Arts, Faculty of
Central, Eastern, and Northern European Studies, Department of
DSpace
UBCV
Toops, Gary Howard
Master of Arts - MA
University of British Columbia
Prefixal perfectivization is the object of considerable discussion in present-day Russian aspectology. Accordingly, the first chapter of this thesis attempts to present as accurately and concisely as possible the diverse views concurrent today among scholars in the field of Russian aspectology with regard to prefixal perfectivization. In the second chapter the meanings of the Russian verbal prefixes are given, to the extent that they are discernible in conjunction with a large variety of verbs. The prefixal verbs given to illustrate each meaning of a prefix are cited from lexicological reference works. The prefixal perfectives are identified at the end of each section of prefix meanings in Chapter II. The meanings of verbs and verbal prefixes are examined in order to determine the system by which the occurrence of a particular prefix in conjunction with a basic verb can be predicted. In Chapter III a representative selection of prefixal verbs is classified according to the degree or nature of semantic motivation underlying their occurrence. Semantic motivation is understood as a correlation between the lexical meaning of a prefix and that of the verb base, which is considered to prompt the occurrence of a particular prefix over any other in certain instances. The discussion of explanations for the occurrence of aspect-formative prefixes is based on an analysis of the meanings of verbs and prefixes as well as the application of concepts held in present-day aspectology; An examination of polysemy serves further to determine the nature of prefixal perfectivization as a grammatical process. On the basis of the material described above, it is concluded that correlations between the lexical meanings of some verbs and prefixes may be the reason for the addition of a particular prefix to a given basic verb. At the same time, however, it is determined that prefixation is not consistently motivated by any semantic correlations.
c o p . I AN ANALYSIS OF PREFIXAL PERFECTIVIZATION IN CONTEMPORARY STANDARD RUSSIAN by GARY HOWARD TOOPS B.A., M c G i l l U n i v e r s i t y , 1975 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of Slavonic Studies) We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standards THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA A p r i l , 1979 (c) Gary Howard Toops, 1979 I n p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f t h e r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r a n a d v a n c e d d e g r e e a t t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , I a g r e e t h a t t h e L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e a n d s t u d y . I f u r t h e r a g r e e t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y p u r p o s e s may be g r a n t e d by t h e Head o f my D e p a r t m e n t o r by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s u n d e r s t o o d t h a t c o p y i n g o r p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l n o t be a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . D e p a r t m e n t nf Slavonic Studies The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a 2075 W e s b r o o k P l a c e V a n c o u v e r , C a n a d a V6T 1W5 D a t e 23 A p r i l 1979 i ABSTRACT P r e f i x a l p e r f e c t i v i z a t i o n i s the object of considerable discussion i n present-day Russian aspectology. Accordingly, the f i r s t chapter of t h i s thesis attempts to present as accurately and concisely as possible the d i -verse views concurrent today among scholars i n the f i e l d of Russian aspec-tology with regard to p r e f i x a l p e r f e c t i v i z a t i o n . In the second chapter the meanings of the Russian verbal p r e f i x e s are given, to the extent that they are d i s c e r n i b l e i n conjunction with a large v a r i e t y of verbs. The p r e f i x a l verbs given to i l l u s t r a t e each meaning of a p r e f i x are c i t e d from l e x i c o l o g i c a l reference works. The p r e f i x a l perfec-t i v e s are i d e n t i f i e d at the end of each section of p r e f i x meanings i n Chapter I I . The meanings of verbs and verbal p r e f i x e s are examined i n order to de-termine the system by which the occurrence of a p a r t i c u l a r p r e f i x i n con-junction with a basic verb can be predicted. In Chapter I I I a representa-t i v e s e l e c t i o n of p r e f i x a l verbs i s c l a s s i f i e d according to the degree or nature of semantic motivation underlying t h e i r occurrence. Semantic motiva-t i o n i s understood as a c o r r e l a t i o n between the l e x i c a l meaning of a p r e f i x and that of the verb base, which i s considered to prompt the occurrence of a p a r t i c u l a r p r e f i x over any other i n c e r t a i n instances. The discussion of explanations f o r the occurrence of aspect-formative prefixes i s based on an analysis of the meanings of verbs and prefixes as w e l l as the a p p l i c a t i o n of concepts held i n present-day aspectology; An examination of polysemy serves further to determine the nature of p r e f i x a l p e r f e c t i v i z a t i o n as a grammatical process. On the basis of the material described above, i t i s concluded that cor-r e l a t i o n s between the l e x i c a l meanings of some verbs and pre f i x e s may be the reason for the addition of a p a r t i c u l a r p r e f i x to a given basic verb. At the same time, however, i t i s determined that p r e f i x a t i o n i s not consis-t e n t l y motivated by any semantic c o r r e l a t i o n s . i i i TABLE OF CONTENTS Preface i v Acknowledgment v Chapter I - P r e f i x a l P e r f e c t i v i z a t i o n of Verbs: P r a c t i c a l and Th e o r e t i c a l Considerations 1 Notes 15 Chapter II - The Verbal Prefixes and Their Meanings 18 Notes 57 Chapter I I I - Discussion and C l a s s i f i c a t i o n of Aspectual Partners 63 Notes 77 Bibliography 79 iv PREFACE In t h i s thesis t r a n s l i t e r a t i o n from the C y r i l l i c alphabet follows the conventions s p e c i f i e d i n the S l a v i c and East European Journal (University of Wisconsin, Madison). Throughout t h i s thesis the t i t l e "Academy Dic t i o n a r y " r e f e r s to Slovar' sovremennogo russkogo literaturnogo jazyka (Akademija nauk S.S.S.R., Moscow-Leningrad, 1950-65). The t i t l e "Academy Grammar" r e f e r s to Grammatika russkogo jazyka (Vol. I ) . Fonetika i morfologija (Akademija nauk S. S . S . R., Moscow, 1960, ed. by V. V. Vinogradov). Verbs c i t e d i n Chapter II to i l l u s t r a t e the meanings of Russian verbal prefixes are drawn p r i m a r i l y from the Academy Grammar and do not ne c e s s a r i l y include p r e f i x a l p e r f e c t i v e s discusssed i n other chapters of t h i s t h e s i s . V ACKNOWLEDGMENT To Dr. Nicholas Poppe I express my sincere thanks f o r h i s patience i n o f f e r i n g advice and d i r e c t i n g the course of my work throughout t h i s t h e s i s . I also thank Dr. Sarah B e l l for her h e l p f u l comments and suggestions. CHAPTER I P r e f i x a l P e r f e c t i v i z a t i o n of Verbs: P r a c t i c a l and Theoretical Considerations 1.1. With respect to Russian verbs, the term " p r e f i x a l p e r f e c t i v i z a -t i o n " r e f e r s to the transformation of a non-prefixed imperfective verb i n -to a p e r f e c t i v e verb by adding a p a r t i c u l a r verbal p r e f i x (e.g., i z - , na-, po-). At the same time the term implies that the r e s u l t i n g prefixed verb, known as a " p r e f i x a l p e r f e c t i v e , " has the same lexico-semantic and mor-phemic base as the o r i g i n a l , or basic, imperfective verb (isxodnyj g l a g o l ) . By way of i l l u s t r a t i o n , delat' i s a non-prefixed imperfective verb and may be l a b e l l e d v a r i o u s l y by scholars as a simple imperfective,"^ a simple verb, or a simplex. Henceforth we s h a l l r e f e r to delat' and s i -milar verb forms as simplex verbs. A large v a r i e t y of Russian verbal prefixes may be added to the simplex delat'. In most cases, p r e f i x a t i o n of an imperfective simplex verb r e s u l t s i n an a l t e r a t i o n i n aspectual assignment. Once a p r e f i x i s added to the simplex verb, the verb base becomes p e r f e c t i v e . This a s s e r t i o n i s subject to several provisions. F i r s t , a small number of Russian simplex verbs do not become p e r f e c t i v e i n aspect when c e r t a i n prefixes are added. For ex-ample, the aspectual meaning of gljadet', a simplex, becomes p e r f e c t i v e when the verb i s prefixed with po- or pro- (pogljadet', progljadet' ), but i t remains imperfective when prefixed with vy- (vygljadet').^ Secondly, p r e f i x a t i o n of a simplex must not be accompanied by s u f f i x a t i o n , i f i t i s to r e s u l t i n a p e r f e c t i v e verb. S u f f i x a t i o n of the base of a prefixed per-f e c t i v e verb by the d e r i v a t i o n a l morphemes -yva-/-iva-/-va- or - a - / - j a -i s the p r i n c i p a l means of deriving prefixed imperfective verbs.^ 2 F i n a l l y , prefixes added to indeterminate verbs of motion such as xodit', n o s i t ' , begat' do not generally p e r f e c t i v i z e the verb base. It i s cl e a r that p r e f i x a t i o n of the overwhelming majority of Russian simplex verbs r e s u l t s i n aspectual re-assignment ( i . e . , the formation of pe r f e c t i v e verbs), but i t often a f f e c t s the l e x i c a l meaning of the simplex as w e l l . Where the addition of a p r e f i x changes the l e x i c a l meaning of the simplex, there can be no question of " p r e f i x a l p e r f e c t i v i z a t i o n " i n the sense i n which t h i s term.is usually understood (and as we understand i t here). To i l l u s t r a t e t h i s point, the simplex delat' b a s i c a l l y means 'do, make.' Prefixes such as pod- or pere-, to c i t e two random examples, not only transform delat' from an imperfective into a p e r f e c t i v e verb, but also change i t s l e x i c a l meaning (or, i n more tec h n i c a l terms, i t s l e x i c o -semantic base): poddelat' 'forge, c o u n t e r f e i t , ' peredelat' 'make over, r e -make . ' 1.2. Aspect i s a grammatical category which embraces a l l verbs i n the Russian language.^ No verb i s without aspect, either p e r f e c t i v e or imper-g f e c t i v e . A few verbs, such as Zen i t ' s j a 'marry,' organizovat' 'organ-9 i z e , ' etc., may, however, be simultaneously p e r f e c t i v e and imperfective i n aspect. Since aspect i s a grammatical category, there must be some means by which the l e x i c a l meaning of a verb i n one aspect can be expressed i n the other. The means by which the l e x i c a l meaning of a given imperfective verb finds expression within a p e r f e c t i v e , lexico-semantically i d e n t i c a l verb base i s c a l l e d p e r f e c t i v i z a t i o n ( p e r f e k t i v a c i j a ) . P e r f e c t i v i z a t i o n i s achieved i n one of two.ways: by suppletion (brat'-vzjat' 'take') or by p r e f i x a t i o n (blagodarit'-poblagodarit' ' t h a n k ' ) . ^ The l a t t e r means of perf e c t i v i z a t i o n , p r e f i x a l : ': 3 p e r f e c t i v i z a t i o n ( p r e f i k s a l ' n a j a p e r f e k t i v a c i j a ) , i s the topic to which t h i s thesis addresses i t s e l f . When, i n the process of p e r f e c t i v i z a t i o n , p r e f i x a t i o n i s accompanied by morphophonemic alternations (padat'-upast'' ' f a l l ' ) , i t i s accepted p r a c t i c e to assign ..such perf e c t i v i z a t i o n to the ca-tegory of suppletion (suppletivizm),^ ^ rather than to p r e f i x a l p e r f e c t i v i -zation. Hence, p e r f e c t i v i z a t i o n i n v o l v i n g morphophonemic changes w i l l not be considered i n t h i s study. 1.3. T r a d i t i o n a l l y , p r e f i x a t i o n , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n cases of l e x i c a l sy-nonymity or near-synonymity between a simplex and one of i t s prefixed per-f e c t i v e d e r i v a t i v e s , has been considered a word-changing process ( s l o v o i z -menitel'nyj process). Thus, poblagodarit' has t r a d i t i o n a l l y been con-sidered a derived form of the simplex blagodarit', both verbs being viewed as forms of one and the same lexeme s i g n i f y i n g 'thank.' Recent works i n Russian aspectology suggest, however, that p r e f i x a t i o n i s better described as a word-formative process (slovoobrazovatel'nyj process ) . 1 Z In t h i s proposal, the simplex and any p r e f i x a l l y derived p e r f e c t i v e verb stand as two d i s t i n c t lexemes, regardless of any lexico-semantic proximity which may 13 or may not e x i s t between them. From what has been said thus f a r , one would expect to see verbs being "paired" (an imperfective with a perfective) as a r e s u l t of p r e f i x a l per-f e c t i v i z a t i o n . If p r e f i x a l p e r f e c t i v i z a t i o n can indeed produce a verb that i s semantically i d e n t i c a l except i n aspect to a basic simplex verb, then the simplex and the resultant p e r f e c t i v e verb can be "paired" on the basis of l e x i c a l synonymity and complementary aspectual assignment. If t h i s be the case, then we can speak of p r e f i x a l "aspectual p a i r s " (vidovye pary), "aspectual ' p a i r e d n e s s ' ( v i d o v a j a parnost'), and "aspectual partners" (This term i s rendered i n Russian by parnye glagoly 'paired verbs.'). Hence, as long as two verbs (or verb forms); sharing a common base are synonymous i n a l l respects except aspect, they w i l l f u l f i l l the c r i t e r i a of an aspectual p a i r , whether they be regarded as two d i s t i n c t lexemes or as forms of one and the same lexeme. The question of whether p e r f e c t i v i z a t i o n i s a word-changing or a word-formative process need not, therefore, a f f e c t the postulation of aspectual p a i r s . 1.4. Indeed, the semantic, rather than the l e x i c o l o g i c a l , r e l a t i o n -ship between simplex verbs and c e r t a i n prefixed p e r f e c t i v e derivatives i s the object of considerable discussion and even some controversy i n present-day aspectology. As was shown i n 1.1, most prefixes added to a simplex a l -ter not only the aspect but the l e x i c a l meaning of the simplex verb as w e l l . S t i l l , the concept of p r e f i x a l p e r f e c t i v i z a t i o n i s based on the pre-mise that i n conjunction with a p a r t i c u l a r simplex there i s at l e a s t one verbal p r e f i x which w i l l do no more than transform the simplex from an im-p e r f e c t i v e into a p e r f e c t i v e verb. To return to our previously c i t e d example, the verb delat', the pre-f i x a l p e r f e c t i v e sdelat' i s i n v a r i a b l y posited i n d i c t i o n a r i e s and grammars as the (perfective) aspectual partner of delat'. In support of such an as-pectual p a i r , aspectologists have t r a d i t i o n a l l y pointed out that the same l e x i c a l meaning i s conveyed by sdelat' i n the p e r f e c t i v e aspect as i s con-veyed by delat' i n the imperfective.'''^ Nonetheless, at t h i s point i n d i s -cussions of p r e f i x a l p e r f e c t i v i z a t i o n some disagreement has a r i s e n . In es-sence the debate concerns the semantic components of prefixed p e r f e c t i v e verbs and even the most basic question of Russian aspectology, the meaning ( d e f i n i t i o n ) of the p e r f e c t i v e aspect. 1.5. T r a d i t i o n a l l y , works on aspect recognized two elements of mean-ing i n the semantic base of a p r e f i x a l l y derived p e r f e c t i v e verb: l e x i c a l 5 meaning and grammatical meaning. For purposes of our study, grammatical meaning may be understood as aspectual meaning ( i . e . , p e r f e c t i v i t y ) . ^ Seen from the t r a d i t i o n a l viewpoint, p r e f i x a t i o n of a simplex verb r e -s u l t s ( i n most cases) i n a grammatical change (that i s , the prefixed verb, i n contrast to the simplex, i s perfective) and may or may not r e s u l t i n a l e x i c a l change. Where a change i n the l e x i c a l meaning of a verb base does not occur as a r e s u l t of p r e f i x a t i o n , the process of p r e f i x a l p e r f e c t i v i z a -t i o n i s said to manifest i t s e l f . The r e s u l t i n g p r e f i x a l p e r f e c t i v e i s then-regarded as an aspectual partner of the imperfective s i m p l e x . ^ The question of which verbal p r e f i x i n conjunction with a given sim-plex a c t u a l l y gives r i s e s o l e l y to p e r f e c t i v i z a t i o n (a grammatical change without any l e x i c a l change) depends on the meaning of the p r e f i x as w e l l as 1 o that of the verb. Each verbal p r e f i x i n Russian bears within i t s e l f one 19 or more l e x i c a l meanings. According to the t r a d i t i o n a l approach to as-pectology, therefore, these meanings are usually imparted to the simplex when a p r e f i x i s added, and the l e x i c a l meaning of the simplex verb base i s accordingly changed. When, however, a p a r t i c u l a r p r e f i x does not a f f e c t the l e x i c a l meaning of a verb base and produces a p e r f e c t i v e aspectual partner, the l e x i c a l meaning of the p r e f i x i s said e i t h e r to be l o s t en-20 21 t i r e l y or to have faded or weakened. Such a p r e f i x i s described v a r i -22 ously as "desemanticized" (desemantizirovannyj p r e f i k s ) , "grammatical-23 2 f^r i z e d " (grammatikalizovannyj), "aspectualized" (aspektualizirovannyj), "grammatical" (grammatiyeskij), "purely aspectual" (Eistovidovoj), 27 28 "empty" (pustoj), or "non-semantic." From the t r a d i t i o n a l viewpoint, only the prefixes po-, s_-, and o_- are recognized as capable of being completely devoid of l e x i c a l meanings i n a given instance. The remaining prefixes (with the exception of do-, nad-, 6 nedo-, n i z - , obez-, pre-, pred-, and v-) are also considered capable of im-parting no new l e x i c a l meaning to a verb base, but even then, they are 29 s t i l l regarded as preserving at l e a s t traces (sledy) of t h e i r l e x i c a l meanings. In such instances the l e x i c a l meaning of a given p r e f i x i s said to be subsumed i n the l e x i c a l meaning of the simplex verb. This phenomenon i s explained by the f a c t that a p a r t i c u l a r meaning of a p r e f i x may already be inherent i n the base of the simplex verb to which i t i s added. Hence, the p r e f i x adds no new meaning to the verb base; the meaning of the p r e f i x i s subsumed by the verb, and the verb i s merely p e r f e c t i v i z e d by the addi-t i o n of the p r e f i x . N. S. Avilova o f f e r s the following explanation: Certain prefixes become f u l l y aspectualized i n conjunction with a broad range of verbs, i r r e -spective of the meaning of those verbs. Some p r e f i x a l aspectual p a i r s are formed by analogy, i n accordance with t r a d i t i o n ; i n other instances prefixes are assumed [podbirajutsja] by semantically s i m i l a r verbs. These prefixes become f u l l y aspectu-a l i z e d only i n conjunction with i n d i v i d u a l , seman-t i c a l l y s i m i l a r , semantically r e l a t e d verbs, i n as much as they convey "abstractions common to the se-mantic t r a i t of the a c t i o n " ... as for example: korcWat' -vykorcWat' ['uproot, root out'], mstit' - otomstit' ['take vengeance, avenge o n e s e l f ] , paxat'-vspaxat' ['plough up']. The p r e f i x becomes f u l l y aspectualized i n union with verbs r e l a t e d to i t i n meaning, but preserves a r e a l l e x i c a l meaning i n union with other verbs (cf. vykorEevat' and vy- beZat' ['run out'], otomstit' and o t b r o s i t ' ['throw/ scatte r about']). There are sixteen prefixes which can be aspectualized i n Russian: i z - , na-, o-, ot-, pere-, po-, pod-, p r i - , pro-, raz-, s_-, u-, voz-, vy-, vz-, za-. Each of these prefixes i n conjunc-t i o n with c e r t a i n verbs becomes aspectualized, while i n conjunction with other verbs, each preserves i t s l e x i c a l meaning. Thus the term "aspectualized p r e f i x " may be applied to a p r e f i x only with regard to a given aspectual p a i r , i n conjunction with a given meaning of the verb. No one p r e f i x i s i n andcof i t s e l f completely aspectualized nor i s i t con s i s t e n t l y a grammatical formant of aspect. An aspectualized p r e f i x i n cer-t a i n cases i s used i n conjunction with semantically rel a t e d verbs. In such cases i t i s dependent on the meaning of the verb with which i t conjoins. Elsewhere a s p e c t u a l i z a t i o n of a p r e f i x i s not moti-vated by any meaning of the verb. In those i n -stances, t r a d i t i o n and analogy obviously play a ^ part. An analysis of the verb korcWat' -vykorcWat' c i t e d by Avilova i n the foregoing passage w i l l i l l u s t r a t e more c l e a r l y t h i s notion of " l e x i c o -semantic subsumption." The p r e f i x vy- i s i d e n t i f i e d as bearing, among other l e x i c a l meanings, the notion of extraction (or, removal). The no-t i o n of extraction i s already inherent i n the meaning of the basic verb koryevat' 'uproot, root out.' Therefore, the addition of the p r e f i x has no e f f e c t on the l e x i c a l meaning of the verb base, and vykorgevat' has the same l e x i c a l meaning as korc*evat' • In essence the two verbs d i f f e r only grammatically, i . e . , i n aspect. The t r a d i t i o n a l approach to the formation of p r e f i x a l aspectual p a i r s discussed thus f a r may be i l l u s t r a t e d by the following schema ( p l u s = a f f i r -mation, minus=negation): f(+)perfective (±) l e x i c a l meaning-^^ (+ ) l e x i c a l meaning (-)lexical'.meaning (±.) subsumed (+)subsumed (-)subsumed (+)aspectual partner (-)aspectual partner (+)aspectual partner 1.5.1. There i s another aspectological viewpoint which recognizes three, rather than two, components; of a verb's semantic base: l e x i c a l , o n s u b l e x i c a l , and grammatical (or, aspectual). The category of s u b l e x i c a l 33 meanings i s v a r i o u s l y r e f e r r e d to by scholars as Aktionsarten, sposoby d e j s t v i j a , and procedurals. A p r e f i x imparting to the verb base a sub-l e x i c a l meaning "does not introduce a new l e x i c a l element but modifies the :-8 3 6 action i n some way, usually with respect to time or i n t e n s i t y . " There are two schools of thought among adherents of t h i s view: one recognizes the postulation of s u b l e x i c a l meanings (Aktionsarten) as being consistent with the concept of p r e f i x a l p e r f e c t i v i z a t i o n ; the other does not. The former school of thought, represented by Ju. S. Maslov, A. V. Bondarko, and N. S. Avilova, may be l a b e l l e d "semasiological"; the l a t t e r , repre-sented by A. V. Isac'enko, may be l a b e l l e d "etymological." The semasio-l o g i c a l and etymological schools d i f f e r from each other because of d i f f e r -ences i n the way they define the p e r f e c t i v e aspect. According to the etymological school, ...the p e r f e c t i v e aspect s i g n i f i e s i n t e g r a l i t y , the t o t a l i t y of the action conveyed by the verb [base], [as opposed to] the imperfective aspect [which] bears no such p o s i t i v e semantic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c . This meaning i s considered to be the most abstract and most encompassing of a l l p e r f e c t i v e verbs. This viewpoint stems from that of F. de Saussure regarding the punctual [toc'ec'nom, ponctuel] , unprotracted, to-t a l l y non-evolutive [vne vsjakogo stanovlenija] na-ture of a c t i v i t i e s expressed i n the p e r f e c t i v e as-pect. ...The p e r f e c t i v e aspect conveys t o t a l i t y , "a t o t a l outlook on an external event" .... ^ From the etymological viewpoint, any p r e f i x added to a simplex verb produces a p r e f i x a l verb, the (non-grammatical) semantic base of which a l -ways d i f f e r s from that of the simplex, i f not l e x i c a l l y , then sublex^^ .1.1. i c a l l y . Because p r e f i x a t i o n always r e s u l t s i n eit h e r a l e x i c a l or a sub-l e x i c a l change, p r e f i x a l p e r f e c t i v i z a t i o n never f u l f i l l s the requirement that two members of an aspectual p a i r "be i d e n t i c a l i n meaning i n a l l r e -O Q spects except aspect." For example, the members of the t r a d i t i o n a l l y ac-cepted aspectual p a i r s c i t e d above, d e l a t ' - s d e l a t ' 'do, make' and blagoda- r i t ' - p o b l a g o d a r i t 1 'thank,' are, according to t h i s school of thought, l e x -i c a l l y synonymous. S u b l e x i c a l l y , however, the members of each p a i r are not i d e n t i c a l . The p r e f i x a l p e r f e c t i v e members of each p a i r , sdelat' and .9 poblagodarit', d i f f e r s u b l e x i c a l l y from the simplex verbs by v i r t u e of on t h e i r " r e s u l t a t i v e " meaning. This " r e s u l t a t i v e " meaning i s explained by Isac'enko (1962) as "the successful performance of the action to i t s con-c l u s i o n [die Handlung wird e r f o l g r e i c h zu Ende g e f u e h r t ] . A c c o r d i n g to th i s view, p r e f i x a t i o n of a simplex always r e s u l t s i n the manifestation of a new l e x i c a l or a s u b l e x i c a l meaning, and "under no circumstances do the basic [simplex] verb and i t s s u b l e x i c a l d e r i v a t i v e [die davon gebildete Aktionsart] form an aspectual p a i r , i n as much as the s u b l e x i c a l d e r i v a t i v e [Aktionsart] expresses an a d d i t i o n a l shade of meaning which i s lacking i n the basic verb. The viewpoint of the etymological school may be schematized thus: f(+)perfective meaning simplex + p r e f i x • >I I(+)non-aspectual meaning > (-)aspectual partner (It i s worth noting at t h i s point that with the admission of three semantic components, a new term, "non-aspectual," i s required to include possible s u b l e x i c a l as well as l e x i c a l meanings. The t h i r d component, grammatical, or aspectual, meaning, i s expressed i n the schemas as "perfective mean-ing.") The semasiological school recognizes the aforementioned r e s u l t a t i v e s u b l e x i c a l meaning as being inherent i n the meaning of p e r f e c t i v i t y . >Ac-cording to V. V. Vinogradov, "the basic exponent of the p e r f e c t i v e aspect i s the i n d i c a t i o n of an action l i m i t ..... Result i s a p a r t i c u l a r manifes-t a t i o n of an action's l i m i t .... The designation of r e s u l t i s one of the basic meanings of the p e r f e c t i v e aspect, though not the only one." The r e s u l t a t i v e meaning which t h i s school finds equatable with the p e r f e c t i v e aspect i s understood and set o f f from other s u b l e x i c a l meanings as follows: ...The attainment of an action's l i m i t as conveyed 10 by the p e r f e c t i v e verb of an aspectual p a i r i s understood ... as the attainment of an i n t e r n a l , q u a l i t a t i v e l i m i t , i . e . , the attainment of that boundary or c r i t i c a l point at which the ac t i o n ne-c e s s a r i l y exhausts i t s e l f and ceases. Conjointly recognized i s the presence of p e r f e c t i v e verbs con-veying a les s abstract l i m i t and bearing more par-t i c u l a r , as i t were, extraneous meanings, vz. i n -ception, attenuation, etc. P e r f e c t i v e verbs with such meanings are regarded as f a l l i n g into sub-l e x i c a l categories [v gruppax "sposobov glagol'nogo dej s t v i j a " ] . 43 The viewpoint expressed by the semasiological school of thought may be schematized as follows: simplex + prefi x -(+)aspectual partner T (-)non-aspectual meaning T , (+)sublexical meaning ^(+)perfective meaning (=) (±) s u b l e x i c a l meaning (-^) s u b l e x i c a l meaning (±) l e x i c a l meaning -A ( + ) l e x i c a l meaning ( - ) l e x i c a l meaning JL (±) subsumed -A (+)subsumed (-)subsumed i i (-)non-aspec- (+)non-aspec-tu a l meaning t u a l meaning (+)aspectual (-)aspectual partner partner 1 (-)non-aspec-t u a l meaning (+)aspectual partner t (-)non-aspec-t u a l meaning "I (+)aspectual partner I (+)non-aspec-t u a l meaning I (-)aspectual partner As the above schema i n d i c a t e s , the semasiological school also accepts the t r a d i t i o n a l view of lexico-semantic subsumption. This i s due, appar-ently, to a lack of fi r m c r i t e r i a f o r determining the exact meaning of a p r e f i x . In many instances, as i n our previous example korffevat'-vykorce-yat', i t i s d i f f i c u l t to overlook the highly apparent l e x i c a l meaning of a p r e f i x ( i n t h i s case, extraction) and assign instead a r e s u l t a t i v e sub-l e x i c a l meaning to that p r e f i x . 11 In sum, we have seen that there are three major trends concurrent i n the f i e l d of Russian aspectology. The t r a d i t i o n a l viewpoint d i f f e r s from the n o n - t r a d i t i o n a l ones p r i m a r i l y i n i t s disregard of s u b l e x i c a l meanings. Among scholars who recognize s u b l e x i c a l meanings, we may further d i s t i n -guish an etymological school of thought, which holds that p r e f i x a l perfec-t i v i z a t i o n does not produce pure or true aspectual partners, and a semasio-l o g i c a l school of thought, which holds that c e r t a i n s u b l e x i c a l meanings are part and parcel of the p e r f e c t i v e aspect and that p r e f i x a l p e r f e c t i v i z a t i o n does indeed, therefore, produce verbs which are admissible as aspectual partners to simplex verbs. Consideration of s u b l e x i c a l meanings of any sort i s extraneous to the concept of p e r f e c t i v i t y held by':the etymological school. As we have seen, however, the semasiological school, while recog-n i z i n g aspect as a grammatical category, defines :the p e r f e c t i v e aspect i n such a way as to include c e r t a i n r e s u l t a t i v e s u b l e x i c a l meanings i n i t s conception of p e r f e c t i v i t y . 1.6. I d e a l l y , the two members of an aspectual p a i r should be lex^ i c a l l y and s u b l e x i c a l l y i d e n t i c a l , while d i f f e r i n g only i n aspect ( i . e . , grammatically). Nonetheless, there i s an increasing recognition among aspectologists of the fac t that absolute non-grammatical i d e n t i t y r a r e l y , i f ever, e x i s t s between t r a d i t i o n a l l y accepted aspectual p a r t n e r s . ^ This i s true i n p a r t i c u l a r of pai r s c o n s i s t i n g of a basic verb and a corres-ponding p r e f i x a l p e r f e c t i v e ( i . e . , products of p r e f i x a l p e r f e c t i v i z a t i o n ) . As Maslov (1959) has stated: In the case of perepisat'-perepisyvat' there i s not only a "semantic proximity" (more pre-c i s e l y , an i d e n t i t y of l e x i c a l meanings), but rather every basis as w e l l for a " s t r u c t u r a l -grammatical order," so that we may speak of forms of one verb (grammatical " r e g u l a r i t y " of the form perepisyvat'). On the other hand, i n cases of the type pisat'-napisat', there e x i s t s s o l e l y a semantic proximity with no ob-servable grammatical " r e g u l a r i t y . " For th i s reason, then, we do not speak of forms of a sin g l e word i n such cases, but rather only of close synonyms. Indeed, i n actual Russian language usage, when verbs are aspectual partners, i t i s not so much the case that t h e i r non-aspectual meanings are absolutely i d e n t i c a l as i t i s that they share merely c e r t a i n points of th e i r respective semantic ranges. Even adherents of the semasiological school have noted that the members of one of the most widely accepted and perhaps most frequently c i t e d aspectual p a i r s , d e l a t ' - s d e l a t ' , are not ab-so l u t e l y i d e n t i c a l i n l e x i c a l meaning (That the two verbs are s u b l e x i c a l l y d i s t i n c t i s a matter of course, the verb sdelat' being considered to bear a r e s u l t a t i v e meaning.). In the sense of "be involved i n some a c t i v i t y , be occupied with something" (dejstvovat', p r o j a v l j a t ' dejatel'nost', byt' zan- jatym Eem-nibud'), the verb delat' must be "mono-aspectual," i . e . , i t can-not have sdelat' (or any other verb form) as a p e r f e c t i v e partner. This p a r t i c u l a r denotation of the verb delat' i s consistent with the meaning of only one aspect, the i m p e r f e c t i v e . ^ with respect to another frequently c i t e d aspectual p a i r , pisa.t'-napisat' 'write,' i t has been shown that napi- sat' cannot serve as an aspectual partner to the simplex i n such contexts as "on pis'et" i n the sense of 'he i s a w r i t e r . ' ^ However, A. V. Bondarko (1975) has pointed out that "the fac t of the matter i s that, given the po-lysemy of verbs [ p r i mnogoznacnosti glagolov], i d e n t i t y with respect to at l e a s t one l e x i c a l meaning i s s u f f i c i e n t f o r the recognition of two [verb] AO forms as an aspectual p a i r . " H O 1.7. Although there do appear to be strongly d i f f e r i n g trends i n aspectology today, they are not i r r e c o n c i l a b l e . For example, J . Forsyth (1970), while adhering to the etymological school's d e f i n i t i o n of the 13 p e r f e c t i v e aspect, f u l l y accepts the concept of p r e f i x a l p e r f e c t i v i z a t i o n from a.semasiological point of view: ...There (is a fir m semantic j u s t i f i c a t i o n for p r e f i x a l [aspectual] p a i r s of the type discussed. I n : a l l of them the basic pro-cedural [sublexical] meaning i n the p r e f i x i s t o t a l i t y of performance .... Although the precise meaning varies from verb to verb, being appropriate i n each case to the type of action concerned (e.g., napisat'—cumu-l a t i v e , p r o c i t a t ' — t e r m i n a t i v e (?), v y p i t ' — exhaustive (?), s v a r i t ' — s t r i c t l y t o t a l i s i n g ) , the dominant meaning common to a l l i s that of a t o t a l i s i n g of the performance on a given oc-casion. This i s so near the general meaning of the p e r f e c t i v e aspect that i t i s easy for such verbs to become used as synonymous aspec- ^ t u a l partners of the simple imperfectives. Indeed, a l l three schools discussed above ( t r a d i t i o n a l , etymological, semasiological) face s i m i l a r problems i n determining the precise nature of semantic changes r e s u l t i n g from p r e f i x a t i o n . As Townsend (1975) has : ' . : v ' . . pointed out, . . . i t i s frequently d i f f i c u l t to decide whether a given prefixed p e r f e c t i v e should be charac-t e r i z e d as l e x i c a l or s u b l e x i c a l . The p o s s i -b i l i t y of formation of a derived imperfective, which i s sometimes adduced to prove the pre-sence of a new "independent" meaning, i s an unr e l i a b l e c r i t e r i o n , f o r many obviously sub-l e x i c a l types are capable of forming derived imperfectives, whether or not d i c t i o n a r i e s l i s t a l l of them. In the case of many pre-f i x e s , s u b l e x i c a l and l e x i c a l meanings w i l l seem to overlap, and one may argue over whether a l e x i c a l change has taken place or whether the action has merely been modified i n some way with respect to time or i n t e n s i t y . The question discussed above would appear to have a greater bearing on t r a d i t i o n a l than on n o n - t r a d i t i o n a l ( i . e . , etymological and semasio-l o g i c a l ) postulations of aspectual p a i r s . From the t r a d i t i o n a l point of view, s u b l e x i c a l meanings are not taken into consideration, and one must decide whether an otherwise recognizable s u b l e x i c a l d i s t i n c t i o n between a 14 simplex and a p r e f i x a l verb constitutes a l e x i c a l change ( i n which case the two verbs are not aspectual partners) or some type of semantic change i n -herent i n the concept of p e r f e c t i v i t y . On the other hand, we have seen that within the sphere of no n - t r a d i t i o n a l aspectology, the basic question i n recognizing p r e f i x a l aspectual partners i s whether or not c e r t a i n sub-l e x i c a l meanings ( p a r t i c u l a r l y r e s u l t a t i v e ones) are equatable with the meaning of the p e r f e c t i v e aspect. Even when scholars agree on the presence of a s u b l e x i c a l d i s t i n c t i o n , they do not always agree on the nature of that d i s t i n c t i o n . For example, Isacenko (1962) regards the s u b l e x i c a l meaning i n sdelat' as being semelfactive, while other aspectologists see i t as be-ing resultative.^''' Because of such complexities, we s h a l l examine the meanings of the verbal p r e f i x e s , as well as the prefixed p e r f e c t i v e verbs i d e n t i f i e d by one or more sources as aspectual partners of the basic verbs, i n order to gain a clearer i n s i g h t into the process of p r e f i x a l p e r f e c t i v i z a t i o n . In Chap-ter II we s h a l l review the meanings of various prefixes as they are d i s -cerned i n conjunction with a v a r i e t y of verbs. The prefixed p e r f e c t i v e verbs w i l l simultaneously be examined to determine which, i f any, of them are c i t e d i n l e x i c o l o g i c a l reference works as aspectual partners of the corresponding basic verbs. Having i d e n t i f i e d the p r e f i x a l p e r f e c t i v e s , we s h a l l examine i n Chapter III the asp e c t o l o g i c a l grounds, from the t r a d i -t i o n a l and semasiological standpoints, on which such verbs may be accepted or rejected as aspectual partners. 15 Notes to Chapter I •*"See J. Forsyth, A Grammar of Aspect: Usage and Meaning i n the Russian Verb, Cambridge, 1970,. p. 38 f f . 2 I b i d . , p. 17 f f . A. V. Isacenko, Die russische Sprache der Gegenwart ( T e i l I ) . Formen- lehre, Halle, 1962. The term "simplex" r e f e r s here s o l e l y to an imperfec-t i v e simplex, although generally i t s usage extends to any non-prefixed verb, whether p e r f e c t i v e or imperfective. ^N. S. Avilova, Vid glagola i semantika glagol'nogo slova, Moscow, 1976, p. 45. Other examples include £itat'--progitat' 'read' (perfective) versus sc'itat' 'consider' (imperfective). ^This p a r t i c u l a r process of s u f f i x a t i o n i s known as i m p e r f e c t i v i z a t i o n and plays opposite p e r f e c t i v i z a t i o n a major r o l e i n asp e c t o l o g i c a l discus-sions. A l l researchers agree that i m p e r f e c t i v i z a t i o n produces true aspec-t u a l p a i r s , while the process of p e r f e c t i v i z a t i o n enjoys no such unanimity. V. V. Vinogradov (ed.), Grammatika russkogo jazyka, Moscow, 1960, p. 601: the p r e f i x s_- may be added to indeterminate verbs of motion i n or-der to form p e r f e c t i v e verbs conveying the notion of a round-trip or motion "there-and-back." Cf., however, N. Sal'nikov, "Xodit' und sxodit' (Zur Problematik von Aspekt und Aktionsarten)," Opuscula S l a v i c a et L i n g u i s t i c a . S c h r i ftenreihe Sprachwissenschaften, Klagenfurt, I (1976), pp. 363-82. ^Avilova, op. c i t . , p. 5. o Vinogradov, op. c i t . , pp. 456-7. Q E. Daum and W. Schenk, Die russischen Verben, L e i p z i g , 1965, p. 403. •^Avilova, op. c i t . , p. 19. 1 1 I b i d . Forsyth, p. 19 f f . , uses the term "word-building process." 13 Avilova, op. c i t . , pp. 28-41; Isac'enko, pp. 350-2. ^ T h i s term i s offered by C. E. Townsend, Russian Word Formation, Cam-bridge (Mass.), 1975, p. 117. ^ J u . S. Maslov, "Znac'enie dannyx bolgarskogo jazyka d l j a obscej teo-r i i slavjanskogo glagol'nogo v i d a , " Slavjanskoe jazykoznanie (V Mezdunarod- nyj s"ezd s l a v i s t o v ) , Moscow, 1963, p. 214. •^Grammatical meaning a c t u a l l y includes a verb's tense and mood, on the one hand, and i t s aspect, on the other. Since, however, the tense/mood 16 of a verb has no bearing on i t s being recognized or disavowed as an aspec-t u a l partner, the term "grammatical meaning" i s frequently used i n aspec-tology merely to s i g n i f y the meaning of whichever aspect the verb belongs to. Cf. Forsyth, p. 15. •^A. A. Spagis, Parnye i neparnye glagoly v russkom jazyke, Moscow, 1969, p. 40. 1 o Avilova, op. c i t . , pp. 255-8. •^Vinogradov, op. c i t . , pp. 576-602. 2 0 I b i d . , p. 452. 21 Spagis, p. 41. 2 2 A v i l o v a , op. c i t . , p. 32 f f . 2 3 I b i d . 2 4 I b i d . , p. 154 f f . 2 5 I b i d . , pp. 136, 149 f f . 2 6 I b i d . , p. 130 f f . ; Spagis, p. 40 f f . 27 Avilova, op. c i t . , p. 140 f f . 28 Townsend, op. c i t . , p. 116. 29 Spagis, p. 40. 30 Avilova, op. c i t . , p. 155. •^The component " l e x i c a l meaning" i s to be understood here and e l s e -where as the l e x i c a l meaning of the p r e f i x , or as a d d i t i o n a l , new, or modi-f i e d l e x i c a l meaning attested i n the prefixed as opposed to the non-prefixed verb. 3 2 S e e Townsend, op. c i t . , pp. 118-22. 3 3Isacenko, pp. 347-418. •^Ju. S. Maslov, Glagol'ny.j v i d v sovremennom bolgarskom jazyke. Avto- r e f e r a t doktorskoj d i s s e r t a c i i , Leningrad, 1957; Avilova, op. c i t . , pp. 259-316. 3 5 F o r s y t h , pp. 20-56. ^Townsend, op. c i t . , p. 118. 37 Avilova, op. c i t . , pp. 21-22. 17 3 8 F o r s y t h , p. 35. Cf. Isacenko, p. 365: "In r e a l i t y we are here dealing with various s u b l e x i c a l categories (mostly with r e s u l t a t i v e meaning), which, however, may not simply be equated with the true aspectual meaning." 4 0 I b i d . , p. 394. 4 ^ I b i d . , p. 386. Cf., however, A. V. Bondarko, "Glagol'nyj v i d i s l o -v a r i , " Sovremennaja russkaja l e k s i k o g r a f i j a , Leningrad, 1975, p. 54: Re-s u l t a t i v e meaning can e x i s t i n simplex imperfective verbs when they are used to convey r e p e t i t i v e action. The difference,uthen, according to Bon-darko, between simplex imperfectives and p r e f i x a l p e r f e c t i v e s i s not that r e s u l t a t i v e meaning i s lacking i n the simplex, as Isacenko suggests, but thatCthe p e r f e c t i v e verb i s s p e c i f i c a l l y marked for r e s u l t a t i v e meaning, while the simplex i s not. 4^v. v. Vinogradov, Russkij jazyk'.(grammatic'eskoe ugenie o slove), Moscow-Leningrad, 1947, p. 487, c i t e d by Avilova, op. c i t . , p. 24. 4-^Avilova, op. c i t . , p. 22. 4 4 C f . i b i d . , pp. 159-162. 4 ^ J u . S. Maslov, "Glagol'nyj v i d v sovremennom bolgarskom literaturnom jazyke. (Znacenie i upotreblenie)," Voprosy grammatiki bolgarskogo l i t e r a - turnogo jazyka, Moscow, 1959, p. 181. 4 ^ A v i l o v a , op. c i t . , p. 33. 4 7 F o r s y t h , p. 39. 4^Bondarko, p. 42. 49 Forsyth, p. 41. "^Townsend, op. c i t . , p. 121. -'•'-Cf. Isacenko, p. 404, and Avilova, op. c i t . , p. 212. 18 CHAPTER II The Verbal Prefixes and Their Meanings In t h i s chapter we s h a l l survey the various l e x i c a l meanings of cer-t a i n Russian verbal p r e f i x e s . In a l l , twenty-four verbal prefixes occur.^ These are do-, i z - | ( i s - , i z o - ) , nad-, (nado-), nedo-, n i z - ( n i s - , n i z o - ) , o- (ob-, obo-), obez- (obes-), ot- (oto-), pere-, po-, pod- (podo-), pre-, pred- (predo-), p r i - , pro-, raz- (ras-, razo-), s_- (so-), u-, v- (vo-), voz- (vos-, vozo-), vy-, vz- (vs-, vzo-), and za-. However, we s h a l l r e -view only those prefixes which are defined i n Russian aspectology as aspect-formative prefixes ( i . e . , prefixes capable of functioning i n a "purely aspectual" capacity; see 1.4). Therefore, we s h a l l exclude from our survey of p r e f i x meanings the prefixes do-, nad-, nedo-, obez-, pre-, pred-, and v-, which are not instrumental i n the formation of aspectual p a i r s . No verb bearing any one of these eight prefixes may be posited as the aspectual partner of a corresponding basic verb. In a l l instances, the addition of any one of these prefixes to a simplex verb r e s u l t s i n a d e f i -o n i t e l e x i c a l change. For t h i s reason, only the remaining sixteen Russian verbal prefixes w i l l be of i n t e r e s t to us i n the analysis of p r e f i x a l per-f e c t i v i z a t i o n . I t should be noted that the number of meanings said to belong to any p a r t i c u l a r p r e f i x cannot be considered d e f i n i t i v e . In many cases, c e r t a i n p r e f i x meanings may be considered independent of each other or as d i f f e r e n t "nuances" (e.g., concrete, abstract, f i g u r a t i v e ) or extensions of one gene-r a l meaning. Thus, differences i n the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of p r e f i x meanings lead to d i f f e r e n t "meaning counts" i n various aspectological reference works. Moreover, as Townsend (1975) has pointed out, 19 most verbal prefixes have primary meanings of a ph y s i c a l , d i r e c t i o n a l , or s p a t i a l nature, often close to the meanings of the prepositions,;to which they are h i s t o r i c a l l y r e l a t e d (except for vz/ (voz) , yy_, n i z / , pere(pre), and raz/, a l l the verbal prefixes have corresponding p r e p o s i t i o n s ) . Besides these primary meanings, however, many prefixes have one or, i n some cases, several ab-s t r a c t meanings, whose connection with the p r i -mary sense may vary from obvious or remote to unestablishable. 3 Therefore, i n the following sections of t h i s chapter, s p e c i f i c , more or l e s s r e l a t e d prefix;..meanings have, wherever possible, been grouped under more general headings. Unless otherwise noted, a l l meanings of the verbal prefixes given i n th i s chapter may be found i n the Academy Grammar, pp. 576-602. 2.1. The P r e f i x i z - ( i s - , izo-) The p r e f i x i z - s i g n i f i e s thoroughness, i n t e n s i t y , as w e l l as d i r e c t i o n outward from within. These basic meanings may be s p e c i f i e d as follows. INTENSITY OR THOROUGHNESS 2.1.1. The action encompasses a whole area or surface, or extends i n a l l d i r e c t i o n s or to an object i n i t s e n t i r e t y . i s k o l e s i t ' (vsju okrugu) i s k r o s i t ' (xleb) i s p i s a t ' (vsju bumagu) ispolosovat' (arestanta) i s x o d i t ' (ves' les) izbegat' (ves' gorod) i z b o r o z d i t 1 (vse pole) i z " e z d i t ' (vsju stranu) run/travel a l l over (the whole d i s -t r i c t ) crumble (the bread) completely cover ( a l l the paper) with w r i t i n g f l o g (a con v i c t ) ; "cover" with welts (polosy) walk/go a l l over/about (the woods) run a l l over (town) furrow, plough up (the whole f i e l d ) t r a v e l a l l over (the country) izodrat' (bumagu) tear (paper) to pieces i z r e S e t i t ' (puljami) r i d d l e (with b u l l e t s ) 2.1.2. The action attains to an extreme degree or l i m i t and i s often characterized by the intense exertion of force. izmocalit' exhaust, wear out completely Rabota ego i z m o c a l i l a . The work wore him out completely. izmuc'it' (zakljuce'nnyx) torment, harass (prisoners) izrugat' (rebe'nka) scold (a child ) thoroughly izzjabnut' (v doroge) be c h i l l e d , frozen through (on the road) 2.1.3. Using up, complete expenditure. i s k r o i t ' (materiju) cut out a l l (the material) i s p i s a t ' (vse c e r n i l a ) use up ( a l l the ink) by w r i t i n g issoxnut' dry up (completely) Reki sovsem i s s o x l i . The r i v e r s have dried up com-p l e t e l y . i s s u S i t ' dry up, desiccate Palja§£ee solnce i s s u s i l o bolota. The scorching sun dried up the swamps. i z r e z a t ' (materiju) cut up a l l (the material) into pieces i z r u b i t ' (mjaso na kotlety) chop up (meat into c u t l e t s ) ACTION DIRECTED OUTWARD FROM WITHIN 2.1.4. Verbs prefixed by i z - often s i g n i f y action directed outward from within. I z- may also s i g n i f y withdrawal, extraction of part of a whole either i n abstract or i n concrete senses. i z b r a t ' (delegatov) e l e c t (delegates) izgnat' ( i z goroda) expel (from the c i t y ) i z l u c i t ' (svet) ( i r ) r a d i a t e ( l i g h t ) i z o j t i ( i z predposylki) proceed (from a supposition) 2.1.5. From among the verbs l i s t e d above, the following are c i t e d by various l e x i c o l o g i c a l reference works as aspectual partners of the corres-ponding basic verbs from which they are formed (for the p a r t i c u l a r denota-tions given): ( k r o s i t ' ) - i s k r o S i t ' 4 ( b o r o z d i t ' ) - i z b o r o z d i t ' ^ (polosovat')-ispolosovat'^ (mucit')-izmucit' 7 (rugat')-izrugat' 2.2. The P r e f i x na-The p r e f i x na- has several concrete meanings corresponding more or le s s to the preposition na-, as well as abstract meanings of accumulation and thoroughness/excessiveness. COLLISION, SUPERIMPOSITION, ACTION OCCURRING ON A SURFACE 2.2.1. C o l l i d i n g . nabezat' (na p r e p j a t s t v i e ) run up against, run into (an ob-stacle) naexat' (na kamen') drive up against; h i t / s t r i k e against (a stone) while r i d i n g / d r i v i n g naletet' (na stolb) f l y against (a post) 2.2.2. Superimposition, putting on or over. n a k l e i t ' (marku na konvert) glue (a stamp on an envelope) n a l e p i t ' (kartinku na stenu) paste (a p i c t u r e on the wall) nasaxarit' (pecen'je) sugar, put sugar on ( b i s c u i t s ) n a s i t ' (kruzeva na vorotnik) sew (lace on a c o l l a r ) 2.2.3. R e a l i z a t i o n or manifestation on a surface. Verbs i n t h i s category are i n t r a n s i t i v e . nakipet' form by b o i l i n g 22 Pena nakipela na supe. namerznut' Na ste'klax name'rz led, n a r a s t i Foam formed on the (surface of the) b o i l i n g soup. freeze (up) on Ice froze up on the glass. grow on; form by growing Moss grew/formed on the stones. Mox naros na kamnjax. PARTITIVE-CUMULATIVE SUBLEXICAL MEANING9 2.2.4. The action extends to a considerable or i n d e f i n i t e quantity; accumulation. nagrabit' (mnogo ve£cej) n a k l e i t ' (koroboEek) nakupit' (knig) nanosit' (vody) napec' (pirozkov) n a p i l i t ' (drov) narvat' (cvetov) navorovat' (deneg) navozit' (dosok) n a z a r i t ' (kotlet) amass (many things) by robbery/plun-der paste (a number of boxes) buy up (books) bring/carry (a quantity of water) bake up (a quantity of pies) saw up (a quantity of firewood) gather (by plucking) (flowers) accumulate (money) by s t e a l i n g cart/carry (a quantity of boards) roast (cutlets) i n quantity THOROUGHNESS, EXCESSIVENESS 2.2.5. The p r e f i x na- may s i g n i f y that the action of the basic verb i s performed thoroughly or to excess. n a s o l i t ' (sup) s a l t (soup), put much s a l t ( i n soup) nastudit' (komnatu) l e t too much cold (into the room) nateret' (pol) p o l i s h (the f l o o r ) thoroughly n a t o p i t 1 (pec') heat up (the stove), heat thoroughly 2.2. 6. Occasionally na- i s considered by aspectologists to have a 23 purely aspectual or subsumed l e x i c a l meaning, r e s u l t i n g i n an aspectual partner to the corresponding basic verb. ( b e l i t ' ) - n a b e l i t ' ^ ( l i c o ) whiten (one's face) (pecatat')-napecatat'^ ^ (knigu) p r i n t (a book) 1 9 (pisat')-napisat' (pis'mo) write (a l e t t e r ) 13 (pudrit')-napudrit' (nos) powder (one's nose) ( r i s o v a t ' ) - n a r i s o v a t ' ^ 4 (kartinu) draw (a picture) 2.3. The P r e f i x o- (ob-, obo-) Insofar as the p r e f i x o- i s instrumental i n the formation of perfec-t i v e verbs from basic imperfective verbs, i t has the following meanings: 1) movement round; 2) surpassing; 3) deceiving; 4) overdoing; 5) removing extraneous parts; 6) r e s u l t . Under the general heading "movement round," we may i d e n t i f y the f o l -lowing s p e c i f i c meanings: a) motion or conveyance of one object about an-other; b) circumventing, avoiding, bypassing; c) encompassing, surrounding; d) wrapping around, covering; e) passing around, moving round from point to point, pervading.'''"' ACTION DIRECTED AROUND SOME OBJECT OR SPACE 2.3.1. Moving or conveying something around an object or space. o(b)bezat' (trek; vokrug treka) run around (the track) ob"exat' (vokrug goroda) drive around (the c i t y ) obletet' (vokrug aeroporta) f l y around, c i r c l e about/over (the air p o r t ) obnesti (krest vokrug cerkvi) carry (the cross) around (the church) o b o j t i (park) walk around (the park) obvezti (detej vokrug poljany) take/drive (the children) round/ 24 2.3.2. Bypassing, circumventing. ob"exat' My s v e r n u l i v storonu, ctoby ob"-exat' leza v s i e na p u t i bolota. obnesti Menja obnesli vinom. obognut' (jamu) oboj t i V l e s my ne idem, obojdem ego storonoj. 2.3.3. Surrounding, encompassing. obgorodit' (sad) obnesti (sad izgorod'ju) obsadit' (plos'c'adku kustami) o b s i t ' (tes'moj) obvesti (stenami) obvjazat' (platok kruzevom) along the periphery of (the meadow) drive around, bypass We turned o f f to the side i n order to bypass the swamps on the way. pass by, leave out ( i n serving some-thing) They passed me by in/when serving the wine. go round, s k i r t (a hole i n the ground) walk/go round We are not going into the woods; we'll walk around them. fence i n , put a fence around (a garden) enclose (a garden i n s i d e a fence/ hedge) set with plants; plant (a square with shrubs) trim, sew around (with ribbon) w a l l ( i n ) , immure envelop, border (a handkerchief with lace) 2.3.4. Wrapping around, covering. o b i t ' (dver' vojlokom) cover (a door with f e l t ) o b l e p i t ' (stenu ob"javlenijami) okovat' (sunduk zelezom) o p l e s t i (butyl' solomoj) cover (a wall with notices) by pasting/plastering bind (a chest with iron) entwine, braid (a b o t t l e with straw); wicker (a bo t t l e ) 2.3.5. Passing round, moving round from point to point, pervading. obegat' (vse kontory) ob"ezdit' (ves' svet) o b s a r i t ' (ves' dom) o d e l i t ' (vsex detej igruskami) oprosit' (partizan) run around (to a l l the o f f i c e s ) t r a v e l (the whole world) over ransack, rummage through (the whole house) present ( a l l the children) with (toys); d i s t r i b u t e (toys) among ( a l l the children) interrogate, cross-examine (the par-tisans) SURPASSING, OUTDOING 2.3.6. The meaning of surpassing, overtaking, or outdoing i s found i n a few verbs prefixed with o-. obognat' (vsex sopernikov) pass, outdistance ( a l l opponents) obygrat' (v futbol) play better than, outdo, defeat ( i n fo o t b a l l ) DECEIVING 2.3.7. One s p e c i f i c meaning of the p r e f i x o- i s that of short-changing, cheating i n weighing or measuring. obmerit' Izvozcikov ovsom obmeril. o b s c i t a t ' (pokupatelja) obvesit' Kupec ob v e s i l pokupatelja. cheat i n measuring, give short mea-sure to He cheated the draymentin mea-suring out the oats. short-change (a customer), cheat i n counting cheat i n weighing, give f a l s e / s h o r t weight to The merchant gave the customers short weight. OVERDOING 2.3.8. In a few instances, the addition of the p r e f i x o_- s i g n i f i e s overdoing. obkormit' (rebenka) overfeed (a child ) opoit' (skot) give ( c a t t l e ) too much to REMOVAL OF EXTRANEOUS PARTS 2.3. 9. Removing, tearing, rending, cutt i n g away. obglodat' ( k o s t ' ) 1 6 pick, gnaw around (a bone) obkusat' (jabloko) b i t e around (an apple) oblomat 1 (sucki) break o ff (twigs) oblupit' (jajco) peel, s h e l l (an egg) obodrat' (kozu) r i p / t e a r o f f (skin), f l a y obrezat' (krylMa) trim, prune; c l i p (wings) obrubit' (vetvi) chop o f f (branches) o c i s t i t ' ( a p e l 1 s i n ) peel (an orange) RESULT 2.3.10. Occasionally the addition of the p r e f i x o- to a simplex does not change the simplex verb's l e x i c a l meaning. In such instances, some l e x i c o l o g i s t s adduce a " r e s u l t a t i v e meaning" which permits the simplex and the p r e f i x a l verb to be paired aspectually. (naglet')-obnaglet' 1 7 (bogatet')-obogatet' 1 8 (gloxnut')-ogloxnut'^ 9 ( r o b e t ') - o r o b e t ' 2 0 ( s i p n u t ' ) - o s i p n u t 1 2 ^ 22 ( s i r o t e t ' ) - o s i r o t e t ' 2 3 (slepnut')-oslepnut' (smelet')-osmelet' 2 4 (vdovet')-ovdovet' 2^ be(come) impudent/insolent grow r i c h grow deaf be(come) timid grow hoarse become an orphan; lose one's parents grow b l i n d grow bold/brave become a widow(er) 2.3.11. From among the verbs prefixed with o- (ob-, obo-) i n the 27 foregoing examples, the following i s also c i t e d i n l e x i c o l o g i c a l reference works as the aspectual partner of i t s corresponding simplex verb: ,26 ( l u p i t ' ) - o b l u p i t ' peel, s h e l l 2.4. The P r e f i x o t - (oto-) The meanings of the p r e f i x o t- may be generally described as d i r e c t i o n 2 7 of the action away (corresponding to the preposition crt ), and completion 28 combined with a consequent discontinuance of an action ( f i n i s h i n g ) . The meaning " d i r e c t i o n of the action away (from something)" encompasses s p e c i -f i c concrete as well as abstract notions: a) movement aside or a l i m i t e d distance away; b) disengaging, removal; c) removal or consumption of some portion of an object; d) disengagement from some a c t i v i t y . DIRECTION AWAY FROM SOMETHING 2.4.1. Movement away, to one side, usually a l i m i t e d distance. otbezat' Deti o t b e z a l i ot doma. ot"exat' (ot oboc'iny) otoj t i (ot tol'ko cto okrasennoj steny) o t p l y t ' (ot nabereznoj) o t p o l z t i Rebenbk otpolz ot otca. o t t a s c i t ' (sunduk ot steny) o t v e s t i (malysej v de t s k i j sad) run off/away The c h i l d r e n ran away from the house. drive off/away (from the curb) walk away (from a f r e s h l y painted wall) swim/sail off/away {from the quay) crawl away The c h i l d crawled away from i t s father. drag/pull aside/away (the chest from the wall) take (the infants down to the kin-.v. dergarten) 2.4.2. Disengaging, removing, undoing. o t k l e i t ' (marku ot konverta) unglue (a stamp from an envelope) 28 otkolot' (bro§ku ot vorotnika) ot vine, i t ' (krys"ku ot banki) otvjazat' (losad') unpin (a brooch from a c o l l a r ) unscrew (the l i d from a t i n ) untie, unfasten, unhitch (a horse) 2.4.3. Removal or consumption of some portion of a whole. o t b i t ' (nosik u cajnika) ot"est' Mysi o t " e l i korku ot xleba. otgryzt' (nrjaso ot kos t i ) o t k u s i t ' (kusok xleba) o t l i t ' (nemnogo vody) otodrat' (stukaturku) o t p i t ' (polrjumki) strike/break (the spout) o ff (a tea-pot) eat away/off Mice have eaten the crust off the bread. gnaw away/off (meat from the bone) b i t e o f f (a piece of bread) pour o f f (a l i t t l e milk) tear away/off (plaster) drink o f f (half a glass of wine) 2.4.4. D i s i n c l i n a t i o n , disengagement from an a c t i v i t y . otgovorit' (ot zlogo namerenija) dissuade (from bad intent) o t k l o n i t ' (pros'bu) deny (a request) otsovetovat' (ot poezdki) dissuade, advise against (a t r i p ) o t u c i t ' (kogo-libo k u r i t ' ) break (someone) of a (smoking) habit FINITIVE MEANING 2.4.5. F i n i s h i n g . o t dezurit' Staruxa o t d e z u r i l a v dva casa. otobedat 1 Gosti uze otobedali. o t s i d e t ' (desjat' l e t v t.jur'me) o t s l u z i t ' ( v a r m i i ) come o f f duty; f i n i s h one's duty s h i f t The old woman came o f f duty at two o'clock. f i n i s h dinner The guests have already f i n i s h e d (having) dinner. f i n i s h serving (ten years i n prison) f i n i s h serving (in the army) Qtsumet' s t o p / f i n i s h making noise L i s t ' j a otsumeli. The leaves have stopped r u s t l i n g . 2.4.6. The following verbs prefixed with ot- are posited by aspecto-l o g i s t s as aspectual partners of the corresponding simplex verbs: 29 (mstit')-otomstit' (soperniku za take revenge on (one s r i v a l for an obidu) i n s u l t ) 30 (prazdnovat')-otprazdnovat' ( j u - celebrate (a j u b i l e e ) bile.1) Whatever meaning there i s i n the p r e f i x of the above verbs, i t i s ob-scured i n the present-day language (A f i n i t i v e s u b l e x i c a l meaning may, how-ever, s t i l l be somewhat d i s c e r n i b l e . See discussion i n 3.1.1.). The same may be said of the following vernacular verbs, also c i t e d as aspectual, part ners by various l e x i c o l o g i c a l reference works: 31 (dubasit')-otdubasit' cudgel (kolosmatit' )-otkolosmatit' 3 2 beat, thrash 33 ( l u p i t ' ) - o t l u p i t ' thrash 34 (lupcevat')-otlupcevat' beat, whip 3S ( t u z i t ' )-ottuzit'"^- J beat, s t r i k e Other verbs i d e n t i f i a b l e as aspectual partners, i n which the p r e f i x ot- may be discerned as bearing one of the meanings itemized above, are: ( c e k a n i t ' ) - o t c e k a n i t ' ( s l o v a ) separate, d i s t i n g u i s h between (one's words): enunciate 37 (cerenkovat')-otcerenkovat' g r a f t , take a cutti n g of (a plant) 38 ( r y t ' ) - o t r y t ' (kartofel') dig up, unearth (potatoes) 2.5. The P r e f i x pere-The basic meaning of the p r e f i x pere- may be described as the manifes-t a t i o n of an action (expressed by the verb base) through, across, over or beyond an object or space. This basic meaning i s to be construed as a 30 generalization of s p e c i f i c meanings, some more or l e s s concrete or abstract than others. In addition to these meanings, pere- may also express the meaning of "re-doing, remaking," or action performed anew. TRANSFERENCE 2.5.1. Movement across or over. perebezat' (cerez dorogu) perej t i (ulicu) p e r e letet' Samolet p e r e l e t e l cerez gory. pereplyt' (okean) peresagnut' (porog; cerez porog) run across (the road) walk across (the street) f l y across/over The airplane flew over the moun-tains . swim across, s a i l across (the ocean) step through/across (the threshold) 2.5.2. Transferring, moving from place to place. peregruzit' (s poezda na paroxod) perekocevat' (s mesta na mesto) p e r e s e l i t ' (ljudej i z gorodov v derevnju) per e s t a v i t ' (mebel') load (from a t r a i n onto a ship) ; transship migrate (from one place to another) r e s e t t l e (people from the c i t i e s to the countryside) move, s h i f t , rearrange (furniture) 2.5.3. Thoroughness, pervasiveness 39 peremerznut' Reb.jata pereme'rzli v p u t i . pereterpet' Mnogo p e r e t e r p e l i v s t a r o s t i . perezjabnut' D e t i p e r e z j a b l i v snegu. get frozen through The ch i l d r e n got frozen through on the way. su f f e r a l o t They suffered through a l o t i n t h e i r o l d age. get c h i l l e d through The c h i l d r e n got c h i l l e d through i n the snow. 2.5.4. D i v i s i o n i n two, as a r e s u l t of f o r c e f u l penetration. peregryzt' (kost') perekusit' P r i s i v pugovicy, portnixa pere-k u s i l a n i t k u . p e r e p i l i t ' (brevno) pererezat' (vere'vku) peresec' (zerd' udarom topora) gnaw through (a bone) b i t e through Having sewn on the buttons, the seamstress b i t through (or, o f f ) the thread. saw i n two, saw through (a log) cut (a piece of string) i n two chop through, hack through (a stake with a blow of the axe) 2.5.5. The action i s performed on a se r i e s of l i k e objects i n suc-cession. peregljadet' (vse portrety) peremetit' (ovec) peremorit' (krys) peremyt' (poly) p e r e p o r t i t ' (vse ple'nki) pereslusat' (pesni) 2.5.6. The action pervades a period of time perenocevat' look at ( a l l the p o r t r a i t s ) brand (sheep) one a f t e r the other exterminate (rats) wash ( a l l the f l o o r s ) s p o i l ( a l l the film) (one exposure a f t e r another) listen:.to (songs) i n succession spend the night; stay the night (through) perezdat' (grozu) perezimovat wait out, wait.-through (the storm) spend the winter; hibernate EXCEEDING LIMITS OR BOUNDS 2.5.7. The action exceeds or transcends habitual l i m i t s or bounds. p e r e o c e n i t V ( s v o i s i l y ) overestimate (one's strength) p e r e p l a t i t ' (za pokupki) overpay, pay too much (for pur-chases) p e r e s o l i t ' (sup) put too much s a l t into (soup) 32 p e r e z a r i t ' (mjaso) over-do, over-roast (meat) 2.5.8. With a very few verbs, the meaning "surpassing, outdoing" oc-curs . perekricat' shout down, shout louder than On vsex p e r e k r i c a l . He drowned everyone out with h i s shouting. RE-DOING, MAKING ANEW 2.5.9. The action i s performed again, anew. pe r e c i t a t ' (gazetu) re-read (the newspaper) perekrasit' (stenu) r e - c o l o r , re-paint (a wall) perepaxat' (pole) plough (a f i e l d ) over pererabotat' (stat'ju) re-work (an a r t i c l e ) p e r e s t r o i t ' (dom) r e - b u i l d (a house) 2.5.10. From among the verbs l i s t e d above, the following have been posited by c e r t a i n scholars as p e r f e c t i v e aspectual partners of the corres-ponding basic verbs: (nocevat')-perenocevat'^ (zimovat')-perezimovat'^ 2.6. The P r e f i x po-The p r e f i x po-, when added to basic imperfective verbs, transforming them thereby into p e r f e c t i v e verbs, has several meanings: 1) manifestation of the action to a minor degree; 2) beginning, s e t t i n g out; 3) action c a r r i e d out by each of several agents or on each of several objects; 4) r e -s u l t . ATTENUATION 2.6.1. Po- often imparts to the denotation of basic verbs the added meaning "somewhat," " s l i g h t l y , " " f o r a while." 33 pobegat' (po treku) run a while, have a run (around the track) pobesedovat' have a l i t t l e t a l k U c i t e l ' n i c a pobesedovala s The teacher had a l i t t l e t a l k with r o d i t e l j a m i . the parents. pogul.jat' (po sadu) take a s t r o l l (about the garden) podremat' (posle obeda) have a nap, doze a while (after dinner) pomolcat' (minutu) be/remain s i l e n t (for a minute) porabotat' do some work, work a while Xotja ja bolen, postarajus' Although I'm i l l , I ' l l t r y to do porabotat' segodnja. some work today. poxodit' (po dvoru) walk a b i t (about the yard) BEGINNING, SETTING OUT 2.6.2. Po-, i n conjunction with verbs denoting motion or a mental state of f e e l i n g , s i g n i f i e s "beginning, s e t t i n g out." pobezat' (k domu) set o f f running (towards the house) pocuvstvovat' (xolod) begin to f e e l (the cold) polezt' (na cerdak) s t a r t climbing up (to the a t t i c ) p o l e tet' (na Kavkaz) set out (for the Caucasus) i n an airplane poplyt' (v Ameriku) s a i l (to America), set s a i l (for America) DISTRIBUTION OF THE ACTION 2.6.3. The p r e f i x po- may i n d i c a t e that the action i s performed by each of several or more agents or on each of several or more objects. pobrosat' throw (one a f t e r another) Rebenok vse v e s c i pobrosal. The c h i l d threw a l l the things about (one thing a f t e r another). p o d e l i t ' share, divide 34 Lug b y l podelen mezdu neskol'kimi dvorami. popadat' L i s t ' j a s derev'ev popadali. The meadowland was divided between several households (shared by each of several households). f a l l (one by one) The leaves had one by one f a l l e n from the trees. RESULT 2.6.4. In numerous instances the p r e f i x po- i s considered by lexico-l o g i s t s e i t h e r to impart a r e s u l t a t i v e meaning or to impart no meaning at a l l , besides that of the pe r f e c t i v e aspect, to the simplex verb. poblagodarit' (kogo-nibud') p o b r i t ' Etot parikmaxer ploxo p o b r i l menja. pddarit' (detjam i g r u s k i ) pomyt' ( l i c o ) poobedat' (v cas) poprobovat' (svoi s i l y ) popytat'sja ( n a j t i rabotu) poradovat' Ona poradovala ego rozdeniem syha. porekomendovat' (komu-libo posoveto- v a t ' s j a s doktorom) posmotret' (fil'm) p o s t r o i t ' (dom) potrebovat' (otvet) p o t u s i t ' (svet) pouzinat' (v vosem' casov) poxoronit' (pokojnika) thank (someone) shave, give a shave That barber gave me a bad shave. present as a g i f t , give (the c h i l -dren toys) wash (one's face) dine, have dinner (at one o'clock) try (one's strength) t r y , make an attempt (to f i n d work) gladden, make happy She gladdened him with the b i r t h of a son. recommend, advise (someone to con-s u l t a doctor) see (a film) b u i l d (a house) demand (a reply) extinguish, put out (the l i g h t ) have supper (at eight o'clock) bury, i n t e r (the deceased) 35 2.6.5. The following verbs, c i t e d above, have been c i t e d i n reference works as aspectual partners of the corresponding basic verbs ( i n the con-texts given) : (blagodarit')-poblagodarit ( b r i t ' ) - p o b r i t ' 4 3 44 (d a r i t ' ) - p o d a r i t ' 45 ( d e l i t ' ) - p o d e l i t ' ,42 (myt')-pomyt ,46 (obedat')-poobedat' 47 (probovat')-poprobovat ,48 (pytat's j a)-popytat'sj a 49 (radovat')-poradovat ,50 (rekomendovat')-porekomendovat' 52 (smotret')-posmotret' 51 (sovetovat')-posovetovat ( s t r o i t ' ) - p o s t r o i t ' ,53 (trebovat')-potrebovat ,55 ,-.,56 ( t u s i t ' ) - p o t u s i t (uzinat')-pouzinat ,57 (xoronit')-poxoronit .58 2.7. The P r e f i x pod- (podo-) The p r e f i x pod- has various meanings i n conjunction with basic verbs which i t serves to p e r f e c t i v i z e . These meanings are more or l e s s indepen-dent of each other and cannot be conveniently grouped together under any si n g l e general heading. S p e c i f i c meanings are: 1) action directed under-neath; 2) ac t i o n directed upwards, or from underneath; 3) approaching; 4) supplementing; 5) l i m i t i n g the extent or purpose of the action; 6) f u r -tiveness. 2.7.1. Action directed underneath. podbit' (podosvu k sapogam) podkopat' (korni dereva) podkosit' (travu pod samyj koren') n a i l (a sole to [the bottom of] boots) dig beneath (tree roots) cut/mow (grass) down (to the very roots) podkovat' (losad') shoe (a horse) 36 podpolztl (pod brevno) podsit' (vatu pod pal'to) crawl under (a log) sew (cotton wool) on the underside (or, inside) (of a coat) 2.7.2. Action directed upwards, or from underneath. podobrat' (rassypannye jagody s zemli) pick up, gather up (scattered b e r r i e s off the ground) podorvat' (most dinamitom) blow up (a bridge with dynamite) 2.7.3. Approaching, drawing near. podbezat' (k komu-libo) pododvinut' (partu k doske) podoj t i Poezd podosel k s t a n d i . podplyt' (k nabereznoj) podtascit' (mesok k dveri) 2.7.4. Supplementing, adding. podboltat' (muki) p o d l i t ' (vody v grafin) podmesat' (esce drov v pec') podsypat' ( s o l ' v sup) run up to (someone) move/push (a school desk) up to (the blackboard) come up to, ^ .approach The t r a i n has approached the s t a -t i o n . swim/sail up to, approach (the quay) by swimming/sailing drag (the sack) up to (the door) mix i n , add (fl o u r ) add (water to the pitcher) throw, add (some more wood to the f i r e ) s p r i n k l e i n , add ( s a l t to the soup) 2.7.5. Li m i t i n g the extent or purpose of the action. podcitat' (koe-cto o russkoj l i t e r a - read up on (Russian l i t e r a t u r e ) ture) podgoret' P i r o g i podgoreli. podkrasit' (zabor) burn s l i g h t l y The pies have burnt s l i g h t l y . c olor/paint s l i g h t l y , touch up (a fence) p o d l e c i t ' (bol'nogo) treat (a patient) 37 po d s i n i t ' (bel'e) blue, apply blueing to (linen) podtajat' thaw/melt somewhat Sneg podtajal. The snow has melted somewhat. 2.7.6. Furtiveness. podgljadet' (za inostrancem) peek; spy.on, watch (a foreigner) podkaraulit 1 be on the watch f o r , l i e i n wait for Qxotnik podkaraulil utok. The hunter lay i n wait for the ducks. podslusat' (besedu) overhear, eavesdrop on (the discus-sion) podstroit' (neprijatnoe delo) contrive, p l o t (an unpleasant matter) 2.7.7. From among the p e r f e c t i v e verbs c i t e d above, the following are c i t e d by some reference works as aspectual partners of the basic verbs from which they are formed (for the s p e c i f i c denotations described above): (kovat')-podkovat'^ ( s i n i t ' ) - p o d s i n i t ' ^ 2.8. The P r e f i x p r i -This p r e f i x may be said to have the following general meanings: 1) convergence; 2) augmenting; and 3) moderation. The f i r s t of these meanings, convergence, may be further subdivided into several more s p e c i f i c meanings: a) a r r i v a l ; b) attaching, or bringing into contact; c) f i g u r a t i v e notions of convergence, such as r e c o n c i l i n g , appearing unto. CONVERGENCE 2.8.1. Verbs of motion i n conjunction with the p r e f i x p r i - s i g n i f y a r r i v a l . pribezat' come running Ona pribezala ko mne so svoimi zalobami. p r i b l i z i t ' s j a (k s t a n d i ) p r i j t i (na vecerinku) p r i l e t e t ' (v gorod samoletom) p r i n e s t i (detjam podarki) p r i p l y t ' (k beregu) She came (running) to me with her complaints-.-approach, draw up to (the station) come (to the party) a r r i v e (by plane i n the c i t y ) bring (presents to / f o r the children) a r r i v e by swimming/sailing; reach (the shore) 2.8.2. Attaching, bringing into contact p r i k l e i t ' (marku k konvertu) p r i k r e p i t ' (detskij sad k bol'nice) p r i l ' n u t ' (k materi) primazat' ( a f i s i k stene) primerznut' Sneg primerz k sapogam. p r i p a j a t ' (provolocku k televizoru) prisoxnut' Krov' p r i s o x l a k povjazke. p r i s t a t ' L i s t ' j a p r i s t a l i k kryse. prisvartovat', (k beregu) s t i c k (a stamp) to/onto (an enve-lope) attach (a kindergarten) to (the hos-p i t a l ) c l i n g to (one's mother) p l a s t e r (posters on the wall) freeze to Snow froze to the boots. solder (a wire) to (the t e l e v i s i o n set) adhere ( i n drying) to, s t i c k to, dry on Blood dried on the bandage, s t i c k to The leaves stuck to the roof, moor (to the shore) 2.8.3. In the following verbs, the p r e f i x p r i - bears a notion of con-fi 1 vergence or a r r i v i n g i n a s t r i c t l y abstract sense; appearing, seeming. p r i c u d i t ' s j a be (apparently) perceived; seem Emu p r i c u d i l s j a stuk. He seemed to hear a knock. / I t seemed to him that he heard a knock. 39 p r i g r e z i t ' s j a Mne p r i g r e z i l o s ' moe detstvo. p r i m i r i t ' Bol^saja zarplata p r i m i r i l a ego s neprijatnymi uslovijami raboty. p r i s n i t ' s j a Rebe'nku p r i s n i l o s ' cto-to stralnoe. p r i v i d e t ' s j a Emu p r i v i d e l s j a neprijatnyj son. p r l z v a t ' (na pomosc'; v armiju) appear i n a dream I dreamt about my childhood. r e c o n c i l e A high salary reconciled him to the unpleasant working conditions. come i n a dream '.. The c h i l d dreamt something t e r -rifying.;' / Something t e r r i f y i n g came to the c h i l d i n a dream. appear He had an unpleasant dream. / An unpleasant dream appeared to him. c a l l , summon (for help); e n l i s t ( i n the army) AUGMENTING, MODERATION 2.8.4. Augmenting. p r i k u p i t ' (esce saxaru) primelat 1 (muki v testo) p r i p i s a t ' (neskbl'ko strok) p r i v a r i t ' (esce kasi) 2.8.5. Moderation. pripuxnut' Koleno pripuxlo. p r i t u s i t ' (fary) buy some more (sugar) add, admix (f l o u r to dough) write, add (a few l i n e s ) boil/cook some more (porridge) swell up a l i t t l e The knee has swollen a l i t t l e . p r i t u z i t ' (o neudace) dim (headlights) (as opposed to t u s i t ' 'extinguish') become somewhat saddened (at/by the f a i l u r e ) 2.8.6. From the verbs c i t e d i n the sections above, the following are given i n various reference works as p e r f e c t i v e aspectual partners to the corresponding non-prefixed verbs (with the s p e c i f i c meanings given): 40 ( b l i z i t ' s j a ) - p r i b l i z i t ' s j a 63 ( c u d i t ' s j a ) - p r i c u d i t ' s j a ( g r e z i t ' s j a ) - p r i g r e z i t ' s j a ( l ' n u t ' ) - p r i l ' n u t ' 6 5 62 64 ( m i r i t ' ) - p r i m i r l t ,66 67 ( s n i t ' s j a ) - p r i s n i t ' s j a ( s v a r t o v a t ' ) - p r l s v a r t o v a t ' ^ 69 (videt'sj a ) - p r i v l d e t ' s j a 2.9. The P r e f i x pro-The meanings of the p r e f i x pro-, i n s o f a r as i t r e l a t e s to the forma-t i o n of p e r f e c t i v e verbs from^basic imperfective verbs, may be summarized as follows: 1) penetration, d i r e c t i o n through an object; 2) thoroughness; 3) passing by, going past; 4) expenditure, l o s s ; 5) error, oversight; 6) perdurative r e s u l t ; 7) terminative r e s u l t . 2.9.1. Penetration, d i r e c t i o n through an object. pr o b i t ' (stenu) progoret' K a s t r j u l j a progorela. progryzt' Mys' progryzla dyru v stene. proest' Moi' proela materiju. prolomit' (led) prorezat' (kozu nozom) prorubit' (okno v stene) prosejat' (skvoz' reseto) p r o t o l k a t ' s j a (£erez tolpu) break through, breach (a wall) burn through The saucepan burned through (the bottom). gnaw through The.mouse gnawed al.hole through the w a l l . eat through, corrode The moth ate through the material. break through (ice) cut through (leather with a knife) hack, cut, hew (a window) through/in (a wall) s i f t through (a sieve) force one's way through (a crowd) 2.9.2. Thorough, extensive performance of an action. 41> prodymit' (komnatu) prokoptit' (steny) promerznut' Detl prome'rzli na u l l c e . promyt' (zeludok) propec' (xleb) p r o s o l i t ' (mjaso) prosuSit ' (zerno) p r o z a r i t ' (rybu na sil'nom ogne) 2.9.3. Passing by, going past. probezat' (mimo doma) proexat' (svoju ostanovku) p r o l e t e t ' (nad tolpoj) promcat'sja (mimo s t a n d i ) proskakat' (pered tribunami) 2.9.4. Expenditure, l o s s . f i l l (the room) completely with smoke; smoke up (the room) permeate with soot, cover (the walls) completely with soot freeze through The c h i l d r e n got frozen through outdoors. knead (dough) thoroughly wash out (the stomach) bake (bread) thoroughly s a l t thoroughly, corn (meat) dry thoroughly, dry out (grain) f r y ( f i s h ) well/thoroughly (over a hot f i r e ) run past (the house) drive/go past, miss (one's stop) f l y (above the crowd) rush past (the station) gallop past (the grandstands) s e l l tooccheaply, undervalue (one's estate) proigrat ' (den'gi v karty) lose (one's money) playing (cards) promotat ' (nasledstvo) squander away (one's inheritance) p r o z i t ' (vse s v o i den'gi) spend, go/run through ( a l l one's 2.9.5. Error, oversight. progadat' (o g ' i x - l i b o namerenijax) money) miscalculate, f a i l to foresee (some-one's intentions) prosmotret' (opecatku) prozevat' (peered') overlook, miss (a typographical error) miss (one's turn) RESULT 2.9.6. Result of an action l i m i t e d to a d e f i n i t e , u sually s p e c i f i e d period of time. This meaning has been l a b e l l e d by aspectologists as "per-durative r e s u l t a t i v e . 1 probegat' (celoe utro) .,70 proboltat' (celyj vecer) probyt' ( t r i nedeli) prodezurit' (ves' den') proezdit' (neskol'ko sutok) progovorit' (celyj cas) proguljat' (vse utro) spend (the e n t i r e morning) running chatter away (the whole evening) spend (three weeks) spend (the whole day) on duty spend (several days and nights) t r a v e l i n g t a l k (the whole hour) spend ( a l l morning) s t r o l l i n g / walking 2.9.7. Result of an action s i g n i f y i n g the termination of a process characterized by the emission of sound or speech. In aspectology t h i s sub-l e x i c a l meaning i s known as "terminative r e s u l t a t i v e ..71 p r o b i t ' Sest casov p r o b i l o . probormotat','; (prokl j a t i e ) promycat' Tele'nok promycal, a potom nacal est' travu. propet' (pesnju) s t r i k e (of a clock) I t has struck s i x o'clock. mutter, mumble (a curse) moo, bellow The c a l f mooed and then began to eat the grass. sing (a song) 2.9.8. The following verbs, which appear above, have been i d e n t i f i e d i n l e x i c o l o g i c a l reference works as p e r f e c t i v e aspectual partners of the corresponding basic verbs (for the s p e c i f i c meanings and contexts given i n 43 the foregoing examples)_ ( b i t ' ) - p r o b i t ' 7 2 (bormotat')-probormotat (motat')-promotat ,75 ,73 (mycat')-promycat' 76 ( d e s e v i t ' ) - p r o d e s e v i t ' 7 4 (pet')-propet ,77 2.10. The P r e f i x raz- (ras-, razo-) The p r e f i x raz-, when added to basic imperfective verbs, may have one of the following l e x i c a l meanings: 1) d i v i s i o n into parts, separation; 2) spreading i n d i f f e r e n t d i r e c t i o n s , d i f f u s i o n ; 3) undoing; 4) thorough-ness, conscientiousness. 2.10.1. Separation, d i v i s i o n into parts. r a s k r e p i t ' (opoki) r a s k r o s i t ' (xleb) rasporot' (rukav) r a z b i t ' (steklo) r a z d e l i t ' (porovnu) razdrobit' (steklo) razgryzt' (orex) razlomat' (xleb na kusocki) razrezat' (arbuz) unfasten, unclasp, p u l l apart (moulds) crumble (bread) r i p apart (a sleeve) along the seam break (glass) to pieces, shatter divide (into equal parts) smash (glass) to pieces crack (a nut) with one's teeth; gnaw apart. break (bread into l i t t l e pieces) cut up, s l i c e (a watermelon) 2.10.2. Spreading, extending i n d i f f e r e n t d i r e c t i o n s , d i s t r i b u t i n g . raskidat' (vesci po komnate) raskv a r t i r o v a t ' (polk) r a s s t a v i t ' ( k n i g i na polke) razbrosat' (navoz) throw (things a l l about the room) d i s t r i b u t e / a l l o c a t e quarters (to/ among the regiment) arrange (books on a shelf) throw about, s c a t t e r , spread (manure) razbryzgat' ( c e r n i l a ) r a z l i t ' (sup po tarelkam) razvesat' (kartiny) 2.10.3. Undoing. raskryt' (paket) raspakovat' (cemodan) rassedlat' (losad') razvjazat' (uzel) razznakomit'sja (s kem) splash about, spray (ink) pour/dish out (soup into plates) hang (pictures) about ( i n various places) undo, open (a package) unpack (a suitcase) unsaddle (a horse) untie (a knot) break off one's acquaintance (with someone) 2.10.4. Thoroughness or conscientiousness. This meaning occurs inj_a considerable number of verbs. A few examples are: rassly§at' Ja vas ne rassly.sal. rassmotret' (kartinu) rastolkovat' (zadacu uceniku) r a s x v a l i t ' (rebe'nka) razgljadet' (neznakomca) razrugat' (sluzascego). hear properly I didn't hear you properly. contemplate, gaze on (a picture) explain (an assignment) i n d e t a i l / c a r e f u l l y (to the pupil) l a v i s h praise upon (a c h i l d ) look at/examine c l o s e l y , s c r u t i n i z e (the stranger) scold (an employee) thoroughly 2.10.5. The following verbs, c i t e d above, are i d e n t i f i e d i n c e r t a i n reference works as p e r f e c t i v e partners of the corresponding basic verbs (for the s p e c i f i c meanings given): 78 80 ( k r o s i t ' ) - r a s k r o s i t ' ( d r o b i t ' ) - r a z d r o b i t ' ( b i t ' ) - r a z b i t ' 7 9 ( d e l i t ' ) - r a z d e l i t ' 8 1 2.11. The P r e f i x s- (so-) The following meanings may be discerned i n the p r e f i x _s- (so-) : 1) d i r e c t i o n downward, or down o f f ; 2) removing or t r a n s f e r r i n g from a sur-face, taking or moving away; 3.) bringing together; 4) r e s u l t . DOWNWARD DIRECTION 2.11.1. D i r e c t i o n downward, or down o f f . sbezat' (s gory) run down (from the mountain) s k a t i t ' s j a (s xolma) r o l l down (the h i l l ) s l e t e t ' (s k r y s i ) f l y down (from the roof) s l e z t ' (s tramvaja) come/get down (from the s t r e e t c a r ) , get o f f (the streetcar) s o j t i (so sceny) get o f f (the stage) s p o l z t i (s dereva) crawl down (a tree) s v e s t i (s les t r i i c y ) take/lead down (the s t a i r s ) REMOVING FROM A SURFACE, MOVING AWAY 2.11.2. Addition of the p r e f i x s- may s i g n i f y removal or transference from a surface, or, i n a few cases, taking/moving away generally. The no-t i o n of "copying," d i s c e r n i b l e i n a few verbs, may be seen as an extension of the meaning "transference from a surface." sbezat' (s raboty) run away (from work) s b r i t ' (borodu) shave o f f (one's beard) s E e r t i t ' (s karty) draw, copy (from a map) sdut' (pepel so s k a t e r t i ) blow (ashes) o f f (a tablecloth) s"exat' (s k v a r t i r y ) leave, move out (of an apartment) skolot' (led s trotuara) s p l i t / c h i p (ice) o f f (the sidewalk) sos k o b l i t ' ( g l i n u s podosvy) scrape ( d i r t ) o f f (the sole) s p i s a t ' (u kogo-nibud' zadacu) copy (an assignment from someone) sr i s o v a t ' (fotografij.u) copy, draw from (a photograph) s r y t ' (bugor) dig away, raze (a mound) st e r e t ' (s l i c a zemli) wipe o f f (the face of the earth) BRINGING TOGETHER 2.11.3. Bringing together, j o i n i n g together. s k l e i t ' ( l i s t y bumagi) skolot' (materiju bulavkoj) s k r e p i t ' (banknoty skrepkami) smesti ( l i s t ' j a v kucu) s l i t ' (kuski materii) stacat' ( k l i n ' j a jubki) svjazat' (kuski verevki) glue together (sheets of paper) fasten (material) together (with a pi n ) , p i n together s t a p l e / c l i p (banknotes) together sweep (leaves) together ( i n a p i l e ) sew together (pieces of material) s t i t c h together (gores of a sk i r t ) ^ t i e (pieces of string) together RESULT 2111.4.. The p r e f i x s_-, i n conjunction with c e r t a i n verb bases, bears a r e s u l t a t i v e meaning. sdelat' (osibku) s f o t o g r a f i r o v a t ' (dostoprimecatel'- nosti) smasterit' (salas) do, make (a mistake) photograph (scenic a t t r a c t i o n s ) make, b u i l d (a hut) grow o l d , reach old age b o i l , cook (borscht) s o s t a r i t s j a s v a r i t ' (borsc) 2.11.5. The following verbs, c i t e d above, are posited by l e x i c o l o -g i c a l reference works as p e r f e c t i v e aspectual partners of the corresponding basic imperfective verbs: (del a t ' ) - s d e l a t ' 82 8 5 ( s t a r i t ' s j a ) - s o s t a r i t ' s j a ( f o t o g r a f i r o v a t ' ) - s f o t o g r a f i r o v a t ' 83 ( s i t ' ) - s s i t ,86 (masterit')-smasterit' 84 * * 87 (tacat ' ) - s t a c a t ' ( v a r i t ' ) - s v a r i t ,88 2.12. The P r e f i x u-The p r e f i x u- may s i g n i f y : 1 away; 2) covering; 3) wearing out; s u i t . 2.12.1. Going or taking away ubezat' ( i z tjur'my) uderzat' (cast' deneg) uexat' ( i z doma) ugnat' (stado na pastbisce) u j t i (s raboty) u l e t e t ' (v Ameriku) unesti ( i g r u s k i i z komnaty) u p o l z t i (ot opasnosti) uta§cit' Volk u t a s E i l ovcu. u z a r i t ' ( z i r bekona) 2.12.2. Covering. u s t a v i t ' ( s t o l bljudami) usypat' (zemlju l i s t ' j a m i ) uvesat' (stenu kartinami) 2.12.3. Wearing out. uezdit' (dorogu; losadej) ukatat' (dorogu) 47 going or taking away, causing to go 4) non-submission, resistance; 5) r e -causing to go away. run away, escape (from prison) deduct, withhold (a part of the money) go away, leave (home) drive away, drive (the herd) out (to pasture) walk away, leave (work) f l y away/off (to America), leave on a plane (for America) carry away, cl e a r (the toys out of the room) crawl away (from the danger) drag, haul away A wolf has c a r r i e d o f f the sheep, f r y away (bacon f a t ) cover (the table with dishes) strew (the ground with leaves) cover, hang (the wa l l with pictures) wear out (the road) by d r i v i n g ; wear out (horses) by r i d i n g wear (a road) down (by frequent : . traveling) 48 2.12.4. Non-submission, resistance. uberec' (subu ot moli) uderzat' (svoi prava) guard/protect (a fur coat against moths) hold on to, not l e t go of (one's ri g h t s ) ustojat' (pered opasnost'ju) face, r e s i s t (danger) 2.12.5. Resultative meaning i n the p r e f i x u- has been i d e n t i f i e d by c e r t a i n aspectologists i n cases where the p r e f i x i s added to verbs whose bases are derived from substantives. Such p r e f i x a l p e r f e c t i v e s are posited by various l e x i c o l o g i c a l reference works as aspectual partners of the cor-89 responding basic verbs. ukomplektovat'^ (biblioteku) complete, replenish (a l i b r a r y ) (de-r i v e d from komplekt 'complement, completion') strengthen (the ranks) (derived from krepkij 'strong') multiply, increase (wealth) (derived from mnogo 'much, many') perfect (one's knowledge of the l a n -guage) (derived from soversenstvo 'perfection') appeal to the conscience of (a crim-i n a l ) (derived from sovest' 'con-science ') i n s p i r e fear i n (the enemy) (derived from strax 'fear') shame, make (a c h i l d ) ashamed (de-rived from styd 'shame') ukrepit'^^ (rjady) v 92 umnozit' (bogatstvo) v 93 usoversenstvovat' (znanie jazyka) 94 usovestit' (prestuphika) v . ,95 , . u s t r a s i t (vraga) u s t y d i t (rebenka) 2.13. The P r e f i x voz- (vos-, vozo-) Like vz- (see 2.15), voz- i s an allomorph of v#z-. From a diachronic viewpoint, vdz^ occurs predominantly i n words that are Church Slavonicisms and that often have solemn connotations 97 The meanings of voz- may be described as 1) upward d i r e c t i o n , 2) onsetlzof an action, usually character-ized by i n t e n s i t y , and 3) r e s u l t . 2.13.1. Upward d i r e c t i o n . v o s s l a t ' (xvalu) voznesti (molitvu) vozvesti (na p r e s t o l ) send up, o f f e r up (praise) ( i . e . , to God) o f f e r up (a prayer) elevate, r a i s e (to the throne) 2.13.2. Onset of an action, usually characterized by i n t e n s i t y . vostrepetat' (ot straxa) begin to tremble (with fear) v o z l i k o v a t 1 vozmectat' (o scast'e) vozradovat'sja r e j o i c e , give oneself up to joy give oneself up to dreams (of happi-ness) become overjoyed 2.13.3. Result. In the following examples, the p r e f i x voz- imparts a 98 r e s u l t a t i v e s u b l e x i c a l meaning to the verb base. The verbs i n question have been c i t e d i n l e x i c o l o g i c a l reference works as aspectual partners of the corresponding non-prefixed imperfective verbs: vospol' zovat' sj a ^ (sluEaem) vosprepjatstvovat' ^ ®Q.' :(c' im-nibud' dejstvijam) make use of, take advantage of (an opportunity) prevent, hinder (someone's actions) v o s p r o t i v i t ' s j a ^ ^ (vraz'emu umyslu) oppose (the enemy's designs) 102 vostorzestvovat' (nad vragom) triumph (over the enemy) 2.14. The P r e f i x vy-The p r e f i x vy- may be described as having two general meanings: 1) action directed outwards, and 2) thoroughness. The meaning "action d i -rected outwards" may be understood a) concretely, as a movement outward from within ( i n conjunction with i n t r a n s i t i v e verbs), e x t r a c t i o n (with t r a n s i t i v e verbs), and b) a b s t r a c t l y , as e l i c i t i n g , acquiring. ACTION DIRECTED OUTWARDS 2.14.1. Movement from within, outward motion. vybezat' ( i z doma) vyexat' ( i z goroda) vvjjtl Ona vcera v y s l a v p.ervyj raz posle b o l e z n i . v y l e z t ' ( i z okna) v y p o l z t i (iz-pod kamnja) 2.14.2. Extraction. v y b i t ' (zub) vydavit' (sok i z limona) vydergat' (gvozdi klescami) vygnat' (vragov) v y l i n j a t ' (per'ja) vylomat' (dver' i z steny) v y l u s c i t ' (gorox) vyp o t r o s i t ' (brjjuxo) vyscipat' (per'ja u kuricy) 2.14.3. E l i c i t i n g , a c q u i s i t i o n . vymolit' (u otca p o l t i n n i k ) run out (of the house) drive out ( o f ) , leave (the c i t y ) go/come out She went out yesterday for the f i r s t time since her i l l n e s s . crawl/climb out (the window) crawl out (from under a stone) knock out (a tooth) press/squeeze (juice) out (of a lemon) p u l l out ( n a i l s with p l i e r s ) expel (the enemies) moult, slough, shed (feathers) break (the door) out (of the wall) s h e l l (peas) disembowel, clean out (a stomach) pluck out (a hen's feathers) obtain (half a ruble from one's father) by begging vypr o s i t ' (razresenie) vyzvat' (vospominanij a) e l i c i t (permission) by asking evoke (memories) THOROUGHNESS 2.14.4. When not imparting the above meanings i n a d i s t i n c t way, the p r e f i x vy- usually imparts the meaning of thoroughness. A few examples .51 are: vymesit' (testo) vymocit' (pal'to) vymoknut' (pod dozdem) vypec' (xleb) v y s t u d i t ' (komnatu) vy t o p i t ' (pec') v y v a r l t ' (vodu) knead (dough) thoroughly make/get (a coat) thoroughly wet, drenched be (come) thoroughly drenched':( in/.the rain) bake enough (bread) cool o f f (a room) heat up (the stove) b o i l (water) thoroughly, b o i l down 2.14.5. In conjunction with a small number of verbs, the p r e f i x vy-may approach a "purely grammatical" function. Such verbs, some of which follow, have been i d e n t i f i e d by aspectologists and reference works as aspectual partners of the basic verbs from which they are formed. whitewash (a wall) ( b e l i t ' ) - v y b e l i t ' 1 0 3 (stenu) ( s i n i t ' ) - v y s i n i t ' 1 0 4 (tkan'-.) ( s t i r a t ' ) - v y s t i r a t ,105 (bel'e) 106 dyec(fabric) dark blue wash (laundry) dry (laundry) learn/memorize (poems) ( s u s i t ' ) - v y s u s i t ' (bel'e) ( u c i t ' ) - v y u c i t ' ^ ^ 7 ( stixotvorenija ) Besides these verbs, the following verbs, c i t e d above, are also found i n l e x i c o l o g i c a l reference works as aspectual partners of the correspond^ ing basic verbs: ( l i n j a t ' ) - v y l i n j a t ,108 uscxt ) - v y l u s c i t (potrosit )-vypotrosit 2.15. The P r e f i x vz- (vs-, vzo-) The following meanings may be a t t r i b u t e d to the p r e f i x vz-: 1) upward motion; 2) onset of an action, usually characterized by suddenness or 52 i n t e n s i t y ; and 3) r e s u l t . 2.15.1. Upward motion. vzbezat' (po l e s t n i c e ) run up (the s t a i r s ) v z l e t e t ' f l y up, take o f f Samolet v z l e t e l . The plane took o f f . v z o j t i (na tfibunu) go up, ascend (the platform) 2.15.2. Onset of an action, usually characterized by suddenness or i n t e n s i t y . v s k r i c a t ' (ot b o l i ) cry out (with/in pain) vzmolit'sja (o poscade) plead, beg (for mercy) vzrevet' (ot j a r o s t i ) l e t out a roar ( i n a rage) vzvyt' set up av.howl Vzvyl volk. The wolf set up a howl. 2.15.3. Result. The following examples occur: v s k i p j a t i t ' (caj) b o i l (tea) vspaxat' (celinu) plough up (fallow land) vspenit' (kvas) foam, f r o t h (kvass) v z b e s i t ' excite to anger, enrage Eto menja v z b e s i l o . This made me extremely angry. vzboronit' (pole) harrow (a f i e l d ) vzbudorazit' alarm, disturb, make uneasy Izvestie nas vsex vzbudorazilo. The news has alarmed us a l l . vzbuntovat's ja (protiv p r a v i t e l ' s t v a ) r e v o l t , rebel (against the govern-ment) v z r y x l i t ' (zemlju) loosen, break up (the earth) vzvolnovat' (poverxnost' morja) agita t e , trouble (the surface of the sea) 2.15.4. The following verbs, enumerated above, have been c i t e d i n 53 l e x i c o l o g i c a l sources as aspectual partners of the corresponding basic verbs: ( k i p j a t i t ' ) - v s k i p j a t i t ' ^ * * (boronit')-vzboronit'^*^ (paxat' )-vspaxat' (budorazit' )-vzbudorazit' (penit' ) -vspenit' ^ ^ ^ (buntovat.'.s.ja) -vzbuntovat' s j a ^ ^ 7 ( b e s i t ' ) - v z b e s i t ' 1 1 4 ( r y x l i t 1 ) - v z r y x l i t ' 1 1 8 119 (volnovat')-vzvolnovat' 2.16. The P r e f i x za-The p r e f i x za- may impart to a verb base several meanings that may be s p e c i f i e d as: 1) d i r e c t i o n of the action beyond or behind an object (with the p r e p o s i t i o n za), away, o f f (into the distance); 2) covering, con-cealing; 3) thoroughness, excessiveness; 4) a n n i h i l a t i o n , utter exhaustion; 5) performance of the action i n passing or i n c i d e n t a l l y ; 6) beginning; 7) subsequent, complementary action; 8) recording; 9) a n t i c i p a t o r y or pre-liminary performance; 10) a c q u i s i t i o n , attainment. 2.16.1. D i r e c t i o n behind or beyond an object ( i n conjunction with the preposition za); o f f , away (into the distance) (without the p r e p o s i t i o n : za) . zabezat' (za derevo) run behind (a tree) z a b r e s t i (v les) go astray, wander o f f (into the woods) zaexat' (za predely goroda) drive beyond (the c i t y l i m i t s ) z a l e t e t ' (za oblaka) f l y behind/beyond (the clouds) z a p o l z t i (za brevno) crawl behind (a log) z a s l a t ' (kogo na d a l ' n i j sever) send (someone) off/away (to the far north) 54 2.16.2. Covering, concealing. zadelat' (posylku) zakopat' (jamu zemlej) z a k r a s i t ' (pjatno na stene) zakryt' Sneg zakryl vse uxaby. z a l e p i t ' (stenu afisami) zapecatat' (paket) zasnurovat' (botinki) z a s t a v i t ' (polku knigami) zatjanut' Nebo zatjanulo tucami. z a v a l i t ' (vxod kamnjami) do up (a parcel) f i l l / c o v e r (a hole with d i r t ) paint over (a spot on the wall) cover The snow has covered a l l the holes i n the road. paste over (a wall with posters) seal (a package) lace up (shoes) cover (a shelf with books) cover The sky has clouded over./ become overcast. cover, block (an entrance with stones) 2.16.3. Thoroughness, excessiveness. zadarit' (kogo-nibud' den'garni) zalaskat' (detej) z a x v a l i t ' (umnogo rebenka) shower with presents, bribe (some-one with money) smother (children) with a f f e c t i o n shower (an i n t e l l i g e n t c h i l d ) with praise; praise to excess 2.16.4. Performance of the action to the point of a n n i h i l a t i o n or utter exhaustion. zabit' (losad' knutom; skot) zadrat' Volk zadral ovcu. zarubit' (toporom) zatormosit' (do smerti) beat (a horse) unmercifully (with a whip); slaughter ( c a t t l e ) rend to pieces, k i l l The wolf k i l l e d the sheep. slash to death, k i l l (with an axe) harass, pester (to death) 55 z a t r a v i t ' (zverja) hunt down, run down (an animal) 2.16.5. Performance of the action i n passing or i n c i d e n t a l l y . zabeSat' Na obratnom p u t i mat' zabezala v bulocnuju. za.j t i (k Ivanovym po p u t i domo.j) zanesti (pakety) zavezti (zapisku po doroge domo-j) 2.16.6. Beginning. zaaplodirovat' (pevice) zadrozat' (ot j a r o s t i ) zaigrat' (veselyj motiv) zapet' (pesnju) zaprygat' Serdce u nee zapryglo. zarydat' (ot gorja) zasagat' (na zavod) drop i n , drop by On the way back, mother dropped by the bakery / made a quick stop at the bakery. drop by, look i n on (the Ivanovs on the way home) drop o f f (packages) (along the way) convey/deliver (a note on the way home) break into applause, begin to applaud (the singer) begin to shiver/tremble (with rage) begin to play, s t r i k e up (a lively, tune) begin to sing, break into song begin to jump/leap Her heart began to thump. break into sobs (of g r i e f ) s t r i d e / s e t o f f (for the factory) 2.16.7. Subsequent, complementary action. zaest' (vodku xlebom) zapit' ( p i l j u l i vodoj) 2.16.8. Recording. zapisat' (adres) zapomnit' (citatu) eat (bread) immediately a f t e r con-suming (vodka) drink (water a f t e r p i l l s ) write down (an address), make a note of memorize (a quotation), f i x i n one's memory zarisovat' (pejzaz na bumagu) sketch (a landscape on paper), ree cord an image (of a landscape on paper) zasnjat' (sobytija) f i l m (the events) , record (the events) on f i l m 2.16.9. Preliminary or a n t i c i p a t o r y action. zagotovit' (dokumenty) prepare (the documents), get (the documents) ready i n advance zakupit-'- ( p r o v i z i j a) stock up on (provisions) , buy up (provisions) i n advance zaplanirovat' ( l e k c i j u ) plan (a lecture) 2.16.10. A c q u i s i t i o n , attainment. zarabbtat' (den'gi) earn (money) zavoevat' (pobedu) a t t a i n (victory) through b a t t l e 2.16.11. Of the verbs above, the following have been recognized by reference works as p e r f e c t i v e partners to the corresponding basic imper-f e c t i v e verbs: 120 » v 122 (planirovat')-zaplanirovat' (tormosit')-zatormosit' 121 123 (snurovat')-zasnurovat' ( t r a v i t ' ) - z a t r a v i t ' 57 Notes to Chapter II Cf. V. V. Vinogradov (ed.), Grammatika russkogo jazyka (Tom I ) . Fo- netika i morfologija, Moscow, 1960, pp. 576-603; N. S. Avilova, Vid g l a - gola i.semantika glagol'nogo slova, Moscow, 1976, pp. 155, 227. Cf. A. A. Spagis, Parnye i neparnye glagoly v russkom jazyke, Moscow, 1969, p. 40. Cf. also Vinogradov, l o c . c i t . C. E. Townsend, Russian Word Formation, Cambridge (Mass.), 1975 (cor-rected r e p r i n t ) , p. 123. 4 E . Daum and W. Schenk, Die russischen Verben, L e i p z i g , 1965, pp. 248, 271; S. I. Ozegov, Slovar' russkogo jazyka, Moscow, 1963, p. 300. 5Daum, pp. 251, 519; Ozegov (1963), p. 546. 6Daum, pp. 65, 234; Ozegov (1963), p. 54. 7Daum, pp. 241, 290; Ozegov.(1963), p. 357. o Daum, pp. 244, 675; L. Segal, New Complete Russian-English D i c t i o n - ary, New York, 1959, pp. 264, 744. 9 C f . A. V. Isacenko, Die russische Sprache der Gegenwart ( T e i l I ) . Formenlehre, Halle, 1962, p. 395. . 10Daum, pp. 61, 292; Ozegov (1963), p. 41. ^Vinogradov, op. c i t . , p. 585. 1 2 I b i d . , pp. 452-3, 585. I3Daum, pp. 325, 617; Ozegov (1963), p. 623. ^Vinogradov, l o c . c i t . '''"'See Townsend, op. c i t . , p. 127. 16 In t h i s example we may discern the meaning "removal" (gnawing away or o f f ) as we l l as "movement around" (gnaw around). l^M. Wheeler, The Oxford Russian-English Dictionary, Oxford, 1972, pp. 363, 425. 1 8 Akademija nauk SSSR, Slovar' sovremennogo russkogo literaturnogo j a - zyka, Moscow-Leningrad, 1950-65, VIII, p. 290. 19 Vinogradov, op. c i t . , p. 590. 2 0Wheeler, pp. 455, 700. 9 I Vinogradov, l o c . c i t . 2 2Wheeler, pp. 457, 732. 23 Vinogradov, l o c . c i t . 2 4Wheeler, pp. 458, 746. 2 5 I b i d . , pp. 54, 436. 2 A Akademija nauk, l o c . c i t . See A. A. Vil'gel'minina, The Russian Verb. Aspect and Voice, Mos-cow, 1963, p. 26. 2 8 S e e Isacenko, p. 394. 2 9Avilovayr.opy- c i t . , p. 219; Daum, pp. 289, 432; Ozegov (1963), pp. 354-5; A. I. Sm i r n i c k i j , Russian-English Dictionary, Moscow, 1961, pp. 368, 483; Spagis, p. 79; wheeler, pp. 355, 472. 30Daum, pp. 435, 543. 3 1 I b i d . , pp. 168, 421. 3 2 I b i d . , pp. 263, 425. 3 3 I b i d . , pp. 279, 427. 3 4 I b i d . 3 5 I b i d . , pp. 444, 749. 3 6 I b i d . , pp. 446, 784. 3 7 I b i d . 3 8 I b i d . , pp. 437, 676. 3 9 V i l ' g e l ' m i n i n a , p. 30. 40Daum, pp. 347, 469; wheeler, pp. 413, 506. 4^Daum, pp. 231, 463. 4 2Daum, pp. 63, 482; Sm i r n i c k i j , pp. 61, 533; Spagis, p. 80; wheeler pp. 31, 526. 4 3Daum, pp. 66, 483; J . Forsyth, A Grammar of Aspect: Usage and Meaning i n the Russian Verb, Cambridge, 1970, p. 51; Ozegov (1963), pp. 5 517; S m i r n i c k i j , pp. 70, 533; Wheeler, pp. 42, 527. 4 4Daum, pp. 154, 489; S m i r n i c k i j , pp. 173, 538; Spagis, p. 81; Wheeler, pp. 148, 532. ^ A v i l o v a , op. c i t . , p. 204; Daum, pp. 155, 494. 46Daum, pp. 291, 524; Ozegov (1963) , pp. 358, 551; S m i r n i c k i j , pp. 371, 565; Wheeler, pp. 358, 563. 47Daum, pp. 352, 525; Ozegov (1963), pp. 412, 552; S m i r n i c k i j , pp. 436, 566; Vinogradov, op. c i t . , p. 453; Wheeler, pp. 417, 565. 48 Daum, pp. 527, 580; Sm i r n i c k i j , pp. 568, 614; Spagis, p. 84; Wheeler, pp. 567, 623. 49 Daum, pp. 528, 618; Sm i r n i c k i j , pp. 568, 642; Spagis, l o c . c i t . ; Wheeler, pp. 568, 655. 50Daum, pp. 528, 619; S m i r n i c k i j , p. 568; Wheeler, p. 568. ^''•Smirnickij, p. 681; Spagis, l o c . c i t . ; Wheeler, pp. 568, 696. 52 Daum, pp. 533, 707; Sm i r n i c k i j , pp. 573, 730; Spagis, p. 85; Wheeler, pp. 574, 748. "^Daum, pp. 533, 712; Sm i r n i c k i j , pp. 573, 736; Spagis, p. 85; Wheeler, pp. 574, 753. 5 4Daum, pp. 535, 733; Forsyth, p. 51; Ozegov (1963), pp. 560, 764; Smi r n i c k i j , pp. 575, 765; Wheeler, pp. 577, 783. "'-'Daum, pp. 538, 747; Sm i r n i c k i j , pp. 578, 798; Spagis, p. 86; Wheeler, pp. 579, 815. 56Daum, pp. 539, 750; Ozegov (1963), pp. 563, 804; Sm i r n i c k i j , pp. 578, 807; Wheeler, pp. 580, 823. 57Daum, pp. 540, 760; Ozegov (1963), pp. 563, 814; Sm i r n i c k i j , pp. 578, 820; Wheeler, pp. 580, 835. 58 Daum, pp. 541, 781; Ozegov (1963), pp. 564, 854; Sm i r n i c k i j , pp. 579, 858; Wheeler, pp. 581, 873. 59Daum, pp. 262, 495; Wheeler, pp. 285, 538. 60Daum, pp. 505, 691. ^ C r . Avilova, op. c i t . , pp. 224-5. 6 2 Daum, pp. 63, 553. 6 3 I b i d . , pp. 578, 787. 6 4 I b i d . , pp. 150, 557. 6 5 I b i d . , pp. 280, 564. 6 6 I b l d . , pp. 285, 565. 6 7 S m i r n i c k i j , pp. 608, 733; Wheeler, pp. 615, 750. 68Daum, pp. 578, 788. 6 9 I b l d . , pp. 82, 554. 7 ^ C f . Isacenko, p. 394. 7 1 I b l d . 72Daum, pp. 62, 580; Sm i r n i c k i j , pp. 60, 614; Wheeler, pp. 30, 622. 73 Daum, pp. 65, 580; Sm i r n i c k i j , pp. 67, 615; Wheeler, p. 623. 7 4 S e g a l , p. 170. 75Daum, pp. 288, 598; Wheeler, pp. 354, 635. 7 ^ S m i r n i c k i j , p. 624. 77 Daum, pp. 478, 601; Sm i r n i c k i j , pp. 523, 626; Wheeler, pp. 515, 636. 78 Daum, pp. 271, 649; Wheeler, pp. 308, 679. 79 Avilova, op. c i t . , p. 155; Daum, pp. 62, 620. 80 Daum, pp. 167, 630; Wheeler, pp. 175, 666. 81Daum, pp. 155, 629; Wheeler, p. 155. 8? Vinogradov, op. c i t . , p. 601. 83 Daum, pp. 736, 778; Sm i r n i c k i j , pp. 744, 757; Wheeler, pp. 790, 864. 84Daum, pp. 282, 705; Sm i r n i c k i j , pp. 348, 728; Wheeler, pp. 338, 746. 85 V. Andreeva-Georg and V. Tolmaceva, Russkij g l a g o l . Predloznoe i bespredloznoe upravlenie, Moscow, 1975, pp. 372, 380. 8 6 S m i r n i e k i j , pp. 772, 883; Wheeler, pp. 792, 896. 87 Sm i r n i c k i j , pp. 758, 778. 88 Daum, pp. 70, 681; Vinogradov, op. c i t . , p. 601; Wheeler, pp. 52, 716. 89 Avilova, op. c i t . , pp. 216-7; V. V. Vinogradov, Russkij jazyk (gram- maticeskoe ucenie o slove), Moscow-Leningrad, 1947, p. 421. 9 0 A v i l o v a , op. c i t . , p. 216; Daum, pp. 264, 761; S m i r n i c k i j , pp. 744, 757; Wheeler, pp. 762, 774. 9 1 A v i l o v a , l o c . c i t . 9 2 A v i l o v a , l o c . c i t . ; Daum, pp. 286, 765; Spagis, p. 92. 9 3 A v i l o v a , l o c . c i t . ; Daum, pp. 711, 771; Spagis, l o c c i t . Avilova, l o c . c i t . 9 5 A v i l o v a , l o c . c i t . ; Segal, p. 836. 9 6 A v i l o v a , l o c . c i t . ; Segal, p. 839. 9 7Vinogradov, op. c i t . , p. 579. 9 8 C f . Isacenko, p. 394, and Avilova, op- c i t . , pp. 223-4. 9 9Andreeva-Georg, pp. 32, 260; Daum, pp. 97, 520; Segal, pp. 94, 592; Spagis, p. 76. 1 0 0Andreeva-Georg, pp. 32, 277; Avilova, o p v c i t . , p. 224; Daum, pp. 97, 551; Segal, p. 629; Spagis, l o c c i t . 1 0 1Andreeva-Georg, pp. 32, 313; Daum, pp. 97, 612; Segal, p. 674; Smi r n i c k i j , p. 631; Spagis, l o c . c i t . _ 1 0 2 S e g a l , p. 868; Spagis, l o c c i t . 1 0 3 A v i l o v a , op. c i t . , p. 221; Daum, pp. 61, 110; Wheeler, pp. 23, 99. 1 0 4 A . Aleksandrov, Polnvi r u s s k o - a n p l i i s k i j slovar', St: Petersburg, . 1904, p. 88. 1 0 5 A v i l o v a , op. c i t . , p. 222; Daum, pp. 136, 730; S m i r n i c k i j , pp. 140, 760; Wheeler, pp. 117, 777. 1 0 6Daum, pp. 137, 736; Sm i r n i c k i j , pp. 141, 770. 1 0 7Daum, pp. 140, 776; Wheeler, pp. 119, 856. 1 0 8Daum, pp. 122, 277; Wheeler, pp. 107, 323. 1 0 9 S e g a l , p. 345. 1 1 0 A v i l o v a , o p . . c i t . , p. 221; Daum, pp. 129, 539; Sm i r n i c k i j , pp. 135, 578; Wheeler, pp. I l l , 580. l nDaum, pp. 103, 259; Sm i r n i c k i j , pp. 119, 294; Wheeler, pp. 94, 280. 1 1 2 A v i l o v a , op. c i t . , p. 155; Daum, pp. 104, 455. 1 1 3Daum, pp. 104, 456. 1 1 4 A v i l o v a , op. c i t . , p. 223; Daum, pp. 61, 75; S m i r n i c k i j , pp. 55, 89; Wheeler, pp. 25, 63. 1 1 5 A v i l o v a , l o c . c i t . ; Daum, pp. 65, 76; Wheeler, pp. 39, 63. 11 f\ Avilova, l o c . c i t . ; Daum, pp. 68, 76; Sm i r n i c k i j , pp. 73, 89; Wheeler, p. 44. 1 1 7 A v i l o v a , l o c . c i t . ; Daum, l o c . c i t . ; S m i r n i c k i j , pp. 74, 89; Wheeler, pp. 46, 63. 1 I Q Andreeva-Georg, pp. 22, 344; Daum, pp. 81, 677. 1 1 9 A v i l o v a , l o c . c i t . ; Daum, pp. 77, 94; Sm i r n i c k i j , pp. 90, 107; Wheeler, pp. 64, 81. 1 2 0 A v i l o v a , op. c i t . , p. 218; Daum, pp. 206, 480; Wheeler, pp. 217, 521. 1 2 1Daum, pp. 229, 790; Wheeler, pp. 232, 898. 1 2 2Aleksandrov, p. 180; S. I. Ozegov, Slovar' russkogo jazyka, Moscow, 1949, pp. 219, 850. 123 Avilova, l o c . c i t . ; Daum, pp. 224, 746; Wheeler, pp. 228, 812. 63 CHAPTER III Discussion and C l a s s i f i c a t i o n of Aspectual Partners 3.1. N. S. Avilova has shown that from the semasiological viewpoint a l l p r e f i x a l aspectual partners may be c l a s s i f i e d according to the degree to which a verbal p r e f i x i s aspectualized ( c f . 1.5). In some cases.^com-plete a s p e c t u a l i z a t i o n (polnaja a s p e k t u a l i z a c i j a ) of the p r e f i x occurs, while i n others the p r e f i x i s only incompletely aspectualized (nepolna.ja a s p e k t u a l i z a c i j a ) . ^ Complete a s p e c t u a l i z a t i o n may be eit h e r semantically motivated or unmotivated. I t i l i s considered unmotivated when the use of a p a r t i c u l a r p r e f i x to p e r f e c t i v i z e a basic verb i s not explainable from a synchronic semantic point of view. The only explanation f o r the complete 2 a s p e c t u a l i z a t i o n of c e r t a i n prefixes i s t r a d i t i o n or analogy. As examples of p e r f e c t i v e aspectual partners i n which the p r e f i x i s f u l l y aspectual-ized, with i t s occurrence semantically unmotivated, Avilova c i t e s sdelat' (perfective partner to delat' 'do, make') and o b v i n i t ' (perfective partner to v i n i t ' 'accuse'). With respect to the l e x i c a l meanings ( i d e n t i f i e d i n Chapter II) of the pre f i x e s s- and o- (ob-) , none i s apparent i n the pre-f i x e s of these p a r t i c u l a r verbs. As an example of a completely aspectualized, semantically motivated p r e f i x , Avilova c i t e s the p r e f i x r a z - i n the p e r f e c t i v e verb of the aspec-t u a l p a i r b i t ' - r a z b i t ' 'break, shatter.' Unlike those instances i n which complete a s p e c t u a l i z a t i o n i s unmotivated, here we may i d e n t i f y a d e f i n i t e l e x i c a l meaning i n the p r e f i x raz-: separation, d i v i s i o n into parts ( c f . 2.10.1). According to Avilova, verbal prefixes are aspectualized i n such instances "by v i r t u e of t h e i r conveying t r a i t s common to the semantic t r a i t of the ac t i o n expressed by the verb [v s i l u vyrazenija eju c e r t , obsc*ix s 64 semanticeskoj certoj d e j s t v i j a , vyrazaemogo glagolom]. " 4 A p r e f i x i s described as incompletely aspectualized when i t bears a d i s c e r n i b l e l e x i c a l meaning (or at l e a s t a "semblance" [otsvet] of one) which i s not inherent i n the meaning of the verb base. Such i s the case with the pre f i x e s pro- and vy- i n the p e r f e c t i v e verbs of the aspectual p a i r s c i t a t ' - p r o c i t a t ' and s t i r a t ' - v y s t i r a t ' , r e s p e c t i v e l y . ^ The.meaning 'through,' d i s c e r n i b l e here i n the p r e f i x pro-, i s not a semantic t r a i t ne-c e s s a r i l y shared by the verb 'read,' even though 'reading through' might be viewed as i t s r e s u l t a t i v e (hence,ffrom a semasiological point of view, per-f e c t i v e ) s t a t e . ^ The p r e f i x vy- i n v y s t i r a t ' preserves a semblance of the meaning 'thoroughness' (cf. 2.14.4-5); nonetheless, incomplete aspectualiza-t i o n of the p r e f i x does not hinder the verb v y s t i r a t ' from being used as a pe r f e c t i v e equivalent of the imperfective verb s t i r a t ' . 7 In Chapter I I , of a l l the verbs given to i l l u s t r a t e the meaning of the sixteen p o t e n t i a l l y aspect-formative p r e f i x e s , 106 were i d e n t i f i e d as verbs which aspectological sources and l e x i c o l o g i c a l reference works c i t e as as-pectual partners to the corresponding simplex verbs. We s h a l l now c l a s s i f y a representative cross-section of these verbs according to the three cate-gories discussed above: 1) complete, semantically motivated aspe c t u a l i z a -t i o n ; 2) incomplete as p e c t u a l i z a t i o n ; 3) complete, semantically unmotivated aspe c t u a l i z a t i o n . 3.2. Complete Aspectualization (Semantically Motivated) P r e f i x a l p e r f e c t i v i z a t i o n i s considered semantically motivated when the p r e f i x bears a d i s c e r n i b l e l e x i c a l meaning which i s shared, or subsumed, by the basic verb. Even though a l e x i c a l meaning i n the p r e f i x i s evident, as-pe c t u a l i z a t i o n of the p r e f i x i s considered complete because of the neutral g e f f e c t the p r e f i x has on the l e x i c a l meaning of the basic verb. 65 For example, according to Avilova the addi t i o n of ot- as an aspect-formative p r e f i x to c e r t a i n verbs may be considered semantically motivated by v i r t u e of the p r e f i x ' s l e x i c a l meaning 'disengaging, removing' (otdelenie 9 dejstviem). Accordingly, the occurrence of ot- i n the p r e f i x a l p e r f e c t i v e s otcekanit' 'separate, d i s t i n g u i s h (words), enunciate,' otcerenkovat' 'graft,' o t r y t ' 'unearth, dig up' (see 2.4.6) can be explained as a r e s u l t of "lexico-semantic subsumption" (cf. 1.5), i . e . , as being semantically mo-tiva t e d . The p r e f i x pere-, by v i r t u e of i t s l e x i c a l meaning 'pervading, passing through (time)' (see 2.5.6) ,c.appears to be correlated semantically with the basic verb zimovat' 'spend the winter.' This verb denotes a c t i v i t y per-vading a s p e c i f i c period of time. Hence, the aspectual partner of t h i s verb, perezimovat', evidently occurs as a r e s u l t of lexico-semantic subsump-t i o n . A further example i s the p r e f i x pod-, which occurs i n a purely aspec-t u a l capacity by v i r t u e of the subsumption of i t s l e x i c a l meaning 'action directed underneath' (see 2.7.1) by the basic verb kovat' (losad') : 'jshoe (a horse).' The p r e f i x a l p e r f e c t i v e s p r i l ' n u t ' ' c l i n g to'aand p r i m i r i t ' 'reconcile' display semantically motivated a s p e c t u a l i z a t i o n of the p r e f i x p r i - . In the pe r f e c t i v e p r i l ' n u t ' , the p r e f i x ' s meaning 'attaching' (see 2.8.2) i s shared by the basic verb 1'nut'; a s i m i l a r , though abstract, notion of convergence i s also d i s c e r n i b l e i n the meanings of the p r e f i x and the verb base of p r i - m i r i t ' . 1 0 Aspectualization of the p r e f i x pro- i n conjunction with the basic verbs desevit' (prodesevit') ' s e l l too cheaply, undervalue' and motat' (promotat') 'squander away' i s evidently motivated by the meaning of expenditure/loss, which manifests i t s e l f i n a few verbs prefixed by pro- (see 2.9.4). The p r e f i x raz- ( r a s - ) , while maintaining i t s l e x i c a l meaning 'separa-t i o n , d i v i s i o n into parts,' i s completely aspectualized i n conjunction with the basic verbs k r o s i t ' ( r a s k r o s i t ' ) 'crumble,' b i t ' (razbit')'break, shat-te r , ' d e l i t ' ( r a z d e l i t ' ) 'divide,' and d r o b i t ' (razdrobit') ':smash. ' A l l of these verbs subsume the p r e f i x ' s meaning 'separation, d i v i s i o n into parts' with respect to at l e a s t one of t h e i r respective denotations.'"''' The p r e f i x vy-, by v i r t u e of i t s lexical...meaning 'outward d i r e c t i o n , extraction' (see 2.14.2), exhibits complete, semantically. motivated aspectu-a l i z a t i o n i n conjunction with c e r t a i n verbs whose bases denote e x t r a c t i o n : l i n j a t ' ( v y l i n j a t ' ) 'moult, slough, shed, 1 l u s c i t ' ( v y l u s c i t ' ) ' '''shell, husk,' p o t r o s i t ' (vypotrosit') 'clean out, disembowel.' Avilova (1978) states that " a s p e c t u a l i z a t i o n of the p r e f i x vz- occurs only by v i r t u e of i t s meaning 'upward movement' i n conjunction with seman-12 t i c a l l y r e l a t e d verb bases." Accordingly, the p r e f i x i n the following p e r f e c t i v e aspectual partners bears a d i s c e r n i b l e l e x i c a l meaning: v s k i p j a - t i t ' ' b o i l (up),' vspaxat' 'plough up,' vspenit' 'froth/foam up,' vzboronit' 'harrow, break up ( s o i l ) with a harrow,' v z r y x l i t ' 'break up ( s o i l ) , ' v z v o l - novat' ' s t i r up, a g i t a t e ' (cf. 2.15.4). I t should be noted, however, that Isacenko (1962) discerns a r e s u l t a t i v e ( e i g e n t l i c h r e s u l t a t i v ) s u b l e x i c a l meaning, rather than any l e x i c a l meaning, i n the p r e f i x of the verb v s k i p j a -t i t : . 1 3 F i n a l l y , the p r e f i x za- may occur as a completely aspectualized p r e f i x whose l e x i c a l meaning i s subsumed by the verb base i n such verbs as z a p l a n i - rovat ' 'plan' (see 2.16.9, meaning: a n t i c i p a t o r y or preliminary action) and zasnurovat' 'lace up' (see 2.16.2, meaning: covering, concealing). 67 3.3. Incomplete Aspectualization A verbal p r e f i x e x h i b i t s incomplete as p e c t u a l i z a t i o n when i t maintains a l e x i c a l meaning unrelated to the verb base but does not prevent the r e -s u l t i n g p r e f i x a l p e r f e c t i v e from being nearly synonymous, as w e l l as aspec-14 t u a l l y paired, with the basic verb. We have noted (see Chapter I) that a p r e f i x may or may not impart a new l e x i c a l meaning to the basic verb to which i t i s added. When a new l e x i c a l meaning i s imparted to the basic verb by the p r e f i x , the r e s u l t i n g prefixed verb cannot be considered an aspectual partner of the basic verb. However, we have seen that i n some instances i t i s possible f o r the l e x i c a l meaning of a basic verb to be s l i g h t l y modified by the addition of a p r e f i x , yet not s u f f i c i e n t l y to prevent the r e s u l t i n g prefixed verb from being used as a per f e c t i v e aspectual partner. In many cases t h i s occurs only with respect to the l e x i c a l meanings ' i n t e n s i t y ' and 'thoroughness.' For example, the p r e f i x i z - ( i s - ) manifests the meaning ' i n t e n s i t y , ' 'thoroughness' i n conjunction with the verbs i s k r o s i t ' 'crumble completely,' ispolosovat' ' f l o g , ' i z b o r o z d i t ' 'furrow, plough up (completely),' izmucit' 'torment, harass,' izrugat' 'scold (thoroughly)' (see 2.1.1, 2.1.2). Never-theless, these verbs are c i t e d i n l e x i c o l o g i c a l reference works as perfec-t i v e aspectual partners of the corresponding simplex verbs (for the p a r t i c u -l a r denotations given, see 2.1.5). E. A. Ivannikova, i n her study " S p e c i f i - ka sinonimiceskix otnosenij glagola v_ s v j a z i s k a t i g o r i e j glagol'nogo v i d a , " notes that i n many verbs the meaning of an a c t i o n i s completeness, exhaustiveness, or s u f f i c i e n c y may pre-dominate over the meaning of the action's r e s u l t a t i v e state. Nevertheless, semantic connections of a synonymous nature do de-velop between such verbs and verbs with purely r e s u l t a t i v e meanings. Verbs prefixed 68 with i z - may s i g n i f y that the action [ i s performed to a degree of] f u l l n e s s , exhaustion, or to an extreme l i m i t , yet remain within the bounds of synonymity with p e r f e c t i v e and r e s u l t a t i v e verbs ( c f . izzjabnut' ['be c h i l l e d through'] and ozjabnut' ['be c h i l l e d ' ] ; izmucit' ['har-ass , torment'] and zamucit' ['torment to death, t i r e out'] ...; izrugat' ['scold thoroughly 1] and vyrugat' ['scold'] ...; i z b i t ' ['slay, beat unmercifully'] and pobit' ['slay, beat, s t r i k e ' ] . . . . . We have noted that the p r e f i x vy- i s also instrumental i n forming per-f e c t i v e aspectual partners of the verbs d e l i t ' , s i n i t ' , s t i r a t ' , u c i t ' (see 2.14.5). In these instances the p r e f i x maintains a trace (sled, c f . 1.5) of one of i t s l e x i c a l meanings, namely, 'thoroughness.' Avilova indicates that when the meaning of intensiveness i n the p r e f i x vy- i s so weakened that i t approaches a purely aspectual meaning, we may say that the p r e f i x vy- i s aspectualized .... I t should be noted that vy- never achieves complete as p e c t u a l i z a t i o n . Mainly t h i s oc-curs with vy- i n verbs of concrete acti o n , denoting various household a c t i v i t i e s [byto- vye processy]: vymyt' (pol) ['wash the f l o o r ' ] , v y s t i r a t ' ['wash laundry'], vy- g l a d i t ' ['press, i r o n ' ] , vyutj.uzit' ['iron'], vysuSit' (bel'e) ['dry (linen)'] 1 6 Intensity—more s p e c i f i c a l l y , 'performance of the action to the point of exhaustion or a n n i h i l a t i o n ' — i s a meaning present i n the p r e f i x za- i n conjunction with the p r e f i x a l p e r f e c t i v e s zatormosit' 'harass, pester (to death)' and z a t r a v i t ' 'hunt/run down' (see 2.16.4). Avilova has pointed out that whenever za- occurs as an aspect-formative p r e f i x , i t "preserves a nu-ance of i n t e n s i t y , thoroughness [tscatel'nost'] i n the attainment of the ac-tion's r e s u l t a t i v e state. Isacenko (1962) defines the meaning of pro- i n conjunction with such verbs as pr o b i t ' ' s t r i k e (of a c l o c k ) , ' probormotat' 'mutter, mumble,' and propet' 'sing, crow' (cf. 2.9.8) as being a s u b l e x i c a l one which he l a b e l s "terminative r e s u l t a t i v e . " He describes the terminative r e s u l t a t i v e meaning 18 as "termination of a process [Beendigung eines Vorganges]." Avilova, an adherent of the semasiological school, also recognizes that t h i s p a r t i c u l a r (terminative) r e s u l t a t i v e meaning i s not generally equatable with the per4c f e c t i v e aspect. Nonetheless, the p r e f i x a l p e r f e c t i v e s discussed above are 19 c i t e d by her as aspectual partners. For example, with regard to the p a i r b i t ' - p r o b i t ' , Avilova writes: "Here the p r e f i x pro- s i g n i f i e s the termina-t i o n of a continuous action having the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of a process [dejst-v i e processual'nogo xaraktera] i n verbs denoting the production of sound or 20 speech." Later, r e f e r r i n g to verbs of the above type i n general, Avilova concludes: "In conjunction with such semantically varied bases, aspectual-i z a t i o n of the p r e f i x pro- i s incomplete: a nuance of 1terminativeness' 21 [terminativnost'] i s maintained i n the meaning of the p e r f e c t i v e verb." In sum, we have seen that incomplete a s p e c t u a l i z a t i o n implies an incom-plete l e x i c a l or s u b l e x i c a l c o r r e l a t i o n between the p r e f i x a l p e r f e c t i v e and the basic verb. In the case of the prefixes i z - , vy_j, and za-, for in=sta stance, the semantic d i s p a r i t y , aside from aspect, consists of the presence of the meaning 'thoroughness, i n t e n s i t y ' i n the p r e f i x a l p e r f e c t i v e . With the p r e f i x pro-, the semantic d i s p a r i t y i s d i s c e r n i b l e i n the p r e f i x a l verb's terminative meaning, which i s not shared by the simplex verb. Other pr e f i x e s tend to r e i n f o r c e a p a r t i c u l a r meaning of the simplex verb (e.g., s i n i t ' - p o d s i n i t ' , see 2.7.7) or i n a somewhat vague manner may be seman-t i c a l l y motivated (e.g., b l i z i t ' s j a - ^ p r i b l i z i t ' s j a, see 2.8.1). However, we must note again that the occurrence of the verbal p r e f i x e s i n t h e i r respec-t i v e functions and environments i n many instances can be explained s o l e l y by 22 referenc to t r a d i t i o n and analogy.70 3.4. Complete Aspectualization (Semantically Unmotivated) The completely aspectualized, semantically unmotivated pr e f i x e s which occur most frequently are o-, po-, and s - . 2 3 When these pr e f i x e s function i n an aspect-formative capacity, they are considered ei t h e r l e x i c a l l y empty '(from the t r a d i t i o n a l viewpoint) or s u b l e x i c a l l y r e s u l t a t i v e (from the 25 n o n - t r a d i t i o n a l viewpoints). Their occurrence i n p r e f i x a l p e r f e c t i v e as-pectual partners as a r u l e cannot be explained from a synchronic point of 26 view and must therefore be a t t r i b u t e d to t r a d i t i o n or analogy. The following p e r f e c t i v e aspectual partners prefixed with _o- (ob_-) , f o r instance, a l l share c e r t a i n semantic and, to a c e r t a i n extent, morphological c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s : obnaglet' 'be(come) impudent/insolent,' obogatet' 'grow r i c h , ' ogloxnut' 'grow deaf,' orobet' 'be(come) timid,' osipnut' 'grow hoarse,' o s i r o t e t ' 'become an orphan,' oslepnut' 'grow b l i n d , ' osmelet' 'grow bold/brave,' ovdovet' 'become a widow.' These verbs a l l denote be-coming, entry.:into a state, and are characterized by the i n f i n i t i v e ending -et' or -nut'. This i s one example of the use of the notion "analogy" i n explaining the occurrence of c e r t a i n p r e f i x e s . The occurrence of po- and _s- as purely aspectual prefixes must be ex-plained by t r a d i t i o n rather than by semantic t r a i t s shared by the simplex verbs which these prefixes serve to p e r f e c t i v i z e . Few, i f any, analogies can be drawn,.for instance, between the following p e r f e c t i v e verbs prefixed with po- (see 2.6.5): poblagodarit' 'thank,' p o b r i t ' 'shave,' podarit' 'present as a g i f t , ' poobedat' 'have dinner,' poprobovat' ' t r y , ' popytat'sja 'make an attempt,' porekomendovat' 'recommend,' posovetovat' 'advise,' po- s t r o i t ' ' b uild,' potrebovat' 'demand,' po t u s i t ' 'extinguish,' pou£inat' 'have supper,' poxoronit' ' i n t e r . ' The same holds true of the verbs prefixed with _s- i d e n t i f i e d as perfec-t i v e aspectual partners to corresponding basic verbs (see 2.11.5): sdelat' 'do, make,' s f o t o g r a f i r o v a t ' 'photograph,' smasterit' 'make, b u i l d , ' sosta- r i t ' s j a 'grow o l d , reach old age,' stacat' ' s t i t c h , ' and s v a r i t ' ' b o i l . ' From a synchronic viewpoint of Russian semantics, the occurrence of the aspect-formative p r e f i x voz- (vos-) i n conjunction with the verbs pol'zo-v a t ' s j a 'make use of, take advantage of,' prepjatstvovat' 'prevent, hinder,' p r o t i v i t ' s j a 'oppose,' torzestvovat' 'triumph' (cf. 2.13.3) can be explained 27 only by a rather vague notion of t r a d i t i o n . As a f i n a l example of semantically unmotivated p r e f i x e s , we may con-sider the p r e f i x p r i - i n the verbs p r i c u d i t ' s j a 'seem,' p r i g r e z i t ' s j a 'ap-pear i n a dream,' p r i s r i i t ' s j a 'come i n a dream,' p r i v i d e t ' s j a 'appear' (see 2.8.3). Whether or not the p r e f i x p r i - i n these verbs a c t u a l l y bears an ab-O Q s t r a c t , possibly subsumed, meaning of convergence ( c f . , for example, p r i j t i na urn 'come to mind, occur'), the semantic s i m i l a r i t y or near syno-nymity e x i s t i n g between these verbs would tend to o f f e r further confirmation of the r o l e played by analogy and t r a d i t i o n i n the development of Russian p r e f i x a l p e r f e c t i v i z a t i o n . 3.5. Polysemy Simplex verbs as w e l l as p r e f i x a l p e r f e c t i v e s may have more than one l e x i c a l denotation; that i s , they may be polysemous. Certain verbal pre-f i x e s , too, may exhibit polysemy i n conjunction with one and the same verb base. These cases are discussed below. If a simplex verb i s polysemous and lends i t s e l f to p r e f i x a l p e r f e c t i v -i z a t i o n (rather than s u p p l e t i o n — s e e 1.2), i n most instances p e r f e c t i v i z a -t i o n of the simplex w i l l be achieved by the addition of a d i f f e r e n t p r e f i x for each one of the verbis denotations. For instance, the simplex verb b i t ' has the following l e x i c a l denotations f o r which i t i s paired with a d i f f e r -29 ent p r e f i x a l p e r f e c t i v e . Verb P a i r Denotation b i t ' - r a z b i t ' (posudu) break, shatter (dishes) P r e f i x raz- (considered by Avilova to be completely aspectualized, semantic-a l l y motivated—see 3.1) b i t ' - p r o b i t ' s t r i k e (The clock pro- (incompletely a s p e c t u a l i z e d — (Casy b' j u t . s t r i k e s . I t has see 3.3) Probilo dva casa.) struck two o'clock.) b i t ' - s b i t ' whip (cream) _s- (completely aspectualized, seman-t i c a l l y unmotivated—cf. 3.4) ( s l i v k i ) Other polysemous simplex verbs which are aspectually paired with a d i f f e r e n t 30 p r e f i x a l p e r f e c t i v e f o r each of t h e i r denotations include b e l i t ' and . .., 31 s i m t : Verb Pair b e l i t ' - n a b e l i t ' ( l i c o ) b e l i t ' - v y b e l i t ' (polotno) s i n i t ' - v y s i n i t ' (tkan') s i n i t ' - p o d s i n i t ' .(bel'e) Denotation whiten (the face) bleach (linen) dye ( f a b r i c ) dark blue blue, apply blue-ing to (linen) P r e f i x na- (considered completely aspectu-a l i z e d — c f . 2.2.6) vy- (incompletely aspectualized; meaning of 'thoroughness' pre-s e r v e d — c f . 2.14.4) vy- (incompletely aspectualized; meaning of 'thoroughness' pre-s e r v e d — c f . 2.14.4) pod- (incompletely aspectualized; attenuative meaning p r e s e r v e d — c f . 2.7.5) The p r e f i x po- ex h i b i t s polysemy i n conjunction with c e r t a i n simplex verbs. In some cases the meaning of the p r e f i x po- i s determined by the l e x i c a l denotation of the basic verb ( i n cases where the basic verb i t s e l f i s polysemous), while i n others the meaning of po- may be conditioned by context. Thus, with n e s t i and v e z t i t h i s p r e f i x bears an ingressive meaning (be-ginning, s e t t i n g o u t — s e e 2.6.2) when the verbs denote "carrying" ( i . e . , are used as verbs of motion), but bears a purely aspectual or r e s u l t a t i v e mean-32 ing when the verbs are used with other denotations. Therefore, the verbs n e s t i and ponesti are not aspectually paired with respect to the denotation "carry." However, i n the sense of "incur (punishment)"—(po)nesti (nakaza-n i e ) , f o r instance, the two verbs are aspectually paired. By the same token, v e z t i as a verb of motion i s not aspectually paired with the verb povezti, i n which the p r e f i x bears an ingressive meaning. However, i n the s p e c i f i c sense "have luck (at c a r d s ) " — ( p o ) v e z t i (v k a r t y ) — the p r e f i x po- bears a r e s u l t a t i v e rather than an ingressive meaning. In 33 t h i s instance, v e z t i and povezti may be considered aspectually paired. In conjunction with c e r t a i n verbs the p r e f i x po- may bear both attenu-a t i v e and r e s u l t a t i v e meanings. For the denotation ' s t i r , mix,' the verb mesat', for instance, cannot be considered to be aspectually paired with po- mes"at' , as i n the l a t t e r verb the attenuative meaning imparted by po- to the verb base tends to predominate, r e s u l t i n g i n the denotation ' s t i r , mix (for a while).' However, i n the sense of 'disturb, annoy'—mesat' (komu)—the verb base acquires a r e s u l t a t i v e meaning. For t h i s denotation, mesat' and pomesat' may be considered aspectual partners. Another example of e i t h e r attenuative or r e s u l t a t i v e meaning i n the p r e f i x po- can be seen i n the verb p o s l u z i t ' 'serve.' P o s l u z i t ' i s not aspectually paired with the basic verb s l u z i t ' i n the context slu£it' (v armii) 'serve ( i n the army).' In such a context, the p r e f i x po- bears an attenuative meaning, r e s u l t i n g i n the deno-ta t i o n 'serve ( i n the army) for a w h i l e ' — p o s l u z i t ' (v a r m i i ) . However, i n the phrase s l u z i t ' primerom 'serve as an example,' p o s l u z i t ' i s considered by aspectologists as a p e r f e c t i v e aspectual partner of the basic verb by v i r t u e of the p r e f i x ' s r e s u l t a t i v e , or perhaps even purely aspectual, 35 meaning. 74 The fa c t that a simplex, a p r e f i x a l p e r f e c t i v e , or even a p r e f i x may have more than one meaning has an important bearing on the po s t u l a t i o n of p r e f i x a l p e r f e c t i v i z a t i o n . I t creates a need f or a c e r t a i n degree of spe-c i f i c i t y i n the postu l a t i o n of any p r e f i x a l aspectual p a i r . As we have seen, whether or not a simplex and a p r e f i x a l verb are aspectually paired with one another depends to a great extent on the s p e c i f i c meanings which they may or may not have i n common, on the contexts i n which they occur, and on the degree and nature of l e x i c a l and/or s u b l e x i c a l d i s p a r i t y between the two verbs. Some simplex verbs are c i t e d i n l e x i c o l o g i c a l reference works as being aspectually paired with more than one p r e f i x a l , p e r f e c t i v e . To a large ex-tent, the occurrence of multiple p r e f i x a t i o n s i s due to the f a c t that cer-t a i n aspect^formative prefixes share some of the same or c l o s e l y s i m i l a r l e x i c a l or s u b l e x i c a l meanings (as, f o r example, ' i n t e n s i t y , thoroughness' i n the pref i x e s i z - , vy-, za-). Another consideration i s that i n the pro-cess of p r e f i x a l p e r f e c t i v i z a t i o n , one p r e f i x may be completely aspectual-ized/semantically unmotivated, another semantically motivated, while yet another may be incompletely a s p e c t u a l i z e d — a l l i n conjunction with one and the same basic verb. A few examples w i l l i l l u s t r a t e such concurrence of aspect-formative p r e f i x e s . Basic Verb P r e f i x a l P e r f e c t i v e Description of P r e f i x k r o s i t ' 'crumble' i s k r o s i t ' i s - : incompletely aspectual-ized; meaning of i n t e n s i t y or thoroughness preserved ( cf. 2.1.1) r a s k r o s i t ' ras-: considered completely aspectualized, semantically motivated (cf. 2.10.1) 75 Basic Verb P r e f i x a l P e r f e c t i v e myt' 'wash' pomyt' vymyt ,36 rugat' 'curse, swear at, scold' izrugat' otrugat' 37 vyrugat ,38 r y t ' 'dig (up/out)' o t r y t ' vyryt ,39 Description of P r e f i x po-: considered completely aspectualized, semantically unmotivated (cf. 2.6.4) vy-: incompletely aspectual-ized; meaning of 'thorough-ness' i s evident i z - : incompletely aspectual-ized; meaning of ' i n t e n s i t y ' i s evident (cf. 2.1.2) ot-: incompletely aspectual-ized (cf.. 2.4.5-6) vy-: incompletely aspectual-ized; meaning of 'thorough-ness' preserved ot-: semantically motivated ('removal'—cf. 2.4.2) vy-: semantically motivated ( ' e x t r a c t i o n ' — c f . 2.14.2) 3.6. Concluding Remarks We have seen that i n some instances there may e x i s t semantic c o r r e l a -tions between a p r e f i x and a given verb; that i s , the occurrence of a pre-f i x i n conjunction with some verb may be semantically motivated. However, such semantic c o r r e l a t i o n s i n many instances may be obscured or even no longer d i s c e r n i b l e from a synchronic point of view. Moreover, even where semantic motivation i s evident, i t i s neither regular nor p r e d i c t a b l e . The f a c t that, i n a d d i t i o n to semantically motivated p r e f i x e s , there are also semantically unmotivated and incompletely aspectualized p r e f i x e s (whose occurrence must be ascribed to analogy or l i n g u i s t i c t r a d i t i o n ) , adds to the i r r e g u l a r i t y of p r e f i x a l p e r f e c t i v i z a t i o n as a grammatical pro-cess. Hence, our analysis of p r e f i x a l p e r f e c t i v i z a t i o n and aspectual p a r t -ners, based on comprehensive l e x i c a l material (see Chapter I I ) , corroborates A. V. Bondarko's observation that p r e f i x a t i o n of a basic verb may i n many cases produce a p e r f e c t i v e aspectual partner to that basic verb (for example p r j a t a t ' - s p r j a t a t ' , publikovat'-opublikovat'); however, such capacity f o r aspect formation manifests i t s e l f i n c o n s i s t e n t l y , without r e g u l a r i t y . 4 ^ 77 Notes to Chapter I I I S. Avilova, Vid glagola i semantika glagol'nogo slova, Moscow, 1976, p. 226. 2 l b i d . , p. 223. 3 I b i d . , p. 226. 4 I b i d . 5 I b i d . Cf. A. V. Bondarko, "Glagol'nyj v i d i s l o v a r i , " Sovremennaja russkaja l e k s i k o g r a f i j a , Leningrad, 1975, p. 51: " c i t a t ' d l j a togo, ctoby p r o c i -Avilova, op. c i t . , pp. 221-222; V. N. Cyganova, "Sinonimiceskie e k v i -valenty glagolov s pristavkoj vy-," Sinonimy russkogo jazyka i i x osoben- n o s t i , Leningrad, 1972, pp. 63, 69. Q Avilova, op. c i t . , p. 226. 9 I b i d . , p. 219. 1 0 I b i d . , p. 225. •'•''"The polysemous simplex verb b i t ' i s p e r f e c t i v i z e d by the addition of various p r e f i x e s , depending on the p a r t i c u l a r denotation conveyed: r a z b i t ' (steklo) 'break, shatter ( g l a s s ) , ' p r o b i t ' (cas) ' s t r i k e (the hour),' pobit' (kogo) ' s t r i k e , h i t (someone),' s b i t ' ( s l i v k i ) 'whip (cream).' 12 Avilova, op. c i t . , p. 223. 13A. V. Isacenko, Die russische Sprache der Gegenwart ( T e i l I ) . For- menlehre, Halle, 1962, p. 394. ^ C f . Avilova, op. c i t . , p. 226. ^ E . A. Ivannikova, " S p e c i f i k a sinonimiceskix otnoKenij glagola v s v j a z i s k a t i g o r i e j glagol'nogo v i d a , " Sinonimy russkogo jazyka i i x oso- bennosti, Leningrad, 1972, p. 51. ^ A v i l o v a , op. c i t . , pp. 221-222. 1 7 I b i d . , p. 219. ^•^Isacenko, p. 394. 19 Cf. Avilova, op. c i t . , p. 225. 2 0 l b i d . Ibid. 22 Ibi d . , p. 155. 2 3 Ibid. , pp. 32, 196; V. V. Vinogradov, Russkij jazy.k (grammatic'eskoe ucenie o slove), Moscow, 1972, pp. 422-423. 2 4A. A. Spagis, Parnye i neparnye glagoly v russkom jazyke, Moscow, 1969, p. 40; V. V. Vinogradov (ed.), Grammatika russkogo jazyka, Moscow, 1960, p. 452. 2^Isacenko, pp. 359-364. 26 A v i l o v a , op. c i t . , p. 155. 2 7 I b i d . 28 Cf. Avilova, op. c i t . , pp. 224-225. V. Andreeva-Georg and V. Tolmaceva, The Russian Verb: P r e p o s i t i o n a l and Non-Prepositional Government, Moscow, 1972, pp. 11-12. 30 E. Daum and W. Schenk, Die russischen Verben, L e i p z i g , 1965, p. 61. 31 A. Aleksandrov, Polnyj r u s s k o - a n g l i j s k i j slovar', St. Petersburg, 1904, p. 88; Daum, p. 691; L. Segal, New Complete Russian-English Diction-. ary, New York, 1959, pp. 122, 778. 32 -^Spagis, p. 44. 3 3 I b i d . 3 4 I b i d . , p. 46. 3 5 I b i d . 3 ^ A v i l o v a , op. c i t . , p. 221; Daum, pp. 125, 291; S. I. Ozegov, Slovar' russkogo jazyka, Moscow, 1963, p. 358; Al. I. S m i r n i c k i j , Russian-English Dictionary, Moscow, 1961, pp. 133, 371; Spagis, p. 59. 37Daum, pp. 437, 675; Ozegov (1963), pp. 469, 678; Spagis, p. 73. 3 8 A v i l o v a , op. c i t . , p. 221; Daum, pp. 132, 675; S m i r n i c k i j , pp. 137, 688; Spagis, p. 73; M. Wheeler, The Oxford Russian-English Dictionary, Mos-cow, 1961, pp. 133, 371; Spagis, p. 59. 3 9 A v i l o v a , l o c . c i t . ; Daum, pp. 132, 676; Spagis, p. 51. ^Bondarko, p. 42. 79 BIBLIOGRAPHY Akademija nauk SSSR. Slovar' sovremennogo russkogo literaturnogo jazyka. Moscow-Leningrad, 1950-65. Aleksandrov, A. 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Thesis/Dissertation
eng
Slavonic Studies
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Graduate
An analysis of prefixal perfectivization in contemporary standard Russian
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