Arts, Faculty of
Geography, Department of
DSpace
UBCV
Mills, Caroline Ann
Doctor of Philosophy - PhD
University of British Columbia
The topic of gentrification is employed to carry through an argument about the theorization of geographical phenomena. The thesis argues for the revival of a critical cultural geography, in conjunction with the currently dominant perspectives on economic and social change in the geography of restructuring. Applying the realist perspective on gentrification as a chaotic conception, a critical appraisal is made of the conventional production-oriented and consumption-oriented approaches to explaining gentrification. The "production of gentrifiers" approach, which seeks to overcome their conceptual divisions, offers a base for further work. Three levels for examinating gentrification are proposed. First, gentrification is viewed as a conjuncture of contingent social processes. The structuration of class and gender under conditions of socioeconomic restructuring is called upon to explain changing patterns of residential choice, employing the heuristic of postindustrial class relations and postpatriarchal gender relations. An extensive statistical analysis at the urban-system scale describes the pattern of incidence of gentrification between 22 Canadian Census Metropolitan Areas. High levels of gentrification are found to occur in urban contexts indicative of the presence of a postindustrial mode of class relations and a postpatriarchal mode of gender relations. At the second level of investigation, gentrification is treated as a context for the negotiation of social conduct. An intensive ethnographic methodology is applied in one Vancouver neighbourhood, drawing upon resident interviews. "Thick Description" draws out the strategies by which gentrifiers respond to changing socioeconomic conditions. Gentrification itself is an environmental tactic allowing them to construct workable and satisfying styles of life. The geographic context enables a complex articulation of domestic life with the public realm of work. At the third level, which has been neglected elsewhere in the literature, gentrification is investigated as a constituent in the construction of social identity. The emergent meaning of the inner city is examined, especially with respect to gentrifiers' images of "the urban". Drawing upon the literature on landscape as text, a third heuristic—the postmodern— explores the inner city as a terrain of meaning, and the interactions of textual communities of landscape "producers" and "consumers".
INTERPRETING GENTRIFICATION: POSTINDUSTRIAL, POSTPATRIARCHAL, POSTMODERN? By CAROLINE ANN MILLS B.A. (Hons.) U n i v e r s i t y of Oxford, 1980 M.A. U n i v e r s i t y of Calgary, 1982 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Geography) We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the r e q u i r e d standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA March 1989 © C a r o l i n e Ann M i l l s , 1989 I n p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f t h e r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r a n a d v a n c e d d e g r e e a t t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , I a g r e e t h a t t h e L i b r a r y s h a l l m a k e i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e a n d s t u d y . 1 f u r t h e r a g r e e t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y p u r p o s e s m a y b e g r a n t e d b y t h e h e a d o f m y d e p a r t m e n t o r b y h i s o r h e r r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s u n d e r s t o o d t h a t c o p y i n g o r p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l n o t b e a l l o w e d w i t h o u t m y w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . D e p a r t m e n t T h e U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a V a n c o u v e r , C a n a d a D E - 6 ( 2 / 8 8 ) ABSTRACT The topic of gentrification i s employed to carry through an argument about the theorization of geographical phenomena. The thesis argues for the revival of a c r i t i c a l cultural geography, in conjunction with the currently dominant perspectives on economic and social change in the geography of restructuring. Applying the realist perspective on gentrification as a chaotic concep-tion, a c r i t i c a l appraisal i s made of the conventional production-oriented and consumption-oriented approaches to explaining gentrification. The "production of gentrifiers" approach, which seeks to overcome their concep-tual divisions, offers a base for further work. Three levels for examinating gentrification are proposed. First, gentrification i s viewed as a conjuncture of contingent social processes. The structuration of class and- gender under conditions of socioeconomic restructuring i s called upon to explain changing patterns of residential choice, employing the heuristic of postindustrial class relations and postpatriarchal gender relations. An extensive s t a t i s t i c a l analysis at the urban-system scale describes the pattern of incidence of gentrification between 22 Canadian Census Metropolitan Areas. High levels of gentrification are found to occur in urban contexts indicative of the presence of a postindustrial mode of class relations and a postpatriarchal mode of gender relations. At the second level of investigation, gentrification i s treated as a context for the negotiation of social conduct. An intensive ethnographic methodology i s applied in one Vancouver neighbourhood, drawing upon resident interviews. "Thick Description" draws out the strategies by which g e n t r i f i -ers respond to changing socioeconomic conditions. Gentrification i t s e l f i s an environmental tactic allowing them to construct workable and satisfying i i styles of l i f e . The geographic context enables a complex a r t i c u l a t i o n of domestic l i f e with the p u b l i c realm of work. At the t h i r d l e v e l , which has been neglected elsewhere i n the l i t e r a -ture, g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i s investigated as a constituent i n the construction of s o c i a l i d e n t i t y . The emergent meaning of the inner c i t y i s examined, e s p e c i a l l y with respect to g e n t r i f i e r s ' images of "the urban". Drawing upon the l i t e r a t u r e on landscape as text, a t h i r d h euristic— - t h e postmodern— explores the inner c i t y as a t e r r a i n of meaning, and the i n t e r a c t i o n s of textual communities of landscape "producers" and "consumers". i i i TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ABSTRACT i i TABLE OF CONTENTS i v LIST OF TABLES v i i LIST OF FIGURES i x LIST OF PLATES . X ACKNOWLEDGMENTS x i i CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION 1 1.1 Describing g e n t r i f i c a t i o n as an empirical event 2 1.2 Defining g e n t r i f i c a t i o n as a t h e o r e t i c a l object 10 1.3 Society, space and ge n t r i f i c a t i o n 14 1.4 Structure of the argument 22 Notes 26 CHAPTER TWO CONVENTIONAL EXPLANATIONS OF GENTRIFICATION 27 2.1 Patterns of urban r e s i d e n t i a l form 28 2.2 S t r u c t u r a l i s t production-oriented approaches 37 2.21 Marxist explanation 37 2.22 Managerialist explanation 44 2.3 I n d i v i d u a l i s t consumption-oriented approaches .50 2.31 Demographic factors 51 2.32 L i f e s t y l e factors 54 2.33 Occupational factors 60 2.4 Conclusions 62 Notes 64 CHAPTER THREE THE PRODUCTION OF GENTRIFIERS , 66 3.1 Gentrif i c a t i o n and the r e s t r u c t u r i n g of gender r e l a t i o n s 68 i v TABLE OF CONTENTS (Continued) Page 3.11 Geography of women 70 3.12 Geography of gender 74 3.13 Gender and ge n t r i f i c a t i o n 80 3.2 Gentrif i c a t i o n and the r i s e of the new clas s 84 3.21 Marxist perspectives 88 3.22 Weberian perspectives 96 3.23 Class s t r u c t u r a t i o n 105 3.3 Geography, c l a s s and gender 109 3.4 Agenda for i n v e s t i g a t i n g g e n t r i f i c a t i o n 115 3.41 G e n t r i f i c a t i o n as a conjuncture of contingent s o c i a l processes 115 3.41 G e n t r i f i c a t i o n as a context f o r negotiating s o c i a l conduct 116 3.43 G e n t r i f i c a t i o n as a constituent i n the construction of s o c i a l i d e n t i t y 124 Notes 129 CHAPTER FOUR GENTRIFICATION ACROSS THE CANADIAN METROPOLITAN SYSTEM 130 4.1 The incidence of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n and the " p o s t i n d u s t r i a l mode" 137 4.2 The incidence of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n and the "post p a t r i a r c h a l mode" 143 4.21 M a r i t a l status 146 4.22 Family composition 155 4.23 Organization of domestic l i f e 155 4.3 Conclusions 161 Notes 169 CHAPTER FIVE GENTRIFICATION IN VANCOUVER 170 5.1 The economic and s o c i a l context of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i n Vancouver 170 v TABLE OF CONTENTS (Continued) Page 5.2 Patterns of gen t r i f i c a t i o n i n Vancouver 182 5.3 Development of Fairview Slopes 196 5.4 S o c i a l change i n Fairview Slopes 217 5.5 The g e n t r i f i e d Landscape of Fairview Slopes 243 Notes 255 CHAPTER SIX DESIGN FOR LIVING 257 6.1 P r o f i l i n g the Fairview Slopes g e n t r i f i e r 258 6.2 Buying i n t o Fairview Slopes 263 6.3 Setting as strategy, townhouse as t a c t i c 274 6.4 The empty nest 288 6.5 The family i n f l u x 293 6.6 P o s t i n d u s t r i a l professionals? 303 6.7 Postpatriarchal households? 318 6.8 Conclusions 346 CHAPTER SEVEN "LIFE ON THE UPSL0PE" 349 7.1 "A d i s t i n c t i v e area f o r a l i v i n g investment" 355 7.2 " C i t y l i v i n g at i t s best" 367 CHAPTER EIGHT "FABULOUS FAIRVIEW": THE MAKING OF A POSTMODERN TEXT 391 8.1 Advertising, landscape and commodity 391 8.2 The postmodern landscape ....402 8.3 Postmodernism and the p r a c t i c e of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n 424 CHAPTER NINE CONCLUSIONS 450 BIBLIOGRAPHY 455 APPENDIX A 473 v i LIST OF TABLES Page 4.1 Gentrif i c a t i o n of Canadian Inner C i t i e s , 1971-1981 136 4.2 C o r r e l a t i n g I n d u s t r i a l Structure with Index of Inner C i t y Gentrif i c a t i o n 139 4.3 Median Ages at F i r s t Marriage 147 4.4 Canadian Population F i f t e e n Years and Over, by Mar i t a l Status....147 4.5 Percentage Remaining Single, by Age Groups 149 4.6 Percentage of Single Women i n C.M.A.s 150 4.7 C o r r e l a t i n g M a r i t a l Status with Index of Inner C i t y Gentrif i c a t i o n 152 4.8 C o r r e l a t i n g Percentage Single and Percentage Divorced 154 4.9 C o r r e l a t i n g Family Composition with Index of Inner C i t y Gentrif i c a t i o n 156 4.10 C o r r e l a t i n g Domestic Organization with Index of Inner C i t y Gentrif i c a t i o n 157 4.11 M u l t i p l e Regression of 1981 Variables Measuring Class and Gender Relations Against Index of Inner C i t y G e n t r i f i c a t i o n ; 162 4.12 Adding Measure of Housing Squeeze to Regression Model 165 5.1 Employment Structure for Vancouver CM.A. and Vancouver C i t y , 1981 .172 5.2 Jobs i n Vancouver C i t y , 1981 177 5.3 Gender Relations i n Vancouver CM.A., 1981 181 5.4 Selected Measures of Gender Relations f or Vancouver CM.A. and Vancouver C i t y , 1981 183 5.5 Median Census Tract Scores on Measurement of Female Status by Group 194 5.6 Population Five Years and Over by M o b i l i t y Status, by percentage.220 5.7 Age D i s t r i b u t i o n , by Percentage 221 5.8 D i s t r i b u t i o n by Ma r i t a l Status, by Percentage 223 5.9 Selected Family and Household Variables 224 v i i LIST OF TABLES (Continued) Page 5.10 Housing Costs 227 5.11 Labour Force A c t i v i t y 229 5.12 Labour Force by Industry D i v i s i o n 231 5.13 Labour Force by Industry D i v i s i o n and Sex, Fairview Slopes, 1981.233 5.14 Labour Force by Occupation 234 5.15 Occupations from Voters' L i s t s 236 5.16 Occupation Structure, 1971 to 1985, by Percentage 237 5.17 Labour Force by Occupation and Sex, Fairview Slopes, 1981 240 5.18 Measures of Income 241 6.1 Tabulations of Data Collected i n Interviews 264 6.2 Tenure of Interviewee Households, Based on Chief Household Respondent 265, 6.3 D i s t r i b u t i o n of Occupations by Census Categories f o r Persons with C l a s s i f i e d Occupations 306 v i i i LIST OF FIGURES Page 5.1 Vancouver Census Metropolitan Area, and Muncipalities 174 5.2 Vancouver Local Areas 176 5.3 Inner C i t y G e n t r i f i c a t i o n i n Vancouver, by Census Tract 186 5.4 Proportion of Single Women i n Vancouver, by Census Tract 189 5.5 Dual-Worker Families, by Census Tract 190 5.6 Census Tract Groups from Cluster Analysis on Female Status Variables 193 5.7 R e s i d e n t i a l Core of Fairview Slopes, with major streets 200 ix LIST OF PLATES Page 5.1 The view from Fairview Slopes i n 1986 197 5.2 Small house d i s p l a y i n g a p p l i c a t i o n f or development permit 198 5.3 House for sale 199 5.4 An example of i n f i l l completed i n the l a t e 1970s 208 5.5 House renovated with Japanese d e t a i l s ...210 5.6 "Windgate Choklit Park" 213 5.7 "Rhapsody Citihomes" 214 5.8 A small and d i l a p i d a t e d house remaining on 8th Avenue 245 5.9 "Oakview Terrace" 246 5.10 A cedar-clad townhouse development 248 5.11 "La G a l l e r i a I" ..249 5.12 "Choklit Park" townhouses 254 7.1 An a d v e r t i s i n g board c e l e b r a t i n g " L i f e on the Upslope" ...352 7.2 Advertisement for "Dover Pointe" 354 7.3 "La G a l l e r i a I I " . 358 7.4 Advertising board for "Dover Pointe" 369 8.1 "Ballentyne Square" 412 8.2 "Alder V i l l a g e Townhouses" 413 8.3 The archway to "The San Franciscan I I " 415 8.4 "Alder View Court" 416 8.5 "Wemsley Mews".. 417 8.6 The triumphal arch to "Willow Arbour Townhouses" 420 8.7 O r i g i n a l warehouses are incorporated i n Roger Hughes' award-winning "The Sixth Estate" i 421 8.8 The rear facade of "The Sixth Estate" 422 8.9 Advertisement for Canadian Club 434 x LIST OF PLATES (Continued) Page 8.10 Advertisement for "The Maximillian" 435 8.11 Cartoon appearing i n pamphlet for the Grand Opening of "Rhapsody Citihomes" 436 x i ACKNOWLEDGMENTS No student could ask for a more generous supervisor than David Ley, and I consider myself honoured to have worked with him. I am most g r a t e f u l for the advice and support of 'the members of my committee: Shelagh Lindsey, Gerry Pratt, Jim White. I also thank Jim Duncan, Derek Gregory and Terry McGee, who offered encouragement at d i f f e r e n t stages of the production of t h i s t h e s i s . The Department of Geography and the Un i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia provided f i n a n c i a l support i n the form of Assistantships and Fellowships. The U n i v e r s i t y of Birmingham and the College of St. Paul and St. Mary gave me the opportunity to complete t h i s thesis i n a conducive environment. I owe many thanks to the "producers" and "consumers" of Fairview Slopes who generously gave some of t h e i r time to t a l k to me about the neighbourhood, and I am e s p e c i a l l y g r a t e f u l to those who put me i n contact with other informants. The community of graduate students must be acknowledged as the source of i n t e l l e c t u a l stimulation as well as f r i e n d s h i p . I wish to thank Sue Grimmond, Brad Jackson, Kay Anderson, Gary Barrett, Robert McKinnon, Helen Cleugh, John Paterson, a l l at 18th S t r e e t — a n d most e s p e c i a l l y Catherine, with whose a i d I overcame time-space d i s t a n c i a t i o n . Most important of a l l has been Mike's support—both loving and l o g i s t i c a l ; he deserves at l e a s t a "Ph.D. A s s i s t " to be added to h i s own Doctorate! This t h e s i s i s dedicated to the memory of my Godmother, J i l l King. x i i i CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION In 1985, Spiegel' Catalogs launched an a d v e r t i s i n g campaign. The advertisement which appeared i n fashionable magazines pic t u r e s a young couple i n the bedroom of t h e i r condominium. She "lies on the bed, poring over a newspaper (the f i n a n c i a l pages we suspect) with a glass of white wine within easy reach. He exercises at a rowing machine, with the open pages of a book turned towards him. The text of the advertisement reads: "Ozzie and Harriet never l i v e d l i k e d t h i s . We were duped. We were always taught that being 'adults' meant being Ozzie and H a r r i e t . (You know: Big house. Swell spouse. Weekends o f f . ) Instead, what do we get? This crazed-condo-existence-of-barely-enough-time-for-eating-sleeping-breathing-much-less shopp-ing. Phew. That's why, for us, a Spiegel Catalog i s e s s e n t i a l equipment (second only to microwaves, of course). One t o l l - f r e e c a l l gets us Ralph Lauren Sportswear, Perry E l l i s Martex Sheets and S t i f f e l Lamps.... So, r i g h t now, we have more time for each other. And, down the road, we'll have more time for l i t t l e Ricky and David". What p o s s i b l e relevance can t h i s l i t t l e tableau have for the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of geographical phenomena? The task of the a d v e r t i s i n g copywriter i s to e s t a b l i s h webs of meaning out of the raw material of popular codes and symbols, which connect a commodity to a set of human values. Depicted i n t h i s domestic diorama i s a l i t t l e parable, that of the Good L i f e . On the one hand, we are o f f e r e d the happy family of suburban sit-coms; on the other hand, the condominium c h i l d l e s s couple. The second model has proved to be i n c r e a s i n g l y powerful during the 1980s, as evidenced by the f l o u r i s h i n g imagery of s o - c a l l e d "yuppies" throughout the media. Both models are m y s t i f i c a t i o n s — y e t they deserve serious a t t e n t i o n . Geographers i n t e r p r e t i n g contemporary urban change have tended to neglect the s i g n i f i c a n c e of c u l t u r a l considerations to explanation, and have drawn l i t t l e upon popular i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of s o c i a l l i f e i n t h e i r own analyses. This thesis seeks, to revive a c r i t i c a l c u l t u r a l geography, one that grows out of, and feeds back i n t o , a perspective on economic and s o c i a l change which has received more thorough a t t e n t i o n . A large part of t h i s t h e s i s , therefore, i s concerned- with a c r i t i c a l a p p r a i sal of the approaches to explanation presented i n the geographical l i t e r a t u r e . From that I construct an agenda for i n v e s t i g a t i o n , which i d e n t i f i e s how those d i f f e r e n t approaches can be a r t i c u l a t e d i n explaining s p a t i a l r e s t r u c t u r i n g — w i t h the i n t e n t i o n , p a r t i c u l a r l y , of showing how c u l t u r a l issues must not be neglected. This i s i l l u s t r a t e d i n l a t e r chapters with an i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of one inner c i t y neighbourhood i n Vancouver. Rather than just o f f e r i n g another case study of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n supported with a comprehensive l i t e r a t u r e review, however, the aim i s more far-reaching. G e n t r i f i c a t i o n , the immediate focus of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , i s not to be understood and explained merely i n i t s own terms; rather, i t acts as a v e h i c l e for carrying through an argument about the t h e o r i z a t i o n of mutual transformations i n society and space. For that reason, i t w i l l be necessary to discuss issues i n the l i t e r a t u r e which have no e x p l i c i t connection to the study of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . The Spiegel couple, t h e i r f r a n t i c l i f e s t y l e , t h e i r inner c i t y condominium with i t s s t y l i s h furnishings, w i l l fade out of the p i c t u r e as I begin by describing how geographers have previously approached the subject of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . Later, when I describe an ethnographic study of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i n inner c i t y Vancouver, they w i l l return to centre stage as caricatures against which the r e a l experiences of g e n t r i f i e r s can be measured. 1.1 DEFINING GENTRIFICATION AS AN EMPIRICAL EVENT. Over the past ten to f i f t e e n years a great volume of writing on g e n t r i f i c a t i o n has appeared i n the academic and p o l i c y - o r i e n t e d press, synchronous with a r i s e i n the currency of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n imagery i n popular accounts of the c i t y . The p o l i c y - o r i e n t e d l i t e r a t u r e pays greater a t t e n t i o n to the problems created by g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . The academic l i t e r a t u r e has focused on developing an explanation of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n by extending the cur r e n t l y dominant theories of urban change. My purpose i s to engage the second of those issues. I begin by sketching out a conventional p r o f i l e of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i n the terms by which i t i s usually depicted. The i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of empirical accounts with theory makes for perpetually s h i f t i n g ground. And " g e n t r i f i c a t i o n " i s a notoriously s l i p p e r y term. Defining g e n t r i f i c a t i o n has d i f f e r e n t solutions according to one's t h e o r e t i c a l colouring—whether i t i s , f o r example, a process centred i n a movement of c a p i t a l or a movement of people. The problem i s amplified by the preponderance of a l t e r n a t i v e l a b e l s (fourteen have been uncovered by Jackson (1984)). The term " g e n t r i f i c a t i o n " i t s e l f c a r r i e s connotations of c l a s s . This f a c t has made American commentators rather uneasy (Williams 1986) and they have favoured terms such as " r e v i t a l i z a t i o n " or "the back to the c i t y movement" i n s t e a d . 1 Yet these a l t e r n a t i v e terms are i n s e n s i t i v e to the q u a l i t i e s of working cl a s s people and t h e i r neighbourhoods (Smith 1982, 1986). Like Smith, I prefer the term " g e n t r i f i c a t i o n " p r e c i s e l y because i t underlines the cla s s character of the process. G e n t r i f i c a t i o n i s usually applied to describe a p a r t i c u l a r kind of change i n an inner c i t y area (although the term has been borrowed recently to apply to other kinds of l o c a t i o n s ) . It is generally understood to be a q u a l i t y of urban space measured at the scale of the neighbourhood, although the term may also be applied to aggregates of neighbourhoods such as the c i t y as a whole. In conventional studies, g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i s recognized by both i t s s o c i a l and i t s physical features. Usually, the story i s t h i s : young adult households with p r o f e s s i o n a l occupations move i n t o o l d single-family owner occupied houses, which they renovate with t h e i r own sweat equity. The key s o c i a l feature i s one of population turnover, and g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i s commonly portrayed as an "invasion" by middle cl a s s groups i n t o previously working c l a s s neighbourhoods. Yet u n t i l recently, " c l a s s " has remained untheorized i n the g e n t r i f i c a t i o n l i t e r a t u r e , and p e r s i s t s as a loose amalgam of income, educational and occupational v a r i a b l e s which, when linked with other household c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , colour i n a p o r t r a i t of the " i d e a l type" g e n t r i f i e r (Beauregard 1986). Gale's d e s c r i p t i o n i s representative: "The most t y p i c a l such household i s c h i l d l e s s and composed of one or two white adults i n t h e i r l a t e twenties or t h i r t i e s . College educated, often possessing graduate education, the household head i s most l i k e l y a p r o f e s s i o n a l or (le s s commonly) a manager. The annual household income...is l i k e l y to range between $15,000 and $30,000 [above the U.S. median of about $14,900 i n 1977] with several r e s e t t l e r s earning more than $40,000" (Gale 1979:295). The c l a s s i c g e n t r i f i c a t i o n model underlines c l a s s (or at l e a s t status) d i s t i n c t i o n s between o l d and new residents, and d i s t i n g u i s h e s i t from "incumbent upgrading" where occupants gradually invest i n the housing stock 2 without an associated turnover of the population. The model's emphasis on population change also serves to focus a t t e n t i o n on the costs of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i n terms of displacement of former residents from working 3 cla s s neighbourhoods. In Chapter 3 I document some recent work on g e n t r i f i c a t i o n as a feature of changing c l a s s r e l a t i o n s . In conventional accounts, a change i n c l a s s composition under g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i s usually understood to be associated with s h i f t s i n household type. The usual g e n t r i f i e r i s understood to be young, single or married without chi l d r e n , sometimes gay. Hitherto studies have neglected the growing market of "empty nester" couples owning large houses i n a f f l u e n t suburbs who might be seeking to move i n t o the inner c i t y . In Canadian c i t i e s such as Vancouver, where redevelopment to condominiums often takes place instead of renovation (Ley 1985a:91), t h i s may turn out to be very important. An analysis of the national condominium market shows i t to be s h i f t i n g to older age groups (Skaburskis 1984). The implications have yet to be r e a l i z e d . There may a l s o be considerable v a r i a t i o n s i n the family c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s " o f g e n t r i f i e r s : for example, i n a study of the Grandview-Woodland neighbourhood of Vancouver, Buchan (1985) found that over -60 percent of g e n t r i f i e r s had c h i l d r e n . In general, f a m i l i e s with c h i l d r e n are more associated with Canadian c e n t r a l c i t i e s than with U.S. c e n t r a l c i t i e s (Goldberg and Mercer 1986), and t h i s could be c a r r i e d through i n the kinds of households involved i n g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . With turnover i n c l a s s and household composition there i s held to be a degree of o v e r a l l tenure transformation from renting to owner-occupancy. Logan (1982) takes t h i s supposition to some lengths i n h i s analysis of Melbourne, and argues as follows: since the term " g e n t r i f i c a t i o n " r e f e r s to the gentry which are defined by property ownership, then g e n t r i f i c a t i o n cannot (by d e f i n i t i o n ) be occurring i n study areas where the development of neighbourhood l i f e s t y l e s commonly i d e n t i f i e d as c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n o r i g i n a t e s predominantly with r e n t a l households. Logan favours the term " t r e n d i f i c a t i o n " i n t h i s s i t u a t i o n . But t h i s represents a clumsy sol u t i o n to a problem of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n which demands an assessment of the nature of c l a s s and status change, and the s i g n i f i c a n c e of housing c l a s s . The p o s s i b i l i t y that the s o c i a l c l a s s change assumed to be part of g e n t r i f i -cation i s not n e c e s s a r i l y associated with increased owner occupancy would appear to have some a p p l i c a b i l i t y for Canada. In a t e s t of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between an index of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n (change i n s o c i a l status of residents) and measures of inner c i t y owner occupancy, Ley (1985a) finds low negative c o r r e l a t i o n s for 22 Canadian Census Metropolitan Areas (C.M.A.s) considered together. Changes i n the r e s i d e n t i a l population, one side of the conventional d e s c r i p t i o n of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n , are c l e a r l y not as unambiguous as commonly supposed. This i s also the case for the phy s i c a l transformations which are r o u t i n e l y i d e n t i f i e d as features of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . Since Glass' study of the mews, cottages and V i c t o r i a n houses of London (Glass 1963), renovation and r e h a b i l i t a t i o n of sin g l e family houses by t h e i r owner occupants has been the normative image of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . Williams (1986) t a l k s i r o n i c a l l y of worldwide "sightings" of a uniform phenomenon i d e n t i f i e d by brass door knockers, paper lanterns, and l i g h t , open i n t e r i o r s . But t h i s makes problematical a number of seemingly r e l a t e d phenomena which represent d i f f e r e n t forms of reinvestment i n t o the b u i l t f a b r i c of inner c i t y areas. These include new townhouse or condominium redevelopment which has become an important option i n Vancouver. Another a l t e r n a t i v e to p r i v a t e ownership renovation, described f or Toronto by T s i m i k a l i s (1983), r e s u l t s from the concerted e f f o r t s of a r c h i t e c t s , b u i l d e r s and r e a l t o r s to convert whole pockets of a neighbourhood before promoting them for sale i n terms of t h e i r heritage value, which has already been guaranteed by the h i s t o r i c designation these agents have lobbied to obtain. These a l t e r n a t i v e strategies r a i s e questions about the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and t h e o r i z a t i o n of the s i g n i f i c a n t actors, the r o l e of i n s t i t u t i o n s and urban gatekeepers, and the importance of d i r e c t state involvement i n promoting g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . For example, i n s t i t u t i n g a programme of renovation grants and implementing heritage designations and r e s t r i c t i v e zoning schedules are a l l means by which the state has shaped ( d e l i b e r a t e l y or i n c i d e n t a l l y ) the development of inner c i t y areas. By focusing on the renovated housing stock there has been a r e l a t i v e neglect of other p o t e n t i a l l y relevant property changes. Renovation i s commonly linked to redevelopment of adjacent property such as d e r e l i c t i n d u s t r i a l land to r e s i d e n t i a l , amenity and commercial uses. I n d u s t r i a l buildings themselves might o f f e r the s h e l l s for new r e s i d e n t i a l uses, as with the process of l o f t conversion i n c i t i e s such as New York (Zukin 1982). Rapid turnover of r e t a i l establishments to "trendy" commercial o u t l e t s i s a common "barometer" of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i n Canadian c i t i e s (Ley 1981, 1985a; Jackson 1984). Is a transformation i n such functions an e x t e r n a l i t y e f f e c t of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n , l i k e displacement? Hodge (1980) found that the opening of new chic commercial establishments i n a neighbourhood of Seattle was a key to i t s s o c i a l renaissance. This r a i s e s the problem of d i s t i n g u i s h i n g exactly what i s the d e f i n i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i t s e l f , and which are secondary aspects. The f i n a l element of t h i s sketch of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i s the r i s e i n property values associated with a rapid turnover of housing stock and speculative transactions. These features were found by DeGiovanni (1983) who compared g e n t r i f y i n g neighbourhoods with control neighbourhoods i n six U.S. c i t i e s . With a s i m i l a r focus Lum (1984) gives an account comparing a c o n t r o l neighbourhood with a g e n t r i f y i n g neighbourhood i n Vancouver (see Chapter 5). T s i m i k a l i s (1983) describes the rapid turnover and surge of property p r i c e s i n Don Vale and the Annex i n Toronto, f i n d i n g that u n t i l the mid 1970s r e a l estate p r i c e s i n these inner areas were lower than the suburbs and the metropolitan area as a whole; by the e a r l y 1980s p r i c e s i n these inner areas were well ahead. As examples of mechanisms which bring t h i s about, Ley (1981) finds evidence of various forms of blockbusting and other underhand a c t i v i t i e s on behalf of property companies i n preparation for condominium development i n K i t s i l a n o , Vancouver. Again, t h i s begs the question of what we are to i d e n t i f y as the fundamental agents and mechanisms of urban change, and the r e l a t i o n s h i p between i n d i v i d u a l consumers and i n s t i t u t i o n s . The preceding paragraphs have outlined a sketch of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n as an empirical phenomenon, one which generalizes from a plethora of cases across three continents. The parameters are defined by a set of usual, though not i n e v i t a b l e , features. In s o c i a l terms i t usually involves young c h i l d l e s s adults, though sometimes older adults and f a m i l i e s with ch i l d r e n are involved; i t tends to involve an increased proportion of owner occupancy, but sometimes renters have a substantial impact; working cl a s s neighbourhoods are usua l l y invaded by middle cl a s s newcomers,- though sometimes - i t i s non-r e s i d e n t i a l areas which are converted, and sometimes incumbent upgrading produces s i m i l a r consequences. A s i m i l a r problem l i e s with the ph y s i c a l aspect: owner renovation of housing i s the stereotype, but redevelopment or commercial renovation are al s o involved, as i s a change i n r e t a i l and other uses. C l e a r l y g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i s a t r i c k y category to grasp by t h i s t a c t i c of ge n e r a l i z a t i o n . It i s "simultaneously a ph y s i c a l , economic, s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l phenomenon" (Hamnett 1984:284). How are these aspects related? Is one more basic, the others secondary? Is one the d e f i n i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n and other merely s i d e - e f f e c t s ? Is, for example, an i n f l u x of middle-class residents a necessary element? And i s i t also a s u f f i c i e n t condition for the g e n t r i f i c a t i o n l a b e l to be applied? These points at issue have given r i s e to two responses. The f i r s t response i s pragmatic, o f f e r i n g a framework by means of which we may c l a s s i f y and organize data across a number of cases. I discuss t h i s b r i e f l y below. The second response, more s e n s i t i v e to the t h e o r e t i c a l implications of generalization, i s discussed i n the next section. To cope with the v a r i a t i o n s i n g e n t r i f i c a t i o n , a number of researchers have offe r e d stage models of the g e n t r i f i c a t i o n process (for example Clay (1979), Gale (1980)). These allow f o r d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l and ph y s i c a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s to be incorporated i n terms of some order l y temporal progression. T y p i c a l l y three or four stages are outlined and a small number of dimensions are described for each stage, b r i e f l y summarized as follows. At the s t a r t , low p r i c e d and d i s t i n c t i v e housing a t t r a c t s young " r i s k o b l i v i o u s " households. These tend to be members of the more " c u l t u r a l " professions, keen to pursue a non-conformist l i f e s t y l e and to enjoy a socially-mixed environment. They improve the houses with t h e i r own "sweat equity", thus earning the virtuous l a b e l "pioneer". In the following stages more risk-conscious households move i n , with "mainstream" p r o f e s s i o n a l occupations and perhaps with young f a m i l i e s . Realtors, f i n a n c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s and development companies show more i n t e r e s t i n the speculative p o s s i b i l i t i e s . As property taxes and p r i c e s increase o r i g i n a l residents may be forced out. Over time, older and more a f f l u e n t and conservative households are attracted to what i s now perceived a safe investment. Rental apartments may be converted to condominiums. New residents may begin to organize and push for improvements i n p u b l i c spaces, as well as h i s t o r i c d i s t r i c t designation. Eventually the process s t a b i l i s e s at a new point of s o c i a l and p h y s i c a l homogeneity. A stage model can be c o n t i n u a l l y fine-tuned, adding i n , for example, the impact of redevelopment i n addition to renovation. By organizing the findings of many case studies, stage models may draw att e n t i o n to p e c u l i a r i t i e s f or which explanations must be found. Although stage models are fundamentally d e s c r i p t i v e of empirical events, however, there does seem to be some danger of "slippage" i n t o explanatory format and, for that reason, they can be c r i t i c i z e d for t h e i r normative and t e i e o l o g i c a l i m p l i c a t i o n s . Questions r a i s e d i n t h i s section concerning the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the empirical features of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n and i t s t h e o r e t i c a l standing demand a focus on issues of explanation rather than a misguided pursuit of more general i z a t i o n s . 1.2 DEFINING GENTRIFICATION AS A THEORETICAL OBJECT. According to Smith and Williams (1986:2) u n c r i t i c a l d e s c r i p t i v e studies remain the norm i n g e n t r i f i c a t i o n research. "To date, the dominant mode of analysis has been e m p i r i c i s t , with l i t t l e or no attempt to structure the evidence t h e o r e t i c a l l y " , claims Williams (1986:65). Stage models structure the evidence, but they lack a t h e o r e t i c a l backbone. Without the conceptual spine, how are we to agree on the i d e n t i t y of our object of study: how are we to define g e n t r i f i c a t i o n ? The issue of d e f i n i t i o n i s far from t r i v i a l , for i t i s part and parcel of the search f o r explanation and the b u i l d i n g of theory. In a sense, the whole of t h i s thesis i s dedicated to t h i s problem. As we have seen from the b r i e f review of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n as i t i s conventionally presented in.the l i t e r a t u r e , there are a number of "dimensions" of i n t e r e s t , and each of t h e s e — i f chosen as the fundamental and d e f i n i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of g e n t r i f i -c a t i o n — c a r r i e s with i t a p a r t i c u l a r route to explanation. F i r s t , there i s the d i s t i n c t i o n between the s o c i a l and the ph y s i c a l aspects of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . Most empirical accounts see these operating hand i n hand, although obviously there i s no necessary r e l a t i o n between s o c i a l turnover and phy s i c a l upgrading. If we define g e n t r i f i c a t i o n f i r s t and foremost as a movement of c e r t a i n kinds of people i n t o inner c i t y areas, then our theory i s going to be quite d i f f e r e n t to that which would approach g e n t r i f i c a t i o n as a movement of c a p i t a l investment i n t o the inner c i t y b u i l t environment. If we focus on the s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of g e n t r i f i e r s , then . we s t i l l have to decide between an emphasis on economic c l a s s , s o c i a l status, housing tenure, household type, or whatever; i f we focus on the ph y s i c a l changes, we must decide on the r e l a t i v e s i g n i f i c a n c e of b u i l d i n g function, s t y l e of renovation or redevelopment, the d i f f e r e n t agents involved and so on, as the d e f i n i n g q u a l i t y of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . Pondering issues of t h i s kind has generated the second, and I think more s i g n i f i c a n t , response to the challenge of dealing with the great v a r i e t y of phenomena l a b e l l e d as " g e n t r i f i c a t i o n " . This i s r e l a t e d to the introduction of r e a l i s t ideas into geography, which has highlighted the issue of how categories employed i n research are to be conceptualized. As Sayer (1985:1-69) writes, "a t y p i c a l r e a l i s t t h e o r e t i c a l question would be, 'What do we mean by development/gentrification/urbanism/collective consumption/ class/rent/community, or whatever'?" Sayer (1982, 1984, 1985) distinguishes two methodological p r i n c i p l e s which have guided work i n geography i n recent years: the " p o s i t i v i s t " and the " r e a l i s t " . The p o s i t i v i s t route to explana-t i o n i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the nomothetic and q u a n t i t a t i v e geography of the 1960s that sought for systematic r e g u l a r i t i e s i n empirical events from which i t constructed models or "theories". This approach took f o r granted the unproblematic nature of observation and the conceptual adequacy of data categorizations which comprised the "objects" of study. In post-quantitative geography, however, Sayer sees a greater concern with these kinds of issues, which he i n t e r p r e t s as a move towards a r e a l i s t approach. The p o s i t i v i s t p r i n c i p l e sought to discover order i n empirical events; the r e a l i s t p r i n c i p l e seeks to explain the causes of events i n terms of the properties of objects which enable them to experience or promote p a r t i c u l a r kinds of change. Mechanisms of change e x i s t i n v i r t u e of the objects that possess them. For example, people have the c a p a b i l i t y of carrying out c e r t a i n actions i n v i r t u e of t h e i r anatomical and mental structures, and some people have c e r t a i n powers because of the p o s i t i o n they occupy i n , say, a p o l i t i c a l or a s o c i a l system (Sayer 1985). This i s the nature of an object's i n t e r n a l r e l a t i o n s , that i s , where the nature of one object i s defined by and i s dependent on i t s r e l a t i o n to another (for example slave and master, landlord and tenant, prime minister and B r i t i s h parliamentary system, c a p i t a l i s t enterprise and wage labour). Some of these i n t e r n a l r e l a t i o n s are asymmetric (for instance between the state and an urban planning authority or a stock of publ i c housing). Internal necessary r e l a t i o n s are distinguished from external, contingent r e l a t i o n s between objects, where each object can e x i s t without the other. While causal mechanisms are determined by i n t e r n a l r e l a t i o n s , understanding empirical events (whether and how the powers are applied and r e a l i z e d ) requires studying the external r e l a t i o n s between objects, that i s , the contextual conditions which enable or r e s t r i c t the manifestation of causal powers. This i s p a r t i c u l a r l y s i g n i f i c a n t i n a d i s c i p l i n e such as geography where we are dealing with open systems. But while much research w i l l seek to understand the i n t e r p l a y of e x t e r n a l l y -r e l a t e d mechanisms, i t i s important that the object categorizations employed are constantly s c r u t i n i z e d to ensure that they represent " r a t i o n a l abstrac-t i o n s " . Abstraction i s the way we carve up the world. Good or " r a t i o n a l " abstractions i s o l a t e components of the world which have an i n t e r n a l unity: that i s , they are defined by i n t e r n a l r e l a t i o n s . Poor abstractions produce "chaotic conceptions" which may sever i n t e r n a l l y - r e l a t e d objects or combine e x t e r n a l l y - r e l a t e d objects: "These u n i t i e s of diverse aspects are treated as sing l e objects...In place of a theory of abstract elements of a s i t u a t i o n and an analysis of how they combine to compose concrete phenomena, there i s an acceptance of unexamined, l a r g e l y commonsense d e f i n i t i o n s of these empirical objects, and a gen e r a l i z a t i o n of the features of these 'chaotic conceptions'" (Sayer 1982:75). A useful example i s the concept of s o c i a l c l a s s (Sayer 1982:72): the marxist conceptualization i s a r a t i o n a l abstraction which focuses on the necessary r e l a t i o n s between classes; a poor abstra c t i o n characterizes class i n terms of a bundle of e x t e r n a l l y - r e l a t e d a t t r i b u t e s and t h i s i s t y p i c a l of many s o c i o l o g i c a l concepts of cla s s (including those which seem to inform the numerous descriptions of the " t y p i c a l g e n t r i f i e r " ) . The l a t t e r may serve unproblematically i n everyday and s c i e n t i f i c p r a c t i c e for d e s c r i p t i v e purposes, but i t may cause problems i f one assumes that the objects thus categorized are distinguished by c a u s a l l y - s i g n i f i c a n t common properties (Sayer 1984). G e n t r i f i c a t i o n i t s e l f has been c r i t i c i z e d as a "chaotic concept". There i s no s i n g l e e n t i t y as g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . Rather, each of the r e a l world phenomena we lump together under t h i s l a b e l i s a consequence of a range of p o s s i b l e e f f e c t s a r i s i n g from various e x t e r n a l l y r e l a t e d processes. This case i s most convincingly made by Rose, who c a l l s for a disaggregation, or "unpacking", of the concepts " g e n t r i f i c a t i o n " and " g e n t r i f i e r s " , "so that we may then reconceptualize the processes that produce the changes we observe" (Rose 1984:62). She draws out t h i s argument by c r i t i q u i n g the stage models by which researchers h a b i t u a l l y deal with d i f f e r e n t v a r i e t i e s of g e n t r i f i e r s . Although they are supposedly neutral descriptions of empirical events, stage models imply that a l l stages are part of the same phenomenon—some kind of " g e n t r i f i c a t i o n process". The a p p l i c a t i o n of such models requires us to draw some t h e o r e t i c a l d i s t i n c t i o n s between residents before g e n t r i f i c a t i o n s t a r t s and those involved i n g e n t r i f i c a t i o n , and at the same time to i n d i c a t e some unif y i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of those l a t t e r persons which allows them to be categorized together. For example, since some of these stage models emphasize the t r a n s i t i o n from r e n t a l to owner occupancy i n a neighbourhood, they c a l l f o r a coherent notion of "housing c l a s s " which would account for some supposed material cleavage between o r i g i n a l residents (tenants) and a l l new residents (home owners of the f i r s t and subsequent waves). Such an assumption can be rejected on two i n t e r r e l a t e d grounds. F i r s t , home-owning g e n t r i f i e r s may have quite diverse motivations. In. some cases they may be influenced s o l e l y by l i f e s t y l e preference, but Rose a l s o i d e n t i f i e s a group of less a f f l u e n t "marginal g e n t r i f i e r s " who are concerned to obtain cheap housing; i f g e n t r i f i e r s 1 reasons are part of the cause of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n , then they are not a coherent group. Second (and t h i s depends on the broader s t r u c t u r a l conditions of the housing and labour markets) moderate income owners may at times have more i n common m a t e r i a l l y with the o r i g i n a l renters than with longstanding home owners, because of the rapid increase i n the r e a l costs of entering the homeownership market. In a d d i t i o n of course, we e m p i r i c a l l y recognize, as " g e n t r i f i e d " , neighbourhoods which may not have undergone a change i n tenure patterns of t h i s type at a l l . The chaotic conception argument draws our attention away from the idea of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n as a unitary phenomenon, and turns us toward the d i v e r s i t y of processes which generate d i f f e r e n t kinds of inner c i t y d i s t r i c t s . In Sayer's terminology, places are constituted by a m u l t i p l i c i t y of processes and hence are "conjunctures". Therefore they are not t h e o r e t i c a l l y v a l i d objects and cannot be employed as categories for s t r u c t u r i n g enquiry. The task i s to unpack g e n t r i f i c a t i o n to i t s i n t e r n a l l y - r e l a t e d constituents, and then to examine the p a r t i c u l a r contingencies which shape empirical outcomes, exploring the " d i v e r s i t y of s o c i a l forces and c o n t r a d i c t i o n within the s o c i a l formation [which] cohere i n some fashion to bring about various types of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n " (Beauregard 1986:40). 1.3 SOCIETY, SPACE AND GENTRIFICATION. Instead of s t a r t i n g research armed with categories defined by phenomenal forms, we are urged to examine the d i v e r s i t y of forces which culminate i n the emergence of those forms. There i s no "process of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n " ; rather, inner c i t y change i s the product of the i n t e r a c t i o n of many forces. As Rose i n d i c a t e s : "the terms ' g e n t r i f i c a t i o n ' and ' g e n t r i f i e r s ' . . . a r e 'chaotic conceptions' which obscure the f a c t that a m u l t i p l i c i t y of processes, rather than a single causal process, produce changes i n the occupation of i n n e r - c i t y neighbourhoods from the lower to higher income residents" (Rose 1984:62). Nevertheless, while Rose's comments makes i t clear that there i s no sin g l e mechanism comprising a " g e n t r i f i c a t i o n process", she cannot avoid a stab at d e f i n i n g g e n t r i f i c a t i o n on the basis of one of i t s empirical " e f f e c t s " : a population turnover defined on the basis of residents' incomes. Moreover, even though he i s c r i t i q u i n g the view of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n as a chaotic concept, Smith also agrees to depict g e n t r i f i c a t i o n as comprising an income change; quoting Rose with approval, he argues that the types of less a f f l u e n t households Rose has designated as "marginal g e n t r i f i e r s " should not be considered g e n t r i f i e r s at a l l , f o r : " i n good r e a l i s t fashion [ g e n t r i f i c a t i o n ] should be defined at i t s core, not i t s margins. Thus the importance of Rose's notion of the 'marginal g e n t r i f i e r ' i s . . . [ t h a t these agents] are marginal to a process already defined by i t s more c e n t r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c — t h e change 'of i n n e r - c i t y neighbourhoods from lower to higher income residents'" (Smith 1987:160). While l o g i c a l l y we may r e j e c t the categorization of phenomena such as g e n t r i f i c a t i o n according to t h e i r empirical form—and while Smith seems to have misconstrued the notion of' r e a l i s t a b s t r a c t i o n — t h e s e two examples underscore the enduring power of "common-sense" knowledge. As observers of empirical " e f f e c t s " , we can usually agree on the credentials of a g e n t r i f i e d neighbourhood because i t s v i s i b l e landscape i s often d i s t i n c t i n comparison both to i t s immediate context and to what we might have otherwise expected. Yet, on objective grounds, there seems no r e a l i s t means of d i s t i n g u i s h i n g what might be one of the "various types of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n " to which Beauregard r e f e r s (see above), and what i s not. As Williams (1986:66) admits, "rather than conceiving of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n as a s p e c i a l and somewhat unusual process, i t should be understood as one example of the way s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s are played out i n space and how s o c i a l and economic change i s imprinted upon the b u i l t environment". Given t h i s , i s there any sound way to i s o l a t e , as an object of a n a l y s i s , a phenomenon which i s an e f f e c t of a m u l t i p l i c i t y of processes? This i s a f a m i l i a r problem i n the f i e l d of urban sociology where the same c r i t i q u e i s made of "the urban" as a unit of a n a l y s i s . The p a r a l l e l s with g e n t r i f i c a t i o n make t h i s debate worthy of some discussion here. Saunders (1980) has made the case that the c i t y i s not a t h e o r e t i c a l l y sound unit of an a l y s i s i n advanced c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t i e s . There are no urban (or sp a t i a l ) processes, there are only s o c i a l processes—though these "may be aff e c t e d or influenced by d i f f e r e n t s p a t i a l arrangements which enter i n t o analysis as one among a number of secondary or contingent f a c t o r s " (Saunders 1980:29). Saunders (1981) references four projects to define a s p e c i f i c a l l y "urban question" i n t h e o r e t i c a l terms: Chicago school ecologyj the c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n , the Weberian urban managerialist school, and the marxist concern with the urban as a unit of c o l l e c t i v e consumption. Each of these attempted to i d e n t i f y d i s t i n c t i v e l y urban processes, but was unsuccessful i n demonstrating that those processes were indeed g e o g r a p h i c a l l y - s p e c i f i c . For example—in a useful p a r a l l e l to the g e n t r i f i c a t i o n question—Saunders i d e n t i f i e s the problem with c u l t u r a l theories by quoting a c r i t i q u e of Wirth's "Urbanism as a way of l i f e " : " If ways of l i f e do not coincide with settlement types, and i f these ways are functions of cla s s and l i f e - c y c l e rather than of the e c o l o g i c a l a t t r i b u t e s of the settlement, a s o c i o l o g i c a l d e f i n i t i o n of the c i t y cannot be formulated" (Gans 1968:114-5). This conclusion i s not to imply that space i s i r r e l e v a n t , and Saunders does not argue for an " a s p a t i a l " urban sociology which would ignore the s p a t i a l dimension, but rather f o r a "non-spatial" one. The features of t h i s non-spatial approach are discussed further by Sayer (1980), who notes that the openness of s o c i a l systems i n which s o c i a l objects are embedded makes them less easy to study by means of abstraction to t h e i r necessary or i n t e r n a l r e l a t i o n s . The objects of urban a n a l y s i s — c i t i e s , neighbourhood, g e n t r i f i c a t i o n — a r e "conjunctures" of s o c i a l processes, "whose content cannot be known 'in advance' on the basis of t h e o r e t i c a l knowledge of necessary r e l a t i o n s alone" (Sayer 1982:79). The c r i t i q u e of the urban as a v a l i d object of a n a l y s i s i s therefore si m i l a r to the r e a l i s t unpacking of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . However, Sayer does o f f e r a p o s s i b l e defence against the p o s i t i o n that the urban i s not a t h e o r e t i c a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t object. We use terms r e f e r r i n g to the "urban" i n everyday speech—indeed, c e r t a i n s o c i a l p r a c t i c e s depend on that use—and those terms therefore have some " p r a c t i c a l adequacy". Of course i n some cases we must recognize that such terms are imbued with an i d e o l o g i c a l content and may be employed i n m y s t i f i c a t i o n . . But i n any case, t h e i r functioning as constituents of s o c i a l p r a c t i c e o f f e r s some j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r t h e i r i n c l u s i o n i n t h e o r e t i c a l accounts of urban sociology. The r e f l e x i v i t y of s o c i a l l i f e , people's monitoring of and reacting to images of t h e i r context,. ensures that such "conjunctures" are r e a l i n t h e i r consequences. Sayer urges us to examine the expressive dimension of "the urban", the meanings i t c a r r i e s i n everyday use. "To neglect meaning i s to reduce the p o s s i b i l i t y of discovering the causal powers of objects" (1984:281). Sayer c i t e s approvingly Raymond Williams' "The Country and the C i t y " (1973) as one work which refuses to reduce consciousness to material circumstances while examining meaning i n the context of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s by which i t i s transformed and which i t informs. Like the s u b d i s c i p l i n e of urban sociology which i s centred upon a geographical e n t i t y (the c i t y ) , geography by i t s very nature i s concerned with s p a t i a l manifestations of many e x t e r n a l l y - r e l a t e d processes. The object of a n a l y s i s — a place, for instance, or a d i s t r i b u t i o n pattern of a p a r t i c u l a r phenomenon such as manufacturing a c t i v i t y — i s a complex bundle of contingencies and must, as a chaotic concept, be "unpacked" to i t s constituent p a r t s . This "assumption has come to the fore with the recent development of the so c a l l e d " l o c a l i t y studies" approach. According to Duncan, the l o c a l i t y idea "developed i n r e a c t i o n t o , o v e r - s t r u c t u r a l i s t accounts of s o c i a l forms which appeared to leave no place for v a r i a t i o n over space and time and for human agency i n c r e a t i n g t h i s v a r i a t i o n " (Duncan 1986: 10). Later i t w i l l be demonstrated how the same concerns motivated the e f f o r t to develop a new approach to g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i n r e a c t i o n to s t r u c t u r a l i s t marxist analyses (the marxist work i s discussed i n Chapter 2; the response, termed the "production of g e n t r i f i e r s " approach i s discussed i n Chapter 3). I am not, emphatically, equating the g e n t r i f i e d neighbourhood with a " l o c a l i t y " , but I wish to demonstrate how p a r a l l e l concerns have informed geographical research i n both areas. The l o c a l i t y idea i s discussed below, and taken up again i n Chapter 3. One of the major f o c i of current geographical research i s analysis of the r e s t r u c t u r i n g of economic and s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s . A programme of l o c a l i t y studies i s c e n t r a l to t h i s e f f o r t i n the United Kingdom. L o c a l i t y studies start with a concern for how r e s t r u c t u r i n g has l o c a l implications (Massey 1978, 1984, Murgatroyd et a l . 1985), which cannot be simply "read o f f " from the national trends. The economic structure of a l o c a l i t y i s the outcome of the h i s t o r i c a l succession of r o l e s i t has performed i n the national or i n t e r n a t i o n a l economy under successive and superimposed rounds of r e s t r u c t u r i n g . That r e s t r u c t u r i n g i s associated with s h i f t s i n the s p a t i a l d i v i s i o n of labour; for example, as part of a strategy of i n d u s t r i a l s u r v i v a l , mobile portions of the production process may situate themselves to take advantage of labour pools with d i f f e r e n t s k i l l s , t r a d i t i o n s of work and l e v e l s of m i l i t a n c y . When new processes of r e s t r u c t u r i n g come i n t o contact with p r e - e x i s t i n g "layers" sedimented i n previous rounds, then d i f f e r e n t l o c a l i t i e s w i l l experience d i f f e r e n t i a l e f f e c t s . Those e x i s t i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of a l o c a l i t y therefore define the p o s s i b i l i t y of, and response to, changes i n the organization of production and reproduction; and they demand an intensive approach to explanation, not an extensive one which deals with patterns of as s o c i a t i o n at the national scale. An understanding of the outcome and e f f e c t of broad forces for change upon a p a r t i c u l a r place requires examining the external r e l a t i o n s between d i f f e r e n t mechanisms and t h e i r i n t e r a c t i o n with the contingent conditions already e x i s t i n g i n that place. Moreover, t h i s cannot be treated as merely a passive mapping out of nation-wide forces (for example, i n accordance with the l o c a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of people between occupation groups). There i s a d d i t i o n a l l y the possible existence of autonomous " l o c a l i t y e f f e c t s " . These are s i m i l a r to "neighbourhood e f f e c t s " , which d i s t o r t l o c a l outcomes i n a cumulative and "contagious" manner according to patterns of l o c a l s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s . Urry explains t h i s as follows: "there [may be] systematic processes occurring at a l o c a l i t y or regional l e v e l which mean that outcomes at the sub-national l e v e l are p r i n c i p a l l y the r e s u l t of those l o c a l i t y or regional processes rather than of how c e r t a i n national phenomena are sub-nationally d i s t r i b u t e d . On example i s where l o c a l p o l i c y outcomes are the r e s u l t of the s p e c i f i c balance of l o c a l s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l forces (a given ' s p a t i a l c o a l i t i o n 1 for example) which cannot be read o f f the d i s t r i b u t i o n of national occupational classes i n that area" (Urry 1986:239) Individuals monitor t h e i r s i t u a t i o n s and act i n a context of l o c a l experience and consciousness, thus shaping a d i s t i n c t i v e l o c a l pattern of s o c i a l a c t i o n ; for example, v a r i a t i o n s i n welfare p r o v i s i o n by the l o c a l state do not simply r e f l e c t the balance of national p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s within each j u r i s d i c t i o n , but seem to have developed i n response to l o c a l h i s t o r i e s of work and gender r e l a t i o n s . L o c a l i t y i s therefore a "conjuncture" of diverse processes, yet i t i s i r r e d u c i b l e to those processes: i t s character i s more than the sum of i t s p arts. This corresponds to Sayer's (1982) suggestion that a phenomenon constituted by a range of s o c i a l processes may be characterized by emergent powers beyond those of i t s constituents. E a r l i e r i n t h i s section I asked how g e n t r i f i c a t i o n can be i s o l a t e d as an object of a n a l y s i s . Duncan (1986) and Savage et a l . (1987) analyze what would be necessary for the admission of l o c a l i t y as a s o c i a l object. Local v a r i a t i o n i s i n e v i t a b l e because "general processes do not f l o a t above the world i n some spaceless realm. Rather these processes must be constituted i n p a r t i c u l a r places and these places are already d i f f e r e n t i a t e d by uneven development of natural and s o c i a l structures" (Savage 1987:31). But these are passive e f f e c t s . To c o r r e c t l y i d e n t i f y a l o c a l i t y , i t i s claimed, one would have to demonstrate that there are l o c a l l y derived s o c i a l mechanisms which a c t i v e l y cause a l o c a l e f f e c t , rather than some mere l o c a l v a r i a t i o n i n outcome to processes operating at a broader scale. Duncan seems to f e e l t h i s would be rather rare; however, given the fundamental r e f l e x i v i t y of s o c i a l l i f e , i n which action i s always coupled to meaning, I believe these kinds of 4 e f f e c t s are l i k e l y to be quite common. The unpacking of the l o c a l i t y concept i s h e l p f u l p a r t i c u l a r l y i n f o r c i n g an examination of the " l e v e l " of explanatory claims that are being made. What are the implications of a l l t h i s f o r g e n t r i f i c a t i o n ? One impetus to the l o c a l i t y p r o j e c t was the research on inner c i t y "problems" c a r r i e d out i n B r i t a i n a few years ago. A conclusion which was drawn from such studies d i r e c t e d a t t e n t i o n away from the c i t i e s per se and towards broad s o c i a l processes: for example, "we do not believe that the inner c i t y , as such, i s the most h e l p f u l research focus....Inner c i t y areas can best be understood as phenomena r e s u l t i n g from underlying forces i n the B r i t i s h economy and society i n c l u d i n g the international'context" (Hall and Diamond, 1981:132, quoted i n Urry 1986). As I s h a l l show i n Chapter 3 when I discuss the "production of g e n t r i f i e r s " approach, attempts to theorize g e n t r i f i c a t i o n have also operated at t h i s f i r s t l e v e l of passive contingency e f f e c t s . Studies have pointed to the causal power of economic and s o c i a l r e s t r u c t u r i n g which, though s t r u c t u r a l processes, can not occur on the head of a p i n but are s p a t i a l l y c onstituted (for example, the d i v i s i o n of labour i s n e c e s s a r i l y a spatia-l d i v i s i o n of labour). Variations i n the timing and d i s t r i b u t i o n of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n are explained i n the "production of g e n t r i f i e r s " approach by exploring those contingencies which determine the r e a l i z a t i o n of causal forces. However, at t h i s f i r s t l e v e l of explanation, r e s i d e n t i a l patterns are presented as merely passive l o c a l v a r i a t i o n s i n the impact of broader processes. This gives no j u s t i f i c a t i o n for t r e a t i n g g e n t r i f i c a t i o n as a s o c i a l object i n i t s own r i g h t — t h e same fate to which Saunders consigned "the urban". G e n t r i f i c a t i o n could be recognized as a s o c i a l object i f we could i d e n t i f y some a c t i v e process s p e c i f i c to g e n t r i f i c a t i o n alone. Debates over the urban question have claimed that no urban-specific process e x i s t s . And conventional candidates for g e n t r i f i c a t i o n - s p e c i f i c processes, such as the stage model, are e a s i l y dismissed as e f f e c t s rather than causal mechanisms. But (to connect back with Sayer) does g e n t r i f i c a t i o n , l i k e the urban, exhibit emergent powers? And does the concept of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n c arry meanings that shape s o c i a l p r a c t i c e s and thus enter i n t o process? In the conclusions to Chapter 3 I s h a l l be making t h i s case. And i n my report on a s p e c i f i c case study i n the l a t e r chapters I i l l u s t r a t e the d i f f e r e n t layers of human p r a c t i c e that compose the character of a p l a c e — a character which, i n turn, refashions the nature of s o c i a l being. 1.4 STRUCTURE OF THE ARGUMENT. The r e a l i s t perspective i n geography has underscored the problematic nature of d e f i n i n g geographical objects of study. As I suggested e a r l i e r , since t h i s t hesis i s concerned with the explanation of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i t must also be an argument about the d e f i n i t i o n of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . However we s h a l l not be able to focus on t h i s immediately i n Chapter 2. This chapter reviews the conventional approaches to g e n t r i f i c a t i o n and places them within the context of t r a d i t i o n a l models of r e s i d e n t i a l space i n western c i t i e s . I have div i d e d the conventional approaches i n t o production-oriented and consumption-oriented, which roughly correspond to the two broad notions of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n as a. p h y s i c a l and as a s o c i a l transformation of inner c i t y neighbourhoods. I deal with the production-oriented approach f i r s t , and then lead i n t o a d i s c u s s i o n of the consumption-side concerns neglected by the production-side approach—a neglect which forced a rethinking of the way we theorize urban s p a t i a l r e s t r u c t u r i n g and led to what I have labeled the "production of g e n t r i f i e r s " approach. That approach i s discussed i n Chapter 3, where I consider the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n as a passive contingency e f f e c t of broad mechanisms for change. I focus on two p a r a l l e l and e x t e r n a l l y - r e l a t e d structures—gender r e l a t i o n s and class r e l a t i o n s — a n d consider how geographers have dealt with t h e i r v a r i a t i o n s over space and time. Two notions—:the p o s t p a t r i a r c h a l , and the p o s t i n d u s t r i a l — a r e invoked as h e u r i s t i c terms with which to deal with transformations in" these s o c i a l structures, which are always s p a t i a l l y constituted. From t h i s I draw out a research, agenda for the study of s o c i o - s p a t i a l change which develops and moves beyond the production of g e n t r i f i e r s approach. This proceeds at three l e v e l s for dealing with g e n t r i f i c a t i o n : as a conjuncture of contingent s o c i a l processes, as a context for negotiating s o c i a l conduct, and as a constituent i n the construction of s o c i a l i d e n t i t y . Chapter 4 aims to set the context f o r the f i r s t task i n an extensive analysis of the occurrence of " g e n t r i f i c a t i o n " across the Canadian c i t y system. This c a r r i e s forward Ley's work on the same topic and, suspending the problem of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n ' s status as a coherent object, employs h i s index of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n f o r each Census Metropolitan Area. The an a l y s i s i s intended to describe the pattern of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n at t h i s scale, and c l e a r l y cannot provide causal explanation, although i t does i n d i c a t e the kinds of urban context within which g e n t r i f i c a t i o n has been nurtured. To deal with explanation requires an inte n s i v e method of study, and that i s the task of the remaining chapters. Chapter 5 introduces t h i s study by desc r i b i n g the economic and s o c i a l context for inner c i t y change i n Vancouver, B r i t i s h Columbia. Here also I describe the development of the study area which has been chosen. This i s Fairview Slopes, an inner c i t y neighbourhood with one of the highest measures of " g e n t r i f i c a t i o n " (according to Ley) across the whole of Canada. While i n some respects Fairview Slopes i s quite s i m i l a r to the " t y p i c a l " g e n t r i f y i n g neighbourhoods so often described i n the l i t e r a t u r e , i n others i t seems a deviant case: s p e c i f i c a l l y , i t i s a landscape of redevelopment rather than renovation, and a substantial portion of i t s housing i s tenant-occupied. These c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s are probably enough to d i s q u a l i f y i t from the l a b e l " g e n t r i f i e d " according to some conventional c r i t e r i a . And t h i s , of i t s e l f , drives home the s i g n i f i c a n c e of the r e a l i s t c r i t i q u e of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n as a chaotic concept f o r , while Fairview Slopes i s p a r t i c u l a r l y unusual, i t only i l l u s t r a t e s by exaggeration the fac t that each instance of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i s an outcome of a unique combination of causal mechanisms. In Chapter 5 I d e t a i l the h i s t o r y of change i n the neighbourhood, describing the i n d i c a t o r s of s o c i a l turnover and the ph y s i c a l transformations which have occurred. An ethnographic approach of thick d e s c r i p t i o n i s applied i n Chapter 6 where I take on the second task of the research agenda, which traces the response of i n d i v i d u a l s to t h e i r place i n the context of changing c l a s s and gender r e l a t i o n s . This builds upon and develops the work of the "production of g e n t r i f i e r s " approach. While dealing with g e n t r i f i c a t i o n as a passive contingency e f f e c t plays down the a c t i v e r o l e of people i n shaping space and s o c i a l process, here I t r e a t g e n t r i f i c a t i o n as a context for negotiating s o c i a l conduct within a spectrum of various opportunities and r e s t r a i n t s . In t h i s endeavour, g e n t r i f i e r s have developed a strategy which pivots around a p a r t i c u l a r use of space. Drawing upon interviews with Fairview Slopes residents, I describe how inner c i t y l i v i n g supports t h e i r styles of l i f e , focusing on aspects of t h e i r career demands and on features of t h e i r domestic organization. From t h i s examination of the " g e n t r i f i c a t i o n l i f e s t y l e " I move, i n Chapters 7 and 8 , beyond the cu r r e n t l y dominant view of s p a t i a l r e s t r u c t u r i n g and argue for a c r i t i c a l c u l t u r a l geography of urban change. G e n t r i f i c a t i o n i s interpreted as an ingredient i n the construction of s o c i a l i d e n t i t y . Employing interview material, i n Chapter 7 I draw out some dimensions of the changing meaning of the inner c i t y , allowing a c r i t i q u e of r e d u c t i o n i s t production-side explanations of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . In Chapter 8 , the argument i s taken further by drawing upon recent developments i n the t h e o r i z a t i o n of landscape change and i t s r e l a t i o n to new pr a c t i c e s i n a r c h i t e c t u r e and i n marketing. Here I employ the h e u r i s t i c of the postmodern to c l a r i f y the meaning of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . It i s through the approach taken i n Chapters 7 and 8 that we can begin to take on the problem of chaotic conceptions which makes the d e f i n i t i o n and explanation of geographical phenomena l i k e g e n t r i f i c a t i o n such a t r i c k y e nterprise. In the concluding chapter, therefore, I locate the issues explored i n t h i s study within the context of current debates over the nature of explanation i n our d i s c i p l i n e . NOTES 1. The notion that g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i s a "back to the c i t y " movement of suburban households i s now widely understood to be a myth. Numerous U.S. studies have proved that g e n t r i f i e r s are more l i k e l y to come from other urban neighbourhoods. For example, i n h i s study of f i v e c i t i e s Gale (1979) found that only between 8 and 18 percent of immigrants to "resettlement" neighbourhoods came from the suburbs of the same metropolitan area. Smith's data on Society H i l l , Philadelphia, showed 14 percent coming from the suburbs and 72 percent from elsewhere i n the c i t y (Smith 1979a). Ley (1985a:120) l i s t s a number of Canadian studies with s i m i l a r f i n d i n g s . 2. This rules out both upward inter-generational mobility where ch i l d r e n i n h e r i t dwellings from t h e i r parents (described by London, 1980) and the p o t e n t i a l s i t u a t i o n where young people take on a dwelling i n pre-professional student stage and gradually improve i t as they move i n t o the workforce and up the income scale. 3. Displacement has a r i s e n as a c e n t r a l concern of much recent writing on g e n t r i f i c a t i o n , so much so that the editors of the most important recent volume could claim that "the authors of t h i s c o l l e c t i o n are mostly opposed to g e n t r i f i c a t i o n " (Smith and Williams 1986). Although there i s an a l t e r n a t i v e l a i s s e z - f a i r e opinion of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n as a p o s i t i v e force because i t reverses inner c i t y decay and restores a tax base, i n the United States there has also been substantial p o l i c y - o r i e n t e d research focused i n i t s costs (Howell 1985:52). The displacement process i s as t r i c k y to define as g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i t s e l f , r e s u l t i n g as i t does from a number of d i f f e r e n t mechanisms ranging from condominium conversions, through increases i n property taxes, to h i s t o r i c d i s t r i c t designation. (Howell 1985:53-4; Marcuse 1986:156-7). These mechanisms a f f e c t tenants i n a d i f f e r e n t way to owners, and involve "voluntary" as well as forced outmigration (Grier and Grier 1978). Logan's study of inner Melbourne, for example, distinguishes displacement from replacement by d e f i n i n g the l a t t e r as the voluntary withdrawal of owner occupiers who are tempted to s e l l by r i s i n g house p r i c e s (though of course t h i s i s d i f f i c u l t to separate from the pressure of upward rate assessments) < (Logan 1985). He a l s o notes the importance of psychological displacement when t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l networks and i n s t i t u t i o n s are d i s i n t e g r a t e d or taken over by newcomers. The state of the broader metropolitan housing market must a l s o a f f e c t the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of displacement e f f e c t s and t h e i r s i g n i f i c a n c e . While recognising that further studies are required to examine the extent of displacement, t h i s thesis focuses on exploring the causes of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n and therefore only touches i n d i r e c t l y on the consequences for displacees. 4. They w i l l , however, operate at various s p a t i a l scales, even up to the national scale i f we are considering the l o c a l e f f e c t of i n t e r n a t i o n a l processes. It i s , perhaps, misleading to focus the search for l o c a l i t y at one p a r t i c u l a r l e v e l of r e s o l u t i o n — f o r instance, at the scale of the journey to work area which a number of researchers have done. This may have seemed the most a t t r a c t i v e scale at which to i d e n t i f y l o c a l i t y because of the legacy of regional geography. But i t i s important to think i n terms of nested l o c a l i t i e s and to consider the balance of a l l those scales of l o c a l mechanisms for each p a r t i c u l a r event. CHAPTER TWO CONVENTIONAL EXPLANATIONS OF GENTRIFICATION It i s only recently that the debate over d e f i n i n g geographical phenomena as s o c i a l objects, reviewed i n Chapter 1, has been applied to the analysis of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . Rose (1984) represents the i n i t i a l e f f o r t to r a i s e , i n these terms, the question of how g e n t r i f i c a t i o n should be conceptualized. Before that, most researchers constructed generalized descriptions of " t y p i c a l " g e n t r i f i e r s and g e n t r i f i e d neighbourhoods which they then proceeded to analyse i n an ad hoc manner from a consumption-side explanatory perspective. Many attempts at accounting for g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i d e n t i f i e d "multiple f a c t o r s " that contributed to a changing pattern of consumer demand, but only marginal at t e n t i o n was paid to s t r u c t u r a l conditions such as housing supply. A second strand of explanation came predominantly from the s t r u c t u r a l i s t marxist p o s i t i o n and focused on aspects of production. While t h i s second, production-side approach was more s e l f - c o n s c i o u s l y t h e o r e t i c a l , i t proved unable to account adequately for the actual occurrences of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n , because i t neglected the r o l e of g e n t r i f i e r s themselves as agents i n the process of change. As I s h a l l i l l u s t r a t e i n Chapter 3, the most recent work attempts to f i n d some means of overcoming the rupture of structure from agency, under what has become known as the "production of g e n t r i f i e r s " approach. This chapter introduces the two major strands of research noted above, indi c a t e s t h e i r contribution to (and l i m i t a t i o n s in) explaining g e n t r i f i c a t i o n , and paves the way for a return i n the next chapter to the issues r a i s e d i n Chapter 1. In section 2.2 I deal with the production-side approaches, leaving the consumption-side perspective to section 2.3. At t h i s point, l e t the commentary on the conceptualization of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n stand as an i m p l i c i t c r i t i q u e of the two "conventional" explanations described here. Our measure of evaluation at t h i s stage i s somewhat more f a m i l i a r : that i s , to judge whether the explanations can account for when and where g e n t r i f i c a t i o n occurs. A complete account of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n must "explain f i r s t [ g e n t r i f i c a t i o n ' s ] concentration i n a l i m i t e d number of large c i t i e s , second i t s r a p i d growth i n the l a t e 1960s and e a r l y 1970s, and t h i r d i t s s p e c i f i c orders of occurrence i n c i t i e s " , claims Hamnett (1984:310). The next section describes these patterns of occurrence and places g e n t r i f i c a t i o n within an h i s t o r i c a l context of our understanding of modern urban form. 2.1 PATTERNS OF URBAN RESIDENTIAL FORM. G e n t r i f i c a t i o n i s not a general or universal phenomenon within a l l c a p i t a l i s t c i t i e s but i s concentrated i n c e r t a i n types of c i t i e s , and beyond that i n c e r t a i n types of neighbourhoods. Hamnett's (1984) review provides a useful summary of r e g u l a r i t i e s i n the pattern of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n , upon which I draw here. • . ( Relying on a survey of expert informants, a study by Clay (1979) found that p r i v a t e urban reinvestment had occurred i n a l l t h i r t y of the l a r g e s t U.S. c i t i e s i n the l a t e 1970s. Clay i d e n t i f i e d the sets of c i t i e s with the most p r i v a t e urban reinvestment—Washington, San Francisco and S e a t t l e — a n d those with the l e a s t — D e t r o i t , Newark and Cleveland. These findings were suggestive of some r e l a t i o n s h i p with the economic health of the urban area. A s i m i l a r methodology employed by the Urban Land I n s t i t u t e i n 1975 and 1979 on a large number of major U.S. c i t i e s (Black 1980) found that renovation a c t i v i t y v a r i e d d i r e c t l y with c i t y s i z e . An a l t e r n a t i v e measure of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n would focus on s o c i a l change rather than renovation a c t i v i t y . Lipton's study of the twenty largest U.S. S.M.S.A.s compared t r a c t income and education figures for the c i t y cores against figures for the S.M.S.A. as a whole (Lipton 1977). Unfortunately t h i s a n alysis covered the 1960s only, and i t s measure of s o c i a l class change (number of t r a c t s f a l l i n g above the S.M.S.A. medians) was clumsy (Hamnett 1984:287). Lipton's f i n d i n g s , however, indicated that c i t i e s most dominated by white c o l l a r employment were the most l i k e l y to experience an increase i n the number of high status c e n t r a l c i t y t r a c t s . A more rigorous methodology was applied by Ley (1985a, 1986a) to a study of 22 C.M.A.s i n Canada i n 1971 and 1981 (see Chapter 4 for d e t a i l s ) . Ley cal c u l a t e d a g e n t r i f i c a t i o n index based on changing s o c i a l status for each inner c i t y census t r a c t . A l l C.M.A.s had p o s i t i v e i n d i c e s . Those scoring h i g h l y were t y p i c a l l y regional or national centres of government and service employment, whereas lowest-scoring c i t i e s tended to have manufacturing- or resource-oriented economic bases. This f i n d i n g confirms the importance of metropolitan economic structure to the incidence of inner c i t y g e n t r i f i c a t i o n , and matches the evidence from the United States. However, only a weak r e l a t i o n s h i p was found with c i t y s i z e . This b r i e f review of some c i t y system-scale analyses suggests that g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i s concentrated above a l l i n c i t i e s with an above-average representation of white c o l l a r employment. Since studies have focused within i n d i v i d u a l nations, however, we must not overlook the p o s s i b i l i t y that the broader national context could also play a r o l e i n priming the conditions favourable to g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . For example, i n t h e i r challenge to the "North American c i t y " model, Goldberg and Mercer (1986) suggest that a major d i s t i n g u i s h i n g feature of Canadian from U.S. c i t i e s i s the v i a b i l i t y of t h e i r c e n t r a l c i t i e s . Causes for t h i s l i e with the d i f f e r e n t ethnic make-up of the two nations, t h e i r d i s t i n c t i v e "popular cultures" and l i f e s t y l e s , and the weaker and generally more supportive influence of Canadian federal p o l i t i c s on urban a f f a i r s and s t a b i l i t y of e x i s t i n g urban centres. Thus g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i n Canadian c i t i e s may be less a dramatic r e v e r s a l of d e c l i n e (as i t i s i n U.S. c i t i e s ) than a continuum of e a r l i e r phases of inner c i t y redevelopment (Ley 1981). In a comparison with the United States, B r i t a i n and A u s t r a l i a , Williams (1986) notes some contrasts i n housing markets and patterns of state intervention which could account for d i f f e r e n t i a l experiences of inner c i t y development i n the three nations. As well as explaining the d i s t r i b u t i o n of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n between c i t i e s , Hamnett argues that a complete account of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n must explain the d i s t r i b u t i o n of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n within c i t i e s . This feature has received l i t t l e systematic a n a l y s i s . Ley (1985a:91-3) l i s t s some q u a l i t a t i v e findings from the l i t e r a t u r e on the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of g e n t r i f i e d neighbourhoods: they tend to be located close to e x i s t i n g high status d i s t r i c t s , to amenities such as park or waterfront, and to i n s t i t u t i o n s associated with c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s and white c o l l a r employment; the neighbourhoods themselves are t y p i c a l l y g i f t e d with amenity features such as heritage bu i l d i n g s , c u l t u r a l landmarks and good views. Clay (1979) found the majority of U.S. g e n t r i f i e d neighbourhoods to be at le a s t 75 years old, the houses t y p i c a l l y " V i c t o r i a n " i n s t y l e and occupied by working class f a m i l i e s ; the most deteriorated neighbourhoods with abandoned housing were less l i k e l y to g e n t r i f y than those at an e a r l i e r stage of decline, though r e l a t i v e l y cheap housing p r i c e s were c l e a r l y supportive of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . Other features which appear to make a neighbourhood less a t t r a c t i v e to g e n t r i f i e r s include the presence of p u b l i c housing and some i n d u s t r i a l uses (Ley 1985a:91-3). Deducing h i s pre d i c t i o n s from a marxist theory of urbanization (see Section 2.2), Smith expects g e n t r i f i c a t i o n to take hold f i r s t i n d i s t r i c t s with advanced d e v a l o r i z a t i o n , often marked by physic a l d e t e r i o r a t i o n and a lower market p r i c e for land (Smith 1982): the reason being that, under these conditions, the inner c i t y o f f e r s better investment opportunities i n comparison with the suburbs. In a te s t of correlates of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i n six Canadian c i t i e s , Ley (1985a) extracts a p r o f i l e of a census t r a c t l i k e l y to have g e n t r i f i e d i n the 1970s. Proximity to e x i s t i n g e l i t e neighbourhoods, as well as to hospit a l s and u n i v e r s i t i e s (which are i n any case commonly associated with e l i t e d i s t r i c t s ) proved to be important v a r i a b l e s associated with g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . The p o s i t i v e influence of a t r a c t ' s c e n t r a l i t y (proximity to the C.B.D.) was tempered by the a t t r a c t i o n to environmental amenities such as a waterfront, and the avoidance of i n d u s t r i a l neighbourhoods and those with a high proportion of blue c o l l a r workers. In apparent c o n t r a d i c t i o n to Smith's p r e d i c t i o n s , g e n t r i f i c a t i o n was not found to be associated with cheap rents or housing p r i c e s ; i n f a c t i t tended to occur i n neighbourhoods with a p r i c e disadvantage with respect to the suburbs at the s t a r t of the study period. Ley i n t e r p r e t s t h i s as the a t t r a c t i o n of s i t e s perceived not to be cheap but to be "well-priced i n the context of t h e i r bundle of l o c a t i o n a l a t t r i b u t e s " (Ley 1985a:115). Having established i t s general pattern of occurrence, the remainder of t h i s section i s devoted to examining how g e n t r i f i c a t i o n f i t s within the context of the t r a d i t i o n a l models of r e s i d e n t i a l l o c a t i o n (Burgess 1925, Hoyt 1939, Alonso 1960, 1964). I continue to draw widely on the excellent review by Hamnett (1984) i n order to lay the groundwork for considering the two major approaches to explaining g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i n the following sections. Burgess focused on the process of invasion and succession, powered by the pressure of immigration into inner zones and r e s u l t i n g i n the downward t r a n s i t i o n of a l l neighbourhoods over time. It i s apparent that Burgess believed t h i s process to be generally applicable, though of course the model was developed during an exceptional period near the peak of immigration i n t o c e n t r a l c i t i e s i n a l a r g e l y unregulated urban environment. To Burgess' model, Hoyt added the process of f i l t e r i n g i n which d e s i r a b l e new homes constructed on the periphery, plus the d e t e r i o r a t i o n of housing i n older areas, tempt high income group to move outward and leave t h e i r o l d houses for less a f f l u e n t occupants. Although the mechanisms were d i f f e r e n t , both Burgess and Hoyt described the dominant e f f e c t as one of the downward s o c i a l t r a n s i t i o n of neighbourhoods. Before the 1970s, conventional models of urban structure could accept with modification a c e r t a i n degree of v a r i a t i o n i n inner c i t y neighbourhood and resident character. The persistence of the e l i t e Boston enclave of Beacon H i l l ( Firey 1945), and the a t t r a c t i o n of inner c i t y l i v i n g to people with non-family oriented households (Gans 1962a), could be dismissed as minor but p e r s i s t e n t anomalies i n the f a b r i c of many American c i t i e s . Both the Burgess and Hoyt models depended upon a set of h i s t o r i c a l l y s p e c i f i c circumstances, not the conditions under which g e n t r i f i c a t i o n has occurred. Alonso's reworking of the urban r e s i d e n t i a l models i n t o a neo-c l a s s i c a l format (Alonso 1960, 1964) draws out the highly s p e c i f i c set of tastes and preferences which are required for them to work. For the a f f l u e n t , space must be preferred over downtown a c c e s s i b i l i t y . Alonso's explanation centred on the competition for space, rather than on the d i s t r i b u t i o n of housing between d i f f e r e n t groups which was the focus of Hoyt's model. Each parcel of land would go to the highest bidder, and so a f f l u e n t households would capture the d e s i r a b l e suburban l o t s ; the poor would trade o f f space for a c c e s s i b i l i t y to the c e n t r a l c i t y , i n order to avoid the burden of commuting costs on a t i g h t e r budget. Unlike the processes of Burgess' and Hoyt's models, bid-rent theory appears to lack h i s t o r i c a l s p e c i f i c i t y ; hence i t can be adjusted to "account" for recent changes i n the dynamics of r e s i d e n t i a l s t r u c t u r e — i n terms, for instance, of a s h i f t i n preferences i n favour of a c c e s s i b i l i t y . Indeed t h i s i s a point of c r i t i c i s m r a i s e d by Hamnett: "Bid-rent theory i s capable of being applied, a f t e r the f a c t , to any given pattern of r e s i d e n t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n " (Hamnett 1984:292). It does not i n i t s e l f explain the source of d i f f e r e n t preferences, and i n f a c t implies preferences only through t h e i r e f f e c t s on l o c a t i o n a l patterns. Housing market structure, and q u a l i t i e s and qua n t i t i e s of housing supply, are ignored. Bid-rent theory represents "a step i n the r i g h t d i r e c t i o n away from a l a r g e l y s t a t i c pattern-dominated conception of urban r e s i d e n t i a l structure and towards a conception based more on the processes of change" (Hamnett 1984:294). However, even on i t s own terms, simply reversing the bid-rent curves and making space the i n f e r i o r good could not account for the pattern of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n , for the most wealthy are not those t y p i c a l l y involved i n g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . According to Rose, the adjustments made to both the e c o l o g i c a l and the n e o - c l a s s i c a l models with the aim of including the p o s s i b i l i t y of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n have res u l t e d i n two contradictory conclusions: "On the one hand, g e n t r i f i c a t i o n may be seen as an i n e v i t a b l e and natural phenomenon for a c i t y at a c e r t a i n stage i n i t s supposedly organic ' l i f e cycle'...On the other hand, g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i s seen...as a temporary and small-scale aberration i n what i s seen as an equally natural and dominant process of outward migration of people from inner c i t i e s " (Rose 1984:47). The second conclusion i s represented by Berry's (1980) paper which i s discussed s h o r t l y . The f i r s t conclusion would be t y p i c a l of attempts to locate h i s t o r i c a l l y - s p e c i f i c e c o l o g i c a l models within a context of a broad evolutionary model of c i t y and neighbourhood type. Hamnett (1984:295-8) notes how various authors have postulated a general cycle of growth, decline, r e v i t a l i z a t i o n and renewal, through which many neighbourhoods might move over time. The stage models of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n would f i t n i c e l y i n t o t h i s scheme as a sub-model of the r e v i t a l i z a t i o n phase. The p o s i t i v e c o r r e l a t i o n of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n with c i t y s i z e i n the United States could be incorporated i n t o such an evolutionary model, suggesting g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i s to be expected as c i t i e s reach a threshold s i z e ; i t might also be interpreted i n processual terms with respect to the increased costs and inconveniences of commuting. Moreover t h i s l a t t e r point would connect to Alonso's n e o - c l a s s i c a l model, i n d i c a t i n g why a s h i f t has occurred i n the trade-off between the de s i r e for and cost of suburban l i v i n g . However, t h i s would mean an uncomfortable marriage of process with e s s e n t i a l l y non-processual evolutionary models whose mechanisms are vague and exogenous (for example, 'modernization' or 'urbanization'). In addition, such an approach serves as j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r l a i s s e z - f a i r e .policies with respect to both urban decay and g e n t r i f i c a t i o n (Rose 1984:48). 1 The other, and contradictory, conclusion to which Rose refe r s (see above) suggests g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i s a minor anomaly within a broad pattern of continued outward migration. For instance, i t has been suggested that the energy c r i s i s i n the 1970s was c r u c i a l i n a f f e c t i n g the timing of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n , p r i m a r i l y because of the e f f e c t on commuting costs but a l s o because of the costs of constructing or heating new suburban housing (see review i n Howell 1985:79-80). This explanation implies a version of the "return to the c i t y " t h e s i s , which we already know to be inaccurate (Hamnett and Williams 1980). Note a l s o that g e n t r i f i c a t i o n was well underway before the most rapid r i s e i n f u e l costs; i n addition, commuting costs alone cannot explain why only some people take the g e n t r i f i c a t i o n option while others continue to purchase i n suburban l o c a t i o n s . The most s i g n i f i c a n t work arguing for g e n t r i f i c a t i o n as a temporary aberration comes from Berry (1980). F i l t e r i n g depends on a p a r t i c u l a r market s i t u a t i o n where new housing i s b u i l t on urban peripheries and market p r i c e s for housing are d e c l i n i n g more r a p i d l y than the f a l l i n the q u a l i t y of e x i s t i n g housing through d e t e r i o r a t i o n . Berry sees g e n t r i f i c a t i o n as the r e s u l t of a temporary or at l e a s t c y c l i c a l housing squeeze, where there i s imbalance between the rates of new housing construction and new household formation.- When housing supply i s abundant, he demonstrates that there i s more housing abandonment i n c e n t r a l c i t i e s ; when there i s massive i n f l a t i o n and low rates of housing replacement, g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i s more prevalent. This a f f o r d a b i l i t y t hesis could be f e a s i b l e f or the Canadian s i t u a t i o n where housing costs are a s i g n i f i c a n t issue, but Ley (1986a) questions whether the synchronization between housing p r i c e i n f l a t i o n and g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i s more than a coincidence. Berry assumes that g e n t r i f i c a t i o n depends upon young f i r s t time buyers t r y i n g to enter the market, whereas empty nester and renter households may be important to Canadian g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . The i m p l i c a t i o n that the inner c i t y i s a second choice taken only when suburban units are not a v a i l a b l e , and that g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i s a process for seeking out low-cost s i t e s (Ley 1985a:114), i s not supported by the f a c t s — f o r not a l l housing i n the inner c i t y i s e s p e c i a l l y affordable, nor i s a l l affordable housing i n the inner c i t y . In a s t a t i s t i c a l t e s t for the Canadian urban system, Ley f i n d s only weak p o s i t i v e c o r r e l a t i o n s between i n d i c a t o r s of a housing squeeze and a g e n t r i f i c a t i o n index. Setting aside these questions of v e r i f i c a t i o n , Berry's a r t i c l e provides a useful connection between, on the one hand, the t r a d i t i o n a l models of urban r e s i d e n t i a l structure (Hoyt's f i l t e r i n g model i n p a r t i c u l a r ) and on the other hand, the two approaches to explaining g e n t r i f i c a t i o n described i n the following sections. Like the production-side explanations (discussed s h o r t l y ) , Berry focuses on conditions of housing supply and notes the s i g n i f i c a n c e of broad patterns of investment and n a t i o n a l p o l i c y on housing production.. His analysis can be employed to account f o r two patterns of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n mentioned by Hamnett ( 1 9 8 4 ) — i t s timing, and i t s concentration i n c e r t a i n c i t i e s . And as well as discussing conditions of supply, Berry seasons h i s explanation with some reference to changing habits of consumption associated with new kinds of households. This provides a l i n k to consumption-side explanations, and i t allows for some p r e d i c t i o n of another pattern mentioned by Hamnett—which neighbourhoods are most l i k e l y to g e n t r i f y . But Berry's approach i s ad hoc: the demand f a c t o r s , for instance, appear "added on" as an afterthought. How i s the l i n k between supply and demand factors to be theorized? Are they of equal importance? Could g e n t r i f i c a t i o n occur i n some situa t i o n s where new construction i s extensive, or i s the housing squeeze a necessary condition? Berry's thoughts are vague on t h i s point: " R e v i t a l i z a t i o n , then, has been taking hold f i r s t i n superior neighbourhoods i n those metropolitan areas which have the lowest rates of replacement supply. These, i n turn, are those areas i n which there i s a s u f f i c i e n t c l u s t e r of p r o f e s s i o n al jobs to support the youthful college-educated labour force most l i k e l y to evidence supportive l i f e - s t y l e s h i f t s " (Berry 1980:23). In t h i s passage, we are given no idea of how d i f f e r e n t processes work together. In what sense does he employ the phrase " i n turn"? Why i s a young college-educated labour force l i k e l y to "evidence supportive l i f e - s t y l e s h i f t s " ? Simply l i s t i n g f a c t o rs does not, to paraphrase Smith, a theory make.2 This section has placed g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i n the context of the orthodox models of urban r e s i d e n t i a l form. We have noted t h e i r l i m i t e d u t i l i t y i n accounting for g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . Berry's work, which develops out of t h i s t r a d i t i o n , i s somewhat more successful yet i t i s t h e o r e t i c a l l y flawed. In comparison to Berry's a n a l y s i s , the approaches to explaining g e n t r i f i c a t i o n which are described i n the following sections are more d e c i s i v e i n t h e i r a l l e g i a n c e s . However, they too s h a l l be shown to f a l l short i n terms of accounting for the f u l l range of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n - r e l a t e d phenomena. I s t a r t by discussing production-side explanations and then, i n section 2.3, move to an analysis of consumption-side explanations. 2.2 STRUCTURALIST PRODUCTION-ORIENTED APPROACHES. There are two major variants of the production-oriented approach to g e n t r i f i c a t i o n — t h e marxist and the managerialist—although as the d i s c u s s i o n at the end of t h i s section w i l l show, t h i s d i s t i n c t i o n has proved d i f f i c u l t to sustain i n empirical work. I s t a r t with what comprises the most e x p l i c i t l y t h e o r e t i c a l treatment of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n : the s t r u c t u r a l i s t marxist approach developed by Smith (1979a, 1979b, 1982). The i n s i g h t i n t o g e n t r i f i c a t i o n offered by other scholars with a marxist bent ( e s p e c i a l l y the humanist marxists and s o c i a l i s t feminists) has i n part taken o f f from a c r i t i q u e of Smith's work, and i t s h a l l be discussed i n the next chapter. 2.21 Marxist explanation. Smith i s keen to distance himself from Berry's formulation (Smith 1982) and signals h i s p o s i t i o n i n an introductory statement: "The Chicago School's l a t t e r day followers bequeathed to urban researchers an e m p i r i c i s t and e c o l o g i c a l quagmire i n which substantive theory nearly drowned. With the help of breathing equipment from various Marxist sources, r e s u s c i t a t i o n i s well under way" (Smith 1979b:24). Resuscitation takes the form of an emphasis on the c i r c u l a t i o n of c a p i t a l i n t o production of the b u i l t environment and a focus on i t s movement i n t o d i f f e r e n t locations under conditions of uneven development. G e n t r i f i c a t i o n i s portrayed as a s t r u c t u r a l product of the land and housing markets, not a chance occurrence as Berry implies, but "to be expected" (Smith 1979a:546) on the basis of the " r a t i o n a l i t y " of c a p i t a l flows under the c a p i t a l i s t system. Instead of the n e o - c l a s s i c a l "clean s l a t e " (Rose 1984:50), Smith's theory assumes an e x i s t i n g c i t y which i s a product of previous investments of c a p i t a l . The flavour of h i s work i s established, i n the s u b t i t l e of h i s a r t i c l e : "A back to the c i t y movement by c a p i t a l , not people" (1979a). Here he reacts s p e c i f i c a l l y against the misconception of g e n t r i f i e r s as returning suburbanites. But the motif has further implications f o r h i s o v e r a l l perspective. To Smith, the objective mechanism causing g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i s the operation of urban land markets i n v o l v i n g a broad r e s t r u c t u r i n g of space according to the requirements of c a p i t a l . Consequently, c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of g e n t r i f i e r s themselves, even th e i r c l a s s p o s i t i o n under changing r e l a t i o n s of production and the s o c i a l d i v i s i o n of labour, are treated as epiphenomena. G e n t r i f i e r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s are discarded because they imply "consumer sovereignty" and "consumer preference". "As ever", Smith i n s i s t s , "'demand' catches only the appearance of things" (1979b:25). G e n t r i f i e r s and other actors such as planners or r e a l t o r s are reduced to agents of an independent and i n e v i t a b l e process. For instance, the "occupier developer" i s depicted as the "appropriate v e h i c l e " for the r e c y c l i n g of inner c i t y neighbourhoods where e x i s t i n g property ownership patterns are fragmented. The i n s t i t u t i o n a l actor i s the channel through which mortgage c a p i t a l flows, and through which the state intervenes to l u b r i c a t e that flow. Together these agents ensure that the p o t e n t i a l for p r o f i t i n neighbourhood r e c y c l i n g i s r e a l i z e d , thereby carrying out the requirements of the prime mover i n urban change: Finance C a p i t a l . Smith therefore sees hi s task as follows: "A theory of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n must therefore explain why some neighborhoods are p r o f i t a b l e to redevelop while others are not. What are the conditions of p r o f i t a b i l i t y ? Consumer sovereignty explanations took for granted the a v a i l a b i l i t y of areas r i p e for g e n t r i f i c a t i o n when t h i s was p r e c i s e l y what had to be explained" (Smith 1979a:540-l). With t h i s mandate, Smith explores the g e n t r i f i c a t i o n process at two i n t e r l o c k i n g scales. At the narrow scale, g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i s associated with the opening of a rent gap. This i s the d i s p a r i t y between the actual c a p i t a l i z e d ground rent appropriated by an owner of a p l o t of land under i t s present use, and i t s p o t e n t i a l rent i f developed to i t s "highest and best use". The gap r e s u l t s from the changing r e l a t i o n s h i p between land value and property value, t y p i f i e d by the v a l o r i z a t i o n c y c l e through which most neighbourhoods proceed, which i s the objective mechanism underlying "the process commonly but misleadingly r e f e r r e d to as f i l t e r i n g " (1979a:545). The character of t h i s mechanism i s determined by a s p e c i a l feature of investment i n the b u i l t environment, that i s , i t s long turnover period. Once newly developed, a neighbourhood experiences d e v a l o r i z a t i o n as owners extract returns, t y p i c a l l y i n v o l v i n g t r a n s i t i o n s i n tenure arrangements, occupancy and phy s i c a l condition (Smith 1982). The process can be slowed or prevented by repa i r s to the b u i l t structure, but once transferred to r e n t a l occupancy a dwelling i s l i k e l y to continue to d e t e r i o r a t e . When the point i s reached that the b u i l d i n g cannot support p r o f i t a b l e uses because maintenance i s too c o s t l y , abandonment i s the " r a t i o n a l " outcome. This i s accelerated a l s o by r e d l i n -ing . Areas where c a p i t a l i s t i e d up i n an e x i s t i n g land use present a b a r r i e r to new development. Hence once inner areas are b u i l t , investment i s channelled i n t o suburban areas. But as inner areas experience a net outflow of c a p i t a l and as the rent gap opens up, there comes a point where reinvestment i n the inner c i t y ( c a p i t a l i z i n g upon i t s l o c a t i o n a l advantage) i s the r a t i o n a l market response, and development a c t i v i t y i s switched back i n t o c e n t r a l l o c a t i o n s . " G e n t r i f i c a t i o n occurs when the gap i s wide enough" so that the developer can make a " s a t i s f a c t o r y return" (1979a:545). It occurs f i r s t "where the gap was greatest and the highest returns available...where the sequence of d e c l i n i n g values had pr e t t y much run i t s course" (1979a:546). Thus Smith's theory would appear to o f f e r an explanation of the timing and of the patterning of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i n c i t i e s . Later, Smith o f f e r s a framework for explanation at a broader scale. G e n t r i f i c a t i o n i s "the leading edge of a larger process of uneven development which i s a s p e c i f i c process, rooted i n the structure of the c a p i t a l i s t mode of production" (1982:139). This conceptualization provides a t h e o r e t i c a l l i n k between g e n t r i f i c a t i o n and other urban transformations. In contrast to Berry, Smith claims that c r i s i s i s not an exogenous fa c t o r p r e c i p i t a t i n g an acc i d e n t a l departure from equilibrium, but an i n e v i t a b l e product of ca p i t a l i s m (the s u r v i v a l of which requires economic expansion and continued c a p i t a l accumulation). In a condition of f a l l i n g rates of p r o f i t i n industry, c a p i t a l investment i s d i r e c t e d i n t o the b u i l t environment sector instead (the secondary c i r c u i t of c a p i t a l (Harvey 1978)), r e s u l t i n g i n a property boom. The actual l o c a t i o n of that investment i n the b u i l t environment depends on already e x i s t i n g patterns of development r e s u l t i n g from previous rounds of investment. Suburbanization was a response to the depressions of the 1890s and 1930s. But with l a t e r i n s i t u growth hindered i n suburban locations by the presence of e x i s t i n g structures, and with the outflow of c a p i t a l from the inner c i t y , the more recent economic c r i s i s switched investment i n t o the neighbourhoods with growing rent gaps. G e n t r i f i c a t i o n and other types of urban redevelopment are thus d i f f e r e n t forms of the same process of urban r e s t r u c t u r i n g which f a c i l i t a t e continued c a p i t a l accumulation, to which suburbanization was the e a r l i e r " s o l u t i o n " . The two scales at which Smith locates g e n t r i f i c a t i o n — t h e l o c a l and the g e n e r a l — a r e bridged through the mediation of the ground rent surface. This surface i s an expression of the forces for d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n within the c i t y and i t operates to a l l o c a t e a c t i v i t i e s across space (Smith 1982:145). The d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g forces at the urban scale are somewhat vaguely defined (Hamnett 1984:307), the f i r s t set being functional (depending on types and scales of land use) and the second set being s o c i a l (depending on cla s s and 3 race as ordering p r i n c i p l e s of r e s i d e n t i a l land). Smith's work has received c r i t i c a l a t tention from other writers p r e c i s e l y because, i n Hamnett's words, "at present i t constitutes v i r t u a l l y the only attempt to explain t h e o r e t i c a l l y the occurrence and the process [of] g e n t r i f i c a t i o n " (Hamnett 1984:306). The great strength of Smith's contribu-t i o n i s to contextualize the decisions of i n d i v i d u a l , p r o f i t - o r i e n t e d actors within a broad overview of p r o f i t opportunities and h i s t o r i c a l movements of c a p i t a l investment. This i s e s p e c i a l l y pertinent at the present time when small-scale g e n t r i f i c a t i o n of r e s i d e n t i a l areas i s linked to widespread " r e v i t a l i z a t i o n " of inner c i t y commercial and r e c r e a t i o n a l spaces by the state and by large corporations. Given those important i n s i g h t s , the "production of g e n t r i f i e r s " approach (discussed i n Chapter 3) has arisen d i r e c t l y out of a sympathetic c r i t i q u e of Smith's work. The points of disagreement are b r i e f l y o utlined below. Rose challenges Smith's i n s i s t e n c e on the sphere of production as the only "correct" a n a l y t i c a l s t a r t i n g point (Rose 1984). Her c r i t i q u e , from a r e a l i s t perspective, c a l l s for an analysis of the production of g e n t r i f i e r s themselves—as c e r t a i n kinds of people who are drawn to inner c i t y l i v i n g — i n a d d i t i o n to Smith's analysis of the production of g e n t r i f i a b l e neighbourhoods. Smith r e s i s t s any explanatory weight being given to the g e n t r i f i e r s themselves, even i n terms of t h e i r economic p o s i t i o n : t h e i r s i g n i f i c a n c e l i e s only i n determining the f i n a l form of areas which have undergone r e s t r u c t u r i n g , such as t h e i r v i s u a l appearance (Smith 1979a:540). But how are these factors to be theorized and brought together i n the f i n a l a n a l y s i s , beyond a "mix and match" approach combining s t r u c t u r a l analysis with a p o s i t i v i s t conception of "conventional" demand factors? (Rose 1984). Hamnett makes a s i m i l a r complaint: "The r e a l problem for Smith i s that h i s analysis of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n focuses almost e x c l u s i v e l y on the structure and operation of the urban land market under c a p i t a l i s m to the exclusion of other aspects of the c a p i t a l i s t mode of production, notably the changing form and r e l a t i o n s of production and the changing s o c i a l d i v i s i o n of labour" (Hamnett 1984:312). Hamnett approvingly c i t e s Ley's (1978) thesis on the changing structure of employment as an example of an a l t e r n a t i v e , but s t i l l m a t e r i a l i s t , perspective. Both Hamnett and Rose are therefore suggesting a broader framework encompassing a range of material considerations, allowing them to overcome some of the d i v i s i o n between what are co n v e n t i a l l y defined as economic and s o c i a l issues. Another side to Hamnett's c r i t i q u e focuses on Smith's i n a b i l i t y to account for the pattern of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . Smith predicts which neighbourhoods w i l l develop f i r s t (those with the widest rent gap). He cannot account f o r the s e l e c t i v e appearance of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n between c i t i e s i n advanced c a p i t a l i s t nations. At some points, Smith stresses the necessity of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n (1979a:538); elsewhere he seems more ten t a t i v e (1982:139,-152). With respect to i t s timing, Smith deduces that g e n t r i f i c a t i o n takes place f i r s t where the rent gap i s greatest and therefore the highest returns are possible (1979a:546); (how wide a rent gap i s required to i n i t i a t e the process i s not stated). Later, i n the face of contradictory evidence (Ley 1986a), Smith changes h i s tune. "Areas with the deepest rent gap may not be the f i r s t to experience the process" (Smith 1987b:464); black neighbourhoods, for example, are less l i k e l y to g e n t r i f y than would be expected on the basis of t h e i r advancement i n the d e v a l o r i z a t i o n c y c l e . Ley (1987a) supports t h i s r e v i s i o n with data from Canada, showing how g e n t r i f i c a t i o n often occurs i n neighbourhoods where market p r i c e s are already higher than the c i t y average. The issue of which neighbourhoods g e n t r i f y f i r s t , therefore, centres on the notion of p o t e n t i a l ground rent: how much p r o f i t the new land use would bring. Given the case of black neighbourhoods which Smith mentions, t h i s must depend upon factors of perception and d e s i r a b i l i t y — a n d therefore cannot be measured s o l e l y i n terms of the objective value of land without reference to i t s use (Ley 1987a). Beauregard makes the same c r i t i c i s m of rent gap theory which "cannot e a s i l y explain why Hoboken (New Jersey) becomes g e n t r i f i e d , but Newark—where c a p i t a l i z e d ground rents are extremely low and whose l o c a t i o n a l advantages...are on a par with Hoboken's—does not" (Beauregard 1986:39). Smith seems uneasy on t h i s point, as t h i s quotation i n d i c a t e s : "the p o t e n t i a l rent [ i s that which would] be c a p i t a l i z e d from the 'highest and best' use (or at least a 'higher and better' use), given the c e n t r a l l o c a t i o n " (Smith 1986:23). Hamnett (1984) and Ley (1987a) suggest that Smith's argument b o i l s down to a rather lame conclusion not d i s s i m i l a r from that of n e o c l a s s i c a l t h e o r i s t s . Smith has recently modified h i s theory i n l i n e with h i s c r i t i c s . The opening of a rent gap i s cast as the opportunity for reinvestment, whereas demographic and l i f e s t y l e trends are c a l l e d upon to explain why "we have p r o l i f e r a t i n g quiche bars rather than Howard Johnsons, trendy clothes boutiques and gourmet food shops rather than corner stores" (Smith 1986:33). C u l t u r a l e f f e c t s , however, are presented as f u l f i l l i n g a f u n c t i o n a l i s t r o l e . In t h i s , Smith references Zukin's (1982) study of l o f t l i v i n g , which documents the r e o r i e n t a t i o n of middle c l a s s tastes i n favour of bohemian and a r t i s t i c h a b i t s . Zukin describes the growing appreciation of the kinds of l i v i n g space offered i n o l d l o f t b u i l d i n g s , and she o f f e r s an analysis of both the symbolic and p r a c t i c a l a t t r a c t i o n s of l o f t l i v i n g . This i s woven together with a c r i t i q u e of the "uses" of the new taste c u l t u r e by large scale developers: "The a r t i s t i c mode of production r e a l l y represents an attempt by large-scale investors i n the b u i l t environment to r i d e out and to c o n t r o l a p a r t i c u l a r investment climate" (Zukin 1982:176). Smith (1987a) and Harvey (1987) have moved i n t h i s d i r e c t i o n i n t h e i r recent work (see Chapter 7). In sum, Smith's bold t h e o r i z i n g has been important i n h i g h l i g h t i n g the p o s i t i o n of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n within a broader framework of c a p i t a l flows. However, the f u l l explanation cannot be sustained on h i s terms alone, and a ( l a r g e l y sympathetic) c r i t i q u e of the s t r u c t u r a l i s t marxist p o s i t i o n has been fundamental to the development of new approaches to urban r e s t r u c t u r i n g , as ti s h a l l be seen when the "production of g e n t r i f i e r s approach i s discussed i n Chapter 3. When production-side approaches are applied d i r e c t l y to empirical examples of urban change, the abstract economic mechanisms of c a p i t a l i s m are often interpreted i n terms of the p o l i t i c a l sphere, i n which endeavour a managerialist perspective tends to overshadow any i m p l i c i t marxism. The next subsection considers the relevance of the managerialist thesis to explaining g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . 2.22 Managerialist explanation. Managerialism o f f e r s a framework for the study of urban change i n which the r o l e of the state i s highlighted, from which i t i s p o s s i b l e to construct a perspective on g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . Emphasis i s placed on constraints to consumer choice i n terms of access to scarce resources (Pahl 1970, 1975; Williams 1978a, 1978b; Leonard 1982). The roots of urban managerialism l i e with Weber rather than with Marx. The most s i g n i f i c a n t heritage i s a d e n i a l of any necessary connection between the economic and p o l i t i c a l spheres. Key to the d i s t r i b u t i o n of l i f e chances i s the e f f e c t of i n s t i t u t i o n a l r e source-allocation p o l i c i e s r e a l i z e d by "urban managers". Managers include p u b l i c actors such as l o c a l government p o l i t i c i a n s and bureaucrats, plus key personnel i n the p r i v a t e sphere who act as gatekeepers to scarce resources, such as r e a l estate agents. Consumption patterns need not d i r e c t l y r e f l e c t i n d i v i d u a l s ' economic c l a s s p o s i t i o n , yet because they are shaped by the p r e v a i l i n g balance of power between i n t e r e s t groups and are c o n t r o l l e d by urban gatekeepers, they demonstrate observable biases and i n e q u a l i t i e s . As o u t l i n e d by Pahl (1970, 1975), the emphasis of managerialism has s h i f t e d over time. E a r l i e r the focus seems to have been on the s p e c i f i c values, actions and goals of p u b l i c and p r i v a t e managers who exert an independent influence on the a l l o c a t i o n of resources. Detailed studies c a r r i e d out i n the housing f i e l d dealt with issues such as the a l l o c a t i o n of council housing i n a c o n s i s t e n t l y biased manner (Gray 1976), and the evaluation of mortgage a p p l i c a t i o n s by b u i l d i n g society managers (Ford 1975). Debate on two issues shape l a t e r managerialist work: the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of managers, and t h e i r degree of independence. Pahl (1975) e a r l i e r i d e n t i f i e d a whole range of urban managers, from c o u n c i l l o r s , to property developers, to youth employment o f f i c e r s . His l a t e r . work focused on higher l e v e l p u b l i c managers, p a r t l y i n response to c r i t i c i s m s of excessively v o l u n t a r i s t i c accounts of small gatekeepers. However, there are no t h e o r e t i c a l grounds for excluding p r i v a t e managers. The question of manager independence has a t t r a c t e d the marxist c r i t i q u e (see Leonard 1982) that managerialism i s an ideology which obscures the r e a l basis of class d i f -f e r e n t i a t i o n and the main sources of i n e q u a l i t y ( i . e . production r e l a t i o n s ) --a c r i t i c i s m which Pahl himself has made. Late managerialist studies of western s o c i e t i e s assume the encompassing structure of c a p i t a l i s t r e l a t i o n s and the broader context of power r e l a t i o n s . They stress the r o l e of managers as mediators operating at the i n t e r f a c e "between the state and the p r i v a t e sector and between c e n t r a l state authority and the l o c a l population" (Pahl 1977:55). The nature of the actual outcome i s an empirical question (Pahl 1979); as with Weber, then, the comparative method remains important (Leonard 1982:192). There have been few e x p l i c i t attempts to apply managerialist ideas to g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . Williams' (1976) study of Isli n g t o n , London, i s i m p l i c i t l y managerialist (see also Hamnett 1973; Hamnett and Williams 1979). Williams traces the e f f e c t of p r i v a t e f i n a n c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s on the l o c a l housing market as they switch from a conservative p o l i c y of r e d - l i n i n g to an a c t i v e p o l i c y of promoting middle cl a s s purchases i n the neighbourhood. Williams b r i e f l y places t h i s i n the context of changing government p o l i c y on the at t i t u d e s of p r i v a t e f i n a n c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s , for example encouraging tenants to purchase xtheir accommodation. In t h i s example, p r i v a t e managers pursuing c a p i t a l i s t goals control and manipulate the access of d i f f e r e n t groups to the scarce housing supply. A d e t a i l e d North American example with a s i m i l a r (though le s s e x p l i c i t ) approach investigates the r o l e of the r e a l t o r i n the transformation of a Toronto neighbourhood (Tsimikalis 1983), As consultants and gatekeepers, and as i n f l u e n t i a l promoters and p a r t i c i p a n t s i n the young, pro f e s s i o n a l (and sometimes gay) l i f e s t y l e , a group of r e a l t o r s manipulate the extent and form of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n of Don Vale. This takes place within a context of municipal and p r o v i n c i a l government support for p o l i c i e s conducive to g e n t r i f i c a t i o n , including controls on demolition and new b u i l d i n g density, and a land speculation tax which can be avoided i n s i t u a t i o n s of rapid property turnover only i f major housing improvements are c a r r i e d out. Perhaps more i l l u s t r a t i v e of " l a t e managerialism" i s Williams' (1986) comparative review of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n patterns i n the United States, B r i t a i n and A u s t r a l i a . Differences i n the three national housing markets and features of l o c a l p o l i t i c s and the r o l e of the state, o f f e r a foundation for understanding d i f f e r e n c e s i n the degree and character of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . In A u s t r a l i a , the steady production of suburban housing and high home-ownership l e v e l s have opened up inner c i t y areas to speculative a c t i v i t y . In B r i t a i n , a greater l e v e l of government co n t r o l over the housing market for example through rent controls, the importance of publicly-provided housing, and extensive clearance programmes, have meant a t i g h t e r supply of g e n t r i f i a b l e housing and a heightened c o n f l i c t as r e n t a l accommodation i s l o s t . Current promotion of home-ownership i n B r i t a i n contributes to the spread of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n , as d i d e a r l i e r locally-administered programmes of h i s t o r i c area designation and renovation grants. In the United States the widespread abandonment of property, plus the importance of the urban f i s c a l c r i s i s , make g e n t r i f i c a t i o n a p o l i t i c a l l y - c h a r g e d issue, and with low l e v e l s of government control c o n f l i c t s between l o c a l resident groups and developers have been p i v o t a l to the pattern of inner c i t y change. A managerialist account of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n , l i k e a marxist account, h i g h l i g h t s the conditions of production which determine the fate of inner c i t y areas. While the d i f f e r e n t treatment of p o l i t i c s makes them t h e o r e t i c a l l y d i s t i n c t , i t i s at the point of empirical a p p l i c a t i o n s that the di f f e r e n c e s between a managerialist and a marxist explanation b l u r . Compare, for example, Williams (1978a) and Boddy (1976), both of whom analyse the r o l e of b u i l d i n g s o c i e t i e s . Both accounts substantiate claims that lending i s biased towards c e r t a i n l o c a l i t i e s and s o c i a l groups. Yet Boddy makes more ambitions claims: his data supposedly demonstrates how the " s o c i a l formation" i s reproduced, the s p e c i f i c c o n t r i b u t i o n of finance i n s t i t u t i o n s being to impose conservative behaviour on mortgage-encumbered borrowers and to help maintain aggregate demand. C a l l i n g f or "an analysis of urban processes which does more than capture appearances", Boddy depicts i n s t i t u t i o n s as e f f e c t s rather than causes, for the prime mover i s more abstract: "the structure of the s o c i a l formation i s projected through the [building] s o c i e t i e s " (p. 69). In t h i s f a i r l y e a rly example of marxist a n a l y s i s , Boddy makes t h e o r e t i c a l assertions which go beyond Williams' more modest managerialist conclusions, although the empirical data and the methods of analysis are not very d i f f e r e n t . Similar observations have been made of much of Harvey's work, for example on the Baltimore housing market (Harvey and Chatterjee 1974). In t h i s r e l a t i v e l y e a r l y paper, c l a s s d i s t i n c t i o n s are allowed which a r i s e from consumption p o s i t i o n , and landlords are depicted as s i g n i f i c a n t actors i n the market: t h i s i s very s i m i l a r to a managerialist i n t e r p r e t a t i o n (Duncan and Ley 1982). From the orthodox s t r u c t u r a l i s t marxist standpoint, t h i s housing research was taken to task for these deviations (Roweis and Scott 1978; Smith 1979b). Harvey's l a t e r housing writings conformed by p i c t u r i n g c l a s s struggle i n the consumption sphere as a "displaced" form of the basic struggle o r i g i n a t i n g i n the workplace (Harvey 1978). Paterson d i s t i n g u i s h e s , from Harvey's a r t i c l e s , the simultaneous existence of two l e v e l s of theory. The higher l e v e l theory follows from marxist presuppositions of "the c i t y as a consumption a r t i f a c t of advanced c a p i t a l i s m where c a p i t a l i s m only allows...that which i s i n the i n t e r e s t s of accumulation of c a p i t a l " (Paterson 1983:28). The lower l e v e l theory, more c l o s e l y engaging the empirical world, i s s i m i l a r to the managerialist perspective. The same tensions between high and low l e v e l theorizations are manifest i n Smith's Society H i l l studies. The state and p r i v a t e i n s t i t u t i o n s involved i n the renewal projects are described i n some d e t a i l , even to the point of t r a c i n g the p i v o t a l r o l e of ( e l i t e ) i n d i v i d u a l s (1979b:29). As Duncan and Ley point out, "even this...would not require a s t r u c t u r a l explanation, for i t could be accommodated equally within conventional e l i t e theory" (Duncan and Ley 1982:46). The point of t h i s c r i t i q u e i s not to recommend e l i t e theory, but to i n d i c a t e that marxist and managerialist types of analysis are d i f f i c u l t to d i s t i n g u i s h at the l e v e l of empirical research. As we found with the d e t a i l s of Smith's rent gap theory, the s t r u c t u r a l i s t marxist approach to explanation i s not sustainable merely on i t s own terms. And t h i s accounts for the confusion amongst those t r y i n g to o p e r a t i o n a l i z e the marxist approach with respect to g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . Here, the marxist account commonly takes a managerialist form. London, Lee and Lipton, for example, claim that marxist approaches emphasize "the r o l e of economic i n t e r e s t s and p o l i t i c a l power...The questions of 'who decides? 1, 'who benefits?' and 'who pays'" (London, Lee and Lipton 1986:374). This sounds sus p i c i o u s l y managerialist: not i t s e l f , a bad thing, but also not h e l p f u l to the c l a r i f i c a t i o n of t h e o r e t i c a l d i f f e r e n c e s . Astonishingly ( i n the l i g h t of Smith's work which they reference as support), these authors state that, i n comparison with t r a d i t i o n a l market-based explanations, "Marxist approaches r e l y less on the ' i n v i s i b l e hand 1 of p o l i t i c a l and economic forces i n t h e i r analysis of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n " (p. 374); the reason given for t h i s a s s e r t i o n i s that the marxist explanation centres on the p o l i t i c a l manipulations of powerful i n t e r e s t groups. Like these researchers, Logan's (1985) representation of a marxist approach centres on the idea of a d e l i b e r a t e c l a s s conspiracy by an a l l i a n c e of gentry and the state; he has l i t t l e trouble i n confirming that, i n a general sense, those who are already a f f l u e n t continue to be favoured, and r i g h t l y points out that t h i s i s not d i s t i n g u i s h a b l e from other, non-marxist,' c r i t i q u e s . Logan's negative evaluation of the marxist approach seems to depend on h i s f i n d i n g of "a biased but impersonal c a p i t a l i s t economic structure" (p. 289, my emphasis). Admittedly, there are debates within marxism over the correct reading of the state; however, the s i g n i f i c a n c e of Logan's conclusion i s ambiguous, for the s t r u c t u r a l i s t marxist t h e o r i s t s l i k e Smith and Harvey who have shown p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r e s t i n g e n t r i f i c a t i o n d i d not i n any case suggest that g e n t r i f i c a t i o n was a kind of personal vendetta against current residents. In sum, these examples i l l u s t r a t e the methodological problems of applying and t e s t i n g highly abstract conceptualizations i n concrete s i t u a t i o n s whilst maintaining t h e o r e t i c a l p u r i t y . While the empirical work has confirmed the s i g n i f i c a n c e of a production-side perspective i t seems that, i n terms of conceptualization, we require less l o y a l t y to a p r i o r i t h e o r e t i c a l assumptions, and more f l e x i b i l i t y i n terms of drawing together i n s i g h t s from d i f f e r e n t l i t e r a t u r e s dealing with the topic of urban change. This i s , i n some senses, what marxists such as Smith have i n p r a c t i c e done; however, i t seems important to the c l a r i f i c a t i o n of how explanations are being constructed that t h i s p r a c t i c e i s acknowledged and not denied by those who seek to present t h e i r work as the unadulterated a p p l i c a t i o n of one p h i l o s o p h i c a l p o s i t i o n . On the other hand, however, we must a l s o r e s i s t the empiricism of some more conventional treatments of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . In the next section, I discuss t h i s work which focuses on the changing patterns of demand. 2.3 INDIVIDUALIST CONSUMPTION-ORIENTED APPROACHES. The most common approach to explaining g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i s to i d e n t i f y c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of i n d i v i d u a l s which motivate them to demand inner c i t y l i v i n g . The voluminous l i t e r a t u r e i s highly v a r i a b l e i n i t s degree of s o p h i s t i c a t i o n ; i t s t h e o r e t i c a l underpinnings are l a r g e l y hidden. This section focuses on the middle ground: the d e s c r i p t i o n of the demographic, l i f e s t y l e and occupational p r o f i l e of g e n t r i f i e r s . Not a l l of the authors referenced below would n e c e s s a r i l y a l i g n themselves with a consumption-side perspective, but t h e i r writings h i g h l i g h t the kinds of issues which such a perspective must emphasize. Berry's housing supply explanation p o s i t s an imbalance i n the U.S. housing market due p a r t l y to a growth i n aggregate demand but predominantly because of a s h o r t f a l l i n new construction (see section 2.1). Those unable to compete for suburban housing during a period of rapid i n f l a t i o n i n housing p r i c e s were therefore channelled i n t o inner areas, e s p e c i a l l y f i r s t - t i m e buyers. However, i n Canada, Ley (1985a) discovers that g e n t r i f y i n g neighbourhoods have commonly not been the cheapest areas i n which to buy; furthermore, g e n t r i f i c a t i o n does not appear to be a "second-best" choice: i t involves not just f i r s t time buyers but also older couples who already have invested i n large properties, plus substantial p a r t i c i p a t i o n by renters. The sa l i e n t issue, then, i s why more people are choosing inner c i t y l i v i n g . Changes i n demographic, l i f e s t y l e and occupational factors are i d e n t i f i e d as three overlapping " f a c t o r s " which contribute to a new pattern of r e s i d e n t i a l preferences. 2.31 Demographic f a c t o r s . Demographic factors can be divided i n t o the general and the s p e c i f i c . General demographic features involve broad h i s t o r i c a l trends i n f e r t i l i t y , family and household c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , and l i f e - c y c l e . The s p e c i f i c factor i s the influence of the baby boom, the d i r e c t e f f e c t of which i s to increase aggregate consumer demand, the i n d i r e c t e f f e c t to i n f l a t e the number of in d i v i d u a l s at relevant stages of the l i f e - c y c l e . The major features of general change i s the lengthy d e c l i n e i n f e r t i l i t y (Westoff 1978). This means an ageing population and fewer c h i l d r e n . Families are smaller, with partners not just choosing to have no or fewer c h i l d r e n , but adjusting t h e i r timing as w e l l : age of mothers at b i r t h of the f i r s t c h i l d seems to be r i s i n g , and the childbearing years appear to be shorter. Age at marriage for women has r i s e n recently a f t e r a lengthy f a l l , implying a decreasing age gap between ma r i t a l partners. What we mythologize as the " t r a d i t i o n a l " nuclear family (working husband,' housewife, c h i l d r e n at home) i s a s t a t i s t i c a l minority. A s t r i k i n g increase i n the proportion of women i n the paid labour force involves some reorganization of household r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s , though t r u l y symmetrical partnerships remain unusual. The increasing divorce rate means a growing number of single parent families (predominantly female-headed) and various fused families as the result of second marriage. Despite a long-term f a l l in the percentage single and a rise in the percent married,, there appears to be a very recent reversal of these trends which, though complicated by the expanding numbers of unmarried divorced persons (especially women), reinforces a decline in the proportions enjoying conventional family l i f e (see Rodgers and Witney (1981) for Canada). Numbers of non-family households are growing, as are common-law relationships. Taken together, these trends suggest that the normative life-cycle i s becoming less useful as a basis for understanding l i v i n g arrangements. Yet i t underlies the dominant models of intraurban mobility and residential patterning (Stapleton 1980:1103). The connection between life-cycle and residential choice arises from the changing housing requirements as households progress through a number of stages: the young adult pre-child stage i s associated with rental central city living; childbearing stages are spent in owner-occupied suburban single family homes; post-child stages may be marked by moves to smaller central housing; widowhood may mean a move in 4 with a child or into an institution. Stapleton modifies the residence-life - c y c l e model by introducing new "paths" for those alternatives which were previously ignored or classified under "equivalent" traditional categories (Stapleton 1980, Stapleton Concord 1982). The numerical decline of the "traditional" nuclear family means a "ponding up" of households in inner city locations as their motivation for suburban migration declines. Other predic-table effects include a demand for homes that are smaller, with easy upkeep for working partners, and relatively cheap for young singles in their career-building years. Adult-oriented environments w i l l be preferred with easy access to workplaces for working partners, to leisure f a c i l i t i e s and services for empty-nester households, even (according to Beauregard (1986)) to sin g l e s ' haunts for the unmarried. The s p e c i a l environmental requirements of sing l e parent f a m i l i e s may also be f u l f i l l e d more e a s i l y i n c e n t r a l c i t i e s . However, the p a r t i c u l a r s i t u a t i o n of female-headed households reminds us of the l i m i t a t i o n s of a stress on housing preference, t h e i r c e n t r a l urban r e s i d e n t i a l l o c a t i o n being as much a matter of constraint as of desire (Cook and Rudd 1984, Holcomb 1981, Rose 1984, Werkerle 1984). Taking both t h i s unfortunate side to the changing experience of women, plus the tendency for young c h i l d l e s s women to prefer c e n t r a l locations (Holcomb 1981, 1984; Werkerle 1984), feminist scholars are developing a c r i t i c a l r e thinking of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n theory (Rose 1984). This w i l l be taken up i n the next chapter; s u f f i c e to conclude here that the implications for g e n t r i f i c a t i o n are the creation of "more sing l e i n d i v i d u a l households and c h i l d l e s s couples whose consumption needs d i f f e r from those who have t r a d i t i o n a l l y migrated to the suburbs" (Beauregard 1986:43). Overlaying these general changes i s the s p e c i f i c e f f e c t of the baby boom cohort which, from the l a t e 1960s, f e l l within the age range comprising the bulk of new household growth. Its sheer s i z e could have been expected to cause a tightening i n the housing market and a r i s e i n housing p r i c e s (Hamnett 1984). Combine t h i s with the t r a d i t i o n a l tendency for young adults to be overrepresented i n the inner c i t y , and there i s a powerful argument for at l a s t part of the ra p i d appearance of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i n the l a s t .twenty years. Continuing within the l o g i c of the l i f e - c y c l e we might expect some slowing of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n corresponding with an "echo" baby boom, but t h i s depends on the degree to which the general decline i n f e r t i l i t y i s followed through. An a p p r a i s a l of the demography e f f e c t concludes as follows: "Whilst these demographic changes provide a strong demographic underpinning for emergence of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n on a major scale i n the 1970s they do not, of themselves c o n s t i t u t e an explanation of where and why i t occurred. Demographic changes alone are not a s u f f i c i e n t condition for the occurrence of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n [although] they have important implications for the continuation of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n on a major scale" (Hamnett, 1984: 301). Measured against Hamnett's c r i t e r i a i t i s evident that demography alone i s unable to account for the s e l e c t i v e d i s t r i b u t i o n of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n between and within c i t i e s . We would need to understand why general demographic trends are unevenly represented over space, a neglected issue i n conventional g e n t r i f i c a t i o n studies. 2.32 L i f e s t y l e f a c t o r s . A second theme prevalent i n the l i t e r a t u r e on g e n t r i f i e r s ' consumption habits i s that of l i f e s t y l e . " S o c i o - c u l t u r a l " trends are i d e n t i f i e d which underlie a s h i f t i n behavioural norms. " L i f e s t y l e " as a conceptual category tends to remain untheorized. Again, there are both a set of broad " l i f e s t y l e " s h i f t s , and the s p e c i f i c and exaggerated e f f e c t associated with young a d u l t s . A useful schema developed three decades ago ( B e l l 1958) describes three major l i f e s t y l e types a v a i l a b l e ( s i n g l y or i n combination) to people i n developed s o c i e t i e s . The f i r s t (and numerically dominant) i s familism, centred around childbearing, which would comprise the normative context for the family l i f e - c y c l e described above. The two a l t e r n a t i v e s , careerism and consumerism, involve housing behaviour s i m i l a r to that of the e a r l y and l a t e stages of familism. Careerists devote their- time and energy to pursuing career goals; consumerists p r a c t i c e the "good l i f e " through the enjoyment of material goods. Setting aside the constraints of economic resources and the persistence of strong attachments i n inner c i t y urban v i l l a g e s (Gans 1962b, Young and Willmott 1962), the city-suburban transect, supposedly d i s t i n g u i s h e s those environments deemed favourable for childbearing. Inner neighbourhoods are considered unsuitable for t h i s task (Michelson 1970), but n o n - f a m i l i s t i c households have a greater propensity to choose such locations as i l l u s t r a t e d by Gans' (1962a) d e s c r i p t i o n of urban cosmopolites (however, the perceived s u i t a b i l i t y f o r f a m i l i e s i s v a r i a b l e , and Canadian inner c i t i e s have proved r e l a t i v e l y more a t t r a c t i v e compared to U.S. c i t i e s (Goldberg and Mercer 1986)). If the demographic data are s i g n a l l i n g some s h i f t i n favour of careerism or consumerism (of course that cannot be proven from demography alone) then we can expect demand for inner c i t y housing to boom. Of growing importance i n the g e n t r i f i c a t i o n l i t e r a t u r e i s an appreciation of how changing gender r e l a t i o n s are implicated, p a r t i c u l a r l y with the s h i f t away from familism and towards careerism. This connects the l i f e s t y l e argument both backwards to the demographic data, and forward to trends i n employment, but I s h a l l be leaving most of t h i s discussion to the next chapter. To follow up here on how l i f e s t y l e a f f e c t s consumption choice I o f f e r a quick perusal of some elements which have been i d e n t i f i e d as e f f e c t i n g an ' i d e o l o g i c a l r e o r i e n t a t i o n supportive of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . Some dominant themes are: conservation, a pro-urban ideology, and the culture of consumption. A concern for energy conservation might have deterred new home buyers from the suburbs i n the mid 1970s (shades of the energy p r i c e explanation, section 2.1); however, more l i k e l y long commutes to c i t y jobs seemed in c r e a s i n g l y unattractive f or a number of reasons, inc l u d i n g reactions against the time wasted and the unpleasant ambience of the freeway c i t y . A more important dimension of conservation was the growth i n h i s t o r i c preservation a c t i v i t i e s r e f l e c t e d i n housing renovation and neighbourhood improvement, h i s t o r i c d i s t r i c t designation, and revived enthusiasm for t r a d i t i o n a l community f e s t i v a l s . Underlying these trends was a turn towards "postmaterial values" (Cotgrove and Duff 1981), c r i t i c a l of the unquestioned pursuit of economic growth and st r e s s i n g e c o l o g i c a l harmony arid community p a r t i c i p a t i o n — m o t i f s which run through the other dimensions discussed below. The "neighbourhood movement" of the 1970s involved a demand by urban communities to p a r t i c i p a t e i n the planning of t h e i r neighbourhoods. This opposed the outcomes of " r a t i o n a l planning" t y p i f i e d by the freeway c i t y which accentuated e f f i c i e n c y of flows over r e s i d e n t i a l q u a l i t y and community s u r v i v a l . Linked to t h i s was the emergence of a "pro-urban" ideology, i n opposition to h i s t o r i c a l l y pervasive antiurban sentiments (Ley 1983a:368-9) which cast the c i t y as a breeding grounds for s o c i a l d isorder. The p l a c i d suburban l i f e had been valued for i t s sense of order and safety of a r u r a l past. Counter-cultural movements rejected the bland, smug and standardized cocoon suburbia had come to symbolise, responding either by an absolute r e t r e a t (back to the land), or by embracing what the c i t y had to o f f e r . We know that suburban or r u r a l l i v i n g remains the i d e a l f o r many North Americans, and that the suburb i s less homogeneous that i t s c r i t i c s portray; however, pro-urbanism has had r e a l e f f e c t s not least because of the influence of Jane Jacobs' c r i t i q u e of modern c i t y planning (Jacobs 1961). A key statement on pro-urban ideology p i c t u r e s g e n t r i f i e r s as "formulating new d e f i n i t i o n s of the a c c e p t a b i l i t y and d e s i r a b i l i t y of dense ' t r a d i t i o n a l ' c i t y l i v i n g " ( A l l e n 1980:409). So c i a l mix and d i v e r s i t y are valued, perhaps as the context f or s o c i a l i z i n g c h i l d r e n into, t o l e r a t e habits, c e r t a i n l y as a stimulating environment for adult l i v i n g . Symbolising, i n "ethnic neighbourhoods", the archetypal " o ld country", the inner c i t y i s perceived to be the sanctuary for authentic community. D i f f e r e n t inner areas acquire a s p e c i a l s o c i a l character and a t t r a c t inmigrants seeking p r a c t i c a l and moral support (Winters 1979), for example, gay communities ( C a s t e l l s 1983; Lauria arid Knopp 1985). A l l e n points up c e r t a i n ambiguities i n the pro-urban movement. S o c i a l mix i s kept at a safe distance allowing s e l e c t i v i t y over the amount and type of i n t e r a c t i o n ; l i v i n g i n a mixed neighborhood i s not a dominant motivation admitted by g e n t r i f i e r s , though the fac t that i t i s viewed p o s i t i v e l y probably does i n d i c a t e some turnaround i n ideology. Though g e n t r i f i e r s see suburbia as the i n f e r i o r option they are i n some ways acting out sim i l a r impulses to those which a t t r a c t e d people to the suburbs: a Utopian and no s t a l g i c search for "community", which i n both solutions i s r e a l i z e d more i n i t s symbols than i n i t s substance. Centring the i n d i v i d u a l i s t explanation of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n on B e l l ' s consumerist l i f e s t y l e type i s the thesis that g e n t r i f i c a t i o n r e f l e c t s a s t y l e of "conspicuous consumption", defined broadly as the pursuit of. objects and experiences f o r motives other than that of basic subsistence. Ley (1983a:382-6) has suggested that, notwithstanding the continued r e a l importance of production a c t i v i t i e s as a key to s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s , consumption has come to dominate t h e . c u l t u r a l realm of contemporary advanced s o c i e t i e s i n which objects are valued for t h e i r symbolic q u a l i t i e s . "Luxury items...are part of the v i s u a l and functional i d e n t i t y of the p o t e n t i a l g e n t r i f i e r s " ; and i n response, entrepreneurs of everything from i c e cream to housing developments seek "to capture the d i s c r e t i o n a r y income of the consumer by o f f e r i n g an experience that i s more than a fun c t i o n a l exchange" (Beauregard 1986:44). G e n t r i f i c a t i o n i t s e l f can be subjected to the same i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . Since Firey's c l a s s i c study (1945) urban analysts are s e n s i t i v e to the e x i s t e n t i a l power of places, how they represent such meanings as security, stress, stimulus, ennui, status and stigma (Ley 1983a). The ea r l y "stages" of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n could be interpreted as a r e j e c t i o n of the prevalent consumerist ideology as represented i n the "suburban l i f e s t y l e " . - Instead of a b i g new suburban house, "pioneer" g e n t r i f i e r s are drawn to stigmatized environments, areas with a reputation for stress rather than security, and o f f e r i n g stimulation rather than boredom. At f i r s t t h i s may be a manifestation of nonmaterialist values, or at least a non-conformity with mass c u l t u r a l i d e a l s and instead an acquaintance with a subcultural s t y l e . Over time the s t y l e becomes fashionable and chic, and the g e n t r i f i c a t i o n package a prime p o s i t i o n a l good s i g n a l l i n g the status of i t s owners (Moore 1982). I have ou t l i n e d three themes underlying the p o p u l a r i t y of the g e n t r i f i c a t i o n l i f e s t y l e . Is t h e i r e f f e c t exaggerated by t h e i r overrepresentation amongst young adults? A connection i s commonly assumed, for example: "For mainstream a n a l y s t s . . . g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i s the mark of the Z e i t g e i s t borne by the baby boom generation" (Zukin 1987:151). One perspective on g e n t r i f i c a t i o n , then, i s that i t i s the playing out of the " s i x t i e s generation" (Moore 1982), an extension of the ideology forged on c o l l e g e campuses and a search for places i n which to " l i v e out an emergent set of v a l u e s — v a l u e s that emphasize s o c i a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , a greater degree of acceptance of d i f f e r e n t ethnic and r a c i a l groups and of 'deviant' l i f e s t y l e s , or, i n sum, an unprecedented degree of pro-urbanism" (London, Bradley and Hudson 1980:367). The college experience was a l s o the c r u c i b l e f or the s e t t i n g of new styles of l e i s u r e and consumption of " c u l t u r a l " a c t i v i t i e s (Bensman and V i d r i c h 1971) as part of a personal crusade to achieve s e l f - f u l f i l l m e n t (Jones 1980). Not s u r p r i s i n g l y neigbourhoods which have served as "student ghettos", such as K i t s i l a n o i n Vancouver, are often the seedbeds of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . Before turning to the occupational c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of g e n t r i f i e r s , I o f f e r two b r i e f sketches which i l l u s t r a t e some of these l i f e s t y l e concerns i n the g e n t r i f i c a t i o n l i t e r a t u r e . G e n t r i f i e r s ' motivations are explored by Logan for Melbourne (Logan 1985:281-6) who has generalized from observations of so-called "stages" of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . E a r l y g e n t r i f i e r s searched for "authentic place" i n stigmatized neigbourhoods, having learned to value urban a t t r a c t i o n s during post-college t r a v e l s to Europe i n the 1960s. As a group they tended to be comprised of young academics plus the more "bohemian" professions. In the second phase neigbourhoods acquired a reputation as a l t e r n a t i v e s to monotonous suburbs. In came people inter e s t e d i n promoting l o c a l activism, b u i l d i n g and defending a community, expressing p o l i t i c a l fervour i n t h e i r t a c t i c s and i n t h e i r poetry and music. The t h i r d phase saw the inner areas l a b e l l e d as safe and fashionable, a t t r a c t i n g more business people and a f f l u e n t p r o f e s s i o n a l s . At a broader scale, Ley (1980) traces the s i g n i f i c a n c e of a l i b e r a l "ideology of l i v a b i l i t y " as context to the changing f a t e of the inner c i t y i n Vancouver. The agents i n t h i s case comprised an e l i t e of white c o l l a r professionals who created an urban reform party which c o n t r o l l e d c i v i c , p o l i t i c s f o r a period i n the 1970s. Their manifesto, supportive of the " l i v a b l e c i t y " through promotion of q u a l i t y of l i f e and amenity, opposed orthodox urban boosterism and "progressive" planning aimed at e f f i c i e n c y alone. Open government and greater community p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n planning were encouraged. The redeveloped False Creek area, with i t s medium density housing clustered i n enclaves, parkland, i t s mix of tenures and income l e v e l s and household types, i t s planned d i v e r s i t y of human scale landscapes and pedestrian o r i e n t a t i o n , represents "perhaps the most dramatic landscape metaphor of l i b e r a l ideology, of the land use implications of the t r a n s i t i o n from i n d u s t r i a l to p o s t i n d u s t r i a l society, from an e t h i c of growth and the production of goods to an e t h i c of amenity and the consumption of services" (Ley 1980:252). We w i l l return to t h i s p a r t i c u l a r case study l a t e r . Here i t serves to introduce the t h i r d element dealt with i n consumption-oriented explanations. 2.33 Occupational f a c t o r s . The context of s e c t o r a l s h i f t s i n the economy provides "the occupational raw material for g e n t r i f i c a t i o n " (Hamnett 1984:303). The f a c t that g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i s conventionally defined according to incomers' socioeconomic status i s ground for supposing the incidence of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n to be r e l a t e d to the metropolitan supply of i n d i v i d u a l s with those relevant t r a i t s . In the United States, for the 20 largest S.M.S.A.s, Lipton (1977) found a high p o s i t i v e c o r r e l a t i o n between the existence of high status inner d i s t r i c t s , and a white c o l l a r metropolitan economy. Ley (1980, 1981, 1985a, 1986a) has placed p a r t i c u l a r emphasis on the e f f e c t of growth i n service employment and the expansion of managerial-professional type occupations. In Canada, for instance, the i n d u s t r i a l sectors known as FIRE (finance, insurance and r e a l estate) and CBPS (community, business and personal services) have experienced the largest expansions i n the 1970s, and CBPS i s the largest employment sector (Ley 1986a). Occupations which expand i n unison include those i n management and administration, science, technology, and the professions i n the s o c i a l sciences, teaching and medicine. Even i n s t a p l e - l e d economies such as that of B r i t i s h Columbia the majority of job growth i s i n the senior white c o l l a r categories; by 1984 these p o s i t i o n s accounted for over a quarter of the employed labour force i n B r i t i s h Columbia (Ley and M i l l s 1986). Economy-wide tendencies impact s e l e c t i v e l y . At the scale of 22 Canadian CM.A.s (Ley 1985a, 1986a) quaternary occupations were shown to be concentrated i n national and regional service and government centres, and these c i t i e s also tended to be those i n which g e n t r i f i c a t i o n was most prevalent, such as Halifax, Ottawa-Hull, V i c t o r i a , Vancouver, Calgary and Toronto. Halifax, the c i t y with the highest index of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n , i s the major nodal centre f o r A t l a n t i c Canada and has had a dramatic growth i n FIRE and CBPS jobs (55 percent between 1971 and 1981, while jobs i n manufacturing and construction f e l l 40 percent). The causal process l i n k i n g occupational growth and g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i s highlighted when we consider the s p a t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of job growth within the metropolitan economy. Although the dominance of the c e n t r a l c i t y may decline with the d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of back o f f i c e operations, growth i n senior white c o l l a r jobs i s d i s p r o p o r t i o n a t e l y concentrated i n the core. For example, i n Vancouver, growth i n producer service jobs such as l e g a l firms and management consultants i s highly c e n t r a l i z e d (Ley and Hutton 1986), and o f f i c e space i n the core has grown r a p i d l y . And as Ley (1986a:525) concludes: "Here i s the labor market whose growth since 1970 has introduced a new dimension to the i n n e r - c i t y housing market." The i n t e r s e c t i o n between the economic impact of high-earning prof e s s i o n a l s , and t h e i r demographic and l i f e s t y l e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , makes for new s t y l e s i n the expenditure of disposable incomes. Obviously, labour market change alone cannot explain g e n t r i f i c a t i o n , for white c o l l a r jobs have always been concentrated i n urban cores (Moore 1982). However, the occupational f a c t o r described here comprises the stepping-stone from which some researchers have constructed more sophisticated accounts of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n that integrate s t r u c t u r a l conditions with a concern for i n d i v i d u a l agency. To examine the broad s h i f t s i n labour force composition, which Ley begins to do, takes us beyond the i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c focus on g e n t r i f i e r s ' t r a i t s to the processes that operate to bring about economic r e s t r u c t u r i n g . Discussion of these developments i n the t h e o r i z a t i o n of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i s the task of the next chapter. 2.4 CONCLUSIONS. This chapter explored two explanatory strands i n the g e n t r i f i c a t i o n l i t e r a t u r e . As one writer has observed," Already [they] appear to be p a r a l l e l i n g conventional modes of explanation within the s o c i a l sciences" (Jackson 1984:53). Working at an i n t e r - c i t y scale, a l t e r n a t i v e explanations have been put to a conventional t e s t by reducing a l l of them to some common form of representation. In p r a c t i c e t h i s means f i n d i n g some s t a t i s t i c a l measure to represent features of these explanations f o r each c i t y i n the set. Two studies perform t h i s for the United States and Canada. London, Lee and Lipton (1986) take as t h e i r , dependent variables two or d i n a l measurements of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n f o r 48 c i t i e s based on informant responses. Four hypotheses are s c r u t i n i z e d : the demographic, the e c o l o g i c a l , the s o c i o c u l t u r a l , and the political-economic. The f i r s t three hypotheses p a r a l l e l the factors reviewed i n the preceding section: the demographic, the occupational and the l i f e s t y l e f a c t o r s . The fourth hypothesis i s a form of e l i t e theory couched i n marxist terms. Each of the four hypotheses i s measured by two v a r i a b l e s . A l l hypotheses received some support, the fourth one r e c e i v i n g the highest c o r r e l a t i o n s . The conceptualization and op e r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n of the hypotheses are, however, very weak and so the conclusions should be treated with considerable caution. They conclude as follows: " I t appears that a l l of the t h e o r i s t s who studied g e n t r i f i c a t i o n have had v a l i d insight...but that...no one has ventured beyond the boundaries of t h e i r chosen t h e o r e t i c a l perspective. Our r e s u l t s underscore the need f o r a more e c l e c t i c approach to the study of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n " (London, Lee and Lipton 1986:383). London, Lee and Lipton are not i n f a c t correct i n s t a t i n g that no one has attempted to integrate d i f f e r e n t perspectives; indeed, most geographers wr i t i n g on g e n t r i f i c a t i o n (and they barely reference any geographers) have drawn on a l l three of the i n d i v i d u a l i s t consumption-oriented dimensions, and, as I s h a l l demonstrate shortly, some have also t r i e d to integrate i n d i v i d u a l i s t and s t r u c t u r a l i s t approaches. Ley (1985a, 1986a) performs a more convincing analysis f or the Canadian c i t y system. The s e n s i t i v i t y of the measure for g e n t r i f i c a t i o n (see section 4.1) compares favourably to that described above. Demographic, urban amenity, and economic base hypotheses represent e s s e n t i a l l y the three dimensions of the consumption-oriented approach. Each i s measured by at l e a s t s i x v a r i a b l e s . An a d d i t i o n a l housing market hypothesis i d e n t i f i e s the existence of both Berry's housing squeeze, and Smith's rent gap, using measures of housing a v a i l a b i l i t y and cost, r e s p e c t i v e l y . Simple c o r r e l a t i o n s are generally i n the predicted d i r e c t i o n , with the economic measure of o f f i c e space per c a p i t a being the larges t c o r r e l a t e ; no support for the rent gap t h e s i s i s found (see Smith 1987b and Ley 1987a for a debate on t h i s p o i n t ) . The two studies just described appear to e s t a b l i s h some consistent c o r r e l a t i o n s between the incidence of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n , and demographic, l i f e s t y l e and occupational f a c t o r s discussed above. Of course, c o r r e l a t i o n s cannot be taken as i n d i c a t i v e of process, although they are useful i n de s c r i b i n g the kinds of urban context within which g e n t r i f i c a t i o n has tended to occur. In section 2.3 I presented three consumption factors i n a t h e o r e t i c a l terms, and there were many aspects l e f t unexamined: e s p e c i a l l y the mechanisms which may t i e together changes i n a l l three areas. It i s my contention that these connections require a more c r i t i c a l perspective than that which can be derived from conventional writings on g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . Research which i s d i r e c t e d to bridging the gap between the i n d i v i d u a l i s t and the s t r u c t u r a l i s t approaches holds the key to that task. This work focuses on the "production of g e n t r i f i e r s " . NOTES 1. For example, i n exploring a number of d i f f e r e n t i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n as they apply i n Melbourne, Logan (1985) i d e n t i f i e s a " s t r u c t u r a l - f u n c t i o n a l i s t " approach which views urban change as part of a natural process whereby the c i t y system adjusts i t s e l f to achieve a new equilibrium. Each area of the c i t y performs a s p e c i a l function, and the inner c i t y i s at present changing i t s r o l e from that of an immigrant staging post and the natural home of pathology, to a niche for young urban gentry. This perspective provides i d e o l o g i c a l j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r non-interventionist l a i s s e z - f a i r e p o l i c i e s , f i t t i n g the f r e e enterprise philosophy of Melbourne C i t y Council. 2. Berry (1985) o f f e r s a r e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of t h i s a n a l y s i s . He f i n d s that g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i s occurring not where there i s a low rate of new housing supply i n comparison to the rate of household formation; rather i t i s concentrated i n housing markets where the rate of new construction i s higher than household growth but "scrappage" exceeds the excess housing supply. This scrappage may take the form of "contagious abandonment", a term which remains l a r g e l y unexplained. These supply conditions are described as a necessary condition for g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . However, for g e n t r i f i c a t i o n to occur, i t i s also necessary that there be s i g n i f i c a n t growth i n the c e n t r a l business d i s t r i c t which w i l l stimulate demand for inner c i t y l i v i n g . This formulation s t i l l does not answer the issues r a i s e d i n the text. 3. It i s i n h i s own d i s c u s s i o n of the ground rent surface that the flaws in' Smith's explanation are most c l e a r l y seen. Since Smith i s so adamant that h i s explanation centres on objective features of the space economy, then the ad hocism employed at t h i s point i s p a r t i c u l a r l y s t r i k i n g . Smith f a i l s to provide any t h e o r e t i c a l basis for introducing, s p e c i f i c a l l y , c l a s s and race as the two p r i n c i p l e s of r e s i d e n t i a l segregation. Moreover, at the same time as employing d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n by class and race i n an explanatory r o l e , Smith r e j e c t s wage d i f f e r e n t i a l s as determinants of uneven development at the urban scale on the basis that patterns of i n d u s t r i a l l o c a t i o n (such as the suburbanization of industry) are not a product of wage d i f f e r e n t i a l s as they are at regional and i n t e r n a t i o n a l scales, but rather, they help to create wage d i f f e r e n t i a l s (1982:146). This argument hangs on h i s a s s e r t i o n that "the e n t i r e urban area i s r e l a t i v e l y a c c e s s i b l e for most commuters"—an astonishing d e c l a r a t i o n given the d i f f e r e n t i a l a c c e s s i b i l i t y to transportation opportunities according to, say, gender.' There i s a d d i t i o n a l l y some confusion over the meaning of land values; Smith's rent gap i s claimed to be a feature of land separate from the structures b u i l t upon i t but, here, land value appears to be at least p a r t i a l l y dependent upon the pattern of land use. See Smith (1987b) and Ley (1987a) for a debate on t h i s issue. 4. Rossi (1955) suggested that much r e s i d e n t i a l m o b i l i t y can be explained by e f f o r t s to s a t i s f y housing needs according to l i f e - c y c l e changes. McAuley and Nutty (1982) summarise research which has developed t h i s idea, and i d e n t i f y which p a r t i c u l a r housing circumstances are of concern to households i n d i f f e r e n t l i f e - c y c l e stages. Their work also suggests that young singles and young couples are the group most l i k e l y to move when they know they could obtain t h e i r desired r e s i d e n t i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s -elsewhere. Other groups demonstrate more i n e r t i a . • The model described here was developed for the United States, and may have les s a p p l i c a b i l i t y i n less mobile s o c i e t i e s such B r i t a i n (Morgan 1976). CHAPTER THREE THE PRODUCTION OF GENTRIFIERS The production of g e n t r i f i e r s l i t e r a t u r e has developed i n reaction to the marxist p o s i t i o n represented by Smith's work. It o f f e r s an account of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n that connects the actions of i n d i v i d u a l s to a set of broader s t r u c t u r a l conditions which are generating transformations i n the realms of production and reproduction. "The explanation for g e n t r i f i c a t i o n begins with the presence of ' g e n t r i f i e r s ' " claims Beauregard (1986:41), and those g e n t r i f i e r s "are not the mere bearers of a process determined independently of them.. Their c o n s t i t u t i o n , as c e r t a i n types of workers and as people, i s as c r u c i a l an element i n the production of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n as i s the production of the dwellings they occupy" (Rose 1984:56). The aim of the production of g e n t r i f i e r s l i t e r a t u r e i s to theorize the r e l a t i o n between g e n t r i f i e r s ' c o n s t i t u t i o n as s o c i a l actors, t h e i r r e s i d e n t i a l choices, and the s e t t i n g of opportunities and constraints within which s o c i a l p r a c t i c e takes place. Two facets of g e n t r i f i e r s ' c o n s t i t u t i o n have received at t e n t i o n : t h e i r economic p o s i t i o n ( i n the sphere of production) and t h e i r form of domestic l i f e ( t h e i r mode of reproduction). As Rose claims, " i t i s c r u c i a l to explore the r e l a t i o n s h i p s between g e n t r i f i c a t i o n , s o c i a l and s p a t i a l r e s t r u c t u r i n g of waged labour processes, and changes i n the reproduction of labour-power and of people" (Rose 1984:48). The e f f o r t to incorporate these processes when th e o r i z i n g g e n t r i f i c a t i o n has drawn upon the body of empirical evidence already a v a i l a b l e on g e n t r i f i e r s ' occupational and household t r a i t s . The s t r u c t u r a l i s t marxist perspective o f f e r e d by Smith had dismissed such features as epiphenomenal, but the production of g e n t r i f i e r s approach makes room for the e f f i c a c y of human agency. Some proponents of the production of g e n t r i f i e r s approach would a l i g n themselves with a humanist marxism, and t h e i r focus on economic p o s i t i o n and domestic arrangements i s therefore not s u r p r i s i n g . However, the production of g e n t r i f i e r s l i t e r a t u r e has f a i l e d to develop any sustained t h e o r e t i c a l exploration of c u l t u r a l change. A task for l a t e r chapters of t h i s thesis i s to deepen the production of g e n t r i f i e r s argument by engaging c u l t u r a l issues. This chapter fleshes out the connections between the two elements of occupation and household type (introduced i n the d i s c u s s i o n of the conventional l i t e r a t u r e i n the l a s t chapter), and two broader l i t e r a t u r e s which seem to be taken as i m p l i c i t i n the production of g e n t r i f i e r s writings. The f i r s t of these l i t e r a t u r e s (section 3.1) i s the work of feminist geographers, and we s h a l l draw on t h i s to explore the notion that g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i s " i n large part a r e s u l t of the breakdown of the p a t r i a r c h a l household" (Markusen 1980:32). The second body of l i t e r a t u r e (section 3.2) deals with the r i s e of 'a new middle cla s s which i s both "producer" and "consumer" of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . Before these excursions, I review b r i e f l y the question of e s t a b l i s h i n g g e n t r i f i c a t i o n as a v a l i d object of study, which takes up the problem of d e f i n i t i o n introduced i n Chapter 1. The production of g e n t r i f i e r s approach i s influenced by the r e a l i s t perspective i n geography. " G e n t r i f i c a t i o n " (and " g e n t r i f i e r " and " g e n t r i f i e d neighbourhood") are chaotic conceptions, not t h e o r e t i c a l l y v a l i d e n t i t i e s out of which explanations can be constructed. Since these phenomena are conjunctures of a number of processes, i t i s necessary to "unpack" them to t h e i r underlying c o n s t i t u e n t s — r a t h e r than t r e a t i n g them (as i s normally the case) i n an ad hoc manner which disguises t h e i r status as problematical objects. Attention i s s h i f t e d towards the i n t e r n a l r e l a t i o n s of the forces involved i n producing a group of p o t e n t i a l g e n t r i f i e r s . In p l a c i n g t h i s group within the broad contexts of change i n production and reproduction, the focus of research i s on r e l a t i o n s of c l a s s and of gender. Once those i n t e r n a l r e l a t i o n s are recognized, scrutiny may be r e d i r e c t e d to the external r e l a t i o n s between those forces which account for the occurrence of events i n the world. Sayer argues that geographical phenomena "are 'conjunctures' whose content cannot be known 'in advance 1 on the basis of t h e o r e t i c a l knowledge of necessary r e l a t i o n s alone" (Sayer 1982:79). Space i s important as the medium through which external r e l a t i o n s are established. As noted with reference to the l o c a l i t i e s project (see Chapter 1) the production of g e n t r i f i e r s approach has focused on the passive contingency e f f e c t s of the r e s t r u c t u r i n g of cl a s s and gender r e l a t i o n s , which i n t e r s e c t i n time and space to produce empirical e f f e c t s . This kind of approach i s taken by Beauregard (1986) who f i r s t describes changes i n occupational structure and then turns to analyze reproduction a c t i v i t i e s to explain why a f r a c t i o n of the p r o f e s s i o n a l -managerial group el e c t s to remain i n the c i t y . Thus the i n t e r c u t t i n g of the two "dimensions" carves up s o c i a l space i n t o constituencies with d i s t i n c t i v e l o c a t i o n a l preferences. In Chapter 1, I r a i s e d the p o s s i b i l i t y of moving beyond the l e v e l of passive contingency e f f e c t s , and of e s t a b l i s h i n g g e n t r i f i c a t i o n as a v a l i d object of t h e o r e t i c a l analysis with properties which help to explain process. I s h a l l return to t h i s issue l a t e r i n t h i s chapter. Here, I begin the process of unpacking by considering how g e n t r i f i c a t i o n must be located with respect to changing r e l a t i o n s of c l a s s and of gender.. I s t a r t by reviewing the o r i g i n s of an expanding i n t e r e s t i n gender r e l a t i o n s . 3.1 GENTRIFICATION AND THE RESTRUCTURING OF GENDER RELATIONS. In making a convincing case for a production of g e n t r i f i e r s approach, Rose focuses on the r e s t r u c t u r i n g of modes of reproduction which underlies much of what i s conventionally depicted as changes i n l i f e s t y l e . Referring to the "active r o l e of feminism as a s o c i a l force i n the economy and i n c i t i e s " (Rose 1984:52) she expresses f r u s t r a t i o n at the c o n f l a t i o n of reproduction and consumption and the dismissal of agency i n s t r u c t u r a l i s t marxist work on urban change: "Missing i n a l l of t h i s i s an adequate conceptualisation of the impacts of the major changes that have taken place i n the processes through which people and labour power are reproduced and how these changes are a c t i v e l y reshaping urban space" (Rose 1984:53). Rose's c r i t i q u e has been p a r t i c u l a r l y i n f l u e n t i a l i n moving forward the g e n t r i f i c a t i o n debate beyond the opposition of production-based and consumption-based arguments. For that reason i t i s appropriate to explore i n some d e t a i l the emergence of the s o c i a l i s t feminist p o s i t i o n i n geography. Feminist work has represented a s u b s t a n t i a l counterpoint to the excesses of structuralism i n analyses of urban and regional change, while r e t a i n i n g a l e v e l of t h e o r e t i c a l s o p h i s t i c a t i o n missing from most consumption-oriented analyses which h i t h e r t o o f f e r e d the main a l t e r n a t i v e . U n t i l the mid 1970s, the r e l a t i o n s h i p between patterns of domestic l i f e and urban space was almost t o t a l l y neglected i n geography. "Family" or "household" appeared only i n the guise of a normative family l i f e c ycle model or i n terms of the choice between l i f e s t y l e s of familism, consumerism and careerism. The s o c i a l locations encompassed by such categorizations were assumed to c o r r e l a t e with s p e c i f i c r e s i d e n t i a l locations (see section 2.3). F a c t o r i a l ecologies proposed the dimension of "family status" which, with the other dimensions of "socioeconomic status" and "ethnic status", were shown to describe the r e c u r r i n g patterning of urban d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n North American and B r i t i s h c i t i e s . When urban s o c i a l geographers turned away from the urban ecology t r a d i t i o n and towards the Chicago School's other legacy, that of urban ethnography, the "family" dimension was downplayed. It i s thus a l l the more i n t r i g u i n g that work reclaiming domestic l i f e as a focus f or serious i n v e s t i g a t i o n has in s p i r e d a major portion of the dialogue between marxist and humanist posi t i o n s i n geography. A concern with the "geography of women" developed as a dimension of behavioural geography. It was i n s p i r e d by the c a l l for "relevance" of welfare geography and the new ideas of humanistic geography, as well as by the broader women's movement; however i t depended greatly on the s p a t i a l science paradigm for i t s methodology. The "geography of gender" perspective which has subsequently evolved i s , i n contrast to the "geography of women", pursued l a r g e l y by s o c i a l i s t feminists and i s sympathetic to the new r a d i c a l geography, although i t s i n t e r n a l debates centre on i t s ambiguous r e l a t i o n to marxism. The gulf between humanist and marxist geography, which was spreading wider i n the l a t e 1970s, i s p a r t i a l l y bridged by these feminist e f f o r t s . Mackenzie depicts feminist work as remaining "profoundly connected to h i s t o r i c a l m a t e r i a l i s t a n a l y s i s , [but]...also profoundly humanist, being centred on human agency and concerned with d a i l y a c t i v i t i e s as the basis of s o c i a l change. What we see as important are the 'mundane', and "common sense' d e t a i l s of maintaining l i f e i n c a p i t a l i s t society, those small human actions that make up and change our l i v e s and our a n a l y t i c a l categories" (Mackenzie 1986:270). I s h a l l trace the development of t h i s work, suggesting a temporal progression from the geography of women to the geography of gender (though recognizing that these are fuzzy s e t s ) . Implications are drawn for the geography of urban space. 3.11 Geography of women. The geography of- women was taken up as a task f or empirical research when i t became apparent that contemporary geographical writing made women i n v i s i b l e (Hayford 1974, Tivers 1978). The new research which was i n i t i a t e d treated women as a d i s t i n c t population subgroup (Mackenzie 1986) whose needs had been inadequately addressed i n p o l i c y issues such as the planning of housing and transportation systems. A number of reviews focus on t h i s l i t e r a t u r e , for example, Wekerle (1980, 1984), Zelinsky e f a l (1982), Holcomb (1986). A dominant theme of the research has been to i d e n t i f y how women are disadvantaged due to t h e i r p o s i t i o n i n the conventional nuclear family and (when tr a n s l a t e d i n t o i t s normative environmental -form, the suburb) i t s geographical l o c a t i o n . The basis for a woman's disadvantage l i e s with the d i s t r i b u t i o n of roles within the family, and e s p e c i a l l y her double burden as both waged worker and chief homemaker. Research focuses on the r e s t r i c t e d a c t i v i t y spaces of women who not only depend on public transportation to get to t h e i r jobs but have to balance the demands of other family r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s such as making arrangements for c h i l d c a r e . (For discussions on t h i s see, for example, Hanson and Johnston 1985, Lopata 1980, Pickup 1984, Wekerle 1980, 1984). Researchers conclude "that higher density, mixed-use r e s i d e n t i a l environments give women more options" (Saegert 1980:110). The same c r i t i q u e has been applied to the design of r e s i d e n t i a l space i t s e l f . The symbolic power of the "pu b l i c / p r i v a t e " d i s t i n c t i o n (Wekerle 1980) which i s i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d by the separation of r e s i d e n t i a l space from (waged) workplace serves to underwrite the in j u r i o u s associations of men with a c t i v e urban l i f e , women with passive and secure home-centred l i f e . Housing design i t s e l f , based on the assumption of the nuclear family with a f u l l - t i m e homemaker, exacerbates t h i s s i t u a t i o n . Hayden describes suburban housing as an "architecture of gender...[providing] settings for women and g i r l s to be e f f e c t i v e s o c i a l status achievers, d e s i r a b l e sex objects, and s k i l l f u l domestic servants, and for men and boys to be executive breadwinners, successful home handy men, and adept car mechanics" (Hayden 1984:17). Loyd (1975, 1981) depicts the sexual d i v i s i o n of space i n t o " i n s i d e " and "outside" as a moral order, i n which . women's assigned task i s the caretaking of the "house-as-status-symbol". Suburban housing i s highly valued, by women as well as by men, as a context for r a i s i n g c h i l d r e n and developing a r i c h s o c i a l l i f e ; the problem raised by t h i s f i n d i n g , however, i s "where does t h i s leave women who value t h e i r homes, who want them to be meaningful centers of the family, and who want to expand t h e i r r o l e s outside the home?" (Saegert 1980:110). While a l l these personal objectives have merit, given the p r e v a i l i n g structure of gender role s and the current organization of urban space i t appears that women have fewer options than do men i n es t a b l i s h i n g means to s a t i s f y them. In the context of s h i f t s i n demographic and workforce structure, some researchers have measured the congruence of contemporary households with the r e s i d e n t i a l environments already a v a i l a b l e (Michelson 1970, Gerson 1983). With the r i s e of the two-wage earning household we may now expect "lower demands for low p r i o r i t y space (for example, l i t t l e - u s e d rooms and outside space) and higher demands for low-maintenance housing" (Stapleton 1980: 1106), as well as changing a c c e s s i b i l i t y preferences with respect to workplaces and daycare f a c i l i t i e s . This i s l i k e l y to impact s u b s t a n t i a l l y on inner c i t y neighbourhoods. Elsewhere i n the l i t e r a t u r e , the ana l y s i s of urban sex r a t i o s (Freeman 1980, Cook and Rudd 1984) leads to the conclusion that (despite common impressions) "Urban places are women's spaces" (Holcomb 1981). Two subgroups of urban women are i d e n t i f i e d . F i r s t , there i s an over-concentration of e l d e r l y and female-headed households i n inner c i t i e s . These have been a t t r a c t e d by the locations of jobs, of affordable housing, and of a network of s o c i a l services, and they face b a r r i e r s against r e s i d e n t i a l choice i n other areas due to di s c r i m i n a t i o n i n the mortgage and r e n t a l markets (Wekerle 1980, 1984); i n consequence, the feminization of poverty has a d i s t i n c t l y geographical impact (Freeman 1980, Holcomb 1986). Second, the movement of more women int o the paid workforce and slowly up i n t o b e t t e r -waged po s i t i o n s creates a supply of a quite d i f f e r e n t type of urban woman. With increased numbers of dual-career households and t h e i r large disposable incomes, consumer demand i s generated for housing forms which are les s wasteful of time and money spent i n upkeep. Ginzberg (1978) has suggested the fate of ce n t r a l urban neighbourhoods re s t s i n the hands of dual-career couples, the only households who can a f f o r d to l i v e i n them. 1 The themes discussed above have encouraged the m o b i l i z a t i o n of the women's movement around questions of urban p o l i c y (Wekerle 1984:11). With respect to the implications for g e n t r i f i c a t i o n , Holcomb (1984:18) asks "are the r e v i t a l i z e d parts of c i t i e s an improved b u i l t environment for women?". Evident l y the "geography of women" perspective has d i r e c t relevance for p o l i c y issues. But from a scholarly point of view, the geography of women i s vulnerable to c r i t i c i s m . Mackenzie has made t h i s point most strongly, accusing the geography of women of a " t h e o r e t i c a l cowardice" (1984a:16) which has kept research occupied at the "empirical surface". Research strategies have tended to advance by demonstrating that women are d i f f e r e n t , thereby p l a c i n g women i n the p o s i t i o n of a population subgroup defined by t h e i r feminine " r o l e " , and portrayed as "deviant" from some assumed male norm. With an emphasis on women's r e s t r i c t e d a c t i v i t y spaces the "causes" are understood i n terms of a s p a t i a l determinism rather than the structuring of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s . In o u t l i n i n g these consequences, Mackenzie (1984b) r e l a t e s them to the motivating concerns of feminist analysis i n the l a t e 1960s and early 1970s; those were: to a t t a i n equal r i g h t s and oppose d i s c r i m i n a t i o n , e s p e c i a l l y i n the workplace. What remained unchallenged was the interdependence of r e l a t i o n s i n the p u b l i c and p r i v a t e spheres, which i n our d i s c i p l i n e was concealed by the fragmentation of economic from s o c i a l geography (Mackenzie and Rose 1982). This issue was taken up when geographers began to draw more s u b s t a n t i a l l y on r a d i c a l and s o c i a l i s t feminist theory, i n which the concern i s to show how women's p o s i t i o n i s s o c i a l l y structured (Mackenzie 1984b). 3.12 Geography of gender. The s h i f t i n attention from a p o l i c y - o r i e n t e d i n t e r e s t i n gender roles to the t h e o r i z i n g of gender r e l a t i o n s was pursued f i r s t by r e f e r r a l to a r a d i c a l feminism centred on the c r i t i q u e of patriarchy. The p a t r i a r c h a l model f i x e s the cause of the i n j u r i o u s d i v i s i o n of gender r o l e s i n some basic c o n f l i c t between the genders, i n which men hold supremacy. An example of t h i s approach, applied to urban structure, comes from Markusen (1980). Markusen c r i t i q u e s the neglect i n orthodox marxist analysis of the contribution of d i f f e r e n t household members to the v i t a l process of reproductive work (work involved i n reproducing labour power) within the household. She argues for patriarchy as a second p r i n c i p l e of the stru c t u r i n g of urban space, i n addition to ca p i t a l i s m . Key features of urban structure a f f e c t e d by patriarchy are the dominance of si n g l e - f a m i l y detached dwellings, and the separation of home from workplace. The dual p r i n c i p l e s , patriarchy arid capitalism, appear i n Markusen's formulation each to have t h e i r own d i s t i n c t sphere of operation. Markusen argues: "Since patriarchy i s the organizing p r i n c i p l e of the [sphere of household a c t i v i t i e s ] , urban s p a t i a l structure must be as much a product of pa t r i a r c h y as i t i s of cap i t a l i s m " (p. 29). To i l l u s t r a t e t h i s , she makes the case that, without patriarchy, c a p i t a l i s m would benefit just as f u l l y from promoting high density c e n t r a l c i t y l i v i n g as from encouraging suburbanization. By s p l i t t i n g the two spheres i n her conceptualization, Markusen can argue that the e f f e c t s of patriarchy sometimes pose contradictions f or ca p i t a l i s m ( i e . the wasteful i s o l a t i o n of the reserve army of female labour), while at the same time they r e i n f o r c e the unequal d i s t r i b u t i o n of power between men and women. How do men benefit from the i s o l a t e d nuclear family, housed i n a detached suburban dwelling? Such an arrangement, suggests Markusen, gives men a greater c o n t r o l over what goes on within the household since i t s p l i t s the household from other, communal, systems of support; i t sets up i d e a l conditions for women to perform status-enhancing a c t i v i t i e s through conspicuous consumption which benefit the head of the household; and i t may ensure the high q u a l i t y and desi r a b l e f l e x i b i l i t y of services provided (such as home-cooked meals). The myth of the home as haven works to the advantage of men who are not involved i n domestic work, but t h i s obscures the conditions and experiences of women who are deemed responsible for the pr i v a t e sphere. The conventional organization of urban space caters to the reproduction of patriarchy and the reinforcement of women's subordinate status. This conclusion i s a common focus for feminist geography. Unfortunately, Markusen implies a male-dominated p l o t ; a more complex i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of domestic ideology i s required. Like many of the geography of women studies, t h i s work al s o suffers from an environmental determinism which suggests a solution to patriarchy i n housing p o l i c y or design innovations. . Since women are disadvantaged i n the job market wherever they l i v e , the problem (and therefore the solution) i s only marginally one of lo c a t i o n and r e s i d e n t i a l environment (Darke 1984). Nevertheless, l o c a l change i n urban space can have r e a l b e n e f i t s , even i f the broader structures of c a p i t a l i s m and patriarchy remain l a r g e l y unchallenged. Markusen sees pat r i a r c h y as vulnerable to non-revolutionary defiance, and i d e n t i f i e s g e n t r i f i c a t i o n as a phenomenon that i s l a r g e l y a product of the "breakdown of the p a t r i a r c h a l household". The fa c t that r a d i c a l feminist analyses such as that of Markusen see. patri a r c h y as a separate structure operating p a r a l l e l to capitalism i s a source of discomfort to some s o c i a l i s t feminists i n geography. Analyses of t h i s sort can n a t u r a l i z e the conceptual d i v i s i o n of p u b l i c from p r i v a t e l i f e (Mackenzie and Rose 1982, Villeneuve 1986). The s o c i a l creation of the " s p a t i a l separation of spheres" of production and of reproduction (and the ideology which disregards the p o l i t i c a l nature of p r i v a t e l i f e ) should i t s e l f be a focus of a n a l y s i s . This can not portray the one sphere s o l e l y i n terms of c a p i t a l i s t r e l a t i o n s , the other s o l e l y i n terms of patriarchy (as Markusen tends to do). The debate over t h e o r e t i c a l dualism i s the crux of the engagement of feminism with marxism. Radical feminists see the oppression of women as a structure autonomous from c a p i t a l i s t r e l a t i o n s ; marxists employ domestic labour theory to claim that women's oppression i s part of c a p i t a l i s t r e l a t i o n s , i n that reproduction of labour power through the domestic labour system i s fun c t i o n a l to cap i t a l i s m . One example serves to i l l u s t r a t e the kinds of debates which have occurred outside geography on theo r i z i n g the r e l a t i o n s between patriarchy and cap i t a l i s m . Barrett (1980) deals with the dual systems problem by arguing that women's oppression i s not inherent i n the l o g i c of c a p i t a l i s m but has become incorporated h i s t o r i c a l l y i n c a p i t a l i s t r e l a t i o n s and i s therefore a necessary element for capitalism's continued reproduction. The cause of the gender d i v i s i o n of labour l i e s not with the sex-blind nature of c a p i t a l i s t r e l a t i o n s of production, but with the persistence of a p r e - c a p i t a l i s t ideology of gender. This ideology both shaped, and was reproduced by, trade union and state t a c t i c s which confined women to the "proper sphere" of domestic l i f e . In opposition to Barrett, Brenner and Ramas (1984) ask how i t i s that c a p i t a l i s m has not undermined the gender d i v i s i o n of labour? They seek an explanation for the gender d i v i s i o n of labour i n economics, focusing on the requirements a r i s i n g from b i o l o g i c a l r e p r o d u c t i o n — p a r t i c u l a r l y nursing—which cannot be met i n the context of the work rhythms of factory production. As a r e s u l t , they conclude, " i t i s both p o s s i b l e and preferable to explain the o r i g i n s and reproduction of sex segregation i n the occupational structure p r e c i s e l y i n terms of the 'sex-blind' operation of the c a p i t a l i s t labour market, i n which c a p i t a l i s t s compete to h i r e labour for the lea s t cost" (Brenner and Ramas 1984:55). Without c o l l e c t i v e p r o v i s i o n of substitutes for family care, working c l a s s households must assign, to the member l e a s t competitive i n the waged labour force, the task of ensuring the reproduction of labour power. In a t h i r d round of debate Barrett (1984) responds by pointing out that the seemingly necessary consequences of biology are themselves s o c i a l l y constructed: "the degree of determination of the s o c i a l by the b i o l o g i c a l i s a s o c i a l or—more p r e c i s e l y — a p o l i t i c a l choice" (p. 123). A d d i t i o n a l l y , economic categories, such as a measure of s k i l l , a l s o incorporate i d e o l o g i c a l assumptions. A recent series of a r t i c l e s i n the geographical l i t e r a t u r e rehearses the themes of the debate outlined above. Foord and Gregson (1986) u t i l i z e a r e a l i s t method, asking whether patriarchy can be defined according to a set of necessary, i n t e r n a l r e l a t i o n s . Capitalism and patriarchy are not n e c e s s a r i l y r e l a t e d , but are. "contingently r e l a t e d structures, which, nonetheless, i n t e r l o c k i n the s p e c i f i c i t y of p a r t i c u l a r periods and places" (Foord and Gregson 1986:200). The basic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the object gender r e l a t i o n s are the two genders, and Foord and Gregson i d e n t i f y two forms of u n i v e r s a l l y necessary r e l a t i o n s between the genders: b i o l o g i c a l reproduction and heterosexuality. In patri a r c h y these take the form of men's domination (for example, control by men over women's f e r t i l i t y ) . Other feminist geographers c r i t i c i z e Foord and Gregson f o r ex h i b i t i n g some of the f a u l t s of both the Barrett and the Brenner and Ramas arguments discussed above. McDowell (1986) accuses Foord and Gregson of perpetuating a dual systems theory, and argues for exploring women's oppression through a clas s a n a l y s i s at the t h e o r e t i c a l l e v e l . Like Brenner and Ramas, McDowell turns to the s i g n i f i c a n c e of b i o l o g i c a l reproduction, which ne c e s s a r i l y requires a gender d i v i s i o n of labour. From the other flank, i n terms si m i l a r to Barrett's response to Brenner and Ramas, Foord and Gregson are c r i t i c i z e d for ignoring culture and ideology. Gier and •Walton (1987) query the u n i v e r s a l i t y of two genders, for the concept of gender i s "the product of human consciousness....both culture bound and h i s t o r i c a l l y s p e c i f i c " (pp. 56-7); Knopp and Lauria (1987) a l s o c r i t i q u e Foord and Gregson's i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of heterosexuality as a necessary r e l a t i o n , on the basis that i t also i s s o c i a l l y constructed. It i s clear that the debate i n the broader feminist discourse i s now inf l u e n c i n g geographical work. With respect to the "production of g e n t r i f i e r s " research, gender r e l a t i o n s are treated as a separate construct from c l a s s , with the emphasis placed on t h e i r contingent i n t e r a c t i o n . The experience of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n connects to an increased awareness of how seemingly immutable categories (such as those of gender) are s o c i a l constructions, that they have both a h i s t o r y and a geography. Hence Mackenzie's (1986) germane observations on the connection of feminist work to humanist concerns: i f gender i s a s o c i a l construction then a space i s made for human agency, and the p o s s i b i l i t y of resistance at the scale of everyday l i f e i s admissable. The debate i n feminist geography described above has underscored the necessity f o r empirical research which focuses on the contingent r e l a t i o n s between gender and c l a s s i n p a r t i c u l a r times and places. Geographical and h i s t o r i c a l analyses o f f e r routes which "steer between the S c y l l a of reductionism and the Charybdis of empiricism" (Brenner and Ramas 1984:35). I want to o u t l i n e b r i e f l y two examples of contextual work of the type recommended. Focusing not on the a h i s t o r i c a l categories of "men" and "women", but instead on how they are s o c i a l l y constructed and vary over time and space, makes necessary a kind of empirical a n a l y s i s somewhat d i f f e r e n t from that reported i n the "geography of women" l i t e r a t u r e . The organization of space i s not only taken to be a r e f l e c t i o n of na t u r a l i z e d gender role s (and one that underwrites t h e i r performance) but space i t s e l f i s seen to be implicated i n the very construction and negotiation of gender categories: "gender becomes a 'space s t r u c t u r i n g ' force, environment becomes a component of gender c o n s t i t u t i o n " (Mackenzie 1986:269). This issue has been pursued i n h i s t o r i c a l analyses of the o r i g i n of the domestic sphere i n western i n d u s t r i a l i z i n g c i t i e s , where gender and cl a s s are simultaneously transformed (for example Mackenzie and Rose 1983). With the r i s e of capi t a l i s m and the erosion of the household's economic base, there was a growing concern that processes of labour force reproduction could not be adequately performed. Various state p o l i c i e s on welfare provisions helped to e s t a b l i s h a stable family l i f e , with women performing domestic tasks so as to o f f e r working men a haven from the a l i e n a t i o n of the workplace. The p o l a r i z a t i o n of men's and women's l i v e s was heightened by an ideology of "woman's proper sphere". The so-called "suburban s o l u t i o n " (the r e t r e a t of "respectable" households to new suburban neighbourhoods) was c r u c i a l i n r e i n f o r c i n g with s p a t i a l separation that p r i n c i p l e of s o c i a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of reproduction from production: "Not only was t h i s suburban environment predicated on the labour of a f u l l -time housewife, i t also made i t very d i f f i c u l t to organize the domestic economy and home l i f e i n any other way" (Mackenzie and Rose 1983:170). The s p a t i a l s o l u t i o n , however, l a i d the basis for new c o n f l i c t s over women's dual r o l e i n the second half of t h i s century, as the demand for waged labour grew. The archetypal form of domestic l i f e i n the suburbs has been a focus of these c o n f l i c t s , and resistance means t a c k l i n g the fragmentation of d a i l y l i f e , to which geography i s c r u c i a l . The i n t e r p l a y of r e s t r a i n t s and opportunities i n the context of broad socioeconomic transformations and experienced at the l e v e l of everyday l i f e , has become a focus of work on r e s t r u c t u r i n g . Christopherson's (1983) examination of the household i n the newly i n d u s t r i a l i z i n g c i t y of Ciudad Juarez, Mexico, focuses on the s t r a t e g i c response of households to the changing structure of labour demand, e s p e c i a l l y the appearance there of multinationally-owned assembly plants ("maquiladoras"). The t y p i c a l maquiladora workers are female, defined as semi-skilled, and paid the minimum wage. Households are organized so as to take advantage of the opportunities offered by such employment conditions: they are more l i k e l y to be female headed (sometimes by daughters), and they may r e c r u i t female r e l a t i v e s to increase household resources. Christopherson concludes by emphasizing how household conditions are a c t i v e l y "constructed day to day or year to year, using whatever 'human resources' are a v a i l a b l e . . . . The t r a n s l a t i o n [of production r e l a t i o n s ] i n t o geographic space i s not d i r e c t , but one that i s mediated by the composition of the household and by the nature of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s i n the family" (Christopherson 1983:336-7). The two research projects described above are representative of the d i r e c t i o n i n which the "geography of gender" i s developing. How do they inform work on g e n t r i f i c a t i o n ? . 3.13 Gender and g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . While the conventional consumption-oriented approach to g e n t r i f i c a t i o n portrays family and household change as a demographic "given", with g e n t r i f i c a t i o n as one of i t s e f f e c t s , Christopherson's conclusion points to a rather d i f f e r e n t i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . True, g e n t r i f i e r s are often depicted as exemplifying the extremes of some society-wide transformations i n domestic l i f e , encompassing a disproportionate number of singles and c h i l d l e s s couples (Beauregard 1986), of dual-career couples (Ginzberg 1978, Markusen 1980, Holcomb- 1986), and of gay people (Lauria and Knopp 1985). Inner c i t y environments are often more congruent with "new" forms of domestic organization. However, Christopherson's study suggests i t i s not s u f f i c i e n t merely to assume these new household forms and deduce geographical consequences from them. In p a r t i c u l a r , one must r e s i s t i s o l a t i n g "household change" or "demographic s h i f t s " as processes i n t h e i r own r i g h t . These are prime examples of chaotic conceptions, and using them as foundations for b u i l d i n g explanation obscures the mechanisms which bring them about. The use of stage models of family-cycle linked to intra-urban mob i l i t y , l i k e that of the stage models of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n , imposes a sense of order which hides the everyday decisions and non-decisions that propel the household through time and across space. The forms of domestic l i f e people pursue are important (but not the sole) i n d i c a t o r s of the p r e v a i l i n g state of gender r e l a t i o n s . Like g e n t r i f i c a t i o n , changes i n household and family type are themselves e f f e c t s , r e s u l t i n g from people's negotiations of a broader s e t t i n g of socioeconomic r e s t r u c t u r i n g . While household changes undoubtedly enable other changes, they should not be taken as pre-given mechanisms producing s p a t i a l change, but as products which demand empirical examination themselves. I have chosen to adopt the notion of the p o s t p a t r i a r c h a l mode of gender r e l a t i o n s as a h e u r i s t i c model to help understand the s t r u c t u r a l transformations underlying g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . In choosing t h i s term, I do not wish to suggest that the oppression of women by men i s not s t i l l s i g n i f i c a n t . Like the other terms I employ l a t e r — t h e p o s t i n d u s t r i a l , and the postmodern— the purpose i s to open up conceptual -space for the p o s s i b i l i t y of change, while also allowing f o r substantial c o n t i n u i t y i n the nature of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s . Markusen (1981) has suggested that g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i s a product of the breakdown of p a t r i a r c h a l r e l a t i o n s . However, many feminist geographers write of patriarchy as i f i t were a constant and immutable feature of contemporary l i f e , experiencing only cosmetic changes. My choice of the c o n t r o v e r s i a l term "postpatriarchal" i s intended to emphasize that the s i g n i f i c a n c e of changes i n the nature of gender r e l a t i o n s i s a topic for empirical a n a l y s i s , and not a forgone conclusion. As s h a l l become clearer i n Chapter 8, the dominance of grand theories, i d e n t i f y i n g the underlying mechanisms to which aspects of r e a l i t y are to be reduced, has been thrown i n t o doubt by the postmodern c r i t i q u e ; rather, a l l explanations are p a r t i a l and must be recognized as imposing new structures upon a r e a l i t y which .is always too complicated to be thus captured. The notion of the p o s t p a t r i a r c h a l i s indeed a p a r t i a l h e u r i s t i c , one which na t u r a l i z e s a bias i n i n t e r p r e t a t i o n — a s does the notion of patriarchy, i t s e l f which resolves explanation i n one predetermined d i r e c t i o n . The n a t u r a l i z a t i o n of bias i s i l l u s t r a t e d by feminist geographers' emphasis on how p a t r i a r c h a l gender r e l a t i o n s are reproduced (rather than d i s s o l v e d ) . This i s explored with reference to environmental features which make a l t e r n a t i v e s d i f f i c u l t to pursue. The "geography of women" research on suburban planning and a r c h i t e c t u r e i s one dimension of t h i s although i t has tended to lack these t h e o r e t i c a l connections. S i m i l a r l y , c r i t i q u e s of environmental p o l i c y , e s p e c i a l l y housing p o l i c y , show how non-family households are marginalized. For example, Watson (1986) demonstrates how B r i t i s h state housing p r o v i s i o n reproduced p a t r i a r c h a l r e l a t i o n s by f a i l i n g to provide options for non-. conventional households such as single people and s i n g l e parent f a m i l i e s . As I have already indicated, however, new f o c i of research have at least implied changes i n gender r e l a t i o n s . Instead of portraying gender r e l a t i o n s as the independent v a r i a b l e and geography as the dependent, t h e i r r e c i p r o c a l nature i s considered: i n Mackenzie's words, the space s t r u c t u r i n g q u a l i t i e s of gender and the gender c o n s t i t u t i n g q u a l i t i e s of space. Two examples focus on g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . One i s Rose's work on marginal g e n t r i f i e r s . Rose (1984) argues that the inner c i t y environment i s an enabling condition for such households as female headed f a m i l i e s to e x i s t at a l l above some minimum l e v e l of subsistence: "many who become g e n t r i f i e r s do so s u b s t a n t i a l l y because of the d i f f i c u l t i e s , not only of af f o r d i n g housing, but also of carrying on th e i r p a r t i c u l a r l i v i n g arrangements i n conventional suburbs" (Rose 1984:63). Types of housing which are perhaps most commonly found i n the inner c i t y o f f e r s p e c i a l advantages to female headed households. Thus " g e n t r i f i c a t i o n by employed women with c h i l d r e n may be a d e l i b e r a t e l y sought out environmental solution to a set of problems that are inherently s o c i a l problems" (p. 66). By extending t h i s one might reasonably conclude that, without such environmental options, fewer women might consider m a r i t a l separation; conversely, with a more f l e x i b l e use of urban space, women i n unsatisfactory r e l a t i o n s h i p s might f i n d them more easy to e x i t . Such assumptions underwrite the e f f o r t s of "material feminists" . to promote non-conventional housing arrangements granting more options to women with c h i l d r e n . The other example of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n research which portrays environment as an enabling condition deals with the r o l e of gays i n inner c i t y change (Lauria and Knopp 1985). Arguing that gay i d e n t i t y ( i n common with a l l gender-related i d e n t i t i e s ) i s a s o c i a l construction, t h i s paper suggests that a range of s p a t i a l strategies has emerged i n response to gay oppression, g e n t r i f i c a t i o n amongst them (see also C a s t e l l s 1983). "The cr e a t i o n and defense of gay t e r r i t o r y i s intimately connected to the s o c i a l construction of the gay i d e n t i t y " (p. 158), arid the inner c i t y has proved to be a prime s i t e f o r the lo c a t i o n of gay neighbourhoods which o f f e r an "oasis of* tolerance" and a supportive community within which economic and p o l i t i c a l clout can develop. These studies of gender and g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i l l u s t r a t e two tendencies. F i r s t , they are focusing on external contingent r e l a t i o n s of gender with c l a s s . While aware of the debate over gender (whether or not i t i s independent of cl a s s r e l a t i o n s ) the authors have not taken i t upon themselves to pronounce on i t s t h e o r e t i c a l status. However, being informed by that debate renders these analyses more convincing than the "multiple f a c t o r s " approach i n which the p o s s i b i l i t y of a d i s t i n c t i o n between necessity and contingency was not even imaginable. The second point i l l u s t r a t e d by these examples i s the necessity to tr e a t urban change as more than a passive contingency e f f e c t . While the production of g e n t r i f i e r s approach has tended to remain at t h i s f i r s t l e v e l of a n a l y s i s , portraying g e n t r i f i c a t i o n as an event suspended at the nexus of i n t e r s e c t i n g s t r u c t u r a l processes, t h i s does not exhaust what i s going on. Mackenzie has depicted gender as a s o c i a l construction. Space i t s e l f i s implicated i n the c o n s t i t u t i o n of gender categories and there i s a l s o an ongoing process of a c t i v e negotiation over the composition and meaning of the household. These phenomena move us beyond the l e v e l of passive contingency e f f e c t to something analogous to a "neighbourhood e f f e c t " of "emergence" (see Chapter 1), where the whole i s greater than the sum of i t s parts. Having i s o l a t e d gender r e l a t i o n s as one structure underlying urban r e s t r u c t u r i n g , we must turn attention to the emergent q u a l i t i e s of s o c i a l p r a c t i c e , where contingency defines the experience of gender. Before dealing with such notions, I discuss i n the next section the implications of economic r e s t r u c t u r i n g f or class r e l a t i o n s . 3.2 GENTRIFICATION AND THE RISE OF THE NEW CLASS. The production of g e n t r i f i e r s approach situates g e n t r i f i e r s within a s e t t i n g of transformations i n economic and s o c i a l structure. One dimension of t h i s i s the s i g n i f i c a n c e f or g e n t r i f i c a t i o n of transformations i n cl a s s structure. Yet as Williams points out: "Despite the obvious connotations of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n , c l a s s i n any-a c t i v e sense has been l i t t l e used as a concept with which to 'unpack' the process i n t h e o r e t i c a l terms....The reshaped r e s i d e n t i a l environment c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the g e n t r i f i c a t i o n process can be r e l a t e d c l e a r l y to the changing form and structure of s o c i a l classes and t h e i r a r t i c u l a t i o n with the b u i l t environment. Despite the growing l i t e r a t u r e on the 'new c l a s s ' , the d e c l i n e of the working cl a s s and the growth of pr o f e s s i o n a l and managerial strata, few of these ideas have penetrated the g e n t r i f i c a t i o n debate" (Williams 1986:64,66). To Hamnett (1984), the changing r e l a t i o n s of production comprise a c r u c i a l material process which must feature i n theories that explain the timing and lo c a t i o n of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . Central to t h i s i s the expansion of ce r t a i n labour st r a t a i n a context of i n d u s t r i a l change. The dimensions of economic r e s t r u c t u r i n g relevant to g e n t r i f i c a t i o n encompass simultaneous changes i n the fun c t i o n a l and s p a t i a l d i v i s i o n of labour. At the in t e r n a t i o n a l and national scales, the d e i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n of the developed economies (as low s k i l l labour processes move off-sho r e ) , and the concentration of high l e v e l c o n t r o l functions i n c e r t a i n metropolitan areas (Williams r e f e r s to the emergence of "world c i t i e s " ) , determine a broad patterning of the s p a t i a l d i v i s i o n of labour. Similar processes of p o l a r i z a t i o n occur at the •intra-urban scale, i n consequence of long-term d e c l i n i n g manufacturing employment and a growth i n the t e r t i a r y and quaternary sectors. Central c i t i e s , once home to manufacturing a c t i v i t y , experience disinvestment. New manufacturing jobs take advantage of suburban locations, drawing with them lower middle income workers. There i s continued c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of decision-making functions along with a n c i l l a r y "producer services" such as law and finance. Meanwhile, technological change has enabled the d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of "back o f f i c e " functions and the lower paid, e s p e c i a l l y c l e r i c a l , workers they employ. Thus a new s p a t i a l p o l a r i z a t i o n i n the labour force, by both i n d u s t r i a l sector and occupational type, i s established. The r i s e of the bimodal urban labour market i s the mechanism which underlies the growing "supply" of p r o f e s s i o n a l and managerial i n d i v i d u a l s who might have a propensity for inner c i t y l i v i n g (and simultaneously the d i s i n t e g r a t i o n of inner c i t y working c l a s s communities which then become r i p e for g e n t r i f i c a t i o n ) . This does not explain why a portion of these workers i s no longer prepared to commute from the suburbs. Beauregard (1986) i d e n t i f i e s s h i f t s i n occupational structure as merely a necessary condition for urban gentry, and he invokes i t s contingent r e l a t i o n s with changes i n domestic organization and s t y l e s of consumption to explain the new patterns of s p a t i a l preference. However, there does indeed seem to be ample evidence that the incidence of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i s associated with economic i n d i c a t o r s which represent the presence of p o t e n t i a l g e n t r i f i e r s , at the inter-urban l e v e l . For example, i n h i s study comparing 22 Canadian c i t i e s , Ley (1986a) concludes that there are close linkages between metropolitan labour markets and housing markets, where the production of quaternary employees working downtown provides a "demand base for housing reinvestment i n the inner c i t y " (p. 532). Despite the recognition of labour market change as a necessary condition for g e n t r i f i c a t i o n , references to changing occupation and c l a s s structure throughout the g e n t r i f i c a t i o n l i t e r a t u r e are meagerly endorsed with e x p l i c i t reference to theories of c l a s s . It i s c l e a r , however, that g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i s assumed to be associated with a p a r t i c u l a r f r a c t i o n of the middle c l a s s . The following discussion considers some of the concepts of c l a s s which do seem to underlie accounts of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . Following Williams (quoted above) I s h a l l focus on the notion of the "new c l a s s " as the portion of the middle c l a s s which i s of i n t e r e s t . We s t a r t with the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of d e f i n i t i o n s of c l a s s as either gradational or r e l a t i o n a l (Ossowski 1963, Wright 1979a). The gradational perspective considers q u a n t i t a t i v e d i f f e r e n c e s along one dimension defined by a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c such as income, education or status. Groups are d i f f e r e n t i a t e d according to the degree to which they possess the chosen c h a r a c t e r i s t i c . Reverse f i l t e r i n g and stage model accounts of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n portray the g e n t r i f i e d neighbourhood as moving "upwards" along some v e r t i c a l dimension defined by the socioeconomic p r o f i l e of i t s occupants. Ley (1985a) l i s t s a number of studies which have used occupational status and income data to i d e n t i f y the • incidence of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . Even more sophisticated accounts, such as Rose's (1984), seem to f i n d the s h i f t from lower to higher income residents a key element of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . It i s not always clear whether the researcher intends us to tr e a t these trends i n empirical phenomena as d i r e c t measures of c l a s s i n a gradational sense, or whether they are employed as approximate i n d i c a t o r s of c l a s s as a r e l a t i o n a l concept. For instance, education l e v e l may be part of a gradational measure (such as a standard "socioeconomic status" index), or i t may be i n t e r p r e t a b l e i n terms of the function played by educated people i n a r e l a t i o n a l c l a s s system. Occupation may be treated the same way: "The p r e c i s e t h e o r e t i c a l status of t h i s occupational typology of classes i s generally not very c l e a r . Sometimes occupations are b a s i c a l l y viewed as status categories; i n that case t h i s conception should r i g h t f u l l y be seen as one variant of the gradational view of c l a s s . . . . I n other s i t u a t i o n s , occupation i s treated as a proxy for market capacity, and thus forms part of the d e f i n i t i o n of classes • i n terms of exchange r e l a t i o n s . . . . [ o r ] by v i r t u e of t h e i r l o c a t i o n within the technical d i v i s i o n of labour" (Wright 1979a:ll). This confusion a r i s e s i n part from the d i f f i c u l t y of o p e r a t i o n a l i z i n g a r e l a t i o n a l c l a s s theory i n empirical work; Smith, for example, uses measures of change i n employment structure and income d i s t r i b u t i o n , "not as d e f i n i t i o n s of c l a s s but at best as i n d i c a t o r s of c l a s s s p e c i f i c i t y " (Smith 1987:153). Despite h i s disclaimer, however, Smith mischievously equates the new middle c l a s s with "yuppies", a group "distinguished economically by disproportionate wealth....The ideology of the new middle clas s . . . i n c l u d e s i t s t a l e s of latter-day Horatio Algers who made i t from the slums to Wall Street or the C i t y of London. That i s why they are 'young upwardly mobile p r o f e s s i o n a l s ' " (Smith 1987:154). This disregards the i n t r i g u i n g question of why g e n t r i f i c a t i o n involves groups of such diverse l e v e l s of affluence ranging from penurious a r t i s t s to wealthy physicians. Thus the use of gradational models as proxies for r e l a t i o n a l conceptualizations of cla s s can lead to slippage i n t h e o r e t i c a l c l a r i t y . Of the c l a s s concepts which are r e l a t i o n a l — t h a t i s , where classes are defined i n s o c i a l r e l a t i o n to other c l a s s e s — t h e r e are two primary d i v i s i o n s . These correspond to two "l o c a t i o n s " i n which classes are founded: market r e l a t i o n s and production r e l a t i o n s . Of those theories dealing with production r e l a t i o n s , Wright (1979a) distinguishes three: production i s analyzed i n terms of the te c h n i c a l d i v i s i o n of labour (occupational d i s t i n c t i o n s ) , i n terms of domination (authority r e l a t i o n s ) , and as a system of e x p l o i t a t i o n . The market conception of cla s s i s weberian; the production-based conceptions are associated with p o s t i n d u s t r i a l t h e o r i s t s , the work of Dahrendorf, and marxist theory r e s p e c t i v e l y . In the sections below, I focus f i r s t on some marxist attempts to theorize the middle c l a s s . This i s followed by a discussion of weberian approaches i n which the new c l a s s portion of the middle c l a s s has been highlighted. The s i g n i f i c a n c e of space to c l a s s s t r u c t u r a t i o n i s drawn out i n an argument s i m i l a r to that applied to gender, and from that a perspective on g e n t r i f i c a t i o n and cla s s i s developed. 3.21 Marxist perspectives. Orthodox marxism i s s i l e n t on the nature of a middle c l a s s . C a p i t a l i s t society i s p o l a r i z e d between two classes, the bourgeoisie and the p r o l e t a r i a t , which are defined on the basis of common positi o n s within the s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s of production. Middle classes are part of the working c l a s s , for they perform wage labour and do not own the means of production. Such a two-class model c l e a r l y can shed l i t t l e l i g h t on the more fragmented circumstances of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n (Williams 1986). This i s the s i t u a t i o n at the highest l e v e l of a b s t r a c t i o n — b u t Marx himself i d e n t i f i e d a m u l t i p l i c i t y of d i f f e r e n t classes at the empirical l e v e l . The issue, then, i s how analysis can make the t r a n s i t i o n from one l e v e l of understanding to the other. In t h e i r work on the r e l a t i o n between clas s and space, T h r i f t and Williams (1988) discuss t h i s problem with reference to the d i s t i n c t i o n between d i f f e r e n t concepts used i n c l a s s a n a l y s i s . At the grandest scale, a t t e n t i o n i s d i r e c t e d to c l a s s structure, a system of c l a s s "places" which a r i s e s out of long-term changes i n the s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s of production. The fundamental feature of c l a s s structure (the necessary r e l a t i o n s of c l a s s r e l a t i o n s ) i s the e x p l o i t a t i v e r e l a t i o n s of production which sustains c a p i t a l i s t and labour cl a s s e s . T h r i f t and Williams i d e n t i f y other r e l a t i o n s of production which may be treated as determinants of c l a s s structure and which generate a d i s t i n c t i v e system of class places (for example, see Wright's work discussed below). At a f i n e r scale of r e s o l u t i o n , however, the focus s h i f t s from c l a s s structure to the formation of classes, which depends upon conditions of class c o n f l i c t , c l a s s capacity, and c l a s s consciousness: "class formation r e f e r s to how people are r e c r u i t e d to c l a s s places through i n s t i t u t i o n s which are numerous, diverse and overlap....any an a l y s i s of c l a s s formation as a h i s t o r i c a l l y contingent process a r i s i n g out of r e c i p r o c a l actions must step outside the s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s of production and venture i n t o the s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s of reproduction. Further, these s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s of production cannot be seen i n the narrow sense as just concerned with the reproduction of labour power....'culture' rears i t s problematic head" ( T h r i f t and Williams 1988:7-8). We s h a l l return to the formation of classes shortly. F i r s t , however, l e t us consider some attempts to locate a middle c l a s s i n marxist c l a s s structure. Poulantzas treats the new middle c l a s s as a new petty bourgeoisie (Poulantzas 1975).' The working class comprises only manual, non-supervisory workers, who are d i r e c t l y involved i n the production of surplus value. The bourgeoisie are defined i n terms of "Economic Ownership" (the power to assign the means of production to given uses) and "Possession" (the capacity to put the means of production i n t o o p e r a t i o n — t h a t i s , c o n t r o l over the p h y s i c a l operation of production). Managers f u l f i l l the function of c a p i t a l and hence are part of the bourgeoisie. Poulantzas assigns a l l those who f a l l under neither working cl a s s nor bourgeois categories to the petty bourgeoisie, a r e s i d u a l category with which they have an i d e o l o g i c a l unity. Poulantzas claims to make economic c r i t e r i a the p r i n c i p a l determinants of membership i n the working c l a s s . But, to the contrary, any deviations i n p o l i t i c a l and i d e o l o g i c a l r e l a t i o n s from those defined as q u a l i t i e s of the p r o l e t a r i a t are always adopted by Poulantzas as j u s t i f i c a t i o n for excluding a p o s i t i o n from the working c l a s s , even i f the p o s i t i o n does produce surplus value (Wright 1978). Poulantzas assigns part of the new (middle) c l a s s to a new petty bourgeoisie, because they supposedly share a common i d e o l o g y — f o r example, a common ideology of i n d i v i d u a l i s m . This stress on ideology has been c r i t i c i s e d on i t s own (marxist) terms; moreover, the supposedly shared ideology of i n d i v i d u a l i s m f o r the new and o l d petty bourgeoisie i s of two d i f f e r e n t kinds (Wright 1978). The s p l i t of the categories of management from the new petty bourgeoisie i s a d d i t i o n a l l y d i s t u r b i n g to those who wish to apply the c l a s s theory to empirical phenomena such as g e n t r i f i c a t i o n , bearing i n mind that g e n t r i f i c a t i o n has tended to involve managerial as well as p r o f e s s i o n a l employees. From the point of view of a new c l a s s and the complex s o c i a l fragmentations and a l l i a n c e s expressed i n g e n t r i f i c a t i o n , therefore, Poulantzas 1 treatment does not seem to be p a r t i c u l a r l y u s e f u l . Wright's own reworking of marxist c l a s s theory (his f i r s t o n e — I s h a l l discuss the re-reworking l a t e r ) also attempts.to i d e n t i f y the p o s i t i o n of the middle c l a s s i n a system defined fundamentally by r e l a t i o n s of production (Wright 1978, 1979a). He i d e n t i f i e s o b j e c t i v e l y contrary locations between the bourgeoisie, the working class and the petty bourgeoisie, where d i f f e r e n t dimensions of cl a s s r e l a t i o n s do not coincide. Wright i d e n t i f i e s three dimensions of production r e l a t i o n s : economic ownership over the means of production (control over investments and the accumulation process) and possession (which i s s p l i t i n t o control over the phy s i c a l means of production and control over the labour power of others). The bourgeoisie, p r o l e t a r i a t and petty bourgeoisie can each be defined by t h e i r c o n t r o l (or lack thereof) i n every one of these processes; hence they occupy "unambiguous locations within c l a s s r e l a t i o n s " . But there are a l s o locations with an i n t e r n a l l y incompatible combination of the i n t e r e s t s of d i f f e r e n t c l a s s e s . Managers both dominate and experience domination, and they occupy a p o s i t i o n between the bourgeoisie and the p r o l e t a r i a t . Between the bourgeoisie and petty bourgeoisie are posi t i o n s occupied by small employers. And between the petty bourgeoisie and the p r o l e t a r i a t l i e those p o s i t i o n s representing "semiautonomous employees" who enjoy s e l f - d i r e c t i o n within the labour p r o c e s s — s u c h as i n t e l l e c t u a l s (Wright 1979b). Wright's ( f i r s t ) reworking of marxist cl a s s theory has stimulated the i n t e r e s t of at least one person i n t e r e s t e d i n g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . The concept of contradictory c l a s s l o c a t i o n s , claims Smith (1987a), seems to capture the ambiguous p o l i t i c a l a llegiances of the new middle c l a s s , a group which " i s p u l l e d hither and t h i t h e r by the economic aspirations of the c l a s s above them, the p o l i t i c a l p o t e n t i a l of the c l a s s below them and the i d e o l o g i c a l d i c t a t e s of t h e i r d a i l y occupations" (p. 153). G e n t r i f i c a t i o n i t s e l f i s a process which seems to exemplify those ambiguities. For example, Williams (1986) notes the a t t r a c t i o n to pioneer g e n t r i f i e r s of l i v i n g i n a working cla s s neighbourhood, of e s t a b l i s h i n g a sense of s o l i d a r i t y with e x i s t i n g residents and of pursuing a "progressive" p o l i t i c s i n that context. He also describes the subsequent r e a l i z a t i o n of the s o c i a l gulf between newcomers and o r i g i n a l residents as t h e i r contradictory experiences and expectations become manifest. At t h i s point, where cla s s consciousness i s r a i s e d , i t i s evident that r e l a t i o n s outside production must be invoked to c l a r i f y the formation of classes at a le s s abstract l e v e l of a n a l y s i s . In the context of a discussion on c l a s s struggle Wright admits: "one can also t a l k about the s t r u c t u r a l capacity (and incapacity) of the working cl a s s [to struggle] which i s rooted i n community, i . e . , the s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s among workers outside of production. Under c e r t a i n circumstances, such community based linkages may be at l e a s t as important as s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s among workers within production" (Wright 1978:100). But i n h i s own work, Wright f a i l s to develop the f u l l s i g n i f i c a n c e of " c u l t u r a l existence" (Ehrenreich and Ehrenreich 1979a:325), and h i s t i g h t focus on classes' r e l a t i o n to the means of production i s not p a r t i c u l a r l y h e l p f u l i n understanding contemporary c l a s s formation. One consequence of t h i s i s that i t i s d i f f i c u l t t o . see how one could use Wright's highly abstract schema to i n t e r p r e t concrete phenomena such as g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . Smith o f f e r s few clues and h i s p o r t r a y a l of Wright's theory papers over a major problem of a p p l i c a t i o n : that i s , the three main c l u s t e r s of contradictory c l a s s p o s i t i o n s (each of which seems to represent a portion of the body of p o t e n t i a l g e n t r i f i e r s ) are fragmented i n t o three d i f f e r e n t (contradictory) l o c a t i o n s . Much more sympathetic a t t e n t i o n to c u l t u r a l existence i s required to draw out why there may be episodes of " s o l i d a r i t y " i n these groups' actions, the h i s t o r i c a l and geographical f l u x of which must be explored i n the context of contingencies with non-production based processes. The t h i r d marxist approach I wish to discuss does move i n the d i r e c t i o n of c l a s s formation as an h i s t o r i c a l l y contingent process, p l a c i n g stress on some of the i n s t i t u t i o n s s i g n i f i c a n t i n the recruitment to c l a s s , and on the forms of clas s c o n f l i c t , organization and consciousness which underlie the existence of a new (middle) c l a s s . Analysing i t s r o l e i n the r a d i c a l movement i n the United States, Ehrenreich and Ehrenreich (1979b) propose that there i s now a "Professional-Managerial Class" (PMC) completely d i s t i n c t from the bourgeoisie, p r o l e t a r i a t and petty bourgeoisie. This consists of " s a l a r i e d mental workers who do not own the means of production and whose major function i n the s o c i a l d i v i s i o n of labor may be described broadly as the reproduction of c a p i t a l i s t c u l t u r e and c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s r e l a t i o n s " (Ehrenreich and Ehrenreich 1979b:12). Two basic d e f i n i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of cla s s are invoked: not only "a common r e l a t i o n to the economic foundations of s o c i e t y — t h e means of production and the s o c i a l l y organized patterns of d i s t r i b u t i o n and consumption", but al s o "a' coherent s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l existence; members of a c l a s s share a common l i f e s t y l e , educational background, kinship networks, consumption patterns, work habits, b e l i e f s " (p. 11). As well as incorporating the s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l conditions of c l a s s experience, the Ehrenreichs point to the problem that Wright's schema s p l i t s the PMC in t o subgoups: "set o f f i n th e i r separate 'locations', the managers, profes s i o n a l s , ' i n t e l l e c t u a l s ' and other PMC fragments have no pos s i b l e common i n t e r e s t which might d i v i d e them from the working c l a s s , or common a t t r i b u t e s which might be v i s i b l e from the working class....PMC members can more or less decide which of the major classes...to l i n e up with....the p o s s i b i l i t y that the working cla s s might have something to say about i t , or that the PMC groups might have some 'determinate' i n t e r e s t s of t h e i r own, has been excluded" (Ehrenreich and Ehrenreich 1979a:332). By p l a c i n g some t h e o r e t i c a l weight on c u l t u r a l considerations the Ehrenreichs are able to trace the r i s e and f a l l of s o c i a l coherence between d i f f e r e n t new middle c l a s s " f r a g m e n t s " — s p e c i f i c a l l y managers/engineers and l i b e r a l a r t s / s e r v i c e p r o f e s s i o n a l s . They acknowledge that a r i f t d i d develop h i s t o r i c a l l y between these two fragments, but by considering a t t i t u d i n a l , employment and educational patterns they argue that the d i s t i n c t i o n s have been overdrawn. The various parts of the PMC seem to share a common and i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d way of l i f e . In responding to c r i t i c s of the PMC notion, Welch finds t h i s a convincing d e p i c t i o n : "Many of the c r i t i c s were upset that the PMC included p r o f e s s i o n a l s and managerials [ s i c ] together. By ignoring the ' s o c i a l existence' of the c l a s s , as ephemeral superstructural f l u f f , they were able to argue that professionals and managers d i d not belong i n the same cl a s s , because they d i d d i f f e r e n t work...The c r i t i c s ' objections would have been more convincing had they checked to see i f professionals and managers often come from the same f a m i l i e s ; i f they go to the same schools; i f they marry each other; i f they l i v e i n the same neighborhoods; i f they read the same magazines; i f they dress a l i k e , i n fashions promoted i n those magazines; i f they speak a s i m i l a r language; i f they belong to the same country clubs; i f they take t h e i r vacations i n the same places" (Welch 1979:189-90). In h i s consideration of the geography of clas s i n contemporary B r i t a i n , T h r i f t (1988) has drawn upon a version of the PMC i n the form of a "service c l a s s " of top managers and prof e s s i o n a l s (Abercrombie and Urry 1983). As well as occupying a p a r t i c u l a r p o s i t i o n with respect to production a c t i v i t y , the service c l a s s enjoys a type of employment r e l a t i o n centred on security, d i s c r e t i o n and " t r u s t " by employers of employees. While the service c l a s s has been formed by a number of processes and i s therefore not "uniquely determined", i t enjoys a c e r t a i n unity i n terms of i t s consumption i n t e r e s t s and i t s c u l t u r e . T h r i f t places p a r t i c u l a r stress on these l a t t e r aspects as channels through which cla s s d i s t i n c t i o n i s i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d and reproduced--fo r instance, through a stress on excellence i n education, a d i s t i n c t i v e a t t i t u d e towards the environment, and the pursuit of p o s i t i o n a l consumption (of places such as Bath or Winchester, and of commodities such as Laura Ashley c l o t h e s ) . The notions of the PMC and the service c l a s s represent attempts by marxist-oriented t h e o r i s t s to address the formation of classes at a f i n e r l e v e l of r e s o l u t i o n and i n terms of the important contingencies operating i n p a r t i c u l a r times and places. But the very points which make them so a p p l i c a b l e at the empirical l e v e l (to studies of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n , for instance) a t t r a c t a c r i t i q u e i n terms of the precise structure of class at higher l e v e l s of a b s t r a c t i o n . In what sense are the PMC and the service c l a s s "classes" i n any marxist sense? Wright aims h i s c r i t i q u e of the PMC at the l o g i c of d e f i n i t i o n ; he perceives the Ehrenreichs' problem as one of d e f i n i n g class by i t s function i n the s o c i a l d i v i s i o n of labour, rather than by i t s s t r u c t u r a l p o s i t i o n . F i r s t , s t r u c t u r a l p o s i t i o n may not coincide with func t i o n : functions are not monopolized i n d i s t i n c t p o s i t i o n s within a society; thus the function of reproduction, which i s claimed to be the r a t i o n a l e for the PMC, i s performed by a l l p o s i t i o n s to some extent. Second, the performance of functions within, say, an i d e o l o g i c a l apparatus such as a church, i s highly d i f f e r e n t i a t e d ; why would a PMC p o s i t i o n with substantial c o n t r o l over the performance of that function be placed i n a c l a s s along with another PMC p o s i t i o n with no such control? In response, the Ehrenreichs claim "the r i g h t to use the word 'class' i n a•way" that has more to do with act u a l experience" (Ehrenreich and Ehrenreich 1979a:328). In terms of a r e a l i s t perspective, the approach of the production of g e n t r i f i e r s has been one of abstracting from empirical events towards the fundamental s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s underlying g e n t r i f i c a t i o n — s p e c i f i c a l l y gender and c l a s s r e l a t i o n s . But, as we found i n the discussion of gender, t h i s soon brings us to a point at which the l i m i t s of abstraction become problematic. It becomes necessary to draw out the contingencies which define, e m p i r i c a l l y , the experience of c l a s s and g e n d e r — f o r example the dimensions of c l a s s consciousness i n a p a r t i c u l a r c l a s s formation. Contrary to Wright's attack on the Ehrenreichs, Albert and Hahnel have c r i t i c i z e d them for not taking f a r enough the implications of shared c u l t u r a l existence. The Ehrenreichs are too hasty i n stressing the commonalities of the PMC: "If the p a r t i c u l a r r e l a t i o n s i n one town make s o c i a l workers there l i k e other workers, while i n another place they f i l l a more pro f e s s i o n a l r o l e and see t h e i r function as managing the l i v e s of 'incompetent indigents', why should we ignore t h i s for the convenience of a simpler t h e o r e t i c a l exposition? If trade union leaders i n one sector play a bureaucratic r o l e of keeping the l i d on worker resentment while i n another they i d e n t i f y as workers combating c a p i t a l i s t oppression because of the d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s and h i s t o r y of the two sectors and t h e i r unions, why ignore t h i s to preserve a f i x e d 'vocational c r i t e r i o n ? ' ....membership i n these groups i s not merely a function of vocation. It depends upon the a c t u a l s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s of work a person d a i l y encounters as well as other c u l t u r a l and h i s t o r i c a l f a c t o r s " (Albert and Hahnel 1979:261). This c a l l f o r a " l o c a l i t i e s " kind of approach suggests that space i s s i g n i f i c a n t to the r e s t r u c t u r i n g of c l a s s . This p o s s i b i l i t y i s examined below, following a discussion of the weberian perspective on the new c l a s s . 3.22 Weberian perspectives. Most g e n t r i f i c a t i o n studies which make reference to cla s s seem to be broadly weberian i n perspective. A reason f o r t h i s p o p u l a r i t y may be that scholars working within t h i s t r a d i t i o n have emphasised the changes i n cla s s formation, associated with transformations i n i n d u s t r i a l structure, which give r i s e to a new cla s s and are played out i n the realm of p o l i t i c s and i n the consumption sphere. E a r l i e r i n t h i s section, the d i s t i n c t i o n was drawn between r e l a t i o n a l perspectives on class which focus on production r e l a t i o n s , and those which focus on market r e l a t i o n s . Weberian a n a l y s i s f a l l s l a r g e l y (though not unambiguously) into the second of those categories. At the highest l e v e l of abstraction, the marxist and the weberian theories of c l a s s are t h e o r e t i c a l l y d i s t i n c t . Where notions of c l a s s are brought to bear on empirical d e t a i l s , however, the d i s t i n c t i o n i s not so conspicuous. Weberian work seems to have lent i t s e l f to a more sympathetic acknowledgement of the fragmentation of d a i l y l i f e a n d — l i k e the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the marxist rent gap theory of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n and the managerialist view of investment a c t i v i t y — t h e o p e r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n of marxist class theories often appears markedly weberian i n flavour. Weber equates class s i t u a t i o n with market s i t u a t i o n , defined by a person's possession of goods and opportunities for income. It i s poss i b l e that an i n f i n i t e number of economic classes may e x i s t ; hQwever, the notion of s o c i a l class i s applied to a c l u s t e r of si m i l a r class s i t u a t i o n s which share common mob i l i t y chances. In the weberian model, status group a f f i l i a t i o n defines an a d d i t i o n a l s o c i a l dimension separate from c l a s s . In extending the market-based theory of classes for the advanced c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t i e s , Giddens (1973) has c a r r i e d forward the weberian concept of market capacity as determined by the possession of marketable s k i l l s . Giddens argues that c a p i t a l i s t society has a generic three-class system. The upper cla s s i s distinguished by possession of property, the working c l a s s by the possession of manual power, and the middle cl a s s by the possession of educational and tec h n i c a l q u a l i f i c a t i o n s . To explore how economic classes become s o c i a l classes Giddens dis t i n g u i s h e s sources of both mediate and proximate s t r u c t u r a t i o n of class r e l a t i o n s . The mediate st r u c t u r a t i o n depends on intervening f a c t o r s which group people with s i m i l a r market ca p a c i t i e s i n t o s o c i a l c l a s s e s . Fundamental to t h i s i s the degree of closure of mob i l i t y chances which determines the " g e l l " of clas s d i s t i n c t i o n s and "the formation of i d e n t i f i a b l e c l a s s e s " . Three sources of proximate st r u c t u r a t i o n may r e i n f o r c e c l a s s d i v i s i o n s defined by market r e l a t i o n s ; these are: the d i v i s i o n of labour within the productive enterprise ( e s p e c i a l l y between manual and non-manual workers); the authority r e l a t i o n s within the enterprise; and the existence of " d i s t r i b u t i v e groupings". The l a t t e r idea r e f e r s to a common pattern of consumption (as i l l u s t r a t e d for instance by neighbourhood segregation), which i t s e l f r e c i p r o c a l l y a f f e c t s the pattern of c l a s s p o s i t i o n s . Wright c l a s s i f i e s weberian analysis as based upon market r e l a t i o n s rather than production r e l a t i o n s . However, the d i s t i n c t i o n i s i n r e a l i t y less c l e a r - c u t , as evidenced by Gidden's stress on marketable s k i l l s which has a close correspondence with production-based a n a l y s i s centred upon occupational category as the basis for c l a s s . Occupation can be treated as a proxy for market capacity, but i s also r e f l e c t i v e of l o c a t i o n within the t e c h n i c a l d i v i s i o n of labour (Wright 1979a). Wright places the work of the p o s t i n d u s t r i a l t h e o r i s t s under the second of these approaches. Notions of p o s t i n d u s t r i a l society o f f e r no p a r t i c u l a r l y e x p l i c i t theory of c l a s s , but they have been employed i n a number of analyses of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . I s h a l l b r i e f l y sketch the dimensions of the p o s t i n d u s t r i a l idea as promoted by Daniel B e l l , and then use the work of one i n t e r p r e t e r of urban change, David Ley, to explore the strengths and weaknesses of the t h e s i s . B e l l (1976) has described c e r t a i n emergent features of economy and s o c i a l structure, p o l i t i c s and c u l t u r a l change i n the context of a " s c i e n t i f i c and technological r e v o l u t i o n " . Key features of p o s t i n d u s t r i a l society are the c e n t r a l i t y of t h e o r e t i c a l knowledge as an "ax.ial p r i n c i p l e " , the s h i f t i n employment from predominantly goods-producing to predominantly service-producing sectors, the c e n t r a l i t y of new science-based i n d u s t r i e s , and the spread of a "knowledge c l a s s " of technicians and p r o f e s s i o n a l s . B e l l (1976) makes various references to a "knowledge c l a s s " , but i t s t h e o r e t i c a l status i s somewhat vague. At some points he r e f e r s to the "pre-eminence" (p. 14) of a new " e l i t e " (p. 487); elsewhere he suggests that i n t e r n a l c o n f l i c t s of i n t e r e s t make i t u n l i k e l y that a coherent cl a s s w i l l emerge. Class i s defined (p. 361) as "a system that has i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d the ground rules for acquiring, holding, and t r a n s f e r r i n g d i f f e r e n t i a l power and i t s attendant p r i v i l e g e s " ( t h i s sounds s i m i l a r to Giddens' reference to the closure of mobility chances which defines the mediate st r u c t u r a t i o n of c l a s s e s ) . According to B e l l , property, p o l i t i c a l p o s i t i o n , and s k i l l are a l l routes to the a c q u i s i t i o n of power, with s k i l l becoming i n c r e a s i n g l y s i g n i f i c a n t as technical and p r o f e s s i o n a l occupations expand. The p o s t i n d u s t r i a l society, geographically expressed i n the " p o s t i n d u s t r i a l c i t y " , has been a motif of a number of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n studies. Ley (1980) i d e n t i f i e s three p o s t i n d u s t r i a l themes s i g n i f i c a n t to urban change: the transformation of the economy with the r i s e of the service sector and the expansion of c e r t a i n occupational categories, changes i n c u l t u r a l ideology, and changes i n the p o l i t i c a l realm which involve a new set of urban actors and policy-makers. These come together with the emergence of a " t h e o r e t i c a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t group of actors" (Ley 1980:242) which i s e s p e c i a l l y i n f l u e n t i a l i n the g e n t r i f i c a t i o n process: the new c l a s s . Ley examines the dimensions of economic change for Vancouver (Ley 1980, 1981, 1985a). Here, t e r t i a r y and quaternary a c t i v i t i e s are growing r a p i d l y , e s p e c i a l l y the highly ranked managerial, administrative, professional and te c h n i c a l p o s i t i o n s ; t h i s growth i s concentrated s p a t i a l l y i n the downtown core. Such features of r e s t r u c t u r i n g are translated i n t o g e n t r i f i c a t i o n by two "routes". F i r s t , changes i n the s o c i a l and s p a t i a l and d i v i s i o n of labour boost the supply of " p o t e n t i a l g e n t r i f i e r s " . The second route depends on the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the economic trends, and new c u l t u r a l and p o l i t i c a l developments. The c u l t u r a l aspect takes the form of a r i s e i n the "amenity e t h i c " ; increased stress i s placed on the realm of meaning, the q u a l i t y of experience and the d e s i r e for s e l f - f u l f i l l m e n t . This i s c a r r i e d through i n a r i s e i n p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y dedicated to preserving the q u a l i t y of urban l i f e , e s p e c i a l l y improving environmental aesthetics and promoting access to sensuous experiences e s p e c i a l l y i n the realm of consumption. Some c i t i e s o f f e r more of these p o s s i b l i t i e s than others, and Ley (1986a) finds i t 100 s i g n i f i c a n t that a p o s t i n d u s t r i a l occupational structure seems to coincide with the presence of c u l t u r a l and environmental amenities. In Vancouver, i t i s members of the new c l a s s of professionals and managers who have engaged i n these c u l t u r a l and p o l i t i c a l p u r u i t s . A number of c r i t i c i s m s have been l e v e l l e d at the p o s t i n d u s t r i a l thesis as i t has been applied to urban change. For example/ Walker and Greenberg (1982a) f i n d no j u s t i f i c a t i o n for t r e a t i n g "service i n d u s t r i e s " (which range from transportation and u t i l i t i e s to trade, finance, personal and p r o f e s s i o n a l services and so on) as a meaningful category. Confusion on t h i s point i s amplified by the f a c t that each i n d u s t r i a l sector contains within i t "white c o l l a r " and "blue c o l l a r " occupations, and the proportional s h i f t i n favour of the white c o l l a r workers i s a l s o represented as a d i s t i n g u i s h i n g feature of p o s t i n d u s t r i a l i s m . D i s t i n c t i o n s between the i n d u s t r i a l sector c l a s s i f i c a t i o n and the occupational s t r a t a c l a s s i f i c a t i o n are sometimes confused (for example, the terms " t e r t i a r y " and "quaternary" conventionally r e f e r to portions of the service sector, yet they are also employed to r e f e r to the p r o f e s s i o n a l , t e c h n i c a l and managerial occupational categories (see Ley 1985a:26-7)). A more fundamental problem i s the basis upon which both i n d u s t r i a l and occupational structure are bisected ( i n d u s t r i e s i n t o goods and services, occupations i n t o white and blue c o l l a r ) . Walker and Greenberg note the i n t e g r a l involvement of service functions i n commodity production. Ley r e i t e r a t e s by pointing out that, "the existence of the service sector and a middle c l a s s are inconveniences to an abstract typology which requires c a p i t a l i s t , laborers and an economy of nineteenth century i n d u s t r i a l production" (Ley 1982:34). While the c r i t i c s of the p o s t i n d u s t r i a l c i t y i n the early 1980s claimed that "Marx cannot be supplanted by Weber" (Walker and Greenberg 1982b:39), some marxist-oriented geographers (inc l u d i n g Walker) have since then taken a more sympathetic view of the complex formation of classes i n contemporary society. The term " p o s t i n d u s t r i a l " suggests areas of both c o n t i n u i t y and change from one period to the next (Ley 1982); i t does not suggest a rupture from c a p i t a l i s t society, but neither does i t represent merely " s u p e r f i c i a l 2 changes" i n the enduring s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s of c a p i t a l i s m . In h i s Vancouver study Ley (1980) connects economic change to changes i n the c u l t u r a l and p o l i t i c a l realms. The emergent expressive culture i s p o l i t i c i z e d through the r i s e of reform movements led by a p r o f e s s i o n a l -managerial e l i t e . The three dimensions—socioeconomic, c u l t u r a l and p o l i t i c a l — c o a l e s c e i n a v i s i o n of a "new c l a s s " . It i s not c l e a r whether or not Ley sees the three dimensions as n e c e s s a r i l y r e l a t e d ; i n any case, the existence of a d i s t i n c t i v e new c l a s s seems to depend upon at l e a s t a c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y as well as an economic foundation. The t h e o r e t i c a l status of B e l l ' s "knowledge c l a s s " i s equally ambiguous; he, however, i n s i s t s that there i s no necessary r e l a t i o n s h i p between socioeconomic change, and c u l t u r a l ideology and p o l i t i c a l p r a c t i c e : "the concept of p o s t - i n d u s t r i a l i s m i s an e f f o r t to i d e n t i f y a change i n the s o c i a l structure. But there i s no necessary correlate...between the changes i n that realm as against changes i n the other two a n a l y t i c a l dimensions of a society, that of p o l i t i c s and culture" ( B e l l 1976:114). Despite these protestations a large part of the argument over the existence of p o s t i n d u s t r i a l society has centred on the p o s s i b l e connections between t h i s occupational category, i t s ideology and i t s power. As Ley's studies i n d i c a t e , the notion of the new c l a s s seems useful to the explanation of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n p r e c i s e l y because of such empirical connections. Ley's formulation i s perhaps closer to that of Gouldner (1979), who defines the new c l a s s by i t s c u l t u r a l r o l e and what that implies for i t s market p o s i t i o n . The new c l a s s i s a c u l t u r a l bourgeoisie which controls " c u l t u r a l c a p i t a l " ( s p e c i a l languages, techniques and s k i l l s ) . C a p i t a l i s defined, i n weberian terms, as "any produced object used to make saleable u t i l i t i e s , thus providing i t s possessor with incomes" (p. 2 1 ) — i n other words, market assets. Gouldner sees the emergence of two parts of the new c l a s s : t e c h n i c a l i n t e l l i g e n t s i a , and the humanistic i n t e l l e c t u a l s . Together they contest o l d cl a s s ideas, and these arenas of c o n f l i c t include the p r o t e c t i o n of consumer r i g h t s , reform movements for openness i n government, the ecology movement, and Women's Libe r a t i o n (a l i s t of c u l t u r a l and p o l i t i c a l issues which duplicates many of the themes Ley i d e n t i f i e s for new c l a s s ideology i n Vancouver). Despite the d i s t i n c t i o n s between the i n t e l l i g e n t s i a and the i n t e l l e c t u a l s , Gouldner i d e n t i f i e s t h e i r commonality i n t h e i r Culture of C r i t i c a l Discourse, a set of ru l e s about a s i t u a t i o n - f r e e and r e f l e x i v e discourse: " c r i t i c a l speech requires that the v a l i d i t y of claims be j u s t i f i e d without reference to the speaker's s o c i a l p o s i t i o n or authority....Good speech here thus has t h e o r e t i c i t y " (p. 28). Its possession of knowledge and s k i l l s , i t s c r i t i q u e of the establishment, makes the new c l a s s a progressive force f o r emancipation. Yet Gouldner names i t the "Flawed Universal Class" : the new c l a s s ' flaw i s i t s formation of a new e l i t e by employing i t s c u l t u r a l c a p i t a l to advance i t s own i n t e r e s t s . Ley, too, has discovered t h i s moral ambiguity i n Vancouver: while promoting humane a l t e r n a t i v e s to the establishment t r a d i t i o n s of urban planning, p o l i c i e s pursued by the new class-dominated c i v i c reform party had undesirable s o c i a l consequences f o r other groups, leading eventually, to the party's collapse i n a context of r i s i n g popular conservatism. A s i m i l a r backlash against the new c l a s s has occurred amongst American neoconservatives, who portray new c l a s s l i b e r a l i s m and the "oppositional" or 3 " a d v e r s a r i a l " culture as a s e l f i s h strategy for grasping power and status. It i s , of course, to the advantage of c r i t i c s to adopt a narrow d e f i n i t i o n of the new c l a s s which p e r s o n i f i e s i t s c u l t u r a l excesses (one that, i n p a r t i c u l a r , excludes managers and the business e l i t e ) ; Bazelon describes that neoconservative t a c t i c as "the creation and slaughter of a cl a s s enemy" (1979:445). B e l l himself i n s i s t s that there need be no connection between occupation and c u l t u r a l and p o l i t i c a l values. Other studies of new c l a s s ideology (Brint 1984; Wuthnow and Shrum 1983) have not established any consistent r e l a t i o n s h i p between the new c l a s s and oppositional culture, thus suggesting that i t s apparent l i b e r a l i s m has had more to do with society-wide tendencies than with class r e l a t i o n s . C e r t a i n l y , as B e l l points out, there are d i f f e r e n t portions of the new cl a s s which might demonstrate divergent views on some issues (the managers versus the p r o f e s s i o n a l - t e c h n i c a l portions, for instance; and the humanistic i n t e l l e c t u a l s versus the t e c h n i c a l i n t e l l i g e n t s i a i n Gouldner's d e f i n i t i o n of the new c l a s s ) . What one makes of t h i s complex p i c t u r e of i d e o l o g i c a l ( d i s ) u n i t y depends on how s i g n i f i c a n t one believes shared consciousness i s to the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of a c l a s s . B e l l appears to have found i t important. He has developed the idea of a disjuncture between the three spheres of economic/social order, p o l i t y and c u l t u r e . While these were h i s t o r i c a l l y bound i n t o a s t r u c t u r a l l y i n t e r r e l a t e d whole underwritten by the transcendental j u s t i f i c a t i o n of the Protestant e t h i c , today each i s guided by contrary and divergent p r i n c i p l e s . B e l l sees increased tension between the c u l t u r a l and the s o c i a l order, and on that basis he c r i t i q u e s the notion of the new c l a s s : the term "mixes together two concepts: the emergence of a new s o c i a l stratum and the stridency of a c u l t u r a l a t t i t u d e " ( B e l l 1980:144) C l e a r l y , B e l l has a rather demanding set of conditions for the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of c l a s s , to which the new c l a s s cannot measure up: "To be useful for the modern world", he writes, "a d e f i n i t i o n of c l a s s has to be found i n the s o c i a l structure i n some i n s t i t u t i o n a l arrangement providing the basis for d i f f e r e n t i a l p o s i t i o n and power/authority/influence and reward. And i t must comprise, as well, a c u l t u r a l outlook providing a coherent view, a common consciousness, and, i m p l i c i t l y , some le g i t i m a t i o n for the c l a s s i t s e l f . In b r i e f , a 'class' e x i s t s when there i s a community and c o n t i n u i t y of i n s t i t u t i o n a l i n t e r e s t and an ideology that provides symbols of recognition (or codes of behavior) for i t s members" ( B e l l 1980:155). On the question of common consciousness and shared i n t e r e s t s B e l l makes much of the d i s t r i b u t i o n of new c l a s s members among a number of situses (economic enterprises, government, u n i v e r s i t i e s , s o c i a l complexes, and the m i l i t a r y ) . In the competition for resources, new c l a s s i n t e r e s t s would be s p l i t on the basis of t h e i r membership i n these i n s t i t u t i o n s . "In short, i f there i s any s i g n i f i c a n c e to the idea of a 'new c l a s s ' . . . i t cannot be located i n s o c i a l -s t r u c t u r a l terms; i t must be found i n c u l t u r a l a t t i t u d e s . It i s a mentality, not a c l a s s " (p. 161). That economic and c u l t u r a l a f f i l i a t i o n s do not n e c e s s a r i l y coincide i s a point to appreciate, and B e l l ' s c r i t i q u e c a l l s i n t o question the whole neoconservative alarm over the new clas s threat. There are, however, problems with B e l l ' s p o s i t i o n . He writes: " i n terms of status...the knowledge c l a s s may be the highest c l a s s i n the new society, but i n the nature of that structure there i s no i n t r i n s i c reason f o r t h i s c l a s s . . . t o become a new economic i n t e r e s t c l a s s , or a new p o l i t i c a l c l a s s which would b i d for power" (1976:374); ( t h i s passage conveys a good sense of the confusion a r i s i n g from B e l l ' s loose a p p l i c a t i o n of the term " c l a s s " ) . If the new clas s f a i l s as a candidate f o r a r e a l c l a s s because i t does not share objective i n t e r e s t s , however, we need to consider the d i s t i n c t i o n between p o t e n t i a l fundamental i n t e r e s t s , and immediate class i n t e r e s t s within a given structure of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s . In the immediate competition f o r resources, members of the new clas s may indeed have no common immediate objectives, but within broader horizons there may be some i d e n t i f i a b l e shared i n t e r e s t s ; i n f a c t , B e l l already raises (and dismisses) a possible candidate i n the form of "meritocracy". The fac t that meritocracy i s fundamentally flawed as an ideology ( i t dissolves one p r i v i l e g e d c l a s s only to erect another i n i t s place) does not seem an adequate reason for dismissing i t out of hand as an objective i n t e r e s t of the new c l a s s . Indeed i t captures some of the ambiguities of reformism and l i b e r a l i s m which are e m p i r i c a l l y evident. According to Bazelon, B e l l i s too hasty i n dismissing the new c l a s s : "he abandoned the term to neoconservative misuse, rather than contesting the t e r r i t o r y . . . t h e New Class, i f i t e x i s t s , i s emergent and certainly, not a f u l l y matured class....Accepting i t undistorted, we can get on with the longer, larger e f f o r t of monitoring the r i c h i n t e r n a l v a r i e t y (and c o n f l i c t ) i t presents. Otherwise i t devolves to neoconservative cartooning" (Bazelon 1979:446,447). While B e l l i n s i s t s that the new c l a s s i s not a c l a s s , Ley seems happy to treat i t so, and his d e p i c t i o n of the new class i n Vancouver depends s p e c i f i c a l l y on the connections between c u l t u r a l and p o l i t i c a l expression and socioeconomic structure. Whereas Ley draws out the r e l a t i o n s between these d i f f e r e n t realms, B e l l denies them. These need not, however, be contradictory p o s i t i o n s , i f B e l l i s prepared to look to the contingencies of c l a s s formation instead of d e f i n i n g a s t r i c t s t r u c t u r a l p o s i t i o n for the new c l a s s i n h i s p o s t i n d u s t r i a l system. I m p l i c i t i n Ley's work—and perhaps more e x p l i c i t , i n T h r i f t ' s d e s c r i p t i o n of the service c l a s s — i s the s t r u c t u r a t i o n of c l a s s . 3.23 Class s t r u c t u r a t i o n . The h i g h l y abstract formulations of c l a s s offered by neomarxists such as Wright, along with B e l l ' s a n a l y t i c a l paring away of the new c l a s s , both commit, "the f a i l u r e to analyse...'class s t r u c t u r a t i o n ' as a v a r i a b l e phenomenon involved i n the interconnections between economy and society. Class d i v i s i o n s cannot be drawn l i k e l i n e s on a map, and the extent to which cla s s s t r u c t u r a t i o n occurs depends upon the i n t e r a c t i o n of various sets of f a c t o r s " (Giddens 1973:273). In f a c t , t h i s c r i t i q u e has been d i r e c t e d quite e x p l i c i t l y at Wright, who " f a i l s to take the idea of s t r u c t u r a t i o n to heart, ,and i n the end has merely inserted boxes between boxes at the empirical l e v e l " (Walker 1985:167)—the i n e v i t a b l e r e s u l t of a focus on c l a s s structure at a r e l a t i v e l y abstract l e v e l of r e s o l u t i o n . While marxist-oriented geographers i n t e r e s t e d i n theories of c l a s s (such as Walker and Greenberg 1982a) have i n the past tended to leap to the defence of the most abstract two-class model, there i s a growing recognition that processes of c l a s s formation vary s p a t i a l l y and h i s t o r i c a l l y . Consequently, the existence of c l a s s "boundaries" cannot be s e t t l e d i n abstracto (Giddens 1973:110). At the l e v e l of empirical work, scholars working from both weberian and marxist perspectives deal with s i m i l a r issues of c l a s s formation (for example, Ley and T h r i f t ) . As T h r i f t and Williams (1988) i n d i c a t e , these issues centre on conditions for c l a s s c o n f l i c t , capacity and consciousness, which have a high degree of geographical and h i s t o r i c a l contingency. Ley's new c l a s s of 1970s Vancouver, for instance, emerged as a d i s t i n c t i v e and powerful s o c i a l group at that place and time because of a p a r t i c u l a r mix of opportunities which allowed i t to consolidate (he mentions the triumph of Liberalism at a n a t i o n a l scale, to which also must be added the r e l a t i v e l y buoyant economy with i t s opportunities for ' trade, t r a v e l and "cosmopolitanism"). In h i s most recent work,s Wright too has been drawn to such issues: "The c l a s s structure may define the t e r r a i n of material i n t e r e s t s upon which attempts at c l a s s formation occur, but i t does not uniquely determine the outcomes of those attempts....[The outcome] w i l l depend upon a range of factors that are s t r u c t u r a l l y contingent to the c l a s s structure i t s e l f " (Wright 1984:404). Wright has begun to explore the ground between neomarxist and p o s t i n d u s t r i a l perspectives, suggesting c e r t a i n points of convergence between the two theories. I b e l i e v e these points of convergence are p a r t i c u l a r l y h e l p f u l to understanding the emergence of new geographies—the new spaces of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n for instance—because they incorporate an appreciation of the tranformations of the p o s t i n d u s t r i a l economy, whilst also e s t a b l i s h i n g a set of objective c r i t e r i a for c l a s s i n t e r e s t s which may enter i n t o the process of c l a s s s t r u c t u r a t i o n . Wright's new argument (Wright 1984, 1985; Wright and Martin 1987) focuses on t e r r a i n s of material i n t e r e s t s . C r i t i q u i n g h i s e a r l i e r treatment of the middle classes ( p a r t i c u l a r l y the emphasis placed on r e l a t i o n s of domination), Wright explores d i f f e r e n t r e l a t i o n s of e x p l o i t a t i o n , which depend on the unequal d i s t r i b u t i o n of productive assets. At the most abstract l e v e l , e x p l o i t a t i o n i n c a p i t a l i s m i s based i n the ownership of c a p i t a l (expressed i n the c a p i t a l - l a b o u r r e l a t i o n ) and takes the form of appropriation of surplus i n the form of p r o f i t s . But at lower l e v e l s of abstraction, there are other mechanisms of e x p l o i t a t i o n , based on two sets of assets: control of organization assets, and ownership of s k i l l assets. Surplus i s appropriated i n the form of, i n the f i r s t case, a " l o y a l t y dividend" achieved by managers and, i n the second component, i n a rent component of the wage obtained by experts. The middle cl a s s thus becomes redefined as those posi t i o n s which e x p l o i t along one dimension of production r e l a t i o n s but are exploited along another. For example, managers are organization exploiters but c a p i t a l i s t i c a l l y exploited; experts (which replace the previous category of "semiautonomous workers") are s k i l l e x p l o i t e r s but c a p i t a l i s t i c a l l y exploited. As Wright acknowledges, t h i s analysis of experts suggests a p a r t i a l convergence on weberian d e f i n i t i o n s of c l a s s based on market c a p a c i t y — though he does point out some d i s t i n c t i o n s i n c l u d i n g the focus on e x p l o i t a t i o n rather than l i f e chances, and the f a c t that c o n t r o l over productive assets i s a more fundamental notion than the outcome of market transactions as a basis for c l a s s d e f i n i t i o n s . With t h i s new theory, Wright argues, "The middle cl a s s ceases to be a r e s i d u a l category or a r e l a t i v e l y ad hoc amendment to the c l a s s map.... .middle classes are defined by the same r e l a t i o n s that define the p o l a r i z e d classes themselves; the d i f f e r e n c e l i e s i n the ways those r e l a t i o n s are s t r u c t u r a l l y combined i n the concrete i n s t i t u t i o n a l forms of a given society" (Wright 1984:416). Taking the United States as the example, Wright and Martin (1987) e x p l i c i t l y address the question of how the " s c i e n t i f i c and technological r e v o l u t i o n " has affected c l a s s structure. P o s t i n d u s t r i a l theories p r e d i c t a trend of d e p r o l e t a r i a n i z a t i o n and an expansion e s p e c i a l l y of expert p o s i t i o n s . Marxist theories suggest a trend of increasing p r o l e t a r i a n i z a t i o n . Wright and Martin's fin d i n g s i n d i c a t e increased rates of expansion of managerial and expert p o s i t i o n s , more consistent with the p o s t i n d u s t r i a l hypothesis. They conclude that marxist and p o s t i n d u s t r i a l theories would only be incompatible, " i f the e f f e c t s of the material conditions posited i n p o s t i n d u s t r i a l theory cannot be theorized i n class terms" (p. 23), which they claim to have accomplished by the exploitation-centred theory of c l a s s . The expansion of managerial and expert class locations i s described as manifestation of a r i s e within c a p i t a l i s m of what Wright and Martin c a l l p o s t c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s e s . P o s t c a p i t a l i s t classes are. "rooted i n control over two c r u c i a l kinds of productive r e s o u r c e s — organizational assets and s k i l l assets...both of which become in c r e a s i n g l y s a l i e n t as the forces of production develop. The l o g i c of c a p i t a l i s t development, therefore, generates a t r a j e c t o r y of t e c h n i c a l vchanges that expand the material basis of p o s t c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s r e l a t i o n s " (Wright and Martin 1987:24). The p o s t c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s appears to enjoy a t h e o r e t i c a l status s i m i l a r to that of the p r e c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s (petty bourgeoisie) which continues to e x i s t within c a p i t a l i s m . Wright o f f e r s a typology of c l a s s structures from feudalism to socialism, and the r i s e of experts and managers indicates the emergence of mechanisms of e x p l o i t a t i o n , by organization and s k i l l assets, which w i l l dominate i n the p o s t c a p i t a l i s t types of class structures (bureaucratic socialism and s o c i a l i s m ) . Wright and Martin note that other analyses (such as Gouldner (1979)) have emphasized the a n t i c a p i t a l i s t p o t e n t i a l i n such " ' p o s t i n d u s t r i a l ' c l a s s e s " (Wright and Martin 1987:24n). Thus they make e x p l i c i t acknowledgement of the p o t e n t i a l for cross-f e r t i l i z a t i o n between marxist and weberian work on c l a s s . As Wright's (1984) comparison of the United States and Sweden suggests, the v a r i a b l e d i s t r i b u t i o n of what he terms " p o s t c a p i t a l i s t classes" has important implications f o r s o c i a l change. The next section w i l l discuss b r i e f l y the s i g n i f i c a n c e of ge o g r a p h i c a l l y - s p e c i f i c c l a s s systems. I have suggested e a r l i e r that we employ the notion of the po s t p a t r i a r c h a l mode of gender r e l a t i o n s as a h e u r i s t i c for understanding the context within which the "production of g e n t r i f i e r s " has occurred. A p a r a l l e l term for c l a s s r e l a t i o n s seems appropriate. Rather than using Wright and Martin's term ( " p o s t c a p i t a l i s t " ) , which seems to imply (given i t s context) an h i s t o r i c a l t r a j e c t o r y towards f u l l communism, I w i l l t a l k of a p o s t i n d u s t r i a l mode of cla s s r e l a t i o n s . This term has already entered the discourse on urban change and g e n t r i f i c a t i o n , and I wish to employ, i t here to underscore the e f f e c t of changing r e l a t i o n s of production on c l a s s s t r u c t u r a t i o n , s p e c i f i c a l l y the emergence of a middle c l a s s f r a c t i o n which can be c a l l e d the "new c l a s s " . 3.3 GEOGRAPHY, CLASS AND GENDER. In following the lead of the production of g e n t r i f i e r s l i t e r a t u r e , we have "unpacked" g e n t r i f i c a t i o n to the c r i t i c a l r e l a t i o n s of cl a s s and gender, corresponding to the spheres of production and reproduction. G e n t r i f i c a t i o n , and g e n t r i f i e d neighbourhoods, were assumed to be conjunctures of change occurring i n these apparently independent spheres. As Beauregard (1986) implies, i t i s the i n t e r s e c t i o n of changes i n cl a s s structure and gender r e l a t i o n s which has produced a p a r t i c u l a r group of households with propensities for inner c i t y l i v i n g . This has proved a useful exercise i n a f i e l d of study which i s top-heavy with naive descriptions of " t y p i c a l g e n t r i f i e r s " and l a r g e l y unable to say much about process without moving too f a r i n the opposite d i r e c t i o n towards o v e r l y - s t r u c t u r a l i s t accounts. However, while an advance i n understanding had to s t a r t by reducing g e n t r i f i c a t i o n , a q u a l i t y of space, into i t s important components and d i s s o l v i n g i t as an object of t h e o r i z a t i o n i n i t s own r i g h t , t h i s process of abstract i o n can only carry us so f a r . Geographers int e r e s t e d i n cla s s or gender have found that some of the most i n t e r e s t i n g questions are about contingency—of, f o r example, the r e s t r u c t u r i n g of production with e x i s t i n g forms of domestic organization and the t r a d i t i o n s of behaviour l a i d down i n previous rounds of economic change, which together account f o r the outcome i n a p a r t i c u l a r place. In h i s comments on the relevance of class to the understanding of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n , Williams (1986) has argued that we must trace not only the s i g n i f i c a n c e to geographical change of the stru c t u r i n g of c l a s s (the passive contingency e f f e c t s of the patterns described i n the previous section) but al s o the s i g n i f i c a n c e to the st r u c t u r i n g of class of geographical change: "an understanding of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n o f f e r s r e a l i n s i g h t s i n t o the nature of clas s c o n s t i t u t i o n as an a c t i v e and mediated process" (Williams 1976:73). Mackenzie (1986) has opened the door for the same scrutiny of gender when she speaks of the environment as a component of gender c o n s t i t u t i o n . In the st r u c t u r a t i o n of both c l a s s and gender as components of the experience of everyday l i f e , then, the contingencies o f f e r e d by geographical d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n are c r u c i a l . I wish, i n the remainder of t h i s chapter, to consider the implications of t h i s f o r an agenda of research. Since i t , too, has been influenced by r e a l i s t ideas i n geography, a review of how the str u c t u r i n g of cla s s and of gender has been addressed i n the l o c a l i t i e s l i t e r a t u r e suggests some points of transfer to the analysis of I l l g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . The e a r l y focus of t h i s l o c a l i t i e s l i t e r a t u r e was d i r e c t e d l a r g e l y upon production r e l a t i o n s . Urry, for instance, described the s p a t i a l v a r i a t i o n i n cl a s s structure which depended on the form of c a p i t a l dominant i n d i f f e r e n t parts of B r i t a i n (Urry 1981a). This l i m i t e d depiction of c l a s s acting upon space has been extended by a growing i n t e r e s t i n processes of the formation of c l a s s e s . According to T h r i f t and Williams, t h i s points to how the mix of l o c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s (both production- and reproduction-based) within which people e s t a b l i s h s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s defines how they are r e c r u i t e d to c l a s s p o s i t i o n s : "the current i n t e r l e a v i n g of geography with c l a s s analysis has changed the nature of how classes can be thought about. Most s i g n i f i c a n t l y of a l l , classes can no longer be thought of as u n i f i e d and uniquely determined objects set i n an abstract space-less realm....the r e l a t i o n s of production (and reproduction) do not f l o a t above places. They are constituted within them" ( T h r i f t and Williams 1988:13). Walker, too, points to the s i g n i f i c a n c e of l o c a l experience to the c o n s t i t u t i o n of c l a s s : " S p a t i a l c o n t i g u i t y and the t r a d i t i o n s of place-bound groups, both i n workplaces and i n communities, are very important bases for the kind of experience and knowledge that c l a r i f y class r e l a t i o n s — w h i c h i s why one finds that coal-miners are frequently the most class-conscious of workers" (1985:187). C i v i l society (Urry 1981b) i s comprised of sets of structured, i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d s o c i a l p r a c t i c e s which tend to provide the context for a reproduction of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s . Work c a r r i e d out on the practices which define l o c a l gender r e l a t i o n s has helped to turn the geography of r e s t r u c t u r i n g to the contemplation of c i v i l society. Feminist scholars have broadened l o c a l i t y studies to encompass not only the (waged) workplace, but a l s o the spheres of home and the community (Bowlby et a l 1986). Within each sphere of l i f e , gender and c l a s s i d e n t i t i e s are established, negotiated and reproduced. For example, i n r e c r u i t i n g a new, previously unwaged labour force, employers may be able to make use of e x i s t i n g d e f i n i t i o n s of women's "personality" to type and segregate jobs as feminine jobs. Once sex-typed, a job i s no longer an "empty place" but i s defined by the gender of the person who f i l l s i t (Murgatroyd 1985) (for example, whether i t i s defined as s k i l l e d or u n s k i l l e d ) . And, r e c i p r o c a l l y , the person (and the gender) i s defined by the job that i s f i l l e d . - These processes are t i e d to simultaneously-operating processes i n home and community. In a comparison of the e f f e c t of the gender d i v i s i o n of labour on the character of d i f f e r e n t communities, Mark Lawson et a l (1985) trace the e f f e c t of sex-segregation i n the workplace on the success of l o c a l s o c i a l movements i n i n f l u e n c i n g the l e v e l of welfare p r o v i s i o n offered by the l o c a l state. This study suggests the operation of l o c a l l y -s p e c i f i c s o c i a l processes a r i s i n g from the c o a l i t i o n of i n t e r e s t s which has developed over time i n unique l o c a l i t i e s . S h i f t i n g the focus away from the formal economy, the interpenetration of p u b l i c and p r i v a t e spheres i s also illuminated by Pahl (1980, 1985), who connects the e f f e c t of economic recession and the f a l l i n g demand for wage labour to strategies of household s u r v i v a l . These involve an expansion of the informal economy and changes i n the organization of domestic work e s p e c i a l l y when opportunities f or female employment expand while those for men contract. Tr a d i t i o n s of women's domestic r o l e s have a " c u l t u r a l l a g " e f f e c t on the form of readjustment with which d i f f e r e n t types of households are able to respond to economic conditions. "Household-work strategies thus r e f l e c t the d i a l e c t i c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p between material conditions and . c u l t u r a l values mediated i n s p e c i f i c milieux" (Pahl 1985:263). Hence d e f i n i t i o n s of gender may be renegotiated or reproduced depending on the p r e v a i l i n g economic and c u l t u r a l conditions, the "personality" of the place to which Pahl r e f e r s . With the spotlight turned oh the meaning of a c t i v i t i e s which define gender i d e n t i t y there could be a welcome firming of the l i n k s between feminist and humanistic concerns to which Mackenzie (1986) r e f e r s . Fine-grained ethnographies might be the best method to explore "exactly how d i f f e r e n t forms of s o c i a l experience are sedimented i n p a r t i c u l a r places" (Urry 1986:241). Brownill (1984) shows the d i r e c t i o n that research can u s e f u l l y take. Her ethnographic account of S a l t l e y , Birmingham, explores the s p l i t cultures of men's and women's l i v e s i n a working c l a s s community, and how these were reinfo r c e d by a t a c i t i d e o l o g i c a l d i s t i n c t i o n drawn between the p u b l i c and p r i v a t e realms. This ideology of masculinity and femininity i n f i l t r a t e d the experience of those women who d i d take up waged labour; with employers reluctant to h i r e women, and the i d e a l s of domesticity thoroughly i n t e r n a l i z e d , women could accept only those jobs which could be reconciled with maintaining a "respectable" r o l e concludes with some lessons for urban r e d u c t i o n i s t analyses i n p a r t i c u l a r : i n the p r i v a t e sphere. Brownill studies i n general and a c r i t i q u e of "the a n a l y t i c a l separation of d i s t i n c t spheres i s f a l l a c i o u s at the l e v e l of i n d i v i d u a l l i v e s ; i n r e a l i t y each contains the conditions of existence of the other. It becomes cl e a r , therefore, that a s t r i c t adherence to r i g i d and contrasted concepts i s l i t t l e more than t h e o r e t i c a l terrorism and that we should be aiming for a more f l e x i b l e approach towards theory and i t s r e l a t i o n to p r a c t i c e . . . . It i s i n t h i s way that a feminist challenge to urban studies i s p a r t i c u l a r l y creative, for i f such an approach i s followed, a new movement and flow between empirical work, concepts, and theory...would become possi b l e " (Brownill 1984:32). Brownill's study draws us "down" to the l e v e l of the intra-urban neighbourhood; and i t a l s o draws together s o c i a l being and consciousness by focusing on the key i n s t i t u t i o n s of community, family and factory, and t h e i r r o l e i n reproducing patterns of behaviour: " P a r t i c u l a r p r a c t i c e s , encapsulating s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s , are generated by i n s t i t u t i o n s which provide people with other people to intermix with through the course of t h e i r l i v e s ; home, work, school, shop and so on. These p r a c t i c e s impart accounts of the world, drawing upon p a r t i c u l a r i n s t i t u t i o n a l stocks of knowledge i n doing so" ( T h r i f t and Williams 1988:16). These accounts of the world are the b u i l d i n g blocks for the i d e n t i t y of the i n d i v i d u a l as a s o c i a l being: " i n d i v i d u a l s are not present 'always-already 1 as subjects, but...they have to be formed as such through s o c i a l experience. Further, the process of c o n s t i t u t i o n of s u b j e c t i v i t y i s achieved through language, through the p o s i t i o n i n g i t accords to i n d i v i d u a l s within p a r t i c u l a r d i s c u r s i v e formations....through t h e i r p o s i t i o n within various discourses, i n d i v i d u a l s view themselves and act as autonomous centres of c r e a t i v i t y , consciousness and i n i t i a t i v e . They are thus determined as conscious and s e l f - r e f l e x i v e , to act as autonomous, whole and independent subjects" (Urry 1981b:72). Since s o c i a l experience n e c e s s a r i l y v a r i e s h i s t o r i c a l l y and geographically, so do the bases and processes of s u b j e c t i f i c a t i o n and the kinds of subjects which emerge. The "personality" of the place i s r e c i p r o c a l l y entangled with the p e r s o n a l i t y of i t s people. In sum, while i t i s i n i t i a l l y useful to treat the r e l a t i o n s of c l a s s and of gender as t h e o r e t i c a l l y independent, the method of abstraction i s by i t s e l f unable to capture the p e r s o n a l i t y of a p a r t i c u l a r place which shapes the outcome of s t r u c t u r a l change on the ground. Class or gender are always experienced as more than t h e i r necessary and i n t e r n a l r e l a t i o n s . The nature of the conventional middle c l a s s , for example, has been bound up with a notion of respectable family l i f e ( including the proper place of women), and beyond that to a consensus about appropriate p l a c e s — t h e Suburban residence for instance. From t h i s emerges a pattern of behaviour which combines t h e o r e t i c a l l y independent forces i n t o a model of l i v i n g to be emulated. Thus the next generation i s s o c i a l i z e d , and " l o c a l " people (those sharing a d i s c u r s i v e formation) are saturated with a common "account of the world" which shows them how to l i v e . I t i s , of course, the meaningful q u a l i t y of a pattern of l i f e which allows i t to act as a model. This i s the dimension of s o c i a l l i f e which has been neglected by the production of g e n t r i f i e r s l i t e r a t u r e . The work on l o c a l i t i e s has begun to suggest just how important i t i s to understand l o c a l c u l t u r e . Through the l o c a l i t i e s project, geographers are i n c r e a s i n g l y aware of how s p a t i a l v a r i a t i o n s i n cla s s and gender r e l a t i o n s frame the contexts within which i n d i v i d u a l s must choose t h e i r own l i f e - p a t h s . Most recently, t h i s work has confirmed the s i g n i f i c a n c e of place as the container of s o c i a l experiences which c o n s t i t u t e s o c i a l b e i n g s — t h e i r s e l f - d e f i n i t i o n s by c l a s s , gender and other p o s s i b l e formations. It i s necessary now to transfer these lessons to a programme for studying g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . It should be emphasized that I am not arguing that g e n t r i f i e d neighbourhoods are equivalent to l o c a l i t i e s ; the l o c a l i t y idea focuses on d i v i d i n g up space i n t o places, whereas the debate over whether g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i s a v a l i d s o c i a l object centres on d i v i d i n g processes into p r a c t i c e s . Nevertheless, our explanation of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n can be advanced i f we think i n terms of d i f f e r e n t layers of understanding, s i m i l a r to those emerging from the l o c a l i t i e s l i t e r a t u r e (Duncan 1986). I propose that g e n t r i f i c a t i o n can be approached i n three forms. F i r s t , g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i s a conjuncture of contingent s o c i a l processes, the st r u c t u r i n g of cla s s and gender which I convey i n terms of the p o s t i n d u s t r i a l and the po s t p a t r i a r c h a l modes. Second, g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i s a context for negotiating s o c i a l conduct.and a s e t t i n g f o r s o c i a l p r a c t i c e . Third, g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i s a constituent i n the construction of s o c i a l i d e n t i t y , a s o c i a l l y - c o n s t i t u t i n g q u a l i t y of space which mediates the meaning of p r a c t i c e and the meaning of place. 3.4 AGENDA FOR INVESTIGATING GENTRIFICATION. The remainder of t h i s thesis i s dedicated to i l l u m i n a t i n g the three layers of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . 3.41 G e n t r i f i c a t i o n as a conjuncture of contingent s o c i a l processes. The f i r s t and most f a m i l i a r task i s to extend the production of g e n t r i f i e r s approach to g e n t r i f i c a t i o n as a chaotic concept, and to identify-how the contingent r e l a t i o n s of cla s s and gender cross-cut i n s o c i a l space to produce g e n t r i f i e r s . The r e s t r u c t u r i n g of c l a s s and gender r e l a t i o n s are, independently, necessary but not s u f f i c i e n t conditions for g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . The new c l a s s , f or example, would repeat the conventional pattern of suburban migration i f i t were not mediated by changes i n gender r e l a t i o n s , which thus i s o l a t e one portion of that new class with a propensity for inner c i t y l i v i n g . In Chapters 4 and 5 we s h a l l explore the s i g n i f i c a n c e to the re s t r u c t u r i n g of urban space of the p o s t i n d u s t r i a l mode of class r e l a t i o n s , and the po s t p a t r i a r c h a l mode of gender r e l a t i o n s . This i s the l e v e l of passive contingency e f f e c t s , and the simplest l e v e l at which a production of g e n t r i f i e r s approach can (and has tended to) operate. For example, Villeneuve (1986) looks at " r e l a t i o n s between r e l a t i o n s " i n Quebec C i t y . Gender, employment and property r e l a t i o n s are each defined as necessary or i n t e r n a l r e l a t i o n s , and then the cr o s s - c u t t i n g of the three i s explored by means of s t a t i s t i c a l a n a l y s i s . Apparently, g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i s associated with a t r i p l e p o l a r i z a t i o n e f f e c t associated with these three sets of r e l a t i o n s . At a national scale, Ley's (1986a) study sets the tone for further analysis at the s t a t i s t i c a l l e v e l (see Chapter 4). 3.42 G e n t r i f i c a t i o n as a context for negotiating s o c i a l conduct. Rose's work (1984) o f f e r s a model for taking the analysis of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n to the second l e v e l . While the f i r s t l e v e l asks how g e n t r i f i e r s are produced, here the question i s "how do g e n t r i f i e r s produce themselves?" The choice to be a g e n t r i f i e r i s a choice about s t y l e of l i v i n g which i s f i r m l y constrained by a set of material l i m i t s . People are situated within a web of s o c i a l forces which, as i t undergoes a phase s h i f t , exerts unfamiliar stresses and pressures. In response, i n d i v i d u a l s must construct a 117 s t y l e of l i v i n g , drawing upon resources and opportunities which may only now be a c c e s s i b l e with the new patterning of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s . The nature of t h i s process can only be uncovered with a more ethnographic method of research. In the context of changing cl a s s and gender r e l a t i o n s , a number of strategies are, a v a i l a b l e with which people can deal with the novel problems and opportunities that now present themselves. Two strategies i n p a r t i c u l a r seem very relevant to the emergence of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n , and they s h a l l be the focus of Chapter 6, which describes the g e n t r i f i e r s of a case study neighbourhood i n Vancouver. F i r s t , as should already be c l e a r , there i s an environmental strategy. L i v i n g i n a nonconventional environment may be a way of solving simultaneously a set of complicated considerations about economic and s o c i a l l i f e . Rose c i t e s the following as examples of considerations which, a r i s i n g themselves from a r e s t r u c t u r i n g of production and reproduction, might promote g e n t r i f i c a t i o n : the delay of childbearing and the growing incidence of divorce, the curtailment of opportunities for increased household income over time and the need for two earners to r a i s e a mortgage, the changing patterns of female employment, the underemployment of young educated people, the d i f f i c u l t i e s of l i v i n g i n conventional suburban environments for unconventional households such as gay or si n g l e parent households. Rose concludes that the a t t r a c t i o n s of inner c i t y l i v i n g "may r e l a t e to the presence of considerable need among such groups and should not therefore be viewed i n mere ' l i f e - s t y l e ' terms" (Rose 1984:65). From t h i s she has developed the notion df "marginal g e n t r i f i e r s " . But i t i s not just the economically le s s favoured i n d i v i d u a l s who have to construct strategies for coping. A f t e r a l l , the most m a t e r i a l l y favoured people are a l s o involved i n negotiating for the f u l f i l l m e n t of t h e i r "needs". If a couple decides i t i s important that both partners e s t a b l i s h t h e i r own careers p r i o r to or i n preference to r a i s i n g a family, then the conventional suburban home may be an impediment to the achievement of t h e i r goals. An inner c i t y condominium could be the option o f f e r i n g the s e t t i n g and props most appropriate for the successful conduct of t h e i r chosen l i f e path. Here, then, there i s a subtle i n t e r p l a y of desires and need which i s perhaps le s s evident than for the straitened circumstances i n which Rose's marginal g e n t r i f i e r s are placed. However, as Rose allows, there i s a only a f i n e d i s t i n c t i o n between the "mainstream" moderate income g e n t r i f i e r and the marginal g e n t r i f i e r , given current conditions of house-price i n f l a t i o n and the curtailment of opportunities for increasing household income over time. Young educated professionals, for example, do not indulge i n g e n t r i f i c a t i o n just f o r the sake of amusement, but may be f i n d i n g "creative ways of responding to new conditions of paid and unpaid work and worsening economic conditions" (Rose 1984:63). In a d d i t i o n to the environmental strategy, and c l o s e l y i n t e r l i n k e d , are a range of t a c t i c s which involve adjusting features of one's pr i v a t e l i f e . At the end of sectipn 3.1, I warned against t r e a t i n g changes i n the family or the household as predetermined and independent v a r i a b l e s . Transformations i n gender r e l a t i o n s , mediated by changing economic circumstances, necessitate a response at the l e v e l of p r i v a t e l i f e i n v o l v i n g the composition and nature of c o n s t e l l a t i o n s of inter-personal r e l a t i o n s . Pahl's study of changing strategies of household s u r v i v a l constitutes an exemplar i n the geographical-r e l a t e d work (Pahl 1980, 1985). We might u s e f u l l y draw from the family studies l i t e r a t u r e to help i n t h i s p r o j e c t ; l e t me sketch out some p o s s i b i l i t i e s here. Three important. classes of d e c i s i o n that an adult may have to make with respect to household and family l i f e seem to be p a r t i c u l a r l y relevant. The f i r s t concerns the choice over l i v i n g arrangements, and the question of marital status. Deciding to remain single, to cohabit, to l i v e alone, to marry, to separate or to divorce are key nodes i n the l i f e path of the adult, and the frequency and timing of switches between these statuses are s h i f t i n g (note a l s o that they may be combined i n various new ways). The second set of decisions r e l a t e s to f e r t i l i t y behaviour and the composition of the family. Third, there i s the organization of domestic l i f e , the d i s t r i b u t i o n of r o l e s amongst member's of the household and t h e i r a r t i c u l a t i o n with the p u b l i c realm, e s p e c i a l l y the sphere of employment. Common desc r i p t i o n s of g e n t r i f i e r s tend to emphasize t h e i r d eviation from normative patterns i n terms of marital status ( s i n g l es, unmarried cohabitants i n c l u d i n g gays, and divorcees seem to be overrepresented), t h e i r f e r t i l i t y (low, or at l e a s t delayed), and t h e i r domestic l i f e ( l e s s s p e c i a l i z e d forms of partnership and the higher frequency of dual-career marriages). We should read these images i n terms of the emergence of a new "pattern" of l i v i n g which i s a s o l u t i o n to the challenges and opportunities posed by economic and s o c i a l change. The pattern combines an environmental strategy with a strategy of domestic l i f e , neither of which i s the independent v a r i a b l e : rather each i s c r u c i a l to the performance of the other. Let us explore a l i t t l e further the decisions which pave the way to t h i s pattern. Use of the term "decisions" should be taken to cover "non- decisions" as w e l l . Such a p o s s i b i l i t y i s exemplified by c h i l d l e s s couples, who are w e l l -represented amongst g e n t r i f i e r s . A large proportion of c h i l d l e s s couples do not r e j e c t parenthood p r i o r to marriage, but instead decide repeatedly to postpone childbearing (Veevers 1980). The reasons for postponement encompass both " r e a c t i v e " f a c t o r s - (the disadvantages of having children) and "attrahent" f a c t o r s (the advantages of the adult-centred l i f e s t y l e ) (Veevers 1976). With respect to the second set of f a c t o r s , Veevers argues that childbearing may be postponed for such reasons as committment to an occupation, or various " s e l f - a c t u a l i z a t i o n " p r o j e c t s . These partnerships seem to enjoy less s p e c i a l i z e d sex r o l e s , which could be both consequence and cause of c h i l d l e s s n e s s . This set of fa c t o r s underscores changing " l i f e s t y l e preferences" which develop with new values about r e l a t i o n s between men and women and the nature of personal l i f e . However, while there can be no doubt that there have been s h i f t s i n f e r t i l i t y norms and i n the sets of expectations and sanctions t i e d to d i f f e r e n t ways of l i f e , and that these may be well-exemplified by g e n t r i f i e r s , we must also take to heart Rose's warning against the treatment of l i f e s t y l e as a matter of "unbridled choice" (Rose 1984:65). The " a l t e r n a t i v e l i f e - s t y l e s " she describes for g e n t r i f i e r s are more than fashions: they "symptomise attempts...to f i n d c r e a t i v e ways of responding to new. conditions of paid and unpaid work and worsening economic conditions" (p. 63). This i s the playing out of contingency, as the domestic world i s mediated by the economic sphere. The r e l a t i o n s h i p between f e r t i l i t y norms and economic conditions i s , of course, well-documented both h i s t o r i c a l l y and geographically. For contemporary western s o c i e t i e s i t may be acknowledged that, "the sense of what i s 'appropriate' behavior for men and women has changed....we should be concerned not only with understanding the processes that r e l a t e work and f e r t i l i t y , but also with how these processes d i f f e r among successive cohorts" (Sweet 1982:215). In terms of the experience of the current young adult cohort, Rose has pointed to the curtailment of opportunities for advancement previously taken for granted amongst young profe s s i o n a l s , e s p e c i a l l y those employed i n the pub l i c sector; g e n t r i f i c a t i o n f o r them, she suggests, may be a matter of exclusion from more t r a d i t i o n a l white-collar housing markets. Sweet a l s o points to housing costs, mortgage debt, and high i n t e r e s t rates as elements of housing supply which merit further study as an influence on f e r t i l i t y behaviour. 121 The r e a c t i v e factors to which Veevers (1976) r e f e r s include the postponement of childbearing as a couple establishes some measure of economic se c u r i t y . Wilkie (1981) finds that American women who delay childbearing are motivated l a r g e l y by f i n a n c i a l considerations; women i n less t r a d i t i o n a l jobs a l s o must bear i n mind the opportunity costs of parenthood for career advancement. "Young women", she argues, "are seeking new ways to combine work and family r o l e s " (p. 585), and these include strategies of delaying childbearing or remaining c h i l d l e s s by choice. Further empirical work i s required to examine how important such constraints are i n the "production of g e n t r i f i e r s " . The interconnection of spheres of l i f e , i n which reproductive plans and career plans vary i n response to changing objective conditions and experiences, c a l l s f o r a research focus on the dynamics of negotiation which structure patterns of s o c i a l l i f e and s p a t i a l form. On the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the "family i n p o s t - i n d u s t r i a l society", Larson (1976) suggests a connection between domestic l i f e and the development of c e r t a i n occupational options: "The contacts and requirements of pro f e s s i o n a l opportunism require 'extra work' during 'non-work' time which m i l i t a t e s against family a c t i v i t i e s . . . . U n d e r these conditions, the r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s and opportunities of family l i f e may become options i n a f i e l d of options" (Larson 1976:370). As an i l l u s t r a t i o n , Carisse (1976) traces the l i f e - p a t h s of "innovative women". Noting that women w i l l experience c o n f l i c t by outstepping conventional roles," Carisse describes the " s t r a t e g i c deviations" from normative patterns invented i n order to adapt, including a lesser propensity to marry. To be adaptable, a society must be "morphogenic", i t must "create new patterns of behavior i n answer to new s i t u a t i o n s " (Carisse 1976:384). And i n constructing new models of l i v i n g , these women have "succeeded i n creating meaning, both for themselves and for society" (p. 391). 122 Negotiations over choices of marital status and f e r t i l i t y can, l i k e housing choice, be understood as strategies for a r t i c u l a t i n g one's family l i f e with the broader context. The negotiation theme, however, can also be applied at another l e v e l , that of r e l a t i o n s h i p s within the conjugal u n i t . According to Scanzoni's exchange perspective, one's performance i n the economic system gives access to bargaining power i n the form of resources which can be exchanged within the conjugal unit for a measure of power (Scanzoni 1972). The d i s t r i b u t i o n of r i g h t s and duties between partners determines the l e v e l of s t a b i l i t y of the marriage and i s the key to future changes i n marriage patterns. T r a d i t i o n a l forms of marriage enjoyed a l e v e l of s t a b i l i t y and s a t i s f a c t i o n because they rested upon a spontaneous consensus about the rewards and duties expected of a husband and a wife. His duties lay predominantly i n the instrumental sphere—that i s , he provided income and status derived from p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the occupational system;.her duties were e x p r e s s i v e — p r o v i d i n g a f f e c t i o n and sexual g r a t i f i c a t i o n — a s well as instrumental i n the performance of household tasks including c h i l d r e a r i n g . As Scanzoni (1977) demonstrates, the balance and d i s t r i b u t i o n of these gender-defined duties and r i g h t s has changed to a point at which t h e i r performance i s less spontaneous, more problematic. Conventional i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d norms are no longer adequate to structure behaviour f u l l y , i n p a r t i c u l a r as r o l e a l t e r n a t i v e s are i n c r e a s i n g l y opened to women. With these changes, bargaining becomes necessary; and t h i s operates at both the "general p o l i c y " l e v e l — f o r example, i f a couple can agree that t h e i r careers are equally important—and at the " p o l i c y outworking" l e v e l — f o r example, whether and when to have ch i l d r e n , what to consume, and where to l i v e : "In t r a d i t i o n a l arrangements, there was consensus that the couple l i v e d as near as possible to h i s employment. Within e g a l i t a r i a n settings where both are employed, a. complex set of negotiations...now becomes r e q u i s i t e to determine i f they should l i v e nearer to h i s or to her job. Who should commute the greater distance? W i l l they have to maintain separate dwellings during the week?" (Scanzoni 1977:186). The exchange perspective would seem to o f f e r some i n s i g h t s i n t o the processes of changing r e s i d e n t i a l structure i n conjunction with the emergence of new patterns of domestic l i f e . Its atomistic individualism, however, has been contradicted by an a l t e r n a t i v e theory of r o l e homophily (Simpson and England 1982) i n which s i m i l a r i t y of spouses' r o l e s i s seen to generate, rather than undermine, marital s o l i d a r i t y . Commonality i n s o c i a l outlooks contributes to enhanced communication and companionship; s a t i s f a c t i o n derives from equality of power and f l e x i b l e sex-role d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n — t h o u g h , i r o n i c a l l y , such conditions a l s o grant partners greater a b i l i t y to d i s s o l v e marriages. This perspective may be more i n tune with findings on dual-career couples (Rapoport and Rapoport 1976), where "coping" involves the development of strategies which frequently require the a b i l i t y to compromise. These may include " r o l e c y c l i n g " where partners arrange for t h e i r careers to "peak" at d i f f e r e n t times, reducing workhours or l i m i t i n g "work overflow" outside o f f i c e hours, deciding not to have c h i l d r e n , or adjusting long-term pr o f e s s i o n a l a s p i r a t i o n s (Malmaud 1984). Drawing on the concept of synergy, where two people have arranged t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p so one person's advantage i s the other person's advantage—rather than disadvantage, Malmaud suggests that negotiation between partners need not be a zero-sum game. Whether g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i s an environmental strategy which enables t h i s to occur i s a matter f o r empirical i n v e s t i g a t i o n . This second l e v e l of i n v e s t i g a t i n g g e n t r i f i c a t i o n c a l l s f o r a r e s u r r e c t i o n of the g e n t r i f i e r as an a c t i v e p a r t i c i p a n t i n the structuring of s o c i a l and geographical space. Two sets of strategies have been o u t l i n e d : f i r s t , the environmental, i n which g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i s seen as a po s s i b l e s o l u t i o n to c e r t a i n economic and s o c i a l c o n s t r a i n t s ; second, the s o c i a l , with respect to the organization of p r i v a t e l i f e , i n which people e s t a b l i s h an a r t i c u l a t i o n between the realms of work and of gender norms. Here we deal with the emergence of new patterns of l i v i n g which enter i n t o the c u l t u r a l vocabulary as models to be drawn upon i n the negotiation of s a t i s f y i n g and meaningful l i v e s . Chapter 6 investigates these themes i n the context of a p a r t i c u l a r g e n t r i f i e d neighbourhood. 3.43 G e n t r i f i c a t i o n as a constituent i n the construction of s o c i a l i d e n t i t y . At t h i s l e v e l of analysis the project i s to i n v e s t i g a t e the meaning of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n and to uncover how i t operates as a component i n the construction of s o c i a l i d e n t i t y . The personality of a place i s both expression and constituent i n the make-up of a l o c a l s o c i a l order. S i m i l a r l y , the meaning of a p r a c t i c e such as g e n t r i f i c a t i o n refashions the nature of s o c i a l being. Williams (1986:68) i d e n t i f i e s as a major weakness of the e x i s t i n g g e n t r i f i c a t i o n l i t e r a t u r e i t s " f a i l u r e to comprehend the importance of c u l t u r e " . In t h i s t h e s i s , Chapters 7 and 8 are dedicated to developing t h i s argument for the r e v i v a l i n a c r i t i c a l form of the c u l t u r a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . The production of g e n t r i f i e r s approach has reinterpreted " c u l t u r a l f a c t o r s " i n quite r i g i d m a t e r i a l i s t terms; Hamnett (1984), for instance, expresses skepticism at Ley's (1978) emphasis on p o s t i n d u s t r i a l values of consumption, and Rose (1984) refuses " l i f e s t y l e " a status independent from issues of housing a f f o r d a b i l i t y and the material needs of households under conditions of economic r e s t r u c t u r i n g . These are important considerations, as the second l e v e l of c r e a t i v e negotiation discussed above suggests. But there remains the question of what p a r t i c u l a r patterns of l i v i n g have come to s i g n i f y . The reproduction of s o c i a l p r a c t i c e depends i n part upon shared "accounts of the world"; moreover, negotiation of a l t e r n a t i v e or oppositional ways of l i f e also draws for some of i t s 125 i n s p i r a t i o n upon sets of patterns l a i d down i n other times and places. For example, r e c a l l i n g the imagery of bohemia may have been instrumental i n suggesting v a l i d a l t e r n a t i v e s to the conventional suburban family l i f e s t y l e . It i s thus necessary to explore the matrix of c u l t u r a l suppositions which d e l i m i t s what i s and what i s not p o s s i b l e . Conventional consumption-oriented discussions have made the " l i f e s t y l e " dimension an important aspect of the g e n t r i f i c a t i o n model. Allen's (1980) discussion of pro-urban ideology, for example, suggests that the s o c i a l mix and d i v e r s i t y of inner c i t y neighbourhoods a t t r a c t in-migrants who seek a l t e r n a t i v e s to the bland suburban environment. S i m i l a r l y , Moore i n t e r p r e t s g e n t r i f i c a t i o n as representing, "on the one hand a r e j e c t i o n of the bland, r e s t r i c t i v e , homogeneous conforming suburban l i f e s t y l e of childhood, and on the other a search for sense of community, p a r t i c i p a t i o n , and i n d i v i d u a l i d e n t i t y i n the complex, dense and diverse c e n t r a l c i t y " (Moore 1982:8). Logan (1985) describes the creation and celebration of "authentic place" i n the inner c i t y of Melbourne, concluding: "The a t t r a c t i o n of the l i f e - s t y l e f a ctor cannot be dismissed...as merely 'the fashionable i n t e r p r e t a t i o n ' of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n : i t was a very r e a l motivation and a basic element i n the way many i n d i v i d u a l s , both resident within and outside of the region, perceived the inner suburbs i n t h i s period" (p. 285). However, a l l these accounts suggest a s u b s t a n t i a l ambiguity i n the motives of g e n t r i f i e r s . In p a r t i c u l a r they point to the importance of the changing reputation of g e n t r i f y i n g areas which, once s u b s t a n t i a l l y r e s e t t l e d by "pioneers", are perceived as safe and fashionable neighbourhoods for more risk-adverse households. The search for v a r i e t y leads to a new conformity, and Moore speaks of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n as " r e s i d e n t i a l credentialism", a c o l l e c t i v e symbol of i n d i v i d u a l i t y f or the new middle c l a s s : "Just as blue jeans became the i n t e r n a t i o n a l uniform of the New Class...so g e n t r i f i e d housing became i t s i n t e r n a t i o n a l neighbourhood" (Moore 1982:27). Hirsch (1976) has developed the notion of " p o s i t i o n a l goods" whose d e s i r a b i l i t y depends on t h e i r very s c a r c i t y . Both Logan and Moore employ t h i s idea i n t h e i r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . Moore i n p a r t i c u l a r argues for g e n t r i f i e d neighbourhoods as being symbols of prestige, " i d e o l o g i c a l advertisements of power for t h e i r occupants" (p. 12) and a sol u t i o n to a lack of stable i d e n t i t y f o r an al i e n a t e d c l a s s . In a rare-study on the s i g n i f i c a n c e of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n aesthetics, Jager (1986) also argues that g e n t r i f i c a t i o n represents a strategy by which the new middle cla s s works out i t s i d e n t i t y and jockeys for p o s i t i o n i n the sphere of consumption. This study i s suggestive of how environmental meaning i s s i g n i f i c a n t to the process of s o c i a l ( s p e c i f i c a l l y c l a s s ) c o n s t i t u t i o n . As an object of discourse, the imagery of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n c a r r i e s with i t a stock of knowledge about s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s and an account of the world which enters in t o the process of the c o n s t i t u t i o n of subjects. How people p o s i t i o n themselves with respect to such objects of s i g n i f i c a t i o n determines t h e i r nature as s o c i a l beings. Acknowledging t h i s brings us i n l i n e with Sayer's (1984b) defence of the urban as an object of a n a l y s i s . Sayer accepts the c r i t i q u e of the urban (which i s reproduced i n the r e a l i s t c r i t i q u e of. g e n t r i f i c a t i o n ) as a conjuncture of contingently r e l a t e d causal mechanisms. However, he urges us to examine the meaning of "the urban" on the grounds that meaning and p r a c t i c e are r e c i p r o c a l l y confirming. Meanings are not only sets of l a b e l s but a way of operating i n the s o c i a l world: "people seek not only to understand t h e i r circumstances but to give meaning to t h e i r l i v e s , to form i d e n t i t i e s . People seek out si t u a t i o n s i n which they think t h e i r desired i d e n t i t i e s w i l l a c t u a l l y be confirmed through t h e i r actions, t h e i r material circumstances and the actions of others towards them. Images of places are strongly a f f e c t e d by t h i s search....Everyday concepts of the urban are therefore not merely d e s c r i p t i v e but expressive and carry a heavy load of associations which allude to much broader and more fundamental concerns and responses" (Sayer 1984b:283). C i t i n g , from Raymond Williams (1973), a l i s t of paired concepts associated with the " c i t y " and the "country" r e s p e c t i v e l y , Sayer shows how the "leakage" of meaning, from one p a i r to another, led h i s t o r i c a l l y to a m y s t i f i c a t i o n of the o r i g i n s and s i g n i f i c a n c e of the r e a l objects to which they r e f e r . Nevertheless, i t allowed people to make sense of t h e i r l i v e s i n a context of s o c i a l and technological change. It may be u s e f u l , i n understanding g e n t r i f i c a t i o n , to consider the existence of a set of meanings l i n e d up alongside the dual archetypes of inner c i t y and suburb. The content of such images must be mapped out by empirical exploration. Some other l i t e r a t u r e s s h a l l prove h e l p f u l i n guiding t h i s quest. They are very b r i e f l y introduced below. F i r s t , i t i s evident that the connection between consumption, i d e n t i t y and status should be considered. Beauregard (1986) points to the growth i n conspicuous consumption of goods carr y i n g more than f u n c t i o n a l value as an influence on the tendency to g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . The meaning of commodities can best be tapped by focusing on points where that meaning i s transferred, and the marketing of the " g e n t r i f i e d commodity"—housing, community amenities, l a n d s c a p e — i s a key process involved i n that t r a n s f e r . The l i t e r a t u r e on a d v e r t i s i n g informs analysis of t h i s process. Second, we w i l l need to employ the l i t e r a t u r e on ideology and hegemony i n order to interrogate the connection between the meanings which may emerge from c u l t u r a l a nalysis, and the s o c i a l contexts from which they derive. A growing body of geographical writings on the ideology of landscape o f f e r s the framework for a c r i t i c a l c u l t u r a l approach which acknowledges the r e l a t i o n s of power within which landscape meaning i s engendered. A t h i r d body of l i t e r a t u r e centres on the notion of the postmodern. The p a r t i c u l a r case study under examination requires some analysis on the s p e c i f i c writings on postmodern a r c h i t e c t u r e . However these are only one aspect of a broader debate on the nature of postmodern culture, which i n geography has been linked to the discussion of l o c a l i t i e s and the changing nature of c a p i t a l i s m . Since t h i s w i l l be reviewed i n d e t a i l , l a t e r I s h a l l do no more here but note that postmodernism has meant a r e v i v a l of i n t e r e s t i n the s i g n i f y i n g function of the b u i l t environment, and i n the a r e a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of s o c i a l p r a c t i c e s and c u l t u r a l meanings. To r e i t e r a t e the agenda for research proposed i n t h i s section, l e t me r e f e r again to the three l e v e l s of a n a l y s i s . F i r s t , i t i s necessary to continue the production of g e n t r i f i e r s project of i d e n t i f y i n g how c l a s s and gender r e l a t i o n s i n t e r s e c t i n space. G e n t r i f i c a t i o n i s understood as a conjuncture of contingent s o c i a l processes. Second, asking how g e n t r i f i e r s "produce themselves", we must explore the strategies, by which i n d i v i d u a l s negotiate workable l i f e paths within s t r u c t u r a l constraints, focusing on t h e i r r e s i d e n t i a l choices and the organization of t h e i r domestic l i v e s . G e n t r i f i c a t i o n i s thus a context for negotiating s o c i a l conduct. Third, I argue for a r e s u r r e c t i o n of the notion of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n as a c u l t u r a l act. G e n t r i f i c a t i o n i s a constituent i n the construction of s o c i a l i d e n t i t y , and must be examined for the meanings i t c a r r i e s i n contemporary l i f e . NOTES 1. In dual-career households, both partners pursue a c t i v e careers, that i s , job sequences that require high degrees of commitment and that have a developmental character (Rapoport and Rapoport 1976). Both husband and wife are t y p i c a l l y employed as business executives or professionals ( G r e i f f and Munter 1980). 2. B e l l warns against reading the p o s t i n d u s t r i a l thesis as a t o t a l h i s t o r y . He does not, as Walker and Greenberg suggest, claim that power has s h i f t e d i n t o the hands of the knowledge c l a s s : "The question of who manages the p o l i t i c a l order i s an open one" ( B e l l 1976:374). 3. For example, see the papers by Bartley and Wildavsky i n Bruce-Briggs (1979). Here the editor poses the issue under debate: "In p a r t i c u l a r , the New Class hypothesis t r i e s to account f o r the prevalence of r a d i c a l / r e f o r m i s t ideas among members of our society who would appear by any objective measure to be favored i n . . . b e n e f i t s of l i f e " (Bruce-Briggs 1979:ix). CHAPTER FOUR GENTRIFICATION ACROSS THE CANADIAN METROPOLITAN SYSTEM On the research agenda are three topics for i n v e s t i g a t i o n . F i r s t i s the production of g e n t r i f i e r s : the emergence, under conditions of economic and s o c i a l r e s t r u c t u r i n g , of a d i s t i n c t i v e s o c i a l group with a propensity for inner c i t y l i v i n g . Second i s the r i s e of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n as a s e t t i n g f o r new ways of l i v i n g , i n p a r t i c u l a r f or p r a c t i c e s of domestic l i f e which enable people to engage conditions of change i n the s t r u c t u r a l context. Third i s the appearance of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n as a c u l t u r a l pattern which c a r r i e s a d i s t i n c t i v e set of meanings for contemporary l i f e . This chapter aims to set the context for understanding the d i f f e r e n t i a l production of g e n t r i f i e r s across space. The production of g e n t r i f i e r s approach poses the question of what kinds of settings enable g e n t r i f i c a t i o n , and the issue i s relevant at a number of geographical scales. At the broadest scale, s p e c i f i c i t i e s of national context may encourage or r e s t r i c t g e n t r i f i c a t i o n (Williams 1986). Within the nation, c e r t a i n regional and metropolitan c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s are associated with the incidence of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . Here I extend Ley's analysis of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n across the Canadian metropolitan system (Ley 1985a), providing a f u l l e r d e s c r i p t i o n of i t s incidence i n d i f f e r e n t kinds of metropolitan s e t t i n g s . The method i s extensive, and seeks to e s t a b l i s h s t a t i s t i c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s between the pattern of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n at t h i s scale and two sets of v a r i a b l e s i n d i r e c t l y measuring the balance of c l a s s and gender r e l a t i o n s within each c i t y . While t h i s chapter's emphasis i s on the enabling contexts of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n , these contexts are not simply negotiated, but are a l s o made and remade by g e n t r i f i e r s and others. The aggregated, e c o l o g i c a l associations we s h a l l discuss here obscure i n d i v i d u a l decision-making, but the web of meaning binding work, domestic r e l a t i o n s and housing choice should not be forgotten. As Ley indicates for h i s extensive s t a t i s t i c a l analysis of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n across the Canadian urban system, the present purpose i s to provide a context "for the 'thick d e s c r i p t i o n ' of neighborhood case studies" (Ley 1986a:531). And as the r e a l i s t c r i t i q u e of q u a n t i t a t i v e research implies, the analysis performed here can only describe patterns, whereas explanation demands the more intensive research outlined i n l a t e r chapters. A common problem f o r much extensive geographical research i s the danger of the e c o l o g i c a l f a l l a c y . Since geographers are in t e r e s t e d i n the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of places, they often draw upon data on i n d i v i d u a l s which have been aggregated to some s p a t i a l unit of a n a l y s i s . Relationships established between v a r i a b l e s measured for units of analysis at a metropolitan scale may not hold true f o r intra-urban units of analysis (such as census t r a c t s ) , nor for i n d i v i d u a l s . For example, i f we were to discover that g e n t r i f i c a t i o n has occurred most i n c i t i e s with a high proportion of employment i n sales i n d u s t r i e s , the proportion of g e n t r i f i e r s themselves employed i n sales i n d u s t r i e s may not n e c e s s a r i l y be high. In t h i s chapter, therefore, our focus must be on describing the patterns of occurrence, and any suggestions as to causal process based upon the e c o l o g i c a l analysis can only be t e n t a t i v e l y o f f e r e d . In a discussion of Durkheim's e c o l o g i c a l study of s u i c i d e rates i n d i f f e r e n t regions, Babbie (1979) notes that such ten t a t i v e conclusions about process must be supported, f i r s t , by a theory that makes sense of the findings and, second, by explorations of the r e l a t i o n s h i p s observed at d i f f e r e n t scales. The previous chapters have outl i n e d some t h e o r e t i c a l arguments which may explain some of the empirical patterns at the c i t y system scale, i n terms of the production of a c e r t a i n kind of s o c i a l group which has a propensity for inner c i t y l i v i n g . The processes involved w i l l be studied i n t e n s i v e l y at a f i n e r scale i n the l a t e r chapters. The choice of the census metropolitan area as the appropriate unit of analysis i s guided by previous studies i n the g e n t r i f i c a t i o n l i t e r a t u r e , and by the t y p i c a l l y geographical concern to understand the character of places at t h i s scale (for instance, the c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n of the " p o s t i n d u s t r i a l c i t y " (Ley 1980)). As indicated i n Chapter 2, work on g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i n the United States (Lipton 1977, Clay 1979, Black 1980) has focused on comparing the degree of inner c i t y g e n t r i f i c a t i o n experienced by some of the larger c i t i e s ; for instance, Lipton's survey covered the,20 largest S.M.S.A.s. The i n t e r - c i t y a n a l y s i s discussed below adopts Ley's choice of units of a n a l y s i s . The 22 Canadian C.M.A.s comprise a population rather than a sample, across which we wish to describe the degree of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . It i s p o s s i b l e that r e l a t i o n s h i p s found across these 22 units may not hold true i f smaller settlements are included i n the a n a l y s i s . Since the focus of research i s to draw out what may be the enabling contexts 'of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n , we need to employ some i n d i c a t o r s suggestive of the kinds of c l a s s r e l a t i o n s and gender r e l a t i o n s which may e x i s t i n each c i t y . G e n t r i f i e r s ' c l a s s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s locate them as "creatures" of the p o s t i n d u s t r i a l mode of c l a s s r e l a t i o n s . However, the abstract nature of class r e l a t i o n s poses problems for o p e r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n . For example, Smith (1987a) i s compelled to f a l l back upon orthodox occupational and income variables as i n d i c a t o r s of the presence of the new middle c l a s s . At the national s cale of a n a l y s i s , the basic problem of data a v a i l a b i l i t y means such proxies are the only p o s s i b l e option. Moreover, since we have already, acknowledged the contingent nature of c l a s s experience which must shape patterns of human behaviour i n the process of c l a s s formation, then when asking questions about the geography of c l a s s these more f a m i l i a r d i v i s i o n s --by occupation or by education for instance—may be p a r t i c u l a r l y meaningful. Abstract notions of economic c l a s s give way to the more tangible, though 133 more a n a l y t i c a l l y "messy", concept of s o c i a l c l a s s . For example, while acknowledging the problem of equating c l a s s with occupation, T h r i f t (1988) employs conventional d e f i n i t i o n s of p r o f e s s i o n a l and managerial classes and socioeconomic groups i n h i s study of the service c l a s s i n ' B r i t a i n . Following Ley (1980), the a n a l y s i s discussed below w i l l o p e r a t i o n a l i z e the context for c l a s s r e l a t i o n s by means of a measure of urban i n d u s t r i a l structure. The s i g n i f i c a n c e of gender r e l a t i o n s has figured l e s s prominently i n the l i t e r a t u r e , and some aspects are even more d i f f i c u l t to capture by means of the data a v a i l a b l e at the national scale which does not d i r e c t l y measure (for example) asymmetries i n the status of actual husbands and wives. This i s discussed further i n section 4.2. The r e a l i s t c r i t i q u e of chaotic conceptions warns against t r e a t i n g common-sense objects, such as recognized instances of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n , as owning causally s i g n i f i c a n t common pro p e r t i e s . For the analysis below, however, a measure of the degree of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i s required for purposes of describing i t s pattern of occurrence. I have adopted Ley's index (Ley 1985a, 1986a) which represents the most thorough o p e r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i n the l i t e r a t u r e . The d i s c u s s i o n i n Chapter 1 outlined some of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s apparently associated with g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . Considerable emphasis has been placed by other researchers on changes i n the housing market and housing stock. This dimension to g e n t r i f i c a t i o n was not incorporated i n the measure used here: not only would much of the data prove extremely c o s t l y and d i f f i c u l t to c o l l e c t , but a l s o i t d e f l e c t s a t t e n t i o n from the production of g e n t r i f i e r s perspective on g e n t r i f i c a t i o n as a phenomenon effected by changes i n s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s . The d e c i s i o n , therefore, was to conceptualize g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i n terms of an upward s o c i a l status change i n inner c i t y areas. A d e f i n i t i o n of the inner c i t i e s of the C.M.A.s i s provided i n a Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation document (Brown and Burke 1979). These inner c i t y boundaries were drawn on the basis of housing age, c e n t r a l i t y , and l o c a l usage. In some cases they seem somewhat overextended, and i n the case of Montreal (where i t appears l o c a l C.M.H.C. informants must have misinterpreted t h e i r i n s t r u c t i o n s ) , Ley redraws the boundaries to a smaller area more i n keeping with l o c a l perceptions. Within these inner c i t y boundaries, s o c i a l status was measured for each census t r a c t i n 1971 and 1981. Once weighted by t r a c t population, the status measures for each t r a c t were aggregated to give a f i g u r e of inner c i t y status for each CM.A.. The g e n t r i f i c a t i o n index was cal c u l a t e d as the d i f f e r e n c e i n inner c i t y s o c i a l status between 1971 and 1981. In l i n e with the c l a s s i c studies of urban s o c i a l area a n a l y s i s , income, occupation and education were considered as poss i b l e measures of s o c i a l status. A l l have been employed as in d i c a t o r s of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i n previous research, and since the study was to be applied across a large number of census t r a c t s across Canada, the a v a i l a b i l i t y of data on these v a r i a b l e s from the census was an important consideration. Ley chooses to use occupation and education i n constructing h i s index. Income i s rejected because i t i s not always c l o s e l y associated with the other measures where blue c o l l a r union membership or ethnic entrepreneurship can "contributed to unexpectedly substantial incomes i n areas where there i s not i n d i c a t i o n of r e v i t a l i z a t i o n " i n Canadian c i t i e s (Ley 1985a:8); moreover, some " f i r s t stage" g e n t r i f i e r s tend to be young professionals i n occupations of the kind where incomes may not compare favourably to some blue c o l l a r occupations. Thus, two measures were taken for each inner c i t y census t r a c t : the proportion of the workforce employed i n pr o f e s s i o n a l and managerial-type jobs; and the proportion of the t o t a l population with some u n i v e r s i t y - l e v e l education (not being weighted by age, t h i s a l s o r e f l e c t s an adult-oriented population). The average of these measures was c a l c u l a t e d for each inner c i t y t r a c t i n 1971 and 1981 to give the measure of s o c i a l status which fed i n t o the aggregate measure for each CM.A.. A l l 22 inner c i t i e s had p o s i t i v e i n d i c e s , ranging from 1.9 i n Oshawa to 13.0 i n H a l i f a x (Table 4.1, f i n a l column). Ley (1985a:8-11) reports on the v a l i d i t y of the g e n t r i f i c a t i o n index. F i r s t , i n terms of p r e d i c t i v e v a l i d i t y , we can compare a measure of change i n s o c i a l status for each inner c i t y census t r a c t to other external c r i t e r i a . Planning documents and r e l a t e d l i t e r a t u r e , as well as knowledgeable informants, together give i n d i c a t i o n s of which neighbourhoods are believed to be g e n t r i f y i n g on the basis of observed phy s i c a l and s o c i a l changes. The index appears to detect these quite w e l l . More d e t a i l e d analysis was c a r r i e d out i n s i x C.M.A.s (Ley 1988), and here the measure of s o c i a l status change r e f l e c t e d i n t u i t i v e knowledge of the pattern of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . Chapter 5 gives some d e t a i l s on the pattern i n Vancouver, where the t r a c t with the highest index (False Creek/Fairview Slopes) i s renowned for the transformations i t has experienced during the 1970s.. Second, we may judge content v a l i d i t y : whether the content of the measure i s representative of the universe of the content of the property being measured. Admittedly, the measure omits income as a dimension of s o c i a l status. However, i n covering occupation and education, i t follows the lead of c l a s s i c a l urban s o c i a l analyses which have operationalized socioeconomic status with these v a r i a b l e s ; moreover, senior white c o l l a r occupation and u n i v e r s i t y - l e v e l education are common c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of g e n t r i f i e r s which many researchers have emphasised (for instance, Hamnett and Williams 1980; Gale 1980). In any case, the 1971 s o c i a l status index for inner c i t y t r a c t s i n the six c i t i e s where intensive research was c a r r i e d out c o r r e l a t e d at r=0.61 with household income. Third, the index's construct v a l i d i t y depends on whether i t r e f l e c t s the TABLE 4.1 GENTRIFICATION OF CANADIAN INNER CITIES, 1971-1981 Census Metropolitan Inner city:C.M.A. Inner c i t y Inner c i t y Area social status social status gentrification ratio, 1981 1981 index, 1371-1981 St. John's 96 21.1 8.4 Halifax 139 31.1 , 13.0 Saint John 84 14.4 2.5 Quebec City 95 20.6 7.4 Montreal* 113 22.4 8.8 Ottawa-Hull 100 26.1 10.0 Oshawa 71 10.. 4 1.9 Toronto 111 23.4 8.7 Hamilton 94 15.8 5.7 St. Catharines-Niagara 100 14.3 3.8 Kitchener 98 16.0 6.8 London 91 17.3 6.2 Windsor 89 15.0 4.6 Sudbury 95 14.4 3.6 Thunder Bay 96 15.9 4.2 Winnipeg 72 14.4 4.0 Regina 88 18.9 5.1 Saskatoon 122 27.7 8.0 Calgary 111 26.0 9.0 Edmonton 113 23.4 6.5 Vancouver 119 25.1 9.3 Victoria 101 22.3 9.5 * Montreal: due to what appears to have been an error by C.M.H.C. informants, the boundaries of Montreal's inner c i t y given in Brown and Burke (1979) seem to be overextended. Following Ley (1985), a redefined inner city according to C.M.H.C. c r i t e r i a was employed in these and a l l subsequent calculations. Source: Adapted from Ley, D. 1986. Alternative explanations for inner-city gentrification: A Canadian assessment. Annals of the Association of American Geographers 76:521-35. t h e o r e t i c a l notion of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . The measure should be capable of si m i l a r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i f i t was applied to, say, American c i t i e s . In addition, the index should d i f f e r e n t i a t e the construct of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n from that of v a r i a b l e s with which i t should not be associated. In r u l i n g out income from the construction of the index, the confounding influences mentioned above have been eliminated. However, one p o t e n t i a l problem could be the confusion of change i n the s o c i a l status of incumbent residents with s o c i a l status change as a r e s u l t of population turnover, which i s the phenomenon more normally conceptualized as g e n t r i f i c a t i o n ; since the status variables are not broken down by measures of mobility, t h i s problem cannot be solved at t h i s l e v e l of a n a l y s i s , although intensive research could i d e n t i f y i t i n s p e c i f i c places. The aim of the analysis reported below i s to describe more f u l l y the incidence of inner c i t y g e n t r i f i c a t i o n across the Canadian metropolitan system, and to r a i s e t e n t a t i v e l y the p o s s i b i l i t y of associations between the occurrence of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n and c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the urban context i n which each inner c i t y i s set. Since the production of g e n t r i f i e r s approach re f e r s to the changing supply of c e r t a i n kinds of s o c i a l groups under conditions of economic and s o c i a l r e s t r u c t u r i n g , an extensive analysis can e s t a b l i s h whether va r i a b l e s which r e f l e c t that supply i n each c i t y are indeed s t a t i s t i c a l l y associated with the degree of inner c i t y g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . Only with the i n t e n s i v e studies reported l a t e r can the processes of change be determined. 4.1 THE INCIDENCE OF GENTRIFICATION AND THE "POSTINDUSTRIAL MODE". With the g e n t r i f i c a t i o n index as the dependent v a r i a b l e , Ley t e s t s four hypotheses to explain the occurrence of gentrification—"Demographic Change", "Housing Market Dynamics", "The Value of Urban Amenity", and "The Economic Base"—each of which are represented by a range of independent v a r i a b l e s . The strongest c o r r e l a t i o n produced against the index (r=0.65) i s for a measure of o f f i c e space per capita, a v a r i a b l e which was intended to measure the presence of a p o s t i n d u s t r i a l economy. The next strongest c o r r e l a t i o n s are found f o r two variables of urban amenity, measuring r e s i d e n t i a l s a t i s f a c t i o n and perceived environmental q u a l i t y . Certain c i t i e s seem to be consistent o u t l i e r s on the scatter diagrams: Halifax with a g e n t r i f i c a t i o n index higher than that predicted, Oshawa with a lower index than that predicted. Were s t a t i s t i c a l t e s t s appropriate ( t h i s i s , of course, a population and not a sample), s i g n i f i c a n t c o r r e l a t i o n s would be found against v a r i a b l e s representing each of the four hypotheses; however, i n general, economic base and amenity variables performed more strongly than housing market and demography v a r i a b l e s . Since Ley invests the notion of a p o s t i n d u s t r i a l metropolitan economy with so much explanatory power, the aim here i s to confirm Ley's findings by evaluating the p r e d i c t i v e power of va r i a b l e s which r e f l e c t aspects of what I have termed the p o s t i n d u s t r i a l mode of cl a s s formation. Two sets of proxy data were considered: f i r s t , the degree to which an urban i n d u s t r i a l structure i s oriented towards advanced service i n d u s t r i e s ; second, the r e l a t i v e strength of new class-type occupations—managerial, administrative, p r o f e s s i o n a l and t e c h n i c a l . While the second set of data taps more d i r e c t l y i n t o the notion of c l a s s , i t would have to be treated with considerable caution since the g e n t r i f i c a t i o n index i t s e l f incorporates a measure of occupation status. In the report below, I discuss only the var i a b l e s measuring i n d u s t r i a l structure; see note 1 for further discussion on the occupation v a r i a b l e s . Table 4.2 shows c o r r e l a t i o n s of the g e n t r i f i c a t i o n index with measures of i n d u s t r i a l structure for the 22 C.M.A.s i n 1981. G e n t r i f i c a t i o n i s 139 TABLE 4.2 CORRELATING INDUSTRIAL STRUCTURE WITH INDEX OF INNER CITY GENTRIF ICATION R R R Independent va r i a b l e s 1971 1981 Employmej Change' Primary industries"' -.22 -.15 .60 Manufacturing i n d u s t r i e s -.46 -.47 -.20 Construction industry .04 .05 .24 Transportation i n d u s t r i e s -.02 -.12 .13 Trade industries _ .09 -.02 .40 Finance i n d u s t r i e s g .47 .45 .23 Service industries 7 .41 .55 .56 Administration i n d u s t r i e s .56 .52 .10 Source: S t a t i s t i c s Canada Census of Canada 1981, Volume 3, P r o f i l e Series B, Table 1 (20 percent sample); Census of Canada 1971, Census t r a c t s e r i e s . Series B, (33 1/3 percent sample). 1. Percentages of labour force, by industry d i v i s i o n and occupation. 2. 1981 employment/1971 employment. 3. Primary i n d u s t r i e s : A g r i c u l t u r e , forestry, f i s h i n g and trapping, mines (including m i l l i n g ) , quarries and o i l wells. 4. Transportation i n d u s t r i e s : Transportation, communication and other u t i l i t i e s . 5. Finance i n d u s t r i e s : Finance, insurance and r e a l estate. 6. Service i n d u s t r i e s : Community, business and personal service i n d u s t r i e s . 7. Administration i n d u s t r i e s : Public administration and defence. negatively associated with the proportion of the metropolitan labour force i n manufacturing i n d u s t r i e s , and p o s i t i v e l y associated with employment i n the FIRE (finance, insurance and r e a l estate), the service (community, business and personal services) and the administration and defence sectors. As Ley (1986a) notes, i f the c i t i e s formed a random sample (which they do not) the 0.05 s i g n i f i c a n c e threshold would l i e at r=0.42. These findings would appear to confirm Ley's argument about the s i g n i f i c a n c e of the urban economic base and h i s f i n d i n g s f o r the o f f i c e space v a r i a b l e . In the terms of the production of g e n t r i f i e r s argument, the structure of the economy determines the l e v e l of l o c a l "supply" of the kinds of people d e s i r i n g an inner c i t y home. Correlations with the measures of employment change, however, paint a complex p i c t u r e . The s i g n i f i c a n c e of increasing employment i n primary i n d u s t r i e s r e f l e c t s the basis of wealth i n the boom towns of the p e r i o d — e s p e c i a l l y the o i l industry expansion i n Calgary, Edmonton and H a l i f a x . Note, however, that the absolute figures f a l l i n g i n t o the primary industry category are low compared to other categories. S i g n i f i c a n t l y , other high c o r r e l a t i o n s point to the r e l a t i o n s h i p between g e n t r i f i c a t i o n and employment change i n service i n d u s t r i e s . Ley and Hutton (1987) point to the r o l e of the producer services i n d u s t r i e s which have expanded r a p i d l y (with a more substantial e f f e c t on absolute labour figures) to serve staples-based economies i n c i t i e s such as Vancouver, Calgary, Edmonton and H a l i f a x . Considered i n d i v i d u a l l y , the v a r i a b l e s measuring i n d u s t r i a l structure i n 1971 and i n 1981 account only for modest proportions of the t o t a l variance i n the pattern of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . The patterns of r e s i d u a l s from simple regression show substantial s i m i l a r i t i e s . G e n t r i f i c a t i o n i n Halifax was c o n s i s t e n t l y g r e a t l y underpredicted, and Toronto, Kitchener, V i c t o r i a , Montreal, Ottawa . and H u l l , Calgary and Vancouver a l s o tended to have 141 g e n t r i f i c a t i o n indices greater than those predicted. The g e n t r i f i c a t i o n index was overpredicted i n Saint John, Oshawa and Winnipeg i n p a r t i c u l a r . To test whether non-economic va r i a b l e s may explain those r e s i d u a l values, Ley performs a p r i n c i p a l components analysis with orthogonal r o t a t i o n upon the eight v a r i a b l e s (drawn from the economic base, housing market, demographic and amenity hypotheses) with highest p a r t i a l c o r r e l a t i o n s with the g e n t r i f i c a t i o n index. Three components are produced, with the f i r s t component accounting for f o r t y percent of the variance. High p o s i t i v e loadings were ca l c u l a t e d for two amenity v a r i a b l e s , the o f f i c e space v a r i a b l e , a v a r i a b l e measuring the presence of the baby boom cohort, and a v a r i a b l e measuring mean CM.A. dwelling value. The highest p o s i t i v e component scores were found for Calgary, V i c t o r i a and Vancouver; the highest negative scores were for Windsor, Sudbury and St. Catharines-Niagara. Ley i n t e r p r e t s t h i s as " i n d i c a t i n g the presence or absence of p o s t i n d u s t r i a l c i t y status" (Ley 1986a:530). Component two was interpreted i n terms of a housing squeeze.(Berry 1980) which was experienced most strongly by Halifax and St. John's, the l e a s t by London. Component 3 was interpreted on the basis of i t s domination by one v a r i a b l e : an objective CM.A. s o c i a l i n d i c a t o r s index for 1971. The " p o s t i n d u s t r i a l c i t y status" component was found to be by far the most strongly associated with the g e n t r i f i c a t i o n index, with a simple c o r r e l a t i o n of r=0.63. Ley i n t e r p r e t s the composition of the " p o s t i n d u s t r i a l " component as implying that a model . which integrates v a r i a b l e s from d i f f e r e n t hypotheses may o f f e r a more sound explanation of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n than one which imposes a f a l s e separation. Ley suggests some reasons for the a s s o c i a t i o n of Economic Base and Urban Amenity aspects, reminding us that "enhanced amenity, an improved q u a l i t y of l i f e , i s a c e n t r a l pursuit of a p o s t i n d u s t r i a l society" (Ley 1986a:532). The clean i n d u s t r i e s of a service-based economy contribute to environmental amenity, the preservation of which becomes a p o l i t i c a l issue, and a r t i c u l a t e employees of white c o l l a r i n s t i t u t i o n s have both the motive and the s k i l l s to pursue t h i s issue of protecting amenity values: "There i s . . . a r e c i p r o c a l and cumulative r e v i t a l i z i n g e f f e c t from the i n t e r a c t i o n of downtown service employment and the i n n e r - c i t y q u a l i t y of l i f e . If downtown employment opportunities draw populations to the inner c i t y , t h i s population, as i t gives p o l i t i c a l and economic expression to i t s own p r e d i l e c t i o n for urban amenity, w i l l restructure the b u i l t environment and accelerate the g e n t r i f i c a t i o n process" (Ley 1986a:532). The overprediction of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n (by economic i n d i c a t o r s ) i n some c i t i e s such as Calgary and Edmonton i s explained by t h e i r poorer q u a l i t y of inner c i t y "natural amenities", e s p e c i a l l y since t h e i r r a p i d and r e l a t i v e l y unplanned growth has led to the destruction of heritage and status areas. At the other extreme, Halifax o f f e r s a wide range of urban amenities i n c l u d i n g an a t t r a c t i v e housing stock and some important view and heritage s i t e s (Ley 1985a) which boosts i t s l e v e l of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n beyond that predictable by economic i n d i c a t o r s alone. Ley concludes that " o f f i c e employment downtown i s a necessary but not s u f f i c i e n t requirement of inner c i t y g e n t r i f i c a t i o n " (1986a:532). From our production of g e n t r i f i e r s perspective, we might question the necessity of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between i n d u s t r i a l structure and the kinds of c u l t u r a l and p o l i t i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n s implied i n Ley's i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . However, the structure of h i s " p o s t i n d u s t r i a l c i t y status" component does suggest some i n t e r e s t i n g contingent connections which may have ar i s e n i n Canadian c i t i e s during t h i s period. We might u s e f u l l y consider the contingent i n t e r a c t i o n of a p o s t i n d s t r i a l mode of c l a s s r e l a t i o n s with the p r e - e x i s t i n g features of a l o c a l i t y i n question. These features include the bottlenecks of a c i t y ' s peninsular l o c a t i o n or harbour layout (for instance, the i n t e n s i t y of land use i n Halifax, Vancouver or St. John's, compared to the l e s s confined development of London), or the r e l a t i v e s o l i d i t y of a 143 housing stock (for instance, Vancouver's wood frames as opposed to Quebec Cit y ' s stone), as well as q u a l i t i e s of beauty (Vancouver's se t t i n g compared to that of Edmonton). These c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of p a r t i c u l a r c i t i e s might enable g e n t r i f i c a t i o n — o r obstruct i t — a s they i n t e r a c t i n g contingently with the causal process of the production of g e n t r i f i e r s . As presented, these factors seem to be of a rather d i f f e r e n t kind to the s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s of clas s and gender which I would argue are c r u c i a l to urban r e s t r u c t u r i n g . However, i n l i n e with the approach taken i n the l o c a l i t i e s l i t e r a t u r e , they are best understood as p r e - e x i s t i n g "surfaces" upon which subsequent rounds of r e s t r u c t u r i n g must be played out. Moreover, whilst they are p h y s i c a l features, each i s c u l t u r a l l y defined and experienced: i t i s the structure of c u l t u r a l meanings which determines which buildings and which places have aesthetic q u a l i t i e s , which kinds of people and what kinds of houses make good mortgage r i s k s and good neighbours. These issues w i l l be discussed i n Chapters 7 and 8. 4.2 THE INCIDENCE OF GENTRIFICATION AND THE "POSTPATRIARCHAL MODE". In searching for a dynamic .process which may underlie urban re s t r u c t u r i n g , changes i n the d i s t r i b u t i o n of s o c i a l classes need not exhaust the p o s s i b i l i t i e s . Interpreters of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n have suggested that the i n t e r a c t i o n of c l a s s transformations with s h i f t s i n reproductive p r a c t i c e s must be invoked to account for why portions of the expanding new c l a s s now choose to l i v e i n the inner c i t y , i n preference to continuing the conventional p r a c t i c e of suburban residence. Is t h i s e f f e c t evident at the l e v e l of the metropolitan system? As i n d i c a t o r s of the kinds of cla s s r e l a t i o n s which may exist i n a c i t y , I employed v a r i a b l e s which measured the s i g n i f i c a n c e of the " p o s t i n d u s t r i a l mode": the labour force as structured by industry. As . i n d i c a t o r s of gender r e l a t i o n s we require measures which can e s t a b l i s h the strength of the "postpatriarchal mode" as i t operates across the Canadian urban system. Patriarchy i s a p a r t i c u l a r form of gender r e l a t i o n s defined as the domination of women by men; t h i s i s i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d i n both material and id e o l o g i c a l ' forms, where norms about r o l e s and i d e n t i t y are worked out i n behaviour and molded by the system of opportunities defined by economic and s o c i a l structures. As with c l a s s r e l a t i o n s , we can only grasp gender r e l a t i o n s as they are manifest i n proxy measures. The s o c i a l form most frequently associated with p a t r i a r c h a l gender r e l a t i o n s comprises what Barrett (1980) has termed the "family-household system", centred on the nuclear household as the key structure of s o c i a l organization and on the family as the key i d e o l o g i c a l form, where women "nat u r a l l y " assume a r e p o n s i b i l i t y f o r unpaid domestic tasks of cleaning, food preparation, c h i l d - r a i s i n g and so f o r t h . These s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s , defined as "private", are connected, through the prime wage earner (husband/father) to the pu b l i c sphere, where those women who do p a r t i c i p a t e i n waged labour tend to r e p l i c a t e the sexual d i v i s i o n of labour within the household by taking "female jobs", and thus perpetuate male dominance i n the workplace as w e l l . When Markusen (1980) associates g e n t r i f i c a t i o n with an a l t e r n a t i v e to the p a t r i a r c h a l household, she points to the increasing numbers of "households of gay people, singles, and prof e s s i o n a l couples...[and] the sucess of both gays and women i n the prof e s s i o n a l and managerial classes i n gaining access to decent paying jobs" (Markusen 1980:35). As i n d i c a t o r s of changing gender r e l a t i o n s , the ana l y s i s below employs three e m p i r i c a l l y a c c e s s i b l e dimensions where the s i g n i f i c a n c e for geography i s r e a d i l y appreciated. In section 3.4 I presented these three dimensions as key points of de c i s i o n making, which, can be thought of as representing p i v o t a l points i n the construction of domestic s o c i a l forms. The three dimensions w i l l be operationalized here as follows: f i r s t through a set of v a r i a b l e s which represent changing norms about m a r i t a l status; second, through a set of measures r e l a t i n g to family composition; t h i r d , through a set of v a r i a b l e s which tap the organization of domestic l i f e . Whilst i t i s possible to f i n d good measures on the f i r s t two aspects, the t h i r d w i l l prove more d i f f i c u l t to deal with at t h i s scale of a n a l y s i s . Gender r e l a t i o n s are expected to vary over space, and some c i t i e s w i l l be i d e n t i f i e d with, on average, more signs of p o s t - p a t r i a r c h a l gender r e l a t i o n s than others. The s p a t i a l patterning of t h i s d i f f e r e n t i a l development of p o s t - p a t r i a r c h a l forms depends upon various contingencies. For example, a key factor i n the d e c l i n e of f e r t i l i t y rates i s known to be the changing economic r o l e of women (Westoff 1978). Cogswell and Sussman (1979) employ the notion of "heterogeneity" to help explain v a r i a t i o n s i n f e r t i l i t y , heterogeneity being a measure of people's l e v e l of exposure to d i f f e r e n t kinds of people, ideas, cultures and values. The process i n t e r n a l to t h i s a s s o c i a t i o n i s described i n terms of f a m i l i e s ' a c t i v e renegotiation of p r i o r i t i e s and weighing of resources and opportunities; for example, where opportunities for s o c i a l m o b i l i t y are present, a family might reconsider the number of c h i l d r e n they plan to have. Variations i n the nature and strength of norms are key to s p a t i a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n the conduct of domestic l i f e , as i s evident i n the case of divorce. In Canada, rates of divorce are lowest i n the eastern provinces, and s u b s t a n t i a l l y higher i n the west, e s p e c i a l l y B r i t i s h Columbia and Alberta (Peters 1979). While the social-demographic composition of the population i n each province (for example, i t s age, sex, education) can explain some portion of the variance, measures of migration for each province are a l s o c o r r e l a t e s with divorce rates; Trovato (1986) in t e r p r e t s t h i s i n terms of a s o c i a l d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n theory, i n which rapid s o c i a l change (associated e s p e c i a l l y with economic development and expansion) erodes normative consensus about familism and encourages an ideology of indiv i d u a l i s m . In addition, Trovato separates out a "regional e f f e c t " , the impact of regional c u l t u r e on the protection of t r a d i t i o n a l norms of familism. One s i g n i f i c a n t aspect of t h i s i s the emergence, during the 1970s, of Nova Scotia as an anomaly of high rates of divorce i n the A t l a n t i c region which, on the whole, has p a r t i c u l a r l y low divorce rates and i s probably the regional c u l t u r e most supportive of t r a d i t i o n a l values. The analysis below indicates the types of urban contexts with respect to gender r e l a t i o n s which are associated with d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . The three dimensions are discussed i n turn. Because f u l l data are not a v a i l a b l e for a l l these v a r i a b l e s i n 1971 (and on those where data i s available,/ S t a t i s t i c s Canada d i d not supply the same d e t a i l s for Oshawa) we s h a l l focus on the 1981 f i g u r e s . 4.21 M a r i t a l status. In an assessment of the Canadian family cycle i n the f i r s t seventy years of t h i s century, Rodgers and Witney (1981) have emphasized the r e l a t i v e s t a b i l i t y of family c y c l e experiences for successive cohorts. However, one major change has been a reduction i n the age at marriage i n the 1950s and 1960s (see Table 4.3). Women's median age at f i r s t marriage reached a post-war low i n 1961 but has begun to r i s e again, while men's median age at marriage d i d not begin to r i s e u n t i l a f t e r 1971. To what extent might the turnaround i n marriage age ind i c a t e the " p o s s i b i l i t y of major changes i n l i f e c y c l e experience with respect to ma r i t a l status? Table 4.4 shows how the proportions of men and women with married status have r i s e n f a i r l y s t e a d i l y u n t i l the 1960s when the proportions began to f a l l . While the r i s e i n percentages divorced accounts for some of t h i s f a l l ( e s p e c i a l l y a f t e r the 1968 divorce law), proportions of s i n g l e people a l s o seem to have stopped 147 TABLE 4.3 MEDIAN AGES AT FIRST MARRIAGE 1941 1951 1961 1971 1981 Male 26.5 24.8 24.3 24.1 24.3 Female 23.5 21.7 20.9 21.5 21.7 Difference 3.0 3.1 3.4 2.6 2.6 Source: 1941 to 1971: Rogers, R. H. and Witney, G. 1981. The family cycle in twentieth century Canada. Journal of Marriage and the Family 43:727-40. 1981: Statistics Canada Census of Canada 1981, Volume 3, Profil e Series B, Table 1 (20 percent sample). TABLE 4.4 CANADIAN POPULATION FIFTEEN YEARS AND OVER, BY MARITAL STATUS Percentage of population fifteen years and over Census year single married* widowed divorced m f m f m f m f 1911 45.0 34.9 51.5 56.9 3.4 8.2 0.1 0.1 1921 39.2 32.0 56.7 59.2 4.0 8.6 0.2 0.1 1931 41.0 34.0 54.9 57.4 4.0 8.5 0.1 0.1 1941 39.8 33.0 56.1 58.0 4.0 8.8 0.2 0.2 1951 32.1 25.7 63.9 64.5 3.8 9.4 0.3 0.4 1956 30.8 23.7 65.4 66.3 3.6 9.6 0.3 0.4 1961 29.9 23.0 66.4 66.8 ' 3.3 9.7 0.4 0.5 1966 31.4 24.7 65.3 64.7 2.9 10.0 0.4 0.6 1971 31.6 25.0 64.9 63.9 2.5 9.8 1.0 1.3 1976 31.4 24.6 64.9 63.5 2.3 9.9 1.4 2.1 1981 31.3 24.5 64.3 62.4 2.2 10.0 2.2 3.1 Source: Statistics Canada Census of Canada 1981, Volume 1, Table 3 (100 percent sample); and Basavarajappa, K.G. 1978. Marital status and nuptuality in Canada: Statist i c s Canada, 1971 Census of Canada Profile Studies, Demographic Characteristics, Bulletin 5:1-4. Ottawa: Ministry of Supply and Services. * In 1981, persons l i v i n g common-law are classified as married. t h e i r long-term decline i n the 1960s. These figures suggest either a delay i n marriage, or an increase i n the propensity not to marry at a l l . Writing before the 1981 figures were a v a i l a b l e , Rodgers and Witney think the f i r s t p o s s i b i l i t y i s most l i k e l y . In reviewing the proportions women of successive cohorts who remain single, they a n t i c i p a t e that by 1981 women w i l l have married at such a rate so as to leave about ten percent single i n the 30-34 age group; should the f i g u r e be s u b s t a n t i a l l y higher than that, they claim, the trend .could indeed be towards an abandonment of marriage. Table 4.5 shows that, for men, there appears to be an increasing tendency to remain sing l e i n t o the early 30s; the f i g u r e for women i n the 30-34 age group i s only s l i g h t l y above that which Rodgers and Witney project. Since the dif f e r e n c e i s so small, we can draw no firm conclusion as to whether people are i n c r e a s i n g l y w i l l i n g to forego marriage altogether. However, i t seems possible that young adult Canadians are percei v i n g marriage as a somewhat d i f f e r e n t kind of "bargain" than that which i t once was; other p r i o r i t i e s and considerations, such as the opportunity costs for young women who wish to es t a b l i s h career-paths, must be weighed against the benefits of an early marriage. The s i g n i f i c a n c e of a s h i f t i n the proportion of single persons i s played out i n a geographically d i f f e r e n t i a t e d manner. The data for most Canadian C.M.A.s shows an upward movement i n both the 1960s and the 1970s (Table 4.6 i l l u s t r a t e s f i g u r e s for women). Exceptional cases include Quebec Ci t y , St. John's (and Hal i f a x for men), where the percentage s i n g l e f a l l s from comparatively high l e v e l s i n 1961, then reverses or begins to s t a b i l i s e i n the 1970s. This may represent the t a i l end of more t r a d i t i o n a l l i f e s t y l e s where high proportions of single people do not imply the existence of a contemporary " s i n g l e s ' l i f e s t y l e " , but rather the persistence of o l d patterns where adult c h i l d r e n l i v e i n t h e i r parental home i n a kind of extended TABLE 4.5 PERCENTAGE REMAINING SINGLE, BY AGE GROUP Census year Percentage single, men Percentage single, women 20-24 25-29 30-34 20-24 25-29 30-34 1981 71.9 32.0 15.0 51.1 20.0 10.5 1976 67.7 27.0 13.1 45.3 16.3 9.1 1971 67.6 25.6 13.3 43.5 15.4 9.1 1966 70.0 27.4 15.1 44.2 14.9 9.3 1961 69.5 29.6 17.4 40.5 15.4 10.6 1951 74.4 35.1 19.6 48.5 20.7 13.8 1941 83.7 49.7 29.0 61.0 32.9 21.1 Source: Statistics Canada, volumes.from Census of Canada, 1941 to 1981. Note: In 1981, average for men and women together i s 12.7 percent. "If the pattern continues, i t can be anticipated that those who w i l l be i n the 30-34 age group in 1981 w i l l have married at a rate that w i l l leave about 10 percent single. Should the figure be substantially higher than that, there may indeed be a trend towards the abandonment of marriage on the part of a significant segment of younger Canadians" (Rodgers, G. H., and Witney, G. 1981. The family cycle in twentieth century Canada. Journal of Marriage and the Family 43:727-40). 150 TABLE 4.6 PERCENTAGE OF SINGLE WOMEN IN C.M.A.S A l l women aged 15 and over Women aged 20-34 1961 1971 1981 1961 1971 1981 St. John's 33 .2 30 .7 30 .2 33 .8 28 .8 32 .8 Halifax 26 .7 27 .8 28 .0 24 .8 27 .7 32 .5 Saint John 25 .9 27 .0 26 .5 24 .1 26 .8 29 .0 Quebec City 39 .5 36 .7 31 .9 43 .4 39 .1 34 .9 Montreal 27 .4 28 .9 27 .7 28 .0 30 .7 33 .5 Ottawa-Hull 25 .9 27 .7 27 .9 23 .6 27 .4 33 .4 Oshawa* - - 20 .9 - - 21 .3 Toronto 19 .7 23 .3 25 .7 19 .7 26 .1 33 .6 Hamilton 18 .6 21 .2 22 .5 17 .0 21 .0 27 .9 St. Catharines- - 20 .9 21 .5 - 20 .4 26 .5 Niagara* Kitchener 20 .2 22 .0 22 .7 17 .8 19 .8 25 .0 London 21 .8 23 .5 25 .2 21 .7 24 .3 32 .3 Windsor 18 .8 21 .6 22 .7 19 .3 21 .3 27 .1 Sudbury 19 .7 21 .9 24 .1 15 .9 16 .3 25 .4 Thunder Bay* - 22 .4 22 .5 - 23 .0 27 .4 Winnipeg 22 .0 24 .8 25 .7 23 .2 27 .1 32 .6 Regina* - 25 .0 26 .3 - 25 .2 30 .5 Saskatoon* - 24 .9 28 .6 - 24 .7 34 .6 Calgary 18 .3 22 .5 25 .5 17 .7 21 .4 29 .4 Edmonton 19 .9 23 .5 25 .6 18 .7 21 .8 29 .3 Vancouver 18 .9 22 .1 23 .9 21 .0 25 .7 33 .3 Victoria 17 .8 20 .9 21 .7 17 .2 23 .8 32 .0 * Not available for a l l years. family: indeed, i n 1981 St. John's and Quebec C i t y were the only C.M.A.s with over four percent of ch i l d r e n aged 25 or over l i v i n g i n the parental home. As Table 4.7 shows, percentages of the CM.A. population with s i n g l e status i n 1981 are corr e l a t e d with the incidence of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . So as to con t r o l for the v a r i a b l e d i s t r i b u t i o n of age groups between C.M.A.s, and therefore the d i f f e r e n t proportions of the population "at r i s k " of d i s p l a y i n g the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c i n question, the proportion of singles i n the early adult age groups were calculated and found to have stronger c o r r e l a t i o n s than those for the population as a whole; c i t i e s such as V i c t o r i a and Vancouver where the age structure i s top-heavy moved much closer to the regression l i n e s . The proportion of young adult women remaining single i n 1981 i s p a r t i c u l a r l y strongly associated with the g e n t r i f i c a t i o n index. Figures for median age at marriage confirm the s p i r i t of t h i s f i n d i n g . Any causal processes underlying these patterns of as s o c i a t i o n are l i k e l y to be very complex, t i e d up al s o with features of urban i n d u s t r i a l structure. One task of inte n s i v e research must be to explore the nature of these r e l a t i o n s h i p s , to f i n d i f g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i s associated with growing numbers of young women seeking options which have been previously closed to them by the structure of s o c i a l norms and material opportunities. Along with the proportions s i n g l e and median age at marriage, a set of variables p e r t a i n i n g to the proportion of the population that i s divorced (and not remarried) was introduced as an i n d i c a t o r of changing norms concerning m a r i t a l status. Again a control for CM.A. age structure was introduced (by focussing on the population aged 35 to 54). Rates of divorce are highest i n the western provinces, and t h i s i s r e f l e c t e d at the c i t y scale; St. John's represents the other extreme. In terms of rates of change, Hal i f a x has had a p a r t i c u l a r l y r a p i d r i s e i n percentages divorced, e s p e c i a l l y i n the 1970s, r e f l e c t i v e perhaps of the decline of familism i n Nova Scotia 152 TABLE 4.7 CORRELATING MARITAL STATUS WITH INDEX OF INNER CITY GENTRIFICATION 1971 1981 Independent variables* R R (n=21) (n=22)' Malesing .07 .42 Ymsing .18 .59 Femsing .28 .46 Yfsing .36 .68 Maleage na .44 Ymage na .54 Femage na .58 Yfage na .61 Malediv .20 .37 Ymdiv .18 .40 Femdiv .22 .45 Yfdiv .24 .50 Sources: Malesing, femsing, ymsing, yfsing, malediv, femdiv, ymdiv, yfdiv: Statistics Canada Census of Canada 1981, Volume 2, Provincial Series, Table 4 (100 percent sample); Census of Canada 1971, Volume 1, Part 4-2, Table 3 (100 percent sample). Maleage, femage, ymage, yfage: Statistics Canada Census of Canada 1981, Volume 3, Profile Series B, Table 1 (20 percent sample). * Malesing/femsing: Percent males/females aged fifteen years and over never married. Ymsing/yfsing: Percent males/females aged 20-34 years never married. Maleage/femage: Male/female median age at f i r s t marriage for a l l persons aged fifteen years and over ever married. Ymage/yfage: Male/female median age at f i r s t marriage for a l l persons aged 15-44 years ever married. Malediv/femdiv: Percent males/females aged fifteen years and over legally divorced and not remarried. Ymdiv/yfdiv: Percent males/females aged 35-54 years legally divorced and not remarried. which'Trovato (1986) i d e n t i f i e s . Montreal and Quebec C i t y a l s o have changed t h e i r p o s i t i o n from one of low r e l a t i v e proportions of divorced persons, to one where they are located close to the average for a l l C.M.A.s. The var i a b l e s measuring proportions of divorced men and women i n 1981 are p o s i t i v e l y c o r r e l a t e d with the g e n t r i f i c a t i o n index across the CM.A. system, but at r e l a t i v e l y modest l e v e l s . The highest proportion of young divorced females (to focus on one variable) i s found i n V i c t o r i a and the lowest i n St. John's, yet both have similar moderately high indices of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . The pattern of i n t e r c o r r e l a t i o n s between the three sets of marital status v a r i a b l e s appears to r e f l e c t the changing s i g n i f i c a n c e of singlehood. When proportions s i n g l e and proportions divorced are co r r e l a t e d for 1961, for 1971 and for 1981, the patterns of a s s o c i a t i o n are seen to have changed (Table 4.8). In 1961, proportions s i n g l e and divorced were strongly negatively c o r r e l a t e d . These c o r r e l a t i o n s weakened, and by 1981 the c o r r e l a t i o n f o r . males had switched to p o s i t i v e . C i t i e s such as St. John's and Quebec C i t y r e t a i n high l e v e l s s i n g l e and low l e v e l s divorced throughout. In 1961 a group of c i t i e s comprising Vancouver, Calgary and Edmonton s t a r t with high divorced and low sing l e proportions; during the 1970s, they r e t a i n t h e i r high proportions of divorced, but t h e i r proportions of sing l e people a l s o become r e l a t i v e l y high. One poss i b l e cause of t h i s would be changing proportions i n the population "at r i s k " of divorce, as age cohorts of d i f f e r e n t s i z e get older. At t h i s scale of ana l y s i s , such an explanation cannot be ru l e d out; however, age-controlled data i n 1971 and 1981, which focuses on the age groups "at r i s k " , seem to lend some support to an a l t e r n a t i v e explanation: that c e r t a i n c i t i e s o f f e r a s o c i a l context i n which the married state i s less dominant as a mode of l i v i n g . Whether t h i s feeds through to people's perceptions, i n a re-evaluation of the costs and benefits of being married, cannot be determined at t h i s scale. TABLE 4.8 CORRELATING PERCENTAGE SINGLE AND PERCENTAGE DIVORCED Percent aged f i f t e e n and over, s i n g l e Percent aged f i f t e e n and over, divorced Males Females 1961 (n=17) Males Females -.67 -.77 1971 (n=21) Males Females -.61 -.59 1981 (n=22) Males Females .23 -.17 Percent aged 20-34 si n g l e Males Females Percent aged 35-54 over, divorced Males -.30 1971 (n=21) Females -.35 1981 (n=22) Males Females .60 .37 4.22 Family composition. The findings for the second set of v a r i a b l e s , pertaining to family composition, are much simpler to i n t e r p r e t . These v a r i a b l e s r e f l e c t measures of family s i z e and f e r t i l i t y , and are c o l l e c t e d for the population as a whole and for appropriate age-controlled groups. Correlations with the g e n t r i f i c a t i o n index are i l l u s t r a t e d i n Table 4.9. G e n t r i f i c a t i o n i s correlated p o s i t i v e l y with high proportions of c h i l d l e s s couples, negatively correlated with measures of family s i z e and female f e r t i l i t y . While the c o r r e l a t i o n s f or the v a r i a b l e s measuring the percentage of f a m i l i e s with three or more c h i l d r e n at home were i n the expected d i r e c t i o n , they were only modest i n strength: Halifax and St. John's have p a r t i c u l a r l y large re s i d u a l s above the l i n e , r e f l e c t i n g a p o s s i b l e A t l a n t i c Coast regional e f f e c t . Halifax, St. John's and Ottawa-Hull had l e v e l s of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n greater than those predicted by the family composition v a r i a b l e s ; Oshawa, Winnipeg and Saint John had lower l e v e l s of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n than predicted. 4.23 Organization of domestic l i f e . The t h i r d set of v a r i a b l e s was designed to measure the organization of the domestic sphere i n terms of the d i v i s i o n of r o l e s . Unfortunately, l i m i t e d data are obtainable on the r e l a t i v e status of actual husbands and w i v e s — t h e asymmetry i n t h e i r occupational status for instance. The only figures d i r e c t l y useful i n t h i s regard measure the number of dual-earner f a m i l i e s where both husband and wife are i n the labour force, and the r e l a t i v e education of husbands and wives. Other than these, we have to employ a comparison of aggregate counts or averages which are accessible at the e c o l o g i c a l (not the household) scale. For example, we can only compare the median incomes for men and women i n the CM.A.. Table 4.10 l i s t s the v a r i a b l e s which were employed and t h e i r c o r r e l a t i o n s with the g e n t r i f i c a t i o n index. Where po s s i b l e , a g e - r e s t r i c t e d TABLE 4.9 CORRELATING FAMILY COMPOSITION WITH INDEX OF INNER CITY GENTRIFICATION 1971 1981 Independent variables* R R (n=21) (n=22) Ppf -.12 -.26 Yppf na -.59 Fert -.21 -.31 Yfert -.40 -.55 Threek -.18 -.26 Ythreek na -.25 Cless ha .62 Ycless na .60 Sources: Ppf, Threek: Statistics Canada Census of Canada 1981, Volume 3, Profile Series A, Table 1 (100 percent sample); Census of Canada 1971, Census tract series, Series A, (100 percent sample). Yppf: Statistics Canada Census of Canada 1981, Volume 2, Provincial Series, Table 36 (20 percent sample). Fert, Yfert: Statistics Canada Census of Canada 1981, Volume 3, Profile series B, Table 1 (20 percent sample); Census of Canada 1971, Census tract series, Series B (33 1/3 percent sample). Ythreek: Statistics Canada Census of Canada 1981, Volume 2, Provincial Sries, Table 43 and Table 45 (20 percent sample). Cless, Ycless: Statistics Canada Census of Canada 1981, Volume 2, Provincial Series, Table 44 (20 percent sample). * Ppf: Average number of persons per family. Yppf: -Average number of persons per family, husband-wife families, wife aged under 35. Fert: Children ever born per 1000 ever married women aged 15 and over. Yfert: Chi Idem ever born per 1000 ever married women aged 15-44. Threek: Percent families with three or more children at home. Ythreek: Percent families with, husband or lone-parent head aged 35-54, with three or more children at home. Cless: Percent husband-wife families, childless. Ycless: Percent husband-wife families, wife under 35, childless. 157 TABLE 4.10 CORRELATING DOMESTIC ORGANISATION WITH INDEX OF INNER CITY GENTRIFICATION 1971 1981 Independent variables* R R (n=21) (n=22) Relinc .49 .70 Yrelinc .55 -73 Dual na .30 Ydual na .52 Hwuni na .65 Yhwuni na .68 Relocc -.49 -.56 Sources: Relinc, Yrelinc: S t a t i s t i c s Canada Census of Canada 1981, Volume 2, Provincial Series, Table 5 (20 percent sample); Census of Canada 1971, Census tract series, Series B (33 1/3 percent sample). Dual, Relocc: Statistics Canada, Census of Canada 1981, Volume 3, Profile Series B, Table 1 (20 percent sample); Census of Canada 1971, Census tract series, Series B (33 1/3 percent sample). Ydual: Statistics Canada, Census of Canada 1981, Volume 2, Provincial Series, Table 43 (20 percent sample). Hwuni: Statistics Canada, Census of Canada 1981, Volume 2, Provincial Series, Table 41 (20 percent sample). Yhwuni: Statistics Canada, Census of Canada 1981, Volume 2, Provincial Series, Table 40 (20 percent sample). * Relinc: Median income of women aged 15 and over expressed as a percentage of median income of men aged 15 and over. Yrelinc: Median income of women aged 25-34 expressed as a percentage of median income of men aged 25-34. Dual: Percentage of husband-wife families with both husband and wife in the labour force. Ydual: Percentage of husband-wife families, both partners under 35, with both husband and wife in the labour force. Hwuni: Number of husband-wife families where both partners have some university-level education, expressed as a percentage of number of husband-wife families where husband has some university-level education. Yhwuni: Number of husband-wife families, wife under 35, where both partners have some university-level education, expressed as a percentage of number of husband-wife families, wife under 35, where husband has some university-level education. Relocc: Proportion of female labour force in managerial and knowledge occupations, expressed as a percentage of the proportion of male labour force in managerial and knowledge occupations (knowledge occupations are in natural sciences, engineering and mathematics; social science and related f i e l d s ; religion, teaching and related occupations; occupations in medicine and health, a r t i s i t c , l i t e r a r y , recreational and related occupations). data were c o l l e c t e d . The two sets of va r i a b l e s d i r e c t l y measuring husband-wife r e l a t i o n s (percentage of dual earner couples, and percentage of university-educated husbands , with university-educated wives) had p o s i t i v e c o r r e l a t i o n s with g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . The education v a r i a b l e s ' correlated strongly i n part because they predicted Halifax's l e v e l of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n much more accurately than other v a r i a b l e s so far discussed. While the education v a r i a b l e offered some i n d i c a t i o n of the degree of asymmetry i n r e a l partnerships, we cannot e s t a b l i s h the same for other v a r i a b l e s . Here, we can only compare women as a group with men as a groups While r e l a t i v e female income co r r e l a t e d with the index of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n , i t should be borne i n mind that there i s s t i l l s u b s tantial i n e q u a l i t y : i n 1981 the s i t u a t i o n was best i n Toronto (50.4 percent) and worst i n Sudbury (30.4 percent); for young adults i t ranged from 66.6 percent i n Ottawa-Hull to 37.8 percent i n St. Catharines-Niagara. These measures of r e l a t i v e female income were the vari a b l e s with the highest c o r r e l a t i o n with the g e n t r i f i c a t i o n index of a l l v a r i a b l e s considered i n t h i s d i s c u s s i o n . The focus here i s on women's r e l a t i v e status with respect to men, not th e i r absolute status. But what i s the r e l a t i o n s h i p between these two aspects? One might a n t i c i p a t e that i n prosperous places where both sexes do well, women should expect to achieve higher l e v e l s of equality, compared to those areas where there might be greater competition for l i m i t e d socioeconomic resources. This i s a hypothesis tested by Lee and Schultz (1982) for the regional patterns of female, status i n the United States. They found, to the contrary, that an index of female r e l a t i v e status (combining education, occupation and income va r i a b l e s ) correlated negatively with an index of female absolute status. Women d i d r e l a t i v e l y poorly i n the Mormon region (as expected) but al s o i n Megalopolis, the manufacturing b e l t , and the urban areas of the south and the west. Women d i d r e l a t i v e l y well i n the agricultural plains and the rural south. Lee and Schultz conclude that, "where conditions were favorable for women, they were favorable to a much greater degree for men. In well-off areas, both women and men commanded higher than average salaries, but the men's wages were so much greater that the earnings of women seemed puny by comparison" (Lee and Schultz 1982:40). For the Canadian urban system, female relative income was strongly correlated with absolute income (r=0.82 for a l l adults, r=0.86 for young adults). The measures for the total adult population suggest a curvilinear rather than a linear relationship. Relative income i s overpredicted in cit i e s such as Oshawa, Hamilton, Thunder Bay, Sudbury and St. Catherines-Niagara at the low end of the absolute income scale. These tend to be ci t i e s with a long tradition of male employment in primary or secondary sector act i v i t i e s , where good male incomes are associated with highly unionized workforces. Relative income i s also overpredicted in the large western ci t i e s of Calgary, Edmonton and Vancouver at the high end of the absolute income scale. Relative income i s underpredicted especially in St. John's, Montreal, Halifax, Quebec City, London and Winnipeg—the Quebec c i t i e s and the medium-sized service centres. It would be misleading to incorporate this into an overall status index, as do Lee and Schultz, because the pattern for the income variables is quite different from that for the occupation variables. The measure of relative female occupational status is based upon proportions of women, compared to proportions of men, in managerial and in "knowledge" occupations (science, engineering, social science, religion, teaching, health and arts occupations). This measure has vi r t u a l l y a zero correlation with absolute female status. In nearly half the c i t i e s , females have higher occupational status (higher proportion of workforce in managerial and knowledge occupations) than males. And some of the industrial c i t i e s which performed poorly on relative income status are amongst those where women have highest r e l a t i v e occupational status. Here the workforce i s h i g h l y sex-segregated, with a strong concentration of males i n the resource-extraction, resource-processing and manufacturing sectors; while the highest status occupations are not large i n number, the proportion of the female workforce with such occupations i s greater than the equivalent proportion of the male workforce. In such s i t u a t i o n s , the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i s complicated by the d i f f i c u l t i e s of separating out occupational status i n i s o l a t i o n from the gender breakdown of occupations: while the managerial and knowledge occupations are conventionally perceived as "higher status", the degree to which any occupation i s dominated by one sex introduces another status dimension with which i t i s e m p i r i c a l l y intertwined. People with occupational sub-categories such as teacher or nurse (which may be dominated by women) may be treated as having lower status than those with b l u e - c o l l a r occupations where men have always been dominant. It i s not possible to take i n t o account t h i s f a c t o r here. The largest metropolitan c i t i e s — O t t a w a and H u l l , Toronto, Calgary, Montreal, Vancouver—are amongst those with medium or high female absolute status but low r e l a t i v e status. The smaller service-oriented c i t i e s of H a l i f ax, St. John's and V i c t o r i a have high absolute and medium r e l a t i v e status. To r e i t e r a t e , we cannot assume from t h i s e c o l o g i c a l - l e v e l data the comparative income and occupation c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of actual male-female partnerships. Even i f that assumption was made, the complex findings introduced by the comparison of women's absolute and r e l a t i v e status confirms the d i f f i c u l t i e s of abstracting gender r e l a t i o n s from other s t r u c t u r e s — o f c l a s s and of c u l t u r e — i n empirical research. 4.3 CONCLUSIONS. Notwithstanding the complicating factors introduced by the measures of r e l a t i v e female status, there i s evidence of ' a s t a t i s t i c a l a s s o c i a t i o n between measures of the strength of the "family-household system" i n d i f f e r e n t c i t i e s , and the degrees of inner c i t y g e n t r i f i c a t i o n those c i t i e s experience. We have also considered the kinds of urban i n d u s t r i a l structures within which g e n t r i f i c a t i o n seems to f l o u r i s h most r e a d i l y . Much of the v a r i a t i o n i n the cl a s s v a r i a b l e s i s s i m i l a r to the v a r i a t i o n i n the gender va r i a b l e s , with the same c i t i e s appearing as r e s i d u a l s for both. For example, Y r e l i n c , the measure of female r e l a t i v e income, has the following high c o r r e l a t i o n s i n 1981: r=-0.44 with manufacturing, r=0.66 with finance, r=0.52 with service i n d u s t r i e s , r=0.58 with administration i n d u s t r i e s . Measures f o r percentages divorced do have a d i s t i n c t l y d i f f e r e n t pattern, being strongly co r r e l a t e d with employment i n the construction i n d u s t r i e s and thus suggesting that l e v e l s of divorce are highest i n areas undergoing rapid s o c i a l change and economic expansion. Nevertheless, due to the s i m i l a r v a r i a t i o n s i n the c l a s s and gender measures, when a multiple regression i s performed with a l l of the 1981 measures entered as independent v a r i a b l e s , only the two gender variables ( Y r e l i n c and Yhwuni) a c t u a l l y enter (giving a multiple R of 0.82—see Table 4.11). The s i m i l a r i t y i n the patterns of cl a s s and gender r a i s e s two questions. F i r s t , why are the patterns of d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n s i m i l a r ; why should a c i t y with a p o s t i n d u s t r i a l economy a l s o tend to exhibit p o s t p a t r i a r c h a l gender r e l a t i o n s ? Second, i f the i n t e r s e c t i o n of c l a s s and gender r e l a t i o n s cannot account f u l l y for the incidence of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n , what other sources of v a r i a t i o n explain the exceptional c i t i e s which appear as o u t l i e r s on the regression models? I deal with the second question f i r s t . To account completely for the incidence of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n by s t a t i s t i c a l TABLE 4.11 MULTIPLE REGRESSION OF 1981 VARIABLES MEASURING CLASS AND GENDER RELATIONS AGAINST INDEX OF INNER CITY GENTRIFICATION Entered Multiple R R Squared Adjusted R Squared Step 1 Yrelinc 0.73 0.54 0.51 Step 2 Yhwuni 0.82 0.67 0.64 Residuals St. John's Halifax Saint John Quebec City Montreal Step 1 Underpredicted Overpredicted 0.30 4.74 0.20 -1.95 -2.67 Step 2 Underpredicted Overpredicted 0.98 3.10 0.53 1.32 -1.50 Ottawa-Hull Oshawa Toronto Hamilton St. Catharines-Niagara 0.81 1.18 -0.14 -3.31 -0.32 0.43 1.93 -0.71 -1.80 -0.88 Kitchener London Windsor Sudbury Thunder Bay 0.76 0.17 0.35 -1.64 -0.61 0.21 0.68 -2.11 -0.17 -0.02 Winnipeg Regina Saskatoon Calgary Edmonton 1.25 1.97 -2.93 -1.91 -0.27 0.31 1.82 -3.80 -1.96 -0.89 Vancouver Victoria 1.64 2.39 1.07 1.44 Standard deviation of residuals Step 1 = 1.91 Step 2 = 1.60 techniques we must i d e n t i f y some dimension which distinguishes between the p o s i t i v e r e s i d u a l s — i n p a r t i c u l a r , H a l i f a x — a n d the negative r e s i d u a l s — notably Winnipeg and London—from the regression l i n e c a l c u lated by entering Y r e l i n c and Yhwuni against the g e n t r i f i c a t i o n index. Two p o s s i b i l i t i e s are a v a i l a b l e . In the case of Halifax, Ley (1985a) has pointed to • the rather unique combination of f a c t o r s , i n c l u d i n g a remarkable c l u s t e r i n g of senior white c o l l a r occupations, inconvenient access to the downtown and inner c i t y peninsula, and a range of inner c i t y amenities. Perhaps some i n t e r a c t i v e e f f e c t between these factors r e s u l t s i n l e v e l s of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n unpredictable on the basis of l i n e a r regression. Another p o s s i b i l i t y i s suggested by Ley's p r i n c i p a l components analysis of the eight variables drawn from a l l four hypotheses he considers. The f i r s t component extracted was i n t e r p r e t a b l e as an i n d i c a t o r of the " p o s t i n d u s t r i a l c i t y " , and ranked c i t i e s i n a manner s i m i l a r to that achieved by the analyses of c l a s s and gender measures reported above. But the second component i s interpreted as a measure of Berry's (1980) housing squeeze s i t u a t i o n , i n which an imbalance of new housing supply and housing demand forces people to seek inner c i t y housing. Ley i d e n t i f i e s the leading scores on t h i s component as being, on one pole, London; and on the other pole, St. John's and H a l i f a x . Two v a r i a b l e s dominate the loadings for t h i s component. The f i r s t of these, "incomegap", measures the r a t i o between inner c i t y and CM.A. household income i n 1981. While "incomegap" does not tap the housing squeeze d i r e c t l y , i t represents what Ley describes as an e f f e c t of a housing squeeze. The second v a r i a b l e , " s t a r t s " , i s a measure of dwelling unit s t a r t s i n the C M . A. between 1971 and 1981 expressed as a r a t i o of household growth i n the CM.A. over the same time period. The component scores measuring a "housing squeeze" were added as a t h i r d v a r i a b l e i n t o the stepwise regression against the g e n t r i f i c a t i o n index i n which y r e l i n c and yhwuni were already entered. M u l t i p l e R was increased from 0.82 to 0.88 (Table 4.12). While residuals were increased for some c i t i e s , notably V i c t o r i a , Toronto and Oshawa, they were s u b s t a n t i a l l y decreased for Halifax, London, Regina and Vancouver. From a s t a t i s t i c a l point of view, t h i s r e s u l t i s s a t i s f a c t o r y , with over 70 percent of the variance explained. Beyond s t a t i s t i c a l success, what could be the r e a l explanatory con t r i b u t i o n of the housing squeeze? If the r e s t r u c t u r i n g of c l a s s and of gender r e l a t i o n s i s the necessary condition for the production of g e n t r i f i e r s , i t s e f f e c t depends on a contingent i n t e r a c t i o n with e x i s t i n g conditions "on the ground". Like the amenity resources and the p h y s i c a l geography of a c i t y ' s s i t e , conditions of the urban housing market are p r e - e x i s t i n g s o c i o s p a t i a l surfaces which enable or suppress the appearance of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n when appropriate conditions of c l a s s and gender formation are i n place. How do we i n t e r p r e t the s i g n i f i c a n c e of the s t a t i s t i c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p between cla s s and gender? In section 4.1 a reworking of Ley's an a l y s i s , confirmed that g e n t r i f i c a t i o n f l o u r i s h e s i n metropolitan labour markets where the p o s t i n d u s t r i a l mode i s most s i g n i f i c a n t . However, the analysis of v a r i a b l e s measuring the state of gender r e l a t i o n s has permitted a more nuanced i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . Some of these v a r i a b l e s , s i n g l y or i n combination, perform s u c c e s s f u l l y as p r e d i c t o r s of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . The c l a s s and the gender measures were not s t a t i s t i c a l l y independent; rather, p o s t i n d u s t r i a l c l a s s r e l a t i o n s and p o s t p a t r i a r c h a l gender r e l a t i o n s are already k n i t together at t h i s l e v e l of r e s o l u t i o n . This cannot be taken as conclusive evidence that c l a s s and gender are, t h e o r e t i c a l l y , reducible to one underlying mechanism. But i t can be taken as evidence of the power of contingency i n weaving together, from the warp of c l a s s and the woof of gender, a f a b r i c of urban experience i n which the same motifs are reproduced across the c i t y system. Instead of a subtle p l a i d , where the p o s t p a t r i a r c h a l TABLE 4.12 ADDING MEASURE OF HOUSING SQUEEZE TO REGRESSION MODEL Entered Multiple R R Squared Adjusted R Squared Yrelinc 0.73 0.54 0.51 Yhwuni 0.82 0.67 0.64 Housing squeeze 0.88 0.77 0.73 Residuals Underpredicted Overpredicted St. John's -0.55 Halifax 1.58 Saint John -1.55 Quebec City 0.73 Montreal 1.22 Ottawa-Hull -0.67 Oshawa -2.15 Toronto -1.50 Hamilton 0.31 St. Catharines-Niagara 1.88 Kitchener -0.23 London 0.19 Windsor 0.93 Sudbury -0.28 Thunder Bay -0.09 Winnipeg -3.03 Regina -0.87 Saskatoon 0.41 Calgary 1.88 Edmonton -0.59 Vancouver 0.15 Victoria 2.21 Standard deviation of residuals 1.35 and the p o s t i n d u s t r i a l cart appear independently, we seem to have more of a regimented pattern of checks. At the end of Chapter 3 I argued for the power of patterns. While cla s s and gender are t h e o r e t i c a l l y d i s t i n c t , the p a r t i c u l a r forms i n which they have come together at c e r t a i n times and i n c e r t a i n places can come to stand as models for subsequent s t y l e s of l i f e , as part of the i d e o l o g i c a l raw material out of which i n d i v i d u a l s construct t h e i r s o c i a l i d e n t i t i e s . To acknowledge that production i s achieved by means of a p a r t i c u l a r formation of classes i s not to predetermine the gender of the people f i l l i n g the d i f f e r e n t c l a s s p o s i t i o n s , nor the kinds of domestic conditions they enjoy, nor what they l i k e to do at the weekends. But on the basis of empirical r e g u l a r i t i e s we might be able to make a p r e t t y good p r e d i c t i o n . T r a d i t i o n s of men's and women's work and of gender i d e n t i t i e s , h i s t o r i e s of labour r e l a t i o n s and of c i v i l i n s t i t u t i o n s i n a community or a nation, a l l enter i n t o the construction of the spheres of "public" and "private" l i f e , i n c l u d i n g the d e f i n i t i o n of work and occupational structure. For example, Murgatroyd (1985) has shown how occupational "places" take on c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of t h e i r incumbents and therefore cannot be distinguished from the people who f i l l them. The d e f i n i t i o n of which jobs are " s k i l l e d " , f or instance, depends not only on the content of the jobs themselves, but on a t t r i b u t e s of the people who are employed i n them, i n c l u d i n g the a t t r i b u t e of gender. The a s s o c i a t i o n of occupation with gender has been c r u c i a l to changes i n times of r e s t r u c t u r i n g , i n c l u d i n g which kinds of new jobs are created, which are removed, and where. In p a r t i c u l a r , there i s evidence that the a v a i l a b i l i t y of a previously untapped and " d o c i l e " labour force can be a t t r a c t i v e to many in d u s t r i e s ; c u l t u r a l s p e c i f i c notions of gender i d e n t i t y thus enter contingently i n t o the process of economic r e s t r u c t u r i n g and fundamentally shape i t s empirical form. This i s one way i n which c u l t u r a l d e f i n i t i o n s act 167 as templates for the working out of s t r u c t u r a l processes. Not only i s there a set of ideologies pertaining to c l a s s (for example, what i s i t to be working class) and a set of ideologies p e r t a i n i n g to gender (for example, what i s i t to be a good woman), but the two are intertwined and r e c i p r o c a l l y redefine one another. When dramatic change occurs i n the economic sphere, for instance, i t c a l l s f o r t h a response i n the domestic sphere—such as the r e s t r u c t u r i n g of household strategies described by Christopherson (1983) and Pahl (1985). As service i n d u s t r i e s employ greater proportions of the labour force, and as "new c l a s s " occupations expand r e l a t i v e to other occupations, can we p r e d i c t an increasing breakdown of p a t r i a r c h a l gender r e l a t i o n s ? This i s a dangerous extrapolation to make from the s t a t i s t i c a l associations established for the metropolitan system. On t h e o r e t i c a l grounds, we must maintain a perspective on the contingent, rather than necessary, r e l a t i o n s h i p between cl a s s and gender. I t i s i n the nature of a s t a t i s t i c a l exercise such as the one reported here to obscure that d i s t i n c t i o n . The data analysed above i s at a p a r t i c u l a r l e v e l of r e s o l u t i o n . Disaggregating the data would reveal more complex patterns of s o c i o - s p a t i a l s t r u c t u r i n g . We know, for example, that the d i f f e r e n t occupations supporting the p o s t i n d u s t r i a l economy are s p a t i a l l y p o l a r i z e d within the c i t y . The senior managerial and p r o f e s s i o n a l categories are d i s p r o p o r t i o n a t e l y concentrated i n c i t y cores; women are slowly moving i n t o those p o s i t i o n s , though i n small (but increasing) numbers and s t i l l concentrated i n categories such as health and education. But t h i s complex of high l e v e l functions i s sustained by support units which are less l i k e l y to be s p a t i a l l y c e n t r a l i z e d . Here, large numbers of female employees carry out lower l e v e l " s e r v i c i n g " p o s i t i o n s and d e s k i l l e d tasks which hold l i t t l e promise of upward mobi l i t y . Both "places" are products of the p o s t i n d u s t r i a l economy: one could p o s s i b l y be a t e r r a i n f o r the slow erosion of p a t r i a r c h a l gender r e l a t i o n s ; the other may be a l o c a t i o n where a new set of gender-segregated experiences reproduces patriarchy i n a new form. As one disaggregates these patterns, the less evident the turn to p o s t p a t r i a r c h a l r e l a t i o n s appears, and the more dangerous i t becomes to r e l y on s t a t i s t i c a l analysis of the associations between aggregated sets of data. Hidden behind the aggregate figures at the c i t y scale are complex processes breaking down old i n e q u a l i t i e s and e s t a b l i s h i n g some new ones: the fundamental nature of uneven development. To carry forward some of the issues r a i s e d i n t h i s chapter to a study of substantive r e l a t i o n s h i p s between s o c i a l and geographical r e s t r u c t u r i n g requires ethnographic i n v e s t i g a t i o n at the l o c a l scale. In t h i s , we can also begin to consider the r e s t r u c t u r i n g of meaning, the changes i n the c u l t u r a l sphere of values so far neglected i n a production of g e n t r i f i e r s approach. The next chapter introduces the context for such a study. NOTES 1. The tautology i s p a r t l y sidestepped by the f a c t that the two v a r i a b l e s are measured at d i f f e r e n t scales. The g e n t r i f i c a t i o n index incorporates a measure of census t r a c t occupational status, whereas we are interested i n applying measures of the CM.A. occupational structure. L o g i c a l l y , i t i s possible f o r there to be a low proportion of new class-type occupations i n the CM.A. as a whole, at the same time that there i s a high l e v e l of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i n the inner c i t y ; a l t e r n a t i v e l y , a l l of a c i t y ' s new c l a s s workers could l i v e i n the suburbs. This p o s s i b i l i t y r e f l e c t s the two-stage p o l a r i z a t i o n process by which i n t e r - c i t y labour market d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n may be c a r r i e d through i n d i f f e r e n t patterns of i n t r a - c i t y d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n . In an a n a l y s i s of the s t a t i s t i c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p between occupational structure (percentage of CM.A. labour force) i n 1981 and the g e n t r i f i c a t i o n index, the following high c o r r e l a t i o n s were found: r=0.62 with managerial, administrative and r e l a t e d occupations; r=0.62 with "knowledge" occupations (science, engineering, s o c i a l science, r e l i g i o n , teaching, health and a r t s occupations); r=0.53 with c l e r i c a l occupations; r=-0.51 with machining occupations. CHAPTER FIVE GENTRIFICATION IN VANCOUVER G e n t r i f i c a t i o n i s a manifestation of new p o l a r i z a t i o n s i n s o c i a l and geographical space. The processes concerned can be shown to be relevant at nested scales of enquiry. The previous chapter de a l t with the scale of the urban system. This chapter moves to the intra-urban scale i n order to set up a context for a d e t a i l e d case study, drawing us from the search for broad patterns towards a closer concern with matters of process. The "production of g e n t r i f i e r s " l i t e r a t u r e has placed p a r t i c u l a r emphasis on the reorganization of the s p a t i a l structure of the labour market, which has important implications for the urban housing market. As Beauregard (1986) argues, the absolute and r e l a t i v e expansion of pr o f e s s i o n a l and managerial jobs i n c e n t r a l c i t i e s i s p i v o t a l to current s h i f t s i n r e s i d e n t i a l structure. But to tr a n s l a t e t h i s i n t o g e n t r i f i c a t i o n one must explain why a subgroup of such employees are now attracted i n greater numbers to inner c i t y neighbourhoods, and t h i s necessitates an understanding of changing gender r e l a t i o n s as w e l l . A study at the intra-urban scale requires a q u a l i t a t i v e account of how changes i n a c i t y ' s labour market might have aff e c t e d consumer demand for housing i n i t s inner neighbourhoods. It i s al s o possible to consider, informally, the r e l a t i o n s h i p between g e n t r i f i c a t i o n and gender r e l a t i o n s over urban space. 5.1 THE ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL CONTEXT FOR GENTRIFICATION IN VANCOUVER. The case study neighbourhood which w i l l be introduced l a t e r l i e s i n the inner c i t y of Vancouver. Vancouver has a g e n t r i f i c a t i o n index of 9.3, the fourth highest of the 22 C.M.A.s a f t e r Halifax, Ottawa-Hull and V i c t o r i a . Vancouver's 1981 economic structure, measured by employment f i g u r e s , i s i l l u s t r a t e d i n Table 5.1. In many categories, figures for Vancouver are not gr e a t l y d i f f e r e n t from the average for a l l the C.M.A.s. Compared to that average, Vancouver CM.A. has low percentages of the labour force i n the secondary sector and above average percentages i n t e r t i a r y and quaternary sectors (except administration, which i s p a r t l y explained by the overrepresentation of government functions i n the p r o v i n c i a l c a p i t a l , V i c t o r i a ) . In terms of occupational s t r a t a , Vancouver CM.A. has a mixed pattern over the white and blue c o l l a r categories. Vancouver's g e n t r i f i c a t i o n index tended to be underpredicted by regressions performed with these employment v a r i a b l e s . Compared to the other C.M.A.s, Vancouver does not stand out as having an exceptional employment structure, and while i t has been r e f e r r e d to as a " p o s t i n d u s t r i a l c i t y " (Ley 1980), there i s evidence i n these figures f o r the continuing s i g n i f i c a n c e of the staples i n d u s t r i e s to the p r o v i n c i a l economy. Nevertheless, patterns of growth i n the d i f f e r e n t employment categories suggests some important changes i n the structure of the metropolitan economy. Across a l l i n d u s t r i a l sectors, Vancouver's greatest rates of growth during the 1970s were i n finance (73.1 percent), service (74.1 percent) and administration (74.5 percent); the equivalent figures for a l l C.M.A.s were 70.7, 69.2, and 40.7 percent r e s p e c t i v e l y , and i n fac t Vancouver had the greatest rate of growth of a l l C.M.A.s i n the administrative sector. Of occupational s t r a t a , growth was fa s t e s t i n managerial (213.4 percent), knowledge (78.9 percent) and c l e r i c a l jobs (66.3 percent); equivalents for a l l C.M.A.s were 161.7, 66.4 and 53.7 percent r e s p e c t i v e l y . These patterns of growth continued i n t o the 1980s, and even during the recession years of 1981-1984 i n the province as a whole there was an increase i n managerial and knowledge type occupations of 40,000, while a l l other occupational categories l o s t 90,000 jobs (Daniels 1985). There i s a TABLE 5.1 EMPLOYMENT STRUCTURE FOR VANCOUVER CM.A. AND VANCOUVER CITY, 1981 A l l C.M.A.s Vancouver Rank of Vancouver Percentage CM.A. Vancouver City growth in C.M.A. CM.A. EMPLOYMENT BY INDUSTRY2: percentage of labour force in a l l industries Primary 2.1 2.7 8 1.9 31.7 Manufacturing 19.5 14.7 12 13.4 26.3 Construction 6.0 6.8 7 5.2 43.6 Transport 8.6 10.6 3 9.9 43.9 Trade 17.7 19.3 4 17.0 52.1 Finance 6.8 7.2 4= 7.5 73.1 Service 31.2 32.9 8= 39.8 74.1 Administration 8.1 5.8 13 5.4 74.5 percentage of labour force in a l l occupations 10.3 9.8 9 8.3 213.4 16.8 16.3 13 18.5 76.9 22.1 21.8 9 22.3 66.3 9.6 10.6 3 9.1 28.1 11.9 12.6 15 15.8 44.9 1.5 2.1 9= 1.6 10.6 3.0 3.3 8 3.0 19.4 10.9 8.4 11= 8.0 38.7 13.9 15.3 8 13.4 33.3 ManageriaJ^ Knowledge Clerical Sales Services Primary Processing Machining Other Source: Statistics Canada Census of Canada 1981, Volume 3, Profile Series B (20 percent sample). 1. Calculated on basis of total labour force in 22 C.M.A.s. 2. For definitions of industry, see Table 4.2. 3. Managerial occupations: Managerial, administrative and related occupations. 4. Knowledge occupations: occupations in natural sciences, engineering and mathematics; social science and related fields; religion; teaching and related occupations; occupations in medicine and health; a r t i s t i c , literary, recreational and related occupations. 5. Farming, horticultural and animal husbandry occupations; fishing, trapping and related occupations; forestry and logging occupations; mining and quarrying including o i l and gasfield occupations. 6. Machining occupations: Machining and related occupations; product fabricating, assembly and repairing occupations. 7. Other occupations: Construction trades occupations; transport equipment operating occupations; material handling and related occupations; other crafts and equipment operating occupations; occupations not elsewhere classified. s i g n i f i c a n t geography to t h i s kind of change (Ley and M i l l s 1988) i n which the r o l e of Vancouver C i t y i t s e l f i s p a r t i c u l a r l y s i g n i f i c a n t (see Figure 5.1 for the l o c a t i o n of Vancouver C i t y and the CM.A., and Table 5.1 for a comparison of employment proportions). For example, as Ley and Hutton (1987) have shown with respect to one aspect of the service sector, "producer services" (which o f f e r i n part services to regional staple-oriented enterprises) have experienced remarkable growth, and t h i s growth i s extremely c e n t r a l i z e d within the region. Available data on the growth and l o c a t i o n of jobs themselves (rather than the people holding p a r t i c u l a r jobs) compares the experience of Vancouver C i t y with that of the Greater Vancouver Regional D i s t r i c t , a planning region covering an area somewhat smaller than that of the CM.A. ( C i t y of Vancouver 1984). Though the number of jobs increased i n Vancouver C i t y i n the 1970s, i t s share of the region's jobs f e l l from 56 to 49 percent. Most job growth i n the region was i n the t e r t i a r y and quaternary sectors. However, while 90 percent of the C i t y ' s job growth was i n the finance, administration and service i n d u s t r i e s (service increasing the greatest, by 61 percent), only 45 percent of the growth i n the r e s t of the region was i n these sectors, with manufacturing, transport and trade together contributing a greater proportion of the increase. Of the region's jobs i n 1981, the C i t y has about 66 percent of p o s i t i o n s i n finance, 55 percent of posi t i o n s i n administration, and 53 percent of p o s i t i o n s i n service i n d u s t r i e s . These trends are r e f l e c t e d i n occupations as well as sectors. Within Vancouver C i t y a l l of the job growth was i n white c o l l a r occupations, and i t a c t u a l l y l o s t blue c o l l a r jobs, which f e l l from 29 to 23 percent of t o t a l jobs. In 1981, 28.7 percent of c i t y jobs are i n managerial and knowledge occupations, and 48.7 percent i n c l e r i c a l , sales and services. Except for sales and for teaching occupations, the c i t y has more than h a l f of the region's jobs i n white c o l l a r categories, and only 40 percent of the region's blue c o l l a r jobs. White c o l l a r employment grew i n the rest of the region as well, but so d i d employment i n blue c o l l a r occupations; the proportion of blue c o l l a r jobs i n the areas outside Vancouver C i t y f e l l from 39 to 32 percent of t o t a l employment. Within the C i t y i t s e l f there i s a d i s t i n c t i v e pattern of growth which-sets up the conditions which seem to prime g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . Three-quarters of the jobs i n the C i t y (a t h i r d of the region's jobs) are i n the core. This core area encompasses the downtown (C.B.D.), plus the neighbourhoods of K i t s i l a n o , Fairview, Mt. Pleasant, the West End, Strathcona and Grandview-Woodlands (Figure 5.2). The greatest number and density of jobs are i n downtown, and along the Broadway co r r i d o r between G r a n v i l l e and Main i n which C i t y H a l l i s located and where there i s a s i g n i f i c a n t c l u s t e r i n g of medical-oriented functions around the h o s p i t a l . In comparing the locations of jobs with the r e s i d e n t i a l locations of employees i n d i f f e r e n t job categories (Table 5.2), we note that i n a l l cases but one (primary occupations) there i s a net inflow of commuters i n t o Vancouver C i t y . Assuming C i t y residents always take a v a i l a b l e C i t y jobs, 22.5 percent of t o t a l c i t y jobs are f i l l e d by in-commuters. Reasons for the di f f e r e n c e s i n the degree to which residents f i l l the a v a i l a b l e p o s i t i o n s i n d i f f e r e n t categories i s a matter for speculation. Jobs i n the primary and secondary sectors and i n blue c o l l a r occupations are l a r g e l y w e l l - f i l l e d by c i t y residents; less consistent i s the pattern for those jobs i n the f a s t e s t -growing occupations and i n d u s t r i a l sectors. Finance and administration i n d u s t r i e s and managerial, c l e r i c a l and sales occupations have large s h o r t f a l l s ; service i n d u s t r i e s , knowledge occupations and e s p e c i a l l y occupations i n services have moderate to low s h o r t f a l l s . In p a r t i c u l a r one might query the d i f f e r e n t s i t u a t i o n s f or managerial and knowledge occupations 9 a TABLE 5.2 JOBS BY INDUSTRY JOBS IN VANCOUVER CITY, 1981 Percentage of t o t a l jobs Number of jobs Number of residents i n labour force Percentage of jobs to be f i l l e d by net in-commuting Primary Manufacturing Construction Transport Trade Finance Service Adminstration 1.7 12:2 4.6 10.7 18.1 10.2 35.8 6.6 5015 36065 13445 31605 53435 30135 105545 19540 4395 30580 11810 22710 38750 17015 90910 12250 12.4 15.2 12.2 28.1 27.5 43.5 13.9 37.3 JOBS BY OCCUPATION Managerial Knowledge C l e r i c a l Sales Services Primary Processing Machining Other 11.5 17.2 25.3 10.5 12.9 0.9 2.5 6.5 12.7 34020 50560 74475 30960 38020 2670 7440 19025 37545 19010 42205 50970 20870 36000 3600 6930 18210 30630 44.1 16.5 31.6 32.6 5.3 6.9 4.3 18.4 TOTAL JOBS 294785 228425 22.5 Source: C i t y of Vancouver. 1984. Jobs i n Vancouver. Quarterly Review 11(1):5-7. For d e f i n i t i o n s of industry and occupation, see Tables 4.2 and 5.1. which are commonly combined in t o one "senior white c o l l a r " category as i n d i c a t i v e of the new c l a s s . For what reason may i n d i v i d u a l s with managerial occupations be more l i k e l y to commute than persons with knowledge occupations? Possibly a c u l t u r a l argument could be invoked, d i s t i n g u i s h i n g between two f r a c t i o n s of the new class—many other g e n t r i f i c a t i o n studies have speculated that people with occupations i n the c u l t u r a l and a r t i s t i c f i e l d s or " s o f t " professions might be more sympathetic to non-conformist "urban l i v i n g " and more involved i n pioneering g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . Ley (1988) o f f e r s some comparative data on economic trends i n Halifax, Montreal, Ottawa-Hull, Toronto, Edmonton and Vancouver. For a l l six c i t i e s together, at the beginning of the 1970s, 18.2 percent of the employed workforce l i v i n g i n the inner c i t y had managerial and knowledge p o s i t i o n s , compared to 20.3 percent of the employed i n non-inner c i t y portions of the C.M.A.s, g i v i n g a r a t i o of inner c i t y share to rest-of-the-C.M.A. share of 89.7. Of a l l six c i t i e s , Vancouver had the lowest proportion of both i t s inner c i t y and non-inner c i t y employees i n these occupations (17.5 percent i n the inner c i t y , 17.3 percent i n the r e s t of the C.M.A.), confirming the s i g n i f i c a n c e of the west coast resource-based economy to the metropolitan labour market and Vancouver's minor r o l e as an administrative centre at the time. However, i t s i n n e r - c i t y versus rest-of-the-C.M.A. r a t i o was higher than the average at 101.2, t h i r d highest a f t e r Edmonton and H a l i f a x . This would suggest the influence of some l o c a l p e c u l i a r i t i e s of Vancouver's c e n t r a l area which a t t r a c t a disproportionate number of people with new c l a s s occupations (these are discussed l a t e r ) . During the 1970s the s i t u a t i o n changed r a p i d l y . Across the six C.M.A.s, 46.5 percent of the t o t a l increase i n employed labour force was i n the form of p o s i t i o n s i n the managerial and knowledge categories, thus increasing t h e i r share of the workforce from 19.7 to 25.8 percent. This growth had a greater r e l a t i v e e f f e c t on the inner c i t y workforce than on the non-inner c i t y areas. Across a l l six c i t i e s , the managerial and knowledge proportion of the inner c i t y workforce increased from 18.2 to 27.3 percent; the proportion of the workforce i n the r e s t of the C.M.A.s increased from 20.3 to 25.4 percent. Thus the r a t i o of inner c i t y share to rest-of-the-C.M.A. share jumped from 89.7 to 107.5. In 1981, the r a t i o was now above 100 for a l l c i t i e s but Ottawa-Hull. Vancouver's r a t i o was second highest (114.1) a f t e r H a l i f a x . Ley warns that, while the, growth of senior white c o l l a r occupations has had a greater r e l a t i v e impact on the composition of the inner c i t y workforces, the actual rate of growth has been higher outside the inner c i t y (34.8 percent i n inner c i t y , 82.0 percent outside inner c i t y ) . Vancouver's inner c i t y rate of growth was highest of a l l six c i t i e s at 58.3 percent; with a non-inner c i t y rate of 101.2 percent, Vancouver's inner c i t y made the larges t contribution to CM.A. growth rate of a l l c i t i e s (20.9 percent, compared to 13.3 percent for the s i x c i t i e s ) . In absolute terms, Ley cautions against exaggerating the impact of middle-class resettlement i n the inner c i t y ; but i n r e l a t i v e terms the higher concentration of senior white c o l l a r workers i n the inner c i t y by the end of the decade had important consequences for the nature of the inner c i t y housing market. To sum up, i n terms of economic structure, Vancouver's r o l e i n a resource-oriented p r o v i n c i a l economy means that the d i s t r i b u t i o n of i t s labour force among i n d u s t r i a l and occupational categories i s not greatly d i f f e r e n t from .the average of a l l 22 C.M.A.s i n 1981. As a r e s u l t , the moderately high g e n t r i f i c a t i o n index i s underpredicted by economic measures. However, Vancouver's above-average rates of growth i n quaternary i n d u s t r i e s and i n senior white c o l l a r occupations, and the i n t e r n a l structure of the metropolitan space economy ( e s p e c i a l l y the r e l a t i v e e f f e c t of growth i n senior white c o l l a r occupations on i t s inner c i t y workforce), provides a context favourable to high l e v e l s of inner c i t y g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . In a d d i t i o n to examining features of economic structure, Vancouver's p o s i t i o n with respect to gender r e l a t i o n s seems to be highly s i g n i f i c a n t (Table 5.3). Note i n p a r t i c u l a r how age-controlled data, which f i l t e r out some of the e f f e c t of Vancouver's top-heavy age pyramid, s i t u a t e Vancouver as a c i t y which scores highly on what I have suggested are indic a t o r s of po s t p a t r i a r c h a l gender r e l a t i o n s . Vancouver has the highest proportion of young men who are sing l e of a l l c i t i e s . Average ages at marriage are high, exceeded only by Quebec C i t y (and Toronto) for men (young men), and by Quebec C i t y , Montreal and Toronto for women. Only Calgary (and V i c t o r i a for women) has higher percentages divorced. These features make for a housing market i n which there i s a high demand f or non-family s t y l e housing, which i s rein f o r c e d by patterns of behaviour within f a m i l i e s themselves. Vancouver has small average family s i z e and low measures of female f e r t i l i t y , and high proportions of c h i l d l e s s couples. V i c t o r i a and Calgary are the most pe r s i s t e n t cases with scores more extreme than Vancouver's on these v a r i a b l e s . On the var i a b l e s chosen to measure domestic organization; Vancouver has a more moderate p o s i t i o n . While the economic context i n Vancouver (at least when viewed i n s t a t i c cross-section) i s moderately conducive to a "production of g e n t r i f i e r s " , the s o c i a l context i n terms of gender r e l a t i o n s i s c l e a r l y very favourable. With the m u l t i p l e regression documented i n Chapter 4, where two measures of gender r e l a t i o n s were entered against the g e n t r i f i c a t i o n index, g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i n Vancouver was underpredicted, but not by more than one standard deviation of the r e s i d u a l s . Once the v a r i a b l e measuring a housing squeeze was entered, Vancouver's r e s i d u a l was gr e a t l y reduced. The st y l e s of l i f e i ndicated by the gender v a r i a b l e s , plus p a r t i c u l a r conditions of Vancouver's housing market, may be c r i t i c a l to the re s t r u c t u r i n g of t h i s c i t y ' s r e s i d e n t i a l TABLE 5.3 GENDER RELATIONS IN VANCOUVER CMA, 1981 A l l Vancouver Rank of C.M.A.s CM. A. Vancouver CM.A. malesing 31.7 31.4 11= ymsing 43.7 46.6 • 1 femsing 26.0 23.9 15 y f s i n g 32.0 33.3 6 maleage 24.2* 24.9 2= ymage 23.3* 23.9 3 femage 21.8* 22.2 4= yfage 21.2* 21.6 4= malediv 2.5 3.4 2 ymdiv 4.2 5.5 2 . femdiv 3.8 4.9 3 y f d i v 6.6 8.0 a ppf 3.1 3.1 18= yppf 3.2 3.1 16= f e r t 2210 2075 20 yf ert 1620 1535 19 threek 15.3 13.2 21 ythreek 26.6 23.4 21 c l e s s 18.8 19.9 6 y c l e s s 34.4 38.2 3 dual 52.6 51.3 11 ydual 67.1 67.4 7 r e l i n c 41.8* 44.0 12 y r e l i n c 53.4* 57.1 8 hwuni 44.6 46.4 7 yhwuni 50.9 52.7 7 r e l o c c 92.1 94.0 17 * These v a r i a b l e s are based on median values reported f o r each CM.A. figu r e s reported are means of the medians f o r the 22 C.M.A.s. For d e f i n i t i o n s of v a r i a b l e s , see Tables 4.7, 4.9, 4.10. space. Table 5.4 i l l u s t r a t e s how Vancouver C i t y ' s p r o f i l e d i f f e r s from that of the CM.A. as a whole, on selected v a r i a b l e s . In a l l cases but one, the f i g u r e s for the c i t y suggest on average a greater tendency to post-p a t r i a r c h a l gender r e l a t i o n s than the CM.A. as a whole. The exception i s the measure of husband-wife f a m i l i e s with both partners i n the labour force. Whereas the other variables are d i f f e r e n t i a t e d l a r g e l y according to the c l a s s i c d i s t i n c t i o n between metropolitan core and suburbs, on t h i s v a r i a b l e the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s of Burnaby, Coquitlam, North Vancouver, P i t t Meadows, Port Coquitlam, Port Moody and Richmond score higher than Vancouver C i t y i t s e l f ; t h i s d i s t r i b u t i o n of dual earner households i s t y p i c a l of findings elsewhere (for instance, Pratt and Hanson 1988). Before looking at the d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of gender r e l a t i o n s within Vancouver C i t y i t s e l f the next section begins to explore the patterns of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n at the census t r a c t scale. 5.2 PATTERNS OF GENTRIFICATION IN VANCOUVER. Ley (1988) reports a c o r r e l a t i o n a nalysis i n which the dependent v a r i a b l e i s the g e n t r i f i c a t i o n index for each inner c i t y census t r a c t , and twenty-six independent variables measure t r a c t a t t r i b u t e s i n 1971 which may have contributed to the degree of s o c i a l status change i n the following decade. From an analysis across a l l 462 inner c i t y t r a c t s i n the six c i t i e s (Halifax, Montreal, Ottawa-Hull, Toronto, Edmonton and Vancouver), Ley draws together a p r o f i l e of a t r a c t most l i k e l y to g e n t r i f y . This would be a t r a c t close to an e x i s t i n g e l i t e area, adjacent to i n s t i t u t i o n a l amenities such as h o s p i t a l s or u n i v e r s i t i e s or to regional amenities such as park or waterfront, and close to downtown; i t would have a low proportion of blue c o l l a r workers and a high proportion of si n g l e persons, students, Anglicans, TABLE 5.4 SELECTED MEASURES OF GENDER RELATIONS FOR VANCOUVER CM.A. AND VANCOUVER CITY, 1981 Vancouver Vancouver CM.A. C i t y malesing 31.4 37.8 femsing 23.9 29.2 maleage 24.9 25.9 ymage 23.9 24.8 femage 22.2 22.9 yfage 21.6 0 22.4 malediv 3.4 4.5 femdiv 4.9 5.7 ppf 3.1 3.0 f e r t 2075 2004 yf e r t 1535 1348 threek 13.2 13.0 c l e s s 19.9 23.9 dual 51.3 50.6 r e l i n c 44.0 57.8 r e l o c c 94.0 97.4 For d e f i n i t i o n s of v a r i a b l e s , see Tables 4.7, 4.9, 4.10. the e l d e r l y , and people with non-conforming b e l i e f s . Contrary to the predictions of both rent-gap and housing-squeeze theories, g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i s found to be p o s i t i v e l y associated with 1971 measures of rents, housing values and s o c i a l status; t h i s suggests that g e n t r i f i e r s are seeking not so much low cost s i t e s but rather " s i t e s well priced i n the context of t h e i r bundle of a t t r i b u t e s " (Ley 1988:43). Further evidence for the growing recognition of the p o s i t i v e aspect of urban l i v i n g comes from Skaburskis' (1984) national survey of condominium buyers, which indicates some relevant trends i n changing attitudes to higher density l i v i n g . In 1970, 80 percent of condominium buyers were aged under 40; by 1983, t h i s had f a l l e n to 30 percent, suggesting that urban-style l i v i n g i s now perceived as a v i a b l e and a t t r a c t i v e option for a broadening segment of the population. For the nation a l sample surveyed i n 1983, the most important influence on choice of a p a r t i c u l a r condominium i s i t s l o c a t i o n , and i n f a c t Vancouver condominium buyers a c t u a l l y placed s l i g h t l y more emphasis on l o c a t i o n ( C i t y of Vancouver 1985a). When asked why they had chosen to buy a condominium rather than adopting some other option, almost 80 percent of the national sample c i t e d as one of t h e i r top three reasons the benefits of having fewer r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s for maintenance and upkeep. Less than 40 percent c i t e d the fa c t that they could not a f f o r d a single family house. Because of the problems of renovating wood-frame houses to b u i l d i n g code standards, plus the extremely t i g h t housing market i n the 1970s which encouraged the most inte n s i v e use of land, g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i n Vancouver has tended to take the form of redevelopment to condominiums and townhouses. New construction i n the C i t y i s l a r g e l y i n multifamily . housing, with apartment and row housing cont r i b u t i n g 67.6 percent of completions i n 1984 ( C i t y of Vancouver 1985b). In the inner neighbourhoods of downtown, the West End, K i t s i l a n o and Fairview, ninety percent of the multiple units b u i l t since 1976 are for market housing (C i t y of Vancouver 1985c). Of these, a half are occupied by si n g l e person households. Compared to older market housing i n these areas, the newer units have more a f f l u e n t residents who are more l i k e l y to be owner-occupiers (seven percent of pre-1976 inner c i t y stock i s owner-occupied, compared to 27 percent of the new stock). As well as the core area described e a r l i e r , the inner c i t y of Vancouver encompasses the inner suburbs of West Point Grey, Dunbar, Arbutus Ridge, Shaughnessey, South Cambie, R i l e y Park, Kensington-Cedar Cottage, Renfrew-Collingwood and Hastings-Sunrise. 1 This encompasses portions of both the east-side and the west-side of the c i t y . East-side neighbourhoods generally score lower i n s o c i a l status, with higher proportions of b l u e - c o l l a r Workers and also more non-Anglo-Canadians. For example, the eastern portion of the downtown area represents the zone of discard, Vancouver's skid row; the population of Strathcona, further east, has a majority with Chinese ethnic o r i g i n (these areas together are known as the "Downtown Eastside". Ley's c a l c u l a t i o n s of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n indices by t r a c t are i l l u s t r a t e d i n Figure 5.3. Inner areas i n Vancouver are i n c r e a s i n g l y chosen as r e s i d e n t i a l options not because they are cheap (a f a l l - b a c k option) but because they o f f e r access to highly-valued amenities. One important amenity i s a c c e s s i b i l i t y to the core, a p a r t i c u l a r l y s i g n i f i c a n t issue where bridges create t r a f f i c bottlenecks onto the downtown peninsula (between 1971 and 1981, t r a f f i c flows i n t o downtown increased 18 percent (C i t y of Vancouver 1983a)). Since 22.5 percent of C i t y jobs must be f i l l e d by net i n -commuting, considerable pressure i s placed on a c i r c u l a t i o n system which lacks a major freeway network. The s i g n i f i c a n c e of other amenities i s confirmed by the c o r r e l a t i o n a n alysis Ley c a r r i e s out on the f i f t y Vancouver inner c i t y census t r a c t s considered alone: measures of proximity, to new middle class-employing u n i v e r s i t i e s and h o s p i t a l s , and to regional amenities S o c i a l S t a t u s C h a n g e B y Q u i n t i l e 1 9 7 1 - 1 9 8 1 Figure 5 .3 Inner City Gentrif ication in Vancouver, by Census Tract such as park and waterfront, have the largest c o r r e l a t i o n s with the g e n t r i f i c a t i o n index. The pattern of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i s biased i n favour of the west side neighbourhoods adjacent to the False Creek waterfront, K i t s i l a n o ' s beaches, the Endowment Lands f o r e s t and the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia (Ley 1985a). G e n t r i f i c a t i o n took hold f i r s t i n K i t s i l a n o , a popular home for students and hearth of the west coast counter c u l t u r e i n the l a t e 1960s and early 1970s. While zoning schedules and f e d e r a l programmes protected some of the older housing stock i n parts of t h i s neighbourhood, many streets are developed to medium-density apartments, and the construction of more c o s t l y condominiums represents the l a t e s t stage of s o c i a l and p h y s i c a l transformation. The West End, which was already l a r g e l y developed to high r i s e residences, has proved less a t t r a c t i v e to higher status g e n t r i f i e r s . Its population includes many e l d e r l y women, young singles who are employed i n downtown o f f i c e s , and the c i t y ' s major concentration of gay men. R e f l e c t i n g the c i t y ' s east-west d i v i s i o n by s o c i a l status, east-side neighbourhoods have been l i t t l e g e n t r i f i e d , with the exception of Grandview-Woodlands where a r t i s t i c and "countercultural" a c t i v i t i e s , displaced from K i t s i l a n o , are now f l o u r i s h i n g (Jackson 1984; Buchan 1985). The highest g e n t r i f i c a t i o n index i s calculated for t r a c t 49, south of False Creek. The eastern portion of t h i s t r a c t , which f a l l s i n s i d e the Mount Pleasant neighbourhood, i s p r i m a r i l y converted to l i g h t i n d u s t r i a l and warehouse uses, with a small proportion of run-down houses and o l d apartment blocks remaining. However, the portion west of Cambie Street has undergone one of the most dramatic transformations of any inner c i t y neighbourhood i n Canada. Along the waterfront, an i n d u s t r i a l area has been converted by government i n i t i a t i v e to a medium-density neighbourhood of mixed r e s i d e n t i a l and parkland use. On the slopes above False Creek, p r i v a t e redevelopment has led to a removal of older houses and the f l o u r i s h i n g of a highly d i s t i n c t i v e landscape of new condominiums and townhouses. This neighbourhood, Fairview Slopes, i s bordered on the south by Broadway (the c i t y ' s secondary o f f i c e core surrounding the h o s p i t a l and C i t y H a l l ) , on the east by Cambie Street (an important t r a f f i c c o r r i d o r with mixed r e t a i l and commercial uses) and on the west by G r a n v i l l e Street (a major north-south route and s t y l i s h shopping d i s t r i c t ) . I have made Fairview Slopes the focus of my empirical case study, and I s h a l l describe the form of i t s redevelopment i n the next section. Before doing that, we return b r i e f l y to the task of context-setting by considering the patterning of variables measuring gender r e l a t i o n s within Vancouver C i t y i n 1981. Figures 5.4 and 5.5 map a s e l e c t i o n of these variables by census t r a c t as examples ( o f f i c i a l c i t y neighbourhood boundaries are also o u t l i n e d ) . In terms of marital status, the inner c i t y neighbourhoods of K i t s i l a n o , Fairview, the West End and downtown have r e l a t i v e l y high concentrations of singles; t h i s d i s t r i b u t i o n has f a i r l y close correspondence to the g e n t r i f i c a t i o n map, with the exceptions of False Creek (which was planned to improve the family housing stock) and the Dunbar-Arbutus-Ridge d i s t r i c t s (which have r e l a t i v e l y expensive single-family houses and some condominium development a t t r a c t i v e to e l d e r l y a d u l t s ) . Outside the inner c i t y , south Marpole a l s o has high proportions of s i n g l e women; t h i s i s an apartment zone of r e l a t i v e l y cheap accommodation with excellent access up G r a n v i l l e street to downtown for female o f f i c e workers. Patterns for percentages "divorced are s i m i l a r , but f o r a somewhat greater incidence i n cheaper east-side neighbourhoods i n c l u d i n g Grandview-Woodlands and Mount Pleasant which are experiencing i n c i p i e n t g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . The f e r t i l i t y measure i s d i s t r i b u t e d much as expected, l a r g e l y concentric i n form with some sec t o r a l bias (lower on the west side) and with o u t l y i n g n u c l e i i n Marpole and South Arbutus (low f e r t i l i t y associated with apartment/condominium zones) Percentage female fifteen years and over never married (variable: femsing*) Figure 5.4 Proportion of Single Women in Vancouver, by Census Tract Percentage husband-wife families with both husband and wife in the labour force (variable: 'dual*) 70 plus F i g u r e 5 . 5 D u a l - W o r k e r F a m i l i e s , b y C e n s u s T r a c t and Shaughnessy (high f e r t i l i t y associated with Vancouver's e l i t e "establishment" neighbourhood). In sum, measures of m a r i t a l status and family composition confirm that conventional family-oriented l i f e s t y l e s are l e a s t prevalent i n the west-side inner c i t y neighbourhoods, l a r g e l y those where g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i s a l s o most advanced. E a r l i e r we noted that, contrary to the patterns established for the other v a r i a b l e s , the measure of husband-wife f a m i l i e s with both partners i n the labour force was higher for the CM.A. as a whole than for Vancouver C i t y alone. At t h i s more l o c a l scale the highest measures are found for the inner c i t y neighbourhoods, although there are also high measures associated with the le s s a f f l u e n t east side t r a c t s . High measures i n the C.B.D. are affected by small absolute numbers of husband-wife f a m i l i e s . Chapter four explored i n more d e t a i l some i n d i c a t o r s of female status, comparing women's absolute p o s i t i o n and r e l a t i v e p o s i t i o n with respect to men on measures of income and occupation. Sex-segregation i n the labour force was r e f l e c t e d i n both the manufacturing-dominated c i t i e s by a strong concentration of men i n b l u e - c o l l a r occupations, and i n the major administrative and f i n a n c i a l centres where the dual labour market meant measures of men's status far outstripped those for women. As a r e s u l t , women's r e l a t i v e occupational status had a negative c o r r e l a t i o n with the index of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . Do s i m i l a r e f f e c t s hold true at the i n t r a - c i t y scale? Geographically, female absolute status i s generally higher i n west-side neighbourhoods, and declines e s p e c i a l l y to the north east. Female status r e l a t i v e to that of the men i n the same census t r a c t i s more v a r i a b l e i n i t s patterning. On income i t i s high i n inner c i t y t r a c t s ( i n c l u d i n g inner east-side neighbourhoods) and i n south Marpole. On occupation, where status was measured by employment i n managerial and knowledge occupation, female r e l a t i v e status i s high on the east side and i n parts of the west side of the inner c i t y . This r e f l e c t s the f i n d i n g from the city-system-scale analysis where a dominance of blue c o l l a r occupations amongst men boosts female r e l a t i v e occupational status. On education, measured by proportions with u n i v e r s i t y - l e v e l eduction, women tend to have higher r e l a t i v e status i n the inner c i t y , but elsewhere there i s no clear pattern. , • . In order to i d e n t i f y d i f f e r e n t types of neighbourhoods on the basis of female status, a c l u s t e r a nalysis was performed on the six standardized variables f o r female absolute and r e l a t i v e status on income, occupation and education measures, for the 77 census t r a c t s . C l u s t e r i n g was stopped a f t e r step 71 when there remained six groups (Figure 5.6). Table 5.5 gives t h e i r average scores on the six v a r i a b l e s . Group one comprises the a f f l u e n t west side inner suburbs, where female absolute status i s high, but r e l a t i v e status by income and occupation i s low. Group two comprises the west side of the inner c i t y , plus a sector reaching down to Marpole and an o u t l i e r i n the south east where there has been substantial new development of townhouses. These t r a c t s have high absolute status and al s o high r e l a t i v e status on income. Group three comprises one neighbourhood, Fairview Slopes, which i s sim i l a r to group two except with o v e r a l l higher measures on r e l a t i v e status, e s p e c i a l l y education on which i t scores the highest of a l l t r a c t s . Most east side neighbourhoods f a l l i n t o group four, where there i s low absolute status but moderate to high r e l a t i v e status. Group f i v e encompasses the C.B.D. plus the zone of di s c a r d , where there are r e l a t i v e l y few women l i v i n g ; here female absolute status i s low, but female r e l a t i v e status on income and education i s high. Group s i x encompasses two neighbourhoods with large proportions of the population of east Asian o r i g i n ; female absolute status i s very low; r e l a t i v e status i s low except on income, which i s very high. Comparison with the map of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i n Figure 5.3 indicates a FEMALE STATUS BY GROUP Figure 5.6 Census Tract Groups from Cluster Analysis on Female Status Variables CO TABLE 5.5 MEDIAN CENSUS TRACT SCORES ON MEASURES OF FEMALE STATUS, BY GROUP Group Median of census t r a c t scores* fin e f occ f uni r e l i n c relocc r e l u n i I 8296 38.7 40.9 39.9 78.1 79.5 II 10423 33.6 28.9 69.7 84.4 71.5 III 9047 35.7 32.3 77.4 90.7 107.1 IV 7037 16.8 11.9 49.9 110.3 76.2 V 5141 20.0 15.7 87.0 94.4 86.1 VI 5001 9.7 5.9 93.2 85.7 51.8 A l l t r a c t s 7654 22.2 20.9 52.9 91.8 73.1 * Fine: Median income of women aged 15 and over. Focc: Proportion of female labour f o r c e i n managerial and knowledge occupations. Funi: Proportion of women aged 15 and over with u n i v e r s i t y - l e v e l education. Relinc: Median income of women aged 15 and over expressed as a percentage of median income of men aged 15 and over. Relocc: Proportion of female labour force i n managerial and knowledge occupations, expressed as a percentage of male labour force i n managerial and knowledge occupations. Reluni: Proportion of women aged 15 and over with u n i v e r s i t y - l e v e l education, expressed as a percentage of men aged 15 and over with u n i v e r s i t y - l e v e l education. reasonable f i t between the fate of d i f f e r e n t portions of the inner c i t y , and the status of women i n those areas i n 1981. Those areas experiencing the highest l e v e l s of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n f a l l l a r g e l y i n t o group two where, absolutely and r e l a t i v e l y , women do well compared to women i n other areas (though even here women's status remains poor compared to that of men). G e n t r i f i c a t i o n i s less prevalent i n the most a f f l u e n t t r a c t s where women do not do so well r e l a t i v e to men, e s p e c i a l l y i n the most e l i t e d i s t r i c t of Shaughnessy; these are areas which never experienced the "downgrading" of the core neighbourhoods. G e n t r i f i c a t i o n i s low i n east-side neighbourhoods where female absolute status i s low. The t r a c t comprising group three, Fairview Slopes, f a l l s i n t o the area experiencing experienced the hig h e s t . l e v e l of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n (the g e n t r i f i c a t i o n index could not d i s t i n g u i s h Fairview Slopes from False Creek since these were not separate t r a c t s i n 1971). The women i n Fairview Slopes enjoy some of the highest status scores, both absolutely and r e l a t i v e l y , i n the whole c i t y . Even here, however, i t must be emphasised that women do very poorly compared to men on the measure of income. The h e u r i s t i c of the "pos t p a t r i a r c h a l " i s intended to underscore some signs of change i n gender r e l a t i o n s , but c l e a r l y there i s sub s t a n t i a l c o n t i n u i t y i n some oppressive elements of women's experience. This w i l l be considered further when the intensive study of Fairview Slopes i s described i n l a t e r chapters. Having established the context f o r inner c i t y g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i n Vancouver, the following sections d e t a i l the story of development i n the Fairview Slopes neighbourhood. 5.3 DEVELOPMENT OF FAIRVIEW SLOPES. Fairview was named i n 1886 by Laughlin Hamilton, land surveyor for the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway to which the Province had granted the forested slopes on the south shore of False Creek. In the e a r l y 1890s the area was cleared and sold i n l o t s to speculative buyers, thus producing the CPR's f i r s t major r e s i d e n t i a l subdivision. A streetcar l i n e was constructed. Some ear l y houses on the Fairview Slopes (the portion north of Broadway) were large and impressive, such as Hodson Manor constructed i n 1894. These enjoyed spectacular views of the creek below and the mountains on the north shore of Burrard Inlet beyond (Plate 5.1). In the f i r s t decade of the twentieth century, and following the C.P.R.'s d e c i s i o n to develop Shaughnessey Heights to the south as the exclusive r e s i d e n t i a l neighbourhood, Fairview Slopes was b u i l t with more modest wood-framed houses (Plates 5.2., 5.3). These housed professionals, tradespeople, and workers employed i n the shipbuilding, sawmill and s t e e l plants springing up i n the False Creek basin. A few three storey apartment buildings were erected around the edges of the area. Figure 5.7 i d e n t i f i e s the r e s i d e n t i a l core of the neighbourhood, and t h i s i s the area with which the following discussion i s p r i m a r i l y concerned; 2 see note for some comments on the boundaries. The shores of False Creek were qui c k l y and thoroughly i n d u s t r i a l i z e d ; i n 1928, the Bartholomew plan for Vancouver reported that the creek had become "an eyesore and a menace to health" (Barthole mew and Associates 1928:147). I n d u s t r i a l uses encroached upon the neighbouring Fairview Slopes, encouraged by i n d u s t r i a l zoning on Sixth Avenue i n the 1950s. In 1957 a Vancouver Redevelopment Study found that the area had "proved to be unattractive to new r e s i d e n t i a l development" (Ci t y of Vancouver 1983b:l). Consequently, i n the e a r l y 1960s the whole Fairview Slopes area was zoned for l i g h t i n d u s t r i a l use and more houses were replaced by small i n d u s t r i e s , e s p e c i a l l y on the f l a t t e r The view from Fairview Slopes i n 1986 ( p a v i l i o n s for the 1986 Exposition occupy the North Shore of False Creek). 198 Plate 5.2 Small house d i s p l a y i n g a p p l i c a t i o n f o r development permit, 1984. Plate 5.3 House for sale (advertised i n the newspaper "to be renovated or knocked down as b u i l d i n g l o t for your custom townhouses. Over 4000 sq. f t . can be b u i l t i n t o 2 or 3 luxury homes" (West Side Real Estate Weekly, June 27, 1986)). £ o X co a e z 3 a E a S FAIRVIEW HEIGHTS Figure 5.7 Residential Core of Fairview Slopes, with major streets o o 201 p o r t i o n to the east. During the 1960s, and i n the expectation of i n d u s t r i a l redevelopment, absentee landlords allowed the condition of r e s i d e n t i a l . buildings to d e t e r i o r a t e . Many houses were converted to rooming houses or communal homes; two t h i r d s of the population were renters. The population was mixed i n character, encompassing, according to one resident: "Blue-collar and white c o l l a r workers, welfare r e c i p i e n t s , aged pensioners, a c o l o r f u l percentage of "free youth", also students, a r t i s t s , musicians, craftsmen, an anthropologist, a s o c i a l worker, an a r c h i t e c t , a professional engineer, a writer, a n u t r i t i o n i s t , a UBC English teacher" (Sterne 1972:A6). The area achieved a reputation for a counter-cultural l i f e s t y l e , a "hidden v i l l a g e of mellow ambience" (Gutstein 1983:32), where fences were decorated with psychedelic paintings, houses with stained glass windows, communal 3 backyards with adventure playgrounds and gardens with r e l i g i o u s shrines. The focus was Choklit Park, constructed by residents between Sixth and Seventh Avenues on a small s i t e around a former chocolate factory, where the slope i s too steep for the continuation of Spruce Street. According to one whimsical account: "Peace and love infused Choklit Park. On summer evenings a brass quintet played Mozart; a puppet and drama group gave workshops for c h i l d r e n ; l o c a l craftspeople sold t h e i r wares. But mostly the park was for the c h i l d r e n who swung on the t i r e s , s l i d down the wooden s l i d e and played i n the tree house" (Gutstein 1983:32). Nevertheless, the area's more immediate image was closer to that of a "slum"--but a "slum with a d i f f e r e n c e " (Sterne 1972): "On a shabby o l d Fairview house, the pigeons s i t i n rows along the eaves where d i s r e p a i r has opened up a haven for them. Along West Seventh Avenue you can s t i l l see decayed front porches burdened with c a s t - o f f household e f f e c t s . The street i s l i t t e r e d here and there with overflow from c a s u a l l y disposed garbage, and when i t rains the sagging sidewalks become an obstacle course of giant puddles. Thus i s the causal observer deceived, for along these neglected streets on the Fairview Slopes i s some of the most sought-after property i n Vancouver today" (Sterne 1973). The immediate source of the anomaly reported by Sterne lay with the e x t e r n a l i t y e f f e c t of the False Creek lands, which r e f l e c t e d the changing features of c i v i c p o l i t i c s i n Vancouver (Ley 1980, F u j i i 1981). C i t y H a l l had long been dominated by the Non-Partisan Association, formed i n 1935. Following the American urban reform model of c i v i c government, the NPA ran Vancouver i n the manner of an e f f i c i e n t business, with technical experts e s p e c i a l l y from the engineering and f i n a n c i a l professions guiding d e c i s i o n -making through " s c i e n t i f i c management". With the strong support of business i n t e r e s t s , the NPA's f o c a l concern was to promote economic growth and wise f i s c a l management. This growth-boosterism placed urban planning i n the r o l e of f a c i l i t a t i n g "progress" by providing the i n f r a s t r u c t u r e required for further development (Hardwick 1974). This arrangement stayed i n place u n t i l the l a t e 1960s when the s p i r i t of a new l i b e r a l i s m i n Canada began to i n f i l t r a t e l o c a l consciousness (Ley 1980). Increased emphasis was placed on the q u a l i t a t i v e aspects of urban l i v i n g , with an enhanced s e n s i t i v i t y to environmental amenities which was lacking i n the economistic and r a t i o n a l i s t i c outlook of the NPA. P i v o t a l to t h i s was the r i s e of p u b l i c opposition to a plan (eventually abandoned) to b u i l d a freeway which would have cut through the heart of Chinatown. Immediately following t h i s event, three new c i v i c p o l i t i c a l organizations emerged: The Committee of Progressive E l e c t o r s (COPE), a c i v i c wing of the New Democratic Party, and The Electors Action Movement (TEAM) ( F u j i i 1981). The f i r s t two of these catered to more l e f t i s t p a r t i c i p a n t s , whereas TEAM tapped the more moderate reform-oriented segments of the population (Ley 1980). In both the 1968 and 1970 c i v i c e l e c t i o n s , TEAM won two aldermanic seats, but the 1972 e l e c t i o n returned a TEAM mayor and eight out of ten aldermen (four of whom were u n i v e r s i t y professors) ( F u j i i 1981). Between 203 1972 and 1978 TEAM c o n t r o l l e d C i t y Council. While u n t i l the 1960s the majority of aldermen were businesspersons, now most were professionals or semiprofessionals, r e f l e c t i n g the new c l a s s membership of the party as a whole (Ley 1980). TEAM'S platform on urban planning conjured up images of "the l i v a b l e c i t y " , and stressed the need to place "people before property" (Ley 1980, 1987). Instead of pursuing growth above a l l else, the emphasis was placed on controls which would guarantee a high q u a l i t y of urban l i f e . The freeway c i t y was rejected i n favour of a stress on heritage preservation, downzoning and public spaces, while public p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n planning was encouraged by various means. P a r t i c u l a r l y relevant to the False Creek area was an e f f o r t to remove sources of b l i g h t and p o l l u t i o n from the c i t y core. In 1967, the C i t y was s t i l l supporting the continuation of i n d u s t r i a l uses i n the creek, but by 1968 the Planning Department was recommending d e i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n as part of a p o l i c y to develop a strong metropolitan centre with c u l t u r a l , t o u r i s t and economic f a c i l i t i e s ( F u j i i 1981). In 1969 the C i t y received 34 hectares of P r o v i n c i a l land on the south shore of the creek, on which the i n d u s t r i a l leases were soon to expire; the C i t y decided not to renew these leases and i n i t i a t e d a study on the future use of the area (City of Vancouver 1980). A number of a l t e r n a t i v e "development concepts" were considered (C i t y of Vancouver 1970); the C i t y ruled out the i n d u s t r i a l options, and most support was received for proposals suggesting r e c r e a t i o n a l , r e s i d e n t i a l and commercial uses. Subsequently, Council adopted plans for the redevelopment of False Creek which paved the way for what Ley (1980) describes as "the most dramatic landscape metaphor of l i b e r a l ideology" (p. 252), and "a microcosm of the l i v a b l e c i t y v i s i o n " (p. 254). Connected by a seawall and pedestrian walkways, medium density r e s i d e n t i a l enclaves were planned for a d i v e r s i t y of d i f f e r e n t housing types and tenures, i n which would l i v e a population drawn from a l l s o c i a l groups. The f i r s t residents moved in t o the Phase 1 development i n 1976, comprised of 850 dwelling units, shops, an elementary school, a park and two marinas. When fully-developed, False Creek south shore comprised "a picturesque, medium-density, human-scale landscape, with mixed r e s i d e n t i a l , commercial and l e i s u r e uses, and expressive of a cross-section of urban subcultures" (Ley 1987b:42). In the l a t e 1970s, the adjacent G r a n v i l l e Island was developed with Federal funds, from various i n d u s t r i a l and warehouse uses to a r e c r e a t i o n a l and commercial area including a popular p u b l i c market. This p u b l i c l y - i n i t i a t e d development on the False Creek f l a t s was c r u c i a l to the d i r e c t i o n of change i n the l a r g e l y privately-owned Fairview Slopes neighbourhood. F u j i i (1981:106) quotes a proposal for a townhouse development on the Slopes i n June 1975: "With a C i t y of Vancouver' project underway on the f l a t land d i r e c t l y adjacent to the water's edge and due for completion i n 1976 the p o t e n t i a l of the Fairview Slopes as a high amenity area with spectacular views w i l l come i n t o i t s own....the Fairview Slopes have the p o t e n t i a l of becoming one of the unique and innovative housing areas i n North America." Various studies of the False Creek options (for example, C i t y of Vancouver (1971), False Creek Study Group (1971)) had suggested that Fairview Slopes should be redeveloped i n combination with the south shore of the Creek (to which i t was to be connected by a land-bridge over Sixth Avenue), and proposed that the C i t y change the zoning from l i g h t i n d u s t r i a l (M-1) to r e s i d e n t i a l uses. At f i r s t the p o s s i b i l i t y of higher density r e s i d e n t i a l zoning (CRM-1) was considered. However l o c a l residents favoured less intensive development, amongst them a r c h i t e c t Henry Hawthorn who put forward an a l t e r n a t i v e plan which c a l l e d f o r a " s i g n i f i c a n t l y d i f f e r e n t type of r e s i d e n t i a l environment to those now e x i s t i n g i n the c i t y " , mixing a range of new housing types, r e t a i n i n g the small scale and preserving the o l d houses, developing open space for community parks, but "intensely urban" in character (quoted in F u j i i 1981:93). The concept of urban low rise appealed to the Planning Department, and in 1972 the industrial zoning was replaced by a zoning for multiple dwelling residential plus limited commercial use. Zoning schedule CRM-3 permitted higher density developments on the peripheries adjacent to Granville and Cambie streets, but most of the area was under CRM-2 zoning (with a height limit of.35 feet), described as: "designed to accommodate a highly urban environment embodying a compatible mixture of commercial, residential and ancillary uses....to positively encourage low prof i l e development designed to optimize the potential amenities inherent in the topography and location of this d i s t r i c t " (City of Vancouver 1983b:l). The CRM-2 zoning incorporated a level of discretion, in which developers could earn higher density permits for particularly good designs which were appropriate for the unusual characteristics of the neighbourhood. However, there were no guidelines by which this discretion could be applied, and the new zoning failed to dispel an atmosphere of uncertainty. The city held back from making local area improvements until i t was clear what kind of development would take place (Gutstein 1983); landlords continued to allow existing buildings to deteriorate, and vacant land was held without development. Only two residential projects were constructed between 1972 and 1974, both by small firms who already had a stake in the neighbourhood: Rhone and Iredale, architects who had established an office on the Slopes in the early sixties, and Henry Hawthorn's architectural firm. However, there was a considerable amount of speculative activity in anticipation of redevelopment; land prices soared, and particular interest was shown in non-residential uses. The Fairview Residents Association and Community Action Society (FRACAS) was concerned about the danger posed by this speculative atmosphere for current residents. At this time and in response to TEAM'S policy platform, new C i t y Director of Planning Ray Spaxman was putting i n t o place a programme of Local Area Planning. Endorsing some of FRACAS' suggestions, such a project was i n i t i a t e d i n Fairview Slopes i n October- 1974. This led to the appointment of a Fairview Planner and, i n the following year, a Fairview Planning Committee co n s i s t i n g of tenants, resident and non-resident owners, and businesspersons, with the mandate to work towards p o l i c y recommendations on improving l i v a b i l i t y i n the area. At the same time, two reports came to Council. F i r s t , a consultant's report considered the f e a s i b i l i t y of preserving the s o c i a l and p h y s i c a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of Fairview Slopes (The Sussex Group 1974). This study recommended that the c i t y should use c i t y owned land i n the area to construct low-cost housing so as to maintain the s o c i a l mix; also, residents should e s t a b l i s h a r e h a b i l i t a t i o n corporation to buy and improve property. R e h a b i l i t a t i o n and i n f i l l were to be encouraged, i f p o s s i b l e by grants from Federal sources. However, i t became cl e a r that the low l e v e l of.commitment from absentee landlords, and the already high costs of land, made t h i s option hi g h l y u n l i k e l y . The other report came from the Heritage Advisory Committee (City of Vancouver 1974), which reviewed the condition of the e x i s t i n g buildings i n the neighbourhood. A two and a half block area, suggested as a preservation area, contained 49 houses of heritage s i g n i f i c a n c e , and there were 36 other important houses of heritage s i g n i f i c a n c e elsewhere i n the area. Five were recommended as being of major importance. Of t h i s f i v e , C i t y Council i n 1976 decided to designate only three: Hodson Manor (1894) which had been moved three blocks when the owner wanted to develop the land; The Steamboat House (1889) which was incorporated to o f f i c e use i n a condominium development by Rhone and Iredale; and England House (1909) which has a l s o been used for o f f i c e purposes. Various developer incentives for renovation proved to have l i t t l e e f f e c t i n protecting other houses when the 207 4 p r o f i t s for redevelopment were so high. Having sought community opinions, p o l i c y suggestions from the Fairview Planning Committee (working i n conjunction with the Planning Department) were adopted by the C i t y and incorporated i n t o the Fairview Slopes P o l i c y Plan i n June 1976. The revised zoning schedule associated with t h i s plan was adopted i n October. These covered the area bounded by Hemlock, Eighth Avenue, Ash and Sixth Avenue. The new zoning schedule was FM-1, i t s intent being: "to enhance the small-scale r e s i d e n t i a l character of the Fairview Slopes Neighbourhood by encouraging retention of the e x i s t i n g houses and permitting new low-profile r e s i d e n t i a l development which may include some compatible commercial and a n c i l l a r y uses, designed to optimize the amenities inherent i n the topography and l o c a t i o n of t h i s i n n e r - c i t y neighbourhood" (Ci t y of Vancouver 1977: Appendix C). The key feature of FM-1 i s a f l e x i b l e density p r o v i s i o n . While the maximum Floor Space Ratio i s 0.60 (meaning 60 square feet of b u i l d i n g are allowed for every 100 square feet of l o t ) , there i s a d i s c r e t i o n a r y bonus which allows density of up to an FSR of 1.50. Granting of t h i s bonus depends on the pro v i s i o n of "adequate open space, o v e r a l l design and co m p a t i b i l i t y with adjacent b u i l d i n g s " ( C i t y of Vancouver 1977: Appendix C). The height l i m i t i s 35 f e e t . Types of desirable amenity which are looked for i n development app l i c a t i o n s are as follows: view cor r i d o r s and designs which optimize the view p o t e n t i a l of adjacent buildings, semi-public open space, high q u a l i t y landscaping, d i v e r s i t y of unit type, v a r i e t y of facades with a "broken up" appearance to emphasise indi v i d u a l , units, "warm" f i n i s h i n g materials, f u n c t i o n a l amenity space at grade or on rooftops, a t t r a c t i v e roofscape, c o m p a t i b i l i t y with neighbouring bui l d i n g s , and preservation of e x i s t i n g buildings though i n f i l l (Plate 5.4). As well as looking favourably upon plans which would r e t a i n o l d houses by i n f i l l , other incentives were offered- to encourage t h e i r preservation, 208 Plate 5.4 An example of i n f i l l completed i n the l a t e 1970s, comprising 19 townhouses, plus a renovated house o f f e r i n g o f f i c e - s p a c e which has been occupied by a law fi r m and a development company. most s i g n i f i c a n t l y allowing portions of the houses to be used for commercial purposes subject to appropriate r e s t o r a t i o n (Plate 5.5), and permitting a twenty percent increase i n f l o o r area up to an FSR of 1.0 for a house used e n t i r e l y for r e s i d e n t i a l purposes. Most new development was intended to be r e s i d e n t i a l , but t r a n s i t i o n zones were put i n place along Sixth Avenue and on the east and west boundaries where 100 percent commercial use was allowed, and on the north side of Eighth Avenue where 50 percent commercial use was permitted; i n the rest of the area only 15 percent of f l o o r area could be dedicated to commercial use. The plan also recommended p o l i c i e s intended to preserve s o c i a l mix. Two p l o t s of City-owned land were to be used for s o c i a l housing: subsequently, Daon Development Corporation developed one s i t e to 50 r e n t a l units under the As s i s t e d Rental Program (plus 10,000 square feet of commercial space), and the other s i t e was developed i n t o housing for the handicapped. The P o l i c y Plan also recommended that the c i t y should s e l l i t s two l o t s on Sixth Avenue and use the proceeds to purchase other more su i t a b l e s i t e s on The Slopes for s o c i a l housing; however, once those l o t s were sold, the money was not used for that purpose. The p r o v i s i o n for higher d e n s i t i e s , combined with the growing confidence about the future of the area, led to a dramatic surge i n development permit a p p l i c a t i o n s and i n construction a c t i v i t y . In her comparison of Fairview Slopes with adjacent Mount Pleasant, Lum (1984) has shown the s i g n i f i c a n c e of the Fairview zoning to the i n t e n s i t y of development: not only were average annual house p r i c e s (per square foot) higher i n Fairview Slopes i n the period 1976 to 1982, but also r e l a t i v e annual p r i c e increases were also higher in-a l l years except 1979. O v e r a l l , p r i c e s per square foot increased 227 percent over the period i n Fairview Slopes (121 percent i n Mount Pleasant). The lar g e s t p r i c e increase, f o r 1980 to 1981, was 98.6 percent. In the 1982 recession there was a very s l i g h t decrease i n p r i c e s on the Slopes, a small House renovated with Japanese d e t a i l s such as paper window b l i n d s ( o f f i c e space i s occupied by a mortgage company). f a l l compared to that for Mount Pleasant and the region as a whole. According to Lum, substantial development pressures were produced by the zoning change. Property p r i c e s are very high; for example, i n 1983 a house on a 25 by 120 foot l o t sold for $240,000, and a vacant 50 by 110 foot l o t sold for ' $550,000, at a time when the average metropolitan house p r i c e was $114,730. Evidence for speculative a c t i v i t y comes from mul t i p l e sales of the same house; 30 of the 50 resales occurred i n less than one year. The Development Permit Board, which judged the merit of a p p l i c a t i o n s , was advised by the Development Permit Advisory Panel, drawn l a r g e l y from the development industry. In Gutstein's opinion (1975) TEAM was much more d i r e c t l y influenced by developers' i n t e r e s t s than i t s p o l i t i c a l r h e t o r i c suggested; he claims that land use issues on The Slopes were more frequently resolved i n favour of the developers (Gutstein 1983). It i s c e r t a i n l y noteworthy that, at the time he was w r i t i n g , i n f l u e n t i a l TEAM members such as alderman Cowie, former alderman Massey, and fundraiser Iredale had homes or o f f i c e s i n the area "or were involved i n redevelopment" (Gutstein 1983:33). In addition, Ray Spaxman, enthusiastic promoter of f l e x i b l e zoning, was a resident for a while, and TEAM alderman ( l a t e r mayor and then NDP p r o v i n c i a l leader) Harcourt had a townhouse b u i l t i n the heart of the neighbourhood. C e r t a i n l y these fa c t s confirm the influence of a new middle c l a s s v i s i o n of the " l i v a b l e " urban environment incompatible with both the l i f e s t y l e s and the resources of former residents. In p r a c t i c e , however, few would disagree that the neighbourhood d i d hot turn out quite as expected. In the opinion of many residents, the maximum density has been granted to developments which barely meet the standards a n t i c i p a t e d . Even a " r e a l estate industry spokesman" i s quoted as c r i t i c i z i n g some projects as " j u s t p l a i n crap that shouldn't have been allowed to proceed" (Ford 1980:C1). For example: 212 "Leo Lund received an FSR of 1.50 at 1040 Seventh because he said his project would maintain the c o n t i n u i t y of the open c e n t r a l courtyard with the b u i l d i n g next door. However, i t i s d i f f i c u l t to appreciate t h i s c o n t i n u i t y since the two courtyards are separated by a c h a i n - l i n k fence. Another bonus-earning feature was a 'view corridor* for the residents on Eighth. But the neighbor who l i v e d d i r e c t l y behind t h i s project said she would have to stand i n her driveway to appreciate the view" (Gutstein 1983:34). Since Council adopted the Fairview Slopes P o l i c y Plan and the FM-1 zoning schedule i n 1976, there have been a number of reviews intended to judge the operation of the regulations. Residents have expressed d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with the large number of developments that have received permission for higher d e n s i t i e s without, i t seems, earning them. For example, a review of development i n Fairview Slopes quotes the following comments from minutes of a residents' meeting: " I t was agreed that FSR, i n i t s e l f , i s not n e c e s s a r i l y the most important issue...The p r i n c i p a l o b j e c t i v e i s the ' l i v a b i l i t y ' of the area"; and " I t was agreed that the maximum FSR has been permitted, seemingly as a matter of course, for some developments where no s i g n i f i c a n t a m e n i t i e s — s t i p u l a t e d i n the g u i d e l i n e s — h a v e been provided" ( C i t y of Vancouver 1981:4). . .' Despite these complaints, the C i t y report concluded that the Fairview Slopes s t i l l remained highly " l i v a b l e " , and that given current conditions i n the c i t y ' s housing market, "the i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n of r e s i d e n t i a l development i n t h i s area seems e n t i r e l y appropriate and the r e s u l t i n g units appear to be a very much sought a f t e r commodity" (p. 3) (Plates 5.6 and 5.7). The 1981 report also considered the problem of the rapid destruction of o l d houses. It was c l e a r that the expense of renovation to bring houses up to the b u i l d i n g code standards made redevelopment a much more a t t r a c t i v e option. However, i t was concluded that "further i n v e s t i g a t i o n i s l i k e l y to demonstrate that incentives for preservation are not p r a c t i c a l or, within the context of the redevelopment which has occurred, not d e s i r a b l e " (p. 6). Plate 5.6 214 Plate 5.7 "Rhapsody Citihomes", a development of 40 condominium units, completed i n 1986. 215 [ In response to t h i s review, i n 1982 Council reaffirmed the Fairview Slopes Plan and zoning, s t r e s s i n g that increases i n FSR be well-earned i n terms of a project's c o m p a t i b i l i t y and the public amenities i t o f f e r s . However, the nature of the development i n the area remained c o n t r o v e r s i a l . During the recession of the early 1980s, property was being held i n expectation of future p r o f i t s . For example, i n 1983 the tenants of three houses on one block owned by a German businessman requested the landlord to make repai r s which would bring the accommodation up to C i t y standards; the landlord refused, claiming the costs of repair were too high, and evicted the tenants; the houses stood vacant u n t i l 1986 when they were demolished; a t h i r t y - u n i t condominium development has since been erected on the s i t e . In 1986 a further review was conducted, following d i s c u s s i o n of a plan to develop a s i t e on which there were two houses. Of the 85 houses of heritage s i g n i f i c a n c e l i s t e d i n the 1974 study, only 43 had remained i n 1981, and by 1986 only 23 were l e f t (City of Vancouver 1986). On the request of a neighbour, the c i t y ' s Heritage Advisory Committee suggested that the two threatened houses, plus three adjacent ones (including that of the neighbour) receive heritage designation (McMartin 1986). The e f f e c t of designation i s to freeze the investment value of the property; i t seems pos s i b l e that owners now may be able to claim expensive compensation from the c i t y , and thus that option was rejected.^ A further review was recommended, and from March 1987 C i t y Council took the unusual step of r e q u i r i n g that a l l development ap p l i c a t i o n s i n the neighbourhood be brought before Council i t s e l f as well as before the Development Permit Board (Ballantyne 1987a). In the 1986 review, the degree to which new developments earn t h e i r higher d e n s i t i e s was once again queried. Residents have been f i g h t i n g over the few remaining developable l o t s , 6 such as one on Seventh Avenue where one. of Canada's most prestigious a r c h i t e c t u r a l firms (Arthur Erickson A r c h i t e c t s , which has o f f i c e s i n the neighbourhood) has b u i l t a development which blocks much of the view from neighbouring property (Ballantyne 1987b). Planning Director Spaxman has admitted that the most recent developments pose p a r t i c u l a r problems for planners because they are b u i l t with smaller units (land p r i c e s are too high for bigger units i n today's market) which require more co r r i d o r space and put more pressure on parking. Once again, Council reaffirmed the FM-1 schedule i n May 1987, with a request for closer consultation between developers and neighbours, and for more emphasis on views, c o m p a t i b i l i t y and streetscape. Planner Tom Nonay, who has had a p a r t i c u l a r r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f or the area, i s quoted asking "Is i t f a i r to penalize developers just because they didn't get i n u n t i l the f i n a l phase?" (Ballantyne 1987b:3). S i m i l a r l y , a report examining the f a i l u r e of incentives for house retention concludes: "In these circumstances, and given the general need to maintain consistent a p p l i c a t i o n of- the by-law (both between d i f f e r e n t s i t e s and over time), i t s s t r i c t i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i s also not considered to be r e a l i s t i c " ( C i t y of Vancouver 1986:3). This focus on consistency and f a i r n e s s to the developers i s c e r t a i n l y d i s t u r b i n g to the present residents: i n any case, i t i s surely i n the nature of a l l zoning, whether "up" or "down", to e s t a b l i s h the bases for w i n d f a l l p r o f i t s or losses to those already owning property; i f Fairview's zoning i n the past has boosted the value of land and property, then there i s no reason why the opposite t a c t i c should be ruled out. However, the l a i s s e z -f a i r e l o g i c does r e f l e c t the s p i r i t of a time when business i n t e r e s t s are again on the ascendent i n c i v i c p o l i t i c s , and when popular opinion a l i g n s more with p r o f i t a b i l i t y than with l i v a b i l i t y , exchange value rather than use value. This i s r e f l e c t e d i n the conclusion to a commentary on the proposed heritage designation of more Fairview houses: " A r c h i t e c t u r a l preservation i s a conceit that under the present way of doing things i s f o i s t e d on the p u b l i c by bureaucrats and e l i t i s t s who, dreaming of the Champs Elysses, forget the huge costs of preservation. Who i s going to pay for i t ? Under the present system, i t w i l l be the property owner. Under the present system, a man's home may not be h i s c a s t l e . It could be his p r i s o n . C i t y h a l l w i l l be the j a i l e r " (McMartin 1986:B5). 5.4 SOCIAL CHANGE IN FAIRVIEW SLOPES. The redevelopment of Fairview Slopes has brought with i t considerable s o c i a l change, as evidenced by the high index of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n calculated for the t r a c t i n which i t i s located. Exploring the dimensions of t h i s change i s complicated by the p e c u l i a r i t i e s of the geographic d i v i s i o n s employed by S t a t i s t i c s Canada i n carrying out the census. In 1961 and 1971, Fairview Slopes and the south shore of False Creek both f e l l i n t o one census t r a c t ( C T . 49 i n 1971). This t r a c t extended east to Main Street and west to G r a n v i l l e . With few residents l i v i n g on the False Creek f l a t s (only 18 before redevelopment i n 1976, according to comparative f i g u r e s given i n the 1981 census), and with Fairview Slopes i t s e l f undergoing the i n f l u x of i n d u s t r i a l and warehouse uses t y p i c a l of the portion east of Cambie, t h i s t r a c t d i d not encompass too great a v a r i a t i o n i n s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . But during the 1970s d i s t i n c t i v e d i v i s i o n s i n s o c i a l and p h y s i c a l character emerged within t h i s area, and so the t r a c t was s p l i t . False Creek with G r a n v i l l e Island became a separate t r a c t (49.2), leaving the Slopes plus the area east of Cambie i n t r a c t 49.1. Within the eastern i n d u s t r i a l area remain a few d i l a p i d a t e d houses, plus some older apartment b u i l d i n g s ; i n terms of s o c i a l status t h e i r residents are quite d i f f e r e n t from the new Fairview population (though features such as household s i z e are s i m i l a r ) , and the portion of Main Street which borders the t r a c t has c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s s i m i l a r to those found downtown i n "skid row". In consequence, data c o l l e c t e d over the 218 whole t r a c t i s l i k e l y to underrepresent the " g e n t r i f i e r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s " of the residents of the Slopes. To d i s t i n g u i s h the changes taking place on Fairview Slopes per se (above the f l a t s , between G r a n v i l l e and Cambie) therefore requires that we employ the f i n e r geographical d i v i s i o n s of enumeration d i s t r i c t s . This i s very d i f f i c u l t for 1971 when the area i s divided i n t o f i v e E.D.s, one of which encompasses the False Creek f l a t s as well as the Slopes west of Hemlock. Data from these E.D.s have to be treated with extreme caution; since they cover such small areas there i s a r e a l danger of error a r i s i n g from the rounding of figures i n census p u b l i c a t i o n s . Therefore, except i n cases where category counts are large enough to f e e l some confidence i n the f i g u r e s , these have been omitted i n the data presented i n the following pages. However, i n general i t appears that the Slopes featured s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s varying from the CM.A. and C i t y averages to an even greater extent than the census t r a c t 49 as a whole. In 1981 we can be more confident i n using enumeration d i s t r i c t s since nearly a l l of the Fairview Slopes was covered by two E.D.s (201 and 203) (the exception i s a t i n y t r a c t comprising the Holiday Inn h o t e l on Broadway, which has been omitted from c a l c u l a t i o n s below). Some data at census t r a c t l e v e l are a v a i l a b l e f or 1986; the northern boundary has been realigned to follow Sixth Avenue instead of the railway so as to exclude a large apartment development which has been constructed during the 1980s on the north side of Sixth Avenue between Birch and Hemlock. No E.D. data are a v a i l a b l e for 1986. The following discussion compares conditions i n Vancouver CM.A. and C i t y with the Fairview Slopes neighbourhood as v a r i o u s l y defined. In both 1971 and i n the more recent census years, Fairview Slopes was a neighbourhood distin g u i s h e d by i t s extremity i n comparison to the c i t y as a whole; however, the nature of that extremity has been d r a s t i c a l l y redefined. Further evidence for t h i s turnaround w i l l be presented when we look at Fairview's p h y s i c a l landscape i n the concluding section to t h i s chapter. Within the area defined by enumeration d i s t r i c t s , the population f e l l between 1971 and 1981, from 1435 to 1090, although i t has c e r t a i n l y r i s e n again during the 1980s. Confirmation of the very rapid changes i n the area during the 1970s comes from the data on population m o b i l i t y (Table 5.6). Even i n 1971 t h i s was an area with a r e l a t i v e l y unstable population, with two thi r d s of the population defined as "movers", r e f l e c t i n g Fairview's r o l e as a home for transient young adults at the time. However, mobility has increased: less than a f i f t h of residents i n C.T. 49.01 were l i v i n g i n the same dwelling i n 1981 that they had occupied i n 1976. This f i g u r e i s the t h i r d lowest i n the c i t y , a f t e r False Creek and a portion of the C.B.D.. In l i n e with rebuttals of the "back to the c i t y " myth i n the l i t e r a t u r e , the largest source of residents comprises those who were formerly l i v i n g i n other parts of Vancouver C i t y . In f a c t , movers from other parts of the province (which includes the rest of Vancouver CM.A.) are fewer i n number than those from out-of-province. In 1971 and through to the most recent census year, Fairview Slopes has had an age d i s t r i b u t i o n quite d i s t i n c t from that of the c i t y as a whole (Table 5.7). In 1971, while c h i l d r e n under 15 are underrepresented, the 15-24 age group comprises a greater proportion of the population than i n Vancouver C i t y and CM.A.. The 35-44 age group i s underrepresented. Other age groups are si m i l a r to CM.A. values, while Vancouver C i t y has a greater proportion of e l d e r l y persons. By 1981 and 1986, the underrepresentation of chi l d r e n remains s i g n i f i c a n t . However, the 15-24 age group i s s i m i l a r to c i t y f i g u r e s , suggesting the loss of the young transient and student population. The overrepresented group now s h i f t s e s p e c i a l l y to the 25-34 age group which represents a more stable and better-established young adult 220 TABLE 5.6 POPULATION FIVE YEARS AND OVER BY MOBILITY STATUS, BY PERCENTAGE 1971 1981 Vancouver F. Slopes Vancouver F. Slopes CM.A. City CT. CM.A. City CT. E.D. 49 49.1 201,3 Non movers 45.7 46.7 33.2 45.7 47.7 18.4 11.6 (same dwelling) Movers: -non-migrants 23.4 28.5 35.9 25.6 29.0 40.8 46.8 (different dwelling, same municipality) -migrants —from B.C. 14.8 6.9 8.0 15.6 7.5 12.2 14.4 —from other 8.8 7.5 11.3 8.0 8.2 21.3 22.2 province —from outside 7.3 10.5 11.7 5.2 7.6 7.3 5.1 Canada Source: Statistics Canada Census of Canada, 33 1/3 percent sample in 1971, 20 percent sample in 1981. Based on place of residence five years ago. Percentages calculated from column totals of those stating previous residence. AGE GROUP <15 1971 TABLE 5.7 AGE DISTRIBUTION, BY PERCENTAGE 1981 Vancouver F. Slopes CM.A. C i t y C.T. 49 25.4 19.5 17.8 Vancouver F. Slopes CM.A. C i t y C.T. E.D. 49.1 201,3 1986 Vancouver F. Slopes CM.A. C i t y C.T. 49.1 19.1 14.4 9.6 6.9 18.4 14.0 5.4 15-24 25-34 35-44 45-54 55-64 65+ 17.6 18.3 14.0 13.9 12.1 11.3 11.7 12.3 9.2 11.3 10.1 13.5 23.7 15.7 9.2 11.2 9.7 12.7 17.6 17.4 18.3 19.6 13.0 11.5 10.8 10.9 9.7 10.9 11.5 15.3 19.4 17.4 32.3 37.4 15.9 17.8 7.6 8.2 8.1 7.1 7.8 4.6 15.4 15.4 14.2 18.6 20.6 34.6 15.4 14.5 22.6 10.5 10.2 11.6 9.6 10.3 6.0 12.1 15.0 5.6 Source: S t a t i s t i c s Canada Census of Canada, 100 percent sample. to 222 population. Compared to 1981, by 1986 a s l i g h t l y more mature population i s present, probably r e f l e c t i n g both the ageing of baby-boom residents i n place, and the larger proportions of older adult households a t t r a c t e d to the area i n the l a t e r stages of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . However, over-55s are s t i l l underrepresented, and the proportion aged 65 and over i s one of the lowest i n Vancouver C i t y . With respect to d i s t r i b u t i o n by marital status, for Vancouver C i t y and CM.A. the percentages si n g l e have increased from 1971 through to 1986 (Table 5.8). In a l l cases the percentage single has been much greater for Fairview Slopes; however, i t seems to be becoming les s extreme on t h i s v a r i a b l e . Percentages divorced are c o n s i s t e n t l y higher compared to the rest of the c i t y , exceeded only by areas of Downtown Eastside and the West End (plus, False Creek for women). In terms of household and family composition, Fairview Slopes again v a r i e s s u b s t a n t i a l l y from c i t y averages (Table 5.9). While percentage of f a m i l i e s with no c h i l d r e n at home has remained f a i r l y stable for the C i t y and the CM.A., the percentage i n Fairview Slopes has been higher and has increased c o n s i s t e n t l y over the period 1971 to 1986. In 1981, over h a l f of f a m i l i e s i n the census t r a c t had no c h i l d r e n at home ( i n f a c t , 55 percent of husband-wife f a m i l i e s were c h i l d l e s s , compared to 20 and 24 percent i n the CM.A. and the C i t y r e s p e c t i v e l y , according to twenty percent census sample data). In 1986, 65 percent of Fairview Slopes f a m i l i e s have no c h i l d r e n at home. 1981 census sample data show that 23 percent of Fairview Slopes census t r a c t f a m i l i e s are lone-parent f a m i l i e s , compared to 12 percent i n the CM.A. and 14 percent i n Vancouver C i t y . . This overrepresentation i s p a r t i c u l a r l y extreme for men: of Fairview lone parents, 29 percent are male, compared to 17 percent i n the CM.A. and 16 percent i n the C i t y . This i s l i k e l y a r e s u l t of the high costs of l i v i n g i n t h i s area which are more e a s i l y borne by male TABLE 5.8 DISTRIBUTION BY MARITAL STATUS, BY PERCENTAGE 1971 1981 1986 MARITAL STATUS Single Married* Divorced Widowed Vancouver F. Slopes 25.7 64.5 2.7 7.2 29.5 58.0 3.5 9.1 CM.A. C i t y C T . 49 40.0 46.8 4.8 8.4 Vancouver F. Slopes CM.A. C i t y C T . E.D. 49.1 201,3 27.5 61.5 4.1 6.9 33.3 52.7 5.2 8.8 43.9 42.5 9.4 4.2 41.9 45.3 9.9 3.0 Vancouver F. Slopes 28.0 60.0 4.8 6.6 34.8 51.2 5.9 8.2 CM.A. C i t y C T . 49.1 40.3 47.8 9.7 2.2 Source: S t a t i s t i c s Canada Census of Canada, 100 percent sample. * Married includes separated, and cohabitants from 1981. TABLE 5.9 SELECTED FAMILY AND HOUSEHOLD VARIABLES 1971 1981 1 9 8 6 Vancouver F. Slopes Vancouver F. Slopes Vancouver F. Slopes CM.A. City CT. CM.A. City C T . E.D. CM.A. City CT. 49 49.1 201,3 49.1 Average children per family 1.4 1.2 1.2 1.2 1.1 0.7 0.5 1.1 1.1 0.5 Average persons per family 3.4 3.1 3.0 3.1 3.0 2.5 2.3 3.0 2.9 2.3 Percentage families with 35.8 43.2 43.4 37.7 41.9 52.6 65.1 37.4 40.0 65.3 no children at home Percentage families with 20.6 21.1 23.0 24.2 24.9 29.5 25.6 25.6 26.7 25.8 one child at home Percentage private households, 24.9 36.1 54.4 32.4 45.8 65.0 66.9 33.9 48.1 61.3 non-family households Percentage persons in private 14.1 22.1 42.2 18.2 27.7 50.4 53.5 19.5 29.7 47.6 households, non-family persons Average persons per household 3.0 2.7 2.5 2.6 2.3 1.8 1.6 2.5 2.3 1.7 Percentage private households, 19.0 27.4 39.9 27.0 38.5 51.4 55.2 27.6 39.4 46.7 one person Percentage private households, 29.3 32.0 25.0 31,1 30.0 31.1 32.8 31.4 29.6 39 9 two persons Source: Statistics Canada Census of Canada, 100 percent sample. heads. While these figures on family structure a r e - d i s t i n c t i v e , those on household structure are even more so, for i n 1981 only about a t h i r d of households were family households ( t h i s i s increasing i n 1986), and over half of the population was defined as non-family persons. In 1981, 55 percent of households comprised one person, and 33 percent comprised two persons; by 1986, these figures had s h i f t e d to 47 percent and 40 percent respectively, probably corresponding to a s l i g h t l y more mature population. In many respects, the data reported above represent the trends one would expect on the basis of findings from other studies.of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . Before g e n t r i f i c a t i o n , the neighbourhood had an image of, i f not quite a "slum", c e r t a i n l y an area " l e f t behind" i n the process of urban development, and o f f e r i n g a refuge to marginal s o c i a l groups. With g e n t r i f i c a t i o n , f i r s t there i s the i n f l u x of young households adopting" very n o n - f a m i l i s t i c l i f e s t y l e s ; l a t e r these households mature i n place and are joined by persons with more conservative l i f e s t y l e s as the area establishes a stable reputation. Less usual, however, has been the d i s t r i b u t i o n of housing tenures. In 1971, 84 percent of the p r i v a t e dwellings i n the census t r a c t were rented, compared to 53 and 41 percent i n the C i t y and the CM.A. res p e c t i v e l y . In 1981, the r e n t a l percentage remains high, at 84 percent i n the t r a c t (55 i n the Ci t y , 42 i n the C.M.A.). This c e r t a i n l y makes problematical the assumption that g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i s definable i n terms of tenure change (Logan 1982). By 1986, with more condominium sales, there i s evidence for a convergence with c i t y norms, with 66 percent renting compared to 57 i n the c i t y and 44 i n the CM.A.. The high proportion of re n t a l units i n Fairview Slopes a f t e r g e n t r i f i c a t i o n had taken hold i s explained p a r t l y by the presence of MURBs (multiple unit r e s i d e n t i a l b u i l d i n g s ) , constructed under a Federal scheme to boost r e n t a l housing at the end of the 1970s. However, due also to changes i n market conditions during t h i s period, projects intended for owner-occupancy proved to be overpriced and were rented instead of sold. S o c i a l d i f f e r e n c e s between neighbourhoods that g e n t r i f y by renovation and those that g e n t r i f y by piecemeal redevelopment are r e f l e c t e d i n data of t h i s sort, and h i g h l i g h t important questions with respect to the d e f i n i t i o n of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n as an empirical object. Sample data from the^ census (1986 data i s not a v a i l a b l e ) d e t a i l the housing conditions of Fairview Slopes residents (Table 5.10). In 1971, r e n t a l costs i n the area were amongst the lowest i n the c i t y (only f i v e other t r a c t s , mostly i n the east side of the inner c i t y , had lower re n t s ) , r e f l e c t i n g i n part the preponderance of m u l t i p l y occupied r e n t a l properties. Yet the value of owner occupied dwellings was almost i d e n t i c a l to the medians for the CM.A. and the C i t y , which i s p o s s i b l y suggestive of the opening of a rent gap as absentee landlords allowed dwellings to d e t e r i o r a t e i n a n t i c i p a t i o n of future sales of high-value land. Even i n 1981, of a l l C i t y t r a c t s , Fairview Slopes had the highest proportion of i t s occupied p r i v a t e dwellings r e q u i r i n g major re p a i r s , at 18 percent ( t h i s must have dropped s u b s t a n t i a l l y by mid-decade as many older houses were demolished). In 1981, given the small si z e of a l l dwellings i n the area (4.2 rooms, compared to 5.6 and 4.9 i n the CM.A. and C i t y ) , the higher-than-average value of owner occupied dwellings confirms the premium value of t h i s land; average rents are also higher than the city-wide norm (at the time of Expo 1986, they experienced exceptional i n f l a t i o n due to the l o c a t i o n of the neighbourhood, and one can assume that they were then amongst the highest i n the c i t y ) . The most d i s t i n g u i s h i n g feature of Fairview residents' housing costs i n 1981 i s the measure of owners' average major monthly payments, which at $887 was the highest of a l l C i t y census t r a c t s . This can be interpreted f i r s t as i n d i c a t i n g the large mortgages c a r r i e d by owners, which i n turn r e f l e c t s the r o l e of t h i s g e n t r i f i e d area as a place where young professionals can f i r s t TABLE 5.10 HOUSING COSTS 1971 CM.A. Cit y C.T.49 Median value owner-occupied dwellings Average gross monthly rent, tenant occupied dwellings $ 26702 130 26078 127 26146 95 1981 Median length of occupancy i n years Average value owner-occupied dwellings Average monthly payments for owners*, including mortage, tax, u t i l i t i e s Average gross monthly rent, tenant occupied dwellings* CM.A. 4 171726 472 411 Cit y 4 187676 409 393 C.T.49.1 1 202309 887 517 Source: S t a t i s t i c s Canada Census of Canada, 33 1/3 percent sample i n 1971, percent sample i n 1981. * One family households with no additional persons only. 228 buy i n t o the housing market (financing arrangements by project developers encourage t h i s ) . Second, i t implies high c i t y taxes imposed as t h i s neighbourhood upgraded, which (being based on street frontage) have forced a p a r t i c u l a r burden onto owners of the remaining houses and encouraged the displacement of older residents (Gutstein 1983). A f i n a l census f i g u r e on housing reports Fairview Slopes as having the lowest median length of occupancy of a l l C i t y t r a c t s , r e f l e c t i n g the newness of the development. It i s commonly believed that easier access to place of employment i s an important motivation for p o t e n t i a l g e n t r i f i e r s , and Fairview Slopes not only o f f e r s easy access to the C.B.D., but a l s o borders upon the c i t y ' s second major o f f i c e core centred on the h o s p i t a l and C i t y H a l l . According to 1981 census f i g u r e s , 11 percent of the male employed labour force, and 12 percent of the female employed labour force resident i n t r a c t 49.1 work i n the same census t r a c t . This compares to the CM.A. averages of 6 percent for men and 8 percent for women. Figures for men are amongst the highest i n the C i t y . In 1971, the percentage of the male labour force which was self-employed i n the t r a c t (6 percent) was s l i g h t l y lower than the f i g u r e s f or the C i t y and CM.A. (between 6 and 7 percent).. Women, however, seemed more l i k e l y to be self-employed (7 percent compared to 3 percent i n the C i t y and C.M.A.). By 1981, a greater proportion of Fairview men were self-employed (11 percent i n the E.D., 8 percent i n the census t r a c t , compared to between 6 and 7 percent i n the C i t y and C.M.A.). Figures for women appear to have f a l l e n (4 percent i n E.D., 5 percent i n the census t r a c t ) , converging on the 3 percent f i g u r e f o r the C i t y and the CM.A.. The small figures involved, however, mean data must be treated with caution. Table 5.11 indicates that labour force p a r t i c i p a t i o n rates were p a r t i c u l a r l y low for men i n Fairview Slopes i n 1971, with only three other census t r a c t s ( i n the Downtown East side) lower; by 1981, rates were considerably higher than the c i t y as a whole, e s p e c i a l l y for TABLE 5.11 LABOUR FORCE ACTIVITY 1971 1981 Vancouver F. Slopes Vancouver F. Slopes CM.A. C i t y C T . CM.A. C i t y C T . E.D. 49 49.1 201,3 P a r t i c i p a t i o n rate, population 15 years and over: Males 77.7 75.2 64.2 79.3 75.7 79.9 86.7 Females 43.3 47.6 49.4 56.3 57.3 68.9 74.3 Unemployment rate of labour force: Males 8.9 11.6 26.7 4.7 6.2 8.2 2.2 Females 10.2 9.5 18.9 5.7 5.7 8.1 9.1 Source: S t a t i s t i c s Canada Census of Canada, 33 1/3 percent sample i n 1971, 20 percent sample i n 1981. women which i s i n l i n e with the trend for most of the west side inner c i t y . In 1981, over two-thirds of husband-wife f a m i l i e s had both partners i n the labour force, compared to about a hal f of f a m i l i e s i n the C i t y and CM.A.. Unemployment rates are less easy to i n t e r p r e t , e s p e c i a l l y since the figures are small i n 1981. In 1971, Fairview men i n p a r t i c u l a r had high unemployment. In 1981, the census t r a c t f igures remained higher than average, and while the E.D. data f i l t e r out the e f f e c t of the poorer and more transient male population l i v i n g at the Main Street edge of the census t r a c t , the unemployment rate for women remained quite high. A reason for t h i s unexpected f i n d i n g might be that women i n t h i s area who are not curr e n t l y employed would be l i k e l y to define themselves as part of the labour force (perhaps " a c t i v e l y seeking a job"), compared to women elsewhere who might define themselves as homemakers and take up employment only when the opportunity i s immediately a v a i l a b l e . A l t e r n a t i v e l y , the timing of the census (summer) might pick up seasonal unemployment. The d i s t r i b u t i o n of labour force by industry d i v i s i o n appears i n Table 5.12. In 1981, those members of the labour force who the census describes as giving "unspecified or undefined" responses were r e d i s t r i b u t e d by computer among the other c l a s s e s . Therefore, i n 1971 percentages both of the t o t a l labour force, and of the labour force minus those unspecified or undefined, have been c a l c u l a t e d . S i g n i f i c a n t l y , i n 1971 the second larges t group i n census t r a c t 49 l e f t industry unspecified or undefined, which i s perhaps suggestive of the marginal . nature of a c t i v i t i e s pursued by residents. Of those s t a t i n g an industry d i v i s i o n , compared to the f i g u r e s - f o r Vancouver C i t y there was an underconcentration i n manufacturing, transportation, finance and administration. It seems probable, given the impressions of the workforce gathered from other sources, that the service, primary and construction sectors were overrepresented because they of f e r e d casual work TABLE 5.12 LABOUR FORCE BY INDUSTRY DIVISION 1971* 1981** Vancouver F. Slopes Vancouver F. Slopes CM.A. City CT. CM.A. City C T. E.D 49 49.1 201,3 Primary 2.9/3.1 2.0/2.2 2.9/3.6 2.7 1.9 1.9 3.0 Manufacturing 16.6/18.0 15.1/16.5 10.6/13.0 14.7 13.4 14.7 12.5 Construction 6.8/7.3 5.7/6.2 6.9/8.5 6.8 5.2 3.8 4.8 Transportation 10.5/11.4 10.4/11.4 8.0/9.8 10.6 9.9 11.3 12.5 Trade 18.1/19.5 17.2/18.7 14.9/18.3 19.3 17.0 15.8 15.5 Finance 5.9/6.4 6.7/7.3 3.6/4.5 7.2 7.5 5.6 6.6 Service 26.9/29.1 30.6/33.3 33.1/40.6 32.9 39.8 42.9 42.9 Administration 4.7/5.1 4.3/4.6 1.5/1.8 5.8 5.4 4.1 2.4 Unspecified or 7.6/na 8.1/na 18.6/na na na na na Undefined Source: Statistics Canada Census of Canada, 33 1/3 percent sample in 1971, 20 percent sample in 1981. * Percentage of total labour force/percentage of labour force with specified industry. ** Computer assigned "unspecified" responses to other categories. For definitions of industry, see Table 4.2. opportunities to parts of the population which p a r t i c i p a t e d i r r e g u l a r l y i n the formal economy. The types of service industry jobs i n 1971 are l i k e l y quite d i f f e r e n t from those i n 1981, where the service sector i s again the largest employer. In 1981 the figures f or t r a c t 49 do not vary to any great extent from the f i g u r e s for the C i t y as a whole. Within the area defined by the E.D.s, somewhat over a t h i r d of the male workforce and a h a l f of the female workforce i s i n service i n d u s t r i e s (Table 5.13). Occupational data from the census (Table 5.14) have to be treated with some caution when comparing 1971 and 1981 f i g u r e s . Not only are the "not stated" responses d i s t r i b u t e d amongst the other categories i n 1981, but also the r e v i s i o n of some occupational groups has occurred. However, with geographical comparisons as well as h i s t o r i c a l ones, a c l e a r p i c t u r e emerges of Fairview Slopes' changing p o s i t i o n within the metropolitan occupational structure. In 1971, again the "not stated" category i s p a r t i c u l a r l y large. Senior white c o l l a r , c l e r i c a l and sales occupations are underrepresented; service occupations remain the only white c o l l a r category with higher percentages than C i t y and CM.A. averages. T o t a l blue c o l l a r occupations are overrepresented, predominantly i n the "other" category which includes construction trades, transport equipment operating, and materials handling (for example, longshore workers). By 1981, senior white c o l l a r occupations employ over a t h i r d of the census t r a c t labour force (almost a half i n the E.D.s), a proportion g r e a t l y i n excess of c i t y averages. Other white c o l l a r occupations, e s p e c i a l l y service occupations, are comparatively underrepresented, as are blue c o l l a r occupations. In order to confirm the dramatic changes i n occupational status, and to compare the s o c i a l p r o f i l e of the neighbourhood i n the very early stages of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n with conditions e x i s t i n g i n the mid-1980s, voters' l i s t s i n 1975 and 1985 were analysed. The abbreviations used to l i s t occupations, the 233 TABLE 5.13 LABOUR FORCE BY INDUSTRY DIVISION AND SEX, FAIRVIEW SLOPES, 1981 Male Female Number Percentage Number Percentage Primary Manufacturing Construction Transportation Trade Finance Service Administration 25 55 40 60 70 30 175 5 5.4 12.0 8.7 13.0 15.2 6.5 38.0 1.1 5 40 0 40 55 30 185 10 1.4 11.0 0.0 11.0 15.1 8.2 50.7 2.7 Total 460 365 Source: S t a t i s t i c s Canada Census of Canada, 20 percent sample. Enumeration d i s t r i c t data. Computer assigned "unspecified" responses to other categories ( t h i s involves 30 males, 5 females). TABLE 5.14 LABOUR FORCE BY OCCUPATION 1971* 1981** Vancouver F. Slopes Vancouver F. Slopes CM.A. City C.T. 49 CM.A. City C.T. 49.1 E.D. 201,3 Managerial 4.4/4.8 4.0/4.4 *** 9.8 8.3 11.5 16.1 Teaching and related 3.4/3.7 3.2/3.5 2.9/3.6 3.8 3.9 3.3 3.6 Medicine and health 4.1/4.5 4.4/4.8 2.2/2.7 .5.0 5.6 6.7 10.7 Technological, social, religious, a r t i s t i c and related 5.4/5.9 5.7/6.3 4.8/5.8 7.4 9.1 16.7 16.7 Senior white collar 17.4/18.9 17.4/19.0 10.6/13.0 26.0 26.8 38.2 47.0 Cler i c a l 18.7/20.4 20.9/22.9 13.1/16.1 21.8 22.3 18.9 19.1 Sales 11.8/12.8 10.3/11.2 5.5/6.7 10.6 9.1 8.2 9.5 Services 12.4/13.5 14.8/16.2 21.5/26.3 12.6 15.8 11.9 8.9 Other white collar 42.8/46.7 45.9/50.3 40.2/49.1 45.0 47.2 38.9 37.5 Primary 2.8/3.0 1.8/2.0 2.6/3.1 2.1 1.6 1.1 1.2 Processing 3.9/4.2 3.3/3.7 2.9/3.6 3.3 3.0 1.5 0.0 Machining 8.6/9.4 8.2/9.0 6.2/7.6 8.4 8.0 4.8 2.4 Other 16.3/17.8 14.7/16.1 19.3/23.7 15.3 13.4 15.6 11.9 Blue collar 31.5/34.4 28.1/30.7 31.0/38.0 29.0 26.0 23.0 15.5 Not stated 8.3/na 8.6/na 18.3/na na na na na Source: Statistics Canada Census of Canada, 33 1/3 percent sample in 1971, 20 percent sample in 1981. * Percentage of total labour force/percentage of labour force with specified industry. ** Computer assigned "unspecified" responses to other categories. *** Under one percent. For definitions of occupation, see Tables 4.2 and 5.1; the "knowledge" category i s divide here into three categories. s e l f - r e p o r t i n g of the occupational information, and the screening out of persons i n e l i g i b l e to vote a l l introduce some d i f f i c u l t i e s with respect to accuracy and coverage. However, the data do o f f e r an opportunity to look c l o s e l y at the structure of the labour force by more s p e c i f i c occupation types. Reported occupations were c l a s s i f i e d (Table 5.15) for people l i v i n g within the area defined by the boundaries of Sixth Avenue, Cambie Street, Broadway and G r a n v i l l e Street. Homemakers, r e t i r e d persons, students, the self-employed, people i n d i c a t i n g no occupation (to which were added those who indi c a t e d they were unemployed), and people with u n c l a s s i f i a b l e occupations were extracted as separate groups. Those remaining were c l a s s i f i e d according to the census categories employed i n Table 5.14, except for blue c o l l a r occupations which were not broken down i n t o f i n e r d i s t i n c t i o n s because many job t i t l e s were too vague to assign to s p e c i f i c groups. Comparisons of the d i s t r i b u t i o n of the c l a s s i f i a b l e labour force over time are presented i n Table 5.16; small f l u c t u a t i o n s should be disregarded as l i k e l y c l a s s i f i c a t i o n errors when analysing voters' l i s t s . In 1975, about two-thirds of the 875 people on the l i s t appear to have been i n the labour force (though people not giving occupations could also be r e t i r e d , homemakers or students). Of these, 512 had c l a s s i f i a b l e occupations, which are s p l i t with about 30 percent i n both white c o l l a r occupations, and almost 40 percent.in blue c o l l a r categories. Compared to the 1971 census figures there has been a r i s e i n proportions with senior white c o l l a r jobs, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the category encompassing technological, s o c i a l , r e l i g i o u s , a r t i s t i c and r e l a t e d occupations, which includes some of the " s o f t " professions. It was possible to break down t h i s group further: there were 24 persons i n science and engineering type jobs, 27 i n s o c i a l science p o s i t i o n s , and 52 i n a r t i s t i c , l i t e r a r y and r e c r e a t i o n a l occupations. In f a c t , musicians were the largest sub-group here, followed by s o c i a l 236 TABLE 5.15 OCCUPATIONS FROM VOTERS' LISTS 1975 1985 Number Percentage of cl a s s i f i e d occupations Percentage of total Number Percentage of c l a s s i f i e d occupations Percentage of total Managerial 14 2.7 1.6 164 21.5 16.5 Teaching and related 24 4.7 2.7 41 5.4 4.1 Medicine and health 21 4.1 2.4 90 11.8 9.1 Technological, social, religious, a r t i s t i c and related 103 20.1 11.8 168 22.0 16.9 Senior white collar 162 31.6 18.5 463 60.7 46.6 Clerical 70 13.7 7-9 96 12.6 9.7 Sales 27 5.3 3.2 100 13.1 10.1 Services 58 11.3 6.6 38 5.0 3.8 Other white collar 155 30.3 17.7 234 30.7 23.6 Blue collar 195 38.1 22.3 66 8.7 6.7 Total of cla s s i f i e d occupations 512 58.5 763 76.8 Occupations not classifiable 49 5.6 59 5.9 Self-employed 10 1.1 23 2.3 Occupation not given 51 5.8 58 5.8 Total labour force 622 71.1 903 90.9 Retired 51 5.8 14 1.4 Homemaker 112 12.8 26 2.6 Student 90 10.3 50 • 5.0 Total on l i s t 875 993 TABLE 5.16 OCCUPATION STRUCTURE, 1971 TO 1985, BY PERCENTAGE* 1971 1975 1981 1985 C.T.49 voters' E.D.201,3 voters' l i s t l i s t Managerial ** 2.7 16.1 21.5 Teaching and related 3.6 4.7 3.6 5.4 Medicine and health 2.7 4.1 10.7 11.8 Technological, social, 5.8 20.1 16.7 22.0 religious, a r t i s t i c and related Senior white collar 13.0 3.1.6 47.0 60.7 Clerical 16.1 13.7 19.1 12.6 Sales 6.7 5.3 9.5 13.1 Services 26.3 11.3 8.9 5.0 Other white collar 49.1 30.3 37.5 30.7 Blue collar 38.0 38.1 15.5 8~77 Census data i s 20 percent sample. * Percentage of classified occupations. ** Under 1 percent. workers of various kinds (for example, community workers) and a r t i s t s (including potters and commercial a r t i s t s ) . This breakdown i s p a r t i c u l a r l y noteworthy given conventional wisdom that g e n t r i f i c a t i o n tends to s t a r t with an i n f l u x of people following c u l t u r a l and a r t i s t i c p u r s u i t s , supposedly more toler a n t of unconventional l i f e s t y l e s and i n need of cheap accommodation. Compared to 1971 census data, the 1975 voters' l i s t suggests a s l i g h t d e c l i n e i n the importance of other white c o l l a r occupations, l a r g e l y i n the service category. The proportion of blue c o l l a r occupations remains steady. Some of the occupations l i s t e d include labourers (27), millworkers (11), warehouse workers (10), plus a v a r i e t y of c r a f t s , construction trades, materials handlers, transportation workers and machine operators. These seem to represent the legacy of the i n d u s t r i a l i z e d False Creek basin, which was undergoing dramatic change at t h i s time. By 1985, a number of s i g n i f i c a n t changes have occurred. Proportions of students, homemakers and r e t i r e d persons have f a l l e n , r e s u l t i n g i n a high p a r t i c i p a t i o n r a t e . Of c l a s s i f i a b l e occupations, a l l those i n the senior white c o l l a r categories have increased, most dramatically i n the managerial category. These s h i f t s started to occur by 1981 and they appear to have continued during the 1980s. The proportion of a r t s - r e l a t e d occupations has i n f a c t f a l l e n s l i g h t l y : for example, only one person claimed to be a musician. S c i e n t i f i c and t e c h n i c a l p o s i t i o n s , l i k e engineer, and s o c i a l science jobs such as lawyer, have dramatically increased. Teaching occupations have increased, as have a l l medical jobs ( e s p e c i a l l y physicians and nurses, but also aides of various kinds). Sales jobs have increased both absolutely and r e l a t i v e l y , while service jobs have f a l l e n . C l e r i c a l p o s i t i o n s seem to have experienced a more f l u c t u a t i n g trend, and there i s a l i k e l i h o o d of m i s c l a s s i f i c a t i o n (for instance, o f f i c e jobs may have t i t l e s which appear to be managerial i n nature). Blue c o l l a r occupations show a dramatic d e c l i n e i n proportion of the t o t a l labour force. Census figures show somewhat d i f f e r e n t occupational patterns for men and women (Table 5.17). Over ha l f of the male workforce has senior white c o l l a r p o s i t i o n s , of which the managerial and the technological, s o c i a l , r e l i g i o u s and a r t i s t i c categories are dominant (the l a t t e r includes s c i e n t i f i c and engineering jobs). For the female workforce, 43 percent are i n senior white c o l l a r categories; occupations i n medicine and health (which include nurses and therapists) are important. Other white c o l l a r occupations are, o v e r a l l , the dominant d i v i s i o n for women, with almost a t h i r d of the female workforce i n c l e r i c a l jobs—though t h i s proportion i s low compared to C i t y and CM.A. figu r e s of 38 and 40 percent. Census t r a c t 49.1 has a high absolute occupational status for women compared to the average for a l l census t r a c t s , but women's occupational status r e l a t i v e to that of men's i s modest. The high absolute occupational status of the population i n Fairview Slopes r e f l e c t s a lso i t s high educational status. In 1971, the proportion of the Fairview Slopes census t r a c t population aged 15 and over with some u n i v e r s i t y - l e v e l education was 14 percent, compared to 17 percent i n the C i t y and 15 percent i n the C.M.A.. In 1981, although the census d e f i n i t i o n of u n i v e r s i t y education was narrowed so as to omit community college transfer courses, there was a dramatic increase i n the university-educated population i n the neighbourhood. Compared to 27 percent i n the C i t y and 26 percent i n the C.M.A., 31 percent of the census t r a c t population and 44 percent of the E.D. population i n Fairview had some-university-level education. In terms of female education r e l a t i v e to that of male education, t h i s census t r a c t had the highest proportion of a l l C i t y t r a c t s . Yet whilst occupation and education figures place t h i s neighbourhood r e l a t i v e l y high on a scale of socioeconomic status i n 1981, data on income modifies t h i s p i c t u r e (Table 5.18). In 1971, people i n the neighbourhood TABLE 5.17 LABOUR FORCE BY OCCUPATION AND SEX, FAIRVIEW SLOPES, 1981* Male Female Number** Percentage Number** Percentage Managerial 95 21.1 45 11.7 Teaching and related 15 3.3 25 6.5 Medicine and health 40 8.9 50 13.0 Technological, social, religious, a r t i s t i c and related 90 20.0 45 11.7 Senior white collar 240 53.3 165 42.9 C l e r i c a l 35 7.8 120 31.2 Sales 40 8.9 40 10.4 Services 35 7.8 40 10.4 Other white col l a r 110 24.4 200 52.0 Blue c o l l a r 100 22.2 20 5.2 Total 450 385 Source: S t a t i s t i c s Canada Census of Canada, 20 percent sample. * Enumeration d i s t r i c t data. ** Computer assigned "Not stated" responses to other categories (this involves 30 males, females). TABLE 5.18 MEASURES OF INCOME 1971 1981 Vancouver F. Slopes Vancouver P. Slopes Population 15 years and over with income, total income C.M.A. City C T . 49 C.M.A City C T . 49.1 E.D.* 201,3 Male Average Median 7287 6657 6701 5785 3735 2819 19716 17807 17636 14239 16186 11693 21523 na Female Average Median 3072 2255 3293 2547 2172 1854 9775 7826 10227 8226 11703 9047 13896 na Population who worked, employment income Male Average Median 7149 7042 6904 6305 4256 4099 19715 18707 17713 15628 17077 13437 22084 na Female Average Median 3340 3043 3527 3307 230B 2318 10121 9452 10491 9921 12161 10749 13987 na Household income Average Median 9931 8823 9317 7899 5603 4267 27688 23951 24856 19776 21260 17213 25709 na Family Income Average Median 10664 9559 10422 9029 5713 4810 31634 28292 30252 25525 28029 21062 36600 na Non-family persons 15 years and over, total income Average Median 3827 na 3942 na 2780 na 12723 10329 12628 10237 12940 8651 15822 na Source: Statistics Canada Census of Canada, 33 1/3 percent sample i n 1971, 20 percent sample in 1981. * E.D. figures calculated from rounded aggregate incomes given for each of the two E.D.s were relatively poor. For many of the income figures, the only other tracts worse off than tract 49 were in the Downtown Eastside, the location of "skid row". Census tract figures for 1981 do not show the dramatic turnaround evident in the other variables discussed above, though figures calculated for the enumeration di s t r i c t s boost the income levels quite considerably in some cases. Comparisons of average and median figures indicate the presence of a large range of incomes, with a substantial skew no doubt affected by the fact that this tract encompasses both a gentrified portion and a more dilapidated eastern portion. The median figure for male total income is one of the lowest in the city, exceeded by a l l tracts other than the Downtown Eastside and portions of the Grandview Woodlands neighbourhood. Possibly the Fairview population was,, in 1981, as yet too youthful to have achieved high income levels within their high status occupations. However, the average for the E.D . .S (medians cannot be calculated) is higher than those for the C.M.A. and the City, Compared to other City tracts, female income is moderately high. The ratio of female to male median incomes i s high, exceeded only by portions of Kitsilano, the Downtown Eastside and the West End. In summary, the social profile of Fairview Slopes residents has been dramatically transformed over the last 15 years.' In the early 1970s this was one of the least favoured neighbourhoods in the c i t y . On average, the population was relatively poor, and of low socioeconomic status. This was par t i a l l y a matter of economic class, with a strong representation of working class residents, and also partially a reflection of l i f e s t y l e preferences according to countercultural principles. Fairview Slopes was not a neighbourhood within which familistic lifestyles were predominant, as high proportions of young adults, single persons and non-family households indicate. With gentrification, the distinctive family and household 243 c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of Fairview Slopes were retained, even exaggerated. Yet with the area's redevelopment came a rapid turnover of population, replacing both working c l a s s people and persons pursuing " c u l t u r a l " occupations, with greater proportions of people i n managerial-type occupations and jobs i n the senior professions. During the 1980s, a new class with senior white c o l l a r occupations became dominant. As the new reputation of the area was established, demographic variables showed signs of modifying i n the d i r e c t i o n of c i t y norms, though housing conditions w i l l l i k e l y always a t t r a c t more people who are not r a i s i n g f a m i l i e s . In 1981, probably due to the youth of many residents, income l e v e l s were modest, though exceeding c i t y figures within the r e s t r i c t e d area defined by the enumeration d i s t r i c t s . In terms of gender r e l a t i o n s , female residents are economically a c t i v e , and enjoy r e l a t i v e l y high absolute status on measures of occupation, education and income, as well as high status r e l a t i v e to that of t h e i r male co-residents except on occupation measures where substantial proportions of men are i n managerial and technological kinds of p o s i t i o n s . Fairview Slopes i s now considered a "destination" f or the young, upwardly-mobile person (Gutstein 1985), and even for the older adult empty-nester household. In concluding t h i s chapter, I b r i e f l y describe the p h y s i c a l environment which has proved to be so a t t r a c t i v e . 5.5 THE GENTRIFIED LANDSCAPE OF FAIRVIEW SLOPES. "The Slopes tend to border on a r u r a l l i f e s t y l e caught . up i n the urban animal of Vancouver" ( E l l i g o t t and Zacharias 1973:11). In the early 1970s, "the i s l a n d that i s the slopes" ( E l l i g o t t and Zacharias 1973:6) symbolised the c l a s s i c consequences of a process of downfiltering. In s o c i a l character, i t combined features of a "skid row", a countercultural haven, and a d e c l i n i n g working cl a s s community. The f a i r view 244 i t s e l f had. at t r a c t e d some residents of a rather d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l background: a few a r c h i t e c t s and teachers, for example, who had restored some of the older houses. But i n landscape terms, with the exception of a few buil d i n g s of heritage worth, the streetscape l a r g e l y comprised modest' gabled wood frame houses—some very d i l a p i d a t e d , some enhanced by funky ornamentation— interspersed with the cubic s h e l l s of small i n d u s t r i a l enterprises. If not exactly b u c o l i c , as E l l i g o t t and Zacharias suggest, Fairview Slopes was at lea s t somewhat disengaged from i t s urban context and enjoyed i t s status as a quiet backwater (Plate 5.8). And yet, by the early 1980s, Fairview Slopes i s lauded as "one of the few neighbourhoods i n Vancouver with an urban f e e l " (Gruft 1983:320). Terraced townhouses tumble down some of the steepest slopes i n the c i t y , l i k e a mediterranean f i s h i n g v i l l a g e . Balconies and roofdecks stret c h to capture dramatic views of downtown and the mountains. At street l e v e l one can appreciate the t i g h t - k n i t f a b r i c of approximately eighty new developments, ranging i n s i z e from two to over seventy u n i t s . Responding to the development guidelines, street facades meet the l o t l i n e i n fragmented,, sections which emphasise the i n d i v i d u a l i t y of each townhouse or condominium (Plate 5.9). Separate front doors nestled i n porches, m u l t i - l e v e l l e d units with innovative f e n e s t r a t i o n , mid-block " s t r e e t s " paved i n warm b r i c k penetrating r e s i d e n t i a l p r o j e c t s , and richly-landscaped courtyards with fountains and ponds—these represent . some of the successes of the new planning i n i t i a t i v e . Where the (now rare) o l d house has been preserved f o r small business use, renovated by owner-occupiers or remodelled as part of a new condominium development, there i s a texture and l i v e l i n e s s which i s missed i n many more conventional neighbourhoods. Fairview Slopes i s a v i s u a l l y - s t i m u l a t i n g landscape. Unfortunately, the f e r t i l e opportunities are not always worked to f u l l r e a l i z a t i o n , at le a s t i n terms of design. Some 245 246 Plate 5.9 "Oakview Terrace", an award-winning project of designed by Roger Hughes Architects and completed in 12 townhouses, 1982. 247 recent developments on the south side of Eighth Avenue and on Sixth Avenue ( l e f t u n t i l l a s t because they are le s s promising as s i t e s for r e s i d e n t i a l development) interrupt the pattern established i n the core of the neighbourhood. Those on Eighth are too large i n scale, molded around dramatic communal entrances rather than accentuating the i n d i v i d u a l u n i t . Those on Sixth seem to be cheaply b u i l t , u n l i k e l y to withstand the onslaught of noise, d i r t and p o l l u t i o n from the heavy t r a f f i c along the base of the Slopes. . The new a r c h i t e c t u r e of Fairview Slopes represents a number of s t y l e s , which I s h a l l discuss further i n Chapter 7. E a r l y on, there was an adaptation ( i n m u l t i - r e s i d e n t i a l form) of the Westcoast s t y l e , which merged modern design p r i n c i p l e s with a romantic s e n s i t i v i t y to the t e r r a i n of the mountainous coast and i t s temperate r a i n forest vegetation. "Building i n " to the d i f f i c u l t steep s i t e , these developments are c l a d i n cedar sidin g and make f u l l use of skylights to draw i n the natural l i g h t (Plate 5.10). Other successful developments adopted a s t y l e being p r a c t i c e d i n False Creek, using earth-tone stucco and imaginative landscape gardening i n a t t r a c t i v e townhouse terraces. Unfortunately, there were also cheap and ugly modernist developments of r e n t a l accommodation, most i n grey concrete or d u l l stucco, with angular, blocky facades unsympathetic to both street and s i t e . Canadome Development Company pioneered a mediterranean theme, i n which white or p a s t e l stucco, red t i l e s , roof decks and t e r r a c i n g , and lush landscaping come in t o t h e i r own. At the turn of the decade, Fairview Slopes became Vancouver's t e s t i n g ground for a f u l l y post-modern a r c h i t e c t u r e which, with i t s willingness to play symbolic elements from vernacular s t y l e s against those from cosmopolitan sources, began to explore and extend the vocabulary of urbanism by adapting l a r g e l y c l a s s i c a l themes. More recently, C a l i f o r n i a has come to the Slopes, i n the form of palaces of p a s t e l stucco (Plate 5.11). Unit sizes have 248 Plate 5.10 A cedar-clad townhouse development (right) r e f l e c t s the b u i l d i n g materials of the adjacent tenement b u i l d i n g which once housed Japanese m i l l workers. Plate 5.11 "La G a l l e r i a I", developed by Andre Molnar, completed 1985. dropped to take f u l l advantage of the investment opportunities and to adapt to a t i g h t e r market (the smallest units being about 45 square metres compared to over 200 square metres i n the biggest townhouses). S l i g h t l y less ostentatious Cape Cod wood si d i n g mixed with stucco seems the newest phase, and t h i s has been used i n two p r i v a t e cooperative housing developments which w i l l introduce a more varied population i n t o the area. The streets themselves are an eyesore, with u t i l i t y wires bunched overhead, sidewalks loaded with p i l e s of b u i l d i n g materials or damaged by the heavy t r a f f i c of construction a c t i v i t y . With the steepness of the slope, buildings on the south side of the Avenues tend to overshadow the streetscape, and the blank entrances to underground car parks dominate the facade at eye l e v e l . A more successful element of p u b l i c space has been a pedestrian overpass connecting Seventh Avenue to False Creek park; casual walkers f a i l to notice they are crossing busy Sixth Avenue as they wander along a landscaped pathway. However, Choklit Park has l o s t i t s former charm, and i s now a disappointingly s t e r i l e area of grass and paving, though the magnificent view a t t r a c t s numerous photographers and the occasional exhausted pedestrian who i s hauling home purchases from G r a n v i l l e Island Market. To place the r e s i d e n t i a l core of Fairview Slopes i n context, one must not overlook the s i g n i f i c a n c e of i t s boundaries. To the east of Heather Street, i n d u s t r i a l and warehouse uses have presented a hard edge through which new r e s i d e n t i a l development has been slow to penetrate (two projects have been b u i l t there i n 1988). It seems u n l i k e l y that many more of these l o t s w i l l be redeveloped to r e s i d e n t i a l use, since some of the i n d u s t r i a l buildings are quite new, and the view i s not very spectacular. To the west, Hemlock Street i s a very busy t r a f f i c route leading to downtown over the G r a n v i l l e bridge; between Hemlock and G r a n v i l l e are a few d i l a p i d a t e d houses and an o l d apartment b u i l d i n g plus high density and high r i s e commercial 251 b u i l d i n g s . However, G r a n v i l l e Street i t s e l f south of the bridge has been thoroughly upgraded i n the l a s t few years, and i s now a fashionable shopping area with trendy clothes stores and expensive f u r n i t u r e shops. No doubt changes i n the s o c i a l status of adjoining neighbourhoods was a s i g n i f i c a n t impetus to such change. The same has occurred on Broadway, which was once a d u l l s t r i p of car l o t s and medical b u i l d i n g s . Now the smaller r e t a i l o u t l e t s are f l o u r i s h i n g , as well as restaurants and bars. Sixth Avenue i s a h e a v i l y -used t r a f f i c c o r r i d o r , with only two entrances i n t o False Creek (apart from the overpass). At the foot of Heather and Willow Streets, new commercial plazas o f f e r what appear to be successful convenience stores and video r e n t a l o u t l e t s , though other commercial a c t i v i t y along the street does not seem to a t t r a c t much custom. As well as the " l e g a l non-conforming" i n d u s t r i a l buildings within the r e s i d e n t i a l area i t s e l f (buildings which were i n place before rezoning), some new commercial a c t i v i t i e s are found i n converted older houses and i n street l e v e l spaces i n new developments. These include various design and development-related businesses, as well as such a c t i v i t i e s as a law o f f i c e , an e s t h e t i c i a n , computer-software and wine importing concerns, c h a r i t y and medical o f f i c e s . I have already discussed how the q u a l i t y of b u i l d i n g design became an issue of contention i n the planning and development of Fairview Slopes. Residents have, on various occasions, claimed t h i s q u a l i t y has not always been s u f f i c i e n t to be granted bonus d e n s i t i e s . It seems widely acknowledged, amongst residents, designers and c r i t i c s , that many of the projects have been poorly designed and constructed. This seems p a r t i c u l a r l y true of some of the developments b u i l t as MURBs during the l a t e 1970s, which took advantage of Federal tax-breaks to investors i n r e n t a l u n i t s . In addition, some more recent projects have a l s o compromised q u a l i t y , due (according to developers) to the high costs of land and the younger, les s a f f l u e n t market to which they must now cater. Particle-board frames, qu i c k l y erected, are usually covered with stucco, the cheapest f i n i s h a v a i l a b l e ; on a number of new buildings t h i s can be seen to be cracking soon a f t e r completion, and poorly-designed gutter work causes i t to s t a i n . Where the stucco surface i s painted, rather than the stucco i t s e l f dyed, bright pastels soon fade. While planners supposedly negotiate with developers to ensure d e n s i t i e s are earned, i n some projects the view c o r r i d o r s and semi-public spaces offered i n return are minimal. As a consequence, many of the buildings become quite shabby i n appearance soon a f t e r the marketing push i s over. A number of people to whom I have spoken, including residents, have i d e n t i f i e d Fairview Slopes as a "slum i n the making". While that i s surely exaggerating the problem, I can confirm from the r e n t a l b u i l d i n g i n which I l i v e d that bare-bones construction, shoddy f i n i s h i n g , and poor at t e n t i o n paid to such things as drainage, make for some discomforts, even when embellished with skyl i g h t s , p anel-style front doors, 7 and dishwasher machines. Yet high rents are charged—and p a i d — f o r even the most modest new addresses on the Slopes. Despite these problems, Fairview Slopes i s also widely recognized as an important record of how urban spaces can be made l i v a b l e places. If Vancouver i s dominant i n the f i e l d of Canadian domestic a r c h i t e c t u r a l design (Gibson 1986), and i f Fairview Slopes i s "currently t h i s c i t y ' s f a v o r i t e a r c h i t e c t u r a l playground" ( F i t z g e r a l d 1986:18), then t h i s landscape represents a s t a r t l i n g p o r t r a i t of what can, and cannot, succeed as good medium density r e s i d e n t i a l development. Those developments that are successful have received p r o f e s s i o n a l recognition. An inventory of award-winning arch i t e c t u r e i n the Vancouver region (Gibson 1986) l i s t s 195 award-winning p r o j e c t s . Fairview Slopes i s the area with the highest density of 8 award-winning architecture, with 14 buildings i n t o t a l . Of these, one i s an o f f i c e b u i l d i n g on a block with no r e s i d e n t i a l development, two are for "renewal" projects on heritage buildings (Hodson Manor, which was moved, and the Steamboat House which was incorporated i n t o a condominium development: the same a r c h i t e c t was involved i n both p r o j e c t s ) . The remaining 11 award-winning buildings are multi-family residences, and comprise 23 percent of a l l award-winning multi-family r e s i d e n t i a l buildings i n the region. Between them, the 11 projects won 20 awards, comprising 36 percent of the awards granted such buildings i n the Vancouver region (Plate' 5.12). Five of these projects were designed by James Cheng, three by Roger Hughes, one by Neale and Staniszkis (both of whom moved i n t o t h e i r p r o j e c t ) , and one by Hawthorn Mansfield (Henry Hawthorn being the a c t i v i s t who became involved i n the early rezoning debate). Fairview Slopes i s the ground on which some of these a r c h i t e c t s , now established as amongst the best i n the c i t y , made t h e i r reputations. In sum, Fairview Slopes must represent one of the highest d e n s i t i e s of award-winning ar c h i t e c t u r e of any r e s i d e n t i a l neighbourhood i n Canada. Even acknowledging the existence of some poorly-conceived projects, the Fairview landscape i s d i s t i n c t i v e as a human-scale, medium density and h i g h l y urban r e s i d e n t i a l neighbourhood, i n a c i t y (and indeed a major part of the nation) where such urban q u a l i t i e s have l a r g e l y been shunned. The conjunction of these q u a l i t i e s of landscape with the s o c i a l conditions described e a r l i e r i s no coincidence. In the following chapters, we examine the intertwining of landscape with l i f e s t y l e to uncover (quoting an a d v e r t i s i n g slogan for one Fairview project) the story of " L i f e on the Upslope". Plate 5.12 "Choklit Park" townhouses, an award-winning design by Neale and Staniszkis and probably the development most commonly admired by Fairview Slope residents (to the r i g h t ) . Below, the rear facade of "The Sixth Estate" another award-wining development by Roger Hughes A r c h i t e c t s . 255 NOTES 1. These are the neighbourhoods included within the inner c i t y boundaries defined for a Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation project (Brown and Burke 1979). These were based upon housing age and proximity to the C.B.D.. Ley employs these d e f i n i t i o n s i n h i s project on inner c i t y change (Ley 1985:6). 2. "Fairview" i s o f f i c i a l l y the name of a larger area, extending south as f a r as 16th Avenue. Fairview Slopes i s the northern portion of t h i s area, comprising the steep slope down to False Creek. The boundaries of Fairview Slopes can be defined i n various ways. Plans and zoning schedules described below l a r g e l y r e f e r to a 16-block area bounded by 6th Avenue, Ash Street, 8th Avenue and Hemlock Street. This excludes the l a r g e l y commercial blocks adjacent to Cambie Street and G r a n v i l l e Street, and the south side of 8th Avenue which backs onto Broadway. However, for some purposes, e s p e c i a l l y census data a n a l y s i s , one must include those peripheral blocks to east and west. The south side of 8th Avenue, while formerly l a r g e l y commercial i n use, has now been developed with a number of r e s i d e n t i a l projects and thus s h a l l not be excluded from the l a t e r discussion of the landscape and residents of Fairview Slopes. I have o c c a s i o n a l l y used the names "Fairview" and "The Slopes" as shorthand to r e f e r to "Fairview Slopes", i n accordance with l o c a l usage. 3. This countercultural s p i r i t i s not e n t i r e l y l o s t . The house with i t s backyard r e l i g i o u s s h r i n e — B i b l i c a l verses pinned up on the t r e e s — s t i l l e x i s t s , although now i t i s t o t a l l y surrounded by secular condominiums. Careful inspection of other remaining houses reveals some unusual a r t i s t i c features. Sadly, a face carved i n t o the porch p i l l a r of one o l d house has r e c e n t l y been demolished; however, some of the e a r l i e s t g e n t r i f i e r s who renovated e x i s t i n g b u i l d i n g s have added some i n t e r e s t i n g touches, such as a stained glass telescope observatory on the top of a factory b u i l d i n g , and an o r i e n t a l "moon-gate" feature i n a back-yard fence. In the e a r l y 1970s, Fairview Slopes had somewhat of a reputation for high l e v e l s of drug abuse. According to an informant, one house continued as a centre for heroin-dealing i n t o the 1980s. Now the drug trade might be p l i e d i n f l a s h y cars parked outside the new townhouses. 4. Gutstein (1983) describes the case of Morrison House, whose overseas owner applied for a demolition permit immediately following i t s recommendation f o r heritage designation; the house was p r o f e s s i o n a l l y vandalised, and the owner's s o l i c i t o r (a former C i t y s o l i c i t o r ) obtained a demolition permit before the required development scheme was submitted. In a matter of days, the house was gone (demolished i n the e a r l y hours so as to avoid p r o t e s t o r s ) . Three days l a t e r the property was sold for a 48 percent p r o f i t . 5. This same issue has been r a i s e d with respect to one of the large houses already designated. The owner a p p l i e d to convert i t i n t o a restaurant, c i t i n g the p o t e n t i a l income l o s t because the s i t e cannot be developed to f u l l d e n s ity. Residents objected about the problems t h i s would cause ( e s p e c i a l l y parking and smells), and the plan was turned down. 256 6 . However, residents are unable to respond to each development a p p l i c a t i o n — e s p e c i a l l y when developers ( i l l e g a l l y ) neglect to post notice of t h e i r plans on the s i t e (which has happened). There i s a residents' group l e d by a few intereste d spokespersons, and other residents may r a i s e an o b j e c t i o n to developments which threaten t h e i r own homes. Much of t h e i r energy has gone recently into improving parking and t r a f f i c conditions. Although a l l residents are e l i g i b l e to take part i n t h i s group, i t s existence i s very poorly p u b l i c i s e d , e s p e c i a l l y amongst renters. 7. The apartment was very poorly soundproofed and in s u l a t e d . I was locked out when the front door f a i l e d to open (presumably as the b u i l d i n g s h i f t e d down the h i l l ) , and the glass i n the b i g French door to the balcony had a dangerous tendency to f a l l out of i t s frame. 8. Another project l i s t e d i n Fairview Slopes appears to have been a mistake: no b u i l d i n g existed on the s i t e when the inventory was made, and the development since erected was not designed by the a r c h i t e c t l i s t e d i n the inventory. 257 CHAPTER SIX DESIGN FOR LIVING As the terminology i t s e l f suggests, the "production of g e n t r i f i e r s " approach has granted a somewhat passive r o l e to the actors who g e n t r i f y . The contingent i n t e r a c t i o n between processes of economic and s o c i a l r e s t r u c -turing, and the p r e - e x i s t i n g s o c i a l and p h y s i c a l surface of the c i t y , forces a normative outcome i n terms of residence: people gravitate towards a new set of "natural areas", settings which are most i d e a l l y suited to t h e i r economic and s o c i a l resources and requirements. Such an i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n , however, comprises a t h i n d e s c r i p t i o n of the experience of g e n t r i f i e r s . This chapter breathes l i f e i n t o the g e n t r i f i e r s themselves, and revives t h e i r r o l e as a c t i v e p a r t i c i p a n t s i n the process of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . Beyond asking how g e n t r i f i e r s are produced, therefore, i t turns to considering how g e n t r i f i e r s produce themselves. This l e v e l of i n v e s t i g a t i o n assumes the web of s o c i a l forces i n which people are suspended, but i n a d d i t i o n i t opens up space f o r t h e i r c r e a t i v e response i n terms of s o c i a l p r a c t i c e . "Human agency must be seen for what i t i s , a continuous flow of conduct i n time and space constantly i n t e r p e l l a t i n g s o c i a l structure. Such a view of human agency i s n e c e s s a r i l y contextual" ( T h r i f t 1983:31). The context has already been set; now i t i s time to explore the dimensions of "situated p r a c t i c e " , to people our landscape with f i g u r e s . It was suggested e a r l i e r that g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i s a strategy by which some people solve, l i k e a simultaneous equation, the various stresses, demands and opportunities a r i s i n g from economic and s o c i a l r e s t r u c t u r i n g , gathering round themselves the s e t t i n g and props most supportive of t h e i r s t y l e of l i v i n g . A d d i t i o n a l l y , there i s the response at the l e v e l of p r i v a t e l i f e , centring on the composition of the household and the nature of c o n s t e l l a t i o n s of i n t e r -258 personal r e l a t i o n s . While geographical work i n t h i s vein (for example, Rose 1984, Pahl 1985) has stressed how such responses are t a c t i c s of s u r v i v a l for households under the most considerable s t r a i n , i t i s necessary to broaden the notion of s u r v i v a l to acknowledge higher forms of need concerned with comfort, stimulation, pleasure and i d e n t i t y . • Our discussion i n the next chapter w i l l develop t h i s even^further as we explore how the new patterns of l i v i n g considered here have taken on meaning. 6.1 PROFILING THE FAIRVIEW SLOPES GENTRIFIER. Although g e n t r i f i c a t i o n has been the subject of considerable t h e o r e t i c a l discussion i n the geographical l i t e r a t u r e , and numerous empirical surveys have b u i l t up a generalized p r o f i l e of g e n t r i f i e r households, there i s s u r p r i s i n g l y l i t t l e published work which explores t h e i r experiences at the l e v e l of everyday l i f e . The method required i s one of "thick d e s c r i p t i o n " , which can avoid the problem i d e n t i f i e d by Rose: " T r a d i t i o n a l and Marxist writings on the so-called n o n t r a d i t i o n a l l i f e - s t y l e s of many g e n t r i f i e r s have both viewed ' l i f e - s t y l e ' changes as being conceptually separate from questions of a f f o r d a b i l i t y of owner-occupied housing and independent of the socioeconomic aspects of r e s t r u c t u r i n g of white-collar employment....it i s p r e c i s e l y such a n a l y t i c a l separations that need to be overcome" (Rose 1984:62-3). As well as the formal observations a v a i l a b l e from the census, voters' l i s t s and so on, I make use of less formal written sources, i n p a r t i c u l a r a r t i c l e s i n l o c a l popular journals which have focused on the s o c i a l and a r c h i t e c t u r a l change i n Fairview Slopes. Most important i n t h i s i n v e s t i g a t i o n , however, have been two series of interviews. The f i r s t s eries of interviews was c a r r i e d out with selected expert informants and "key producers" of the Fairview Slopes environment ( i n d i v i d u a l s who have been p r o f e s s i o n a l l y involved i n changing the area). Six of these were designers and/or developers involved i n the creation of around t h i r t y of the new r e s i d e n t i a l buildings i n the area. I spoke frequently to r e a l estate agents involved i n s e l l i n g , e s p e c i a l l y those on s i t e at "open house" events. Four other informants o f f e r e d information on the planning process and c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n . Some of the people interviewed for t h e i r knowledge of the "production" of Fairview Slopes were also involved i n i t s "consumption": as residents or as business operators i n the area. The other set of interviews was c a r r i e d out amongst residents of new Fairview Slopes buildings, and i t i s t h i s which l a r g e l y informs the discus s i o n i n t h i s chapter. While I rented an apartment i n the area for over a year, a "participant observation" method of i n v e s t i g a t i o n turned out to be l i m i t e d : lacking the resources of my neighbours, I could not p a r t i c i p a t e i n some of t h e i r s o c i a l a c t i v i t i e s such as extensive patronage of l o c a l restaurants; i n any case t h e i r s o c i a l space was best defined by Webber's term (1963) as a "community without propinquity". However, l i v i n g there proved a useful t a c t i c for keeping track of rapid changes i n the neighbourhood b u i l t environment as well as a l e r t i n g me to c e r t a i n aspects of l e i s u r e a c t i v i t i e s c a r r i e d on i n the neighbourhood. .Representatives of f o r t y f i v e households l i v i n g i n new Fairview Slopes buildings (apartments and st r a t a t i t l e developments, excluding cooperatives) took part i n a survey which followed the format i n Appendix A; (two other residents were also interviewed as part of the series of interviews with expert informants, i n which more l i m i t e d information was c o l l e c t e d on t h e i r household and l i f e s t y l e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s ) . Two methods of assembling the group, of resident interviewees were employed. A minority of interviews were set up by way of personal contacts, the majority by mailing a l e t t e r to residents selected from voters' l i s t s , followed by a telephone c a l l . No claims to randomness can be made; indeed, a de l i b e r a t e attempt was made to structure the sample, so as to take a cross-section of d i f f e r e n t types of respondents. This meant aiming for a balance of household types and of male and female respondents; i n add i t i o n I attempted to spread the sample across the d i f f e r e n t b u i l d i n g developments, since changes i n the type of development are apparently associated with changes i n the type of residents. I had to draw upon the 1986 voters' l i s t when i t became a v a i l a b l e during the interviewing period i n order to assemble names of residents i n the very newest p r o j e c t s . Since the address-numbering system i n the area i s extremely confused (some condominium units have t h e i r own numbers, others are l i s t e d under a project number) i t was not always pos s i b l e to e s t a b l i s h the correct connection between addresses and p r o j e c t . In sum, obtaining a sample proceeded i n an informal manner. Features of the population and the sampling frame (voters' l i s t s ) themselves made representativeness very d i f f i c u l t to obtain. According to the 1981 census data, within the area defined by the enumeration d i s t r i c t s the population aged 20 and above was 965; within the larger census t r a c t the population aged 20 and above was 1681. By 1986, the census t r a c t population aged 20 and above was 2569. Enumeration d i s t r i c t data were not a v a i l a b l e i n 1986, but assuming that most of the growth i n the census t r a c t population took place i n Fairview Slopes i t s e l f , the population i n the smaller area was probably about 1800 people, occupying s l i g h t l y more than 1000 households. Yet on the 1985 voters' l i s t there were only 993 names. This s h o r t f a l l may be i n part due to the i n e l i g i b i l i t y of some residents to vote. Probably more s i g n i f i c a n t i s the d i f f i c u l t y i n contacting a highly mobile resident population which must have been experienced by those people compiling the l i s t s . Such was the problem I experienced. Of the people f i r s t selected from the voters' l i s t s , those with no numbers l i s t e d i n the telephone d i r e c t o r y were reject e d . One hundred l e t t e r s were sent out to those remaining. T h i r t y seven people agreed to an interview, 21 refused, 26 were "no contacts", and 16 had moved (or they were not a v a i l a b l e at the telephone number l i s t e d ) . The problems of contact are suggestive of both a r a p i d turnover i n resident population and a tendency for those who are resident to spend substantial amounts of time away from home. Unfortunately, therefore, the s h o r t f a l l i n numbers on the voters' l i s t i s biassed i n a systematic manner. More stable residents are most l i k e l y to appear on the l i s t and to have a (correct) telephone number i n the d i r e c t o r y . This would explain the overrepresentation of owner-occupier households (35 out of 45) compared to census data on the census t r a c t which gives a r e n t a l proportion of 66 percent (though t h i s admittedly covers residents of o l d apartment buildings on the margins of the neighbourhood). It w i l l be necessary to bear i n mind the l i m i t a t i o n s of the data c o l l e c t e d i n terms of i t s representativeness. The main purpose of the survey, however, was not to te s t hypotheses, but rather to explore a broad range of themes i n a manner which i s i n accord with the ethnographic thrust of the research project as a whole. The interview aimed to e l i c i t q u a l i t a t i v e information, and o f f e r e d opportunity to probe p a r t i c u l a r points which arose out of discussion. A l l but two respondents gave me permission to tape the interviews ( i n those two cases I have reconstructed quotations from my written notes). Anonymity was assured, and so names and some d e t a i l s i n the examples discussed l a t e r have been adjusted i n order to disguise the i d e n t i t y of the respondents. Nearly every one of the interviews was conducted at the home of the respondent. Although l e t t e r s were addressed to one household member, i f that person was unable to p a r t i c i p a t e and another member volunteered, I interviewed the a l t e r n a t e instead. In some cases, both partners of a couple took part i n a l l , or a portion of the interview. I found t h i s tended to enrich, rather than r e s t r i c t , the di s c u s s i o n . With those people who p a r t i c i p a t e d most e n t h u s i a s t i c a l l y the interview lasted over two hours. Many people showed me around t h e i r homes, and e s p e c i a l l y i n v i t e d me to enjoy the view from t h e i r balconies and roofdecks. When the interview proceeded i n a more straightforward manner i t could be completed i n about 50 minutes. The number of interviews conducted using the complete resident interview schedule was f o r t y f i v e (plus two a d d i t i o n a l interviews with resident "producers"). Within these 45 households l i v e 72 adults (37 men and 35 women) who appear to be permanent household members, plus 8 c h i l d r e n . Since some couples p a r t i c i p a t e d j o i n t l y i n a l l or part of the interview I spoke d i r e c t l y to 53 people (24 men and 29 women). Households can be c l a s s i f i e d by siz e and by the status of adult members; however, as the discussion i n section 6.5 i l l u s t r a t e s , m a rital status proved to be a very t r i c k y element to define. There were 16 one-person households, 23 two-person and 6 three-person. The one-person households comprised 7 men and 9 women; 4 of these were divorced and three had previously l i v e d i n a common-law r e l a t i o n s h i p . There were 27 households which included two adults (with or without c h i l d r e n ) ; one of these couples was gay, and i n another case two men shared as roommates. Amongst the 25 male-female couples (with or without c h i l d r e n ) , 14 d i d not mention previous marital-type r e l a t i o n s h i p s , and i n the 11 others at l e a s t one partner appears to have been formerly married or l i v i n g common-law (one of these r e l a t i o n s h i p s had ended with widowhood). About seven or eight of the couples appeared to have formed (that i s , l i v i n g i n the same household) a f t e r one partner had already moved in t o Fairview Slopes (alone or with someone e l s e ) . With respect to reproductive h i s t o r y , there are three young couples just s t a r t i n g a family with one c h i l d each. Five households, (2 singles, 3 couples) have chi l d r e n from a former marriage l i v i n g with them. Seven households comprise couples or singles who have had c h i l d r e n now o l d enough to be l i v i n g alone (of which four cases r a i s e d t h e i r c h i l d r e n with t h e i r present partner), and 5 have c h i l d r e n now l i v i n g with a partner from which they are separated. Twenty-six of the households contain adult members who appear never to have had chi l d r e n , and these are comprised of 15. one-person households, 9 male-female couples and the two male-male households. These fi g u r e s suggest an extremely complex p i c t u r e , and one which warns against imposing any conventional models of family c y c l e . This makes i t rather d i f f i c u l t to i l l u s t r a t e , i n any meaningful way, simple cross-tabulations with other c r i t e r i a of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n : hence the necessity of thick d e s c r i p t i o n . Table 6.1 i l l u s t r a t e s some simple counts on various c r i t e r i a for interviewed residents. The drawback to ethnographic forms of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i s the lack of control group with which we can compare the experiences and c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the g e n t r i f i e r s i n Fairview Slopes. In some cases, there are i n t e r e s t i n g comparisons to be made on the basis of interviewees' own images and experiences of other places: as s h a l l become clearer i n Chapter 7, residents often r a i s e d "suburbia" as the symbol of a l l that they wished to avoid. The advantage of t h i c k d e s c r i p t i o n i n t h i s case i s to draw out subtle features of the negotiation of s t y l e s of l i v i n g and, on t h i s topic, conventional forms of comparison (for instance using census data) are not appropriate. 6.2 BUYING INTO FAIRVIEW SLOPES. Of the 35 households that are owner occupiers, 22 had been l i v i n g i n r e n t a l accommodation immediately p r i o r to t h e i r move i n t o Fairview Slopes and 13 had been owners. Of the households which moved from r e n t a l tenancy to owner occupancy, 6 had rented b r i e f l y i n Fairview Slopes before buying i n t o the neighbourhood, which gave them an opportunity to judge whether they wanted to l i v e there more permanently. Of those which were renting before buying, at l e a s t seven have owned a home at some previous time (for example, 264 TABLE 6.1 TABULATIONS OF DATA COLLECTED IN INTERVIEWS Age of a l l adult household members 25-34 20 35-44 26 45-54 13 55-64 9 65+ 3 not stated 1 Highest l e v e l of schooling attained by a l l adult household members Some high school 0 High school graduate 6 Vo c a t i o n a l / t e c h n i c a l t r a i n i n g 5 Some University/Community College 17 U n i v e r s i t y degree 25 Graduate degree 18 Not known 1 Apparent m a r i t a l status of a l l adult household members* Single 13 Divorced, not remarried 11 Divorced and remarried 13 Married 33 Widowed and remarried 2 Annual household income (before tax) Under $20,000 0 $20,000 to $39,000 7 $40,000 to $59,000 -13 $60,000 to $79,999 11 $80,000 and above 7 Not known or not stated 7 Annual income of one-adult households (before tax) Under $20,000 0 $20,000 to $39,000 5 $40,000 to $59,000 6 $60,000 to $79,000 1 $80,000 and above 2 Not known or not stated 2 * Married includes common-law, and divorced includes separation from common-law partner. TABLE 6.2 TENURE OF INTERVIEWEE HOUSEHOLDS, BASED ON CHIEF HOUSEHOLD RESPONDENT Previous tenure (immediate) rent own Present tenure rent 7 3 own 22 13 Previous l o c a t i o n (excluding short-term rents i n Fairview Slopes) False Creek 2 K i t s i l a n o 8 Point Grey 2 Dunbar 1 Ke r r i s d a l e 6 Arbutus 2 South Fairview 2 Mount Pleasant 1 West End 7 R i l e y Park 1 Richmond 3 Burnaby 1 North Vancouver 2 Elsewhere i n B.C. 2 Elsewhere i n Canada 4 Not stated 1 with a partner from whom they are now divorced). The break-down by tenure reveals d i s t i n c t i o n s i n terms of source areas. Of those previously renting, the inner c i t y neighbourhoods of K i t s i l a n o and the West End, plus Ke r r i s d a l e , were the most common sources, whereas the inner suburbs of K e r r i s d a l e , Arbutus and Point Grey, plus North Vancouver, were most common for those who had previously owned. There i s l i t t l e evidence for a dramatic return to the c i t y from out l y i n g suburbs. However, Fairview Slopes represents what one may define as a l o c a t i o n of consolidation, at which two l i f e c y c l e streams i n t e r s e c t . Those who were previously renting tend to be younger and are more l i k e l y to be s i n g l e ; however, some older people had e a r l i e r owned family homes which they had l e f t ( t y p i c a l l y during a divorce) for r e n t a l accommodation p r i o r to buying on the Slopes. Those who were owning before moving to Fairview tend to be older and are more l i k e l y to be married couples. Consolidation for the f i r s t group tends to take the form of e s t a b l i s h i n g themselves i n the property market. This might be with the long-term aim of moving "up" to a single family house l a t e r on, as described by t h i s resident: "There are a l o t of young people and the reason they bought...was because the downpayment was so low. It's a stepping stone for them, i t ' s getting themselves started, i t ' s ge t t i n g i n t o something so that i n two or three years they can s e l l i t and get i n t o something better". This group best approximates Rose's d e s c r i p t i o n of "moderate income g e n t r i f i e r s " (Rose 1984). However, some of the households who were buying for the f i r s t time were not intending to move in t o a non-condominium s t y l e of l i v i n g , and i n that respect these had more i n common with the other people who had owned p r i o r to moving to Fairview Slopes. Of that l a t t e r group of previous owners, a p o r t i o n are "empty nesters" who have moved out of larger family homes; for these, consolidation means paring away property and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s which have become a burden (section 6.4). Other households 267 who have previously owned are younger couples or divorced persons who enjoy the inner c i t y condominium s t y l e of l i v i n g . Before discussing these resident groups i n more d e t a i l , we s h a l l consider why people are buying condominiums i n Fairview Slopes. Some scholars ( p a r t i c u l a r l y B e r r y — s e e Chapter 2) have explained g e n t r i f i c a t i o n on the grounds that i t o f f e r s the cheapest option on the housing market. Marketing strategies for some of the most rec e n t l y - s o l d developments i n Fairview Slopes have indeed emphasized the good f i n a n c i a l terms a v a i l a b l e . But the simple equation of cheap housing for people with few assets i s inadequate. F i r s t , there i s the question of why a person decides to buy at a l l . Second, there i s the question of the actual search process employed. The d e c i s i o n to stop renting and to buy i s conventionally r a t i o n a l i z e d i n economic terms. Immediately, there i s the comparison with monthly rents; as one young man sa i d : "When I was l i v i n g i n K i t s . . . . I was paying $700 a month r e n t . . . . B a s i c a l l y the s e l l i n g point was p r i c e . It c e r t a i n l y brought my rent down d r a s t i c a l l y , i f you want to define mortgage as rent". In the long term there i s the necessity for young adults i n the e a r l y stages of t h e i r careers to e s t a b l i s h a foot-hold i n the property market. Bob achieved that i n t h i s manner: Bob: "I rented i t out for the f i r s t three years. Because one of the reasons I bought was that p r i c e s were s t a r t i n g to go up and I thought i f I didn't buy then I would never be able to buy. So I bought i t and rented i t " . C: "Why d i d you rent i t out?" Bob: "Because I couldn't a f f o r d the mortgage. I didn't have anything saved, and I had to get 100 percent financing so i t was very expensive; but i f you do i t l i k e that, what your rent doesn't cover i s a tax w r i t e - o f f " . In other cases, however, buying seems almost to have been a matter of chance. This was the case for a young woman who had moved to Vancouver and was staying with a r e l a t i v e ; one day she passed through Fairview, and was at t r a c t e d to look round an "open house" event: Hester: "I was t r y i n g to f i n d a place to l i v e i n , and t h i s was just before Expo and i t was very d i f f i c u l t to f i n d r e n t a l accommodation. I was appalled at the p r i c e of rent, and I just decided to take the plunge, and put down a payment, take out a mortgage and buy something". C: "So you hadn't intended to buy?" Hester: "Not so quickly. I thought I would l i v e i n a place and f i n d which area I would l i k e to l i v e in....And i t was a r e a l l y impulsive d e c i s i o n , but i t ' s been a f a i r l y good one I think". C: "Is t h i s the f i r s t place you have owned?" Hester: "No, I had a house i n Edmonton. And i f you have a house i n Edmonton you can't a f f o r d a house i n Vancouver. The cost of r e a l estate i s a f a i r b i t more". In another case, a couple who were renting together i n the suburbs decided to f i n d r e n t a l accommodation nearer the c i t y centre. They had looked around K i t s i l a n o and False Creek, and on t h e i r way home they had driven through Fairview Slopes: "Coming through here, just at the end of Expo, we saw a sign that got us i n the door, and that was 'zero downpayment'. There was no catch. It was zero downpayment for the one bedroom suites on the bottom below here, and these p l a c e s — w i t h two f l o o r s and a roofdeck—were f i v e percent down. Well, conventional mortgages at banks require a 25 percent downpayment; you can go to high r a t i o mortgages which s t i l l need a ten percent downpayment. But f i v e percent down- was within reach. And b a s i c a l l y I took our pensions and R.R.S.P.s [retirement savings plans] and collapsed them...qualified for two mortgages, and made the payments". Another couple had rented i n Fairview, greatly enjoyed l i v i n g there, and decided to buy t h e i r apartment when i t was put up for sale. This element of chance even seems to have operated f o r one couple who already owned. They had not r e a l l y considered moving, and ended up i n Fairview Slopes " a c c i d e n t a l l y — w e walked i n t o an open house that suited us". The d e c i s i o n to buy i s not wholly reducible to the economic f a c t o r . The time might be r i g h t to make a wise investment i n the property market, as Bob implies, but whether that investment i s made depends on an i n d i v i d u a l ' s perception of t h e i r own status and p o s s i b l e future. This i s best i l l u s t r a t e d 269 for the case of si n g l e women. One developer i d e n t i f i e s an important component of the Fairview Slopes condominium market as sing l e women "clustered on both sides of 4 0 : nurses, lawyers and accountants. They have decided marriage and c h i l d r e n are u n l i k e l y and now they want t h e i r own homes" (Gutstein 1 9 8 5 : 5 4 ) . I s a b e l l e and Carole f i t t h i s model. I asked Isabelle, who had previously rented i n K i t s i l a n o , how she ended un i n Fairview: " I t was purely by chance r e a l l y . I just decided i t was time I bought something, and I had never been in t e r e s t e d i n buying before...I suppose because my parents s t i l l l i v e i n Ke r r i s d a l e so I s t i l l think of myself as having a home there!" Is a b e l l e looked i n Ke r r i s d a l e and K i t s i l a n o , but a l l units i n her p r i c e range were too small. Now she finds Fairview a convenient and i n t e r e s t i n g area i n which to l i v e . The same r e s t r i c t i o n s applied to Carole, who had also rented i n K i t s and was looking f o r a small house. The condominium i n Fairview Slopes offered here a reasonable p r i c e , but she hopes to f i n d a house with a garden within the next couple of years. A younger woman who i s curr e n t l y renting t o l d me, "I always said that when I'm 3 5 , I'm going to buy, i f I'm not married". Fairview i s an area she would consider. The sense of " s e t t l i n g down" was i l l u s t r a t e d by Gordon, a young divorcee who had been considering buying a new car; h i s family and ex-wife had urged him to put money in t o a home instead: "One of the reasons I never bought a place for so many years i s because I didn't want to give up that part of my income...'I won't be able to go out and have a good b o t t l e of wine, I ' l l have to have some p l o n k * — i t struck me with shock and fear f o r years!" Deciding to buy thus seems to be associated with an acknowledgement of i d e n t i t y — t h a t being s i n g l e , for instance, i s not merely a t r a n s i t i o n a l stage but one i n which a person must construct a stable and workable s t y l e of l i f e . Moreover, buying i n Fairview Slopes can al s o represent a status passage (Glaser and Strauss 1 9 7 1 ) for those who have already passed through a stable, family-oriented stage of adult l i f e . To empty nester households, for instance, moving from a larger family home represents a f r e e i n g from r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s and an opportunity to enjoy more of the l e i s u r e pursuits which Gordon, the divorcee, now has to r a t i o n . The proportion of interviewees who were not f i r s t - t i m e buyers gives the l i e to assertions that g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i s a f a l l - b a c k option for those with few assets. In explaining how g e n t r i f i e r s produce themselves, we must take account of an expressive dimension, t i e d to transformations i n s e l f - i d e n t i t y : from being a " t r a n s i t i o n a l " s i n g l e to a "stable" single, from r a i s i n g a family to consolidating a partnership, from being a couple or a family to being alone as a divorcee. In a contemporary western c i t y , the symbolic connection of landscape t r a n s i t i o n with s o c i a l transformation may be le s s e x p l i c i t than that described for the t i g h t l y structured society of an Indian c i t y where, i n undergoing status passage, one "redefines oneself v i s - a - v i s the landscape" (Duncan and Duncan 1976:211). However, there i s a subtle i n t e r p l a y of environment and i d e n t i t y i n which the former enables the expression of the l a t t e r . Although some scholars explain g e n t r i f i c a t i o n with reference to the cheapest housing option, and indeed f i n a n c i a l considerations featured l a r g e l y i n interviewees' explanation of t h e i r choice of residence, the actual search process which channels people to Fairview Slopes i s a consideration which modifies the simple supply-side argument. Helen said, "I think i f there's one thing that a t t r a c t e d me to t h i s place i t was the reasonable p r i c e " — y e t her search for a "good deal" was already focused upon a narrow range of p o s s i b l e options determined by l i f e s t y l e preference. The cheaper suburbs, for instance, were never considered. There are two i n t e r a c t i n g elements which define t h i s range of options. One i s geographical: respondents have already determined they prefer to l i v e on the most expensive West Side of the C i t y (west of Main Street, with the best access to amenities such as waterfront). For instance, i n his search for a home E r i c says, "Anything West Side I went and I looked at". The other element i s a matter of housing type: many respondents have already determined that a condominium would be most appropriate to t h e i r s t y l e of l i f e . If those two elements are already "given", then Fairview Slopes i s one of the obvious r e s i d e n t i a l options, along with areas of K i t s i l a n o and Arbutus. In some cases, interviewees indicated that they would have preferred to buy a single-family house; however, t h e i r geographical preferences being paramount, they f i n d that they cannot a f f o r d such a home i n the neighbourhoods they deem worth serious consideration; condominium l i v i n g remains the only option. This i n t e r p l a y of h i e r a r c h i c a l decisions i s i l l u s t r a t e d by G i l l and her husband: "Price was a major consideration; we would have l i k e d a s i n g l e dwelling unit on the West Side, but they were far too expensive, so we decided to go for a townhouse and we'd go for something new because we wouldn't have to f i x i t up...and we wanted to be downtown, close to downtown. My husband works downtown and we do a l o t of things l i k e the theatre and f i l m s and out to dinner and that stu f f so i t ' s nice to be close to those things as w e l l " . G i l l and Gary are s t a r t i n g a family, so they hope to purchase a larger house at some point (on the West Side i f p o s s i b l e ) . The same i s the case for Ned and Naomi. One of Ned's p r i o r i t i e s was to be close to the water for h i s boating: "I guess i t r e a l l y was money, what you can get for the d o l l a r . The p r i c e range you could a f f o r d here, the only comparable house would be i n Marpole, which i s quite a way from the water. B a s i c a l l y the p r i c e range would get you a broken-down house which would need a l o t of work". Later Ned explains: "We looked a l l around K i t s , and a l l the way to Main Street....when you're buying you're looking for one that f a l l s i n t o a l l the categories. I t ' s got two bedrooms...it's got one l e v e l b a s i c a l l y so you're not going up and down s t a i r s with a child....We found some builders who...were having big f i g h t s between partners so i t was a good opportunity to s t r i k e the best deal". Note here how i t i s taken-for-granted that the only v i a b l e option i s the West Side. Ned and Naomi never considered a house on the East Side, where they could probably f i n d a cheaper house of better q u a l i t y than those a v a i l a b l e i n Marpole. K i t s i l a n o was commonly the f i r s t choice f o r many buyers. It i s c e r t a i n l y a neighbourhood with which more p o t e n t i a l buyers would be f a m i l i a r , since many l i v e d there as students. Fairview i s l e s s well known, being smaller and a l s o having only recently thrown o f f i t s reputation as a slum. A couple of respondents implied that they had not o r i g i n a l l y intended to look " t h i s f a r east", thus suggesting i t was perceived to be part of the. l e s s d e s i r a b l e eastern side of the c i t y . For example, Helen noted that (compared to K i t s i l a n o ) she was l e s s f a m i l i a r with t h i s section of Broadway, and "didn't want to be down near Cambie: I was sort of more [of a] G r a n v i l l e Street, Burrard Street, K i t s i l a n o sort of area person". Both Irene and Bob also preferred K i t s i l a n o since i t was the centre of t h e i r s o c i a l l i v e s , o f f e r e d a better sense of community, and had more established stores and services. However, according to a r e a l t o r , Fairview has now become a "destination": "'before you had to convince people to move there. Now Fairview i s perceived as an a l t e r n a t i v e to K i t s ' " (Gutstein 1985:54). Because i t i s a quieter environment, Fairview i s sometimes preferred over K i t s i l a n o ; an older couple said: "The reason we didn't choose to l i v e i n K i t s . . . i t was s o c i a l , i n that we f e l t that there was a better mix for us here i n Fairview Slopes for people. Whereas K i t s i l a n o seems to us to be a l i t t l e n o i s i e r , a l i t t l e younger...and we f e l t we'd f e e l more out of place there". K a r l a l s o "looked at K i t s and f e l t that Fairview Slopes was a l i t t l e b i t closer to f i t my needs". While K i t s i l a n o was the a l t e r n a t i v e some residents had i n mind, the West End a l s o proved popular amongst people who were already l i v i n g there. This was so for David and h i s wife who were renting i n the West End but could not 273 f i n d any place to buy that would meet a l l t h e i r c r i t e r i a . Barbara and B i l l were also looking for a home which would o f f e r the same neighbourhood v i t a l i t y and convenience they enjoyed i n the West End but which would give them s l i g h t l y more room. One important s o c i a l group l i v i n g i n the West End i s the gay community, and Keith, a gay man, explained: "Well, we decided i t was time to stop renting and buy, and we looked around and decided to l i v e c l o s e to the city' centre. And so we r e s t r i c t e d ourselves, and our f i r s t preference was the West End, we f i n d the West End to be a very e x c i t i n g community to be part of. But there i s very l i t t l e property for purchase i n the way of townhouses....And so we looked there, K i t s , Point Grey, we a c t u a l l y went the other side i n t o East Vancouver because there's some rather -nice communities around the Wall Street area which are s u r p r i s i n g l y close to downtown. What sold us on t h i s area was the view....That, and I a l s o made sure that we were close to a good bus service, because we pay for the view here so we o f f s e t that by getting r i d of one car, and that saves a l o t of money". Note Keith's choice of w o r d s — i t was apparently s u r p r i s i n g that he should " a c t u a l l y " look at the East Side. Buying i s a matter of choosing between possible t r a d e - o f f s : for example, i n Keith's case, between the cost of the townhouse and the convenience of a car. P o t e n t i a l purchasers weigh up p r i c e against i d e a l l o c a t i o n . Some interviewees had approached t h i s i n a highly r a t i o n a l manner; for instance, L e i l a was c u r r e n t l y renting on a " t r i a l b asis because what I wanted to do was l i v e i n the neighbourhood for a while, so i t ' s more l i k e market research"; Kevin and Karen d i d the same thing before they decided to s e l l t h e i r suburban home and buy i n Fairview. Moreover, while p r i c e and l o c a t i o n are important considerations, the type of housing to be purchased also enters the equation. For some of the younger people ( e s p e c i a l l y those s t a r t i n g f a m i l i e s ) as si n g l e - f a m i l y house may be preferable; given the self-imposed geographical l i m i t s to the search process, however, only a townhouse i s p o s s i b l e . In many other cases, however, a condominium was e x p l i c i t l y preferred, e s p e c i a l l y by older people who do not want the r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of maintaining a large house. Even younger people who would l i k e a house are aware of the advantages of a condominium at present. For example, Isabelle s a i d : "I do l i k e to go on nice holidays, and s k i i n g i s n ' t cheap e i t h e r . . . . I purposefully bought a townhouse that I could well a f f o r d so that I wouldn't have to change my l i f e s t y l e and never have any fun any more". Gary, the man who dreaded replacing good wine with plonk, also described the d e l i c a t e balance between a l t e r n a t i v e demands on an income: "The world i s geared to two incomes, or one good one, and when you're si n g l e , the things you can do e s p e c i a l l y i f you're an indulgent person — i t stretches things quite a l o t . i f you're with somebody...two incomes, you can do a l o t more. For me, t h i s i s i t , a mortgage of $75,000, that's how much I can a f f o r d , i t takes $900 of my income a month just to maintain t h i s place...on my salary, i f I didn't have my a d d i t i o n a l freelance consulting work to supplement my income, I'd be s i t t i n g home a l o t " . In sum, respondents usually d i d not i d e n t i f y Fairview Slopes as the place i n which they were determined to buy from the outset of t h e i r search for a new home. However, i t proved to meet t h e i r various d e c i s i o n requirements and, once i n residence, most are keen to i d e n t i f y i t s assets. In discussing the a t t r a c t i v e features of l i v i n g i n Fairview Slopes, interviewees r e f e r r e d to aspects of l o c a t i o n , as well as c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the housing type which proved advantageous to t h e i r s t y l e of l i v i n g . Jim, for example, l i s t e d the a t t r a c t i v e features thus: "Oh, l i f e s t y l e , l i f e s t y l e ! Ease of maintenance and access to the c i t y " . In discussing these themes below, I draw upon the responses given by renters as well as owners. 6.3 SETTING AS STRATEGY, TOWNHOUSE AS TACTIC. What would be accepted as a s a t i s f a c t o r i l y "workable" s t y l e of l i f e i s a matter of expectations and a s p i r a t i o n s . When Rose (1984) t a l k s of the way i n which g e n t r i f i c a t i o n meets the needs of groups such as s i n g l e parent f a m i l i e s , she i s focusing on a t t r i b u t e s of the environment which l i m i t or enable households to achieve quite marginal l e v e l s of existence. In Fairview 275 Slopes, few of the g e n t r i f i e r s suffer the straitened circumstances Rose describes (t h e i r household incomes are on average quite comfortable). But neither do they have l i m i t l e s s resources to construct the way of l i f e to which they a s p i r e . Both the l o c a t i o n i n which they have chosen to l i v e , and the housing type they inhabit, free them to pursue some of these a s p i r a t i o n s . The "time-space c o n s t i t u t i o n of s o c i a l structure" ( T h r i f t 1983:31) must be a c r u c i a l component of s o c i a l theory. The i n s i g h t s of "time geography" provide tools which help the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of s o c i a l l i f e . Two such tools are the notions of "path" and "project". A "path" i s a person's t r a j e c t o r y through time and space; a d a i l y path, for instance, may carry a person to work i n the morning, home i n the evening, out and back to a meeting or a place of entertainment i n the evening. A "project" i s the sequence of tasks required to complete any i n t e n t i o n - i n s p i r e d or goal-oriented behaviour. One focus of research can be the a r t i c u l a t i o n of a person's long-term projects with t h e i r d a i l y p r a c t i c e , and t h e i r r e f l e x i v e i n t e r p l a y with the geographical contexts i n which they are set. "Biographies are formed through the becoming of places, and places become through the formation of biographies" writes Pred (1984:258); thus the p e r s o n a l i t y of a place i s r e c i p r o c a l l y intertwined with the p e r s o n a l i t y of a people. The context, or s i t u a t i o n , i s defined by the nature of projects, but a l s o shapes the d i r e c t i o n of projects by permitting or r e s t r i c t i n g what i s "doable" and what i s "knowable". The budgeting of time and space for hab i t u a l routines i s the d e f i n i n g p r i n c i p l e of what i s doable. A person's p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n i n s t i t u t i o n a l p r o j e c t s — s u c h as those associated with the workplace, the f a m i l y — s t r u c t u r e s the d a i l y path and l i m i t s other scheduling p r i o r i t i e s . What i s knowable i s also shaped by the power embedded i n i n s t i t u t i o n a l l y - d e f i n e d routines. This section focuses on what i s doable, reconstructing 'the d a i l y t r a j e c t o r i e s of Fairview Slopes residents and the nature of the projects being c a r r i e d forward by the conduct of everyday l i f e . Intentions are not d i r e c t l y observable, projects are not immediately v i s i b l e (Hagerstrand 1982) and thus they are pieced together only t e n t a t i v e l y through a process of thick d e s c r i p t i o n . However, i n my interviews I d i d attempt to explore respondents' motivations and a s p i r a t i o n s , and t h i s o f f e r s one s t a r t i n g point for i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . My question was couched i n terms of B e l l ' s three l i f e s t y l e types: d i d respondents i d e n t i f y themselves with any, or a l l , of the modes of familism, careerism, or consumerism ( " l i v i n g the good l i f e " ) ? In a few cases, interviewees responded to my question by i d e n t i f y i n g t h e i r a l l e g i a n c e to one of these l i f e s t y l e types. Prompted by my question, a young couple t o l d me, "I wouldn't say either one of us was career-oriented. I think we l i k e to l i v e the Good L i f e , I l i k e to t r a v e l . To me the idea of making money i s so that I can t r a v e l " . Mike said: "I don't think I have any career a s p i r a t i o n s . Money I suppose! I don't want to be president of XYZ company, I just want to enjoy myself". Another man rejected the consumerism l a b e l , but he does enjoy a l l kinds of s o c i a l , c u l t u r a l and sports a c t i v i t i e s : Bob: "I'm not consumption oriented. My job's important, I love i t , I f i n d i t f a s c i n a t i n g . But i t ' s not my whole l i f e so I'm very glad to get home afterwards....In some ways I think self-indulgence, I think being s i n g l e I can experience, indulge i n the nice things as much as I can". C: "Do you think that r e l a t e s to you l i v i n g here". Bob: "Oh yes, I think the q u a l i t y of l i f e and what one does, I can enjoy i t to the f u l l . . . . l i v i n g somewhere nice and l i v i n g c e n t r a l l y " . Many respondents had demanding careers, and n a t u r a l l y some of them focused on t h i s as t h e i r prime o r i e n t a t i o n . For example, a businessman t o l d me, "I have a career, my a s p i r a t i o n i s to do what I do very well and become very s u c c e s s f u l at i t " . Another man, Ian, described himself as a "career-guy", and he said that he wants to be a very good physician, but he also thinks family i s important i n the long term. 277 Like Ian, most respondents proved reluctant to r u l e out p a r t i c u l a r goals, suggesting they aimed for a balance of the l i f e s t y l e types, that t h e i r p r i o r i t i e s had tended to s h i f t over time, or that there was something more subtle towards which they were s t r i v i n g that could not e a s i l y be reduced to such l a b e l s . A combination of l i f e s t y l e s i s described by Linda: "I'd say I enjoy a l l three [ l i f e s t y l e s ] ; I enjoy my job but I don't want to spend a l l my time at my job, I enjoy my husband's company, and together we enjoy a c t i v i t i e s — I ' m not sure i f consumption i s the word—but we c e r t a i n l y enjoy t r a v e l l i n g and so on together". As Hagerstrand acknowledges, "intentions have a high death rate" (Hagerstrand 1982:324). Various circumstances force changes i n l i f e s t y l e o r i e n t a t i o n : divorcees, for instance, f i n d new pleasure i n non-family oriented a c t i v i t i e s , and mention how geographical s e t t i n g i s connected to that change. One female respondent might remarry; of her a s p i r a t i o n s she says: "They've changed r a d i c a l l y , and I have no doubt they are going to change again. My f i r s t goals and a s p i r a t i o n s were completely concerned with the family, and that was a very s a t i s f y i n g l i f e s t y l e which you couldn't have i n Vancouver—that was done i n a r u r a l area. now my goals are d i f f e r e n t i n that they are more career-oriented. That may change again. Possibly the most important thing that one can do i n one's l i f e i s to remain f a i r l y f l e x i b l e and to be able to move with the changes". In the case of K a r l : "Being divorced now, well I'd say u n t i l recently i t was probably quite balanced with career and family, but now at the stage I am i n my age and career, probably now looking f o r — w e l l I don't want to say the Good L i f e but—something a l i t t l e d i f f e r e n t to what I've had before....I love what I do as far as my career goes but I also want to enjoy why I've been working, and I want to spend some time e s p e c i a l l y t r a v e l l i n g which I suppose i s my v i c e . I want to do that sort of thing more and more and not be as dependent on that g r u e l l i n g o f f i c e committment every day. And back to [talking about] Fairview Slopes, I l i k e l i v i n g i n a townhouse because of the fac t that you can just lock the door and go away, you don't have to worry about the garden and maintenance". The enabling q u a l i t y of environment to which both of these divorcees r e f e r i s discussed i n more d e t a i l l a t e r . Divorce i s not the only transformation which can r e d i r e c t the t r a j e c t o r y 278 of a l i f e path. Alan i s a young sin g l e man who has become less obsessed with hi s career: "Career i s d e f i n i t e l y important. I think i f you're happy at work you're happy out[side] of work, and v i c e versa, i f you're happy outside you get a l o t done at work. One time i n my l i f e , career was d e f i n i t e l y everything, a r e l a t i o n s h i p that I had a c t u a l l y f e l l apart because I was so career-oriented, as opposed to wanting to get involved with somebody and s e t t l e down and have a family and do the things that a normal person w i l l . . . . [ s o now] I r e a l i z e that I have to work hard when I work and play hard when I play". For Alan, career gives away to enjoying more s o c i a l and l e i s u r e a c t i v i t i e s . In other cases i t makes way for a new o r i e n t a t i o n towards family: Don: "I think before I met Deborah I was more concerned with career than anything e l s e . I think I am very much s p l i t now, between enjoying my career but also enjoying family life....my career has gone through desperate s t r a i t s l i k e everybody el s e ' s . . . I guess i t makes me r e a l i z e haw tenuous business i s , and perhaps how important family i s , so I t r y to keep both to the r i g h t proportions". G i l l : "I think we probably started o f f being very career-oriented and wanting to go out to dinner a l o t and that s t u f f . But with the a r r i v a l of the baby i t ' s changed considerably. We are now much more family-oriented and often spend Friday and Saturday night at home now". These cycles of o r i e n t a t i o n are commonly r e l a t e d to the age of the respondents. Don and Karl are already established i n t h e i r careers (despite some problems i n the recession) and thus they have the freedom to commit more time to other a c t i v i t i e s . The same i s the case for Keith: "The most important things to me I guess are to avoid pressures. I l i k e to be relaxed, I don't l i k e to have a l o t of chores, so a townhouse f i t s i n t o that. And both my partner and I have quite high pressure work, so we wanted to create a r e l a x i n g home. When we come home.. .we just l i g h t a f i r e and s e t t l e in...'. ....My career has reached a plateau now, I've reached the top i n my profession...I am no longer going for upward goals and...I'm almost semi-retiring, and the n i c e s t luxury of a l l i s being able to do that at my age.... .... I think at some point you get over that consumer craving that you have to have everything. I had a BMW once and i t was a pain i n the neck and I got r i d of i t " . For empty nesters, winding down career and enjoying a quiet and balanced l i f e s t y l e i s e s p e c i a l l y important. One r e t i r e d respondent i s focused on "improving one's mental a b i l i t i e s , c e r t a i n l y not becoming stagnant". Another respondent describes her l i f e s t y l e as "nothing to do with consuming things. Personal f u l f i l l m e n t , I think. The house l i b e r a t e s that....because i t looks a f t e r i t s e l f " . In f a c t , a l l age groups emphasize the balance of d i f f e r e n t ingredients to achieve personal f u l f i l l m e n t . The following quotation from a young husband best expresses the h o l i s t i c nature of a l i f e ' s project to which the congruity of two persons' l i f e paths i s the essence: "It ' s q u a l i t y of l i f e . A l i s o n and I are very busy people i n terms of our jobs....Alison i s career-oriented and working towards her goals, I'm working towards my goals. We both enjoy our time together very, very much. And we b a s i c a l l y have the same philosophy on the q u a l i t y of l i f e that we l i v e . I t ' s a very simple l i f e , we're not consumed i n buying gadgets...we enjoy our f i n e wine, Alison's a great cook, and we l i k e our music and our friends....We t r a v e l as much as p o s s i b l e " . With respect to the concrete structure of everyday l i f e , Fairview Slopes can be a c t i v e l y employed as part of a strategy for achieving c e r t a i n p r o j e c t s . When asked to l i s t the a t t r a c t i v e features of l i v i n g i n Fairview Slopes, one respondent answered, "Location, number one"; another quipped, " B a s i c a l l y l o c a t i o n , l o c a t i o n , l o c a t i o n ! " The r e l a t i v e l o c a t i o n of t h i s neighbourhood defines a se t t i n g which i s e x c e l l e n t l y suited to some new cl a s s i n d i v i d u a l s p r a c t i c i n g p o s t - p a t r i a r c h a l modes of gender r e l a t i o n s . The notion of the s t r a t e g i c s e t t i n g i s a theme i m p l i c i t i n the a d v e r t i s i n g material for new condominiums: as a pamphlet for The Courtyards says, i t i s " s t r a t e g i c a l l y situated just one block from Cambie Street, within minutes of the downtown core, and just a walk away from the seawall and r e c r e a t i o n a l a c t i v i t i e s of the False Creek waterfront". Rose (1984) speaks of g e n t r i f i e r s ' r e j e c t i o n of the time-space rhythms of suburbia. The l o c a t i o n of one's workplace i s one of the important determinants of the rhythms negotiated each day. Of the 72 household members, 64 have jobs (7 are part-time, a l l women), plus there are four women 280 who are students with no jobs. I have c l a s s i f i e d the work locations of a l l those with jobs ( t h i s includes the l o c a t i o n of headquarters for employees who t r a v e l s u b s t a n t i a l l y , and the place where workers spend most of the time i f two locations were given), plus students' place of study. In l i n e with our knowledge of the d i s t r i b u t i o n of new c l a s s employment, 19 of these 68 locations are i n the downtown/West End area. F i f t e e n people work i n the Fairview l o c a l area which extends from Cambie to Burrard, False Creek to 16th Avenue, and encompasses the h o s p i t a l and C i t y H a l l complex. Eight are employed, or are students, at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia; 10 more work i n other areas of Vancouver C i t y . Outside the C i t y , 5 work i n Burnaby, 4 i n Richmond and, i n the d i s t a n t suburbs, 2 i n Delta and 1 i n Surrey. Two had work locations that varied, and two worked out of t h e i r Fairview homes. S i t t i n g at the i n t e r s e c t i o n of major north-south, east-west a r t e r i e s passing through the c i t y , Fairview Slopes i s i d e a l l y located with respect to easy access to most of these areas. But why do "these p o t e n t i a l gentry select an urban l o c a t i o n over a suburban one?" (Beauregard 1986:46). Jobs have long been concentrated i n the c i t y core. The reason, claims Beauregard, i s the nature of t h e i r "consumption and reproduction activities....Moreover, high commuting costs and long commuting times would i n t e r f e r e f i n a n c i a l l y and temporally with consumption a c t i v i t i e s " . Of the "reproduction a c t i v i t i e s " , most v i t a l are p a r t i c u l a r requirements of dual career households. For instance, when asked for the a t t r a c t i v e features of l i v i n g i n Fairview Slopes, Andy answers: "The c e n t r a l i t y of the l o c a t i o n . A l i s o n works i n Burhaby so she's twenty minutes away from work. I work i n Richmond so I'm ten to f i f t e e n minutes away". Penny makes the same response: " I t ' s very c e n t r a l , i t ' s good for both of us. My husband's up at U.B.C. and I'm at S.F.U. [Simon Fraser Un i v e r s i t y i n Burnaby] so i t seemed l i k e a good compromise". 281 And Don explains: " I t ' s a very convenient place for us to l i v e , f o r both of our businesses. I work down i n False Creek, Deborah works i n K i t s , so i t ' s convenient for both of us workwise". In these p a r t i c u l a r cases, Fairview Slopes represents a fulcrum over which partners can balance t h e i r journeys-to-work. Proximity to work i s relevant also for singles as well. For example, consider the p o s i t i o n of renters. While Fairview's r e l a t i v e l y cheap purchasing p r i c e s were an a t t r a c t i o n to buyers, most rents are high compared to comparable units i n the West Side. Thus we can expect l o c a t i o n to have been of p a r t i c u l a r importance for renters. Rose, for example, had been commuting from the West End to a job i n Fairview, and found her new apartment during a lunch hour. Tom sa i d : "I own a Lotus Europa, which i s one of the most u n r e l i a b l e cars i n the world, and I took a job [ i n the adjoining block]...so I wanted to l i v e within one mile or ha l f a mile of where I was working!" Many of the respondents, owners and renters, r e g u l a r l y walk to work. And many re f e r r e d to the horrors of commuting: s p e c i f i c a l l y the time i t wasted (the f i n a n c i a l aspect was never mentioned) and the f r u s t r a t i o n s i t caused (what Matthew c a l l e d " t h i r t y - f i v e minutes of aggravation"). Martin had already experienced t h i s : "We both had j o b s — a t U.B.C. for me, and Meg works downtown—so from Burnaby, to d r i v e out there i t ' s a very long drive, i t was taking me f i f t y minutes each way. And we thought, what the heck, we don't r e a l l y want that". Another respondent found Fairview Slopes more convenient than h i s previous home: "It takes us exactly seven minutes from our garage to a car park downtown. I t ' s much more convenient than West Van when you r e a l l y don't know whether i t 1 s going to take you twenty minutes or two hours to get i n t o the c i t y " . E r i c a had never t r i e d commuting but was determined never to s t a r t : "Neither of us could see us climbing i n t o our car two times each day and spending f o r t y - f i v e to f i f t y minutes d r i v i n g your car i n t o Vancouver each day. That just seemed l i k e a t e r r i b l e waste of 282 time". What does a shorter commuting time mean for the achievement of projects? To Barbara and B i l l , i t allows for a successful a r t i c u l a t i o n of paths and pr o j e c t s , and Barbara's f i r s t sentence indicates the s i g n i f i c a n c e of s e l f -d e f i n i t i o n to what i s l e g i t i m a t e l y doable: "We're not North Vancouver people, there's no way we would have wanted to go over there because....we're not commuters i n that sense, only short distance commuters. We don't l i k e d r i v i n g to and from work which i s f i n e , we just walk to the top of the road, get the bus downtown where we both work....If we have a nice dinner with a drink [after work] we don't have to worry about d r i v i n g home. If the weather's bad we can take a t a x i , or we can walk home....There's no way I would want to be an hour on the bus coming to work or going home. It just s u i t s us. We're at work i n ten minutes and home i n ten minutes i f we choose to take the bus". Another respondent also mentioned the advantage of a short t a x i r i d e which freed him from worry about drinking and d r i v i n g . L i v i n g close to work enables the construction of a s t y l e of l i f e defined i n part by the freedom to enjoy c e r t a i n l e i s u r e a c t i v i t i e s . Also i t o f f e r s an advantage to those with new c l a s s jobs that demand a c e r t a i n amount of f l e x i b i l i t y i n terms of time spent at work. E r i c a , for instance, often has to work i n the evenings: "I think there's a r e a l time advantage. I get home from work i n f i v e minutes. I think that's a r e a l advantage i n my l i f e p a r t i c u l a r l y , as I say, because I go out i n the evenings quite a b i t , so i t means I can go home for an hour and a half and then go out i n the evening". For Gordon too: "I'm so close to work, about s i x minutes way, e s p e c i a l l y on the weekend quite often I ' l l d r i v e down there [and do some work]". People who work i n the inner c i t y , and couples with journeys-to-work extending i n opposite d i r e c t i o n s , are e s p e c i a l l y advantaged by l i v i n g i n a neighbourhood l i k e Fairview Slopes. There was, however, a small number of cases where single people commuted outside of the C i t y . Alan finds the ease of access to major routes i d e a l : "I work r i g h t downtown plus I spend a l o t of 283 time going out to the airport...and I don't have to deal with the bridges". Dennis, too, works i n Richmond yet "being s i n g l e , I didn't want to move out to a suburban type area...this was central....I've commuted before and I don't l i k e to spend an hour or more just going too and from work". The speed by which one can get out of the c i t y against the dominant t r a f f i c flow makes commuting only a minor i r r i t a t i o n to one woman: . "I l i v e d out i n Delta and worked out i n Delta for ten years, and for the l a s t s i x of those years I was s o c i a l i z i n g i n the K i t s area and I was f i n d i n g i t a bind having to d r i v e home whatever the hour of the evening...after due consideration I decided I would rather do the d r i v i n g on a morning on my way to work as opposed to on the end of an evening to go home. [If I moved now] I would probably...live i n the area I was s o c i a l i z i n g i n as opposed to the area I was working". Another woman who works i n Richmond evaluates the suburbs: " I t ' s f i n e i f you've got a family, but i f you're going to be single, or i f you have a boyfriend or f r i e n d s that work down i n the city...you can't be l i v i n g out i n Richmond, you can't be out i n Delta. I would f e e l very cut-off out there, and that's why I enjoy l i v i n g way from the [workplace], because I can be a d i f f e r e n t person when I come in t o town". Her a t t i t u d e i s summarized by t h i s exclamation: "I love i t ; I love l i v i n g near the c i t y ! " The experience of commuters underscores two dimensions to the choice of residence. F i r s t there seems to be a matter of s e l f - i d e n t i t y ("I can be a d i f f e r e n t person"), an expressive aspect which I w i l l explore l a t e r . Second, there i s a s p e c i a l emphasis placed on l e i s u r e a c t i v i t i e s , on s o c i a l i z i n g and on enjoying the adult-oriented f a c i l i t i e s only the c i t y core has to o f f e r . Short journey-to-work i s not the only s t r a t e g i c advantage of l i v i n g on the Slopes: so i s short journey-to-play. Perhaps chief amongst the amenities o f f e r e d by Fairview Slopes i s the view, a panorama of the downtown core and the north shore mountains beyond, which stretches from the Georgia S t r a i t i n the west to Simon Fraser U n i v e r s i t y i n the east. Downtown i t s e l f i s within walking distance 284 ( e s p e c i a l l y i f you take a pedestrian f e r r y across the Creek) and, by d r i v i n g , one woman claims she can a c t u a l l y be i n the downtown P a c i f i c Centre Mall within f i v e minutes. In False Creek there i s the landscaped park, a sea-wall and marinas, as well as G r a n v i l l e I s l a n d — t h e formerly i n d u s t r i a l area with i t s restaurants, p u b l i c market, theatres and various c r a f t s - o r i e n t e d stores. On Broadway and G r a n v i l l e Streets there are restaurants and high-quality r e t a i l o u t l e t s . Asked for the a t t r a c t i o n s of l i v i n g i n Fairview Slopes, a woman who commutes to work out of the C i t y says: "I think the f i r s t thing that I r e a l l y l i k e about l i v i n g here i s the f a c t that i t ' s very close to the c i t y . You can walk to town i n twenty minutes, over the Cambie Bridge. You can walk to G r a n v i l l e Island i n twenty minutes. And you can a l s o take the transportation, the False Creek bus runs down the end of t h i s block. I l i k e being near the waterfront, i t ' s a very pretty area and even though I don't have a garden, I've got the parks, and I don't miss i t . But I think that's the one feature, that i t ' s so close to everything". Many other respondents l i s t e d a s i m i l a r range of valued a c t i v i t i e s ; f o r example: "We both considered ourselves c i t y people. I think that we l i k e the amenities that c i t i e s have to o f f e r , I think we l i k e that sense of taking advantage of what we consider to be urban things, rather than a l o t of the reasons people l i v e i n Vancouver—we weren't n e c e s s a r i l y skiers or boaters or anything l i k e that, we were more interest e d i n being close to theatres and that kind of c i t y l i f e " . "I would say i t ' s a c c e s s i b i l i t y to downtown. I work r i g h t i n the core. I think i t ' s proximity to many things, i t ' s l o c a t i o n to shopping and to restaurants that are a f i v e , ten minute d r i v e away. And I guess a l i t t l e b i t more of a r e s i d e n t i a l f e e l than l i v i n g i n an apartment r i g h t downtown. I t ' s worked out very well, a l l the things I would l i k e to do". I s h a l l have more to say about the cu l t u r e of consumption and l e i s u r e l a t e r i n the t h e s i s . One dimension of t h i s i s the d e f i n i t i o n of consumption a c t i v i t i e s necessary for reproduction—those that might otherwise be considered household c h o r e s — a s components i n the construction of s e l f -i d e n t i t y and the search for s e l f - f u l f i l l m e n t . G r a n v i l l e Island o f f e r s a perfect example: not only i s i t a convenient place i n which to buy good 285 produce, but i t i s also an arena for the negotiation of meaning. Its convenience for a t i g h t time budget (and i t s symbolism) i s noted by Bob: " G r a n v i l l e Island, yuppie heaven! If I can f i n i s h work by s i x i t ' s perfect, I can do i t on my way....I don't do a week's shopping, I s u r v i v a l shop, I w i l l get what I want [at the time]". Even the aggressively marketed products of the development industry o f f e r spectacles which are consumed as entertainment. Said one young woman of Fairview Slopes: "I t seems l i k e a fun sort of place, there's l o t s going on, i t just seems to be a place that's i n t e r e s t i n g . I t ' s i n t e r e s t i n g to look a t . . . . i f you're not doing anything Saturday or Sunday, you wander round and go i n t o the d i s p l a y s u i t e s " . Short journeys-to-play underwrite a s t y l e of l i f e that i s exceptionally f l e x i b l e . For C h r i s t i n e , a homemaker who works as a volunteer at the Museum of Anthropology, the Fairview Slopes s e t t i n g enables her to do the following: "I can allow myself f i v e , seven minutes to get downtown. I think nothing of going downtown twice a day...that's very handy.... ....I often say to my husband, i s n ' t i t funny how each day i s d i f f e r e n t . . . . I would do ' some chores around the apartment, meet somebody f o r lunch, or I may go out shopping or have somebody i n , i t ' s not structured. I'm at the museum twice, sometimes three or four times a week, whatever I f e e l l i k e I can go along.... ....I have learned to be s t r u c t u r e d — t o just play things. And I think that's one of the joys, or supposedly, of the 'golden years' as they c a l l them, to l i v e l i k e that, and I'm taking advantage of i t " . Ned places proximity to the water at the top of h i s l i s t of a t t r a c t i v e neighbourhood features, and using time to i t s f u l l e s t i s one reason: "I guess the number one being close to the water. Just l a s t night I was down there on False Creek rowing up and down i n a l i t t l e rubber dinghy, and you just pick the dinghy up, put i t i n the back of the car, and i n f i v e minutes you're home again". Later, h i s wife echoes C h r i s t i n e ' s comments: Fairview Slopes p o s i t i o n s one to enjoy a d a i l y l i f e that lacks structure: Naomi: "Yes, I think the biggest advantage of l i v i n g here i s that because our spare time happens on the spur of the moment, a l l of a sudden I can't work any more and Ned doesn't f e e l l i k e working any more, and we've got an hour, and we can just walk down a couple of blocks and we are i n a nice area where you can have a b i t of a break. I think there's a l o t of places, i f you had that spare time you'd probably s i t i n front of the t e l e v i s i o n , because there i s n ' t anywhere to go i n such a short time". Ned: "And the f a c t that there i s n ' t any maintenance. We had a house before with a lawn, and I t e l l you i t was l i k e a j u n g l e . . . i t was a r e a l headache, you know. And eventually we hope to get a place l i k e that again, but only when we can a f f o r d [the time to maintain it]...And that's one of the nice things about l i v i n g here, you give yourself breathing space". Naomi: "In one way i t ' s too small and we wish we had more room, but i n another way that's what makes i t so easy to have, well everything has got to be i n i t s place" . This conversation c a r r i e s us n i c e l y from the notion of the s t r a t e g i c s e t t i n g to that of the t a c t i c a l townhouse. While a prime i n s t i t u t i o n that structures the pursuit of l i f e p r ojects i s the waged workplace, the i n s t i t u t i o n of the household i s also a workplace which imposes demands on people's resources, including the resource of time. The home i s a s e t t i n g that can open up and foreclose other options. This perspective emerges very c l e a r l y i n the interviews. While some respondents would l i k e to own a s i n g l e family house i n the future (and could i n f a c t a f f o r d one outside the West Side), a condominium s t y l e of housing i s best suited to t h e i r current needs. Other respondents are not i n t e r e s t e d i n buying a single family house at a l l . These are t y p i c a l quotations: "I guess I didn't want a house, I wanted a townhouse, I didn't want the upkeep, I didn't want to do anything, so a townhouse was the answer". "We l i k e the convenience of a condominium-type l i v i n g because there i s r e l a t i v e l y l i t t l e maintenance on the place". "Being a working si n g l e parent I r e a l l y didn't want to have to spend time maintaining the outside of a dwelling, or the i n s i d e " . "I f something goes wrong I can phone someone and say ' f i x i t ' and just walk out the door". References to the.drudgery of lawn-mowing were extremely frequent. Yard work required i n a condominium project i s t y p i c a l l y contracted out, and owners pay a monthly s t r a t a fee to cover the cost: C: "Would you want a s i n g l e family house?" 287 Alison: "No, I don't think so. Too much maintenance and having a lavm—". Andy: "I like paying 66 bucks a month strata fee and that's i t . I don't want to be getting into the two hundred dollars for getting the mower overhauled or raking the leaves". With what would time spent on mowing lawns interfere? Some respondents related their housing choice to their career-type. Eric i s such a case: "I would probably for a long time be thinking of [living in] a condo. I don't have time for maintenance on houses and upkeep, I want as l i t t l e time spent at home—except time I want to spend there—as possible, because I work a lot and when I want leisure I want leisure, I don't want to have to look after something like a house". Two women make the same connection: "Both my husband and I work hard during the week, so we don't want to spend a lot of time doing housework, cutting grass and that sort of thing. I think that's one of the reasons why we're looking for a townhouse, and I suppose we live in Fairview Slopes because i t ' s near to things we like to do. I really enjoy the l i f e s t y l e here...it's trouble-free li v i n g " . "We moved from a neighbourhood where the house and the yard were more than we could tackle in our waking hours. So that was part of the reason I think for the move, because this was a much more manageable...way of living for us in terms of the kinds of household chores that there are, and us getting the leisure time and the work time that we want". Such comments express the fine balance between career and other pursuits which many residents desire to achieve, by means of the "sacrifice" of a conventional home. This i s , however, a subtle programme, one in which the dimension of meaning is crucial, as can be seen in the conversation below. Neither Andy nor Alison work particularly close to home, and that might explain Andy's f i s t reaction. But a consensus on the meaning of Fairview Slopes in comparison to that of Burnaby or Richmond (and especially Surrey— the butt of many jokes on red-necked suburbia) seems to emerge: C: "Do you think, l i v i n g in this neighbourhood has affected your l i f e s t y l e ? " Andy: "No, I could be living thirty blocks west of here and s t i l l be the same person that I am, and on the same track..." Alison: "I disagree with that to a point. I've lived in the Burnaby's of the world, and Richmond, and Surrey, and I don't think I ever enjoyed l i v i n g i n Surrey, I don't think I would enjoy l i v i n g as much i n Richmond or Burnaby, just because I happen to love l i v i n g here, I love t h i s area". Andy: "So i t makes things easier?" A l i s o n : "Well i t doesn't change our l i f e , l i k e t o t a l l y , but i t ' s a nice, how do I word i t — ? " Andy: " I t makes the other h a l f of the work l i f e a l o t easier". A l i s o n : "Yes, i t ' s just n i ce". The next chapter w i l l explore further t h i s perspective on Fairview Slopes i n comparison to suburbia. This section has shown how Fairview Slopes can be made an ingredient i n the l i v e s of c e r t a i n kinds of people. The following sections explore i n more d e t a i l the s t o r i e s of some of these d i f f e r e n t kinds of people, focusing f i r s t on the empty nester household. 6.4 THE EMPTY NEST. A Canadian survey indicates that condominiums are proving to be i n c r e a s i n g l y a t t r a c t i v e as a housing option for older adults (Skaburskis 1984). While the census data show that older age groups are s t i l l r e l a t i v e l y underrepresented i n Fairview Slopes, there i s evidence that the population p r o f i l e i s gradually maturing, which could be due to both the changing types of in-movers and the ageing of residents i n place. Marketing strategies are s t i l l l a r g e l y aimed at young adults; the same i s true for the a r c h i t e c t u r a l design of most build i n g s , with t h e i r m u l t i - l e v e l s and narrow s t a i r c a s e s . Nevertheless, i t i s i n t r i g u i n g that of a l l the people interviewed, older couples were, i n many cases, most enthusiastic about the a t t r a c t i v e features of Fairview Slopes. This group includes four "empty nester" couples who had r a i s e d c h i l d r e n together, and one older couple who had never had c h i l d r e n . In a d d i t i o n to these f i v e on whom I focus here, there was a si m i l a r number of households of older adult couples who had previously r a i s e d f a m i l i e s with former partners; these households proved to have st y l e s of l i f e more i n common with younger adult households (the female partners a l s o tended to be younger). The enthusiasm of these older adults for t h e i r Fairview Slopes s e t t i n g i s hardly s u r p r i s i n g . Unlike younger adults who have more l i m i t e d resources, these people are better-placed to select a new home which i s i d e a l l y suited to t h e i r needs, and g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i s by no means a f a l l - b a c k opotion. Since they each appear to have enjoyed lengthy r e l a t i o n s h i p s with one marital partner, they are not constrained f i n a n c i a l l y by maintenance payments to former spouses or f a m i l i e s . The c h i l d l e s s couple had owned a condominium i n the West End, and the four empty nester couples had previously owned houses i n the r e l a t i v e l y expensive Arbutus Ridge or Kerris d a l e neighbourhoods. Working with these c a p i t a l assets, they purchased some of the larger and more generously-constructed units on the Slopes, which offered room for f u r n i t u r e accumulated over many years. One of these couples had f i r s t moved from their, house i n t o an apartment within the same Ker r i s d a l e area, and then r e l u c t a n t l y moved again because i t was too small; of a l l the older couples, t h i s was the le a s t happy i n Fairview, the wife being strongly committed to the high status s o c i a l world of Kerris d a l e and missing "the type of people that I was used to mixing with i n that area". One of the other empty nesters said, "I think the older people i n Fairview are more f l e x i b l e than the Kerri s d a l e type"; f l e x i b i l i t y d i d indeed seem a key to s a t i s f a c t i o n with l i v i n g i n Fairview Slopes. In confirmation of that f l e x i b i l i t y , two other couples volunteered the following: "Our best friends are f i f t e e n years younger than we are...so we tend to rather mix with younger people rather than people our own age, I think because we look on l i f e that way. You have to stay young, to me age i s something that doesn't bother me". "A l o t of our friends are a l o t younger than us, they don't have c h i l d r e n and are l i v i n g d i f f e r e n t l i f e s t y l e s , or are si n g l e and are very s p i r i t u a l l y informed and that kind of thing...I think a l o t of the people we know well tend to be leading rather independent 290 l i v e s " . The four empty nester couples had previously enjoyed quite conventional " f a m i l i s t i c " l i f e s t y l e s . The reasons for s e l l i n g the family home are p r e d i c t a b l e : Frederick: "Arbutus was mainly a family set-up, we a l l l i v e d together i n t h i s huge house and d i d a l l the things you're supposed to do. Then suddenly they a l l leave...." Frances: "We both come from families...who are r a t t l i n g around i n huge o l d houses, and we saw that as something that would happen to us i f we didn't move while we were s t i l l p r e t t y a g i l e . So we thought that we would move". Frederick: "Also we s t i l l had the f l e x i b i l i t y to do that". The d i s p e r s a l of family c a l l s f o r t h a need to consolidate other dimensions of l i f e . This was the background o f f e r e d by Fiona: "Our youngest son graduated from high school, and that was the l a s t of the c h i l d r e n to leave home...so we didn't need a home establishment for him, we have a bedroom for him i f he comes home but he's not a permanent resident with us any more. But we had a mortgage on the house...and we decided i t was time at our age not to have a mortgage; so we f i s h e d around u n t i l we could f i n d something we could a f f o r d , that we could pay for outright, and we came across Fairview Slopes". For those c l o s e s t to retirement, t h i s i s a time for developing new p r o j e c t s . J u l i a i s contemplating s t a r t i n g some freelance a c t i v i t i e s : "That's part of the thing about not stagnating, because you don't have a regular job any more, so I have toyed around with the idea [of f r e e l a n c i n g ] . And my husband...is enjoying doing something that he wasn't able to spend much time on when he was i n business, and that's investment". One man w i l l be ending his job at the end of the year, but he i s planning to continue i n the same f i e l d as a consultant and w r i t e r . Another woman i s taking a u n i v e r s i t y degree. A new pattern of l i f e must be negotiated, as J u l i a describes: "I have a f e e l i n g t h i s i s n ' t going to be the l a s t place we l i v e , but as long as we can climb s t a i r s , we are not a n t i c i p a t i n g a move...now because our l i f e s t y l e s have changed a b i t and we're not working, we are going to have to work out new things. But i t w i l l be imposed on the f a c t that we r e a l l y l i k e l i v i n g i n the neighbourhood". 291 Moving to Fairview Slopes i s an opportunity to d i s i n v e s t oneself of burdens—those of property, of a mortgage, of pursuing career success—and to e s t a b l i s h a new balance which p r i o r i z e s both home a c t i v i t i e s and enjoying the amenities of the c i t y or i t s natural s e t t i n g . The following quotations are examples of how respondents described t h e i r s t y l e s of l i f e : C h r i s t i n e : "I've got to the stage where I don't need another b i t of c r y s t a l , another dinner service, I've got to the age when I've got them a l l . So therefore as far as being a consumer, I'm just coasting at the moment". Barbara: "We're very home minded". B i l l : "But we also l i k e the Good L i f e . I used to be very ambitious, but you get s e t t l e d when you get to a c e r t a i n age, and you enjoy perhaps the home, and you're not so career-oriented...." Barbara: "I'm not one to want to become a dedicated career woman, unless I suppose maybe i f I was s i n g l e . . . I guess I just want the mixture of what I have which i s the home l i f e , a job that I l i k e and people I work with, and we have a p r e t t y good s o c i a l l i f e " . Frederick: "I enjoy my work but I don't think of i t as the be a l l and end a l l " . Fiona: "We had a l o t more f u r n i t u r e l i k e beds, because we had four bedrooms. And those were d i s t r i b u t e d round the family. We just decided we didn't need property, we don't want to spend our l i v e s attending to our possessions, we just want to enjoy l i f e " . These orie n t a t i o n s towards l i f e s t y l e are r e f l e c t e d i n r e s i d e n t i a l choice, as Fiona goes on to describe: "I t appealed to us because i t ' s just very a t t r a c t i v e , very pretty. It' s a fun sort of place; we f e e l that we've done a l l our serious l i v i n g because we've brought up our four c h i l d r e n and so far they are a l l s a t i s f a c t o r y , we are not a n t i c i p a t i n g any problems! So now we can just relax and enjoy ourselves, and i t ' s a casual sort of place, i t ' s not a formal house with a well set out front garden or anything l i k e that, i t ' s just almost l i k e a holiday home, just a very pleasant atmosphere altogether". As I argued e a r l i e r , the home i s not only a r e f l e c t i o n , i t i s also i n t e g r a l to the achievement of new l i f e p r ojects and ambitions. By o f f e r i n g a p a r t i c u l a r kind of s e t t i n g , Fairview Slopes opens up opportunities and suggests new p o s s i b i l i t i e s . The following conversation ensued from my question on l i f e s t y l e type: Frances: "Nothing to do with consuming things. Personal f u l f i l l m e n t , I think. This house l i b e r a t e s that. We have another way of l i v i n g too, with land at Mount Baker and a house we've just b u i l t there....what we d i d , to move to t h i s house, we shed a l o t of our s t u f f , we see i t a f a i r l y pared down...that i s , paying for our chance to have a l i f e s t y l e which i n f a c t i s very simple, which i s going away to the country at weekends and doing everything we can for ourselves—without e l e c t r i c i t y , without running water. This house sets us free to do that because i t looks a f t e r i t s e l f , i t has no garden....We couldn't have done i t with the other house we had". Frederick: I think i t l i b e r a t e s the c h i l d r e n too because they f e e l happy that we have somewhere else to go, and they don't f e e l o bligated to come back and keep checking on us to see i f we're a l r i g h t " . While such a s t y l e of l i v i n g i s no longer centred on r a i s i n g a family, the passage to the new home enables a s h i f t to a new kind of o r i e n t a t i o n towards the family, one allowing for more pleasurable engagement with c h i l d r e n or grandchildren, but also o f f e r i n g the chance to withdraw. Frances and Frederick suggested (semi-seriously I think) that the small home now protects them from the return of t h e i r c h i l d r e n who had previously moved i n and out of the family home and tended to t r e a t i t as a refuge i n times of s t r e s s . Fiona and her husband were a l s o very family-oriented; they i n i t i a l l y moved to Canada to be near t h e i r sons who had married Canadians. The condominium-st y l e of housing l i b e r a t e s them to spend time with t h e i r family, or a l t e r n a t i v e l y to enjoy the theatre, movies and other l e i s u r e a c t i v i t i e s : " U n t i l now [we have been] t o t a l l y family-oriented....we stay i n Vancouver...this i s where our grandchildren are, and now we can just enjoy them, we have much more free time, we don't have to attend to a house, I don't have to paint any more, my husband doesn't have to do the garden, so we have much more time to spend eit h e r doing the things we want to, or entertaining our c h i l d r e n and grandchildren". The h i g h l y v i s i b l e a s s o c i a t i o n of "young urban prof e s s i o n a l s " with g e n t r i f i c a t i o n could, i n the long run, prove less p i v o t a l to the future of Canadian inner c i t i e s than a re-evaluation of what comprises the "good l i f e " by older a d u l t s . Our conversations tended to conclude with a discussion of how Fairview Slopes was i n c r e a s i n g l y a t t r a c t i v e to such people. Two 293 respondents had t h i s to say: "Our two clo s e s t f r i e n d s , two couples, they are looking i n apartments now having seen ours and seen how we l i v e , they're quite envious, so....they're hopeful [of f i n d i n g a s i m i l a r p l a c e ] " . "A l o t of our friends are suddenly looking at t h e i r suburban houses and t h e i r lawns and thinking, 'what are we doing t h i s f o r ? ' We can l i v e i n the sort of house we want to l i v e i n without having those r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s , l i k e c u t t i n g the grass everyday because i t ' s not c r e a t i v e gardening, i t ' s manicuring and i t gets very t i r i n g . A l o t of our friends have come here and got quite thoughtful about looking for a place". In sum, with the exception of one household mentioned e a r l i e r , these older couples seem very s a t i s f i e d with t h e i r choice of residence i n Fairview slopes. As noted at the beginning of t h i s section, the older adult age group included some i n d i v i d u a l s with marital h i s t o r i e s more complex than those experienced by the people just described. The next section examines such conditions of domestic l i f e for residents of a l l age groups, i n an i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of how t h e y — w i t h g e n t r i f i c a t i o n — a r e responses to s o c i a l r e s t r u c t u r i n g . O v e r l y - r i g i d models of family l i f e c y c l e are shown to be inadequate for dealing with the f l e x i b l e and mutable nature of interpersonal r e l a t i o n s : what I have termed the "family i n f l u x " . 6.5 THE FAMILY IN FLUX. Amongst the l i f e events which p r e c i p i t a t e housing moves, divorce or separation from a marital or cohabiting partner appears to have been of substantial s i g i f i c a n c e to many of the new residents of Fairview Slopes. Quite how unusual t h e i r experiences may be i n comparison with other neighbourhoods i s impossible to e s t a b l i s h with t h i s ethnographic approach; however, the information thus obtained helps to e s t a b l i s h some of the causal processes underlying the changing demand for inner c i t y l i v i n g . Of the 45 households where d e t a i l e d interviews were c a r r i e d out, 9 were comprised of one-adult household who indicated they had previously been married or cohabiting and were now l i v i n g alone (or with c h i l d r e n ) , and 10 households were comprised of male-female couples where at l e a s t one of the partners had previously had such a r e l a t i o n s h i p ( t h i s number could be higher, but i t does suggest the s i g n i f i c a n c e of former r e l a t i o n s h i p s which have broken down f a i r l y r e c e n t l y ) . In 3 cases, respondents indicated that t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p had disso l v e d while the couple were l i v i n g i n Fairview Slopes. For some of those a r r i v i n g i n the neighbourhood newly divorced or separated, the change i n m a r i t a l status was an immediate t r i g g e r to the r e s i d e n t i a l move. A divorce led Anne and her teenage daughter back to Vancouver from the i n t e r i o r of B r i t i s h Columbia; she rented i n Fairview i n part because i t was close to the workplace where she was r e s t a r t i n g her career. K a r l and h i s wife had previously owned a s i n g l e family house i n a suburb; when asked why he had moved to Fairview Slopes he explained: " I t was a separation, and I wanted to l i v e i n an area which was close to my c h i l d r e n so that i t was easy for them to see me...and al s o close to my work". Having rented b r i e f l y i n Fairview Slopes a f t e r the separation, K a r l bought another unit i n the area. A s i m i l a r story was t o l d by an a r c h i t e c t .who designed one of the projects i n the neighbourhood; he and h i s family had previously owned a house i n North Vancouver: C: "Why.did you choose to l i v e i n Fairview Slopes?" Don: "....While I was doing the development I was also going through a divorce so I ended up l i v i n g — i t was convenient for me to l i v e there....So d i d I choose the neighbourhood? No, I think I didn't, i t was convenient at the time, and then I got to r e a l l y l i k e the neighbourhood and I r e a l l y wanted to stay here". Helen and her common-law husband also owned a suburban house: "We s p l i t , I got the house to s e l l , and I l i v e d i n i t for about f i v e months, and i t d i d s e l l , so I had to look for something e l s e . The area where I was l i v i n g i s not a sin g l e s ' environment at a l l , i t ' s sort of f a m i l i e s , couples, that sort of thing. And so I decided I was going to move closer i n t o the c i t y " . Ian ended up l i v i n g i n Fairview Slopes because, "I started my p r a c t i c e i n t h i s neighbourhood i n 1982, and I l e f t my wife, decided I wanted a place i n the neighbourhood". He f i r s t rented i n the area with a male f r i e n d and now l i v e s alone. While these cases i n d i c a t e how separation could be an immediate stimulus to the move in t o an inner c i t y neighbourhood, i t was l a t e r events that took place as a consequence of a divorce which influenced two other women. O l i v i a had been l i v i n g as a sing l e mother i n the apartment owned j o i n t l y with her ex-husband; when her ch i l d r e n l e f t home she decided she would buy a place of her own and moved to Fairview Slopes. In Pat's case, the family house i n which she and her daughter l i v e d "was getting o l d and i t would only have made sense to put money in t o i t to continue l i v i n g there, and I didn't want to do that. My daughter...was f i f t e e n then and we didn't r e a l l y need a house"; moreover, at that stage the daughter decided to l i v e with her father, and so Pat bought her own townhouse i n Fairview and her partner P h i l moved i n . As Pat's case i l l u s t r a t e s , the consolidation of a new r e l a t i o n s h i p helped to pursuade some previously-separated interviewees to move to Fairview Slopes. Both Roberta and her husband had previously been divorced, and they started l i v i n g together i n a rented apartment i n K e r r i s d a l e : C: "Did getting your place here coincide with a change i n you job? Roberta: "No, i t was getting married. And another reason, as I said my husband was married before and has child r e n , and we needed a place that had a couple of rroms for privacy, so that was one of the things that influenced our d e c i s i o n to buy t h i s place. We had a smaller place [in K e r r i s d a l e ] " . Another couple a l s o c i t e d support payments to a former family as one reason for l i v i n g i n a townhouse. Martin and Meg had both l i v e d i n Richmond during t h e i r previous marriages; following t h e i r divorces they had shared a rented townhouse i n Richmond: "The reason we rent[ed] i s that I have an ex-wife, a son and a daughter, that I support, and a l l my c a p i t a l i s ti-ed up i n the house where they're l i v i n g , so asset-wise we are reasonably w e l l -established for the future, but cash-wise i t ' s very d i f f i c u l t for us to buy a place because we don't have the downpayment". When his c h i l d r e n leave school, the house i n which they l i v e i s to be sold, at which point Martin and Meg may move from Fairview Slopes to purchase a bigger house. Ian also reported, "I would l i k e to b u i l d a house shortly, but I've got to get r i d of a wife f i r s t " . Ethnographic research i n a l o c a t i o n such as Fairview Slopes confirms the danger of imposing structured models of family l i f e c y c l e . Composition of the household i s revealed to be a highly f l e x i b l e phenomenon, as people move i n and out of d i f f e r e n t statuses thus destroying conventional categories of family l i f e . Of the 25 households comprised of a male-female couple (with or without c h i l d r e n ) , 8 had formed when one partner had moved i n with the other who was already a resident. Given the r e l a t i v e l y short time that a l l respondents had l i v e d i n t h i s area, such a f i g u r e suggests that we are pinpointing a population whose personal r e l a t i o n s h i p s are i n a high state of f l u x . It i s impossible, unfortunately, to judge quite how unusual t h i s i s — whether, f or instance, a sim i l a r sample of suburban residents would demonstrate the same kinds of h i s t o r i e s — a n d c l e a r l y these are complex factors which are not f u l l y expressed i n secondary data such as that a v a i l a b l e from the census. However, there were some features of the census data reported i n Chapter 5 (Tables 5.8 and 5.9) which i n d i c a t e how Fairview Slopes residents vary i n t h e i r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s from the population of the CM.A. and C i t y as a whole. The f l e x i b l e personal r e l a t i o n s h i p s described here further complicates the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of reasons f o r a housing move—in the case of Jim for instance who said that h i s present partner "wasn't the o r i g i n a l lady I was l i v i n g with when I was f i r s t here". The changeability i n household content i s well-represented by c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of cohabiting couples. The census does not discriminate between married and common-law partners. The only sources which might pick up on t h i s are those which l i s t names of household members. From the 1985 voters' l i s t I i d e n t i f i e d households i n which a male and a female with d i f f e r e n t surnames were l i s t e d . From the assessment r o l l s l i s t i n g property owners i n 1988 I i d e n t i f i e d owner-occupier households i n which there were j o i n t owners: apparently male and female with d i f f e r e n t surnames. Hyphenated names were not included i n t h i s count; neither were households with more than two people l i s t e d as occupants or as owners. Of course, there i s no means to f i l t e r out married couples with d i f f e r e n t surnames ( i t i s also possible that a male and a female may be l i v i n g as room-mates rather than as partners, though I came across no such examples). Possibly, the presence of married couples with d i f f e r e n t names i s i t s e l f suggestive of a non-conventional a t t i t u d e towards marriage. Of the 775 owner-occupier households i n s t r a t a - t i t l e u n its, 83 (11 percent) had j o i n t male-female owners with d i f f e r e n t names; 19 percent of owner occupiers were male-female couples with the same surname (another 17 households comprised two owner occupiers where I was unable to c l a s s i f y both partners by sex on the basis of t h e i r names). On the voters' l i s t , there were 86 households l i s t i n g one male and one female with d i f f e r e n t surnames, compared to 118 male-female couples with the same surname. The interviews d i d not probe to discover which partnerships were common-law, but such arrangements carry l i t t l e stigma for most respondents; for example, Rob started to answer a question about the future by saying, " I f I was married to somebody or l i v i n g with somebody", as i f "the two were interchangeable. A number of interviewees made reference to such r e l a t i o n s h i p s v o l u n t a r i l y . In two cases, i n d i v i d u a l s had bought homes with t h e i r common-law partners and were now l i v i n g alone (one had bought a suburban house with her boyfriend, and t h e i r break-up followed by the sale of t h e i r house p r e c i p i t a t e d her move; the other had bought the Fairview condominium with h i s g i r l f r i e n d who had subsequently l e f t ) . Another woman indica t e d that a break-up with her cohabiting boyfriend l e d her to move from t h e i r K i t s i l a n o apartment to a new tenancy i n Fairview Slopes. Of those l i v i n g as couples i n Fairview Slopes, some are undoubtedly common-law at present, whereas others have been so i n the past. The high percentage of never-married singles i n the census data may also be misleading; as Irene t o l d me: "There are a l o t of sing l e people, but a l o t of them are either divorced or who have l i v e d with people...there are a l o t of people i n t h i s area who are l i v i n g together. But there are very few who, at my age [l a t e 30s] have never been involved i n a r e l a t i o n s h i p for a length of time". One example of the very mutable nature of domestic arrangements which r e s u l t i s the case of a man who rented an apartment on the-Slopes: h i s g i r l f r i e n d , who was divorced, moved i n with him; the apartment came up for sale and they decided to buy i t ; l a t e r , they got married. Instead of a clear status passage s i g n a l l e d by a change i n residence at marriage, therefore, boundaries between d i f f e r e n t m arital statuses, and between d i f f e r e n t r e s i d e n t i a l statuses, are blurred. While semi-sharing with her boyfriend at present, one condominium owner an t i c i p a t e s that they may have to buy a bigger place: "I think [Hugh] w i l l move i n with me here, he's been with me for a couple of months, he's sub - l e t t i n g h i s own apartment....1 think that t h i s l i v i n g space here i s good for one but not for two...and I think I'd l i k e a l i t t l e b i t more space too, our st u f f i s pretty crammed upstairs now and he hasn't got much of h i s st u f f here yet". Karl's g i r l f r i e n d l i v e s nearby and (from h i s d e s c r i p t i o n of how domestic chores are c a r r i e d out) i t i s clear that they already share many such household a c t i v i t i e s . He expects they w i l l soon move i n together, i n which case they w i l l have to f i n d a larger apartment. In these two examples, l i v i n g conditions are adjusted to the state of personal r e l a t i o n s . But i n other cases, i t seems to operate the other way around, as i n the case of t h i s woman: "I've gone around with the same man now for f i v e years and we've discussed and debated whether to l i v e together or get married. F i r s t of a l l my daughter was with me, and then I wanted to l i v e on my own, and then I bought t h i s place, and now he and h i s brother are buying a house together, so we s t i l l think well maybe i n the future, but I'm quite happy with my l i f e now". In the case of 5 households, c h i l d r e n l i v i n g with other separated parents would v i s i t t h e i r parents i n Fairview on a regular b a s i s . As Roberta indicated, having that extra space to accommodate her husband's c h i l d r e n every other weekend was a consideration i n t h e i r choice of u n i t . Martin and Meg, with a small apartment, make do with a trundle bed i n the small "den". The unstable composition of households i s r e f l e c t e d a l s o i n the presence of teenage c h i l d r e n as short-term residents rather than weekend v i s i t o r s , as the following examples show. When a widowed man already l i v i n g i n Fairview Slopes remarried, h i s son moved out. The youngest son of a married couple l i v e d i n t h e i r townhouse for one year when they f i r s t moved i n . The son of a divorcee joined h i s mother and her partner for a year a f t e r they were already i n residence i n Fairview, and then he moved out again. In two cases, when male divorcees f i r s t moved to Fairview, t h e i r older c h i l d r e n came with them; one c h i l d has now l e f t and the other seems l i k e l y to do so sho r t l y . An excellent i l l u s t r a t i o n of the complexities of blended family l i f e comes from one of the male divorcees mentioned above: a f t e r h i s teenage son moved out, hi s new partner moved i n , bringing her younger c h i l d who leaves to v i s i t h i s father once a month; her older daughter v i s i t s the Fairview Slopes family once a month. In a d d i t i o n to the s h i f t i n g c o n s t e l l a t i o n s of partners and o f f s p r i n g , there were other players i n the drama of the unconventional household. One man equips h i s den with a day-bed to put up friends with broken marriages—he makes i t sound as i f t h i s i s a frequent event. With another, I t r i e d to p i n down the composition of h i s household: Ian: "I've just taken i n my l i t t l e brother who i s i n need of help, and being the responsible one i n the family I o c c a s i o n a l l y help out other s i b l i n g s . So there's...he and I r i g h t now and o c c a s i o n a l l y I have a g i r l f r i e n d come through". C: „So how many would you say were permanent residents?" Ian: "I'd say two r i g h t now. But he i s more t r a n s i t o r y than permanent. In terms of these blocks you set up, pigeon holes, he's not going to b e — w e l l I'm not going to take care of my brother for the next f i f t y years". Also, when he f i r s t moved i n t o the apartment, Ian had shared with a male f r i e n d . Another household where I interviewed comprised two male roommates. One had a job which r e g u l a r l y took him out of town, and so the arrangement worked very well. How are r e s i d e n t i a l conditions congruent with these household types which are so d i f f i c u l t to pigeon-hole? While condominiums do not o f f e r the floor-space of single-family houses, the arrangement of i n t e r i o r space can make for a reasonable degree of privacy. This i s e s p e c i a l l y the case when bedrooms have ensuite bathrooms and are separated from l i v i n g quarters or other bedrooms by a f l i g h t of s t a i r s . Often, the lowest f l o o r i n a three-storey townhouse has a bedroom and bathroom which i s i d e a l for a teenage c h i l d or a roommate. This section concludes with a b r i e f analysis of Fairview Slopes as a neighbourhood for f a m i l i e s with c h i l d r e n . At the time of interviewing, there were 8 c h i l d r e n l i v i n g i n the homes of the people interviewed: 3 under f i v e years o l d , 2 between 10 and 15, and 3 aged 16 and above. Three parents of the very young c h i l r e n were unanimous i n t h e i r evaluation of the neighbourhood as a place for r a i s i n g f a m i l i e s . One sa i d : "I don't imagine we could l i v e r i g h t i n t h i s unit f or the next ten years, because as he gets older, and e s p e c i a l l y i f we do have another c h i l d , we'll just outgrow i t . But I wouldn't want to move too far away e i t h e r " . And when I asked another i f they were expecting to move, she answered: 301 "We've considered that already a c t u a l l y , because here we're quite strapped f o r space. I t ' s one thing these buildings were never b u i l t f o r was chil d r e n and a l l the paraphenalia that goes with them". The t h i r d set of parents were already buying a home i n a more su i t a b l e neighbourhood: "I'd l i k e to see more sec u r i t y i n t h i s b u i l d i n g . I would never buy a unit l i k e t h i s . I t 's d e f i n i t e l y not conducive to f a m i l i e s . . . I don't f e e l any sense of community". I received mixed reports on the safety of the area for c h i l d r e n . One parent claimed: "the neighbourhood i s very safe....we f e e l comfortable with our ten-year-old being out and about. There's good friends...on the f l a t s , he walks down there and they come up here. Not too many ch i l d r e n around here, he doesn't have one single f r i e n d who l i v e s on Fairview Slopes. There's convenience because of the school i n False Creek". This interview took place on the roofdeck, and we watched for the son's return from a baseball game proceeding on False Creek f l a t s . Similar points were made by a single mother who explained her choice of Fairview Slopes: "Three reasons. One, i t was close to where I [was]...employed. Perhaps even more important than that i t was i n an area where my daughter could go to a good school. And, t h i r d l y , i t was safe....an area i n which I f e l t i t would be safe for my daughter...to walk on the streets, and an area f o r me where i t would be safe to walk to work because I d i d work s h i f t at the time, as safe as pos s i b l e for a woman to be walking the streets at midnight, and I f e l t t h i s would also be a safe place for my daughter to be alone at night". Less confident was a mother who moved, with her son, i n t o the home of her new husband: "I t ' s not that I'm not keen on the neighbourhood. I t ' s just that...my son was nine years o ld, and I was worried about the t r a f f i c on Sixth Avenue....Quite honestly, Fairview Slopes i s convenient and I l o v e — t h e area's r e a l l y very l i v a b l e . But o r i g i n a l l y my concerns were from a family point of view". Her husband described another aspect that caused concern about safety and sec u r i t y : "There's quite a l o t of th e f t around the area, a l o t of men who wander along back a l l e y s going through garbage cans, and i t ' s a l o t of i t , we'll have three or four d i f f e r e n t people every day....That annoys my wife very much, and I must admit I don't l i k e i t e i t h e r . We have been robbed three times". The interviews focused on residents of new condominium and townhouses. At the end of the period of study, two cooperative projects were completed and residents moved i n . In one of these, comprising s i x t y units, there are approximately f i f t y c h i l d r e n . According to a developer, because the coops are located on the margin of the area, the e f f e c t on the neighbourhood as a whole i s expected to be s l i g h t . . However, residents of an adjacent condominium have complained about noise and the presence of c h i l d r e n i n the back lane. One morning, coop residents discovered a note pinned to t h e i r doors saying ( i n the words of my informant): "Basically—welcome to Fairview Slopes, you must think yourselves p r e t t y fortunate to have landed up i n an area l i k e t h i s . WISE UP!" None of the condominium residents to whom I spoke expressed such h o s t i l e views. However, the adult-oriented nature of the area i s valued, with the density of the residences r e q u i r i n g a p a r t i c u l a r l y c a r e f u l approach to i n t e r a c t i o n with one's neighbours, as the following two quotations i n d i c a t e : "This i s n ' t a family-type block, i t ' s i n the r u l e s , only one c h i l d , i n the s t r a t a r u l e s . So that i s what appealed to us, the fa c t that i t was an adult-oriented b u i l d i n g rather than a family-type b u i l d i n g . Not that we d i s l i k e c h i l r e n , the man down the end i s divorced and has h i s kids here sometimes and that's okay. But you don't have c h i l d r e n i n the area, and that's something you'd have to think about i n a townhouse set-up l i k e Champlain Heights where our fr i e n d s l i v e . Again, i t wouldn't be our l i f e s t y l e because, well, we'd be commuting... .but apart from that, we don't r e a l l y want to be around f a m i l i e s " . "The by-laws i n t h i s development are r e s t r i c t i v e , and i t ' s not very equitable: c h i l d r e n are not p e r m i t t e d — o n l y f o r r e n t a l people, l e g a l l y you can't discriminate for them—but the by-laws say very strongly that t h i s i s an adult-oriented complex, and i n f a c t the f a m i l i e s that have bred since they l i v e d here have a l l moved out because i t ' s not s u i t a b l e for c h i l d r e n . There i s no-where to play, there are l o t s of s t a i r s , and you can see some quite expensive property [elsewhere] l i t t e r e d with children's toys outside. In a way, that's a s e l f i s h l i f e s t y l e . But i t ' s t y p i c a l of the Slopes; 303 the majority of the developments i n the Slopes are designed with an adult o r i e n t a t i o n " . The adult-centred s t y l e of l i f e i s discussed i n more d e t a i l below. 6.6 POSTINDUSTRIAL PROFESSIONALS? Near the end of the interview, I asked respondents i f they thought Fairview Slopes had a p a r t i c u l a r image. Without prompting, the great majority made reference to "yuppies" (yuppies are "young urban profes-sion a l s " , or sometimes "young upwardly-mobile p r o f e s s i o n a l s " ) . Bob, for example, exclaimed: "Yuppie heaven!...You've got to be middle income, i n general i t ' s not a place for c h i l d r e n i f they're small, so i t ' s singles and young marrieds of reasonable income". Helen sa i d : "I think the image people have of t h i s area i s one of professional people, people i n medium to upper income brackets, people who don't have c h i l d r e n , people who I guess are yuppies. Many of us are s i n g l e " . A fawning a r t i c l e i n the "Homes" section of a l o c a l magazine seems to confirm t h i s image (Ovenell-Carter 1988). This focuses on Murray (a photographer) and Love (a former model) who l i v e i n a Fairview Slopes condominium lavished with I t a l i a n f u r n i t u r e and valuable works of a r t ; they run a successful photographic and publishing business. Described as "a young couple who work together, play together, and are r i s i n g together to the top of the fashionable heap" (p. 23), Murray and Love together compose what the t i t l e of the a r t i c l e claims: "The p i c t u r e of success". While my own interviewing uncovered no-one who so b l a t a n t l y f i t t e d the yuppie image, t h i s p i c t u r e of success i s undoubtedly an important ingredient i n Fairview Slopes' current r e p u t a t i o n — a reputation from which many respondents were keen to distance themselves. Several interviewees h a s t i l y denied that the yuppie l a b e l applies to themselves: Naomi: " I t ' s got a yuppie image". Ned: "We don't think we're yuppies". Naomi: "I don't think any yuppies think they're yuppies!" I have avoided using the term "yuppie" to described g e n t r i f i e r s . Smith (1987a) mischievously employs the term as a'popular equivalent to the notion of the new middle c l a s s . That i s a connection to be r e s i s t e d , on the grounds that the f r i v o l o u s imagery t r i v i a l i z e s a phenomenon that deserves serious treatment. Moreover, the s i g n i f i c a n c e of the new cl a s s i s conveniently pared away by such an c o n f l a t i o n : t h i s Smith achieves by focusing on the supposed wealth of yuppies, and proving that there has been minimal i n f l a t i o n i n the s i z e of the upper middle income group i n the United States. Later i n h i s paper (but not before employing the yuppie model to c r i t i q u e demand-side explanations of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n ) Smith suggests that "yuppie" i s a concept conveying a misplaced t h e o r e t i c a l concreteness. I would concur that "yuppie" i s a chaotic c o n c e p t — l i k e " g e n t r i f i e r " — w h i c h obscures t h e i r production within an economic and s o c i a l s e t t i n g . Indeed, i t i s for t h i s very reason that an ethnographic method should be used to draw out the i n t e r a c t i o n of p r a c t i c e and context, rather than depending—as so many accounts (Smith's included) have done—on the over-generalized " t y p i c a l g e n t r i f i e r " . Notwithstanding the chaos of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n , however, the i d e o l o g i c a l imagery i s not i n s i g n i f i c a n t and chaotic conceptions e x i s t f o r a reason. For instance, the notion of another chaotic concept, the "urban", i s highly i n d i c a t i v e : i t c a r r i e s a world of meaning about the mutual c o n s t i t u t i o n of people and place. The appearance of the same p l a c e - l a b e l ("urban") i n a s o c i a l d e f i n i t i o n ("young urban professional") demands some r e f l e c t i o n . This i s a task taken up i n the next chapter; here, l e t us acknowledge the power of the yuppie image, and employ i t as a template for i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the s o c i a l changes r e s u l t i n g i n g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . The r e a l i s t approach to s o c i a l change suggests that the r e s t r u c t u r i n g of c l a s s r e l a t i o n s and the r e s t r u c t u r i n g of gender r e l a t i o n s are contingently r e l a t e d . Yet the appeal of the yuppie image l i e s i n i t s c o n f l a t i o n of the two. The d e s c r i p t i o n s given by the Fairview residents above are examples of t h i s c o n f l a t i o n . Themes of income and occupation are a l l i e d with notions of family and marital status. Although t h e o r e t i c a l l y clumsy, the construct has p r a c t i c a l adequacy. We have already considered some , aspects of family l i f e of Fairview Slopes residents; before p i c k i n g up t h i s thread again i n the next section, l e t us look at some i n d i c a t o r s of c l a s s p o s i t i o n for the interviewees. In the 1981 census, the senior white c o l l a r category made up 47 percent of the enumeration d i s t r i c t labour f o r c e . In the 1985 voters' l i s t , 61 percent of occupations that could be c l a s s i f i e d f e l l i n t o t h i s category (people who i d e n t i f i e d themselves with reference to some industry such as "insurance", or to a p a r t i c u l a r employer, were amongst those who could not be c l a s s i f i e d ) . The interviews c a r r i e d out with people who are on the voters' l i s t o f f e r an opportunity to confirm the accuracy of that c l a s s i f i c a t i o n . In most'cases the occupations given on the l i s t corresponded quite closed to those given by interviewees. A few people had changed t h e i r status or occupation since the l i s t was compiled. The greatest l i k e l i h o o d of m i s c l a s s i f i c a t i o n was i n the case of the "managerial, administrative and r e l a t e d occupations" census group; i n t h i s group I had placed people i d e n t i f y i n g themselves on the l i s t as businesspersons, executives and managers of a l l kinds (except o f f i c e managers); such s e l f - d e s c r i p t i o n s , however, could a l s o be given by those who are more accurately c l a s s i f i e d elsewhere, e s p e c i a l l y i n sales. Table 6.3 i l l u s t r a t e s the occupational breakdown by census categories of the 62 adults who had c l a s s i f i a b l e occupations.and were l i v i n g i n households where I conducted comprehensive interviews (8 were r e t i r e d , students or 306 TABLE 6.3 DISTRIBUTION OF OCCUPATIONS BY CENSUS CATEGORIES FOR PERSONS WITH CLASSIFIED OCCUPATIONS Adults i n interviewed households Managerial Teaching and related Medicine and Health Technological, s o c i a l , r e l i g i o u s , a r t i s t i c and related Number 14 5 8 20 Percentage 23 8 13 32 1981 census, enumeration d i s t r i c t s Percentage 16 4 11 17 1985 voters' l i s t Percentage 22 5 12 22 Senior white c o l l a r 47 76 47 61 C l e r i c a l 3 5 19 13 Sales 11 18 10 13 Services 1 2 9 5 Other white c o l l a r 15 24 38 31 Blue c o l l a r 0 0 16 9 Total 62 100 100 100 homemakers, 2 could not be c l a s s i f i e d by census categories). Three-quarters of adults i n the interviewed households appeared to be senior-white c o l l a r , a f i g u r e higher than that c a l c u l a t e d f o r the voters' l i s t (which covered remaining non-gentrified houses and o l d apartment-buildings as well as the new condominiums and apartments from which I drew my interviewees). The census categories are not equivalent to breakdowns by class d i v i s i o n such as that employed by neomarxists such as Wright. Wright (1985) and Wright and Martin (1987) employ a c l a s s i f i c a t o r y scheme which pinpoints expanding new cla s s locations, and i t proves h e l p f u l here i n i d e n t i f y i n g how interviewees fare i n terms of the productive assets they c o n t r o l . F i r s t , owners are separated from wage labourers. The remaining i n d i v i d u a l s , wage labourers, are then divided according to t h e i r p o s i t i o n with respect to s k i l l and organization assets. On the organization-asset dimension, managers make p o l i c y decisions, and are organization e x p l o i t e r s ; supervisors have marginal organization assets i n the form of authority over subordinates; non-managerial p o s i t i o n s have no organization assets. On the s k i l l - a s s e t dimension, experts have assets of s k i l l which are often i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d by cre d e n t i a l s , and these are distinguished from a marginal group of semi-c r e d e n t i a l l e d s k i l l e d employees, as well as a non - s k i l l e d group. It i s the managerial c l a s s locations and the expert c l a s s locations which have expanded most dramatically with a s h i f t to a " p o s t i n d u s t r i a l " society (Wright and Martin.1987). The data c o l l e c t e d during interviewing allows f o r only a ten t a t i v e c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of occupations i n terms of the three dimensions discussed by Wright and Martin. The f i r s t task i s to separate out, from the 64 people with occupations, those who con t r o l assets of ownership (seventeen i n t o t a l ) . Five owners are small employers with r e t a i l or service occupations. Twelve are self-employed petty bourgeois who h i r e no employees. Of t h i s l a t t e r group, f i v e represent the t r a d i t i o n a l model of the old middle c l a s s ( r e t a i l or service owners, self-employed professionals l i k e d e n t i s t s ) . Two have s k i l l s i n the a r t s and c r a f t s f i e l d . The remaining f i v e owe t h e i r p o s i t i o n to occupations which make them rather d i f f e r e n t from the conventional petty bourgeoisie, i n that they have professional c r e d e n t i a l s which have previously earned them wages as paid employees; they have chosen to e s t a b l i s h themselves as freelancers for h i r e i n consultant-type occupations. These f i v e have minimal c a p i t a l assets and ( i n the terminology of Wright's formulation) they are more s k i l l e x p l o i t e r s than they are c a p i t a l i s t e x p l o i t e r s (for example, a r c h i t e c t s ) . This anomaly a r i s e s because, i n h i s adjudication of c l a s s p o s i t i o n s , Wright makes p o s i t i o n with respect to c a p i t a l the primary basis upon which categorization i s to be c a r r i e d out. Even discounting t h i s l a t t e r group from membership i n the new c l a s s , s k i l l - b a s e d assets prove p a r t i c u l a r l y s i g n i f i c a n t i n t h i s neighborhood. Of the 64 people with occupations, I have already designated 17 as owners. Acknowledging that the remaining 47 people may hold both s k i l l and organization assets, l e t us f i r s t estimate the proportion which control l i t t l e of e i t h e r . This can be guided by occupational t i t l e and education data. Amongst those remaining to be c l a s s i f i e d , 9 seem to have few s k i l l assets of the c r e d e n t i a l l e d sort, nor managerial assets. Two of these were i n c l e r i c a l p o s i t i o n s , 7 i n sales. Setting t h i s group aside, we can focus on those with s k i l l assets. I estimate that 19 people f a l l i n t o the expert category on the basis of t h e i r occupations and t h e i r possession of a relevant u n i v e r s i t y degree. These include occupations such as physician, professor, teacher, accountant, lawyer. Eight others ( a l l women) have more ambiguous, probably s k i l l e d employee p o s i t i o n s : 5 do not have degrees (2 of these are nurses); the others have degrees but work i n occupations that do not require them. In sum, 27 people benefit p r i m a r i l y from s k i l l assets, not including 309 those who moved in t o self-employment. This leaves 11 people defined p r i m a r i l y by t h e i r organization assets, although some also hold s k i l l assets and have moved i n t o managerial p o s i t i o n s from expert occupations. About a h a l f of these were i n p r i v a t e business (for instance, banking or insurance), and the remainder were i n public and non-p r o f i t i n s t i t u t i o n s such as education or health. It i s d i f f i c u l t further to c l a s s i f y those with organization assets; at least two (describing themselves as "sales managers") might be supervisors rather than managers. The p o s t i n d u s t r i a l form of c l a s s r e l a t i o n s implies i n p a r t i c u l a r the growing s i g n i f i c a n c e of a new class of managers and experts. In sum, t h i s very rough c l a s s i f i c a t i o n by Wright's c r i t e r i a i d e n t i f i e s (at a conservative estimate) 36 out of 64 occupations as new c l a s s . Five are small employers; 17 are petty bourgeois (of which 5 c o n t r o l considerable s k i l l a s s e t s ) . Nine have neither s i g n i f i c a n t organization assets nor s u f f i c i e n t s k i l l assets to be c l a s s i f i e d as new c l a s s . Ten more have moderate s k i l l or organization assets. Acknowledging that a l l these c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s are only rough measures of c l a s s p o s i t i o n , we have a number of i n d i c a t o r s of the c l a s s p o s i t i o n of Fairview Slopes residents. In 1981, almost half of the enumeration d i s t r i c t residents with occupations had senior white c o l l a r jobs according to the census, and the 1985 voters' l i s t suggests the f i g u r e may be 60 percent. Of the 64 people i n interviewee households with jobs, three-quarters would f a l l i n t o t h i s category. And, employing Wright's c r i t e r i a conservatively, over hal f of interviewees with jobs have new c l a s s type occupations. Such fi g u r e s correspond with figures on educational l e v e l , with 43 out of 72 people i n the interviewed households having at l e a s t a u n i v e r s i t y degree (and eighteen of these are graduate-level academic or p r o f e s s i o n a l q u a l i f i c a t i o n s ) . . At t h i s point i t i s necessary to return to a consideration of how c l a s s p o s i t i o n i s experienced, and what t h i s means for the housing market. Whilst by no means equating class with income, there are important features of a new cla s s p o s i t i o n which shape a person's earnings " t r a j e c t o r y " . The income e f f e c t Smith (1987a) cons i d e r e d — t h a t wealth should be r e d i s t r i b u t i n g towards the upper centre of the income h i e r a r c h y — i s too blunt an i n d i c a t o r to capture the new cl a s s experience, e s p e c i a l l y for people i n expert p o s i t i o n s . These are commonly manifested i n cr e d e n t i a l s which require a lengthy period of formal education, during which earnings are low. Supposedly, having mastered t h e i r s k i l l s , experts w i l l l a t e r reap the f i n a n c i a l rewards of t h e i r assets which are i n i t i a l l y so c o s t l y to acquire. However, they may reach an age at which c u l t u r a l l y - e s t a b l i s h e d norms about " s e t t l i n g down" kick i n (for instance, at 30), without commanding the c a p i t a l resources accumulated by t h e i r l e s s s k i l l e d counterparts. While experts have looked forward to more s t e e p l y - r i s i n g income t r a j e c t o r i e s once t h e i r t r a i n i n g i s complete, recent economic conditions may have a l t e r e d the pattern of expectations with respect to f i n a n c i a l futures. Rose (1984) points to the e f f e c t of house p r i c e i n f l a t i o n which means that those who have postponed buying while they earn t h e i r s k i l l c r edentials are now poorly-placed to catch up with others who have already bought. Moreover, recent economic r e s t r u c t u r i n g has placed l i m i t s on the degree to which experts can be confident about t h e i r future r i s e i n earnings and t h e i r job security; as Rose suggests, many professionals may be excluded from more t r a d i t i o n a l white c o l l a r housing markets, and turn to cheaper options ( e s p e c i a l l y renovation) i n g e n t r i f i e d neighbourhoods instead. The income figures f or the 1981 census i n the enumeration d i s t r i c t s (reported i n Chapter 5) show that Fairview's incomes are generally high compared to the C i t y and the CM.A. averages. However, figures for male income e s p e c i a l l y were not dramatically d i f f e r e n t from c i t y averages. Since 1981, these f i g u r e s have probably increased, i n . part due to the growing number of empty nester households; amongst the interviewees, two-person households i n which at least one person i s aged 45 and above are most l i k e l y to f a l l i n t o the $60,000 and above income bracket. Unfortunately, data i s not a v a i l a b l e for other areas with which a useful comparison can be made. As noted e a r l i e r i n t h i s chapter, e s t a b l i s h i n g a foothold i n the property market with l i m i t e d funds was stated to be an important reason for the move of young buyers to Fairview. This was the case even for those young s i n g l e adults who had high incomes at the time of interviewing. For example, one young man who now f a l l s i n t o the top income bracket emphasized that he decided to buy (a few years previously with 100 percent financing) because he would otherwise never get i n t o an i n f l a t i n g housing market. Another young man, who earns i n the $40-60,000 bracket, also places great emphasis on the p r i c e range he could a f f o r d and the pressures he f e l t to buy i n t o the property market. Both of these men have considerable c r e d e n t i a l l e d s k i l l assets, and i n t h e i r mid 30s were moving comfortably i n t o a high earning stage. Fairview Slopes does o f f e r a package of housing goods to those who enter l a t e i n t o the market with l i m i t e d funds for a downpayment. The financing deals on o f f e r , such as zero percent down, are d i r e c t e d to those with few immediate assets but perhaps with expectations of a good income i n the future. By enjoying what approaches a "buy as you rent" a l t e r n a t i v e , young residents can enjoy conditions of ownership which d i f f e r l i t t l e from t h e i r former experience as renters (in c l u d i n g lack of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r maintenance). I n c i d e n t a l l y — t o move away from c l a s s b r i e f l y — t h e s e kinds of arrangements a l s o proved relevant to at l e a s t two households i n which there l i v e d divorced men whose current f i n a n c i a l status i s determined by maintenance payments to c h i l d r e n , and who are now re-entering the housing market at the bottom of the property ladder. Whilst such buyers are not exactly what Rose had i n mind when she depicted the "marginal g e n t r i f i e r " , there i s some p a r a l l e l i n terms of the l i m i t e d access enjoyed by the younger Fairview Slopes g e n t r i f i e r s to other a t t r a c t i v e parts of the housing market i n Vancouver C i t y . Less confirmation i s found for the second ha l f of Rose's argument. Few respondents expressed anxiety about future earnings, the exceptions being i n the context of r e t i r i n g and i n those cases where interviewees were contemplating or embarked upon a de l i b e r a t e change i n career d i r e c t i o n . The dominant impression from most owners was that they had achieved, or were achieving, a s e t t l e d point i n t h e i r careers. Thus, despite the presence of some who chose Fairview because i t was the only (West Side) buying option a v a i l a b l e to them, i t i s clear that many residents view inner c i t y l i v i n g as a preferred d e s t i n a t i o n rather than a temporary way-station. Ned i s one of those who eventually wants to move on to a sing l e family house, and he compares h i s s i t u a t i o n to that of h i s neighbours: "In our parking l o t , there are six Mercedes!...In some ways i t surprises me the kind of people [who l i v e here] because we're here because we can't a f f o r d a house, i f we had another $30,000 for a BMW we would buy a house i n K i t s i l a n o with the money". My conversation with Ned drew out two sets of considerations which i n t e r a c t with c l a s s p o s i t i o n to produce "committed g e n t r i f i e r s " . One aspect of t h i s i s gender r e l a t i o n s , to which I return l a t e r . The other i s manifest i n consumption s t y l e . Ned suggested to me that some people are att r a c t e d to Fairview Slopes as a permanent home because of the status associated with a p a r t i c u l a r consumption s t y l e . Talking about the option of buying a home i n another area of the c i t y , he speculates on the thought processes of h i s neighbours: "The status of the people i n that area Wouldn't be as high, whereas i f you're i n a place on Fairview Slopes, people a l l of a sudden [think], well, you d r i v e a BMW.and you must be a high f l y e r " . Dennis thinks Fairview has a reputation as a " j e t - s e t area....You can t e l l by the cars!" Tom expands upon the consumption package of trendy townhouse and fl a s h y car: "The image that I think people have of t h i s area i s that i t ' s chock-a-block f u l l of yuppies. BMWs, the good l i f e , have people over f o r dinner and s t i c k i n your ingredients from "The Lazy Gourmet" [a catering store] down on G r a n v i l l e Island, and out pops the f r e s h oysters! That's the image I perceive people to have, and when I moved i n six years ago I would say that was a p r e t t y reasonable impression. For example, downstairs i n our parking garage there would be a Lotus E c l a t , a couple of Jaguars, a couple of Mercedes...and you f e l t you were l i v i n g with the 'upwardly mobile"'. Despite the consistency of these conclusions drawn from the styles of cars parked i n communal garages, only a minority of interviewees came close to "the yuppie stereotype i n terms of consumption s t y l e . One of these, Gordon, spoke of spending h i s money: " f r i v o l o u s l y . . . f o o l i s h l y , I spend i t just on indulgences generally, not things of substance. So I eat well, I can spend a l o t of money out i n restaurants....And I l i k e things, I l i k e things l i k e f a s t cars. I know i t sounds c l i c h e d ! " E r i c also admits: "I spend i t profusely. I don't save a helluva l o t . I don't r e a l l y have a need to save a l o t of money, I don't have the worry that I'm going to be poor or d e s t i t u t e at any time i n the future". What does E r i c buy? " E l e c t r o n i c s , f u r n i t u r e , Cars, junkfood, c l o t h i n g , you name i t ! I t r a v e l too". In f a c t , regular foreign t r a v e l was probably the most common consumption luxury mentioned by respondents. But with respect to his own l i f e s t y l e , E r i c a l s o p r o t e s t s : "As long as you don't say yuppie, that's such an offensive term. I get bugged by a l l my friends for being t h e i r t o t a l yuppie f r i e n d " . Yuppie i s not only an of f e n s i v e term i n s o c i a l c i r c l e s . It i s also o f f e n s i v e i n the scholarly f i e l d , when employed at one and the same time to suggest the s u p e r f i c i a l i t y of the people thus l a b e l l e d , and the s u p e r f i c i a l i t y of analysis which p o s i t s " s t y l e " as an explanatory category. We s h a l l explore t h i s i n the following chapters. Here, however, we s h a l l focus on the notion proposed by Rose—that g e n t r i f i c a t i o n r e l a t e s to the presence of need amongst c e r t a i n groups—while acknowledging that t h i s admits a range of needs somewhat broader than that which she had i n mind. There i s no necessary r e l a t i o n s h i p between c l a s s p o s i t i o n and consumption s t y l e ; to be new cl a s s i s not to be yuppie. But there are c e r t a i n features of the new class p o s i t i o n which prepare t h e i r way for a c e r t a i n s t y l e of consumption—the delayed entry to the housing market, for instance. If housing choice i s an outcome of negotiation over what i s a workable s t y l e of l i f e , then we should consider how demands of the occupation a r t i c u l a t e with features of the so-called "private sphere". As indicated i n section 6.3, interviewees emphasized the need to achieve a sense of balance i n t h e i r l i v e s , i n which s t r i v i n g for career success d i d not preclude enjoyment of personal r e l a t i o n s and l e i s u r e time. However, a t t a i n i n g such a state may require some c y c l i n g of r o l e s and an ordering of p r i o r i t i e s over time; for example, by dedicating oneself to career i n i t i a l l y , the groundwork i s l a i d for a s t y l e of l i f e i n mid-adulthood i n which career can take a le s s prominent place. Even for the fortunate young couple lauded by Ovenell-Carter i n her magazine a r t i c l e : "The r i c h l y comfortable home l i f e Murray and Love created for themselves i s b u i l t on a foundation of stress and sweat" (Ovenell-Carter 1988:24). When compared to other s o c i a l groups, the concerns of young experts and managers to assemble a s o c i a l and p h y s i c a l s e t t i n g f or carrying out t h e i r projects may seem t r i v i a l . In the long run they may be ( i n Wright's terms) net e x p l o i t e r s ; but they are not unambiguously so, for most are wage earners, and (depending on the l o c a l context of market cycles) they may have missed the opportunity to c a p i t a l i z e on the gains won by others i n the same age cohort who invested e a r l i e r i n the property market. It i s useful to consider class position in developmental terms, as a trajectory rather than a pigeon-hole. When studying young gentrifiers, we intersect these trajectories often at a point soon after their major metamorphosis from student to "full-blown" new class position. The people discussed below (most of whom are new class) are embarked on careers with a developmental quality. From the interviews, we discover that the choice of an inner ci t y condominium provides a material basis which eases the attainment of l i f e projects. While scrambling to consolidate a career, the location and convenience of a condo can be crucial. Eric, for example, described the gruelling schedule of work he had adopted when building up his business: "I'm f i n a l l y to a point now where I can switch off...but i t used to be total commitment, every day and every hour"; (Eric i s a small employer, though he is also dedicated to a demanding managerial role). Section 6 . 3 quoted various residents who f e l t a townhouse was important for freeing-up time, not only for the demands they chose to place upon themselves with respect to work, but also for enabling them to enjoy the leisure time they f e l t they had now earned. Linda, for instance, referred to how hard she and her husband worked, and hence their preference for "trouble-free l i v i n g " . Stephanie and Simon had previously owned a single-family house, but found the condominium much more "manageable", in terms of "us getting the leisure time and the work time that we want". Gordon referred to the advantages of a close location to work when i t comes to putting in extra hours in the evening or at the weekend. Townhouse gentrification allows a person to engage f u l l y in work and leisure activities focused in the city;, i t i s a base from which to operate. The youngest interviewees were currently most committed to reaching career goals, so much so that, in some cases, they found their work and non-work existences closely intertwined. Tom and Terry f e l t this most strongly: 316 "They a l l meld i n t o one homogeneous kind of existence, so the separations between work and home are very slim.... ....Our e n t i r e structure r i g h t now i s goal- and work- oriented, nothing to do with—anything else i s a luxury, a time out, both of us are d i r e c t e d towards career goals and ambitions r i g h t now". I n t e r e s t i n g l y , although he has owned a house before, Tom has chosen to rent rather than own, which means he has even less r e s p o n s i b i l i t y than owning a condominium. Moreover, since both of them have started t h e i r own businesses r e c e n t l y (based upon previously-acquired professional s k i l l s ) , t h e i r income has f l u c t u a t e d quite considerably: "Right now we're r e a l l y heavy on security, we have money i n the bank and we're anxious not to spend i t . We have a holiday planned... that's an expense we w i l l put out f o r . But we're keen to save, invest, earn. That's a d i r e c t r e s u l t of lack of security i n s t a r t i n g our own businesses". Tom's comment on t h e i r planned vacation i s informative. While s a c r i f i c e s are made i n other areas, some l e i s u r e a c t i v i t i e s are perceived to be e s s e n t i a l , i n an instrumental fashion. T e r r i , f o r instance, says, "I go to f i t n e s s c l a s s three times a week so that I can work harder". Another woman t o l d me that her extreme commitment to work had led to a breakup with her boyfriend. now she aims for more of a balance: " I t ' s r e a l l y important to get away, and i t makes working that much more worthwhile i f you take o f f at weekends and then come back fresh to get back at i t . . . . I d e f i n i t e l y work hard at what I do, I put i n a l o t of extra time, but I r e a l i z e that I have to work hard when I work and play hard when I play". Asked about the d i s t i n c t i o n between her l e i s u r e l i f e and her sales work for a t r a v e l agency, she r e p l i e s : "They do merge a l i t t l e . . . . L i k e i f I'm out s o c i a l i z i n g somewhere and I'm chatting to somebody i t usually comes out what you do, and i f somebody says they t r a v e l to Hong Kong a l l the time then...I'11 c e r t a i n l y do a follow-up with them back i n working hours....Same as i f I'm out on making sales c a l l s and I'm t a l k i n g to somebody about business and we happen to get onto...skiing, boating or whatever, I t r y to blend the two together, and I think that works well i n a work atmosphere as well, i t gives you c r e d i b i l i t y because people...tend to warm up more to people who have si m i l a r i n t e r e s t s " . 317 ' A very s i m i l a r comment came from another woman: "When people ask me what I do... I say I'm a designer...and they mention offhand that t h e i r o f f i c e s are thinking of moving. So I can bring p o t e n t i a l leads and p o s s i b l y secure a prospective c l i e n t for our f i r m . . . . I t ' s r e a l l y quite uncanny the leads that one can get, from going up a c h a i r l i f t at Whistler, or one was at my health club...so i t ' s fun, you're excited by what you do, and i t encourages other people, they l i k e to see some enthusiasm". Work can be a source of pleasure, a dimension of s e l f - f u l f i l l m e n t . As the young couple featured i n the magazine a r t i c l e declared: "Work i s not a d i r t y word for us l i k e i t i s for some people....We have fun at work. We f i n d i t very i n t e r e s t i n g and stimulating" (Ovenell-Carter 1988:23). And the realms can merge to the degree that one designer t o l d me she fi n d s herself even arranging the contents of her r e f r i g e r a t o r i n an a r t i s t i c manner. This merging was emphasized l a r g e l y by the younger interviewees. In some cases, however, another valuable aspect of townhouse l i v i n g was hi g h l i g h t e d : that of the refuge. The inner c i t y condominium makes i t easy to withdraw from the encompassing swirl of high-pressure work and frenzied l e i s u r e a c t i v i t i e s without the s t r a i n of commuting. Even the "magazine couple" define t h e i r home as a r e t r e a t , a place to detach themselves from t h e i r demanding careers. As Ian says of his home: "I have a very busy p r a c t i c e and I need a place I can c a l l a refuge, and I can s i t up there and f e e l comfortable with that. And [I have] a tremendous amount of privacy". Jim f e e l s that, "I need a l i v i n g s t y l e that would guarantee a f a i r l y high degree of anonymity". Dennis i d e n t i f i e d a major advantage of h i s p a r t i c u l a r townhouse to be i t s lack of party walls, which gave him extra privacy and quiet. This quest for privacy p a r t i c u l a r l y important to people who worked i n a s t r e s s f u l department of the h o s p i t a l . One says: "Work l i f e i s a very high stress and intensive job, and I t r y not to l i v e the re s t of my l i f e l i k e t h a t . . . . I t ' s a question of s u r v i v a l " . While s t y l e of l i f e i s not determined by cla s s p o s i t i o n , there are 318 c e r t a i n aspects of new c l a s s jobs with which a p a r t i c u l a r s t y l e of l i f e has s p e c i a l a f f i n i t y ; hence the popular tendency to conflate the two i n the yuppie stereotype. A pattern of coping has emerged, i n which work and the "consumption l i f e s t y l e " sustain one-another. Such a pattern establishes a new code of conduct, a "play hard, work hard" e t h i c to paraphrase one interviewee. Playing hard (for example, T e r r i ' s f i t n e s s class) girds one's l o i n s (almost l i t e r a l l y ! ) for the stress and sweat of constructing a career. And i n return, t h i s permits indulgence i n play. While I would stress that the "magazine couple" are an extreme case, I s h a l l mischievously borrow them as an archetype. Murray says: "If you r e a l l y want something, there's absolutely nothing, nothing, that can stop you from getting i t . . . . ....1've...found the same thing with l i f e s t y l e — w i t h a house, a car, a piece of f u r n i t u r e . I've always found that even i f the p r i c e - t a g was higher than I thought was r e a l i s t i c at the time, I've said, 'well, just go out and get i t . Work hard for i t . Make i t happen'" (Ovene11-Carter 1988:23-4). 6.7 POSTPATRIARCHAL HOUSEHOLDS? While a d i s t i n c t i v e c l a s s p o s i t i o n and o r i e n t a t i o n to l e i s u r e i s part of the story of g e n t r i f i e r s , not a l l members of the new c l a s s l i v e i n the inner c i t y . In order to explain the material basis for g e n t r i f i c a t i o n requires another mediation, that pe r t a i n i n g to gender r e l a t i o n s . Part of the p r i c e -tag f o r career and l e i s u r e may l i e i n the realm of domestic l i f e , as Hester i n d i c a t e s : "I think i t ' s the biggest waste of time to [commute] for an hour one way and back. Many people do i t , but that's the compromise they've made i n order to have...a family....In a few years from now [I] might enjoy staying at home, but I l i k e to keep busy and meet people and just do other things". The ethnographic approach h i g h l i g h t s how long-term projects and the paths of everyday l i f e are constructed by negotiating the i n t e r f a c e of so-called "public" and "private" realms. Hester's comment indicates that she i s very conscious of the trade-offs between a l t e r n a t i v e styles of l i f e , p a r t i c u l a r l y between family- and non-family-oriented p u r s u i t s . The discussion on the f l e x i b l e family showed how d i f f i c u l t i t can be to pigeon-hole people and households (section 6.5). It i s not so much i n terms of s t r i c t "marital status" that Fairview Slopes g e n t r i f i e r s seem to be s t a t i s t i c a l l y d i s t i n c t i v e : rather, i t i s i n terms of t h e i r approach to choices of l i v i n g arrangements. The 1981 census indicated that 55 percent of households i n the enumeration d i s t r i c t s comprised one person; i n 1986 the f i g u r e was 47 percent. This i s high compared to the c i t y as a whole, e s p e c i a l l y i n comparison to other neighbourhoods with r e l a t i v e l y high socioeconomic status. Of the 45 households interviewed, 16 were e s s e n t i a l l y one person households, though the temporary movement of people i n and out of the home makes t h i s a fuzzy category too. About half of these one person households interviewed are women. E a r l i e r we noted how Fairview i s proving a t t r a c t i v e to s i n g l e women buyers. Some evidence came from interviewees who talked about other people they knew i n the area. One mentioned three friends of h i s wife: "Karen's friends moved here a f t e r they v i s i t e d us, they sort of l i k e d the l i f e s t y l e . For si n g l e l a d i e s . . . i t was hard to f i n d a nice place; the West End, K i t s , and here were r e a l l y the choices, and they didn't r e a l l y consider here u n t i l they came over to v i s i t us and they looked around and found i t wasn't as p r i c e y as they had thought i t was". Another respondent noted that her s i s t e r had also decided to buy on the Slopes having seen, during v i s i t s , how pleasant i t could be. The feminization of the g e n t r i f i e d inner c i t y i s l a r g e l y a by-product of the entry of increasing numbers of women i n t o new class occupations which gives them access to s u f f i c i e n t incomes to buy t h e i r own homes ( i n areas where houseing costs are r e l a t i v e l y p r i c e y — s e e Table 5 . 1 0 — e s p e c i a l l y i n comparison to the si z e of u n i t s ) , while at the same time making i t more l i k e l y that they w i l l marry l a t e . Buying t h e i r own home i n some cases was i n d i c a t i v e of a passage i n s e l f - i d e n t i t y from the " t r a n s i t i o n a l " s i n g l e to the "stable" s i n g l e . One issue which appears to be s i g n i f i c a n t to these women (which we have touched upon before) i s that of safety. L e i l a , f o r example, explained why she wanted a townhouse: "I'm sing l e and I can't waste the time maintaining a home....With a house you have ...maintenance, and you also have the problem of security because you're on your own". Most interviewees f e l t the area was r e l a t i v e l y quite safe. Since Fairview i s within walking distance of so many amenities, there are commonly a good many people i n the streets during the summer evenings (though street l i g h t i n g could be improved). Bus stops are within two block's walk, and parking garages are secured. Security i s a s e l l i n g - p o i n t for women which developers are just beginning to recognize; when I was inspecting a new project which employed the conventional " c o r r i d o r " system rather than separate entrances to each unit, the salesperson claimed t h i s was an a t t r a c t i o n to her female c l i e n t s . While I l i v e d i n the neighbourhood, I was not made aware of any s p e c i f i c presence of crime, other than some reports on drug dealing from the interviewees, There has been an unsubstantiated report (Reid 1988) that p r o s t i t u t e s are "moving i n " to the area, but t h i s seems to have a f f e c t e d the eastern portion of the d i s t r i c t , o f f the Slopes themselves e n t i r e l y . One interviewee mentioned seeing a p r o s t i t u t e standing on a corner, but he and I both judge t h i s to be an exceptional occurrence. Some marketing has been s p e c i f i c a l l y targeted at female buyers. From the 1988 l i s t i n g s of property ownership c o l l e c t e d by the B.C. Assessment Authority, 775 out of 1413 s t r a t a t i t l e u n its i n the neighbourhood were owner occupied; I c l a s s i f i e d these owners by sex on the basis of t h e i r names. T h i r t y percent l i s t j o i n t ownership between a male and a female, 28 percent l i s t ownership by a male, and 31 percent l i s t ownership by a female (11 percent could not be c l a s s i f i e d on the basis of name). The proportions of lone female buyers are p a r t i c u l a r l y high i n some of the newer large projects (unit s i z e has tended to f a l l over time so as to capture less a f f l u e n t buyers—such as single women). For example, i n a project completed i n 1986, of 33 owner-occupied units, 8 were owned by couples, 7 by males and 17 by females (one u n c l a s s i f i e d ) ; i n another completed the same year, of 29 unit owner-occupiers, 4 were couples, 7 were men, and 14 were female (one of whom was the project a r c h i t e c t ) . A project completed i n 1987 contained 39 owner-occupied units comprising 11 couples, 6 males and 12 females. Of the newest owner-occupied units, probably about a t h i r d s e l l to women alone and a quarter to men alone. These findings must be q u a l i f i e d by the p o s s i b i l i t y that, i n some cases of male-female couples (for instance when men are business-owners), the home may be placed i n the name of the female partner to protect him i n cases of business l i a b i l i t y . Switching to an analysis of a l l residents (including tenants) of the (post-1970) buildings, of the 308 people on the voters' l i s t s who appear to comprise single adult households, 53 percent are i d e n t i f i e d as females, compared to 45 percent males. In accounting for g e n t r i f i c a t i o n , Beauregard (1986) points to the postponement of marriage—hand i n hand with a career o r i e n t a t i o n — a s f a c i l i t a t i n g a p a r t i c u l a r form of consumption. With t h i s , he claims, comes the necessity for unmarried people to frequent places where other singles congregate i n order to make friends and meet partners. These s o c i a l opportunities being most densely concentrated i n the c e n t r a l c i t y , g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i s an a t t r a c t i v e option. Hester's comment at the conclusion to section 6.6 emphasizes t h i s dimension of her l i f e . Helen also praised the s o c i a l opportunities; West Vancouver, where she had previously l i v e d with her boyfriend, was "not a sing l e s ' environment at a l l " ; following t h e i r 322 separation she: "thoroughly enjoyed being a single person i n Vancouver, I found i t very e x c i t i n g . . . I had a vast c i r c l e of friends and f i n a l l y . . . I started seeing more of one fellow who I've been dating ever since". Helen and her f r i e n d s enjoy the f a c i l i t i e s of the c i t y core; for example, on a t y p i c a l Saturday, she and her boyfriend "would have breakfast out...[then] I'd be meeting my friends for a cappuccino or a lunch". Those of her friends from work who l i v e i n suburbia: "started kidding me about being a yuppie and a l l trendy and being i n the c i t y and 'you're just a si n g l e swinger'...I think they were se c r e t l y envious....I l i k e to keep ac t i v e , I'm always planning things, I have a d i f f i c u l t time f i t t i n g everybody i n t o my schedule sometimes. But, for now, i t ' s r e a l l y me, and I thought I would r e a l l y enjoy West Van, but when I moved over there I r e a l i z e d how i s o l a t e d I was". How do these women who are c u r r e n t l y l i v i n g alone evaluate the more conventional family-oriented s t y l e of l i f e ? One said, "Marriage and motherhood have never held too much i n t e r e s t for me. I've always enjoyed s o c i a l i z i n g and people and sports; and those and marriage don't always agree". Two others, aged about 40 years o l d , were not so adamant that they would n e c e s s a r i l y have chosen not to have a family. One said, "I'm not married at t h i s stage, so I don't think there's much chance of my having a family. I might [have] at one point had I got married". Three others seem to be c u r r e n t l y pondering that opportunity. Rose says: "Actually, I'm deciding at t h i s point about whether to get married and have a family or concentrate on career. I'm confused at the moment, I f e e l I have to make a choice. At the moment I'm leaning towards going back to school, developing my career, I f i n d i t rewarding...1 l i k e my l i f e s t y l e the way i t i s " . Helen expects a change very soon to a marital-type r e l a t i o n s h i p , and she i s not r u l i n g c h i l d r e n out of the p i c t u r e , though i t i s not something she i s p a r t i c u l a r l y planning f o r . . Being one of the youngest interviewees, Hester does see r a i s i n g a family as a goal of her l i f e : "I think that within f i v e years I a n t i c i p a t e meeting someone, being married"; she i s fortunate i n that 323 her occupation i s f l e x i b l e enough for her to continue her career i f she does have c h i l d r e n . In the ea r l y stages of career-building, however, not having a family can be an advantage, for men as well as women. A teacher explains: "I devote quite a l o t of time and energy at school I've done some things t h i s year that have r e a l l y taken a l o t of time that I don't think could have been that well done i f I'd had family commitments....1 think I can do more things with my [school] kids on the spur of the moment, I can plan f i e l d t r i p s , I can spend extra time at school, and not worry about getting home for a commitment". And E r i c a l s o finds that, " i n my occupation, when i t ' s e n t i r e l y intense and very sort of nerve-racking on me, i t ' s a l i t t l e hard to have a r e l a t i o n s h i p " . C h i l d l e s s couples may experience the same stresses, as Stephanie i n d i c a t e s : " I t i s very d i f f i c u l t for a woman to maintain a business career and be a mother at the same time—.We may remain as a two adult working household, but we may also at some point i n time have c h i l d r e n " . Two young men also perceive marriage and family to be a d i s t a n t p o s s i b i l i t y : "I don't know that I'm a l l that excited about having kids r i g h t now! I honestly don't see myself ge t t i n g married i n the next f i v e years". "Children? That's tough. I don't at t h i s point f e e l prepared or capable of looking a f t e r c h i l d r e n . Or w i l l i n g . Five years, not too l i k e l y . Ten years, maybe. I would l i k e to have c h i l d r e n at some point i n my l i f e , but I'd have to have a l o t of time". There i s an i n t e r e s t i n g p a r a l l e l i n the second quotation with the s i t u a t i o n of those who plan to buy a single family house—once they have time to maintain i t . Ian wants to focus on h i s career at present, but when he buys a house, "as t e r r o r i s t i c as t h i s might sound, I al s o want some c h i l d r e n " . S i m i l a r l y , Gordon jokes about the p o s s i b i l i t y of having a c h i l d r e n as i f they were consumption items l i k e the fa s t cars he loves: Gordon: "I'd l i k e to ' f a l l i n love' and f i n d somebody one wanted to have as a partner....Whether I'm capable of doing that, I'm getting too set i n my ways, i s a whole other issue....I would say that there was at least a t h i r t y percent chance...." C: "What about kids?" 324 Gordon: "Hard to say. I'm very set i n my ways....I think I'd l i k e to have c h i l d r e n . The woman I've been going out with l a t e l y i s 4 4 , she's got a 12 year o l d k i d . . . I f I stayed with her there's obviously no ch i l d r e n for me except used ones. But i t ' s not a motivating force for me as i t i s for some people". When he t a l k s about being set i n h i s ways, Gordon i s r e f e r r i n g to a student s t y l e of l i v i n g which has c a r r i e d over from his p r o f e s s i o n a l t r a i n i n g : "I've never t r u l y broken away from the graduate student l i f e . The only thing I've learned to deal with i s the g u i l t ! " Of course, family l i f e i s not always anticipated, as the mother of a baby implies: C: "Were there only the two of you when you f i r s t moved here—you and your husband?" G i l l : "Yes, and not expecting any more! It seemed l i k e the i d e a l place for us c i t y dweller types...we didn't think we were going to have c h i l d r e n " . C: "So you weren't planning on having a family?" G i l l : "Well, i t ' s something we thought we might do eventually. But when we had the baby we were both s t i l l thinking very much of careers and t r y i n g to get ahead and getting ourselves, w e l l -established". Though i t d i d not work out as planned, t h i s response points to the connection between reproductive behaviour and career ambitions or other l i f e s t y l e considerations. The opportunity cost of having c h i l d r e n i s described.by Mike: "We don't have any c h i l d r e n . It goes with the t e r r i t o r y , i f you've got two people i n the family who work. Children are c e r t a i n l y a f i n a n c i a l drain, and what you don't spend on the c h i l d r e n becomes disposable income". For these reasons, other interviewees were keen to preserve t h e i r current l i f e s t y l e . In response to a question about c h i l d r e n , Penny r e p l i e d , "We don't have any childr e n , and I don't plan on having any chi l d r e n ; I chose not to". A l i s o n said: "I think at t h i s point i n time, probably not". Once again, the Murray-Love partnership described i n the magazine a r t i c l e (Ovenell-Carter 1988) provide an example notable f o r i t s extremity; being c h i l d l e s s , they l a v i s h a t t e n t i o n on t h e i r two Shar-Pei dogs; having been convinced by Love that the two dogs "wouldn't cramp t h e i r s t y l e " , Murray now "fusses over them l i k e a proud father, explaining t h e i r p e r s o n a l i t i e s , t h e i r s i b l i n g r i v a l r y " ; Love says "'The dogs r e a l l y are our kids i n a l o t of ways'". Most t e l l i n g as an i n d i c a t i o n of the connection between g e n t r i f i c a t i o n and reproductive choice i s the case of a couple whose housing h i s t o r y i s the reverse to that assumed by Berry i n h i s supply-side account. Kevin and Karen had o r i g i n a l l y bought a house i n a suburban area because i t was more affordable than i n Vancouver C i t y i t s e l f . Having l i v e d there for f i v e years: "we reviewed our l i f e s t y l e s and decided that i t was very u n l i k e l y that we were going to have c h i l d r e n , so i t seemed kind of p o i n t l e s s to have t h i s very large property on a very large l o t out there, and thought we'd l i k e to t r y i t i n t h i s neighbourhood". Up u n t i l then, Kevin had enjoyed a f a i r l y conventional l i f e s t y l e . The process of change to being a c h i l d l e s s inner c i t y couple i s worth following i n some d e t a i l : "I was the stereotype...When I graduated from High School I had a steady job and found a steady g i r l f r i e n d and we got married and then we were sort of saving towards a house, and ge t t i n g very close to i t , and then the immediate next step was to have c h i l d r e n — i t ' s just the way things are done. And i t was a very rude awakening when my wife said, no, she was too young for that...and that was a t o t a l shock, I had to s i t back and think about i t for a while, and we agreed to wait a few years. And as those years went on, the more my l i f e s t y l e changed, then I f i n a l l y had to s i t back and say I didn't r e a l l y want c h i l d r e n at the time, i t was just the thing to do, what I perceived the thing to do and what my friends were doing. And ever since then, well to me i t was the r i g h t d e c i s i o n to make, and I don't want a family now, and I'm p r e t t y sure I'm speaking for Karen too". It i s d i f f i c u l t to imagine a case study that more accurately portrays the stages by which couples enter the permanently c h i l d l e s s state, as discussed by Veevers (1980). Such couples postpone having c h i l d r e n , f i r s t of a l l for a d e f i n i t e time (while educational or f i n a n c i a l goals are achieved, for instance). As these goals seem to come within reach, parenting i s postponed for a more i n d e f i n i t e time. Gradually the couple acknowledge that they may be permanently c h i l d l e s s , thought they s t i l l postpone making a d e f i n i t e d e c i s i o n . F i n a l l y there i s an acceptance of childlessness as they conclude that i t w i l l be a permanent state. Karen and Kevin have reached that l a s t stage. Other interviewees described above are pos s i b l y moving through the ear l y stages of t h i s t y p i c a l sequence. Conditions of family l i f e and of r e s i d e n t i a l s i t u a t i o n both r e f l e c t and enable a p a r t i c u l a r form of domestic l i f e , one i n which r o l e - s p e c i a l i z a t i o n i s p a r t i c u l a r l y weak. Most younger women who were interviewed placed stress on pursuing t h e i r own career goals. The dual-career may be c r u c i a l to g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . We noted e a r l i e r how access to two workplaces was a desira b l e feature of l i v i n g i n Fairview Slopes. In the American context, i t has been argued that the fat e . of the inner c i t y l i e s i n the hands of two-income pr o f e s s i o n a l households, the only ones that can a f f o r d to l i v e i n expensive inner c i t y condominiums (Ginzberg 1978, Markusen 1980). The s i t u a t i o n i s a l i t t l e d i f f e r e n t i n Canada, e s p e c i a l l y with the inc r e a s i n g l y s i g n i f i c a n t r o l e played by older adults. However, even with the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r " r e v i t a l i z i n g " spread over a broader base i n Canada, we can expect the inner c i t y to remain an a t t r a c t i v e option for dual-career households with p r o f e s s i o n a l and managerial types of occupations which are concentrated i n the ce n t r a l c i t y . Conversely, most two adult households w i l l s t i l l have to earn two incomes i f they wish to l i v e i n ce n t r a l neighbourhoods and i n housing appropriate to t h e i r household s i z e . For instance, Len's wife can not a f f o r d to become a f u l l - t i m e mother: "To l i v e i n Vancouver I don't think that's p o s s i b l e . If we want to l i v e where we want to l i v e , s h e ' l l have to work f u l l time. She d e f i n i t e l y w i l l go back to work unless we move well out of the c i t y " . Despite the way Len explains t h i s , most of the younger women a c t u a l l y d e s i r e to remain a c t i v e i n t h e i r professions for reasons of s e l f - f u l f i l l m e n t . This has important consequences for r e l a t i o n s within the household. The analysis of class p o s i t i o n i n the previous section dealt with residents as atomistic i n d i v i d u a l s . How does t h i s t r a n s l a t e i n t o household c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s ? The feminist c r i t i q u e of urban geography has deplored the use of the household as the basic unit upon which analyses of clas s are b u i l t . Such a t r a d i t i o n a l approach makes c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of "household head" the d e f i n i n g q u a l i t y of the household as a whole, hence ignoring within-household v a r i a t i o n s . Of the 45 households interviewed, 25 comprise male/female couples (with or without c h i l d r e n ) . In one of these, both members had r e t i r e d , and i n a further 2 the woman was defined as a homemaker or a r e t i r e e . In 4 households the woman was curr e n t l y a student. In 6 cases the woman worked part time (2 were mothers of small c h i l d r e n ) . In the remaining 12 cases, both partners were employed f u l l time. Four of these couples were comprised of two people with petty bourgeois/self-employed positions., defined by Wright's c l a s s i f i c a t i o n . Only two couples had no new cl a s s type occupations, and i n three cases both partners had new cl a s s p o s i t i o n s . Taking i n t o account part time occupations as well as the l i k e l y future occupations of students, at le a s t two other dual-new c l a s s households can be i d e n t i f i e d . The dual-career partnership i s one i n which both members have careers, that i s , job sequences r e q u i r i n g a high degree of commitment and having a developmental character (Rapoport and Rapoport 1976); " t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p i s grounded i n and shaped by t h e i r two careers. They achieve status through the combined work r o l e s of both partners" (Hall and H a l l 1979:10). The l i t e r a t u r e on dual-career partnerships has been based upon couples where both partners t y p i c a l l y have careers of a new-class type ( i n v o l v i n g a honing of pr o f e s s i o n a l s k i l l s and a movement up the organization hierarchy), or where they are self-employed with businesses b u i l t upon a si m i l a r background (for 328 example, a r c h i t e c t s ) . Both partners are offered an opportunity f o r f u l f i l l m e n t outside the home and the family ( G r e i f f and Munter 1980). This I found to be the assumption of some interviewees. E r i c a , f o r instance, talked of t h e i r motivation for moving to the inner c i t y : "The only thing I can say about that are that we were a two-career family and I f u l l y intended to continue a career". In response to my question about whether they had always planned to have a dual-career arrangement, Stephanie and Simon agreed that "we've always intended to be dual-career". Some studies (Paloma and Garland 1971; H a l l and H a l l 1979) have found that couples of t h i s type started t h e i r marriages together performing rather more conventional r o l e s . This does not seem to have been the case here, perhaps i n d i c a t i v e of a fundamental change i n young people's expectations of marriage. Research on dual-career couples has i d e n t i f i e d s i g n i f i c a n t costs and benefits of such r e l a t i o n s h i p . Costs are a matter of s t r a i n and tension, as two careers plus a realm of "private" l i f e compete f o r at t e n t i o n . Many studies have focused upon couples with c h i l d r e n , and i d e n t i f i e d issues of parenting as a major source of s t r e s s . This s i t u a t i o n i s less s i g n i f i c a n t for interviewees; however, even i f they have not gone i n for procreation, stress a l s o comes from the co-creation of very demanding careers, and some of the coping mechanisms described for parents can be adopted by those who are not. Malmaud (1984) mentions a number of such st r a t e g i e s , i n c l u d i n g the willingness to compromise, the lowering of expectations, and the reducing of workhours. Rapoport and Rapoport r e f e r to one measure of coping as the emphasis on hard work to create time for l e i s u r e . In the previous section we considered the case of Tom and T e r r i , who i l l u s t r a t e t h i s quite w e l l . Though they are cu r r e n t l y l i v i n g an exhausting schedule that involves working i n the evenings and one day each weekend, "What we t r y to do i s take one day a week, and we t r y to have the 329 old p r o t o t y p i c a l 'quality time' when we make and adventure out of the day, so we'll t r y to do something crazy and stupid for one day!" One means of adjusting the demands of careers to c h i l d r e a r i n g o b l i g a t i o n s i s r o l e - c y c l i n g : partners arrange for t h e i r careers to "peak" at d i f f e r e n t times (Malmaud 1984) and they benefit i f each i s at a d i f f e r e n t stage i n t h e i r career (Hall and H a l l 1979).- Although they are not r a i s i n g c h i l d r e n , Tom and T e r r i have had a s i m i l a r experience: each has nursed t h e i r own i n f a n t business. Last year, she supported him; the year before, he supported her. What motivates the choice of such a s t r e s s f u l existence: "For dual-career f a m i l i e s , the concept of happiness does not seem to be adequate. Most... seemed to be more concerned with equity, and viewed t h e i r l i v e s i n rather complex terms—as made up of some elements g i v i n g happiness and others making for s t r a i n , they whole being preferable to other patterns they knew" (Rapoport and Rapoport 1976:14). Tom: "We have much more of an e g a l i t a r i a n kind of s i t u a t i o n where both people are s t r i v i n g towards c e r t a i n goals, which doesn't n e c e s s a r i l y make i t easier i n your own p a r t i c u l a r allotment i n l i f e . So T e r r i ' s going to Japan tonight, that doesn't make my l i f e easy, she's got to cram to get her work done before she goes, then she's away for a week, then she's got to cram to get her work f i n i s h e d . I just came back from Winnipeg, and I went through the same thing. So we have a f a i r amount of independence from one another, our work l i f e makes each other's l i f e harder. But there's a p a r a l l e l theme there which mutually aids you i n a sense that the other person's doing the same thing". C: "Was t h i s way of arranging things something you planned?" Tom: "To an extent i t was planned...I could never stand the puppy-dog approach of one person being head of the family and the other person being t o t a l l y supportive, and I always wanted an e g a l i t a r i a n kind of scenario, and that's what we're doing". Although i t i s very s t r e s s f u l , t h i s arrangement i s c l e a r l y preferred over other a l t e r n a t i v e s . The very ingredients of stress may give pleasurable spice to a dual-career partnership. Partners benefit by being able to appreciate one-another's s i t u a t i o n , the problems they experience i n common. Partners can discuss these circumstances, even working together on some pr o j e c t s . For example, Matthew reports that h i s self-employed partner "comes to me for advice about money problems" i n her business. Such i s a l s o the 330 case for Stephanie and Simon: Stephanie: "Usually i t f i t s i n quite well, but there are times when either he's busy or I'm busy and we're out of sync, and we don't see each other for days on end...If one of us has a deadline...sometimes we help each other out. I've had him come i n and do work for me, and I've gone i n and done work for him, so that we can spend some time together...." C: "Do you work at weekends?" Stephanie: "Sometimes, but we t r y to keep our evenings and weekends free f o r one another i f we p o s s i b l y can". Partners can take v i c a r i o u s pleasure from one-another's achievements (Malmaud 1984). For example, Don compares the s i t u a t i o n i n h i s previous marriage to hi s r e l a t i o n s h i p now: "Before I met Deborah I was more concerned with career than anything e l s e . I think I am very much s p l i t now, between enjoying my career but also enjoying family l i f e . I enjoy family l i f e much more than I used t o — I i n t e r r e l a t e — a n d also because Deborah has a career of her own, i t i s much more i n t e r e s t i n g to sort of • i n t e r r e l a t e i n careers". Parsons (1954) predicted that dual-career marriages were i m p l i c i t l y s e l f - d e s t r u c t i v e . Scanzoni (1972) has depicted marriage as a game of power bargaining depending on the degree of externally-generated resources (such as income) brought i n t o the r e l a t i o n s h i p . On the contrary, evidence from elsewhere suggests that working couples can benefit from "p r o f e s s i o n a l -m a r i t a l endogamy", when i n t e r a c t i o n between partners helps to promote advancement i n t h e i r careers (Martin et a l 1975): also m a r i t a l s o l i d i t y can be enhanced by "role homophily"—a s i m i l a r i t y of partner's r o l e s — w o r k being more than a source of power and marital r e l a t i o n s being more than a zero-sum game (Simpson and England 1982). The conversations held with Fairview Slopes residents would seem to confirm that dual-career couples can benefit from the p o s t p a t r i a r c h a l nature of t h e i r partnerships. One means of coping with the s t r a i n s of a dual-career partnership i s to reduce commitments to work, e s p e c i a l l y by s h i f t i n g to part-time employment. In Fairview Slopes we see t h i s compromise operating i n the case of parents. Despite i n d i c a t i o n s of the break-down of conventional gender r o l e s i n other aspects of l i f e , i n a l l examples i t i s the female partner who has adjusted i n t h i s manner. Two young women care f o r small c h i l d r e n , and they each work three days a week. Another mother of a ten year o l d was a c t u a l l y switching her status at the time of interviewing: "Actually, I'm about to change my goals r i g h t now. They've been s p l i t r i g h t down the middle, but now I'm going back to two-thirds family, one-third career". She sees the advantage as more time f o r the family and for l e i s u r e : "That w i l l be good for us because we'll have more holiday time together". In another case, the mother of a small c h i l d i s a student who frequently works at home. In a l l these cases, the bias of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r c h i l d - c a r e seems rel a t e d to d i f f e r e n t i a l success i n the workforce. This seems to be the case even when partners are of sim i l a r ages: the men have established more d e c i s i v e career paths p r i o r to the a r r i v a l of the c h i l d . For instance, G i l l ' (a young mother) remained at u n i v e r s i t y longer than her husband; they were l i v i n g together, and when she f i n i s h e d her education she followed him on h i s job t r a n s f e r s ; when they returned to Vancouver, she could not f i n d stable employment i n her f i e l d . Did she f e e l h i s job was more important than hers? "I'm only working part-time, and i t ' s not even a permanent pa r t -time p o s i t i o n , so I can be cut o f f at any time. So we more or les s have to go on that assumption that h i s i s more important because i t ' s more stable, i t brings i n a l o t more money, so unfortunately that's the way i t i s r i g h t now, u n t i l I go back to work f u l l - t i m e when things may change". While, i n theory, the man's job i s not presupposed to be all-important, pragmatically i t proves necessary to t r e a t i t so. If G i l l had a better job, I asked, would Gary have considered taking the major r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the baby? "Actually, he ta l k s about i t , I think he would l i k e to have a go at i t i f he p o s s i b l y could. He thinks he could play tennis a l l day!" Two other 332 father's occupations, however, give them more f l e x i b i l i t y to p a r t i c i p a t e i n c h i l d care, which i s c l e a r l y something they f e e l i s co r r e c t . One says: "I've got an o f f i c e as well, but I f i n d with the baby that I want to spend more time at home, so I found i t easier to be more part of the family i f I work i n here". The bias i n r e s p o n s i b i l i t y r e f l e c t s an asymmetry i n partner's engagement with the sphere of work. Women seem to have adopted a " s o f t e r " a t t i t u d e towards work. One manifestation of t h i s i s women's willingness to pursue more lengthy educational goals which do not ne c e s s a r i l y feed i n t o w e l l -paying careers. Men's advanced educational t r a i n i n g seems more dire c t e d to vocational goals i n engineering, medicine, law; women's post-secondary education leads i n t o service-oriented professions. However, women s t i l l d e s i r e a f u l f i l l i n g career. For instance, one commented on career plans: " I t ' s going to be a f a i r l y slow process. There's l i k e a ten year sort of plan. Five years from now I would hope to have [dealt with] the early childhood thing, and r e a l l y be able to devote myself to the major part of my career. And i n the meantime I want to be able to work as much as possibl e , but not perhaps at the kind of job that would require long hours or t r a v e l l i n g " . On the p o s s i b i l i t y that she may have a c h i l d , another woman said that she would hope to continue with her (self-employed) profession: "I think I would seek help, I'd probably want f u l l - t i m e care for the c h i l d , and then household [ r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s ] could continue the way they are". Respondents do not question whether ch i l d - c a r e can be procured. Depending on the rhythms of h i s job, Len sometimes takes r e s p o n s i b i l i t y ; the grandparents and a day care service have a l s o been c a l l e d i n t o play. In the future. "I think we'll need more c h i l d - c a r e . Right now everything i s running smoothly, but the older she gets we'll need more help". G i l l i s also fortunate to be able to a f f o r d good care: "I have a s i t t e r who comes i n two days a week. Other days and odd days I have a s i t t e r who I take her to, i n East Vancouver, she's somebody I know so i t ' s somebody I t r u s t " . Naomi's plans for the future are as follows: "Well, I'd l i k e to see him i n day-care no more than two days a week, And my Dad i s a r e a l l y good babysitter...and Ned to have maybe a day. And a day at the weekend we could maybe a l l be together as a family. So i f i t had to be structured, i t would be nice to have i t i n that kind of way". I r o n i c a l l y , attempts by these f a m i l i e s to work towards a p o s t p a t r i a r c h a l mode of reproduction within the current structure of opportunities are dependent i n part upon tapping the labour of other s o c i a l groups. The use of c h i l d - c a r e services i s p a r a l l e l e d by the employment of maid services to perform household chores. As one interviewee sa i d : "There's a servant class out there I haven't seen since my great-aunt used to be i n ser v i c e " . About a t h i r d of households used a maid service (though he or she might only come i n every couple of weeks); other households reported having used a maid, or expecting to do so i n the future. With reference to the g e n t r i f i c a t i o n by marginal g e n t r i f i e r s such as female-headed households, Rose warns: " I t i s easy to forget...the displacement of low-income sin g l e parents while lauding housing arrangements that enable a couple of middle-class si n g l e parents to cooperatively manage t h e i r multiple r o l e s " (Rose 1984:66). In the current s o c i a l context, the success of households run along p o s t p a t r i a r c h a l l i n e s i s underwritten by i n e q u a l i t i e s elsewhere. While Fairview women tr e a t career as an important source of s e l f -f u l f i l l m e n t , I have discussed some a t t i t u d i n a l features (highlighted i n the case of parenting), which modify t h i s assumption. Women might take a less instrumental approach to education. They also seem les s committed to the p a r t i c u l a r occupations they hold. Rules of engagement with the world of work are rewritten by women who do not pursue a conventional course of career development. Only one man was reported to be involved i n a course of education, and t h i s was a correspondence course pursued i n the evenings. Two women were working towards degrees which would help them advance i n the professions upon which they were embarked (one of these took courses while working f u l l time). A t h i r d woman f e l t she had reached a plateau i n her occupation, and she t o l d me she would probably take time out for a degree. Two other young women were taking graduate degrees. Once embarked on a career, women seem more w i l l i n g to contemplate changes i n d i r e c t i o n . This might involve a r a d i c a l switch i n career; one had moved between teaching, paralegal and r e a l estate; another had been a c l e r i c a l worker who, f r u s t r a t e d by the poor rewards, had set up her own business. One woman who took an advanced degree i n her f i e l d said: "I think I may pos s i b l y be forced to change careers just because there's very l i t t l e opportunity r i g h t now, i t seems to be a f i e l d that's not expanding". Women with more secure jobs d e s i r e greater challenge and plan to b u i l d upon present s k i l l s while remaining within the same general f i e l d : a nurse said, "I w i l l be making changes, i n that I may work i n some a l l i e d area of nursing, or teaching counselling, but to use the nursing as a base". Changes within the same general f i e l d are common for men and for women, e s p e c i a l l y moving from expert i n t o managerial p o s i t i o n s . However, a d i s t i n c t i v e t a c t i c pursued l a r g e l y by women was b u i l d i n g upon s k i l l s learned as employees i n order to set up opportunities for freelance self-employment. One of these women was described by her partner: "She changes jobs every few years and always seems to go up one more step, i t always throws me in t o a turmoil, we have a high mortgage here and she's always q u i t t i n g or...the job just runs out". This woman had been employed i n c l e r i c a l p o s i t i o n s , often by taking up short-term c o n t r a c t s — a p r a c t i c e she may develop i n t o f u l l y - f l e d g e d s e l f -employment i n a consulting r o l e . She has al s o been teaching at night school and may take that up more thoroughly. I asked another woman, Pat, i f she was 335 committed to her sales occupation; she answered: "Only as long as i t gives me the kind of money that I want. If i t didn't I'd be self-employed". I discussed t h i s p o s s i b i l i t y with Hester, i n the context of t a l k i n g about continuing a career while r a i s i n g a family: Hester: "In the work I've chosen you can work on more of a contract basis, or part time, i t ' s always something you can keep abreast i n , i t doesn't have to be 100 percent of your day. So i f you wanted to have a baby at a p a r t i c u l a r time, that could e a s i l y be scheduled, I think....There's a l o t of v a r i e t y — a t the moment I work i n very large scale projects...but I could always go i n t o r e s i d e n t i a l design or smaller p r o j e c t s , work part time i n a design f i r m . So i t has that excellent f l e x i b i l i t y . . . . . . . . I f I were to change i t would be i n a re l a t e d avenue, I would draw on my experiences as a designer and b u i l d on that, whether i t was having my own business, or gett i n g involved i n the f u r n i t u r e industry or t e x t i l e s " . C: "You sound quite keen on developing your own firm". Hester: "Being an employee, only being able to reach a c e r t a i n l e v e l i n an organization, you can't get int o p r o f i t sharing". Another woman i s also looking for new challenges and better f i n a n c i a l rewards, and i s f e e l i n g her way towards other p o s s i b i l i t i e s : "My career, as a teacher, i s one I've been at for 15 years. I don't f i n d i t much of a challenge any more....I think my a s p i r a t i o n i s now to use some of the...leeway I have i n my job...to pursue other kinds of i n t e r e s t s . And I think one of the goals that I'd l i k e to do next year i s to inv e s t i g a t e some other career a c t i v i t i e s : [maybe] r e a l estate; my boyfriend i s getting me involved i n the stock market and I f i n d i t quite exciting;...maybe take a year o f f and see what things are out there". Another female teacher w i l l f i n d stimulation i n another way: "I've decided that I'm burned out and I need a year o f f so I'm going to take a year o f f " . She i s planning to v i s i t Japan and A u s t r a l i a , and them return to the same occupation. I have discussed the tendency for Fairview women to be a n t i c i p a t i n g changes i n job d i r e c t i o n i n the future. Men al s o have s h i f t e d job status, becoming involved i n consulting for instance; however, i n these cases t h e i r employment s h i f t occurred before moving to the Slopes, and no male interviewees mentioned the p o s s i b i l i t y of that i n the future. The di f f e r e n c e may be i n d i c a t i v e of the tendency for female residents to be less advanced along career paths men have already trod. However, there does also seem to be a sense amongst the women that these s h i f t s are s t r a t e g i c responses to conditions that do not allow them to take s a t i s f a c t i o n from more conventional and stable career opportunities. Women are negotiating new rules of work which undermine notions of both the developmental career path, and the t r a d i t i o n a l place of women i n paid employment. With ethnographic d e s c r i p t i o n of one neighbourhood, we cannot judge to what degree the Fairview women are pursuing an unusual strategy concerning work. Nor i s i t po s s i b l e to t e l l how much degree of choice a woman may have i n taking t h i s approach; i n that sense, we may be seeing the working out of new p a t r i a r c h a l arrangements rather than the ac t i v e establishment of new domestic a l t e r n a t i v e s . However, expressed attitudes towards the f u l f i l l i n g aspect of paid employment, and the unwillingness to take on too early the r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of parenthood, suggest that we see here some working out of ac t i v e choice rather than merely a response to constraint. Changing conditions within the household are suggestive of new ways i n which men and women are a r t i c u l a t i n g t h e i r p u b l i c and p r i v a t e l i v e s . Central to the notion of po s t p a t r i a r c h a l gender r e l a t i o n s i s a dec l i n e i n r o l e -s p e c i a l i z a t i o n determined on the grounds of sex. In the interview I asked two questions on t h i s t o p i c ; f i r s t , I queried how respondents f e l t about the d i v i s i o n of household tasks between male and female partners " i n theory", and then I asked how i t worked i n p r a c t i c e i n t h e i r own experience. With few exceptions, I found respondents f i r m l y r e jected the notion that the d i v i s i o n of household chores should depend on sex. This d i d not mean that s p e c i a l i z a t i o n could not occur, but rather that the nature of that s p e c i a l i z a t i o n was determined more by the nature of i n d i v i d u a l s ' own s k i l l s and preferences than by what one respondent c a l l e d "the o l d women's work, men's work kind of thing". In a number of cases, with no prompting, the r e p l i e s to my questions began as follows: Anne: "In theory, i f a woman i s working then i t should be f i f t y -f i f t y " . O l i v i a : "I think they should be d i v i d e d . If both partners are working then the household chores should be divided f i f t y - f i f t y " . Bob: "I think i f both are working—even". Pat: "Well, i f the two people are working, I think i t should just be equal". E r i c a : "I think i f both members of the family are working, then both members of the family have to have domestic tasks". Don: "I think i f both the partners have careers, then the home chores are d e f i n i t e l y s p l i t " . Hester: "I suppose i f both people were working I think [tasks] should d e f i n i t e l y be shared". Rob: "I think they should be r e l a t i v e l y even, I guess. It depends on the set-up I suppose. If I was married to somebody or l i v i n g with somebody who was working a f u l l day, same as I was, then obviously I wouldn't expect them to be cooking and cleaning". These are examples of a "conditional equality", that condition being expressed as follows: Bob: "I think i f one i s not working, whichever sex, then i t ' s a d i f f e r e n t s i t u a t i o n " . Matthew: " T o t a l l y who i s a v a i l a b l e to do i t , and i f you both are, to share i t " . Andy: " i t ' s who's got the time". Pat: "But i f the woman happens to be staying at home, or v i c e versa, then they should p r e t t y much do everything". E r i c : "I think i t should be f i f t y - f i f t y . Mostly i t ' s working couples [round here], so whoever works les s or gets home e a r l i e r they should do what has to be done or more frequently". In these cases, degree and nature of p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the waged workforce i s assumed as an uncomplicated "given" factor which imposes the l i m i t s within which sharing of household chores. For example, E r i c explained that, "mine wasn't di v i d e d f i f t y - f i f t y because I wasn't around an awful l o t . My job was more intense than her job". When one partner•worked part time (and amongst a l l such couples, t h i s was the woman), then t h i s determined the major r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for chores. For instance, G i l l s aid: " T h e o r e t i c a l l y I think i t should be divided f i f t y - f i f t y according . to time. So for instance i f there are four hours of housework to be done, the two partners get to do two hours each. But i t doesn't r e a l l y work out that way, mostly because Gary's at work so much.... ....I don't think i t ' s f a i r when he works twelve hours a day that he should have to do housework as well, so he doesn't [do much]. It used to be a l o t more even when he wasn't working such long hours". These arrangements on the basis of time and energy are perceived to be the just s o l u t i o n . Both male and female members of the team are assumed to have access to waged work, and t h e i r choice with respect to that opportunity determines t h e i r r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for housework. L i t t l e tension i s acknowledged between i n d i v i d u a l s ' preferences and the structures of employment opportunity. As a r e s u l t , i n t h e i r responses to the interview question some respondents make the immediate assumption that both male and female partners are going to have jobs; thus Tom believes i n "straight f i f t y -f i f t y , a l l . tasks", whereas Gordon says: " I t ' s nothing to do with plumbing....My experience has been as a couple who had no c h i l d r e n , and we both had a l o t of time commitments, and so t h i s was just the natural order of things....I don't think either gender was meant to be a servant". The only person to mention the p o s s i b i l i t y of unequal employment opportunity was a s i n g l e mother who i s r e b u i l d i n g her career a f t e r a divorce; since she i s c l o s e s t i n type to Rose's "marginal g e n t r i f i e r " , i t i s noteworthy that she i s more conscious of such tensions: "I do have concerns about childcare...on the other hand I recognize that women may not be able to give up t h e i r jobs i n order to serve the family l i f e . . . t h a t i t just doesn't leave you economically strong enough when r e l a t i o n s h i p s f a i l . . . . ....I was happy to quit work and have a family, and...I don't regret i t a b i t , except that at f o r t y i t leaves you without any r e a l career status....Of course they are d i f f e r e n t times now. But I don't think for one minute that i t ' s easy for young women, and I r e a l l y f e e l for them because I think there i s a l o t of 339 v e r b a l i z a t i o n about how things are changing—and things are changing to a d e g r e e — a l o t . . . o f the pressures are s t i l l the same between men and women". Most interviewees, however, are well-placed to operate according to an i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c ideology, as a r e s u l t of t h e i r "given" assets and those they have negotiated for themselves through education. Moreover, they have ensured they are r e l a t i v e l y unencumbered with household chores by choosing housing which i s easy to maintain. When asked about the d i v i s i o n of household tasks, one woman pointed out, " t h i s i s a small place...there's not much to do". How can.domestic chores be s p l i t "as evenly as possible"? The i d e a l model i s a team which operates to cope with the demands placed upon i t by external conditions. The teamwork can be e x p l i c i t : "We've b a s i c a l l y organized ourselves i n t o a work party so that the two of us can tackle the house and get i t done i n an evening". Another solution, which implies a very conscious e f f o r t to ensure equity, i s described by Tom: "The housecleaning i s done by our housecleaning service...John comes every Wednesday, he does the washing and the i r o n i n g and the cleaning...and we spend a week on and a week o f f cooking; cleaning, planningj buying i s a l l one person's r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and the other person has zero responsibility...we found that's the only way to do i t so i t ' s r e a l l y f i f t y - f i f t y . . . I ' m on for a week and the next week I don't have to do anything...I can s i t up here and read....No g u i l t , i t ' s great! We t r i e d many d i f f e r e n t ways, and a l l humans being n a t u r a l l y lazy, p i z z a won...this i s the f a i r e s t way that we found". Most households, however, allowed for a s p e c i a l i z a t i o n i n household tasks and some degree of f l e x i b i l i t y depending on constraints of time, as these three women explain: "I don't mean that everything i s shared up f i f t y - f i f t y , but that i t should work out that everyone i s contributing equally to the household, but you can negotiate about who does what, i f one person l i k e s shopping and the other l i k e s cleaning, then that's f i n e . But i f there are tasks that neither l i k e doing then I think both should be involved". "Whatever a couple can work out to t h e i r mutual s a t i s f a c t i o n " . 340 "[Tasks] should d e f i n i t e l y be shared, and doing the tasks that each person l i k e s to do. If someone l i k e s yardwork, i t might be the woman, but i f she l i k e s the yardwork—great. It should be f i f t y -f i f t y , or whoever can accommodate i t i n t h e i r work schedule, because i f . . . t h e r e ' s a c e r t a i n busy time when you have to work a l o t of overtime, I think you have to have that balance. You work as a team". Just getting down and doing what has to be done seems to be a common approach to tasks. Alan r e c a l l s how t h i s worked i n h i s past r e l a t i o n s h i p s : "I f I happen to be the f i r s t one home from work then I'd s t a r t dinner. I quite enjoy cooking, i f a wash has to be done I don't wait for somebody else to do i t . I've l i v e d with g i r l s before and that's the way i t was. If the bath had to be cleaned, or vacuuming to be done, a glass got broken on the f l o o r , you just do i t , i t ' s not a big issue to t a l k about. Everything should be f i f t y - f i f t y , i t ' s not anybody's job to do anything. I'd expect i f the garbage bag was f u l l and I wasn't around, the lady f r i e n d would take i t out". Most frequently, however, a more regular pattern of s p e c i a l i z a t i o n seems to become established, perhaps because, as Penny says, "the way i t probably works best i s to have a person assigned to do s p e c i f i c things rather than t r y i n g to do them together". Penny and Peter s p l i t the tasks as follows: "I'm very lucky because he cooks and he does a l o t of the shopping; o c c a s i o n a l l y I go along and I get i n the way. What do I do? About everything else, laundry". Below, I report other examples of the manner i n which chores are divided. In conversation with couples, the partners offered supportive comments which suggested they were (by and large) s a t i s f i e d with the d i v i s i o n of tasks. Stephanie: "We share the tasks, and we both f e e l that we should share the tasks...there are things that I do better than he does and things that he does better than I do, so he has s p e c i f i c tasks and I have s p e c i f i c tasks. He's more prone to the kitchen than I am and he's disastrous with the laundry so that's my area". Don: "I think i n our case-^" Deborah: "—He gets to do fun c r e a t i v e things i n the basement while I cook dinner on the weekends!" Don: "I think i n i t i a l l y , when I was single I enjoyed cooking, so when Deborah joined me I would perhaps do more cooking than I do now, which i s something we've slipped i n t o which perhaps shouldn't be. I think the cooking should be divided when we are both working". Deborah: "But of course he doesn't s i t around reading the newspaper when I cook e i t h e r . He's doing something else that's constructive that needs to be done i n the house". Don: "Or helping with the cooking, but I tend to be doing menial labour, not c r e a t i v e cooking". C: "How about cleaning d u t i e s " . Don: "Dishes are usually my r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , so a f t e r the chaos has been created i n the kitchen I have to clean i t up". Deborah: "I do most of the laundry, just because I seem to have more clothes to wash". Don: "And cleaning up around the house, I think that's s p l i t more-or - l e s s f i f t y - f i f t y " . Andy: "Alison hates doing windows so no sweat. But there's no female role-male r o l e here. I'm a lousy cook so I'm more than happy to allow her to take over i n the kitchen. But I l i k e getting i n there and chopping and s l i c i n g and things l i k e that. But as for digging i n t o the t o i l e t s or whatever, i t ' s who's got the time, that's what d i c t a t e s " . Naomi: "In theory, I think we both believe f i f t y - f i f t y " . Ned: "Naomi always does laundry and I always do the dishes and organize the kitchen". Naomi: "Cooking we d i v i d e " . Ned: "Yes, i n general, but we don't have hard and f a s t r u l e s " . Matthew: "Generally the cleaning, clothes and washing and a l l , Mary does that, because she sees the p i l e getting bigger, and I'm not ready to take the p i l e yet, and she thinks i t ' s ready to go. Cooking, probably I do seventy-five percent of the cooking, and she probably does seventy-five percent of the cleaning i n the kitchen. And the rest of i t , t i d y i n g up and so on, she usually does because she's usually home before I am". Pat: "Well, we don't even discuss i t , we just do i t . He doesn't do windows, I do windows. I never take the garbage out because there's a dumpster and I can't get i n i t " . P h i l : "She does do things l i k e the wash". Pat: "But you've done i t . We both f a l l i n t o a pattern of what we do". P h i l : "We both s p e c i a l i z e i n what we do. And we are both very systematic people. Lately we have gotten i n the habit of coming home, she makes the dinner and I make the tea". Pat: "But i f he makes the dinner, I make the tea". P h i l : "And I vacuum the b i g pieces and she does the l i t t l e pieces". Pat: "Put i t t h i s way, I do the deep c l e a n i n g . . . l i k e I clean those metal things around the windows...and the mirrors. P h i l cleans h i s bathroom and I clean the one downstairs which we both use. But we don't have to r e a l l y have an argument over i t . I think you get to a c e r t a i n stage where you don't r e a l l y quibble over i t " . C: "So i t would be f a i r to say that you don't have a t r a d i t i o n a l d i v i s i o n between the man's job and the woman's job?" Pat: "Not at a l l , except that he takes out the garbage". P h i l : "I can do the wash—I don't"!" 342 So by what c r i t e r i a i s the d i v i s i o n of tasks a c t u a l l y established? F i r s t , there are cases i n which people mention the p r a c t i c a l i t y of performing c e r t a i n tasks: Pat cannot get the garbage i n t o the skip; Roberta a l s o suggested that vacuuming i s heavy work and i s better performed by the man, who i s stronger. Second, there are matters of preference: P h i l does not l i k e cleaning windows, so Pat does them; A l i s o n hates doing windows so Andy does them. Such examples lend themselves to incorporation i n a system of domestic organization which i s equitable o v e r a l l . However, a further aspect seems less equitable, and i n p r a c t i c e there does seem to be some working out of gender role s i n t o which they have.been s o c i a l i z e d . Rob had said: "I would say i t should be f a i r l y equally shared, depending which of the two has the s k i l l s or the i n c l i n a t i o n to do each chore". However, i n t h i s housing there i s minimal requirement for the kinds of maintenance work i n which men are more l i k e l y to have been t r a i n e d . Thus, for an equal s p l i t , men must adopt the s k i l l s and atti t u d e s which go with t r a d i t i o n a l "women's tasks". Yet Mike reports "I have a higher d i r t tolerance then she does, and she ends up i n s t i g a t i n g the cleaning more often than I do". Matthew (quoted above) a l s o could endure a larger p i l e of d i r t y clothes. On the other hand, Matthew has some experience as a cook, and he jokes: "If I had my way, women wouldn't be allowed i n the kitchen except to clean up, I hate cleaning up!" In two other cases, women reported that t h e i r husbands loved to cook, which seemed to be the prime determinant of the d i v i s i o n of tasks. Nobody was reported to enjoy doing the laundry, and t h i s appeared to be the task i n which women most commonly had to s p e c i a l i z e . Although he now shares tasks with Karen, Kevin had been brought up to a conventional d i v i s i o n of r o l e s : "I didn't know anything about cooking. I d i d the lawns and things l i k e that, but nothing else, nothing i n s i d e the house, and to dust has never entered my head". With a more l i m i t e d r e p e r t o i r e of 343 housekeeping s k i l l s (and i n c l i n a t i o n s ) therefore, the man f i r s t takes the jobs which he prefers, leaving the other jobs to h i s partner. Martin a l s o makes a joke out of i t : "I have no aversion to doing laundry and the i r o n i n g . I would do i t i f you had a broken arm, I'd be quite happy to do i t ! I don't do a very good job of i t , but i t ' s not the old women's work, men's work kind of thing". And Kevin claims, "I refuse to dust!" This arrangement i s supported by the women as well, although they might exhibit some mild skepticism: Rose: "I think you can s p e c i a l i z e . There are c e r t a i n things men can't d o — o r at l e a s t they claim they can't!" Barbara: "We don't a c t u a l l y decide that's my job, that's h i s job. B i l l doesn't do any cooking, he makes out that he doesn't know how to do anything....I do the laundry and the i r o n i n g . But B i l l w i l l get the vacuum cleaner out and h e ' l l clean, h e ' l l do the windows. He does a l l the gardening, I mean a l l the flower boxes....I think we just share the workload without any problems: the only things he doesn't do, as I say, i s the cooking and the laundry and the i r o n i n g " . . B i l l : " I t takes me about half an hour to i r o n a s h i r t " . Barbara: "But we probably do i t on a f i f t y - f i f t y b a s i s " . In the case of t h i s older couple quoted above, and the one below, i t i s d i f f i c u l t to see how the equality they claim a c t u a l l y operates: David: "The only thing I w i l l not do i s i r o n i n g . It depends on who's doing what, we both do our share". C: "So you share the cooking?" David: "No, not the cooking. I do eggs, so I often do breakfast". There was a minority of households which admitted to a conventional arrangement of tasks. These were t y p i c a l l y older, empty nest households, i n which women might have a minimal engagement i n the waged workforce, and since they may have ra i s e d f a m i l i e s i n the past they have adopted a t r a d i t i o n a l "mother's" r o l e . These women were glad of t h e i r husband's "help" with household chores when necessary: "My husband i s very h e l p f u l , i f I'm having a dinner party he might chop the parsley or an onion". "Whenever I do i n v i t e anyone, assistance i s always there, i t ' s not a question of, 'I'm doing a big favour by helping you'. Frederick 344 r e a l l y does take out the garbage! He unloads the shopping, he l i k e s to do the vacuuming; and he i s as l i k e l y to go i n and cook the meal e s p e c i a l l y i f I'm f e e l i n g t i r e d . . . I f anything, i t ' s Frederick saying to me, 'look, you're doing too much, l e t me'. We had a very t r a d i t i o n a l marriage where he went out and worked, and I looked a f t e r the kids". Note how both these women define dinner p a r t i e s as t h e i r own event. It i s t h i s group of households which was most l i k e l y to i d e n t i f y the husband as the head of the household, though important decisions were always said to be discussed ("In general I suppose my husband plays that r o l e — w i t h a strong woman behind him!"). In other, usually younger households, one partner may be responsible for paying the b i l l s , but there was almost unanimous r e j e c t i o n of the notion of head of household; for example: "Making the f i n a n c i a l decisions i s rather a splendid term for writing the hydro b i l l . I think i f decisions have to be made, then we both make them". Another small group of respondents (two women, one man) had previously experienced partnerships with a more conventional d i v i s i o n of r o l e s . Although the women enjoyed r a i s i n g a family, they regretted the lack of support for t h e i r own goals: "In my age group there are not many men that b e l i e v e they should do, quote, women's work. I'm fortunate now to have a man i n my l i f e who does.... . When I was s t i l l l i v i n g with my ex-husband, I s t i l l had to do v i r t u a l l y everything at home....Now I'm very free to be my own person, do what I want when I want to so...for me i t has freed up time to do my job and to do what I have to do". And from the other side of the coin, the man had l e f t a conventional marriage: "As far as meals and washing, I didn't even know how to press a washing machine button or f r y an egg to be honest with you. And now...I thoroughly enjoy cooking, i t ' s become a b i t of a hobby for me. I love entertaining, have learned how to use a washing machine....And now I have a g i r l f r i e n d and I would say we share b a s i c a l l y everything we do. As f a r as those sorts of tasks go...I enjoy i t ! . I t would be rash to draw out any d i r e c t causal connection between a person's 345 move to Fairview Slopes and a • change i n t h e i r gender r e l a t i o n s . However, these quotations suggest that the move i n residence i s r e f l e c t i v e of a passage i n which not only marital status s h i f t s , but a l s o other aspects of s e l f - i d e n t i t y may transform. With more young unmarried people s e t t i n g up t h e i r own one-person households, men w i l l become more f a m i l i a r with household chores. Rob pointed out that, i f he had a partner: "I wouldn't be the kind of guy who was s i t t i n g on the couch watching f o o t b a l l while my wife was i n the kitchen mopping fl o o r s . . . . I ' v e l i v e d by myself for f i v e years, and anything that has to be done gets done by me". In sum, most respondents f e l t that gender should not determine the d i v i s i o n of chores; partners had to operate as a team, and t h i s was often best achieved when they s p e c i a l i z e d i n d i f f e r e n t tasks; the nature of that s p e c i a l i z a t i o n , however, might r e t a i n the legacy of s o c i a l i z a t i o n i n t o t r a d i t i o n a l s k i l l s . In conclusion, how can we evaluate the gender r e l a t i o n s of the Fairview Slopes households; are they postpatriarchal? I have i d e n t i f i e d points at which women do perform r o l e s d i f f e r e n t to those of men, and where they may approach decisions about career i n a rather d i f f e r e n t manner. In some cases, these are responses to i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d constraints or conventions which l i m i t the agency of women. At the same time however—perhaps more ve r b a l i z e d than i n p r a c t i c e — t h e r e i s evidence of a pattern of gender r e l a t i o n s which seeks to undermine the established ro l e s of men and women. Like the p o s t i n d u s t r i a l , the notion of p o s t p a t r i a r c h a l i s intended to capture the "messiness" of the world, which r e s i s t s reduction to s t r u c t u r a l i s t theories of , women's oppression. I have t r i e d to i n d i c a t e how the space of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n may be c l o s e l y bound to the process of change i n p a t r i a r c h a l gender r e l a t i o n s . 346 6.8 CONCLUSIONS. This chapter has asked, "how do g e n t r i f i e r s 'produce themselves'?" E a r l i e r chapters l a i d out the se t t i n g i n which g e n t r i f i e r s are situated, with respect to the emergence of a p o s t i n d u s t r i a l mode of clas s r e l a t i o n s and a pos t p a t r i a r c h a l mode of gender r e l a t i o n s . Here, an ethnographic method draws out the s u b t l e t i e s of p r a c t i c e by which i n d i v i d u a l s construct workable styles of l i f e out of the raw material of t h e i r c l a s s l o c a t i o n and t h e i r gender i d e n t i t y . G e n t r i f i c a t i o n has been portrayed as an ingredient i n the recipe for achieving c e r t a i n kinds of p r o j e c t s . I t could be possible to adopt such p r a c t i c e s wherever one l i v e s . But r e s i d e n t i a l locations carry d i f f e r e n t packages of costs and bene f i t s . Because of the r e l a t i v e "richness" of opportunity i n a c e n t r a l l o c a t i o n , what i s "doable" ( i n terms of time and money) declines with distance from t h e . c i t y core. That i s the cost of the suburban home, which has taken i t s t o l l i n the stress of commuting and the i s o l a t i o n of women. The cost of urban l i v i n g has conventionally been pi c t u r e d as one of environmental q u a l i t y — f o r instance, the negative e x t e r n a l i t i e s of density and d e t e r i o r a t i o n . However, i n recent years, not only does g e n t r i f i c a t i o n make a c e r t a i n s t y l e of l i f e doable: i t i s a l s o i n c r e a s i n g l y thinkable. The mutability of categories i s one theme which emerges with some consistency from the ethnographic data. Issues of self-perception were ra i s e d as important elements i n the r e s i d e n t i a l d e c i s i o n process. If such decisions have previously rested upon fi r m l y - e s t a b l i s h e d events i n a "family l i f e - c y c l e " , today there i s a broad range of statuses though which a person might l e g i t i m a t e l y pass, associated with a more complex set of s e l f -d e f i n i t i o n s . We must stress the processual nature of family and household r e l a t i o n s which are constantly i n f l u x . Class boundaries, too, are permeable, e s p e c i a l l y with the cashing i n of s k i l l assets to give access to self-employment or managerial p o s i t i o n s . Women may be w r i t i n g new rules for the concept of career, and t h e i r actions explore the e l a s t i c i t y of the categories which have been taken for granted. For young adults, boundaries between work and l e i s u r e are f a i n t l y drawn, and we see the emergence of a model of l i f e which acknowledges what Rossi (quoted i n Malmaud 1984:5) c a l l s "the work inherent i n love, the love inherent i n work". This chapter has drawn out the power of agency, and i t has emphasized people's negotiation for solutions to the conditions i n which they are placed. The l i b e r a t i n g condition of inner c i t y l i v i n g operates for those who can a f f o r d to l i v e by an i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c code, those who are already blessed with many advantages; there remain hidden oppressions, as the s o c i a l costs of s e t t i n g up new s t y l e s of l i f e are displaced (both f i g u r a t i v e l y and l i t e r a l l y ) onto other groups. The fortunes of g e n t r i f i e r s , however, should not preclude them from serious i n v e s t i g a t i o n . Their l e v e l of welfare cannot be taken for granted; i t must be established by often very hard work i n the young adult stage, and by a judicious choice of housing. As Helen says: "I have adopted a l i f e s t y l e — a d a p t e d to a l i f e s t y l e — t h a t f i t s my income. And I enjoy i t , and I'm w i l l i n g to work hard for i t " . In s t r e s s i n g the pragmatic side to g e n t r i f i c a t i o n , I have employed the term " s t y l e of l i f e " , to describe the package of projects adopted by the group under study. Style of l i f e demands an enabling s e t t i n g , and so the g e n t r i f i e d inner c i t y can be analysed i n terms of how i t contributes to the successful p r a c t i c e of career and other p r o j e c t s . Yet, as we see from Helen's comment above, s t y l e of l i f e undergoes a transmutation when i t becomes a component of everyday discourse. It i s r e i f i e d as " l i f e s t y l e " , a pattern i n t o which people can be s o c i a l i z e d , one that i s concretized i n geography i t s e l f . As E r i c says of Fairview Slopes: 348 "I t ' s great, s u i t s my purposes p e r f e c t l y , I've been happy I've moved h e r e . . . . i t just f i t s my l i f e s t y l e p e r f e c t l y — o r maybe my l i f e s t y l e f i t s i t , because i t was here before me!" Chapters 7 and 8 explore the meaning of the g e n t r i f i c a t i o n l i f e s t y l e . To explain the s o c i a l conduct culminating i n g e n t r i f i c a t i o n requires an understanding of the p e r s o n a l i t y of the place: Frances: "I think i t ' s going to s e t t l e and become a place that people get quite committed to, as opposed to a place that's convenient for a while. I think i t ' s going to make c e r t a i n claims on people...." Frederick: "I think i t ' s going to be a very desirable place when i t firms up and people r e a l i z e how convenient i t i s , how workable i t i s . . . " Frances: "I think [the f a c t that] these homes are here i s going to encourage people to change t h e i r l i f e s t y l e , rather than these places are being b u i l t because people have already changed t h e i r l i f e s t y l e . . . I see i t as becoming...less of a yuppie place...people seeing i t s v i r t u e s not just as a place you can l i v e cheaply on your way to somewhere but as a place with a l i f e s t y l e with i t s own. And the f a c t that i t ' s here, people w i l l adapt t h e i r l i f e s t y l e to here". CHAPTER SEVEN "LIFE ON THE UPSLOPE" "Take a moment and r e f l e c t on the i d e a l l i f e s t y l e . P i c t u r e a home of impeccably good t a s t e , superior q u a l i t y and spectacular views. Imagine the amenities you f i n d most pleasurable, the kind of neighbours you appreciate. A nurturing, c r e a t i v e environment. Think about immersing y o u r s e l f i n the pulse and vigor of a dynamic c i t y . . . The place you imagine e x i s t s , Rhapsody Citihomes. Overlooking a vibrant c i t y — a l l the prestigous [ s i c ] amenities you've sought. And deserve. Now, i n a c i t y recognized across the country for i t s innovative a r c h i t e c t u r e , there's Rhapsody. At once f r e s h and f a m i l i a r , an e c l e c t i c f u s i o n on [ s i c ] c l a s s i c a l and contemporary d e t a i l s . A p r i v a t e enclave with panache, character, and s t y l e . " (Advertising brochure f o r Rhapsody Citihomes, Combined E q u i t i e s Inc., 1986). With grandiloquent words such as these, marketers have drawn p o t e n t i a l g e n t r i f i e r s to Fairview Slopes. The language of l i f e s t y l e c a r r i e s us forward to a confrontation with c u l t u r e and landscape, an engagement which many urban geographers have h i t h e r t o avoided. Previous chapters have b u i l t upon the "production of g e n t r i f i e r s " approach, which represents a counter-current p a r t i c u l a r l y to accounts of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n which were e x c l u s i v e l y grounded i n the sphere of production. In arguing for the i n c o r p o r a t i o n of reproduction as a component of urban theory, Hamnett (1984), Rose (1984) and Beauregard (1986) focused a t t e n t i o n on the outcome of s o c i a l and economic re s t r u c t u r i n g , i n the emergence of d i s t i n c t i v e s o c i a l groups. Conditions of work and of domestic organization enjoyed by some of these groups disposed them to seek "environmental s o l u t i o n s " to the challenge of constructing a workable s t y l e of l i f e , g e n t r i f i c a t i o n being one such strategy. In the l a s t chapter, I explored the a c t i v e side to t h i s process, the manner i n which people thought through t h e i r c o n s t r a i n t s and t h e i r needs, and "produced themselves" as g e n t r i f i e r s . But the discussion so far has been l i m i t e d i n i t s treatment of c u l t u r e . For instance, while Hamnett argues against Smith's c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of occupational and demographic forces as " c u l t u r a l " as opposed to "material" f a c t o r s , the i m p l i c a t i o n appears to be that he agrees with. Smith over the di s m i s s a l of anything which would be r i g h t l y categorized as a " c u l t u r a l " explanation. The same unwillingness to take on culture i s evidenced by Rose's c r i t i q u e of how demand-oriented explanations of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n emphasise " l i f e s t y l e " issues. "The very concept of ' l i f e - s t y l e ' conjures up scenarios of unbridled choice", she says (Rose 1984:65). Rose argues for the approach which treats l i f e s t y l e a l t e r n a t i v e s as ways of coping, thus making t h e i r t h e o r i z a t i o n inseparable from issues of socioeconomic r e s t r u c t u r i n g . In l i n e with these emphases, Chapter 6 employed the phrase " s t y l e of l i f e " to underscore how g e n t r i f i c a t i o n r e s u l t s from people's negotiation within a f i e l d of opportunities and const r a i n t s . But by unpacking the " g e n t r i f i c a t i o n l i f e s t y l e " , we are i n e f f e c t abstracting from the l i v e d experience of the people concerned, and denying the language by which they make sense of t h e i r own l i v e s — i n the same way as the debate over the urban question dissolved the commonsense (as well as the scholarly) object of "the urban". Before a r e a l i s t c r i t i q u e , both "the urban", and " g e n t r i f i c a t i o n " , are shown up as chaotic conceptions. The l i m i t s of such a c r i t i q u e are that i t does not deal with the expressive forms of phenomena, t h e i r place i n the language of everyday l i f e . Ways of l i v i n g have become established as patterns which do carry meaning for people; s t y l e of l i f e i s o b j e c t i f i e d , as l i f e s t y l e . In t h i s chapter and the next I discuss the meaning of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n , by t r a c i n g i t s entanglement with other codes of meaning—such as " l i f e s t y l e " . The d i s c u s s i o n draws upon marketing material i n the form of pamphlets and advertisements; interviews with key "producers" such as developers, a r c h i t e c t s , salespeople (these took 351 place i n the Spring of 1986); and upon popular accounts of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i n Fairview Slopes. This chapter s t a r t s by sketching out some of the nuances of the l i f e s t y l e language; quotations are from marketing material. Following that, i n section 7.1, there i s a review of how g e n t r i f i c a t i o n can be understood i n terms of c a p i t a l accumulation. Then, drawing upon the interviews with residents, section 7.2 i d e n t i f i e s some dimensions to the meaning of the inner c i t y neighbourhood, i n p a r t i c u l a r with respect to the notion of the urban. The next chapter elaborates some of these issues i n an i n t e r p r e t a t i o n which draws upon new developments i n the t h e o r i z a t i o n of c u l t u r a l change. I spoke to a r e a l estate agent who was s e l l i n g one of the new condominium developments i n Fairview Slopes. "We're s e l l i n g a l i f e s t y l e " , she t o l d me. And a l l the a d v e r t i s i n g slogans seem to bear t h i s out: for as one claims, "We don't just s e l l you a townhome, we o f f e r you an e x c i t i n g new l i f e s t y l e " . " L i v i n g " , " l i f e " and " l i f e s t y l e " are expressions which feature abundantly i n the adv e r t i s i n g material (Plate 7.1). Two sides to the notion of " l i v i n g " are cunningly conflated: to l i v e i n Fairview Slopes (that i s , to reside there), i s to be a c e r t a i n kind of person, a person who knows how to r e a l l y l i v e . O f f e r i n g " a l l the conveniences of an urban l i f e s t y l e " , Fairview Slopes i s a l s o "perfect f o r those who r e a l l y know how to enjoy the best of inner c i t y l i v i n g " . Not only i s the inner c i t y a se t t i n g which enables the act of everyday l i f e , the r i t u a l o b ligations and chores of "making a l i v i n g " ; i t i s a l s o a stage upon which one performs the a r t of l i v i n g . Goffman's (1959) dramaturgical metaphor f o r the presentation of s e l f i s c a r r i e d through i n the presence of performance analogies. One condominium, Dover Pointe, i s advertised with a warning adapted from the world of f i l m : with the black cat logo (symbol of Re s t r i c t e d f i l m s ) , i t claims to o f f e r "Scenes suggestive of a l i f e s t y l e you've always wanted to l i v e " . Dover Pointe held a "premiere Plate 7.1 opening", and we are informed that "the c r i t i c s are c a l l i n g [ i t ] a f i v e - s t a r performer". "Admission" p r i c e s ( o f f e r i n g "Home entertainment value") and "Showtimes" are also advertised (Plate 7.2). Other developments promote s p e c i a l "sneak preview" open houses when they are close to completion. In a s a t i r i c a l piece on the b r i e f h i s t o r y of the term " l i f e s t y l e " , Yagoda (1979) notes the r i s e of the so-called " L i f e s t y l e Market". According to Yagoda, while " l i f e s t y l e " was once a noun to be modified, now i t has become an adje c t i v e which r e f e r s to the s t y l e of l i v i n g of one p a r t i c u l a r group of people ( e s s e n t i a l l y , the "yuppies"). There are suggestions of t h i s i n Fairview Slopes which i s , apparently, "A d i s t i n c t i v e area for a l i v i n g investment"; another slogan c r i e s : "Live i t up!". The actu a l s t y l e of l i v i n g to which t h i s r e f e r s remains taken-for-granted. P o t e n t i a l buyers are presumed to be i n no need of q u a l i f i c a t i o n s to the claim that t h i s i s "A q u a l i t y townhome for the way you l i v e " . In other cases, however, modifiers are incorporated. T y p i c a l l y these are vague. We are offered, for instance, "designer l i v i n g " , "An upwardly mobile l i f e s t y l e " , an "active l i f e s t y l e " , "An extraordinary l i f e s t y l e " , and a l i f e s t y l e that's " e x c i t i n g and new". Most t e l l i n g l y , however, the adjective i s frequently geographical. One advertisement t e l l s us that False Creek and the Slopes are the hearth of much of "Vancouver's famous 'West Coast L i f e s t y l e ' " . New developments o f f e r the best i n " c i t y l i v i n g " , "urban l i v i n g " , the "urban l i f e s t y l e " , "downtown s t y l e l i v i n g " , and even "inner c i t y l i v i n g " . The mutual reinforcement of one chaotic conception with another, l i f e s t y l e with urban place, l i e s at the centre of the meaning of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n and the meaning of Fairview Slopes. Later i n t h i s chapter, a t t e n t i o n s h a l l be drawn again to the urban theme—with which the notion of the g e n t r i f i c a t i o n l i f e s t y l e i s so c l o s e l y entangled. Plate 7.2 Premiere Performance of Dover Pointe "The brightest addition to the Slopes-Architect James Cheng has a winner with these one-bedroom, bedroom! den, and two-bedroom quality townhomes." "METRO NEWS'' There's room at the top in the newest development on Fairview Slopes. Exclusive hill-side location overlooking Expo and the Vancouver skyline. Floorplans you can live with completely, and amenities you can't live without including: gourmet kitchens, woodburning lireplaces, tile floors, thick carpeting, and lots of natural light. Join the Polygon cast for our premiere opening and find out for yourself why the critics are calling Dover Pointe a 5 Star performer. Scenes suggestive of a lifestyle you've always wanted to live. Admission: Home entertainment value from 5 6 9 , 9 0 0 to $144,900 Showtimes: 12 n o o n - 6 p.m daily (except Friday) Suite #1-795 West 8th Avenue Developed by IfrjQ. Polygon Properties niKoi Limited Advertisement f or "Dover Pointe" (The West Ender, October 17, 1985). 7.1 "A DISTINCTIVE AREA FOR A LIVING INVESTMENT". In a defence of h i s rent gap theory and i n counter-response to the "production of g e n t r i f i e r s " p o s i t i o n , Smith (1987a) takes on the claim that "values of consumption rather than production guide ce n t r a l c i t y land use decisions" i n the " p o s t i n d u s t r i a l c i t y " (Ley 1978:11). Has an "urban dream [come] to supercede the suburban dream of past decades"? (Smith 1987:165). While such an i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n may be immediately appealing, given the r i s e of many a "bourgeois playground" i n the c e n t r a l c i t i e s of North America, i t i s at heart (Smith claims) a "shallow empirical abstraction...incapable of sustaining t h e o r e t i c a l scrutiny" (p. 166). Before looking i n more d e t a i l at the new "urban dream", t h i s section reviews Smith's p o s i t i o n . Smith's p r e c i s of the issue demands a choice between mutually exclusive options: i s urban form "now being structured by consumption ideologies and demand preferences rather than by production requirements and geographical patterns of c a p i t a l m o b i l i t y ? " (p. 166). His own p o s i t i o n i s unambiguous. Consumption-side growth may be unprecedentedly dominant, but t h i s i s not "demand-led": "Consumption-side growth implies the importance of sectors producing for i n d i v i d u a l consumption, whereas 'demand-led urbanization' implies that, i n the move from the extensive to the inte n s i v e regime of accumulation, the dynamics and demands of accumulation are now subordinated to those of consumption. Accumulation i s p o t e n t i a l l y relegated to a by-product of consumption and some sort of consumer-demand theory would then be necessary to understand the d i r e c t i o n of 'demand-led urbanization'" (Smith 1987:169). The prospect of such a consumer-demand theory i s unacceptable. In h i s recent work, therefore, Smith p e r s i s t s i n i n t e r p r e t i n g changes i n consumption patterns i n terms of strategies of c a p i t a l accumulation—which / once took the form of the "suburban s o l u t i o n " and the standardization of commodity production, and now ma t e r i a l i s e s i n a contemporary "urban sol u t i o n " and the d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of commodity production. Consumption ideology as an explanatory concept i s dismissed i n favour of c a p i t a l ' s requirement to r e v i t a l i z e the p r o f i t r a t e. This proceeds i n the form of f l e x i b l e accumulation, which i s reshaping c a p i t a l i s t urbanization i n a context of increased competition f o r economic advantage: "Investments to a t t r a c t the consumption d o l l a r have paradoxically grown as a response to recession, and they i n c r e a s i n g l y focus on the q u a l i t y of l i f e ( g e n t r i f i c a t i o n , c u l t u r a l innovation, and physi c a l up-grading), consumer a t t r a c t i o n s (sports stadia, convention and shopping centers, marinas, and exotic eating.places) and entertainment.... It i s indeed remarkable how much urban investment there has been i n t h i s kind of conspicuous consumption since 1973, and much of i t has had a more s p e c i a l i z e d and 'discriminating' edge to i t compared to the mass consumption of the 1960s. Above a l l , the c i t y has to appear as an innovative, e x c i t i n g , c r e a t i v e , and safe place to l i v e , play, and consume" (Harvey 1987:12). As s h a l l be demonstrated i n greater d e t a i l l a t e r , such a notion of the c i t y i t s e l f i s of d i r e c t relevance to the success of recent investments i n the b u i l t environment i n the form of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . A search for new arenas of accumulation c a r r i e s forward the pattern of investment i n the b u i l t environment. G e n t r i f i c a t i o n i s indeed an ou t l e t for productive and speculative c a p i t a l , which i s manifest i n a number of d i f f e r e n t forms i n Fairview Slopes. Chief amongst the v i s i b l e actors i n Fairview are the developers who, with encouragement from the state, have been creating new kinds of commodities with a supposed "discriminating" edge to them. As well as milking p r o f i t from home buyers, developers have established some hig h l y c r e a t i v e means of acquiring return on t h e i r investments. One project, for example, leased units f o r s i x months to Expo 86 executives; as a r e s u l t , they could advertise to p o t e n t i a l buyers a "no money down" financing package; (contrary to condominium bylaws, some i n d i v i d u a l owners of units a l s o ran a v i r t u a l hotel service during Expo). Another example of cr e a t i v e p r o f i t e e r i n g comes from the use of projects as 357 f i l m sets: one featured as the home of a young couple i n an automobile-s e r v i c i n g advertisement; another appeared as the scene of a kidnapping and explosion i n a production of "Airwolf", a t e l e v i s i o n series which stars a high-tech h e l i c o p t e r . Andre Molnar, canny developer of a number of projects i n t h i s and other areas of inner c i t y Vancouver (his company has about a f i f t y percent share i n the c i t y condominium market (Lees 1986)), also donated suites i n t h i s l a t t e r development for "Suite dreams": a fund-raising event for the Red Cross where i n t e r i o r designers were i n v i t e d to d i s p l a y t h e i r s k i l l s (Plate 7.3). As noted e a r l i e r , there i s a s i g n i f i c a n t number of absentee owners of new units i n Fairview Slopes. This was, of course, the case f o r the old houses before the area was redeveloped and i t was encouraged subsequently by the b u i l d i n g of multiple unit r e s i d e n t i a l buildings (MURBs) under a federal programme (no longer i n operation) intended to boost the supply of r e n t a l units by tax incentives. Moreover, due to fl u c t u a t i o n s i n the housing market some developments f a i l e d to s e l l and are l a r g e l y rented, while remaining i n the hands of development companies. Of the st r a t a units on the 1988 property assessment l i s t , 45 percent were not owner occupied. Forty-three percent of those non-resident owners were l i s t e d as developers, investment or holding companies of various types, i n d i c a t i n g i n some cases that the units have not yet been sold a f t e r construction. F i f t y - s i x percent of the non-resident l i s t i n g s gave names of p r i v a t e absentee owners with no mention of such companies, 265 of which.listed home addresses which could be analyzed. Most of these owners l i v e d i n Vancouver or the Lower Mainland ( t y p i c a l l y the af f l u e n t c i t y neighbourhoods or the suburbs of Richmond and West Vancouver), 26 l i v e d elsewhere i n Canada and only 9 gave home addresses outside Canada. Although the l o c a l addresses of MURB owners does not seem sur p r i s i n g , the small number of overseas owners i s unexpected i n the l i g h t of supposed Plate 7.3 large recent investments from Hong Kong Chinese i n the Vancouver property market. Developer Andre Molnar t o l d me: "I got some Hong Kong buyers....It was work we have done and sold to one Chinese couple, then two and three, and the word spread, and we have a whole r a f t of Chinese c l i e n t s now....They are very l o y a l customers, they send on other customers to us". One marketing pamphlet for a Molnar b u i l d i n g points out that Fairview Slopes i s located close to "North America's second largest Chinatown". In 1983 Molnar i n i t i a t e d a programme of marketing to people planning to move to Vancouver, through r e a l t o r s Steve and Grace Kwok of Anson Realty Ltd. who represented him to Hong Kong companies; h i s corporation was represented at the International Real Estate Exposition i n Hong Kong, which led to some cash sales of properties bought "sight unseen" (Lees 1986). Since " p r e - s e l l i n g " of u nits—encouraging sales before the b u i l d i n g i s constructed—became f e a s i b l e , many development companies i n the area have taken advantage of the opportunity, and one would assume that t h i s form of sales might a t t r a c t buyers who do not intend to occupy t h e i r purchases. It seems l i k e l y that overseas purchasers of t h i s sort are operating through investment and property companies, or through new immigrants: one a r c h i t e c t t o l d me that "there are quite a few sold to new immigrants who are just buying them to hold as an investment, just renting them out". Some investment companies which control a l l the units i n a b u i l d i n g appear to be held by Vancouver residents with a Chinese background ( t h i s assumption i s based on the names l i s t e d ) . In other buildings where units are being sold i n d i v i d u a l l y there are quite high proportions of absentee owners with Chinese-origin names. For example, i n Molnar's two most recent Fairview buildings there are 110 units i n t o t a l : 55 units are not owner-occupied, of which almost half are owned by people with what seem to be Chinese-origin names (most held "care of" Anson Rea l t y ) . 360 The investment p o t e n t i a l for i n d i v i d u a l buyers who are l i k e l y to be owner-occupiers i s a minor motif of the marketing promotions. One a r c h i t e c t t o l d me: "They're marketing the l i f e s t y l e , and i t ' s also they're marketing the units as a commodity, which i s something that I think people tend to think l i k e these days which i s unfortunate....the most important thing they're t r y i n g to put over i s that i t ' s a good investment for people....I think they were t r y i n g to compare moving i n and owning one of these things with just renting, and they c e r t a i n l y seem to have convinced many people". While the comparison with renting i s surely tempting f o r many buyers (one can buy for under 600 d o l l a r s a month, which i s probably le s s than one would pay for a comparable rented unit i n the area), r e s a l e value was barely mentioned by interviewees. One exception was Martin, who praised the cr e a t i v e financing made a v a i l a b l e by the developers, and added: "I expect i n the next ten years the value to appreciate s u b s t a n t i a l l y , having looked at si m i l a r areas of Chicago and Washington D.C., areas l i k e t h i s double, t r i p l e , quadruple i n value i n very short periods of time because of the concentration of people who want to be close to a l l these things". I suspect Martin to be over-optimistic, for there remain substantial areas of inner Vancouver ready to be developed, and on Fairview Slopes i t s e l f the eastern portion i s now the s i t e of new. r e s i d e n t i a l p r o j e c t s . Moreover, the high percentage of rented units already mentioned can pose problems for resa l e value, as some residents of one Molnar b u i l d i n g have already found (Godley 1987). Combine t h i s with the problem of b u i l d i n g q u a l i t y and endurance that some interviewees mentioned, and long-term investment p o t e n t i a l f o r small owners of condominiums does not seem great. However, there appears to be some rapid turnover of units immediately a f t e r a project s t a r t s s e l l i n g ; one a r c h i t e c t explains: "The developer i s always keen to s e l l the f i r s t few units f a i r l y soon, and perhaps give people a f a i r l y good deal....People who 'pre-buy' these units can, i f i t ' s a well-marketed b u i l d i n g , turn round a f t e r i t ' s completely f i n i s h e d and make some p r o f i t . I think that would account f o r some of those r e s a l e s " . While some of the developments have sold out very f a s t , ( i n a couple of months, with substantial pre-sales before completion), new owners might a l s o be discovering what r e a l t o r Darlene Much says of Molnar's b u i l d i n g s : "His units do have such eye appeal. They can't r e s i s t . They say, 'This i s smaller than .1 wanted, smaller than I need, but I want to buy'" (Rossiter 1987:32). Both the p o t e n t i a l use and exchange value of a unit i n Fairview Slopes i s extremely d i f f i c u l t to pin down i n any conclusive manner. Smith sees the immediate mechanism underlying g e n t r i f i c a t i o n to be the rent gap. He has posed the important question of what are the conditions of p r o f i t a b i l i t y : which neighbourhoods are p r o f i t a b l e to redevelop. The d i f f i c u l t y with h i s proposition ( i n the form i n which i t was o r i g i n a l l y stated) i s d i s t i n g u i s h i n g the point at which the rent gap i s wide enough to a t t r a c t reinvestment, and evaluating the p o t e n t i a l ground rent of a devalued area. Moreover, the content of reinvestment i s open to negotiation as actors with d i f f e r e n t s k i l l s and ambitions haggle over the outcome. One a r c h i t e c t , with respect to h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p with the c l i e n t (developer) and the importance of product d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , says: "I'm always sort of f i g h t i n g them....I t r y to l i m i t the numbers of walls or p a r t i t i o n s i n the units because they just make things look smaller....Vaulted c e i l i n g s f o r top f l o o r units are important, they give again the sense of some volume....Bathrooms l a t e l y have become sort of trendy, i n that developers are sprucing up bathrooms...not just put i n a standard tub i f I can avoid i t . And I understand budgets are tough to s t i c k to when developers are costing things out, but I think i t helps s e l l , perhaps f i t t i n g a double vanity, putting i n a s k y l i g h t . . . . ....You get [developers] l i k e Molnar and Polygon, these people have very s l i c k operations and they know how to s e l l , they know what cheap ingredients to put i n a townhouse to catch somebody's eye....You see a l l over signs [saying] 'These are a l l q u a l i t y developments', but i t ' s a l o t of garbage; these are the cheapest developments you can po s s i b l y b u i l d under the b u i l d i n g code....The a r c h i t e c t s are struggling l i k e crazy to t r y and get whatever they can i n , but they know that most of i t w i l l get chopped out, and the smart ones...don't even bother any more t r y i n g to make i t nice, because they won't have a job next time". This p a r t i c u l a r a r c h i t e c t i n fa c t does seem to have abandoned the f i g h t and he has designed some of the most pared-down recent projects i n the area. But developers are not n e c e s s a r i l y correct i n t h e i r judgments, and one of these projects seems to have sold very poorly. Other a r c h i t e c t s who are more in s p i r e d by s o c i a l and aesth e t i c challenges may gain a pay-off i n terms of pr o f e s s i o n a l recognition, yet t h e i r designs might receive a slow response from the buying p u b l i c and are i n consequence unpopular with developers. One a r c h i t e c t i n t h i s p o s i t i o n , who designed one of the most innovative award-winning developments i n the area, reports that developers are now reluctant to h i r e him because he i s too uncompromising. However, t h i s second a r c h i t e c t was a l s o caught off-guard by the en t h u s i a s t i c response to another of h i s buildings i n the neighbourhood. By a l l accounts, units i n t h i s l a t t e r project were too expensive, too well-appointed, to compete with the smaller and cheaper units which had come to dominate the market. Yet i t sold q u i c k l y and, had t h i s been a n t i c i p a t e d , the a r c h i t e c t would have aimed for an even more a f f l u e n t buyer. Thus while such i n d i v i d u a l actors are guided i n t h e i r production decisions by the broader context of dominant market dynamics, there i s room for plenty of misjudgment as well as the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n (and wooing) of sub-markets with tastes outside the mainstream. U n t i l a workable formula i s established which f i t s current market conditions, there must be a process of exploration and experimentation. This was the case for the f i r s t moves to redevelop Fairview Slopes i n the 1970s, i n .which the key actors were smaller developer/architects who were more w i l l i n g to take r i s k s for the pay-off of reputation. The p r i n c i p a l of one innovative firm describes the beginning of t h e i r involvement: "In 1960 we bought our f i r s t house, as an o f f i c e on Seventh Avenue...it was owned by a widow who wanted to leave i t , and the area was red-lined, mortgage companies would not lend money, i t was a slum....I recognised at that time the i n c r e d i b l e p o t e n t i a l of the view out over the c i t y . At that time we were looking out over lumber m i l l s , False Creek was purely i n d u s t r i a l . [ b u t ] the view, the water, the c i t y , downtown was close...we recognised that as valuable....And then we move to the period when the change s t a r t s , and that r e a l l y gets going when we bought the second b u i l d i n g across the street for our growing a r c h i t e c t u r a l p r a c t i c e , and...that at the time was a c t u a l l y a house of ill-repute!..We wanted to put our a r c h i t e c t u r a l o f f i c e i n i t , and we had a t e r r i b l e time with the Planning Department because we were a non-conforming use!...It was about that time that i t became po s s i b l e to think about the area i n terms of redevelopment". The f i r s t u nits b u i l t by t h i s firm were of an "experimental" kind, and since they were located i n a "slum", the a n t i c i p a t e d customers were "non-establishment people". In contrast, the big developer Andre Molnar was slow to p a r t i c i p a t e i n the development of the Slopes, although h i s work now dominates much of i t s landscape: Molnar: "I looked at Fairview Slopes i n the 1976-77 era f i r s t and I had done a preliminary overview...and I didn't l i k e i t , I l i k e d the view, I l i k e d the l o c a t i o n , but I didn't l i k e the atmosphere, plus I was t e r r i f i e d of pioneering the area because i t was so wishy-washy as f a r as a c c e p t a b i l i t y was concerned for the middle classes...so i t was a business judgement that we didn't get involved a f t e r spending four months looking at i t " . C: "So what changed your mind?" Molnar: "Just because of the l o c a t i o n of the area [Molnar's o f f i c e i s i n the neighbourhood] i t was very easy to keep track of i t . . . p l u s with the tremendous success of the lower Fairview area, you know, the whole subdivision that the C i t y . . . d i d r i g h t on the waterfront, slowly t h i s area got cleaned up, and some smaller developers r e a l l y pioneered, and some of them got arrows i n t h e i r backs to show for i t , but they started the cleaning up of the area....Really, the only obstacle I f e l t i t had was that i t was very s p o t t y — a nice ' new project and [next to i t ] three or four d i l a p i d a t e d houses with people not even l i v i n g there l e g a l l y , there was a l o t of squatting and i t was a t e r r i b l e neighbourhood at that time—and I was frightened that my customers wouldn't f i n d i t acceptable. Some other more courageous developers were not frightened away by t h i s and started to develop....[Then once i t was started] I got involved, I got some reassurance from the f a c t that some of the r e a l l y d i l a p i d a t e d houses were cleared away". The ideas of Marshall Sahlins o f f e r a perspective on Molnar's approach, and a c r i t i q u e of the view of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n proposed by Smith and Harvey. Molnar was not confident i n i n v e s t i n g u n t i l he could perceive the emergence of a p o t e n t i a l market and the change i n a t t i t u d e s and values that t h i s must e n t a i l . As Sahlins points out: "The accumulation of exchange-value i s always the creation of use-value. The goods must s e l l , which i s to say that they must have a preferred ' u t i l i t y ' , r e a l or imagined—but always i m a g i n a b l e — f o r someone" (Sahlins 1976:213). Not u n t i l s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l conditions were r i g h t d i d the g e n t r i f i c a t i o n good i n Fairview Slopes achieve the necessary " i m a g i n a b i l i t y " for production to proceed. Production and consumption are much r i c h e r acts than t h e i r p o r t r a y a l i n s t r u c t u r a l i s t marxist analyses would imply; they "sediment thought", i n Sahlins' words (p. 178): "Not even capitalism, despite i t s ostensible organization by and fo r pragmatic advantage, can escape t h i s c u l t u r a l c o n s t i t u t i o n of an apparently objective praxis. For as Marx also taught, a l l production, even where i t i s governed by the commodity-form, by exchange value, remains the production of use-values. Without consumption, the object does not complete i t s e l f as a product: a house l e f t unoccupied i s no house. Yet use-value cannot be s p e c i f i c a l l y understood on the natural l e v e l of 'needs' and 'wants,'—precisely because men do not merely produce 'housing' or 'shelter': they produce dwellings of d e f i n i t e sorts, as a peasant's hut, or a nobleman's c a s t l e . This determination of use-values, of a p a r t i c u l a r type of house as a p a r t i c u l a r type of home, represents a continuous process of s o c i a l l i f e i n which men r e c i p r o c a l l y define objects i n terms of themselves and themselves i n terms of objects" (Sahlins 1976:169). . As I noted e a r l i e r , Smith seems set on f o r c i n g a d e c i s i o n between two mutually-exclusive options, the demand-led model and h i s own model of c a p i t a l accumulation driven by the requirements of production. Molnar's experience, as one example, should i n d i c a t e the more complex i n t e r p l a y of forces. The product marketer him/herself had f i r s t to be marketed an "imaginable" product, before he or she could know and respond to consumers' wants. Sahlins' view of production as the " s u b s t a n t i a l i z a t i o n of a c u l t u r a l l o g i c " should therefore: " p r o h i b i t us from speaking naively of the generation of demand by supply, as though the s o c i a l product were the conspiracy of a few 'decision-makers,' able to impose an ideology of fashion through the deceits of a d v e r t i s i n g . In Marx's phrase, 'The educator himself needs educating'....production i s organized to e x p l o i t a l l p o s s i b l e s o c i a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n by a motivated d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of goods....The product that reaches i t s destined market constitutes an o b j e c t i f i c a t i o n of a s o c i a l category, and so helps to constitute the l a t t e r i n society; as i n turn, the d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of the category develops further s o c i a l declensions of the goods system" (Sahlins 1976:184-5). Molnar considered the Fairview Slopes landscape inappropriate to the middle cla s s of the e a r l y and mid 1970s. C l e a r l y he l a t e r changed his mind, as the landscape and the c l a s s a l t e r e d t h e i r p r o p e r t i e s . A new s o c i a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n emerged within the middle c l a s s , which was ready for and required a new d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of objects: i n c l u d i n g a housing object and a neighbourhood object. The perspective developed here gives a p a r t i c u l a r cast to the notion of production as "merely the p r e c i p i t a t e of an enlightened r a t i o n a l i t y " (Sahlins 1976:166). In h i s early work, Smith saw g e n t r i f i c a t i o n as a r a t i o n a l market response to the pattern of p o t e n t i a l exchange values following the opening of the rent gap. More recently, following Harvey, the switch i n accumulation strategy towards increased product d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i s presented by Smith as the r a t i o n a l response to p r e v a i l i n g economic conditions i n a period of recession. But Sahlins' approach demands a r e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of that " r a t i o n a l i t y " i n the l i g h t of the necessary r e l a t i o n s h i p between the c u l t u r a l codes governing u t i l i t y and exchange value: "exchange-value i s acquired by producing objects that are not the same as other products: objects that have a d i f f e r e n t i a l meaning i n the society as o r g a n i z e d — C a d i l l a c s as opposed to Chevrolets, s u i t s as opposed to o v e r a l l s , steak as opposed to e n t r a i l s . Rational production for gain i s i n one and the same motion the production of symbols" (p. 215). Thus production i s (again i n Sahlins' words) a c u l t u r a l i n t e n t i o n . Smith and Harvey are, i n f a c t , not far from t h i s conclusion themselves, for they c a l l upon some notion of status symbolism. Harvey e x p l i c i t l y references Bordieu's concept of "symbolic c a p i t a l " — d e f i n e d as "the c o l l e c t i o n of luxury goods a t t e s t i n g the taste and d i s t i n c t i o n of the owner" (Harvey 1987:30)—as an important dimension to processes of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n , 366 the packaging for sale of history and community, and "the need for embellishment decoration, and ornamentation that could function as so may [sic] codes and symbols of social distinction" (p. 31). However, the notion of conspicuous consumption, though useful, poses some d i f f i c u l t i e s . How does one draw the line between luxury or conspicuous goods, and those more basic goods necessary for human subsistence? Smith insists that there is "a difference between, on the one hand, the worker buying a house to reproduce his labor power, and on the other, the capitalist buying a house to enhance his conspicuous individual consumption" (Smith 1979:25). In real western societies, however, the distinction between need and indulgence is not so evident. "No society....can neglect to provide shelter in producing houses, or nourishment in distinguishing the edible from the inedible. Yet men do not merely 'survive'. They survive in a definite way. They reproduce themselves as certain kinds of men and women, social classes and groups, not as biological organisms" (Sahlins 1976:168).. This i s true not only of the conspicuously-consuming capitalist, but of a l l those who subscribe to a class culture. Whether or not this i s the result of mystification cannot by i t s e l f help us understand the actual content of real people's l i v e s — n o r explain the career of real places. In Fairview Slopes this comes through in the advertising rhetoric of "l i v i n g " which I noted earlier. "Can you afford not to be liv i n g at Emerald Court?" asks one slogan which seems to evoke connotations both pecuniary and positional. Even more candid references to exchange value are partially cloaked in a language of l i f e s t y l e which taps the ambiguities of new class culture. Alderview, for instance, "i s designed to appeal to residents who prefer a standard of luxury and l i f e s t y l e amenity normally considered executive level, thereby further assuring a compatible attitude towards a lasting investment in real estate and real sensitivity to others". Meanwhile, Fairview Slopes represents at one and the same time an attractive area for a f i n a n c i a l investment, and "a d i s t i n c t i v e area for a l i v i n g investment". The next section explores the dimensions of t h i s mode of " l i v i n g " . 7.2 "CITY LIVING AT ITS BEST". Culture and consumption ideology are also neglected by the "production of g e n t r i f i e r s " writers who unpack g e n t r i f i c a t i o n to reveal i t s underpinnings i n economic r e s t r u c t u r i n g , but f a i l to consider the expressive side of s o c i a l and s p a t i a l change: the meaning of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . How people choose to act—how they decide to deal with the problems and opportunities a r i s i n g from economic r e s t r u c t u r i n g , for i n s t a n c e — i s shaped by the meanings they a t t r i b u t e to the various a l t e r n a t i v e s that are o b j e c t i v e l y p o s s i b l e . I s h a l l begin i n t e r p r e t a t i o n by i l l u s t r a t i n g how notions of the urban enter i n t o the language of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . The object i s a scrutiny of that language, which has so penetrated everyday speech i n some s o c i a l worlds and so broadly d i f f u s e d i n the popular media that i t appears as the commonsense mode by which we r e f e r to c e r t a i n objects. Even the terminology employed to describe the Fairview Slopes residences themselves c a r r i e s forward the meaning of the "urban"; s e m i - o f f i c i a l l y alluded to as "townhouses" i n planning documents and s i m i l a r sources, Fairview condominiums are a l s o advertised as "townhomes", "citihomes", and other variants upon the same theme. The i d e o l o g i c a l content of such language i s revealed by a method which draws out comparisons with the language employed for other times and places, and which traces leakages of meaning between realms that are, o b j e c t i v e l y , d i s c r e t e . Leakages of meaning such as that demonstrated by the notion of "urban l i f e s t y l e " are c a r r i e d through i n the p e r s o n i f i c a t i o n of the c i t y , the neighbourhood and the "citihome". For instance, the Windgate development on Fairview Slopes o f f e r s " C i t y homes with energy, designs with v i t a l i t y " . The anatomical metaphor figures strongly. Rhapsody citihomes i s " i n the center of an e x c i t i n g urban neighbourhood", and enjoys access to the "pulse and vigor of a dynamic c i t y " ; i t i s located "pulse beats away" from numerous amenities, " i n the heart of Vancouver's Fairview Slopes, a r e v i t a l i z e d neighbourhood described by Vancouver L i f e as the 'hottest of r e s i d e n t i a l hotspots'". S i m i l a r l y , Fairview Place i s "quiet [ s i c ] simply THE place, pulsing with excitement", whereas Alderview Court i s at "The p u l s e — t h e h e a r t — t h e centre of the c i t y " . Urbanity features as a dominant p o s i t i v e t r a i t , as i l l u s t r a t e d by these slogans: " C i t y l i v i n g at i t s best." (Plate 7.4); "A new c i t y 'centre'"; "For those who value an a c t i v e l i f e s t y l e i n the heart of the c i t y " ; "the most desireable metropolitan l o c a t i o n i n Vancouver"; and "Vancouver 1s premium urban neighbourhood". The Southport development o f f e r s " t r u l y d i s t i n c t i v e c i t y homes—homes that c i t y people w i l l treasure for the pleasure they add to an urban l i f e s t y l e " — t h e pleasure which i s " a l l part of d a i l y urban l i f e " . The notion of " c i t y people" which i s employed i n t h i s l a s t advertisement forces a comparison with the suburban dream, one which interviewees e x p l i c i t l y made for themselves. The intertwining of place and i d e n t i t y has already been mentioned i n the previous chapter; Barbara, for instance, describes the l i f e s t y l e preferred by he r s e l f and her husband: "We're not North Vancouver people....we're not commuters". In explanation she adds: "I t ' s the way we l i k e to be. We couldn't do the things we l i k e to do i f we l i v e d , say, i n Burnaby, North Vancouver or West Vancouver--we l i k e to be close to downtown with everything at our f i n g e r t i p s " . As with the epithet "yuppie", a person's s o c i a l i d e n t i t y i s defined by a geographical a d j e c t i v e . P h i l says: I think the people here are very 'downtown people'". And E r i c a adopts the same tone: Plate 7.4 A d v e r t i s i n g board for "Dover Pointe", f e a t u r i n g a c i t y 370 "We both considered ourselves c i t y people. I think that we l i k e the amenities that c i t i e s have to o f f e r , I think we l i k e that sense of taking advantage of what we consider to be urban things, rather than a l o t of the reasons people l i v e i n Vancouver. We weren't n e c e s s a r i l y s k i i e r s or boaters or anything l i k e that, we were more int e r e s t e d i n being close to theatres and that kind of c i t y l i f e " . Even when E r i c a ' s behaviour does not f i t t h i s s e l f - d e p i c t i o n , she employs the geographical counterpart i n a self-deprecating quip: "Yes, I'm t e r r i b l y suburban, I go to Oakridge!" (a shopping mall i n an inner suburb). To G i l l , Fairview Slopes "seemed the i d e a l place for us c i t y dweller types". More i n d i r e c t l y , there were suggestions of how outsiders view the g e n t r i f i e r s . Helen says, "most of the people I work with are i n t h e i r mid to l a t e 30s, and they have young families and they l i v e i n suburbia. They are very d i f f e r e n t i n t h e i r l i f e s t y l e s from me". Other people's image of Helen i s d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d to her place of residence; apparently they think of her as: "being i n the c i t y , and you're just a s i n g l e swinger". What perceptions of place, of the c i t y and the suburb, l i e behind t h i s l a b e l l i n g of people? N e i l makes a comparison of the two worlds: "I wouldn't want to l i v e i n Surrey or Richmond, i t ' s too [sub]urban, too C a l i f o r n i a , i t ' s just not me. I t ' s that s t y l e of mainstreets and homes i n cul-de-sacs, i t ' s too boring, i t ' s . . . j u s t too ugly. I l i k e the c i t y s t y l e of l i v i n g . I l i k e the pace of the c i t y . I l i k e the c u l t u r e " . "5uburb" i s t i e d to an image of a way of l i f e : family-centred suburbia. As Linda says: "We prefer to l i v e i n a townhouse rather than a l o t of property.... If we d i d move i t would be to the same type of surroundings, we wouldn't go out and buy a si n g l e family house, have a yard and a dog". Suburbia stands for a bland existence, a compromise i n Andy's view: "I've l i v e d i n Toronto, I'm a believer i n , i f you're going to l i v e i n the c i t y , l i v e i n the c i t y . I'm not a suburban or a country person, I l i k e l i v i n g c l o s e to the urban area". A l i s o n t r e a t s the suburb as a generic b a n a l i t y : "I've l i v e d i n the Burnaby's of the world, and New Westminster, and 371 I have l i v e d i n Surrey, and I don't think I ever enjoyed l i v i n g i n Surrey, I don't think I would enjoy l i v i n g as much i n New Westminster or Burnaby. Just because I happen to love l i v i n g here, I love t h i s area". In some cases, interviewees spoke of the suburbs i n a tone of horror. In t a l k i n g about the pos s i b l e changes i n h i s family l i f e , Gordon says: "I hope and pray that i f I ever have to move on the basis of some sort of r e a l l y a l t e r e d circumstances, I ' l l s t i l l be able to l i v e i n the c i t y . I do not want to l i v e i n the suburbs, I don't think i t would ever suit me. Even i f one was forced i n [ t o ] some awful s i t u a t i o n l i k e the sing l e family detached house—which i s something I hope I can avoid—one can s t i l l do that i n the c i t y " . G i l l a l s o says "I can't bear the thought of moving i n t o the suburbs". And i n mock disgust, Pat r e f e r s to the suburb of Richmond: "My s i s t e r , as much as i t shames me to say i t , has moved to 'Ditchmond'". At the other extreme, g e n t r i f i e r s express t h e i r excitement about the inner c i t y . An older couple reported: "we made a d i s t i n c t d e c i s i o n that we wanted to come down i n t o a more urban area". Helen s a i d : "I think the f i r s t thing that I r e a l l y l i k e about l i v i n g here i s the f a c t that i t ' s very close to the c i t y " . Later she exclaimed: "I love i t , I love l i v i n g near the c i t y ! " . The same i s the case for E r i c : E r i c : " I t c e r t a i n l y has a d i f f e r e n t f e e l to i t than Surrey or someplace els e . It c o l l e c t s people...who l i k e to play tennis and walk i n the evening. I t ' s an a t t r a c t i v e place to do that". C: "Would you ever think about moving out to a suburban area?" E r i c : "Never, never. If I'm going to l i v e i n the c i t y — I l i k e c i t i e s , I l i k e busyness—I want to be r i g h t here i n the c i t y . Being i n a suburb i s , l i k e , forget i t ! I t's not where I want to be". The negative perception of suburban l i v i n g i s p a r t l y explained by the more pragmatic considerations discussed i n the l a s t c h a p t e r — g e n t r i f i c a t i o n being i n some senses a matter of need for p a r t i c u l a r kinds of households. But there i s a set of values, of patterns of meaning about d i f f e r e n t ways of l i f e which can only be dealt with i n c u l t u r a l terms. The "myth of suburbia" has received substantial attention i n the academic l i t e r a t u r e (Schwartz 1976). A " c l a s s i c " model has depicted suburbia as an i n t e g r a l c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y , one i n which i t s symbols (such as the ranch house) and i t s a c t i v i t i e s (such as the kaffeeklatsch) compose a way of l i f e which has been condemned as t r i v i a l , complacent and tedious. This model was formulated i n d i r e c t opposition to the image of the c i t y , contrasting dynamic core with languid periphery. In contradiction to the c l a s s i c view, the "myth" has been challenged by a second model which argues for suburbia as merely a s e l e c t i v e s p a t i a l extension of e x i s t i n g modes of l i f e . To restate Gans 1 p o s i t i o n (see Chapter 1) with respect to the p o s s i b i l i t y of an objective urban phenomenon (and i n response to the notion of "urbanism as a way of l i f e " ) : "If ways of l i f e do not coincide with settlement types, and i f } these ways are functions of c l a s s and l i f e - c y c l e stage rather than of the e c o l o g i c a l a t t r i b u t e s of the settlement, a s o c i o l o g i c a l d e f i n i t i o n of the c i t y cannot be formulated" (Gans 1968:114-5). Like the c i t y , the suburb also was dismissed as an i n t e g r a l c u l t u r a l e n t i t y , on the grounds that i t i s merely one portion of a s o c i a l surface patterned as a r e s u l t of processes of d i f f e r e n t i a l m o b i l i t y and l i f e c ycle demands. In a review of t h i s debate on suburbia, Schwartz has argued a case which p a r a l l e l s that which I would make with respect to the inner c i t y . It remains useful to think of the c i t y , l i k e the suburb, as a moral order, as an epithet possessing "symbolic...properties. To t h e i r residents, communities furnish a way of l i f e ; to outsiders, v i s i o n s of a way of l i f e " (Schwartz 1976:326). In support of the power of the image, Schwartz quotes Berger (1971)—a c r i t i c of the suburban myth—as admitting: "Despite everything reasonable I have said about suburbs, I know that the f a c t that I unreasonably d i s l i k e them has been conditioned, beyond the p o s s i b i l i t y of redemption by mere research, by the f a c t that the myth of suburbia e x i s t s " . And i n o u t l i n i n g the content of that myth, Schwartz a l s o c a l l s upon the books of n o v e l i s t John Cheever to describe the parameters of suburban l i f e : "Desperation and boredom, on the one hand; on the other, the commutation hysteria....The suburb i s therefore contemptible because of i t s s p i r i t u a l bleakness, i t s 'shallow and despicable l i f e - s t y l e , ' which transforms poetic dreams of pa s t o r a l b l i s s i n t o the cheap prose of the 7:50 and the power mower... suburbia organizes a l i f e without meaning, whose l o g i c a l indictment i s death i t s e l f . " ("Schwartz 1976:337). This i s of course a remarkably extreme view of the suburbs! But i t s accuracy i s i r r e l e v a n t to those such as the Fairview residents for whom suburbia remains a powerfully negative s i g n i f i e r , and who are a c t i v e l y (re)constructing a counterpart symbolic s i t e i n the notion of the "urban". When I interviewed David, I queried h i s future r e s i d e n t i a l plans; he r e p l i e d i n Cheeveresque exaggeration: C: " I f you moved to Richmond—?" David: "I think I would d i e ! " One i n t e r e s t i n g aspect of the mythical order i s the ass o c i a t i o n of space with a symbolism of sex. Schwartz r e f e r s to the "femininity" of suburbia, i t s a l i e n a t i o n from the "serious" work of the c i t y , i t s a s s o c i a t i o n with the passive and the t r i v i a l . While Schwartz's p o r t r a y a l of a symbolic str u c t u r i n g of the female/suburban against the male/urban lacks a c r i t i c a l perspective, i t does r e f l e c t what Saegert (1980) has c a l l e d a "guiding f i c t i o n " about the domains of men and women, which feeds i n t o p o l i c y , planning and self-perceptions. In her c r i t i q u e of how the organization of space can contribute to the a l i e n a t i o n of women, Saegert points out that "these c u l t u r a l l y b i f u r c a t e d conceptions have power. They help to give r i s e to organizations of space and time that make r e a l choices between domestic, p r i v a t e a c t i v i t i e s and publ i c , productive ones d i f f i c u l t " (Saegert 1980:9). As we have already learned from the interviewees' patterns of domestic organization, and t h e i r antipathy for commuting and for the obligations of household maintenance (mowing the lawn being the dominant image they employ), there i s substantial evidence for a conscious . r e j e c t i o n of what Schwartz 374 c a l l e d the "cheap prose of the 7:50 and the power mower" i n both p r a c t i c a l and symbolic terms. This could carry forward an erosion of conventional masculine and feminine i d e n t i t i e s , along with a r e j e c t i o n of the "suburban time-space rhythms of separate spheres of work and d a i l y l i f e and the manner i n which the l a t t e r i s yet dominated by the former" (Rose 1984:62). Practices of time management and l e i s u r e amongst the g e n t r i f i e r s r e f l e c t a d e s i r e to be c l o s e l y engaged with the cycles of urban l i f e . Carole says, "I wouldn't f i t i n i n the suburbs. I l i k e to be able to do my own banking l a t e at night i f I have to". N e i l enjoys "walking and c y c l i n g . I enjoy looking at a r c h i t e c t u r e , just going around the c i t y and seeing what's happening, and s t a r i n g at b u i l d i n g s " . Martin reports: We l i k e to go for walks up and down the streets and look at what's going on". And Anne i s s e t t i n g f o r t h on a project to become more f a m i l i a r with c i t y l i f e a f t e r leaving her more r u r a l home: "Well things are very d i f f e r e n t here of course to what they were i n a small town. I l i k e to go to the symphony...I l i k e to go down to the a r t galleries....And I am rediscovering the c i t y by doing the walks i n [the book] 'Walks i n Vancouver'". Such p r a c t i c e s suggest a d e s i r e to overcome c e r t a i n a l i e n a t i n g separations, those between subject and o b j e c t — t h e " r e a l " person enjoying self-expressive a c t i v i t i e s , and the world of the c i t y which has represented the instrumental a c t i v i t i e s of commerce and the world of work. This becomes p o s s i b l e when the face of the c i t y i s transformed i n t o a commodity for consumption and a v e h i c l e for s e l f - f u l f i l l m e n t . The power of the urban metaphor as a language by which i t s g e n t r i f i e r s understand t h e i r l i v e s i s rein f o r c e d by the drawing i n of patterns of urban l i f e from other times and places. The developer of two projects christened them "The San Franciscan" (I and I I ) . While not r e f e r r i n g d i r e c t l y to these p r o j e c t s , interviewees detected the same correspondence. Jack said: " I t ' s a 375 l i t t l e b i t l i k e San Francisco around here". Hester claims: "I sort of nickname i t 'The Streets of San Francisco' because of the r e a l l y steep p i t c h on some of the s t r e e t s " . For Rose, " I t reminds me a l o t of San F r a n c i s c o — the slope and the look. I went to San Francisco and decided I'd love to l i v e there". And according to one couple: B i l l : "A l o t of people r e f e r to i t a c t u a l l y as 'San Francisco North'. Its very much l i k e San Francisco..." Barbara: "Several of the designs of the condominiums—" B i l l : "[And] the fac t that we are on a slope l i k e San Francisco, and having the view which i s f a n t a s t i c " . The other resemblance picked out by two interviewees was that with New York--or rather, some notion of the New York " s t y l e of l i v i n g " . N e i l reports: "I c ycle, I have no car, that's how I know what's going on i n the c i t y , and every time I came i n t o t h i s c o r r i d o r I rather l i k e d i t . It reminded me of an inner urban or very New York s t y l e of l i v i n g , and I thought, I'd l i k e to l i v e over there". Later he explains: "In 1983, I went to New York. I always wanted to go there, t h i s thing about being able to c a l l for a t a x i on the street impressed me. The i n c r e d i b l e amount of arc h i t e c t u r e , the a r t deco. I would go any day back to New York, there i s so much jazz, so much happening, so much c u l t u r e — t h a t was e x c i t i n g " . And Keith reports: "We've become New Yorkers. We use t a x i s , walk. G r a n v i l l e Island within walking distance was one of the goodies". References to these other urban models act as templates for understanding the new Vancouver inner c i t y . The interviewees' narratives constantly draw out connections of meaning, between one place and another, and between place and i d e n t i t y . As Raymond Williams has shown i n h i s ana l y s i s of "The Country and the C i t y " (1973), expressions of the supposed character of a place function i n the establishment and carrying forward of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s . In a discussion of Williams' work, Sayer draws out the lessons for geographers: "people seek...to give meaning to t h e i r l i v e s , to form i d e n t i t i e s . -People seek out s i t u a t i o n s i n which they think t h e i r desired 376 i d e n t i t i e s w i l l a c t u a l l y be confirmed through t h e i r actions, t h e i r material circumstances and the actions of others towards them. Images of place are strongly a f f e c t e d by t h i s search, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the quest for community, as an 'organic' form of asso c i a t i o n i n which people can develop t h e i r i n d i v i d u a l i t y through t h e i r unalienated r e l a t i o n s with others. Everyday concepts of the urban are therefore not merely d e s c r i p t i v e but expressive and carry a heavy a f f e c t i v e load of associations which allude to much broader and more fundamental concerns and responses" (Sayer 1984b:283). The nature of a place contributes to the construction of s o c i a l i d e n t i t y . Sayer's example i s that of the community, a notion which c a r r i e s with i t images of close k n i t s o c i a l l i f e where i n t e n s i t y of interpersonal r e l a t i o n s i s highly valued as a context of support. The pursuit of the suburban dream supposedly represents a search for community which centres on the family. Is there a community being sought i n g e n t r i f i c a t i o n ? Unfortunately, Sayer's organic community i s at once too vague and too s p e c i f i c to be applied as a d e s c r i p t i o n of the content of any r e a l s o c i a l world. Evidence from Fairview Slopes suggests l i t t l e emphasis placed on the presence of "unalienated r e l a t i o n s with others": i n f a c t , some interviewees e x p l i c i t l y welcomed the degree of anonymity possible with a r e t r e a t from the c i t y to a well-insulated condominium. Yet the search for an engagement of the s e l f with the c i t y as a means for expressing i n d i v i d u a l i t y confirms the existence of some kind of re l a t e d quest. This engagement with the c i t y i s expressed most strongly i n the emphasis placed on Fairview's s t r a t e g i c l o c a t i o n which allows people to make intensive use of the l o c a l area, e s p e c i a l l y by means of excursions on foot. Interviewees frequently pointed out the advantage of being able to walk to t h e i r workplaces or to various l e i s u r e f a c i l i t i e s . False Creek and G r a n v i l l e Island are the most treasured amenities. As Isabelle says, " I t seems l i k e a fun sort of place, there's l o t s going on. There are restaurants nearby, and G r a n v i l l e Island within walking distance, and walks along the False Creek seawall, i t just seems to be a place that's i n t e r e s t i n g , i t ' s i n t e r e s t i n g to look at and there are some i n t e r e s t i n g people around". 377 Another resident points out, "You don't have to have a car here, you can do everything that you want citywise here". Matthew finds Fairview Slopes "handy to G r a n v i l l e Island and on nice days on weekends generally we'll walk down and wander around, and you don't have to park, and i t ' s just handy to everything". A number of interviewees are able to walk to work: Frances: "We wanted a townhouse...then we r e a l i s e d that I could walk to work, Frederick could get a bus that would take him i n t o work, and we love the market, so we can r e a l l y walk to everything we want to do". Barbara: "We walk, we walk home from work. I meet B i l l at h i s o f f i c e downtown, we walk over Cambie Street Bridge...." B i l l : "Or we come the other way and take the f e r r y over, go over to the Arts Theatre [on G r a n v i l l e Island] and have a drink on the way....And we walk to restaurants, again we don't have to take transportation....And we've got bikes here so again we don't lose anything because [you can go] st r a i g h t down the Creek, and now they've opened i t up r i g h t the way through, you can go a l l the way along through K i t s i l a n o up to Spanish Banks". Walking i s not merely valued as a means to an end, but a source of enjoyment i n i t s e l f , and a number of people reported that they frequently took walks for pleasure i n the False Creek area. S y l v i a , f or instance, says "Nine times out of ten we go for a walk a f t e r dinner when we're not going out i n the evening". Meg says: "I often walk downtown, i t ' s very a c c e s s i b l e . We often walk at night—we often walk across one bridge, a l l the way around [False Creek], and back over". Fiona and Frank, "love G r a n v i l l e Market, so we can walk down there on t h i s b e a u t i f u l parkway across Sixth A v e n u e — i t ' s just a bridge but they've landscaped i t and i t r e a l l y i s so pleasant just to walk down there. And when they had Expo we would walk down to Stamps Landing and get the f e r r y boat across. And i t was just so pleasant to be able to do these things and not have to d r i v e and f i n d somewhere to park the car". Even Gordon admits: "I bought a bike when I moved i n here. People thought that I'd r e a l l y bought the farm on that one! And I a c t u a l l y r i d e i t around a l i t t l e , r i d e i t to Expo, i t ' s s i x minutes away". The planning philosophy underpinning G r a n v i l l e Island and False Creek (Ley 1987b) placed f u l l emphasis on the development of a "sense of p l a c e " — moreover, a sense of a "people place". An i n b u i l t f u nctional d i v e r s i t y d e l i b e r a t e l y promotes the "walking c i t y " (or perhaps what would better be described as a "jogging neighbourhood": amongst l o c a l Fairview joggers was (now ex-) resident and (now ex-) c i t y mayor Mike Harcourt, who would greet other pedestrians with a cheery wave as he ran by i n h i s red t r a c k s u i t ) . In some respects, then, there are some s i m i l a r i t i e s to Jane Jacobs' favoured urban neighbourhoods (Jacobs 1961), where residents can enjoy a sense of stewardship over spaces beyond t h e i r own front doors. Helen, for example, says: "I think the f i r s t thing that I r e a l l y l i k e about l i v i n g here i s the fact that i t ' s very close to the c i t y . You can walk to town i n twenty minutes, over the Cambie Bridge. You can walk to G r a n v i l l e Island i n twenty minutes...I l i k e being near the waterfront, i t ' s a very p r e t t y area, and even though I don't have a yard, I've got the parks and I don't miss i t " . Later she adds: "I think also I consider myself as part of the Creek. A l o t of people use the walkway to go to the market, they use the restaurants and the pub down i n Leg-in-Boot Square, and I would say i t i s quite a community, the people i n t h i s [building] l i k e to use t h i s community...the l o c a l stores etcetera, because you can walk". Jane Jacobs' emphasis on safety i n v i t a l i t y comes through i n some residents' comments. For example, when I asked G i l l i f she f i t the yuppie image, she began to muse over the assumption that Fairview Slopes i s not appropriate for f a m i l i e s with c h i l d r e n : "Possibly, because we both l i k e a l o t of the urban things. We're not t e r r i b l y i n t e r e s t e d i n coaching l i t t l e league baseball teams and mowing lawns on Saturday and that sort of s t u f f . And that's one of the reasons why we have considered not moving, a c t u a l l y , i s because there are a l o t of fun things you can do with kids down here on the weekends t o o — A r t s Umbrella, fun s t u f f l i k e that, organized sports. Two fathers a l s o stressed a s i m i l a r advantage i n terms of sec u r i t y : "There's a l o t of park area around here, even i f you don't have a yard, we tend to spend a l o t of time out at the park. And just i n ^ 379 general, i t ' s a f a i r l y n i c e f e e l i n g , you f e e l safe i n t h i s neighbourhood". "We f e e l the neighbourhood i s very safe, we never f e e l uncomfortable walking around at night, and there's usually a reasonable number of people out l a t e at night". Unlike Jane Jacobs' streets made safe by neighbourly s u r v e i l l a n c e , however, here there are no s t o o p - s i t t e r s , and few residences are oriented towards the s t r e e t . Rather, residents enjoy a more "elevated" sense of c i t i z e n s h i p , from t h e i r roofdeck lookouts which connect them with more d i s t a n t horizons rather than with the street immediately below. There may be a r e l a t i v e l y vibrant " d a i l y b a l l e t " (Jacobs' term), with pedestrians walking to work or for pleasure, c y c l i s t s , joggers, d e l i v e r i e s to neighbourhood businesses, and Sunday morning BMW-washers. But i t i s a rather impersonal one, lacking long term committment. Such ambiguity i n terms of community comes through i n mixed experiences of neighbourliness. Most interviewees reported that they were acquainted with t h e i r neighbours ( t h i s i s i n e v i t a b l e i n a condominium s e t t i n g ) , but many admitted that these r e l a t i o n s h i p s remained f a i r l y formal. There were some exceptions: "I think we're fortunate that we're i n a small b u i l d i n g and so we get to know them. And i f I'm out digging i n the front garden, then usually there w i l l be four people ending up s i t t i n g on the steps, t a l k i n g , and there i s that f r i e n d l y f e e l i n g . And I f i n d , i n t h i s immediate area, i f you're out on the street washing your car, you get people from next door who stop and chat, I don't f i n d i t an unf r i e n d l y area". In another small b u i l d i n g with a number of older residents, a woman t o l d me that she often exchanged c a t - s i t t i n g duties with one neighbour, and helped another with car r i d e s . C e r t a i n l y , the smaller projects dominated by owner-occupiers seemed most l i k e l y to encourage neighbouring. E r i c reports: "Sometimes when i t ' s a sunny day people have barbecues out there, sometimes they hang out out there, you always meet and t a l k with your neighbours out there. Late at night, people come staggering i n howling drunk out there, whatever!..we hear i t a l l " . . 3 8 0 And of his friends i n t h i s neighbourhood: "Two or three are f a i r l y close friends i n t h i s b u i l d i n g . Eighty percent of t h i s complex I'm on speaking terms with, we chat about things. The other 1 0 or 2 0 percent I'm friends with, and go out with". Frances reports that she i s l i k e l y to "smile and say h e l l o with more people on the way to work walking along Seventh [Avenue] than I ever d i d i n Ker r i s d a l e " . And, i n tune with Jane Jacobs, J u l i a f inds an advantage i n the func t i o n a l mix of her development: "People are f r i e n d l y i n t h i s b u i l d i n g , and because i t ' s not s t r i c t l y r e s i d e n t i a l , there are o f f i c e s and so f o r t h , you see couriers and so on going through, that's nice". J u l i a adds: " i f you tend to do something r o u t i n e l y , you see the same people so you become acquaintances, i t ' s sort of f r i e n d l y , you don't f e e l i s o l a t e d " . An excellent example of t h i s i s given by Roberta: "[Every evening] I take the dog out, that's a routine....And we have met some people i n the park who have dogs themselves, so we make quite a few friends through dogs, i t ' s quite i n t e r e s t i n g how a group of people have formed." Despite these examples, there i s plenty of evidence that t h i s i s not a close - k n i t neighbourhood. While various planning issues have sparked some resident action, there seems to be l i t t l e sustained community involvement. Renters seem never to receive i n v i t a t i o n s to p a r t i c i p a t e i n such a c t i v i t i e s . Residents seem to prefer to tre a t t h e i r homes on Fairview Slopes as p r i v a t e "pieds-a-terre", from which to launch themselves i n t o the "non-place urban realm". As Frederick notes of the courtyard: " [ i t ] would lend i t s e l f to summer p a r t i e s but i t doesn't happen....it's not unfriendly, but i t ' s r e a l l y that everyone has t h e i r own things to do.... sometimes we s i t and have morning coffee on our steps. But i t ' s a very u n d e r u t i l i s e d space. You would have thought we'd a l l have got to know each other very well, and be i n and out of each other's places, but i t doesn't work that way". S i m i l a r l y , Barbara says of her immediate neighbours: 381 "We chat i f we see each other and pass the time of day, they've been i n to see just what we've done to the place, we don't press i t . . . . t h e y ' r e a couple on t h e i r own, they go t h e i r own way, and we don't i n t e r f e r e with each other, we're just f r i e n d l y " . Other interviewees emphasised that they do not " l i v e i n each others' pockets". When I asked David i f he had made fri e n d s i n the area, he answered, "Yes, although you tend not t o . . . i t ' s a l i f e s t y l e which doesn't lend i t s e l f to neighbourliness very well, i t ' s a p r o t e c t i v e thing r e a l l y . . . y o u have to be very c a r e f u l you don't make quick friendships which could sour very quickly, people who l i v e i n condominiums". Most extreme were the following viewpoints; A l i s o n : We don't r e a l l y know our neighbours, I don't think anybody gets to know t h e i r neighbours i n t h i s area". K a r l : "I've met no-one i n that area because of l i v i n g there. I t ' s very i s o l a t e d I think there; [a l o c a l media c e l e b r i t y ] l i v e s r i g h t next door to me...he made some comment to me that nobody ever talks...he said, what a funny place you l i v e i n here, you never see anyone around and yet there are so many people l i v i n g there....He just wanted to t a l k , that doesn't happen very often". From the varied comments noted above, there can be no fir m conclusion as to the o v e r a l l strength of Fairview Slopes as a "community". C e r t a i n l y there i s l i t t l e e x p l i c i t evidence that resident g e n t r i f i e r s are "seeking community" of the type to which Sayer was r e f e r r i n g . A l l e n ( 1 9 8 0 ) o f f e r s some i n s i g h t i n t o the ambiguities of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n ideology. He i d e n t i f i e s g e n t r i f i c a t i o n with a form of Utopian s o c i a l movement, a quest f o r s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l d i v e r s i t y which i s motivated by nos t a l g i a for the l o s t community experience. At the same time, A l l e n acknowledges the ambivalent nature of t h i s search which desires the proximity of stimulating d i v e r s i t y — b u t at a "safe" perceptual range. In the case of Fairview Slopes, there i s indeed a search f o r d i v e r s i t y — e s p e c i a l l y a v a r i e t y of consumption experiences and of v i s u a l s t i m u l a t i o n s — y e t t h i s i s an ordered and safe d i v e r s i t y . While, for instance, residents may agree h y p o t h e t i c a l l y with the s o c i a l mix objectives of False Creek's municipal redevelopment, i n p r a c t i c e they do not welcome some forms of s o c i a l mix within t h e i r own enclaves. The negative re a c t i o n of residents to recent cooperative projects which I noted i n Chapter 5, and to the presence of c h i l d r e n i n t h e i r own condominium projects, plus the lack of support for s o c i a l housing i n the neighbourhood found by F u j i i (1981), are a l l suggestive of a narrow d e f i n i t i o n of s o c i a l d i v e r s i t y close to home—one which might welcome mixes of (adult) age-brackets and of household types (si n g l e s , couples and gays—as long as they are c h i l d l e s s ) , but only i f they are a f f l u e n t enough to pay t h e i r own way. Careless co-resident tenants, or noisy neighbours s t i l l i n h a b i t i n g the remaining d i l a p i d a t e d o l d houses, are not welcome. S i m i l a r l y , v a r i e t y i n urban functions and the advantages of nearby commercial establishments are undesirable i f they impinge i n c e r t a i n ways: for example, by non-resident parking or the smells of a restaurant that was proposed on Seventh and B i r c h . Neighbourly contact i s of a " c i v i l i s e d " kind, one which w i l l remain r e l a t i v e l y formal and impersonal. Residents have other arenas for e s t a b l i s h i n g s o c i a l p o s i t i o n and prefer to maintain t h e i r s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y within the neighbourhood i t s e l f . As a consequence, Fairview Slopes i s valued for i t s q u a l i t y of being of the c i t y , and yet somewhat withdrawn from i t . Dover Pointe i s located i n : "Vancouver's premium urban neighbourhood.... So close to downtown, yet removed from the hustle and bustle". Rhapsody Citihomes are "a part of the c i t y and yet apart from i t " . And while Maximillian o f f e r s "the excitement of the c i t y core", i t has the following features: "Perhaps the f i n e s t c i t y residences ever offered i n Fairview Slopes. The a r c h i t e c t u r e i s d i s t i n c t i v e — a n elegant fusion of t r a d i t i o n a l urban s t y l i n g and modern citihome. A sheltered courtyard buffers your citihome from the v i t a l i t y of the c i t y " . These are features valued by residents as w e l l . Tom says: " I t has a c e r t a i n urban sense which i s not as urban as the West End, which I f i n d too urban, 383 and i t ' s d e f i n i t e l y not i n the s t i c k s " . Gordon describes Fairview as "Urban core, but r i g h t o f f the downtown". Comparisons are made with the West End, which has a reputation for noise and sometimes d i s r u p t i v e s o c i a l d i v e r s i t y (for example, p r o s t i t u t i o n and panhandling); i n making that comparison, Rose praises Fairview for being "not an apartment jungle", while Alan says: "There were parts of the West End that I l i k e d , but i t i s too crowded, too downtown, too much t r a f f i c . . . . A n d then to go to Richmond or the o u t l y i n g areas i s just too far away....I r e a l l y love [Fairview Slopes] because i t i s so close to downtown but i t ' s not i n that heart of downtown". However, i n one case I d i d uncover the minority viewpoint that Fairview does not o f f e r s u f f i c i e n t stimulation: David: "The view i s c e r t a i n l y very nice, proximity to downtown i s nice. But there are c e r t a i n things I miss about the West End...there i s n ' t the urbanity on the Slopes that there i s i n the West End. The West End i s f u l l of l i f e , i t ' s f u l l of people, f u l l of a c t i v i t y , and we miss that aspect of i t " . C: " I t ' s i n t e r e s t i n g you say that, because many of the buildings are advertised as very 'urban'". David: "Well, i t i s i n many ways, but when you compare i t to the West End i t has some d e f i c i e n c i e s " . One resident described Fairview Slopes as enjoying a " p o s i t i o n above the c i t y , but i n i t " . As a consequence of i t s topography, the neighbourhood i s indeed "above the c i t y " , and i t commands a spectacular view of Vancouver's downtown core set between the water and the mountains. This view i s an important s e l l i n g point for the new condominiums, and i t features predominantly i n the marketing material. In a t y p i c a l pamphlet, for instance, we are i n v i t e d to "consider being able to view a dramatic and constantly changing panorama of marine v i s t a s , Vancouver's d a z z l i n g cityscape and the majestic mountains". D i r e c t l y or i n d i r e c t l y , the view i s incorporated i n t o project names, such as "Alderview", or "Seascape V i s t a " . Most marketing pamphlets are i l l u s t r a t e d by a panoramic photograph; others employ more abstracted motifs such as that appearing on Dover Pointe's noticeboard (Plate 7 . 4 ) . The promotion of a view seems commonplace. But the idea of landscape i s a r e i f i c a t i o n of s o c i a l processes recoverable by a closer examination of the "view language"—the notion of "commanding a view" for instance. "The very idea of landscape implies separation and observation" (Williams 1973:120) between subject (the observer) and object (the land). Cosgrove has written of landscape as "a way of seeing the world" (Cosgrove 1984:13): "[Landscape] i s an i d e o l o g i c a l concept. It represents a way i n which c e r t a i n classes of people have s i g n i f i e d themselves and t h e i r world through t h e i r imagined r e l a t i o n s h i p with nature, and through which they have underlined and communicated t h e i r own s o c i a l r o l e and that of others with respect to external nature" (Cosgrove 1984:15). Cosgrove and Williams both place the h i s t o r i c a l advent of landscape at a point of changing property r e l a t i o n s and the emergence of a new cla s s of property owners. Perhaps i t i s appropriate that those who have fashioned the new notion of "cityscape" are also a new c l a s s i n the ascendent. In Fairview Slopes the ad v e r t i s i n g language blends ownership and observation, presenting the landscape as an object to be consumed (my emphases): "Rhapsody o f f e r s e x c i t i n g panoramic cityscapes, view of Expo 86, False Creek, and behind them a l l , the majesty of the mountains". "Southport has been s p e c i f i c a l l y designed to c a p i t a l i z e on spectacular views". At Seascape V i s t a , "A panorama of the c i t y i s yours f o r the viewing"—echoes of appropriation? The notion of view as commodity i s c a r r i e d through i n t h i s slogan for the "Courtyards" development: "Perspectives on the c i t y ' s most desir a b l e new neighbourhood....A view towards value". The people I interviewed were proud of t h e i r views, and some had arranged t h e i r home l i v e s so as to enjoy them to the f u l l — b r e a k f a s t on the roof-deck i n the summer, for instance. One resident has i n s t a l l e d a telescope observatory on h i s roof, from which he inspects the c i t y s kyline. Expo 86 had the e f f e c t of exaggerating t h i s sense of possession. From Fairview Slopes, the world's f a i r was e a s i l y a ccessible by foot or by f e r r y . The music was heard with c l a r i t y across the water. The fireworks show (which took place each evening a l l summer) was a grandstand event: p a r t i e s of Fairview residents and t h e i r guests emerged r e g u l a r l y at the correct time on t h e i r roofdecks, sipped wine, and watched the spectacle. The elevated vantage point i s , most simply, suggestive of status. The development named "Santorini", for instance, i s acclaimed as "Above the c i t y . Above a l l expectations". The neighbourhood i s defined with respect to i t s external prospect; the view makes the place, and i t s people. In commanding a view, what i s i t that i s being possessed? Williams has argued that the elevated vantage point gave landowners a p a r t i c u l a r v i s i o n of a landscape emptied of labour, "from which the f a c t s of production had been banished". A r e a l engagement with what i s on the ground i s thus confounded by distance and elevation. From Fairview Slopes, Vancouver's C.B.D. becomes an o u t l i n e , abstracted as "the c i t y " . From Fairview, you are (according to the marketing material), "Overlooking a vibrant c i t y " . And i n f a c t "there's no place more spectacular than r e l a x i n g on roof decks overlooking the dramatic skyline of one of the world's most b e a u t i f u l c i t i e s " . One i s able to r e l a x p r e c i s e l y because, one's horizons being f i x e d at an elevated height, the working c i t y at street l e v e l i s obscured. One a r c h i t e c t with whom I spoke compared "the Fairview a e s t h e t i c " with the s t y l e he adopted i n h i s designs for cooperative housing developments: " i t ' s quite a hedonistic approach i n that every s u i t e i s designed for the view, and they're designed to sort of turn t h e i r back on everyone e l s e . You're i n your l i t t l e world, you're up there i n your own box looking at the c i t y and that's great. Whereas i n a coop you don't want everyone to turn t h e i r back on each other, you , want group i n t e r a c t i o n " . Under the Fairview aesthetic, the c i t y i s framed by a s e l e c t i v e viewpoint; indeed, the b u i l d e r s of Emerald Court proclaim: "We create e x c i t i n g windows 386 on c i t y l i v i n g " . V i s i o n defines the urban experience—there i s a new "way of seeing" the c i t y (related to a new cl a s s ) i n t h e a t r i c a l terms. Hence the strength of the language of v i s i o n , the power of the view which defines for observers t h e i r r e l a t i v e p o s i t i o n i n the world. Alderview i n v i t e s you to "Come, share our views of l i f e atop Fairview Slopes". And at Southport you can acquire "a new outlook on c i t y l i v i n g " : "Southport shows you just how good the best c i t y l i v i n g can be: magnificent views from every home; a l o c a t i o n close to Vancouver's business core; and a l l the leisure-time diversions of G r a n v i l l e Island and False Creek. Let a new home at Southport r e f r e s h your outlook on urban l i v i n g " . With t h i s advertisement we are returned to the urban theme. From the language wielded by both producers and consumers, i t i s evident that notions of the c i t y and c i t y l i f e enjoy some status as archetypes. Williams (1973) has traced the archetypal meaning of the c i t y — a n d that of i t s apparent counterpart, the country—through l i t e r a r y sources, drawing out "The r h e t o r i c a l contrast between town and country l i f e " (p. 46). As p a r t i a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s , the archetypes allude to more fundamental concerns, and are the means by which s o c i a l p r a c t i c e s are c a r r i e d forward and communicated (Sayer 1984b). In drawing out the s i g n i f i c a n c e of t h i s to the debate over the "urban question" debate, Sayer (1984b) o f f e r s a l i s t of oppositions which expresses the content of these archetypes. Lined up with " c i t y " , for instance, i s industry, consumption, work, week and progress; l i n e d up on the opposite side with "country" are a g r i c u l t u r e , production, l e i s u r e , weekend and t r a d i t i o n . There i s no i n e v i t a b i l i t y about these oppositions; indeed, h i s t o r i c a l l y some have "changed sides". In the v e r t i c a l dimension, associations " s p i l l over", with a l l concepts l i n e d up on one side of the b i f u r c a t i o n shaping one another. This leakage of meaning between f i n i t e provinces (here Sayer quotes Mary Douglas) defines metaphorical connections which structure our s o c i a l experience. Sahlins s i m i l a r l y r e f e r s . t o a c l a s s i f i c a t i o n thrown "across the e n t i r e c u l t u r a l superstructure" which comprises "'symbolic synapses'", "conjunctions of oppositions from d i s t i n c t c u l t u r a l planes which thus take the form of homologous d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n s — s u c h as work/leisure:weekday/weekend; or downtown/uptownrimpersonality/familiarity....they embody l o g i c a l processes and are used to think (therefore to be in) the c u l t u r a l world" (Sahlins 1976:216). Williams i n v i t e s us to ask what ideas of country and of c i t y dominate at any p a r t i c u l a r time: for instance, to note the a s s o c i a t i o n between changing cla s s conditions, and v a r i a t i o n s i n the manner i n which the country i s in t e r p r e t e d as a "working country". In extracting the lessons for students of the c i t y , Sayer c r i t i c i s e s the tendencies of marxist geographers and humanist geographers to ignore, r e s p e c t i v e l y , the expressive dimensions of places, and the h i s t o r i c a l l y - s p e c i f i c material contexts within which b e l i e f s are forged. Is i t p o s s i b l e and useful, therefore, to update the l i s t of oppositions offered by Sayer? It seems there i s another powerful archetype which must be drawn i n t o i n t e r p r e t a t i o n : that of the suburb. While c i t y and country as modes of existence remain prominent poles i n the c u l t u r a l order, the l a t t e r — h a v i n g shaped the i d e o l o g i c a l face of the suburb—may be g i v i n g way i n r e l a t i v e importance to the notion of suburbia. For instance: "The autonomy of the suburb i s . . . j e a l o u s l y guarded and perfected by p r a c t i c e i n the administration of things which count l i t t l e . . . . H e n c e i t s 'banality' and ' s u p e r f i c i a l ' character. In a dominantly urban society, the previous condemnation of the 'idiocy of r u r a l l i f e ' i s reserved for the suburban provinces" (Schwartz 1976:336). Fairview residents' unprompted comments would seem to i n d i c a t e that the d i s t i c t i o n between c i t y and suburb represents another important c l a s s i f i c a t i o n within the expressive realm. If we were to construct a l i s t of oppositions s i m i l a r to that o f f e r e d by Sayer, the h i s t o r i c i t y of the 388 concepts becomes immediately c l e a r . In her review of c i t y and suburb as polar opposites, for instance, Saegert (1980) notes the symbolic s t r u c t u r i n g by sex which has been p a r t i c u l a r l y dominant. The archetypical suburb and c i t y of which she writes could be represented by l i n i n g up work, a c t i v i t y , instrumentality, production, and men, alongside " c i t y " ; whilst, with suburb, would be aligned l e i s u r e , p a s s i v i t y , e x p r e s s i v i t y , consumption and women. But although t h i s c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of c i t y and suburb may be a correct rendering for some times and some for people, i t would have to be revised the l i g h t of the most recent transformations i n meaning which r e f l e c t the p r a c t i c e s manifest i n g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . R e c a l l , f or instance, the advertisement for the Speigal catalogue with which t h i s t hesis opened: Ozzie and Harriet, the soap opera suburban family of the 1950s and 1960s, f e l l short as a model for the new condominium couple of the 1970s and the 1980s. Uncomplimentary observations on suburban l i f e by the Fairview Slopes g e n t r i f i e r s make t h i s p e r f e c t l y c l e a r . Some of the oppositions o u t l i n e d above have broken down; women, l e i s u r e , consumption and e x p r e s s i v i t y are a l l "at home" i n the new, g e n t r i f i e d inner c i t y , and the notion of the suburb has f l a t t e n e d out to some mere purgatory of boredom and b a n a l i t y . This r e f l e c t s , of course, only one p e r s p e c t i v e — b u t a perspective i n the ascendent, associated as i t i s with an expanding new c l a s s which has s p e c i a l power over the shaping and dissemination of c u l t u r a l images. The c i t y i s no longer just a place for work-centred drudgery; today i t i s a locus for conspicuous l e i s u r e . The accoutrements of consumption have come to overshadow, i n some cases, the a c t i v i t i e s of production. In the context of the dominance of some aspects of the c i t y by a new c l a s s , work i t s e l f i s redefined as a source of s e l f - f u l f i l l m e n t , and the instrumental world of commerce becomes expressive. At the same time the notion of domestic l i f e and the nature of gender r e l a t i o n s are restructured. In f a c t 389 we seem to have experienced a dramatic collapse of meaning, i n which some of the established oppositions are f o l d i n g i n upon themselves. The c i t y , as a symbolic s i t e , draws towards i t s e l f a bundle of associations formerly thought contradictory or r e p e l l a n t . Work and l e i s u r e , for example, are p r a c t i c e d cheek-by-jowl i n redeveloped inner c i t y areas such as G r a n v i l l e Island where theatres and restaurants are juxtaposed with heavy industry, and at a f i n e r scale i n neighbourhoods such as Fairview Slopes. The actual mix i s , of course, not new, representing as i t does an updating of the t r a d i t i o n a l urban v i l l a g e . Yet the representations placed upon the mix are new, since these places represent a reversal of decades of planning p r a c t i c e and assumptions about the preferred r e s i d e n t i a l environment. Hester, for instance, said: "I quite l i k e d t h i s area because i t was a combination of r e s i d e n t i a l and commercial....And i t ' s kind of i n t e r e s t i n g because there's a l o t of a r c h i t e c t u r a l firms that are scattered across the area...there's a r e a l l y nice sort of skin cosmetician i n the San Franciscan [development], so that sort of blend of commercial o f f i c e space or service r e t a i l kind of space i s sort of appealing, i t has a nice blend". Moreover, the acts of production and consumption are more than geographically mingled. Commerce—the pu b l i c face of p r o d u c t i o n — i s become a spectacle, and the c i t y i s redefined as an aesthetic and sensuous object to be enjoyed rather than t o l e r a t e d : "the taming of the i n d u s t r i a l c i t y " (Ley 1987b:48). In response, Fairview Slopes residents report t h e i r v i s i t s to G r a n v i l l e Island or to Open House displays i n the neighbourhood as events of entertainment—not of "reproduction" i n the sense of purchasing food or housing. As Isabelle points out as a p o s i t i v e a t t r i b u t e of Fairview Slopes, " I f you're not doing anything Saturday or Sunday, you wander round and go i n t o the d i s p l a y s u i t e s — I think i t ' s i n t e r e s t i n g " . In t h i s v i s u a l a c q u i s i t i o n , the object being consumed dis s o l v e s to an i n t a n g i b l e ambience or an experience, even the contemplation of the act of consumption, and eventually a meaning to be acquired i n the construction of s e l f - i d e n t i t y . It i s , according to Sahlins, the r o l e of a d v e r t i s i n g agents and designers to perform a "synaptic function", to be s e n s i t i v e to, and e x p l o i t , some of the symbolic connections already present i n s o c i a l l i f e whose conjunction i s an opportunity for increased exchange value. As Harvey and Smith have argued, t h i s i s the power of the productive enterprise under the regime of f l e x i b l e accumulation, to "saturate a symbolic correspondence by an appropriate product" (Sahlins 1976:217), and to fashion new "symbolic c a p i t a l " i n an exploration of product d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n . At the same time, the strategies of production are shaped by events i n the c u l t u r a l realm: Sahlins describes the fashion expert as a b r i c o l e u r who "uses b i t s and pieces with an embedded s i g n i f i c a n c e from a previous existence to create an object that works, which i s to say that s e l l s " (p. 217). With respect to the " g e n t r i f i c a t i o n object", one prominent "piece" must be "the urban", a category which has recently undergone substantial r e s h u f f l i n g of i t s symbolic content and metaphorical connections, such that i t s "embedded s i g n i f i c a n c e " i s i n considerable f l u x . The next chapter c a r r i e s through t h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of changes i n the c u l t u r a l sphere and t h e i r interpenetration with new strategies of production and c i r c u l a t i o n , which are r e s t r u c t u r i n g the meaning of our inner c i t i e s . Drawing upon new developments i n the t h e o r i s a t i o n of c u l t u r a l change, I propose a t h i r d construct underpinning g e n t r i f i c a t i o n : the postmodern. CHAPTER EIGHT "FABULOUS FAIRVIEW": THE MAKING OF A POSTMODERN TEXT "Culture i s not a r e s i d u a l category, the surface v a r i a t i o n l e f t unaccounted for by more powerful economic analyses; i t i s the very medium through which s o c i a l change i s experienced, contested and constituted" (Cosgrove and Jackson 1987:95). With t h i s premise, the l a s t few years have seen the r e v i v a l of a "new c u l t u r a l geography" i n which the metaphor of text has underscored the symbolic q u a l i t i e s of landscape. This chapter applies some of the ideas informing t h i s c u l t u r a l research to the changing meaning of the inner c i t y , culminating i n a perspective on g e n t r i f i c a t i o n as a postmodern landscape. In the f i r s t section, a discussion of contemporary a d v e r t i s i n g imagery leads i n t o some comments on the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of landscape. The second section i s concerned with postmodernism, as method and as s t y l e , and the Fairview Slopes i s described as a postmodern landscape. In the f i n a l section the h e u r i s t i c of the postmodern i s applied to the p r a c t i c e of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n , as I consider i t s s i g n i f i c a n c e to the textual communities of producers and consumers i n the l o c a l b u i l t environment. 8.1 ADVERTISING, LANDSCAPE AND COMMODITY. Advertising i s one conduit along which c u l t u r a l meaning flows. From the c u l t u r a l l y constituted w o r l d — t h e world of everyday experience which i s organized according to c u l t u r a l categories—meaning i s transferred i n t o consumer goods. The fashion and a d v e r t i s i n g systems are two strategies by which t h i s i s achieved. Consumer goods act as r e p o s i t o r i e s and way-stations of meaning, which can be drawn out by i n d i v i d u a l s through various r i t u a l s i n c l u d i n g those of possession, exchange and grooming. In contemporary s o c i e t i e s , the organizing c u l t u r a l categories which d i v i d e up the phenomenal world are subject to the manipulative e f f o r t s of marketers who can c u l t i v a t e 392 new c a t e g o r i e s — f o r instance, new categories of persons such as y u p p i e s — with new goods (McCracken 1986). Objects possess a " s p i r i t u a l i t y " (Hirschman 1985); they can be invested with the psychic energy of an owner's personal i d e n t i t y . Csikszentmihalyi and Rochberg-Halton (1981) describe t h i s i n terms of the " c u l t i v a t i o n " by people of objects to capture and express aspects of t h e i r h i s t o r y . Conversely, McCracken's r i t u a l act of object "grooming" supercharges an object so that i t can release i t s meaningful q u a l i t i e s f or the consumer. An excellent example of grooming i s the care lavished on automobiles—for instance, the r i t u a l Sunday cleaning of the flashy car i n the street outside one's Fairview Slopes condominium. But other apparently r i t u a l behaviour could also be thus interpreted: for instance, the customary Saturday brunch at G r a n v i l l e Island, or the regular walk around the neighbourhood to "see what's going on" with the new r e s i d e n t i a l developments; these routines of. f a m i l i a r i t y were reported a number of times by interviewees, and are suggestive of some act by which people appropriate, on a r e p e t i t i v e basis, the q u a l i t i e s previously "set" i n t o the environment. This "fabulous" nature of objects and t h e i r r e l a t i o n to s o c i a l organization i s conventionally considered the st u f f of " p r i m i t i v e " anthropologies. But the magical system of " p r i m i t i v e " cultures has i t s contemporary counterpart. There are both c o n t i n u i t i e s and d i s c o n t i n u i t i e s i n the h i s t o r y of human r e l a t i o n s h i p s with objects: c o n t i n u i t y i n that conceptions of material u t i l i t y are always delimited by a c u l t u r a l system of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n (Sahlins' argument); d i s c o n t i n u i t y i n that the d r i v e s for subsistence and prestige, pursued i n p r i m i t i v e s o c i e t i e s through separate dual economies, seem now to be collapsed together i n each contemplated act of consumption (Leiss 1978, 1983). The function of a d v e r t i s i n g i s to connect objects to subjective states by means of metaphor; e f f e c t i v e marketing seeks "to provide the points of coherence around which consumers can organize s o c i a l experience i n t o meaningful patterns" (Leiss 1983:15). And, as Williams points out: "The short d e s c r i p t i o n of the pattern we have i s magic: a hi g h l y organized and professional system of magical inducements and s a t i s f a c t i o n s , f u n c t i o n a l l y very si m i l a r to magical systems i n simpler s o c i e t i e s , but rather strangely coexistent with a highly developed s c i e n t i f i c technology" (Williams 1980:185). Others agree with t h i s diagnosis: "Today the world of commodity production has become a true magical show" ( J h a l l y et a l 1985:19). Williams considers ad v e r t i s i n g to be a major form of modern s o c i a l communication—even the o f f i c a l a r t of modern c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t y — a n d one which requires a " t o t a l a n a l y s i s " i n which i t i s contextualized with respect to economic, s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l f a c t s (Williams 1980:184). H i s t o r i c a l reviews of a d v e r t i s i n g technique reveal how i t has expressed broad s h i f t s i n p r e v a i l i n g s o c i a l p r a c t i c e s . With a switch i n s o c i a l ethos "from salvation to s e l f - r e a l i z a t i o n " i n turn-of-the-century America (where bourgeois Protestantism encountered the emerging consumer c u l t u r e ) , a d v e r t i s i n g dropped i t s sober informational tone and adopted a s t y l e promoting therapeutic s a t i s f a c t i o n through consumption (Lears 1983). Since then, the product information content of advertisements has f a l l e n , and the frequency of advertisements o f f e r i n g "magical inducements" (promises of s e l f -transformation, power over nature and over other people) has r i s e n s u b s t a n t i a l l y ( J h a l l y et a l 1985). As a consumer, therefore, "you do not only buy an object: you buy s o c i a l respect, d i s c r i m i n a t i o n , health, beauty, success, power to control your environment" (Williams 1980:189). The persistent thrust of twentieth-century a d v e r t i s i n g i s to insinuate some i d e n t i t y of the commodity with properties of the c u l t u r a l l y constituted world (McCracken 1986). But the l a t e s t phase i s notable for a crumbling of the chain fastening a d v e r t i s i n g sign to c u l t u r a l r e f e r e n t . The l i n k between the product and the s a t i s f a c t i o n i t i s intended to bring i s i n c r e a s i n g l y ambiguous and unstable (Leiss 1983), e s p e c i a l l y since advertisements r e l y l e s s and less on providing product information and employ more v i s u a l " l i f e s t y l e " imagery ( J h a l l y et a l 1985). Commodity a t t r i b u t e s — t h e i r convenience, t h e i r newness or whatever— are the objects of consumer d e s i r e that are marketed, and no longer are these n e c e s s a r i l y attached to s p e c i f i c goods: "commodity c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s [are] freed from any customary a s s o c i a t i o n with s p e c i f i c objects. The ' f l u i d medium' of the mass market dis s o l v e s the s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l sediment i n which symbolic forms are embedded; i t c o n t i n u a l l y and systematically dislodges the meanings that humans have always expressed through and attached to t h e i r own a r t i f a c t s " (Agnew 1983:72). In consequence of t h i s d e f a m i l i a r i z a t i o n , the function of the advertisment, suggests Agnew, i s to r e f a m i l i a r i z e or recontextualize the commodity: thus i t i s the commodity contexts that are marketed. Hence the s i g n i f i c a n c e of the contemplated, as well as the consummated act of consumption. Consumption i s contemplated as a means of acquiring a " f i x " on a s o c i a l world, a way of possessing or mastering an i n c r e a s i n g l y complex cu l t u r e : "we rehearse i n our minds the appropriation of that s o c i a l world v i a the commodity. We consume by proxy. We window-shop" (Agnew 1983:73). This "mental consumption" i s an important aspect of the v i s u a l l y a c q u i s i t i v e l i f e for those many Fairview Slopes residents who spend t h e i r l e i s u r e hours "soaking i n " the ambience of commodity c i r c u l a t i o n i n places such as G r a n v i l l e Island ( i t involves, a l s o , the consumption of more abstract commodities such as view and landscape). Moreover, since Fairview condominiums are put on the market before construction i s even close to completion, t h e i r purchase depends on a comprehensive mental rehearsal to imagine the consummated act of l i v i n g there. Maps for that rehearsal come i n the form of marketing material, and the choice of v i s u a l images that are employed i n some of the marketing i s of i n t e r e s t . In the 57 p i c t o r a l representations drawn from sixteen "glossy" marketing f o l d e r s handed out at Open Houses, over ha l f were views: many of these featured the d i s t a n t skyline (often taken from a very elevated p o s i t i o n i n one of the Broadway o f f i c e towers; others used the False Creek marinas as a fore-ground). Only four i l l u s t r a t i o n s showed what a condominium i n t e r i o r might be l i k e — n o n e of these included people. In only seven pi c t u r e s was a person the main focus, and four of these could have been taken anywhere (Rhapsody Citihomes features a healthy-looking couple who enjoy a r i d e i n a sportscar, use an exercise machine, admire a bowl of arranged roses, and stare with clean-cut earnestness i n t o the camera). The overwhelming choice of a detached view as the key message to be conveyed by the marketing material confirms the suggestion (discussed i n the l a s t chapter) that i t i s some outer-directedness that defines, for the view's possessor, th e i r r e l a t i v e p o s i t i o n i n Vancouver's s o c i a l universe. The contemplated purchase of a product admits the p o s s i b l e purchase on a world. The condominium commodity, therefore, i s barely represented by these images i n terms of i t s simple use-value of housing, nor even the access i t o f f e r s to community. And although there seems to be a message about s o c i a l status, i t i s set i n a f i e l d of ambiguities (as s h a l l be demonstrated further when the arc h i t e c t u r e i s discussed). With commodities i n c r e a s i n g l y opaque i n terms of the meanings they encapsulate, Agnew argues that s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s themselves lose t h e i r transparency. A v i s u a l metaphor of. image-projection seems p a r t i c u l a r l y appropriate to the state of r e l a t i o n s between commodity and meaning, and i t has been used by a number of commentators. Lears writes of a condition " i n which there were few symbols rooted i n s p e c i f i c customs...nor even many signs with s p e c i f i c referents....There were only f l o a t i n g detached images that ( l i k e the f l i c k e r i n g faces i n the movies) promised therapeutic f e e l i n g s of emotional or sensuous excitement" (Lears 1983:22). However, such promises of s a t i s f a c t i o n are u n l i k e l y to be f u l f i l l e d i n circumstances where needs and commodity a t t r i b u t e s seem to have become i n f i n i t e l y d i v i s i b l e . K l i n e and Leiss use the same image: "with the increasing i m p l i c i t n e s s and ambiguity i n a d v e r t i s i n g imagery, the commodity seems to become a 'projective f i e l d ' i n which human states of f e e l i n g achievable i n consumption are f l u i d l y superimposed upon the non-human, physical-sensory aspects of the commodity" (Kline and Leiss 1978:17-8). And with respect to the emulative d r i v e of p o s i t i o n a l competition, Leiss suggests that "commodities seem to be more and more the p e r f e c t l y transparent r e p o s i t o r i e s of...meanings—i.e.. the s a t i s f a c t i o n of needs takes place i n the context of an open-ended competitive emulation, where the assortment of both objects and symbols i s constantly r e s h u f f l e d " (Leiss 1978:44). The fundamental point of these commentaries, however, i s not that commodities transparently represent c u l t u r a l meanings " l y i n g behind" them, but that they seem to do so. This same issue has been the subject of discussion i n recent work i n c u l t u r a l geography on the landscape. The h e u r i s t i c around which i n t e r p r e t a t i o n has centred i s that of the postmodern. Among the c o n s t i t u t i v e features of postmodernity Jameson i d e n t i f i e s a "culture of the image"—in which depth i s replaced by surfaces of textual p l a y — p l u s a rupture of the chains l i n k i n g image and r e a l i t y , leaving a "rubble of d i s t i n c t and unrelated s i g n i f i e r s " (Jameson 1984a:72) and l i b e r a t i n g meaning as symbols are recycled i n d i f f e r e n t contexts (Cosgrove and Jackson 1987). " L i f e becomes a r i t u a l i z e d choreography of signs, symbols, and expectations led by and mirrored i n the media ( e s p e c i a l l y a d v e r t i s i n g ) " (Dear 1986:380). This poses problems i n geography for those who wish to read landscapes as innocent representations of deeper meanings. Like Lears' metaphor of the detached and f l i c k e r i n g images engendered by 397 a d v e r t i s i n g , landscapes have been likened to "a f l i c k e r i n g text displayed on the word-processor screen whose meaning can be created, extended, a l t e r e d , elaborated and f i n a l l y o b l i t e r a t e d by the merest touch of a button" (Daniels and Cosgrove forthcoming). C h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y postmodern, argue these writers, i s the d u p l i c i t y of landscape imagery: "Instead of providing a transparent window on a ' r e a l ' world, images and languages are now regarded as a sort of sign that presents a deceptive appearance of naturalness and transparence concealing an opaque, d i s t o r t i n g , a r b i t r a r y mechanism of representation, a process of i d e o l o g i c a l m y s t i f i c a t i o n " (Cosgrove and Jackson 1987:98, drawing from M i t c h e l l 1986). Landscape images are s o c i a l constructions meaningful to the s o c i a l groups which develop them, but they are therefore a l s o r e s t r i c t e d ways of seeing the world (Cosgrove 1984). Hence the metaphor of image p r o j e c t i o n stretches, across to the geography of landscape, from the universe of a d v e r t i s i n g where the object i s not only to s e l l the product but to " s e l l the system", l i m i t i n g the d e f i n i t i o n of r e a l human needs to those which can be s a t i s f i e d through i n d i v i d u a l commodity consumption ( J h a l l y et a l 1985) and thus promoting a r e s t r i c t e d way of being i n the world. Geertz's ethnography i s one model for the scrutiny of landscape as c u l t u r a l form. Geertz interrogates the dialogue of text and context, c u l t u r a l p r a c t i c e s and s o c i a l l i f e , through a method of "thick d e s c r i p t i o n " which aims to excavate the multiple layers of meaning that actions have to s o c i a l actors (Geertz 1973). The notion of thick d e s c r i p t i o n conveys a sense of depths of meaning which can be plumbed i n a straightforward manner. Yet Geertz draws back from an analogy of the i n t e r p r e t a t i v e enterprise as that of a cipher c l e r k t r a n s l a t i n g established codes; no one construction of what i s going on i s p r i v i l e g e d i n advance, and anthropological writings themselves are described as " f i c t i o n s " (that i s , l i t e r a l l y , "fashioned") which add an extra layer of c u l t u r a l meaning to the s o c i a l drama ("we are already e x p l i c a t i n g : and worse, e x p l i c a t i n g e x p l i c a t i o n s . Winks upon winks upon winks" (Geertz 1973:9). Daniels and Cosgrove (forthcoming) r e f e r to a sim i l a r e f f e c t a r i s i n g from multiple i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of a landscape, each of which has the e f f e c t of retransforming the meaning of that landscape. The new landscape of Fairview Slopes i s an excellent example of such a la y e r i n g of texts. Since 1970, Fairview Slopes has been an e x p l i c i t object of planning discourse i n Vancouver, and a f i e l d upon, which opposing philosophies of c i t y development have been consciously fought out. It has been an object of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i n both s c h o l a r l y texts and i n more popular writings. Even at the time of i t s f i r s t development and naming by white s e t t l e r s (and perhaps before), Fairview Slopes had symbolic value. It has been the domain of a f f l u e n t c i t y f a m i l i e s , and l a t e r a "slum"; i t has been v a r i o u s l y o f f e r e d up for symbolic consumption as a landscape of r u r a l charm and a commendably urban place; i t has been viewed by business i n t e r e s t s as a prime piece of r e a l estate, by fa m i l i e s as a secure place for r a i s i n g c h i l d r e n , by drug-dealers as an i d e a l t u r f , by poets as an i n s p i r a t i o n , by planners as an experiment i n p a r t i c i p a t o r y planning, by a marxist commentator as a s e l l - o u t , and by geographers as a thesis t o p i c ! In t h e i r h i s t o r i c a l o u t l i n e of how landscape can be grasped as a text, Daniels and Cosgrove (forthcoming) r e f e r to Panofsky's i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the gothic cathedral as a " t r e a t i s e i n stone". Bearing i n mind the postmodern problem of p l u r a l discourse, can we tr e a t Fairview Slopes as a " t r e a t i s e i n stucco"? It i s appropriate to approach t h i s landscape as a text, but also ( l i k e a l l landscapes) one of d u p l i c i t y (Daniels forthcoming). Two perspectives discussed above must inform t h i s approach. F i r s t i s the postmodern concession to a m u l t i p l i c i t y of p r i v a t e languages, between which we cannot adjudicate with reference to some "grand theory" or metanarrative: as Daniels and Cosgrove (forthcoming) have claimed, " t h i s sense of the d u p l i c i t y of landscape imagery i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y 'post-modern'". Second, there i s the perspective of Williams i n "The Country and the C i t y " , which gives access to the p o l i t i c s of landscape and h i g h l i g h t s the s o c i a l processes of power underlying an h i s t o r i c a l m u l t i l a y e r i n g of t e x t s . Can these two approaches enlighten one-another? (Daniels and Cosgrove, i n c i d e n t a l l y , place t h e i r notion of d u p l i c i t y i n the context of a discussion of Williams' work.) As Dear has shown i n h i s a p p l i c a t i o n of postmodern method to the d i s c i p l i n a r y texts of planning (Dear 1986), the strength of postmodern method i s to lay bare, by means of deconstruction, the conditions under which claims for understanding are advanced. This p r a c t i c e must be continuously performed, even upon those i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s offered by the deconstructionist h i s / h e r s e l f . The postmodern method c a r r i e s with i t , however, a danger of anarchy. Jameson describes consumer cap i t a l i s m as the "culture of the image", where the very memory of use-value i s o b l i t e r a t e d (1984a). If a l l i s f r e e - f l o a t i n g s i g n i f i e r s , surfaces of play, then we are l d f t groping f o r a handhold for a p p r a i s a l . Jameson resolves t h i s with economic reductionism: the new depthlessness i n the c u l t u r a l realm i s generated by the l a t e s t phase of c a p i t a l i s t commodity production. The trends i n a d v e r t i s i n g reviewed above would o f f e r p a r t i a l support to t h i s view. A s i g n i f i c a n t weakness of the postmodern perspective as championed by Jameson, however, i s i t s lack of a sociology. In t h e i r discussion of how landscape may be treated as a text, Duncan and Duncan (1988) make a s i m i l a r c r i t i q u e i n terms of the s o c i a l context of t e x t u a l i t y . Following the work of Roland Barthes, they support the concept of text as i n t e r t e x t u a l , not to be read r e f e r e n t i a l l y ( i t s content expressing some one-to-one correspondence with objects i n the 'real world', and being the " u n i f i e d , o r i g i n a l creation[] of a "Cartesian subject"), but rather i n terms of the p l u r a l i t y of already p a r t l y f a m i l i a r s i g n i f i e r s which play upon i t s surface. Nevertheless, they admit the l i m i t a t i o n s of t h i s l i t e r a r y - b a s e d theory: "Although i t i s important to recognize the i n s t a b i l i t y of meaning, i t i s equally important to r e a l i z e that t h i s p l u r a l i t y . . . . i s r e l a t e d to actual empirical d i f f e r e n c e s i n i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s . These diff e r e n c e s are neither merely i n d i v i d u a l constructions nor autonomously generated by s i g n i f i e r s . Interpretations are the product of s o c i a l contexts of h i s t o r i c a l l y and c u l t u r a l l y s p e c i f i c discourses; they are constructed by i n t e r p r e t a t i v e communities and they frequently, but not always, r e f l e c t hegemonic value systems" (Duncan and Duncan 1988:120). In consequence, Duncan and Duncan recommend the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of i n t e r p r e t a t i v e communities who mobilize, promote and l i v e through a textual m odel—for instance, a model of landscape appropriateness. This, then, i s a modification of Jameson's argument that use value i s no longer meaningful; rather, one must acknowledge the existence of many poss i b l e use values for many po s s i b l e s o c i a l constituencies, and r e i t e r a t e again Sahlins' i n s i s t e n c e on the c u l t u r a l c o n s t i t u t i o n of u t i l i t y . A useful research question from t h i s perspective, therefore, i s "whose text?" In uncovering the textual communities concerned, one reveals also the power of landscape to n a t u r a l i z e a version of the world. And t h i s c a l l s geographers to a modified method of thick d e s c r i p t i o n . Though Geertz was concerned with i n t e r r e l a t i o n s between cul t u r e and society, those applying thick d e s c r i p t i o n have tended to downplay s o c i a l consequences other than those of s o c i a l cohesion. But, as h i s t o r i a n s have been warned, "the play i s not the whole thing—...symbolic dramas, however i n t e r e s t i n g i n t h e i r own r i g h t , can serve larger purposes of power, domination, e x p l o i t a t i o n , and resi s t a n c e " (Walters 1980:556). An in t e g r a t i o n of Geertz's approach with the concept of c u l t u r a l hegemony (Lears 1985) may be h e l p f u l i n drawing out the " d u p l i c i t y " of landscape. The notion of hegemony conveys the su b t l e t i e s of c u l t u r a l domination, deepening the view of who has power (Lears 1985) to include those who define conceptions of taste and good manners (such as advertisers or a r c h i t e c t s ) . C u l t u r a l hegemony i s the "spontaneous philosophy" of a society, something which so saturates s o c i a l consciousness that i t defines the very "substance and l i m i t s of common sense (Williams 1980:37). Its dynamic nature r e f l e c t s i t s basis i n the patterning of s o c i a l l i f e ; a s o c i a l group may fashion i t s own world view as r e f l e c t i v e of i t s experience of everyday l i f e and hence cement an " h i s t o r i c a l bloc". The issue i s then how the world view of the h i s t o r i c a l bloc r e l a t e s to the development of a hegemonic culture, the l i n e between dominant and subordinate cultures being "a permeable membrane, not an impenetrable b a r r i e r " (Lears 1985:574). Williams (1980) describes that r e l a t i o n s h i p i n these terms: because any dominant system of values and p r a c t i c e s i s n e c e s s a r i l y s e l e c t i v e , there are always spaces i n which a l t e r n a t i v e or oppositional cultures can take seed. Residual c u l t u r a l forms preserve values and p r a c t i c e s from previous s o c i a l formations. Emergent c u l t u r a l forms are c o n t i n u a l l y germinating new meanings and p r a c t i c e s ; they may develop i n a s s o c i a t i o n with the formation of a new c l a s s , or with the discovery of new s e n s i b i l i t i e s i n the a r t s or other realms. The dominant cu l t u r e can t o l e r a t e a c e r t a i n p l u r a l i t y . But, being constantly "renewed, recreated and defended", i t i s also capable of incorporating p o t e n t i a l l y oppositional cultures which are thereby redefined as a l t e r n a t i v e l i f e s t y l e s , permitted within the defined l i m i t s of the dominant c u l t u r e . Hegemony—in contrast to i t s s t r a i t l a c e d s i b l i n g , i d e o l o g y — o f f e r s us a dynamic and f l e x i b l e perspective on the c u l t u r a l realm, one which (as a spontaneous philosophy) connects u s e f u l l y to the notion of text. The concept Of hegemony requires us to search for the tensions between h o s t i l e or incompatible texts on a c u l t u r a l f i e l d . The f a t e of the inner c i t y neighbourhood, for instance, would be interpreted i n terms of the place of "the c i t y " as a symbolic category i n d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l formations where '402 d i f f e r e n t i n t e r p r e t a t i v e communities come to the fore (the l a s t chapter indi c a t e d how the symbolism of the c i t y i s i n f l u x ) . Perhaps hegemony, as an i n t e r p r e t a t i v e t o o l , o f f e r s an incomplete sense of the play of c u l t u r a l oppositions which postmodernism has highlighted: the universe of s i g n i f i e r s "up for grabs", the new oppositional strategies of symbol r e c y c l i n g by r e -producing and appropriating (with irony) the codes of a dominant cul t u r e . Daniels has found that landscape must be treated as a concept i n high tension, "an ambiguous synthesis whose redemptive and manipulative aspects cannot f i n a l l y be disentangled, which can neither be completely r e i f i e d as an authentic object i n the world nor thoroughly disso l v e d as an i d e o l o g i c a l mirage" (Daniels, forthcoming). The same might be argued for the idea of the c i t y . In i t s c u r r e n t l y dominant meaning, we can regard i t with a mixture of joy and a g u i l t y conscience; l i k e Williams' appreciation of the monumentality of cathedrals, we can be moved by i t s redemptive q u a l i t i e s as an e x h i l a r a t i n g s e t t i n g for human a c t i v i t y , while s t i l l being aware of i t s place as a commodified component i n a strategy of corporate domination. We s h a l l f i n d both representations relevant to the landscape of Fairview Slopes. 8.2 THE POSTMODERN LANDSCAPE. Dear (1986) draws a d i s t i n c t i o n between three meanings for "postmodernism": as method, as epoch, and as s t y l e . The postmodern method he describes i s one of deconstruction: unpacking the meaning of texts, laying bare the bases for authority by which one discourse dominates another. Dear seeks to extend t h i s method of deconstruction i n t o a reconstruction which forces an (always p r o v i s i o n a l ) mode of comparative discourse between competing epistemologies. It i s such a postmodern method which seems to underlie the textual i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of landscape recommended by Cosgrove and Daniels. The notion of postmodernism as epoch proposes that there has been some r a d i c a l break with the past which defines an i d e n t i f i a b l y new and d i f f e r e n t c u l t u r e . This i s the ( " a l l too modern" (Gregory 1987:246)) p o s i t i o n argued by Jameson (1984a) who describes postmodernism as "the c u l t u r a l l o g i c of l a t e [multinational] c a p i t a l i s m " . Harvey (1987) s i m i l a r l y speaks of a "break i n t o post-modern urban culture ordained by f l e x i b l e accumulation" (p. 34); postmodernism i s treated as "the c u l t u r a l c l o t h i n g of f l e x i b l e accumulation" (p. 38). Such p r a c t i c e s as a d v e r t i s i n g o f f e r some support to Jameson's dep i c t i o n of the depthlessness engendered by new trends i n commodity production, which can be traced across to other p r a c t i c e s of i n t e r e s t such as the shaping of new landscapes for commercial e x p l o i t a t i o n . A d d i t i o n a l l y , Jameson develops the notion of an all-embracing str e t c h of "postmodern hyperspace"—a global p o l i t i c a l economy which dominates and commercializes cul t u r e and which forces s o c i a l d i s l o c a t i o n as t r a d i t i o n a l forms of organization are d i s t o r t e d . According to Dear, however, the c u l t u r a l world " i s more l i k e l y to consist of a melange of the obsolete, current, and newborn a r t i f a c t s comingling a n a c h r o n i s t i c a l l y i n each region" (Dear 1986:374). If postmodernism i s treated as an epoch, one might f a i l to notice how processes operate across space at d i f f e r e n t paces and with d i f f e r e n t i a l e f f e c t s . A contextual i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i s required to appreciate the p o l i t i c a l and s o c i o l o g i c a l dimensions of change, as well as to admit any p o s s i b i l i t y of human resistance. Like the notion of the p o s t i n d u s t r i a l society, then, the notion of a postmodern cu l t u r e i s not.employed e f f e c t i v e l y i n a search for r a d i c a l breaks, but rather i t s u t i l i t y l i e s i n i t s status as a h e u r i s t i c which can draw out tendencies and future p o s s i b i l i t i e s , while at the same time allowing for c e r t a i n c o n t i n u i t i e s from the past. F i n a l l y , Dear r e f e r s - t o postmodern s t y l e , e s p e c i a l l y as i t i s manifest i n a r c h i t e c t u r e . Dear has some uncomplimentary things to say on postmodern ar c h i t e c t u r e , and as a consequence he squeezes s t y l e aside from h i s discussion of the postmodern. It would be more e f f e c t i v e , however, to use c r i t i q u e of postmodern a r c h i t e c t u r e to i l l u s t r a t e the p r a c t i c e s of postmodern method as applied to landscape i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . In the case of Fairview Slopes and False creek, such an approach i s worthwhile. As outlined b r i e f l y at the end of Chapter 5, both .False Creek and Fairview Slopes can be described as postmodern landscapes. Much of the a r c h i t e c t u r e on the Slopes i s e x p l i c i t l y postmodern, and i n that sense i t i s an extreme i l l u s t r a t i o n which h i g h l i g h t s s i m i l a r processes manifest i n changing inner c i t y landscapes elsewhere. What i s the nature of postmodern architecture? This question i s p a r t i c u l a r l y important i n the context of Dear's reference (following Jameson) to the Bonaventure Hotel i n Los Angeles as the archetypal b u i l d i n g which exemplifies the concept of "postmodern hyperspace". But, according to Jencks (1986), architecture of t h i s sort should be c l a s s i f i e d as " l a t e modern" rather than postmodern. If modern arch i t e c t u r e i s distinguished by the value i t places upon abstraction, t r u t h to materials and the p u r i t y of form, then design which c a r r i e s to extremes t h i s s e l f - r e f e r e n t i a l i t y and commitment to "the new" i s " l a t e " , not "Post". Buildings such as the Bonaventure, with t h e i r high-tech mirrored-glass skin, k i n e t i c "people movers", and breathtakingly confusing lobby may indeed represent the ultimate depthlessness and d i s s o c i a t i o n engendered by the commodified hyperspace of multinational c a p i t a l i s m . But Dear's choice of example seems contradicted by his own discussion of postmodern method— deconstruction followed by reconstruction. If architecture, and the shaping of landscape i n other ways, i s approached as an a c t i v i t y — r a t h e r than as a product and an i n d i c a t o r of forces beyond human c o n t r o l — t h e n a postmodern ar c h i t e c t u r e i s one that r e s u l t s from an a p p l i c a t i o n of the postmodern method. Postmodern a r c h i t e c t s carry through (with varying degrees of success) the project of deconstructing and reconstructing the text of Modernity. Much of t h i s process centres on a recovery of c e r t a i n pre-modern texts which have hi t h e r t o been dismissed. The text of Modernity i s that of the avant-garde, " s e t t i n g out before the r e s t of society to conquer new t e r r i t o r y , new states of consciousness and s o c i a l order" (Jencks 1986:32). In a r c h i t e c t u r e s p e c i f i c a l l y , i t s ideology centres on the redeeming q u a l i t i e s of technology married to aesthetics, the p u r i t y of form which follows function, and the purge of ornament. O r i g i n a l l y shocking, t h i s avant-garde text of "heroic modernism" was captured, i n the post-1945 period, by i t s i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n i n t o a f f i r m a t i v e c u l t u r e . Modernism "became i n c r e a s i n g l y an a r c h i t e c t u r e of power and representation" (Huyssen 1984:14), the aesthetic garb of multinational c a p i t a l i s m . Stripped of i t s Utopian force, and i t s claims to s o c i a l v i s i o n exhausted, modern ar c h i t e c t u r e was c a r r i e d forward by the l i n g e r i n g d r i v e to "make i t new", culminating i n the ultra-hermetic megabuildings of l a t e modernism which take the s e l f - r e f e r e n t i a l nature of modernism to an extreme. In l i n e with postmodern method, commentators such as Jacobs (for planning) and Jencks (for architecture) unpacked the master na r r a t i v e of the modernist project, acknowledging the Utopian roots of the modern movement but a l s o revealing i t s q u a l i t i e s as e l i t i s t , a l i e n a t i n g and repressive. The products of postmodern a r c h i t e c t u r e and p l a n n i n g — t h e new buildings, the new landscapes—are therefore best appreciated as attempts at reconstruction. Having dismantled the language which had j u s t i f i e d modernism (culminating i n the devastation of inner c i t y redevelopment at a massive scale), a r c h i t e c t s and planners were faced with the challenge of reconstruction. Postmodern p r a c t i c e i n design i s comprised of attempts to reassemble what has previously been disassembled. It i s i n t h i s sense that I_ wish to approach the postmodern landscape of Fairview Slopes. The d e f i n i n g q u a l i t y of postmodern; architecture, as s p e c i f i e d by Jencks (1986) i s i t s (at least) double coding. Postmodernism i s multivalent. It i s an a r c h i t e c t u r e which combines both modernism and i t s transcendence; i t joins new techniques to old patterns, e l i t e with popular codes, to create a hybrid language. In l i n e with the postmodern notion of landscape as text, and i n opposition to modernism's f a i l u r e to address the codes of users, postmodern a r c h i t e c t u r e and planning focuses on the process of communication. This communication proceeds at various l e v e l s , simultaneously tapping popular and p r o f e s s i o n a l languages. Necessarily there i s a recognition of i n t e r t e x t u a l i t y : the multiple contexts i n which symbols - a v a i l a b l e to the designer are situated. One type of context with which the b u i l t object must a r t i c u l a t e i s the immediate geographical s e t t i n g . Whereas modern buildings set themselves apart from the " f a l l e n c i t y f a b r i c " , postmodern buildings supposedly "celebrate t h e i r i n s e r t i o n i n t o the heterogeneous f a b r i c of the commerical strip...thereby renouncing the high modernist claim to r a d i c a l d i f f e r e n c e and innovation" (Jameson 1984b:64-5). S i m i l a r l y , across the a r t s , "the a r t i f a c t i s l i k e l y to be treated le s s as a work i n modernist terms—unique, symbolic, v i s i o n a r y — t h a n as a text i n a postmodernist sense—'already written', a l l e g o r i c a l , contingent" (Foster 1983:x). While postmodern a r c h i t e c t u r e deals e x p l i c i t l y i n the currency of i n t e r t e x t u a l i t y , however, i t i s necessary also to locate the modernist landscape with respect to the other, i m p l i c i t , discourse(s) of which i t i s an expression. In h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the two shores of False Creek, Ley (1987b) has drawn out the p r e v a i l i n g ideologies which have shaped the d i f f e r e n t landscapes of inner c i t y Vancouver. Before redevelopment of the Creek i n the 1970s, the dominant discourse of planning was modernist. This encompassed a p a r t i c u l a r i d e a l of the c i t y as e f f i c i e n t and f u n c t i o n a l . Since form was to follow function, so the fate of neighbourhoods and communities depended on the promotion of e f f i c i e n t a r t e r i e s of c i r c u l a t i o n (and i t was p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n around such plans which brought about the s h i f t i n ideology i n the 1970s). This ideology of planning was o r i g i n a l l y aligned ( i n the 1920s) with the normative and Utopian reform movement of the Progressive era. This aimed for the healthy c i t y , one to be organized by professionals and s p e c i a l i s t s ( e s p e c i a l l y engineers), and comprised an ideology of planning which "resonated with the slogans of modern movements i n a r c h i t e c t u r e " (Ley 1987b:49). If the modern b u i l d i n g was a machine for l i v i n g i n , so too was the c i t y , and i t s success would depend on the expert a p p l i c a t i o n of technology and the p r i n c i p l e s of s c i e n t i f i c management. Since a sign of a healthy c i t y was the growth of i t s productive economy, so an e f f i c i e n t planning strategy would f a c i l i t a t e t h i s growth. C l e a r l y , however, the text of instrumental!sm i n society's general i n t e r e s t s was o v e r l a i n by another text: that of business i n t e r e s t s . In the same way as the modern and late-modern skyscraper became the symbol of the corporation, so the e f f i c i e n t freeway c i t y became the symbol of the corporate c i t y — r u n along the l i n e s of p r i v a t e corporate planning, and c o n t r o l l e d by (and for) the same. These were the accusations d i r e c t e d at the Non-Partisan Association, the c i v i c party which dominated Vancouver C i t y p o l i t i c s between 1937 and 1968, and which was led by the l o c a l business e l i t e . If the r o l e of c i t y government was to f a c i l i t a t e and manage growth, then those who provided the means for growth—the b i g property developers e s p e c i a l l y — w e r e c l e a r l y to b e n e f i t . When " b l i g h t " was spotted i n the inner c i t y (once the i n d u s t r i e s which promoted i t were i n d e c l i n e ) , then i t was assumed that i t should be replaced by the "highest and best use": probably high density housing and commercial uses. This concept of highest and best 408 use i s , of course, dependent on a conditioned view of exchange (and more fundamentally use) value, and i s representative of the economistic discourse underlying the landscape forms i t has engendered. As described i n Chapter 5, the philosophy of highest and best use which informed the eventual redevelopment of False Creek's south shore was that of a d i f f e r e n t and more ambiguous e l i t e . The new l i b e r a l reform party, TEAM, composed i t s e l f around an a l t e r n a t i v e v i s i o n of the c i t y and of what the "best use" of c i t y land should be. Their c r i t i q u e of instrumental r a t i o n a l i s m was written i n t o various t e x t s . Ley (1980) discusses the written texts, s p e c i f i c a l l y the planning documents and campaign slogans where the notion of "the l i v a b l e c i t y " was the key r a l l y i n g point. False Creek south shore i s another such text, "the most dramatic landscape metaphor of l i b e r a l ideology" (Ley 1980:252). The l i b e r a l ideology was mobilized around a new i d e a l of the c i t y — n o t as e f f i c i e n t machine, but as the home of people ("people before property") and the s i t e of a new " q u a l i t y of l i f e " . It i s here that the "urban" comes to the fore as an expression for the p o s i t i v e aspects of everyday l i f e . F alse Creek south side i s a very modest postmodernism. An ideology of " s e n s i t i v e urban place-making" (Jencks 1981:82) was the keynote for design (Ley 1987b). Ley quotes development proposals which held up the dense high-r i s e environment of Vancouver's West End as the kind of modernist housing " s o l u t i o n " which must be r e s i s t e d . Thus scale became one of the most important considerations, leading to medium d e n s i t i e s , housing enclaves i n landscaped settings, and a c i r c u l a t i o n design planned from the point of view of the pedestrian. In the r e s i d e n t i a l buildings of False Creek, the double coding which i s d e f i n i t i v e of postmodernism i s very understated: the working-in of users' codes, for instance, does not tap the v a r i e t y of c u l t u r a l heritages which would be appropriate to develop i n a c i t y such as 409 Vancouver. Nor i s there much incorporation of past urban a r c h i t e c t u r a l s t y l e s i n the c i t y , such as the Arts and Crafts movement, which might have been appropriate—although the orange stepped sloping roofs of at least one enclave were meant to resemble the railway wagons which had e a r l i e r used the s i t e , and street names r e c a l l the i n d u s t r i a l past of the False Creek basin. More successful was the working i n of regional themes and there i s a good sense of connection with the geographical context at that scale (as Ley describes i n terms of the e c o l o g i c a l landscaping). The response to views, l i g h t and s i t e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the P a c i f i c Northwest environment resulted i n a sensuous and picturesque landscape. However, despite the f a c t that planning discourse centred around ideas of the l i v a b l e c i t y , False Creek inadequately develops i t s i n t e r t e x t u a l i t y with the immediate environment— that of the urban context. In the e a r l y 1970s when the area was planned, the p o s i t i v e urban symbolism which was incorporated depended l a r g e l y on a r e v i v a l of the "urban v i l l a g e " as a defensive c i t y enclave, which i s i t s e l f poised i n opposition to the notion of the c i t y as a cosmopolitan s i t e . The existence of the Sixth Avenue road and r a i l c o r r i d o r , and the "slum"-like conditions of the Slopes at the time, meant i t was d i f f i c u l t for planners to make connections to the surrounding neighbourhoods, although an e f f o r t was made i n terms of the pedestrian overpass and the development of c i t y land on the Slopes' side. As a consequence of t h i s p a r t i c u l a r version of the "good c i t y " , the south side of False Creek seems a rather conservative landscape, s e l f - c o n s c i o u s l y i d y l l i c and n o s t a l g i c . A more de l i b e r a t e expression of postmodern deconstruction and reconstruction i s found on G r a n v i l l e Island, where commercial and r e c r e a t i o n a l uses were interleaved with new and e x i s t i n g i n d u s t r i a l a c t i v i t i e s . This landscape i s (or w a s — i t s . v a r i e t y has declined) thick with multiple layers of meaning, and i t does communicate at a number of d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s . It recaptures, with irony, an i n d u s t r i a l past and juxtaposes i t ( i n a l l i t s gleaming paintwork) with an i n d u s t r i a l present: the d i r t y industry s t i l l operating on the i s l a n d . It plays havoc with the modernist assumption that productive e f f i c i e n c y i s paramount; i t disputes the d i s t i n c t i o n between work and play, between innocent recreation and commodified spectacle. The work of a r c h i t e c t u r a l renovation incorporates symbols f a m i l i a r to the p u b l i c at large, while making f u l l use of contemporary technologies. In the e a r l y phase of i t s redevelopment, Fairview Slopes shared many design features with the r e s i d e n t i a l planning of False Creek. Its planning h i s t o r y was s i m i l a r , i n that the new l i b e r a l p o l i t i c i a n s and planners had to f i g h t o f f attempts i n the early 1970s to develop i t m o d e r n i s t i c a l l y i n t o high r i s e apartment b u i l d i n g s . Again, the notion of the "urban" was p i v o t a l to discourse around the new s t y l e of development which was to be encouraged on the Slopes; for instance, the zoning put i n place i n 1972 c a l l e d f o r "a highly urban environment" (Ci t y of Vancouver 1983b). In t h i s context, urban was defined by the planning strategy, aiming at "a compatible mixture of commercial, r e s i d e n t i a l and a n c i l l a r y uses" and "low p r o f i l e development", and "designed to optimize the p o t e n t i a l amenities" of the l o c a t i o n . Aspects of the zoning schedule were very agreeable with a postmodern response, i n encouraging c o m p a t i b i l i t y with neighbouring bui l d i n g s , i n f i l l and preservation, and a v a r i e t y of facades with a "broken up" appearance. C l e a r l y , the idea of the c i t y operating i n t h i s s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l context was quite d i f f e r e n t from that informing e a r l i e r phases of planning and the promotion of the " c i t y e f f i c i e n t " . "Urban" now meant v a r i e t y , complexity and stimulation: not segregation, c l a r i t y and s t e r i l i t y (terms which residents now reserve for the a n t i - c i t y of the suburbs). It was also a s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t sense of "urban" than that which guided the redevelopment of False Creek, with a rather more p o s i t i v e a t t i t u d e towards the c i t y outside the 411 urban v i l l a g e . In the f i r s t instance, the a r c h i t e c t u r a l response was i n f a c t quite similar to that i n False Creek. A landscaped courtyard or "mid-block st r e e t " , which were features incorporated i n many developments, responded to pro-pedestrian values and i t was hoped they would be conducive to neighbourly a s s o c i a t i o n within "defended space". To emphasize the i n d i v i d u a l i t y of the separate dwellings, conventional codes such as roof l i n e and doorway d e t a i l s were encouraged. These worked most e f f e c t i v e l y when they followed through on the s t y l e of e x i s t i n g buildings which could be preserved, thus ensuring b u i l t - i n vernacular and h i s t o r i c a l a l l u s i o n s . The best of these developments emphasized a harmony with t h e i r b u i l t and natural context; they retained a human scale, with structures clustered o r g a n i c a l l y around landscaped courtyards, and responding to the slope and to adjacent older buildings with s e n s i t i v i t y and i n s p i r a t i o n . The l a t e r Fairview projects d i s p l a y a more pointed postmodern s e n s i b i l i t y , and wield a symbolic vocabulary of design conventions drawn both from the vernacular and from other times and places. Local themes include a more conscious a p p l i c a t i o n of colours and materials such as cedar siding, and a r c h i t e c t u r a l elements such as the porch and the gable. These are not st r a i g h t r e v i v a l i s m , but rather re-presentations; for example, the gable appears f u n c t i o n a l l y i n smug neovernacular (Jencks 1981:99) (Plate 8.1) with a change i n scale, or i c o n i c a l l y : pared-down, abstracted and truncated (Plate 8.2). Elsewhere, the use i n small q u a n t i t i e s of i n d u s t r i a l glass b r i c k and shiny metal r a i l s i n primary- colours r e f l e c t s the i n d u s t r i a l heritage of the Creek and i t s current manifestation i n the neotraditionalism of G r a n v i l l e Island. Use of t r e l l i s arbours, porches and r u s t i c arches i n some developments are suggestive of F a i r v i e w 1 s e a r l i e r reputation as a quiet backwater. 412 Plate 8.1 "Ballentyne Square", completed 1985, incorporates a large converted house (to the r i g h t ) . 413 "Alder V i l l a g e Townhouses", an award-winning development designed by James Cheng, completed 1982. 414 Local themes are played against a range of themes drawn from more distant sources. A Mediterranean motif has been chosen to f i t both the topography and the orientation to the Creek (although i t seems out of place in terms of local history). In some cases this i s in a kitschy "Spanish fishing village" style, with white terraced stucco and red pantiles; project names such as "Marbella", "PortoVerdi" and "II Terrazo" carry through the theme. Elsewhere the motif is more abstract: a development, advertised in "deep sea blue" and white is christened "The Santorini", and i t s curved prows are reminiscent of a luxury liner. Two developments named "The San Franciscan" (I and II) reinforce the popular reputation of Fairview Slopes as "San Francisco North" (Plate 8.3). Andre Molnar's development company introduced this style to Fairview Slopes, and i t has been widely copied—outside the neighbourhood as well. Flat roofs with cornices, bays and round-top windows, smooth pastel stucco on a rusticated base, and dramatic classically-styled entrances are typical features. I would c a l l this style "California Regency"; i t may be quietly elegant in a few buildings, but i t has proved intrusive in others (Molnar's most recent projects are not in keeping with the scale of the streetscape, and they are poorly articulated with the street i t s e l f ) . A notable code in many buildings draws on classical forms in facade proportions, columns, arches, symmetries and Palladian windows (Plate 8.4). Many are clearly trying to connect to a notion of urbanity such as has not been favoured since Georgian times; they conjour up a cosmopolitan atmosphere to suggest rowhouses in Boston, Toronto, or Georgian London. Projects are named "Charleson Terrace", "Ballentyne Square", "Wemsley Mews" (Plate 8.5). Some have a distinct flavour of Bath or Brighton, the elegant leisure resort. A hint, or more, of red brick i s important in establishing this sense of a. true • townhouse pied a terre. A f f i l i a t e d with this are elements of The archway to "The San Franciscan I I " , a development by Andre Molnar. "Alder View Court" incorporates p a l l a d i a n - s t y l e windows and an arched entranceway. Plate 8.5 "Wemsley Mews" i s modelled on Georgian mews i n London, and incorporates t h i s courtyard behind wrought i r o n gates. " i n d u s t r i a l type" space, which are both immediately vernacular and more broadly emblematic ( e s p e c i a l l y with regards to the Bohemian s t y l e of l o f t -l i v i n g ) . Jencks centres postmodernism i n the double coding of modern with t r a d i t i o n a l patterns, e l i t e with popular codes, and i t i s i n these l a t e r buildings that t h i s i s most evident. R e c a l l that Rhapsody Citihomes was advertised as "an e c l e c t i c fusion of c l a s s i c a l and contemporary d e t a i l s " . The Maximillian project i s also described as "an elegant fusion of t r a d i t i o n a l European s t y l i n g and modern citihome". Some of the a r c h i t e c t s who have designed award-winning buildings i n the neighbourhood have developed t h i s most convincingly and, although i n interviews they proved unwilling to l a b e l t h e i r work by any s t y l e , t h e i r approach to design i s c l e a r l y s e n s i t i v e to the intentions of postmodern a r c h i t e c t u r e . One a r c h i t e c t interviewed d i d i d e n t i f y s p e c i f i c a l l y with one aspect of postmodernism: "What I c a l l 'indigenous'—a l o t of people are taking l o c a l , regional forms and working with them....recognizing t h e i r emotional content and meaning, which i n t h i s part of the world takes us back to the Arts and Cr a f t s movement....[One of h i s Fairview developments was] pure romanticism, an early experiment i n f r e e i n g myself from the modern movement.... People l i k e those o l d forms....they give a message: 'this i s home'". Another a r c h i t e c t was a l s o p a r t i c u l a r l y s e n s i t i v e to the contextual approach: "My s t a r t i n g point was not from a s t y l i s t i c point of view...but to f i n d what i s the proper character for a c e r t a i n area, and i n Fairview Slopes i t started out with a bunch of o l d houses with front porches so I t r i e d to adapt that kind of character back int o the new b u i l d i n g s " . Indeed, the porch and veranda were a t t r a c t i v e features of the o r i g i n a l houses, and i n some cases these had a c e r t a i n c l a s s i c a l s t y l i n g which makes appropriate the c l a s s i c a l elements incorporated i n the newest developments. This p a r t i c u l a r a r c h i t e c t has concentrated e s p e c i a l l y on the s i g n i f i c a t i o n of entrance, with arches and porches o f f e r i n g a t r a n s i t i o n zone between p u b l i c and p r i v a t e space which gives an opportunity for neighbourly i n t e r a c t i o n . The n o s t a l g i a for Fairview's recent past as an almost " r u r a l " backwater i s developed i n conjunction with some more universal design elements, and his soft i n t e r i o r courtyards have drawn from Moorish and Japanese sources. If t h i s i s reminiscent of the quiet r e s i d e n t i a l past, the a r c h i t e c t has a l s o had to a r t i c u l a t e i t with aspects of the l e s s tender i n d u s t r i a l heritage. In t h i s design (Plate 8.6) the r u s t i c courtyard with i t s t r e l l i s arches i s nestled within a hard s h e l l of b r i c k which i s b u i l t to the l o t l i n e and addresses the starker warehouse architecture to which i t i s adjoined. The units themselves have l o f t - l i k e spaces which suggest the a r t i s t ' s garret i n the factory b u i l d i n g . A t h i r d award-winning a r c h i t e c t has c a r r i e d through most convincingly the urban theme, and he describes himself and h i s f i r m as " a r c h i t e c t s of urban r e p a i r " . One of the best examples of t h i s i s a large project which incorporates three e x i s t i n g warehouses. These comprise the facade on busy Sixth Avenue, where they are joined with walls of glass b r i c k — a n appropriately i n d u s t r i a l material which protect the peaceful i n t e r i o r " s t r e e t " (Plate 8 .7) . The a r t deco s t y l i n g of the warehouses seems to be r e f l e c t e d i n the massing of the condominiums i n s i d e the development. However, superimposed on the rear facade are gable forms i n r i c h l y - s t a i n e d wood si d i n g , which i c o n i c a l l y represent the ghosts of houses past (Plate 8 .8 ) . The a r c h i t e c t of t h i s b u i l d i n g claims to employ, not so much d i r e c t h i s t o r i c a l symbols, as "more subliminal, underlying images". Again, b r i c k i s a favoured material (he believes i t to be appropriately urban and r e s i d e n t i a l i n s c a l e ) . Double-height windows with a i r y atriums are reminiscent of the a r t i s t ' s studio ( i n f a c t , one of my interviewees used i t for just t h a t ) — a s well as solving the p r a c t i c a l problem of noisy s t r e e t s . The d i f f i c u l t i e s of the s i t e demand solutions where postmodern layering of space i s most f i t t i n g , as another a r c h i t e c t also found. He designed a project with two facades, one The triumphal arch to "Willow Arbour Townhouses", an award-winning design by James Cheng. Plate 8 . 7 Original warehouses are incorporated in Roger Hughes' award-winning "The Sixth Estate"; a pedestrian "street" runs through the development, protected from the t r a f f i c noise of Sixth Avenue by a wall of glass blocks. The rear facade of "The Sixth Estate" incorporates o u t l i n e s of the "ghosts of houses past". 423 on busy Sixth Avenue, the other on a quieter north-south s t r e e t : "Walls and facades have only r e a l l y cropped up l a t e l y , i n postmodernism. So i n a way we used postmodernism because the design so l u t i o n seemed to c a l l f o r something that postmodernism would solve most readily....[on the side facade] we wanted to r e c a l l the i n d i v i d u a l house vernacular...with the sloped roofs and balconies expressed...we were t a r g e t t i n g more on expressing the i n d i v i d u a l units, and giving a sense of i n d i v i d u a l i s m — - i n contrast to t h i s very long front facade that i n t e n t i o n a l l y didn't express i n d i v i d u a l units, because we said, well, no-one r e a l l y wants to have t h e i r i d e n t i t y [expressed] on t h i s very busy, nasty s t r e e t " . Even i f the dual coding i n t h i s b u i l d i n g was adapted on pragmatic grounds, i t s t i l l r e s u l t s from a s e n s i t i v i t y to the r e l a t i o n s h i p between b u i l d i n g and i t s context which i s i t s e l f most postmodern. Readability of e n t r a n c e s — e i t h e r i n d i v i d u a l doorways or triumphal p o r t a l s to the couryard—was important to a l l of these designers and exemplifies the manner, i n which they have to a r t i c u l a t e the b u i l d i n g with the street and with the codes of i t s users. Another a r c h i t e c t , for instance, has used formal porticoes which are reached by a f l i g h t of steps up over a kind of "area": "We have three separate entrances from each of the porticoes, so there are three households entering through the same entrance, and, we've given i t a b i t of formality with the way we've d e t a i l e d the columns. But at the same time there's some i n d i v i d u a l i d e n t i t y to the doors, and with a 'careful use of signing and so on people r e a l l y do f e e l they have a c e r t a i n amount of privacy". This a r c h i t e c t describes h i s projects on Fairview Slopes as "contextual". They avoid st r a i g h t r e v i v a l i s m and instead "capture the essence of the elements...if we use a column i t w i l l simply just be a c y l i n d r i c a l column, and i t won't contain a l o t of d e t a i l " . This capturing of essences through s e l e c t i v e use of i c o n i c material suspends the best Fairview Slopes a r c h i t e c t u r e between the l o c a l and the cosmopolitan, between the vernacular codes which connect to l o c a l h i s t o r y and cu l t u r e , and the broader realms of meaning which can be transported i n to shape and define the nature of contemporary urban l i v i n g . .424 8.3 POSTMODERNISM AND THE PRACTICE OF GENTRIFICATION. As noted above, Dear dismisses postmodern s t y l e i n h i s disc u s s i o n of postmodern method. His condemnation i s , i n part, a consequence of h i s mistaken choice of models f o r postmodern a r c h i t e c t u r e . However, Dear's opinion that postmodernism i s "a s i n g u l a r l y s u p e r f i c i a l philosophy" (Dear 1986:372) remains a charge with teeth. Ley follows Jencks i n his d e f i n i t i o n of postmodern ar c h i t e c t u r e i n terms of i t s multivalency: he acknowledges that, while "At i t s best...postmodern forms represent an arc h i t e c t u r e of everyday l i f e . . . . A t i t s worst, postmodernism caters i n a t r i v i a l manner to the c u l t u r e of consumption i n advanced nations" (Ley 1985b:419). And i n the a r c h i t e c t u r a l press—which looks more to Jencks than to Jameson for i t s e x p l i c a t i o n s — t h e r e has been a dominant tone of stern disapproval. For example, comments published i n a debate (AIA 1983) condemn postmodernism as "ephemeral, a throw-away, subject to the caprice of commercial cul t u r e and the exigencies of the marketplace"; "shoddy merchandise i n t i t i l l a t i n g packages"; "neofashion f or the bored, the r i c h , the jaded, the b l i n d " . Nevertheless, the s i g n i f i c a n c e of the postmodern l i e s i n the f a c t that, "what appears on one l e v e l as the l a t e s t fad, a d v e r t i s i n g p i t c h and hollow spectacle i s part of a slowly emerging c u l t u r a l transformation i n Western s o c i e t i e s , a change i n s e n s i b i l i t y " (Huyssen 1984:8). Assessments of that change pivot around the question of whether postmodernism has l o s t the p o l i t i c a l l y c r i t i c a l edge of modernist aes t h e t i c s . Huyssen o f f e r s a map to that debate (see al s o Jencks, 1986). In the 1960s, he argues, postmodernism i n the a r t s revived the heritage of the avant-garde i n a r e v o l t not against modernism per se, but against those versions of modernism which had been i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d and domesticated, l o s i n g t h e i r a d v e r s a r i a l perspective i n the process. Modernism's very success had transformed i t i n t o a part of high, a f f i r m a t i v e c u l t u r e . - Themes of the 425 postmodern r e v o l t included a powerful sense of the future, a euphoric v i s i o n of p o s t i n d u s t r i a l society, and a celebration of c e r t a i n dimensions of mass cul t u r e against establishment notions of high c u l t u r e . The d r i v e for a postmodern archi t e c t u r e was s i m i l a r l y motivated by a r e a c t i o n against the e l i t i s m of modernist design and the destruction of the c i t y f a b r i c . In the design professions, key actors included Jacobs, Venturi, and the Advocacy Planners (Jencks 1986); note that these provided the model for the s t y l e of planning put i n place i n Fairview. But t h i s a d v e r s a r i a l ethos was vulnerable to co-optation. Huyssen i d e n t i f i e s the second phase as the unfolding of an " a f f i r m a t i v e " postmodernism—with which would be aligned some of the l a t e s t Fairview a r c h i t e c t u r e — t h a t appears to have abandoned i t s claim to c r i t i q u e . A f f i r m a t i v e postmodernism i s deeply implicated i n consumption ideology. It i s t h i s aspect of s t y l e which writers such as Frampton (1983:19) can condemn as "merely feeding the media-society with gratuitous, q u i e t i s t i c images": "It s t a c t i c a l aim i s to a t t a i n , as economically as p o s s i b l e , a preconceived l e v e l of g r a t i f i c a t i o n i n b e h a v i o r i s t i c terms. In t h i s respect, the strong a f f i n i t y of Populism for the r h e t o r i c a l techniques and imagery of a d v e r t i s i n g i s hardly a c c i d e n t a l " (Frampton 1983:21). One a r c h i t e c t has reminded postmodern designers of "the wellspring of most ar c h i t e c t u r e " : " i n many cases the a c t i v a t i n g purposes of a b u i l d i n g i s not to al l u d e to Mr. Soane (postmodern) nor even to house people (modern), but simply to make money" (Moore 1980:48). This p o s i t i o n c l e a r l y p a r a l l e l s Harvey's argument that postmodernism i s the c u l t u r a l guise of a strategy of f l e x i b l e accumulation. Both expressions of postmodernism—the c r i t i c a l and the a f f i r m a t i v e — appear on Fairview Slopes. Amongst the recent developments, most exemplify how developers are grasping to c a p i t a l i z e on a v a i l a b l e symbolic systems which w i l l give t h e i r product a s p e c i a l a l l u r e . Andre Molnar, for instance, i s I 426 quite candid: "I s t r i c t l y cater to a commercial need and I only design what s e l l s , I don't b u i l d monuments". The San Franciscan s t y l e he pioneered was well-received i n the market: "The colour i s very important. The i n i t i a l impact, when they d r i v e up to the project, a c e r t a i n mood has to be set. And i f you capture that mood you w i l l be successful i n keeping t h e i r a ttention as a consumer of your product". However, another a r c h i t e c t working i n the area has c r i t i c i z e d Molnar's "one-statement b u i l d i n g s " : "that's what fashion i s a l l about". Nevertheless, even i f Molnar's work could be proved to be "bad" design, exemplifying the depthlessness of Jameson's surfaces of textual play, there i s an i n t e r p l a y between consumer demand and developer imposition which Jameson's and Harvey's in t e r p r e t a t i o n s f a i l to capture: hence Molnar's s p e c i a l a t t e n t i o n to market research. Whilst i n i t i a l l y rooted i n an a d v e r s a r i a l a t t i t u d e towards the master nar r a t i v e of the modern c i t y , the postmodern planning i n Fairview has been consolidated a new, a u t h o r i t a r i a n , ideology of landscape. Although "what the market wants" can d i c t a t e the f i n e r d e t a i l s — o f ornament for i n s t a n c e — broader issues such as density, the a r t i c u l a t i o n of b u i l d i n g with b u i l d i n g , or the preservation of o l d houses, are l e s s e a s i l y negotiated. Since Fairview Slopes was developed p r i v a t e l y , and i t s zoning schedule had an i n b u i l t element of d i s c r e t i o n , the actual p r a c t i c e of planning i n the area has c a p i t u l a t e d to strong pressures for b u i l d i n g to the highest density l e g a l l y allowed. Planners seem to f e e l rather embarrassed that t h i s has happened, and as a r e s u l t — w h i l e the landscape turned out not quite as they a n t i c i p a t e d — t h e y must defend the outcome and modify post hoc t h e i r o r i g i n a l intentions accordingly. Thus, i n the face of residents' complaints that the area i s o v e r b u i l t , the C i t y concludes that "the i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n of r e s i d e n t i a l development i n t h i s area seems e n t i r e l y appropriate" (C i t y of Vancouver 1981:3, my emphasis). S i m i l a r l y , planners c a l l upon recent h i s t o r y to j u s t i f y and d i c t a t e the new p o s i t i o n : "Is i t f a i r to penalize developers just because they didn't get i n u n t i l the f i n a l phase?" (Ballantyne 1987b:3, my emphasis). Thus a hi g h l y commodified version of postmodern environmental design i s becoming the dominant discourse, and c a l l s out for i t s own deconstruction as the a u t h o r i t a t i v e master n a r r a t i v e . I r o n i c a l l y , there are two perspectives from which t h i s newly r e i f i e d discourse has been c r i t i q u e d : marxists and neoconservatives have discovered a common enemy i n the p o s t i n d u s t r i a l , postmodern (even perhaps po s t p a t r i a r c h a l ) c i t y . We have already met the marxist c r i t i q u e , i n the form of Harvey and Smith. The bases for authority from which the neoconservative attacks are launched are f i r m l y established, now that perspective has replaced l i b e r a l ideology as the c u l t u r a l dominant i n Vancouver p o l i t i c s (Ley 1987b). As an example, Vancouver Sun columnist Trevor Lautens has attacked demands to redevelop the Expo s i t e on the north shore of False Creek i n t o a "people place" (a planning slogan o r i g i n a t i n g with Jane Jacobs which was widely used i n the era of TEAM). His comments are worth repeating i n some d e t a i l : "I proclaim myself sick of t h i s phrase. And of the a t t i t u d e underlying i t . I don't want to see the Expo site...turned i n t o a people place.. I want to see i t turned i n t o a work place. Yes, r e a l work. For r e a l people. Not f u l l of boutiques that look as i f they've been poured l i k e l i q u i d p l a s t i c and topped with pink neon. Not sushi bars with decks where the l e i s u r e d l o l l i n the s u n — where do they come from, these people who s i t chatting the whole afternoon over P e r r i e r and white wine? They can't a l l be i n the drug racket. Not smart shoppes i n fake Palladian with fake I t a l i a n names...staffed by a s p i r i n g B e a u t i f u l People at $4 an hour.... Not places operated...by slim young men of a kind I'm not, candidly, keen on.... I want to see, for a change i n t h i s . . . f l a c c i d c i t y , something a c t u a l l y being produced—not consumed. And not cottage pottery or weaving e i t h e r . Real s t u f f , made by r e a l workers for r e a l people and f i l l i n g r e a l needs.... And not, please God, another park....More joggers? More j u t -jawed c y c l i s t s ? Spare us. No, I want to see actual f a c t o r i e s on the Expo s i t e — e v e n i f i t means a l i t t l e smoke. I want to hear the noise of something being b u i l t — n o t the swish of yuppie commerce. Most of a l l , I want to see b l u e - c o l l a r workers...paid $20 an hour, enough to buy detached houses on r e a l l o t s and to r a i s e decent f a m i l i e s . . . . ...I often think fondly of Sigurdson's....A great, green, ugly m i l l on West Sixth [bottom of Fairview Slopes]....it...gave honest work to generations of small businessmen and workers, who, i n the days before Head O f f i c e was somewhere else, were bonded i n t o a caste whose members...understood one another.... This c i t y i s becoming a Narcissus, vain, precious, preening i n the m i r r o r - l i k e pond that r e f l e c t s i t s b e a u t i f u l s e l f but hides the shallow r e a l i t y " (Lautens 1987:B9). In t h i s astonishing polemic, Lautens s t a r t s by acknowledging the existence of a "master n a r r a t i v e " (the "underlying a t t i t u d e " ) from which he d i s s e n t s . In a few paragraphs he attacks the new c l a s s , postmodern a r c h i t e c t u r e , gays, consumer cult u r e , e c o l o g i c a l concerns, and multinational c a p i t a l i s m ; i n turn, he promotes suburban neighbourhoods, sin g l e family housing, the family wage (and thus the conventional f a m i l y ) , and p a t e r n a l i s t i c labour r e l a t i o n s . His mission i s to re-erect an o l d status quo as the o b j e c t i v e l y correct mode of s o c i a l l i f e — t o return people to t h e i r "proper" places, and places to t h e i r "proper" people. I have argued that postmodern a r c h i t e c t u r a l s t y l e i s best approached as a product of postmodern method as applied to the b u i l t environment. As the outcome of an agenda of reconstruction, however, i t has to answer the challenge l a i d down by Dear (1986): that i s , which postmodernism w i l l i t follow? Here, Dear adopts Foster's d i s t i n c t i o n between a postmodernism of reaction (what he c a l l s "neoconservative postmodernism") and a postmodernism of r e s i s t a n c e ( " p o s t s t r u c t u r a l i s t postmodernism"): "Neoconservative postmodernism advocates a return to representation: i t takes the r e f e r e n t i a l status of i t s images and meaning for granted. P o s t s t r u c t u r a l i s t postmodernism, on the other hand, r e s t s on a c r i t i q u e of representation: i t questions the t r u t h content of v i s u a l representation, whether r e a l i s t , symbolic or abstract, and explores the regimes of meaning and order that these d i f f e r e n t codes support" (Foster 1985:128-9). 429 A postmodernism of rea c t i o n seeks to retre a t i n t o t r a d i t i o n a l i s m and a p o l i t i c a l pastiche and thus provide a cosmetic and h i g h l y marketable product which disguises the p o l i t i c a l content of i t s ae s t h e t i c choices. Foster describes t h i s postmodernism as the p u b l i c r e l a t i o n s of urban chaos: "such a r c h i t e c t u r a l postmodernism expl o i t s the fragmentary nature of l a t e -c a p i t a l i s t urban l i f e ; we are conditioned to i t s delirium, even as i t s causes are concealed from us" (p. 127). This too i s Harvey's c r i t i q u e of postmodern arc h i t e c t u r e as part of the mob i l i z a t i o n of the spectacle. If the purpose of deconstructing modernism i s to challenge i t s master narratives with the discourse of others (Foster 1985), then a reconstruction of resistance must oppose the erection of new master na r r a t i v e s . In t h i s e f f o r t , of course, the r h e t o r i c a l master narratives by which one censures a "postmodernism of reacti o n " (such as a monolithic s t r u c t u r a l i s t marxism) are themselves suspect as e l i t e , for f a i l i n g to recognize the d i v e r s i t y of meanings which vernacular or t r a d i t i o n a l forms may have f or user groups such as residents. The postmodernism, of resistance r e s t s upon a r a d i c a l r e d e f i n i t i o n of culture's r e l a t i o n to society; postmodernism, "operates i n a f i e l d of tension between t r a d i t i o n and innovation, conservation and renewal, mass c u l t u r e and high a r t , i n which the second terms are no longer automatically p r i v i l e g e d over the f i r s t " (Huyssen 1984:48), and i t i s to be characterized "by the d r i v e to cross boundaries, to forge mediations and connections between spheres that modernism had t r i e d to construe as inherently independent" (Polan 1984:265). This postmodernism of resistance s t r i v e s for "a c r i t i q u e of o r i g i n s . . . to explore rather than conceal s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l a f f i l i a t i o n s " (Foster 1985:xii). And i t i s t h i s exploration that makes po s s i b l e a harnessing of the tension between l o c a l culture and the dominant discourse, i n the empowerment of the underprivileged. This may be a modest resistance (hence Harvey's censure of postmodernism), one which depends on i t s always equivocal q u a l i t y which l i e s " i n a b l u r r i n g of boundaries between high and popular, between c r i t i c a l and c r e a t i v e , between aesthetic and p o l i t i c a l " (Polan 1984:269). Redeveloping i n n e r - c i t y neighbourhoods, not with massive modernist monuments but with sensually stimulating postmodernist enclaves may mean a s i g n i f i c a n t enrichment of the l i f e - s t y l e s of t h e i r new residents and the enjoyment of the c i t y by others. We can not a f f o r d to forget, however, the d i f f e r e n t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of costs, which f a l l on those poorer residents displaced from communities which may already have been r i c h i n c u l t u r a l d i v e r s i t y and sense of place. Postmodernism may mean a small v i c t o r y for the q u a l i t y of the urban environment, but i t i s one which can confound the assault on s o c i a l i n j u s t i c e , except i n those cases where i t was wedded to bold programmes of equitable housing a l l o c a t i o n . The texts of high, i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d Modernism i n planning were also e l i t i s t (for instance, the notion of highest and best use of land by segregating urban a c t i v i t i e s ) , and i t was p a r t l y a deconstruction of such assumptions which powered the development of False Creek as a socially-mixed neighbourhood (Ley 1986b). S i m i l a r l y , i n Fairview Slopes, stress was placed i n the e a r l y planning proposals on r e t a i n i n g a s o c i a l mix; a l s o , some a r c h i t e c t u r a l solutions d i d support the p o s s i b i l i t y of a range of unconventional household types (for instance, by designing for a "mingles" market i n which unrelated people could occupy the same unit with ease). The type of b u i l d i n g which d i d take place on the Slopes was s o c i a l l y - i n n o v a t i v e i n o f f e r i n g housing of d e s i r a b l e and appropriate design to s i n g l e women and divorced people with c h i l d r e n . But a mix of income and class has not been achieved. Even i n the case of i t s success i n empowering non-conventional family types, i t i s quite possible that t h i s was at the expense of poorer households with s i m i l a r concerns. Innovations i n design s t y l e cannot overcome the power of the p r i v a t e land market. How does the notion of c u l t u r a l hegemony contribute to i n t e r p r e t i n g the chain of events i n False Creek and Fairview Slopes? Despite i t s future o r i e n t a t i o n , and i t s f a i t h i n the l i b e r a t i n g power of new informed techniques and approaches, the worldview of 1970s Vancouver l i b e r a l s hung p a r t l y on the r e v i v a l of r e s i d u a l c u l t u r a l forms. Williams' d e p i c t i o n has a s t r i k i n g correspondence with those events: "In the subsequent default of a p a r t i c u l a r phase of a dominant culture, there i s then a reaching back to those meanings and values which were created i n r e a l s o c i e t i e s i n the past, and which s t i l l seem to have some s i g n i f i c a n c e because they represent areas of human experience, a s p i r a t i o n and achievement, which the dominant cult u r e under-values or opposes, or even cannot recognise" (Williams 1980:42). The new conjunction of values developed i n a niche unoccupied by the p r e v a i l i n g ideology associated with r a t i o n a l planning and the corporate c i t y ; "Against the uniformity of the modern movement i s a renewed i n t e r e s t i n the s p e c i f i c i t y of regional and h i s t o r i c a l s t y l e s and a respect for the d i v e r s i t y of urban subcultures" (Ley 1987b:43). The language of f o l k knowledge and urban v i l l a g e s and shared symbolic systems reestablishes l i n e s of c o n t i n u i t y with h i s t o r y . Its f a m i l i a r i t y i s the joy of l i v i n g i n a renovated inner c i t y neighbourhood, the enchantment of postmodern design which, " i n i t s best moments reaches back across the wreckage of post-war urbanism to seize the strands of urban culture at the point they became unravelled" (AIA 1983:254). The return to h i s t o r y i s one basis for the c r i t i q u e of postmodernism as neoconservative. However, the p o s s i b i l i t y of a postmodernism of resistance has a l s o been mooted: by coupling the modernist patterns of the c u l t u r a l dominant with the symbolic systems of r e s i d u a l cultures, bringing the l a t t e r i n t o c r i t i c a l engagement with the former, there i s p o t e n t i a l for k n i t t i n g them i n t o a new emergent form. In h i s discussion of hegemony, Williams 432 (1980) describes the "emergent" c u l t u r a l forms which germinate new meanings and p r a c t i c e s , i n a s s o c i a t i o n perhaps with the formation of a new c l a s s or new a r t i s t i c s e n s i b i l i t i e s . "Dominant" cultures reach to incorporate such p o t e n t i a l l y oppositional forms by. r e d e f i n i n g them as unthreatening " a l t e r n a t i v e l i f e s t y l e s " . In the h i s t o r y of c o n f l i c t over Vancouver's inner c i t y landscapes, the r i s e of a new c l a s s was indeed r e l a t e d to a new way of t r e a t i n g the c i t y and a new concept of "the good l i f e " . However, the hegemonic model cannot perhaps capture f u l l y the d e f i n i n g q u a l i t y of the postmodern. While Williams emphasizes the complex, f l e x i b l e and processual r e l a t i o n s h i p between hegemonic and oppositional forms, he has also declared that the space between oppositional and a l t e r n a t i v e (tolerated) p r a c t i c e s i s narrowing. Resistance conventionally requires a p r i z i n g open of that space by generating "new p r a c t i c e s , new s i g n i f i c a n c e s and experiences" (p. 41); under postmodern conditions, such a prospect i s enigmatic. From one side of the gap, dominant c u l t u r a l p r a c t i c e i t s e l f derives stamina from the discovery of new areas of experience: "[T]he f r a n t i c economic urgency of producing fresh waves of ever more novel-seeming goods...now assigns an i n c r e a s i n g l y e s s e n t i a l s t r u c t u r a l function and p o s i t i o n to aesthetic innovation and experimentation" (Jameson 1984a:56). From the perspective of the oppositional side of the gap, the modernist notion of the avant-garde i s undermined (Huyssen 1984); the d r i v e to "make i t new" which i n s p i r e d modern ar c h i t e c t u r e no longer holds sway, and experimentation i s a matter of r e c y c l i n g r e s i d u a l with dominant s e n s i b i l i t i e s , pastiche rather than progression. It becomes i n c r e a s i n g l y d i f f i c u l t to i d e n t i f y and follow the path of greatest resistance against a c u l t u r a l hegemony which can reach out so e f f e c t i v e l y i n incorporating acts of opposition. Such a dilemma has been faced i n the p o l i t i c a l arena by feminism: i n the postmodern world, " a l l the o l d (patriarchal) signs of c u l t u r a l authority-collapse i n the d i r e c t i o n of androgyny", and feminism i s packaged and "processed" by commodity marketing which reverses sexual stereotypes i n depictions of women as sexual d o m i n a n t s — " u l t r a c a p i t a l i s m triumphant" i n the Cal v i n K l e i n underwear advertisements (Kroker and Kroker 1985:5). The "commodification of sexual l i b e r a t i o n " i n such advertisements i s , indeed, a part of the foundation for g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . One may read i t i n d i r e c t l y i n the "condominium c h i l d l e s s couple" introduced i n Chapter one; i t i s c a r r i e d through i n the more recent Canadian Club advertisements where an "executive" woman greets her gourmet husband i n a condo kitchen, or an a t t r a c t i v e couple celebrate t h e i r delayed parenthood i n the s t y l i s h s i t t i n g room of t h e i r renovated townhouse (Plate 8.9). More d i r e c t are the marketing ploys d i r e c t e d to female buyers i n Fairview Slopes. For instance, one newspaper advertisement features the visage of a sta r t l e d - l o o k i n g young woman, with the warning to buy quickly before a l l the units are gone (Plate 8.10). Another pamphlet includes a cartoon i n which a woman informs her husband that she has bought herself a new condominium (Plate 8.11). Andre Molnar, with h i s finger f i r m l y on the pulse of the market, has sold to many women: "We always had a very good acceptance of our homes [by] si n g l e women, and there are two very simple reasons. One i s sec u r i t y because we are very conscious of good lock and good se c u r i t y systems...and the other one i s the aesthetics, [the units] are very homey and pleasing, so woman are more sensitive...[they] pick up fas t e r on t h i s kind of f i n e touches we pride ourselves on....we have a following". One of the agents i n a Molnar-inspired b u i l d i n g pointed to the se c u r i t y of an inner hallway, as well as the a t t r a c t i v e grey, yellow and pale pink colour-scheme which she described as "feminine". Molnar also claims to have a following amongst gays: "each time we open a b u i l d i n g the gay community comes down and looks at our product". This would p a r t l y be due to the fact that he developed a number of projects i n the West End, the core of the Vancouver gay Advertisement f o r Canadian Club (Hiram Walker and Sons). 435 Plate 8.10 BETTER HURRY! FAIRVIEW SLOPES' MOST SUCCESSFUL DEVELOPMENT JUST OPENED AND IT'S 60% SOLD Advertisement for "The Maximillian", The West Ender, January 8, 1987. 436 Plate 8.11 Cartoon appearing i n pamphlet for the Grand Opening of "Rhapsody Citihomes". community, but he also suggests i t has something to do with the "San Francisco" s t y l e of a r c h i t e c t u r e : "The rounded shapes and the moulded shapes, the sculptured buildings, are very a t t r a c t i v e td the women and to the gays". Indeed, the Molnar postmodernism breaks the d i s t i n c t i o n between the p r i v a t e , domestic sphere, and the p u b l i c world, with i t s sensuous curves and bedroom colours on external walls (Gibson 1984), thus e s t a b l i s h i n g a kind of androgynous landscape which breaks the "masculine" discourse of modern ar c h i t e c t u r e . As noted e a r l i e r , there have been suggestions i n the geographical l i t e r a t u r e that the study of contemporary landscapes i s confounded by the unstable f l u i d r e l a t i o n s between s i g n i f i e r and s i g n i f i e d , image and r e a l i t y . No longer i s i t po s s i b l e to map each symbolic component d i r e c t l y onto one reading. For instance, the grammar of status symbolism i n c l o t h i n g fashion i s t o t a l l y transformed i n the newspeak of r a d i c a l chic, where icons of both status and stigma from dominant or r e s i d u a l s o c i e t i e s are recycled and bound together i n an act of bri c o l a g e . S i m i l a r l y , postmodern a r c h i t e c t u r e i s a pastiche of seemingly contradictory codes. If we cannot d i g behind the image to l a y bare i t s s i g n i f i c a n c e , we can however explore i t s i n t e r t e x t u a l i t y by looking across to new conjunctures, the binding together of seemingly-contradictory and already p a r t l y f a m i l i a r images. Our focus i s on points where the f r e e - f l o a t i n g images do come to r e s t , where they are f i x e d i n t o a new system which, at least temporarily, i s reproducible. And since that grounding of images i s performed by actors i n the process of s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n , since meanings are mobilized and texts are constructed by i n t e r p r e t a t i v e communities (Duncan and Duncan 1988), we can trace some dimensions of meaning through the l i n k between inten t i o n and consequence. In t h i s way, we avoid Jameson's a s o c i o l o g i c a l postmodernism, and accept that c u l t u r a l change advances at an uneven pace i n d i f f e r e n t locations and amongst 438 d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l worlds. These, then, are the questions to be asked of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n : what i s g e n t r i f i c a t i o n as a postmodern c u l t u r a l project? Whose project i s i t ? — w h o are the textual communities involved? And more s p e c i f i c a l l y , what (say) has an interpenetration of f o l k and c l a s s i c a l a l l u s i o n s i n a r c h i t e c t u r a l s t y l e been made to do by these people at t h i s time and i n t h i s place? The producer of urban housing i s r a r e l y also i t s consumer. This opens up space for f a t a l misinterpretations, leading i n a r c h i t e c t u r e to such d r a s t i c solutions as the demolition of p u b l i c housing projects l i k e P r u i t t -Igoe. The d i s j u n c t i o n of the two perspectives of producer and consumer i s supposedly collapsed i n postmodern a r c h i t e c t u r e , which refuses to elevate high c u l t u r e over f o l k c ulture; the i d e a l of the a r c h i t e c t as a v i s i o n a r y f i g u r e seeking a r a d i c a l break from the e x i s t i n g s o c i a l and urban structures i s abandoned. In Fairview Slopes i t i s also s i g n i f i c a n t that both sets of actors are l a r g e l y drawn from the same New Class, share a speech community, and operate within s i m i l a r s o c i a l c i r c l e s . This was e s p e c i a l l y so i n the 1970s, when a number of architect-developers l i v e d i n the area, and some a c t i v e l y encouraged a p a r t i c i p a t o r y r o l e for residents i n neighbourhood planning. If postmodern a r c h i t e c t u r e i s to respond to i t s s o c i a l context, producers and consumers supposedly work together to negotiate a c t i v e l y the meaning of l i v i n g i n Fairview Slopes. The new landscape must engage the c u l t u r a l codes of consumers. That may be the i d e a l postmodernism but, as we have seen, i t i s i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d i n forms which f a i l to sustain t h i s promise. Interpersonal i n t e r a c t i o n between producer and consumer i s l a r g e l y replaced by producers' e f f o r t s to "personalize" t h e i r products and thus suggest that they share a s o c i a l world. In t h i s they are aided and abetted by l o c a l a r c h i t e c t u r a l j o u r n a l i s t s who, while making the a r c h i t e c t s and developers f a m i l i a r f i g u r e s 439 i n Vancouver society, also r a i s e them again to the status as v i s i o n a r i e s and as fashionable " p e r s o n a l i t i e s " to be emulated. For example, a r c h i t e c t s who made t h e i r reputations on Fairview Slopes are lauded i n s p e c i a l a r t i c l e s : one i s described as the "mixed-metaphor condo honcho of Fairview" (Rossiter 1984:108), whereas another " i s too modest to take c r e d i t f or giving l i f e to a run-down neighborhood, but that i s exactly what he d i d for Fairview Slopes" (Ovenell-Carter 1986:25k). The developers themselves adopt a "pseudo-personal" t a c t i c of name-dropping. For instance, Andre Molnar, who describes his work as the "the Pierre Cardin approach", a f f i x e s h i s name prominantly on a d v e r t i s i n g b i l l b o a r d s which even l i g h t up at night (learning from Las Vegas?). On t h i s topic, Molnar says: "I put my name up front and say, 'Here, there i s a guy...behind a l l t h i s and you can even c a l l him i f you have a problem a f t e r you've bought' and so on, and that happens. And I think that gives...a d i f f e r e n t kind of confidence. Like, we are i n the service business, the r e t a i l business r e a l l y , we s e l l you a product, sometimes the most expensive product that you buy i n your e n t i r e l i f e , so you have to have some confidence i n us, and I think that i t ' s easier to have confidence i n a person who's well known i n the community, than i n a company that i s c a l l e d 'XY company', and who the h e l l s i t s behind the desk there! So t h i s way you can c a l l up Mr. Molnar or Mrs. Molnar and y e l l at them". Unfortunately, t h i s may not hold true i n p r a c t i c e : an a r t i c l e d escribing complaints from owner-occupiers i n a Molnar b u i l d i n g who were concerned about absentee investors quotes the developer as saying that, once a b u i l d i n g i s sold, he has no further r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for i t (Godley 1987). Another developer who has taken the "personal" route i s Matthew Briscoe, who assures consumers that he i s someone l i k e themselves. Quoted i n the marketing pamphlet as saying "I b u i l d homes that I would l i k e to l i v e i n myself", we are t o l d that "Matthew Briscoe f i t s h i s own 'buyers p r o f i l e ' . His own discerning tastes allow him to design homes that are d i s t i n c t i v e , affordable and conveniently l o c a t e d . . . p e r f e c t l y adapted to an upwardly mobile l i f e s t y l e " . Launching h i s development "Emerald Court" became a celebratory spectacle, complete with a hot a i r balloon, a draw for a weekend's s k i i n g , a "homewarming party" for buyers, and a colour-coordinated (with the stucco) pop group playing a l l the 'baby boomer c l a s s i c s ' . From the point of view of the marketers, then, a combination of themes encompassing conventional messages of congeniality and joy i s converted i n t o a v e h i c l e for s e l l i n g a product; l i k e sexual l i b e r a t i o n , f r i e n d l i n e s s has been commodified. In s e l e c t i n g a Fairview Slopes condominium as t h e i r r e s i d e n t i a l s e t t i n g , what are the g e n t r i f i e r s making the landscape do for themselves? In postmodern arc h i t e c t u r e , c o n t r a d i c t i o n i s preferred over s i m p l i f i c a t i o n , tension over straightforwardness. And, as postmodern a r c h i t e c t u r e i s t y p i f i e d by ambiguity, so too are i t s new c l a s s champions. One response to an ambiguous s o c i a l p o s i t i o n i s to t r y and p i n i t down through some clever 'work' with objects and events which symbolise s o c i a l categories. This involves a s s o c i a t i n g oneself with some .'things', d i s a s s o c i a t i n g oneself from other ' t h i n g s ' — t h e meanings of which are constantly i n f l u x . Features of the landscape are means for f i x i n g , even temporarily, s o c i a l p o s i t i o n . Jager's (1986) study of middle c l a s s renovation of V i c t o r i a n houses i n Melbourne, describes how people with an ambiguous c l a s s p o s i t i o n can jockey for p o s i t i o n i n the sphere of consumption. This buying i n t o h i s t o r y serves to revive a symbolism of conspicuous consumption associated with the decorative excesses of V i c t o r i a n a . I d e n t i t y i s cemented through the work of remodeling houses; neighbourhood stigma i s transposed i n t o status as features such as bare b r i c k walls and exposed timbers are redefined as tokens of aesthetic discernment. This helps to recover a sense of rootedness and.a connection with c u l t u r a l heritage. However, the "past" thus repossessed i s a h i s t o r i c a l — d i s e n g a g e d from i t s s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l c ontext—thus implying 441 a previous golden age whose apparent a t t r a c t i o n s as an escapist world can bl i n k e r one to the contexts of the present as well. Moore (1982) i n t e r p r e t s g e n t r i f i c a t i o n as " r e s i d e n t i a l credentialism", a prime " p o s i t i o n a l good" (Hirsch 1976) at a time when, for some, the suburbs have l o s t t h e i r exclusive status. Some advertisements i n Fairview Slopes stress t h i s aspect of landscape and i d e n t i t y . This neighbourhood i s the home of "people on the way up"; i t contributes to "a statement about s o c i e t a l achievement". These are award-winning homes, and as a customer you are i n v i t e d to "award yo u r s e l f " with a purchase. "Prestigious Fairview Slopes" i s "an address for those who l i k e to set the standards". " L i f e on the Upslope" i s indeed a message of status. However, when asked whether they thought Fairview Slopes had a reputation for status or prestige, the responses from interviewees were mixed. Some denied i t t o t a l l y ; for instance, one woman said "No, I think i t has a reputation for a s p i r i n g to status and p r e s t i g e " . Since "yuppie" can be a term of d e r i s i o n , the area's reputation as a home for those who seek to be "upwardly mobile" i s considered an unappealing aspect of the neighbourhood. Most interviewees responded by noting that i t i s an expensive area, and that they see signs that i t i s "kind of yuppie", upmarket and trendy (for example, the cars i n the underground garages). Many described the surprised and envious comments they received from f r i e n d s when t o l d that they l i v e d on the Slopes. For instance, Anne says: "I've been t o l d , 'Gee, how can you a f f o r d to l i v e there? Gee, that's an upper cl a s s neighbourhood', that sort of thing, so i t gives me the feedback that i t ' s an a l r i g h t place to l i v e . I chose i t because i t was close to my work, and to me i t wouldn't r e a l l y matter". S i m i l a r l y , Linda thinks people are "misinformed. When you t e l l people you l i v e here, some people say 'That must be nice', as i f you must be r i c h , but they have houses that cost as much as t h i s , but we prefer to l i v e i n a townhouse 442 rather than a l o t of property". There was some agreement, then, that non-residents might tr e a t residents d i f f e r e n t l y i n consequence. Pat thinks i t p o s s i b l e that "They think that i f you're l i v i n g i n Fairview Slopes you must be—someone to be reckoned with, maybe, i s the only way I can put i t " . And i n commenting on other (owner-occupying) residents, a renter said, "I think people think i t ' s a f a i r l y r i c h kind of area...a f a i r l y nice, f a i r l y s t r a t e g i c place to l i v e , I guess" (my emphasis). However, respondents are generally quick to distance themselves from t h i s reputation, and point out how i t must be mistaken because people l i k e themselves l i v e there. Kevin was not the only person to admit, "I don't even l i k e saying i t , when people ask me where I l i v e ! " Nobody admitted that Fairview's p r e s t i g i o u s reputation p o s i t i v e l y influenced t h e i r choice to l i v e i n the neighbourhood, and there was no evidence f o r a conscious search for s o c i a l status by r e s i d e n t i a l choice. This remains, however, a d i f f i c u l t dimension to dismiss, e s p e c i a l l y i n the l i g h t of the search patterns which residents employed when buying a new home. In Chapter 6, I discussed how interviewees had started t h e i r search within well-defined geographical l i m i t s . East Vancouver was v i r t u a l l y ruled out before the search began, even though some respondents claimed that the cost of housing was paramount. Interviewees' comments on the p o s s i b i l i t y of moving further east i n the c i t y suggested that an evaluation by status contributed to the lack of serious consideration given to that option. Of course, access to p a r t i c u l a r amenities which suited respondents' previously-established l i f e s t y l e s was an important part of the r a t i o n a l e given for t h i s r e s t r i c t e d search pattern. However, we cannot reduce t h i s to a s t r i c t l y u t i l i t a r i a n explanation, e s p e c i a l l y i n the l i g h t of Sahlins' argument about the c u l t u r a l c o n s t i t u t i o n of use value. The pursuit of p a r t i c u l a r kinds of l e i s u r e a c t i v i t i e s , for instance, i s not socially-meaningless; at the most 443 petty l e v e l , while Fairview residents often mentioned s k i i n g or concert-going as l e i s u r e a c t i v i t i e s , nobody mentioned ten-pin bowling! Moreover, the d e s i r e for p r o x i m i t y — t o the c i t y and i t s c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s , as well as to the w o r k p l a c e — i s by no means "natural", as the h i s t o r y of suburbanization i l l u s t r a t e s . While i t would be inappropriate to p i c t u r e r e s i d e n t i a l choice or, s p e c i f i c a l l y , g e n t r i f i c a t i o n as a search for mere rank (that i s , a p o s i t i o n along a u n i l i n e a r s o c i a l s c a l e ) , i t i s necessary to treat i t as an i n t e g r a l part of the c o n s t i t u t i o n of s o c i a l i d e n t i t y . The nature of status thus becomes more ambiguous and opaque. Jager has portrayed g e n t r i f i c a t i o n as a c u l t u r a l t a c t i c by which an ambiguous new c l a s s draws out i t s s o c i a l d i s t i n c t i v e n e s s . S i m i l a r l y , paraphrasing Gouldner, Moore argues that "Just as blue jeans became the. i n t e r n a t i o n a l uniform of the new class...so g e n t r i f i e d housing became i t s i n t e r n a t i o n a l neighbourhood" (Moore 1982:27). I r o n i c a l l y , as blue jeans turned i n t o a new conformity, so does the landscape d i s t i n c t i v e n e s s of the g e n t r i f i e d neighbourhood. The 'discovery' of ever-new scarce commodities which can act as v e h i c l e s f or s o c i a l status remains barely one step ahead of the mass market; for instance, i n Vancouver', G r a n v i l l e Island p u b l i c market has been copied i n a number of less c e n t r a l l o c a t i o n s , and a suburban condominium i s advertised by t h i s slogan: "The K i t s l i f e s t y l e comes to Richmond". The new cl a s s seeks to define i t s otherwise ambiguous i d e n t i t y by s i g n a l i n g through a p a r t i c u l a r combination of objects or experiences: "etched i n t o the landscape i n the decorative forms of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i s a p i c t u r e of the dynamics of s o c i a l c l a s s " (Jager 1986:78). But i t s e f f o r t s can never r e s t , f o r , once new signs enter i n t o a system of communication, t h e i r e x c l u s i v i t y i s l o s t . The bamboo b l i n d s , brass door knockers, paper lanterns and hanging ferns which Williams (1986) observed to be the domestic spoor of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n , are now so ubiquitous that the s o c i a l message i s confused. Authentic versions of taste and experience can, however, be perpetually-redefined, so that the external observer can d i s t i n g u i s h no stable referent and the upwardly a s p i r i n g i n d i v i d u a l must be forever mastering new languages of t a s t e . Hence the f r a n t i c inversion and s h u f f l i n g of signs which postmodern archi t e c t u r e so v i v i d l y d i s p l a y s . The q u a l i t y of postmodernism i s one of b l u r r i n g boundaries (Polan 1984), of questioning the authority by which oppositional categories have been disting u i s h e d and evaluated, and by which they have been held apart. In postmodern architecture, the categories of high and vernacular, of l o c a l and cosmopolitan, are challenged. More generally, the c r i t e r i a by which d i s t i n c t i o n s have been drawn between the c u l t u r a l and the p o l i t i c a l realms, between reactionary acts and acts of resistance, are challenged; oppositional categories cannot' capture the s u b t l e t i e s of a f l u i d r e a l i t y . The e f f e c t on studies of the s o c i a l world i s to acknowledge that claims to have discovered the r a t i o n a l foundations for understanding s o c i a l l i f e must be r e s i s t e d , for there i s no p o s i t i o n outside the hegemony of language from which they can be judged. No ultimate d e f i n i t i o n of the mechanism underlying, for instance, gender (Flax 1987) or c l a s s i s p o s s i b l e . This chapter has presented the Vancouver inner c i t y landscape as a type of language which has underwritten and expressed at least two i d e o l o g i c a l p o s i t i o n s . The text of landscape was one t e r r a i n over which ideas about s o c i a l , economic and c u l t u r a l l i f e were fought out. As the neoconservative r h e t o r i c of Lautens (quoted above) implies, the landscape i s (both l i t e r a l l y and f i g u r a t i v e l y ) a scheme for keeping people " i n t h e i r proper place". Conversely, therefore, a t a c t i c f or i n s t a l l i n g a new "place" i n the i n t e r s t i c e s of s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e — f o r example, e s t a b l i s h i n g a new c l a s s — i s to shape the landscape i n a new way. This i s the s i g n i f i c a n c e of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n to the new c l a s s , as Jager and Moore have suggested. 445 A d i s t i n g u i s h i n g feature of the new c l a s s i s i t s paradoxical status as both emancipatory and e l i t i s t (Gouldner (1979) c a l l s i t the "Flawed Universal C l a s s " ) , and the g e n t r i f i e d — a n d most s p e c i f i c a l l y postmodern—landscape p e r s o n i f i e s t h i s very c h a r a c t e r i s t i c . On the one hand, the new c l a s s c u l t u r e of c r i t i c a l discourse requires a broader v i s i o n than u t i l i t a r i a n p r o f i t -oriented p u r s u i t s ; i n Fairview Slopes t h i s takes the guise of bohemia and f o l k c u l t u r e : the romantic cottage eaves, garrett skylights and l o f t s , the f i n e mesh of commercial and r e s i d e n t i a l space. Yet the new class i s also e l i t i s t ; a sense of s u p e r i o r i t y and an overindulgence i n r e f l e x i v e and t h e o r e t i c a l thought disposes i t to a sometimes unhealthy self-consciousness; meanwhile, on the ground, we see triumphal arches, c l a s s i c a l p i l l a r s , and other accoutrements of "high s t y l e " . S i g i f i c a n t l y , however, s t r a i g h t h i s t o r i c a l reproductions would not 'work': they would be considered i n poor taste and reactionary. Similar use of status icons (such as p l a s t e r l i o n s on suburban fences) by other groups i s condemned as k i t s c h , yet the s e l e c t i v e combination evolving here, the " k i t s c h of the new middle classes" i s "consecrated as aesthetic" (Jager 1986:87): hence the a r b i t r a r i n e s s of the sign i s revealed. Furthermore, the new c l a s s plays an ambiguous part as both the exploiter and the exploited. Williams' former u n i v e r s i t y colleague found that h i s previous t r a i n i n g i n the c r i t i c i s m of advertisements made him an excellent a d v e r t i s e r ; the knowing, humorous s t y l e of a d v e r t i s i n g makes claims "so l u d i c r o u s l y exaggerated as to include the c r i t i c a l response" (1980:181). A Fairview a r c h i t e c t of a column-bedecked condominium o f f e r i n g some of the cheapest units i n the area, claims that h i s customers are seduced by dreams of l i v i n g i n "grand mansions"; but surely the deception i s not that simple, nor i s the status thus implied so straightforward: the purchase of such a home must be contemplated by the consumer with some degree of i r o n i c detachment. The a r c h i t e c t u r a l sign i s no longer transparently connected to i t s conventional c u l t u r a l r e f e r e n t . In sum, postmodern ar c h i t e c t u r e i s the project of a new s o c i a l group, and the reworking of modern landscapes i n t o postmodern forms i s simultaneously a rewriting (or re-presentation) of the fundamental nature of the s o c i a l world. The aesthetic t r u t h of m i n i m i l i s t i c a r c h i t e c t u r a l form, the r a t i o n a l i t y of economistic planning, are questioned and found wanting. The landscape text of postmodernity resurrects those p r i n c i p l e s exorcized by modernism—stimulation, d i f f e r e n c e , d i s t i n c t i o n , the i n d i v i d u a l i t y of separate entrances and the sensuality of texture and colour. Speaking of t h e i r Fairview Slopes homes, for instance, two women drew a t t e n t i o n to some of these features: "The p a r t i c u l a r complex we l i v e i n i s very attractive....We f e e l as i f we're on holiday.... . . . . I t looks d i f f e r e n t , i t doesn't look l i k e a box, there are d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s . . . d i f f e r e n t l a y e r s , l i t t l e passages, just d i f f e r e n t , not f l a t and d u l l and box-like.... . . . . I t appealed to us because i t ' s just very a t t r a c t i v e , very p r e t t y . It's a fun sort of place; we f e e l that we've done a l l our serious l i v i n g . . . s o now we can just r e l a x and enjoy ourselves, and i t ' s a casual sort of p l a c e . . . i t ' s just almost l i k e a holiday home, just a very pleasant atmosphere altogether". "I t ' s nice to l i v e i n a neighbourhood that has a sort of s p e c i a l f e e l about i t , because we d i d l i v e i n the West End for quite a few years and a i o t of the apartments could be i d e n t i c a l , a c t u a l l y , they a l l look the same and there's nothing to d i s t i n g u i s h them e s p e c i a l l y the older ones that we were i n that looked l i k e l i t t l e f l a t boxes. And these c e r t a i n l y have the appeal, everything i s d i f f e r e n t , and even units within the same complex are quite d i f f e r e n t " . At the same time as these a r c h i t e c t u r a l texts are developed, the seemingly "natural" d i s t i n c t i o n s of s o c i a l l i f e are d i s t o r t e d and challenged, as can be i l l u s t r a t e d from residents' comments. The d i s t i n c t i o n between instrumental and expressive realms, for instance, i s worn away as the c i t y (which modernism treated as purely instrumental) i s redefined as aesthetic and. 447 sensuous. Helen, for instance, describes the new development i n which she l i v e s , which i s modelled around a renovated older house: "I l i k e d the idea of coming i n o f f the street to an i n t e r i o r courtyard, that to me gave t h i s an added b i t of privacy.... I l i k e the colours, I l i k e the idea that i t was based on the old-fashioned design following the house, and they'd put quite a b i t of d e t a i l , l i k e they'd used a c i r c u l a r motif r i g h t through f o r the windows and the gates; and I l i k e d the idea of the combination of the b r i c k and wood". While Helen enjoyed the design of her p a r t i c u l a r home, however, the streetscape i t s e l f a l so encapsulates some of these expressive q u a l i t i e s , as Pat points out: "We l i k e the s t y l e of the places i n the area, we l i k e the way i t looks . ....What I l i k e i s , i n the summer we used to walk down to London Drugs or whatever, and i f you keep walking down Seventh [Avenue] here for instance, there's that mix of townhouses that are somewhat... set to the front, r i g h t against the sidewalk, i n a way copying the old-fashioned V i c t o r i a n look without the V i c t o r i a n colours, and then there w i l l be an o l d house that's r e a l l y kept up. And there are trees draping over the edge, and some of the places have w a t e r f a l l s , and everything i s clustered r i g h t up to the sidewalk, and there are l o t s of flowers. And you just have a nice f e e l i n g walking through i t , and you think 'this i s i n fac t n i c e r than San Francisco'. You're aware of the Vancouver green. And i t ' s just got i t s own flavour, there i s n ' t anywhere else i n the c i t y that looks l i k e that....the clustered f e e l i n g . I think part of the charm of i t i s that i t ' s d i f f e r e n t as you go along, i t ' s d i f f e r e n t each one." Another interviewee describes the unusual landscape tapestry which has broken down conventional d i s t i n c t i o n s between pu b l i c and p r i v a t e space: "I think i t ' s a d i f f e r e n t type of b u i l d i n g — I think the whole of the environment i s d i f f e r e n t — a n d that's what people are att r a c t e d to here...I think the dec i s i o n that was made when the zoning was adopted here was to forget the concept of fro n t , side and rear yards, which of course e x i s t i n K i t s i l a n o even i n the apartment zoning so you f e e l very much part of a b u i l d i n g i n K i t s i l a n o when you move i n there because i t has i t s own i d e n t i t y , rather than a p a r t i c u l a r environment which I f i n d that Fairview Slopes has developed—an environment of pathways, steps and courtyards that you can walk through, so although you are moving i n t o a p a r t i c u l a r b u i l d i n g you are also moving i n t o a b u i l t environment". The Fairview designs are not nec e s s a r i l y very successful examples of t h e i r kind; some residents had very uncomplimentary things to say about the 448 standards of construction and planning permission. For example, one man said: "There's nothing outstanding about any of the a r c h i t e c t u r e on the Slopes that I can see....everything i s sort of l i k e rabbit hutches....Most of these bu i l d i n g s are not w e l l -constructed... .Postmodern a r c h i t e c t u r e i s just a marketing t o o l , i t ' s got nothing to do with r e a l i t y " . However,-they do have something to do with a new postmodern r e a l i t y , one where the fundamental bases for d e f i n i n g and evaluating " r e a l i t y " have been eroded, one where c r e a t i v i t y and commodity, culture and economics enter i n t o a new conjuncture which cannot be resolved by recourse to the modern metanarratives—and one where other "natural" d i s t i n c t i o n s are breaking down. Both geographically and f i g u r a t i v e l y , Fairview Slopes i s a f i e l d upon which the dichotomies of play and work, of innocent re c r e a t i o n and commodified spectacle, of consumption and production, of u t i l i t y and ornament, of masculine and feminine are c o l l a p s i n g . This i s the c u l t u r a l context to g e n t r i f i c a t i o n as a s o c i a l p r a c t i c e : one f l i p p a n t l y implied by one Fairview Slopes resident who t o l d me: "I r e a l l y f e e l myself to be postmodern!" With t h i s f o l d i n g i n of oppositions upon themselves, there has a r i s e n a new metanarrative which c a r r i e s forward the new c u l t u r a l discourse. This i s centred on the super-metaphor of the C i t y . As we saw e a r l i e r , Williams has drawn up sets of oppositions l i n e d up with c i t y and country which operated at p a r t i c u l a r h i s t o r i c a l moments. In the postmodern world, even i f we replace country with suburb as the operative antipode to the notion of urban l i f e , we are unable to draw up a s i m i l a r table where each concept i s balanced by i t s apposite mirror image. For those who carry forward the postmodern project, the c i t y has captured multiple sets of oppositions which were formerly considered contradictory; as a symbolic s i t e the suburb has f l a t t e n e d out to mere vacancy—the void against which are measured the presences of the c i t y . And as the agents of the new super-synapse, advertisers wallow i n the d e l i r i u m of the image: "Everywhere there i s a flow to each c i t y home as graceful as good conversation.... ....The Windgate philosophy i s unabashed c r e a t i v i t y and f l a i r . A r c h i t e c t u r a l l y untimid...here i s design to accent superabundance, as d i s t i n c t i v e as you are, beyond commonplace, exuberantly o r i g i n a l . . . a s e t t i n g to excite your own c r e a t i v e p o t e n t i a l and forever escape the ordinary. Windgate Choklit Park i s a cel e b r a t i o n of l i f e on the upslope" (advertising brochure, Windgate Chok l i t Park, F i r s t P a c i f i c Development Corporation, 1985). CHAPTER NINE CONCLUSIONS The s p e c i f i c topic of t h i s t hesis has been g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . However, g e n t r i f i c a t i o n has a l s o been used as a v e h i c l e to carry through an argument pertinent to other objects of geographical i n v e s t i g a t i o n . The immediate aim of t h i s argument has been to b u i l d upon, and to extend i n a new d i r e c t i o n , the "production of g e n t r i f i e r s " approach. That useful approach was based upon a view of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n as a chaotic conception, and i t i s t h i s feature which connects g e n t r i f i c a t i o n to other phenomena of geographical i n t e r e s t — the " l o c a l i t y " for instance. However, without r e v i v i n g a c u l t u r a l geography of the meaning of place, I argue, we are unable to account for the experience of inner c i t y g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . The research i n Fairview Slopes followed a programme of thick d e s c r i p t i o n , but i t was placed within the context of broad s t r u c t u r a l s h i f t s i n the nature of society and the economy. Many attempts to account for g e n t r i f i c a t i o n have sought for explanation at the broadest scale. For example, s t r u c t u r a l i s t perspectives have depicted the sweep of c a p i t a l across geographical space; i n each round of uneven development, new t e r r i t o r i e s emerge as centres of growth. With the most recent economic c r i s i s , according to t h i s perspective, g e n t r i f i c a t i o n comes to the fore as the bearer of the next wave of c a p i t a l accumulation. To paint only with t h i s broadest of brushes, however, i s to neglect the part played by people themselves—the actors who motivate the sweep of c a p i t a l . Moreover, i t f a i l s to explain f u l l y the d i s t r i b u t i o n and character of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . In response to t h i s problem, therefore, some scholars have looked for explanation i n the s o c i a l realm. The focus here has been on l o c a t i n g s o c i a l actors with respect to transformations i n r e l a t i o n s of c l a s s and gender. Re s i d e n t i a l "choices" are connected to s t r u c t u r a l p o s i t i o n . 451 This forms the basis of what I recommended as the f i r s t l e v e l of approach to g e n t r i f i c a t i o n : as a conjuncture of contingent s o c i a l processes. At the second l e v e l , I argued that g e n t r i f i c a t i o n must be approached as a context for negotiating s o c i a l conduct. Rose (1984) pointed i n t h i s d i r e c t i o n by suggesting that some marginalized s o c i a l groups respond to changes i n the economic sphere by pursuing g e n t r i f i c a t i o n as a strategy for coping. Here there are i m p l i c i t l i n k s to p a r a l l e l research at the l o c a l i t y scale where feminists have highlighted the implications of changes i n production for the sphere of reproduction (and v i c e versa). In the work of Pahl (1985) and Christopherson (1983), attention i s drawn to the f l e x i b i l i t y i n the organization of households as they negotiate a p o s i t i o n within the context of changing constraints and opportunities. In my case study i n Fairview Slopes, I followed and expanded upon t h i s suggestion by drawing i n a broader range of considerations involved i n constructing s a t i s f y i n g and workable styles of l i f e . These were applicable not only to Rose's marginal g e n t r i f i e r s , but a l s o to the more "mainstream" g e n t r i f i e r households of Fairview Slopes. In Chapter 6 I stressed the c r e a t i v e "use" of s p a c e — i n terms of the " s t r a t e g i c s e t t i n g " and the " t a c t i c a l townhouse". I drew out the changing modes of a r t i c u l a t i o n of "public" and "private" realms, between career and domestic l i f e . I emphasized the "messiness" of s o c i a l l i f e on the ground—the family i n f l u x , for example—which l e g i s l a t e s against the imposition of r e d u c t i o n i s t explanation. This second stage of research couples the study of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n to the geography of r e s t r u c t u r i n g , exploring the i n t e r p l a y of t e r r i t o r y and s o c i a l p r a c t i c e , production and reproduction. The d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of space connects d i r e c t l y to the deep-seated processes of change i n c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t i e s . New c l a s s and gender r e l a t i o n s are defined d i f f e r e n t l y i n d i f f e r e n t places. The ethnographic approach.of thick d e s c r i p t i o n draws attention to the small 452 features of everyday l i f e which underscore the message of the geography of r e s t r u c t u r i n g : that broad forces for change are d i f f e r e n t i a l l y expressed on the landscape, as l o c a l s o c i a l worlds mobilise and negotiate a response which i s always s p a t i a l l y constituted. It i s , however, l a r g e l y at the t h i r d l e v e l of approach that the present work makes a contribution which extends the l i t e r a t u r e i n t o new areas. At t h i s t h i r d l e v e l , g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i s interpreted as a constituent i n the construction of s o c i a l i d e n t i t y . This treatment acknowledges the s i g n i f i c a n c e of the emergent powers which may be captured by objects i n the process of s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l change. Having found some p a r a l l e l s i n the debate on the "urban question", in Chapters 7 and 8 I explored the changing meaning of the inner c i t y , as a property of the s t r a t i f i e d world which must be incorporated i n t o the explanation of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n . By s t r e s s i n g the expressive dimension of place, I argued for a r e v i v a l of a c r i t i c a l c u l t u r a l geography. This explores how new dimensions of meaning emerge and d i s s o l v e i n the context of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s , and how they are incorporated i n the process of s u b j e c t i f i c a t i o n : the making of the s e l f . In t h i s process I have examined the r e f l e x i v e r e l a t i o n s between i d e n t i t y and the landscape: how residents engage the postmodern landscape of Fairview Slopes i n the construction of t h e i r own i d e n t i t y . Restructuring i n the economic, s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l realms n e c e s s a r i l y proceeds unevenly across space. A task for the geographer, therefore, i s to unravel the .complex horizons of events which, i n synthesis, compose each l o c a l i t y . In turn, our concern i s with landscapes as contexts which act back upon s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s , often by n a t u r a l i z i n g the way that society i s ordered, o c c a s i o n a l l y denaturalizing i t (Duncan and Duncan 1988). The meaning of landscape i s never inherent, always i n t e r t e x t u a l : produced, reproduced or contested. The landscape of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n , I have argued, i s e s t a b l i s h i n g i t s e l f as an emergent c u l t u r a l pattern, upon which i s i n s c r i b e d a p a r t i c u l a r version of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s . Those r e l a t i o n s I have described, i n shorthand, as " p o s t i n d u s t r i a l " and "p o s t p a t r i a r c h a l " , terms selected with the aim of conveying some sense of the tension between change and c o n t i n u i t y i n cl a s s and gender r e l a t i o n s with renders u n r e l i a b l e the a p p l i c a t i o n of grand theory. At the same time, however, my own text—my own choice of h e u r i s t i c s — n a turalizes a bias which g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i t s e l f makes concrete. This i s a bias i n favour of those who, i n many respects, may be considered the most fortunate creatures of the p o s t i n d u s t r i a l mode of c l a s s r e l a t i o n s and the p o s t p a t r i a r c h a l mode of gender r e l a t i o n s . While g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i s a landscape proclaiming "success", i t i s not a landscape inhabited by the u n s k i l l e d worker facing redundancy as industry i s restructured, nor the female-headed household which has l o s t i t s male breadwinner—people whose l i v e s are a l s o (and even more l i t e r a l l y ! ) p o s t i n d u s t r i a l and p o s t p a t r i a r c h a l . Since my concern i s with the construction of meaning and how t h i s i s encapsulated i n landscape, I f e e l these terms do capture what has become the dominant popular discourse of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n , from the glossy magazineeze of the advertisements—our condominium c h i l d l e s s couple a g a i n — t o the glossy metaphorese of the a r c h i t e c t u r e . At the same time as e s t a b l i s h i n g the growing power of these images i n popular cul t u r e , however, I have traced what Gregory (forthcoming) c a l l s the "loose-knit texture of everyday l i f e " , which r e s i s t s capture by t h e s e — o r any other—models. I have shown the tension i m p l i c i t i n the e s t a b l i s h i n g of new patterns of l i f e s t y l e , the textual communities of "producers" and "consumers" who struggle—sometimes together, sometimes opposed—over the meaning of these new models. 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This form sets out the conditions of the interview; i t says that I will treat your responses confidentially, and that you have no obligation to answer any question. There are four major parts to this interview. The first is the longest, and i t concerns your reasons for living here. The second section deals with your household characteristics, the third with your career and leisure activities. The fourth section brings them a l l together. 1) Let me start by asking i f you think of t h i s neighbourhood as having a name? If gives name other than "Fairview Slopes" or "The Slopes": Many people think of t h i s neighbourhood as Fairview S l o p e s — do you ever think of i t as that? 2!) Do you own or do your rent? If owns: Are you a member of a co-op or of a condominium? 3) Were you brought up in Vancouver? What other area or areas of Vancouver have you lived in? 4) Where were you l i v i n g immediately before you moved in here? How long were you l i v i n g there? Were you renting or did you own? If at previous location under a year, also ask for location before that. 5) Would you t e l l me how you came to be l i v i n g in t h i s neighbourhood? 6) Did you consider moving to any other neighbourhoods? Did you a c t i v e l y search for a home in other neighbourhoods? 7) What would you say are the a t t r a c t i v e features about t h i s neighbourhood as a place to l i v e , s t a r t i n g with the most most important one f i r s t ? 8) When you thought about moving to t h i s place, were you aware of any other homes available in t h i s neighbourhood? Did you look at any other homes available in this, neighbourhood ? Some of following not applicable to custom-built homes. 9) What would you say were the major f a c t o r s which a t t r a c t e d you t o t h i s b u i l d i n g , s t a r t i n g w i t h the most im p o r t a n t one f i r s t ? 10.) How d i d you l e a r n t h a t t h i s p l a c e was a v a i l a b l e t o r e n t / b u y ? For example, was i t through i n f o r m a l c o n t a c t s , j u s t p a s s i n g by, some k i n d of a d v e r t i s i n g or something e l s e ? 11) Have you seen any a d v e r t i s i n g or m a r k e t i n g m a t e r i a l f o r t h i s (dt-vel opment o r ) u n i t , e i t h e r b e f o r e or a f t e r you looked at the (development o r ) u n i t ? If so: What k i n d of m a t e r i a l was t h a t , and what i m p r e s s i o n d i d you get from i t ? 12) T h i s i s a v e r y g e n e r a l q u e s t i o n , but I am i n t e r e s t e d i n how p e o p l e p e r c e i v e t h e i r environment. I would l i k e you t o d e s c r i b e f o r me, i n your own words, t h e e x t e r i o r of t h i s b u i l d i n g . 13) Were t h e r e any f e a t u r e s about the e x t e r i o r of t h i s b u i l d i n g which e s p e c i a l l y a t t r a c t e d you t o l i v e h e r e ? On features v o l u n t e e r e d : Can you say why they a t t r a c t e d you? A f t e r v o l u n t e e r e d answers then prompt: Mat er i a l s C o l o u r D e c o r a t i o n or f e a t u r e s of t h e facade Layout ( c o u r t y a r d , p r i v a c y ) E n t r a n c e or doors Windows Other 14) Did you have a c h o i c e of more than one u n i t i n t h i s b u i l d i n g ? 15) What f e a t u r e s about t h i s u n i t were e s p e c i a l l y a t t r a c t i v e t o you? On f e a t u r e s v o l u n t e e r e d Can you say why t h e y a t t r a c t e d you? A f t e r v o l u n t e e r e d answers then prompt: S i z e of u n i t Number of rooms and l a y o u t Vi ew L e v e l s S p e c i a l f e a t u r e s I n t e r i o r d e c o r a t i o n Ease of maintenance P r i v a c y , n o i s e Par k i ng Other 16) Since you have moved in, have you made any major changes to the unit? 17!) I am interested in how you use the space in this unit for different activities. Are there any ways in which you use this space in a "non—conventional" manner? Prompt: Is there any space set up for an office area? Was the potential for doing that one of the things which attracted you to this unit? 18) Do you carry out any activities in the courtyard, other than just coming in and out from your unit? Prompt: do you ever chat with neighbours in the courtyard? 19) Many people feel that the exterior of their home is an expression of their personality and lifestyle. Do you think the exterior of this building makes a statement about about your personality or your lifestyle? Have you made an attempt to express something of your personality or lifestyle that can be seen from outside? 2 0 ) Some people have said that Fairview is distinctive because of the architecture of some of its new buildings. Do you think you would have chosen to live in this building if it was a more conventional or ordinary design ('.If asked, give example of apartment-type units in Kitsilano)? If yes Do you think you would have chosen to live here if all the residential buildings in the neighbourhood were more conventional or ordinary? Do you think you would have chosen to live here if this building was the same as it is now, but the other residential buildings in the neighbourhood were, more conventional or ordinary? That was the first and longest section of the interview. I would now like to talk about the composition of your household. 477 21) How many members o f t h e h o u s e h o l d are t h e r e ? If more than one: What i s t h e i r / h i s / h e r r e l a t i o n s h i p t o y o u ? What i s / a r e t h e i r / h i s / h e r a p p r o x i m a t e a g e / a g e s ( w i t h i n f i v e y e a r a g e g r o u p s ! ) ? 22) So t h e r e i s / a r e j u s t t h e - 1 o f y o u l i v i n g i n t h i s h o u s e h o l d ? And h a s t h a t b e e n t h e c a s e s i n c e y o u f i r s t moved i n t o t h i s home? When d i d y o u move i n h e r e ? 23!) Do any (o ther ! ) o f y o u r c l o s e r e l a t i v e s l i v e i n V a n c o u v e r ? 24!) Would y o u t e l l me, u s i n g t h e c a t e g o r i e s on t h i s c a r d , t h e h i g h e s t l e v e l o f e d u c a t i o n y o u h a v e a t t a i n e d . Also for other h o u s e h o l d members. 25!) I h a v e a v e r y g e n e r a l q u e s t i o n now. Some o f u s t h i n k o f o u r l i v e s a s g o i n g t h r o u g h a p r o g r e s s i o n o f s t a g e s . T h e s e s t a g e s m i g h t r e l a t e t o l e v e l s o f e d u c a t i o n , t o c h a n g i n g y o u r o c c u p a t i o n o r p e r h a p * s t a k i n g on new r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s i n y o u r o c c u p a t i o n . T h e y m i g h t a l s o r e l a t e t o d i f f e r e n t p e r i o d s i n y o u r f a m i l y l i f e . C a n y o u i d e n t i f y m a j o r s t a g e s i n y o u r a d u l t l i f e , s i n c e y o u ' l e f t h o m e ' ? D i d t h e s e s t a g e s c o r r e s p o n d t o c h a n g e s i n where y o u l i v e d ? ( P r o b e ) . 2&!> T h i s i s a n o t h e r b r o a d q u e s t i o n , a n d i t c o n c e r n s t h e k i n d s o f a s p i r a t i o n s o r m o t i v a t i o n s w h i c h a r e most i m p o r t a n t t o y o u . Some p e o p l e s a y t h e y a r e v e r y f a m i l y o r i e n t e d , some a r e most c o n c e r n e d w i t h t h e i r c a r e e r , o t h e r s m i g h t s a y t h e y a r e most i n t e r e s t e d i n " l i v i n g t h e g o o d l i f e " . . . a n d o f c o u r s e , y o u m i g h t be c o n c e r n e d w i t h a c o m b i n a t i o n o f t h e s e t h i n g s , o r w i t h o t h e r t h i n g s . • Can y o u s a y what k i n d o f a s p i r a t i o n s a r e most i m p o r t a n t t o y o u ? How h a v e t h e s e a s p i r a t i o n s i n f l u e n c e d t h e c h o i c e s y o u h a v e made a b o u t y o u r f a m i l y l i f e ? I low h a v e t h e s e a s p i r a t i o n s i n f l u e n c e d y o u r c h o i c e t o l i v e h e r e ? 478 , Let's move on t o the t h i r d s e c t i o n , which deals with your occupation and other a c t i v i t i e s 27!) Are you presently i n paid employment or self-employed, and i f so, what i s your occupation? Is t h i s a f u l l - t i m e occupation? If not: So about how many hours a week i s that? If r e t i r e d or t e m p o r a r i l y unemployed: As c e r t a i n nature of previous occupation and approximate time s i n c e stopping work. 28) Where i s your place of employment? 29) Do you take any of your work home? If so: In an average week, about how much time would you spend on your work at home? 30) Does your work r e q u i r e you to t r a v e l out of Vancouver? If so: About how frequently and for how long each time? 31) Do you f e e l you are s t r o n g l y committed to the type of occupation you have now, or do you a n t i c i p a t e moving to another tyge of occupation by choice? (I don't mean moves l i k e pr omoti on). 32) So about how long do you think you w i l l be employed i n the type of occupation you have now? 33) Do you do any other work, for example freelance work, i n a d d i t i o n to your main employment? If so: Where do you do t h i s work? 34) Not for one person households I would now l i k e to ask the same questions about the occupation of your . Is he/she i n paid employment or self-employed, and i f so what i s his/her occupation? Is that a f u l l time occupation? If not: So about how many hours a week i s that? If r e t i r e d or t e m p o r a r i l y unemployed: Ascertain nature of previous occupation and approximate time since stopping work. 35) So where i s his/her place of employment? 36) Does he/she take any work home? If so: In an average week, about how much time would he/she spend •jn his/her work at home? 37) Does his/her work req u i r e that he/she t r a v e l outside Vancouver? If so: About how frequently and for how long each time? 38) Do you think he/she i s s t r o n g l y committed to the occupation he/she has now, or do you a n t i c i p a t e that he/she w i l l move to another type of occupation by choice? 39) So about how long do you think he/she w i l l be employed i n the type of occupation he/she has now? 40) Does he/she do any other work, for example freelance work, in a d d i t i o n to his/her main employment? If so: Where does he/she do t h i s work? 41} This may be a d i f f i c u l t question, but what would you say are (or were i f r e t i r e d ) the d i f f e r e n c e s and the s i m i l a r i t i e s between your work l i f e and other aspects of your l i f e ? Prompt: What about the meaning that work has (or had) for you? 42) Other than s t r i c t l y l e i s u r e a c t i v i t i e s , are there any other a c t i v i t i e s with which you (or other members of the household) are a c t i v e l y involved, for example, clubs or o r g a n i s a t i o n s , education, and so on? 43) In your l e i s u r e time outside the home, what a c t i v i t i e s do you commonly p a r t i c i p a t e i n ? Who do you u s u a l l y share those a c t i v i t i e s with? 44) Do you spend much l e i s u r e time at home? Do you do much formal e n t e r t a i n i n g at home, such as dinner p a r t i e s , and i f so, how frequently? 45) Do you f i n d t h i s l o c a t i o n convenient for shopping? What places do you v i s i t , i n an average week, to buy food? In which parts of Vancouver do you do most of your cl o t h e s shopping? In which parts of Vancouver have you bought most of your fur n i s h i n g s ? 46) Where do your close f r i e n d s l i v e ? (Of those i n Vancouver, which area or areas do they l i v e in?) Do you come in contact with any of your cl o s e friends in your work? 47) Have you any f r i e n d s l i v i n g i n t h i s neighbourhood? Do any l i v e in t h i s b u i l d i n g ? If so: How did you get to know them? Are you acquainted with any other people l i v i n g i n t h i s b u i l d i n g ? If so: How did you get to know them? In the l a s t s e c t i o n I have some questions which deal with the way you organise your time and a c t i v i t i e s w i t h i n the household, and how that r e l a t e s to where you l i v e . 48) So my f i r s t question i s about your t y p i c a l d a i l y schedule. I would l i k e to get a sense of the time you spend i n d i f f e r e n t l o c a t i o n s and doing d i f f e r e n t t hings. Could you think of a weekday which was not too unusual, perhaps yesterday, and give me a general idea of the places you v i s i t e d and what you were doing i n each place. Prompt—eg. so i t i s usual for you to work l a t e ? 49) Not for one person households How does your d a i l y schedule f i t i n with the other memberCs) of your household? Prompt on time spent together. 50) About how many times per week do you eat your evening meal at a restaurant? 51) What would be a t y p i c a l weekend for you? Prompt: Do you do any work at the weekends? 52) I would l i k e to know i f you have any d e l i b e r a t e s t r a t e g i e s to free up time. —Do you have a microwave? —Do you buy a l o t of prepared foods, for example, frozen or d e l i foods? —Do you use any kind of maid s e r v i c e ? —Do you use any p r o f e s s i o n a l s e r v i c e s for cooking or help when you e n t e r t a i n ? Anything e l s e ? 53) How do you f e e l , " i n theory", about the way tasks should be divi d e d up between male and female partners i n a family? 54) Not for one person households Do you think the other member<s) of your household agree with your f e e l i n g s , " i n theory"? 55) Not for one person households In p r a c t i c e , how are d i f f e r e n t tasks divided i n t h i s household, for example, cooking, maintenance, etc.? Why are they divided i n t h i s way? 56) Not for one person households Is there one person i n t h i s household who takes the r o l e of head o f household? Can you exp l a i n how t h i s works? 481< 57) Not for one person households When you decided to l i v e here, d i d one of you p a r t i c u l a r l y i n f l u e n c e the d e c i s i o n ? Did you have d i f f e r e n t p r i o r i t i e s when you were looking for somewhere to l i v e ? 58) Not for one person households Do you have any form of f i n a n c i a l contract w i t h i n the household? Does one household member make most of the decisions about spending the household money? 59) You may prefer not to answer my next question, about income, but i t would be useful to my research i f I could get some general sense of household incomes i n the area. I have a card here with some income groups, before tax. Would you t e l l me which group your household f e l l i n t o l a s t year? 60) For two-wage earner households only Approximately i n what r a t i o do each of you con t r i b u t e to the household i n c o m e — f i f t y f i f t y , or what? Probe on who earns more 61) What kinds of things do you prefer to do with your money af t e r you have paid for n e c e s s i t i e s . For example, do you prefer to save i t , invest i t , or spend i t on c e r t a i n goods and a c t i v i t i e s ? 62) Would you say your kind of family type and the l i f e s t y l e associated with i t i s an advantage to you i n the kind of occupat i on you have chosen? 63) For dual—earner households Would you say that the way your household i s organised (ELABORATE) i s something you planned for and a n t i c i p a t e d , or was i t more a r e s u l t of. unforseen circumstances? Are there any ways i n which you would prefer to reorganise the household r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s and tasks? 64) Not for one person households If you were not l i v i n g i n t h i s neighbourhood, would be more d i f f i c u l t to'have your household you want i t (ELABORATE)? 65) If has c h i l d r e n l i v i n g at home How d i d having c h i l d r e n a f f e c t your occupation and the way your household was organised? 66) Do you think l i v i n g here has helped or w i l l help your career in any way? do you think i t organised the way 482 £ 7 ) What do you think i.s the reputation or image of t h i s nei ghbour hood? Wait, then prompt: Do you think i t has a reputation for being high status and p r e s t i g i o u s ? Do .you think the reputation or image of t h i s neighbourhood had any in f l u e n c e on your d e c i s i o n to move here? 6B) I would l i k e to end by asking about the future. Looking forward to the next f i v e years, what changes do you a n t i c i p a t e i n the composition of your household? If mention having c h i l d r e n : If you had c h i l d r e n , how would you t r y to arrange the organ i s a t i o n of household taskn and c h i l d c a r e ? CIf appropriate) Would t h i s a f f e c t your marital status? If already has c h i l d r e n l i v i n g at home: How did having c h i l d r e n a f f e c t your occupation and the way your household was organi sed? 6 9 ) Do you a n t i c i p a t e moving your residence, and i f so, where would you be l i k e l y to move? If yes Why would you be l i k e l y to move? Thank you very much for answering a l l those questions. Let me assure you that when I w r i t e up my f i n d i n g s , I w i l l not be using any names, and no—one w i l l know that you were one of my respondents. I hope that the questionnaire was i n t e r e s t i n g to you. I would be i n t e r e s t e d i n any comments you have to make about the t o p i c s we covered. I am asking my respondents i f they can suggest any other people who l i v e i n the Fairview Slopes area who might enjoy taking part i n t h i s research p r o j e c t . I f you can think of anybody l i k e that, you might l i k e t o c a l l them f i r s t to see i f they would be i n t e r e s t e d . I would be very g r a t e f u l i f you could give me a contact. \m Premiere Performance of Dover Pointe "The brightest addition to the Slopes-Architect James Cheng has a winner with these one-bedroom, bedroom I den, and two-bedroom quality townhomes." "METRO NEWS" There's room at the top in the newest development on Fairview Slopes. Exclusive hill-side location overlooking Expo and the Vancouver skyline. Floorplans you can live with completely, and amenities you can't live without including: gourmet kitchens, woodburning fireplaces, tile floors, thick carpeting, and lots of natural light. Join the Polygon cast for our premiere opening and find out for yourself why the critics are calling Dover Pointe a 5-Star performer. filll 1 «• 1 NTH CAMBIE MST BROADWAY Scenes suggestive of a lifestyle you've always wanted to live. Admission: Home entertainment value from $ 6 9 , 9 0 0 to $144,900 Showtimes: 12 n o o n - 6 p.m. daily (except Friday) Suite # 1 - 7 9 5 West 8th Avenue HASSJ Developed by g^ J|^ Polygon Properties POLYGON Limited Plate 8 . 9 Advertisement for Canadian Club (Hiram Walker and Sons). F i g u r e 9 A d v - r t i s e m e n t f o r R h a p s o d y C i t i h o m e s , G r a n d O p e n i n g p a m p h l e t , r e p r o d u c e d b y p e r m i s s i o n o f R h a p s o d y C i t i h o m e s . FAIRVIEW SLOPES'MOST SUCCESSFUL DEVELOPMENT JUST OPENED AND IT'S 60% SOLD PARK GEORGIA REALTY
Thesis/Dissertation
eng
Geography
Vancouver : University of British Columbia Library
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Graduate
Interpreting gentrification : postindustrial, postpatriarchal, postmodern?
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