@prefix vivo: . @prefix edm: . @prefix ns0: . @prefix dcterms: . @prefix skos: . vivo:departmentOrSchool "Arts, Faculty of"@en, "Art History, Visual Art and Theory, Department of"@en ; edm:dataProvider "DSpace"@en ; ns0:degreeCampus "UBCV"@en ; dcterms:creator "Schutt, Karl Robert"@en ; dcterms:issued "2011-05-31T17:57:35Z"@en, "1970"@en ; vivo:relatedDegree "Master of Arts - MA"@en ; ns0:degreeGrantor "University of British Columbia"@en ; dcterms:description """The Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem was built by Constantine from 327 to 335. It consisted of a basilica, the Martyrion, and a small edicula over the tomb of Christ, known as the Tegurium. By the end of the fourth century a Rotunda was built over the edicula. This complex was quite unique in Christian architecture from the fourth to the end of seventh centuries but this paper reveals that it was not a popular architectural group to serve as a model for other churches in the Mediterranean basin. Only one building, the Cathedral of Ravenna, built by Ursian and dedicated to the "Resurrection", can be termed a "copy", and it only duplicated certain architectural features from the Martyrion, while the Rotunda was completely ignored. Only three buildings, all rotundas, seemed to have been derived from the Anastasis Rotunda; S. Stefano Rotondo in Rome, SS, Karpos and Polykarpos in Constantinople and the moslem Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem. Although Medieval copies of this building were octagonal in plan, no octagonal copies of the Rotunda were constructed before the moslem invasions in the seventh century. No architectural reproductions of the Tegurium are known but the building may have served as a model for reliquaries. The ninth century complex of S. Stefano (San Sepolcro) in Bologna duplicated the group of buildings at the Holy Sepulchre and, although a number of fifth to eighth century church complexes have buildings grouped in a similar fashion, no copies from the Byzantine period are known. Buildings on the site of Christ's tomb were examined in turn by studying illustrations and descriptions of them. Churches throughout the Mediterranean basin were then compared to the restorations of the buildings in Jerusalem to determine if there were any resemblances. If a building only duplicated a number of architectural features or the dedication from the Holy Sepulchre it was considered to be a derivative. To be a copy, both features had to be evident in the secondary structure."""@en ; edm:aggregatedCHO "https://circle.library.ubc.ca/rest/handle/2429/35002?expand=metadata"@en ; skos:note "THE INFLUENCES OJT THE HOLY SEPULCHRE ON ARCHITECTURE IN THE MEDITERRANEAN BASIN FROM THE FOURTH TO THE END OF THE SEVENTH CENTURIES by KARL ROBERT SCHUTT B.F.A. University of Manitoba, 1964 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS In the Department of Art History We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September, 1970 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f t h e r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r a n a d v a n c e d d e g r e e a t t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , I a g r e e t h a t t h e L i b r a r y s h a l l m a k e i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e a n d s t u d y . I f u r t h e r a g r e e t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y p u r p o s e s may be g r a n t e d by t h e H e a d o f my D e p a r t m e n t o r by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s u n d e r s t o o d t h a t c o p y i n g o r p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l n o t be a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . D e p a r t m e n t T h e U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a V a n c o u v e r 8, C a n a d a ABSTRACT The Holy Sepulchre i n Jerusalem was b u i l t by Constan-tine from 327 to 3 3 5 . I t consisted of a b a s i l i c a , the Martyrion, and a small e d i c u l a over the tomb of C h r i s t , known as the Teg-urium. By the end of the fourth century a Rotunda was b u i l t over the ed i c u l a . This complex was quite unique i n C h r i s t i a n architecture from the fourth to the end of seventh centuries but t h i s paper reveals that i t was not a popular a r c h i t e c t u r a l group to serve as a model f o r other churches i n the Mediterranean basin. Only one b u i l d i n g , the Cathedral of Ravenna, b u i l t by Ursian and dedicated to the \"Resurrection\", can be termed a \"copy\", and i t only duplicated c e r t a i n a r c h i t e c t u r a l features from the Martyrion, while the Rotunda was completely ignored. Only three b u i l d i n g s , a l l rotundas, seemed to have been derived from the Anastasis Rotunda; S. Stefano Rotondo i n Rome, SS, Karpos and Polykarpos i n Constantinople and the moslem Dome of the Rock i n Jerusalem. Although Medieval copies of t h i s b u i l d -ing were octagonal i n plan, no octagonal copies of the Rotunda were constructed before the moslem invasions i n the seventh century. No a r c h i t e c t u r a l reproductions of the Tegurium are known but the b u i l d i n g may have served as a model f o r r e l i q u a r i e s . The ninth century complex of S.. Stefano (San Sepolcro) i n Bologna duplicated the group of buildings at the Holy Sep-ulchre and, although a number of f i f t h to eighth century church complexes have buildings grouped i n a s i m i l a r fashion, no copies from the Byzantine period are known. Buildings on the s i t e of C h r i s t ' s tomb were examined i n turn by studying i l l u s t r a t i o n s and descriptions of them. Churches throughout the Mediterranean basin were then compared to the res t o r a t i o n s of the buildings i n Jerusalem to determine i f there were any resemblances. I f a b u i l d i n g only duplicated a number of a r c h i t e c t u r a l features or the dedication from the Holy Sepulchre i t was considered to be a d e r i v a t i v e . To be a copy, both features had to be evident i n the secondary structure. TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS i i i INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTER I. The Tegurium ,6 CHAPTER I I . The Martyrion 18 CHAPTER I I I . The Anastasis 32 CHAPTER IV. The Holy Sepulchre Complex 63 CONCLUSIONS . 73 FOOTNOTES... 77 SOURCES OF ILLUSTRATIONS 99 BIBLIOGRAPHY 105 APPENDIX 115 A Square Plan. B Square Plan with C i r c u l a r I n t e r i o r . C Cross Plan. D Rotunda Plan E Octagonal Plan. F B a s i l i c a Plan. G B u i l d i n g Complex. MAP. Jerusalem. 500-700 A.D 137 ILLUSTRATIONS 138 ILLUSTRATIONS F i g u r e 1. I l l u s t r a t i o n . . View o f t h e modern Tegurium. 2. I v o r y . B u c k l e o f S t . C e s a r i u s . N o t r e Dame-la M a j o r A r i e s . 3. I v o r y . C a s k e t p a n e l . B r i t i s h Museum, London. 4. I v o r y . T r i v u l z i o d i p t y c h . M i l a n . 5. I v o r y . P a n e l . N a t i o n a l Museum, Muni c h . 6. I l l u s t r a t i o n . \"La C o n o c c h i a \" , S a n t a M a r i a Capus V e t e r e , I t a l y . 7. P l a n . Tegurium drawn i n 1586 from Z u a l l a r d o , I I d e v o t i s s i m o v i a g g i o d i Gerusalemme, (Roma, 1 5 8 7 p . 189. 8. P l a n . A r c u l f ' s p l a n o f t h e H o l y S e p u l c h r e . a) V i e n n a Codex (Cod. 458, f o 4 v ) . b) P a r i s M a n u s c r i p t (B.N. L a t . 13-048, f o 4 c ) . c) Scheme o f A r c u l f ' s p l a n by H e i t z . 9 . Wood. R e l i q u a r y . S a n c t a Sanctorum, Rome. 10. M a n u s c r i p t . R a b b u l a Codex. L a u r e n t i a n L i b r a r y , F l o r e n c e . 11. S i l v e r . Perm P l a t e . H e r m i t a g e , L e n i n g r a d . 12. M e d a l i o n . S a c r i f i c e o f I s a a c . T r i e r . 13. M e t a l . C o p t i c c e n s o r . 14. S t o n e . Stone R e l i e f . Dumbarton Oaks, Washington. 15. L e a d . A m p u l l a e . a) Monza. b) Monza. c) Monza. d) B o b b i o . e) Monza. 16. G l a s s . Cup. Bardo Museum, T u n i s . 17. M o s a i c . S. A p o l l i n a r e Nuovo, Ravenna. (ii\") ILLUSTRATIONS (continued) Figure 18. Coins and R e l i e f . a) Divus Romulus (309) b) Trebonianus Gallus and Valusian c) Maximianus. d) Maxentius i n honor Constantius Chlorus. e) Maxentius - \"Tomb\" f) Roman r e l i e f , of Maximianus. 19. Sacred P o r t a l . a) Mosaic. Beth Alpha, b) Painting. Dura Europus. 20. Plan. S. John. Ephesus. 21. Plan. Martyrium of Sichem by A r c u l f . 22. Plan. S. Saviour. P l a t a n i t i , Greece. 23. Plan. Church No. 3. i l Anderin. 24. I l l u s t r a t i o n . Tomb at Hass. 25. Plan. Tomb of Bizzos a) E l e v a t i o n b) Plan. c) Section. 26. I l l u s t r a t i o n . Tomb at A l i f . 27. I l l u s t r a t i o n . Necropolis. Bagawat, Egypt. 28. I l l u s t r a t i o n . Tomb. Kharga, Egypt. 29. Metal. Reliquary. Aachen. 30. The s i t e of the Holy Sepulchre i n Jerusalem. a) Plan made i n 1937. b) Plan made i n 1893 c) Plan made i n 1962. 31. Reconstructions of the Holy Sepulchre plan. a) Reconstruction by Conant, ca. 335. b) Reconstruction with Rotunda by Conant. c) ; Reconstruction f o r 614-1009 by Vincent. ILLUSTRATIONS (continued) Figure ' d) Reconstruction by Krautheimer, ca. 3 3 5 . e) Reconstruction with Rotunda by Krautheimer. f) Reconstruction by W i l l i s . g) Reconstruction by De Vogue. 3 2 . Mosaic. S. Pudenziana. Rome. a) Apse view. b) D e t a i l of l e f t side. c) Reconstruction of a r t i s t ' s p o s i t i o n f o r the mosaic. 3 3 . Mosaic. Map of Jerusalem. Madaba. a) F u l l map. b) D e t a i l of Holy Sepulchre. c) Conant's reconstruction of view. 34-. Stone. Sarcophagus. Lateran Museum, Rome. 3 5 . Mosaic. Views of Jerusalem. a) S. V i t a l e , Ravenna b) S. Maria Maggiore, Rome. c) S. Giovanni Lateran, d) S. Lorenzo f u o r i Rome. l e Mura e) St. Peter's, Rome. 3 6 . I l l u s t r a t i o n . E x t e r i o r view. B a s i l i c a , T r i e r . 3 7 . Reconstruction of the Martyrion Hemisphairion. 3 8 . Plan. Church of the N a t i v i t y . Bethlehem. a) Plan of 4-th C. with b) El e v a t i o n 6th C. additions. 3 9 . Plan. S. Croce i n Gerusalemme. Rome. 40. Plan (Isometric). S. Croce and Mausoleum of Ga l l a P l a c i d i a , Ravenna. cm ILLUSTRATIONS (continued) Figure 41. Plan. B a s i l i c a Ursiana (Cathedral). Ravenna. a) Plan. b) E l e v a t i o n . 42. Stone. Sarchopagi. a) Vatican B a s i l i c a , b) Southern Gaul, Aries Rome. c) Sarcophagus of S. Celso. Milan. 43. Ivory. Basilewsky S i t u l a . V i c t o r i a and Albert Museum, London. 44. Plan. A r c u l f ' s plan of the Church of the Ascension. a) Vienna Codex (Cod. 458, fo I I v ) . b) P a r i s Manuscript (B.N. Lat. 13.048, fo 14r). 45. Plan. Church of the Ascension. Mount of O l i v e s . 46. Plan. C i r c u l a r Roman b u i l d i n g s . a) Roman. b) Tholos. Epidaurus. c) c) Roman d) Roman. 47. Plan. Rotunda. Beisan. 48. Plan. Rotunda. F a ' l u i . 49. Plan. Damous e l - K a r i t a . Cartage. 5 0 . Plan. Rotunda. Algezares. 51 . Plan. S. Costanza. Rome. a) Plan b) E l e v a t i o n . 5 2 . Plan and I l l u s t r a t i o n . B a p t i s t r y of S. Maria Maggiore. Nocera I n f e r i o r e . a) Plan b) Engraving from ca.1770. 5 3 . I l l u s t r a t i o n and Plan. B a p t i s t r y . Djemila ( C u i c u l ) . a) Corridor view. b) Plan. Rotunda. ILLUSTRATIONS ( c o n t i n u e d ) F i g u r e 54. P l a n . S. S t e f a n o Rotondo. Rome. 55. P l a n . Domus a u r e a . A n t i o c h . a) M o s a i c o f Domus a u r e a . Y a k t o . b) P l a n . 56. P l a n . Tomb o f t h e V i r g i n . V a l l e y o f J o s h a p h a t , J e r u s a l e m . 57. P l a n . C h u r c h o f Theodokos. G a r i z i m . 58. P l a n . Octagon. T e l l Hum. 5 9 . P l a n . S. Simeon S t y l i t e s . K a l ' a t Sem'an. a) P l a n c a . 470. b) R e c o n s t r u c t i o n ( I s o m e t r i c ) . 60. P l a n . SS. S e r g i u s and Ba c c h u s . C o n s t a n t i n o p l e . 61. P l a n ( I s o m e t r i c ) . S. V i t a l e . Ravenna. 62. P l a n . M i r ' a y e h . 63. P l a n . M i d j l e y y a . 64. P l a n . S. George. E z r a . a) P l a n . b) E l e v a t i o n . 6 5 . P l a n . C a t h e d r a l . B o a r a . a) E l e v a t i o n b) P l a n . 66. P l a n . S t . John t h e B a p t i s t . G e r a s a . a) P l a n . b) E l e v a t i o n . 67. I l l u s t r a t i o n and P l a n . Dome o f t h e Rock. J e r u s a l e m . a) E x t e r i o r v i e w b) P l a n . 68. P l a n . S. S t e f a n o . ( S . S e p o l c r o ) . B o l o g n a . 69. P l a n . C h u r c h Complex. G e r a s a . 70. I l l u s t r a t i o n . View from t h e a i r . D j e m i l a . . 71. P l a n . B a s i l i c a and complex. T i p a s a . ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would l i k e to thank Mr. Ian McNairn f o r the help he has given me i n carrying out t h i s study and to my mother, who, through f i n a n c i a l support, has made t h i s work po s s i b l e . -1-INTRODUCTION The Holy Sepulchre, buil t i n Jerusalem over Christ's tomb, was one of the most important church complexes to be constructed i n the Byzantine Period from the fourth to the eighth centuries. Built i n the fourth century as a martyrium or monument to the death and resurrection of Christ, the Holy Sepulchre, though altered today, marks the site of the tomb cave. Por sixteen centuries the tomb and Calvary have been pro-tected for v i s i t s by pilgrims, and, to this day, Christians from around the world, continue to travel to the Holy Land just to see this great Christian monument. Por the Christian world of the fourth century i t not only stood as a symbol of Christ's victory over death but also of the victory of Christianity over years of persecution by the Romans. Legalization of Christianity in 313 not only per-mitted the adherents to practise their f a i t h without fear of punishment, but they could now build proper sanctuaries in which to worship their God. It was Constantine the Great who was responsible for find-ing the tomb and having a church b u i l t around i t , but there i s some reason to believe that his actions were not as devout as the construction of such a great monument might suggest. His struggle to power was not easy and upon becoming sole emperor he was faced with a major task of unifying the empire. -2-Since Christianity was popular and widespread, i t s l e g a l i z -ation would, and did, help secure his p o l i t i c a l position. In the process of gaining power, Constantine had to de-feat Emperors Maximian and Galerius. Achieving that, he de-feated Maximian's son, Maxentius, at the Milvian Bridge i n 312. Even then he was not sole ruler, not u n t i l the deathsoflLicihius i n 324. After that Constantine was g l o r i f i e d by both the re-ligious and the secular elements of society as a great ruler. Shortly after Constantine had gained power, he sought to mark the great r e l i c s and sites of Christendom. One of these sites was the tomb, another the place of Christ's birth and a third, the place of Christ's ascension. Construction on these sites probably began in 327 and by 335 the Holy Sepulchre was ready for i t s dedication. Believers must have come from a l l parts of the Christian world for September 13, 335> to see the great event. Of course there was no way of knowing i f the tomb of Christ had been found when Constantine's workmen f i r s t discovered i t . For two centuries the cave had been covered by a pagan temple. In the process of destroying this temple the cave was found below the ground and was declared to be the one used to contain Christ's body. It may very well have been so. It seems unlikely that the Christian community in Jerusalem would have forgotten such a sacred spot and yet, even today, the authenticity of this cave as the tomb of Christ i s disputed. Once the tomb was marked by the Holy Sepulchre, i t was recognized as the s p i r i t u a l centre of the Christian f a i t h , as - 3 -w e l l as the p h y s i c a l centre of God's u n i v e r s e . Prom the seventh t o e l e v e n t h c e n t u r i e s the exact centre of the u n i v e r s e was marked by a spot known as the \"Omphalos\" on the church f l o o r between the A n a s t a s i s and the Martyrium ( P i g . 31c) . So i t was t h a t C h r i s t i a n s throughout the world looked to Jerusalem as the centre of t h e i r p h y s i c a l and s p i r i t u a l worlds. I t i s not d i f f i c u l t t o understand then, why the Holy Sepulchre was such an important b u i l d i n g i n the Middle Ages or why the Crusades were launched t o f r e e i t from the Arabs. I t was d u r i n g the Medieval P e r i o d t h a t churches were b u i l t throughout Europe i n t e n t i o n a l l y designed t o copy the church i n Jerusalem. R i c h a r d Krautheimer i n an a r t i c l e t i t l e d \" I n t r o d u c t i o n t o an 'Iconography of Mediaeval A r c h i t e c t u r e ' \" p u b l i s h e d by the Warburg and C o u r t a u l d I n s t i t u t e i n 1942 has i d e n t i f i e d many of these copies d e r i v e d from the Holy Sepulchre and p a r t i c u l a r l y from the A n a s t a s i s . His r e s e a r c h , however, does not c o n s i d e r the i n f l u e n c e s of the Holy Sepulchre on a r c h i t e c t u r e i n the Mediterranean area p r i o r t o the e i g h t h century. This then, i s the reason f o r undertaking the present study. Because the Holy Sepulchre was such an important church i n the C h r i s t i a n world and because church c o n s t r u c t i o n a f t e r the l e g a l i z a t i o n of C h r i s t i a n i t y was f l o u r i s h i n g throughout the Empire i t would seem t h a t a r c h i t e c t s would have looked to Constantine's church as a model f o r t h e i r own designs and p l a n s . H o p e f u l l y , t h i s paper w i l l help c l a r i f y t h i s t h e o r y . The p e r i o d of time under c o n s i d e r a t i o n extends from the construction of Constantine 1s church i n Jerusalem to the end of the seventh century when most of the C h r i s t i a n world was i n the hands of the moslems. Jerusalem had been occupied by them i n 637 or 638 and by the middle of the century S y r i a , part of As i a Minor and Upper Mesopotamia, Pa l e s t i n e , Egypt, and part of the Byzantine provinces i n North A f r i c a were under Arabian occupation. The northern borders of the Byzantine Empire were also jeopardized, not by Arabs but by Slavs and Bulgarians. By the end of the seventh century church con-s t r u c t i o n had come to a near s t a n d s t i l l and the C h r i s t i a n world was s u f f e r i n g a period of serious contraction i n s i z e . 'The: geographical area covered by t h i s paper ranges from the coast of Prance to the heart of the Middle East. The borders of the Byzantine Empire act as a guide l i n e p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the regions around the Mediterranean basin, and i n the east. S y r i a , Jordan, Mesopotamia, Capadocia and surrounding areas are included. Except f o r s p e c i a l references, northern Prance, inland Spain and Europe have been excluded. The Holy Sepulchre complex w i l l be discussed i n sections beginning with the f i r s t b u i l d i n g on the s i t e , the Tegurium. A f t e r considering the Martyrion and the Anastasis the entire complex w i l l be compared with a number of church complexes found throughout the Mediterranean area. A b r i e f examination of each part of the Holy Sepulchre w i l l be under-taken with reference to descriptions and v i s u a l representations to determine how the p u b l i c generally v i s u a l i z e d that part of the b u i l d i n g complex i n Jerusalem. Other buildings with s i m i l a r a r c h i t e c t u r a l features w i l l be considered together with references to churches claimed to be copied from the church i n Jerusalem. Unfortunately many of the structures studied i n the paper do not e x i s t above the foundation l e v e l . A study of church elevations therefore i s l a r g e l y speculative. Also hampering a study of t h i s type i s the lack of documentation to e i t h e r confirm or negate theories of copies put f o r t h . But lack of supplementary evidence does not n e c e s s a r i l y mean that a b u i l d i n g which appears to be a copy i s , i n f a c t , not. -6-CHAPTER I THE TEGURIUM The Tegurium of the Holy Sepulchre was a small chapel-like structure b u i l t by Gonstantine's a r c h i t e c t s over what they believed to be the Tomb of Christ.\" 1\" That b u i l d i n g no longer e x i s t s . I t was destroyed i n 614 by the Persians. The one which occupies the s i t e today was constructed i n the eleventh century a f t e r a seventh century reconstruction of the o r i g i n a l was destroyed by the mad moslem k h a l i f , Hakem ( F i g . l ) . Since that reconstruction i n the eleventh century r e p a i r s have been made p e r i o d i c a l l y but a l l of the buildings presently on the s i t e are i n need of r e p a i r . The most recent d i s a s t e r was a f i r e i n 1808 which burnt the dome of the Rotunda and caused i t to f a l l on the Tegurium destroying 2 the cupola or lantern which stood on top. P r i o r to the l e g a l i z a t i o n of C h r i s t i a n i t y by Constantine, a pagan temple had covered the spot which i s now occupied by the Tegurium. A f t e r Constantine had become sole monarch and had recognized the C h r i s t i a n r e l i g i o n , he ordered the temple removed so that nothing of i t would remain. While carrying out h i s orders a cave was discovered below the ground l e v e l . I t was immediately heralded as the Tomb of C h r i s t . His Tomb had t r a d i t i o n a l l y been associated with the s i t e , but whether t h i s was a c t u a l l y the one i s s t i l l a matter of conjecture. Excavations were begun immediately i n 327 to remove the earth and stone around the cave. Thus a stone s h e l l was exposed to the elements. To protect i t a small rectangular b u i l d i n g c a l l e d a tegurium or ed i c u l a was b u i l t around i t to act as a r e l i q u a r y f o r the sacred r e l i c . Constantine seems to have spared no expense to decorate i t s e x t e r i o r . His a r c h i t e c t s added columns and a r c h i t e c t u r a l motifs to i t s walls to enhance what would otherwise be a p l a i n stone box. Eusebius saw i t when the Church of the Holy Sepulchre was being dedicated i n 335. Included i n h i s d e s c r i p t i o n of the buildings constructed at the Holy Sepulchre, recorded i n h i s L i f e of Constantine, Eusebius makes the following reference to the Tegurium: This f i r s t , as c h i e f part of the whole (church), the l i b e r a l i t y of the emperor b e a u t i f i e d with choice columns and with much ornament,^ decorating i t v/ith a l l kinds of adornments. Eusebius does not mention the ground plan of the e d i c u l a but according to i t s representation i n a number of i l l u s t r a t i o n s from the f i f t h and s i x t h centuries the base was square or rectangular. The depictions of the Tegurium on a number of i v o r i e s are probably derived from the actual structure. Unfortunately i t i s not known where the i v o r i e s were carved, but, because they are a l l so s i m i l a r , the a r t i s t s must have seen the Tegurium or c a r e f u l l y drawn sketches of i t . These i v o r i e s are presently located i n d i f f e r e n t c o l l e c t i o n s throughout Europe. At Notre Dame-la Major i n Aries there i s a small i v o r y b e l t buckle (2\" x 4 1 / 8 \" ) which was supposed to have belonged to a Bishop, St. Cesarius, who died i n 5^ -2 (Pig. 2). On i t the Tegurium i s shown as a small rectangularIbuilding with -8-a l a n t e r n on top . Two s o l d i e r s l e a n on t h e i r l a n c e s , apparently-a s l e e p . The two s o l d i e r s a l s o appear on the B r i t i s h Museum i v o r y . Again the Tegurium i s shown as a r e c t a n g u l a r or square s t r u c t u r e but here the l a n t e r n i s s o l i d and b u i l t of stone ( F i g . 3 ) . The columns r e f e r r e d t o by Eusebius are a l s o shown. No columns or p i l a s t e r s are shown on the T r i v u l z i o i v o r y i n M i l a n but again i t would seem t h a t the 7 Tegurium was r e c t a n g u l a r ( F i g . 4 ) . ' The enclosed l a n t e r n of b r i c k appears again t o g e t h e r w i t h the two s o l d i e r s i n the upper h a l f of the p a n e l . A f o u r t h i v o r y i s kept i n the N a t i o n a l G a l l e r y of Munich. Again the Tegurium i s r e c t a n g u l a r , Q w i t h a ve r y ornate c l a s s i c a l l a n t e r n (Fig.5). The l a n t e r n on t h i s l a s t example resembles the top of an I t a l i a n monument . q known as \"La Conocchia\" ( F i g . 6 ) . Probably a Roman b u i l d i n g such as t h i s was a fore r u n n e r of the Tegurium i n Jerusalem. The west end of the modern Tegurium i s s e m i c i r c u l a r , but i t i s not known i f the o r i g i n a l f o l l o w e d the same p l a n . This f e a t u r e may have been added by Monomachus i n 1048 when the Tegurium was r e b u i l t ( F i g . 7 ) . \" ^ The e a r l i e s t p l a n of the Holy Sepulchre and Tegurium was made i n the l a t e seventh century by a French monk, A r c u l f . On h i s p l a n the Tegurium i s shown as a c i r c l e i n s i d e a number of c o n c e n t r i c c i r c l e s intended t o represent the Rotunda. I n s i d e the Tegurium c i r c l e , the s e p u l c h r e , i n which C h r i s t ' s body was l a i d , was represented by a r e c t a n g l e - but there i s no suggestion of a r e c t a n g u l a r shaped Tegurium whatsoever! ( F i g . 8 a , b , c ) . -9-The r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of a r e c t a n g u l a r s t r u c t u r e by a c i r c l e c e r t a i n l y seems t o be an anomaly. But probably A r c u l f saw the ciborium around the Tegurium when he stood i n s i d e the Rotunda and subsequently i d e n t i f i e d t h a t p a r t of the church as one u n i t when he d i c t a t e d the p l a n to h i s s c r i b e , Adamnanus. This u n i t was r e f e r r e d t o by him as the \"memoratum rotundum tegurium\" - the round t e g u r i u m . 1 1 The cib o r i u m proper was not mentioned i n h i s t e x t , but, a c c o r d i n g t o E. Baldwin Smith, the ciborium was f r e q u e n t l y c a l l e d a tegurium and, t h e r e f o r e , i t i s l i k e l y t h a t A r c u l f meant the round c i b o r i u m by the words \"rotundum tegurium\" - not a round e d i c u l a or tegurium c o n t a i n i n g the Tomb. 1 2 A r c u l f d i d not o r i g i n a t e t h i s ciborium-tegurium concept. I t appears on an i l l u s t r a t i o n dated t o the s i x t h century p a i n t e d on the top of a r e l i q u a r y i n the Sancta Sanctorum of the L a t e r a n ( P i g . 9 ) . \" ^ Here the p o l y g o n a l c i b o r i u m i s covered by a pyramidal t e n t r o o f w i t h the f i g u r e of an angel t o the r i g h t and two women to the l e f t . Above i t i s the dome of the Rotunda w i t h a number of windows i n i t s drum. In the middle of the opening between the two centre columns i s an a l t a r which was 14 p l a c e d before the entrance of the cave. Between the columns on each s i d e of the entrance a s o l i d w a l l i s shown r i s i n g h a l f -way t o the top. The other h a l f i s c l o s e d w i t h l a t t i c e - w o r k t o p r o t e c t the Tegurium but i t s t i l l p e r m i t t e d the p i l g r i m s t o see i n s i d e . This type of ciborium-tegurium concept was common t o i l l u s t r a t i o n s of the Tomb of C h r i s t . B a s i c a l l y the a r c h i t e c t --10Q u r a l elements which were used were: four columns, arches or l i n t e l s on the columns and a canopy. But a l l of them do not ne c e s s a r i l y appear i n the same p i c t u r e . The four columns how-ever, seem to be the most common feature used. Two exceptions are the Rabbula Codex of 586 ( F i g . 1 0 ) , and a s i l v e r plate i n the Hermitage from the s i x t h or seventh century ( F i g . 1 1 ) . \" ^ Apparently both of these examples ori g i n a t e d i n Gyria. The canopy of the l a t t e r , composed of a t r i a n g l e circumscribing a se m i c i r c l e , i s just the opposite of a canopy shown on a glass medallion at T r i e r ( F i g . 1 2 ) . \" ^ But i n a l l other cases four columns - placed i n such a way as to suggest an octagon - hold up an umbrella dome or tent canopy. A r i c h f a b r i c seems to have been stretched l o o s e l y over r i b s or ropes drawn to a peak at the centre. Examples of such i l l u s t r a t i o n s appear on a coptic censor ( F i g . 13), a stone r e l i e f ( F i g . 14), and several ampullae from Monza ( F i g . 15b, c, e), a l l from the s i x t h century. The lantern on the Arie s buckle also f i t s into t h i s group ( F i g . 2 ) . The columns on the censor, the stone plaque and the i v o r y from Ar i e s a l l suggest that the supports were stone. They are t h i c k e r than the columns on the ampullae, but c a p i t a l s were shown on both sets. There i s only one i l l u s t r a t i o n of a ciborium without a canopy - on an ampulla i n the abbey of St. Columban at Bobbio i n the province of Piacenza ( F i g . l 5 d ) . The omission, i n t h i s case, may have been due to a lack of space on the ampulla, or po s s i b l y , the canopy may have been removable. But not a l l of the ampullae from the Holy Land show the ciborium. -11-Some show only the rectangular tegurium ( F i g . 1 5 a , b ) . At S. Apollinare Nuovo i n Ravenna, a s i x t h century mosaic of the Tomb shows the ciborium very d i s t i n c t l y as a c i r c u l a r structure (Fig.17). The canopy here i s more suggestive of a dome than a tent and the base i s obviously c i r c u l a r . I t was probably conceived by the a r t i s t as a small c i r c u l a r temple rather:\" than a ciborium with a f a b r i c cover. But here once again, the a l t a r i s shown between the centre columns. The fac t that i t i s located behind the columns proves that t h i s round structure i s the ciborium not a modified tegurium because the a l t a r was located at the Tomb entrance between the Tegurium and the ciborium. A l l of these i l l u s t r a t i o n s , then, belong to the same group as the Sancta Sanctorum r e l i q u a r y and Arc u l f ' s c i r c u l a r plan. The ancestory of t h i s ciborium-tegurium type of i l l u s t r a t i o n i s both Roman and Jewish. Roman coins minted by Divus Romulus (Fig.18a) and other important Romans (Fig . l 8 b - e ) , show small domed structures with four columns on t h e i r faces. C i r c u l a r t e g u r i a also appear on Roman r e l i e f s ( F i g . L S f ) . Apparently t h i s type of structure was quite popular i n Roman times. In Jewish art there i s a \"sacred p o r t a l \" t r a d i t i o n which i s represented by a r i c h l y decorated set of doors below a t r i a n g u l a r or semicircular 19 gable mounted on two or three columns (19a,b). Both of these t r a d i t i o n s seemed to ant i c i p a t e the ciborium-tegurium i l l u s t r a t i o n s of the Tegurium made by a r t i s t s i n the s i x t h and seventh c e n t u r i e s . x -12-The exact date of the ciborium's construction i s not known, but i t appears i n descriptions of the Holy Sepulchre as e a r l y as ca. 530. A reference i n the \"Breviary\" or \"Short Description of Jerusalem\" at that time stated that \"Above the sepulchre i t s e l f i s a vaulted roof of s i l v e r and gold\" which, according to the tex t , was surrounded by gold (Super ipso sepulcro t r a n s v o l a t i l e argenteum et aureum et 20 i n c i r c u i t u omne de aurum). Apparently i n Rome, at the Lateran b a p t i s t r y , a ciborium was i n s t a l l e d by Pope Sextus 21 i n ca. 432-440. P o s s i b l y i t s erection preceded that of the Holy Sepulchre, but most l i k e l y both were, b u i l t at the same time. The ciborium i n the Holy Sepulchre may have been an addition to the Tegurium i n preparation f o r the hundredth anniversary celebrations i n 435* But even t h i s e a r l y date i s not e a r l y enough to predate the construction of the ciborium-tegurium type church at 22 Ephesus, dedicated to St. John (Pig.20). This small church was b u i l t i n the fourth century,.possibly even before the \"Peace of the Church\", according to Andre Grabar. In the f i f t h century i t was expanded by the construction of four arms - much l i k e A r c u l f ' s plan of the martyrium of Sichem (Pig.21). ^ This martyrium at Sichem also seems to have had a ciborium i n the centre of the crossing. But other small structures such as these need not have depended on the Holy Sepulchre f o r a model i f one, indeed, were necessary. The ciborium was quite a common feature over sacred r e l i c s , a l t a r s , and baptismal fonts. An a r c h i t e c t could have found such a -13-structure close at hand to serve as a model i f need be -c e r t a i n l y c l o s e r than the Holy Sepulchre. In any case there i s no example of a ciborium or ciborium-tegurium type of structure which could be d e f i n i t e l y c a l l e d a copy of the Tegurium. I l l u s t r a t i o n s of the Tegurium proper may be divided i n t o two groups; the single story cabin type common to the ampullae (Fig.15) and the two story type t y p i c a l of the i v o r i e s mentioned e a r l i e r (Fig.2 - 5 ) . The cabin type i s e s s e n t i a l l y rectangular with a gable and lattice-work on both sides of a c e n t r a l opening believed to be the door. Besides appearing on the ampullae kept at Monza and Bobbio, there i s also a cup from Carthage showing this-.type of Tegurium. The facade i l l u s t r a t e d on the cup has a gable end, a c e n t r a l opening, and 24-unlike the ampullae, four columns on the f r o n t . (Fig.16) Unlike any other representation of the Tegurium t h i s i l l u s t -r a t i o n on the glass cup shows a side of the b u i l d i n g . Apparently the ed i c u l a at Jerusalem had no a r c h i t e c t u r a l features on the sides, but, of course, t h i s may not be absolutely accurate. In any case there are no paneled doors on these cabin type i l l u s t r a t i o n s ; not l i k e the doors on .the i v o r i e s which seem to be made of wood or metal. The two story type on the i v o r i e s has been r e f e r r e d to by N e i l Brooks as the \"western temple type\" because of i t s resemblance to 25 temples xn I t a l y . ^ The asso c i a t i o n of t h i s type with \"La Conocchia\" i n I t a l y has already been made. But not a l l of the a r c h i t e c t u r a l features shown on the d i f f e r e n t i v o r i e s are i d e n t i c a l . For example, the lantern drums of the B r i t i s h -14-Museum (Fig.3) and T r i v u l z i o (Fig.4) i v o r i e s appear as i f they were designed to be out of doors. Both of them were apparently constructed of cut stone, with windows covered with a translucent ot transparent material. The roofs appear to be covered with lead. Whereas the lanterns on the other two examples seem to have been constructed f o r indoors. P a r t i -c u l a r l y the Munich i v o r y with i t s f i n e l y f i n i s h e d marble cupola or l a n t e r n ( F i g . 5 ) . And common to t h i s ivory and the Aries buckle (Fig.2) are the columns shown around the lantern . The f a c t that a b r i c k wall can be seen behind the c l a s s i c a l work on the Munich lantern suggests that the o l d structure shown on the B r i t i s h Museum and Milan i v o r i e s was covered by l a t e r renovations. Another feature which distinguishes the Munich and Aries i v o r i e s from the other two i s the door which stands s l i g h t l y agar. This d e t a i l seems to have been adopted from the Roman memoria on e a r l y coinage (Fig.18a,c), but i t was not repeated on the Munich and Aries i v o r i e s . I t does not appear again u n t i l 586, and then i n the Rabbula Codex (Fig.10). I f renovations were made to the lantern, they l i k e l y date to the rei g n of Theodosius I I , the Younger (408-450). I t was during h i s reign that the Holy Sepulchre celebrated i t s one hundredth anniversary (435)• To prepare the church f o r the occasion Theodosius may have ordered the renovation of the lantern and the construction of the ciborium., He was a man in t e r e s t e d i n the monastic l i f e , and i n the d u p l i c a t i o n of o l d manuscripts, thus', he was apparently i n t e r e s t e d i n both a r t and r e l i g i o n . And with such an important event as -15-the anniversary during h i s reign, he i s l i k e l y to have financed the decoration of the Holy Sepulchre f o r the holy day September 13, 4-35. In searching the Mediterranean basin f o r a r c h i t e c t u r a l structures which might have been copied from the Tegurium as i t appears on the i v o r i e s , one would expect to f i n d a b u i l d i n g s i m i l a r to the Church of the Saviour at P l a t a n i t i on 27 the southern t i p of the Peloponnesis (Pig.22). ' This church, b u i l t i n the eleventh century, may have been a copy of the the Tegurium - at l e a s t the dedication to the Saviour seems to associate the two. -^ut other than the dedication and the r e -semblance of the two there i s no other evidence to confirm t h i s hypothesis. However, the church was small enough (7,30 x 5?55 m.) to look l i k e the Tegurium, and an octagonal lantern or cupola with windows was mounted on i t s roof. And a l l these features suggest that t h i s church at P l a t a n i t i might have been derived from the b u i l d i n g i n Jerusalem. No church or mausoleum from the fourth to the eighth centuries, however, can be found which duplicate these features. The clos e s t approximation of such a b u i l d i n g i n t h i s period i s Church No. 3 at i l Anderin dated 28 558/9 (Pig. 23). However, i t was la r g e r than both the Church of the Saviour and the Tegurium, and i t s dome was cone-shaped rather than b u i l t on a drum with a low pitched roof. Thus, i t s s i m i l a r i t i e s are rather remote - probably too remote to be associated with the Tegurium i n any way whatsoever. Because the Tegurium was more c l o s e l y associated with tomb memorials than i t was with congregational b u i l d i n g s , i t seems p l a u s i b l e that copies or derivations of i t s a r c h i t e c t u r a l -16-features would be found i n other tomb monuments rather than i n churches. In S y r i a there are three tombs which are s i m i l a r to the Tegurium i n t h e i r a r c h i t e c t u r a l design, but the r e l a t i o n -ship isjinot close enough to claim them derivations of the Con-s t a n t i n i a n structure. The tomb at Hass f o r example ( F i g . 24), was a two s t o r i e d structure with the second story l e v e l de-29 signed to imitate a temple. A pediment, p i l a s t e r s and a small c e n t r a l door constituted the facade i n a fashion suggest-ing the cabin type of Tegurium i l l u s t r a t i o n found on the Monza ampullae and the glass cup from Carthage. A second tomb was located near the one just described, known as the Tomb of Bizzos ( F i g . 2 5 ) , ^ Both tombs were covered by a dome while t h i s second example was smaller and free of windows. Like the f i r s t tomb, i t was also of the cabin type, but only one story, not two. A t h i r d tomb, at A l i f ( E l i f , F i g . 26), was also two s t o r i e d , with a dome, doorway and p i l a s t e r s , but no pediment, however, i t s great size does not commend i t as a d e r i v a t i v e of 31 the Tegurium. In f a c t none of these Syrian tombs are known to be designed a f t e r the b u i l d i n g over C h r i s t ' s Tomb. They are, rather, part of the mausoleum t r a d i t i o n established by the Romans i n the area and maintained long a f t e r the Roman Empire had faded out of existence. Buildings i n North A f r i c a which resemble i l l u s t r a t i o n s of the Tegurium are not l i k e l y derived from i t e i t h e r . The small cabin type of mausolea i n the C h r i s t i a n necropolis at Bagawat, Egypt ( F i g . 2 7 ) , may very well be part of a l o c a l 32 t r a d i t i o n . The small tomb at Kharga, i n Egypt, west of Luxor -17-( F i g . 28), seems to have been based on a Roman model such as 33 \"La Conocchia\". Although i t s small cupola resembles the lantern on the Munich i v o r y , the r e l a t i o n s h i p i s c o i n c i d e n t a l . The small martyria of St. Menas at Abou^Mina, Libya and St. F e l i x at Nola, A l g e r i a , though of the ciborium-tegurium type, 34-are also l i k e l y unrelated. Nowhere i n the Mediterranean basin, then, are there a r c h i t e c t u r a l structures which are known to be derived from the a r c h i t e c t u r a l form of the Tegurium, e i t h e r as i t was con-structed by Constantine, or as i l l u s t r a t e d on the d i f f e r e n t i v o r i e s and mementoes. Any structures which seem to resemble i t were l i k e l y designed a f t e r a Roman monument i n the area, since Roman monuments were both common throughout the Byzantine world and s i m i l a r to the architecture of the Tegurium. A f a c t o r which may have discouraged making a r c h i t e c t u r a l copies of the Tegurium was the function of the b u i l d i n g . I t was neither a mausoleum, nor a chapel, i t was a r e l i q u a r y de-signed to protect a r e l i c , namely the Tomb of C h r i s t . And r e -l i q u a r i e s were not subject to d u p l i c a t i o n i n a r c h i t e c t u r a l form. I f a r e l i q u a r y were duplicated i t would l i k e l y be i n the form of another r e l i q u a r y . Therefore, a r e l i q u a r y found by Jean Maspero at Baouit i n ca. 1932 and known to Andre Grabar may have been designed to represent the Tegurium i n much the same 35 way a r e l i q u a r y at Aachen does ( F i g . 29). Unfortunately no d e s c r i p t i o n of i t i s recorded. This may explain the lack of Tegurium copies. The Tegurium must have been seen as a r e l i q u a r y i n the eyes of C h r i s t i a n a r c h i t e c t s - not as an a r c h i t e c t u r a l monument. -18-CHAPTER I I THE MARTYRION Once the rock s h e l l of Chr i s t ' s Tomb had been properly-protected by the construction of the Tegurium, work could commence on a congregational b u i l d i n g . U n t i l a b a s i l i c a had been b u i l t there was no place where the congregation of Chris-t i a n s could gather and worship. This church must have been part of the o r i g i n a l plan prepared by Constantine 1s a r c h i t e c t s . Whether the plans were prepared i n Rome or i n Jerusalem i s not known but Constantine himself i n s i s t e d that the b u i l d i n g be the 'Tinest i n the world\" when completed.\"'\" Those were h i s words written to the Bishop of Jerusalem, Macarius, as recorded by Eusebius. Most l i k e l y they were c a r e f u l l y complied with but a lack of earl y descriptions f a i l s to confirm the f u l f i l m e n t of Constantine 1s i n t e n t i o n s . Only very small b i t s of the o r i g i n a l foundation, or what i s believed to be the o r i g i n a l foundations, have been found, but i t i s not possible to reconstruct the o r i g i n a l Constantine 2 b a s i l i c a from them. Instead, art h i s t o r i a n s have assumed that the plans and foundations of l a t e r buildings on the s i t e tended to follow the o r i g i n a l foundations. Therefore, a c a r e f u l examination of plans of the present s i t e have been made by a number of h i s t o r i a n s . Using such plans as the one made i n 1937 published by K. Conant ( P i g . 30a) or an e a r l i e r example made i n 1890 ( P i g . 30b), K. Conant ( P i g . 31a, b ) , R. Kraut-- 1 9 -heimer ( F i g . 31d, e), H. Vincent ( F i g . 3 1 c ) , W i l l i s ( F i g . 3 1 f ) , De Vogue ( F i g . 31g) and others have drawn what they believe to be the plans of the b a s i l i c a of Constantine. The d i f f e r -ences i n these reconstructions are as numerous as the attempts made. I t i s next to impossible, then, to determine exactly where or how the o r i g i n a l foundations were placed but recent plans of the Holy Sepulchre prepared by K. Conant ( F i g . 31 a,b) probably are the most accurate to date. The scheme of the complex prepared by A r c u l f i n the seventh century was not intended to trace the actual found-ations of Constantine 1s b a s i l i c a . The only d e t a i l s which A r c u l f decided to include were the two openings i n i t s west end. ( F i g . 8a, b, c ) . No attempt was made to draw the Rotunda and b a s i l i c a , known as the Martyrion (Martyrium), i n the same sca l e . The Rotunda, therefore, i s represented by a concentric group of c i r c l e s l a r g e r than the rectangle representing:ithe Martyrion, even though the b a s i l i c a was a c t u a l l y l a r g e r i n s i z e . A r c u l f s scheme of the Martyrion thus, i s not very u s e f u l i n determining the design of the o r i g i n a l church b u i l t i n the fourth century. Elevations of the Martyrion are more numerous than plans of i t i n the period from the fourth to the eighth centuries, but t h e i r accuracy i n d e f i n i n g d e t a i l s such as windows, columns and other a r c h i t e c t u r a l motifs i s questionable. The mosaic decorating the apse of Santa Pudenziana i n Rome i s the oldest work of art believed to show Constantine*s Martyrion. A Roman bishop-,- S i r i c i u s , d i r e c t e d the construction of t h i s b u i l d i n g i n 'ca. 390 at the expense of presbyters from I l l y r i c u m (Dalmatia). The church was b u i l t on the s i t e of the -20-ZL house of Pudens, a f r i e n d of St. Paul, by order of the Pope. No e a r l y documents describe the contents of the mosaic, but, according to Conant and others, the buildings represented here are intended to represent important structures i n the Holy Land, i n c l u d i n g the Holy Sepulchre (Pig. 32a). The semi-c i r c u l a r structure to the l e f t of C h r i s t ' s r i g h t hand i s be-l i e v e d to be the apse of the Martyrion which Eusebius preferred to c a l l the hemisphairion. D i r e c t l y to the l e f t i s the north arm of the transept. The d e s c r i p t i o n advanced by Conant con-tinues, \"Just to the l e f t of the transept, the east end of the north c l e r e s t o r y of the nave appears, with two square-headed windows; s t i l l f u r t h e r to the l e f t , the Propylaea with i t s three doors i s to be seen, the colonnades of the atrium have been omitted\" (Pig. 32b).6 A l l of the buildings are shown there - a l l except the Rotunda. I t s absence i s i n e x p l i c a b l e . While there i s some question about what bui l d i n g s are represented on the Santa Pudenziana mosaics, there i s no question that the Martyrion and Rotunda are represented on the mosaic known as the Madaba \"Map of Jerusalem\" (Pig. 33a, b, c ) . Ident-i f i c a t i o n of d i f f e r e n t parts of the map i s assured by Greek i n -s c r i p t i o n s . . The map, found by chance i n 1896 on the f l o o r of an orthodox church, was restored by a Benedictine monk, Mauricius n G i s l e r , 1912. The o r i g i n a l i s sa i d to date from the s i x t h century or one hundred years a f t e r the Santa Pudenziana mosaic. The front of the Martyrion i s shown with the top of the Rotunda d i r e c t l y behind the b a s i l i c a roof. An atrium i s shown before the church facade. To the l e f t of the b a s i l i c a and Rotunda a -21-lozenge-shaped roof marks the s i t e of the Holy Sepulchre b a p t i s t r y . There are three entrances i n the fro n t of the church and a number of windows i n the drum of the Rotunda. As f a r as can be determined, a l l of the d e t a i l s included i n the map are authentic, p a r t i c u l a r l y the l o c a t i o n of the d i f f e r e n t buildings (Map 1). Nothing i n the representation of the Martyrion, how-ever, would suggest that t h i s b a s i l i c a was any d i f f e r e n t from any other church of t h i s type and without a d u p l i c a t i o n of s p e c i f i c d e t a i l s or motifs i n a second church i t i s very d i f -f i c u l t to determine i f the two buil d i n g s are i n any way r e l a t e d . Both 0. Wulff and j?. van der Meer have suggested that the Holy Sepulchre complex i s represented on a sarcophagus i n the Lateran Museum, Rome ( F i g . 34).^ The fourth century sarcoph-agus i l l u s t r a t e s the den i a l of St. Peter on the l e f t side and the woman with the issue of blood on the r i g h t . Behind St. Peter there are a number of buildings i n c l u d i n g a rotunda thought to be the Anastasis of the Holy Sepulchre. Following the i n -t e r p r e t a t i o n advanced by the two art h i s t o r i a n s , the middle b u i l d i n g would be the Martyrion while that to the r i g h t would be St. Peter i n G a l l i c a n t u . But according to the record of Peter's d e n i a l i n Mark 14:30, the l o c a t i o n of the event was Gethsemane. A close examination of Map 1 i n the area of Geth-semane suggests that i f a person were to stand at the point known as \"the pinnacle of the Temple\" and to look north-east, he would see a rotunda — not the Anastasis, but the Tomb of the V i r g i n . The B a s i l i c a i n the middle would be the Church of Gethsemane with i t s apse properly located to the east, and to the r i g h t , the other b a s i l i c a , the Eleona on the Mount of - 2 2 -O l i v e s . The M a r t y r i o n , t h e r e f o r e , i s not represented on the sarcophagus. I t i s not represented.on the wooden doors of S t . Sabina (ca 430) e i t h e r . A ccording t o Emile Male, churches v/ith t w i n towers e x i s t e d o n l y i n the r e g i o n of A n t i o c h at t h i s time.\"^ The r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s of Jerusalem found i n mosaics at Rome and Ravenna f a i l to show a b u i l d i n g e l e v a t i o n which c o u l d be c l e a r l y i d e n t i f i e d as the M a r t y r i o n . The f i f t h century mosaic i n Santa Maria Maggiore, Rome, ( F i g . 35^) > shows what appears t o be Greek or Roman temples w i t h i n the c i t y w a l l s of 11 Jerusalem. A second church i n Rome, San Giovanni i n Laterano ( S t . John L a t e r a n , F i g . 35c) i l l u s t r a t e s a cupola type b u i l d i n g r e p r e s e n t i n g the Tegurium of Rotunda but no b a s i l i c a r e p r e s e n t -i n g the M a r t y r i o n can be d i s t i n g u i s h e d . No M a r t y r i o n can be seen i n the diagram of the mosaics i n Old S t . P e t e r ' s made by G. G. Ciampini and p u b l i s h e d i n 1693 i n De S a c r i s a e d i t i c i i s a 1 2 Constantino Magno c o n s t r u c t i s h i s t o r i a ( P i g . 35c). I t does. not appear i n the mosaics of San Lorenzo f u o r i l e Mura ( P i g . 35d) or San V i t a l e , Ravenna, ( F i g . 35a), e i t h e r , although both churches 1 3 have r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s of Jerusalem on t h e i r w a l l s . The e a r l i e s t w r i t t e n d e s c r i p t i o n of the b a s i l i c a was made by Eusebius but he f a i l e d t o el a b o r a t e on the s t r u c t u r e ex-14 cept f o r a b r i e f d e s c r i p t i o n of the west end. Besides a r e f e r -ence t o twelve columns l o c a t e d t h e r e , he r e f e r s t o a \"hemis-p h a i r i o n \" or \"hemisphere\", b e l i e v e d t o be the apse.''\"'' This term i s not used elsewhere i n refe r e n c e t o an a r c h i t e c t u r a l f e a t u r e , suggesting t h a t the apse end of the M a r t y r i o n was unique i n design. I t would seem, however, that the design was based on the Gonstantinian b a s i l i c a at T r i e r ( F i g . 36), b u i l t by Con-16 stantine while he was Caesar i n that c i t y from 305 to 312. Both buildings were approximately the same length; the T r i e r b u i l d i n g was some 200 feet while the Martyrion was believed to be about the same distance from the apse to the front of the 17 eastern p o r t i c o . The Martyrion was wider, however, by some 18 27 f e e t . The apse walls of the T r i e r b a s i l i c a rose to a point near the roof of the two story nave. Thus i t was higher than the normal semicircular apse. This being the case, Conant' reconstruction of the apse i s probably too low ( F i g . 3 7 ) . Krautheimer's plan showing a more c i r c u l a r structure also seems to be only one story ( F i g . 31d). An elaborate apse end was not unique to the b a s i l i c a at T r i e r or to the Martyrion. The Church of the N a t i v i t y at Bethlehem ( F i g . 38a, b) also followed t h i s pattern. Eusebius would have us believe that St. Helena, widow of Constantine's 19 father, was responsible f o r i t s e r e c t i o n . This may be true. In any case i t i s l i k e l y that r o y a l consent was given to the plan. Here the apse took the form of an octagon marking the s i t e of C h r i s t ' s b i r t h p l a c e . The b a s i l i c a was attached to the east side of i t , p o s s i b l y a f t e r the grotto had been enclosed - following i n the same order of construction as at Jerusalem where the Tegurium was b u i l t f i r s t , followed by the Martyrion. The difference be-tween the Bethlehem b u i l d i n g and the Holy Sepulchre i s that at Bethlehem the Holy Site was covered by a rotunda l i k e s t r u c -ture attached to the church from the very beginning, whereas -24-at Jerusalem the Rotunda, b u i l t over the Tegurium, was added l a t e r . The Tomb of C h r i s t remained a separate unit from the b a s i l i c a u n t i l the Crusades. I t would also appear that the separation of buildings at Jerusalem and the i n t e g r a t i o n of them at Bethlehem was i n t e n t i o n a l , that i s , one was not i n -tended to be a copy of the other because they were both con-structed simultaneously. The Church of the N a t i v i t y was nearly complete, i f not e n t i r e l y , when the Bordeaux P i l g r i m v i s i t e d 20 i t i n 333. In the same year t h i s p i l g r i m had written that the Holy Sepulchre was also complete but of course, i t had not 21 yet been dedicated. I t would seem, then, that both the church at Bethlehem and the Martyrion at Jerusalem were based on a common a r c h i t e c t u r a l source, p o s s i b l y the b a s i l i c a at T r i e r . Upon the completion of these two buildings the t r a d i t i o n seems to have come to an end. There are no other b a s i l i c a churches i n the Mediterranean basin which have an unusually large c i r c u l a r apse end. A search f o r buildings v/hich might have copied the group of twelve columns i n the hemisphairion mentioned by Eusebius also proves f u t i l e . Since the method of f i n d i n g duplicates of the Martyrion or of some of i t s p e c u l i a r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s by an examination of other church plans has been unsuccessful, another approach i s warranted. Richard Krautheimer i n h i s well known a r t i c l e on the iconography of Medieval architecture states that the dedic-ation of an e d i f i c e s i m i l a r to the dedication of another l i n k e d 22 the two together as source and d e r i v a t i o n . The same i s true f o r the Byzantine period. Two churches dedicated to the same -25-s a i n t were int i m a t e l y connected. In the' Medieval period such churches also tended to be s i m i l a r i n plan, i f not o v e r a l l , then i n c e r t a i n features. Only i n one instance i n the period discussed by Krautheimer does he f i n d a church dedicated to the Holy Sepulchre (San Sepolcro, Barletta) which, does not seem to reproduce any a r c h i t e c t u r a l features found i n the com-23 plex at Jerusalem. Assuming then, that churches dedicated to the Holy Sepulchre i n the period from the fourth to the eighth centuries would also tend to duplicate c e r t a i n a r c h i -t e c t u r a l features, they should be sought out and t h e i r plans examined. Two of the most widely known b a s i l i c a s associated with the name of the Holy Sepulchre are located i n I t a l y . One of them i s the palace church i n Rome, S. Croce i n Gerusalemme, also r e f e r r e d to as the B a s i l i c a Hierusalem i n Sessoriano ( F i g . 3 9 ) . 2 4 The church, as i t now stands, xvas r e b u i l t i n 174-3» but i t was o r i g i n a l l y a huge rectangular h a l l constructed at the s t a r t of the t h i r d century. A f t e r the discovery of the True Cross by St. Helena, a r e l i c of i t was taken by her to Rome and 25 placed.in the newly renovated h a l l . ^ Helena may have added an apse end, but, otherwise the h a l l predates the Martyrion and, therefore, cannot be considered an a r c h i t e c t u r a l copy of i t . The other b a s i l i c a i s commonly known as the B a s i l i c a Ursiana ( F i g . 41a, b). I t was not located i n Rome, but i n Ravenna and was dedicated to the Anastasis. B u i l t by Bishop Ursian probably before h i s death i n 384, i t served as the 26 Cathedral of Ravenna. An examination of i t s apse end proves -26-to be rather i n t e r e s t i n g . F i r s t , the apse i s at the east end of the church. This i s the e a r l i e s t instance of such an o r i e n t -a t i o n and may have been designed to associate i t with the Holy Sepulchre which l a y to the east from Ravenna. Second, i t i s also the e a r l i e s t example of an external polygonal apse. Immediately we are reminded of the Church of the N a t i v i t y , but' the apse of the Martyrion may also have been octagonal on the 27 outside. Since the hemisphairion seems to have been an import-ant feature of the Martyrion, a semioctagonal external apse wall may represent an i n t e n t i o n a l copy of the apse i n Jerusalem. The apse with f i v e panels of an octagon composing i t s external wall r a p i d l y became a common feature on f i f t h and s i x t h century churches throughout the Mediterranean. Whether or not t h i s feature was derived from the Martyrion i s speculative but examples are to be found i n Capp.adocia, v/ith a smaller number i n P a l e s t i n e , S y r i a , South A s i a Minor, Mesopotamia, Rhodes, 27 Crete, Constantinople, the Crimea and Georgia. . But none of the examples are otherwise associated with Constantine's b a s i l i c a i n Jerusalem. Several other churches are associated with the Holy Sepulchre or, at l e a s t , to the Cross by t h e i r dedication. In Ravenna, f o r example, there was another church besides the Bas-i l i c a Ursiana v/ith such a dedication. I t v/as the Church of S. Croce b u i l t by G a l l a P l a c i d i a ( F i g . 40). But i t v/as not a b a s i l i c a , i t w&s designed as a cross. Only the nave of the church survives. The mausoleum of G a l l a P l a c i d i a , dedicated to St. Lawrence and containing the sarcophagus of Honorius who moved the c a p i t o l to that c i t y , was attached to the south side -27-of the church narthex. The use of a cross plan f o r the con-s t r u c t i o n of t h i s church between 4-02 and 4-25 was not unique. I t seems to have been used f o r a church with a s i m i l a r dedic-a t i o n i n Gaza, south of Jerusalem. The church at Gaza, known as the Eudoxiana, was b u i l t on 50 the s i t e of the temple of Marneion. Although the date of i t s construction has been disputed i t seems to have been dedi-30 cated on the day of the Resurrection i n 4-07 to Holy Easter. The suggestion'.that the r o y a l household sent the plans f o r the 32 church to Rufinus, an a r c h i t e c t from Antioch, i s l i k e l y true. The r o y a l household was quite involved with e c c l e s i a s t i c a l architecture throughout the ent i r e Byzantine Period. But the granting of r o y a l sanction to a cross plan f o r a church dedic-ated to Easter seems strange when the buildings of the Holy Sep-ulchre at t h i s time were both rectangular (Martyrion) and c i r c u l a r (Anastasis Rotunda). P o s s i b l y a r e l i c of the Cross was deposited there and determined the shape of the b u i l d i n g de-signed to contain i t . Moving now from the f i f t h to the s i x t h century and from the Middle East and I t a l y , to Prance, we learn that a church \" i n modum c r u c i s \" and dedicated to the True Cross was located 33 on the s i t e of Saint-Germain-des-Pres, P a r i s . I t was founded by King Childebert I, son of C l o v i s , and was dedicated to the Cross and to St. Yincent on December 23 between the years 5^7 and 559 by St. Germain, Bishop of P a r i s . C l o v i s had c o l l e c t e d the r e l i c s of St. Vincent of Saragossa from that c i t y i n 54-2. I t i s not known when the r e l i c of the True Cross was obtained but again i t seems to have determined the plan of the church as -28-a c r o s s . A f t e r the time of d e d i c a t i o n i n the mid s i x t h c entury, the church served as the b u r i a l s i t e f o r the Merovingian r o y a l f a m i l y . The Merovingians were a l s o r e s p o n s i b l e f o r three other churches w i t h the same d e d i c a t i o n . T h e i r plans are unknown but we assume they were s i m i l a r t o the church at P a r i s . The Church of Ste. C r o i x at P o i t i e r s was b u i l t by Radegund, the r e -34-p u d i a t e d T h u r i n g i a n wife of C h l o t a r I . Ste. C r o i x of C h e l l e s was l o c a t e d t o the east of the tomb of B a t h i l d e , s i m i l a r t o the 35 r e l a t i o n s h i p of the M a r t y r i o n t o the A n a s t a s i s . ^ B a t h i l d e , mother of C h l o t h a r I I I and C h i l d e r i c h , was an Anglo-Saxon war c a p t i v e , made wife of a Merovingian Mayor of the P a l a c e . Known f o r her patronage t o the Church, B a t h i l d e had given l a r g e e s t a t e s to the abbey of the N e u s t r i a n Merovingians at S a i n t Denis. Before her death i n 658 she withdrew t o the monastery she founded on the r o y a l demesne at C h e l l e s where she b u i l t her Church of 36 the Cross. The t h i r d church was a l s o l o c a t e d i n the North of 37 Prance. I t v/as b u i l t at Orleans. 1 A l l of these Merovingian churches probably contained p i e c e s of wood brought from J e r -usalem i n the b e l i e f t h a t they were from the True Cross, i n the same way t h a t a s m a l l e d i c u l a i n the Later a n B a p t i s t r y , d e d i c -ated to the Cross, contained a pi e c e of wood claimed t o be from Jerusalem Although the place where'the Cross was found was under the M a r t y r i o n , there seems t o be no connection between t h a t s t r u c t u r e and the p l a n used t o b u i l d churches t o c o n t a i n p i e c e s of the r e l i c . Except f o r S. Croce i n Gerusalemme, Rome, a l l of the churches d e d i c a t e d to the Cross were based on a L a t i n Cross - 2 9 -plan. I t would seem, then, that only the B a s i l i c a Ursiana at Ravenna could have been planned to simulate the Martyrion. I t i s the only church associated with the Holy Sepulchre by dedication to have a b a s i l i c a plan with an elaborate apse end. Common to both the Martyrion and the Cathedral i n Ravenna was the f i v e a i s l e nave. This p a r t i c u l a r feature was both common and wide spread, e s p e c i a l l y among la r g e r churches. E a r l y examples date back to the Cathedrals at Tyre (318) and 0 r l 6 a n s -v i l l e (324), but other examples are S. Tecla, Milan ( l a t e 4th C ) , the Cathedral at T r i e r (ca 380), St. Peter's i n Rome (4th C), the Church of the Saviour i n Naples, the Church of the N a t i v i t y i n Bethlehem (333), the church known as Eleona on the Mount of Olives (333)? St. Eusebius of V e c e i l , St. Paul outside the Walls, §t. F e l i x of Nola, a church of f i v e a i s l e s at Hippone and the 39 Cathedral of Navara. Because of the size and importance of these f i v e a i s l e d churches i t would appear that the basic plan must have ori g i n a t e d i n the ro y a l court. An atrium i n front of the b a s i l i c a , with a propylaea along the s t r e e t , also con-s t i t u t e d part of the ro y a l plan but these features were not part of the Cathedral of Ravenna. S t i l l , i t , together with the Martyrion, must be considered part of the ro y a l t r a d i t i o n of large f i v e a i s l e d churches. The f a c t that the church at Ravenna and the Martyrion both had f i v e a i s l e s alone does not l i n k the two as source and copy but the s i m i l a r i t y i n the number of columns used to com-pose the colonnades confirms such a b e l i e f . Apparently both 40 churches had 65 columns i n the nave and a i s l e s . The number of columns may seem to be a rather unimportant feature but the -30-number and q u a l i t y of columns was important enough to be men-tioned i n descriptions of buildings before anything e l s e . For example, Eusebius mentions that Emperor Constantine sent \"choice 4-1 columns\" to Jerusalem to decorate the church. Constantine also sent twelve s i l v e r c a p i t a l s f o r the tops of twelve c o l -4-2 umns surrounding the hemisphairion. Empress Eudoxiana sent no le s s than 32 columns to the church i n Gaza named i n her honour. 4-3 Four of these were e s p e c i a l l y prepared from Karystos marble. No other d e t a i l s of her church are recorded. In the Medieval period copies of the Holy Sepulchre duplicated the number of 4-4-columns i n the o r i g i n a l as part of t h e i r a r c h i t e c t u r a l design. Therefore, considering that the d u p l i c a t i o n of the number of columns i n the Anastasis was p r a c t i s e d i n l a t e r years and that descriptions take s p e c i a l note of the number of columns i n the churches being described, i t i s quite probable that the number of columns i n the Cathedral at Ravenna was based on the number i n the Martyrion. Although R. Krautheimer states that the f i r s t Church of Hagia Sophia i n Constantinople (ca. 360) had double a i s l e s and g a l l e r i e s l i k e the Martyrion, the two buildings are not re-l a t e d . 4 5 In a church at Epidauros the row of supports along the nave are columns while those i n the a i s l e s are p i e r s . This pattern was also followed i n the Martyrion, but, again, the two 4-6 churches are not r e l a t e d . Such d e t a i l s were too common to be a t t r i b u t e d to one p a r t i c u l a r source, p a r t i c u l a r l y i f the source happens to be the Martyrion. - 3 1 -I t would appear, then, that there was only one church which seems to have copied the Martyrion b u i l t by Constantine 1s a r c h i t e c t s . That was the Cathedral at Ravenna known as the B a s i l i c a Ursiana. Because the Martyrion was only designed to serve as a congregational structure, i t was not l i k e l y looked upon as being a very exceptional b u i l d i n g , even though i t was assoc-i a t e d with the l o c a t i o n of C h r i s t ' s Tomb. Except f o r the hemis-phai r i o n and i t s columns there were no a r c h i t e c t u r a l features which seemed to capture the attention of pilgrims such as Eusebius. Even he does not spend too much time describing the b a s i l i c a . I t was considered to be just one more great C h r i s t -ian Church. The o r i g i n a l Martyrion was destroyed i n 614 by the Persians. Modestus restored i t but he was hampered by lack of funds. He had sought a i d i n Ramula, T i b e r i a s , Tyre and Damascus., but the Persians had l e f t the country i n r u i n and no one could 47 a f f o r d to give a i d . Had f i n a n c i a l a i d not been forthcoming from the P a t r i a r c h of Alexandria, John the Charitable, A r c u l f may not have seen anything but r u i n when he v i s i t e d Jerusalem some years l a t e r . But a i d d i d come and by 630 the b a s i l i c a was back i n se r v i c e . Within seven or eight years the Moslems had 48 invaded the Holy C i t y and gained c o n t r o l of the church. I t was not burned at that time but i t d i d s u f f e r from a f i r e i n 967. I t was restored only to be destroyed again i n 1009 or 1010 by K h a l i f Hakim. This time i t was not r e b u i l t . Therefore, no copies or drawings of i t were made i n the Medieval period. - 3 2 -CHAPTER I I I THE ANASTASIS The Anastasis of the Holy Sepulchre was a c i r c u l a r structure b u i l t behind or to the west of the Martyrion. Be-cause of i t s c i r c u l a r shape, the Anastasis i s commonly known as the Rotunda or the Rotunda of the Anastasis. The o r i g i n a l b u i l d i n g i s no longer standing but the present structure i s be-l i e v e d to follow the o r i g i n a l ground plans rather c l o s e l y . Judging from the modern structure, the o r i g i n a l b u i l d i n g appar-ently measured some 36,52 meters i n diameter. I t was probably equally as high. To those who came as pilgrims to see the Holy Sepulchre i t must have been a very imposing s i g h t . One they would surely have remembered a l l t h e i r l i v e s . No,reference i s made to the Anastasis Rotunda by Eusebius when he described the Holy Sepulchre i n h i s V i t a Constantini.^\" We assume, therefore, that i t d i d not e x i s t i n 337 when Con-stantine died. P o s s i b l y Constantine had plans prepared but there i s no documentory evidence of such.a theory. The date, of construction i s a matter of contention. I t i s generally accepted that the Rotunda was b u i l t at the middle of the fourth century, possibly'by 348, and there are documents which may be interpreted to support t h i s e a r l y date, but i t i s equally possible that the b u i l d i n g was not b u i l t u n t i l the - 3 3 - . reign of Theodosius ( 3 7 8 - 3 9 5 ) or just before i t . Kenneth Conant and Richard Krautheimer both claim that 2 the Rotunda was i n use by 3 5 0 . The case f o r such a date i s presented by Conant. He bases h i s theory on the Catechetical Lectures given by C y r i l of Jerusalem to a group of h i s p u p i l s i n 34 -8 . These pu p i l s were a s p i r i n g church members who were taught the catechism by v i s i t i n g the s i t e s sacred to the church i n the p r e c i n c t s of the Holy Sepulchre. In Lecture XIV C y r i l r e f e r s to \" t h i s very place of the Resurrection: and \" t h i s holy Church of the Resurrection of God the Saviour, sheathed with s i l v e r and ivrought with gold...\" But both of these references are ambiguous. The \"place of the Resurrection\" could mean the area around the Tegurium known as the court of the Anastasis, while the \"holy Church of. the Resurrection\" could be the Tegurium i t s e l f which Constantine had l a v i s h l y decorated, according to Li. the words of Eusebius. As f u r t h e r evidence of h i s theory, Conant r e f e r s to Lecture XVIII, \"After Easter's Holy Day of S a l -v a t i o n ye s h a l l come on each successive day...after the assembly int o the Holy Place of the Resurrection, and there, i f God 5 permit, ye s h a l l hear other Lectures\". Again Conant assumes that the catechumens moved int o the Rotunda - \"the Holy Place of the Resurrection\" - but there i s no s p e c i f i c reference to a b u i l d i n g i n t h i s Lecture e i t h e r . The date of 3 4 8 then i s l a r g e l y supposition, based on b r i e f and unclear passages from a text not intended to describe the architecture of the Church. But the Rotunda must c e r t a i n l y have been i n use by the end of the fourth century. In ca. 3 8 3 - 8 5 Aetheria ( E t h e r i a , -34- • also known as St. S i l v i a of Aquitaine) v i s i t e d the Holy Sep-6 ulchre while on a pilgrimage from Gaul. She wrote, \"Those days are c a l l e d the days of Dedication, on which the holy church i n Golgotha, c a l l e d the Martyrium, and the holy church of the Anastasis, where the l o r d rose a f t e r His passion, were consec-rated to God\" and elsewhere i n the same text, \" a l l doors are 7 opened and the whole crowd streams into the Anastasis.\" Both of these passages r e f e r to the Anastasis Rotunda i n c l e a r un-debatable terms. Therefore, the b u i l d i n g must have existed i n 385. E x a c t l y when the Anastasis might have been b u i l t , p r i o r to 385, i s d i f f i c u l t to determine. I t s s i m i l a r i t y to the Church of the Ascension suggests a s i m i l a r date, and that church was b u i l t before 378, possible as e a r l y as 370. On the other hand Theodosius, who came to power i n 378, also b u i l t a number of churches i n c l u d i n g SS. Karpos and Polykarpos (SS. Carpos and Papylos) i n Constantinople which bears some resemblance to the Rotunda. The problem i s d e f i n i t e l y perplexing. C e r t a i n l y a l a t e date i s not at a l l out of question, even though most art h i s t o r i a n s would p r e f e r to place the date before C y r i l ' s Lectures (348). I l l u s t r a t i o n s and descriptions could apply to e i t h e r period although they a l l appear i n a period soon a f t e r the l a t e r date, that i s , i n or a f t e r the l a s t quarter of the fourth century. On these grounds, though not f i r m l y established, a date i n the e a r l y l a s t quarter of the fourth century seems preferable. The term \"Anastasis\" o r i g i n a l l y r e f e r r e d to the Tegurium, the surrounding court and the cave at the time of C y r i l ' s and - 3 5 -Aetheria's w r i t i n g i n the fourth century. I t was not u n t i l the e a r l y s i x t h century that mention i s made of a c i r c u l a r structure b u i l t on the s i t e of the Anastasis. The reference appears i n the \"Breviary\" or Short Description of Jerusalem\" (ca 530 ) and reads \"Supra ipsum est e c c l e s i a i n rotundo,\" 8 that i s \"Above i t a church i s b u i l t i n a round form.\" A r c u l f was the f i r s t p i l g r i m to make a c a r e f u l des-c r i p t i o n of the Rotunda. The Rotunda, however, seen by him, was the reconstruction made by Modestus a f t e r the Persians had destroyed the o r i g i n a l i n 614. But l i k e l y , i t duplicated the o r i g i n a l . His d e s c r i p t i o n reads as follows: This very large church, a l l of i t b u i l t of stone, i s wonderfully round on every side, r i s i n g from i t s foundations i n three walls, by which one roof i s elevated to a great height, having a broad space f o r passage between each wall and the next; i n three ingeniously constructed places of the middle wall there are also three a l t a r s . Twelve stone columns of wonderful magnitude sustain t h i s round and l e f t y church, which has the a l t a r s above mentioned, one looking to the south, another to the north, and the t h i r d towards the west. I t has twice four gates (two f o u r f o l d gates); that i s four means of entrance through three s o l i d walls, the space-passages being i n t e r s e c t e d i n s t r a i g h t l i n e s ; of these four places of e x i t look towards the north-east (which i s also c a l l e d the \"Caecias\" wind), and the other four look towards the south-east.9 A r c u l f does not deal with a r c h i t e c t u r a l motifs or decoration to any great extent. Instead, he considers the l o c a t i o n of spec-i f i c features such as the entrances and a l t a r s which he i n d i c -ated on his accompanying plan (Pig. 8a, b, c ) . No i l l u s t r a t i o n s of the Rotunda have been found to date from the middle of the fourth century. I t i s not u n t i l the end of that century that r e l i e f s were carved on the side of c e r t a i n sarcophagi. The e a r l i e s t of three examples dates from the -36-second h a l f of the fourth century according to N e i l C . Brooks. I d e n t i f i e d as the sarcophagus from Rome (Pig. 42a), i t i s d i s -tinguished from the other two by the window which pierces the wall of the Rotunda i l l u s t r a t e d on i t . \" 1 \" ^ The dome i s shaped l i k e a lemon cut through the centre so that the l i t t l e pro-t r u s i o n on the end forms the peak. Otherwise, d e t a i l s are lac k i n g . The sarcophagus of S. Celso i n Milan ( F i g . 42c) i s dated by Brooks as la t e fourth or ear l y f i f t h century.\"^ To the l e f t of a c i r c u l a r structure two figures look into i t s open -door as i f i n search of a body. D i r e c t l y above, the upper h a l f of an angel's body appears from out of a cloud and points to the open door. To the r i g h t of the c y l i n d e r two female figures meet face to face with the r i s e n Lord. No windows appear i n t h i s example but the dome i s s i m i l a r to the Rome r e l i e f , although i t seems to have been covered with metal sheeting not shown on the e a r l i e r example. The t h i r d sarcophagus i s from Southern 12 Gaul ( F i g . 42b). The c y l i n d r i c a l Rotunda i n t h i s example i s s i m i l a r to the one seen i n the Milan sarcophagus. The door, J though not quite as t a l l , i s also round arched and the domes i n both are s i m i l a r . The roof of metal sheeting i s not v i s i b l e i n the Southern Gaul sarcophagus. As i n the Rome r e l i e f , women kneel before the r i s e n C h r i s t . Apparently two guards, one on each side of the Anastasis, were also represented, according to Brooks, but the drawing of the sarsophagus made by Garrucci, who discovered i t , i s not too c l e a r . A l l three of these sarcophagus r e l i e f s represent the Rotunda i n a s i m i l a r way, as a simple, undecorated, c y l i n d r i c a l b u i l d i n g with a dome roof. Later i l l u s t r a t i o n s of the same b u i l d i n g i n r e l i e f are - 3 7 -quite d i f f e r e n t . The Rotunda shown on the Basilewsky s i t u l a , formerly i n the Church of San Ambrogio and nov; i n the Cathedral Treasury i n Milan, i s two s t o r i e d (Pig. 4 - 3 ) . I n the scene where i t i s guarded by four s o l d i e r s , the Rotunda i s b u i l t of b r i c k with the base a rotunda, l a r g e r than the second story drum. A window pierces the second story while a two f o l d door i s shown on the ground l e v e l . In the scene of the r i s e n C h r i s t , the Rotunda i s again shown. The guard obscures the f i r s t story but the second story can be seen. The window now stands open. Close examination of the second story reveals that i t i s very s i m i l a r i n appearance to the r e l i e f s on the sarcophagi made i n the la t e fourth or e a r l y f i f t h century, even though the s i t u l a would seem to date from the ninth century. The Rotunda, as represented on t h i s s i t u l a , i s t y p i c a l of the Medieval period when a r t i s t s showed i t as a two story b u i l d i n g with an ambul-atory. Por some unknown reason the Rotunda i s not shown on the fourth century mosaic of Santa Pudenziana i n Rome (Pig. 3 2 a , b). 14-I t s absence has been explained by Conant. According to him the Rotunda was too f a r to the r i g h t to be included i n the scene. In reconstructing the l o c a t i o n of the a r t i s t and the view which the a r t i s t would have seen, Conant placed him just outside the church precincts on the north side and just west of the middle of the complex. The a r t i s t looked east south-east towards the front of the Church. The Rotunda, according to Conant, was, therefore, too f a r west f o r the a r t i s t to see i t . ( Pig. 32c). Such a view was necessitated due to the placement of Calvary i n the centre of the mosaic. But there may also be a second -38-explanation. I f the Rotunda was b u i l t at the end of the fourth century i t may not have been i n existence when sketches were prepared f o r the mosaic. Sketches f o r the work could have existed f o r some time before the church and walls were ready 15 f o r the tesserae. F i f t h century representations of the Rotunda do not seem to e x i s t . Interest, instead, seems to have been focused on the Tegurium. I t was i n the f i f t h centurj^ that the i v o r i e s discussed i n Chapter I were carved. Apparently, the Tegurium was considered to be of greater importance than the Rotunda at t h i s time. I f such a suspicion i s correct, then, i t i s not l i k e l y that a r c h i t e c t u r a l structures intended to copy the Rotunda would have been constructed i n t h i s century. And since the f i f t h century was unsettled p o l i t i c a l l y and r e l i g i o u s l y , church architecture was not c a r r i e d on with great fervor i n any case. The s i x t h century was d i f f e r e n t . The Rotunda again appears i n i l l u s t r a t i o n s . The most i n t e r e s t i n g examples are the Madaba mosaic ( F i g . 33b) and the r e l i q u a r y i n the Sancta 16 Sanctorum, Lateran ( F i g . 9). In both examples the dome and a small portion of the drum are v i s i b l e and i n both cases a number of windows are to be seen opening into.the Rotunda just below the base of the roof. Otherwise d e t a i l s are l a c k i n g . In the late seventh century A r c u l f made his plan of the b u i l d i n g ( F i g . 8a, b, c) but no i l l u s t r a t i o n s from that century are knovm. Reconstruction of the Rotunda from i l l u s t r a t i o n s and r e l i e f s i s almost impossible due to lack of material. And the lack of p h y s i c a l remains from the o r i g i n a l structure f u r t h e r - 3 9 -hampers attempts to v i s u a l i z e what the o r i g i n a l b u i l d i n g looked l i k e . Generally speaking, art h i s t o r i a n s have accepted the ninth century representations, such as the one on the Basilewsky s i t u l a , as being c o r r e c t . Conant has made his reconstructions accordingly ( F i g . 31b, 3 3 c ) . B r i e f l y , the h i s t o r y of the Rotunda i s as follows. The o r i g i n a l b u i l d i n g was burned i n 614- by the Persian king, Choroes 17 11 (591-628) but i t may not have been l e v e l l e d . The annales of Eutychius (876-939) record the reconstruction undertaken by 18 Modestus i n 628. In 812 the Arabs sacked the Holy Sepulchre and i n 936 there was a second f i r e but the greatest havoc was 19 caused by K a l i f Hakem i n 1009 or 1010. Over f o r t y years passed before a new Rotunda was constructed. The task was under-taken by Constantine Monomachus and completed i n 104-8. In the twelfth century the Rotunda was added to creating the complex as i t now stands. In 1808 f i r e again attacked the ancient b u i l d i n g s , and although some repai r s were made, the buildings 20 are s t i l l i n very poor condition. A r c u l f ' s plan of the Rotunda (Pig. 8a, b) i s very s i m i l a r to the plan he made of the Church of the Ascension ( F i g . 4-4-a, b), known as the \"Imbomon\" or \"Inbomon\" (from the time of Aetheria ca 385). Both plans have an inner c i r c l e with an opening to one s i d e . In the case of the Anastasis t h i s c i r c l e represents the ciborium and i t i s l i k e l y true f o r the c i r c l e i n the Imbomon plan as w e l l . Next to t h i s r i n g i s a l i g h t e r r i n g (Paris manuscript; Anastasis, ( F i g . 8b); Ascension, ( F i g . 4-4-b) which represents a colonnade. Then there i s a s o l i d r i n g rep-resenting a s o l i d w a l l . The \"middle w a l l \" as A r c u l f r e f e r s to -40-i t i n h i s d e s c r i p t i o n of the Rotunda, today, i s the l o c a t i o n of the outer wall of the Anastasis. The same wall contains the three apses or areas f o r a l t a r s at the c a r d i n a l points of 21 north, west and south. The s o l i d wall shown on the Ascension plan seems to be the inner wall of an ambulatory t r a v e l l i n g around the church. F i n a l l y , there i s an outer r i n g but i n the case of the Rotunda i t i s not s o l i d while i n the case of the Ascension i t i s . Apparently, the l a t t e r was surrounded by a s o l i d wall while the former v/as not. But, i n actual f a c t , t h i s seems u n l i k e l y since the Rotunda was i l l u s t r a t e d v/ith a s o l i d wall on the f i r s t story. Both buildings then, were b a s i c -a l l y the same i n t h e i r general plan. Only re c e n t l y have excavations revealed that the Church 23 of the Ascension was a c t u a l l y c i r c u l a r l i k e the Anastasis. For years i t was believed that the o r i g i n a l church was octagonal 24 ( F i g . 45). But the octagonal plan now i s believed to date from the Crusade period. Recent measurements have shown that the 25 octagon was l a r g e r than the o r i g i n a l rotunda by some 4 meters. The radius of the rotunda i s approximately 18 meters - almost i d e n t i c a l to the radius of the \"middle w a l l \" of the Anastasis (18,26 meters). But t h i s close r e l a t i o n s h i p of r a d i i was to be expected because of references made to the size of the tv/o churches by an Armenian p i l g r i m . . He had written, \"On the place of the Ascension i s erected, a f t e r the likeness of the Church of the Resurrection, a very b e a u t i f u l cupola-shaped church, 27 100 e l l s i n width.\" In the same text but r e f e r r i n g to th Anastasis he wrote, \"In the colonnaded cupola-shaped church -4-1-( w h i c h was b u i l t ) 100 e l l s i n h e i g h t and 100 e l l s i n b r e a d t h , on t h i s and t h a t s i d e ( a r e f o u n d ) ( o r s t a n d ) 12 columns below 28 and 12 columns above.\" The Arm e n i a n , t h e n , f e l t t h a t b o t h c h u r c h e s were t h e same s i z e and t h e same \" l i k e n e s s \" . The C h u r c h o f t h e A s c e n s i o n was b u i l t sometime s h o r t l y b e f o r e 3 7 8 , p o s s i b l y as e a r l y as 370 a c c o r d i n g t o K r a u t h e i m e r . 1 I t was f i n a n c e d by a r i c h woman fr o m Rome named Poemenia. S i n c e i t i s n o t known f o r c e r t a i n i f t h e . A n a s t a s i s was b u i l t b e f o r e o r a f t e r t h e 3 7 0 ' s , i t i s d i f f i c u l t t o know i f one b u i l d i n g c o p i e d t h e p l a n o f t h e o t h e r o r i f b o t h b u i l d i n g s had a p l a n i n common and were b u i l t s i m u l t a n e o u s l y . The l e f t s i d e o f t h e S. P u d e n z i a n a mosaic i n Rome ( P i g . 3 2 a ) has a l r e a d y been d i s c u s s e d . On t h e r i g h t s i d e h i s t o r i a n s b e l i e v e t h e Imbomon and E l e o n a , on t h e t o p o f t h e mount o f O l i v e s , a re r e p r e s e n t e d , however, c l o s e e x a m i n a t i o n w i l l show t h a t t h e r o t u n d a t a k e n t o be t h e Imbomon i s n o t 30 r o u n d b u t p o l y g o n a l . The i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f t h i s b u i l d i n g as t h e Imbomon was a c c e p t a b l e w h i l e i t was b e l i e v e d t h a t t h e c h u r c h was o r i g i n a l l y o c t a g o n a l b u t now t h a t e x c a v a t i o n s have f o u n d t h a t i t was a c t u a l l y r o u n d t h e t h e o r y must be d i s p e l l e d . I n s t e a d t h e r e p r e s e n t a t i o n may be o f t h e Ch u r c h o f t h e N a t i v i t y i n Bet h l e h e m w i t h i t s o c t a g o n a l apse. There were, a c t u a l l y , n o t a g r e a t number o f r o t u n d a b u i l d i n g s i n t h e r e g i o n o f P a l e s t i n e and S y r i a a t t h e end o f th e f o u r t h c e n t u r y . There was, o f c o u r s e , t h e Imbomon and t h e A n a s t a s i s , and' by t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e f o u r t h c e n t u r y i d e a s and b e l i e f s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h d o m i c a l shapes and s t r u c t u r e s s u c h as t h e t h o l o s , mundus, herob'n, s a c r e d b a e t y l , omphalos -42-and so on were popular and widespread, but they bore l i t t l e 31 f r u i t i n the way of monumental rotunda a r c h i t e c t u r e . E. Baldwin Smith writes that \"The domical mortuary t r a d i t i o n , ... l i k e the domical b a p t i s t r y , was not native to S y r i a , f o r neither i n S y r i a nor f a r t h e r east i n Mesopotamia and ancient P e r s i a were there any round tombs whose domical shape 32 preserved the memory of an ancient house.\" Indeed, the e a r l i e s t extant freestanding tomb i n the region i s the monolithic, c y l i n d r i c a l s t e l e at 'Amrith b u i l t during or 33 before the reign of Herod the Great. ^ Except f o r t h i s s t e l e , Smith claims that a l l domical tombs from the f i r s t century B.C. to the fourth century A.D. i n P a l e s t i n e , based t h e i r 34 design on Roman models m Egypt. No doubt he would have included the tombs of Absalom with i t s funnel roof and that of Zacharias with a pyramidal top i n the group, but he does 35 not l i s t any monuments as examples. Besides the s t e l e there seems to be only one other completely c y l i n d r i c a l b u i l d i n g i n the region p r i o r to the C h r i s t i a n constructions. I t i s 36 the Marneon at Gaza. B u i l t i n the second century and dedicated to a sky god, Marnas, i t was destroyed by f i r e i n 402. Before i t burned Mark the Deacon described i t . He s a i d 'it'was round, being supported by two colonnades, one within the^other, and i n the centre was a dome, puffed-up 36 and r i s i n g on high.'^ According to the d e s c r i p t i o n made by Mark, the Marneon was somewhat s i m i l a r to the Anastasis but i t seems u n l i k e l y that the a r c h i t e c t s of the Holy Sepulchre Rotunda would have based t h e i r plan on i t . More l i k e l y they w uld have been s nt a plan f om the r o y a l cou t i n Cons an-tino p l e or Milan. I t l y was able to o f f e r a wide v a r i e t y -43-of c i r c u l a r plans f o r such a monument. (Fig.4-6 a-d) A l i s t of possible buildings might include the Tomb of C e c i l i a Metella, the temple of T i v o l i , and the temple of Vesta i n Rome, the mausoleum of the Gordians known as the \"Tor de' Schiava\" and so on. At the end of the seventh century there were only f i v e c i r c u l a r C h r i s t i a n b u i l d i n g s i n the Middle east, the two fourth century buildings mentioned above, the Theodokos at Beisan (Beth Sean, ancient Scythopolis) ,' ~a martyrium at F a ' l u i , and the Church of the V i r g i n at Antioch. The Church of the V i r g i n at Antioch was b u i l t by 37 J u s t i n i a n m the middle of the f i f t h century. ' In the tenth century i t was described as 'a round church, and one of the wonders of the world f o r the beauty of i t s construction and 38 i t s h e i g h t . N o other d e t a i l s of the church are known but i t s plan was probably based on the Tomb of the V i r g i n b u i l t i n Jerusalem,in the middle of the fourth century, though i t was octagonal rather than c i r c u l a r . The rotunda at Beisan (Fig.47) was b u i l t i n the f i f t h 39 or s i x t h century. I t v/as composed of two or po s s i b l y three concentric walls, the'centre one a c t u a l l y being a colonnade r-4-0 i f i t was c i r c u l a r and not a square as Abel suggests. The outer foundations measured some 38,8 meters i n diameter and the inside wall of the ambulatory 27,44 meters. I f there was an inn&e colonnade i t might be equal i n width to the front of the apse at the east end (10,04 meters).'4\"1 The diameter of the outer colonnade of the Anastasis v/as ca.50,40 meters. -4-4--The \"middle wal l \" and present e x t e r i o r of the Anastasis i s 4-2 ca.36,52 meters i n diameter. The Theotokos at Beisan was, therefore, smaller than the Rotunda i n Jerusalem and i t s plan, with an apse at the east end and a narthex at the west, v/as not at a l l l i k e the l a r g e r building.. The Church of St. Michael at F a * l u i (Pal oul, Fig.4-8) 4-3 i n S y r i a , was b u i l t by Diogenes i n 526-7. At the east end of t h i s p a r t i c u l a r church was a t r i p l e apse constructed of s o l i d marble with the c e n t r a l apse terminating i n a s e m i c i r c l e . A narthex at the west end served as a portch f o r three entrances. 4-4-The diameter of the e x t e r i o r wall was 14-,95 meters. Obviously t h i s rotunda i s not r e l a t e d to the Anastasis i n any way. ; To the north, i n Constantinople, a c i r c u l a r church was b u i l t at the end of the fourth century and dedicated 4-5 to SS. Karpos and Polykarpos. ' I t was b u i l t over a crypt and was composed of a c e n t r a l room surrounded by an ambulatory. The entrance was located i n the south. Evidence of s t a i r s suggest a second story. A chancel and apse also constituted part of the plan which Krautheimer f e e l s \"leaves l i t t l e doubt that the church was a comparatively early copy of the 4-6 Anastasis.\" On h i s authority t h i s i s the f i r s t church which has been given the honour of being a copy of the Rotunda i n Jerusalem and I see no reason f o r doubting such a claim, although i t i s only based on archeological evidence. There are no buildings designed as rotundas i n the northern coastal regions of the Mediterranean east of I t a l y to claim the Anastasis as t h e i r predecessor. I t a l y hov/ever, -4-5-i s d i f f e r e n t . C i r c u l a r mausolea are common to the region around Rome. In f a c t , K.A.C. Oreswell claims that the \"Church of the Holy Sepulchre b u i l t by Constantine seems to have been derived d i r e c t l y from the rotunda of Santa . 47 Costanza ( F i g . 51a,b)! ' And there are s i m i l a r i t i e s i n i t s plan to the b u i l d i n g i n Jerusalem, namely, the dome supported on a r i n g of columns and a c i r c u l a r ambulatory between i t and the outer w a l l . There was also an outer ambulatory s i m i l a r i n l o c a t i o n to the outer r i n g drawn by A r c u l f on h i s plan 48 to represent an external ambulatory around the Rotunda. Creswell notes p a r t i c u l a r l y the arrangement of the inner colonnade. I t , l i k e the colonnade of the Anastasis, was designed to r e f l e c t a cruciform, although i t marked the c a r d i n a l points by increasing the space between columns at that point rather than resort to the i n s e r t i o n of p i e r s , as was the case i n the second b u i l d i n g . I t should also be noted here that a s i m i l a r grouping of columns, into quarters of the c i r c l e , was followed i n the plan of the seventh century moslem Dome of the Rock, b u i l t i n the c i t y of Jerusalem not 4-9 too f a r from the Holy Sepulchre. This was one of the features which the moslem a r c h i t e c t s undoubtedly derived from the Anastasis. There were also niches i n the walls of Santa Costanza at the four points. The diameter of the b u i l d i n g from wall to wall i-s 22,30 meters or about 1 meter l a r g e r than the inner colonade of the Anastasis. I t may very well be, then, that the mausoleum of Santa Costanza (324—6) was a model f o r the Anastasis. I t d i d serve such a purpose i n the planning of the Church of S. Maria Maggiore at Nocera 50 (Nocera d e i Pagani, F i g . 5 2 a ,b). The same may be true f o r the -46-Church of S. S e v e r i n a near Catanzaro i n C a l a b r i a . 5 ^ There were, of course, other c i r c u l a r mausolea i n Rome i n c l u d i n g the two v/hich were attached t o the Church of S t . P e t e r , now destroyed, known as S t . P e t r o n i l l a and S. Andrea; the mausoleum of S t . Helena, the Tor P i g n a t t r a and the mausol-eum of Romulus. Any of these b u i l d i n g s may have i n s p i r e d the c i r c u l a r design f o r the A n a s t a s i s . They may, indeed, have i n s p i r e d the a r c h i t e c t s i n North A f r i c a t o b u i l d a number of rotundas t h e r e . In A l g e r i a , at Tipasa ( 4 t h century) and at D j e m i l a ( 5 t h century, P i g . 53) 52 round b u i l d i n g s were c o n s t r u c t e d from some unknown model. East of D j e m i l a , at Carthage, A. K h a t c h a t r i a n records the c i r c -53 u l a r remains of the Damous-el-Karita ( 5 t h century, P i g . 49). Rotundas i n t h i s r e g i o n were no more numerous than they were i n the area of P a l e s t i n e and S y r i a although Baldwin Smith claimed t h a t i n the pre-Constantine e r a tomb designs were t r a n s f e r r e d 54 t o the east from Egypt r a t h e r than from I t a l y . That may be so, but i n the post-Constantine e r a i t seems t h a t I t a l y was r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the e x t e n s i o n and development of rotundas throughout the Empire. This holds t r u e f o r the area of Prance and Spain as w e l l . P l a n s f o r the rotundas i n t h i s area must have been sent from the r o y a l household i n I t a l y . Rotundas are known t o have e x i s t e d at S a i n t Germain-1 1Auxerrois i n Prance ( 6 t h c e n t u r y ) , as a b a p t i s t e r y at A l j e z a r e s ( F i g . 50), and as a mausoleum at 55 C e n t c e l l e s i n S p a i n . T h e s e b u i l d i n g s are not at a l l r e l a t e d t o the Rotunda of the Holy Sepulchre, nor are those i n North A f r i c a . -47-I n I t a l y t h e r e i s o n l y one r o t u n d a w h i c h h i s t o r i a n s have c l a i m e d a copy o f t h e A n a s t a s i s . I t i s t h e Church o f 56 S. S t e f a n o Rotundo i n Rome ( F i g . 5 4 ) . y T h i s c h u r c h was b u i l t i n t h e f i f t e e n t o t w e n t y y e a r p e r i o d o f p o v e r t y w h i c h f o l l o w e d t h e s a c k i n g o f Rome by t h e V a n d a l s . Pope S i m p l i c i u s I (468-483) s e r v e d t h e Chu r c h f r o m Rome a t t h e ti m e o f c o n s t r u c t i o n , and Zeno t h e I s a u r i a n (474-491) s e r v e d as s o l e emperor. I t a l y a t t h e t i m e was r e s t l e s s . The s t r e n g t h o f t h e b a r b a r i a n s was so g r e a t t h a t t h e y were a l m o s t a b l e t o e s t a b l i s h a Roman emperor a t w i l l . I n 476 t h e b a r b a r i a n c h i e f , Odovacar,\" deposed t h e l a s t w e s t e r n emperor, Romulus A u g u s t u l u s , t o t a k e t h e p o s i t i o n h i m s e l f . O n l y t h r o u g h t h e h e l p o f T h e o d o r i c t h e O s t r o g o t h was Zeno a b l e t o r e g a i n h i s p o s i t i o n . A f t e r h i s d e a t h t h e O s t r o g o t h i c kingdom o f I t a l y r e m a i n e d w i t h Ravenna as t h e c a p i t a l . Y e t t h e s e u n s e t t l e d c o n d i t i o n s d i d n o t p r e v e n t t h e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f t h i s i n t e r e s t i n g c h u r c h . W i t h I t a l y i n su c h a s t a t e o f t u r m o i l most o f t h e a r t i s t s and a r t i s a n s must have l e f t . No doubt t h e r e were v e r y few a r c h i t e c t s i n Rome c a p a b l e o f c o n s t r u c t i n g a c h u r c h so g r e a t 57 as t o measure some 208 f e e t i n d i a m e t e r . ' I t c o u l d v e r y w e l l be t h a t p l a n s came from J e r u s a l e m . I t was t h e r e t h a t t h e body o f S t . S t e p h e n was d i s c o v e r e d i n 415 and i t was t h e r e t h a t t h e e a r l i e s t o f c h u r c h e s d e d i c a t e d t o him was b u i l t by Empress E u d o x i a . S t . Stephen's i n J e r u s a l e m , however, was n o t t h e model f o r t h e c h u r c h i n Rome s i n c e i t was a b a s i l i c a , n o t a r o t u n d a . ^ J e r u s a l e m must a l s o have been a camp f o r r e f u g e e s a t t h e t i m e and among t h e d i s p l a c e d p e r s o n s t h e r e must have been.a number o f c a p a b l e a r c h i t e c t s - a r c h i t e c t s who had become f a m i l i a r w i t h -48-t h e Rotunda o f t h e H o l y S e p u l c h r e . R i c h a r d K r a u t h e i m e r b e l i e v e s t h a t i t v/as t h r o u g h s u c h a document as t h e \"Commemoratorium de c a s i s D e i \" ( c a 806) t h a t 5 9 t h e measurements o f t h e A n a s t a s i s were t r a n s f e r r e d t o Rome. T h i s document g i v e s t h e measurements o f t h e o u t e r a m b u l a t o r y and t h e c e n t r e room o f t h e Rotunda i n J e r u s a l e m . Based on t h e document, t h e r a d i u s o f t h e c e n t r e room w o u l d be 12,76 mete r s w h i l e t h e a c t u a l measurements a r e 12,02 meters i n t h e A n a s t a s i s , and 12,06 meters i n S. Stephano Rotondo. (The o r i g i n a l f i g u r e s i n t h e \"Commemoratorium\" a r e g i v e n i n d e x t e r i s , t h e l e n g t h o f w h i c h , i n m e t e r s , i s n o t d e f i n i t e l y known and may even have v a r i e d i n l e n g t h when i n common u s e . 1 d e x t e r i s -1,485 meters a c c o r d i n g t o V i n c e n t and A b e l ; o r 1 d e x t e r i s = 1,51 meters a c c o r d i n g t o S c h m a l t z . The c i r c u m f e r e n c e o f t h e i n n e r c i r c l e was g i v e n as 54 d e x t e r i s o r c a . 80,20 m e t e r s ) . The c i r c u m f e r e n c e o f t h e o u t e r a m b u l a t o r y a c c o r d i n g t o t h e document s h o u l d be 107 d e x t e r i s o r c a . 158 ,90 meters (1 d e x t e r i s = 1,485 m e t e r s ) and t h e r a d i u s w o u l d be c a . 25,30 m e t e r s . T h i s i s t h e measurement K r a u t h e i m e r u s e s t o draw h i s p l a n o f t h e A n a s t a s i s ( F i g . 3 1 e ) . The r a d i u s o f t h e Ch u r c h o f S.. S t e f a n o Rotondo i s c a . 31,70 m e t e r s . I t was, t h e r e f o r e , s e v e r a l meters l a r g e r i n r a d i u s t h a n t h e A n a s t a s i s . T h i s d i f f e r e n c e i n s i z e K r a u t h e i m e r has a t t e m p t e d t o e x p l a i n by s u g g e s t i n g t h a t t h e b u i l d e r s c o n f u s e d t h e s c a l e s o f measurement b e i n g u s e d . I n J e r u s a l e m t h e d i s t a n c e f rom t h e i n n e r c o l o n n a d e t o t h e o u t e r w a l l o r c o l o n n a d e was 14,85 meters o r 50 roman f e e t , w h i l e t h e 60 same d i s t a n c e a t S. S t e f a n o Rotondo was 22 meters o r 50 c u b i t s . - 4 - 9 -A p p a r e n t l y the person who had prepared the p l a n , had given the u n i t s but had f a i l e d t o s t a t e the s c a l e being used. Such an o v e r s i g h t i s c e r t a i n l y p l a u s i b l e but whether the church i n Rome i s t r u l y a copy of the A n a s t a s i s or not may s t i l l be a matter of debate. There i s no more evidence f o r the c l a i m of S. Stefano Rotondo being a copy of the A n a s t a s i s than there was f o r S S . Karpos and Pol y k a r p o s . But how much evidence i s necessary t o confirm such a c l a i m i s a matter of c o n j e c t u r e . I d e a l l y , con-f i r m a t i o n should depend on documentary r e f e r e n c e s made at the: time of c o n s t r u c t i o n but t h i s i s v e r y seldom the case. S i m i l a r -i t y of d e d i c a t i o n s s u p p o r t i n g s i m i l a r i t i e s i n plans must be judged c o n c l u s i v e i n d i s c e r n i n g c o p i e s , but a g a i n , such examples are r a r e . I f o n l y a resemblance, and, p o s s i b l y , a d u p l i c a t i o n of c e r t a i n measurements or a r c h i t e c t u r a l f e a t u r e s are necessary, then both S. Stefano Rotondo and SS. Karpos and Polykarpos must be considered copies or probable c o p i e s . I f more i s r e -q u i r e d , then these claims stand i n doubt. But most l i k e l y the former i s t r u e . Most l i k e l y both churches were i n f l u e n c e d i n t h e i r p l a n by the A n a s t a s i s Rotunda. Copies of the A n a s t a s i s made i n the Medieval p e r i o d were both c i r c u l a r and octag o n a l . For example the d e r i v a t i o n s at F u l d a , L a n l e f f and Cambridge were round while those at Paderborn, and P i s a . ( S . Sepolcro) were octagonal or p o l y g o n a l . The f a c t t h a t a round b u i l d i n g was copied as an octagon i s q u i t e i n -t e r e s t i n g and r a i s e s the q u e s t i o n of p o s s i b l e octagonal copies d a t i n g from the p e r i o d p r e s e n t l y under c o n s i d e r a t i o n . A number of such p o s s i b i l i t i e s have been mentioned such as the Tomb of -50-the V i r g i n at Jerusalem, the Church of Theodokos on Mount Garizim and the Dome of the Rock b u i l t by the moslems on the s i t e of the temple of Jerusalem. To complicate the problem of determining the source of such octagonal b u i l d i n g s , there were a number of C h r i s t i a n and non-Christian structures which predate the Anastasis and which were constructed on octagonal foundations. The mausoleum of D i o c l e t i a n at Spolato, f o r example, and the Domus aurea or Golden Octagon at Antioch were based on such a plan. So was Constantine's Church of the N a t i v i t y at Bethlehem. Any of these bu i l d i n g s could have served as a model f o r future octagons. But before g i v i n g consideration to such octagons as the Tomb of the V i r g i n l e t us look at the b a p t i s t r y of the B a s i l i c a Ursiana i n Ravenna. I t v/as t h i s church which v/as assoc-i a t e d with the Holy Sepulchre by dedication. The church bap-t i s t r y was octagonal ( F i g . 41) and seems to date from the erection of the b a s i l i c a (384). I t s shape i s quite s i g n i f -i c a n t because i t v/as one of the e a r l i e s t octagonal niched bap-t i s t r i e s i n the C h r i s t i a n world except f o r S. Tecla i n Milan 63 according to Spiro Kostof. v By the time of t h i s b u i l ding's construction the Anastasis must have been b u i l t but the l o c a t i o n of the b a p t i s t r y on the north side of the church seems to negate the p o s s i b i l i t y of i t being a copy of the Rotunda i n Jerusalem. I f i t was intended to copy the Anastasis one would expect i t to be located to the east of the apse, or possible to the v/est of the b u i l d i n g , but somewhere on axis with the church - not to one side. On the other hand, the l o c a t i o n may not be a de-termining f a c t o r i n t h i s case. -51-Judging by i n s c r i p t i o n s on the s i d e s of the octagonal f o n t , t h i s b u i l d i n g and the Holy Sepulchre may have been a s s o c i a t e d w i t h each o t h e r , but the l i n k remains tenuous. P a r t of the i n s c r i p t i o n reads as f o l l o w s ; The temple of e i g h t n i c h e s rose up f o r h o l y use. The octagonal f o u n t a i n i s a p p r o p r i a t e f o r t h a t r i t e . I t was f i t t i n g t h a t the house of h o l y baptism r i s e up i n t h i s number By which t r u e s a l v a t i o n r e t u r n e d f o r mankind With the l i g h t of C h r i s t r i s i n g a g a i n , of C h r i s t who opens the gates of Death And r a i s e s the dead from t h e i r tombs And f r e e i n g confessed s i n n e r s from the s t a i n of s i n Cleanses them w i t h the water of the pure f l o w i n g f o n t . 64 Suggestions to C h r i s t ' s r e s u r r e c t i o n and the opening of the \"gates of Death\" are c l o s e l y l i n k e d t o the Holy Sepulchre. The A n a s t a s i s was sometimes i n t e r p r e t e d as the \" f o u n t a i n of l i f e \" and the f o u n t a i n i s r e f e r r e d to i n the i n s c r i p t i o n . But t h i s i s not s u f f i c i e n t i n f o r m a t i o n t o confirm a theory t h a t the b a p t i s t r y i s connected a r c h i t e c t u r a l l y w i t h the b u i l d i n g i n Jerusalem. Nonetheless, the b a p t i s t r y of the B a s i l i c a U r s i a n a became a model f o r octagons at Albenga, B r e s c i a and P r e j u s , and probably the L a t e r a n B a p t i s t r y as r e b u i l t by S i x t u s I I I (4-32-44-0). The Tomb of the V i r g i n ( F i g . 56) was probably the f i r s t octagon t o be b u i l t i n the area of P a l e s t i n e and S y r i a a f t e r the completion of the/''Rotunda i n Jerusalem. The octagon at T e l l Hum ( T e l l Houm)(Fig. 58) b u i l t i n the middle of the f o u r t h century predates the c o n s t r u c t i o n of the tomb, but i t i s too e a r l y to be b u i l t a f t e r the c o n s t r u c t i o n of the 65 A n a s t a s i s . I t was at the C o u n c i l of Ephesus t h a t r e c o g n i t i o n -52-was given to the V i r g i n followed by the construction of her tomb. But where the plan originated i s not known. Grabar f e e l s that the Holy Sepulchre Rotunda or the Imbomon were the source of i n s p i r a t i o n but the i n t e r n a l colonnade of the tomb i s only 4 , 5 0 meters i n diameter or l e s s than h a l f of that of the Rotunda.^ There i s also an apse in•the tomb (6,30 meters wide by 4-,40 meters deep) while there i s none i n the Rotunda, although there was one i n the Imbomon. Through the a p p l i c a t i o n of the Mauss system, the external wall measured 18,90 meters i n diameter making i t almost the exact size of the A n a s t a s i s . ^ But the l o c a t i o n of t h i s wall i n the Tomb of V i r g i n i s hypothetical and not supported on archeological evidence. I t , • t h e r e f o r e , could be e i t h e r l a r g e r or smaller than the diameter here suggested. Such a difference i n size would fur t h e r destroy any as s o c i a t i o n the tomb might have with the Rotunda. A method of comparing rotunda structures has been found by F e l i x Kreusch and has been applied to the Anastasis and the Tomb of the V i r g i n v/ith i n t e r e s t i n g r e s u l t s . But the conclusions which might be drawn from the comparison do not prove that the octagonal b u i l d i n g dedicated to the 68 V i r g i n was based on the Rotunda or otherwise. The method used by Kreusch i s based on a B i b l i c a l passage taken from Revelations XXX:17; \"He also measured i t s walls, a hundred and f o r t y - f o u r cubits by a man's measure, that i s , an angel's.\" His research has shown that the number of units employed i n constructing the circumference of the inner octagonal wall or colonnade of martyria - not b a p t i s t r i e s - was 14-4. - 5 3 -The Anastasis, f o r example, with a circumference of 64 , 2 9 m. 6' i s equal to 144 roman e l l s (1 roman e l l = ca 44,36 - 44,6 m.). The insid e circumference, excluding the space f o r the apse, of the Tomb of the V i r g i n equals 44,10 m. or 144 greek feet (1 greek foot =. ca 30,60 - 30,83 m.). Other buildings x^hich s a t i s f y t h i s condition are: the Tor Pignattra (4th century); S. A q u i l i n o , Milan ( 5 t h century); S. Gregory, Milan ( 5 t h century); the Theodokos, Garizim (484); the martyrium at Hie r a p o l i s ( 5 t h century);' SS. Sergius and Bacchus, Constan-t i n o p l e ( 5 2 7 ) ; S. V i t a l e , Ravenna (ca 5 3 8 ) ; the Domus aurea of Nero, Rome (1st century); the Mausoleum of D i o c l e t i a n , Spalato (ca 300), and the octagon at Aachen (ca 800). The b a p t i s t r i e s of the Lateran, Rome ( 4 t h century); the Cathedral i n Milan ( 4 t h century), and the Orthodox i n Ravenna (ea r l y 5 t h century) d i d not have an i n t e r n a l colonnade or octagonal 70 wall with a circumference of 144 units.• Apparently a l l martyria followed a s i m i l a r plan f o r the i n t e r n a l octagon with the source of the t r a d i t i o n o r i g i n a t i n g i n the f i r s t century, probably i n Rome as suggested by the Domus aurea of Nero. And though both the Rotunda and the Tomb of the V i r g i n are part of the t r a d i t i o n i t does not mean that the plans f o r the l a t t e r were taken from the former. The octagonal Domus aurea at Antioch (Pig..5 5 ) must have served as the model f o r the V i r g i n ' s tomb. I t was a Constinian structure apparently dedicated to Hormony i n 3 2 9 71 but i t \\tfas not completed u n t i l 341.' No traces of the b u i l d i n g are to be found today but the o r i g i n a l structure seems to have had two octagonal colonnades within i t s walls, a -54 -g a l l e r y above, and an apse much l i k e the. Tomb of the V i r g i n . Not only was the Domus at Ahtioch apparently responsible f o r the plan of the Tomb, but i t also seems to have i n s p i r e d the use Of the octagonal plan of S. Simeon S t y l i t e s (Eal'at Sein'an) east of Antioch ( F i g . 59), San V i t a l e i n Ravenna ( F i g . 51) 72 and SS Sergius and Bacchus i n Constantinople.' Such an influence on architecture might be expected from Antioch because i t was the p a t r i a r c h a l seat v/hich served the area of the Holy Land and, no doubt, the P a t r i a r c h of Antioch had a strong influence i n determining the s t y l e and form of b u i l d i n g s and b u i l d i n g plans i n the.immediate area and abroad. The octagonal church of Theodokos at Garizim ( F i g . 57)' just north of Jerusalem was most l i k e l y modeled on the Tomb 73 of the V i r g i n . ^ The i n t e r i o r of t h i s church i s much l i k e the i n t e r i o r of the tomb, but the square rooms on the sides of the octagon between the c a r d i n a l points was a completely new feature. These rooms occupied the 12 meter wide space between the inner octagon and the outer w a l l . The length of t h i s church, b u i l t by Emperor Zeno, was 37,30 meters, in c l u d i n g the apse, and was some 30 meters w i d e . ^ I t was, therefore, l a r g e r than the Tomb of the V i r g i n at ca. 18,90 meters i n diameter. The diameter of the inner octagon v/as only 13 meters, making i t about seven meters smaller than the same diameter i n the Anastasis. The diameter at Garizim, then, v/as c l o s e r to the span of the inner colonnade of the VirginVs tomb at 11,10 meters. I t would seem, therefore, that the a r c h i t e c t s at Garizim looked to the t h i r t y year old Martyrium -55-77 i n Jerusalem b u i l t f o r the V i r g i n as the basis f o r t h e i r plan. The octagon at Kal'at. Sem'an (Qal'at Sem'an) (Pig. 59) was undoubtedly influenced by the plan of the Domus aurea at 75 nearby Antioch. ( F i g . 55). The o r i g i n a l plan may only have existed as an octagon rather than with four r a d i a t i n g arms, as i t had l a t e r . P o ssibly the octagon was open to the 76 sky with the pole of S. Simeon i n the centre.' I t was on the top of t h i s pole that the S t y l i t e sat f o r t h i r t y years u n t i l h i s death i n 4-59. No precise date of construction f o r the b u i l d i n g i s known but because the Church of S. Phokas at Basufan (4-91-2) was copied from i t the church of S. Simeon S t y l i t e s must date from the t h i r d quarter of the f i f t h century The diameter of t h i s ; octagon, i s 27 meters. I t was, therefore, quite large, p o s s i b l y too large to be covered with a dome. There i s no suggestion of an a s s o c i a t i o n of t h i s church or that at Garizim with the Anastasis. The Church of SS. Sergius and Bacchus (527-36, Pig. 60) i s c e r t a i n l y not l i n k e d to the Anastasis, indeed, i t s resemblance to the octagon at Antioch seems questionable, and yet, W. Dynes i s not the only h i s t o r i a n to associate the two.^ Krautheimer f e e l s that the \"Double-shell\" plan of an octagon inside of a square or rectangular structure such as Justinian's Hagia Sophia or SS. Sergius and Bacchus i n Constantinople, \"Had t h e i r place i n architecture ever since Constantine's Golden Octagon at Antioch.\"'^ The plan of SS. Sergius and Bacchus, i n turn, seems to have influenced the Chrysotriltlinos i n Constantinople and -56-on the Church of S. V i t a l e i n Ravenna. Besides the octagons already mentioned, there are a number of others i n the Middle East, none of which, however, could be considered d e r i v i t i v e s of the plan of the Anastasis. They are, rather, based on the Domus aurea or the Tomb of the V i r g i n , or p o s s i b l y , but u n l i k e l y , the octagonal apse of the Church of the N a t i v i t y at Bethlehem. One of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the remainder of these octagonal b u i l d i n g s i s the t r i p l e apse; a feature probably derived from the a u x i l i a r y chapels to the r i g h t and l e f t of the main apse i n the b a s i l i c a churches of S y r i a . These rooms were known as the prothesis and diaconicon. One such church i s a rather small chapel at Mir'ayeh i n north S y r i a ( E i g . 62). Except f o r the two a u x i l i a r y rooms, the plan of t h i s chapel i s almost i d e n t i c a l to the plan of the Tomb of the V i r g i n . A semioctagonal chapel at Midjleyya (Mondjelein) ( E i g . 63) i n south c e n t r a l S y r i a must also have o p been designed a f t e r one of the octagons to the south. Again the t r i p l e apse i s used, but i n t h i s small b u i l d i n g the apse i s moved into the octagon so that only h a l f of i t remains. Butler claims t h i s b u i l d i n g was b u i l t i n the s i x t h century At Ezra (Zorah), the Church of S. George ( E i g . 64) (515) 84 was planned s i m i l a r to the chapel at Mir'ayeh. This church was smaller than the Cathedral of Bosra, v/hich was some three years older. The inner span of the church at Ezra was 10,15 meters. The apse of t h i s church v/as semicircular and projected to the rear of the rectangular b u i l d i n g . - 5 7 -The Cathedral of Bosra ( F i g . 65) followed the same plan except f o r a more complex apsi d a l area and a c i r c u l a r , rather than an octagonal, interior„ 8^ Dedicated to SS. Sergius, Bacchus and Leonticus, i t was completed i n 512-13. The c e n t r a l room v/as l a r g e r than the octagon at Kal'at Sem'an measuring 86 some 36 m. i n diameter. I t v/as 50 meters long. The Church of St. John the Baptist i n Gerasa (531)' ( F i g . 66) v/as only h a l f that length (25 ,50 meters) but otherwise i t followed the plan o n of the Cathedral at Bosra. But, as was mentioned e a r l i e r , these octagonal buildings are part-of a t r a d i t i o n which s k i r t s the Rotunda and other c i r c u l a r b u i l d i n g s , being derived, instead, from such octagons as the Domus aurea, the Tomb of the V i r g i n , the Mausoleum of D i o c l e t i a n at Spalato, and the Church of the N a t i v i t y at Bethlehem. Judging by these examples i t seems u n l i k e l y that any C h r i s t i a n church with an octagonal plan, b u i l t before the eighth century, was ever attempting to copy the Anastasis.\" There i s one other octagonal structure b u i l t i n the period from the fourth to the end of*'the seventh century i n the Mediterranean basin which i s associated with the Anastasis. I t v/as not C h r i s t i a n but Moslem. - Known as the Dome of the Rock, ( F i g . 6 7 a , b), t h i s octagon was b u i l t by K h a l i f abd al-Malik at 88 the end of the seventh century i n the Holy C i t y , Jerusalem. Construction probably began i n ca. 687-9 and continued u n t i l O Q 691 (72nd year of the Hegira) . Like the Anastasis, i t v/as subjected to a number of r e s t o r a t i o n s , but, unlike i t s C h r i s t i a n 9 0 predecessor, i t v/as never t o t a l l y destroyed. B u i l t on the -58-summit of Mount Morian, t h i s moslem b u i l d i n g marks the stone from whence Muhammud was supposed to have ascended into heaven. The s e l e c t i o n of the s i t e was not only based on r e l i g i o u s grounds, but on p o l i t i c a l grounds as well - a move which r e -c a l l s the intentions of Constantine i n constructing the Holy Sepulchre. Abd al-Malik was seeking to gain the support of followers of Islam from a r i v a l k h a l i f or r e l i g i o u s leader. The story v/as recorded b y Ya 'qubi i n 874: Then 'Abd a l Malik forbade the people of S y r i a to make the pilgrimage (to Mecca); and t h i s by reason that 'Abd A l l a h ibn Zubair was wont to seize on them during the time of the pilgrimage, and force them to pay him allegiance - v/hich, 'Abd a l Malik, having knowledge of, forbade the people to journey f o r t h to Makkah (Mecca). But the people murmured thereat, saying, 'How dost thou f o r b i d us to make the pilgrimage to Allah's house, seeing that the same i s a commandment of A l l a h upon us?' But the K h a l i f answered them, 'Hast not Ibn Shihab az Luhri (a celebrated n a t i o n a l i s t ) t o l d you how the Apostle of A l l a h d i d say - Men s h a l l journey to but three masjids, A l Masjid Haram (at Mecca), my Masjid (at Madina), and the Masjid of the Holy C i t y (Jerusalem)? So t h i s l a s t i s now appointed f o r you i n l i e u of the Masjid a l Haram. And t h i s Rock, of which i t i s reported that upon i t the Apostle of A l l a h set h i s foot v/hen he ascended into heaven, s h a l l be unto you i n the place of the Ka'abah (a small sanctuary i n Mecca which the moslems faced i n prayer).' Then 'Abd a l Malik b u i l t above the Sakkrah a Dome (Dome of the Rock), and hung i t around with curtains of brocade, and he i n s t i t u t e d door-keepers f o r the same, and the people took the custom of circumambulating the Rock, even as they had paced around the Ka'abah, and the usage continued thus a l l the days of the dynasty of the Omayyads. 9 1 Abd al-Malik was not the f i r s t moslem K h a l i f to v i s i t the Holy C i t y or to see the Holy Sepulchre. The moslems con-quered Jerusalem i n ca 637? f i v e years a f t e r the death of Mohammad, In the accounts of Eutychius, K h a l i f Omar entered the c i t y at that time and came to the Anastasis with the C h r i s t i a n P a t r i a r c h , -59-Sophronius. The p a t r i a r c h i n v i t e d him to pray on the s i t e of Ch r i s t ' s tomb but the arab refused and moved to the propylaea 92 f o r h i s devotions. Shortly t h e r e a f t e r Omar b u i l t the f i r s t 95 mosque i n the c i t y , on the s i t e of Solomon's Temple. The mosque of Omar remained i n use u n t i l the new Dome v/as b u i l t . No mention of the Anastasis i s made i n the ninth century d e s c r i p t i o n of the writer Ya 'qubi but i n the next century the arab writer Muqaddasi (985) suggests that the a r c h i t e c t of the Dome was attempting to outshine Hie beauty of the Anastasis: And i n l i k e manner the Khalif-'Abd al-Malik, noting the greatness o f the Church of the Holy Sepulchre and i t s magnificence, was moved l e s t i t should dazzle the minds of the Muslims, and hence, erected above the Rock the Dome which i s now to be seen there.94 Although t h i s author makes no mention of the Dome copying features of the Anastasis there i s every reason to believe that the arab a r c h i t e c t s based some of t h e i r plan on the neighbouring C h r i s t i a n monument. For example, the diameter of the Anastasis inner colonade (ca. 20,30 meters)' was tr a n s f e r r e d to the inner 95 colonnade of the Dome (20,34 meters). J The drum of the 96 moslem b u i l d i n g rested on four p i e r s and twelve columns. Like the drum of the Anastasis i t was pierced by a number of windows, i n t h i s case sixteen. Here the resemblance stops. The moslem a r c h i t e c t s seemed to have burrowed features f o r the Dome of the Rock from other C h r i s t i a n buildings as we l l . Cresv/ell claims that the doors of the Dome are very s i m i l a r to those on the Cathedral of Bosra and St. George at 97 Ezra. And i t seems l i k e l y that the octagonal character of.? -60-the plan v/as borrowed from the Tomb of the V i r g i n i n the Va l l e y of Joshaphat near Jerusalem. Although h i s t o r i a n s suggest that the octagonal plan seems to have res u l t e d from borrowings from the Anastasis to a t t r i b u t e t h i s plan to the Rotunda except f o r the inner colonnade i s highly suspect. I t i s true that the Mauss system f o r determining the external diameter of the b u i l d i n g from the diameter of the inner colonade does apply to the Dome of the Rock just as i t seems to apply to the Anastasis, but t h i s does not explain the octagonal shape of the moslem b u i l d i n g or the c i r c u l a r outer wall of the Rotunda of C h r i s t ' s tomb. I f the octagon v/as not borrowed from the Tomb of the V i r g i n , then p o s s i b l y from one of the other octagonal buildings such as S. Simeon S t y l i t e s or the Theodokos at Garizim a short distance to the north. Only one conclusion can be drawn from a study of octagonal structures b u i l t i n the Byzantine period from the fourth to eighth centuries - there are no octagonal b u i l d i n g s derived from the plan of the Anastasis as there were i n the Medieval period. The only b u i l d i n g which could be an exception i s the Dome of the Rock. I t d i d borrow some features from the Anastasis but i t also borrowed from other buildings and, therefore, was e c l e c t i c rather than a. d i r e c t copy of any one b u i l d i n g . As f a r as c i r c u l a r copies of the Anastasis are concerned, there seem to be no more than two possible examples; the Church of S. Stefano Rotondo, Rome and the Church of SS. Karpos and Polykarpos i n Constantinople. -61-There were c e r t a i n l y no rotunda churches, e i t h e r c i r c u l a r or octagonal, i n the Mediterranean basin which were b u i l t with the i n t e n t i o n of d u p l i c a t i n g the size and shape of the Anastasis, and also confirm the copy by dedicating i t to the Resurrection. B r i e f l y , l e t us look at the Medieval octagonal copies of the Anastasis once again. I t i s very i n t e r e s t i n g that there i s no known octagonal copy p r i o r to that at Paderborn, dated 1036. And even more i n t e r e s t i n g i s the fa c t that the Anastasis was destroyed only t h i r t y - s i x or thirty-seven years before! K h a l i f Hakem had t r i e d very hard to. l e v e l the b u i l d i n g and remove any trace of i t . . Agreements were made to permit the Ch r i s t i a n s to r e b u i l d i t i n 1012, two or three years a f t e r he had lev e l e d i t , but, e i t h e r the Ch r i s t i a n s never st a r t e d work on i t , or could not a f f o r d to continue, because the agreement had to be renewed i n 1027 with the K h a l i f ' s son Ez-Zahir and Constantine VIII. Yet another agreement was necessary. In 1037 a t h i r d agreement v/as made between K h a l i f 99 El-Mustansir and Emperor Michael Paphlagon. In 1034 an earthquake rocked the c i t y and, pos s i b l y , the Anastasis suffered more damage. 1^ I t i s , therefore, quite possible that the Anastasis was not i n existence i n 1036, or i n the twenty year period immediately before the construction of the octagon at Paderborn dedicated to i t ! But the Dome of the Rock was standing. In 1016 only the dome had collapsed and rest o r a t i o n s were made i n 1022, 1027 and 1033.101 The b u i l d i n g , however, remained. I t could very well be, then, that the person sent to -62-make copies of the Anastasis plan used the Dome of the Rock instead. This person, Abbot Wino of Helmershausen, was asked by Bishop Meinwerk of Paderborn to 'mensuras eiusdem e c c l e s i e et ... et mensuras eiusdem e c c l e s i e et sepulchri 1 0 2 s a n c t i reliquas referente... 1 But, i f the Anastasis v/as not there, while the Dome was, then Wino may have simply thought the Anastasis looked l i k e the moslem structure and copied the l a t t e r as a sub s t i t u t e . This plan may then have been used to b u i l d the octagonal b u i l d i n g at Paderborn and e s t a b l i s h the Medieval t r a d i t i o n of octagonal copies of the Ho l y Sepulchre. -63-CHAPTER IV THE HOLY SEPULCHRE COMPLEX The Constantinian complex of the Holy Sepulchre was composed of the Tegurium and the Martyrion. When the Rotunda was completed by the end of the fourth century the basic group of buildings d i d not change. The tomb area was s t i l l separated from the b a s i l i c a proper, crea t i n g an a x i a l plan of two b u i l d i n g s . The shape of the b a s i l i c a was, of course, rectangular, while the Anastasis was c i r c u l a r . The plan, then was quite d i s t i n c t i v e . I t seems p l a u s i b l e that t h i s plan may have been transposed to other church b u i l d i n g s , but i s such a supposition a c t u a l l y true? There i s every reason to believe that, the general plan of the Holy Sepulchre complex was well known. We have already seen that A r c u l f described and prepared plans of the b a s i l i c a and rotunda (P i g . 8a, b), and he i s only one of many pilgrims to v i s i t the s i t e i n the f i r s t four centuries of i t s existence*. His plan not only showed the r e l a t i o n s h i p of the two major b u i l d i n g s , one to the other, but i t also located many of the sacred spots within the b u i l d i n g group. Some of these areas are; the exedra f o r the True Cross, the Chapel of the V i r g i n (south of Calvary), the Chapel of Calvary and the a l t a r dedicated to Abraham on the north side of the Anastasis c o u r t . 1 I t would not have been at a l l d i f f i c u l t to construct a group of buildings i n some di s t a n t country such as Prance from the basic plans \\«/hich A r c u l f had prepared f o r h i s t e x t . -64-Only one complex of b u i l d i n g s composed of a rotunda and a rectangular b u i l d i n g i s known to have been dedicated to the Holy Sepulchre. I t i s the Church of S. Stefano i n 2 Bologna, also known as San Sepolcro. The date of the construction of t h i s group of b u i l d i n g s i s not d e f i n i t e l y known, and, although buildings seem to have existed on the s i t e as e a r l y as the f i f t h century, no reference to i t as San Sepolcro was made u n t i l the end of the ninth century and t h e r e a f t e r . Since no e a r l i e r remains of the b u i l d i n g or complex are known, i t i s d i f f i c u l t to say what form the o r i g i n a l plan took, but i t i s l i k e l y that the complex intended to reproduce the group i n Jerusalem was not begun u n t i l the eighth or n i n t h century. Such a l a t e date would be i n accord with the research of Carol Heitz on Carolingian architecture and l i t u r g y . He has found that the westwork, or elaborate architecture of the west end of a number of Carolingian cathedrals, was associated with the Anastasis of the Holy Sepulchre. I t was at t h i s end of such churches that c e r t a i n s e r v i c e s , s i m i l a r to those held i n Jerusalem, were performed. He includes i n h i s l i s t the Church of S. Requier at Centula ( F i g . 7 3 ) , S. Wandrille i n ancient Fontanella, the Cathedral of Reims, the Abbey of Corvey, and, from the tenth century, the church at Minden. Except f o r the l a s t example, a l l the buildings date from the n i n t h century - the same century i n which S. Stefano, Bologna, was associated with the complex i n Jerusalem. I t would, therefore, appear that t h i s I t a l i a n b u i l d i n g was influenced by a r c h i t e c t u r a l p r a c t i s e s to the north, during the Carolingian period. -65-Since h i s t o r y i s a continuum, and since the Church i s a rather conservative i n s t i t u t i o n , i t i s l i k e l y that t h i s phenomenon of constructing b u i l d i n g s to reproduce the s i t e s of the Holy Sepulchre, namely, the Anastasis and the Martyrion, i n the westwork and the east end of Carolingian cathedrals r e s p e c t i v e l y , was not a sudden development of the eighth or n i n t h century. Roots f o r such a t r a d i t i o n may very well o r i g i n a t e i n the fourth and f i f t h centuries, from the l i t u r g i c a l t r a d i t i o n s of S y r i a and P a l e s t i n e . Church complexes were not uncommon i n the Byzantine period. Not f a r from Jerusalem, i n f a c t , there was a group of churches which may have been influenced by the a r c h i t e c t u r a l grouping of the Holy Sepulchre. The buildings were associated with the Cathedral of Gerasa (P i g . 69).5 The b a s i l i c a was oriented i n a d i r e c t i o n opposite to that of the Martyrion, but entry was made from the same d i r e c t i o n - the east. An atrium was located to the west of the Cathedral, d u p l i c a t i n g the design of the Holy Sepulchre at t h i s end of the b a s i l i c a . Both courts were surrounded by p o r t i c o s . S l i g h t l y to the west of centre of the atrium, a square ciborium was positioned over a fountain. We are immediately reminded of the Tegurium which a l s o , was located i n a courtyard and served to mark the \"fountain of l i f e . \" A small chapel on the south side of the apse, at Gerasa, may have been intended to duplicate the l o c a t i o n of Calvary. Calvary was stationed i n the transept arm of the Martyrion, to the south of the Hemisphairion or apse. The group of b u i l d i n g s at Gerasa, dating from the -66-e a r l y f i f t h century, almost duplicate those of the Holy Sepulchre - a l l except f o r the Rotunda. I t would seem, then, that there iss a p o s s i b i l i t y of t h i s group being a d e r i v a t i v e of the Holy Sepulchre complex. This i s not the only complex b u i l t i n the Byzantine period which may have been designed a f t e r the. Holy Sepulchre. At Djemila ( C u i c u l , F i g . 7 0 ) , i n south-east A l g e r i a , there was a large f i v e a i s l e d b a s i l i c a b u i l t next to a smaller, e a r l i e r church. I t was also associated with a rotunda - the 6 b a p t i s t r y r e f e r r e d to e a r l i e r . The construction of the l a r g e r and more l a v i s h church i s recorded as 411; that i s only a decade or two a f t e r the date of the complex at Gerasa. No e f f o r t s were spared to make the i n t e r i o r of the Cathedral one of the most impressive i n the region. For example, instead of using only one column to form the colonnade i n the a i s l e s , double columns were used. This add i t i o n , f o r purely decorative purposes, must have constituted a s i z a b l e expense. The c i r c u l a r b a p t i s t r y , though located to the east of the two churches, was on axis with the older and smaller of the two n ( F i g . 53). This d e t a i l may somewhat weaken the p o s s i b i l i t y of t h i s group being a d e r i v a t i v e of the Holy Sepulchre, but, nevertheless, the two groups do have some c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s i n common. The as s o c i a t i o n of the complex at Djemila with the complex i n Jerusalem v/as f i r s t suggested by Carol Heitz. She also associated two other North A f r i c a n church groups with the Holy Sepulchre, but neither a s s o c i a t i o n stands unquestioned. Her examples were located at Timgad and Tipasa. -67-The bu i l d i n g s at Tipasa ( F i g . 71) are too confused to determine i f they resemble the Holy Sepulchre complex. The b a s i l i c a has nine a i s l e s - f a r more than i n the Martyrion, and there i s no court or atrium behind the apse. The b a p t i s t r y was located to the south of the church, a p o s i t i o n s i m i l a r to that of the b a p t i s t r y i n Jerusalem, but here the resemblance ends. There i s no rotunda present i n the group. Heitz does not d i s t i n g u i s h which church at Tipasa she i s r e f e r r i n g to, but a second b a s i l i c a , S. Salsa, i s also unrelated to the Holy Sepulchre complex. An examination of the b a s i l i c a at Timgad (ancient 11 Thamugadi) r e s u l t s i n the same conclusions. I t was a rather - large church f o r North A f r i c a , measuring some 100 meters i n length. A court was located to the rear of the apse, at the east end, surrounded by port i c o s on a l l four sides, but, otherwise, there are no other features which would commend i t as a de r i v a t i v e of the Sepulchre complex. There i s yet another church complex i n North A f r i c a , a complex not mentioned by Heitz, but one with a court to the rear of the apse. I t was located i n the suburb of Carthage, 12 i n Damous-el-Karita. Like the b a s i l i c a at Timgad, i t was very large - some 65 meters from f r o n t to back. The en t i r e complex, from end to end, was 150 meters. The b a s i l i c a v/as composed of eight a i s l e s and was preceeded by a semicircular atrium. A four a i s l e d h a l l was located behind the apse, and i n t h i s h a l l there was a semi-subterranean rotunda, covered by a dome. The o r i g i n of the structures behind the apse may have been the -68-Sepulchre. The plan, according to Richard Krautheimer, was derived from a Constantinian model, but he f a i l s to mention 13 which b u i l d i n g he had i n mind. Pos s i b l y he was thinking of the Holy Sepulchre, but, the information regarding the remains of the church at Damous-el-Karita i s not s u f f i c i e n t to c o n c l u s i v e l y l i n k i t as a d e r i v a t i v e of any p a r t i c u l a r a r c h i t e c t u r a l structure whatsoever. Outside of North A f r i c a and to the east of I t a l y , at Salona, on the Dalmation coast, there i s a double cathedral ( F i g . 72) which also has been associated with the Holy 14-Sepulchre complex, but, again, without sound reason. In the Carolingian period documents record how the cathedral, with i t s elaborate westwork, served to duplicate the s i t e s of Jerusalem. During the C h r i s t i a n f e s t i v a l of Easter and Lent, Carolingian clergy performed services s i m i l a r to those held at the Holy Sepulchre. In Jerusalem, c e r t a i n services were conducted at the tomb of C h r i s t and at Calvary, and elsewhere, but i n Centula, at S. Requier, such f a c i l i t i e s were not a v a i l a b l e i n the same form and, therefore, substitutes had to be created. This was accomplished by developing the west end of the church nave to serve as an \"Anastasis\" and to place a \"Calvary\" i n the centre of the nave, near the new church entrance. Carol Heitz, who has brought t h i s information to l i g h t , has compared the l i t u r g i c a l order and the l o c a t i o n of i t s performance i n Carolingian to that i n Byzantine churches. From records of the Carolingian w r i t e r , A n g i l b e r t , and the - 6 9 -fourth century accounts of Aetheria, the p i l g r i m from Gaul, Heitz found that services on d i f f e r e n t days of Holy Week were 15 held i n d i f f e r e n t l o c a t i o n s . ^ In Holy Week, Aetheria mentions that on Monday and Tuesday, services were held i n the Martyrion and the Anastasis, on Ash Wednesday they were performed at Eleona, on the Mount of O l i v e s , on Thursday at the Anastasis, on Good Friday at Sion, and on Saturday at Calvary. In the Carolingian period, f i v e hundred years l a t e r , Angilbert states that the westwork served as the Anastasis, while services associated with Calvary i n Jerusalem centuries e a r l i e r , were held i n the nave of the 16 church. Thus, east end, dedicated to S. Requier, seemed to serve i n the same capacity as the Martyrion had i n the time of Aetheria's v i s i t i n the fourth century. I f the l i t u r g i c a l orders i n the ninth century were s i m i l a r to those i n the fourth and f i f t h centuries,then, i t i s f a i r to assume that churches outside of Jerusalem had to improvise an area i n the church during Lent to serve as s i t e s 17 of the Holy Sepulchre. ' This may he the case with such a complex as that i n Salona or of those i n North A f r i c a . But nothing can be determined from simply examining t h e i r plans. Other C h r i s t i a n t r a d i t i o n s were borrowed from Jerusalem and used i n I t a l y i n the eighth century and probably e a r l i e r . For example, a r e l i c of the True Cross v/as c a r r i e d im procession i n Rome, by the Pope, i n the same way a r e p l i c a of the Cross was, and s t i l l i s , c a r r i e d along the V i a Dolorosa i n Jerusalem. The r e l i c was returned to S. Croce i n Gerusalemme, i n Rome - 7 0 -a f t e r the annual journey. There were precedents, then, f o r the t r a n s f e r of a l i t u r g i c a l t r a d i t i o n from S y r i a to I t a l y and Europe. In searching f o r a church, b u i l t p r i o r to the eighth century, e s p e c i a l l y designed f o r services during Lent, the Cathedral of Ravenna, (the B a s i l i c a Ursiana) comes immediately to mind. The features which commend i t as a copy of the Martyrion have already been discussed. They include the dedication, the o r i e n t a t i o n , the number of a i s l e s , the number of columns and the semioctagonal apse. But there are s t i l l two other i n t e r e s t i n g features of t h i s church not formerly r e f e r r e d to. One i s the existence of an elaborate ambon i n the centre of the nave, and the second i s the apparent evidence of the church having two a l t a r s . I t i s not c l e a r as yet whether the main a l t a r was located with the ambon, as suggested by R i c c i , or whether there were two.altars at that point - one dedicated to the \"Holy Resurrection\" and 19 one to S. Anastasia. I f future research does determine the l o c a t i o n of the two a l t a r s i t may also f i n d that t h i s church was a precedent f o r the Carolingian buildings discussed by H e i t z . E. Baldwin Smith i n The Dome, A Study of the History Ideas presents a lengthy discussion of the ambon or pulpitum found i n the centre of the nave of a number of b a s i l i c a s i n 20 the region of S y r i a . v This must have been the source of the ambon i n the centre of the B a s i l i c a Ursiana, imported by the Syrians who formed a large colony i n Ravenna at the time of the b a s i l i c a ' s construction. Smith believes that the ambon of -71-the Syrian b a s i l i c a s i s r e l a t e d i n function to the bemas found i n martyria churches at S. Babylus (381), Seleucia P i e r i a (5th C , F i g . 75), S. Sergius, Rasafa (mid 5th C , F i g . 74) 21 and Hagia Sophia at Edessa ( r e b u i l t 539). His theory i s that they were designed to serve both as a place to read the lessons and to hold \"The Lord's Table\" or the \"Place of the Commemoration.\" ( F i g . 76) This function, associated with the Last Supper and the death and re s u r r e c t i o n of C h r i s t , may have developed from services held at the Holy Sepulchre, at the a l t a r before the tomb of C h r i s t . Although the Cathedral of Ravenna does not resemble the a x i a l plan of the Martyrion and the Anastasis, there are a number of Cathedrals which do. The Cathedral at Parenzo ( F i g . 77) bears the strongest 2 3 resemblance to the group i n Jerusalem. y An octagonal b a p t i s t r y i s located on axis with the church, at the west end, before the main entrance. A t r i c o n c h martyrium was located to the north side of the apse, i n a p o s i t i o n s i m i l a r to small chapels on the side of Syrian churches. A court with po r t i c o s joined the octagon to the front of the church. These features seem to have come d i r e c t l y from the Cathedral of Aquelia, b u i l t some f i f t y years e a r l i e r , which, i n turn, may have 24 been influenced by the Holy Sepulchre. The Cathedral, l i k e S. Peter's at Brescia, had a polygonal b a p t i s t r y i n the atrium of the church.^ 5 The Cathedral of T o r c e l l o ( F i g . 78), i n the lagoon of Venice, i s another example of a cathedral with a c i r c u l a r -72-26 b a p t i s t r y at--the f r o n t of the church. A l l of these I t a l i a n churches may have been d i r e c t l y or i n d i r e c t l y influenced by the 27 layout of bui l d i n g s at the Holy Sepulchre. Outside of I t a l y t h i s b a s i l i c a - r o t u n d a plan i s not so common. The church of S. Leonidas ( F i g . 79), i n the harbour of Corinth, has a semicircular structure to the front of the church, but t h i s does not associate i t v/ith the type of plan 28 used at Jerusalem. A round martyrium was attached to the front of the Church of S. Eupheme at Chalcedon. I t , however, v/as too 29 e a r l y i n date to be a copy of the Holy Sepulchre. In conclusion, there are no group of churches or b u i l d -ings b u i l t before the eighth century which are known to have dup-l i c a t e d the Holy Sepulchre complex. There are churches which resemble the complex, and there are several groups of churches which may have served to substitute as \" s i t e s of the Holy Sepul-chre\" f o r Lenten s e r v i c e s , but such associations cannot be v e r i f i e d . I t i s quite l i k e l y that the Cathedral of Ravenna, b u i l t by Ursian, was a forerunner of the Carolingian Churches.; use of Lenten l i t u r g i e s . The use of a l i t u r g y with s p e c i a l Lenten \" s i t e s \" would be e n t i r e l y i n order, considering the church's dedication to the Resurrection. Undoubtedly the B a s i l i c a was intended to duplicate both the form and the function of the Holy Sepulchre. - 7 3 -CONCLUSIONS The Holy Sepulchre d i d not influence the design of C h r i s t i a n church architecture i n the Mediterranean basin during the Byzantine period as much as might have been expected of such an important church. The lack of copies and derivations was not a r e s u l t of the church being i s o l a t e d because i t was not. Untold hundreds of p i l g r i m s must have journeyed to the Holy Land, judging by the number of i t i n e r a r i e s which s t i l l r e -main. The f a c t that descriptions of pilgrimages were recorded, with maps and plans upon occasion, must have meant that persons i n towns where the pilgrims made t h e i r home were able to share i n the experiences of the t r i p . But a l l t h i s exposure to the Holy Sepulchre d i d not seem to increase i t s impact or influence as an a r c h i t e c t u r a l monument on the construction of churches i n the Mediterranean basin. Only one church, the B a s i l i c a Ursiana i n Ravenna, can claim the honour of being a proper copy of the Holy Sepulchre, not only because i t was dedicated to the Anastasis or the Resurrection, but i t also copied a number of a r c h i t e c t u r a l motifs d i r e c t l y from Constantine 1s b a s i l i c a . Included i n these features were the number of columns i n the nave, the number of a i s l e s i n the nave, a semioctagonal apse and the o r i e n t a t i o n to the east. To enhance i t s claim even:.!, f u r t h e r , there are suggestions of two a l t a r s with d i f f e r e n t dedications i n turn, suggesting a use of a l i t u r g y s i m i l a r to the one followed i n the c a r o l i n g i a n -74-churches of France during Lent. I t was i n these churches that the wes.twork was designed to duplicate the l o c a t i o n of the Anastasis f o r Easter s e r v i c e s . With such a multitude of d e t a i l s l i n k i n g the Holy Sepulchre and the Cathedral of Ravenna, i t must be concluded that the l a t t e r was intended to copy the former - even i f there was no attempt made to copy the Rotunda at Ravenna. Although the Eudoxian church at Gaza shared the same dedication as the B a s i l i c a Ursiana and the Holy Sepulchre, i t s architecture was not based on the complex i n Jerusalem. The cross plan, which the a r c h i t e c t from Antioch employed, was not derived from any b u i l d i n g on the s i t e of C h r i s t ' s tomb. The Tegurium was never copied as a church or chapel even though i t stood d i r e c t l y over the cave i n which C h r i s t ' s body was l a i d . True, i t was never used as a congregational structure, but s t i l l , i t was able to hold eight or nine people. I t was by no means a small structure (Pig. 1). But i t must have been looked upon as a r e l i q u a r y and, since r e l i q u a r i e s never served as models f o r a r c h i t e c t u r a l structures, i t i s u n l i k e l y that any church or chapel would ever have been modeled on i t s design. Attempts to f i n d derivations of the Martyrion have not proved too s u c c e s s f u l . I t s most d i s t i n c t i v e features seem to have been i t s f i v e a i s l e s , i t s 65 columns and i t s unique apse, knovm as the hemisphairion. No church plans with these features have been found other than the Cathedral of Ravenna, although, i n some plans, one or other of the features may have been em-ployed i n a church. In such cases the a r c h i t e c t may have been -75-making reference to the Holy Sepulchre hut i t seems u n l i k e l y that he was t r y i n g to copy i t . There i s no c i r c u l a r b u i l d i n g which both duplicates the form'of the Anastasis and i t s dedication to the Resurrection. But, though there are no \"copies\" of t h i s large b u i l d i n g , derivations of i t e x i s t i n the form of the Church of S. Stefano Rotondo i n Rome, the Church of SS. Karpos and Polykarpos i n Constantinople and the moslem Dome of the Rock i n Jerusalem. The majority of rotundas, b u i l t i n the period from the fourth to the eighth centuries, p a r t i c u l a r l y the octagons, must have been derived from such examples as the Tomb of the V i r g i n or the Domus aurea, or poss i b l y the mausoleum of D i o c l e t i a n at Spolato. But the fa c t i s , that the Rotunda was not as an import-ant a model f o r a r c h i t e c t u r a l structures i n t h i s period /as i t would be during the Middle Ages a f t e r the eighth century, and p a r t i c u l a r l y a f t e r the Crusades. I t v/as not because the Byzantine church f a i l e d to dup-l i c a t e plans of churches with t h e i r dedications, that the Anast-a s i s was not \"copied\". One need only c i t e the churches dedicated to the Cross to see that i t was quite popular to \"copy\" a church. Throughout the Mediterranean basin and int o Prance, churches with a cross plan were dedicated to the \"True Cross\". The only exception i s the converted h a l l of S. Croce i n Gerusalemme i n Rome. S i m i l a r l y buildings associated v/ith the V i r g i n or dedicated to the Theodokos were e i t h e r c i r c u l a r or octagonal rotundas. But no such t r a d i t i o n ever developed around the plan of the Anastasis. -76-There are a number of church complexes which may have been designed to duplicate the Holy S i t e s or the group of b u i l d -ings at the Holy Sepulchre. They appear i n JJalmatia, i n North A f r i c a , i n I t a l y and north of Jerusalem,.at Gerasa. I t would seem that the church l i t u r g y f o r Lenten services needed areas i n the church to duplicate c e r t a i n s i t e s found i n the Holy Sepulchre, and p o s s i b l y these church complexes grew up around the use of t h i s l i t u r g i c a l order. Except f o r the apparent sim-i l a r i t i e s i n the general plans of some of these church complexes, there i s no documentary evidence to associate the groups with the Holy Sepulchre. There was such evidence, however, i n the nin t h century. The Church of S. Stefano, Bologna, was r e f e r r e d to as the \"New Jerusalem\" i n that century, and although t h i s i s the e a r l i e s t documented group to copy the Holy Sepulchre, there may have been others s t i l l unknown, from an e a r l i e r period i n h i s t o r y . In the examination of b u i l d i n g groups which may have been derived from the Sepulchre, a number of churches with a rotunda on axis with the b a s i l i c a were found and examined as d e r i v a t i v e s of the Martyrion and Anastasis grouping, but again, no f i r m r e l a t i o n s h i p could be established. Why the Holy Sepulchre seems to have been such an unim-portant a r c h i t e c t u r a l influence i n the Byzantine period i s d i f f i c u l t to explain. I t must have been the focus of every C h r i s t i a n ' s attention and yet i t would appear that C h r i s t i a n s f a i l e d to notice i t as a great a r c h i t e c t u r a l achievement of the C h r i s t i a n Church. -77-CHAPTER 1 FOOTNOTES 1 Eusebius, \" L i f e of Constantine\" ( V i t a C o n s t a n t i n i ) , trans., John H. Bernard, i n The Churches of Constantine at Jerusalem: Being Translations from Eusebius and the E a r l y PilgrimiT (London: Palestine P i l g r i m s ' Text Society, 1898), 111,24, p. 3.- Subsequently r e f e r r e d to as Eusebius, \"Vita\",111,24,p.3. 2.. Rev. R. W i l l i s , \"The Architecture History of the Holy Sepulchre\", George Williams, The Holy C i t y - H i s t o r i c a l Topographical and Antiquarian Notices of Jerusalem, (Vol. I I , ed. 2; London: John W. Parker, 1849), p. 282 f . 3 L. E. Cox Evans, \"The Holy Sepulchre,\" Palestine Exploration Quarterly, (London: Palestine Exploration Fund, July - Dec-ember 1968), p. 112 f . 4 Eusebius, \" V i t a \" , 111,34, p. 7. 5 A r i e s i v o r y buckle. Notre Dame-la Major. N e i l C. Brooks, \"The Sepulchre of C h r i s t i n Art and Li t u r g y with Special Ref-erence to the L i t u r g i c a l Drama\", University, of I l l i n o i s Studies i n Language and L i t e r a t u r e , V o l . VII, 2, (May, 1921), p. 19 f . 6': B r i t i s h Museum Ivory. London. (ca. 420, Conant). I b i d . ; Andre Grabar, Martyrium, Recherches sur l e c u l t des re l i q u e s et l ' a r t C h r e t i e n antique, (Limoges: College de Prance, 1946), p.227; Kenneth Conant, \"The O r i g i n a l Buildings at the Holy Sepulchre i n Jerusalem\", Speculum, V o l . XXX, (October, 1956), p. 4. Conant has confused the B r i t i s h museum and the Munich works with each other. 7, T r i v u l z i o Ivory. Milan, (ca. 400, Conant). Brooks, op. c i t . , p.26; D. V. Ainalov, The H e l l e n i s t i c Origins of Byzantine • A r t , trans. E l i z a b e t h and Serge Sobolevitch, e d . C y r i l Mango. (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1961), p. 144 f; 0. M. Dalton, Byzantine Art and Archaeology, (New York: Dover Publications Inc., 1961, Reprint of Oxford Univ-e r s i t y Press, 1911), p.191; Oskar Wulff, A l t c h r i s t l i c h e und Byzantinische Kunst ? (Handbuch der Kunstwissenschaft),(Vol. 1, 11; B e r l i n : Akademische Verlagsgesellschaft Athenaion, 1918), I, p. 187; Conant, l o c . c i t . 8 Munich Ivory, (ca. 415, Conant). Brooks, op. c i t . , p.22; Louis Brehier. La sculpture et l e s art s mineurs byzantines, ( P a r i s : Les E d i t i o n s d'art et d * h i s t o i r e , 1936), p. 70; Conant, l o c . c i t . 9 G. T. R i v o i r a , Roman Architecture and i t s P r i n c i p l e s of Const-r u c t i o n under the Empire, trans. G. McN. Ruchford, (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1925), p. 162; Grabar, op. c i t . , p.271-2. -78-Chapter I Footnotes (continued) 10 G. T. R i v o i r a , Lombardic Architecture: I t s O r i g i n , Develop-ment and Derivatives, trans. G. McN. Ruchford, (Vol. I I , Ox-for d : Clarendon Press, 1933), p.15; Rev. W i l l i s , op. c i t , p. 2. According to the Rev. W i l l i s , the west end was enr larged a f t e r 1587. The plan of the Tegurium with the en-tranee to the east and an apse at the west resembles the bema found i n l a t e r Syrian churches. ( F i g . 72) . See note 20, chapter I I I . 11 Hugues Vincent and F-M Abel, \"Jerusalem Nouvelle,\" Jerusalem. Recherches de topographie, d'archeologie et d ' h i s t o i r e , VolT I I , f a s c . I I ; P a r i s : J . Gabalda, 1914), p. 233. 12 E. Baldwin Smith, The Dome: A Study i n the History of Ideas, (Princeton: Princeton U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1956), p. 54; Bern-ard, op. c i t . , p. 30. 13 David Talbot Rice, The Beginnings of C h r i s t i a n Art, (London: Hodder and Stought, 1957), P. 35; Grabar, op. ciTT, p. 276; Smith, op. c i t . , p. 98; Wulff, op. c i t . , p. 115; The Sancta Sanctorum r e l i q u a r y has been dated by Grabar as 6th or 7th century while Wilhelm Nyssen (Das Zeugnis des Bildes im Fruhen Byzana., [Bd. I I ; Breisgau: Lambertus Verlag, 1962j), Charles Rufus Morey (Early C h r i s t i a n A rt, An Outline of the Evolution of Style and Iconography in Sculpture and Painting from Ant i q u i t y to the Eighth Century, L Princeton: Princeton U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1941J), and Oscar Wulff (op. c i t . ) date i t i n the 6th century. 14 Rev. W i l l i s , op. c i t . , p. 176. A r c u l f made reference to the a l t a r before the Tegurium entrance claiming that i t was made from h a l f of the stone door which once served to close the tomb entrance. Bernard, op. c i t . , p. 32. 15 The Rabbula Codex i s dated 586 by references i n the t e s t . I t was written by a Syrian monk, Rabbula, i n a c l o i s t e r at Zagbar i n Mesopotamia. Nyssen, op. c i t . , p. 77; Morey, op. c i t . , p . 116 f; Ainalov, op. c i t . , p. 72. The Syrian plate found i n Perm probably dates from the 6th or 7th century. I b i d . , p. 257. 16 C a r l Maria Kaufman, Handbuch der g h r i s t l i c h e n Archaologie, (Paderborn: Druck und Verlag von Ferdinand Schdningh, 1913), P. 309. 17 The Coptic Censor. 6th C. J . Formige, \"Un plan du Saint-Sepulchre decourvert a l a b a s i l i q u e de Saint-Denis\", Monuments et Memoiries, V o l . XLVIII, 2 (1954), p. 122; Grabar, op. c i t . , p. 89. : 1 ' The Dumbarton Oaks stone r e l i e f . Paul A. Underwood, \"The Fountain of L i f e i n Manuscripts of the Gospel,\" Dumbarton Oaks Papers, No.5 (Cambridge: Harvard U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1950), p. 91. -79-Chapter I Footnotes (continued) The ampullae. Ainalov, op. c i t . , p. 224—48; Morey, o p . c i t . , p. 269; Dalton, op. c i t . , p. 625. 18 The mosaics of S. Apollinare Nuovo, Ravenna are dated 500-520 A.D. by F. van der Meer and C h r i s t i n e Mohrmann, Atla s of The E a r l y C h r i s t i a n World, trans, and ed. Mary F. Hed-lund and H. H. Rowley, (Toronto: Thomas Nelson and Sons, 1959), P. 88, n. 231; Smith, op. c i t . , p. 24. 19 Bernard Goldman, The Sacred P o r t a l , ( D e t r o i t : Wayne State U n i v e r s i t y , 1966). p. 69-124. 20 Bernard, op. c i t . , p. 23; Vincent, op. c i t . , p. 216; Conant, op. c i t . , p. 4. ' 21 Underwood, op. c i t . , p. 53-22 Grabar, op. c i t . , pp. 66, 77. Smith, op. c i t . , pp. 55, 108, 111. The oldest (ciborium e d i c u l a with a square plan marks the tomb of two saints at Kaossie^Ahtioch. The c e n t r a l ed-i c u l a was four rooms attached, one per side. The mosaic pavement i s dated 387. Grabar, op. c i t . , p. 77. 23. Smith, op. c i t . , p. 110. 24 The 4th century glass cup now at Tunis i n the Bardo Museum v/as found i n the Baths of Antoninus at Carthage. Andre Grabar, E a r l y C h r i s t i a n A r t : From the Rise of C h r i s t i a n i t y to the Death of Theodosius, 200-395, trans. S. G i l b e r t and \"\"J. Emmons, (New York: Odyssey Press, 1968), p. 276. The 4th century date given the glass by Grabar may prove to be a century or more too e a r l y judging by the s i m i l a r i t y i n representation of the martyrion with the ampullae at Monzo dated to the 6th century. 25 Brooks, op. c i t . , p. 19. 26 A. A. V a s i l i e v , History of the Byzantine Empire, (Vol. IjII*, Madison and Milwaukee: U n i v e r s i t y of Wisconsin Press, 1964), I, p.96 f . 27 Adolf Struck claims the Church of the Saviour at P l a t a n i t i (ca. 1000) was derived from the tomb of P e r i k l e a i n Termissos. Adulf Struck, \"Vier Byzantinische Kirchen der A r g o l i s : P l a t a n i t i , Chonika, Merbaka und A r e i a , \" Mitteiltingen des K a i s e r l i c h Deutschen Archaologischen I n s t i t u t s , Athens, V o l . XXXIV (1909), PP. 191,195,196. 28 Smith, op. c i t . pp.49, 144; Jean E b e r s o l t , Monuments de'arch-i t e c t u r e byzantine, ( P a r i s : Les E d i t i o n s d'art et d ' h i s t o i r e , 1934), p. 165 n. 120. -80-Chapter I Footnotes (continued) 29 Smith, op. c i t . , p. 59; Grabar, Martyrium, p. 84. The domical mortuary and domical b a p t i s t r y t r a d i t i o n s were not native to S y r i a or the region to the east. The f i r s t free standing, domed, c y l i n d r i c a l tomb s t i l l extant i s at \"Amrith. This monolithic s t e l e p o s s i b l y dates from the period of Herod the Great. Two other towered tombs e x i s t i n the area of Jerusalem, the .tomb of Absalom and the tomb of Zacharias. The former was a funnel dome, the l a t t e r - a pyramidal dome. Smith, op. c i t . , p. 57. 30 Grabar, l o c . c i t . ; E b e r s o l t , op. c i t . , p. 11; Smith, op. c i t . , P. 59. , . 31 J . Stfygowski, L'aricien a rt C h r e t i e n de S y r i e , ( P a r i s : E. de Boccard, 1936), p. 70; Grabar, Martyrium, p. 86-7. 32 Grabar, Martyrium, p. 82. 33 Smith, op. c i t . , pp. 59, 105. 34 St. Menas i n Abou Mina was b u i l t c. 400-410. Ward Perkins, Papers of the B r i t i s h School at Rome, V o l . XVII, (London, 1949), p. 40; Grabar, Martyrium,TT 82; Smith, op. c i t . , p. 59; A. Khatchatrian, Les baptisteres paleochretiens, Plans, notices et b i b l i o g r a p h i e , ( P a r i s : Centre n a t i o n a l de l a recherche s c i e n t i f i q u e , 1962), p. 61. 35 Grabar, Martyrium, p. 82. The r e l i q u a r y of Aachen was made for a \" s t r a t i g o s \" of Antioch between 969 and 1080. Smith, op. c i t . , pp. 121, 122. A r e l i q u a r y of the Holy Sepulchre (Musee Lapidaire, Narbonne) made from white Pyrenes marble, p o s s i b l y i n the 5th century and measuring 49 x 35 was found at Narbonne i n the substructure of a defensive t u r r e t on the c i t y walls not f a r from the f i r s t cathedral. Jean Hubert, Jean Porcher and W. P. Volbach, Europe i n the Dark Ages, (London: Thames and Hudson, 1969), p. 349, i l l u s t r a t i o n 17 on page 16. There was also a small edicula s i m i l a r to the Tegurium on the s i t e of the present-day \"confessio\" enclosing the tomb of the Apostle i n St. Peter's B a s i l i c a and surrounded by a low \" c a n c e l l i \" . This structure, claimed by Van der Meer to have existed i n the fourth century but i f so i t must be l a t e fourth century, was the memoria P e t r i proper and was depicted on an i v o r y r e l i q u a r y i n Pola i n I s r e i a (ca. 400'now i n the Museo Civico,'Rome). P. Van der Meer, op. c i t . , TD. 62, 147, no. 479. -81-CHAPTER I I FOOTNOTES 1 Eusebius, \" L i f e of Constantine\" ( V i t a C o n s t a n t i n i ) , trans. John H. Bernard, i n The Churches of Constantine at Jerusalem: Being Translations from Eusebius and the E a r l y P i l g r i m s , (London: Palestine P i l g r i m s ' Text Society, 1896), 111,30, p. 4. Subsequently r e f e r r e d to as Eusebius, \" V i t a : , 111,30, p. 4. 2 In 1966, 4-th C. walls were found on the north side of the Rotunda i n the region of 8, 9 and 12; and, 10 and 16 on the 1962 plan (Pig. 30c). \"Jerusalem\", Revue B i b l i q u e , V o l . LXIX(1962),. p. 100-109. • . 3 Kenneth Conant, \"The O r i g i n a l Buildings at the Holy Sepulchre i n Jerusalem,\" Speculum, V o l . XXXI (October, 1956), p. 7 f . The source of the i l l u s t r a t i o n s i s given i n the index of i l l u s t r a t i o n s . 4 Oskar Wulff, A l t c h r i s t l i c h e und Byzantinische Kunst (Handuch der Kunstwissenschaft), ( B e r l i n : Academische V e r i a g s g e s e l l -schaft Athenaion, 1918), p. 328, G. J e f f e r y , \"Papers on the Church of the Holy Sepulchre\", Journal of the Royal I n s t i t u t e of B r i t i s h A r c h i t e c t s , V o l . XVII (October, 1910), p. 713. 5 Conant, op. c i t . , p. 9f^ Eusebius, \" V i t a \" , 111,38, p. 9. The area of the North transept has been restored according to studies of the mosaic made by Wilpert. Conant, l o c . c i t . 6 I b i d . 7 Zev Vilnay, the Holy Land i n Old P r i n t s and Maps, (Jerusalem: Rubin Mass, 1965), p. 2; Conant, op. c i t . , p. y - 8. 8 Conant, Ibid?, p. 44; F. van der Meer and C h r i s t i n e Mohrmann, Atlas of the E a r l y C h r i s t i a n World, trans., Mary F. Hedlund and H. H. Rowley, (Toronto: Thomas Nelson and Sons, 1959) map 39. 9 0. Wulff, op. c i t . , p. 115; P. van der Meer, op. c i t . , p. 73 n. 17T. 10 Emile Male, The E a r l y Churches of Rome, trans. David Buxton, (London: Ernest Beun Limited, I960), p. 56. 11 I b i d . , p. 60; Walter Oakeshott, The Mosaics of Rome from the Third to the Fourteenth Centuries, (London: Thames and Hudson, 1967), pp. 16-17,73. The mosaics according to Emile Male date from the period of Pope Sextus I I I ca. 432 A.D. 12 Vilnay, op. c i t . , p. 6, F i g . 11. Ciampini drawing was i n volume I I I , plate XIII. -82-Chapter II Footnotes (continued) 13 I b i d . , p. 5. The Church of San Lorenzo, was erected between 579 and 590. Richard Krautheimer, E a r l y C h r i s t i a n and Byzantine Archi t e c t u r e , (London: Penguin Books, 1965), p. 191; Vilnay, op. c i t . , p. 5. Jerusalem was also i l l u s -t r a t e d i n manuscripts such as the Rossano Gospels (6th century), but the depictions of the Martyrion are unclear,, i f present. Therefore, they are also unsuitable f o r the preparation of an e l e v a t i o n of the church b u i l t by Con-stantine. 14 Eusebius, \" V i t a \" , 111,38, p. 9. Eusebius text reads: \"opposite these (three gates facing the r i s i n g sun) was the 'hemisphere' (hemisphairion), the main point of the whole b u i l d i n g , s t r e t c h i n g out towards the roof of the b a s i l i c a , which twelve columns surrounded, equal i n number to the apostles of the Saviour, adorned on t h e i r summits with great bowls (capitals.) of s i l v e r , which the emperor gave -a splendid o f f e r i n g - to h i s God.\" The Greek text i s found i n Hugues Vincent and F-M Abel, \"Jerusalem Nouvelle.\" Jerusalem. Recherches de topographie, d'arch§ologie et d ' h i s t o i r e , (Vol. I, I I ; P a r i s : J . Bagalda, 1914, I I , i i , p. 208. The term h/noac*i>/d)v (hemisphairion) i s noted by Vincent as \" i n e x p l i c a b l e \" . The word i s not a t e c h n i c a l . term used f o r e c c l e s i a s t i c a l architecture elsewhere. (See note 15). 15 Rev. R. W i l l i s t r a n s l a t e s the word hemisphairion as \"apse\" (Rev. R. W i l l i s , \"The Architecture History of the Holy Sep-ulchre\", George Williams, The Holy C i t y : H i s t o r i c a l , Topo-graphical and Antiquarian. Notices' of-Jerusalem,jVol. I, I I , \"ed. 2; London: John W. Parker, 1849], I I , p. 245), while Besant and Palmer (W. Besant and E. H. Palmer, Jerusalem, the C i t y of Herod and P a l e s t i n e , [1871; ed. 2, 1889J, p. 59) used the word hemisphere. Richardson also used the term hemisphere. Richardson, \"Euseius, L i f e of Constantine\" i n A Select L i b r a r y of Nic.ene and Post-Nicene Fathers of the C h r i s t i a n Church, edited by H. Wace and P. Schaff, [Oxford: Parker and Company and New York: The C h r i s t i a n L i t e r a t u r e Co., 1890), reprinted i n Andre Grabar, (Early C h r i s t i a n Art: From the Rise of C h r i s t i a n i t y to the Death of Theodosius7 200 - 395, trans. Stuart G i l b e r t and James Emmons, £New Yor-fc: Odyssey Press, 1968], p. 284). Richard Krautheimer considers the hemisphairion to be a rotunda (Richard Krautheimer, \"The Constantine B a s i l i c a \" , Dumbarton Oaks Papers, No. 21 [Washington: Harvard U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1967 J , p. 133) but i n h i s footnotes r e f e r s to Downey's i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of i t as a h a l f domed apse. I b i d . , p. 133, n. 59 r e f e r r i n g to G. Downey, \"On Some P o s t - C l a s s i c a l Greek A r c h i t e c t u r a l Terms,\" Transactions of the American P h i l o l o g i c a l Association, V o l . 77 (1946), p. 22-55) Kenneth Conant *prefer.(s) the trans-l a t i o n 'that part of the b u i l d i n g characterized by a h a l f dome.'\" Conant, op. c i t . , p. 9. -83-Chapter I I Footnotes (continued) 16 Krautheimer, op. c i t ^ , p. 117. 17 Conant, l o c . c i t . 18 . I b i d . , p. 10.. The width i s given as 39 meters or 127 feet 8 inches. 19 \"And forthwith she (St. Helena) dedicated two temples to the God whom she worshipped, one at the Cave of the N a t i v i t y , and the other on the Mount of the Ascension\". Eusebius, \" V i t a \" , 111,43, p. 12. 20 J . V/. Crowfoot, E a r l y Churches i n P a l e s t i n e , (London: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1941), p. 22. 21 Bernard, op. c i t . , p. 22, c i t i n g \"The P i l g r i m of Bordeaux, 333 A.D. (Tobler, p. 18)\". The l a t i n i s c i t e d by Vincent: \"...ibidem modo iusso Constantini imperatoris b a s i l i c a f a c t a est, i d est dominicum\". Vincent, op. c i t . , p. 208 (taken from Geyer, I t i n e r a , p. 22s.). 22 Richard Krautheimer, \"Introduction to an Iconography of Mediaeval Architecture:, Warburg and Courtauld I n s t i t u t e Journal, V o l . V (1942), p. 15. 23, I b i d . , p. 16. 24. Krautheimer, E a r l y C h r i s t i a n . . . , p. 27. Andre Grabar, Martyrium, Recherches sur l e c u l t des r e l i q u e s et 1' art chrgtien antique, (Limoges: College de Prance, 1 9 4 6 ) , p. 206; Walter Lowrie, Art i n the E a r l y Church, (ed. 2; Nexv York: Harper and Row, 1965), p. 107; V a n der Meer, op. c i t . , p. 62. A photograph of the i n t e r i o r i s reproduced by van der Meer as i l l u s t r a t i o n 131. 25 The date of renovation by Empress Helena i s 337 according to Krautheimer. Krautheimer, \"Iconography...*, p. 27 n. 28. In 347 or 34-8 St. C y r i l l e of Jerusalem wrote i n h i s \" C a t e c h i s t i c a l Lectures: that \"already the whole universe i s f i l l e d with fragments of wood from the cross\". The Greek text i s found i n Vincent, op. c i t . , I l l , I, i , p. 208 ( c i t i n g P. G. 33.IV,10 Cyr. H.) 26 Spiro K. Hustof, The Orthodox B a p t i s t r y of Ravenna,(New Haven and London: Yale U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1965), p. 2 f f ; G. T. R i v o i r a . Lombardic Architecture: I t s O r i g i n s , Development and Derivations, trans. G. McN. Rushforth, (Vol. I , I I ; Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1933), I, p. 6 f; Krauth-eimer, E a r l y C h r i s t i a n . . . , pp. 334-, 138 n. 35. -84-Chapter II Footnotes (continued) The exact date of completion of the B a s i l i c a Ursiana i s not known hut Krautheimer places i t before 425 (Krautheimer, E a r l y ^ C h r i s t i a n . . . , p. 158 n. 3 5 ) . R i v o i r a suggests a date 370 - 396 because Bishop Ursiana i s believed to have died i n 384 ( R i v o i r a , op. c i t . , p. 6 ) . R i v o i r a supports h i s theory through a comparison of c a p i t a l s with t a l l pulvinos i n Ursiana to examples found i n the B a s i l i c a Severiana (S. Georgio Maggiore) Naples, b u i l t by the bishop, Severus 367 - ca. 387 ( I b i d . , p. 8 ) . Ursian's B a s i l i c a may have been b u i l t i n preparation f o r r e c e i v i n g the c a p i t o l of the Western Empire moved there i n 404 from Milan by Honorius. Plans may have been prepared by a Syrian who l i v e d i n the large Syrian colony at Ravenna. E. Baldwin Smith, The Dome: A Study i n the History of Ideas, (Princeton: Princeton U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1 9 5 0 ) , p. 1 4 2 - 3 . 27 Richard Krautheimer points out that the c i r c l e and octagon were often considered to be the same geometric shape. Krautheimer, *Iconography...\", p. 7 f , 28 The following i s a l i s t of churches known to have a semi-octagonal apse end: I t a l y - St. Euphemie, Grado ( 579 ) The Cathedral of Polo A church at Butrinto Capadocia -Es k i Andaval near Tyane ( b a s i l i c a of Constantine) Panaghia de Goreme Tomarza Busluk Feseh Skupi Halvadere S i v r i Hissar St. Andre de T i l l Many churches at B i r B i r Kirche Palestine -St. Theodore, Gerasa (494 - 6 ) St. John the B a p t i s t , Gerasa ( 531 ) S y r i a - Rasafa Sergopolis Church of the temple of Baalbeck Cathedral of Bosra ( 5 1 2 ) South Asi a Minor -Meriamlek, cupola church Mesopotamia -Mary Yaqub al-Habis -85-Chapter I I Footnotes (continued) Rhodes - B a s i l i c a A ( V i l l a g e d'Arnetha) Crete - B a s i l i c a A, Chersonese of Crete Constantinope -St. Irene Crimea - the b a p t i s t r y of the Triconque of Cheronese Georgia -the B a s i l i c a of Pi t z u n d i (6th c.) the Cathedral of Ninozminda (6th c.) Charles Delvoye,^\"Memoires et documents, Etudes d' a r c h i -tecture paleochretienne et byzantine\", Byzantion, V o l . XXXII (1962), p. 306. 29 Krautheimer, E a r l y C h r i s t i a n . . . , p. 137; Grabar, op. c i t . , pp. 407, 224; Kostof, op. c i t . , ' p. 3; Carl-Otto Norstrom, Ravennastudien, (Stockholm: Almquist and Wiksell, 1953), 12. Rainaldus, w r i t i n g about the church s a i d i t was dedicated to the true cross: \"a quo habet et nomen et formam\". Grabar, op. c i t . , p. 497. R i v o i r a dates the b u i l d i n g ca. 449, the mausloeum ca. 440. R i v o i r a , op. c i t . , p. 32. 30 E. Baldwin Smith, op. c i t . , pp. 14, 34, 39-40; C a r l Watzinger, Denkmaler Palastinas; exne Einftlhrung i n die Arch£ologie des Hei l i g e n Landes, (Vol. I , I I : L e i p z i g : J . C. Hinrich s , 1933-5), I I , p. 130; G l a n v i l l e Downey, Gaza i n the E a r l y Sixth Century, (Norman, Oklahoma: U n i v e r s i t y of Oklahoma Press, 1963), p. -28; 0. P. F-M Abel, \"Gaza au Vie s i e c l e d'apres l e Rheteur Chorikios\", Revue B i b l i q u e ? V o l . XL (1931), p. 12 f; K. A. C. Creswell, E a r l y Muslim Architecture , V o l . I, I I ; Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1932), I, p. 84. Baldwin Smith associates S. Sergius with the Eudoxiana because Choricius describes S. Sergius as domical with a cruciform plan when he made h i s \"encomion\" presentation i n honour of the bishop, Marcien. S. Sergius was formerly thought to be dedicated i n 532 (536 A.D., Abel, bp. c i t . , p. 12) not 407, the date f o r Eudoziana. Smith, op. c i t . , p. 39, 40. H. Lec l e r q had preferred the l a t e dedication which i s now d i s -puted. Ferdinand Cabrol, Dictionnaire d'archeologie chretiene et de l i t u r g i e , ed. F. Cabrol and H. Lec l e r g , V o l . XIV (P a r i s , 1907-37), c o l . 1496-1500. 31 Smith, op. c i t . , p. 40; Cabrol, l o c . c i t . 32 Watzinger, l o c . c i t . 33 Grabar, op. c i t . , p. 160; Robert Laffont, Dictionnaire des E g l i s e s de France, V o l . IV (1966), Pt. IV,B 70. -86-Chapter I I Footnotes (continued) 34 Cambridge Medieval History, ( V ol. I I ; New York and Cambridge; 1964), p. 147. 35 Grabar, op. c i t . , p. 495. 36 Margaret Deanesly, A History of E a r l y Medieval Europe from 476 to 911, (London! Methuen and Co., 1963), p. 277. 37 Grabar, op. c i t . , p. 527. 38 I b i d . , p. 164. 39 Delvoye, op. c i t . , p. 264. 40 \"In the chief church (Katolike) c a l l e d Maturn (/* Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1925), p. 121. Constantinople. SS. Sergius and Bacchus. The Church of SS Sergius and Bacchus was located - 1 2 7 -Octagon Plan (continued) between the palace and the Church of SS Peter and Paul. I t was b u i l t by J u s t i n i a n from 527 to 536. Garizim, P a l e s t i n e . The Theodokos. The Theodokos at Garizim was b u i l t by Emperor Zeno i n 484—5. I t possessed a r e l i c of the Calvary rock. Jerusalem. The Dome of the Rock. The Dome of the Rock v/as b u i l t i n 691 .by order of 'Abd al-Malik and i s the e a r l i e s t known monument of moslem ar c h i t e c t u r e . I t was octagonal with a c e n t r a l room of 20,44 meters i n diameter. No one p a r t i c u l a r b u i l d i n g stands as i t s predecessor, but the Anastasis Rotunda seems to have been an important in f l u e n c e . Jerusalem, V a l l e y of Joshaphat. Tomb of the V i r g i n . The octagonal tomb of the V i r g i n was one of the e a r l i e s t octagons to be constructed i n the area of Jerusalem a f t e r the completion of the Anastasis. The tomb was constructed i n the middle of the f i f t h century. Smith, l o c . c i t . Crowfoot, op. c i t . , p. 37; Smith, op. c i t . , p. 103; Khatchatrian, op. c i t . , p. 89; Grabar, Martyrium, P. 324. K.A.C. Creswell, A Short Account of E a r l y Muslim Archite c t u r e , (Harmondsworth, Middlesex: Penguin Books, 1958), p. 17-40. -128-Octagon Plan (continued) Kal'at Sem'an, S y r i a . S. Simeon S t y l i t e s . No date of construction i s known f o r S. Simeon S t y l i t e s but i t was completed p r i o r to the construction of S. Phokas at Basufan dated 4-91/2. S. Simeon died i n 4-59 but the octagon may have been constructed while he s t i l l sat on the pole i n the centre. Downey, A History of Antioch..., p. 480-1; Smith, op. c i t . ,. p. 5 5 ; Georges Tchalenko, V i l l a g e s antiques ' tie l a Syrie du Nord: l e massif Bfelus a 1'epoque romaine, (Vol. I , I I ; P a r i s : I n s t i t u t e franqais d*archeologie de Beyrouth, L i b r a i r e O r i e n t a l i s t e , Paul Geuthner, 1953), I, p. 224 f; J . H. Emminghaus, \"Das Taufhaus von Kal'at Sim'an i n Z e n t r a l s y r i e n Bau-beschreibung und - i n t e r p r e t a t i o n \" , Tortulae: Studien zu A l t c h r i s t l i c h e n und Byzantinischen Monumenten^ (Rom, Preiberg, Wein: Herder, 1966), p. 82-108. Midjleyya, South Central S y r i a . Chapel. Butler dates t h i s semioctagonal chapel to the s i x t h century. The b u i l d i n g i s p a r t i a l l y conserved. Smith, op. c i t . ,p. 105; Khatchatrian, op. c i t . , p. 110. Milan, I t a l y . S. T e c l a . B a p tistry. The octagonal b a p t i s t r y , the e a r l i e s t known, was b u i l t at the same time as the cathedral or s h o r t l y a f t e r (ca. 578-86). Krautheimer, E a r l y C h r i s t i a n . . . , p. 58; Spiro K. Kostof, The Orthodox^Baptistry~~of Ravenna, (New Haven and London: Yale U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1965), p. 49. Ravenna, I t a l y . San V i t a l e . The Church of San V i t a l e was b u i l t by Julianus Argen-t a r i u s at the request of Archbishop E c c l e s i u s ( 5 2 2 - 3 2 ) i n 526 and was consecrated i n 54-7. This church, which was very close -129-Octagon Plan (continued) to S. Croce, was at one time attached to the palace of Honorius. Wayne Dynes, \"The F i r s t C h r i s t i a n Palace-Church Type\", Marsyas, V o l . XI, (1962 - 4 ) , p. 7 ; R i v o i r a , Lombardic A r c h i t e c t u r e , p. '62 f . C Rome. Lateran B a p t i s t r y . The present b u i l d i n g was constructed i n 432-4-0 by Sextus I I I but the large font, the l a r g e s t known (28 feet i n diameter), may be e a r l i e r . In 461-8 an e d i c u l a dedicated to the Cross was constructed to contain a piece of the r e l i c of the Cross. Paul A. Underwood, \"The Fountain of L i f e i n Manus-c r i p t s of the Gospel\", Dumbarton Oaks Papers, (No. 5; Cambridge: Harvard U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1 9 5 0 ) , p. 45 f; Richard Krautheimer, \"The Architecture of Sextus I I I : A F i f t h Century Renascence,\" Essays i n 'i :-Honor of Erwin Panofsky, ed. M i l l a r d Meiss, (New York: New York U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1961), p. 292; Grabar, Martyrium, p. 16&-1 Spolato ( S p l i t ) , Dalmatia. Mausoleum of D i o c l e t i a n . The octagon at Spolato, o r i g i n a l l y part of the r o y a l palace, v/as b u i l t i n the e a r l y fourth century. I t i s now ' part of the Cathedral of Spolato but v/hen i t was constructed i t was part of a great complex measuring 215 ni. by 180 m. Charles D i e h l , Manuel d'art byzantine, 2nd ed., (Paris: August Pica r d , 1925), p. 115-8. T e l l Hum (Capernaum), P a l e s t i n e . Octagon. Smith dates the octagon to the middle of the fourth century although i t could be e a r l i e r according to Khatchatrian. Watzinger claims that i t stood i n the same r e l a t i o n s h i p to i t s b a s i l i c a as the Anastasis d i d to the Martyrion, v/hile Dalman suggests that i t was connected with a palace i n the same way -130-Octagon Plan (continued) D i o c l e t i a n ' s tomb was associated with h i s palace and the Domus aurea v/as v/ith the palace at Antioch. Smith, op. c i t . , p. 102; Khatchatrian, op. c i t . , C a r l Watzinger, Denkm£ler Palastinas: sine E i n -ftihrung i n die Archaologie des H e i l i g e n Landes, (Vo l . I, I I ; L e i p z i g : J . C. H i n r i c h s , 1933-5), I I , p. 131 f; G. Dalman, Palastinajahrbuch, V o l . XVII-XIX, (1922-3), p. 64 f . \" P B a s i l i c a Plan Aquelia, I t a l y . Cathedral of Aquelia. The cathedral replaced a \"domus e c c l e s i a e \" i n the e a r l y fourth century. The b u i l d i n g v/as completed i n 319, pos-s i b l y as e a r l y as 313. There were three buildings on the s i t e i n c l u d i n g a b a p t i s t r y , square on the outside and octagonal on the inside with a hexagonal font, from the l a t e f i f t h century. Krautheimer, E a r l y C h r i s t i a n . . . , p. 23; Khatchatrian, o p . c i t . , p. 65-6. Bethlehem. Church of the N a t i v i t y . The Church of the N a t i v i t y v/as constructed by Constan-t i n e and was described by the Bordeauz P i l g r i m i n 333. In 529 i t v/as damaged by a f i r e i n a Samarian r e v o l t and J u s t i n i a n ordered i t r e b u i l t with a t r e f o i l apse r e p l a c i n g the o r i g i n a l octagonal structure. The octagon had measured some 18 meters i n diameter but may have been too small to accomodate the many pil g r i m s i n the s i x t h century. -131-B a s i l i c a Plan (continued) Croxtffoot, op. c i t . , p. 22-7; Smith, op. c i t . , p. 101; Krautheimer, E a r l y C h r i s t i a n . . . , p. 38. Constantinople. Hagia Sophia. The f i r s t Church of Hagia Sophia i n Constantinople v/as f i n i s h e d i n 360 and except f o r the \"hemisphairion\" would seem to have resembled the Martyrion i n Jerusalem. Krautheimer, E a r l y C h r i s t i a n . . . , p. 46. Epidauros, Dalmatia. Church of Epidauros. The f i v e a i s l e d b a s i l i c a at Epidauros i s dated ca.400 and i s accompanied by a b a s i l i c a plan b a p t i s t r y on the west end of the north w a l l . Krautheimer, E a r l y C h r i s t i a n . . . , p. 9 1 - 2 ; Khatchatrian; op. c i t . , p. 86. Jerusalem, Mount of O l i v e s . Eleona. Eusebius associated t h i s b a s i l i c a v/ith the Church of the N a t i v i t y and the founder S. Helena. The church was des-troyed by the Persians and restored by Modestus but today a Medieval chapel, the Pater Noster, occupies the s i t e . The o r i g -i n a l b u i l d i n g v/as designed to mark the cave i n which Jesus was believed to have taught h i s d i s c i p l e s about the l a s t days. I t was also believed that the Last Supper was celebrated here. Crowfoot, op. c i t . , p. 3 2 . Ravenna, I t a l y . B a s i l i c a Ursiana. The B a s i l i c a Ursiana v/as dedicated to the Anastasis (the Resurrection) i n ca. 384. The b u i l d i n g seems to have been intended to copy the Holy Sepulchre. I t v/as restored or r e --132-B a s i l i c a Plan (continued) constructed i n the t w e l f t h century and destroyed i n 1748 and apparently r e b u i l t . The B a p t i s t r y of the Orthodox, octagonal with four niches, apparently was c i r c l e d by an ambulatory and attached to the b a s i l i c a by an atrium s i m i l a r to the complex at Aquelia. The design of the b a p t i s t r y v/as derived from Milan while the b a s i l i c a seems to have been influenced by Syrian church plans. Kostof, op. c i t . , pp. 47, 124; Khatchatrian, op. c i t . , p. 120; R i v o i r a , Lombardic Archi t e c t u r e , I, p.\"6-8. Resafa, North S y r i a . S. Sergius. The f i r s t Church of S. Sergius may date from 434 when the c i t y became an episcopal seat with the name Ser g i o p o l i s but f o r s t y l i s t i c reasons i t has been dated by Sarre and Herzfeld, and Spanner and Guyer as ca. 500. A bema v/as located i n the . centre of the nave. In the s i x t h century a martyrium with a q u a t r e f o i l plan was b u i l t i n the same area. Smith, op. c i t . , p. 126-9. Rome, I t a l y . S. Croce i n Gerusalemme. A large rectangular h a l l from ca. 200 was renovated by Helena to serve as a palace chapel or church and to contain a r e l i c of the Cross. Duckworth claims that part of the rock of Calvary v/as introduced into the foundations by the Empress. Krautheimer, E a r l y C h r i s t i a n . . . , p. 27; H. T. P. Duckworth, The Church of the Holy Sepulchre, (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1927), p. 275. T r i e r . Imperial B a s i l i c a The b a s i l i c a at T r i e r was not designed as a church -133-B a s i l i c a Plan (continued) when i t was b u i l t between 305 and 312. I t was a h a l l f o r the palace i n that c i t y . I t stands as one of the best preserved of Constantine*s b u i l d i n g s . Richard Krautheimer, \"The Constantine B a s i l i c a \" , Dumbarton Oaks Papers, (No. 21,(Washington: Harvard U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1967), p. 117. G Bui l d i n g Complex Bologna, I t a l y . S. Stefano (S. Sepolcro). The e a r l y h i s t o r y of S. Stefano i s rather obscure. Foundations seem to have been l a i d i n the f i f t h century but no mention i s made of a c i r c u l a r s t ructure. The ass o c i a t i o n of the complex v/ith Jerusalem was not made u n t i l 887 and a f t e r , there-fore the copy of the Holy Sepulchre complex may not have been designed u n t i l l a t e r i n the eighth or ninth centuries. The rotunda, though rather i r r e g u l a r i n plan, was not an octagon, but a c i r c l e . In 903 the buildings v/ere damaged or destroyed and i n 1150-60 the group v/as r e b u i l t . The l i f e of S. Petronio (1162-1180) states c l e a r l y that S. Petronio r e b u i l t the complex to reproduce the Holy S i t e s i n Jerusalem based on measurements he himself made v/hile i n the Holy,City. Arthur Kingsley Porter, Lombard Architecture, (Vol. I, I I ; New Haven: Yale U n i v e r s i t y Press, and London: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1917), I I , p. 124; R i v o i r a , Lombardic Architecture, I I , p. 648. -134-B u i l d i n g Complex (continued) Br e s c i a , North I t a l y . S. Peter's. A large rotunda stood at the west end of the church i n B r e s c i a. Known as the \"old Cathedral\", the Duomo Vecchio, i t i s one of the oldest Lombard c i r c u l a r churches. I t s h i s t o r y i s not known but the rotunda may hace been part of the b u i l d i n g s , or the b u i l d i n g b u i l t by Queen Theodolind and dedicated i n 617 or the rotunda may date from the Carolingian period of the l a t e eighth century. The b u i l d i n g lacks a r c h i t e c t u r a l decoration and the i n t e r i o r i s unadorned. An i n t e r i o r wall. divided into twenty-four bays with small single round-arched r e -cesses c i r c l e s the centre room. The diameter of the inner room i s 65 f e e t . The b a p t i s t r y stood to the west of the present church, across a'street. Charles Amos Cummings, A History of Architecture i n I t a l y : Prom the Time\" of Constantine to the Dawn of the Renaissance,•(Vol. I, I I ; London: Ernest Benn Limited, 1928), I, p. 156-8. Carthage, North A f r i c a . Damous=el-Karjta. The complex at Damous-el-Karita measured some 490 feet i n length. The b a s i l i c a was 215 feet long with a large sem i c i r c u l a r atrium and eight a i s l e s . A large h a l l and c i r c u l a r b u i l d i n g stood behind the church. Krautheimer, E a r l y C h r i s t i a n . . . , p. 144. Chalcedon, B i t h y n i a . S. Eupheme. The fourth century complex of S. Eupheme was composed of two d i s t i n c t i v e structures, the mausoleum and the b a s i l i c a church. Grabar, Martyrium, p. 338. -135-B u i l d i n g Complex (continued) Corinth, Lechaion, Greece. S. Leonidas. The dates f o r the b a s i l i c a suggested by Krautheimer are 450-60 and 518-27. The very large s i z e of the b u i l d i n g s , 186 meters i n length, must have taken a number of years to complete. Krautheimer, E a r l y C h r i s t i a n . . . , p. 99-101. Djemila ( C u i c u l ) , A l g e r i a , North A f r i c a . P r i o r to 400 a b a s i l i c a was constructed at Djemila with a new b a p t i s t r y located i n an i r r e g u l a r quadrangle to the west. A l a r g e r b a s i l i c a was b u i l t along side i n the second decade of the f i f t h century by Bishop Cresconius. Krautheimer, E a r l y C h r i s t i a n ; . . , p. 142; Khatchatrian, op. c i t . , p. 83. Gerasa, Jordan. Cathedral. A group of eight churches composed the complex at Gerasa.in 611. Except f o r the c e n t r a l plan church of S. John the Baptist and the cross plan church of the Apostles, Prophets and Martyrs a l l the churches were b a s i l i c a s . The cathedral was approached from the rear by a st a i r c a s e which opened int o a courtyard where a shrine to S. Mary was placed next,to the ap Krautheimer, E a r l y C h r i s t i a n . . . , p. 120. Parenzo, I t a l y . Cathedral of Parenzo. The Cathedral of Parenzo was b u i l t by Bishop Euph-ras i u s from 535 to 54-3. The b a s i l i c a v/as composed of a deep apse and two a i s l e s . R i v o i r a , Lombardic Archi t e c t u r e , I, p. 98 f. - 1 3 6 -B u i l d i n g Complex (continued) Salona, Dalmatia. Cathedral. The double cathedral at Salona was composed of the Bishop's b a s i l i c a to the south (ca. 350) and the north b a s i l i c a b u i l t i n 4-05-26. The south church v/as replaced i n 530. Krautheimer, E a r l y C h r i s t i a n . . . , p. 135-6. Timgad, North A f r i c a . B a s i l i c a . Buildings at Timgad date from the fourth to the sixth-century. Khatchatrian, op. c i t . , p. 135-6. Tipasa, A l g e r i a , North A f r i c a . Cathedral. The Cathedral of Tipasa dates to the f i f t h century. I t was a large church, expanded by additions onto the a i s l e s rather than the construction of a new b u i l d i n g . Krautheimer, E a r l y C h r i s t i a n . . . , p. 14-0; Khatchatrian, op. c i t . , p. 136. To r c e l l o ^ I t a l y . Cathedral of T o r c e l l o . The Cathedral of To r c e l l o was begun i n 614-. The b a p t i s t r y , on axis with the church, v/as round with a door to the east. Two exedra were placed at 4-5 degrees to each other i n the e x t e r i o r b a p t i s t r y wall f a c i n g the church. The i n t e r n a l diameter of the b a p t i s t r y v/as 12 ,6? meters. Bruno Schultz, Die Kirchenbauten auf der In s e l T o r c e l l o , ( B e r l i n und L e i p z i g : Walter de Gruyter and Company, 1927) , p. 10 f . -137 Map 1 . 4-. Ivory. T r i v u l z i o d i p t y c h . Milan. 6. I l l u s t r a t i o n . \"La Conocchia\", Santa Maria Capus Vetere, I t a l y . 7. Plan. Tegurium drawn i n 1586 from Zuall a r d o , I I devotissimo v i a g g i o d i Gerusalemme, (Roma, 1587), p. 189. 5. Ivory. Panel. N a t i o n a l Museum, Munich. gccL&f\\ccy-i-i cl&cjuib- irtf-try-tuf m n ^ A o i II 8. Plan. A r c u l f ' s plan of the Holy Sepulchre. a) Vienna Codex (Cod. 458, fo 4v). b) P a r i s Manuscript (B.N. Lat. 13.048, fo 4c) LE SCHEMA DU 5/UNT-SEPULCRE PAR ARCULFE • APffCS LC tlANUSCRIT D€ PARIS feeL. HAT. LAT. 13 043 f EOL. 4?) 18 18 1 . Edicole du Tombeau [sepulchrum c/fomijmj, 2. Colonnade inten'eurt . 3. Slur extiritur de h rotonde. 4. Porte des ffyrrhophares . 5. Porte royalo . 6-7-8. Mario . 9. Pierre de I'Ange. 10. /lute/. 11. Ditoil inditermine . 1Z. Ptatkolo in Quo dit ot node lompoder ardent. 13. Mensa lignta in loco a/taris Habraham. K. Constant/(nic/no basilica in Quo loco Crux domim cum binis latronum Crucibus Sub terra rep&rta ext. 15. Golaatchana ecclesia . 16. Ene-dra cum col ice domim . 17. afoncjte marie ecclesia . 18. Pouago correspondent Qu grand esco/ier meridional . .Les Icy en des on latin Sont Cellet du manuJcrtf. Plan. A r c u l f s plan of the Holy Sepulchre, c) Scheme of A r c u l f s plan by H e i t z . 9 . Wood. Reliquary. Sancta Sanctorum, Rome. 10. Manuscript. Rabbula Codex. Laurentian L i b r a r y , Florence. . 20. Plan. S. John. Ephesus. 21. Plan. Martyrium of Sichem by A r c u l f 22. P l a n . S. Saviour. P l a t a n i t i , Greece. 2 3 . Plan. Church No. 3 . i l Anderin. 24. I l l u s t r a t i o n . Tomb at Hass. 25. P l a n . Tomb of Bizzos a) E l e v a t i o n * b) Plan. c) Secti o n . 26. I l l u s t r a t i o n . Tomb at A l i f . 2 7 . I l l u s t r a t i o n . N e c r o p o l i s . • Bagawat, Egypt. OP. I l l u s t r a t i o n . Kharga, Egypt. ?omb, 2 9 . Metal. Reliquary. Aachen. 3 0 . The s i t e of the Holy Sepulchre i n Jerusalem. a) Plan made i n 1937. b) Plan made i n 1893 •=ORUM AREA econstructions of the Holy Sepulchre a) Reconstruction by Conant, ca. plan. 3 3 5 . c) Reconstruction f o r 614-1009 by Vincent. d) e) Reconstruction by Krautheimer, ca. 3 3 5 . Reconstruction with Rotunda by Krauthei PALESTINE PlLGRIMS'TEXT SOWETY. Wl L L I S , D E V O G U E . g) Reconstruction by W i l l i s . Reconstruction by De Vogue. 3 2 . Mosaic. S. Pudenziana. Rome. a) Apse view. i b) D e t a i l of l e f t s i d e . 3 2 . Mosaic. S. Pudenziana. Rome. c) Reconstruction of a r t i s t ' s p o s i t i o n f o r the mosaic. Map of Jerusalem. Madaba. . F u l l map. ' D e t a i l of Holy Sepulchre. Conant' s r e c o n s t r u c t i o n of viev;. 33. Mosaic. ' a) b) 18. Coins and R e l i e f . a) Divus Romulus ( 3 0 9 ) b) Trebonianus Gallus and Valusian c) Maximianus. e) Maxentius - \"Tomb\" of Maximianus. d) Maxentius i n honor Constantius Chlorus f ) Roman r e l i e f . Sacred P o r t a l . a) Mosaic. Beth Alpha. b) P a i n t i n g . Dura Europus. 17. Mosaic. S. A p o l l i n a r e Kuovo, Ravenna. 14-. Stone. Stone R e l i e f . Dumbarton Oaks, Washington. 35. Mosaic. Viev/s of Jerusalem. a) S. V i t a l e , Ravenna b) c) S. Giovanni Lateran, d) Rome. e) S. Maria Maggiore, Rome. S. Lorenzo f u o r i l e Mura St. Peter's, Rome. 37. Reconstruction of the Martyrion Hemisphairion. 3 8 . Plan. • Church of the N a t i v i t y . Bethlehem. a) Plan of 4 t h C. with 6 t h C. a d d i t i o n s . 38. P l a n . C h u r c h o f t h e N a t i v i t y . B e t h l e h e m . 1 b) E l e v a t i o n 41. Plan. B a s i l i c a Ursiana (Cathedral). Ravenna. a) Plan. * b) E l e v a t i o n . 42. Stone. Sarchopagi. a) V a t i c a n B a s i l i c a , b) Southern Gaul, A r i e s Rome. c) Sarcophagus of S. C e l s o . M i l a n . I v o r y . B a s i l e w s k y S i t u l a . V i c t o r i a and A l b e r t Museum, London. 44. Plan. A r c u l f ' s plan of the Church of the Ascension, a) Vienna Codex (Cod. 458, fo I I v ) . b) P a r i s Manuscript (B.N. Lat. 13.043, fo 14r), 4-5. Plan. Church of the Ascension. Mount of O l i v e s . Plan. C i r c u l a r Roman b u i l d i n g s . a) Roman. • b) Tholos. Epidaurus. c) Roman d) Roman. 4-7. Plan. Rotunda. Beisan. 4-8. 4-9. Plan. Daraous e l - K a r i t a . 5 0 . Cartage. Plan. Rotunda. F a 1 l u i . Plan. Rotunda. * ..... A l j e z a r e s . Plan. S. Costanza. Rome. a) Plan b) E l e v a t i o n . Plan and I l l u s t r a t i o n . B a p t i s t r y of S. Maria Maggiore Nocera I n f e r i o r e . a) Plan 52. Plan and I l l u s t r a t i o n . B a p t i s t r y of S. Maria Maggiore. ITocera I n f e r i o r e . b) Engraving from ca.1770. I l l u s t r a t i o n and Plan. B a p t i s t r y . Djemila ( C u i c u l ) . a) C o r r i d o r view. 53 53. B a p t i s t r y . Djemila 54. Plan. S. Stefano Rotondo. b) Plan. Rotunda. Rome. 55. Plan. Domus aurea. Antioch. a) Mosaic of Domus aurea*. Yakto. b) , Plan. TOMBEAU DE L A V l E R G E : JEGLLSE JSUPERIEURE. VlgtCLE.. I ,j H A N R E S T A U R E , . 56. Plan. Tomb of the V i r g i n . V a l l e y of Joshaphat, Jerusalem. 57. Plan. Church of Theodokos. 58. Plan. Octagon. Garizim. T e l l Hum. . 60 FEET 60. Plan. SS. Sergius and Bacchus. Constantinople. 61. Plan (Isometric). S. V i t a l e . Ravenna. 62. Plan. Mir ayeh. 63. Plan. Midjleyya. 64. Plan. S. George. Ezra. ^ a) Plan. b) E l e v a t i o n . 65. Plan. Cathedral. Boara. a) E l e v a t i o n b) Plan. 66. . Plan. St.. John the B a p t i s t . Gerasa. a) Plan. b) E l e v a t i o n . 67. I l l u s t r a t i o n and Plan. 1 a) E x t e r i o r view Dome of the Rock. . Jerusalem, b) Plan. 68. Plan. S. Stefano.: (S. Sepolcro). Bologna. a O O o • • • • o a • 69. Plan. Church.Complex. Gerasa. 70. I l l u s t r a t i o n . View from the a i r . Djemila. 71. Plan. B a s i l i c a and complex, Tipasa. 7 2 . Plan. Cathedral complex. Salona, Dalmatia. 73. Plan. S. Requier and area. Centula. 3 S •* M 76. Plan. \"Place of Commemoration\", S. Sergius. R a s a f a . a) Plan and e l e v a t i o n . b) Reconstruction by Smith. 77. Plan. Cathedral. Parenzo (Porec) 75. Plan. Cathedral. T o r c e l l o . 79. Plan. ( St. Leonidas. Corinth-Lechaion. "@en ; edm:hasType "Thesis/Dissertation"@en ; edm:isShownAt "10.14288/1.0102267"@en ; dcterms:language "eng"@en ; ns0:degreeDiscipline "Art History"@en ; edm:provider "Vancouver : University of British Columbia Library"@en ; dcterms:publisher "University of British Columbia"@en ; dcterms:rights "For non-commercial purposes only, such as research, private study and education. Additional conditions apply, see Terms of Use https://open.library.ubc.ca/terms_of_use."@en ; ns0:scholarLevel "Graduate"@en ; dcterms:title "The influences of the Holy Sepulchre on architecture in the Mediterranean basin from the fourth to the end of the seventh centuries"@en ; dcterms:type "Text"@en ; ns0:identifierURI "http://hdl.handle.net/2429/35002"@en .