@prefix vivo: . @prefix edm: . @prefix ns0: . @prefix dcterms: . @prefix skos: . vivo:departmentOrSchool "Arts, Faculty of"@en, "Central, Eastern, and Northern European Studies, Department of"@en ; edm:dataProvider "DSpace"@en ; ns0:degreeCampus "UBCV"@en ; dcterms:creator "Radojicic, Dragutin"@en ; dcterms:issued "2011-10-26T19:30:17Z"@en, "1965"@en ; vivo:relatedDegree "Master of Arts - MA"@en ; ns0:degreeGrantor "University of British Columbia"@en ; dcterms:description """So far as is known the Serbian kinship system has not hitherto been fully explored. This thesis is an attempt to explain the intricacies and implications of the kinship terms. It is also an attempt to present the Serbian kinship system historically as well as contemporarily with the emphasis on the causes and consequences of social change. The kinship terminology is examined linguistically; the kinship system is examined anthropologically. In this respect the author finds an ideal meeting ground of the two disciplines. Throughout the thesis both disciplines are intermingled, being an integral part of each other. The terminology and system are examined from as many points of view as possible. The picture is given in toto without a value judgment. Besides presenting the kinship system as reflected in folk literature, the author also presents it in a less favourable light: the curses pertinent to the kin-terms are also mentioned. Consanguineal, affinal and ceremonial kin are given equal attention in this thesis, because they cannot be separated socio-culturally. Consanguineal kin-terms are the same regardless of the sex of the ego; affinal relatives have different terms depending on the sex of ego. Serbian kinship terminology is highly developed and indeed one of the most elaborate in existence. All Serbian kin-terms tend to be denotative. The kinship terms are developed equally for the ones that are not graphically represented as well as for those that are. There are 219 terms for 119 various kinship categories. For the relatives close to ego the number of synonyms is high, reaching a maximum of ten synonyms for the father. Because of the great number of synonyms the author has to introduce some new nomenclature: in this thesis, the STANDARD term is most conservative; the other terms are NON-STANDARD,"""@en ; edm:aggregatedCHO "https://circle.library.ubc.ca/rest/handle/2429/38328?expand=metadata"@en ; skos:note "THE SERBIAN KINSHIP SYSTEM AND ITS TERMINOLOGY by DRAGUTIN RADOJICIC B,A», U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1964 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n the Department of S l a v o n i c S t u d i e s Ue accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the r e q u i r e d s t andard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA A p r i l , 1965 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements f o r an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r reference and study. I f u r t h e r agree that per-m i s s i o n f o r extensive copying of t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s understood t h a t . c o p y i n g or p u b l i -c a t i o n of t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my w r i t t e n permission* Department of S l a v o n i c S t u d i e s The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, Vancouver 8, Canada Date A p r i l , 1965 ABSTRACT So far as is known the Serbian kinship system has not hitherto been f u l l y explored. This thesis is an attempt to explain-; the i n t r i c a c i e s and implications of the kinship terms. It i s also an attempt to present the Serbian kinship system h i s t o r i c a l l y as well as contemporarily with the emphasis on the causes and consequenc&e of s o c i a l change. The kinship terminology is examined l i n g u i s t i c a l l y ; the kinship system is examined anthropologically. In this respect the author finds an ideal meeting ground of the two d i s c i p l i n e s . Throughout the thesis both d i s c i p l i n e s are intermingled, being an integral part of each other,, The terminology and system are examined from as many paints of view as possihle. The picture is given in toto without a value judgment. Besides presenting the kinship system as r e f l e c t e d in folk l i t e r a t u r e , the author also presents i t in a less favourable l i g h t : the curses pertinent to the kin-terms are also mentioned, Consanguineal, a f f i n a l and ceremonial kin are given equal attention in this thesis, because the!y cannot be separated s o c i o - c u l t u r a l l y . Consanguineal kin-terms are the same regardless of the sex of the ego; a f f i n a l r e l a t i v e s have different terms depending on the sex of ego. Serbian kinship terminology i s highly developed and indeed one of the most elaborate in existence. A l l Serbian kin-terms tend to be denotative. The kinship terms are developed equally for the ones that are not graphically represented as well as for those that are. There are 219 terms for 119 various kinship categories. For the r e l a t i v e s close to ego the. number of synonyms is high, reaching a maximum of ten synonyms for the father. Because of the great number of synonyms the author has to introduce some new nomenclature: in this thesis, the STANDARD term is most conservative; the other terms are iMOIM-STANDARD, ACKNOWLEDGMENT I wish to express my profound g r a t i t u d e t o : Mr. A.ti]. Wainman, A s s o c i a t e P r o f e s s o r , my f a c u l t y a d v i s o r , without whose generous help and expert guidance t h i s t h e s i s wauld not have been p o s s i b l e ; Dr. C. Bryner, P r o f e s s o r , Chairman o f Graduate S t u d i e s , f o r h i s understanding and encouragement; Dr. D. D o r o t i c h and Mr, T. Posa, both A s s i s t a n t P r o f e s s o r s , f o r t h e i r v a l u a b l e s u g g e s t i o n s : - a l l of the Department of S l a v o n i c S t u d i e s at the U n i v p r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia; Mrs. S, Tezcan, f o r her competent i n f o r m a t i o n on T u r k i s h ; my informants, too numerous to be mentioned i n d i v i d u a l l y ; my wife Rada, who helped me during the p r e p a r a t i o n and w r i t i n g of the t h e s i s i n more ways than one. TABLE OF CONTENTS I n t r o d u n t i o n * 1 Rules nf Descent 2 C l a s s i f i c a t i n n of Kin-Terms 3 C r i t e r i a f o r a K i n s h i p Category , 6 Some S i g n i f i c a n t Aspects of the Se r b i a n Language P e r t i n e n t to the K i n s h i p Terminology 9 Kin Terms , 11 Ceremonial' K i n s h i p • Non-Kin 5 4 Zadruga 5 5 I n c e s t SO Ki n s h i p System as R e f l e c t e d i n the Fo l k L i t e r a t u r e 63 The Curses - 68 Fo r e i g n I n f l u e n c e on the S e r b i a n K i n s h i p Terminology and K i n s h i p System 70 B i b l i o g r a p h y 75 Appendix 78 LIST OF TABLES Male ego speaking Female ego speaking INTRODUCTION Although many a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l accounts on the Serbs have been w r i t t e n , there i s no s i n g l e complete work w r i t t e n on k i n s h i p . What the p o s s i b l e reason f o r t h i s may be i s very d i f f i c u l t to e x p l a i n . The f a c t remains tha t there has been no a n t h r o p o l o g i s t i n t e r e s t e d enough i n k i n s h i p problems to wr i t e on them. Therefore, t h i s t h e s i s i s not w r i t t e n as a l i t e r a r y c o m p i l a t i o n . The m a t e r i a l t h a t the t h e s i s c o n t a i n s i s based mainly an my per s o n a l o b s e r v a t i o n s , but cannot be e n t i r e l y l a b e l e d as \" f i e l d work\", because the o b s e r v a t i o n s have been made e x t e n s i v e l y over a p e r i o d of years, r a t h e r than i n t e n s i v e l y , and because they were made p r i o r to the ch o i c e of the t o p i c f o r the t h e s i s . Apart from general t h e o r e t i c a l works, the t h e s i s does not make use of any s p e c i f i c r e f e r e n c e work. In a d d i t i o n to p e r s o n a l r e c o l l e c t i o n , the author attempted to gather i n f o r m a t i o n from as many informants as p a s s i b l e . The q u e s t i o n n a i r e method af g a t h e r i n g i n f o r m a t i o n was abandoned at the very beginning. That system must, of n e c e s s i t y , be s t a t i s t i c a l and t r u t h f u l only f o r the i n f i n i t e s i m a l l y s m a l l s e c t i o n of the n a t i o n from whom i n f o r m a t i o n i s sought. The author i n s t e a d had i n f o r m a l i n t e r v i e w s with a number af informants. Where p e r s o n a l i n t e r v i e w was not p o s s i b l e , the informants were co n t a c t e d through correspondence, both i n S e r b i a and o u t s i d e . The author alone i s r e s -p o n s i b l e f o r the accuracy of the i n f o r m a t i o n c o n t a i n e d i n t h i s t h e s i s . RULES OF DESCENT The kin ties of any given individual extend into the infinite number of ascendants. No one is able to trace out his own fullyax An individual can trace his descent by one of four methods: patrilineal, matrilineal, bilateral or doubles, The descent rule in any particular society could fallow any one of the four methods, and therefore exclude the other three. In Serbian society the descent is definitely patrilineal in the sense that an individual 2 inherits the family name and Family tradition through the male line. The mother's side, in spite of this, is not entirely disregarded, as could be expected. Descent on the mother's side is also traced, While paternal kin are traced as far back as eight generations, maternal kin are never calculated back more than three generations. By the number of generations one can easily see where the stress lies, but it should also be noted that both sides are represented. Rather than call it double descent one would probably be closer to the truth if Serbian descent is called \"revised patrilineal\", Patri-local extended family of the Serbian type is coupled with the \"revised patrilineal\" descent. The Serbian kin group could be most closely identified as being a clan, being based both on common residence and genealogical descent. Patrician is an accurate description of the Serbian clam, insofar as the initial definition of a clan itself is appropriate. 1 Including dynastic genealogies, where the first known progenitor must be placed somewhere and therefore a limit set, 2 The main tradition is the family's biggest annual celebration of the patron saint - SLAUA or HRSND IME. CLASSIFICATION OF KIN TERMS ide s h a l l b r i e f l y examine each of the three ways of c l a s s i f y i n g k i n terms: 1. BY MOOE OF USE In S e r b i a n k i n s h i p terminology a l l the s u b d i v i s i o n s are r e p r e s e n t e d : a) TERM OF ADDRESS Used whem speaking d i r e c t l y to another person. I t i s f u r t h e r f a c i l i t a t e d by the use of v o c a t i v e . A person can use a k i n s h i p term when a d d r e s s i n g another person. b) TERM OF REFERENCE Speaking about the person t h a t i s not pr e s e n t , a speaker may use the k i n s h i p term. c) PERSONAL NAME A r e l a t i v e c o u l d be addressed with h i s p e r s o n a l name i n s t e a d of the k i n s h i p term. T h i s i s v a l i d f o r the ego's own gener a t i o n or f o r the descending g e n e r a t i o n s , but c o u l d not be used i n a d d r e s s i n g the member of the ascending g e n e r a t i o n . d) COMBINATION OF b + c A person c o u l d be addressed with the perso n a l name p l u s the term of r e f e r e n c e (Radin s t r i c ) . e) TEKNONYMY Teknonymy i s not s t r o n g l y e n f o rced among the S e r b s . I t i s uded mainly by c h i l d r e n i n referring to the parents of t h e i r playmates ( I v i n a mama), 2 . BY LINGUISTIC FORM S e r b i a n k i n s h i p terminology makes p r o v i s i o n f o r a l l three types of l i n g u i s t i c form: k a) ELEMENTARY TERM An elementary term i s a morphoneme\"3 which cannot be d i v i d e d i n t o s m a l l e r p a r t i c l e s t h a t r e t a i n t h e i r k i n s h i p meaning. One of the main i n t e n t i o n s of t h i s t h e s i s i s to demonstrate the p r e v a l e n c e o f elementary terms. T h i s task w i l l be done i n the chapter which d e a l s with the p a r t i c u l a r terms. b) DERIVATIVE TERM These are d e r i v a t i o n a l morphonemes which are made from at l e a s t two elements. One o f the elements must be an elementary k i n s h i p term,while the other may or may not be a morpho-neme s e m a n t i c a l l y charged with k i n r e l a t i o n s h i p . I t i s a l s o the i n t e n t i o n of t h i s t h e s i s to show the p a r t i c u l a r p l a c e t h a t d e r i v a t i v e terms have i n the S e r b i a n k i n s h i p terminology. I t w i l l be shown i n the examples t h a t d e r i v a t i v e terms i n S e r b i a n begin i n the t h i r d descending and t h i r d ascending g e n e r a t i o n , r a t h e r than i n the second. Thi s l e a v e s a t o t a l of f i v e g e nerations ( i n c l u d i n g ego's own) with e i t h e r an elementary term or d e s c r i p t i v e term. I t i s somewhat unusual to have a d e s c r i p t i v e term, r a t h e r than a d e r i v a t i v e term, a p p l i e d to a r e l a t i v e who i s c l o s e r to ego. The reason f o r t h i s metathesis w i l l be e x p l a i n e d l a t e r . c ) DESCRIPTIVE TERM T h i s i s g e n e r a l l y a device to d e s c r i b e anybody who i s not a primary r e l a t i v e . In S e r b i a n , a d e s c r i p t i v e term i s not needed f o r the primary r e l a t i v e s , or f o r the secondary, a f a i r number o f the t e r t i a r y and quatenary, and even some quinary r e l a t i v e s . In the m a j o r i t y of k i n s h i p systems d e r i v a t i v e terms apply more 3 Being a minimum meaning u n i t 8 U With one s i n g l e e x c e p t i o n , i n the second ascending g e n e r a t i o n only ( s t a r a m a j k a ) , 5 o f t e n a c c o r d i n g to the degree of d i s t a n c e from ego. Consequently, d e s c r i p t i v e terms apply to those tha t are even f u r t h e r removed from ego. The very r a r e e xeption to t h i s general r u l e i s found among the Serbs, as w i l l be shown. 3 , BY RANGE OF APPLICATION Serbs i n t h i s r e s p e c t a l s o have a somewhat unorthodox approach i n the r a t i o of two p o s s i b l e s e t s of terms: a) DENOTATIVE TERMS Serbs have t h i s type o f terms e x t r a o r d i n a r y l y w e l l developed. They are what c o u l d be l a b e l l e d as \"the only t r u e k i n terms\", and c e r t a i n l y the ones tha t are most p r e c i s e and unmistakeably p a r t i c u l a r , b) CLASSIFICATORY TERMS The S e r b i a n , l i k e any other kin-term system, employs some c l a s s i f i c a t o r y terms. I t i s of the utmost importance to compare the extent o f nomenclature i n c l a s s i f i c a t o r y terms as opposed to d e n o t a t i v e terms. Denotative terms by f a r outnumber the c l a s s i f i c a t o r y terms and support the assumption tha t S e r b i a n k i n s h i p terminology i s p r e c i s e ; p r e c i s i o n i s one o f i t s main f e a t u r e s . S CRITERIA FOR A KINSHIP CATEGORY The nine possible criteria in ascribing an individual to a kinship category, will be examined separately by each criterion: 1. GENERATION The biological fact of reproduction, and consequently of the succession of the generations, is taken very rigorously into account in the Serbian kinship terminology. No two persons belonging to the two different generations could be described by the same kin term. It is possible, however, that a woman can have a child older than a sibling. This relative age is completely disregarded and the kin term is ascribed with the due recognition of the person's generation to which he belongs socially and biolo-gically. If, for example, the nephew is older than his own uncle, the kin terms will apply regardless of the fact of such a drastic inversion in the actual age. Some kinship systems (Crow,Omaha) are capable of promoting or dropping in the kinship terms a particular relative, for one generation. Similar occurances among the Serbs will be discussed more fully in a separate division. 2 S SEX Serbs are culturally and socially very sex-conscious, while reciprocally they are very gender conscious in their language. The kinship terms are either masculine or feminine, giving a full recognition of the sex of the relative, A few neuter terms are applied only in the descending generation, notably for young children in their preadolescent years. Sex and gender for the Serbs are very closely related. Ideally speaking all animate nouns could have either a masculine or a feminine gender. The neuters are treated 7 more e x t e n s i v e l y elsewhere. The p e c u l i a r term BELA PCELA i s g r a m a t i c a l l y a feminine, but applied to the both sexes. 3. AFFINITY A f f i n i t y , as a c r i t e r i o n f o r a k i n s h i p category, i s c a r r i e d to an extreme. More elaborate treatment w i l l be given under the t o p i c of i n c e s t . A f f i n i t y i s c a r r i e d to such a length that male and female ego have an e n t i r e l y d i f f e r e n t set of terms f o r t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e a f f i n a l r e l a t i v e s . Those terms are also - denotative. k, CDLLATERALITY L i n e a l and c o l l a t e r a l terms are r i g o r o u s l y c o n s i s t e n t . Some merging between the two occurs i n the case of s i b l i n g s and cousins, but only i n a s u p e r f i c i a l manner. In the d i s c u s s i o n concerning cousins i t w i l l be noted that t h i s merging i s not a bona f i d e one. C o l l a t e r a l i t y i s f u l l y recognized also f o r cousins. 5 . BIFURCATION B i f u r c a t i o n i s recognized i n some cases and not i n others. One of the problems whieh t h i s t h e s i s would l i k e to s t a t e , but would not attempt to solve, i s that p e r t a i n i n g to b i f u r c a t i o n * A p a r t i c u l a r case i n point i s that of TETHA. The problem i s s t a t e d elsewhere i n t h i s paper. Here i s noted only the inconsistency of b i f u r c a t i o n i n the same generation, the one that immediately preceeds ego's own. 6. PDLARITY P o l a r i t y has always to meet the requirements of generation, sex d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , a f f i n i t y , c o l l a t e r a l i t y and b i f u r c a t i o n . I f a person i s i n the same generation, Df the same sex, a f f i n a l o n l y , 5 c o l l a t e r a l rather than l i n e a l , and the requirement 5 Never consanguineal. B of bifurcation is met, then the polarity can be ignored. Such is the case with 3ETRVA. The six criteria that have been discussed so far are designated as inherent distinctions. We have shown that every one of these was present in the formation of kinship terminology. The remaining three 'criteria that follow, therefore, for the sake of clarity could be designated as non-inherent distinctions. 7. RELATIVE AGE Strictly speaking the criterion of relative age is ignored in the Serbian kin-term system. In the chapter on siblings it will be shown, however, that this is not entirely true and that some provision is made for the relative age of the siblings. B. SPEAKER'S SEX The speaker's sex is completely ignored when applied to consanguineal relatives, and fully recognized when applied to the affinal ones. 9. DECEDEMCE This is the only criterion that is not recognized in the formation of the Serbian kin terms. The kin status of the deceased relative remains unaltered. Nevertheless, when referring to a deceased relative one is bound to say PDKOJNI^ (the late) plus a kin term or a personal name. The choice of kin or personal name would be followed in the same manner as it was observed during the deceased person's life. Instead of pokojni another expression is heard as often, and that is 3ADI\\il7 _ ^ n the literal translation -poor0 6 POKOJIMA for female,, 7 Feminine form is JADIMA. 9 SOME SIGNIFICANT ASPECTS OF THE SERBIAN LANGUAGE PERTINENT TO THE KINSHIP TERMINOLOGY In order better to understand the k i n s h i p terminology and also s u b t l e p r y s h o l o g i c a l i m p l i c a t i o n s , s e v e r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c features of the Serbian language, which play a very prominent part i n k i n s h i p terminology, should be mentioned: 1) The f i r s t of these c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s i s a great number of synonyms,, As i n every language ( i n c l u d i n g E n g l i s h ) the number of synonyms for a given t h i n g shows our a s s o c i a t i o n with that p a r t i c u l a r t h i n g . In other words, the more synonyms for the same t h i n g , the c l o s e r i s our a s s o c i a t i o n with i t . This can be c l e a r l y seen i n the enclosed t a b l e s ; c l o s e r r e l a t i v e s to ego have more synonyms, more remote ones prgres-s i v e l y fewer* 2) The second major c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the language i s i t s frequent use of diminutives. They are a l s o h e a v i l y grouped around ego. Diminutives are the best i n d i c a t i o n of f a m i l i a r i t y and a f f e c t i o n among r e l a t i v e s . 3) The majority of terms f o l l o w the same l i n g u i s t i c p a t t e r n : CDnsonant-vowel-consonant-vowel. This gives a pleasant melodic sound. The reason f o r these pleasant-sounding terms i s to be found i n Ibfoe great a f f e c t i o n e x i s t i n g among r e l a t i v e s . k) The voiced R i s a vowel, and not a consonant. Svekrva-:: i s t r i s y l l a b i c : sve/kr/va. The second part of the phrase po k r v i i s b i s y l l a b i c : po k r / v i . 5) The accent i n Serbian i s involved and probably the most d i f f i c u l t aspect of Serbian grammar. The accent i s not a dynamic, but a musical I D one. They are two short and two long, two falling and two rising for a total of four different accents: short-falling, short-rising, long-falling, long-rising. All four of them have different graphical representation. Ordinarily, the Serbian text is written without the accents. In situations where the forms are identical, but accents different, they may be written in order tD avoid any confusion. The accent for kin terminology is particularly important to .distin-guish nominative-vocative babo (father) from vocative babo (grand-mother) . 6) Feminine nouns have the nominative singular desinance -a. In the kinship terminology there are very few exceptions: mother (mater), WiSi (svas), daughter (kci, kcer, e'er, seer, sci). Very seldom the masculine nouns have the nominative singular desinance -a. In the kinship terminology they are: baja, bata, braca, deda, dedica, deka, v> V I I zetonja, pasa, prika, rodja, strika, taka, tata, tatica, teca, caca, uja, ujka, ujkica, cika, cica, sura. In addition to these all the derivatives of deda have the same desinance. y 7) Double vowel is pronounced twice: poocirru All spellings are in the Serbian language when kinship terminology is involved. The pronunciation is different from English pronunciation, We shall not give the terms in the international phonetic alphabet, since the pronunciation itself is not of primary importance far the consideration in this thesis. The language that is spoken in Serbia is known as Serbocroatian. Since some Croatian kinship terms differ from their Serbian counterparts, the name of the language is limited to Serbian. 11 KIN TERMS Th i s chapter w i l l examine i n some d e t a i l the k i n s h i p nomenclature. Terminology i s not m e c h a n i c a l l y d e v i s e d convenience, but has a very profound bearing upon the whole s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e , as the t h e s i s u i i l l attempt to show. K i n s h i p terminology, j u s t as behaviour p a t t e r n s , among the Serbs i s very e l a b o r a t e , indeed one of the most e l a b o r a t e i n e x i s t e n c e . Every, or almost every r e l a t i v e among the Serbs has h i s own d e s i g n a t i o n which he does not share with anyone e l s e . T h i s d e s i g n a t i o n i s always a term which c o n s i s t s of one s i n g l e word (some exceptions w i l l be d i s c u s s e d l a t e r ) . The a t t a c h e d t a b l e s are an e s s e n t i a l supplement f o r the treatment of terms. The t a b l e s themselves show at a glance that there i s more than one term f o r any p a r t i c u l a r r e l a t i v e , tdhere more than one term i s l i s t e d , they are a l l synonyms and c o u l d be taken a l t e r n a t i v e l y . In cases where more than one term i s shown, the f i r s t one i s the most c o n v e n t i o n a l . Each succeeding term i n the t a b l e i s arranged i n the order of i n c r e a s i n g a f f e c t i o n . Because o f t h i s m u l t i p l i c i t y the need i s shown f o r some arragement i n r e f e r e n c e to them. The author suggests that the f i r s t on the l i s t , which i s always the most c o n s e r v a t i v e one, be c a l l e d - STANDARD TERM. A l l the succeeding ones are t h e r e f o r e non-standard and would not have a s p e c i a l determinant of t h e i r own, a c c o r d i n g to the order i n which they appear. We s h a l l d i s c u s s them i n two main p a r t s . F i r s t the consanguineal r e l a t i v e s ' \" w i l l be our s u b j e c t , and then we s h a l l examine the a f f i n a l ones. T h i s w i l l have two main s u b d i v i s i o n s f o r the obvious reason t h a t the terms d i f f e r depending upon the speaker's sex. 1 2 CONSANBUINEAL RELATIVES They are independent of the speaker's sex as was a l r e a d y shown i n c r i t e r i o n Mo, B of the k i n s h i p c a t e g o r i e s . The terms w i l l be t r e a t e d s e p a r a t e l y * Some i n c o n s i s t e n c i e s w i l l be encountered i n the s u b t i t l e s : where the E n g l i s h term i s e q u i v a l e n t with the S e r b i a n one 7 the E n g l i s h i s g i v e n ; when the terms d i f f e r i n any given t r a i t the d e s c r i p t i o n i s given ( f o r example F a B r ) ; i f there i s no s i m i l a r i t y whatever, the S e r b i a n term i s given f o r a s u b t i t l e , MOTHER The standard term i s MAJHA. MATI a l s o . e x i s t s . MAMA i s the term most o f t e n employed by young c h i l d r e n , but c o u l d be used by her o f f s p r i n g s whatever the age they happen to be, MAMICA ms a d i m i n u t i v e o f t e n found i n the S e r b i a n language. The d i m i n u t i v e s are d i s c u s s e d i n a separate s e c t i o n . They show the g r e a t e s t a f f e c t i o n . MATER i s a form i d e n t i c a l to the L a t i n one, g and i n comparison with other languages there i s no doubt t h a t the term i s not a p a r t i c u l a r one belonging only to the S l a v s , or Serbs, but i s Indo-European, NANA i s a term th a t can be a p p l i e d to a mother, but a l s o to a grandmother. However, the person who uses the term a p p l i e s i t only to one o f the two and never interchanges them. The r e c o g n i t i o n of the g e n e r a t i o n i s given i n f u l l . KEVA i s one q o f the only two s l a n g words used i n the S e r b i a n k i n s h i p terminology, The assumption i s t h a t the o r i g i n of the term i s r e c e n t , and most B Russian, German, E n g l i s h , Dutch, B u l g a r i a n e t c . 9 Another one being c a l e - f a t h e r . 13 c e r t a i n l y , c h r o n o l o g i c a l l y the l a t e s t one. In the s o c i a l change that a f f e c t s k i n s h i p , the terminology change i s the l a s t one to occu r . The normal process of the change i s as f o l l o w s : f i r s t , the r u l e of r e s i d e n c e i s changed;: second, change i n the form of the extended f a m i l i e s ; t h i r d , change i n the form of the consanguineal k i n groups; f o u r t h and l a s t i s the change i n the k i n s h i p terminology which may or may not occur. I t may occur only on cbdBdition t h a t the p r e v i o u s three are f u l l y s a t i s f i e d * When the s o c i e t y changes from one r e l a t i v e l y s t a b l e e q u i l i b r i u m to another, the k i n s h i p terminology i s most c o n s e r v a t i v e s I t cannot compete with sex, marriage, the f a m i l y or community o r g a n i z a t i o n i n the speed by which the d i s e q u i l i b r i u m operates. The reader should n o t i c e t h a t i n the case of keva there i s no change i n the terminology, but r a t h e r a s u b t l e change of the meaning of t h a t term.*^ I n i t i a l l y a s l a n g word, i t i s g r a d u a l l y being accepted as a \"standard\" one. STARA - \"the o l d one\" has m i l d e r , yet s i m i l a r s l a n g q u a l i t i e s with keva. FATHER The standard term i s DTAC. TATA i s the term most o f t e n used by children,, R e d u p l i c a t i o n o f the s y l l a b l e i n d i c a t e s t h a t the p o s s i b l e o r i g i n i s probably i n baby t a l k 9 TATICA i s the d i m i n u t i v e of the above and i n c r e a s e s the a f f e c t i o n . CACA i s the p a l a t a l i z e d form of t a t a and i s used by th a t segment of the p o p u l a t i o n that does not use the term t a t a . Any 10 There i s no evidence t h a t keva has ever had a secondery meaning. individual is apt to be selective and to use only one of the two, but not both. The diminutive equivalent for caca does not exist* TATHD is used by Serbs along the Bulgarian border, and definitely is influenced by Bulgarian*** TAHA is the Serbian abbreviation of the preceding term,, BABO is the only term that is borrowed from Turkish,** It has three features that are discussed under separate topics: the question of the influence of the foreign terminology upon Serbian; the question of accent in the Serbian language, and finally the question of the nominative and vocative case in Serbian. One should notice that one of the terms for a grandmother is baba, whose vocative case is babo. For the father - babo, the nominative and vocative case are identical. Consequently, the vocative case for both a grandmother and a father - babo - is identical in form onlys The accent is normally not written in Serbian. The pronunciation is quite different and no one can have any doubt whom the reference is to, once the term is uttered. The vocative case is not only preferred, but indeed the only proper one and is always used when directly addressing a person. In direct address it is obvious who is the object of address. Those people who refer to the father as babo usually choose some other form of addressing the grandmother, and vice versa; those that use baba for the grandmother never refer to the father with the term babo. The Turkish form for the father is baba, but the accent differs from the Serbian one. BABAJHO is 11 Discussed separately under the heading: Foreign influence on the Serbian kinship terminology and kinship system. 15 the S e r b i a n m o d i f i c a t i o n of the T u r k i s h term baba. In the T u r k i s h language, however, there i s nothing s i m i l a r . STARI - \"the o l d one\" -i f used as a masculine noun i n the nominative s i n g u l a r , i s s i m i l a r i n i m p l i c a t i o n to the term s t a r a f o r the mother. BROTHER The standard term i s BRAT, The non-standard terms are BATA, BRACA, BAOA and BRALE. The f i r s t three are used to show a f f e c t i o n , but a l s o f o r another reason. D i s c u s s i n g the c r i t e r i a f o r the k i n s h i p category, i t was s a i d , under No. 7 t h a t r e l a t i v e age i s , s t r i c t l y speaking, ignored i n the S e r b i a n k i n s h i p terminology. However, when s i b l i n g s are i n v o l v e d , the e l d e s t s i b l i n g i s apt to be c a l l e d by the k i n term r a t h e r than being r e f e r r e d to by a personal name. The e l d e s t b r o t h e r , then, would be c a l l e d by one of the non-standard terms and never by the standard one. T h i s i s i n c o n f o r m i t y with the r u l e of primogeniture, th a t i s r e c o g n i z e d i n S e r b i a n s o c i a l l i f e . BRALE i s the term a p p l i e d to the b r o t h e r only i n e x c e p t i o n a l c i r c u m s t a n c e s . I t c o u l d be used as a r e f e r e n c e to a r e l a t i v e and sometimes i s used i n t h a t way e More o f t e n i t i s used to designate the non-kin brother, t h a t i s to say the brother by a s s o c i a t i o n , r a t h e r than the brother by c o n s a n g u i n i t y . Br a l e i s a term u s u a l l y employed by a person r e f e r r i n g to a younger one than h i m s e l f with whom he i s not w e l l acquainted. The d i m i n u t i v e f o r b r a t i s b r a t i c , but i t does not have the meaning o f a b r o t h e r , but of h i s son. In order to d i s t i n g u i s h the rebh brother from the other, i t i s customary to say R0D3ENI BRAT - \"the born b r o t h e r \" , i . e . the s i b l i n g , the c h i l d of the same pa r e n t s . 16 SISTER The s t a d d a r d term i s SESTRA. SEKA, SE3A and DAOA are non-standard terms t h a t are used i n r e f e r r i n g to the e l d e s t s i s t e r s i m i l a r to those mentioned f o r the b r o t h e r . P r i mogeniture i n the s o c i o - c u l t u r a l meaning i s a p p l i e d only to the males. K i n s h i p terminology r e c o g n i z e s primogeniture a l s o f o r the g i r i s . Dnly the e l d e s t one i s c a l l e d by the non-standard term, while a l l the succeeding ones, r e g a r d l e s s of t h e i r number, are c a l l e d by p e r s o n a l name. SESTRICA i s a d i m i n u t i v e and normally i s not employed as a term c o n s t a n t l y , but only s p o r a d i c a l l y . There i s a pronounced tendency to a b b r e v i a t e a term and, i n th a t way, show a f f e c t i o n . D i m i n u t i v e s , because of t h e i r desinences, are l o n g e r . That i s the reason why they are not f r e q u e n t l y employed i n the every-day speach, SDN The standard term i s SIN. SINKO and SINAK are the a l t e r n a t i v e s . These terms are not i n common use. The p e r s o n a l name, with u n l i m i t e d v a r i a t i o n s , p l u s complimentary nicknames are p r e f e r r e d . DAUGHTER Th i s i s a primary r e l a t i v e that d e f i e s our d i v i s i o n on standard and non-standard terms. I t i s not p o s s i b l e to decide which one i s the most c o n s e r v a t i v e . The reason l i e s i n the nature o f the morphology of the language. A d i s l i k e f o r the i n i t i a l c l u s t e r of KC r e s u l t e d i n t r u n c a t i o n of the i n i t i a l K, so that o r i g i n a l KCERKA 17 was modified to CERKA. By further elimination the term assumed the form of CER or, if original H is preserved, it would be KCER® Sometimes the initial K is replaced by S, so that the form is SCERe The alternate form is HCI and with the replacement of the initial V / consonant is SCI, Fa Br In the case of the parents' brothers the bifurcation appears. So, the father's brother is STRIC, with the affectionate forms STRIKO, STRIKA, STRICEK. CICA and CIKA are originally also the terms for the FaBr. Wow every person in the generation older than ego's is cika. It is of interest to note that this form of respect for the elders assumes the form of the FaBr and never of the MoBr (ujak). If speculation has its place here, then the reason for this v could be sought in the principle of patrilineal descent. CIKO is the alternative form for cika and is discussed under the general topic of the vocative. MoBr Bifurcation is fully operating and not one of the combined number of thirteen terms for MoBr and FaBr is identical. Beside the standard term UJAK and the diminutive UJKICA, also the two other forms exist: UJKA and UJA. The alternatives for the last two are UJKO and UJO following the general rule that is stated elsewhere in this paper. 12 Which term is chronologically older, cerka or kcerka, is not possible to state with certainty. 18 FaSi and MoSi Bifurcation, when concerning sisters of the parents, ceases to exist. This inequality in the kinship terms cannot be explained otherwise than culturally and historically. MoBr enjoyed a different status than FaBr and hence the difference in the term. The parents' sisters, Dn the other hand, were not significantly differentiated and, consequently, we have a merging of the two owing to the principle of immateriality. The two are functionally unimportant and, consequently, a sufficient basis for their differentiation is lacking. FaSiHu and MoSiHu The terms are merged again as was described in the preceding paragraph™ They both are associated with the ego's family through marriage with the ego's consanguineal relatives. Because of this they are similar in the kinship terms with their wives who aifecGloser V to ego. The terms of TECA or TETAH are geographically distributed^ with the western part of Serbia favouring the latter. The fact that they are of the favoured male sex is overruled by the faift that they are related to ego through the females, where differentiation is less rigidly enforced. FaBrWi The term for FaBrtdi is STRUMA. There is a striking similarity to the term for her husband (FaBr). MoBrldi The term for MoBrWi is UJIMA. Again we see the similarity in the term with her husband (MoBr). Strina and ujna are both females 19 and have the same distance from ego as have t h e i r male counterparts -teca. Yet they are t e r m i n o l o g i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t i a t e d , while paternal and maternal SiHu are not. The explanation f o r t h i s occurrence may be sought i n the same general r u l e , as the explanation f o r FaSiHu and MoSiHu. The sex of the r e l a t i v e i s not as important as the sex of the connecting r e l a t i v e . In both cases the sex of the connecting r e l a t i v e i s male and therefore t h e i r wives are e n t i t l e d to the separate terms. COUSIN Of the s i x types described i n l i t e r a t u r e f o r the cousin term]\"^ Serbian cousin terms are most s i m i l a r to the s o - c a l l e d Hawaiian type, but by no means i d e n t i c a l . In the Hawaiian cousin terminology a l l cross and p a r a l l e l cousins are c a l l e d by the same terms as those used f o r the s i b l i n g s . The author f e e l s that the only j u s t i c e to the Serbian cousin k i n terms would be to name them \"Serbian type\". However, i t would create a seventh d i s t i n c t category, which probably could not be j u s t i f i e d , at l e a s t unless s e v e r a l Dther e t h n i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t k i n s h i p terminologies are employing the same type. The i n t e n t i o n of t h i s paper i s to s t q t e f a c t s and not to co n t r i b u t e to the general a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l nomenclature. Taking a l l t h i s i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n , and avoiding the p o s s i b l e accusation of ethnocentrism, the author must emphatically s t a t e that Serbian cousin 13 Eskimo, Hawaiian, I r o q u a i s , Sudanese, Omaha, Crow. One should bear i n mind that E n g l i s h cousin-terms are of the \"Eskimo\" type. I t i s a l s o noteworthy to s t a t e that the E n g l i s h k i n s h i p terminology i n general i s of the Eskimo type. 20 kin-terms are not of the Hawaiian type, but \"quasi-Hawaiian\", Cross-cousins and parallel-cousins have exactly the same status. In the same generation with ego we see the same terminology, hence we may expect and indeed find the same pattern of behaviour. \"Persons toward whom ego behaves in the same manner he will call by the same termj ... persons to whom ego behaves in a different manner he will call by different terms\",(S. Tax 1937: 20-1) Ego acts toward all relatives in his age group (both male and female) as toward his siblings. There is no such a thing as a cross-cousin joking relationship or avoidance, as is observed in other societies* Cousins are called by the same term as siblings-for the sake of simplicity in everyday speach. In the discussion of the siblings it was stated that when ego wants to be precise, without leaving any doubt as to his connection to the siblings, he employs the additional phrase rodjeni. Similarly, when precision is required for cousins one has to mention the connecting relatives. The parent of the cousin is always mentioned and that is always the one that is the ego's parents' sibling regardless of the sex. In referring to the cousin then, the male is mentioned twice (FaBr, MoBr) and the female twice (FaSi and MoSi). Theoretically, then, there are eight possibilities. Ue have already shown that the terms for the FaSi and MoSi are merged, and consequently the number of cousin terms must be reduced by two, so that the total number is six. They are: BRAT 00 STRICA, SESTRA 00 STRICA, BRAT 00 UJAKA, SESTRA 00 UJAKA, BRAT 00 TETHE, SESTRA 00 TETHE. For the first four the terms are denotative. For the last two each term applies to the two cousins: 21 MoSiCh and FaSiCh. T h i s i n c o n s i s t e n c y conforms to the terms of the p a r e n t s 1 s i b l i n g s a l r e a d y e x p l a i n e d . The a l t e i m a t e forms a r e : bra t od s t r i c a = STRICEVIC; brat od ujaka = UJEVIC; b r a t od tetke = TETKIC. FaFa and MoFa In the second ascending generation from ego b i f u r c a t i o n ceases to e x i s t . The standard term i s DEDA, The a f f e c t i o n a t e form i s DEHA or DEDICA. To d i f f e r e n t i a t e deda from h i s b r o t h e r s , he i s c a l l e d RODJENI DEDA, FaMo and MoMo The standard term i s BABA. The a l t e r n a t i v e i s BAKA. STARAMAJKA i s the only d e r i v a t i v e 14 term found i n a t o t a l of f i v e generations i n c l u d i n g ego's own, IMAKA and the m o d i f i c a t i o n of naka - NANA, are of p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r e s t * 'When the terms f o r mother were d i s c u s s e d , the term nana aas mentioned. I t must be repeated t h a t the segment of the p o p u l a t i o n t h a t uses the term nana f o r grandmother never uses the same term f o r mother. The gener a t i o n c r i t e r i o n i n c r e a t i n g the k i n terms i s a r u l e without a s i n g l e standard e x c e p t i o n . In the ge n e r a t i o n of ego's grandparents, b i f u r c a t i o n ceases to e x i s t . I t i s r e c o g n i z a b l e only i n the g e n e r a t i o n which preceds h i s own, and that which f o l l o w s h i s own, making up a t o t a l of two g e n e r a t i o n s . Ego's own ge n e r a t i o n i s not i n c l u d e d i n t h i s . 14 Non-standard. 22 FaFaFa and MoFaFa 15 T h i s i s the f i r s t g e n e r a t i o n that employs compound terms* The term f o r great-grandparents i s a compound word, c o n s i s t i n g of the term f o r granparents and the p r e f i x PRA- which means p r e -or b e f ore. The term i s PRADEDA. FaFaFaFa The next o l d e r g e n e r a t i o n uses the same stem as the grand-v parents, but adds a d i f f e r e n t p r e f i x . T h i s time i t i s CUKUIM and the term i s CUKUIMDEDA. FaFaFaFaFa A s u r p r i s e awaits i n the ge n e r a t i o n which precedes the former,. Here the p r e f i x cukun i s d i s r e g a r d e d and the term comes back to the p r e f i x pra, which was i n the t h i r d g e n e r a t i o n from ego. Th i s time ( f i f t h g e n e r a t i o n before ego) the p r e f i x pra i s used again, but now i t i s r e d u p l i c a t e d . In the f i f t h g e n e r a t i o n removed from ego there i s the r e d u p l i c a t i o n of the p r e f i x f o r the f i r s t time. For the sake of comparison i t should be noted tha t the E n g l i s h e q u i v a l e n t i s g r e a t - g r e a t - g r e a t - g r a n d f a t h e r ; thus t r i p l e r e d u p l i c a t i o n where the S e r b i a n has the f i r s t one. The term f o r the male i n the f i f t h g e n e r a t i o n l e v e l before ego i s PRA-PRADEOA. I t i s necessary to e x p l a i n t h i s i n order to show how one can form an u n l i m i t e d number of terms f o r many gen e r a t i o n s which precedes ego's own. For each 15 In E n g l i s h the f i r s t g e n e r a t i o n next to ego have compounds. 23 p r e c e d i n g g e n e r a t i o n another pra i s added; thus the male i n the s i x t h g e n e r a t i o n before ego i s PRA-PRA-PRADEDA and i n t h a t f a s h i o n i t c o u l d be c a r r i e d on f o r a t h e o r e t i c a l l y u n l i m i t e d number o f gene-r a t i o n s . T h i s i s very important f o r an i l l i t e r a t e s o c i e t y which had a very h i g h l y developed o r a l l i t e r a t u r e . The t r a d i t i o n of s t o r i e s about heroes i n b a t t l e s a g a i n s t the enemy (the Turks) was h i g h l y developed and extremely e l a b o r a t e . Ego knew e x a c t l y to which gene-r a t i o n h i s p r o g e n i t o r belonged. T h i s was not important f o r a c h i e v i n g p e r s o n a l s o c i a l s t a t u s or as a c l a i m to a c e r t a i n i n h e r i t e d r i g h t s ; i t was merely an account of events, which h e l d the i n t e r e s t of the whole s o c i e t y and were somewhere on the b o r d e r l i n e between legend and h i s t o r y . A c u r i o u s phenomenon i s observed. With the i n t r o d u c t i o n o f l i t e r a c y on a l a r g e s c a l e and the d e s i n t e g r a t i o n o f the zadruga, the average person knows l e s s and l e s s about h i s f o r e f a t h e r s . The number of pr e c e d i n g g e n e r a t i o n s t h a t he i s aware of, and i n t e r e s t e d i n , i s d i m i n i s h i n g , Whether t h i s i s an occurrence o f a p o s i t i v e or negative value we s h a l l not judge, I t i s worth n o t i n g , however, that the r e l a t i o n s h i p changed not only among l i v i n g persons, but the a t t i t u d e toward the dead p r o g e n i t o r s was a l s o s u b j e c t to modi-f i c a t i o n . BrSo While the d i m i n u t i v e s f o r some other k i n terms are s t i l l the d e s i g n a t i o n of the same r e l a t i o n , the d i m i n u t i v e of the brat -BRATIC means a b r o t h e r ' s son, not the brother h i m s e l f . The connota-t i o n of \" l i t t l e b r o t h e r \" i s a p p r o p r i a t e f o r the b r o t h e r ' s male o f f s p r i n g . BRATAIMAC, BRATUCEO, BRATUCE and BRATUCIC are v a r i a n t s . 2k SINOVAC has in origin some similarities to bratic. The standard term for son is sin, and it is obvious that sinovac is derivative, although not a diminutive. It is a denotative term applied only to the BrSo, Both terms bratic' and sinovac are a demonstration of the preferential treatment of the trio: brother, son and BrSo. BrDa Linguistically and socio-culturally the same applies to the BrDa as was said for her sibling. The terms BRATICIIMA and BRATANIGA are derivatives of brat. However, the term SINOVICA requires some clarification. It is said that her sibling - sinovac, has a derivational term from sin, and that he is considered like a \"little son\", not \"rodjeni sin\". The BrSo's status is close to the status of one's Dwn offspring, but still not identical. One would normally expect that the term for the BrDa should be a derivative form from the term for daughters Such is not the case. Sinovica is the feminine form of the masculine sinovac, disregarding the initial gender, or rather sex. In the term itself sex is still duly credited, but the circumlocution through which the term is derived is rather involved, SiSo i SESTRIC is a derivative from sestra. The alternate form is NECAK. SiDa v f SESTRICINA and NECAKINJA occur approximately in equal frequencies. 25 SiHu DaHu HuSiHu The terms for the three relatives are merged in ZET, Alternative ZETDNJA is augmentative, but it is meant as good-natured humor. Those that use this alternative are well meaning, and the term has achieved that connotation. If a person wants to use the derogatory term, then he would never use a kin-term, but would be forced to seek it outside the kinship terminology. Of all the Serbian kin terms there is no single one which would have a definite uncom-plimentary meaning. Svekrva and tasta can be close to it, but the implication is not definite. SOGOR is discussed elsewhere,, Beside the three relatives merged in zet, sogor is classificatory term for the three others, making a total of six. BruJi So'LOi SIMAJA is the female equivalent of the male zet. The reader will notice that the term is relevant only to the two relatives, while zet is relevant to three. Here lies one of the problems which will be stated, but the author has no hypothesis for its solution. The problem will be stated in the section on the affinal relatives, SOGDRICA is an adaptation of the male sogor according to the genius of the Serbian language, utterly disregarding its original language and original form. More on that problem will be mentioned in the separate section of foreign influences. Sogorica is classificatory term for the six relatives, the same as a male counterpart - sogor, btiit sogorica competes with Serbian snaja for only two relatives, 16 For the female ego speaking. 26 while sogor is compared with Serbian zet for three relatives. Alter-natives are SNAJKA, SNAHA and SNA. SNASA is primarely a kin-term, but it has assumed a specific meaning. It is usually a term 17 of address for the young, married peasant woman. To narrow down the classificatory term snaja her husband is mentioned, for example SNA ZA SINOUCEM, SoSo DaSo The standard term is UNUK. A diminutive (UNUCE), which happens to be neuter in gender, could be used alternatively for SoSo,DaSo and for the SoDa,DaDa, The more common use is for SoSo or DaSo. SoDa DaOa The standard term is UNUKA. The diminutive is UNUCICA. PRAUNUK and CUKUNUNUK conform to the general rule that have been laid down for the corresponding generations on the ascending line. To recite them would be a repetition. A clear indication of them is found in the table. 17 The middle aged one is addressed as strina, while the older one is baka. It is of interest to note that inhabitants of the cities for the middle aged women use the term tetka or teta (MoSi) rather than strina (FaSi). A possible explanation for this occurrence must be of a speculative nature,' and will be not attempted here. 18 All diminutives in Serbian are not necessarily of the neuter gender. 27 PRA-PRAUNUK Generally speaking it is no exception to the above-mentioned rule. However, it has one additional feature which is unique in the Serbian kinship terminology. Namely, this is the single exception Df the sex criterion. It is also a single instance where the kinship term is other than the morphoneme which semantically designates the kin. The alternate form is BELA PCELA and the literal meaning in English is \"The White Bee\". The reason for this breaking of the norm for Serbian kinship terminology is not known. Ue shall suggest a possible explanation without claiming the validity or exclusiveness of the explanation. In the Serbian language there exists an idiomatic expression \"Bela vrana\". The literal English translation is \"A White Crow\", or an idiomatic English equivalent is \"A Black Sheep\". A crow is black in colour and, therefore, \"a white crow\" indicates an exceptional rarity. A crow is a bird that has no pleasant associ-ation among the Serbs, while a bee is regarded as one of the most useful creatures. It is possible that ordinary \"Bela vrana\" was replaced by \"Bela pcela\" because of the extraordinary affection among the relatives. PHi-PRAUIMUK or bela pcela is the fifth descen-ding generation from ego. If we take the generations twenty years apart, egD would have to be a hundred years old at the time of birth of the bela pcela. It is then obvious why ego has so seldom a bela pcela. It may also in a way explain the disregard for the sex criterion. Ego has very little interest in determining the sex of a newly born baby five generations and one century his junior. 28 One cannot apply the same rule for the generations which follow ego as can be done for the generations which precede him, for the simple reason that ego's life time does not allow him to see more than four succeeding generations, and on very rare occasions five. Theoretically, however one may do the same as for the generations older than ego (in adding pra), but this would have no practical applications. AFFINAL RELATIVES In the preceding section it was shown that the kin terms remain identical regardless of the speaker's sex. This is valid for the consanguineal relatives only, and not for the affinal. Relatives connected to ego through marriage have a separate denotative assignation. Affinal relatives enjoy practically the same status as consanguineal. In terminology this is exercised by one-word terms for affinal as for the consanguineal relatives. For example, the relationship -in-law is expressed in one single word. This implies closer association between the two groups. The terms will be briefly examined, first for the male ego speaking, and then for the female ego speaking. MALE EGO SPEAKING WIFE v The standard term is ZENA, The morphoneme zena has a multiple semantic charge. Beside 29 being a kin term for a wife, it also means a woman in general and 19 also has a connotation of non-virgin. The wife is one of the three relatives that do not have an exclusive kin-term for themselves without being a homonym. Another term for a wife is SUPRUGA which is not the most common one, but which enjoys the exclusiveness of term, without sharing it with the non-kin meaning. The third term is GDSPQDJA, which is the least common and whose meaning primarily 20 is mon-kin. It is Mrs., being the caique from the German. The terms L3UBA and L3UB0UCA are found only in the folk literature and are 21 seldom used in everyday speach* The fact that the female name 22 \"Ljuba\" also exists is purely a coincidence. The term LJUBOVCA should not be confused with the similar word \"ljubavnica\" - a mistress, which is, of course, not a kin-term. IdiBr v The standard term is SURAH, Wife's primary and some of the secondary relatives have denotative terms. UiBr is surak, with the affectionate form SURA4 The alternate form of sogor is discussed elsewhere. 19 The other two: husband and \"Bela pcela\", 20 Die Frau, The term zena (as German tdeib) is considered to be employed only by those of lower intellectual status„ 21 Both terms are now somewhat archaic* 22 Abbreviation of \"Ljubica\". 23 Compare with English where all the affinal relatives are -in-law. 30 WiBrUJi The standard term is denotative SURNJAJA. The alternate v SOGORICA is merged with five others. UiiSi The standard term is SVASTIKA, Both SVAS and SV/AJA are pronouncedly affectionate, v SOGORICA!. is collateral merged type. In the Serbian language the word swastika, is known. It is pronounced the same as the standard 2k term for the WiSi, regardless of the difference in spelling. Swastika, is known only to the small number of people interested in archaeology. In their jargon it is a pre-Greek ornament, used in our time by the Nazi Germany. The identity is purely coincidental. The confusion never occurs between the two, UiSiHu The standard term is PASENOG. The affectionate term is PA5A, being the abbreviation of the former. The form of the abbreviation is one that could be normally expected. It coincides with the title of the Turkish high military 25 and governmental official. The abbreviated form, therefore, is V both incidental and deliberate, if a pun is intended. SOGOR is again a collateral merged term shared with five others. 2k In the Cyrillic alphabet there is no difference in spelling (cBacTHKa) 25 Pasa. 31 WiFa The standard, and the only existing term is TAST, UiMo Here the segmentary democracy and compactness of relatives consanguineal as well as affinal, should be particularly stressed* The affection, rnutual love and help between relatives can never be overemphasized as applied on Serbs. The only exception to this is the universally known peculiar relationship between son-in-law and mother-in-law. The son-in-law refers to his mother-in-law by two different terms and neither is complimentary in its etymological meaning. They are either TASTA or PUNICA. English equivalent for tasta would be the vane woman, while the term punica is equivalent to the thick woman or the fat woman or \"fatty\". Gradual change is occurring insofar as the former mild avoidance and probably also mild hidden hostility is being gradually replaced by an ingenious, mostly well-intended form of humour. FEMALE EGO SPEAKING HUSBAND V The standard term is MUZ. In the contemporary language it only means a husband, Archaically it meant any male of marriageable age and older, who enjoys a certain social prestige. The archaic nominative plural for one with the secondary meaning is muzi. The nominative plural for 32 husband is muzevi. In order to avoid any possible misunderstanding it is of interest to note that Serbian marriage rules are monoandrous and never polyandrous. Therefore, the form muzevi is only of philo-logical interest, as opposed to archaic muzi. Muzevi then socially indicate the husbands of as many women, and does not imply polyandry. v SUPRUG is the alternative. COl/EK is the male counterpart for the female zena, being its antonym. Besides serving as a kin term, its secondary meaning is a man. GOSPODIIM is the antonym of gospodja and as a non-kin term means mister, GDSPDDAR is fading out of use, because of the social changes that are affecting the kinship relations within the nuclear family and particularly the wife-husband relation-ship. It means a lord and, until the end of the last century, was in the common use. It is now completely eliminated from the serious kinship terminology. If sporadically used, it has definite joking overtones. In the conclusion of this paper it will be stated to a: larger degree that no Serbian kin term, once universally incorporated into the language, is ever eliminated. Gospodar is not primarily a kin-term and the gradual elimination of it is not in conflict with the general rule. HuBr The standard term is DEVER. The palatalized form of the previous is DJEVER, Dever • 2S should not be confused with rucni dever. 26 See the ceremonial kin! 33 HuBrldi The standard term is JETRVA. Oetrva is the only affinal kin-term in Serbian where polarity is ignored. It is concomitant with their status in the extemded or rather joint-family where the wives of two or more brothers enjoy mutual equality. The jetrva, the wife of the oldest brother, has a husband who enjoys preferential treatment because of primogeniture. It is limited only to him and is not transferred in any way upon his wife. The brothers, then may have a different status, while their wives are equal among themselves. The system is adequately represen-ted in the kinship terminology. SOGORICA is again appearing as a classificatory term. HuSi The standard term is ZAOVA. Zaova is the single elementary kin term in Serbian that 27 has a diphthong. That is probably the reason why the language did not go into the invention of synonyms, comparable to other rela-tives. Euphonism of the term was perhaps on the highest level. Any synonym would only be an anticlimax. HuSiHu The term for the HuSiHu is ZET,, This is one of the problems which this paper will present, but for which it offers no solutions Under the heading of the yiSiHu it is stated that the standard term 27 Along with the derivatives of zaova - zaovic and zaovicina. 3k is pasenog, and that even a non-standard term - pasa - is in existence Both standard and non-standard terms are denotative, that is to say that they are specific in the sense that they belong to the single kinship category, the category being specific for sex, generation and genealogical connection. On the other hand, the term for HuSiHu is the classificatory term zet. Zet is the term for a person who occupies several kinship categories. Why the language was selective for the WiSiHu, and indiscriminative for the HuSiHu is the question. The difference cannot be explained by any of the rules that are operating in the creation of the Serbian kinship terminology. The only criterion where a possible answer might be sought is in the criterion of bifurcation. It is, however, not clear enough to justify any definite claim. Collateraly HuSiHu and UiSiHu are on an equal basis. Regarding generation, sex, affinity and relative age they are identical. HuBrSo The term is DEVERICIC Dr DEVERIC with the palatilized forms DJEWERICIC and DJEUERIC. The corresponding form for the LJiBrSo does not exist. All these terms are similar in form to the usual form of the Serbian family names. Some of them are even identical. The desinence -IC means a descendant of. In all the terms for HuBrSo the derivation comes from the term dever, and hence the identity in the form itself, HuSiDa • The term is DEvERICIMA. The term for the UiBrDa is non-existent,. 35 HuSiSo The term is ZAOVIC. The term is derivative cf zaova - his mother. The fact that the term is derived from zaova - female, and not from her husband kin term conforms to the rule of the collaterality, Zaova is closer to ego than her husband,, HuSiOa The term is ZADUICIIMA,, •Regarding the derivation, the same is true as what was said for her brother in the preceding paragraph, HuMo The daughter-in-law refers to her mother-in-law as SVEKRVA, with the pun form svekriva, which literaly means \"guilty for everything\". HuFa The term is SV/EKAR. The father-in-law on both sides (tast and svekar) is saved from the uncomplimentary nomenclature similar to his wife, mother-in-law, SoWiFa DaHuFa The standard term is PRIJATELJ, The word has also the meaning of a \"friend\". The non-standard term is PRIKA, which is denotative. The rule of the semantic exclusiveness of the kinship morphnnemes is still unbroken, bearing in mind the exclusiveness of prika. 36 SotiJoMo DaHuMo The term is PRI3A. The female equivalent of the male prijatelj does not exist, as a kitS term (pri jatel jica). GRAPHICALLY NON-REPRESENTED KIN TERMS There are some kin terms still awaiting a device for their graphical representation. Any such device would encounter innumerable obstacles because of the differences in the kin systems. The odds are overwhelming against such a device. Lde shall not propose any invention. The reader should be aware that the terms that follow cannot be found in the enclosed tables. They are, nevertheless, listed twice: in the general inventory of all the kin terms and in the separate listing for the graphically non-represented kin terms. These terms must be of necessity descriptive and sometimes periphrastic. SIBLING Let us begin with the negative one. Sibling is a unique 28 kin-term found in English that is lacking in Serbian. It does not mean that the Serbian kinship terms are less elaborate and less numerous. One glance at the tables or the inventory of terms will 28 The English word \"sibling\" is a learned one and not generally known or used, German die Geschwister is mote commonly used, but it has a serious limitation being a pluralia tantum. 37 show the opposite, The lack of the term for a sibling needs, under these circumstances, some explanation. Considering the individual terms, it was repeatedly implied or stressed that the Serbian kin-29 terms approach the ideal denotative system. The terminology is interested more in the concrete relative, than in the abstract relations which may or may not be encountered in life. Such an argument is not universally applied to the Serbian kin-terms. Spouses, parents, children all have terms. Out of the four passible sets af primary 30 relatives only the term for siblings is missing, while the terms for the other three exist. The argument for precision in kin termi-nology is not valid unless applied to all four sets of relatives. Notwithstanding the above, siblings have a significant difference from the other sets. They are the only consanguineal relations in the same generation. The other three sets do not meet one af the two conditions that siblings do. SPOUSES Serbian kin terminology has a sex distinction for the spouses. The \"he spouse\" is SUPRUG, while \"she spouse\" is a • SUPRUGA. The alternate form for suprug - SUPRUZNIK - is not in V common use. The female equivalent of SUPRUZlMICA is known, but almost completely out of use. The common term for the husband and wife pair is SUPRUZIMICI. 29 The ideal denotative system does not exist. 30 Siblings, spouses, parents, children. 38 CHILDREN The term for a child is DETE. It does not specify sex, as opposed to suprug or supruga where gender (and sex) is marked. The noun dete is neuter in gender. It is concomitant with the Serbian general rule that the animated nouns are of the neuter gender if they designate the young person or creature, The plural of dete is DEDA. PDSDPAC A son consecutively born, without an intervening daughter is a PDSOPAC. Consequently, posopac could not be the first born son. The number of the sons termed posopac is not limited. The noun is more often used in the plural describing two or more sons -POSOPCI. MEZIMAC The last child born is MEZIMAC or MEZIMCE if a son, and MEZIMICA if a daughter. IZTRISCE is the alternative term, but it does not specify the sex. While mezimac (mezimce,mezirnica; is a sign of a great affection, iztrisce is somewhat dubious in origin and in connotation. Undoubtedly out of tbe two terms iztrisce is less frequently used, and definitelly less affectionate than the former. Having a specific term for the last born child may imply the system of ultimogeniture. In discussing the son, it was said that the Serbian system,is a system of primogeniture. Kinship terminology seems to contradict the social rule. However, the youngest child beside the term itself has no other privileges. 39 PARENTS The term for parent is RODITELJ. It happens that grammatically the noun roditelj is af masculine gender, The kin term, however, does not specify the sex of the parent,- It could be either mother or father. The plural is RDDITELJI„ PRARODITEL j\"I In the preceding paragraph the term for parents is given as roditelji, Elsewhere the system is elaborated according to which, by means of the preposition pra-, the terms for the preceding gene-rations are devised. It has been said that the term for grandfather is deda, and the term for great-grandfather is pradeda. The prefix pra- indicates one generation further removed from ego. The term PRARODITELJI does not conform to the rule that was given for the ego's parents, where specific sex is indicated. The term praroditelji then, has the meaning of the ancestors without limiting itself to any particular generation. The alternative is STARI - the old ones. This stari is the plural, and should be distinguished from the singular stari, the alternate form for father, PORODICA PORQDICA is a term in Serbian that designates a nuclear family and nothing else. It would be not appropriate to label it as a denotative term, because it is not a single relative, but rather a group of people with special interrelations. The term porodica does not further specify whether it is a complete or incomplete nuclear family. In the collective conscious of the nation, porodica implies the complete nuclear family, but the incomplete nuclear family would be again designated as a porodica, although somewhat reluctantly. 40 FAMILIJA This term, because of the similarity to the English term (family\"3*) requires a special emphasis. FAMILIJA is a term that means relatives in the broadest sense. Familija is a collective noun by which all the consanguineal and affinal relatives are enveloped. It excludes the ceremonial kin. The Serbian peasants sometimes tend to replace the initial F with V. Thus, the peasant colloquial form is UAMILIJA. RODJAK RODJAK is a relative in the broadest sense without any commitment as to the collaterality. All the range from primary to 32 quinary relatives could be included in this term. The only criterion that the term recognizes is that of sex: rodjak (or RODJA) is a male relative, while RDDJAKA is a female. RODJACI is the plural and identical in meaning with familija. RODBINA is a collective noun, and the question of number (whether singular or plural) is inappropriate. It implies the multiplicity, although grammatically it is singular. SuTJJTA is derivative from the morphoneme svoj which means one's own. A claim that all kin-terms are morphonemes with exclusive kin-semantics is still valid, notwithstanding the derivative 31 Historically the English term \"family\" has been subjected to semantic change. Originally it had a similar meaning to the Serbian familija. It shows a clear tendency to a narrowing down of the meaning. At the present time it means a nuclear family. In colloquial English, however, it has undergone further narrowing and means only someone's children. Whether the term will undergo any further narrowing, in meaning is impossible to predict. 32 There is a tendency to apply this term to more distant relatives, and also to exclude completely the primary relatives from this term. 41 svojta. Svojta is a collective noun indicating a plurality and not the individual. Therefore, it is not required that the morphoneme has the exclusive of primary kin designation, v STRICEVINA The term STRICEVINA indicates all the relatives of ego who are connected to him through stric. Everyone in the stric's affinal family is lumped together in the term stricevina. SlRICEVICI in the narrow sense designates only the children of stric, while in the broader sense it is idantical in meaning to stricevina. There is still a further subtle differentiation in meaning between stricevina and stricevici. Stricevina assumes a quality of a quasi-abstract noun with the very broad meaning of everything that is in one way or another connected with the stric. Beside the relatives of stric it also implies the place of residence and any qualitative or quantitative trait of anything that is centered around the stric. Stricevici, on the other hand, has the qualities of a concrete noun with the strict limitation of meaning solely to the kin, UJEVINA UJEVINA and UJEVICI are the equivalent for ujak of what is written in the preceding paragraph regarding stricevina and stricevici. TETHICI The corresponding form for tetka, similar to stricevina or ujevina does not exist. The term TETHICI means, then, all the persons k2 who are connected through kin-ties to the tetka.33 PRIJATELJI The term for prija, prijatelj and their relatives is PRIJATELJI. The word is a homonym of the nominative plural of prijatelj. Prijatelji, then, beside designating the relatives, also has a meaning of} friends. Nevertheless, if employed as a kin-term, 3k it resists any further productivity by the way of derivatives. GENERACIJA GENERACIJA is not the precise equivalent of the English \"generation\", It indicates the distance of relatives from ego not only vertically in the descending or ascending generations, but also it states the horizontal distance: the number of the lineal and collateral relatives standing between the ego and the particular relative. HOLENO,35 or the palatilized form KOLJENO is the indigenous word for generation. PD KRVI; PO MLEKU Consanguineal and affinal relatives'5^ are called in Serbian -try \" 2 0 the relatives PO KRVI and relatives PO MLEKU respectively. 33 Note that tetka is FaSi and MoSi, while stric and ujak are FaBr and MoBr respectively, 3k The productivity is unlimited: prijateljstvo, prijateljski, neprijatelj, neprijateljstvo, neprijateljski, prijateljica etc, 35 It is also a homonym for a \"knee\". 3B Often called the family of procreation and family of orientation respectively. 37 By blood. 38 By milk. 43 The comparison with the kinship system in both China and India (Jossellin de Jong 1952:26) forces itself. In China and India there is the distinction of \"bone and flesh\", as applying to paternal and maternal side respectively. Designating the lineal, biological descendance, the kinship terminology seeks some concrete 39 representation. It is found either in the parts of the human body or in its significant secret>aion, such as milk. The Serbian system of descendence is predominantly patrilineal. It is reflected in the idioms of po krvi and po mleku. Blood is considered.the main ingredient of the human body which is essential for all the physio-logical occurrences, including procreation itself. Milk, on the other hand, is considered definitely inferior to blood in the order 40 of general importance. There is a proverb HR\\/ NIJE VODA which, 41 in a less often used, modified form is KRV NIJE MLEHO clearly indicating the superiority of blood over milk, socio-culturally speaking. 39 Never in the parts that take the active part in procreation. 40 Blood is not water, 41 Blood is not milk. 44 CEREMONIAL KINSHIP An overall tendency of the Serbian kinship system is the desire for the greatest possible expansion of the number of kin. The number of kin that anyone person can have is limited. In order to 42 counteract that limitation the Serbian kinship system increases their number to a significant degree. There are several categories of ceremonial kin. Neither of them could be simultaneously either consanguineal or affinal in addition to a ceremonial kin. This means that the Serbs seek their potential ceremonial kin outside of their known kin. Each category will be examined separately. KUM Of all the ceremonial kin the KUM is regarded with the highest esteem,. It is the term that designates both the best man and the godfather. The identicalness of the term shows the system by which the ceremonial kinship operates. Namely, it is one and the same person. In the view of the Serbs, a person who was of utmost importance at the wedding is a logical choice for the christening of the baby, the result of such a union. At the wedding the kum is the most important ceremonial kin; nevertheless he shares his position of honour with V two other ceremonial kin: the stari svat and rucni dever. On the christening day, on the other hand, he is the sole ceremonial kin and upon him is bestowed undivided honour. Outside of the church ceremony, the kum has no specific duties or specific rites to perform. The selection of the kum is important. It is concomitant with the 42 Along with the number of other kin systems. 45 importance that kum will enjoy. A non-kin young adult to middle-aged 43 man, who is a very good friend of the individual or, more often, of the whole family, is desirable for a kum. A kum is often sought in a person who is of a slightly higher social status, who enjoys a certain degree of prestige. The office of the kum is hereditary. Inheritance goes by the principle of the primogeniture. The eldest son inherits the right to continue being a kum for a particular family. The kum is the ceremonial kin-bond that connects people through generations. Some of the people cannot recollect the person who was the original kum. Although they have no written records, the people are able to trace at least three generations. Those that do not know when the first kum was selected, are thus assured that it happened at least four generations removed from ego. The kum is considered to be the spiritual father of the godchild, and it is also thought that he has some mystic union, on the spiritual plane, with the people whose wedding he \"witnesses\". Bearing this in mind it follows logically that the family is eager to preserve the relationship with the kum through as many generations as possible. The kum christens all the children regardless of their number. Under extraordinary 45 circumstances the kum may cease to perform the duties at the wedding 43 Always a male and never a female. 44 Financial? 45 It is reported that in the traditional Montenegro society there were instances where the kum was entitled to ius primo noctis. Nothing similar is reported for the Serbs. Due to this there is a joking term in Serbian: CRIMOGORSHI KUM - the kum from Montenegro. 46 and christening. These circumstances are limited in number and are v 46 well defined. Regarding the marriage they are: if one of the kumce remains unmarried throughout life; if one of the kumce gets divorced or widowed while young, not due to natural causes, but by being killed in whatever way; if a spouse of one of the kumce becomes insane. Regarding the children the conditions are: if a couple does not produce children; if a woman has a spontaneous abortion; if the first two children in the family are girls; if the children die very young; if a child is born with a mental or physical disorder or acquires one later in life. Not a single one of the reasons listed warrants by itself the ceasetion of the kum-relationship. A reason is considered strong enough if two or more of the aformentioned misfortunes occur. Even then, the initiative for the break of the kum-kinship must always come from the kum himself and never from anyone else. Traditionally the kum had the sole privilege of choosing a name for the child. During the christening ceremony, when the priest asks what is the child's name, the kum announces his decision. The parents are informed of the child's name at that time as is everyone else. Social change has not affected the hight on which the institution of the kum stands, but it has challenged his exclusive right to name the children. The social change developed in phases: first the kum informed the parents of the child's name in advance; 46 For this and all the conditions that follow sex is not specified; it includes both. 47 Including the affected people. kl then in the next phase he consulted them; finally the kum asked the parents their wish regarding the child's name, V The kum never named the kumce after himself. If he did, it would be considered an instance of the utmost immodesty. Some loosely defined pattern in naming children was prescribed, but not strictly observed. The children were not named after their parents, but after their grandparents. Every child has two sets of grandparents; thus every baby-boy has two grandfathers and every baby-girl two grand-mothers. It is extremely rare for both grandfathers or both grand-mothers to have the same first name. The problem then arises, which one to chose. That problem is solved ingeniously. The first child is named after the paternal grandparent, the second child after the maternal grandparent. If the custom is strictly followed and a nuclear family has more than four children, the problem poses itself again. This time the kum exercises his prerogative freely: he chooses the name that he likes best, or the one that he would like for himself if he were in a position to choose. The kum is said to have equivalents in English in bath the best man and the godfather. If one insists on being specific then the best man is called VEIMCANI HUM - the kum by marriage. HUMA is the feminine form of kum and it simply means kum's wife. The kuma is not the godmother, because at the christening ceremony her husband has all the prerogatives of the office. If kum is ego, then the christened child is his KUMCE or HUMIC. Kumce is the neuter noun and applies both to boys and girls. Kumic is masculine and applies only to boys. The institution of the ceremonial kinship of kum is 48 called KUMSTVO. Besides designating the abstract noun of the institution, it also doubles with reference to all of the kum's previous relatives. STARI SVAT The descriptive term in the broadest sense is any kin-term that consists of more than one word. According to this extended rule, the STARI SVAT is a descriptive term, insofar as one is obliged to say both parts, and a semantic change occurs if either is omitted. Isolated they have following meaning: stari means old; svat is any guest at the wedding. Stari svat is THE senior guest, the one that becomes a ceremonial kin at the wedding. The alternate form is STARDJHO. After the kum, he is the most important guest at the wedding. After the wedding he has no more customary ceremonies to 48 perform, but he remains tied with the ceremonial kin for life8 RUCNI DEVER According to the rule given above RUCIMI DEVER is again a descriptive term. He is also a ceremonial kin, acquired during the marriage ceremony. Unlike the kum or starojko, the rucni dever has specific duties during the wedding; namely, he ftanstantly accompanies 49 v the bride. The rucni dever takes the bride tD church for the wedding ceremony, and later, during the wedding feast, he is the one 48 Unlike the kum, who christens the offsprings. 49 This is a \"cultural clash\" with the Anglo-Saxons, where anybody but a female companion for the bride is unthinkable. 49 who accompanies and leads the bride wherever she goes. The des-• criptive term rucni dever should not be confused with the denotative term dever, which is a HuBr, Occasionally the dever (HuBr) can perform the duty of the rucni dever. Levirate is not implied. NAKONJCE The NAKONJCE is a two or three-years-old child, previously unrelated, who also becomes a ceremonial kin during the marriage. The custom is that the bride, upon returning from the church to the home, lifts the nakonjce as high up as she can and kisses him. The significance of the custom is of no concern to this thesis. What is important is that the nakonjce becomes a ceremonial kin. The total number of the ceremonial kin acquired during the wedding is four. Nakonjce is a composite derivative word: na - on; konj - a horse. The traditional means of transportation for the occasion of the wedding was a horse. A bride lifted the nakonjce on the horse, usually v handed to her by the rucni dever. The means of transportation has changed, but the term nakonjce has not. This strengthens the theory that of the changes in the kinship system, the terminology is the most resistant. If it ever does change it is the last to do so. POBRATIM There is a device to acquire a ceremonial \"brother\". Two 51 young adults can achieve a permanent bond by becomming POBRATIMI. 50 In contemporary slang rucni dever (or dever) is a member of the open or secret police force who arrests and accompanies a person to prison, 51 Plural form. j 50 There are various reasons for such a decision. It, is of course, up to the individuals concerned to reach a decision to became pobratimi. The \"true\" relation is the relation \"by blood\" as was said above. For this reason the ceremony included some ritual mixing of blood of the two persons. One may assume that this custom existed in pagan, pre-christian time. After christianization the term became descriptive in the form of B0G0M POBRATIM - the pobratim by God. The ceremony 52 was. performed in the church building or somewhere else, but always by the priest himself. The abstract noun for the institution is POBRATIMSTV/0. POSESTRIMA For POSESTRIMA the same is true as was said in the previous paragraph, with the difference that two female persons are involved. As an illustration of the extraordinary desire of the Serbs to expand their kin, one should emphasize that the pobratim or posestrima are not limited to one's awn sex, Two persons of the apposite sex can tie a permanent bond through pobratimstvo. They may be of any age, and the marital status is immaterial. Neither, or one of the two, or both may be married. If neither is married, then the pobratimstvo excludes them as a possible marriage partners of one another, POSVOGAK The adopted child is POSVOJAK or P0SU0JCE for a boy, and P0SV/0JKA for a girl. The adaption of children by non-kin occurred 52 Cemetery, home. 51 very seldom, since the \"holy duty\" for the relatives was to take full care of the child in need. VERENICI ' ' 53 Fiance and fiancee together are VERENICI. Fiance is VERENIH, and fiancee is VERENICA. When two people become verenici and the date of the wedding is specified, they are immediately consi-dered as being kin. If in the meantime one of them dies or loses his/her life, the relationship between the two families continues regardless of the fact that the two were not actually married. OCUH The stepfathers OCUH or POOCIM. Neither of the two is a compassionate term. The Serbs have a great affection for the \"real\" kin and for the ceremonial kin. A notable exception are the . step-pasents. In the collective consciousness of the nation they are identified with villains. In the terminology it is also reflected. The two terms for the stepfather (neither complimentary) should be compared with the ten terms for a father. One of these latter is the standard term, and all of the remaining nine are affectionate variants, MACEHA The step-mother has one more term than the stepfather, but she has the least favourable place among the relatives. In the opinion 53 Serbian kinship terminology lacks the term for siblings. English lacks the term for \"verenici\", 5k The stepfather and stepmather are the only two not \"real\" kin that have a device for the graphical representation. 52 of the nation she is consciously identified with the image of the stepmother in \"Cinderella\". The number of the terms should not be misleading. None is affectionate. PASTORAK The stepson is PASTORAK or PASTORCE. The term immediately arouses sentimental revulsion. In order to dull the edge, it can be unsuccessfully abbreviated into PASTOR. The attempted abbreviation is inappropriate, because pastor means a priest. Therefore, this abbreviation is used only jokingly. All the terms are avoided to pre-vent the unpleasant connotation of the term. The stepdaughter is PASTORKA. POLUBRAT 55 The half-brother and half-sister are POLUBRAT and POLUBESTRA respectively. In this respect they are similar to English. The Serbian verb for a man to marry is OZENITI SE, a reflexive verb. The word for a woman is UDATI SE, again reflexive. There is a very strong tendency to refer to the relatives not by the appropriate term, but to put some relatives one place closer to egD either vertically or horizontally. Such is the case for grandmother's sister who is very often referred to as aunt. 55 In English half-brothers have one common parent, step-brothers have none. (German: Halbbruder and Stiefbruder). In Serbian there is no such distinction. If both parents are not common, the Serbian terminology loses interest in further differentiation, 53 On the other hand, an aont is frequently referred to as a sister, especially if she is a younger person. This in itself is probably the clearest demonstration of the extraordinary affection among the relatives. The system is so well ingrown, that it does not show any considerable tendency to change. Increasing monetary economy and commercial dealing among relatives did not prove sufficient reason for this affection to undergo a change. In addition to previous, another occurrence is very sympto-matic. Namely, some very intimate friends refer tD their friends' spouses by a kinship term which corresponds to the term for brother's wife (snaja) or sister's husband (zet). This occurrence fits into the whole social pattern. It is another trait which gains instead of losing ground, as may be expected. With the nuclearization of the family., the actual correlation in terms of behaviour did not undergo any change to a significant degree, As we have shown in the last example, even the reverse occurred. Friends that are neither consan-guineal nor affinal relatives are referred to by a kinship term and treated accordingly. 5 4 N O N - K I N As a denouement for the over-emphasizing of the kinship terms and kinship relations there are some sayings that in a comical way say that the persons are not related. Moja baba i njegova baba dve rodjene babe, My grandmother and his grandmother are two RODJENE grandmothers. It was stated that the descriptive term rodjeni serves to distinguish the lineal from the collateral relative. In this pun-sentence rodjeni could not possibly be an appropriate term, and that is what lends comicality and a point to the saying. Kumine mi kume, pa njezine druge, iz prvoga sela, rodjeni rodjenastiji deverovski pastorak. RODJENI,. mostRODJENI DEVER's stepson from the friend of my KUMA's KUMA in the next village. In this involved and comical manner it is stated that there is no relationship whatsoever. 55 ZAORUGA The examination of the zadruga is interesting not only from the point of view of kinship, but also from the economic, sociological, religious, political and cultural paint of view. The change that occurred within the zadruga is significant. As the zadruga in its complexity deserves the separate^ article, here will be mentioned only briefly its most prominent characteristics as far as kinship and change within it are concerned. The zadruga is one of the two traditional Serbian institutions which practically remained untouched by the Turks.Zadruga is a composite family, being a patrilocal extended family. The strictly 57 observed rule of marital residence was patrilocal. It is well illustrated in the derogatory term PRIZETKO for those who break the rule and take up residence with or near the bride's parents. The extended family may endure indefinitely, which feature is a direct contribution to the establishment of traditions and institu-tions. A naclear family, an the other hand, is transistary and, although is not limited in time, it is more apt to be extinct earlier than the extended or joint family. The proof of this is the history of dynasties. The zadruga included sometimes individuals of four or even five generations. The male offsprings with their spouses and children, 56 The other one being OPSTINA - a particular Serbian community that is outside of our interest. 57 The alternate form favoured by some British authors is virilocal, Ue shall retain the term patrilocal throughout the paper, since it is more appropriatly descriptive of the Serbian society. Patrilocal is derivative from pater - father, while virilocal is derived from vir - husband. Among the Serbs father definitely has priority aver the husband. 56 through as many generations as the life time permitted, made up the same household. In extreme cases it consisted of as many as one hundred individuals, but the average number very seldom exceeded fifty, and quite frequently was considerably less. The origin of the zadruga may be traced back to the eighth century. Rapid desintegra-tion began toward the end of the nineteenth century. The zadruga as an institution is over 1000 years old. The desintegration started slowly in the nineteenth century, but picked up the speed of an avalanche, especially after World War II. The breaking up of the zadruga brought about a whole series of problemsjand an imperative necessity for readjustment in the kinship system. The cause was pri-marily economic, but the consequencies were felt in all the manifesta-tions of life. Change has occurred regardless of its undesirability. The replacement of a highly affectionate relationship by one of comparative coolness created a very strong sentimental reaction. It prevented any drastic change in spite of changed circumstances. More and more emphasis is laid upon the nuclear family. This social change was felt everywhere, but less in kinship relations than in other aspects of life. v 58 The head of the zadruga - STARESIIMA is usually the eldest male in the zadruga. His prestige is unquestioned, but he is by no means an autocrat or a pantocrator. He is entitled to reach decisions and to give orders to all the members of the zadruga. Customary IBW 58 In recent times more often - DOM AC IIM, His classical counterpart is the Roman Pater Familias. 57 is the highest law for all the members, and it is also the highest authority for the staresina, Serbian society was an absolutely patri-archal society and the staresina was its patriarch. In the premonetary economy the acquisition of wealth was a result of the efforts of all, in a direct or indirect manner, while the distribution of that wealth was the sole responsibility of the staresina. Agriculture was its primary activity, based chiefly upon male labour. The wealth was divided according to need, regardless of member's actual contribution. The economic power Df the staresina is not as important as his moral power. In extraordinary circumstances the staresina is not the oldest male. If the staresina becomes too old and feels that he cannot handle the affairs of the zadruga to the utmost benefit of all its members, he usually suggests that another replace him. In such a case another staresina is \"elected\". This \"election\", which is usually carried out by the married males, is sometimes performed even without the content of the former staresina. Such a course, less frequent than t h R previous one, is taken only if there is a sudden and profound change for the worse in the staresina's mental ability. Although the whole society is male oriented, same instances are recorded where a woman is staresina. In all those cases she was a widow of a former staresina. Primogeniture was the recognized and approved way of favouring the first-born son. Subsequently, the younger brothers had preference in the order of their birth. Ultimogeniture, although paradoxical, was simultaneously in operation, but to a lesser extent and in a somewhat different aspect. The last-born son was a family's 58 (particularly the mother's) pet. The first-born daughter had no preference over her sisters except in the case of marriage. The parents attempted to marry their daughters in the order of their birth. If it happened that the younger daughter married first, she could not have a wedding feast until,her older sister (or sisters) were married, regardless of the relative wealth of her family. Dowry is desirable, but not essential. The opposite to a dowry would be bridewealth. In the patriarchal society which favours male supremacy, dowry is considered the only right thing and its implication is not questioned either by the giver or receiver. In the large extended family living in close proximity, tension and friction are bound to occur as a normal consequence of a clash of personalities. It is surprising how in the zadruga so many of these c]ashes were either avoided or patched up. The ownership in the zadruga is common for those people who are members of the zadruga at any given time. This means that a person who leaves the zadruga, for whatever reason, is not entitled to any share of the zadruga's wealth. On the other hand, a person who joins the zadruga immediately becomes a co-owner. The intricate system of ownership within the zadruga was not understood or was utterly miscomprehended by the law-makers who patterned their law on a foreign model. The law recognized the private ownership within the zadruga. Nepotism could be expected in a society where kinship ties are so pronounced. However, in the traditional society there were only a few sinecure or lucrative and desirable positions; nepotism did not 59 have its normal outlet. At the time when nepotism could have had more influence on the society in general, social changes of great magnitude were accompanying the monetarization of the economy: the zadruga started definitely to decline and occurrences of nepotism were indeed sporadical. After the Second World War the government was very eagerly promoting an institution which was named zadruga, exactly the same as the traditional one. However, the difference between the two was enormous. The contemporary zadruga is a Yugoslav version of the Soviet 59 kolhoz and even the name implies that it is primarily an economic institution with the membership composed in an entirely different way from that in the traditional type. All the members in the tradi-tional zadruga were kin, while the criterion for recruiting in the new-type zadruga is entirely different and is not based on kinship ties at all. From the point of view of the kinship system and kinship terminology, therefore, the first one is of interest to this paper, while the second one is of no concern. The time is too short to show appreciable influence upon the behaviour pattern, let alone the termi-nology itself. 59 Collective husbandry - EoxieKTHBHoe X O S H K C T B O , 60 INCEST Exogamy is carried to an extreme. No one from the enclosed tables can marry anyone else in the tables. The Serbian Orthodox Church (still very powerful) prohibits intermarriage if there are not at least five intervening relatives between the spouses. This means that the spouses must be at least six generations (koleno) apart. It is codified by the state law. In practice there is no observed case which would tend to break this rule. If a person belongs to the same clan^ the marriage is not permited, even if prospective spouses or anybody else is unable to trace any actual relation between the two. \"MaRimal bilateral extension\"^ is even further increased to include all the ceremonial kin also. Cases of incest are not known among the court records. Furthermore, the inhabitants of the same village gradually increase the number of people whom they consider as kin, even if they are not actual kin. This leaHs to a diminishing number of marriages within the village, and so increases the number of marriages with spouses from neighbouring or even distant villages. The rapid urbanization solved the problem of the availability of a passible mate, but the very rigorous \"exogamy\" is as much in obser-vance in the city as it is in the country. Change, therefore, is more in the nature of accessibility and selection o f a prospective marriage partner than in the categories of permitted and not permitted future spouses. 60 The easiest way to deduce who belongs to the clan is by the presence of the same last name. A coincidence sometimes happens that two people belong to two different clans, but both clans have the same last name. In such a case the people go to great pains in order to prove that they are NOT related. 61 The poem \"Nahod Simeun\" (Foundling Simeun) has striking similarities with the ancient Greek tragedy \"Oedipus Rex\" by Sophocles. The Oedipus complex in the psychoanalitical teachings of Freud derives mainly from that tragedy. If it is true that the author of Nahod Simeun was familiar with the Oedipus myth, then the poem could not be considered as being the product of a Serbian national bard. There is no evidence to support the existence of the Oedipus complex, as applied to the Serbs. The \"Electra complex\" and \"3ocasta complex\" have no representation in the Serbian papular ballads. Onda veli kucka lijepa devojka POBRATIME Starina Novace Ti nisi sroa junackoga Jer ne ljubis ovakve devojke * n e Kuda prodje gizdava devojka Ta gora zelena posanula Od straha od Boga velikoga Od sramote od lepe devojke Jer POBRATI Starina Novaka Pak htease IMovaka ljubiti. A kud prodje Starina Novace Ona suha gora prolistala I suha trava pomladila Od pravde od Starina Novaka Jer ne ljubi bogom POSESTRIME, Then said the wench, the pretty maid: \"Pobratime, Starina Novak, You have no heroic heart, For you do not make love to such a girl!\" Wherever the pretty maid passed, The green forest withered, Because of fear of the great God, And the disgrace of the pretty maid; For she made Starina Novak her POBRATIM, 61 Marriage forbidden with any relative, however remote, with whom an actual aenealogical connection can be traced in anv line. (Murdock 1949:303) 62 And then she wanted to make love with him. And where Starina Novak passed, The withered forest leafed, And the withered grass greened, Because of the righteousness of Starina Novak; For he did not make love with his POSESTRIMA. It is of interest to note that the girl is playing an active role (Eva) and that the ceremonial kin are strictly confined to the incest rules as are the consanguineal or affinal ones. The saying: v 62 Ne zna stg je slas' One does not know the sweetness, Ko ne pozna svas. Unless he knows the SVAS. is not commonly heard, and cannot be regarded as justification for the conclusion that incest was commonly practised or even desired. The relative involved is affinal, not a consanguineal one. This fact plays a major role in the degree to which the incestuous reference could be tolerated. Sororal polygyny is not implied. 62 The apostrophized form for slast in order to rhyme with svas. 63 KINSHIP SYSTEM AS REFLECTED IN THE FOLK LITERATURE The wealth of the Serbian oral literature has been known 63 well in the West for more than a century* This literature has great variations in form, themes and quality, A fair percentage is concerned with kinsmen. Out of necessity this paper has to be selective and to impose heavy limitations on the material chosen, The material is so rich that it would piEobably warrant a thesis for itself. The inten-tion of this section is merely to give several representative pieces. The Serbian oral literature employs the figure of allusion quite frequently. Therefore, a further limitation is imposed: there are quoted only those examples where the kinPterm is specifically mentioned. It is roughly estimated that the allusive examples are more numerous than the direct ones. All examples will be given in their original and in English translation. The kin terms will not be translated. If it is generally true that brevity is the soul o f wit, then the Serbian oral literature has a full right to claim bath - brevity and wit. Sometimes - as is often the case with proverbs - the whole \"literary work\" consists only of two words. In those words is synthetized the-natian's wit, its philosophy and its ability ta put it in this highly compressed manner. Everything unnecessary is omitted and only the bare idea remains. That brevity is what gives power to the proverb and what makes the proverb remaibn alive and youthful for centuries. Whether in proverbs, or any other form of literature (prose or poetry), the extraordinary economy in the language is observed. Not a single superfluous word is present, nor could a single one be omitted without 63 Gothe, Brothers Grimm, LaMartine, Walter Scott, Charles Dickens, Gogol etc. 64 the meaning suffering rreatly. Every word speaks and everyone is placed by the anonymous \"writer\" in the proper place. Because of the extraordinary brevity and the kinship terminology it is Dnly appropriate to give the two parallel texts. The translation into English must be very free, particularly where uerse is involved. This paper will not be involved in the evaluation from the literary point of view. The only condition for the quotation is the specific mention of the kin-terms. Had se SINOVAC zenjase, STRICA ne pitase, a kad se razenjase i STRINU pripitivase. When SINOVAC was getting married he did not ask the STRIC, but when he was about to divorce, he asked even his STRINA. This proverb shows several things: the high esteem to which the stric should be upheld; the somewhat inferior status of strina, concomitant with the status of her sex in the traditional Serbian society; the horror with which divorce is considered; the probable punishment on the sinovac for not consulting his stric in such a. vital decision; finally it gives in a nutshell the trio-terms (stric, strina, sinovac) and their relationship. U svate se ide na veselje, To the wedding party one goes for merriment Na KUMSTVO se ide po zakonu. To the KUMSTVO one goes by \"law\". In both instances the kum is involved. The wedding comes chronologically before the christening and therefore the merriment aspect of it is emphasized. Once the kum has blessed the marriage, it would be unthinkable for him or anyone else not to christen all the offsprings. That idea is given the strongest word that the language can chose. The custom is so strong that it appears as a \"law\". 65 \"Gde is dpnas, POSESTRIMQ vilo?\" \"Where are you today, my POSESTRIMA fairy?\" In folk literature it is possible not only for two persons to become pobratim and posestrima, but it is also passible far a mortal man to become pobratim of a fairy, This shows how strong the desire is for the expansion of Dne's ceremonial kin. Zeman dos'o, valja vojevati The time has come to fight, m m a 9 • • Svako svoje da pokaje STARE And to avenge our STARE. The Serbs as a nation are not considered as being vengeful. 64 In Serbia there has never been the custom of vendetta. The national bard is inviting the people to avenge their ancestors and feels so strongly affectionate toward them that he thinks that the fight is justified. Oa se mojoj SUEKRVI ne svidjam, My SVEKRVA does not like me, Hvala Bogu cesto nju ne vidjam. Thank God I don't see her often. The only exception to the general feeling of affection among the relatives is the peculiar behaviour affecting svekrva or tasta Dn one hand, and her zet or snaja on the other. That behaviour is, more often than not, expressed in the comical manner. There is so obvious tendency to replace hostility with a joking relationship. It also indicates a definite trend toward avoidance. CERKU kara, SNAJI prigovara. She is scolding her CERHA, so that the SIMAJA may hear. Hostility, avoidance and intolerance are clearly indicated. In spite of the intention to scald her snaja, the observance of 64 In Montenegro vendetta was fairly widespread. In Serbia there is no record of it. 66 avoidance is overpowering the svekrva's wish, and she is forced to speak indirectly. It also implies such an intimate relationship between mother and her daughter that everything is allowed, even something that normally does not belong in their relationship. Ljubia sam tri HUME vencane • • • I ljubio devet PBSiSTfilMAH • • • L j u b i a sedam KUMAH k r a t e n i h • • • 3a udarlm MA3KU na osnago. 65 I k i s s e d three women at whose wedding I was KUM • • • I mad e l o v e with nine PDSESTRIMA • • • v I made l o v e with seven mothers of my KUMCE • • • I s t r u c k my MAJKA. Such a grass exaggeration as i s found i n t h i s poem i s not a r a r i t y i n f o l k l i t e r a t u r e . I t i s h i g h l y u n l i k e l y t h a t anyone may have \"three KUME by marriage, nine PDSESTRIME and seven KUMA by c h r i s t e n i n g \" , l e t alone making l o v e to them. The exaggeration was r e q u i r e d to make a gr e a t e r c o n t r a s t with the s i n o f bea t i n g one's own mother. The anonymous poet s t a t e s t h a t na s i n i s as b i g as the d i s -r e s p e c t or maltreatment of the mother. The ince s t u o u s r e l a t i o n s are n e i t h e r with the consanguineal nor with the a f f i n a l r e l a t i v e s , but with the ceremonial r e l a t i v e s . Even i n an extreme cas e of exaggeration, the poet knew where to draw a l i n e . 65 To \" k i s s \" in the S e r b i a n f o l k l i t e r a t u r e is the euphemism f o r the sexual intercourse, similar to the French b a i s e r . 67 Ti irnades i OCA i MAJKU, You have DTAC ind MAJKA, IMi jednoga u astalu nema, Neither of them is seated at the table, Da ti pije prvu casu vina. To drink the first glass of wine. In the longer poem the three \"inhumanities\" are listed. The final and most inhuman one is the lack of giving due respect to the parents. From thejpoem \"Uros i Mm javcevici\" (Uros and the Brothers Mrnjavcevic) we give a little longer quote, because of its excellent treatment of the Serbian papular ethos, Kol'ko Marko tezio na pravdu, Tol'ko moli Jevrosima MAJKA: \"Marko sine jedini u MaJKE! Ne bila ti moja rana kleta, Nemoj SINE govoriti krivo Ni po BABU ni po STRICEVIMA, \\lec po pravdi Boga istinoga; Nemoj, § I N § , izgubiti duse; Bolje ti je izgubiti glavu, Nega svoju agresiti dusu\". As much as Marko tended toward justice As much Jevrosima MAJKA implored: \"Marko, my only6S0NI Let not my food be accursed to you, Do not speak unjustly, „ Either to your BABO's or to your STRICEV/I advantage But according to the justice of the true God; Do not lose your soul, SIN, It is better to lose your life, Than to bring sin upon your soul\", In the dispute that arose among Marko's OTAC, his STRICEUI and Uros (unrelated to Marko) for the succession to the vacant throne, Marko's MAJKA is giving the' preceding advice to her son. In world literature it is difficult to find the peer to the scope, grandeur 66 The milk with which he was nursed. 6B and dimension of the ethos that is governing Marko's MAJKA. The key line for the interest of this study is the line \"Ni po BABU ni po STRICEVIMA\". Marko was invited to judge and to decide who of the pretendants is the one that should succed to the throne. In the instance where the absolute right of one person is not clear, the son is expected to v favour his father first, and then his STRICEVI. Marko's mother does not want to influence his decision, but advises him not to be biased toward hie relatives. The second part of the advice sitrenghtens the sincerity of the first part. The whole instruction is of super-human proportions paralleled probably only in the maximal requirements of religious doctrine. The Greek classical saying translated into 67 Latin: \"Amicus Plato, sett magis arnica V e r i t a s \" approaches the ideal of the Serbian folk ballad. The significant difference is that Plato is a friend, while in the Serbian ballad the. primary relative is involved. The desire for honour and truth of the highest calibre is comparable with the Spartan mother, who would rather see her son dead, than dishonourable. THi CURSES The richness of the Serbian folk literature is a well recognized fact. In this paper an attempt is made to show a comparable wealth in the kinship terminology. There is also a third element in 67 Plato is my friend, but the truth is an even greater friend. 69 the Serbian idiom that requires serious consideration. That is the matter of curses in the Serbian language. As famous as Serbs are for their oral literature, they are equally infamous for their curses. Curses, however, that are universally known throughout a nation are as much a part of that nation's psychology as are many other traits. Because of the reasons so far mentioned, the author feels that the only fair representation is to give more than one aspect of life of the said people, however uncomplimentary it may be. A documented paper on this problem alone would be desirable. For the purpose of this paper, curses are of interest only insofar as they affect kinship. Generally speaking, curses are an instance of swinging the pendulum of the accepted norms in a society. Therefore, in the curses, occurences that are indifferent or of O D value for the society, are not present. •nly the tabu items are on the list, and precisely that is what their main intention and their main effect is. One should remraember that the curses in English are usually centered around religion. English 68 people, being quite religious, developed a series of tabus that concern religion. Precisely because of that, curses center around it. Otherwise they would defeat their own purpose. Something similar is found among the Serbs insofar as tabu is concerned. Throughout this paper evidence is given of the extraordinary affection among the relatives. Among all the relatives the mother is held in the highest esteem, and she enjoys the highest status in the view of any individual. This is socially recognized. An individual is willing to go to any 68 Genuine or pretended, the author will not attempt to judge. The fact, howewEr, remains that the evidence of religion is pronouncedly felt in the everyday life. 70 extent in order to provide well-being for his mother. According to our assumption it is no surprise that mother is most frequently mentioned in curses. . In order to achieve reliability, all the curses should be quoted in full. The great majority of them are unprintable. That is what creates a most serious problem in their treatment. The author of this paper will not quote them, but is satisfied merely to state that their variation is almost unlimited. Their centripetality toward the closest kin, notably the mother, is another demonstration of the concern and preoccupation with one's kin, however paradoxical and negative side that may be. FOREIGN INFLUENCE ON THE SERBIAN KINSHIP TERMINOLOGY AND KINSHIP SYSTEM The territory of Serbia borders with countries that have a distinct language of their own. The intermingling of Serbs with the neighbouring peoples was considerable in the course of centuries. The mutual influence, therefore, could be expected in various mani-festations of life and culture including the kinship system and the linguistic structure, including the kinship terminology. Serbia has common borders with Hungary, Rumania and Bulgaria. Serbia has no common border with any German-speaking country, but the communication and contact between the two nations was extensive. Of the neighbouring nations only in Bulgaria is a Slavonic (Bulgarian) language spoken. The Rumanian language belongs to the Romance family of languages, while 71 the Hungarian belongs to the Ugro-Finnic group. The German language is a member of the Germanic family of languages which includes also English. Turkey - similary tD Germany - does not border on Serbia. Serbian life, however, was under prolonged pressure from the Turks* In 1371, on the river Maritsa, in the territory of present-day Bulgaria, the first battle between the Turks and Serbs was fought and a part of the Serbian territory was occupied by the Turks. The Turkish advance was slow, but steady. In 1459, with the fall of Smederevo, the capture of all Serbian territory was completed. In 1804 The First Uprising marked the gradual emancipation and libe-ration of the Serbs from the Turfcs. This liberation was not completed until 1912-13, Here are the dates that show the length of time during which the Serbs were under the Turkish domination. If we take the minimum time of 1459-1804 (rather than the maximum 1371-1913) it 69 still gives us a full 345 years. In popular tradition the battle of Kosovo on 3une 28, 1389 left a permanent impression. The round number of 500 years \"under the Turks\" is most often quoted by non-historians. By any standard, it is a long time, during which many changes in the indigenous way of life may be expected. These changes] no doubt did occur, For the purpose of this study, it is of great importance to state that the influence upon the Serbian kinship tesminalogy and Serbian kinship system was negligible. Turks were polygynous, while Serbs remained throughout the time monogynous. Therefore in the Serbian language there is no term for the HuliJi, 69 The maximum would be 532 years. 72 that is for a co-wife. Since the institution of polygyny did not exist, the term if ever created or adapted would be superfluous. Some influence of Turkish kinship terminology is felt in Serbian v only in three instances: BABO, BA8AJK0 and PASA. BABQ is one of the non-standard terms for father. BABAJKO is derivative from BABQ, but the genius of the language from which it is borrowed is completely disregarded. It is completely Serbianized. The affectio-nate term for PA5EIM0G is PASA which coincides with the Turkish IM0(\\l-kin word. This coincidence is exploited mostly in a humorous manner. Of all the three terms that show some influence of Turkish, it is significant to note that none of them is the standard term. Out of the 3000 Turkish words (or words introduced into Serbian through the medium of the Turkish language) only three are in a way kin-terms. The precentage is low. The Serbian kinship terminology was completed by 1371 and the system did not want to yield. In spite of the intimate connection with the Rumanian people, there is not a single term among the Serbian kin terms that c l E a r l y points to Rumanian influence. Of all the neighbouring languages Bulgarian is the only Slavonic one. Same terms are similar, probably because af the common origin. There is only one that is clearly Bulgarian: TATKO, the term for the father. Like BABO, it also has a mildly comical connotation. The fact that the term for father comes from the foreign languages is not convincing enough for one to conclude that the Serbian women were marrying foreigners, particularly Turks and Bulgarians. The historic evidence does not show proof for such a 73 conclusion, yhy two foreign words for father exist in the Serbian kinship terminology is not of paramount importance considering that they are only two out of ten terms, and both are non-standard. 70 Sbhneeweis thinks that there are about 2000 German words in the Serbian language. Out of such a number of borrowed words, he suggests only two of the kin terms as having been borrowed from German. Both of them have serious limitations. The first term S0G0R is not borrowed directly from German (Schwager), but was introduced into Serbian through the medium of the Hungarian language, where it acquired the form of SDGOR. Whether or not Hungarian S0G0R comes from the German SCHWAGER is outside of the scope of this study. It is true that the term S0G0R exists in both Serbian and Hungarian. It is very likely that the term S0G0R is closer to the genius of the Hungarian kinship terminology than to the Serbian. S0G0R is a classificatory term which is applied to six relatives, and the female 71 equivalent is also relevant to six relatives. In Serbian they are all denotative terms, so that the number of terms is twelve compared with the Hungarian two. It is also worthwhile to note that this term is the only one coming into the Serbian language from the Hungarian. The second, and last, kinship term that Schneeweis considers being borrowed from German is a term found in a manuscript from the year 1468. It is MALZENA, the term for a MUZ. He thinks that the first part of the term MAL- is identical with the German GEMAHL. 70 Die Deutschen Lehnworter im Serbokroatischen (I960:XVI, 95-6) 71 Sogorica 74 The term MALZENA does not exist in the contemporary language. The theory i s advanced tha t any morphoneme t h a t i s once u n i v e r s a l l y and a c t i v e l y known i n the n a t i o n i s never completely e x p e l l e d from the language. Of such a term people would a t l e a s t m a intain a p a s s i v e knowledge. MALZENA does not meet these requirements. I t i s comple-t e l y e x t i n c t . MALZEMA as a term o c c u r r e d o n l y i n one manuscript i n the XV ce n t u r y . The f u l l r e c o g n i t i o n o f MALZEMA as a bona f i d e S e r b i a n k i n term i s t h e r e f o r e dubious. Besides the fo u r above-mentioned languages (German, Hungarian, B u l g a r i a n , T u r k i s h ) there i s no evidence t h a t any other language had any i n f l u e n c e upon the S e r b i a n k i n s h i p t e r m i n o l o g y . The q u e s t i o n o f whether S e r b i a n k i n s h i p terminology i n f l u e n c e d i n i t s t u r n any other k i n s h i p system or k i n s h i p terminology i s o u t s i d e the scope of t h i s paper. A we l l documented paper on t h i s q u e s t i o n i s h i g h l y d e s i r a b l e and would give r i s e to Borne comparative s t u d i e s . BIBLIOGRAPHY 76 Brkic, Jovan Moral Concepts in Traditional Serbian Epic Poetry 's-Gravenhage: Mouton & Co., 1961 Burr, Malcolm (trans.), The Code of Stephan Dusan Frome and London: Butler & Tanner Ltd., 1950 Childs, G.M. Umbundu Kinship & Character London, New York, Toronto: Oxford- University Press, 1949 Cross, S.H. Slavic Civilization Through the Ages Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1948 Slavic Culture Through the Ages Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press 1948 Curtis, W.E. J_he Turk and His Lost Provinces Chicago: Fleming H. Revell, 1903 \" \" \" De Josselin de Jong,J.P.B. Levi-Strauss1 s Theory on Kinship and Marriage Leiden: E.J.Brill, 1952 Dragic, Nada (ed«). Kralievic Marko Belgrade: Mlado Pokolenje, 1959 Durdev, B. (ed,). Historija naroda Juqoslavi.je Zagreb: Skolska knjiga, 1959 ~ Dvornik, F. The Slavs in European History and Civilization New Brunswick, New Jersey; Rutgers University Press, 1962 The Slavs; Their Early History and Civilization Boston: American Acacfemy of Arts and Sciences, 1956 Eggan, F. (ed.). Social Anthropology of North American Tribes Chicago: The University of Chicago press, 1955 Halpern, J.M. A Serbian Village New York: Columbia University Press, 1958 ~ Honigmann, J.J. The World of Man New York: Harper & Brothers, 1959 Inglis, G.B. An Approach to the Quantitative Study of Kinship in a Western-type Society Vancouver: Master's thesis, The University of British Columbia, 1964 Kushner, G. et al What Accounts for Sociocultural Change? Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina, 1962 Malinowski, B„ The Dynamics of Culture Change New Haven: Yale University Press, 1961 Markovic, 5, Ddabrani spisi Ncvi Sad: Budunnost, 1961 77 Medenica, R. (ed.), Prilozi groucavanju narodne poezije Beograd: Narodna Prosveta, }939 Milisavac, Z, (ed.), Antoloqi.jg- narodnih umotporina Novi Sad: Zmaj, 1957 Mosely, P.E. The Peasant Family/: The Zadruga, or Communal Joint-Family in the Balkans in Caroline Mare, ed., The Cultural Approach to History. New York: Columbia University Press, 1940 Mousset, A. The World of the Slavs London: Stevens & Sons, 1950 Murdock, G.P. Social Structure New York: The Macmillan Company, 1949 Newman, B. Balkan Background New York: The Macmillan Company, 1945 Sanders, I.T. Balkan Village Lexington: The University of Kentucky Press, 1949 Schneeweis, E, Die Deutschen Lehnworter im Serbokroatischen in Kulturqeschichtlicher Sicht Berlin: Walter de Gruyter & Co., 1960 Ponsioen, J.A. The Analysis of Social Change Reconsidered •s-Gravenhage: Mouton & Co., 1962 Stanojevic, S. Iz nase proslosti Beograd: Geca Hon, 1934 Stanoyevich, M. Slavonic Nations of Yesterday and Today New York: The H.ul. Wilson Company, 1925 Stevenson, D. Eskimo Kinship Terminologies Vancouver: Master's thesis, The University of British Columbia, 1964 Strakhovsky, L.I. (ed.). A Handbook of Slavic Studies Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1949 Subotic, D. Yugoslav Popular Ballads Cambridge: University Press, 1932 APPENDIX 79 HALPERN' S ACCOUNT The average villager can trace his ancestry back six to eight generations, without the benefit of any written record.. a peasant belonging to the IMedic vamilija, without any notes and with few uncertainties, traced his origin to tj^e, widow IMeda, who came to Orasac in the late eighteenth century. Proceeding through the male line he identified all her descendants,including the more than two hundred members of the Nedic clan living in the village today, as well as many who had left Orasac two or even three generations ago. In addition he was able to tell the native village and in many cases the original clan names of the brides of the various (Medic man. His knowledge was most complete on those of his male ancestors from whom he was directly descen-ded, For them he gave approximate birth and death dates and spe-cific biographical data. In all, over five hundred people within the Medic clan were identified in one way or another. He also recited approximate genealogies for several other Orasac clan groups, particularly those which had intermarried with his own. Although it would be something of an exaggeration to say that he could precisely identify his own relationship to all 2,000-odd villagers and to trace the ancestry of all the clans in Orasac, nevertheless he was able to give approximate idea of the degree of relationship among a significant portion of the village population. Young men in their twenties are sometimes able to identify as many as several hundred kinsfolk. (Halpern 1958:157) By the term \"several hundred\" we understand at least 300. This should be compared with the finding of H.Codere. A sample of 200 Vassar College students coming mostly from the northeastern United States could identify only 30 to 33 kinsmen, of whom six or seven were deceased. 72 Halpern, J.M. A Serbian Village New York: Columbia University Press, 1958 p.156 73 IMedic was interviewed in 1953-54. BO THE CODE OF STEPHAN DUSAN 7 75 In the Code of Stephan Dusan from the year 1349 there \" are the following mention of the relatives: Article 52 For treason for any case brother shall not pay for brother, father for son, kinsman for kinsman, if they dwell separately in their own houses; he who hath not sinned shall not pay anything. Only shall he pay who hath sinned, he and his household (Zadruga), The principle of individual responsibility is firmly estab-lished. The zadruga is considered as such a tightly-nit unit that the principle of collective responsibility is confined only to the zadruga, and not to the village or any other group. Article 66 When brothers are together in one house and someone summons them before the court, he shall dispute the case whom the court shall indicate. But if it SD be that one- of them be at the Tsar's court or at the court of justice and he come and say: \"I will submit my elder brother to the court,\" then let him do so and let him not be driven by force to the court,. The oldest brother has a privilege and duty to defend his younger brothers in court. If the brothers do not dwell with their father, primogeniture is of utmost importance. Article 71 Whoso commit a crime, a brother or son or kinsman, who dwell in one house, all shall pay to the lord (gospodar) of the house, or hand over him who did the crime. 74 Translated from the Old Serbian by Malcolm Burr. 75 The middle-fourteenth century is considered to be a summit of the Serbian mediaeval culture. 81 Article 104 The officer (pristav) of the court shall not call upon a wife when the husband is not at home, nor shall a wife be summoned to court without her husband, but a wife shall give her husband notice when she goes to court. And in that matter a husband is guiltless, until she give him notice. In the wife-husband team, the husband is the more important member, when one of the two has to deal with the law. Article 152 ...And on a jury there may be neither kinsman nor enemy. 82 LATIN TRANSSCRIPHJION OF THE SERBIAN CYRILLIC ALPHABET A a as a in calm B b V V G g as g in go D d Dj dj as gi in Italian giorno E e as e in ten V 1 • z as s in pleasure z z as s in rose I i as i in fit 3 j as V in yes K k L 1 Lj lj as il in failure M m N n Nj nj as ni in onion 0 o as a in all P P R r S s as s in so T t t C c as c in Italian citta U u as oo in book F f H h C c as z in German Zimmer V C V c as ch in church Dz dz as j in judge S V s as sh in shut N.B. The order of the Cyrillic alphabet is followed. 83 INVENTORY OF THE SERBIAN KINSHIP TERMS baba babajko baka babo ba j a bata b e l a p c e l a bogom p o b r a t i m bogom p o s e s t r i m a b r a l e b r a t b r a t a n a c b r a t a n i c a b r a t i c b r a t i c i n a V b r a t u c e b r a t u c e d b r a t u c i c b r a t od s t r i c a b r a t od t e t k e b r a t Dri u j a k a brae a v a m i l i j a v e n c a n i kum v e r e n i k v e r e n i c a v e r e n i c i g e n e r a c i j a gospodar gospodin gospodja dada dever f deveric devericic devericna deda dedica deka dete deca djever djeveric djevericic V zena zaova zaovic zaovic ina zet zetonja iztrisce jetrva koleno koljeno keva kcer kcerka i kci kum kum a kumic kumstva kumce 1 juba 1jubovca ma jka mama rnamica mater maceha macija mez imac mez imica mez imce V muz nakcnjce naka nana necak necakin ja ozeniti se otac ccuh pastor pastorak pastorka pastorce V pasa pasenog pobratim pobrEBtimstvo po krvi polubrat polusestra pamajka pa mleku poocim porodica pasvojak posvojka posvojce posestrima posopac posopci prababa. pradeda pra-prababa pra-pradeda praroditslji pra-praunuk pra-praunuka pra-praunuce praunuk praunuka praunuce praunucica prija prijatelj prijatelji prika punica rodbina raditelji rod ja rodjak rodjaka rodjaci rucni dever sva ja svas svastika svekar svekrva svojta seja seka sestra sestra od strica . sestra od tetke sestra od ujaka sestric sestrica sestricina sin sinak sinovac sinovica sinko sna sna ja snajka snaha snasa stara starama jka. stari svat starDjko stari strika striko strina. stric • stricevina stricevie stricevici V stricek suprug supruga supruznik V supruznica V supruznici taka tast tasta tata tatica tatkc teta tetak tetka tetkic tetkici tetkica teca cale caca cer udati se uja ujak ujevina uievic r ujevici ujka ujkica ujko ujo u jna unuk unuka unuce familija V c ika V cika v V cica V covek cukunbaba cukundeda • cukununuk V cukununuka