@prefix vivo: . @prefix edm: . @prefix ns0: . @prefix dcterms: . @prefix skos: . vivo:departmentOrSchool "Arts, Faculty of"@en, "Social Work, School of"@en ; edm:dataProvider "DSpace"@en ; ns0:degreeCampus "UBCV"@en ; dcterms:creator "Spiro, Grant Philip"@en ; dcterms:issued "2012-01-06T06:10:59Z"@en, "1961"@en ; vivo:relatedDegree "Master of Social Work - MSW"@en ; ns0:degreeGrantor "University of British Columbia"@en ; dcterms:description """This thesis is concerned with the problems of men discharged from prison on parole. The objective is to describe the broad contours of the subject and then to identify within these limits those problems of the parolee which appear most likely to affect his chances of successful rehabilitation. The major defects in our present system of parole are reviewed and some suggestions are offered for further research. This study is primarily exploratory in nature, as no attempt has been made to submit precisely formulated hypotheses to exact verification procedures. Ten major problems thought to be common to all parolees, their causes and their many ramifications are discussed. Extensive reference is made to previously published analyses of this subject. To supplement this discussion, various leaders in the field of after-care and several parolees were interviewed to provide further information for the analysis and illustration of the ten problem areas explored. The evidence gathered indicates that of the ten problem areas discussed, the problems of reintegration into the family and the community pose the greatest difficulty to the parolee and the after-care agencies; and that the other problems discussed serve in the main only to complicate these two critical areas. The study indicates that the key to solving these problems hinges on the parolee's mental picture of himself, which has been warped by his prison experiences. The study shows also that, contrary to public belief, rehabilitation generally starts only when the parolee is released, and not during incarceration. The value of parole lies in the fact that, through realistic and warm support, the parole supervisor can help the parolee to gain a better image of himself, and thereby assist him to meet the frustrations of social living in such a way as to allow and encourage emotional growth. The study shows a need for more realistic programs of education and training, as well as realistic pre-release programs for the inmate. Such programs would reduce the obstacles of rejoining the family and the community and help to reduce the tendency toward dependency shown by most parolees. Moreover, the study indicates that the success and the effectiveness of parole rests to a large extent on the attitude of the public. Without public good will corrections programs will never be able to succeed. This means that the objectives and results of good after-care programs must constantly be kept before the public in order to build their confidence in, understanding of, and support for these programs. The study shows the great need for further research in this field. Yet in the field of corrections and rehabilitation in Canada very little research has in fact been done. Some needed lines of research are indicated."""@en ; edm:aggregatedCHO "https://circle.library.ubc.ca/rest/handle/2429/39902?expand=metadata"@en ; skos:note "THE PAROLEE AND HIS \"AFTER-CARE™ PROBLEMS: An exploratory study of conditions encountered by men on parole which impede the process of r e h a b i l i t a t i o n , with some applications to after-care agencies, British-Columbia, 1961. by GRANT PHILIP SPIRO Thesis Submitted i n P a r t i a l Fulfilment of the Requirements f o r the Degree of MASTER OF SOCIAL WORK i n the School of S o c i a l Work Accepted as conforming to the standard required f o r the degree of Master of S o c i a l Work School of S o c i a l Work 1961 The University of B r i t i s h Columbia I n p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f t h e r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r a n a d v a n c e d d e g r e e a t t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , I a g r e e t h a t t h e L i b r a r y s h a l l m a k e i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e a n d s t u d y . I f u r t h e r a g r e e t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y p u r p o s e s m a y b e g r a n t e d b y t h e H e a d o f my D e p a r t m e n t o r b y h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s u n d e r s t o o d t h a t c o p y i n g o r p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l n o t b e a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . D e p a r t m e n t o f T h e U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , V a n c o u v e r 8, C a n a d a . i i i ABSTRACT This thesis i s concerned with the problems of men dis-charged from prison on parole. The objective i s to describe the broad contours of the subject and then to identify within these limits those problems of the parolee which appear most li k e l y to affect his chances of successful rehabilitation. The major defects in our present system of parole are reviewed and some suggestions are offered for further research. This study i s primarily exploratory in nature, as no attempt has been made to submit precisely formulated hypotheses to exact verification procedures. Ten major problems thought to be common to a l l parolees, their causes and their many ramifications are discussed. Extensive reference i s made to previously published analyses of this subject. To supplement this discussion, various leaders in the f i e l d of after-care and several parolees were interviewed to provide further i n -formation for the analysis and i l l u s t r a t i o n of the ten problem areas explored. The evidence gathered indicates that of the ten problem areas discussed, the problems of reintegration into the family and the community pose the greatest d i f f i c u l t y to the parolee and the after-care agencies; and that the other problems dis-cussed serve in the main only to complicate these two c r i t i c a l areas. The study indicates that the key to solving these problems hinges on the parolee's mental picture of himself, which has been warped by his prison experiences. The study shows also that, contrary to public belief, rehabilitation generally starts only when the parolee i s released, and not during incarceration. The value of parole l i e s in the fact that, through r e a l i s t i c and warm support, the parole supervisor can help the parolee to gain a better image of himself, and thereby assist him to meet the frustrations of social liv i n g in such a way as to allow and_ encourage emotional growth. The study shows a need for more r e a l i s t i c programs of education and training, as well as r e a l i s t i c pre-release programs for the inmate. Such programs would reduce the obstacles of rejoining the family and the community and help to reduce the tendency toward dependency shown by most parolees. Moreover, the study indicates, that the success and the effectiveness of parole rests to a large extent on the attitude of the public. Without public good w i l l corrections programs w i l l never be able to succeed. This means that the objectives and results of good after-care programs must constant-ly be kept before the public in order to build their confidence in, understanding of, and support for these programs. i v The study shows the great need for further research i n t h i s f i e l d . Yet i n the f i e l d of corrections and r e h a b i l i t a t i o n i n Canada very l i t t l e research has i n fact been done. Some needed l i n e s of research are indicated. V ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I wish to extend my sincere thanks to Mr. Adrian Marriage for his advice in planning this study, and for his helpful criticism of the material as i t progressed to completion.. I wish also to thank Mr. M. Davis, Executive Director of the John Howard Society of British Columbia; Mr. R. Smith, Assistant Director of Corrections for the Province of British Columbia; Mr. Kyle Stevenson, the British Columbia Regional Representative for the National Parole Board; Mr. C. McCaw, Executive Director of the Borstal Association of British Columbia; and Brigadier H. Nyrerod, Director of Correctional Services for the Salvation Army of British Columbia, each for the time and information they so willingly supplied. Finally, may I extend a special thanks to my wife without whose help and support this thesis would never have been completed. i i TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter I The Nature and Conditions of Parole Page After-care in Canada—yesterday and today. History of parole in Canada. Common confusions about parole. Justi-fication for parole. Nature of the present study: a study of the literature and local interviews 1 Chapter II Problems of the Discharged Offender Employment. Relations within the family. Re-establish-ment in the community. Effects of incarceration. Devaluation of \"self image\". Police discrimination. Persisting influence of past and present criminal companions. Loss of c i v i l rights. Negative attitudes to authority. Problems created by parole conditions 23 Chapter III Two Views: The After-Care Agencyf and The Parolee How after-care agencies see the problems of the parolee: situational factors; the predisposed personality; \"post-release paranoia1*; social relationships; how the parolee sees his problems: feelings toward parole; self-conception; the parolee and his friends; the parolee and the parole supervisor 55 Chapter IV What is Wrong With Our Rehabilitation Program The prison: old and new concepts. The Parole System. The public attitude. Conclusion. Suggested future research topics... 81 Appendix: A. Bibliography. CHAPTER I THE NATURE AND CONDITIONS OF PAROLE ••Many men on t h e i r release carry t h e i r prison about with them into the a i r , and hide i t as a secret disgrace i n t h e i r hearts Society takes upon i t s e l f the right to i n f l i c t punishment on the i n d i v i d u a l , but i t also has the supreme vice of shallowness and f a i l s to r e a l i z e what i t has done. When the manTs punishment i s over i t leaves him to himself; i t abandons him at the very moment when i t s highest duty towards him begins.\" Oscar Wilde, de Profundis. Both parole and after-care have a long history i n Canada. Although progress has been p a i n f u l l y slow, p a r t i a l l y owing to public and p o l i t i c a l apathy and executive i n e f f i c i e n c y , some progress has been achieved i n t h i s f i e l d . U n t i l recent-l y the emphasis had been placed on punishment and custody, but the trend now i s toward r e h a b i l i t a t i o n of the prisoner. While t h i s , of course, i s a step i n the r i g h t d i r e c t i o n , the lack of adequate f a c i l i t i e s , u n r e a l i s t i c programs and untrained workers have resulted i n the marquetry that exists today. After-Care i n Canada—Yesterday and Today In the early h i s t o r y of corrections i n Canada l i t t l e a ttention was given to the offender once he was discharged from the i n s t i t u t i o n . In 1835 Canada's f i r s t penitentiary was opened, and the following year the Rules and Regulations for the i n s t i t u t i o n were established: The shortest section had to do with '•Discharge of Convicts'\", and reads as follows**. . . a discharged -2-convict s h a l l be clad i n a decent suit of clothes, selected from the clothing taken from new convicts • • • He s h a l l then be supplied with money according to the distance of the d i s t r i c t where he was t r i e d and sentenced, but not exceeding the sum s p e c i f i e d i n the law (one pound). As the time when the convict i s about to be discharged i s favorable f o r e l i c i t i n g t r u t h , with a view to obtaining facts which may be us e f u l , the Chaplain w i l l endeavour to obtain from him a short h i s t o r y of his l i f e , h i s parentage, education, temptations, and the various steps by which he was led into a course of vice and crime, and commit the same to writing, f o r the information of the inspectors; a f t e r which, the convict s h a l l be discharged with a suitable admonition and advice. 1 This was consistent with the r e t r i b u t i v e theory of custody and punishment so long dominant i n our country. The f i r s t Canadian recognition of the need f o r after-care for discharged prisoners appears to be found i n 1S49 when a commission was established to investigate the conduct, management and d i s c i p l i n e of the p r o v i n c i a l penitentiary at Kingston. \"When t h i s report was issued i t contained the follow-i n g : It must be confessed that the success of any system of prison d i s c i p l i n e w i l l be strongly affected by the treatment which the convict receives on h i s d i s -charge from confinement. A convict may leave h i s c e l l penitent and determined to reform, but i f he i s met with harshness and refused employment, and h i s good resolutions treated with scorn, despair w i l l soon overtake him, poverty and the force of circum-stances w i l l too often drive him back to the haunts of crime . . . Much has been done i n the United States by prison s o c i e t i e s , who receive the penitent transgressor on h i s discharge, and aide him and strenthen him i n his struggle with the frowns of the world; the t i d e of public sympathy has been, by t h e i r labours, turned towards the helpless out-1 Canada, Report of a Committee Appointed to Inquire into the P r i n c i p l e s a n d Procedures Followed i n the Remission Service Etc. Ottawa. 1956, p. 74i (hereafter known as the Fauteux Report)• cast, and great good has undoubtedly been effected, * A more noble work could not engage the e f f o r t s of the C h r i s t i a n or Philanthropist. We t r u s t that such a society w i l l , ere long, exist i n our own country. • • Despite t h i s observation, the challenge was not taken up u n t i l around 1867 when a Sunday School was started i n the Toronto j a i l . The teachers were mainly Methodists or Anglicans: . . . who emphasized the doctrine of personal salvation, and quite n a t u r a l l y they turned t h e i r attention to those who they believed, were most i n need of hearing the gospel.-' In 1874 t h i s same group established the Prisoners* Aid Associa-t i o n of Toronto. Services were expanded to the penitentiary where the workers soon found preaching to the more d i f f i c u l t types of offender was useless and that unless upon release t h e i r material needs were given attention, preaching personal salvation was to no a v a i l . As the years r o l l e d by the Prisoners* Aid Association attracted some of Toronto's leading c i t i z e n s who became quite active reformers i n the association. I t was not long before they began to r e a l i z e there was something wrong with the whole penal system, e s p e c i a l l y as f a r as i t concerned the treatment given the prisoners. In 1891 the f i r s t penal convention was held by the Prisoners* Aid Association and because penal reforms were so strongly advocated, more often than not the Prisoners* Aid Association was referred to as the Penal Reform Association • 2 Ibid..p. 74. 3 Kidman, John, The Canadian Prison. Ryerson Press, Toronto, 1947, p. 7. When the original charter for the Prisoners* Aid Association was taken out the t i t l e given was Prisoners* Aid Association of Canada which provided in i t s constitution: ••• that the aim would be a nation-wide organization, with branches operating under the head office as to principles and policies, but with f u l l autonomy as to methods and individual work.**-However, this end was never achieved. The only branch formed was in 1897 in London, Ontario, which unfortunately had a short l i f e of approximately two years. In 1892 the Prisoners* Aid Association of Montreal was also formed, but there appears to be no evidence that this event was influenced by the existence of the Toronto Association. The f i r s t effects of the efforts of the Prisoners* Aid Association of Canada were seen i n the convention of 1891 where reference was made to the Royal Commission of 1890 to inquire into the Prison and Reformatory System of the Province of Ontario and the appointment of Dr. A. M. Rosebrugh, an outstanding member of the Prisoners* Aid Association, to the commission. Although various recommendations were made (for example, improved and more industrial schools, means to save destitute children from criminal careers, improvement i n management of county j a i l s and better classification of inmates), nothing was done with these recommendations. In 1897 however, the Guelph Prison Farm, the f i r s t prison without walls i n Canada, was opened, bearing the o f f i c i a l name of the 4 Ibid. r p. 9« -5-Qntario Reformatory. Within due time i t was followed by classified institutions of the same general type and regime, such as Burwash Farm (for more d i f f i c u l t cases), also at Mimico, Fort William and Langstaff (The last municipal farm). For women the Mercer and Concord institutions exist. In the wake of these reformatories the indeterminate sentence and the Ontario parole system were introduced, applying only to reformatories. At any rate the pinnacle of reform seems to have been reached. The Toronto Prisoners' Aid Association slowed i t s pace and on the death of Dr. Rosebrugh in 1915» dropped completely from the picture. For the next phase we must turn to Montreal where we find that i n 1917, prior to the armistice, there existed the following agencies: 1. The Prisoners 1 Aid Association of Montreal, dating from 1892. 2. The Honour League of Canada. 3. The Criminal Reform Association. 4. The National Criminal Reform Association. As can be conjectured there was considerable overlap between these four agencies which resulted i n the merger i n 1919 of the National Criminal Reform Association and the Honour League of Canada under the name of the Canadian Prisoners Welfare Association. The Montreal Prisoners* Aid Association of 1892 stayed out and the Criminal Reform Association like so many others just dropped completely out of the picture: Final consolidation of the prison aid effort in Montreal was consummated in September, 1931, - 6 -when the original Prisoners 1 Aid Association of Montreal - dating from 1892 - and the Canadian Prisoners* Welfare Association (Montreal Branch) were merged. The f i n a l merger took out a new provincial charter, with the name of Prisoners* Aid and Welfare Association of Montreal. The Canadian Prisoners* Welfare Association continued i t s national reform a c t i v i t i e s , plus promotion of local prison aid bodies, u n t i l 1935 when the Ottawa charter was ceded to the Canadian Penal Association that was formed at the f i r s t Canadian Penal Congress in May of that year.-5 Although the f i r s t after-care agencies and programs started in the east, the program slowly spread west. The outstanding province in the west was British Columbia. In 1929 in Vancouver the Reverend Canon A. H. Sovereign through the Ministerial Association formed a committee to study the problem of after-care in Vancouver. Owing to the intense activity of Canon Sovereign the movement went forward and an agency was formed under the name of the John Howard Society. In May 1931 the organization formed i t s f i r s t board of directors. Two of the outstanding achievements of this organization were to start the British Columbia Borstal Institution of New Haven and the inauguration of adult probation services in the criminal courts of Vancouver. After-care societies existed in Regina and Winnipeg by the latter part of the 1 9 3 0 * s . Since 1 9 4 6 there has been a sharp increase in the number of after-care agencies in Canada: John Howard Societies, named after the great prison reformer of the eighteenth century, with salaried full-time workers, are now i n operation in Vancouver, Victoria, Edmonton, Calgary, Ottawa, London, Kingston, 5 Ibid., p. 1 9 . -7-Halifax, St. John's, Montreal, Hamilton and Toronto. Other John Howard Societies, with voluntary or part-time personnel, are functioning i n Lethbridge, Peace River, Regina, Saskatoon, Prince Albert, Thunder Bay, (Port Arthur and Fort William), St. Catherines, St. John, Sydney, Windsor, Sarnia and Moncton. Elizabeth Fry Soci e t i e s , named a f t e r the Quaker prison welfare pioneer, f o r work among female ex-prisoners are established i n Vancouver, Kingston, Ottawa and Toronto. At Winnipeg, there i s the Man-ibota Welfare Association, with f u l l - t i m e employees. In Montreal, also on a f u l l - t i m e employee basis, are the Societe d'Orientation et de Re h a b i l i t a t i o n Sociale and the Catholic R e h a b i l i t a t i o n Service. In Quebec City, Le Service de Readaptation, Inc., i s i n the same we l l -established category.\" While a l l the above mentioned agencies belong to the Canadian Corrections Association each i s nevertheless autonomous. The methods for financing t h e i r programs vary from province to province and c i t y to c i t y . Some depend e n t i r e l y on the l o c a l community chest, some on donations from private c i t i z e n s and businesses and others receive some aid from p r o v i n c i a l and municipal governments. Those associated with Federal Pen-i t e n t i a r i e s receive grants from the Penitentiaries Branch of the Department of J u s t i c e . Besides these secular agencies there are other organizations that have been active to some extent i n the program of a f t e r -care. Most notable of these are the Prison Gate Services of the Salvation Army and the Church Army of the Anglican Church of Canada. Other r e l i g i o u s orders such as the Unitarians, the Society of Friends and some Roman Catholic agencies have contribut-ed although on a li m i t e d scale. 6 Fauteux Report, p. 75» -8-As we can see, the Canadian after-care programs are in their strongest position since their rather long and painfully slow start: ... due to the co-operation and financial contributions of the federal and some provincial governments, some municipal corporations and interested citizens. The increasing number of these agencies that are included in Community Chest campaigns across Canada is sig-nificant. , They are accepted and supported by the pub-l i c as they have never been before i n Canada.7 The necessity for r e a l i s t i c after-care programs i s quite apparent i f one considers that in the period ending March 31, 1955, 2,001 prisoners who had served two years or more were released from the eight Canadian Federal penitentiaries. This does not include the hundreds who would also have been released from our provincial j a i l s and reformatories. Some of course w i l l need no assistance in becoming law-abiding citizens but the majority w i l l need help and guidance in order to be successfully rehabilitated and reintegrated into society. History of Parole in Canada Canada1s parole legislation was f i r s t introduced into parliament in 1898. At this time the legislators chose to c a l l i t by the current english term \"Ticket of Leave'*. The act was entitled \"An Act to Provide for the Conditional Liberation of Convicts\". There has been some confusion in the past whether the term \"Ticket of Leave\" i s synonymous with the term \"parole,\" so at this point I would emphasize that the \"Ticket of Leave Act\" i s a Parole Act because: 7 Loc. c i t . -9-It provides for the conditional liberation of a person under sentence so that he or she may con-tinue to serve his or her sentence at large in the community rather than within the confining walls of the prison.° The Prime Minister of that day in speaking of the new act recognized the d i f f i c u l t i e s of readjustment for the discharged offender when released into the community: The object of this b i l l i s to introduce the ticket-of-leave system for convicts. The b i l l follows, I believe, word for word, the English Act. That Act has been i n operation in England for some twenty years or more, perhaps, and I understand, has worked satisfactorily. The b i l l provides generally that the Governor-in-Council may allow a convict to be set at large on condition of good behavior. The convict so set at large i s not free; he can be re-arrested at any time; but he i s allowed to be at large, to some extent under the surveillance of the police. Here i s a convict, a young man of good character, who may have committed a crime in a moment of passion, or perhaps, have fallen a victim to bad example or the influence of unworthy friends. There i s a good report of him while in confinement, and i t i s supposed that i f he were given another chance, he would be a good citizen. Under the b i l l , power i s given to the Governor General to order his liberation - of course, under certain rules to be established in the framing of which we shall be guided by the precedents of England. The matter i s experimental, so far as we are concerned, but we are guided by the experience in Great Britain.\" The act was passed the following year. From the passing of the act in 1899 to 1958 there had been no substantial amendment to the act. The f i r s t hopeful sign that change was in the offing was the appointment of the Archambault Report, published in 1938. 8 Newman, Charles L., Sourcebook on Probation. Parole and Pardons, Springfield, I l l i n o i s . Thomas 1958, p. 308. 9 Fauteux Report, p. 55. -10-This report did an extensive and comprehensive study outlining the problems clearly and made many r e a l i s t i c and clear-cut recommendations for their solution. However, with the outbreak of World War II this report was lost i n the shuffle and as a result the recommendations of this report were never implemented. Following the war the growing concern for the state of our prisons and prisoners slowly gained momentum. Governments on every level gradually realized the importance of after-care programs. The next big step was the appointment of the Fauteux Committee whose report was published in 1956 and which received a large measure of approval from the correctional people. The present federal government took steps within i t s authority to implement certain recommendations of this report and consequently a new act came into being. The new Parole Act was passed by the House of Commons, August 18, 1958 and by the Senate on August 21 of the same year. The act came into force, January 1, 1959« It provides for the creation of a Parole Board of not less than three and not more than five members, to be appointed for a period not exceeding ten years. The board w i l l have exclusive jurisdiction in granting, refusing, or revoking parole (it i s to be known as parole, not as ticket of leave) and there i s no appeal from the Board's decision. The Chairman of the Board w i l l have responsibility for directing the staff serving the Board. Staff w i l l be appointed under the terms of the C i v i l Service Act, except that staff now serving the Remis-sion Service may be transferred to the Board. Board members w i l l be paid. Sentences of over two years w i l l be reviewed for parole automatically (details to be determined). -11-Sentences under two years w i l l be reviewed on application. The Board i s not required to grant personal interviews to applicants for parole. There i s provision for suspension of parole while the Board decides whether to revoke or not. Conviction for an indictable offense carries automatic forfeiture. There i s provision for serving the remainder of a sentence after the revocation i n the area of arrest, rather than in the institution where the parolee was incarcerated prior to parole. The Board has additional jurisdiction to revoke or suspend a sen-tence of corporal punishment, or a suspension of a driving licence under the Criminal Code. The Board shall, on direction of the Minister of Justice, make any investigation i n connection with a request for the exercise of the royal prerogative of mercy. The responsibilities of the Minister of Justice under Section 666 of the Criminal Code (automatic review of sentences as an habitual criminal) are transferred to the board. 1 0 Common Confusion About Parole The present study i s concerned with the problems that the paroled offender may encounter on his return to society. The paroled prisoner unlike the discharged prisoner is s t i l l under restraint, and although he i s not completely free, he has spent less time in prison than the offender who i s dis-charged after expiration of his sentence. Whether on parole or discharged, ex-inmates meet certain basic or universal problems. These problems w i l l be dealt with i n the following chapter. What then do I mean by parole? I have chosen the United Nations definition which I feel i s a comprehensive and concise statement: 10 \"Across Canada\", Canadian Welfare r Vol. 3 4 , No. 3 , Sept-ember 1958, p. 140. -12-••• the conditional release of a selected convicted person before completion of the term of imprisonment to which he has been sentenced. I t implies that the person i n question continues i n the custody of the state or i t s agent and that he may be reincarcerated In the event of misbehavior. I t i s a penological measure designed to f a c i l i t a t e the t r a n s i t i o n of the offender from the highly controlled l i f e of the penal i n s t i t u t i o n to the freedom of community l i v i n g . I t i s not intended as a gesture of leniency or forgive-ness, 1 1 The main points to observe i n t h i s d e f i n i t i o n are that the offender i s s t i l l under custody of the state and that the basic purpose i s to bridge the gap between the cl o s e l y ordered l i f e of the prison community and the freedom of normal com-munity l i v i n g . Some students of criminology f e e l that parole i s not granted as a r i g h t but as a p r i v i l e g e and opportunity for i t requires the i n d i v i d u a l to demonstrate h i s capacity to conform to the behavior patterns and standards established by society. However t h i s i s a debatable point. The majority of c o r r e c t i o n a l people f e e l that parole i s a r i g h t provided the inmate can meet the requirements of parole. I t follows that parole has a dual function, on the one hand the r e h a b i l i -t a t i o n of the offender, and on the other, the protection of society. These goals of parole are inseparable. A successful-l y r e h a b i l i t a t e d offender guarantees protection f o r society just as the safety of the community requires successful r e h a b i l i t a t i o n and readjustment of offenders. Further, parole implies supervision and controls or conditions imposed on the parolee. The supervision aspect involves guidance and a s s i s t -11 United Nations. Parole and After-Gare, New York, Depart-ment of S o c i a l A f f a i r s , July, 1954 (Series ST/SOA/SD/4) p. 1. -13-ance which set parole apart from the t y p i c a l p o l i c e functions. These controls have the same objectives of protecting society and contributing to the successful r e h a b i l i t a t i o n and reintegra-t i o n of the parolee into society. Another important factor i s that parole should be distinguished from probation or pardon. Probation d i f f e r s from parole b a s i c a l l y i n that i t i s an i a l t e r n a t i v e to incarceration and the court has j u r i s d i c t i o n over the probationer, whereas i n parole the court has given up i t s j u r i s d i c t i o n to the penal i n s t i t u t i o n and parole implies completion of part of the sentence. Pardon i s , on the other hand, an act of forgiveness and remission of punishment. I t frees the i n d i v i d u a l from any r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to the state with respect to the remaining time of the imposed sentence. J u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r Parole Although parole i s a recognized procedure i n contemporary penology, there are good reasons f o r believing that the general public have many reservations about parole. I t i s perhaps necessary, therefore, that some j u s t i f i c a t i o n of parole should be offered here. By granting parole we may l i m i t those e f f e c t s of prison which are inj u r i o u s to the inmate and ultimately to h i s family. It i s obvious that no i n s t i t u t i o n i n t e n t i o n a l l y exposes inmates to penalties that w i l l threaten t h e i r physical or mental health; rather, these penalties should contribute to t h e i r r e h a b i l i t a t i o n . But even i f the i n s t i t u t i o n builds i t s program i n accordance with these views, the prison community by i t s own nature creates -14-conditions which r e s u l t i n an adverse influence on many-prisoner s. This i s r e a d i l y recognized when one r e a l i z e s that segregation of prisoners i s a v i r t u a l i m p o s s i b i l i t y i n most i n s t i t u t i o n s . Hardened criminals, sex deviates, addicts and f i r s t offenders, mingle f r e e l y . The inexperienced learn from the experienced and must conform to the prison culture f o r t h e i r own safety i f not f o r companionship. Prolonged incarceration of husbands and fathers creates d i f f i c u l t i e s i n the family s i t u a t i o n and often r e s u l t s i n a permanent family breakdown. Even i f adequate material support i s given to dependents, the problem i s not e n t i r e l y a l l e v i a t e d since there are so many imponderable factors that influence the family s i t u a t i o n both s o c i a l l y and morally. However, parol by shortening the period of incarceration, may help to a l l e v i a t some of the problems that a r i s e both f o r the family and the incarcerated offender. Furthermore, parole i s a method by which the prison term may be shortened. It i s evident that continued incarceration f o r many prisoners serves no useful purpose and i s l i a b l e to produce apathy and hard f e e l i n g s toward society and the law enforcement agencies. Neither would unconditional release at t h i s time a f f o r d protection f o r society. Parole however, provides the supervision and assistance necessary to help the parolee become integrated into society. Many factors have to do with the timing of conditional release, the most important of these being the s o c i a l adjustment the inmate has made during -15-his incarceration and his present a t t i t u d e s . Parole then, meets both the co r r e c t i o n a l and humanitarian objectives of shortening o r i g i n a l prison terms. Parole f a c i l i t a t e s a r e a l i s t i c application of pre-release programs f o r the penitentiary, e s p e c i a l l y i n vocational pro-grams. The timing of parole and completion of vocational courses or other t r a i n i n g programs i s an important problem as often i n the past and even now inmates are not able to complete a program because of being paroled too soon; on the other hand, they may f i n i s h t h e i r course but are unable to use t h e i r newly acquired a b i l i t i e s f o r long periods of time because of continued incarceration. Therefore, long range parole plans and f l e x i b l e release procedures w i l l enable c o r r e c t i o n a l a u t h o r i t i e s to have the i n d i v i d u a l released at the most opportune time with regard to the s k i l l s he has acquired and h i s w i l l i n g -ness and readiness to adjust to society. Obviously i f a prisoner must languish i n j a i l a f t e r learning a new s k i l l i t w i l l r e s u l t i n a psychological deterioration as well as loss of manual dexterity i n the vocational course he completed and i n his attitudes toward r e h a b i l i t a t i o n programs. Parole provides an opportunity f o r a r e a l i s t i c applica-t i o n of r e h a b i l i t a t i o n programs p r i o r to the expiration of the sentence. I t i s not d i f f i c u l t to imagine that when the offender i s released into society he i s exposed to conditions and modes of behavior that he could not become acquainted with -16-or may have forgotten while i n prison. These can be confusing and produce great anxiety f o r him. Parole helps the discharged offender to make a r e a l i s t i c use of those rule s and norms recommended i n the i n s t i t u t i o n . It would follow that modern i n s t i t u t i o n s attempt to introduce norms to the prisoner that he had not previously known or observed outside the prison walls. It i s not hard to presume that these norms established i n the formal unreal society of a prison would have but a s l i g h t impact upon the prisoner. Without some means of helping the offender apply these rules r e a l i s t i c a l l y i n free society, the p r o b a b i l i t y of a return to previous criminal behavior i s greatly enhanced. The prospect of parole encourages the prisoner to maintain the greatest amount of contact with the world outside the prison walls. The most important contacts to the prisoner are personal contacts with prison personnel and v i s i t s from loved ones and close f r i e n d s . Letters from home help keep him informed on what i s going on i n the outside world and help him psychological-l y as w e l l . Newspapers, radio, magazines, movies and lectures as well as v i s i t s from after-care agencies contribute, keeping him knowledgeable and interested i n the free society. I t i s understandable that i f there i s no p o s s i b i l i t y of parole, the prisoner w i l l not have the same stimulus to maintain contacts with society and i s more l i a b l e to do \"easy t i m e \" — t h a t i s , p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n the prison's program of a c t i v i t i e s as l i t t l e as possible and only when i t w i l l serve the ends of the prisoner -17-or get him out of hard or dirty work. It i s reasonable to assume that contact with society has the greatest significance and meaning to the offender when he i s able to associate i t with the possibility of being paroled. Parole and the possibility of parole provide Incentive for the inmate to use the institutional f a c i l i t i e s and services to his best advantage. The inmate w i l l participate in the various f a c i l i t i e s offered, (for example, recreational, vocational and religious), i f there i s some encouragement and reward for his efforts. Whether the inmate's response i s phlegmatic or enthusiastic w i l l have a great deal to do with his present perception of his future. Parole offers this incentive and furnishes the motivation for him to u t i l i z e and avail himself of the offered services. Furthermore, the prospect of parole may act as an incentive for good conduct while incarcerated. Obviously no inmate i s apt to jeopardize his freedom i f he has the possibility of being granted parole. However, on the other hand, inmates w i l l conform to prison l i f e without rebellion in a superficial way as their method of meeting the problem of incarceration. I feel that this superficial or simulated conduct pattern w i l l be of l i t t l e value to the inmate once he has been released. In fact, i t i s the opinion of many correctional workers that evidence exists that an inmate with a less smooth adjustment is revealing the existence of a well-integrated personality. From my own professional experience I would say that an -18-incarcerated i n d i v i d u a l who has no d i f f i c u l t y i n adjusting to the formal and s t r i c t prison society has more of a personality problem than those men who n a t u r a l l y rebel at t h e i r loss of freedom and the stringent r u l e s under which they must l i v e . Accordingly, i t would be f o o l i s h to base the granting of parole merely on good conduct of the inmate and equally, to give too great an emphasis to i t s value i n securing conformity to prison r u l e s . Once the inmate has been released from prison on parole, we may observe that after-care o f f e r s assistance to the i n d i v i d u a l and at the same time serves to some degree as a deterrent because of the p o s s i b i l i t y of parole revocation. I t i s apparent that the supervising agency offers the i n d i v i d u a l not only psychological assistance but also d i r e c t material help. Often the support given to the i n d i v i d u a l i s the primary factor i n his p o s t - i n s t i t u t i o n a l adjustment. Parole revocation acts as a safeguard f o r society, i n that the parolee may be returned to prison i f he cannot abide by the rules of society and of his parole. These l i m i t s and r e s t r i c t i o n s plus the p o s s i b i l i t y of being returned to prison often act as powerful influences on the parolee during h i s r e h a b i l i t a t i o n . Parole supervision and the p o s s i b i l i t y of revocation help to protect society during the c r i t i c a l period of time immediately a f t e r the prisoner i s released. The l i m i t a t i o n s or r e s t r i c t i o n s of parole are devised not only to help the parolee to r e f r a i n from further criminal behavior but to -19-protect society by providing r e a l i s t i c safeguards against further c r i m i n a l i t y . Naturally there are r i s k s involved i n parole which e n t a i l possible danger to society but to negate parole because of such r i s k s i s an i n v a l i d argument. It i s generally assumed that society i s responsible i n part f o r the causation of crime and therefore should be w i l l i n g to take a calculated r i s k i n the attempt to r e h a b i l i t a t e the offender. Parole affords the opportunity to society to meet i t s responsi-b i l i t y toward the offender. Furthermore, I f e e l i t i s evident that parole may moderate unduly harsh sentences which have resulted from pressures from aroused public opinion. I t i s often to be observed that when the press or radio have no world wars or major catastrophes to report, they turn to crime news, and woe betide the offender i f he i s caught i n t h i s purge. Of course, the degree to which the court i s swayed by public opinion depends on the criminal law of the country. In Canada public opinion generally does not sway the courts, or at least i t i s not supposed t o . How-ever, we s t i l l must deal with the judge's opinions and feelings concerning a p a r t i c u l a r crime, unbiased as judges generally t r y to be. One judge may give an extremely harsh sentence while another w i l l give a l i g h t e r sentence f o r the same crime. Although parole's purpose i s not to correct the courts' sentenc-ing i n j u s t i c e s , i t would help minimize unduly harsh sentences. Parole o f f e r s the prison a u t h o r i t i e s the chance to evaluate the influences of the penal i n s t i t u t i o n on the offender. -20-Because parole i s set up to maintain close contact with the parolee for specific periods of time i t allows the penal system to determine to what extent the institution contributes, or as the case may be, f a i l s to contribute, to the adjustment of the inmate once he i s released. It also allows the admini-stration to determine whether there i s sufficient or insufficient treatment available and to what extent the treatment has con-tributed to the success of the discharged inmate in society. Before the advent of parole, administration had no means to carry out large scale studies on the effects of prison on the prisoner. However, with the advent of parole, subsequent investigations into this problem have been made possible. Again, parole has demonstrated clearly that institutional treatment of offenders i s not always the most efficient way of dealing with them. It is because of parole and i t s companion probation that the merits of institutional treatment are being reviewed with a great deal of skepticism. This revaluation of our correctional institutions has resulted in more emphasis on the ron-punitive correctional techniques. Last but not least are the financial aspects of parole. Parole i s a less costly form of treatment than institutional treatment. To what degree i t i s or how large a saving to the public i t would represent i s d i f f i c u l t to assess. In the Annual Report of the Commissioner of Penitentiaries 1953-54 i t states: -21-. . . $ 4 . 4 2 was the average daily cost of keeping an inmate in a Federal Penitentiary. The cost of keeping an inmate in an Ontario reformatory has been calculated at $1,760 a year. The cost of parole depends on many factors, including the salary paid to the after-care staff and the number of persons under supervision. A figure of f i f t y cases has been suggested as a reasonable caseload. I f we accept this figure, i t means that one parole officer can supervise a number of men who, i f they are held in prison, w i l l cost the public over $200 a day to maintain. The cost of parole i s on a par with the cost of probation, which, as we said, has been estimated as not exceeding $50 a year, an average, for each pro-bationer It i s obvious that the cost of institutional care far outstrips the costs of parole, which of course supplies another j u s t i f i c a -tion for parole. The d i f f i c u l t i e s of assessing actual costs of parole are many; for example, how much of the public's funds are spent on supporting the dependents of the criminal, not only i n the matter of material help but also i n relation to the costs of apprehending children, providing foster homes, and so forth. Further, a man paroled i s able to support his family and prevent possible breakdowns due to his long incarceration. If we were to speculate for a moment and presume that a parole officer would be paid $9,000 a year and he could handle a caseload of f i f t y parolees, then the cost based on his salary would be $180 per year per inmate which obviously i s a large saving. However, we have to add normal office costs and material assistance which w i l l be given to the parolee and 12 .Canadian Annual Report of the Commissioner of Penitentiaries for the Fiscal lear 1953-54.cited in Fauteux Royal Commission Report. Ottawa, 1956. -22-w i l l vary from area to area. Another consideration i s that the parole o f f i c e r s caseload i s not stationary f o r a year. He may handle as many as two hundred parolees within a given year. U n t i l uniform accounting and parole procedure are used across Canada the exact cost of a parolee per year w i l l be d i f f i c u l t to assess. However, we do know d e f i n i t e l y that costs of parole are less than costs of i n s t i t u t i o n a l care. Mature of the Study The remainder of the study w i l l be concerned with the problems of the parolee. It i s pri m a r i l y exploratory i n nature since no attempt has been made to submit p r e c i s e l y formulated hypotheses to exact v e r i f i c a t i o n procedures the aim being rather to describe the broad contours of the subject and to i d e n t i f y within these l i m i t s those problems of the parolee which appear to a f f e c t h is chances of successful r e h a b i l i t a t i o n most c r u c i a l l y . Chapter Two considers ten gross problems common to parolees, t h e i r causes and t h e i r many ramifications. To supplement t h i s discussion, various leaders i n the f i e l d of after-care and several parolees were interviewed. These interviews were aimed at e l i c i t i n g informed opinions on the problems of the parolee and at providing further information f o r the analysis and i l l u s t r a t i o n of the ten problem areas explored. This material i s dealt with i n Chapter Three. In Chapter Four the major defects i n our present system of parole are reviewed and suggestions are offered f o r further research. CHAPTER II PROBLEMS OF DISCHARGED OFFENDERS When an offender i s released from prison, and 95 per cent of the men incarcerated are released at some time, they meet with many problems which are extremely d i f f i c u l t to overcome. A l l discharged prisoners w i l l face these problems whether they have served their sentence in f u l l and are discharged in f u l l , or whether they are paroled under supervision. Often the released prisoner finds that his former employer has no job for him and he has no references a new employer w i l l accept; his wife and family may have long since abandoned him; his property, i f he had any, i s gone; and In short, he i s faced with obstacles that make his readjustment to society extremely d i f f i c u l t . Problems of a discharged offender are numerous and diff e r i n degree and intensity, depending on the community to which he i s discharged, the institution from which he i s discharged and his own determination and inner strengths. I propose to deal with some of the peculiar obstacles and problems the parolee may face upon his release. These problems I believe apply to a l l discharged offenders but henceforth I w i l l refer to parolees instead of the broad category of discharged offenders. I have chosen but ten of the most important of the many problems that must be solved before we can expect complete rehabilitation and readjustment of the offender. These problems i f not solved, w i l l probably result in the parolee once again returning to his previous patterns of anti-social behavior. -24-(1) Problems of Employment The problem of employment i s crucial and basic in the rehabilitation and social adjustment of the parolee. It i s not hard to imagine the d i f f i c u l t i e s the parolee w i l l meet in trying to find suitable employment and in holding the job once he finds i t . To start with, our penal institutions do not often succeed in fostering good work habits, nor do they at present provide adequate training or emphasize the importance of placing men in work within the institution which w i l l make the most of their a b i l i t i e s and stimulate their interest. We do know that a large percentage of parolees are incapable of qualifying for skilled or semi-skilled jobs owing to their lack of education, so that they must be satisfied with jobs which are less financially attractive and which offer l i t t l e security or the chance of taking pride in one's accomplishment, that i s to say, common laboring jobs. The current theory i s that a parolee must be placed in a job that i s satisfying both materially and emotionally, that the job must be one which the parolee has some competence for or a keen interest In. Maurice E. Williams states: We know from experience that the employed parolee has about three times as good a chance of \"making\" his parole, other things being equal, as the unemployed one. 1 a 1 Williams, Maurice E., \"Developing Employment Opportunities for Parolees\", Focus, vol. 3 no. 2, (March 1952) p. 47. - 2 5 -However, sound as t h i s point of view may i n some senses be, i t i s i n the nature of a counsel of perfection. While no one w i l l deny that to meet the requirements of c i t i z e n s h i p a steady income i s an important factor, i n the case of the parolee i t may be more r e a l i s t i c to assume that he w i l l get h i s emotional g r a t i f i c a t i o n s elsewhere. It i s asking too much to i n s i s t that the job must be emotionally s a t i s f a c t o r y since i n the f i r s t place i t i s u n l i k e l y that the average parolee w i l l be able to obtain the type of employment he f e e l s w i l l meet his emotional needs, and i n the second place, no matter what job he gets, he w i l l r a r e l y be completely s a t i s f i e d with i t . The inference here i s of course that someone i s going to get him the r i g h t job and they w i l l look a f t e r him so that he won't have to face any f r u s t r a t i o n s . This may work while the after-care agency i s giving him support, but when they withdraw a f t e r a few months he finds himself alone and should he not be able to cope with the pressures, he f a l l s apart. The John Howard Society of B r i t i s h Columbia f o r example, have found that t h e i r most successful work has often been accomplished with the parolee who cannot f i n d employment. Here, with support from the agency, the parolee finds that he can and does have the a b i l i t y to cope with t h i s f r u s t r a t i n g problem, thus increasing h i s f r u s t r a t i o n tolerance which i n turn helps him to meet other f r u s t r a t i n g problems that a r i s e , such as family d i f f i c u l t i e s , community discrimination and so f o r t h . The important factor here i s that there i s f i n a n c i a l assistance available to meet the basic needs of the family or - 2 6 -individual. I f this i s available together with the support provided by the after-care agency, the man can meet this challenge and cope with the frustrations in a normal way, thus showing growth. If the parolee i s a well balanced mature individual who just needs a job to be rehabilitated, then there is correspond-ingly less need for the services of an after-care agency since, sooner or later, he w i l l get a job through his own efforts. But the majority of parolees are not well balanced, mature individuals; rather they are immature individuals who cannot tolerate either the responsibilities of finding and keeping a job or the frustrations of being without one. They require an environment in which they can grow and mature, and placing them in a job that they feel i s worthy of their a b i l i t i e s , though perhaps a precondition of that growth, does not by i t s e l f guarantee i t . The discharged offender in principle can find employment through the Special Placements Branch of the National Employ-ment Service. But in actuality this service, although attempt-ing to place these men in jobs, i s not by any means uniformly successful. Many people feel that this state of affairs i s the result of the lack of trained and qualified personnel in the Special Placements Branch and lack of interest in the program of placing parolees. However, this i s an erroneous assumption. The National Employment Service, no matter how -27-well staffed or how deeply interested, can only find jobs; i t cannot make them. When there are jobs available they w i l l place the parolee, but they cannot go beyond this. . There i s one negative aspect to the Special Placement Branch of the National Employment Service. The procedure in British Columbia i s that prior to discharge the parolee i s visited by the Special Placements Officer who interviews him and registers him, gives him a card and t e l l s him to report to the National Employment Service office when discharged. Now most inmates know that there wonTt be a job waiting for them, so when they are released they \"blow\" the l i t t l e money they were given upon release and then, after having this f l i n g , report to the National Employment Service. By having this particular arrangement we have created an unrealistic expecta-tion of service which permits the offender to blame someone else for his not getting a job. In short, we are playing into his dependency needs which have already been grossly aggravated during his incarceration. This system encourages, dependency, i t allows the parolee to place the responsibility of finding a job on someone else and provides him with the ready-made rationalization that \"they\" did not get him one and that i t was not his fault. It i s at this point that he needs support not only from his supervisor but his family as well. After-care agencies, specifically the John Howard Society of British Columbia, do attempt to help the discharged offender in finding a job, but must rely mainly on the construction -28-and lumber i n d u s t r i e s . Some argue that job placement i s not or should not be the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of after-care agencies, and I h e a r t i l y agree. However, they do have the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of developing a program of public and employer education with the emphasis on the problem of employment. It should be expected that the parolee w i l l show i n i t i a t i v e by attempting to f i n d employment on hi s own. The obstacles he meets i n facing an employer are many. In the f i r s t place, i t i s common experience that when prospective employers have the choice of two men, one with a criminal record and the other without, but both having the same q u a l i f i c a -t i o n s , they are more l i k e l y to choose the man without the criminal record. This choice i s d e f i n i t e l y related to the exi s t i n g community employment s i t u a t i o n . In times of an abundant labor supply the opportunities of a parolee are great l y reduced. This raises the question of whether employers tend to discriminate against parolees because of unfortunate past experiences or as a r e s u l t of prejudiced a t t i t u d e s . I am of the opinion that although past experience of unreliable parolees i s of some importance, i t i s not as decisive a fact o r as employer prejudice. We do know that employers who have hired a parolee with unsuccessful r e s u l t s w i l l seldom take another chance even i f the next parolee's offence was not even remotely similar to the f i r s t parolee's. There i s a tendency on the part of employers to apply a form of f a l s e l o g i c , - 2 9 -r e s u l t i n g i n a blanket catagorization of a l l parolees. \" I f one parolee goes sour then I won't h i r e any more\". In t h i s connection, John Melecherak states: ...about one-seventh of a l l the interviewed employers knowingly employed former offenders, and approximately one-half of them found t h e i r service s a t i s f a c t o r y . This would suggest that past experience could not be responsible f o r the obstacles to employment of former offenders.... 2 It would then appear that prejudice i s the important f a c t o r . Some years ago the Random Foundation undertook a study to ascertain the degree of discrimination against discharged offenders: The study involved 475 prospective employers i n most areas of business. Gf t h i s number, 312 stated unequivocally that they would not h i r e an ex-prisoner. A l l but one of the 312 further stated they would f i r e a man i f they learned of his past a f t e r he had secured work with them....3 This s i t u a t i o n s t i l l e xists today, the employer's general a t t i t u d e toward parolees being \"Once a criminal always a cri m i n a l \" . It has been my experience and that of the John Howard Society that most employers have no d e f i n i t e p o l i c y on h i r i n g parolees and that the sel e c t i o n i s l e f t e n t i r e l y up to the personnel manager and his impressions, b e l i e f s and biases on the matter. We f i n d i n many instances that the personnel manager, e s p e c i a l l y i n companies that deal d i r e c t l y with the 2 Melecherak, John, Employment Problems of Former Offenders. 1954, M.S.W. Thesis University of Toronto, p. 5 3 . 3 Barnes, Harry E. and Teeters, Negley, T. New Horizons i n Criminology. 3 r d e d i t i o n , 1959, Englewood C l i f f s , N.J., Prentice-H a l l , Inc., p. 547. - 3 0 -public, w i l l not h i r e a parolee. They claim that i f they h i r e him i t may a f f e c t t h e i r business, as the public w i l l not pat-ronize a store that hires \"ex-cons'*. Or on the other hand they w i l l not h i r e on the grounds that i t would lower the morale of t h e i r s t a f f , while i f the parolee got into further trouble i t would a f f e c t a l l of them as well as cause adverse public opinion. We also f i n d a great deal of \"passing the buck\" i n large i n d u s t r i e s . The managements state that they would be glad to h i r e parolees i f the unions would accept them; the unions claim they would accept them i f the company would hire them. On the surface both protest that they are a l l f o r the parolee. But seldom does he get the job. The better trained, better educated, highly ambitious parolee has even le s s chance of obtaining a job consistent with h i s t r a i n i n g and a b i l i t y , as the general f e e l i n g i s that he cannot be tru s t e d : . . . I f a man i s a s k i l l e d worker, contrary to public b e l i e f , he w i l l f i n d the going tougher, but not impossible. I f , however, he happens to have the misfortune to be a white c o l l a r worker, then h i s chances are r e a l l y grim. Only a very small minority of employers would be w i l l i n g to consider him at a l l , even those firms which employ u n s k i l l e d workers without any question have thorough screening of t h e i r white c o l l a r s t a f f , the only p o s i t i o n he could hope fo r would be c l e r i c a l . 4 Another obstacle that has become more prominent i n the l a s t decade i s the \" f i d e l i t y or surety bond\". This growing practise of employers and companies of bonding t h e i r employees i s 4 Melecherak, John, op. c i t . . p. 54 . - 3 1 -posing a d i f f i c u l t problem to parolees. Most bonding companies w i l l not bond anyone with a criminal record. I f an employer h i r e s a man with a record he does so on h i s own; the blanket bond that most companies have does not and w i l l not cover an ind i v i d u a l with a record, so that the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and the r i s k are l e f t to the employer. The result i s that employers who have t h e i r s t a f f bonded tend to shy away from parolees. I suspect also, that i n many cases bonding i s used as an excuse or way out for not h i r i n g parolees. Union dues are another obstacle f o r the parolee to meet. Most unions are not interested i n the indiv i d u a l ' s record and show no discrimination toward parolees i n the matter of e l i g i b i l i t y f o r membership. However, i n the case of the cr a f t unions, t h e i r i n i t i a t i o n fees are so high that most parolees could never afford to belong. With most unions how-ever, some arrangement can be made so that the parolee can belong and pay his fees as soon as he i s placed i n a job. The important factor with unions i s the existing employment s i t u a t i o n . I f they have many of t h e i r own men unemployed they are not l i k e l y to be w i l l i n g to accept the parolee. I f on the other hand employment conditions are good they w i l l g l a d l y take a parolee. The general attitude of the union personnel i s of a p o s i t i v e nature but i s related to the general economic conditions of the area and the existing employment s i t u a t i o n . -32-Another problem that I believe from my own experience and observation places untold obstacles i n the path of the parolee i s the negative and adverse p u b l i c i t y provided by the various mass communication media, and i n p a r t i c u l a r the newspapers. How seldom do we see i n t h e i r a r t i c l e s the story of the parolee who made good! To s e l l newspapers material i s evidently needed that w i l l arouse the p u b l i c f s indignation. Woe betide the parolee who gets into trouble, even i f i t has nothing to do with h i s former offense: the papers w i l l make sure that he i s p u b l i c a l l y whipped and raked over the coals. We can r e a d i l y see the handicaps the discharged offender i s placed under with regard to securing employment. It i s indeed a multifaceted problem, and one that must be solved since there cannot be complete r e h a b i l i t a t i o n u n t i l the basic vocational requirements of the parolee can be met. He i s blocked every way he turns and unless he can receive the supportive help so necessary, the r e s u l t w i l l often be a return to previous criminal behavior and eventual incarceration. (2) Problems of Re-establishment of the Parolee With the Family There i s a great deal of evidence to indicate that the problems of r e h a b i l i t a t i n g the married offender successfully center on his being able to reintegrate with h i s family. It i s obvious that marriage i s one of the closest of human r e l a t i o n -ships. The majority of the married offenders that we deal with are immature i n d i v i d u a l s who have a limited capacity either to -33-give or to accept love and who have married those partners who can meet t h e i r immature dependency or neurotic needs. In the majority of cases the offender's marriage i s already p o t e n t i a l l y unstable, and when t h i s fact i s added to the trauma of separation and the emotional by-products r e s u l t i n g from incarceration we may speculate on the many d i f f i c u l t i e s faced by the married offender: The woman whose husband i s removed from her by arrest and imprisonment can be affected i n many ways. Usually she loses her f i n a n c i a l security and i s confronted by many p r a c t i c a l problems i n earning a l i v i n g and caring f o r her children. She also loses sexual s a t i s f a c t i o n , and her thoughts may concentrate on how long she holds to her abstinence. Gone from her too i s the person who had given her a f e e l i n g of value. This f e e l i n g of desertion may mean to her that she i s worthless, since otherwise how would her husband become involved i n a crime. Side reactions of bitterness and hate can be projected into the world i n general, and she can see everyone as h o s t i l e . Hers i s a regressive reaction and c h i l d i s h t r a i t s reappear. Dependency, f r u s t r a t i o n , and re b e l -l i o n may become ac t i v e . I f an aggressive response ensues, i t i s directed against the absent husband unless the strongest of mari t a l t i e s existed.5 I f there are children involved, the separation from the father can re s u l t i n an improper emotional development, e s p e c i a l l y i f the children are young. The boy needs the father to have male i d e n t i f i c a t i o n ; t h i s process i s helped considerably i f the father i s someone whom the boy woiold l i k e to follow as an example. The boy's problem i s further compounded by confusion of authority: that i s , he i s struggling with a decision he i s never able t o make, namely whether hi s father 5 Shiner, E.V., \"The Return of the Married Offender to His Family\". Proceedings of the Canadian Congress of Corrections, 1957, Montreal, p. 62 . -34-i s r i g h t or the law i s r i g h t . This combined with the removal of the adult male object compounds the child's problem of mov-ing from childhood to mature adulthood. Furthermore, the daughter needs her father as a model on which she w i l l base her future r e l a t i o n s h i p s with men. Obvious-l y the extended separation of the father has negative psychologic-a l e f f e c t s on the children as well as on the mother. Added to these are the external problems, such as razzing and teasing by the children's companions which often r e s u l t i n emotional damage to the chi l d r e n . This stigmatization by t h e i r playmates and adults often r e s u l t s i n r e b e l l i o n against and defiance of authority f i g u r e s . Apart from the psychological e f f e c t s of separation on the family, what of the effect on the offender? He too faces p o s i t i v e and negative influences i n prison which I w i l l deal with i n more d e t a i l l a t e r i n t h i s chapter: His detention forces his personality into regression not only because of the anxiety a r i s i n g from the new experience, but also because environmentally he i s made dependent upon the i n s t i t u t i o n as he was upon hi s parents. This temporary regression under a repres-sive i n s t i t u t i o n a l regimen can lead to fi x a t e d patterns of protest or excessive dependence that may extend beyond his incarceration. O r d i n a r i l y he, too, w i l l experience a black-tinted period of mourning which i s characterized by self-recrimination and s e l f - p i t y . I t i s at t h i s time that his f e e l i n g s of shame and worth-lessness set o f f a chain of doubt and suspicion about his family r e l a t i o n s h i p s and his wife's sexual f i d e l i t y . His i n s e c u r i t y i s heightened to a certain extent by the needling of his more callous fellow inmates. 0 6 I b i d . ? p. 65 Our prisons do l i t t l e to a l l e v i a t e these fee l i n g s of the inmate about h i s family. Two v i s t s each month are allowed along with lim i t e d correspondence. Even where v i s i t i n g i s allowed, f a c i l i t i e s are such that a spontaneous mutual responsiveness with r e a l emotional value i s impossible. The marital r e l a t i o n s h i p f o r the parolee demands a great deal from him which i s i n d i r e c t c o n f l i c t with the l i f e he has been leading i n prison. In prison the keynote was conformity and dependency, but upon release he must become s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t and s e l f assertive; from a society lacking normal emotional and s o c i a l exchanges he moves to an environment where hi s wife w i l l look f o r such responses. His wife w i l l be looking f o r and seeking support at the same time that her parolee husband i s . I f neither i s able to o f f e r the other support, a f f e c t i o n and encouragement, ma r i t a l c o n f l i c t w i l l often a r i s e over some \"convenient\" side issue. Moreover, h i s children w i l l seek his love and recognition and w i l l need to t e s t t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p with him as well as reassure themselves of the s t a b i l i t y of the newly resumed parental r e l a t i o n s h i p . His a b i l i t y to o f f e r the children the love and recognition they want w i l l determine how quickly they w i l l allow him to resume hi s r o l e as father: As a father, the offender has been denied any experience c l o s e l y a l l i e d to those of parent-c h i l d r e l a t i o n s h i p s . With the children seeking to r e - e s t a b l i s h him as an ego-ideal, he w i l l f e e l that his delinquency detracts from the model he senses he should be f o r them. This threat can be overcome i f t h e i r emotional contact i s -36-rewarding. He w i l l have to penetrate the s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t adjustment pattern that has emerged between mother and children during h i s absence. This sense of exclusion can be p a r t i c u l a r l y d i f f i c u l t for the man hyper-sensitive to r e j e c t i o n . The mother who has shown perception i n keeping him a l i v e i n t h e i r minds and emotions has immeasurably aided the father's re-acceptance into the home.*7 Furthermore, the parolee may return to the family to f i n d h i s wife has become, at least on the surface, independent. Her success i n meeting the r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of breadwinner, mother and father may have resulted i n s e l f - s a t i s f a c t i o n previously unknown to her. With the return of the father she may have ambivalent fee l i n g s toward him. On the one hand she wants him to assume the r o l e of father and breadwinner, yet on the other hand she may f i n d the relinquishment of these r o l e s d i f f i c u l t because of her success. She w i l l need recognition of her success. I f her parolee husband can meet her emotional needs, can demonstrate to her his desire and motivation to succeed, then the wife w i l l be able to r e l i n q u i s h her independence and adjust to the new family r e l a t i o n s h i p which includes her husband. It i s evident that a stable marriage and family l i f e i s the basis f o r successful r e h a b i l i t a t i o n of the offender and i s the most important area involved for the married offender. Whatever the gaps i n the i n s t i t u t i o n a l services may be, the after-care agencies as a whole have not met the needs of the married parolee. The excuses of lack of s t a f f and excessively heavy case loads are only p a r t l y v a l i d . U n t i l we have involved 7 I b i d . . p. 68 -37-the entire family i n the treatment process so that they are aware of t h e i r strengths and weaknesses we s h a l l not be meeting our obligations to the married offender. (3) Problems of Re-Establishment i n the Community Society as a whole does not welcome the discharged offender or parolee back with open arms despite the fact that 95 per cent of the prison population w i l l be returned to society at one time or another. It i s apparent that the success of parole to a large extent depends on the community and i t s attitudes toward parole and crime i n general. Many communities are unwilling to accept the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the parolee and give various reasons f o r t h e i r unwillingness to assume such a r i s k . Nevertheless I am of the opinion that the problem i s b a s i c a l l y a lack of understanding of the p r i n c i p l e s of parole and the hesitancy of the c i t i z e n to accept and f u l f i l l h i s duties as a c i t i z e n . The parolee i s faced on hi s return to the community (and here we are assuming that the parolee was previously from a non criminal community) with discrimination, non-acceptance and perhaps one of the most vicious of s o c i a l a t t i t u d e s , ostracism. The parolee soon discovers that his former friends and acquaintances, with very few exceptions, f i n d excuses for avoiding him as much as possible. The public reacts to the man with a record with d i s t r u s t and i n many cases, fear. It looks upon discharged offenders -38-from the archaic t r a d i t i o n a l viewpoint, seeing them as unclean, immoral and s i n f u l . Most people believe that crime must be punished and that criminal behavior must and w i l l repeat i t s e l f since a l l criminals are born bad. Furthermore, t h i s conception of the criminal i s supported by a continuous stream of misinformation through the press, radio, t e l e v i s i o n and the motion pictures. The public's perception of the criminal i s i n terms of stereotypes: For example, the public has u n c r i t i c a l l y accepted Lombroso's e a r l i e r conception of the criminal type with the receding forehead, prognathous jaw, dang-l i n g arms below the knees and possessing low sens-i t i v i t y to pain. Many believe that unusual physical c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s mark the s o c i a l l y variant i n d i v i d u a l . Do not the movies and the theatre put before our eyes i n d i v i d u a l s who are at f i r s t glance recognizable as villains?® Re h a b i l i t a t i o n cannot succeed without the community's acceptance of the parolee. I do not mean they should accept his past deeds; rather that they give the parolee access to those people who are or may become important to him. The incarcerated offender f e e l s that he does not belong to the \"square John\" community, that he i s an outcast. When he i s released, public attitudes support and reinforce t h i s f e e l i n g , and unless the parolee can receive help i n meeting t h i s f r u s t r a -t i o n he w i l l ultimately return to previous criminal behavior. I f the parolee i s to be part of the community i n a s o c i a l sense, then he must be accepted by the community. No community can r e a l l y \"reform\" a person without accepting him. He must be given the w i l l and the 8 Vedder, Clyde B., \"Public Attitudes That Handicap Prison O f f i c i a l s \" . Proceedings American Prison Association, 1951, New York, p. 238. -39-a b i l i t y to co-operate. These are f i r s t considera-tions. He w i l l not be \"reformed\" u n t i l he acquires a genuine interest in others. He must learn that the only way to face himself i s to face the world with his heart tempered and stirred by the social interest. He must learn to give for the social interest....° If the goal in rehabilitation i s helping the parolee resume normal living in the community, then the community i t s e l f must be ready to. help him. He must feel that he i s useful to a respectable or significant person or group. He must feel that he has a common interest in the group. If, as so often i s the case, the parolee i s not given a chance to express and develop his legitimate interests he w i l l turn once again to his illegitimate interests. The community must recognize that the parolee i s , in the majority of cases, a socially immature individual and that he needs a great deal of supportive help and understanding to meet the frustrations of normal community l i v i n g . The after-care agencies help the parolee feel that he belongs to the community, for the agency i s part of the community and supported by the community. In addition, the agency helps the parolee to meet the frustrations of normal community living in such a way that emotional and social growth are possible for the parolee. However, u n t i l the public catches up with, as i t were, contemporary penological philosophies and understands the why and wherefore of corrections programs, 9 Reinhardt, James R., Ph.D., \"The Discharged Prisoner and the Community\". Federal Probation. June 1957, p. 48. - 4 0 -the implacable wall of public and community attitudes w i l l provide one of the biggest obstacles that the parolee and a'fter-care agencies have to meet, (4) Problems Created by Incarceration What ef f e c t does prison have on the inmate? This i s a d i f f i c u l t question to answer and could well be the subject of extensive study i n i t s e l f . Incarceration means enforced association with others who f e e l as he, rejected by society. When he has been sentenced to imprisonment he has, r e a l l y been sentenced to regimentation, d i s c i p l i n e , unemployment, routine and f u t i l i t y . Incarceration, without a doubt, i s p a i n f u l to the inmate both p h y s i c a l l y and mentally. How a man reacts to i n s t i t u t i o n a l l i f e depends on the man and h i s emotional development. Nevertheless once i n prison he i s subjected to pressures and stresses that make for what many writers term \"prison psychosis\". The prisoner i s : ...subjected to prolonged material deprivation, lacking hetrosexual r e l a t i o n s h i p s , and rubbed raw by the i r r i t a n t s of l i f e under compression, the inmate population i s pushed i n the d i r e c t i o n of deviation from rather than adherence to l e g a l norms. Incarceration without doubt has an effect on the mental health of the prisoner and makes the job of r e h a b i l i t a t i o n that much more d i f f i c u l t . Perhaps the most p a i n f u l condition r e s u l t i n g from incarceration i s the deprivation of l i b e r t y . Not only i s 10 Sykes, Gresham M., The Society of Captives, Princeton University Press, 195«, New Jersey, p. 2 2 . - 4 1 -his freedom of movement r e s t r i c t e d but he has l o s t a l l the r i g h t s and p r i v i l e g e s of a free c i t i z e n . Furthermore, incar-ceration means he i s cut o f f from the emotional relationships of family and f r i e n d s . True he does have v i s i t i n g and mailing p r i v i l e g e s which to some extent reduce h i s i s o l a t i o n , but, as many inmates have found, these contacts become fewer as the years pass. This i s o l a t i o n i s indeed p a i n f u l and i s aggravated further by the fact that the inmate sees h i s imprisonment as a r e j e c t i o n by society. I t has often been claimed that many criminals are so i d e n t i f i e d with the criminal culture that no amount of moral condemnation, r e j e c t i o n or disapproval w i l l have any e f f e c t on them. This probably i s true f o r that small number of offenders known as professional criminals, of the kind described by Sutherland. 1 1 However, evidence indicates that f o r the great majority of prisoners: Neither the a l i e n a t i o n from the ranks of the law-abiding nor involvement i n a system of criminal values i s s u f f i c i e n t to eliminate the threat to the prisoner's ego posed by society's r e j e c t i o n . 1 ^ There are many signs of the prisoner's degradation, f o r example the number instead of a name, the t y p i c a l haircut, the anonymity of the prison uniform and so f o r t h . The status l o s t by the prisoner b a s i c a l l y i s the loss of s e l f respect: 11 Sutherland, Edwin H., The Professional Thief. Phoenix Books, The University of Chicago Press, 1937. 12 I b i d . . p. 6 6 . -42-In short, the wall which seals o f f the criminal, the contaminated man, i s a constant threat to the prisoner-s self-conception, and the threat i s continually repeated i n the many d a i l y reminders that he must be kept apart from \"decent\" men. Some-how t h i s r e j e c t i o n or degradation by the free com-munity must be warded off••••turned aside, rendered harmless. Somehow the imprisoned criminal must fi n d a device for r e j e c t i n g h i s r e j e c t o r s , i f he i s to So c i a l and i n d i v i d u a l l i b e r t y i s the foundation of our society and i s our mode of l i f e . The a b i l i t y to use i t responsibly i s acquired gradually during the physical and emotional growth of the i n d i v i d u a l from b i r t h to adulthood. One e f f e c t of lo s i n g l i b e r t y on the inmate i s regression to an e a r l i e r stage of development: This regression i s brought about and maintained by the threatening new r e a l i t y — a society without l i b e r t y . When deprived of l i b e r t y the criminal i n d i v i d u a l , l i k e the in f a n t , becomes unable to depend upon himself to choose and to master his own pleasurable or p a i n f u l experiences. Like the inf a n t , he comes to consider the external world as good or bad, according to the inner s a t i s f a c t i o n or f r u s t r a t i o n of the moment. This s p l i t t i n g i n object relationships leads eventually, f o r the con-v i c t , to the disappearance of the good object relationship. 1**' In short we make the offender too dependent on the i n s t i t u t i o n ; by incarcerating him we make him f e e l that he does not belong to society, that he i s an outcast. Consequently the inmate i s l e f t with very l i t t l e choice but to turn to his fellow inmates i n order once again to have an object r e l a t i o n s h i p . It i s within t h i s society that the inmate i s once again able 13 Cormier, Bruno M., Ph.D., \"The Psychological E f f e c t s on the Deprivation of Liberty on the Offender\". Proceedings of the Canadian Congress of Corrections. 1957, Montreal, p. 141. 14 Ibid,, p. 140. -43-have a sense of belonging, and of self-esteem. There are a certain number of men i n prison who may be c l a s s i f i e d as \"normal\" offenders. These are generally f i r s t offenders, men with no previous h i s t o r y of criminal tendencies. Unlike the majority of immature offenders the normal offender does not bear any abnormal resentment to society for long periods of time. He tends to i d e a l i z e the l o s t external society. He seldom i d e n t i f i e s with the criminal society while incarcerated as he i s able to keep the image of the good society within himself. Upon release he usually succeeds i n reintegrating himself into society even i f he encounters obstacles. On the other hand, when the immature offender i s released the mere res t o r a t i o n of l i b e r t y does not solve the problem. The bonds established with the criminal society, strengthened by society's r e j e c t i o n of him and the resentment he has because of society's lack of forgiveness, a l l make the job of r e h a b i l i t a -t i o n an exceedingly d i f f i c u l t operation. No matter how we t r y to believe that our i n s t i t u t i o n s are i n s t i t u t i o n s of r e h a b i l i t a t i o n , the fact remains that the inmate deprived of l i b e r t y , denied access to hetrosexual r e l a t i o n s h i p s , robbed of personal autonomy, stripped of worldly possession, sees the i n s t i t u t i o n as punishment pure and simple. With t h i s type of organization i n s t i t u t i o n s cannot turn men from the paths of crime to the path of the law-abiding c i t i z e n . We possess s u f f i c i e n t knowledge at the present time to -44-r e a l i z e that the kind of influence prison has on an inmate w i l l be c h i e f l y dependent on the s o c i a l patterns to which the prisoner has been d a i l y exposed while i n prison. Our present method of incarceration i s i n r e a l i t y the desertion of the offender when he needs us most. We are fortunate under the e x i s t i n g system when we can prevent the offender from de t e r i o r a t -ing further. We cannot lay the blame on our i n s t i t u t i o n s alone. Rather the blame must be placed on society as a whole. A l l that i s needed f o r change i s that there should be willingness f o r change; but that, unfortunately, i s p r e c i s e l y what, with minor exceptions, i s missing from the p i c t u r e . (5) Devaluation of S e l f Image The prison regimen tends to produce det e r i o r a t i o n i n the already poor conception that the offender has of himself. There i s l i t t l e doubt that the majority of inmates are immature men whose s e l f image was such that they could not function i n normal society and had to turn to crime to b o l s t e r t h e i r sagging s e l f - r e s p e c t . It i s p r e c i s e l y these men we place i n prison and whom we punish with the deprivation of l i b e r t y . Although t h i s i s indeed p a i n f u l to the inmate, the s i g n i f i c a n t fact i s that we devaluate his s e l f image by the very f r u s t r a t i o n s and deprivations which follow the loss of freedom - - f o r example, the lack of hetrosexual r e l a t i o n s h i p s , the i s o l a t i o n from the free society, the withdrawal of material goods and services: ...however p a i n f u l these f r u s t r a t i o n s or deprivations may be i n the immediate terms of thwarted goals, discomfort, boredom, and -45-loneliness, they carry a more profound hurt as a set of threats and attacks which are directed against the very foundations of the prisoner's being. 1'' The inmate's picture of himself as a person of value grows dimmer and dimmer and he begins to see himself as a nobody, he f e e l s he i s useless, and comes to believe that any attempt on his part to be of value i n the free society i s hopeless. An offender does not regain a p o s i t i v e s e l f image merely by being released, and herein l i e s the problem. What the parolee needs most upon release i s companionship, someone who i s ready to help him, someone who sees him as a man, who accepts him f o r what he i s , who does not condemn him f o r his past. This i s the job of the parole o f f i c e r , to help the parolee b u i l d a healthy self-image of himself, to meet the f r u s t r a t i o n s and obstacles of l i v i n g and functioning i n a free society. Often these men are learning to l i v e a new l i f e and must be helped the same way as one helps a c h i l d , understanding, warmth and emotional and material support. Here too i s where after-care agencies f a l l down. Our caseloads are high, our personnel untrained, funds are lim i t e d , and as a r e s u l t the appropriate time cannot be given to each parolee. The parolee must see his parole supervisor as more than a figure of authority. (6) Problems of Police Discrimination Here again i s a problem that at least i n Canada and p a r t i c u l a r l y i n Vancouver does not, from the available evidence, 15 Sykes, Gresham, M., op. c i t . . p. 79 -46-appear to be of serious proportions. Often we hear a parolee say that he has been checked by police f o r no reason at a l l . The fact i s that no p o l i c e o f f i c e r , unless he knows the parolee personally, has any idea who i s on parole. I f he checks an in d i v i d u a l i t i s because he has reason to believe that something i s wrong. When he makes h i s report to the pol i c e station, the name i s checked and i f i t i s discovered that he i s a parolee the name i s turned over to the detective who i s i n charge of parolees. I f t h i s happens, the parolee i s l i a b l e to be taken down to the sta t i o n to c l a r i f y what has happened. There i s some evidence that a large percentage of po l i c e discrimination or badgering i n the Vancouver area i s i n the parolee's mind. No parolee i s taken to the pol i c e station i n d i s c r i m i n a t e l y and i f he i s taken down i t i s by the spe c i a l detective i n charge of parole. The regular procedure i s generally just a telephone c a l l asking him to report i f there i s some report that he was somewhere he should not have been or i f he was checked f o r h i s behavior. The John Howard Society's experience corroborates these observations, and i t appears l i k e l y therefore, that at least on the l o c a l scene, t h i s i s not one of the parolee's problems. (7) Problems of P e r s i s t i n g Influence of Past and Present Companions There i s no doubt that the types of people a parolee associates with w i l l determine to a large extent whether he w i l l be successful or gravitate to h i s previous criminal behavior. Evidence indicates that the parolee i s placed under -47-tremendous pressures that w i l l be overbearing i f he does not receive help. He i s constantly meeting men whom he has known in prison, some t r y i n g to go stra i g h t , others s t i l l p a r t i c i p a t -ing i n criminal a c t i v i t i e s . The l a t t e r w i l l t r y to pressure the parolee to j o i n them, o f f e r i n g big money, good times and so f o r t h . The temptation i s great f o r the parolee. He has to some extent been discriminated against by the com-munity and s t i l l f e e l s rejected and of l i t t l e value to anyone. What a temptation to go with those people who want him, who accept him and make him f e e l that he i s valued and neededI However, i f the parolee i s receiving good supervision, help and understanding, he w i l l be able to withstand these temptations and pressures, e s p e c i a l l y i f through h i s super-vi s o r h i s experiences i n society have been p o s i t i v e . I t i s generally the man who has been unsuccessful i n any phase of his r e h a b i l i t a t i o n who w i l l return to former criminal companions. Each time we send a man to prison, we place him i n a society of criminals where he w i l l meet old companions and new companions, binding him t i g h t e r to the criminal society. This I believe i s the dilemma of corrections. I f we want a man to give up h i s criminal associates, we should surely hesitate to send him to an i n s t i t u t i o n where he i s forced to l i v e and associate with them. A peculiar disadvantage of the criminal i s that unlike other people who have been i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d (for example -48-mental patients and a l c o h o l i c s , who are encouraged to meet as a group) the parolees are forbidden to meet each other i n a group. Even i f t h i s group i s under supervision, the public tend to see any meeting of parolees as dangerous and threatening. The parolee must therefore, f i n d new friends i n the normal society. But t h i s i s extremely d i f f i c u l t for a man who i s insecure and often hypersensitive. The parolee i s at a r e a l disadvantage when he cannot associate with other parolees who are t r y i n g to go straight as he i s . He i s forced to r e j e c t these associates, while on the other hand he i s rejected by many of the people i n the community. Parole can be worse than incarceration. I f the man lacks companionship he might as well be back i n j a i l where at least he can have friendship and a f e e l i n g of belonging. (8) Problems of Loss of C i v i l Rights and Other Handicaps One of the greatest r e h a b i l i t a t i v e issues today i s the i n a b i l i t y of the man with a record to be bonded. This problem has been discussed above, but i t i s a loss of c i v i l r i g h t s that has a strong impact on the parolee. He i s li m i t e d i n the type of employment available to him; white c o l l a r work i s p r a c t i c a l l y impossible as i t i s the p o l i c y of most companies to bond t h e i r employees. Another issue c l o s e l y related to the f r u s t r a t i n g bonding issue i s the \"no cr i m i n a l \" clause that many big companies and professions have. The l a t t e r would a f f e c t only a few parolees since the majority do not have enough schooling to be e l i g i b l e -49-f o r such professions as medicine, law, pharmacy and accounting. However, many large corporations have a \"no c r i m i n a l \" clause and refuse to h i r e any man who has a criminal h i s t o r y . This again reduces the chances of employment f o r many parolees. The main problem created by loss of c i v i l r i g h t s i s centered on the question of employment. Discrimination i n t h i s f i e l d i s intensely f r u s t r a t i n g f o r the parolee who sees such r e s t r i c t i o n s as i l l o g i c a l and a direc t attack on him. Other c i v i l losses such as being unable to enter certain countries as an immigrant a f f e c t only the minority. (9) Problems of Negative Attitudes to Authority There i s l i t t l e doubt that the majority of parolees have a negative attitude toward authority. Undoubtedly every i n d i v i d u a l , male or female, has had unpleasant experiences with authority at some time i n his l i f e , whether with p o l i c e , parents, teachers, employers or s i b l i n g s , authority figures who have abused t h e i r authority, who have forced us to do something that we f e l t was unjust. This aroused feelings of fear, hate, revenge and anger or some other form of h o s t i l e attitude i n us. I f these experiences were repeated often enough we would b u i l d up a great deal of h o s t i l e resistance to authority. Further we tend to see authority i n association with punish-ment, f o r i t i s p r e c i s e l y those with authority who may have punished us most often. - 5 0 -There i s a great deal of evidence to indicate that the majority of offenders have negative f e e l i n g s toward authority. These feelings did not spring up overnight but are based on cumulative past experiences, i n most cases going back to early childhood. These f e e l i n g s are not reduced by the time the man enters prison, his experience with the p o l i c e and the courts probably having increased his immature and negative f e e l i n g s . Once i n prison these fe e l i n g s are aggravated. The prison i t s e l f i s a symbol of authority, the guards are but part of the bureaucratic administration of authority to be exploited when and wherever possible: ...Indeed, the g l a r i n g conclusion i s that despite the guns, and the surveillance, the searches and the precautions of the custodians, the a c t u a l behavior of the inmate population d i f f e r s markedly from that which i s c a l l e d f o r by o f f i c i a l commands and decrees. Violence, fraud, t h e f t , aberrant sexual behavior - a l l are common-place occurrences i n the d a i l y round of i n s t i t u t i o n a l existence i n spite of the f a c t that the maximum security prison i s conceived of by society as the ultimate weapon for the control of the criminal and his deviant a c t i o n s . 1 0 The actions of the inmates are the r e s u l t of many things, negative attitudes being but one of them. The important fact here i s that our i n s t i t u t i o n s help to support and increase these negative f e e l i n g s and to diminish an already slender respect f o r the rule of law. Once released from prison, these negative attitudes do not subside. The parolee s t i l l sees authority figures as 16 Sykes, GreshamM., op. c i t . . p. 76. - 5 1 -dangerous or threatening. The problem then i s to help the parolee to r e a l i z e that authority does not mean punishment, that authority can be p o s i t i v e as well as negative. The parole supervisor must give the parolee a new experience with authority, a p o s i t i v e experience. The immature parolee has • car r i e d into his adult l i f e the negative authority c o n f l i c t s from his youth. The job of the supervisor i s to d i s p e l these c o n f l i c t s by the proper use of authority. The parolee must learn that to l i v e i n society he cannot escape r e s t r i c t i o n s and curtailment of h i s a c t i v i t i e s . To l i v e i n free society, means that he must renounce many of h i s impulsive s a t i s f a c t i o n s , i f only i n exchange fo r the. assurance that others w i l l do the same. Within these r e s t r i c t i o n s there i s room for freedom. The parolee w i l l grow and become adjusted to the extent that he w i l l accept these r e s t r i c t i o n s and by his own free w i l l w i l l impose these r e s t r i c t i o n s on himself. To help the parolee overcome the problems of his h o s t i l e and negative feelings i s one of the most important aspects that must be met i f r e h a b i l i t a -t i o n i s to be successful. ( 1 0 ) Problems Created by Parole Conditions The primary purpose of parole conditions or r e s t r i c t i o n s i s to provide a guide for conduct for the parolee. I t follows then that these conditions should be f l e x i b l e , r e a l i s t i c and enforcible. In short, the conditions should be i n d i v i d u a l i z e d to the f u l l e s t extent possible. Obviously cer t a i n conditions w i l l apply to a l l parolees but i n the main the r e s t r i c t i o n s -52-should meet the needs of the i n d i v i d u a l parolee. In effect parole conditions should define parole f o r the i n d i v i d u a l and should be based on the i n d i v i d u a l and h i s needs.' Often parole conditions r e s u l t i n f r u s t r a t i o n s f o r the parolee and on occasion these conditions act against the ultimate goal of r e h a b i l i t a t i o n . For example, a common r e s t r i c t i o n i s that a parolee must obtain permission before leaving the s p e c i f i e d area as designated i n his parole conditions. What happens to the parolee when he i s offered a job i n another geographical area as not infrequently happens? By the time the parolee has contacted the r i g h t people and obtained permission, the job has been l o s t . As often as not, these jobs have time l i m i t s on them, i n that the person hired must report for work the next day. Time i s therefore, an important f a c t o r . This type of r e s t r i c t i o n lessens h i s opportunity for jobs. However, there are further ramifications. The parolee f e e l s he i s being discriminated against by the very fact that he i s a parolee and under r e s t r i c t i o n s that seem to him u n r e a l i s t i c and i n j u s t . It i s understandable that a large number of ind i v i d u a l s on parole, because of t h e i r e a r l i e r experiences should have a great deal of d i f f i c u l t y i n accepting a subservient r o l e and asking permission f o r actions which the ordinary c i t i z e n i s free to perform. Furthermore, many r e s t r i c t i o n s have l i t t l e to do with h i s crime. He must obtain permission to marry, to buy a car, or to get a f i n a n c i a l loan. He must abstain from -53-i n t o x i c a t i n g beverages and so f o r t h . R e s t r i c t i o n s of t h i s type add further to the parolee's f e e l i n g of hopelessness and depreciated s e l f image, thereby increasing his negative attitude toward authority. It i s obvious that many parole r e s t r i c t i o n s contradict the objectives of parole by placing u n r e a l i s t i c and r e l a t i v e l y i n f l e x i b l e conditions i n the parolee !s way. Simply stated, the basic parole objective i s to help the parolee develop controls from within, but the apparent emphasis of the parole r e s t r i c -tions today i s control from without; the parolee sees these as an attempt to run his l i f e . Parole r e s t r i c t i o n s are to control or i n h i b i t the parolee's physical a c t i v i t i e s but not emotional growth. As the parolee shows emotional growth the controls should be reduced, and parole r e s t r i c t i o n s should therefore be f l e x i b l e . How then can the ind i v i d u a l ' s s e l f image have room to grow when he sees himself treated as a c h i l d , where h i s already excessive tendency toward dependency i s strengthened and reinforced and the simplest decisions are dependent on the consent of someone else? In general the fewer the parole r e s t r i c t i o n s the better hope there i s f o r establishing a good supervisor-parolee r e l a t i o n s h i p . But having such u n r e a l i s t i c and i n f l e x i b l e r e s t r i c t i o n s r e s u l t s i n an atmosphere that i s not conducive for mutual confidence and respect. There i s a great deal of evidence to indicate that parole r e s t r i c t i o n s cause many -54-frustrating and degrading problems for the parolee. These problems could be overcome more readily than some of the preceding problems by having r e a l i s t i c , flexible restrictions based on the particular needs of the individual. When taken in context of the entire rehabilitation process they do no more than add fuel to the f i r e . CHAPTER III TWO VIEWS: THE AFTER-CARE AGENCY AND THE PAROLEE How After-Care Agencies See the Problems of the Parolee The purpose of t h i s chapter i s not to prove or validate any hypothesis. Rather i t i s an exploratory survey to i l l u s -t r a t e and make p l a u s i b l e , i f possible, those problems of the parolee which were discussed i n Chapter I I . The material obtained i s based on face to face interviews of approximately one hour duration with leaders i n the f i e l d of after-care in B r i t i s h Columbia as well as a selected number of in d i v i d u a l s who are presently serving time on parole. The following persons were interviewed: Mr. M. Davis, Executive Director of The John Howard Society of B r i t i s h Columbia; Mr. R. Smith, Assistant Director of Corrections for the Province of B r i t i s h Columbia; Mr. Kyle Stevenson, the B r i t i s h Columbia Regional Representative for the National Parole Board; Mr. G. McCaw, Executive Director of the Borstal Association of B r i t i s h Columbia; and Brigadier H. Nyrerod, Director of Correctional Services for the Salvation Army of B r i t i s h Columbia. These experts wholeheartedly agree on the value and benefit of parole i n our corre c t i o n a l and r e h a b i l i t a t i o n programs. However, a l l stated or implied that no matter how progressive or modern our penal i n s t i t u t i o n s may become, they s t i l l represent an a r t i f i c i a l environment. How successful our r e h a b i l i t a t i o n program may be depends to a great extent -56-on what happens to the man after h i s release from our i n s t i t u -t i ons. There i s no simple panacea f o r r e h a b i l i t a t i o n . The problem i s multifaceted and w i l l depend on such factors as the quantity and quality of supervision available to the offender, s i t u a t i o n a l factors and the motivation and person-a l i t y of the parolee. It i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that everyone of these experts when discussing the p o s s i b i l i t i e s of successful r e h a b i l i t a t i o n stated i n one form or another that while parole success i s dependent on many f a c t o r s , the most important factors were the parolee's personality development and the s i t u a t i o n into which the parolee i s released. This would at f i r s t glance appear to indicate that we are dealing with two categories of problems: on the one hand those problems created by s i t u a t i o n a l factors, and on the other hand problems emanating from the ind i v i d u a l ' s predispositions of personality. I t would be an error to assume that these problems are mutually exclusive i n the sense that the existence of the one problem w i l l make the other i r r e l e v a n t , for i n r e a l i t y t h i s i s not the case. I f we could picture an axis where at one extreme we have those offenders who are r e l a t i v e l y free of personality problems (for example the accidental offender) to the other extreme of serious personality disorder (for example the sex-deviant or compulsive forger) we can c l e a r l y see that these problems are a c t u a l l y a continuum ranging from the one extreme to the other. And Our understanding w i l l be further enhanced i f we -57-picture the s i t u a t i o n a l factors as a co-axis, thus creating the two dimensions of the parolee's prospects of success. By s i t u a t i o n a l problems I r e f e r to those problems that develop out of the parolee's general environment and over which the parolee has l i t t l e or no control. For example, problems which develop because the parolee was unable to secure employment, or the problems r e s u l t i n g from the t r a n s i t i o n he must make from the protected and controlled environment of the penal i n s t i t u t i o n to free society. It i s quite apparent that often the parolee, no matter how well motivated, i s dependent on how the so-called free community w i l l react to him, and that while t h i s i s something which w i l l t e s t his resources of character, i t i s not something which w i l l y i e l d merely to force of character. In the second case, that of the i n d i v i d u a l with a predisposed personality who has a marked leaning toward crim i n a l a c t i v i t y , unfavourable situations w i l l r e s u l t In the aggravation of his problem. For example, the immature mother-fixated personality who commits a crime and goes to prison w i l l become even more s o c i a l l y inadequate as a r e s u l t of unfavourable circumstances on release. This personality i n fact often develops serious paranoidal manifestations. Obviously, i n the event that there i s a predisposed personality, then these s i t u a t i o n a l problems may well produce further det e r i o r a t i o n i n the already immature, pathological i n d i v i d u a l . -58-Nor should we forget that the prison experience i t s e l f may-a i r eady have contributed to t h i s outcome. There i s some evidence to indicate that the s i t u a t i o n a l problems have more importance with the f i r s t or i n c i d e n t a l offender, while the r e c i d i v i s t f s problems are merely aggravated by the s i t u a t i o n a l problems that a r i s e either i n the i n s t i t u t i o n or i n the community. The emphasis must be on h i s personality problem and helping him overcome these problems and to bear the f r u s t r a t i n g s i t u a t i o n a l d i f f i c u l t i e s that may a r i s e . The employment of parolees i s considered by a l l the experts as one of the most important factors that must be dealt with by parolee and supervisor a l i k e . However, the majority f e e l that problems r e s u l t i n g from the employment si t u a t i o n should be kept i n perspective, and aver that the employment problem i s often over-emphasized. A l l are of the opinion that employment may or may not be a major problem depending upon the i n d i v i d u a l and the present circumstances of the parolee. Mr. Smith i s of the opinion that while a short period of unemployment with f i n a n c i a l assistance w i l l not be harmful, i f joblessness extends over a long period of time, i t may well be doubted whether successful r e h a b i l i t a t i o n can take place since i n our present society employment means to the parolee p r e c i s e l y the independence he i s t r y i n g to achieve. Employment i s necessary before r e h a b i l i t a t i o n can be completely r e a l i z e d because i t gives a f e e l i n g of worth -59-and accomplishment to the parolee. On the other hand, Mr. Davis f e e l s that, i n the l i g h t of his experience, employment does not mean successful r e h a b i l i t a t i o n and often the most successful parolee i s the one who has been able to meet the f r u s t r a t i o n s of not being able to secure employment and r e f r a i n from returning to further criminal a c t i v i t y . This indicates emotional growth on the parolee's part. Further, i f the problem of employment i s the only problem that the parolee has, then i t i s u n l i k e l y that he w i l l need help other than with finding employment. This i n i t s e l f does not j u s t i f y a f t e r -care for i n r e a l i t y t h i s i n d i v i d u a l would need no more help than any other i n d i v i d u a l who i s unemployed. Furthermore there i s a great deal of evidence to indicate that even i f there was the p o s s i b i l i t y of f u l l employment fo r a l l parolees, t h i s i n i t s e l f would not reduce to any great extent the rate of parole f a i l u r e . I would conclude from the majority of opinions that employment i s not the panacea of r e h a b i l i t a t i o n . I t i s an important factor i n a s s i s t i n g the parolee to b u i l d a strong s e l f image by helping him f e e l he i s accomplishing something by having money i n his pocket that belongs to him and was not obtained through charity. The value of parole l i e s i n the fact that i t o f f e r s emotional support and to a certain degree, physical a i d to the parolee u n t i l such time as the i n d i v i d u a l can obtain employment. Further, once the parolee i s working, parole should help him overcome some of the f r u s t r a t i o n s that he i s l i a b l e to encounter -60-such as prejudice and ostracism by his fellow workers. A l l of the after-care experts I interviewed believe that the parolee himself often creates i n his own mind many of the problems he encounters. Every man released from prison f e e l s he i s branded v i s i b l y as a criminal. This of course varies i n degree with each i n d i v i d u a l . The degree or i n t e n s i t y i s not the important factor, rather i t i s that they have t h i s feeling and that i t i s more intense immediately a f t e r release from prison. For example, a parolee may get on a bus and hear some people laughing at the back. Immediately he i s on the defensive and f e e l s they are laughing at him. There are many examples of t h i s type of thinking on the part of the recently discharged prisoner but the above example w i l l s u f f i c e . Mr. Davis refers to t h i s phenomenon as \"post-release paranoia\", or i n simpler terms, a f e e l i n g of difference. The parolee f e e l s that everyone i s looking at him, that he i s not r e a l l y part of the community. This f e e l i n g does not happen spontaneously upon release but i s the accumulation of many factors including his experience with p o l i c e , the courts and the s t a f f of the penal i n s t i t u t i o n . This f e e l i n g of difference r e s u l t s i n the parolee becoming h o s t i l e to authority. The parolee f e e l s that i f he doesn't get a job, i t i s not because there i s no p o s i t i o n open, but rather because he i s an \"ex-con\". I f he i s l a i d o f f , i t i s not because there i s no further work available; rather someone has t o l d the boss that he i s an \"ex-con\". -61-Much of t h i s h o s t i l i t y and embitterment i s focused on the p o l i c e , and to a certain extent the p o l i c e reinforce the parolee's suspicions because of t h e i r authoritarian manner. New r e c r u i t s who have not learned how to handle t h e i r authority r o l e properly are the main offenders. For example, i f a p o l i c e o f f i c e r stops a c i t i z e n f o r some minor t r a f f i c offense the c i t i z e n may be h o s t i l e but usually on account of being stopped rather than the manner i n which he was treated. However, the parolee, who already f e e l s that he i s discriminated against, sees such routine check-ups as a personal a f f r o n t and f e e l s he i s being stopped not for the offense but because he i s a parolee. The authoritative manner used enhances t h i s f e e l i n g and often helps to strengthen the p o s t - i n s t i t u t i o n a l \"paranoia\". This f e e l i n g of being branded and of being unique i s an extremely important problem as i t i s d i r e c t l y related to the parolee's concept of s e l f and w i l l seriously influence the success of hi s r e h a b i l i t a t i o n . As we can see, t h i s \"post-release paranoia\" w i l l be rela t e d to some extent to the degree of success the parolee w i l l have i n readjusting to the community and h i s family. There i s no question i n the minds of the after-care experts that the biggest or key problem i s the reinte g r a t i o n of the parolee into the community. The success of the r e h a b i l i t a t i o n process may almost be defined as the degree of reintegration into the community that the parolee i s able to accomplish. -62-Mr. Stevenson and Mr. McCaw are of the opinion that many of the problems the parolee encounters are the r e s u l t of his o v e r - s e n s i t i v i t y and that i n fact a great number of the problems do not exist except i n the parolee's mind. However, neither Mr. McCaw nor Mr. Stevenson f e e l s that a l l the problems encountered are due merely to h y p e r - s e n s i t i v i t y but that t h i s h y p e r - s e n s i t i v i t y may aggravate and complicate r e l a t i v e l y simple problems. A l l experts are agreed, however, that the prison experience creates emotional problems that are exceeding-l y d i f f i c u l t f o r the parolee to overcome without extensive help. Mr. Davis asserts that the problem of s o c i a l r elationships i s an exceedingly d i f f i c u l t one f o r the parolee. The parolee has d e f i n i t e g u i l t feelings as a r e s u l t of being arrested, taken to court and convicted and presented i n the newspapers as a v i l e and unwanted i n d i v i d u a l . The r e s u l t of such t r e a t -ment tends to induce i n the criminal a f e e l i n g of being an outcast. The prison experience further aggravates t h i s problem. When released the parolee i s placed i n a s i t u a t i o n that he no longer knows how to cope with. In prison the s o c i a l s i t u a t i o n s tend to lose the s u p e r f i c i a l veneer of c i v i l i z a t i o n . For example, i n prison the inmates when groping f o r conversation seldom t a l k about the weather, but i n our s o c i a l s i t u ations, when we f i n d i t d i f f i c u l t to f i n d a topic to speak of, we often turn to a discussion about weather. The parolee, a f t e r his prison experience, finds such conversations exceedingly d i f -f i c u l t , r e s u l t i n g i n his f e e l i n g out of place and not belong--63-ing. In short he feels like a drunk at a tea party. Moreover this feeling of not belonging i s strengthened when the conversation turns to \"what I did last week or last month or last year\". The parolee i s unable to contribute to this and the free society that he i s to draw his social references from i s in reality foreign to him. He feels that he i s talking at them but that he i s unable to communicate with them. The evidence indicates that the hinge of the parolee's capacity for social reintegration i s his own mental picture of himself. The value of parole l i e s in the fact that through r e a l i s t i c and warm support the parole supervisor can help the parolee to gain a better self image of himself by supporting and assisting him to meet the frustrations of social living in such a way that w i l l allow for emotional growth of the parolee. Mr. Davis further points out that after-care agencies in themselves help the parolee to feel the community is interested in him as the agency i s part of and supported by th e community• A l l the experts agree that u n t i l the community i s educated and i s willing to accept the parolee the problem of social reintegration w i l l continue to be extremely d i f f i c u l t . That some program of public education i s needed i s beyond doubt. Moreover, a program of gradual release of the offender into the community would be valuable. Again, institutional programs where the inmate i s allowed to have more contact with the - 6 4 -community while i n prison would be b e n e f i c i a l and would help to break down the t r a d i t i o n a l feelings of mutual suspiciousness and antagonism between the public and the offender. According to the interviewed experts' another extremely important and key problem, si m i l a r to that of reintegration into the community arises i n the re-establishment of the parolee i n h i s family. But a l l were c a r e f u l to stress the fact that t h i s problem can be placed i n a f a l s e perspective. Re-establishment of a young offender i n a family which was probably the cause of h i s criminal a c t i v i t i e s would be point-l e s s . Mr. Smith made the point that re-establishment i n the family depends on the age of the i n d i v i d u a l . For younger offenders re-establishment;in the family i s more important and meaningful. To the older single offender t h i s problem does not seem as important. R e h a b i l i t a t i o n should not only include treatment f o r the offender but for the family as well. Mr. Davis brought out the point that to the married offender, resuming h i s place i n his family i s a primary concern, while r e j e c t i o n by the family can be traumatic for him and have many negative r e s u l t s . There are many sides to the resettlement of the married offender. Often on the wife's part there i s a f e e l i n g of resentment because she was abandoned by her husband and l e f t t o face the problems a r i s i n g within the community alone. On the other hand the parolee i s apt to f e e l resentment because he f e e l s his wife does not completely -65-comprehend what he went through during h i s incarceration. Moreover, because of the offender's deprivation of hetro-sexual r e l a t i o n s h i p s while i n prison, he frequently imagines his wife's i n f i d e l i t y . When he i s released t h i s problem does not disappear, even i f these fantasies are unfounded. The parolee has an i n s a t i a b l e appetite for proof that these fantasies were not based on f a c t . This constant t e s t i n g and d i s t r u s t tends to serve as a ba r r i e r between man and wife. In addition to the above problems a l l the experts mentioned a problem i n taking up the threads of family l i f e again which arises from the fact that there i s an element of strangeness on the part of both partners who - af t e r what i s often a lengthy separation - p r a c t i c a l l y have to get to know one another again. This strangeness r e s u l t s on the parolee's part because of hi s having l i v e d i n the protected andlimited environment of the i n s t i t u t i o n which has made him generally more dependent, while on the other hand the wife has become more independent because of having had to do without him. This combination tends again to cause the parolee to make enormous demands fo r assurance that he i s s t i l l needed, while the wife tends to c l i n g to the independency she has gained while she was without him. This often r e s u l t s i n her denying the parolee the assurance he i s seeking and consequently he fe e l s rejected and unwanted. As can be seen, the experts i n the f i e l d of after-care whom I interviewed are of the opinion that the two most -66-s e r i o u s problems to overcome are the r e o r i e n t a t i o n i n t o the community and r e i n t e g r a t i o n i n t o the f a m i l y . Various o p i n i o n s were expressed as t o other problems the p a r o l e e may encounter, such as l o s s o f c i v i l r i g h t s , d i s c r i m i n a t i o n by p o l i c e , a n d so f o r t h , but on the whole they s t i l l f e l t that the major problems were r e i n t e g r a t i o n i n t o the community and f a m i l y . Brigadier H. Nyrerod brought up one f e a t u r e of a f t e r - c a r e t h a t bears mentioning. I t i s h i s o p i n i o n t h a t one aspect of p a r o l e o f t e n overlooked by many a f t e r - c a r e agencies i s the s p i r i t u a l element i n r e h a b i l i t a t i o n . The b r i g a d i e r b e l i e v e s t h a t complete r e h a b i l i t a t i o n cannot take p l a c e without s p i r i t -u a l change on the p a r t o f the p a r o l e e . This o p i n i o n g a i n s a g r e a t d e a l o f weight when one c a l l s t o mind Alcoholics Anonymous and t h e i r s u ccess, which - as i s w e l l known - i s based on an appe a l t o a s o r t o f r e l i g i o u s f a i t h . Both c o r r e c t i o n s workers and Alcoholics Anonymous d e a l w i t h b a s i c a l -l y t he same s o r t o f immature i n d i v i d u a l , w h i l e many c r i m i n a l s are a l c o h o l i c s o r heavy d r i n k e r s . I f one can be helped by \" s p i r i t u a l t h e r a p y \" i t may p o s s i b l y have some more c e n t r a l p l a c e i n the f i e l d o f c o r r e c t i o n s than i t p r e s e n t l y does. Another problem mentioned by those i n t e r v i e w e d that can cause a gre a t d e a l o f t r o u b l e t o the p a r o l e e i s past and presen t c r i m i n a l companions and t h e i r p o s s i b l e e f f e c t s on the p a r o l e e . The m a j o r i t y f e e l t h a t i f the p a r o l e e i s not making a s a t i s f a c t -o r y adjustment i n the f a m i l y , community and employment, t h e r e Is a tendency f o r him t o seek out h i s o l d group, a move which ultimately leads to trouble. However, i f a s a t i s f a c t o r y adjustment i s being made i t i s u n l i k e l y he w i l l be i n c l i n e d to go back to criminal society. Mr. Smith f e l t that parolees, because of t h e i r overdependency, tend to lean heavily on support from others, and that i f these people are criminal types, he hasn't much of a chance to be r e h a b i l i t a t e d . How-ever, t h i s does not mean that a group approach to the problem could not be attempted, provided i t can be watched and super-vised properly. Nevertheless the majority f e e l that constant contact with criminal types can only lead ultimately to the i n d i v i d u a l once again becoming involved i n criminal a c t i v i t y . A l l agree that our penal i n s t i t u t i o n s tend to aggravate the already present problems from which the i n d i v i d u a l s u f f e r s . Under our present system, no matter how progressive i t may be-come, these problems w i l l be aggravated by incarceration and i t s associated experiences. However, they f e e l that parole i s a step i n the r i g h t d i r e c t i o n as i t removes the prisoner from the i n s t i t u t i o n and places him i n society under a steady-ing hand. The value of parole i s that i t helps the man to help himself to overcome his problems and f r u s t r a t i o n s i n l i f e and to develop within himself the capacity to \"take i t \" without venting h i s f r u s t r a t i o n s on society. This, then, b a s i c a l l y and simply stated, i s the focus of r e h a b i l i t a t i o n and parole provides the environment and the help necessary fo r r e h a b i l i t a t i o n to take place. -68-A l l experts pointed out that lack of money to in s t i g a t e programs and research, lack of q u a l i f i e d and trained workers, heavy caseloads (which ultimately mean that parole i s often no more than a form of surveillance) are the basic problems as f a r as the administrative aspects of parole are concerned. But a l l are of the opinion that a new dawn i s approaching i n the f i e l d of after-care and that i n the near future these problems w i l l be p a r t i a l l y or e n t i r e l y eliminated through the seeming increase of intere s t shown by the various l e v e l s of government and by the general p u b l i c . How the Parolee Sees h i s Problems Again, t h i s section of the study i s of an exploratory nature. The parolees interviewed cannot be considered a good research sample i n that only eight parolees were interviewed. Furthermore, t h i s sample i s biased i n the sense that the i n d i v i d u a l s selected by the John Howard Society and Salvation Army were parolees who were w i l l i n g and anxious to discuss t h e i r problems as they saw them. Interviews were of approximately one and a h a l f hour i n duration. The purpose was to obtain the opinion of those i n d i v i d u a l s who were closest to the roots of the problem of the parolee, p r i n c i p a l l y the i n d i v i d u a l on parole. A further purpose was to ascertain whether there were any sharp d i f -ferences of opinion and experience between the after-care personnel and the parolees themselves. Interviews were informal i n mood and seven questions were asked. - 6 9 -(1) How did you f e e l toward parole while i n prison? (2) Do you f e e l that society has rejected or been unfair to you? (3) What problems as a parolee cause you the most concern? (4) When released what mental picture of yourself did you have? (5) Do the majority of your friends have criminal backgrounds? (6) What do you expect from your parole o f f i c e r ? (7) Do you f e e l that parole i s of any value? Question 1. How did YOU f e e l toward parole while i n prison? The decision to apply f o r parole or to be discharged at termination of sentence appears to be a serious and p a i n f u l decision f o r most parolees to make. It i s disquieting to r e a l i z e that the majority of inmates know very l i t t l e about parole and that they are seldom informed what parole i s or what i t e n t a i l s . Of the eight parolees interviewed a l l stated that although parole meant getting out of the i n s t i t u t i o n , they did not look forward to parole because they f e l t they would be unable to cope with the r e s t r i c t i o n s associated with parole, and i f they were unsuccessful, they would be returned to prison. One parolee said: \"Many men i f they had a chance to get parole wouldn't take i t i f they had a short time to do as they don't know i f they could handle i t and the thought of being returned to prison would be too much f o r them\", another parolee stated: \"Parole i s a big decision — i f you intend to go back into crime i t of course i s not a good thing, s t i l l i f - 7 0 -you are intending to go straight you must consider i t c a r e f u l l y as there i s the chance you can be sent back to prison for some mistake that a normal c i t i z e n could make without fear 1*. A l l parolees interviewed stated i n one manner or another that parole to a man i n prison means but one thing - \"to get out of the can\". Moreover, not only i s applying f o r parole a major and t e s t i n g decision i n i t s e l f , but waiting f o r an answer i s also extremely f r u s t r a t i n g since i t takes a couple of months before the prisoner knows one way or the other. I t i s l i k e s i t t i n g on a fence - \"you're not i n and you're not out\". Two parolees were f i r s t offenders and stated that when they were incarcerated the f i r s t time i t was a r e a l j o l t -\"You get to hate everything and everybody, you :just cannot get used to i t , and parole or the p o s s i b i l i t y of parole i s the one redeeming thing to look forward t o \" . Perhaps the inmates' f e e l i n g toward parole could be best shown by an excerpt from a l e t t e r received by a parole supervisor: ...Mr. M. t o l d me that you wanted me to write to you regarding parole. The thought of parole or even going out of here when my time i s up scares me. I'm a f r a i d of going out. I'm a f r a i d of not staying out. I'm a f r a i d of being a f r a i d to go out.... I spent a few hours the other n i t e studying my reasons f o r not getting busy on t h i s parole. The only thing that emerged with any c l a r i t y was the fact that I'm d e l i b e r a t e l y s t a l l i n g u n t i l you leave, then I won't f e e l g u i l t y about not doing anything — you've been trained i n t h i s sort of thing, I guess you know some four d o l l a r word to describe my condition. I n s t i t u -t i o n a l i z e d ? (There's a three d o l l a r word anyway).... I've been wondering i f I'm capable of forcing myself to adhere to the rules of the flock t i l l i t becomes habit. I suspect I am more goat than sheep. No offense meant to you, you're probably a well adjusted -71-goat, or i f you'd rather, a s l i g h t l y maladjusted sheep I'm s t i l l maintaining my constant v i g i l against r e h a b i l i t a t i o n , but I'm beginning to f e e l l i k e Don Quixote. It obviously needs to be attacked from another angle. 1 Question 2. Do you f e e l that society has rejected or been unfai r to you? A l l the parolees emphasized that when a man i s sentenced to prison he f e e l s that society has rejected him — \" I f they didn't want me, to h e l l with them\" i s the general a t t i t u d e . The f i r s t offenders stated that a f t e r the i n i t i a l period of shock they didn't r e a l l y hate society; they knew what they had done wrong and must pay the consequences. However, as time passes the prisoners begin to hate everything and every-one and e s p e c i a l l y the people who put them there. They f e e l that society does not want them and determine therefore to act and associate with those who are w i l l i n g to accept them. A l l stated that the longer they were incarcerated the more they f e l t society did not want them and was r e j e c t i n g them. Question 3. What problems as a parolee cause you the most concern? This question e l i c i t e d many divergent personal opinions, depending on the i n d i v i d u a l and his p a r t i c u l a r needs and emotional maturity. However, there appear to be three areas which a l l parolees mentioned and which, i n t h e i r opinion, a l l parolees w i l l have d i f f i c u l t y with: (1) employment and money (2) fear, and (3) companionship. A l l the parolees claimed that employment was one of t h e i r biggest problems; that without employment they had no money to -72-buy the material goods necessary f o r a decent l i f e ; that they were driven to sponging o f f friends or family. They f e l t that as long as they were unemployed they could not be independent. Further problems that arose with attempting to obtain work seemed to create even greater tension. Whether to t e l l the employer and t h e i r fellow employees about t h e i r record was an extremely d i f f i c u l t decision. Most of the parolees f e l t that i f the employer asked them he should be t o l d of t h e i r past, but with fellow workers i t was best i f they knew nothing about the past. One parolee emphasized \"A job i s very important. I t ' s not act u a l l y the work, i t ' s to have money to afford those things you were deprived of during your prison term. It's not r e a l l y the job, i t ' s how much money i t brings i s the important thing, a guy i s always tempted about money, when you get out of prison you've got nothing and you are envious of those who have\". Fear of s o c i a l situations, according to the parolees interviewed, was another major area of concern. One parolee said \"Fear was my biggest problem. I was a f r a i d of everything, I was a f r a i d of anything. I was a f r a i d of people and myself and I guess, most of a l l I was a f r a i d of r i d i c u l e \" . This fear appears to be present i n a l l the parolees interviewed. This f e e l i n g of inadequacy that the parolee has i s a c r u c i a l problem, and u n t i l the parolee believes that he i s \"somebody\", when he f e e l s that people accept him for what he i s now and not what he was, these fears w i l l continue to be a major wall -73-between the parolee and rehabilitation. Another parolee asserts \"In prison you get to the point that you feel that everything i s hopeless, that you have no value — when you are paroled a guy has got to be able to prove to himself and to the community that he i s needed, you cannot quite see where you w i l l be needed in society. You feel completely inadequate. I've been lucky. I've got two years experience. I've got new friends and I have found people can like me for myself. I guess this has helped me the most\". The third area that seems to cause trouble for the parolee and this i s a unanimous opinion of the parolees interviewed, i s they cannot see why they should not have contact with fellow inmates struggling with the same problems as they. Moreover, as one parolee claims \"When you have been in intimate contact with a number of men over many years while in prison, when you know everything about eachother, how in the h e l l can you say to him, 'I can't be seen associating with you as you are an undesirable character'?\" It seems to be the general consensus that i f a man i s going to go straight, contact with criminal companions i s not going to alter things, especially i f he i s getting good supervision and help. Another parolee declared \"What a guy needs i s someone to talk to, somebody to li s t e n to you who i s interested in you not because i t i s his job but because you are a human being. It would give you a new per-spective. A guy needs a buddy and companion real bad who w i l l be around whenever he i s needed\". This need for companionship -74-was quite apparent when I was interviewing the parolees, especially the parolees who had no family to return to upon t h e i r release from prison. The above problems were common to a l l the parolees interviewed but most of them also mentioned a number of others. One area of concern i s that the parolee can see no reason to report to more than one parole supervisor. Although they state that they f e e l nothing toward the p o l i c e , the majority f e e l that reporting to the police every week i s degrading and upsetting even though the police treat them very w e l l . Reporting to the police serves l i t t l e value as far as r e h a b i l i t a t i o n i s concerned, and t h i s i s quite apparent i n the very way the parolee speaks of police supervision. Another subject that was brought up by the only homeless parolee interviewed was that a single man, when released from prison, often has no home to go t o . What i s needed, according to t h i s parolee, i s some system of hostels through-out the country where the parolee can reside u n t i l he can \"make i t on h i s own\". These homes should be located across Canada for i t i s t h i s parolee f s opinion also that to have any chance at r e h a b i l i t a t i o n the parolee must get away from the area where he committed h i s crime. To quote one of the parolees interviewed, \"Once the parolee has got a star t and i s backed up with r e a l understanding and help, he w i l l go str a i g h t \" . -75-Question A. When r e l e a s e d what mental p i c t u r e o f y o u r s e l f d i d you have? The answers t o t h i s q u e s t i o n , although g i v e n i n v a r i o u s ways, may be summarized as f o l l o w s . The p a r o l e e , s s e l f image i s n e g a t i v e . He f e e l s he i s o f l i t t l e v a l u e t o h i m s e l f or t o the community. He has no s p i r i t u a l or m a t e r i a l v a l u e , and i s branded and unwanted. One p a r o l e e remarked, \"When I came out o f p r i s o n I f e l t v e r y s m a l l . You come from a low c l a s s of s o c i e t y ( j a i l ) and are expected t o immediately s t a r t l i v i n g i n a h i g h e r c l a s s o f s o c i e t y ( f r e e community). You don't know what lonesome i s u n t i l you have t o t r y , you get so f r u s t r a t e d you j u s t want to s i t down and c r y l i k e a baby\". I t i s apparent t h a t these men are l i k e l o s t men, not knowing which way t o go nor how even t o s t a r t . Most p a r o l e e s d e c l a r e d t h a t any f l a t -t e r i n g n o t i o n t h e y may have o f themselves i s soon l o s t i n p r i s o n . They had to accept the p r i s o n s o c i e t y f o r t h e i r own p h y s i c a l and mental p r o t e c t i o n . Question 5 . Do the ma.jority o f your f r i e n d s have c r i m i n a l back- grounds? The m a j o r i t y o f t h e p a r o l e e s i n t e r v i e w e d s t a t e d t h a t they have f r i e n d s who have c r i m i n a l backgrounds but have managed t o go s t r a i g h t . However, most newly a c q u i r e d f r i e n d s have no c r i m i n a l r e c o r d s . From the g e n e r a l t a l k i t appears t h a t most p a r o l e e s have d i f f i c u l t i e s i n s t a y i n g away from men who knew them i n p r i s o n . As one p a r o l e e s a i d , \" I bump i n t o so many guys I knew i n p r i s o n . You know him w e l l e s p e c i a l l y i f he was a c e l l mate and you. n a t u r a l l y want t o t a l k t o him and -76-have a cup of coffee but that i s about a l l . I f he i s s t i l l involved i n crime, seeing him and the way he i s just makes you a i l the more sure that you don't want to go back to that kind of life™. A l l the parolees f e e l that t h i s i s a r e a l problem and no matter what c i t y they may go to, sooner or l a t e r they are going to meet some fellow who was i n prison witn them. Further, f i v e of the parolees interviewed suggested that supervised group meetings of men faced with the same kind of problems would probably be of help as they could discuss the troubles they were having and how they were t r y i n g to handle them. Also, although not mentioned, but d e f i n i t e l y implied, was the fact that by t h i s method the parolee would f e e l that he belonged to a group that understood him and his problems and which was t r y i n g , l i k e himself, to overcome these d i f f i c u l t i e s . Knowing that these men were having the same d i f f i c u l t i e s and problems would be a method of helping t o boost h i s morale. A l l the parolees f e e l that any consistent contact with friends s t i l l a ctive i n crime would be disastrous f o r any parolee t r y i n g to go st r a i g h t . The temptations of big money and the pressures brought on the man would be just too much fo r him to cope with and would r e s u l t i n him getting mixed up i n some \"deal\" no matter how good h i s intentions or for that matter h i s parole supervision were. -77-Uuestion 6. What do you expect from your parole o f f i c e r ? The parolees interviewed were a l l of one opinion i n t h i s matter. A l l f e l t that what they wanted from a parole o f f i c e r most was that he be a buddy who was w i l l i n g to help at any time• Someone who w i l l l i s t e n and treat them l i k e normal human beings. One parolee states \"A parole o f f i c e r must be w i l l i n g to help you at any time. A f t e r a l l , you are learning a new l i f e , most of us don't even know how to do the simple things of everyday l i f e . This i s threatening and without a buddy who can help you get over these rough spots you are beat before you s t a r t \" . The parolees recognized that under the existing system parole o f f i c e r s cannot f u l f i l l t h i s r o l e because of the heavy caseloads and shortages of parole o f f i c e r s . Nevertheless a l l f e l t that there should be some program to supplement the parole o f f i c e r . One example was a \"big brother\" type of organization along the l i n e s of the B r i t i s h Columbia Bor s t a l Big Brother organization, or again, as one parolee f e e l s , \"Why can't people i n the community set up a program which w i l l allow an i n d i v i d u a l i n the community to take a parolee under t h e i r wing and help him to learn how to l i v e a new l i f e ? They expect us to give up some way of l i f e but don't give us anything to take i t s place. They hold up parole as a reward but when you get out, you haven't got a thing\". I t i s quite apparent that the parolees I interviewed f e l t that the parole o f f i c e r has to be a friend as well as an -78-authority f i g u r e . One parolee stated \"Parole o f f i c e r s should be more l i k e a f r i e n d and less l i k e a dutch uncle. Advice i s f i n e but what you need i s understanding and guidance\". More-over a number of parolees implied that having to report to more than one parole supervisor was confusing. Question 7. Do you f e e l that parole i s of any value? A l l the parolees but one professed that parole was of some value to them. The one parolee who f e l t parole was of l i t t l e or not any value to him was an older parolee and t h i s had been h i s f i r s t offense. He stated that he would not go back into crime whether he had a parole supervisor or not. He had made a mistake and had paid f o r i t and that was a l l there was to i t . The majority of parolees affirmed that one d e f i n i t e value parole has i s to get them out of prison and away from the prison atmosphere. A l l mentioned that parole had helped them by providing support and help which save them the strength to keep t r y i n g . One parolee declared, \"Parole forced me to accept f o r the f i r s t time i n my l i f e the r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of society. You have got to have help to cope with the change from crime to a law-abiding c i t i z e n and parole helps to provide the support you need\". An i n t e r e s t i n g point brought out was that the parolees believe that parole i s e s p e c i a l l y valuable f o r f i r s t offenders. It not only gets them away from where they met men who could be future criminal associates, but also, instead of l e t t i n g the - 7 9 -prisoner come out \"cold turkey\", where he can go and do as he pleases, provides supervision and help which i n most cases i s s u f f i c i e n t to ensure that the f i r s t offender w i l l never return to crime. Another i n t e r e s t i n g opinion brought out i n the interviews was that parole should be granted to certain selected offenders immediately a f t e r sentencing, rather than allowing them to go to prison i n an atmosphere of hopelessness and despair and learn a l l there i s to know about devient behavior. The present system of automatic imprisonment often makes i t a l l the harder for a man to return to society as a law-abiding c i t i z e n . Moreover i f a man i s paroled he should have more money than the usual twenty d o l l a r s that he i s released with since most men upon release \"blow\" t h i s money on a night out on the town and then are broke. The parolees f e e l that i f there were some funds available a f t e r t h e i r spree i t would help them not only to f e e l l i k e an independent person but i n many cases help buy the clothes and equipment they need to get a job. Too often the parolee i s i n the predicament of not being able to a f f o r d to go to work. A man with no money i n h i s pocket loses a l o t of s e l f respect. Another fa c t brought out i n these interviews, although only mentioned by three parolees, was that seven out of the eight had very l i t t l e formal education. The average l e v e l of schooling was between Grades VIII and X and i t cannot be said that the i n s t i t u t i o n s provide i n any s i g n i f i c a n t degree -80-the means for a man to obtain further formal education. A l l the parolees but one admitted that they were not adequately trained f o r jobs above the l e v e l of semi-skilled labour, and t h i s c e r t a i n l y held them back when tr y i n g to get work. There were other opinions and problems expressed i n the interviews but as they affected the respective men i n a personal manner or were founded on i n d i v i d u a l situations and circumstances and were not of a common nature to more than one man, I f e l t i t unnecessary to bring them into my summary. I have endeavor-ed therefore, to summarize as concisely as possible the problems which appeared to have general a p p l i c a t i o n and relevance. CHAPTER IV WHAT IS WRONG WITH OUR REHABILITATION PROGRAM? The Prison System Evidence indicates that the use of prisons as a punish-ment has f a i l e d i n deterring crime and thus f a r has done l i t t l e toward reforming the criminal. In fact one might r e a d i l y deduce that prisons do more to t r a i n and condition criminals for crime than r e h a b i l i t a t e them. There i s no question that In the majority of cases prison r e s u l t s i n neurosis, psychosis, perversion, moral and phys i c a l degeneration, f r u s t r a t i o n and aggression. It i s evident that prison i s an \"unnatural\" environment and prisoners* experiences i n the i n s t i t u t i o n strengthen t h e i r already deviant behavior patterns. In prison there i s no room f o r normal expression. The inmate i s t o l d \"When,\" \"How\" and \"Where,\" — i n fact he leads an i n f a n t i l e existence. His s e l f respect i s destroyed. He i s stripped of a l l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y except to conform to the custodial pattern. Of course, i t s t i l l remains true that the effe c t of prison w i l l depend on the in d i v i d u a l personality, but to expect the p r i n c i p a l effect of imprisonment to be r e h a b i l i t a t i o n i s both vain and f o o l i s h . The fact remains that f o r the majority of inmates, no matter how strong or stable they may be, the experience w i l l have an effec t on t h e i r mental health. -82-The opinions of the after-care leaders and parolees support t h i s gloomy view. Unfortunately no research has been conclusive i n showing what precise effects prison does have on i n d i v i d u a l s ; i n f a c t s o l i d information i n t h i s area i s marked by i t s absence. Nevertheless, i t i s becoming more and more apparent to corr e c t i o n a l and r e h a b i l i t a t i o n leaders i n Canada that prison i s not the answer to our crime problem. Mr. Fulton, the Minister of Justice, has himself given public utterance to the now f a m i l i a r tag that our aim should be to t r e a t the offender rather than the offense. I f t h i s then i s the goal we must consider most c a r e f u l l y and r e a l i s t i c a l l y the question: \"What i s the purpose of prison?\" Do we send individ u a l s to prison for or as punishment, or for treatment and r e h a b i l i t a t i o n ? We cannot continue to t o l e r a t e the i n -consistent and warring answers that are given to these questions at the present time. It i s a paradox to send a man to prison as punishment and expect to reform him. To reform means to improve, but we cannot improve a man by punishing him i f punishment i s conceived merely as causing i n j u r y to him. And though we cannot reform by kindness, we s t i l l can be humanitarian and decent i n our treatment of those types of p e r s o n a l i t i e s who i n r e a l i t y suffer from a disease whose symptom i s t h e i r c r i m i n a l i t y . Re-education i s e s s e n t i a l f o r the criminal, yet re-education under the best of conditions i s d i f f i c u l t . Under -83-our existing system i t i s v i r t u a l l y impossible. Our only conclusion as to the value of prison i s that i t removes unwanted ind i v i d u a l s from society for a s p e c i f i c period of time, and to t h i s extent our prisons have indeed been successful. Our present system does not pose a pretty picture and t h i s i s probably the reason the public refuses to view the picture i n i t s true l i g h t . They prefer to disbelieve that t h i s monstrosity we have created e x i s t s , and i n t h i s d i s b e l i e f they f i n d comfort f o r t h e i r apathy. I t i s a truism that the state of our prisons i s the state of our society's attitude to the offender. U n t i l the public r e a l i z e s that prisoners are people, sick people, and that they w i l l return to the community sooner or l a t e r , then and only then w i l l i t do something to change these conditions. The onus fo r informing and educating the public rests with the c o r r e c t i o n a l and r e h a b i l i t a t i o n people and u n t i l they are prepared to accept the challenge and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of such a charge we must become resigned to the existing system. I do not advocate the a o o l i t i o n of penal i n s t i t u t i o n s . I t would be f r i v o l o u s to believe that we as a society have reached the point where t h i s i s possible. We w i l l need prisons f o r a long time to come for the protection of society and the confinement of prisoners i f only because there are some in d i v i d u a l s wno cannot be helped with our present knowledge and s k i l l s . I do recommend however, that wherever possible - 8 V we attempt to develop humane alt e r n a t i v e s to incarceration which at the same time w i l l o f f e r adequate protection to society, and thus h a l t the growth of the useless system we have now. One solution would be the establishment of small i n -s t i t u t i o n s to meet the needs of s p e c i a l types of offenders. For example, i n s t i t u t i o n s f o r sex deviants, i n s t i t u t i o n s for mentally retarded and handicapped offenders, i n s t i t u t i o n s f o r f i r s t offenders, f o r e s t r y and farm camps for adults and youths, and so f o r t h . I f we must continue to i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e offenders then we must be prepared to have i n s t i t u t i o n s to meet t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r needs. The aim of these smaller i n s t i t u t i o n s would be to provide concentrated and intensive help to the i n d i v i d u a l i n order to return him to society as quickly as possible. Another innovation I believe would be of value, although viewed by many as r a d i c a l , would be that inmates be g a i n f u l l y employed and paid f u l l salary while i n prison. From the money paid to the prisoner, his room and board would be deducted, as also any sundry expenses. I f the inmate were married, a portion would be sent home to help support his family. Unemployment deductions could be made so that when released he would s t i l l have an income. This type of program would be b i t t e r l y opposed by unions and, to some extent, management, but I f e e l some plan could be arranged that would be acceptable -85-to both. This type of program would go a long way i n breaking down the over-dependency created i n prison. In addition i t would help the offender to keep or develop a healthy s e l f image as he would s t i l l f e e l he had r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s . Under our present system he i s completely stripped of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . It would also give him a chance to make reparation to the vict i m of his offence. The Parole System It i s becoming obvious that most offenders are not prepared f o r parole. Although the theory i s that an offender should be released from prison at the point when he has the most chance to succeed, there i s l i t t l e evidence to indicate when t h i s rather vague point of time occurs. The c r i t e r i a to determine when the offender i s psychologically ready to be discharged are even more d i f f i c u l t to i d e n t i f y . The parolees interviewed help to i l l u s t r a t e t h i s f a c t . They are discharged on parole f e e l i n g inadequate and frightened. They have feelings of r e j e c t i o n , of being unwanted and branded. Their estimate of t h e i r personal worth i s low. Contrary to public b e l i e f , i t i s at t h i s point that the i n d i v i d u a l starts treatment and not while he was i n prison. Here also we f i n d one of the chief d i f f i c u l t i e s of parole. The parolee i s an in d i v i d u a l who has been mentally and morally warped by his prison experience. This makes the job of r e h a b i l i t a t i o n more d i f f i c u l t and accounts f o r many of the f a i l u r e s that take place. -86-Furthermore, those offenders who are released on parole are the offenders \\fao have been chosen as the most l i k e l y to succeed and, a l l things being equal, would probably have gone straight i n any case with the minimum of support and help. I suspect that t h i s , as much as anything else, helps to account for the high degree of success parole has been able to maintain. However, t h i s s t i l l leaves the offender who has not been selected as a good r i s k for parole. Obviously t h i s i n d i v i d u a l has the more serious emotional and personality disturbance to overcome. It n a t u r a l l y follows that he would benefit most from the supervision and emotional support parole could o f f e r . Nevertheless t h i s i n d i v i d u a l seldom receives parole. He i s generally discharged i n f u l l at the completion of h i s sentence or i s placed on parole f o r r e l a t i v e l y short periods of time which would not provide adequate time for proper parole supervision. He i s l e f t to attempt to adjust to the community on h i s own. Our present system of selecting parolees i s i n e f f i c i e n t and u n r e a l i s t i c . The National Parole Board i s so f a r removed from the actual parolee and h i s problems that i t might as well be non-existent. They never see the parolee or speak to him and must r e l y on t h e i r regional representatives' reports and various agency reports i n order to make t h e i r f i n a l decision. Their power i s absolute. This might appear on the surface to be a reasonably sound method of se l e c t i n g an i n d i v i d u a l for parole but when one considers the volume of applicants whose -87-cases must be reviewed by merely one board i n a country the size of Canada, one can r e a d i l y see there i s neither s u f f i c i e n t time nor manpower a l l o t t e d to give each case f a i r and honest consideration. That the Parole Board should pretend to come to a reasonable decision without ever having personally talked to the man i s l i t t l e short of hypocrisy. It could only be compared to window dressing, as t h i s i s pr e c i s e l y what i t amounts t o . It would be more p r a c t i c a l and r e a l i s t i c to have parole boards established i n each province which would interview the parolees themselves and then, aided by the various agency reports, make t h e i r decision. Furthermore, the parole board should be composed of trained men and women who are aware of and understand the problems that w i l l confront the parolee. In addition, the parole board should be composed of members who w i l l devote f u l l time to parole work and be s u f f i c i e n t l y well paid as to a t t r a c t men and women of high character and a b i l i t y . Another glaring gap i n our parole system which i s c l e a r l y indicated by the after-care leaders interviewed and i l l u s t r a t e d v i v i d l y by our eight parolees i s the lack of pre-parole i n s t i t u t i o n s to help prepare the parolee for his return to society i n a gradual and controlled manner rather than subject him to the traumatic experience of moving from prison to the community i n one step. These i n s t i t u t i o n s would allow the prisoner to work i n the community and l i v e outside the prison -88-walls in small establishments for periods ranging from six to twelve months before release. Moreover, the lack of formal education, as well as skilled training, on the part of the parolees i s evident and i s clearly-supported by the interviews that are reported in Chapter III. Formal educational institutions should be part of the overall parole program as well as the prison program. This type of institution would be available for those prisoners who have the intellectual capacity to benefit from a full-time course. Moreover, such an institution would allow for the concentration of teachers and allow for the transfer of those inmates who could benefit from an intensive course. Again r e a l i s t i c apprentice training programs should be established to prepare the parolee for satisfactory and remunerative employment. This type of program could be worked out in conjunction with representatives of labor and management. To say that l i t t l e can be done for the parolee in the employment fie l d because of the existing economic and labor situation, although true in part, i s negative and evasive. We must continue to plan and prepare for the future. If we are not prepared to do this then we can never hope to improve the parolee's position i n the labor market, especially in our society where the emphasis i s on continued specialization and technology. -89-To speak of the lack of funds and the lack of professional-l y trained personnel i n parole may be a n t i - c l i m a c t i c at t h i s point. Nevertheless i t i s a serious problem i n our parole system that has far-reaching i affects on the parolee. It would not be d i f f i c u l t to v i s u a l i z e the e f f e c t s on the parolee of an incompetent parole o f f i c e r . A parole o f f i c e r must have appropriate professional q u a l i f i c a t i o n s . He must have the a b i l i t y to understand and carry out the work of treatment i n the l i g h t of current psychological and s o c i o l o g i c a l theory. In b r i e f , he must have professional t r a i n i n g i n order to deal with the highly complex problems of the parolee and help him overcome these problems. Mediocracy and incompetence, no matter how well meaning the parole o f f i c e r may be, have no place i n a parole system. Closely a l l i e d with t h i s i s the matter of s a l a r i e s . Salaries must be s u f f i c i e n t to a t t r a c t the people of the highest c a l i b r e . Further, there must be economic provision made to h i r e the necessary number of workers to do the job e f f e c t i v e l y and e f f i c i e n t l y . There i s no doubt that parole without proper and adequate supervision i s a mockery of parole p r i n c i p l e s . The i n i t i a l c a p i t a l outlay to provide for a t t r a c t i v e s a l a r i e s , proper f a c i l i t i e s and programs with which to a t t r a c t q u a l i f i e d personnel and to inaugurate a proper r e h a b i l i t a t i o n - 9 0 -program would be extremely high. However, over the long run i t would r e s u l t i n tremendous savings as compared with the present system. U n t i l a l l l e v e l s of government and the public i n general are w i l l i n g to provide the monies needed to do an adequate job, we w i l l continue to multiply our problems. It i s my personal view that i t would be an error to believe that i t i s up to the public and government to make the f i r s t move. The move must come from the r e h a b i l i t a t i o n people themselves. They must be prepared to prove to a l l that parole has value, that i t i s worthwhile. And they must be able to produce the f a c t s , properly supported by research, to convince the public that t h e i r work has a v i t a l place i n c o r r e c t i o n a l services. Another obstacle i n our present system i s the necessity that the parolee must not only report to his parole supervisor but also to the l o c a l p o l i c e as often as the o f f i c e r i n charge sees f i t . This requirement i s extremely d i f f i c u l t f o r the parolee emotionally and also creates a great deal of inconvenience for him. Further t h i s requirement does l i t t l e toward r e h a b i l i t a -t i o n and merely serves as a method for the p o l i c e to keep track of discharged offenders. There are no r e a l i s t i c grounds f o r continued surveillance by the p o l i c e once the parolee has registered with them. It would be more p r a c t i c a l and less traumatic i f the p o l i c e were out of the picture completely and i f any reports they might require on the parolee be -91-obtained from the parole supervisor by the simple expedient of a telephone c a l l . The present system i s an example of the archaic attitude of the law enforcement agencies toward parole. Many of the problems of the parolee could be a l l e v i a t e d i f there was a r e a l i s t i c pre-release program. The obstacles of reintegration into community and family could be greatly reduced i f a program could be devised so as to allow f o r maximum contact with the family and the community while the offender i s s t i l l i n prison. Family conjugal v i s i t s of the kind found i n certain South American countries might well prove us e f u l too. As the man i s nearing his release on parole, supervised home v i s i t s would help to solve the problem of strangeness that exists between the partners a f t e r long periods of incarceration. Moreover t h i s would reduce the tendency toward dependency on the part of the parolee as he would be alerted to his r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s to his family and the community. Small pre-release i n s t i t u t i o n s as recommended e a r l i e r i n t h i s study, would help immeasurably i n as s i s t i n g the parolee to r e h a b i l i t a t e successfully. This type of i n s t i t u t i o n would be designed primarily for i n d i v i d u a l s who have no family to return t o . Nevertheless i t would provide f o r contact with the community and gradual release into society. Housing f a c i l i t i e s for parolees who have no home to go to would have d e f i n i t e value i n making them f e e l that they r e a l l y -92-belong to society. These f a c i l i t i e s could be modelled a f t e r the small number of B r i t i s h hostels which perform a similar function. These homes could be located i n the major c i t i e s across Canada and provide board and room at reasonable rates on a \"pay-as-you-are-able\" basis u n t i l such time as the parolee can obtain employment and afford his own upkeep. As the majority of parolees would prefer to pay t h e i r own way i t i s u n l i k e l y that these f a c i l i t i e s would be abused. Another obstacle that faces the parolee immediately on release from the i n s t i t u t i o n i s the lack o f s u f f i c i e n t funds. The opinions of the interviewed parolees and after-care leaders make i t clear that t h i s i s often an important f a c t o r . This problem could be solved i n various ways. The most p r a c t i c a l way i s to pay unemployment insurance for the offender while he i s i n the i n s t i t u t i o n so that upon release he could c o l l e c t benefits u n t i l he was g a i n f u l l y employed. Part of t h i s money could be obtained from the small amount of money that the offender i s paid for his work. An a l t e r n a t i v e would be the creation of a parolee credit bank on which he could borrow up to a c e r t a i n amount which he would have to pay back with interest i n a stipulated but f l e x i b l e period of time. This could be set up on the l i n e s of the popular credit unions. The parolee i s too often i n a p o s i t i o n where he cannot afford to go to work and his supervising agency cannot provide f i n a n c i a l assistance f o r him. The above suggestion would at least help to control the problem of lack of funds that faces the parolee -93-on his release. To be sure, some in d i v i d u a l s would abuse t h i s p r i v i l e g e . But I f e e l the p o s s i b i l i t i e s are greater that more would benefit from i t and would be less i n c l i n e d t o f i n d i t necessary to return to crime f o r a l i v e l i h o o d . The Public Attitude I t i s an undisputed fact that the success and the e f f e c t i v e -ness of parole rests to a large extent on the attitude of the p u b l i c . This claim i s c l e a r l y supported and i l l u s t r a t e d i n the summaries of interviews with after-care personnel and parolees. Reintegration into the community and into the family as well as the various s i t u a t i o n a l problems that occur as a result of the parolee's attempts to reform are d i r e c t l y r elated to society's attitude toward crime and the offender. In fact the public i s remarkably uninformed as to the problems of crime prevention and r e h a b i l i t a t i o n . The majority of c i t i z e n s do not r e a l i z e or attempt to contemplate the d i f f i c u l t i e s encountered by the parolee. It i s exceedingly d i f f i c u l t f o r the average c i t i z e n to v i s u a l i z e how confused and insecure the parolee i s . He cannot comprehend the parolee's seeming i n a b i l i t y to make decisions and perform the simplest tasks successfully. He cannot understand that t h i s i s often the r e s u l t of extended absence from the community and i s not aware of the detrimental effects such an absence can have on a man while incarcerated. There are many ways to educate and stimulate public attitudes to the problem of r e h a b i l i t a t i o n . However, I am -94- 1 convinced myself that the onus of public r e l a t i o n s l i e s on the c o r r e c t i o n a l and r e h a b i l i t a t i o n personnel. This requires a continuous and intensive public r e l a t i o n s program. After-care a u t h o r i t i e s should u t i l i z e the mass communications media. Good after-care and r e h a b i l i t a t i v e processes should be presented i n newsworthy fashion. This does not mean that we should cover up our f a i l u r e s or weaknesses f o r , on the contrary, a p o l i c y of frankness should be adhered to. In addition to using the mass communication channels, a program of public speaking should be followed which would reach groups and organizations of every kind and interpret the objectives and advantages of a f t e r — c a r e programs to these groups. Every after-care agency should p e r i o d i c a l l y publish and d i s t r i b u t e a report of i t s work to the public either i n the form of pamphlets or brochures. These publications would t e l l trenchantly the various phases of r e h a b i l i t a t i o n and the problems involved. Further, a concentrated e f f o r t of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n should be made to those other i n s t i t u t i o n s which are either related to or concerned with the o v e r a l l correctional f i e l d (courts, l e g i s l a t i v e committees, law enforcement agencies). I t i s up to -its advocates to interpret r e h a b i l i t a t i o n and a f t e r -care to these various groups who, because of lack of information, may often not understand the value of after-care to offenders. I believe that these objectives would help to make the public aware of and interested i n the problems of r e h a b i l i t a t i o n . Before we can expect r e h a b i l i t a t i o n to achieve the desired -95-goals we must convince the taxpayer who w i l l ultimately have to support the program. Without public goodwill we w i l l never be able to succeed. This means that the objectives and results of good after-care programs must constantly be kept before the public in order to build their confidence i n , understanding of and support for our program. Conclusion In conclusion, I believe that our goal of wanting a man who enters prison to leave our hands as a law-abiding member of the community i s a r e a l i s t i c one. However, as can be readily ascertained, the job of rehabilitation i s a tough, r e a l i s t i c one which w i l l require every bit of knowledge and s k i l l we can bring to i t . There i s no question that success in parole i s dependent on many facts of which we are f u l l y aware and over which we have entirely adequate powers of control. We tend to fool ourselves with the belief that our failure to change behavior i s due mainly either to ignorance or to circumstances which we are powerless to avert or alter, — of which one example would be the allegedly untreatable condition of the so-called psychopath. One obvious fact that we have often overlooked i s that after-care and parole seldom can rise above the level of the institutions to which we commit the offender and from which -96-we ultimately release him. Unfortunately our penal i n s t i t u -tions have l i t t l e or none of the elements which have a positi v e influence on the prisoner. Our i n s t i t u t i o n s do not provide opportunities for the offender to equip himself with s k i l l s and establish h i s own s e l f respect. Of course, there i s no doubt that we are making progress i n t h i s area, as i s c l e a r l y indicated by the trend away from maximum security to minimum custody i n s t i t u t i o n s and the development of t r a i n i n g programs f o r i n s t i t u t i o n a l personnel. But despite these improvements there i s no room for com-placency. We have f a i l e d i n the provi s i o n of r e a l i s t i c work programs. Diagnostic and treatment personnel are sadly lack-ing i n the majority of i n s t i t u t i o n s . Without p r o f e s s i o n a l l y trained personnel there i s l i t t l e chance of helping the offender during i n c a r c e r a t i o n resolve some of the problems he w i l l face upon discharge. The dismaying thing i s that although we have considerable knowledge of the ways our prisons can do a better r e h a b i l i t a t i v e job, we have not translated our knowledge into p r a c t i c a l l y e f f e c t i v e programs. It i s obvious that the job of r e h a b i l i t a t i o n i s not an easy one. It i s discouraging and often perplexing. We suffer from many gaps i n our knowledge, i n our f a c i l i t i e s and i n public support. We have sold ourselves a b i l l of goods but we are s t i l l haunted by doubts as to i t s r e a l value, with the re s u l t that we cannot s e l l others on the value of parole and -97-after-care. Research i n t h i s area i n Canada i s marked by-i t s absence. Parole terminology i s vague and nebulous and should be s i m p l i f i e d and c l a r i f i e d . Every after-care agency should maintain r e a l i s t i c s t a t i s t i c s which would lend them-selves to exact compilation and analysis. The challenge of crime control and r e h a b i l i t a t i o n has been given to us; the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y i s up to us to accept. It i s our basic r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to f i n d the answers and i n p a r t i c u l a r to answer the one simple question, Can we afford to f a i l ? Suggested Future Research Topics I t i s a revealing experience when reading the l i t e r a t u r e of parole and after-care to discover how many facts are only opinions and are not supported by research. In the f i e l d of corrections and r e h a b i l i t a t i o n the p o s s i b i l i t i e s f o r research topics are evidently unlimited, and we know roughly what types and areas of research would be of value. Yet i n t h i s f i e l d very l i t t l e research has been done, es p e c i a l l y as regards the methodology of parole supervision. I believe that t h i s i s due primarily to the fact that we have not as yet standardized our s t a t i s t i c s or our basic methods for c o l l e c t i n g f a c t s . U n t i l some move i s made i n t h i s d i r e c t i o n research i n t h i s f i e l d w i l l never acquire r e a l momentum. From t h i s present study certain research topics have suggested themselves which I believe should engage our early and close attention. 1. Carefully controlled studies are required of the actual -9S-effects of prison on the offender's morale and self image as compared with other offenders who have not had prison experience and are on probation. 2. These should be supplemented with studies of the various effects of g u i l t , shame, and a damaged self concept on the parolee who returns to his family in contrast to the parolee who has no one to turn to and no place to go. 3. Some assessment should be undertaken of the effects of the various visitors (wife, gir l f r i e n d , friends) on the offender, with special reference to the existing prison visiting f a c i l i t i e s . 4. It would be strategically useful for parole authorities to know what attitudes successful parolees have toward the offense for which they have served a prison term. Do they look upon their crime with contempt, do they attempt to suppress a l l thoughts of i t , or do they view i t with pride? 5. Finally I should like to recommend the establishment of a pilot project in a small community where we should be able to mobilize a l l the social services and institutions and co-ordinate them in a program of prevention and after-care. From the evaluation of such a project i t would be relatively easy to determine whether prevention and after-care are of value or not and more particularly (since the long range benefits of parole are scarcely in dispute at this point) i -99-i t would assist us in the identification of those factors, both personal and situational, which militate against or contribute to the discharged prisoner's success in finding his place among free and responsible men. -100-BIBLIOGRAPHY \"Across Canada.\" Canadian Welfare, vol. 34 no. 3 (September 1958), pp..138-140. American Prison Association, A Manual of Correctional Standards. New York, 1954. American Prison Association, Handbook on Pre-Release Preparation. New York, 1950. Bacon, Richard G. \"Service for the Short-Term Inmate.\" 1 American Prison Association, 1951, New York, pp. 291-299. Barnes, Elmer Harry and Teeters, Negley K. New Horizons- in Criminology. 3 ed., New Jersey, Prentice Hall Inc., 1959. Bell, Marjorie, ed. Parole in Principle and Practice. A Manual Report, New York. National Probation and Parole Association, 1957. Campbell, Kathleen. \"Prisoners 1 Aid Associations of Canada.\" Proceedings American Prison Association, 1952, New York, pp. 198-206. C an a d a: Report of a Committee Appointed to Inquire into the Principles and Procedures Followed in the Remission Service of the Department of Justice of Canada, Ottawa, 1956. Canada: Report of the Royal Commission Investigating the Penal System of Canada^ Ottawa, 1938. Cavan, Ruth S. and Zemans, Eugene S. \"Marital Relationships of Prisoners in Twenty-eight Countries.\" Reprinted from The Journal of Criminal Law, Criminology and Police Science, vol. 49 no. 2 (July - August 1958). Cozart, Reed. \"Policies and Procedures Concerned with Visits to Individual Inmates.\" American Prison Association, 1951, New York, pp. 286-290. Curran, James W. \"Rehabilitative Value of Prison Industries.\" Proceedings American Correctional Association, 1956, New York, pp. 55-57. Dienstein, William. Are You Guilty? Springfield, I l l i n o i s , Charles C. Thomas, 1954. Fulton, Hon. Davie. \"A New Deal for Criminals.\" Week-end Magazine, vol. 10 no. 49 (I960) Toronto. - 1 0 1 -Gurman, Isaac. \"Community Discrimination Against the Parolee.\"' Focus, vol. 3 2 no. 6 (November 1 9 5 3 ) pp. 163-168. Hannon, Murray. \"Stumbling Stones for Jaile r s . \" Proceedings American Correctional Association, 1 9 5 6 , New York, pp. 5 5 - 5 7 . Hannum, R. R. \"Employment Problems of Ex-Offenders.\" Focus, (November 1 9 5 4 ) , pp. 184-187. Harper, Joe C. \"Community Participation in the Prison Program.\" Proceedings American Correctional Association, 1 9 5 6 , PP. 3 3 - 3 6 . Hjalmarson, Glen. \"The Fear of Freedom.\" Maclean's, vol. 7 4 no. 3 , (February 1 1 , 1 9 6 1 ) , Toronto. Howard League for Penal Reform, Legal Disabilities of Ex- Prisoners. London, England, 1 9 5 1 . John Howard Society. Letter from inmate. March 1 9 6 1 . Keve, Paul. Prison, Probation or Parole. University of Minnesota Press, 1 9 5 4 . Kidman, John. The Canadian Prison. The Ryerson Press, Toronto, 1 9 4 7 . Lindner, Robert M. Stone Walls and Men. Odyssey Press, 1 9 4 6 , New York. Long, H. S. \"The First Hundred Days.\" Reappraising Crime Treatment. National Probation and Parole Association Yearbook, 1 9 5 3 , pp. 3 1 - 3 3 . McDivitt, C. B. \"Reintegration of the Offender in the Com-munity.\" Proceedings of the Annual Congress of Cor- rections , 1 9 4 9 , pp. 1 2 6 - 1 3 1 . Melecherak, John. Employment Problems of Former Offenders. 1 9 5 4 Master of Social Work Thesis, University of Toronto. Morris, Pauline. Prison After-Care: Charity or Public Responsibility? London, England. Fabian Research Series 218. Newman, Charles L. Sourcebook on Probation, Parole and Pardons. Springfield, I l l i n o i s , Charles C. Thomas (copyright 1 9 5 8 ) . Ohlin, Lloyd E. Selection for Parole: A Manual of Parole Prediction, New York, Russell Sage Foundation, 1 9 5 1 . - 1 0 2 -Oswald, Russell G. \"Community Discrimination Against the Parolee — a Second Look.\" Focus, vol. 33 no. 3 (May 1954) pp. 66-71. Reinhardt, James J. \"The Discharged Prisoner and the Com-munity.\" Federal Probation, vol. 21 no. 2 (June 1953), Washington, D.C. pp. 47 - 5 1 . Scudder, Kenyon J. Prisoners are People. Doubleday and Company, New York, 195 2. Shiner, E. V. \"The Return of the Married Offender to his Family.\" Proceedings of the Canadian Congress of Cor- rections. 1957, Montreal, pp. 60 - 7 0 . Stanley, T. G. \"Attracting Employer Interest in Parolees.\" Focus, vol. 29 no. 4 (July 1950), pp. 102-105. Sutherland, Edwin H. Principles of Criminology. Lippincott, Philadelphia, 1939T ( f i f t h edition). Sykes, Gresham M. The Society of Captives. Princeton University Press, New Jersey, 1958. Tappan, Paul W. Contemporary Correction. McGraw-Hill Book Co. Inc., New York, 1951. United Nations. Parole and After-Care. Department of Social Affairs, New York, 1954. Series ST/SOA/SD/4. United Nations. Pre-Release Treatment and After-Care as Well as Assistance to Dependents of Prisoners. Department of Economic and Social Affairs, New York, I960. Second United Nations Congress on the Prevention of Crime and the Treatment of Offenders (London, August I960). Series A/CONF.17/8/. Vedder, Clyde B., Koenig, Samuel., Clark, Robert E. Criminology. New York, Dryden Press, 2nd printing, 1955. Vedder, Clyde B. \"Public Attitudes That Handicap Prison Of-f i c i a l s . \" Proceedings American Prison Association, 1957, New York, pp. 237-245. "@en ; edm:hasType "Thesis/Dissertation"@en ; edm:isShownAt "10.14288/1.0106033"@en ; dcterms:language "eng"@en ; ns0:degreeDiscipline "Social Work"@en ; edm:provider "Vancouver : University of British Columbia Library"@en ; dcterms:publisher "University of British Columbia"@en ; dcterms:rights "For non-commercial purposes only, such as research, private study and education. Additional conditions apply, see Terms of Use https://open.library.ubc.ca/terms_of_use."@en ; ns0:scholarLevel "Graduate"@en ; dcterms:title "The parolee and his \"after-care\" problems : an exploratory study of conditions encountered by men on parole which impede the process of rehabilitation, with some applications to after-care agencies, British Columbia, 1961"@en ; dcterms:type "Text"@en ; ns0:identifierURI "http://hdl.handle.net/2429/39902"@en .