@prefix vivo: . @prefix edm: . @prefix ns0: . @prefix dcterms: . @prefix skos: . vivo:departmentOrSchool "Arts, Faculty of"@en, "Political Science, Department of"@en ; edm:dataProvider "DSpace"@en ; ns0:degreeCampus "UBCV"@en ; dcterms:creator "Thornton, David Leonard"@en ; dcterms:issued "2011-04-13T20:28:30Z"@en, "1972"@en ; vivo:relatedDegree "Master of Arts - MA"@en ; ns0:degreeGrantor "University of British Columbia"@en ; dcterms:description """This thesis applies the analytical concept of political culture to politics in the Indonesian context. The term "Javanization" is used to describe the process whereby ethnic Javanese and Javanized individuals gradually became the overwhelming and disproportionate majority of the governing elite in the post-independence era. It is further argued that the dominance in terms of numbers has led to the Javanization of Indonesian conceptions of state and limits of political behavior. The first chapter surveys other theories of Indonesian politics and makes a proposal for a cultural theory. The cultural cleavages in Indonesian society in the horizontal plane are described and a description of the government of Mataram operating in a totally Javanese environment is given. The changing roles of the primary bearers of Javanese political culture and the nature of the state are discussed. Chapter Two interprets post-independence political history from the perspective of increasing Javanization and the gradual loss of national political influence by non-Javanese Islamic political elements. Data on the ethnic composition of the contemporary military, governmental and political elite are presented. Chapter Three is a discussion of contemporary (1959 to I972) Indonesian government and politics using the same conceptual framework (structure, functions and style) as is used to discuss Mataram. Some similarities and dis-similarities are pointed out. The thesis concludes with a discussion of the future of Javanization."""@en ; edm:aggregatedCHO "https://circle.library.ubc.ca/rest/handle/2429/33606?expand=metadata"@en ; skos:note "CI THE JAVANIZATION OF INDONESIAN POLITICS by DAVID LEONARD THORNTON B.Sc, V i r g i n i a Polytechnic I n s t i t u t e , 19&9 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n the Department of P o l i t i c a l Science We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September, 1972 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of Bri t ish Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department The University of Br i t ish Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada i ABSTRACT This thesis applies the a n a l y t i c a l concept of p o l i t i c a l culture to p o l i t i c s i n the Indonesian context. The term \"Javanization\" i s used to describe the process whereby ethnic Javanese and Javanized i n d i v i d u a l s gradually became the overwhelming and disproportionate majority of the governing e l i t e i n the post-independence era. I t i s further argued that the dominance i n terms of numbers has led to the Javanization of Indonesian conceptions of state and l i m i t s of p o l i t i c a l behavior. The f i r s t chapter surveys other theories of Indonesian p o l i t i c s and makes a proposal for a c u l t u r a l theory. The cu l t u r a l cleavages i n Indonesian society i n the horizontal plane are described and a description of the government of Mataram operating i n a t o t a l l y Javanese environment i s given. The changing roles of the primary bearers of Javanese p o l i t i c a l culture and the nature of the state are discussed. Chapter Two interprets post-independence p v > l i t i c a l h i s t o r y from the perspective of increasing Javanization and the gradual loss of national p o l i t i c a l influence by non-Javanese Islamic p o l i t i c a l elements. Data on the ethnic composition of the contemporary m i l i t a r y , governmental and p o l i t i c a l e l i t e are presented. i i Chapter Three i s a discussion of contemporary (1959 to I972) Indonesian government and p o l i t i c s using the same conceptual framework (structure, functions and style ) as i s used to discuss Mataram. Some s i m i l a r i t i e s and d i s - s i m i l a r i t i e s are pointed out„ The thesis concludes with a discussion of the future of Javanization. i i i TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE I POLITICAL CULTURE, GOVERNMENT AND JAVANISM ... 1 T h e o r i z i n g About Indonesian P o l i t i c s ; A C u l t u r a l P r o p o s i t i o n ................... 1 Government and P o l i t i c s i n a Javanese P o l i t i c a l C u l t u r e ; L a t e r Mataram (15th The Changing Roles of the P r i j a j i 3.1*1 CL S*t/3r\"t 6 o e o e o o o o e o o o a o o v o n c o e o e o o o e o ^7 I I JAVANIZATION; HISTORY AND DATA ............... 44 H i s t o r y , P o l i t i c s and J a v a n i z a t i o n ........ 44 The Current P o l i t i c a l , M i l i t a r y and GovG3?in.m©n.tcil E l i t © <> o o o * o e o o o o o o o » « © « © » © c © 39 I I I JAVANISM AND CONTEMPORARY POLITICS . 70 The S t r u c t u r e of Indonesian Government .... 70 The Functions of Indonesian Government .... 86 The S t y l e of Indonesian Government .........109 IV THE FUTURE OF JAVANIZATION 140 \"V BIBLIOGRAPHY o o o o o o o o ©_o o o e o o o o a o o o o o o o e o o o o o f t 13 3 VI GLOSSARY e o o o ^ o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o e e o o o o o o o « o o 1 63 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would l i k e to acknowledge the invaluable assistance of my thesis committee, consisting of Professors R,S. Milne, John Wood, and R.H. Jackson, whose e f f o r t s a c t u a l l y enabled the creation of a thesis from a series of poorly integrated discussions and data presentations. I am p a r t i c u l a r l y indebted to A l f i a n and Taufik Abdullah of Leknas, Juwono Sudarsono of the University of Indonesia and Ted Smith of the Ford Foundation i n Djakarta who spent much time reading and commenting on the i n i t i a l drafts of this paper. Thanks are also due to the many Indonesians i n Djakarta, Bandung, Solo, Jogjakarta, Surabaja, Den Pasar and Medan who gave so f r e e l y of t h e i r time to discuss the p o l i t i c s of t h e i r country with a mere foreign student. For assistance and guidance i n the long process of acquiring a degree of fluency In Bahasa Indonesia, I am grat e f u l to Anton Hilman, Mrs. N e l l i Soewarno, and Mrs. Etty M u l j a t i . Gratitude i s also due to my wife, Toeti, for her adamant impatience with my rate of progress i n her native language which resulted i n increased e f f o r t s on my own part to a t t a i n the standards of proficiency expected by her. I would l i k e to express my thanks to the University of B r i t i s h Columbia for f i n a n c i a l assistance and to Lembaga Pendidikan and Pembinaan Management i n Djakarta for the opportunity to supplement my meager income by teaching English. V F i n a l l y , I s h o u l d t h a n k I b u a n d B a p a k Manoe f o r t h e i r g r a c i o u s h o s p i t a l i t y d u r i n g my s t a y i n I n d o n e s i a a n d I b u a n d B a p a k \" a n g k a t \" L e v f o r t h e i r c o n s t a n t a t t e n t i o n , e n c o u r a g e m e n t a n d a d v i c e . D e s p i t e t h e f a c t t h a t s o much i s owed t o s o many f o r t h e s u c c e s s o f t h i s e n d e a v o r , I am s o l e l y r e s p o n s i b l e f o r t h e f i n a l p r o d u c t . D a v i d L . T h o r n t o n V a n c o u v e r , A u g u s t 1972 CHAPTER I POLITICAL CULTURE. GOVERNMENT AMD JAVANISM Theorizing About Indonesian Politics? A Cultural Proposition Indonesia i s a large culturally, ethnically and l i n g u i s t i c a l l y diverse nation in Southeast Asia. Following four years of fighting the Dutch, the country became inter-nationally recognized as an independent nation in 1950. Since that time Indonesia has suffered the many vicissitudes that seem so common in the newly independent nations of Africa and Asia. These include unsuccessful attempts at \"Western style\" democratic government, recurrent regional rebellions and revolts, \"one-man\" rule, and f i n a l l y , -military rule. P o l i t i c a l l y speaking, Indonesia has been a highly unstable nation with numerous changes of governments, 'constitutions, and other institutions. Besides the numerous attempts at general theorizing about the flow and instability of p o l i t i c s in the newly 1 independent nations , several authors have examined the Indonesian case in detail. Their theories can be broadly classifi e d Into three categories: the \" s k i l l theory\", the \"ethnic theory\" and the \"class theory\". In his tour de force on Indonesian P o l i t i c s of the 1950-58 period, Herbert Felth proposed that the. flow of p o l i t i c s should best be seen as the conflict between two 2 s k i l l groups? the administrators and the solidarity-makers. - 2 -P e i t h f e l t t h a t t h e a d m i n i s t r a t o r s w e r e v e r y p r a g m a t i c a l l y I n c l i n e d a n d W e s t e r n - o r i e n t e d w h i l e t h e s o l i d a r i t y - m a k e r s w e r e i n c l i n e d t o p l a c e p o l i t i c s a n d t h e \" c o n t i n u a t i o n o f t h e r e v o l u t i o n \" a b o v e a l l o t h e r c o n s i d e r a t i o n s . T h e \" d e c l i n e o f c o n s t i t u t i o n a l d e m o c r a c y \" was s e e n t o r e p r e s e n t t h e v i c t o r y o f t h e s o l i d a r i t y - m a k e r s o v e r t h e a d m i n i s t r a t o r s k i l l g r o u p . F e i t h i d e n t i f i e d t h e a d m i n i s t r a t o r s m a i n l y w i t h two p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s , t h e Mas . lumi ( a \" m o d e r n i s t \" M u s l i m p a r t y ) a n d t h e P S I ( a s m a l l i n t e l l e c t u a l - l e d s o c i a l i s t p a r t y ) . On t h e o t h e r h a n d , t h e s o l i d a r i t y - m a k e r s w e r e s e e n a s b e s t r e p r e -s e n t e d i n t h e p e r s o n o f S u k a r n o a n d t h e PNI ( t h e n a t i o n a l i s t p a r t y ) . A t a b o u t t h e same t i m e t h a t F e i t h p u b l i s h e d h i s b o o k , L e s l i e P a l m i e r w r o t e a b o o k i n t e r p r e t i n g I n d o n e s i a n p o l i t i c s a s b a s i c a l l y a n e t h n i c c o n f l i c t b e t w e e n ' the l a r g e s t e t h n i c g r o u p , t h e J a v a n e s e , a n d t h e p e o p l e s o f t h e O u t e r I s l a n d s 3 o r n o n - J a v a n e s e . G i v e n t h e f a c t t h a t t h e O u t e r I s l a n d s h a d r e v o l t e d a g a i n s t t h e J a v a n e s e - l e d c e n t r a l g o v e r n m e n t d u r i n g t h e 1956-58 p e r i o d a n d t h a t t h e O u t e r I s l a n d a s s o c i a t e d Mas . lumi a n d P S I w e r e b a n n e d i n i t s w a k e , l e a v i n g o n l y t h e J a v a n e s e - d o m i n a t e d p a r t i e s a t t h e c e n t e r , t h e P a l m i e r t h e o r y seemed t o h a v e h i g h e x p l a n a t o r y v a l u e . Much l a t e r D a v i d L e v i n e a n d J a n P l u v i e r c h o s e t o I n t e r p r e t p o s t - i n d e p e n d e n c e p o l i t i c s i n I n d o n e s i a a s b a s i c a l l y a n e l i t e - m a s s c o n f l i c t . L e v i n e s a i d t h a t I n d o n e s i a h a s - 3 -essentially a \"retrogressive\" social system in which the various factions of the e l i t e fight among themselves for state power while at the same time attempting to keep the masses from exercising power in the p o l i t i c a l system. The decline of the parliamentary system in which the \"people\" (meaning the PKI for Levine) were on the verge of victory and the eventual destruction of the \"people's party\" by the military were seen as supporting this argument. After detailed f i e l d research, Rex Mortimer greatly reduced the applicability of the Levine theory by pointing out that despite numerous attempts to do so, the PKI had never been able to exploit the class divisions in Indonesian society in the way in which Marxist-Leninist theory said i t should.\"' The PjKI had simply abandoned such an approach as inapplicable to Indonesian society. Further, John Legge examined in detail the theories of Felth and Palmier and found that they were not completely convincing when actually applied to the specifics of any situation.^ He concluded that both theories explained part of the truth but were entirely too narrow to be the a l l encompassing theories that their authors presented them to be. After studying the above theories, my own conclusion Is that the ethnic theory expanded to a p o l i t i c a l culture theory i s the most promising way to conceptualize contemporary 7 Indonesian p o l i t i c s . Almond and Powell write \" p o l i t i c a l - 4 -c u l t u r e i s the p a t t e r n of i n d i v i d u a l a t t i t u d e s and o r i e n t a t i o n s toward p o l i t i c s among the members of a p o l i t i c a l system . . . the kinds of o r i e n t a t i o n s which e x i s t i n a populat ion w i l l have a s i g n i f i c a n t inf luence on the ways i n which the p o l i t i c a l system works. The demands made upon the system, the responses to law and to appeals f o r support, and the conduct of i n d i v i d u a l s i n t h e i r p o l i t i c a l r o l e s , w i l l a l l be shaped and condit ioned by the common o r i e n t a t i o n p a t t e r n s . They c o n s t i t u t e the l a t e n t p o l i t i c a l tendencies f o r p o l i t i c a l behavior and as such they are of great importance i n e x p l a i n i n g and p r e d i c t i n g p o l i t i c a l 8 a c t i o n . \" C l i f f o r d Geertz adds \"one of the things everyone knows but no one can q u i t e think how to demonstrate i s that o a c o u n t r y ' s p o l i t i c s r e f l e c t the design of i t s c u l t u r e . \" 7 Almond and Powell add that one n a t i o n - s t a t e may have many p o l i t i c a l s u b - c u l t u r e s and that the dominant p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e may not i n fact be the n a t i o n a l ( i n the sense of widely-spread and accepted) p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e a t a l l , nor even the p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e of the numerical majority of the c o u n t r y ' s i n h a b i t a n t s . This i s p a r t i c u l a r l y true i n most newly independent c o u n t r i e s , although some o l d e r nations a l s o have s i m i l a r d i f f i c u l t i e s , where i n Geertz»s words there i s a new state composed of an o l d society5 u s u a l l y many o l d s o c i e t i e s . The c u l t u r a l heterogeneity of Indonesia i s an - 5 -e s t a b l i s h e d f a c t and seems q u i t e i n v i t i n g f o r the a p p l i c a t i o n of the concept of p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e as an a n a l y t i c a l t o o l t o explore the flow of Indonesian p o l i t i c s . This paper examines the n o t i o n of p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e as a p p l i e d to the Indonesian case. The term \" J a v a n i z a t i o n \" i s presented t o e x p l a i n the process of p o l i t i c s from independence to the present ( 1 9 7 2 ) . \" J a v a n i z a t i o n \" means the process of gradual domination of the Indonesian p o l i t y by e t h n i c Javanese and t h e i r v a r i e t y of p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e , A model of t r a d i t i o n a l Javanese p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e i s presented and i t s b a s i c s i m i l a r i t i e s to contemporary Indonesian p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e are po i n t e d out. The process of \" J a v a n i z a t i o n \" i s argued h i s t o r i c a l l y and data on the composition of the contemporary Indonesian p o l i t i c a l and governmental e l i t e i s presented to support i t . F i n a l l y 9 some d i s c o n t i n u i t i e s or counter-processes are desc r i b e d and i n t e r p r e t e d from the standpoint of t h e i r e f f e c t on a \"Javanized\" government and p o l i t i c a l process. P o l i t i c a l Cultures i n Indonesia; I t i s almost impossible to s u c c e s s f u l l y g e n e r a l i z e about Indonesia's c u l t u r e because of the heterogeneity of the p o p u l a t i o n . I t has been estimated t h a t there are a t l e a s t 200 completely d i f f e r e n t languages spoken i n the vast a r c h i -l l pelago, and each of these language groups u s u a l l y has i t s own adat or t r a d i t i o n a l customs. A s i m p l i s t i c but f a i r l y accurate d e s c r i p t i o n of the country's p o p u l a t i o n would read - 6 -l i k e this* The major lin g u i s t i c and ethnic group is the Javanese who comprise about 50$ of the total population of 12 120 million and then come the Sundanese who l i v e on the western end of the island of Java who compose about 12$ of the population and then there are many other small groups no one of which totals more than 2 to 3$ of the population.^ At independence there was no all-Indonesian culture. There was one large sub-culture and a multitude of smaller ones. Given the legacies of colonial rule which l e f t the Javanese not only the most numerous cultural group in the new nation but also the best educated and most p o l i t i c a l l y mobilized, i t was almost inevitable that the new p o l i t i c a l culture of Indonesia would have strong traces of Javanese influence. Observing the f i r s t nine years of independence and commenting especially on the virtual c i v i l war in 1958 , Daniel S. Lev wrotes The process of assimilation - to use the term loosely - had already begun, a fact which may have lent more bitterness to the conflict. Except for the Sundanese of West Java ... most of the outer island groups were not only small i n numbers and mutually hostile but also culturally less self-assured than the Javanese. Their relationships with Java were and are ambivalent5 the Javanese are seen as effete and elusive, but also as halus (refined and cultured) and also p o l i t i c a l l y clever — a people to be dis-dained but also to be emulated. For their part, the Javanese never doubted their cultural superiority over other groupsj nor did they doubt their right 1 ^ to the principal voice in independent Indonesia. Despite the seeming multitude of small cultures in the Outer Islands, there was a factor that unified a great number - 7 -o f them, o t h e r t h a n s i m p l e o p p o s i t i o n t o J a v a , a n d t h a t was t h e i n f l u e n c e o f I s l a m . I n h i s work The D e c l i n e o f C o n s t i t u t i o n a l Democracy i n I n d o n e s i a , F e i t h d i s c u s s e d t he i d e a o f p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e b e f o r e t u r n i n g away f r om i t t o h i s s k i l l g roup t h e o r y . le s t a t e d t h a t h i s t o r y had c r e a t e d two m a j o r p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e s i n I n d o n e s i a ? J a v a n e s e a r i s t o c r a t i c a n d I s l a m i c e n t r e -p r e n e u r i a l p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e s . T h e r o o t s o f t h e s e , he w r o t e , c o u l d be a t t r i b u t e d t o t h e d i f f e r e n c e s o f h i s t o r i c a l e x p e r i e n c e o f t h e d i f f e r e n t c o m m u n i t i e s o f t h e a r c h i p e l a g o . The p o i n t s o f d i f f e r e n c e w e r e ; 1) d i f f e r e n c e s i n t r a d i t i o n a l p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n among the w e t - r i c e c u l t i v a t i o n a r e a s , t h e d r y - r i c e c u l t i v a t i o n a r e a s a n d t he c o a s t a l m a r i t i m e a r e a s s 2) t h e d i f f e r e n c e i n t he d e g r e e o f p e n e t r a t i o n o f I s l a m j and 3) t he d i f f e r e n c e s i n t h e i m p a c t o f D u t c h c o l o n i a l r u l e . The f i r s t o f t h e s e ( J a v a n e s e a r i s t o c r a t i c p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e ) , w h i c h i s t h e p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e o f t he g r e a t m a j o r i t y o f t he J a v a n e s e , was b o r n o f s t a t e o r g a n i z a t i o n i n t he w e t - r i c e a g r i c u l t u r e b a s e d i n l a n d e m p i r e s o f J a v a , o f s h a l l o w I s l a m i z a t i o n , and a l o n g p e r i o d o f i n t e n s i v e D u t c h i m p a c t , w h i c h p r o d u c e d enormous d e n s i t i e s o f p o p u l a t i o n , a h o l l o w -i n g ou t o f t h e s t r u c t u r e s o f s o c i a l i n t e g r a t i o n , and a n i n c a p a c i t a t i o n o f e n t r e p r e n e u r s h i p . The I s l a m i c e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e i s one whose a d h e r e n t s a r e f a r more d i s p e r s e d and s o c i a l l y d i s p a r a t e . . . h i s t o r i c a l l y t h i s p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e i s a p r o d u c t o f t h e m a r i t i m e c o m m e r c i a l t o w n s , o f t h o r o u g h I s l a m i z a t i o n , o f r e l a t i v e l y s l i g h t Du t ch i m p a c t , and o f t h e r e v i v a l o f e n t r e p r e n e u r s h i p i n t h e p r e s e n t c e n t u r y . 1? - 8 -Generalizing even further, Feith points out that not only was one of the p o l i t i c a l cultures contemptuous of economic pursuits and the other r e s p e c t f u l , but also one was associated with support for a secular and broadly t h e l s t i c or pan-theistic state and the other with support for a state based on Islam. In addition, Javanese a r i s t o -c r a t i c p o l i t i c a l culture involved a greater i n t e n s i t y of anti-Dutch sentiment than did the other p o l i t i c a l culture and at the same time, a l e s s intense h o s t i l i t y to the Chinese. Javanese a r i s t o c r a t i c p o l i t i c a l culture tended toward nativism, while Islamic entrepreneurial p o l i t i c a l culture was generally more ready to accept and incorporate influences stemming from the modern West. But, according to Feith, the Javanese a r i s t o c r a t i c p o l i t i c a l culture was far more sympa-18 t h e t i c to s o c i a l i s t ideas. With the benefit of ten addit i o n a l years of perspective on Feith, i t can now be argued that the very factors that he believed created two major p o l i t i c a l cultures i n the country, i n f a c t , broke then down into other sub-cultures. The weakening of the structures of s o c i a l integration and over-population caused by the intense impact of Dutch c o l o n i a l r u l e , Japanese occupation, the four-year war f o r independence, the mass p o l i t i c s of c o n s t i t u t i o n a l and guided democracy, the penetration of contemporary world culture plus the coming of the \"modernist\" Islamic movement to the entire - 9 -country, shattered or a t the very l e a s t , g r e a t l y eroded the periphery of the Javanese a r i s t o c r a t i c and I s l a m i c e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e s which allowed the r i s e of other sub-cultures having some l i n k s to the o r i g i n a l and remnant ones D The Javanese a r i s t o c r a t i c p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e has e x i s t e d as the Great T r a d i t i o n of a g r a r i a n Java f o r many 19 c e n t u r i e s . The coming of Islam t o Java i n the 15th and 16th c e n t u r i e s only added another l a y e r of i n f l u e n c e t o the broadly Hindu-Javanese c u l t u r e , Islam, although accepted as the s i n g l e r e l i g i o n of Java, was thoroughly i n d i g e n i z e d and mixed w i t h more t r a d i t i o n a l v a r i a n t s of the \"Javanese r e l i g i o n \" . In many p a r t s of the Outer I s l a n d s and i n the non-Hinduized p o r t i o n s of Java, the i n i t i a l coming of Islam had a much gre a t e r e f f e c t . Despite the f a c t that some i n d i g e n i -z a t i o n and m o d i f i c a t i o n of Islam d i d occur i n these areas, I t was very minor compared w i t h t h a t i n the i n t e r i o r of east and c e n t r a l Java. In the Outer Islands In g e n e r a l , but i n A t j e h , Minangkabau, Makassar, West Java (Sunda) and the no r t h coast of c e n t r a l and east Java I n p a r t i c u l a r , Islam began to p l a y a major, i f not dominant, s o c i a l r o l e . In the l a t e 19th century, a new wave or cu r r e n t of Islam swept across the a r c h i p e l a g o . This wave, known as \"modernist\" or \" p u r i s t \" Islam or I s l a m i c reformism was much - 10 -less compatible with traditional forms of social and p o l i t i c a l organization. This \"chauvinism\" of \"modernist\" Islam set up abiding tensions even in Java that reflected the antagonism 20 of the traditional order and the Islamic reformist movement. Stated simply, the Outer Islands became more rigorously and s t r i c t l y Islamic while only a small portion of the ethnic Javanese came to accept the new \"modernist\" doctrine. With the birth of p o l i t i c a l parties, the differences between the \"modernist\" and the \"traditionalist\" varieties 21 of the Islamic or santri movement was institutionalized i n the form of the Masjumi, a \"modernist\" Muslim party, and the Mahdatul Ulama (NU), a \"traditionalist\" Muslim party. Given the above background, i t appears quite natural that the Masjuml had i t s greatest support in the Outer Islands and the NU in Java i t s e l f . Javanese aristocratic culture or the culture of the 22 Javanese pri . 1 a . 1 l and abangan was attacked not only by Islam of two varieties but also by Western p o l i t i c a l thought and de-traditionalization in general. The creation of p o l i t i c a l parties saw this p o l i t i c a l culture s p l i t in much the same manner as was Islam, a modernist-traditionalist division. Simplistically, the s p l i t can be said to have been institutionalized in a division between the PKI (the Indonesian Communist Party) and the PNI (the Indonesian Nationalist Party). The latter was i n i t i a l l y an organization that expected - 11 -t r a d i t i o n a l p a t r i m o n i a l s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s to give i t s t r e n g t h and the former hope t h a t economic and c l a s s d i v i s i o n s would giv e i t mass support. The PNI was an extremely complex o r g a n i z a t i o n , and conservative (read t r a d i t i o n a l ) and r a d i c a l (read extreme n a t i o n a l i s t ) f a c t i o n s e v e n t u a l l y appeared i n i t . \" Since Soedjatmoko's i n i t i a l w r i t i n g on the s u b j e c t i n the e a r l y 1950's, i t has been recognized t h a t r a t h e r than being i n t e r e s t a r t i c u l a t o r s or aggregators Indonesian p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s represent a l l r a n or v a r i o u s flows of 24 thought w i t h i n the body p o l i t i c . Given the i n s t i t u t i o n a l l -25 z a t l o n of these a l l ran as s o c i a l forces -* w i t h mutually a n t a g o n i s t i c and e x c l u s i v e i d e o l o g i e s or world views, i t can reasonably be argued t h a t the a l l r a n a r e , i n f a c t , p o l i t i c a l s u b-cultures i n themselves. In a l a t e r w r i t i n g , F e i t h gave the best graphic p r e s e n t a t i o n yet p u b l i s h e d of the d i v i s i o n of a l l r a n or sub-26 c u l t u r e s and t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p to p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s . (See Figure I ) From the diagram i t can be seen t h a t F e i t h t h i n k s there are f i v e main p o l i t i c a l sub-cultures i n the country: communism, r a d i c a l n a t i o n a l i s m , Javanese t r a d i t i o n -a l i s m (here c a l l e d Javanese a r i s t o c r a t i c p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e ) , democratic s o c i a l i s m and Islam. For some unexplainable reason, he chose not to represent the r e a l s p l i t i n Islam between the \"modernist\" and \" t r a d i t i o n a l i s t \" or i n d i g e n l z e d - 12 -v a r i e t i e s or to r e l a t e the Indonesian army to the sub-27 c u l t u r e s as he d i d the major p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s . My diagram (Figure I I ) i s an attempt to remedy the l a t t e r shortcoming. The two diagrams c l e a r l y show the d i v i s i o n s i n Indo-nesian s o c i e t y d e s c r i b e d i n the l a s t s e v e r a l pages. The c r u c i a l p o i n t , i n my o p i n i o n , i s t h a t a p o r t i o n of the PKI, the PNI, the NU and the army a l l f a l l w i t h i n the Javanese t r a d i t i o n a l i s t (or a r i s t o c r a t i c ) sphere. Each of these four o r g a n i z a t i o n s have common Javanese r o o t s . The army and the PNI are most c l o s e l y i n the center of Javanese a r i s t o c r a t i c c u l t u r e . As Lev noted about the three l a r g e Javanese based p a r t i e s (and I now add the army); \"The NU k l j a j i ... the PNI p r i j a j i and the PKI peasant (and the army k e s a t r i a ) spoke the same language and shared the same stereotypes of the non-Javanese f o r whom the Masjumi spoke. S o c i a l communi-ca t i o n s between the three (now four) groups flowed w i t h more 2 8 or l e s s t r a d i t i o n a l ease „..\" The above statement sets the stage f o r the a n a l y s i s of Indonesian p o l i t i c s from the p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e p e r s p e c t i v e . Broadly, the flow of p o l i t i c s can be seen as a two l e v e l s t r uggles one between the groups most i n f l u e n c e d by and l i n k e d to Javanese a r i s t o c r a t i c p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e versus the I s l a m i c e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e and secondly, among the v a r i a n t s or sub-cultures of the Javanese p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e . 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PEPOMAN (A Djakarta-published d a i l y newspaper associated with the former PSI-Socialist party); A p r i l 24, 1972; October 28, 19711 February 1 1 , 1 9 7 2 ; February 7, I 9 7 2 . SINAR HARAPAN (A Djakarta-published d a i l y newspaper associated with PARKINDO, the Christian Party); March 18, 1972; June 2 , 1 9 7 2 ; June 26, 1972; July 1 9-23, 1972; January 6, 1972; A p r i l 15, 1 9 7 2 ; A p r i l 1 , 1972; January 3-5, 1972; March 1 , 1 9 7 2 ; June 6, 1972; June 3, 1972; June 28 - 2 9 , 1 9 7 2 ; January 4 , 1 9 7 2 . - 162 -TEMPO (A Djakarta-published weekly news magazine); J u l y 10, 19715 A p r i l 8, 1972; August 14, 1971; June 30, 1972; September 18, 1971? February 26, 1972; June 2 3 , 1972. UNPUBLISHED THESES AND DOCUMENTS Ehrmann, Michaels The Indonesian Army under Guided Democracy, M.A, Thesis, C o r n e l l U n i v e r s i t y I967, Nawawi, Mohammeds Regionalism and Regional C o n f l i c t s i n Indonesia, Doctoral d i s s e r t a t i o n , P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y , I 9 6 8 . Noer, D e l i a r s The Rise and Development of the Modernist Muslim Movement i n Indonesia During the Dutch C o l o n i a l P e r i o d (1900-1942), Ph.D. D i s s e r t a t i o n , C o r n e l l U n i v e r s i t y 1963. Smith, Teds The Indonesian Bureaucracys S t a b i l i t y , Change and P r o d u c t i v i t y , D i s s e r t a t i o n , U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a , Berkeley 1971. \"Memorandum Dewan Perwakilan Rakjat Republik Indonesia Mengenai Masalah Minatur Indonesia 'Indonesia Indah' Dan Haridepan Generasi Muda\" (Memorandum of the Indonesian , Parliament concerning the Problems of the B e a u t i f u l Indonesia I n M i n i a t u r e and the Future of the Younger Generation), No. l076/P.Ch.M.I.I./72. \"Pembaharuan S t r u k t u r P o l i t i k \" (Renewing the P o l i t i c a l S t r u c t u r e ) Golkar Pusat (no date) \"Perkembangan Baru Di Indonesia\" (New Developments i n Indonesia) Bahan Golkar Pusat N 0 . O I 5 (24-2-71) \"Pernjataan P o l i t i k Golongan Karya\" (The P o l i t i c a l Statement of Golongan Karya),Golkar Pusat (no date) \"The Sekber Golkars A bird's-eye view of i t s h i s t o r y \" , Golkar Pusat (no d a t e ) . Surat Keputusan No, KEP-101/VII/Golongan Karya/1971 (Containing the p o s t - e l e c t i o n s t r u c t u r e of Golkar) Surat Keputusan No. KEP-40l/lX/Golongan Karya/71 ( c o n t a i n i n g the temporary basic r e g u l a t i o n s of p o s t - e l e c t i o n Golkar, the program and l i s t s of the personnel of the Golkar Co-ordinating Bodies) \"Tindjauan S i t u a s i N a s i o n a l \" (An Observation of the N a t i o n a l S i t u a t i o n ) Golkar Pusat (Medio, December 1970) - 163 -GLOSSARY OP IMPORTANT INDONESIAN TERMS AND ACRONYMS abangan ABRI ASPRI BIMAS Brawidjaja bupati Diponegoro DPR DPRD Gestapu or G-30-S Golkar golongan tertentu gotong-rojong the Javanese masses that are Islamic In name only; th e i r r e l i g i o u s practices are a mixture of Islam, Hinduism and animism. Angatan Bersendjata Republik Indonesia (Armed Forces of The Republic of Indonesia). Asisten Pribadi (Personal A s s i s t a n t ) ; refers to President Suharto's personal s t a f f . Bimbingan Massa (Mass Guidance) - a government scheme for increasing r i c e production. the Indonesian Army D i v i s i o n for the region of East Java. the administrative head of a kabupaten or d i s t r i c t . the Indonesian Army D i v i s i o n for the region of Central Java. Dewan Perwakilan Rakjat (Council of People's Representatives or Paliament). Dewan Perwakilan Rakjat Daerah (Council of the People's Representatives of the Regions or Regional Parliament). Gerakan Tigapuluh September ( 3 0 t h of September Movement). Golongan Karya (Functional Group); the government \"party\". fixed or determined groups; used especially i n reference to enemies of the state. mutual or s e l f - h e l p ; refers to doing things c o l l e c t i v e l y rather than i n d i v i d u a l l y . - 164 -d i s t r i c t ; one administrative l e v e l \"below the Daerah Tingkat Satu or province; frequently referred to as Daerah Tingkat Dua (Second Level Region)„ l i t e r a l l y Regional Head; today c a l l e d governor„ V i l l a g e Headman; i n Java the term lurah i s used. knight or so l d i e r Islamic teacher Kelompok Induk Organasasi (Mother Organization); refers to the seven d i f f e r e n t major d i v i s i o n s of functional groups within Golkar, Sukarno's idea for creating a stable government (1956). stupid or dumb masses Komando Operasi Pemulihan Keamanan dan Ketertiban (Command for Restoring Security and Public Order); an extra-co n s t i t u t i o n a l m i l i t a r y body set up in the wake of the G-30-S. Korps Pegawai Negri (National C i v i l Servants Corps); one of the functional groups. palace of the king or Sultan v i l l a g e headman i n Java; i n the Outer Islands frequently c a l l e d Kepala Desa. P o l i t i c a l Manifesto; one of the key ide o l o g i c a l symbols of the Sukarno regime. the name given the command for the re-capturing of West I r a i n from the Dutch; Suharto was the head of t h i s operation. outer provinces - 165 -Masjumi MPR musjawarah NASAKOM negara agung NU Panglima(Besar) Parkindo p r i j a j i PKI PMI or Parmusi PNI PSI PSII OPSUS the ''modernist\" Muslim p o l i t i c a l party that was banned by Sukarno because of opposition to him„ Madjelis Permusjawarahan Rakjat (People's Deliberative Assembly or Super-Parliament). consensus or unanimity Nasionalisme, Agama(Religion) dan Komunisme; another of the key symbols of the Sukarno regime. the king's land or the t e r r i t o r y near the king's palace. Nahdatul Ulama; a \" t r a d i t i o n a l i s t \" Muslim p o l i t i c a l party. Regional' M i l i t a r y Commander (Commander-in-Chief) Partai Kristen Indonesia (Indonesian Ch r i s t i a n Party) the aristocracy of the Javanese abangan masses. Partai Komunis Indonesia (Indonesian Communist Party). Partai Muslimin Indonesia 0 (Indonesian Muslim Party) Partai Nasional Indonesia (Indonesian Na t i o n a l i s t Party). Partai S o s i a l i s Indonesia (Indonesian S o c i a l i s t Party);banned i n i960 by Sukarno. Partai Sarekat Islam Indonesia; a small Muslim party. Operas! Chusus (Special Operations); led by A l i Murtopo - 166 -santri Siliwangi tanah sabrang UUD45 wajang k u l i t a s t r i c t observer of Islam the Indonesian Army Di v i s i o n of the region of West Java overseas t e r r i t o r y Undang-Undang Dasar 1945 (1945 Constitution). a shadow play made by using leather puppets 1 also frequently used to re f e r to the \"Indonesian\" s t y l e of p o l i t i c s . "@en ; edm:hasType "Thesis/Dissertation"@en ; edm:isShownAt "10.14288/1.0101705"@en ; dcterms:language "eng"@en ; ns0:degreeDiscipline "Political Science"@en ; edm:provider "Vancouver : University of British Columbia Library"@en ; dcterms:publisher "University of British Columbia"@en ; dcterms:rights "For non-commercial purposes only, such as research, private study and education. Additional conditions apply, see Terms of Use https://open.library.ubc.ca/terms_of_use."@en ; ns0:scholarLevel "Graduate"@en ; dcterms:title "Javanization of Indonesian politics"@en ; dcterms:type "Text"@en ; ns0:identifierURI "http://hdl.handle.net/2429/33606"@en .