place of which it takes. These facts show that the houses must be considered communal houses of the gentes. The members of the gens are connected by ties of consanguinity, not by an imaginary relationship through the totem. The latter exists only inside the phratry. It must be borne in mind that the emblems of the gens are onl/y emblems commemorative of certain events, that they do not indicate any relationship between man and emblem. This becomes particularly clear in the case of the Haida phratries, where the raven is the emblem of the eagle phratry and is not used by the raven phratry. Gentes of great numerical strength are subdivided. The houses of each gens always stand grouped together. The single gentes do not possess the whole series of emblems pertaining to the phratry. Among the Skidegate gentes enumerated above, the one called Na s'a'yas has the following emblems: raven, shark, eagle, frog. Their chief has, in addition to these, the fabulous five-finned whale wask' and the fish Va'ma (codfish ?). Before giving a festival the child of the eagle gens must use no other emblem but the eagle. Any Haida who has the raven among his emblems, when marrying a Tlingit, is considered a member of the raven phratry, and vice versa, the emblems always deciding to which phratry an individual is to be reckoned. The social organisation of the Tsimshian is somewhat different from that of the preceding group of peoples. They have four gentes: the raven, called K'anha'da ; the eagle, Laqski'yek (=on the eagle) ; the wolf, Laqkyebo' (=on the wolf) ; and the bear, GyispotuwE'da. The following is a partial list of their emblems. 1. Kanha'da: Raven, codfish, starfish. 2. Laqski'yek : Eagle, halibut, beaver, whale. 3. Laqkyebo': Wolf, crane, grizzly bear. 4. GyispotuwE'da: Belphinus orca, sun. grouse, tsEm'aks (a sea-monster). moon, stars, rainbow, The Tsimshian are divided into three classes: common people, middle- class people, and chiefs. Common people are those who have not been initiated into a secret society (v. p. 848) \\ by the initiation they become middle-class people; bui they can never become chiefs, who form a distinct class. Each geny has its own proper names, which are different for chiefs and middle-class people. It seems that, as a rule, the names REPORT 1889. are common to all tribes, with the exception of a few chiefs' names, which will be noted later-on. These names are different, according to the gens to which the father belongs, and have always a reference to the father's crest. Here are a few instances :— K'anha'da names. 1. A K'anha'da woman marries a Laqski'yek man. Middle-class names:— Male : Neesyula'ops=grandfather carrying stones. Female: Laqtlpo'n=on a whale. Chiefs' names:— Male : Neeswoksena'tlk=grandfather of the not-breathing one. Female: Ndse'edsd'a'loks=grandmother of? Ndse'ets le'itlks=watching's grandmother. Lld'amloqda'u=(eagle) sitting on the ice. 2. A Kahha'da woman marries a GyispotuwE'da man. Name of female : NEb6'ht=making noise to each other (killers). Names of male : Wud'ada'u=large icebergs (floating at Kuwa'k). Wiha' = great wind. Laqski'yek names. 1. A Laqski'yek woman marries a K'anha'da man. Male : Wonlo'otk (raven) =having no nest. 2. A Laqski'yek woman marries a Laqkyebo' man. Female : DEmdema'ksk=wishing to be white. 3. A Laqski'yek woman marries a Gyi'spotuwE'da man. Names of females : Wib6'=great noise (of killers). Wine'eq=great fin (of killer). Names of males : Qpi'yelek=half-hairy sea-monster (abbreviated from Qpi litl hag'ulo'oq). Hats'Eksne'eq=.dreadful fin (of killer). Laqkyebo? names. 1. A Laqkyebo woman marries a Laqski'yek man. Chiefs daughter's name : Saraitqag'a'i=eagle having one colour of wings. • GyispotuwE'da names. 1. A GyispotuwE'da woman marries a K'anha'da man. Female: Ba'yuk (raven)=flying in front of the house early in the morning; abbreviated from Seo'pgyiba'yuk. The eldest daughter is always given this name. In each village the houses of members o each gens are grouped together. The phratries of the Haida correspond to the Tsimshian ON THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES OF CANADA. 825 in the maternal stage, and There are three of them :— starfish, sun, g'og'ama'tse raven liberated it). Their gentes in such a way that raven and eagle on one side, wolf and bear on the other, are amalgamated. The Heiltsuk' of Milbank Sound are also are divided into clans having animal totems. 1. K'oiHtenoq (=raven people), raven, (box in which the sun was kept before the house is painted all black. 2. Wik'oak'Htenoq (=eagle people). Thunder-bird (Kani'sltsua), an enormous dancing-hat. 3. Ha'lq'aiHtenoq (=killer people). Belphinus orca, K'omo'k'oa. A huge mouth is painted on the house-front, the posts are killers, two fish named MElHani'gun are painted at both sides of the door. Sea- lions (which are considered the dog of Komo'k'oa) are the crossbeams. The most southern tribe which belongs to this group are the Awiky'e'noq of Rivers Inlet. Further south, and among the Bilqula, patriarchate prevails. The social organisation of these tribes differs fundamentally from that of the northern group. We do not find a single clan that has, properly speaking, an animal for its totem ; neither do the clans take their names from their crest, nor are there phratries. It seems as though the members of each gens were really kindred. The ' first' of each gens is said to have been sent by the deity, or to have risen from the depth of the ocean or the earth to a certain place which became his home. I shall give abstracts of a few of these legends, which will explain the character of the clans of the Kwakiutl. Se'likiUkila and Lbtlemak' -He'likilikila descended from heaven in the shape of a bird carrying a neck-ring of red cedar-bark.1 He built a house and made a large fire. Then a woman called Lotlemak'a rose from under the earth. He spoke to her: 'You shall stay with me and be my sister.' Thenceforth they lived in opposite corners of the house. The Kwats'e'nok' had heard of He'likilikila's neck-ring, and made a futile attempt to steal it. When one of them entered the house where He'likilikila was sleeping, he was stricken with madness. He'likilikila, however, cured him, gave him the ring, and the Kwats'e'nok' returned home. Since that day they dance the Tsetsa'ek'a, in which rings of red cedar-bark are used. Le'laqa.—Two eagles and their young descended from heaven and alighted at Qu'mqate (Cape Scott). They took off their eagle-skins and became men. The father's name was Na'laqotau; that of the mother Ank'a'layuk'oa; and the young was called Le'laqa. One day the latter pursued a seal, which, when far away from the coast, was transformed into a cuttle-fish, and drowned Le'laqa. After a while he awoke to new life, and flew to heaven in the shape of an eagle. Then he returned to his parents, who had mourned for him, for they believed him to be dead. They saw an eagle descending from heaven. In his talons he carried a little box, in which he had many whistles imitating the voice of the eagle. He wore the double mask Naqnakyak'umtl and a neck-ring of red cedar bark. He became the ancestor of the gens NEe'ntsa. SE'ntlae.— SE'ntlae, the sun, descended in the shape of a bird from heaven, assumed the shape of a man, and built a house in Yik''a'men. Then he wandered to Ko'moks, visited the Tlau'itsis, the NEmk'ic, and 1 It conveys the secrets of the winter dance (see p. 851). 826 REPORT—1889. Na'k'oartok', and finally reached Tliksi'uae (=the plain at the mouth of the river, where clover-root is found), in the country of the Kwakiutl, where he settled at K'aioq. He took a wife among each tribe whom he visited, and his family has the name Sisintle. He resolved to stay in Tliksi'uae, and took a Kwakiutl woman for his wife. They had a son, whom they called Tsqtsqa'lis. On each side of the door of their house they painted a large sun. The posts are men, each carrying a sun. They are called Lela'qt'otpes, and were Ss'ntlae's slaves. The crossbars resting upon the posts also represent men, while the beams are sea-lions. The steps leading to the house-door are three men called Tle'nonis. During the winter dances the Sisintle use the mask of the sun,. Tle'selak'umtl; in the dance Ya'wiqa, that of the dog Ku'loqsa (=the sun shining red through the clouds), who descended with SE'ntlae from heaven. Their heraldic column is called SEntle'qem. It represents a series of copper plates, on the top of which a man called Laqt'otpes (singular of Lela'qt'otpes=he who gives presents to strangers only) is standing. Above all is the mask of the sun emitting rays. 1 Of special importance is the connection of the ancestors of these gentes with Ka'nikilak' (meaning doubtful), the son of the deity. He is the ancestor of a gens of the Nak'o'mkilisila, who, upon the strength of this legend, claim a superiority to all others. This point seems of sufficient importance to be given in greater detail. I was told that in the far west there lived a chief called Ha'nitsum (the possessor of arrows), who had a daughter called AiHtsuma'letlilok' (with many earrings of haliotis shells). Ka'nikilak' went into his boat Kok'6'malis, and after long wandering he reached Ha'nitsum's house. He married the latter's daughter, and took her home to Koa'ne (near Cape Scott). They had a son, who received the name of Ha'neus. He lived to be a great chief. K'anikilak' wandered all over the world. In his wanderings he encountered the ancestors of all gentes of the various Kwakiutl tribes, made friends with them, and filled the rivers of their countries with salmon. I give an example of this kind of tradition. K'anikilak' met Nomas, the ancestor of the Tlauitsis. He was the first to make fish-lines of kelp to catch halibut; therefore the Tlauitsis were the first tribe to use these. K'anikilak* made friends with Nomas, and filled the rivers of his country with salmon. He met O'meatL, who was sitting on an island. When the latter saw K'anikilak' approaching, he pointed his first finger towards him, which perforated K'anikilak''s head. Then the latter perforated Omeatl's head in the same way. Now they knew that they were equally strong, and parted. In some cases it is very difficult to decide whether a group of men deriving their origin from one of these ancestors is really a gens or a tribe, particularly in those cases in which the tribal name agrees with that of the ancestor of one of the gentes; for instance, Ma'malelek'ala (collective of Malelek'ala), or We'wek'ae (collective of We'k'ae). A considerable number of tribal names and the majority of names of gentes are simply the collective form of the name of the ancestor. Others are taken frorn. the regions inhabited by the tribe. It appears that a tribe of the Kwakiutl must be defined as a series of gentes, whose ancestors first made their appearance in a certain weHA^ defined region. Thus the ancestors of the Nak'o'mkilisila gentes appeared on or near Cape Scott; those of the Tlatlasik'oala on or near Hope Island, ON THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES OF CANADA. 827 jf the Kwakiutl in Hardy Bay. No other connection between the several gentes seems to exist. We shall see later on that the Coast Salish have the same organisation, with the exception that the gentes are named on a different principle. The latter, however, have only very slight indications of crests, while the crests play an exceedingly important part in the life- of the Kwakiutl. In order to make clear the organisation of these tribes, I will enumerate the divisions and gentes of one group of tribes. The following four tribes which inhabit the north-eastern part of Vancouver Island form one group I enumerate the tribes, subdivisions, and gentes of this group according to their rank. 1. Kwa'kiutl, called by the Bilqula and Coast Salish, Kwako'otl; Fort Rupert. Subdivisions: 1. Kue'tEla, so called by the tribes north of Vancouver Island. Gentes: 1, Maa'mtakyila. 2, Kwokwa'kum. 3, Gye'qsEm. 4, La'alaqsEnt'aio. 5, Si'sintlae. 2. K''6'moyue (=rich people). War name : Kue'qa (=murderers). Gentes: 1, Kwokwa'kum. 2, Ha'anatlino. 3, Yaai'Hak'Eme (=crab). 4, Haailakyawe or- La'gse. 5, Gyi'gyilk'am. 3. Walaskwakiutl=the great Kwakiutl. Gentes: 1, Ts'Ents'EnHk'aio. 2, Gye'qsEm. 3,. Wa'ulipoe. 4, K''6mkyutis (=the rich ride). 2. Mamalelek'a'la. East of Alert Bay. Gentes i 1, TE'mtEmtlEts. 2, We'omask'am. 3, Wa'las. 4, Ma'malelek'am. 3. NE'mkic, K'a'matsin Lake and Nimkish River. Gentes: 1, Tsetsetloa'lak'amae. 2, TlatEl'a'min<. 3, Gyi'gyit- k'am. 4, Si'sintlae. 5, Ne'nelky'enoq. 4. Tlauitsis, Cracroft and Turner Islands. Gentes : 1, Si'sintlae. 2, NunEmasEk'alis. Gyi'gyilk'am. It remains to describe briefly their crests. Every tales in which the reason for their using these crests is explained. I shall confine myself in this place to a list of crests of the tribes of Fort Rupert. 1. Maa'mtakyila : Carvings : Thunder-bird, crane, grizzly bear, raven,. sun. Mask: Ma'takyila, sun. 2. Kwokwa'kum: Ancestor, Tla'k'oaki'la. Posts: Grizzly bear on top of crane, thunder-bird, crane, sun. 3. Gye'qsEm: Crane on top of a man's head. 4. La'alaqsEnt'aio : Belphinus orca with man's body. 5. SE'ntlae: Sun. 6. Haailikyawe: Large head-ring with raven head attached to it. Heraldic columns: Tsono'k'oa, grizzly bear, thunder-bird; Si'siutl, crane, raven. 7. Kwokwa'kum. Ancestor, No'lis. Dancing utensil: Bear with beaver tail. Post: Sea-lion. Heraldic column: Pole, man on top of it. 8. Ha'anatlino. Mask: Man, on top of whom moon and eagle. Posts £ Bear, thunder-bird. *est- 3, Tletlk'et. 4, gens has certain 828 REPORT—1889. 9. TsEnHk''aio. Post: TsEnHk''aio (a species of eagle). Beams: Sea- lion. Post: Ts'E'nHk-'ai6. Heraldic column : A little man with a thick belly. 10. Gye'qsEm. Heraldic column : Long pole, the base of which rests on a man, on top of which stands a crane, its beak turned downward, and a double-headed snake (Sisiutl). This very fragmentary list shows that each gens uses certain carvings for certain purposes. The details of the carvings of their houses are prescribed by the legendary description of the house of the ancestor, and so are their masks and their heraldic columns. I would call attention to the important fact that the dancing implements and the dances themselves belong to the crest of the tribe, or, more properly speaking, to the customs and carvings to which the gens is entitled. The distinction of what constitutes a gens and what a tribe is still more difficult among the Coast Salish. Their legends are very much like those of the Kwakiutl. They tell of fabulous ancestors who descended from heaven and built houses. From these a certain group of families, who always inhabit one village, derive their origin. They call themselves from the place at which their village stands, or which they claim as their original home. Whenever they leave their home, they take the name of their old village to the new place, although the name is generally a geographical one, taken from certain peculiarities of the locality. For instance, the name Tsime'nes means ' where the landing is close by the house,' an epithet that was well adapted to their former village at the mouth of Cowitchin River, but not to their new home at 'Chimenes. Many such instances might be enumerated. Some of these gentes have certain prerogatives and certain carvings, but these are of very little importance when compared to those of the Kwakiutl, among whom they exert a ruling influence over their whole life. The Snanai- muq, for instance, have the following gentes: Te'wEtqEn, Ye'cEqEn, K'oltsi'owotl, Qsa'loqul, Anue'nes. Among these only the first and the second are allowed to use masks, which have the shape of beavers, ducks, or salmon. Each gens has its own proper names. I have so far stated only in a very general way that the northern tribes have a maternal, the southern a paternal organisation. It remains to give some more details on this important subject. One of the main facts is, that the phratries, viz. gentes of the Tlingit, Haida, Tsimshian, and Heiltsuk', are exogamous, not only among each tribe, but throughout the whole region. A member of the eagle gens of the Heiltsuk', for instance, cannot marry a member of the eagle phratry of the Tlingit. Those gentes are considered identical which have the same crest. I do not know whether any such law prevails in the case of marriages between the Kwakiutl and Heiltsuk', which, however, seem to be of very rare occurrence. Neither was I able to arrive at a fully satisfactory conclusion regarding the question whether marriages inside a gens of the Kwakiutl are absolutely prohibited, but I believe that such is the case. This difficulty arises from the fact that the Kwakiutl considers himself as belonging half to his mother's, half to his father's gens, while he uses the crest of his wife. I do not know of a single instance of a Kwakiutl marrying a member of his own gens. The Salish gentes, for instance those of the Sk'qo^sic,, are not exogamous, but I am not quite positive whether this is true>, all cases. I do not intend in the ,>sesunt chapter to discuss the customs refer- THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES OF CANADA. 82 9 arriage, and death, all of which have reference to the jion of these tribes, and which help to gain a better under- .nis organisation. It will be sufficient to mention a few facts- om these customs which have special reference to the questions g. discussion. The members of a gens are obliged to assist each other on every .ccasion, but particularly when heavy payments are to be made to other gentes. Instances of this kind will be found later on in the description of the proceedings at the occasion of the building of new houses and at burials. It is a very remarkable fact that the gens of the male line has to do certain' services at such opportunities which are not paid by the individual but by the gens. Thus a gens is not permitted to touch the body of one of its members; the burial is to be arranged by the gens to which the deceased's father belongs. This solidarity of the gens is principally found among the northern tribes, which are in the maternal stage. Among the same tribes mothers' sisters are considered and called mothers, fathers' brothers, fathers, while there exist separate terms for mothers' brothers and fathers' sisters. It is a noteworthy fact that the Heiltsuk' and the Kwakiutl, who speak dialects of the same language, differ fundamentally in regard to their social organisation. I am inclined to believe that the matriarchate of the Heiltsuk' is due to the influence of the Tsimshian, with whom they have frequently intermarried, and upon whom the Heiltsuk' have. had a considerable influence. But the marriage ceremonies of then Kwakiutl seem to show that originally matriarchate prevailed also among them. The husband always assumes, a short time after marriage, his father-in-law's name and crest, and thus becomes a member of his wife's clan. From him this crest descends upon his children; the daughters retain it, but his sons, on marrying, lose it, adopting that of their wives. Thus the descent of the crest is practically in the female line, every unmarried man having his mother's crest; but still we cannot call this state matriarchate proper, as the father is the head of the family, as he gives up his own crest for that of his wife. This law is carried so far that a chief who has no daughters marries one of his sons to another chief's son, the latter thus acquiring his crest. By this means the extinction of gentes is prevented. It seems, however, that the father's gens is not entirely given up, for the natives -/frequently use carvings of both gentes promiscuously, but certain parts- of the father's gens, to which I shall refer presently, are excluded from this use. The following.instance, which came under my personal observation, will show the customs of the Kwakiutl regarding this point, K'omena'kula, chief of the gens Gyi'gyilk'am, of the tribe Tlatlasik'oala, has the heraldic column of that gens, and the double-headed snake for ijsjs crest. In dances he uses the latter, but chiefly the attributes of the /raven gens. His mother belonged to the gens NunEmasEk'alis, of the Tlau'itsis; hence he wears the mask of that gens. He had an only daughter, who, with her husband, lived with him. She died, and her husband is the present owner of the heraldic column of the gens. The son of this daughter, at present a boy seven years of age,- is the future tlhief of the gens. hig Among the Salish there is no trace of matriarchal institutions. The becW belongs to the father's gens, the eldest son inheriting his rank and matte. 808). COnfin' . ffjfifa ^OL > to m m ^- L.-,her is «iW, Wl 830 REPORT—1889. Closely connected with the gentes of the Kwakiutt societies, each of which has certain characteristic dancx They are obtained by marriage in the same way in wn. is obtained. There is, however, one restriction to the ac the right to become a member of the secret society. The pei. is to acquire it must be declared worthy by the tribe assembled council. Not until this is done is the man allowed to marry the g;v from whose father the right of being initiated is to be acquired. This i.. even true regarding the 'medicine men.' The emblems of these secret societies are rings of red cedar-bark, of various designs. The connection of the gentes and these institutions may be seen from the legend 'Heli- kilikila and Lotlemak'a,' which was told on p. 825.x Although a few of the tribes inhabiting the country adjoining that of the Kwakiutl have secret societies of the same character among them they are in no way connected with the gens. This fact, as well as the difference in the character of the legends of the gentes, proves that the social organisation of these groups of tribes is of entirely different origin. The southern groups derive their origin from a fabulous ancestor who is either himself the totem or to whose adventures the totem refers. The first is the case in the gens Si'sintlae, which derives its^ originfrom the sun,Ts'E'nts'EnHk''aio of the Walaskwakintl, which derives its origin from the eagle, and others. In the majority of cases the crest refers to adventures of the ancestor. In the northern groups we observe a, pure animal totem, but the animal is not considered the ancestor of the gens bearing its name. The crest always refers to adventures of one ■of the ancestors. Government and Law. The people of this country are divided into three classes: common people, middle class, and chiefs. While the last form a group by themselves, the members of the class forming the highest nobility, children of middle-class people are born common people, and remain so until they become members of a secret society, or give a great feast and take a name. All along the coast the giving away of presents is considered a means of attaining social distinction. The chief has numerous prerogatives, although his'influence upon the members of the tribe is comparatively small. I am best acquainted with his claims among the Tsimshian, but it seems probable that these institutions are much alike among the various peoples. He has to carry out the decisions of the council; mora particularly, he has to declare peace and war. His opinion must be asked by the tribe in all important events. He decides when the winter village is to be left, when the fishing begins, &c. The first fish, the first berriesJ &c. are given to him. It is his duty to begin all dances. He mustb^ invited to all festivities, and when the first whistles are blown in winte indicating the beginning of the dancing season, he receives a certain tribute. People of low rank must not step up directly to a chief, whose seat is in the rear of the house, but must approach him going along th< walls of the house. all Tsimshian chiefs is the one of til His name is invariably LEgi'eq. He is consider. 1 See the author's paper on ' The use of masks on the North-West Coa America,' in Internationales Archivfilr Ethnographie, 1888. afer- U- The highest in rank among Gyispaqla'ots tribe. ON THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES OF CANADA. 831 the noblest, because a number of secret societies are only permitted to/his family and tribe. This is accounted for by the fact that these secret societies were acquired by marriage from the Gyit'ama't. Tradition says— —and it is undoubtedly correct—that a woman of the Gyispaqla'ots/tribe eloped with a Gyit'ama't chief, to whose gens these dances belonged./After her return the woman was given the name G''amdema'qtl (= only in eloping ascending mountain). The name LEgi'eq is a Gyit'amait name. It is a privilege of the Gyispaqlaots to trade with the Gyitksa'n; and they kept up this privilege successfully even against the Hudson Bay/Company until the latter purchased it from them in 1886. The Gyit'Erida chiefs are relatives of those of the Gyispaqla'ots. They share their privileges, and bear the same names, the one LEgi'eq excepted. The Gyitqa'tla are considered higher in rank than any other of the tribes of the Tsimshian proper. They have the same secret societies which the Gyispaqla'ots and Git'Enda' have. They acquired them through intermarriage from the Gyitlo'p and Heiltsuk'. Only quite recently the Haida acquired them from the Gyitqa'tla. The Gyits'umra'lon are not of Tsimshian origin. Six generations (that is, about 150 years) ago a number of Tongas (Tlingit), men and women, emigrated from Alaska in consequence of continued wars, and settled on the brook of Gyits'umra'lon. They married a number of Tsimshian womer and men, among whom the names Rataqa'q and Astoe'ne are mentioned For a considerable time they continued to speak Tlingit, but finally were assimilated by the Tsimshian. Their descendants are still called Gunho'ot (runaways). It is becoming to a chief to be proud and to leave his memory to his descendants. Therefore the LEgi'eq, who ruled 150 years ago (the sixth back), had his figure painted on a vertical precipice on Nass River. A series of coppers is standing under his figure. Since that time the place is called WulgyilEgstqald'amptk (where self on written). Seven generations ago Neswiba'sk (grandfather great wind), a chief at Meqtlak'qa'tla, had his figure carved on a rock on an island near Meqtlak'qa'tla. He lay down, had his outline marked, and the carving completed in a single night. The Gyitg'a'ata of Grenville Channel are subjects of the chief of the Gyitwulgya'ts. They have to pay a tribute of fish, oil, berries, and skim every year. The Gyitla'op are subjects of the chief of the Gyitqa'tla. When a chief dies the chieftaincy devolves upon his younger brother, then upon his nephew, and, if there is none, upon his niece. Only, if a chief's family dies out the head man of his crest can become chief. This is the only case in which a middle-class man can advance to the rank of a chief. The chief's property, as well as that of others, is inherited first by the nephews; if there are none, then by the deceased's mother or aunt. A woman's property is inherited by her children. There are very few common people, for whoever can afford it lets his child enter a secret society immediately after birth, by proxy. The child thus becomes a middle-class man. The more feasts are given by him tin higher becomes his rank, but no member of the middle class can evei become a member of the chief class. The chief's daughter on reaching maturity must grind down her teeth by chewing a pebble of jade (see p. 808). So far as I know, this is the only deformation of the body which is confined to one class only. /^ When a. familv is liable to * t. " xx" father is jer. ~0 fljjrm hr^. to fl«V"+, OTI' ,n h !L- -830 T}T7T>o"RT_ -1889. 832 REPORT—1889. • *a- of his daughters, who then receives a name belonging to his crest. On this occasion a great festival is given. A man cannot adopt more than one child at a time. The council is composed of middle-class men. Nobody who has not taken a name, or who is not a member of a secret society, is allowed to take part in it. The mother's brother represents his nephews. A woman is only admitted if she is the head of a family. The council decides all important questions concerning the tribe, and is the court which judges criminals. Those who are found guilty of sorcery are tied up and placed at the edge of low water, and are left there to be drowned. According to legends, such people were frequently left alone in the winter village to starve to death. If a man does not observe the prescribed rules during dances he is tied and brought before the council. If nobody speaks in his favour he is killed, else he is punished by being made a slave, or by heavy payments. All crimes can be atoned for by sufficient payments. If such are not made it is the duty of the nearest relatives to take revenge. The coast tribes have always been great traders, and they had a certain currency. Dentalia, skins, and slaves were standards of value. For less valuable property marmot-skins sewed together served as currency. The Tsimshian used to exchange olachen oil and carvings of mountain- Toat horn for canoes. The Chitlk'at sold their beautiful blankets; the Heiltsuk*, canoes; while the southern tribes furnished principally slaves. The latter were in every respect the property of their masters, who were allowed to kill them, to sell them, or to give them their liberty. Children of slaves were also slaves. Strangers are always received kindly and with much ceremony. Among the tribes who still adhere to their old customs they are offered the host's daughter while they remain. So far as I am aware, the institutions of the Haida, Tlingit, and Heiltsuk' are much the same as those described here. I did not learn any details,' as I did not visit these tribes in- their homes. The following observations hold good for the Kwakiutl and Coast Salish, as well as for the northern group of tribes. Polygamy is not of rare occurrence, although generally each man has only one wife. The first wife is of higher rank than those married at a later date. Women must not take part in the councils and feasts, except when they are heads of families (or, among the Kwakiutl, chiefs daughters) ; but the husband takes home from the feast a dish of all the various kinds of food that were served. The dish must be returned the same night. The principal work of the women is gathering berries and clams, drying fish, and preparing the meals. They weave mats, blankets, and hats. The men, on the other hand, hunt and fish, they fetch fuel—if large logs are wanted—and build houses and canoes. They also make the carvings and paintings. The property of the whole gens is vested in the chief, who considers the salmon rivers, berry patches, and coast strips, in which the gens has the sole right, as his property. Houses belong to the man who erected the framework. They are always inhabited by members of one gens. Canoes, fishing-gear, &c. are personal property. Women own boxes, dishes, and other household goods. The Kwakiutl.—As among these tribes paternal institutions take the ON THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES OF CANADA. 833 to the northern group of tribes. If such is possible, the rank of each man is here still more exactly fixed than among their neighbours. The rank is determined by the gens to which a man belongs, by the feasts he has given, and by the secret societies to which he belongs. In the list of gentes on page 827 I have enumerated the Kwakiutl gentes according to their social standing. In great festivals celebrated for the purpose of acquiring rank by giving away property, the noblest guests sit in the rear part of the house, nearest the fire, and the lower in rank the farther back they sit. When only one row is formed those lowest in rank sit nearest the door. The affairs of the whole tribe are discussed in council, in which only men participate. Before the opening of the discussion four songs are sung and four courses are served. Then the public affairs are discussed in long and elaborate speeches, delivered principally by the chiefs. In time of peace there is no chief who has acknowledged authority over the whole tribe, but each gens has its own chief. A certain superiority of social standing is acknowledged in those who have given a great donation feast. In times of war a war chief is elected. The chief represents his gens, and carries out the decision of the council. Except on delivering speeches, he does not speak to people of low rank, but converses with them through messengers. Xf a single person is offended, the gentes of both his father and mother are obliged to come to his help. Thus the long war between the Coast Salish and Lekwiltok originated. Formerly these wars were of so frequent occurrence that the villages all along the coast were protected by stockades. The institutions of the Coast Salish and of the Kwakiutl are pretty much the same, except that the former have a pure patriarchate, and the child inherits his father's rank and property. Among the Sk'qo'mic, for instance, the chieftaincy devolves upon the chief's son. If there is only a daughter his grandson is the successor. If there are no children a new chief is elected from among his gens. If the successor is a young boy a representative is. elected who acts as chief nmtil the boy is grown up and has assumed a name. If a man dies his wife inherits all the property and keeps it until her children are grown (up. After the death of the husband she gives a potlatch to his memory. Among all the tribes heretofore described each gens owns a certain [district and certain fishing privileges. Among the Tlingit, Haida, and Tsimshian each gens in each village has its own fishing-ground; its mountains and valleys, on which it has the sole right of hunting and picking berries; its rivers in which to fish salmon, and its house-sites. For this reason the houses of one gens are always grouped together. I do not know of any tradition which accounts for this fact, or of any other [foundation of their claim. The Kwakiutl, who have the same distribution of land among the various gentes, account for this fact by saying that the ancestor of each gens descended from heaven to the particular region now owned by his descendants. Later on K'anikilak', the son of the- deity (see p. 826), in his wanderings encountered these ancestors, and gave them the couTriry they inhabited as their property, filling at \\he same time their rij pa with salmon. The Coast Salish derive their Claims to certain tracts vf land in the same way from the fact that the Incestor of each gens c^ime down to a certain place, or that he settled jhere after the great flool. The right of a gens to the place where it 1889. 3h 111 834 REPORT—1889. L originated cannot be destroyed. It may acquire by war or by other I events territory originally belonging to foreign tribes, and leave its home j to be taken up by others; the right of fishing, hunting, and gathering] berries in their old home is rigidly maintained. A careful study shows■ that nowhere the tribe as a body politic owns a district, but that each gens has its proper hunting and fishing grounds, upon which neither members of other tribes nor of other gentes must intrude except by special permission. It would be an interesting and important object of). study to inquire into the territorial rights of each gens, for such a study ' would undoubtedly throw much light upon the ancient history of these' peoples. These rigid laws in regard to the holding of land by the gentes. are very important in the past history of the Indians of British Columbia,r" and are of prime importance in their present relations to the whiteL settlers. One of the most complicated and interesting institutions of these \\ tribes is the so-called potlatch—the custom of paying debts and of ] acquiring distinction by means of giving a great feast and making presents to all guests. It is somewhat difficult to understand the meaning of the potlatch. I should compare its most simple form to our ji custom of invitation or making presents and the obligations arising from the offering, not from the acceptance, of such invitations and presents. Indeed, the system is almost exactly analogous, with the sole exception that the Indian is more anxious to outdo the first giver than the civilised European, who, however, has the same tendency, and that j what is custom with us is law to the Indian. Thus by continued pot- latches each man becomes necessarily the debtor of the other. According to Indian ideas any moral or material harm done to a man can be made good by an adequate potlatch. Thus if a man was ridiculed by another \\ he gives away a number of blankets to his friends, and thus regains his former standing. I remember, for instance, that the grandson of a chief in Hope Island by unskilful management of his little canoe was upset near the beach and had to wade ashore. The grandfather felt ashamed on account of the boy's accident, and gave away blankets to take away the occasion of remarks on this subject In the same way a man whd feels injured by another will destroy a certain amount of property ; then his adversary is compelled to do the same, else a stain of dishonour would rest upon him. This custom may be compared to a case when a member of civilised society gives away to no good purpose a considerable) amount of money ostentatiously in order to show his superiority over a' detested neighbour. I adduce these comparisons to show that the custom] is not so difficult to understand, and is founded on psychical causes as! active in our civilised society as among the barbarous natives of British Columbia. A remarkable feature of the potlatch is the custom of giving feasts going beyond the host's means. The procedure at such occasions is also exactly regulated. The foundation of this custom is the solidarity of the individual and the gens, or even the tribe, to which he belongs. If an individual gains social distinction his gens participates in it. If he loses in respect the stain rests also on the gens. Therefore the gens contributes to the payments to be made at a" festival. If the feast isf given to foreign tribes the whole tribe contrib' tes to these payments; The method by which this is done has beer, well set forth by Dr[ G. M. Dawson (' Trans. Roy. Soc. Can.' 1887, page 80). The man whc intends to give the potlatch first borrows as many blankets as he needt ON THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES OF CANADA. 835 from both his friends and from those whom he is going to invito to the feast. Everyone lends him as many as he can afford, i.e. according to his rank. At the feast these are given away, each man receiving the more the higher his rank is. All those who have received anything at the potlatch have to repay the double amount at a later day, and this is used to repay those who lent blankets. At each such feast the man who gives it acquires a new and more honourable name. Among the Snanaimuq I observed the following customs : The chief's son adopts, some time after his father's death, the latter's name. For this purpose he invites all the neighbouring tribes to a potlatch. The Snanaimuq have a permanent scaffold erected in front of their houses, on which the chief stands during the potlatch, assisted by two slaves, who distribute the presents he gives away among his guests, who stand and sit in the street. As it is necessary to give a great festival at the assumption of the chief's name, the new chief continues sometimes for years and years to accumulate wealth for the purpose of celebrating this event. At the festival his father's name is given him by four chiefs of foreign tribes. I will give here some details on the wars of this tribe. The warriors were thoroughly trained. They were not allowed to eat while on the warpath. Before setting out on such an expedition they painted their faces red. When near the village they intended to attack, the party divided one half hid in the woods behind the village, while the others watched in their canoes. When the latter gave a sign both parties attacked the village. When successful, the men were killed, the women and children carried off as slaves. The heads of the slain were cut off, taken home, and planted on poles in front of the houses. It may be of interest to hear the history of one of these wars that raged for many years about the middle of this century as told by a chief of the Snanaimuq. K'oa'Elitc, a chief of the Si'ciatl, had a daughter, who was the wife of a chief of the Snanaimuq. Once upon a time the former tribe was attacked by the Le'kwiltok', and many men had been killed. Then Koa'Elitc sent to the chief of the Snanaimuq and called upon him for help. They- set out jointly and met the Le'kwiltok' at Qu'sam •(Salmon River). In the ensuing struggle the Si'ciatl and Snanaimuq were victorious, but many of their warriors were killed. They brought home many heads of their enemies. The friends of the Snanaimuq, however, were sad when they heard of the death of so many of their friends, and they resolved to take revenge. They all, the Pena'leqats, T'a'tEkE, Yeqo'laos, Qela'ltq, CEk'Eme'n, Snono'os, Snanaimuq, and Si'ciatl, gathered and made war upon the Le'kwiltok". Another battle was fought at Qu'sam, in which the Le'kwiltok' were utterly defeated, and in which many slaves were captured. Now the Le'kwiltok' called upon their northern neighbours for help. They were greatly reduced in numbers ; of the Tlaa'luis only three were left. Then these tribes went south to take revenge, and in a number of battles fought with the southern tribes, who had meanwhile been joined by the tribes of Puget Sound. While the war was thus raging with alternating success, part of the tribes on Vancouver Island had removed to the upper part of Cowitchin River, others to Nanaimo River, still others to the mainland. Posts were continually maintained to keep the tribes informed of movements of the Le'kwiltok* and their allies. Once they had unexpectedly made an expedition southward before the tribes were able to gather. They had gone past Fraser River to Puget Sound and had massacred the tribes of that region. 3 h 2 836 REPORT—1889. Meanwhile those assembled on Cowitchin River had sent word to the tribes of Fraser River and summoned them to come to the island. They told them to pass through Cowitchin Gap and to look on the shallow beach on the north side of that channel for a signal. They obeyed. Meanwhile all the tribes on the island had assembled and determined to await the return of the Le'kwiltok' in Maple Bay. To indicate this they erected a pole, sprinkled with the blood of a blue jay, at the beach in Cowitchin Gap, and made it point towards Maple Bay. Thus they all assembled. Early one morning they heard the Le'kwiltok* coming. They sang songs of victory. Unexpectedly they were attacked. Almost all of them were slaughtered, their canoes sunk, and women and children enslaved. A few reached the shore, but were starved near Comox. This was the last great battle of the war. The narrator's father made peace with the northern tribes. He was the first to settle again on Gabriola Island. He emancipated his slaves. When peace was made the chiefs made their peoples intermarry. I have no observations to offer on the government or laws of the Kutona'qa, except that usually the chief is succeeded by his son. If the latter is not considered worthy the new chief is elected from among his family. Customs regarding Birth, Marriage, and Death. Krause gives the following reports of the customs of the Tlingit observed at the birth of a child. He says that, according to Kemiaminow, the women are assisted by midwives. After the child is born the young mother has to remain for ten days in a small hut, which is erected for this purpose, and in which the child was born. The new-born infant is washed with cold fresh water and kept in a cradle filled with moss. It is not given the breast until all the contents of its stomach (which are considered the cause of disease) are removed by vomiting, which is promoted by pressing the stomach. A month after birth the mother is said to leave her hut for the first time; then she washes her child and puts on new clothing. For five days after birth the mother does not partake of any food, but drinks a little lukewarm water. Among the Tsimshian I observed the following customs : A woman who is with child is not allowed to eat tails of salmon, as else the confinement would be hard. She must rise early in the morning and leave the house before any of the other inhabitants leave it. Before the child is born the father must stay outside his house, and must wear ragged clothing. After the child is born he must abstain from eating any fat food, particularly porcupine, seal, and whale. The mother is confined in a small house or in a separate room. Numerous ceremonies must be observed when girls reach maturity. When about thirteen or fourteen years old they begin to practise fasting, eating in the afternoon only, as a very severe fasting is prescribed at the time when they reach maturity. It is believed that if they had any food in their stomachs at this time they would have bad luck in all future. They must remain alone and unseen in their room or in a porch for ten days, and abstain from food and drink. For four days they are not even allowed a drop of water. For a fortaight the girl is not permitted to chew her own food. If she desires to have two or three boys when married, two or three men chew her food for her ; in tUe other case, two or three I ON THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES OF CANADA. 837 women. At the end of this fasting they are covered with mats and held over a fire. It is believed that by this ceremony her children are made to be healthy; if it were omitted they would die, even if they grow up to be a few years old. The girl is not allowed to look at fresh salmon and olachen for a whole year, and has to abstain from eating it. Her head is always covered with a small mat, and she must not look at men. She must not lie down, but always sit, propped up between boxes and mats. Her mother's clan give a great feast and many presents to her father's clan. At this feast her ears are perforated, and she is given ear-ornaments. When a chief's daughter- reaches maturity she is given a jade pebble, which she must bite until her teeth are completely worn down in the middle. When the festival was held slaves were often given away or killed. I will mention in this place that women when drinking for the first time after marriage must turn their cup four times in the same direction in which the sun is moving, and drink very little only. The perforation of the ears is repeated at later occasions, and every time a new hole is made a new festival is celebrated. After a death has occurred, the relatives of the deceased have their hair cut short and their faces blackened. They cover their heads with ragged and soiled mats, and go four times around the body singing mourning songs. They must speak but little, confining themselves to answering questions, as it is believed that they would else become chatterboxes. Until the body is buried they must fast, eating only a very little at night. Women of the gentes to which the deceased did not belong act as wailers, and are paid for their work, the whole gens of the deceased contributing to the payment. In wailing the women must keep their eyes closed. The gens to which the deceased person's father belongs must bury him. The body lies in state for a number of days. It is washed immediately after death, placed upright and painted with the crest of the gens of the dead person. His dancing ornaments and weapons are placed by his side. Then the body is put into a box which is tied up with lines made of elk-skins. These are furnished by the gens of the deceased, and kept as a payment by the other gens. The bodies, except those of shamans, are burnt. The box is placed on the funeral pile, the lines of elk-skin are taken off and kept by the father's gens. A hole is cut into the bottom of the box and the pile is lighted. Before all is burnt the heart is taken out of the body and buried. It is believed that if it were burnt, all relations of the deceased would die. The father's gens, besides receiving the lines, is paid with marmot-skins and blankets. The nearest relations mourn for a whole year. Some time after the burial a memorial post is erected and a memorial festival celebrated. If many members of one family die in quick succession, the survivors lay their fourth fingers on the edge of the box in which the corpse is deposited and cut off the first joint ' to cut off the deaths ' (gyidig*'ots). The bodies of shamans are buried in caves or in the woods. These customs are common to the Tlingit, Haida, and Tsimshian. Bilqula.—Among the Bilqula I noted the following customs: They have professional midwives to assist the woman, who is delivered in a small house built for this purpose. The child is washed in warm water. The mother must remain for ten days in h ?r room. Father and mother "Nm [are not allowed to go near the river for take offence. a year, else the salmon would m 838 REPORT—1889. Girls when reaching maturity must stay in their bedroom, where they have a fireplace of their own. They are not" allowed to descend to the floor, and do not sit by the fire of the family. After a while they may leave their room, but only through a hole cut in the floor (the houses- standing on piles), through which they must also enter. They are allowed to pick berries, but for a whole year they must not come near the river or the sea. They must not drink more than is absolutely necessary. They must not eat salmon of the season, else they would lose their senses, or their mouths would be transformed into long beaks. They must not eat snow, which is much liked by the Indians, nor must they chew gum. Kwakiutl.—There are the same restrictions regarding the place in which women are confined and regarding the food of girls reaching maturity. The marriage customs are of peculiar interest on account of the transition from maternal to paternal institutions that may be observed here. If a young man wishes to marry a girl, he must send messengers to the girl's father and ask his permission. If the father accepts the suitor, he may demand fifty or more blankets, according to his rank, to be paid at once. He demands double that number to be paid after three months. After this second payment has been made, the young man is allowed to live with his wife in his father-in-law's house. When he goes to live there the young man gives a feast to the whole tribe, without giving away any blankets, and receives from his father-in-law fifty blankets or more. At the same time his father-in-law states when he intends to refund the rest. During the feast, in which the young wife takes part, she tells her father that her husband wishes to have his carvings and dances. Her father is obliged to give them to him, and promises to do so at a future occasion. After three months more the young man pays his father-in-law 100 blankets to gain permission to take his wife to his own home. The blankets which he has given to his father-in-law are repaid by the latter with interest. At the appointed time the woman's father gives a great feast to the whole tribe. He steps forward carrying his copper, the emblem of richness and power, and hands it to his son-in- law, thus giving him his name, carvings, and dances. Tlje young man has to give blankets to every guest attending the feast; the nobler the guest is, the more blankets he receives. The dowry of the bride consists of bracelets made of beaver-toes and copper; so-called ' button-blankets,' copper-plates, and the gyi'serstal. The last is a heavy board shaped like one of the lids of Indian boxes. Its front is set with sea-otter teeth. It is said to represent the human lower jaw, and I was told that it indicates the right of the husband to command his wife to speak or to be silent as he may desire. The bride receives her boxes and other household goods from her parents. After the marriage she makes presents of dishes, spoons, trays, and similar objects to the whole tribe in behalf of her husband, in order to show his liberality. If the woman should intend to separate from her husband, and to return to her parents, her father must repay twofold all he has received from his son-in-law. If there should be a child, he has to repay him threefold. This third part becomes the property of the child. Frequently this is. only a sham divorce, entered into to give an opportunity to the father-in-law to show his liberality and wealth. As soon as he has paid the husband, the latter repurchases his wife. I was ON THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES OF CANAD4.. Fig. 3. The told that the -gyi'serstdl is not used by the Le'kwiltok'. It is certainly not known to the Coast Salish. Among the Tlatlasik'oala and Awiky'e'nok' the gens of the young man go out to meet his bride. They connect four boats by long boards and perform a dance on this platform. The dance is called la'tiaU by the Tlatlasik'oala. Among the Awiky'e'nok another dance is performed, in which a woman has the chief part. She carries a carved piece of wood about a foot and a half long, of the shape shown by the figure, and set with haliotis shells. Besides her, four masked dancers take part in the dance. They are called Winoque'lak', Yaiaua'lak'ame, Aiquma'lakila, and Yaiawino'akisla. Unfortunately I was unable to understand the meaning of their dance. dead are put into boxes and buried either in a separate burial \\ ground or deposited in the higher branches of trees. The tribes living at the northern end of Vancouver Island have separate burial grounds for ehiefs and^for common or middle-class people. The box containing the body is placed in a small house similar to those of the Tlingit and Haida. The house is covered with blankets,, and strips of blanket are fastened to poles erected near the grave or to lines drawn from one tree to the other. Memorial columns, showing the crest of the tribe, are erected near the graves. Large spoons are placed alongside the houses, and are filled with food when the body is buried. At the same time food is burnt on the beach. If the body is hung up in a tree, the lower branches are carefully removed to make it inaccessible. Sometimes chiefs are buried in canoes. The Koskimo frequently bury their dead in a cave. The graveyards are generally situated on small islands or grounds near the village, and are one of the most remarkable sights on the coast, on account of the great display of colours and carvings. The regulations referring to the mourning period are very severe. In case of the death of husband or wife, the survivor has to observe the following rules: For four day s after the death the survivor must sit motionless, the knees drawn up toward the chin. On the third day all the inhabitants of the village, including children, must take a bath. On the fourth day some water is heated in a wooden kettle, and the widow or widower drips it upon his head. When he becomes tired of sitting motionless, and must move, he thinks of his enemy, stretches his legs slowly four times, and draws them up again. Then his enemy must die. During the following sixteen days he must remain on the same spot, but he may stretch out his legs. He is not allowed, however, to move his hands. Nobody must speak to him, and whosoever disobeys this command will be punished by the death of one of his relatives. Every fourth day he takes a bath. He is fed twice a day by an old woman at the time of low water, with salmon caught in the preceding year, and given to him in the dishes and spoons of the deceased. While sitting so his mind is wandering to and fro. He sees his house and his friends as though far, far away. If in his visions he sees a man near by, the latter is sure to die at no distant day; if he sees him very far away, he will continue to I live long. After the sixteen days have passed, he may lie down, but not \\ stretch out. He takes a bath every eighth day. At the end of the first month he takes off his clothing, and dresses the stump of a tree with it. After another month has passed he may sit in a corner of the house, but for four months he must not mingle with others. He must not use the 840 REPORT 1889. N> house-door, but a separate door is cut for his use. Before he leaves the house for th« first time he must three times approach the door and return, then he may leave the house. After ten months his hair is cut short, and after si year the mourning is at an end. At present the Indians abstain, during the mourning, from the use of European implements. Food- is burned for the dead on the beach, sometimes in great quantities, wuich is intended to serve for their food. The mourners wail every morning on the beach, facing the grave. The women scratch their faces with/their nails, and cut them with knives and shells. After the chief's death a great feast is celebrated, in which the son adopts his father's name. At first mourning songs are sung, in which sjtones are used instead of sticks for beating time. Then the whistle Ts'e'koityala is heard, which ends their mourning and restores happiness to their minds. After a while the chief's son enters, carrying his copper plate, and, assuming his father's name, becomes the new chief. Coast Salish. I am best acquainted with the customs of the Snanaimuq, which are probably almost identical with those of the other tribes of this group, the Catlo'ltq excepted, whose customs are more alike to those of the Kwakiutl than to those of the other Coast Salish. It is the custom of the Snanaimuq that, if a woman is to be delivered, all the women are invited to come, and to rub cedar-bark, which is used for washing and bedding the babe. Two women, the wives of chiefs, wash the' new-born babe. All those who do any work on behalf of the mother or child are paid with pieces of a mountain-goat blanket. The mother must not eat anything but dried salmon, and is not allowed to go down to the river. The children are not named until they are several years old. Then all the gentes of the tribe are invited, and at the ensuing festival the child receives the name of his grandfather or that of another old member of the gens. Names once given are not changed, except when that of a chief is assumed by his son. The man who wants to marry a girl goes into the house of her parents, and sits down, without speaking a word, close by the door. There he sits four days, without eating any food. For three days the girl's parents abuse him in every way, but on the fourth day they feign to be moved by his perseverance, and the girl's mother gives him a mat to sit on. In the evening of the fourth day the girl's parents call on the chief of the gens, and request his wife to invite the young man to sit down near the fire. Then he knows that the parents will give their consent to the marriage. A meal is cooked ; some food is served to the young man, and some is sent to his parents in order to advise them of the consent of the girl's family. The latter; on receiving the food, accept; it, and turn at once to cooking a meal. They fill the empty dishes in which the food was sent, and return them to the girl's parents. Then j both families give jointly a great feast. The young man's parents load their boat with mountain-goat blankets and other valuable presents, and leave the landing-place of their house and land at that of the bride's house. They are accompanied by the members of their gens. Meanwhile the bride's gens has assembled in her house. The chiefs of the groom's gens deliver the presents to the bride's parents, making a long and elaborate speech. In return, the bride's parents present these chiefs (e y es re r r s. r n VI ON THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES OF CANAD/ with a few blankets, which are handed to them by the c. gens. Then the groom's gens is invited to partake in a After these ceremonies are ended, the young man and his gen the boat, and stay for a few hours on the water. Meanwhile tL intrusted to the care of the highest chief of her gens, who take, the hand, carrying a rattle elaborately carved, of mountain-goat h the other. Besides this, he carries a mat for the bride to sit on. the highest chief of the other gens takes her from the hands ot former, and leads her into the boat. The presents given by the pare of the young man are restored, later on, in the same proportion by ti. bride's parents. While these formal ceremonies are always observed when both parties are of high rank, in other cases, if both parents are of the same rank, the marriage is sometimes celebrated only by a feast and by a payment of the value of about forty blankets to the bride's parents by those of the groom. These are also restored later on. If the families are of different social standing, the whole gens of those parents who are of higher rank may go to the young couple and recover the husband or wife, as the case may be. This is considered a divorce. Or the chiefs of the offended gens summon a council, and the case is settled by a payment of blankets. The following funeral customs are practised by the Snanaimuq. The face of the deceased is painted with red and black paint. The corpse is put in a box, which is placed on four posts about five feet above the ground. In rare instances only the boxes are fastened in the tops of trees, which are made inaccessible by cutting off the lower branches. Members of a gens are placed near each other, near relatives sometimes in a small house, in which the boxes are enclosed. A chief's body is put in a carved box, and the front posts supporting his coffin are carved. His mask is placed between these posts. The graves of great warriors are marked by a statue representing a warrior with a war-club. There is nothing to distinguish a shaman's grave from that of an ordinary man. The mourners must move very slowly. They are not allowed to come near the water and eat the heads of salmon. They must cook and eat alone, and not £