@prefix vivo: . @prefix edm: . @prefix ns0: . @prefix dcterms: . @prefix skos: . vivo:departmentOrSchool "Arts, Faculty of"@en, "Art History, Visual Art and Theory, Department of"@en ; edm:dataProvider "DSpace"@en ; ns0:degreeCampus "UBCV"@en ; dcterms:creator "Lister, Beverley-Ann"@en ; dcterms:issued "2010-09-11T17:00:57Z"@en, "1984"@en ; vivo:relatedDegree "Master of Arts - MA"@en ; ns0:degreeGrantor "University of British Columbia"@en ; dcterms:description """Two problems in the appreciation of Inuit art are firstly, the commercial cornerstone and, secondly, the cultural gap, in most cases, between the viewer and the artist. With regard to the first, although commercialism is a fact, it should not cloud the obvious visual and informative expressiveness of the works of such artists as Pudlo Pudlat, the subject of this thesis. Rather than dwell upon the negative aspects of commercialism, we concentrate on the benefits. For, without the monetary impulse, many artists might not have begun to externalize, and thereby record, the events and feelings associated with a culture both removed from our own and also undergoing the dramatic changes of acculturation. This is the essence of the second problem. It is one which faces anybody wishing to approach the unfamiliar. In this particular case it required the reading of sociological, anthropological, and psychological abstracts, among others. None of these as good as the primary experience, yet all geared to helping lower the barriers of one's own cultural bias. In short, extensive background information on traditional and acculturational life in the North is a necessity. Pudlo has been drawing for over twenty years, since the beginning of print-making. In reviewing the development of his oeuvre, one comes to an appreciation of his work and of the development of print-making in the Canadian Arctic in general, as well as in Cape Dorset, specifically. The themes of Pudlo's prints reveal his brand of historicism to be more than a documentation of traditional life in the North. The hunter-turned-artist infuses information with a profound depth of emotion. His shamanic images educate the less well informed and surely evoke memories and feelings in the initiated. Portrayals of the land and animals project the Inuit's long-standing respect for, and intimate bond with, nature. Pudlo is one of the very few Inuit artists to include modern objects in his drawings. In his choice and use of these motifs, he creates a continuum between his shamanic past and the rapidly changing present."""@en ; edm:aggregatedCHO "https://circle.library.ubc.ca/rest/handle/2429/28419?expand=metadata"@en ; skos:note "PUDLO PUDLAT: IMAGES OF CHANGE By BEVERLEY-ANN LISTER B.A., Carleton University, 1977 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of Art History) We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA August 1984 (c) Beverley-Ann L i s t e r , 1984 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f the r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r an advanced degree a t the U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , I agree t h a t the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and s t u d y . I f u r t h e r agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be g r a n t e d by the head o f my department o r by h i s o r her r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s u n d e r s t o o d t h a t c o p y i n g o r p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l n o t be a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Department o f The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a 2075 Wesbrook P l a c e V a n c o u v e r , Canada V6T 1W5 Date I ^ U f r M U T ll&j DE-6 (2/79) ABSTRACT Two problems i n the a p p r e c i a t i o n of I n u i t a r t are f i r s t l y , the commercial cornerstone and, secondly, the c u l t u r a l gap, i n most cases, between the viewer and the a r t i s t . With regard to the f i r s t , although commercialism i s a f a c t , i t should not cloud the obvious v i s u a l and in f o r m a t i v e expressiveness of the works of such a r t i s t s as Pudlo Pu d l a t , the subject of t h i s t h e s i s . Rather than d w e l l upon the negative aspects of commercialism, we con-c e n t r a t e on the b e n e f i t s . For, without the monetary impulse, many a r t i s t s might not have begun to e x t e r n a l i z e , and thereby r e c o r d , the events and f e e l i n g s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h a c u l t u r e both removed from our own and a l s o undergoing the dramatic changes of a c c u l t u r a t i o n . This i s the essence of the second problem. I t i s one which faces anybody wishing to approach the u n f a m i l i a r . In t h i s p a r t i c u l a r case i t r e q u i r e d the reading of s o c i o l o g i c a l , a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l , and p s y c h o l o g i c a l a b s t r a c t s , among others. None of these as good as the primary experience, yet a l l geared to hel p i n g lower the b a r r i e r s of one's own c u l t u r a l b i a s . In s h o r t , extensive background i n f o r m a t i o n on t r a d i t i o n a l and a c c u l t u r a t i o n a l l i f e i n the North i s a n e c e s s i t y . Pudlo has been drawing f o r over twenty years, s i n c e the begin-ning of print-making. In reviewing the development of h i s oeuvre, one comes to an a p p r e c i a t i o n of h i s work and of the development of p r i n t -making i n the Canadian A r c t i c i n ge n e r a l , as w e l l as i n Cape Dorset, s p e c i f i c a l l y . i i The themes of Pudlo's p r i n t s r e v e a l h i s brand of h i s t o r i c i s m to be more than a documentation of t r a d i t i o n a l l i f e i n the North. The h u n t e r - t u r n e d - a r t i s t i n f u s e s i n f o r m a t i o n w i t h a profound depth of emotion. His shamanic images educate the l e s s w e l l informed and s u r e l y evoke memories and f e e l i n g s i n the i n i t i a t e d . P o r t r a y a l s of the land and animals p r o j e c t the I n u i t ' s long-standing respect f o r , and i n t i m a t e bond w i t h , nature. Pudlo i s one of the very few I n u i t a r t i s t s to i n c l u d e modern objects i n h i s drawings. In h i s choice and use of these m o t i f s , he creates a continuum between h i s shamanic past and the r a p i d l y changing present. i i i TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ABSTRACT i i LIST OF FIGURES v Chapter I INTRODUCTION . . . . 1 II THE CRAFT REVIVAL AND AN INTRODUCTION TO PUDLO . . . 11 III A REVIEW OF PUDLO'S GRAPHIC TECHNIQUES 15 IV THE HUNTER/SHAMAN 26 V THE HUNTER/ARTIST 32 VI PUDLO AND NATURE: THE BIRDS AND ANIMALS 41 VII PUDLO AND NATURE: THE LAND 51 VIII CONCLUSION: THE SEASONS . . 55 APPENDIX 58 GLOSSARY 61 BIBLIOGRAPHY 63 FIGURES 68 iv LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1 F i r s t two maps drawn by Inuit from memory. The t h i r d i s an actual map of Southampton Island. Source: G. Sutton i n Carpenter, 1973, p. 10. Figure 2 S p i r i t With Symbols. #49-1961. Stonecut (SC) . Figure 3 Man i n F i s h Weir. #19-1961. SC. Figure 4 S p i r i t Watching Games. #45-1964. SC. Figure 5 Drawing by Enooesweetok-—collected by film-maker Robert Flaherty, 1913-14. C o l l e c t i o n : The Royal Ontario Museum, Toronto. Source: Vastokas, 1971/72, p. 72. Figure 6 Drawing by Enooesweetok of the Sikosilingmint Tribe, Fox Land, B a f f i n Island. Collected by Robert Flaherty. Source: Carpenter, 1973, p. 169. Figure 7 Long Journey. #36-1974. SC. Figure 8 Middle: Bow f o r bow d r i l l , Thule cu l t u r e , near A r c t i c Bay, ivory, 16 7/10\" long. C o l l e c t i o n : National Museum of Man, Ottawa. Source: Vastokas, 1971/72, p. 71. Figure 9 Tudlik (Loon). #38-1974. SC. Figure 10 Fi s h Lake. #37-1966. SC. Figure 11 A r c t i c W a t e r f a l l . #15-1976. SC and s t e n c i l (SS) . » Figure 12 Spring Landscape. #53-1977. SC and SS. Figure 13 Shores of the Settlement. 1979-commission. Lithograph. Figure 14 Umingmuk (Musk-ox). 1978. Lithograph. Figure 15 Naujaq Umiallu ( S e a g u l l and Boats). 1978. Lithograph. Figure 16 Eagle Carrying Han. #34-1963. SC. Figure 17 S p i r i t s . #36-1966. SC. Figure 18 P e r i l s of the Hunter. #38-1970. SC. Figure 19 Sea Goddess Held by B i r d . #21-1961. SS. Figure 20 Sedna. #24-1.76. SC. Figure 21 Middle: Female f i g u r i n e s . I g l o o l i k area Thule Cu l t u r e . I v o r y , l e n g t h 1%\" to 2\". C o l l e c t i o n : Eskimo Museum, C h u r c h i l l . Source: Swinton, 1972, p. 117. Bottom: B i r d f i g u r i n e s . I g l o o l i k area Thule C u l t u r e . I v o r y , l e n g t h I V to 2\". C o l l e c t i o n : Eskimo Museum, C h u r c h i l l . Source: Swinton, 1972, p. 117. Figure 22 Woman With B i r d Image. #14-1961. SS. Figure 23 Shaman's Dwelling. #32-1975. SC. Figure 24 Two Loons at Sea. #52-1979. SC and SS. Figure 25 Thoughts of Home. #62-1975. Lithograph. Figure 26 Large Loon and Landscape. #27-1981. Lithograph. Figure 27 Metiq on M a l l i k (Duck on a Wave). #39-1983. SC. Figure 28 V i s i o n of Two Worlds. #19-1983. Lithograph and SS. Figure 29 Musk-ox i n the C i t y . #56-1979. SC and SS. Figure 30 Dream of Bear. #12-1976. SC. Figure 31 Bottom r i g h t : Landscape w i t h Caribou. 1977. Lithograph. v i Figure 32 Timiat Nunamiut (The Body of Land). 1976. L i t h o -graph. Habitat commission. Source: Dorset, 1981, p. 73. Figure 33 The Seasons. 1976. Lithograph. v i i Chapter I INTRODUCTION The r e l a t i o n s h i p between art and r e l i g i o n within the t r a d i t i o n a l Eskimo culture had been a close one (see Glossary for use of words Eskimo and I n u i t ) . Consideration of the people for the s p i r i t world was both pervasive and intensely personal. Each i n d i v i d u a l was responsible for observing a complex taboo system (Lantis, 1970, p. 319). F a i l u r e to do so opened the way for a possible penalty which might have affected the e n t i r e community. Every Eskimo therefore had some experience with, or knowledge about, the unknown. The i n d i v i d u a l was a constant attendant to the s p i r i t world. The shaman and h i s a s s i s t a n t s were responsible for looking a f t e r extreme s i t u -ations i n psychic a f f a i r s . This required the designing and c r a f t i n g of sacred and ceremonial objects and amulets (Boas, 1888, p. 184, and B a l i k c i , 1970, pp. 201 - 203). If amulets were worn as found (e.g. rare minerals, teeth, feathers), they were made e f f e c t i v e (powerful) through contact with a shaman, or someone considered s p i r i t u a l l y g i f t e d (Winnipeg Art G a l l e r y — WAG—1978, p. 203, and Rasmussen, 1929, pp. 150 and 153, and 1931, p. 269). This might be, f o r example, a c o n s i s t e n t l y successful hunter. T r a d i t i o n a l s c u l p t u r a l s k i l l s , u s ually attained by men, were the carving of stone, bone, ivory and i n some areas, wood. These a c t i v i t i e s existed alongside the graphic s k i l l s . Part of the woman's c r a f t was the applique (and l a t e r stitched) decoration of parkas. These designs were so s p e c i f i c and i n t r i c a t e that an informed i n d i v i d u a l could i d e n t i f y the 1 2 exact geographic l o c a t i o n and f a m i l i a l background of the wearer (Houston, 1967, p. 60). Men's graphic a r t included the i n c i s e d embellishment of t o o l s , tusks, and a n t l e r s . Also notable were p a r t i c u l a r l y remarkable cartographic s k i l l s . The drawings documented i n Carpenter (1973, p. 10; F i g . 1) show maps which were t r a d i t i o n a l l y made i n the snow. They d i s -play astounding d e t a i l with regard to memory, observation, and n a t u r a l -i s t i c representation. The Eskimo were nomadic. Therefore, t h e i r material culture was l i m i t e d to objects of necessity. Poetry, songs, and r e l i g i o u s and mytho-l o g i c a l t a l e s were preserved by a precise o r a l t r a d i t i o n . The demand for accuracy on the part of the t e l l e r of myths (often the shaman) i s e v i -denced by how well the s t o r i e s have remained the same over the centuries within groups, and s i m i l a r l y , across the A r c t i c (Rink, 1874, pp. 85 and 86) . The a r r i v a l of the hunters of the blue whale, approximately two hundred years ago, marked the s t a r t of increased kablunait-Inuit (see Glossary f o r translations) i n t e r a c t i o n . This contributed to the secular-i z a t i o n of a r t i s t i c production. Carving became predominantly decorative, or f u n c t i o n a l . Amulets now consisted only of found objects, and were never carved. This was the actual beginning of commercial production of Inuit a r t (George Swinton i n Canadian Eskimo Arts Council—CEAC—1971, p. 39). Throughout the whole nineteenth century there was a steady demand for Eskimo souvenir carvings i n the Eastern A r c t i c . As early as 1812, while stopping at Upper Savage Island i n the Hudson S t r a i t , McKeevor (1819) watched how natives \". . . no sooner got alongside than they began to t r a f f i c \" (Martijn, 1964, p. 559). 3 These pieces made f o r trade were small models d e s c r i p t i v e of d a i l y tasks. S i g n i f i c a n t l y , the word 'model', when translated, i s the only word i n Inuktitut which approximates ours of 'art'. This word i s sananguaq which comes from sana—making, and nguaq-—the idea of a model (Swinton i n CEAC, 1971, p. 38).- That i s , a hand-crafted q u a l i t y repro-duction of a r e a l i t y , whether actual or imagined. At the turn of the nineteenth century Euro-American missionaries and teachers supplied the materials f o r , and introduced, drawing. That the graphic impulse already existed i s noted above, as well as by the following anecdote: The f i r s t drawings were done with a jack knife and a spoon on windows: When the window was frosted - the window of a b u i l d i n g - the f r o s t was scraped with a spoon. We would put the spoon i n our mouths and make i t warm that was how i t was done when we were s t i l l r e a l Eskimos. We were not t o l d by the white men how to draw; we did i t by ourselves when we were c h i l d r e n . (Peter P i t s e o l a k , 1976, p. 41) The kabluna presence (whalers, missionaries, traders, RCMP, Hudson's Bay Co. s t a f f ) was very strongly f e l t . This increased contact resulted i n the d i s r u p t i o n of the Inuit l i f e s t y l e — i n p a r t i c u l a r the economic and b e l i e f systems. The introduction of the white man's tools and firearms severely l i m i t e d the amount of carving which a hunter need do, and caused the breakdown of t r a d i t i o n a l hunting systems (Graburn, 1974, p. 3). Men no longer needed to hunt i n groups and they gradually became more competitive with one another. Age-old laws of in-group cooperation and sharing were shattered. Hunting f o r outsiders i n exchange for southern goods a l t e r e d the r e l i g i o u s r e l a t i o n s h i p between man and the animal world. The reasons f o r hunting were changed (WAG, 1978, p. 227). I t was no longer the shamans' 4 powers and hunters' r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s toward the s p i r i t s which were be-l i e v e d to t i l t the balance between man and h i s prey, i n man's favour. Further, the e c o l o g i c a l system which had e a s i l y accommodated the f r u g a l subsistence hunting practices of the Inuit, reeled under the pressure of the commercial onslaught. From the depression onward, the white fox fur trade, which had been the p r i n c i p a l means of support for the I n u i t , collapsed (Jenness, 1964, p. 50). P e l t s which had sold f o r f i f t y d o l l a r s i n 1929 brought i n only t h i r t y d o l l a r s i n 1930. Southern goods were subject to a p r i c e i n -crease of twenty-five percent. The p r i c e continued to drop and would never again r i s e s u f f i c i e n t l y to keep up with Southern i n f l a t i o n (Iglauer, 1962, p. 4). Government r e l i e f cheques became the p r i n c i p a l source of income f o r most Inuit (Iglauer, 1962, p. 53). Often faced with starvation, the people became increasingly dependent upon the Kablunait f o r material a i d . The Federal Government, r e a l i z i n g i t s moral r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to the people of the North (as well as the p o l i t i c a l l y s t r a t e g i c p o s i t i o n and' resource wealth of the land), made a number of attempts to provide a f i n a n c i a l base f o r the A r c t i c (Jenness, 1964, pp. 79f and p. 109). These e f f o r t s f a i l e d either because the necessary natural resources were non-renewable and/or e a s i l y depleted; or, as i n the case of reindeer herding, because the people were forced into an unfamiliar p r a c t i c e of a r i g i d timetable. Government subsidised arts and c r a f t s projects were therefore begun f o r e s s e n t i a l l y economic reasons. As noted, secular, commercial c r a f t production was not a new concept. What was new was the extent to which these commercial enterprises were organized. Handicraft projects had been t r i e d i n the past (Swinton, 1972, p. 124). I t was James Houston' insig h t and perseverence which resulted i n t h i s e f f o r t ' s v i r t u a l immme-diate success. As carving had generally been a male-oriented task, i t was the hunters who were i n i t i a l l y attracted to the sculpture project i n the l a t e 1940's. If the weather was favourable, the men were free to pursue the hunt (Houston, 1967, pp. 20 and 21). If i t became bad, they could carve. This supplemented t h e i r incomes so that they might continue to purchase the luxury goods from the South ( t h i s term i s used from the Northern perspective), to which they had become accustomed, without being s o l e l y dependent upon the Federal Welfare agencies. As one a r t i s t said of her beginnings i n the graphics project: I didn't want to be j u s t a person, not doing anything. I wanted to make something out of myself and to buy some food . . . That's the way we l i v e today - with money. ( P i t a l o o s i e i n WAG, 1980a, p. 25) Houston encouraged production and the carver was immediately com-pensated with c r e d i t at the Hudson's Bay Company o u t l e t . Whereas i n the past animal skins had been the p r i n c i p a l source of c r e d i t at the stores, sculptures now became the generally accepted commodity (Graburn, 1971, p. 16). I t was soon the most p r o l i f i c a r t i s t , rather than the successful hunter, who received the most c r e d i t . Accordingly, prestige systems showed signs of change. Many people s t i l l l i v e d i n what outwardly appeared to be the t r a d i t i o n a l manner. However, hunting f o r the white man and using h i s tools had already shaken the roots of s o c i a l organization, and had a l -tered extremely deep f e e l i n g s f or the animal and s p i r i t world. Never-6 theless, by s t i l l l i v i n g close to the land, memories of and f e e l i n g s for the 'old ways' (the times when the people were s t i l l nomadic) remained strong. This would not have been too d i f f i c u l t f o r the people of Cape Dorset, the f i r s t Northern a r t i s t i c community. Known i n i n u k t i t u t as Kingnait (the 'high land'), i t i s located on the Foxe Peninsula, south B a f f i n Island. In the l a t e 1950's i t was s t i l l a r e l a t i v e l y i s o l a t e d spot co n s i s t i n g of three hundred semi-nomadic Inui t and seven whites (Houston, 1960, p. 8). The productive functioning of cooperatives, of which the arts and c r a f t s i s only one type, r a p i d l y became a source of pride f or the people (Graburn, 1971, p. 116). They were i n i t i a l l y begun to boost both the Northern economy and community e f f o r t s . The intent was to employ Inuit in s p e c i f i c trades (e.g. hunting, house and boat b u i l d i n g , municipal services, e t c . ) , and to provide i n d i v i d u a l incomes (Iglauer, 1962, x i ) . A l l r e s i d u a l monies were returned to the community as a whole i n the form of e ither cash or goods. By the early s i x t i e s the cooperatives i n many communities had started t h e i r own r e t a i l o u t l e t s i n competition with those of the Hudson's Bay Company (Graburn, 1971, p. 116). By the l a t e 1970's they had become the larges t s i n g l e employer of Inuit i n Canada. Every year about six-and-a-half m i l l i o n d o l l a r s go out to cooperative members i n wages, s a l a r i e s , for goods produced - including the works of art cherished a l l over the world - and other payments. Aft e r only two decades, the A r c t i c cooperatives are generating more money i n t h i s annual six-and-a-half m i l l i o n i n wages and other re l a t e d payments than the t o t a l amount of loans and grants put into, them by a l l l e v e l s of government during the past twenty years. (Iglauer, 1962, x) 7 Since i t s s t a r t i n 1959, the West B a f f i n Co-op i n Cape Dorset has received the carvings and drawings from the a r t i s t s , seen to t h e i r commissions, and also ensured that t h e i r p r o f i t s from sales i n the South have been returned to the community. The commercialism of the arts projects i n the North i s , f o r many, the most d i f f i c u l t hurdle \"in the path toward the appreciation of the arts of the I n u i t . This paper w i l l follow George Swinton's lead i n t h i s respect, and others, i n the b e l i e f that: The a b i l i t y to achieve good r e s u l t s despite - or because of -adversity seems to be one of the r e a l t r a d i t i o n s of Eskimo a r t and manifests i t s e l f with or without commercialism. (Swinton, 1972, p. 127) So-called 'airport ( g i f t shop) a r t ' e x i s t s as do Woolworth's velvet paintings. Neither disallow the p o s s i b i l i t y of q u a l i t y production with-i n the same cult u r e . S i m i l a r l y , a commercial cornerstone does not predicate a s i t u a -t i o n with s o l e l y monetary ben e f i t s . That i s , much good can (and has) come about f o r the people of the North as a d i r e c t r e s u l t of the arts and c r a f t s project. As chro n i c l e r of h i s community, the a r t i s t i s giving expression to, i n an ex c i t i n g and personal manner, events which were previously only seen or done. Or, he may attempt the even more e l u s i v e — g i v i n g form to ideas. The subject matter, the effluence of a d i s t i n c t i v e past, i s l a i d out f o r others to attempt to read. In the future the time may come when the Inui t no longer hunt game. Therefore I record on paper these events from the spoken word of my people and from my imagination. (Kananginak Pootoogook i n Dorset, 1981, p. 9) Al t e r a t i o n s brought about by the traumatic i n t r i c a c i e s of an 8 a c e u l t u r a t i v e present, emphasize the expressive p o t e n t i a l of the a r t s . That i s , the communication of a r e s o l u t i o n of tensions and doubts whether of a l i e n a t i o n or a n x i e t y over pass i v e acceptance of the changes ( J i r t h , 1966, p. 21) . The work may be an a i d to making the c u l t u r a l changes im-p l i c i t to the a c e u l t u r a t i v e s i t u a t i o n ( H e r s k o v i t s , 1959, p. 63). For, as T i v i Etook s a i d : In the past . . . though we spent months alone on the l a n d , we d i d not f e a r anything except hunger. Now we do not f i n d hunger but we f i n d f e a r . In the past we were never l o s t . Now we do not know where we are going. (1975, p. 9) Although there are instances i n which both the i n c e n t i v e and only reward f o r c r a f t production i s the f i n a n c i a l one, a r t i s t s such as Pudlo Pudlat, who w i l l be the main subject of t h i s paper, r i s e above t h i s . The new c r e a t i v e underpinnings, which are r e p l a c i n g the r e l i g i o u s b a s i s of the past, a l l o w the a r t i s t to u t i l i z e f o r e i g n concepts. He may then acquire new ideas and a e s t h e t i c concepts and r e a f f i r m h i s t e c h n i c a l and a e s t h e t i c a b i l i t i e s . While expressing h i s c u l t u r a l h e r i t a g e he may develop new p e r s p e c t i v e s on o l d e r ideas ( F r a s e r , 1966, p. 19). Many of the issues r a i s e d i n t h i s paper have already surfaced i n catalogues on I n u i t a r t and a r t i s t s . These g e n e r a l l y examine a p a r t i c u l a r theme or subject and the r e l e v a n t c o n t r i b u t i o n s of many a r t i s t s . Mono-graphs, when they do occur, o f t e n tend to be l i m i t e d to formal analyses of the a r t i s t s ' oeuvres. Pudlo's p r i n t s a l l o w i n s i g h t i n t o a man who s u c c e s s f u l l y made the t r a n s i t i o n from the nomadism of the past to settlement l i f e i n Cape Dorset. He was chosen to be the f o c a l p o i n t of t h i s essay f o r that reason and because, as w i l l be seen, h i s works d i s p l a y a considerable emotional depth and a e s t h e t i c s e n s i b i l i t y . That i s , he o f f e r s us a glimpse i n t o a world f a r removed from our experiences. By concentrating on Pudlo we u n d e r l i n e the premise that \" i n d i v i d u a l i t y i s the foremost c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of Eskimo a r t \" (Swinton, 1972, p. 143). I r e t u r n to my l i t t l e sdng And p a t i e n t l y I si n g i t Above f i s h i n g holes i n the i c e El s e I too q u i c k l y t i r e When f i s h i n g upstream When the wind blows c o l d Where I stand s h i v e r i n g Not g i v i n g myself time to wait f o r them I go home saying I t was the f i s h that f a i l e d - upstream - South B a f f i n I s l a n d (Lewis, 1971, p. 76) 10 Chapter II THE CRAFT REVIVAL AND AN INTRODUCTION TO PUDLO The Houstons (Alma and James) f i r s t introduced the art s and c r a f t s project, s p e c i f i c a l l y sculpture, to Cape Dorset i n 1951 ( f o r a de t a i l e d account see Houston, 1967, and Swinton, 1972). When discussing the idea with Pootoogook, the most i n f l u e n t i a l i n d i v i d u a l and hunter of the area, and father of the long-time president of the art s and c r a f t s co-op, he said that he would neither help nor hinder the progress of the project (Alma Houston i n WAG, 1980a, p. 15). One year l a t e r he was a contributor. In f a c t , i t was generally the most successful hunters who were i n i t i a l l y a ttracted to sc u l p t i n g . They were also often the most accomplished a r t i s t s (Graburn, 1971, p. 116). Print-making was organized i n 1957 (see National Museum of Man, 1977). With i t s development came the increased p a r t i c i p a t i o n of Inuit women. Although t r a d i t i o n a l Eskimo society was nearly p e r f e c t l y e g a l i -t a r i a n , carving did tend to f i t into the men's c r a f t . Therefore, few women took an a c t i v e part i n the art s and c r a f t s project p r i o r to the growth of drawing and print-making (Berry, 1966). James Houston spent f i v e months i n 1958 i n Japan (National Museum of Man, 1977, p. 40). There he learned about print-making techniques, s p e c i f i c a l l y Japanese wood-cutting. This affected both the workshop organization and s t y l i s t i c q u a l i t i e s of Inuit p r i n t s (Houston, 1967, p. 21, and Vastokas, 1971/72, p. 71). The noted bold-silhouetted forms i n t e r a c t i n g with blank b i t s of paper, and the framed s y l l a b i c signature, 11 12 are two t r a i t s of Japanese o r i g i n which occurred i n the e a r l y p r i n t s (see Appendix #2). Suggestions regarding subject matter and s t y l e were made by Houston, who was the f i r s t of a stream of Southern a r t i s t i c a d v i s o r s to the North. Marketing matters such as d i s t r i b u t i o n , q u a n t i t y , and p r i c e c o n t r o l were l a t e r p o l i c e d by the Canadian Eskimo A r t Committee (CEAC), founded i n 1961, and the Canadian A r c t i c Producers L i m i t e d (CAP), founded i n 1965.(Vastokas, 1971/72, p. 7 ) , The counterpart of CAP i n Nouveau Quebec i s La Federation des Cooperatives du Nouveau Quebec (FCNQ). The f a v o u r i t e subject matter of contemporary I n u i t a r t and i n p a r t i c u l a r , the I n u i t p r i n t , are the 'old ways' or the times when the people were s t i l l nomadic. The Southern market c e r t a i n l y had a d e t e r -mining e f f e c t i n t h i s matter. The 'old ways' are p r e f e r r e d i n part because the subjects meet w i t h the Euro-American impression of what i s t r u l y I n u i t (Swinton, 1972, p. 127). This has been coupled w i t h Houston's hope t h a t : these people who l a c k the w r i t t e n word may yet give us i n graphic terms t h e i r v i v i d concept of l i f e as i t i s l i v e d on the vast tundra that i s A r c t i c Canada. (Houston, 1956, p. 224) Jenness notes that the s e l e c t i o n of subject matter, i n the draw-ings which he discusses i n h i s 1922 p u b l i c a t i o n , was a l s o r e l a t e d to economic importance f o r the people. That i s , favoured subjects were those which were most f a m i l i a r and/or of greatest i n t e r e s t to the I n u i t , namely, animal and hunting scenes. The t r a d i t i o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p t o , and s i g n i f i -cance o f , these themes had already been undermined. Yet, the a r t i s t s continued to d e p i c t the beauty of the creatures w i t h a respect perhaps tempered by the memory of the f e e l i n g s of communion w i t h the animal world. 13 Images of the mysteries and myths of the past have, perhaps f o r s i m i l a r reasons, become increasingly popular (Cape Dorset Annual Graphics C o l l e c -t i o n , Dorset, 1981, p. 8). Perhaps i n part as a r e s u l t of greater female input, subject matter was expanded to include scenes from d a i l y l i f e around the campsite. Although the conditions of the present are markedly d i f f e r e n t from those of the past, one can imagine that the d i s t i n c t i v e , barren tundra and harsh c l i m a t i c conditions serve as a continual reminder of a l i f e which had been dictated by those elements (Ray, 1977, p. 66). AN INTRODUCTION TO PUDLO Pudlo began to make the change away from Qeatuk, a nearby camp, toward settlement l i f e i n Cape Dorset j u s t as the print-making project was s t a r t i n g (Dorset, 1977, p. 63). Born to Quppa and Pudlat, Pudlo's birthdate i s now recorded as February 4th, 1916, the exact date not being known. He was born near Kamajuk, a campsite on Amadjuak Bay (Dorset, 1977, p. 63; 1979, p. 65; 1983, p. 11). Most of his childhood was spent i n small camps on South B a f f i n Island, Coates and Southampton Islands. He married his f i r s t wife, Meetik, i n Cape Dorset and then her s i s t e r , Quivirok. Both of these women died while Pudlo was r e l a t i v e l y young. The four c h i l d r e n from his f i r s t marriage died i n infancy and the only son of his second marriage, K e l l i p e l l i k , died i n 1968. Pudlo married the widowed Inukjuakjuk ( l a t e r also an a r t i s t ) i n the l a t e 1940's. Together they had s i x chil d r e n , of whom only three daughters have survived. In the l a t e f i f t i e s he and Inukjuakjuk (who i s now also dead) moved to Cape Dorset that he might receive medical attention f or his 14 r i g h t arm which was i n j u r e d i n a hunting accident (Dorset, 1983, p. 11). This was one of the most common reasons f o r an I n u i t f a m i l y ' s switch to settlement l i f e (Schwartz, 1978, pp. 33 and 37). Even those who were s t i l l able-bodied f e l t the pressure to move. Government o f f i c i a l s s t r o n g l y recommended the need f o r I n u i t c h i l d r e n to r e c e i v e a Southern education. The t r a d i t i o n a l l i f e s t y l e that Pudlo l e f t was already h e a v i l y i n -fluenced by white contact. Nonetheless, l e a v i n g the r e l a t i v e l y small hunting camps and e n t e r i n g communities which would r a p i d l y grow i n number and f u r t h e r a l t e r the people's e x i s t e n c e , was a traumatic experience. This i n f o r m a t i o n serves to give a b a s i c idea of Pudlo's background, h i s s o c i a l environment, and the pressures w i t h which he was d e a l i n g when he began h i s new career i n drawing. Pudlo was a hunter and although w i t h i n h i s time much of the o l d ways had been eroded away, there i s evidence i n h i s work of powerful memories. Images of a time when the hunter waited p a t i e n t l y and q u i e t l y on the s t i l l , immense tundra f o r the resumption of the hunt. A d i s c i p l i n e and a c o n c e n t r a t i o n a l l o w i n g r e v e r i e , perhaps to a d i f f e r e n t degree, but made of a s t u f f s i m i l a r to that of the shaman's ( L a n t i s , 1970, pp. 313 and 335). Due to the s e n s i t i v e d e a l i n g s w i t h s o u l s p i r i t s , hunting was, without a doubt, a s p i r i t u a l act w i t h sacred commitments (Swinton, 1972, p. 128). These f a c t o r s make the contemporary a r t i s t / h u n t e r the most l i k e l y recorder of among othe r s , shamanic images (WAG, 1978, p. 215). Chapter I I I A REVIEW OF PUDLO'S GRAPHIC TECHNIQUES Due to h i s i n j u r y , Pudlo d i d not pursue c a r v i n g to any great extent. Drawing became h i s s t r e n g t h . His f i r s t p r i n t s were published i n the 1961 Annual Cape Dorset Catalogue. These works are, i n many ways, exemplary of what i s now recognized as being s t y l i s t i c a l l y c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of Cape Dorset p r i n t s of the time (Vastokas, 1971/72, p. 71). The f i g u r e s are u s u a l l y l a r g e , f l a t masses, or s i l h o u e t t e s . The use of both colour and d e t a i l i s l i m i t e d . The b o l d l y executed forms are complemented w i t h an acute awareness of the a e s t h e t i c p o s s i b i l i t i e s of negative space. That i s , although the 'back-grounds' are g e n e r a l l y 'empty', they i n t e r a c t w i t h the f i g u r a l elements and heighten the design q u a l i t y of the surface. S i n g l e f i g u r e s g e n e r a l l y tend to appear s t a t i c , i f not r i g i d . Groups u s u a l l y evidence a c t u a l or i m p l i c i t movement (WAG, 1980, p. 43). A dramatic i l l u s t r a t i o n of an e a r l y p r i n t i s Pudlo's S p i r i t With Symbols ( F i g . 2 ) . As w i t h most of the compositions of t h i s time, the f i g u r e i s c e n t r a l l y l o c a t e d . Both the face (or mask) and keyhole design on the torso are rendered i n p o s i t i v e elements against unprinted back-ground. That i t i s a woman i s s p e c i f i c a l l y i n d i c a t e d by the long t a i l of the amautik ( t r a d i t i o n a l woman's parka), as seen between her l e g s . The p a t t e r n of the keyhold p l a t e echoes the exaggerated bulges of her breasts and h i p s . S i m i l a r l y , the curve of the o b j e c t i n her l e f t hand 16 (a doorhandle? See N a t i o n a l Museum of Man, 1977, p. 24) i s complemented by that of her l e g g i n g s . This combination of b a s i c symmetry and r e p e t i t i o n demonstrates Pudlo's i n t e r e s t i n p a t t e r n . This p r e d i l e c t i o n i s repeated i n what i s c l o s e r to an applique s t y l e i n Man i n F i s h Weir ( F i g . 3). The image i s once again i n the middle of the page. A weir i s a trap made of stones i n the water and i s used to catch f i s h on t h e i r summer m i g r a t i o n u p - r i v e r . They are l i t e r a l l y trapped by t h e i r i n s t i n c t s , which w i l l not a l l o w them to turn around and escape. This makes i t r e l a t i v e l y easy f o r the w a i t i n g people to catch the f i s h . The w e i r , the stones on which the male f i g u r e ( i n d i c a t e d by the small parka hood—women have a l a r g e hood i n which the baby, on the mother's back, i s protected) stands, and the f i g u r e i t s e l f are the centre of a c t i v i t y and b i s e c t the composition. We see the weir and water from a bird's-eye vantage. The man i s apparently s i t u a t e d on the same plane as the s p e c t a t o r . A number of b i r d s at the 'top' are s i m i l a r l y seen from such a p r o f i l e view. Two b i r d s at the bottom of the page are turned on a f o r t y - f i v e degree angle. Depth i s i n d i c a t e d by ' p i l i n g ' f i g u r e s on top of one another (Vastokas, 1971/72, p. 77). The b i r d s at the 'top' are swimming. This i s i n d i c a t e d by t h e i r bodies being truncated. That i s , the lower p o r t i o n s are submerged. We assume that the others are standing on rocks i n the water. Pudlo's p e r s p e c t i v e i n t h i s work i s based on content r a t h e r than upon three-dimensional space CCarpenter, F l a h e r t y , and V a r l e y , 1959, p. 1) . A l l of the elements of t h i s composition are placed so that t h e i r most 17 recognizable . f e a t u r e s are most evident i n the s i l h o u e t t e . S i m i l a r l y , the f i s h , which are the most important aspect of the theme are, r e l a t i v e l y , the l a r g e s t o b j e c t s . The seemingly random, asymmetrical placement of f i g u r e s creates an i m p l i c a t i o n of movement (Vastokas, 1971/72, pp. 73 and 77). The f i s h and ducks at the 'bottom' i n d i c a t e the water c u r r e n t . This p a r t i c u l a r manner of expression i s r e l a t e d to a s p e c i f i c way of p e r c e i v i n g the world. Edmund Carpenter and M a r s h a l l McLuhan have c a l l e d i t \" a c o u s t i c space\" (1960, pp. 65-70). I t allows f o r d e p i c t i o n s which are as dynamic as nature i t s e l f f o r i t i s based on sound. As one may hear a number of things at the same time, so are the v a r i o u s aspects Of a s t o r y shown or r e l a t e d out of sequence. Being able to hear v a r i o u s things at the same time without having to change one's own p o s i t i o n , f i n d s i t s v i s u a l correspondent i n the combination of v i e w p o i n t s . This t r a d i t i o n a l Eskimoan manner of sensation a l s o accounts f o r the greater a t t e n t i o n to negative space. For, being attuned to a l l of the senses allows f o r such n o n - t a c t i l e things as sound and fragrance to almost l i t e r a l l y f i l l the a i r . The powerful t a c t i l i t y of these e a r l y p r i n t s , t h e i r s o l i d i t y , i s a reference to t h e i r a r t i s t i c precedents i n Cape Dorset-—the s c u l p t u r e s (Dorset, 1980, p. 7). In the m i d - s i x t i e s t h i s aspect g r a d u a l l y gave way to other q u a l i t i e s . With the i n t r o d u c t i o n of coloured p e n c i l s came the increase i n the use of colour i n p r i n t s . Pudlo's handling of i t remained f a i r l y s u b t l e . Even when h i s forms became more a b s t r a c t and hues appar-e n t l y flamboyant, the colour remained c l o s e to that of nature. Pudlo began to show a growing i n t e r e s t i n a t t e n t i o n to the surface i n the form of t e x t u r a l d e t a i l and markings. This was the beginning of 18 print-making and drawing coming i n t o t h e i r own. They were moving away from the s c u l p t u r a l q u a l i t i e s toward the two-dimensional as precedented i n i n c i s i n g (WAG, 1980a, p. 46). The f o l l o w i n g p r i n t i s an e a r l y example of Pudlo's use of deco-r a t i v e and geometric elements. S p i r i t Watching Games ( F i g . 4 ) , although q u i t e s c u l p t u r a l , i s l i g h t e n e d through the use of l i n e a r elements. T e x t u r a l markings which might be i m i t a t i v e of f e a t h e r s , are here s t y l i z e d on the wings and t a i l of the s p i r i t . A ground l i n e was o f t e n used to u n i t e the p a r t i c i p a n t s i n n a r r a t i v e scenes both i n p r e h i s t o r i c graphics and those of the recent past (Vastokas, 1971/72, p. 77). Here, i t c l e a r l y separates the men w r e s t l i n g i n the centre and the women, from the s p i r i t observer. Vastokas reproduces a p e n c i l drawing by Enooesweetok ( F i g . 5, 1971/72, p. 72) from ca. 1913. In i t , a caribou hunt i s depicted. The centre two l i n e s show the hunters l e a v i n g the camp w i t h empty s l e d s . On the l i n e above, they are r e t u r n i n g w i t h t h e i r p r i z e . On the bottom row, the men are seen t r a c k i n g . The next one up, they are s t a l k i n g the c a r i -bou. F i n a l l y , at the top, the chase, w i t h dogs. Below, the wounding of the animal. Each t i e r of the drawing i s u n i f i e d by a ground-line and the i m p l i c a t i o n of the landscape. However, the a c t u a l pieces are not organized i n t o what we c a l l a s e q u e n t i a l n a r r a t i v e . From top to bottom we see the chase, wounding, r e t u r n , departure, s t a l k i n g , and t r a c k i n g . As Peter P i t s e o l a k , sometimes noted as the f i r s t h i s t o r i a n of the North (Raine, 1980, p. 108), has s a i d of h i s t a l e s : My s t o r y i s not i n sequence though i t seems that way. Even our B i b l e i s not r e a l l y i n sequence. I n the B i b l e the f i r s t people j u s t have a baby. And the newborn i s 19 able to do powerful things i n no time. My s t o r y i s l i k e t h a t . I t i s not one t h i n g a f t e r another. (1975, p. 66) This concept i s more e l a b o r a t e l y s t a t e d i n another e a r l y t w entieth century drawing of a man hunting s e a l ( F i g . 6). Again we see a n a r r a t i v e , however there are not any ground-lines demarcating the v a r i o u s i n c i d e n t s . In the middle, the hunter t r a v e l s by dog s l e d . In three l o c a t i o n s he and the dogs look f o r a s e a l breathing hole. He w a i t s , bends over s l i g h t l y as the s e a l approaches at the top l e f t , and then prepares to harpoon i t . The hunter captures the animal i n the lower l e f t scene. F i s h Weir ( F i g . 3) i s perhaps more c l o s e l y r e l a t e d to t h i s draw-ing i n i t s sense of space. However, the l a c k of a t t e n t i o n to unnecessary d e t a i l and even anonymous (or symbolic) f i g u r a t i o n may r e f e r f a r t h e r back to p r e h i s t o r i c times: s p e c i f i c a l l y , the Thule (who i n h a b i t e d the A r c t i c from ca. 1000 to 1600 and are the d i r e c t ancestors of the contem-porary I n u i t ) , as seen f o r example on the bows of bow d r i l l s (Jenness, 1922, p. 174 and F i g . 8). I n c o n t r a s t to the above two drawings, the modern-ness of S p i r i t With Symbols ( F i g . 2 ) , F i s h Weir ( F i g . 3 ) , and S p i r i t Watching Games ( F i g . 4) l i e s i n t h e i r boldness and aura of mystery, beyond the symbolic, which pervades the images. The f a c t that they are momentary, r a t h e r than n a r r a t i v e , scenes, i s a l s o s i g n i f i c a n t . However, t h i s t r a i t had been developing i n I n u i t graphics s i n c e the e a r l y decades of t h i s century (Jenness, 1922, p. 173, and Fitzhugh and Kaplan, 1982, p. 175). Pudlo's Long Journey ( F i g . 7) i s s i m i l a r l y a combination of o l d and new m o t i f s . We see a man i n the lower right-hand corner beginning 20 h i s journey on f o o t . H i s progress i s traced to h i s d e s t i n a t i o n a t the upper r i g h t of the p a g e — a b u i l d i n g w i t h a cross-type shape on the top (see below). On the way he passes many i n u k s u i t (man-made landmarks g e n e r a l l y constructed of s t o n e — s e e N a t i o n a l Museum of Man, 1977, pp. 62 and 92, and B a l i k c i , 1970, p. 41). The blue amoeba-type shapes represent lakes from an a e r i a l p e r s p e c t i v e . L i k e F i s h Weir ( F i g . 3 ) , Long Journey i s enclosed w i t h the i m p l i c a t i o n of a secondary frame. I t i s a Thule t r a i t (Vastokas, 1971/72, p. 73 and F i g . 8 ) , and one which Pudlo employs repeatedly. I t might a l s o be l i k e n e d to the Povungnituk (an a r t i s t i c community i n Nouveau-Quebec) t r a d i t i o n of showing the stone boundaries of the p r i n t s . By drawing what looks l i k e a time lapse photograph, Pudlo has created a n a r r a t i v e w i t h a s i n g l e image. The ground-line u n i f i e s a s e r i e s of r e l a t e d move-ments thereby implying s e q u e n t i a l time. The immediate success of the a r t s and c r a f t s p r o j e c t and c o r r e -sponding growth of the s e n l a v i k (working p l a c e , i . e . the studio) r e s u l t e d i n an increase of i d e n t i t y f o r the I n u i t w i t h regards to the South, and an i n f l u x of Euro-American c u l t u r e . This increase i n c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y and t e c h n i c a l e x p e r t i s e , coupled w i t h a c c u l t u r a t i o n , allowed the a r t i s t s an even greater wealth of sources from which they might draw. With t h i s awareness of the many s t y l i s t i c and formal choices which could be made from both the past and present, I n u i t print-making (and s c u l p t u r e ) emphasized i t s modernity. Long Journey i s an example of t h i s . The bold s i l h o u e t t e d forms of the e a r l i e r years are combined w i t h . an increase i n t e x t u r e , d e t a i l , and more complex manipulation of colour . Sequential time and a c o u s t i c space occur together r e s u l t i n g i n a p a t t e r n 21 which creates a three-dimensional experience d i s t i n c t i v e to Pudlo's work. His l o v e f o r design, and t a l e n t f o r combining the n a t u r a l w i t h the geometric, and the d e c o r a t i v e w i t h the f a c t u a l , i s perhaps most s t r i k i n g i n h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s of b i r d s . In T u d l i k (Loon, F i g . 9 ) , the wading b i r d i s a d i s p l a y of both imaginative p a t t e r n and n a t u r a l undula-t i o n s . The l i n e of the neck and beak i s repeated by the r i g h t s i d e of the wing. The f e a t h e r s are o r n a t e l y s t y l i z e d as are the neck markings. The l i n e s of the water p a r a l l e l some of those i n the b i r d ' s body. Geo-metr i c shapes are included i n the t a i l ( t r i a n g l e s and c i r c l e s ) , wing ( c i r c l e s ) , and neck (squares). The f e a t h e r s seem v i r t u a l l y l i k e spray from the waves. The c o l o u r i n g i s s u b t l e . This almost geometric-type of r e d u c t i o n from nature i s evident i n Pudlo's landscapes as w e l l . I n the e a r l i e r part of h i s career, landscape, when i n c l u d e d , was but a reference or o u t l i n e , not a d e s c r i p -t i o n . F i s h Weir ( F i g . 3) and F i s h Lake ( F i g . 10) are both examples. In the l a t t e r , the l a k e i s seen from above. The l a r g e f i s h are viewed from the s i d e as are the s i l h o u e t t e d f i g u r e i n the foreground and i n u k s u i t on the f a r shore. Both the moon and red sun are i n the sky. A r c t i c W a t e r f a l l ( F i g . 11) i s exemplary of the mid-phase of Pudlo's landscape s t y l e . L i k e Long Journey ( F i g . 7), i t i s an enclosed composition. In the foreground are s i l h o u e t t e s of three i n u k s u i t , three people, and two dogs. They are dwarfed by a s p r i n g or summertime l a n d -scape. The season i s i n d i c a t e d by the c o l o u r , and f a c t that the dogs are c a r r y i n g packs in s t e a d of p u l l i n g s l e d s . The elements of t h i s landscape, as w i t h most of t h i s type, are set against a white background and are s t y l i z e d i n t o l i n e s and geometric 22 shapes. I n Spring Landscape ( F i g . 12), t h i s motif takes on greater com-p l e x i t y . An enclosed shape i s w i t h i n another and there are a l a r g e r number of f i g u r e s and a b s t r a c t i o n s from nature. In the foreground i s a s e a l s k i n t e n t . From i t to the mid-ground are the f o o t p r i n t s of the s i x men who are i c e - f i s h i n g on what i s apparently a l a k e seen from above. The men are h o l d i n g spears and w a i t i n g f o r the f i s h . Pudlo continues to combine viewpoints and to d i s r e g a r d l i n e a r p e r s p e c t i v e . I n t h i s r espect, he continues to use the symbols of the t r a d i t i o n a l I n u i t way of l i f e . This creates a s t i m u l a t i n g image which speaks of the s y n c h r o n i s t i c perceptions of the 'old ways'. I t i s s i m i l a r to the a l l - a r o u n d f e e l i n g of a c o u s t i c space, and the a b i l i t y to p e r c e i v e a l l aspects of the whole i n i t s e n t i r e t y . This contrasted to the l i n e a r process of moving from d e t a i l to d e t a i l . Pudlo i s an experimenter. He was immediately a t t r a c t e d to l i t h o -graphy when i t was introduced to Cape Dorset i n 1971. From 1971 to 1976 Kay Graham spent a f a i r b i t of time i n the community. Her presence prompted Pudlo and a number of other a r t i s t s to i n v e s t i g a t e the a t t r i -butes of a c r y l i c s as w e l l (Agnes Etherington Centre, 1979, p. 20). The p a r t i c u l a r appeal of l i t h o g r a p h y f o r some, i s that i t narrows the gap between the drawing and the f i n a l p r i n t product (Dorset, 1981, p. 63). The a r t i s t may execute the grease p e n c i l drawing on the same surface which w i l l e v e n t u a l l y be used f o r the a c t u a l p r i n t i n g . T h i s , however, i s not the case w i t h Pudlo, who p r e f e r s to r e t a i n the middleman and work d i r e c t l y on paper (Agnes Etherington Centre, 1979, p. 18). This freedom from the l i m i t a t i o n s of technique seems to have g r e a t l y i n -fluenced Pudlo's works. H i s stone-cuts were r e l a t i v e l y s t a t i c and 23 closed i n by a frame. Subjects were c e n t r a l l y placed and surrounded by l a r g e amounts of white paper. H i s new landscape s t y l e on the other hand i s more open. Use of colour i s more complex and l i n e s are l o o s e r . There i s a f l e x i b i l i t y of form and o f t e n the impression that the scene continues beyond the paper edges (Dorset, 1983, p. 12). Linear perspec-t i v e and a sense of n a t u r a l i s m take over from a c o u s t i c space. C e r t a i n l y there are exceptions as q u a l i t i e s c r i s s - c r o s s over the boundary. However, u n t i l the merger i s complete, the comparison i s o f t e n l i k e that of a Cezannesque s t i l l - l i f e to the frame of a motion p i c t u r e . Shores of the Settlement ( F i g . 13), a commissioned work, r e i t -erates Pudlo's e c l e c t i c i s m . P a t t e r n i s created w i t h combinations of colours and c o n t r a s t i n g areas of l i g h t and dark. The r o l l s of the land i m i t a t e the movement that one might expect to see i n the water. Instead, the water i s l i k e a backdrop. The s e a l (or walrus) s i t s almost s c u l p -t u r a l l y on an i c e flow i n the mid-ground. I t , the hunter i n the boat, and the many i n u k s u i t are s i l h o u e t t e d . The o l d e r p e r s p e c t i v a l techniques of p i l i n g , o verlapping (note the pre-fab b u i l d i n g s and landscape i n the foreground) and s c a l e r e d u c t i o n are combined to heighten both the f e e l i n g of f l a t n e s s and p a t t e r n , w h i l e c r e a t i n g an almost n a t u r a l - l o o k i n g l a n d -scape which captures the quiet of the North. This new l i g h t n e s s lends i t s e l f w e l l to making s t y l i s t i c r e f e r -ences from the past. Two 1978 l i t h o g r a p h s , Umingmuk (Musk-ox, F i g . 14) and Naujaq Umiallu ( S e a g u l l and Boats, F i g . 15), are d e l i c a t e l y rendered designs yet n a t u r a l l y d e s c r i p t i v e . The s t y l e i s reminiscent of the e a r l i e r drawings and i n c i s e d c a r v i n g s . In the f i r s t , musk-oxen are 24 s c a t t e r e d over the page on patches of landscape. The second combines three ground-lines i n t o a s i n g l e scene. Pudlo's e a r l y p r i n t s are as mysterious i n form as i n content. L a t e r on, geometric shapes and l i n e a r elements appear as elegant ab s t r a c -t i o n s from nature. From the outset one sees that Pudlo i s a designer. However, riot f o r the sake of p a t t e r n i t s e l f , but r a t h e r to u n i f y the page and m i r r o r the content. He c l e a r l y remains aware of h i s s t y l i s t i c o p t i o n s . I t w i l l be seen that t h i s e c l e c t i c i s m , t y p i c a l of the a r t i s t s of Cape Dorset, i n Pudlo's oeuvre becomes a complement to h i s e q u a l l y wide-ranged combination of symbols from the past and present. Hunter's In v o c a t i o n I am ashamed, I f e e l humbled and a f r a i d . My grandmother sent me out Sent me out to seek. I am out on an errand Seeking the precious game, Seeking the wandering fox. But a l a s , i t may be I s h a l l f r i g h t e n away That which I seek. I am ashamed, I f e e l humbled and a f r a i d , My grandmother and great-grandmother Sent me out to seek. I go on t h e i r errand a f t e r game, A f t e r the precious caribou But a l a s , i t may be I s h a l l f r i g h t e n away That which I seek. - O r p i n g a l i k (Colombo, 1981, p. 89) 25 Chapter IV THE HUNTER/SHAMAN I n t e g r a l to the a p p r e c i a t i o n of Pudlo's a r t i s the need to have some understanding of h i s l i f e as a hunter. P r i o r to the i n t r o d u c t i o n of Euro-American t o o l s to the North, there had been an unbroken chain from the hunt to the manufacture of weapons to the k i l l again (see David Gimmer i n Van St e e n s e l , 1966, p. 26). That i s , the hunters captured the animals which provided food and c l o t h i n g as w e l l as the implements which would f a c i l i t a t e continued hunting. The combined d i s c i p l i n e s of n e c e s s i t y and taboo created a s i t u a t i o n i n which waste was v i r t u a l l y i mpossible. As i n the case of hunting c a r i b o u , a number of methods were used by the Eskimo. In each case, the emphasis was upon both the p h y s i c a l and mental a b i l i t i e s of the i n d i v i d u a l and p a r t i c u l a r l y h i s a b i l i t y to coop-erate w i t h others ( B a l i k c i , 1970, pp. 3 7 f f ) . The s u c c e s s f u l hunter balanced a bold confidence w i t h a r e s p e c t -f u l cautiousness and an acute s e n s i t i v i t y (Raine, 1980, p. 82). Unnec-essary chances were not to be taken, as the harsh A r c t i c environment knew no f a v o u r i t e s . The i n d i v i d u a l had to be c o n t i n u a l l y mindful of the i n f o r -mation r e c e i v e d from each of h i s senses: the s l i g h t e s t sound, the d i r e c -t i o n of the wind as i t brushed on h i s f a c e , or the t e x t u r e of the snow. The even-tempered t r a i t s which were p r e f e r r e d , i f not expected, of i n d i -v i d u a l s i n everyday l i f e ( B r i g g s , 1970, pp. 328f and passim), were an absolute n e c e s s i t y i n a s u c c e s s f u l hunter. However, a deep emotional i n t e n s i t y was evidenced by the extent of the hunter's preoccupation w i t h 26 27 the animal world. The t r a d i t i o n a l Eskimo pantheon c o n s i s t e d of three c l a s s e s sepa-r a t e d according to f u n c t i o n , not power (Carpenter, 1955, p. 69). The f i r s t was of the e a r t h l y s p i r i t s . The second was the c l a s s of s p i r i t s t hat l i v e d above the ear t h . They were e s s e n t i a l l y p e r s o n i f i c a t i o n s of the n a t u r a l f o r c e s . L a s t l y was Sedna (a l s o known as Sumna, Taleelayo, e t c . ) . She protected the hunt, sea mammals, and the a f t e r - l i f e . She i s comparable to the general theme of the Lord of Animals (Lommell, 1967a, pp. 27 and 28) . Each and every t h i n g i n c r e a t i o n whether l i v i n g or inanimate had an essence c a l l e d i t s inua (Vastokas, 1967, p. 27). This has been t r a n s -l a t e d as \"occupant, owner, d w e l l e r , or inmate\" ( W i l l i a m T h a b l i t z e r i n WAG, 1978, p. 47). The inua \" i s that which gives each l i v i n g t h i n g the par-t i c u l a r appearance which i t has\" and i s i n f a c t represented as \"a mini a -t u r e image of the c a r r i e r \" (Lommell, 1967a, p. 30). The s p i r i t u a l chain between a l l l i v i n g t h i n g s was t h e r e f o r e unbroken and strong. This bond was p a r t i c u l a r l y powerful between men and animals, f o r there was an a d d i t i o n a l commonality of a s o u l f u l l i f e - f o r c e which guided thought, f e e l i n g , and a c t i o n (Lommell, 1967a, p. 30). This made the l i v i n g things s e n s i t i v e to the same p r i n c i p l e s of ex i s t e n c e . This anthropomorphising, coupled w i t h the t h r e a t of a l a c k of food, r e s u l t e d i n the s p i r i t u a l i z a t i o n of the hunt (Swinton, 1972, p. 128). The deep-seated empathy which man f e l t toward animals, h i s source of food, n e c e s s i t a t e d the sep a r a t i o n of body and so u l and the c r e a t i o n of the con-cept of an a f t e r - l i f e (Lommell, 1967a, p. 26). There were many game taboos which were followed according to s t r i c t r u l e s and the advice of 28 the shaman. For example, p a r t i c u l a r p a r t s of the slaughtered animal's body had to be attended to i n a s p e c i f i c way. This f a c i l i t a t e d r e i n -c a r n a t i o n ( L a n t i s , 1970, p. 327). The f e a r and/or g u i l t that \"the g r e a t e s t danger i n l i f e l i e s i n the f a c t that man's food i s made up of s o u l s \" was thereby eased (Aua i n Lommell, 1967a, p. 31). The union be-tween a l l l i v i n g things could be maintained. The shaman served as both mediator and a d v i s o r i n the r e l a t i o n -ship between man and nature/the s p i r i t u a l . For example, i f man angered Sedna by breaking a taboo, the angakoq (shaman) would descend to her under-water home ( v i a trance or seance) to p l a c a t e her (WAG, 1978, p. 122). The t r a d i t i o n a l Eskimo b e l i e f - s y s t e m a l s o placed enormous r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s upon the hunter. For example, i f game was scarce, i t was up to him to seek out Sedna and demand that she r e t u r n the animal supply (Carpenter, 1955, p. 71). This emphasized the b a s i c e g a l i t a r i a n i s m of Eskimo l i f e . Sedna, l i k e man, was bound to the same laws. I f she withheld game or took a l i f e .without j u s t cause, she would have to answer f o r her a c t i o n s . The s o c i a l and e c o l o g i c a l e f f e c t s of the i n t r o d u c t i o n of the r i f l e to the North were many (Hughes, 1965, p. 16). There was an increase ( o f t e n unnecessary) i n s l a u g h t e r . Animal m i g r a t i o n patterns were a l t e r e d and numbers were depleted (Schwartz, 1977, pp. 17ff) . Techniques of approaching animals and hunting i n general were changed. As already noted there was an increase i n i n d i v i d u a l e f f o r t over cooperative a c t i v -i t i e s . For example, caribou d r i v e s came to an end. Seal hole hunting became e x t i n c t and the animals were shot along open waters. With the end of breathing hole s e a l i n g went the associated sharing r u l e s ( B a l i k c i , 1960, p. 143) and a c c o r d i n g l y , t r a d i t i o n a l t r a d i n g systems were eroded 29 (Hughes, 1965, p. 17). The economic base of the Eskimo had been one of subsistence pro-d u c t i o n (Hughes, 1965, p. 17). Before the fox f u r trade, t h i s animal had been considered r e l a t i v e l y w o r t h l e s s . I t now became the valued com-modity i n a new exchange production economy. The economic independence of the Eskimo was ruined as i t f l u c t u a t e d w i t h the needs and trends of * the Southern market. The bond between men and animals was shattered as the l a t t e r came to represent the l u x u r i o u s m a t e r i a l o b j e c t s (which d i d make l i f e s i g n i f i -c a n t l y e a s i e r ) f o r which they were traded. P r i v a t e hunting was done w i t h Euro-American t o o l s and so the chain was broken. The hand-made was r e -placed w i t h the ready-made. The emphasis turned away from knowledge and c o n c e n t r a t i o n , toward apparatus (Lommell, 1967b, p. 16). The need f o r magic and r e l i g i o n decreased a c c o r d i n g l y as the new equipment tipped the s c a l e s i n the hunter's favour. Now that we have fi r e a r m s i t i s almost as i f we no longer need shamans, or taboo, f o r now i t i s not so d i f f i c u l t to procure food as i n the o l d days. ( K k i n i l i k — f r o m Back R i v e r — L i n Rasmussen, 1931, p. 227) t Concomitant w i t h the s e c u l a r i z a t i o n of the hunt, was the loosening of the bond between r e l i g i o n and a r t (Swinton, 1972, p. 128). Q u a l i t y and q u a n t i t y of production s u f f e r e d as shamanism g r a d u a l l y became a l e s s s i g n i f i c a n t f a c t o r w i t h i n the I n u i t l i f e s t y l e . I n the magical times of the past, such as the Dorset p e r i o d (ca. 1000 B.C. to 1000 A.D.), the h i g h l y s c u l p t u r a l and deeply i n c i s e d amulets and ceremonial o b j e c t s betrayed an intense m y s t i c a l i t y (Swinton, 1972, p. 117). The shaman and h i s a s s i s t a n t s were the only s p e c i a l i s t s 30 i n t h i s c u l t u r e , and t h e i r m o t i v a t i o n was c l e a r . They were by and l a r g e bound to f o l l o w e s t a b l i s h e d symbols f o r the sake of in-group c l a r i t y . The shaman, w i t h h i s a c t i v i t i e s , brought \"the c o l l e c t i v e psyche i n t o order\" (Lommell, 1967a, p. 12). As a d i r e c t r e s u l t of t h i s commitment, he was a l s o reasonably assured of h i s ' p u b l i c ' and i t s support ( F i r t h , 1965, p. 32). The ' a r t f o r b a r t e r i n g ' carvings o f , f o r example, the nineteenth century, were of a q u a l i t y which obviously i n d i c a t e d the l a c k of a com-parable emotional i n t e n s i t y . This change was an i n d i c a t o r of the devas-t a t i n g t u r n of events. As each had been preoccupied w i t h h i s r e l a t i o n -ship to the s p i r i t u a l , so d i d each one s u f f e r a l o s s w i t h regard to the f a d i n g of psychic r e a l i t i e s (Lommell, 1967a, p. 103). Commercial a r t i s t i c production was sporadic u n t i l Houston's massive, concentrated e f f o r t . The white Southern market responded with great enthusiasm. I t was only w i t h t h i s continued support and c o n t i n u a l output that the emotional under-pinnings of the new s e c u l a r a r t became evident. Fading memories re s u r f a c e d . S p i r i t Song Do you hear The v o i c e from the deep! a j a i - j i j a . The v o i c e from the deep! A j a i - j i j a . I w i l l v i s i t unclean women, probe behind man, break taboo. Aj , l e t the l a c e of the boot hang loose. Aj a i - j i j a. Do you hear the v o i c e from the deep? A j a i - j i j a The v o i c e from the deep! Aj a i - j i j a. I w i l l v i s i t unclean women, probe behind man, break taboo. A j , smooth the w r i n k l e s from the rounded cheeks! A j a i - j i j a . I walked out on the sea. M a r v e l l i n g , I heard the v o i c e from the deep, the song of the sea. I went out s l o w l y , pondering myself. The vast young i c e - f l o e s sighed, a j a i - j i j a aj a i - j i j a . Helping s p i r i t seeks the feasting-house. - Anonymous (Rasmussen, 1973, p. 3) 31 Chapter V THE HUNTER/ARTIST Having b a s i c a l l y looked at the foundations of Pudlo's h e r i t a g e , we now w i l l see what he as the h u n t e r / a r t i s t c o n t r i b u t e s . That i s , what the content of h i s i n d i v i d u a l works may t e l l us of h i s l i f e . As noted, the contemporary a r t i s t s have found t h e i r bearings i n the v i s u a l docu-mentation of the 'old ways'. Already i n the e a r l y phases of h i s career, Pudlo tended toward making images of the m y s t i c a l aspects of l i f e i n the A r c t i c . Both Boas and Hoffman document that r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s of the s p i r i -t u a l were few (1888, p. 184 and 1897, p. 912 r e s p e c t i v e l y ) . This may have been out of f e a r and respect f o r the s p i r i t s , or because of words of d i s -couragement from m i s s i o n a r i e s . Whatever the reason, t h i s i s no longer the case as shamanic images are a most c h a l l e n g i n g aspect and frequent subject of contemporary I n u i t a r t . In S p i r i t With Symbols ( F i g . 2) we see a female f i g u r e h o l d i n g what seems to be a door handle i n one hand and a key which might f i t i n t o the breast p l a t e i n the other ( N a t i o n a l Museum of Man, 1977, p. 74). The mask-like q u a l i t y of her face might be a reference to shamanism. Although ceremonial masks were most common i n Al a s k a , they were t r a d i t i o n a l l y known on B a f f i n I s l a n d both from Dorset remains (WAG, 1978, p. 180) and from those made from the hide of the bearded s e a l (Murdoch i n Hoffman, 1897, p. 914). Masks were t r a d i t i o n a l l y made by shamans and t h e i r a p prentices. Their f u n c t i o n , and t h e r e f o r e t h e i r power, was not so much to hide the wearer as i t was to serve as v i s u a l i z a t i o n s of the s p i r i t f o r c e s (WAG, 32 33 1978, p. 179). The shaman was p r i v y to these images. With the mask, he gave the people a concrete view of the s p i r i t world. The f a c t that t h i s i s a female f i g u r e opens the door to many p o s s i b l e avenues of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of t h i s image. Both men and women could become shamans w i t h i n the t r a d i t i o n a l Eskimo s o c i e t y (WAG, 1978, p. 61). However, during the d e l i c a t e t r a n s i t i o n p e r i o d from the o l d to the new, C h r i s t i a n b e l i e f system, more women d i d so (Lewis, 1971, p. 169). The shaman's many a b i l i t i e s repeatedly emphasized the wholeness of l i f e . Shamanic transformation from human to animal, and back, symbol-i z e d the e s s e n t i a l union of these two forms of being. The shaman was al s o able to be both a man and a woman and to change from one to another as an i n d i c a t o r of another sense of wholeness (WAG, 1978, p. 63). S p i r i t With Symbols may represent such a transformation. I t l^ w e a r i n g an amautik which has o f t e n been used to symbolize such changes and the g i v i n g of l i f e (WAG, 1980a, p. 105). Another p o s s i b i l i t y i s that t h i s image r e f e r s to the ways i n which women were s i n g l e d out i n the Eskimo taboo system. In some parts of the A r c t i c , the woman was s y m b o l i c a l l y l i n k e d to the r i t u a l surrounding, and the eventual outcome, of the hunt ( L a n t i s , 1970, p. 329). A c c o r d i n g l y , her taboo v i o l a t i o n s bore a penalty which would weigh more h e a v i l y upon the i n d i v i d u a l , and the group, than a man's (Lewis, 1971, p. 165). Could S p i r i t With Symbols be an acknowledgement of t h i s burden of a m o r a l i t y through f e a r ( L a n t i s , 1970, p. 330)? A concept b a s i c to Eskimo b e l i e f s was that there were not any 'good versus e v i l ' f o r c e s (Carpenter, 1955, p. 72). Rather, good and e v i l were part of the same whole. This i s a k i n to the p r i m o r d i a l image of the 34 Great and T e r r i b l e Mother as she has appeared i n the c r e a t i o n s of many c u l t u r e s (Neumann, 1955, passim). A number of fe a t u r e s of Pudlo's S p i r i t With Symbols are s t r i k i n g l y s i m i l a r to those of the archetype. For example, the exaggerated forms of her torso and her f r i g h t e n i n g v i s a g e (152). The keyhole, key and door handle might be references to the gate of r e b i r t h , or the womb, a l s o connected w i t h the Great Mother (159). She i s thus l i t e r a l l y ( p h y s i c a l l y ) a v e s s e l of transformation. S p i r i t u a l l y , she represents the process of transformation \"which leads through s u f f e r i n g and death, s a c r i f i c e and a n n i h i l a t i o n , to renewal, r e -b i r t h and i m m o r t a l i t y \" (291). As good she i s l i f e - g i v i n g . As bad she i s as s o c i a t e d w i t h the underworld (157). In S p i r i t With Symbols these are r e s p e c t i v e l y represented by the amautik and the Eskimo legend of A m a u t i l i k , the symbol of death who kidnapped c h i l d r e n (WAG, 1980, p. 105). The m y s t i c a l content i s somewhat l e s s d i f f i c u l t to p i n p o i n t i n Eagle Carrying Man ( F i g . 16). I t i s a r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of an angakoq being taken on a s p i r i t f l i g h t w i t h the a i d of h i s s p i r i t h e l p e r . In h i s hand he holds a wand, or a c o n j u r i n g s t i c k . This was a ceremonial object used f o r d i v i n a t i o n (WAG, 1978, p. 157). Shamans made such journeys to v i s i t and/or p l a c a t e a d e i t y , to o b t a i n power from a s p i r i t , or to get informati o n about l o s t s o u l s , people, or the l o c a t i o n s of animals f o r a hunt (WAG, 1978, p. 89). The b i r d s p i r i t ' s presence i n S p i r i t Watching Games ( F i g . 4) und e r l i n e s the importance of such a c t i v i t i e s i n t r a d i t i o n a l Eskimo s o c i e t y . I t oversees what appears to be a w r e s t l i n g match between the two men. A woman stands on e i t h e r s i d e . Such contests and j o u s t s were f r e q u e n t l y the manner i n which q u a r r e l s were s e t t l e d ( U n i v e r s i t y of A l b e r t a , 1978, 35 p. 8). The event became a time f o r r e c o n c i l i n g d i f f e r e n c e s . I t was t h e r e f o r e an occasion f o r c e l e b r a t i o n and not only f o r aggression. I t was the peaceful s p i r i t and cohesiveness of the community which was ensured. The world of the S p i r i t s ( F i g . 17) i s r e f e r r e d to i n the 1966 stonecut. In the dark of the n i g h t two dogs i n the foreground look out at a group of s p i r i t u a l beings. Pudlo has used an animal s k i n shape and t e x t u r e f o r the backdrop. The l a r g e s p i r i t i n the centre subdivides the composition. A l l of the s p i r i t s are anthropomorphized. The l a r g e one i s i n -s c r i b e d w i t h animals, thereby a t t e s t i n g to the e s s e n t i a l u n i t y of the s p i r i t u a l and n a t u r a l realms. I t was b e l i e v e d that s p i r i t s were e i t h e r i n d i f f e r e n t or k i n d l y disposed towards humans. They only became malev-ol e n t when mistreated by man, as i n the breaking of a taboo (Lommell, 1967a, p. 31). Another p o s s i b i l i t y i s that the l a r g e f i g u r e i n the centre i s a shaman wearing an a w e - i n s p i r i n g mask. Assuming that i t i s , the i n s c r i b e d animals might then be h i s h e l p i n g s p i r i t s . They look somewhat l i k e lemmings which were considered to be powerful s p i r i t f a m i l i a r s . Lemmings were thought to l i v e among the s t a r s and f e l l to the e a r t h when they became ass o c i a t e d w i t h a p a r t i c u l a r shaman (WAG, 1978, p. 49). The small ' s m i l i n g ' s p i r i t on the r i g h t i s i n t e r e s t i n g i n that i t has a face on i t s t o r s o . The mouth i s opened i n an 'o' shape and shows shamanic t e e t h . This c h a r a c t e r i s t i c can be traced back to Dorset imagery (WAG, 1978, p. 182). The open mouth, and blowing are a s s o c i a t e d w i t h a most revered n o t i o n , that of breath and the l i f e - f o r c e , or s o u l , of the 36 i n d i v i d u a l . Man i n F i s h Weir ( F i g . 3) v i r t u a l l y evokes f e c u n d i t y l i k e an amu-l e t . With i t s p h a l l i c shape and l a r g e f i s h swarming toward the enclosure, i t i s suggestive of human f e r t i l i t y as w e l l as a p l e n t i f u l hunt. This was a concern of the angakoq. With amulets and r i t u a l he helped women i n t h e i r hopes to have c h i l d r e n (WAG, 1978, p. 120). As intermediary between the human and animal world, he was expected to know the h a b i t s of the cr e a t u r e s , and advise the hunters a c c o r d i n g l y . This was a measure of h i s usefulness and e f f e c t i v e n e s s w i t h i n the community (Lommell, 1967, p. 27). F i s h Lake ( F i g . 10) i s e q u a l l y evocative. Both the sun and the moon are high i n the sky. This might be a reference to the myth about t h e i r o r i g i n . A brother and a s i s t e r unknowingly had an incestuous r e l a t i o n s h i p . When she discovered who her l o v e r was, she ran out of the snow-house c a r r y i n g a l i t t o r c h . Her brother followed her, a l s o c a r r y i n g a t o r c h . However, as they rose i n t o the sky, h i s went out. She became the sun and he the moon, forev e r chasing her across the heavens ( N a t i o n a l Museum of Man, 1977, p. 58). This then may be another r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of a t o t a l e x p e r i e n c e — t h e union of the day and the n i g h t sky, of l i g h t and of dark (Neumann, 1955, p. 56). The moon has al s o been a s s o c i a t e d w i t h f e r t i l i t y ( L a n t i s , 1970, pp. 316, 323, and 324). An angakoq might v i s i t the man i n the moon who, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the Western A r c t i c , was s a i d to have some c o n t r o l over animals. I n the Eastern A r c t i c , the moon's primary f u n c t i o n was i t s a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h human f e r t i l i t y and w i t h b e f r i e n d i n g orphans. I n u k s u i t are s i l h o u e t t e d on the f a r shore of F i s h Lake. Trans-l a t e d , inukshuk means \" i n the l i k e n e s s of man\". There are many of them 37 i n the Cape Dorset area. They are a l l made of stone. Theories are that they were land and cache markers, or that they were used i n the herding and c a p t u r i n g of caribou ( N a t i o n a l Museum of Man, 1977, pp. 62 and 92; and B a l i k c i , 1970, p. 41). They are a l s o route i n d i c a t o r s . The ones at Inukshukgaliut, p o i n t the way to Coral Harbour which i s 450 km west by boat (Schwartz, 1977, p. 17). In a d d i t i o n to the p r a c t i c a l , the i n u k s u i t had an emotional im-port f o r the Eskimo: . . . we can say. that the c a i r n s were, i n f a c t , a f o c a l p o i n t of t h e i r f a i t h , both f o r those departing as w e l l as f o r those who had to wait a n x i o u s l y f o r the hunters to r e t u r n . The c a i r n s must have gone w i t h the men as c l e a r images - l i k e v i v i d p i c t u r e s i n t h e i r minds knowing that t h e i r f a m i l i e s would be l o o k i n g at the same c a i r n s and, i n a way, praying to them f o r a safe t r i p . I t could be that t h i s was part of t h e i r formal r e l i g i o n . (Peter P i t s e o l a k i n Raine, 1980, p. 107) Hunters o f t e n placed a personal object w i t h i n a c a i r n . I t then became h i s symbol of s a f e t y u n t i l he returned to i t . That i t was made of stone was a l s o s i g n i f i c a n t , f o r stone was valued as being one of the most per-manent substances of a l l . A s o l i t a r y f i g u r e i s on the near shore of the l a k e . He i s so small i n comparison to the l a k e which i s teeming w i t h l a r g e f i s h , and to a l l of the space which surrounds him. I t i s a reminder of man's r e l a t i v e p o s i t i o n . F e r t i l i t y , abundance, and the aw e - i n s p i r i n g environment f i g u r e prominently i n the images above. These q u a l i t i e s a l s o d e s c r i b e the Earth Mother of t r a d i t i o n a l Eskimo mysticism, Sedna. As goddess and p r o t e c t r e s s of the hunt and animals, she was r e s p o n s i b l e f o r a l l changes i n the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the hunter and h i s prey. This i s f i g u r e d i n P e r i l s 38 of the Hunter ( F i g . 18). Alone i n h i s kayak, the man f i n d s himself threatened by, and f a c i n g , unknown creatures and dangers. Compared to the enormity of the elements, he i s q u i t e defenseless. Sedna, at the lower r i g h t , swims toward the v e s s e l , p o s s i b l y to intervene. The e a r l i e r Sea Goddess he l d by B i r d ( F i g . 19) i s a l s o r e a l i z e d i n bold s i l h o u e t t e d imagery. Sedna i s held i n the b i r d ' s (her husband?) mouth, upside-down. Her breasts are l a r g e and pendulous, emphasizing her maternal c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . Her f i n g e r s are truncated and her legs merge i n t o a f i s h t a i l on which another b i r d s i t s . Compare the above two w i t h the 1976 Sedna ( F i g . 20). Here, she wears an elaborate mask. The Sedna f e s t i v a l was the only time during which masks were worn i n the c e n t r a l and Eastern A r c t i c (WAG, 1978, pp. 138 and 181). The goddess' hands are stumps which l o o k l i k e m i t t e n s . Her f e e t are s i m i l a r to those of a walrus. That animal was considered a powerful s p i r i t f a m i l i a r . Near her mouth are l i n e s which might represent the t r a d i t i o n a l t a t o o i n g of married women. Sedna i s wearing an amautik. This i s i n keeping both w i t h her maternal nature and, combined w i t h her walrus f e e t , w i t h the deep r e l a t i o n -ship between people and animals. The amautik i s an important symbol (WAG, 1980b, p. 24 and passim). In i t s design i t represents a knowledge of animals. In i t s f u n c t i o n , i t houses l i f e and the magic of b i r t h . Although the hunting was done by the man, i t s success, i n a number of r e s p e c t s , was determined by a woman (Neumann, 1955, p. 283). This woman was Sedna. Her maternal t r a i t s and c o n t r o l over the under-world l i n k her s t r o n g l y to the Great Mother archetype. The c o n t r o l she had over the animals' s o u l s , and t h e i r number, s i m i l a r l y p i n p o i n t s her 39 as a symbol of transformation. The ornamental d e t a i l on Sedna's amautik i s s t r i k i n g p a r t i c u l a r l y i n comparison to the s i l h o u e t t e s of the e a r l i e r years. The change i n the look of p r i n t s , as noted above, was due i n part to the increase i n t e c h n i c a l s o p h i s t i c a t i o n and e x p e r t i s e . C e r t a i n l y , the favourable market response encouraged the c o n t i n u a t i o n of t h i s newer s t y l e . The patterns here are not d i s s i m i l a r to those of Thule swimming b i r d f i g u r i n e s ( F i g . 20). The o r i g i n s and meanings of such embellishments are long ago f o r -gotten. I t i s assumed, however, that they d i d have a m y s t i c a l connection. The use of such surface decoration gave the pieces a l i g h t e r , l e s s i n -tense l o o k than those of t h e i r Dorset predecessors (Swinton, 1972, p. 117). The patterns on t h i s Sedna amautik a l s o r e f e r s to the o r i g i n a l f u n c t i o n of such designs. In the coming s e c t i o n we w i l l see that Pudlo moved away from the mysterious s i l h o u e t t e s of the e a r l i e r years. I t w i l l be shown that as he was i n c o r p o r a t i n g the d e c o r a t i v e elements of the 'new look' i n t o h i s s t y l e , he was a l s o i n f u s i n g them w i t h a new (and perhaps renewed) sub-stance. There once was a gi a n t bear who followed people f o r h i s prey. He was so b i g he swallowed them whole: Then they smothered to death i n s i d e him i f they hadn't already died of f r i g h t . E i t h e r the bear attacked them on the run, or i f they crawled i n t o a cave where he could not squeeze h i s enormous body i n , he stabbed them w i t h h i s whiskers l i k e t o o t h p i c k s , drawing them out one by one, and gulped them down. No one knew what to do u n t i l a wise man went out and l e t the bear swallow him, s l i d i n g r i g h t down h i s throat i n t o the b i g , dark, hot, slimy stomach. And once i n s i d e there, he took h i s k n i f e and simply cut him open, k i l l i n g him of course. He carved a door i n the bear's b e l l y and threw out those who had been eaten before, and then he stepped out himself and went home to get help w i t h the butchering. Everyone l i v e d on bear meat f o r a long time. That's the way i t goes: Monster one minute, food the next. - Kiakshuk (Gedalof, n.d., p. 71) 40 Chapter VI PUDLO AND NATURE: THE BIRDS AND ANIMALS Before p i c k i n g up the p o i n t s of the preceding s e c t i o n , i t w i l l be necessary to t r a c e the development of Pudlo's r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s of b i r d s which number s i g n i f i c a n t l y w i t h i n h i s oeuvre. They f i g u r e i n h i s s c u l p -t u r a l e f f o r t s (CEAC, 1971, pp. 156 and 172) and are a f a v o u r i t e subject matter of Cape Dorset a r t i n general (WAG, 1980a, p. 40). The i n t e r e s t i s not a new one. Since Dorset times, b i r d s have been, along w i t h bears, the most commonly represented of the shamanic f a m i l i a r s ( T a y l o r , 1967, p. 38). The e a r l i e r r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s of b i r d s seen above ( S p i r i t Watching Games, F i g . 4; Eagle Carrying Man, F i g . 16; and Sea Goddess Held by B i r d , F i g . 19) co n t a i n overt references to the shamanic mysteries of the past. Woman W i t h B i r d Image ( F i g . 22) i s such a work as w e l l . As i n S p i r i t w i t h Symbols ( F i g . 2) p o s i t i v e and negative combinations create an image on the f i g u r e ' s t o r s o . This time, a woman w i t h a b i r d . I f the woman i s a shaman, then t h i s may be a rendering of a transformation. That i s , of an angakoq assuming a b i r d - l i k e form, a b i r d being one of her s p i r i t h e l p e r s , so that she might be able to f l y . However, t h i s may a l s o be a v i s u a l i z a t i o n of the legend of women who had the a b i l i t y to t u r n i n t o b i r d s and f l y away w h i l e t h e i r men were on a hunt (WAG, 1979, p. 41). Bird/Woman imagery i s not unusual. The Thule female f i g u r i n e s ( F i g . 21) are s i m i l a r i n form and th e r e f o r e p o s s i b l y r e l a t e d c o n t e x t u r a l l y 41 42 to the b i r d f i g u r i n e s ( F i g . 22). Sedna shuns a l l s u i t o r s to e v e n t u a l l y marry, a b i r d . As a d i r e c t r e s u l t of t h i s union she becomes the symbol of the Great Mother i n Eskimo mysticism. Given the s i m i l a r i t y i n s t y l e and Pudlo's p r e d i l e c t i o n f o r working i n s e r i e s , Woman With B i r d Image i s l i k e l y a k i n i n meaning to S p i r i t With Symbols. In h i s t o r y , b i r d s have been a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the Great Mother archetype r e g u l a r l y (Neumann, 1955, p. 145f) . They represent a p o s i t i v e aspect of her nature i n t h e i r l i n k w i t h the heavens and thereby balance her r e l a t i o n s h i p to the underworld. Shaman's Dwelling ( F i g . 23) i s another example of Pudlo's c l o s e a s s o c i a t i o n of r e l i g i o n and b i r d s . A snow-house i s set i n t o a s t y l i z e d landscape and flanked by two very l a r g e b i r d s . Are they meant to be guardians of the shaman and/or the dwelling? The t i t u l a r reference i s to the o l d f a i t h , yet the house has a cross both over the entrance and on the ' r o o f . In the foreground, enclosed by the house, are f i v e i n u k s u i t , another reference to the o l d f a i t h . With the exception of t h e i r placement and the landscape formations, the composition i s as balanced and symmetrical as the crosses. Two t r a i t s evident i n Shaman's Dwelling can be traced to Thule precedents. The f i r s t i s the symmetry, here around a c r u c i f o r m as i t i s al s o i m p l i e d i n S p i r i t s ( F i g . 17). (Vastokas, 1971/72, p. 78). W i t h i n Pudlo's p r i n t s i t creates compositions of a n a t u r a l order which, when com-bined w i t h the content, i s v i r t u a l l y of a sacred k i n d . The second charac-t e r i s t i c i s that of the images being framed, or s e l f - e n c l o s e d . To the balance and harmony i s added a sense of containment: f o r a l l things have t h e i r place w i t h i n the environment (Myers, 1982, p. 77). Two Loons at Sea ( F i g . 24) i s a l s o symmetrical and d i v i d e d by a 43 cross which i s once again surrounded by two b i r d s . In t r a d i t i o n a l Eskimo b e l i e f s , loons were as s o c i a t e d w i t h s i g h t . A legend t e l l s of a b l i n d boy whose s i g h t was r e s t o r e d by a loon. They are a l s o l i n k e d to shamanic s i g h t , v i s i o n s , and ideas (WAG, 1978, p. 121). I t seems p o s s i b l e that t h i s image i s a reference to a shamanic journey. C l e a r l y , two loons do not need a boat f o r water t r a v e l . Per-haps then they are not a c t u a l l y b i r d s . Maybe they are shamans t r a v e l l i n g i n the form of t h e i r b i r d f a m i l i a r s . S i m i l a r l y , the two b i r d s i n Shaman's Dwelling ( F i g . 23) might be the angakoq's guardian s p i r i t s . What remains i s to understand the cross which re c u r s c o n t i n u a l l y i n Pudlo's work. In the North, the cross f i g u r e s as both a contemporary and pre-h i s t o r i c symbol. I t appears as a frequent marking on Dorset shamanic paraphenalia (Swinton, 1967, pp. 43 and 45). I t s p r e c i s e meaning i n t h i s context i s not known. However, i t i s thought to have been a marker f o r a p a r t i c u l a r l y s e n s i t i v e area or item. Although apparently d e c o r a t i v e , i t i s a reminder of a language which once expressed, and thereby l i n k e d man t o , the s p i r i t u a l (Fitzhugh and Kaplan, 1982, p. 200). In the f a i t h of the o l d e r generation, the 'past' and 'present' b e l i e f systems co-e x i s t (Carpenter, 1955, p. 71). C h r i s t i a n i t y d i d not r e p l a c e , but r a t h e r added new dimensions t o , the peoples' creed. Pudlo's s t y l i s t i c e c l e c t i c i s m complements h i s i n t e g r a t i o n of symbols from the o l d and the new ways. Aspects of the past are a l t e r e d as they re-emerge i n t o a changed environment. Perceptions of the present are a f f e c t e d by t h e i r p o t e n t i a l to be evocative of memories. The contemporary a r t i s t may then even u n w i t t i n g l y record these perhaps vague r e c o l l e c t i o n s (WAG, 1978, p. 215). 44 The cross most f r e q u e n t l y appears on b u i l d i n g s , o f t e n over an entrance. I t i s a l s o connected w i t h a sense of home, or the end of a journey as i n Long Journey ( F i g . 7) arid Shaman's Dwelling ( F i g . 23). Thoughts of Home ( F i g . 25) contains both of these elements. In the f o r e -ground i s a landscape from which a f i g u r e approaches a ladder or a s t a i r -case-type o b j e c t . At the end of t h i s means of ascent are two t e n t s . Between them i s a f i g u r e i n a doorway, over which i s a c r o s s . I t has been noted that formerly popular domestic themes such as mother and c h i l d p o r t r a y a l s , are p r e s e n t l y r a r e l y depicted (Levine, 1977, p. 19). There are i m p l i c a t i o n s that t h i s i s i n d i c a t i v e of the breakdown of the once a l l - i m p o r t a n t f a m i l y u n i t (Schaefer, 1976, passim). That themes are r e l a t i v e l y impersonal and t h e r e f o r e c o n t a i n p e s s i m i s t i c under-tones . This i s c e r t a i n l y not the case w i t h Pudlo. His images seem f u l l of optimism. The manner i n which Pudlo so harmoniously combines r e f e r -ences to the o l d and the new s u r e l y i n d i c a t e s t h i s . His use of the cross -creates an aura of i t being a symbol of p r o t e c t i o n w i t h hope f o r the f u t u r e . I t i s an emblem which transcends s p e c i f i c periods of time. I t oversees a l l eras. I t s C h r i s t i a n meaning was i n part to symbolize man's need to extend h i s f a i t h from h i s own centre and move outward, as f o r example toward nature (Jung, 1964, p. 273). In h i s p r i n t s , w i t h the combination of l a d d e r s , there i s an i m p l i c a t i o n of movement and even ascent. Pudlo's f i g u r e s o f t e n journey toward the cross (see Long Journey [ F i g . 7] and Thoughts of Home [ F i g . 25]). The themes of memory, hope, and p r o t e c t i o n meander i n and out of Pudlo's oeuvre, c o n t i n u a l l y . 45 Pudlo's expression of the union of the environment and of l i v i n g t hings as seen i n T u d l i k (the b i r d and the water being j o i n e d by form and c o l o u r , F i g . 9), recurs i n the Large Loon and Landscape ( F i g . 26). Here, the two subjects are v i r t u a l l y a r e f l e c t i o n of one another. Both the b i r d and the land tower i n t o the sky. Each undulates i n form and i s made up of c o n t r a s t i n g patches of co l o u r . The land encloses lakes and other areas of blue. The l o o n , w i t h i t s shamanic i m p l i c a t i o n s , hovers over the p r e f a b r i c a t e d homes, the man i n h i s boat, and the l a n d -scape, w i t h a p r o t e c t i v e a i r . The e n t i r e composition seems e n c l o s e d — t h i s time w i t h a n e a r l y c i r c u l a r f o r m — a symbol of wholeness. This l i t h o seems to be a testament to the e s s e n t i a l u n i t y of l i f e as i t was p a r t i c u l a r l y f e l t i n the 'old ways'. A union of la n d , nature, and f a i t h (the s p i r i t u a l ) . The i n c l u s i o n of the contemporary housing might represent hope f o r the p r e s e n t — a n d f u t u r e . I f the t i n y h i l l o c k s i n the mid-ground are c a i r n s , then t h i s might be Pudlo's b l e s s i n g f o r Cape Dorset, known f o r i t s abundance of i n u k s u i t . A l s o , i t i s hig h land ( K i n g n a i t ) . Metiq on M a l l i k (Duck on a Wave, F i g . 27) i s a most resplendent l a s t example of t h i s expression of union. The composition i s s o l i d l y s i l h o u e t t e d on a white background. The b i r d i s on a wave. The o u t l i n e of the b i r d ' s wings, the t e x t u r a l markings, the use of c o l o u r , a l l create an ambiguity of references to l a n d , water, and animal. By i m p l i c a t i o n i t i s t h e r e f o r e a j o i n i n g of the three. I t i s a l s o a p e r f e c t union of form and content. The seemingly d e c o r a t i v e becomes a statement of wholeness. Since 1976, Pudlo's i n c l u s i o n of modern o b j e c t s i n h i s p r i n t s has been one of h i s trademarks. Only a very few other a r t i s t s have done 46 so as w e l l . In Pudlo's works t h i s v i r t u a l l y creates a continuum, or j o i n i n g , of two very d i f f e r e n t times. The most frequent i s the aeroplane. Comparable to b i r d s , planes have become contemporary symbols f o r p s y c h o l o g i c a l and p h y s i c a l t r a n -scendence (June, 1964, p. 156). To Pudlo, r i d i n g i n an aeroplane might be a present-day analogy f o r shamanic f l i g h t (Lommell, 1967, p. 103). That i s , the aeroplane could be reminiscent of the s p i r i t helper ( L a n t i s , 1970, p. 316). I n that i t i s a reminder of the psychic memories of the past, i t f u e l s the imagination and lends a c r e d i b i l i t y to fadin g memories. Pudlo once took an aeroplane r i d e over Resolute Bay: . . . the a i r p l a n e swooped down to take a good look at a musk-ox and some cari b o u . (Pudlo i n Dorset, 1978, p. 66) V i s i o n of Two Worlds ( F i g . 28) i s perhaps a v a r i a t i o n of that i n c i d e n t . On i t s back, the musk-ox has a dog w i t h an o l d s t y l e harness on, and a hunter w i t h a whip i n h i s hand. We assume that these are the symbols of the 'old world'. An aeroplane i s i n the sky. Pudlo seems to want to r e t a i n the connections between t h i s f l i g h t and the m y s t i c a l . The plane seems l i g h t and almost animated. The angle of the wings i s exaggerated so as to make them seem more l i k e that of a b i r d ' s . That Pudlo i s f a s c i n a t e d by musk-oxen i s undeniable. They appear throughout h i s oeuvre.i' The animals are not common to South B a f f i n I s l a n d . Pudlo says that he was \"the f i r s t one to t r y to draw a musk-ox\" (Dorset, 1979, p. 65). Although t h i s may be t r u e f o r the contemporary scene, Jenness records a p e n c i l drawing of one (1922, pp. 168 and 169). Musk-oxen do have t r a d i t i o n a l l i n k s w i t h shamanism (WAG, 1978, p. 76). However, they seem to appeal mostly to Pudlo's sense of humour. He appears to have fun p l a c i n g these awkward-looking animals i n t o e q u a l l y 47 p e c u l i a r s i t u a t i o n s , or making them something that they are not. A previous example was Umingmuk ( F i g . 14) i n which Pudlo made the creatures seem q u i t e l i g h t and d e l i c a t e . Of Umiimmak K a l u n a n i i t u k (Musk-ox i n the C i t y , F i g . 29) he w r i t e s : When I d i d t h i s drawing, I was t h i n k i n g that t h i s i s a church and t h i s i s a musk ox on top. Because I have seen churches having statues on top, that i s what I was t h i n k i n g about when I draw t h i s - even though t h i s i s not God or any-t h i n g l i k e t h a t . (Dorset, 1979, p. 65) In h i s frequent combination of musk-oxen w i t h modern ob j e c t s ( i n t h i s case, powerlines, a b u i l d i n g and a bus), one wonders i f g e n e r a l l y he con-s i d e r s the animals to be symbols of a time past. A l a s t look at an animal theme i s another l i g h t - h e a r t e d l o o k i n g p r i n t e n t i t l e d Dream of Bear ( F i g . 30). I t i s the s o r t of piece which earned Pudlo h i s r e p u t a t i o n f o r being u n p r e d i c t a b l e (Gray, 1974). In terms of h i s p r i n t - p r o d u c t i o n , i t i s one-of-a-kind. This i s unusual f o r Pudlo, whose themes and m o t i f s g e n e r a l l y come i n s e r i e s . Yet, t h i s p r i n t i s d i f f i c u l t to dismiss because of i t s three apparent references to shamanism. F i r s t l y , i n the t i t l e , the word 'dream'; secondly, the bear; and l a s t l y , that i t i s s i t t i n g next t o , what looks l i k e , a t r e e . Bear imagery, although r e l a t i v e l y infrequent i n Pudlo's work, i s prominent i n Eskimo c u l t u r e as both a symbol and the b a s i s f o r a good t a l e . In the l a t t e r r e s p e c t , the bear i s always a formidable and feared adversary. C o n q u e r i n g / k i l l i n g one of the animals gains much respect f o r the hunter. In the shamanic realm, the bear was the best, and the most power-f u l , of a l l of the animal s p i r i t helpers (WAG, 1978, p. 148). Perhaps 48 a c c o r d i n g l y , bear imagery i s outstanding i n the most m y s t i c a l Dorset p e r i o d (Swinton, 1967, p. 41 and passim). The bear, l i k e the shaman, was thought to be both extremely powerful as w e l l as dangerous. This animal was anthropomorphized more than any other, and i t was respected f o r i t s hunting a b i l i t i e s on i c e , water, and land (Thomson, 1981, p. 40). A frequent Dorset m o t i f , the f l y i n g bear, was symbolic of shaman-i c f l i g h t . This i s r e l e v a n t to Dream of Bear, i f the object between the animal and the man i s a t r e e . Shamanic Trees, or World Trees, have been i d e n t i f i e d i n both p r e h i s t o r i c and contemporary Eskimo a r t works (Vastokas, 1973/74, p. 110). In a s t a t e of ecstasy, the shaman makes a ceremonial climb up the cosmic t r e e . The voyage i s symbolic of the Ascent to Heaven where, f o r example, the angakoq may seek out a s i c k person's s o u l „fk>r c u r i n g ( E l i a d e , 1970, pp. 302 and 303). Is the man on the l e f t the shaman who, w i t h the a i d of h i s powerful h e l p e r , i s pre-paring the c e l e s t i a l voyage? The c o l l a r might be a reference to something l i k e the Old Bering Sea w r i s t c u f f and neck c o l l a r s which i n d i c a t e d a captured animal s p i r i t ( Fitzhugh and Kaplan, 1982, p. 198). In the e a r l y p r i n t s , the depth of Pudlo's content i s revealed w i t h bold imagery and symbols. L a t e r , the geometric elements and a b s t r a c t i o n s from nature o f t e n add an increased harmony to the already balanced compositions. These a d d i t i o n s are never p u r e l y d e c o r a t i v e . They help to r e v e a l the content of the work, perhaps i n much the same way that a b s t r a c t m o t i f s i n d i c a t e d the magical i n the a r t of the p r e h i s t o r i c p e riods. 49 Pudlo's i n c o r p o r a t i o n of both forms and objects from h i s and the Euro-American c u l t u r e s i n h i s work proves that he maintains h i s connec-t i o n s to the 'old ways' w h i l e developing w i t h i n the pressures of change. Marble I s l a n d Long ago, before my grandfather was born, some Eskimo f a m i l i e s used to t r a v e l from place to place. One time there was a f a m i l y of four w i t h an o l d woman. They l i v e d near Rankin I n l e t , N.W.T. The hunting was good f o r a few years, but not f o r long. The Uanik f a m i l y wanted to move to another land c a l l e d Kanuyalik, where there were l o t s of ca r i b o u . One th i n g that stopped them was the o l d woman. She wanted them to leave her. Uanik s a i d he hated to leave her h e l p l e s s . The o l d woman asked Uanik i f he had fo r g o t t e n what she had s a i d once. She had s a i d that she would stay behind i f they moved away and that she would l i k e to l i v e on the i c e that I looked l i k e an i s l a n d . So Uanik's f a m i l y , w i t h sorrow i n t h e i r h e a r t s , l e f t the o l d woman. One very c l e a r day the o l d woman sat on a rock l o o k i n g at the b i g i c e . She s a i d to h e r s e l f , \" I wish, how I wish, that i c e could turn i n t o an i s l a n d so I could l i v e t h e r e . \" Two years passed before Uanik came back to the spot where he had l e f t the o l d woman. The o l d woman wasn't anywhere on the l a n d . Uanik heard her saying: \"Uanik, at l a s t I got my wish, please don't worry anymore.\" He saw that the i c e had turned to marble. \"Uanik, my s p i r i t l i v e s on t h i s marble i s l a n d . \" Now, when the people of Rankin I n l e t go to the i s l a n d , they must crawl a few f e e t i n respect of the o l d woman's s p i r i t . I n the summer, on a c l e a r day, the i s l a n d once again looks l i k e an i c e i s l a n d . - Leonie Kappi (Gedalof, ri.d., p. 72) 50 Chapter VII PUDLO AND NATURE: THE LAND As shown, Pudlo brings the viewer a step c l o s e r to the p o s s i -b i l i t y of a p p r e c i a t i n g the emotional basis of the 'old ways'. As the t r a d i t i o n a l f a i t h was founded upon a n i m i s t i c p r i n c i p l e s , the emphasis was upon t o t a l i t y o f , and communion w i t h , a l l aspects of l i f e and nature. On both the p r a c t i c a l and s p i r i t u a l l e v e l s , the n a t u r a l f o r c e s f i g u r e d prominently i n the Eskimo l i f e - s t y l e . We f e a r the Weather S p i r i t of e a r t h , that we must f i g h t against to wrest our food from land and sea. We f e a r S i l a (the Weather S p i r i t ) . We f e a r death and hunger i n the c o l d snow huts . . . . We f e a r the e v i l s p i r i t s of l i f e , those of the a i r , of the sea and of the earth . . . . (Rasmussen, I g l u l i k Eskimos, p. 56) Respect, tempered w i t h f e a r , was a dictum. A highest compliment paid to a person was to be c a l l e d 'Innumarit' — o n e who f u l f i l l e d the I n u i t h e r i t a g e (Herchmer, 1980, p. 24). This was someone who was a good hunter, p r o v i d e r , and who, above a l l , had respect f o r the land . A person came to f e e l r e l a t i v e l y small and i n s i g n i f i c a n t w h i le i n the b a t t l e f o r s u r v i v a l w i t h such a formidable adversary. This was to some extent a l l e v i a t e d by shamanism (Lommell, 1967a, p. 147). The solace came w i t h some l i m i t e d sense of c o n t r o l or understanding w i t h regard to the environment. The economic value of the land was th e r e f o r e tempered by an emo-t i o n a l respect which was so deep that the people endowed i t w i t h s p i r i t u a l 52 a t t r i b u t e s (Herchmer, 1980, p. 24). There are a few places where the s p i r i t s have to be shown your f r i e n d l y i n t e n t i o n s f i r s t before you can go there. In Baker Lake, even, there i s a small i s l a n d onto which you must crawl i f you land there so as not to make the s p i r i t mad at you. (Ruth Annaqtuusi i n WAG, 1982, p. 18). Any change i n the m a t e r i a l and s o c i a l c u l t u r e of a group a f f e c t s both the e c o l o g i c a l system and, e s p e c i a l l y , the way i n which the people p e r c e i v e i t (Murphy, 1964, pp. 851 and 852). The n o t i o n of respect, and s t r i v i n g to work and i n t e r a c t w i t h i n a given s i t u a t i o n , changed w i t h the a r r i v a l of the new technology. In i t s place grew the Euro-American a t t i t u d e of mastery. With i t , came the new perceptions of the land (Swinton, 1972, p. 108). As noted, the e a r l i e r of Pudlo's landscapes seem to have been approached w i t h r e l a t i v e c a u t i o n . L i k e F i s h Lake ( F i g . 10), they r e f l e c t an a t t i t u d e of mystery. When print-making and drawing moved away from the i n f l u e n c e of s c u l p t u r e , landscapes, belonging more to the two-dimensional medium, became more d e t a i l e d . A r c t i c W a t e r f a l l ( J i g . 11) and Spring Landscape ( F i g . 12) f o r example, a l b e i t q u i t e a b s t r a c t e d , are nonetheless f a r more d e s c r i p t i v e of: The abrupt f i o r d lands of B a f f i n I s l a n d , w i t h t h e i r c l i f f s and screes, t h e i r v ast g r a v e l l y outwash, t h e i r low domed h i l l s , t h e i r c o a s t a l strands and marshes, and t h e i r permanent ice-caps f r i n g e d w i t h y e a r l y - m e l t i n g snow patches . . . . (From the annual handbook of the Dominion Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s , Canada, 1971 i n Swinton, 1972, p. 107) In A r c t i c W a t e r f a l l , the sense of the past i s a t t r i b u t a b l e to the manner i n which the f i g u r e s are d e p i c t e d . They are small and r e l a t i v e l y i n s i g n i f i c a n t compared to the resplendent environment. They do not t r a v e l w i t h skidoos or ATC's, but i n the o l d way—on foo t w i t h dogs as beasts of 53 burden. In these renderings of the 'old ways', time seems f r o z e n , and the image of each i s monumental. In Spring Landscapes, we imagine the patience and qu i e t of the fishermen. They too seem i s o l a t e d i n time. Both of these images are contained and complete. Landscape w i t h Caribou ( F i g . 31) on the other hand seems to come from a d i f f e r e n t time. The animal has stopped, but f o r what only appears to be an i n s t a n t . The a n t l e r s are d e l i c a t e l y t i p p e d . One can imagine t h a t , i n response to the s l i g h t e s t sound or movement, the animal w i l l d a r t o f f . I s o l a t e d , the forms i n t h i s p r i n t are so g e n e r a l i z e d that they border upon a b s t r a c t i o n . I t i s t h e i r colours which r e t u r n us to nature. The l a r g e and small amoeba-like patches at one glance create a f l a t applique-type p a t t e r n . Yet combined, they q u i t e n a t u r a l l y d e scribe the d i p s , r o l l s , d e l i c a c y , and s o l i t u d e of the Northern environment. The v i s u a l i z a t i o n s o f , and knowledge about the environment may be new and changed. However, w i t h the increased cognizance has come a strong d e s i r e to p r o t e c t the land which fed the people f o r thousands of years. Along w i t h c a r i n g f o r the w i l d l i f e , t h i s i s s u e has become germaine to the maintenance of a c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y i n the North (Schwartz, 1977, p. 53). This c e l e b r a t i o n of the land i s evident i n Pudlo's Timiat Nunamiut (The Body of Land, F i g . 33). I t was commissioned by the Habitat United Nations Conference of Human Settlements, 1976. Pudlo f i l l s , the space and encloses the p i c t u r e as i n h i s o l d e r s t y l e . However, he works from a s i n g l e vantage p o i n t . The curves of the p l a n t s and l i g h t - h e a r t e d renderings of the walruses present a joyous image of the land and animals of the A r c t i c . 54 Along the l e f t - h a n d s i d e , a b i r d and a f i s h are each placed on a p e d e s t a l or a t r o p h y - l i k e d i s p l a y s h e l f . At the top, on s i m i l a r stands, are a hunter w i t h a f i s h spear approaching a ladder, and a s e a l . Next to that i s what looks l i k e a s c u l p t u r e of a hunter and a bear. They are back-to^back w i t h a pole between them. In the middle, a ladder reaches from the foreground landscape, to a walrus. I t i s an image f i l l e d w i t h j o y , p r i d e , b o u n t i f u l d i s p l a y s of the past, and hope. Chapter VIII CONCLUSION: THE SEASONS Notions of historiography are new to the I n u i t . T r a d i t i o n a l l y , the time o r i e n t a t i o n was of the 'here and now' (Lantis, 1970, p. 335). Whereas we might g r a p h i c a l l y represent our sense of time as a l i n e , the Eskimos' might have been a c i r c l e . As the souls of a l l l i v i n g things were i n f i n i t e l y reincarnated so were such aspects of o r i g i n an everlasting feature of the present. The shaman was the educator with regard to these matters. He was the guardian of the t a l e s which f o r so long had been the basis of l i f e i n the North. With the weakening of shamanic forces came the d i l u t i o n of the values and ideas of an age-old heritage. I t was i n part the arts and c r a f t s project which l i t e r a l l y retarded the progress of the t o t a l c u l t u r a l a s s i m i l a t i o n of the people (Isaacs, 1972, p. 18). The material representation of fading ideas and f e e l i n g s , and the recording of events which might never recur, prevented t h e i r being l o s t forever. More than that, i n t e l l i n g the Southern market of a past f u l l of depth, the a r t i s t projected both his pride, and that of which his people might f e e l more meaningfully. With t h i s there may have been some easing of the tensions of a traumatic present (Dawson et. a l . , 1974, p. 48). Pudlo, while allowing the elements of the new into h i s work, most c l e a r l y j o i n s the past and the present. I f at f i r s t the Euro-American 55 56 onslaught was overwhelming, i n Pudlo's oeuvre one sees the hope of a blending and union of two c u l t u r e s . The younger generation of I n u i t w i l l be reminded of t h e i r past and w i l l even t r y to r e c r e a t e i t (Dorothy Eber i n WAG, 1980a, p. 26). This i s most a p t l y expressed i n The Seasons ( F i g . 33). I t i s t r u l y an h i s t o r i c a l document. Pudlo has again organized the composition w i t h a c r u c i f o r m . I t reaches to the heavens f i l l e d w i t h s t a r s . Below them, landscape, i n u k s u i t , powerlines, and show-houses—with chimneys. At the mid - r i g h t i s a ship.' Below the s h i p , a l a k e i s seen from above w i t h people h i k i n g on i t s shores and b i r d s wading w i t h i n . There i s a p e c u l i a r - l o o k i n g object on the near shore. I t appears i n a number of Pudlo's p r i n t s . Is i t a skeleton? V a r i a t i o n s on the s o - c a l l e d \"x-ray s t y l e \" are common to the shamanic a r t s (Lommell, 1967, p. 133). These have come to be i n t e r p r e t e d as symbolic of a s p i r i t u a l permanence (Swinton, 1967, p. 41). A f t e r the f l e s h i s long gone, the bones remain and hence represent the e v e r - l a s t i n g s o u l . At the m i d - l e f t of the p r i n t , a dog team i s apparently tangled up and i s t r y i n g to p u l l a s l e d w i t h a kayak on i t . A man rushes towards the dogs. F o o t p r i n t s are evident i n the snow. Above t h i s i s a s t r i k i n g s t r u c t u r e . I t resembles Shaman's Dwelling ( F i g . 23) w i t h i t s crosses and two guardian b i r d s . I t might be a f a n t a s t i c church or a v a r i a t i o n on the l a r g e s o r t of i g l o o which was b u i l t f o r s p e c i f i c f e s t i v a l s (WAG, 1978, p. 139). Although there are i m p l i c a t i o n s of the scene c o n t i n u i n g beyond the edges, i t i s framed i n . A s e l f - c o n t a i n e d image subject to the 57 n a t u r a l order as d i c t a t e d by the c r o s s . I t speaks of the seasons of a man's time and of the time when h i s l i f e was governed by the seasons. Of s p r i n g by a l a k e , or kayak and s l e d t r a v e l . I t a l s o speaks of the seasons of a t e c h n o l o g i c a l change. From snow-houses to el a b o r a t e , never before imagined s t r u c t u r e s . From kayaks to s h i p s . Pudlo was born i n t o the r o l e of a hunter and learned from h i s f a t h e r on the ba s i s of many years of experience. I n h i s p r i n t s , he combines n a r r a t i v e and p a t t e r n , documentary and fantasy. He o f f e r s v i s u a l i z a t i o n s of the va r i o u s aspects of the m y s t i c a l — f e r t i l i t y , the Great Mother, e t c . We are thereby allowed an i n s i g h t i n t o the deeply emotional aspects of Pudlo's t r a d i t i o n a l l i f e s t y l e . He u t i l i z e s the \"best of both worlds\" i n h i s drawings. With t h i s e c l e c t i c i s m he creates a t r u l y three-dimensional experience f o r the spe c t a t o r . APPENDIX Although engraving, l i t h o g r a p h y , e t c h i n g , and s i l k screening have a l l , at some p o i n t , been part of the Cape Dorset experiment, stone-cut p r i n t s and s t e n c i l s ( e i t h e r alone or i n combination) have always been the most popular. Here then i s a b r i e f d e s c r i p t i o n of the two. (For a d e t a i l e d account see Jackson, 1981, and N a t i o n a l Museum of Man, 1977.) The Stone-cut A r t i s t s submit drawings to the a r t s and c r a f t s co-op. A committee then s e l e c t s those which are to be p r i n t e d . Such a drawing i s t r a n s f e r r e d (through the use of t r a c i n g and carbon papers) onto the surface of a stone which has been smoothed and painted white. (Serpentine, the green stone used a l s o f o r c a r v i n g , was o r i g i n a l l y q u a r r i e d where i t was found i n abundance i n West B a f f i n I s l a n d . I t i s now imported from commercial q u a r r i e s . I t was found to r e a c t best to the o i l - b a s e d ink. I t i s s o f t , not too porous, and good f o r c h i s e l l i n g . When mined i t o f t e n breaks away i n l a r g e s l a b s which are p e r f e c t i n s i z e f o r low r e l i e f carving.) The t r a n s f e r r e d image i s then defined w i t h I n d i a i n k . The white background i s c a r e f u l l y cut away w i t h c h i s e l s l e a v i n g only the r a i s e d image. I n the p r i n t i n g room, s o f t rubber r o l l e r s (one f o r each colour) are used to apply the p a i n t (from l i g h t c o l o u rs f i r s t , then to the dark ones) onto the stone. A heavy paper template p r o t e c t s the background from smudges during the p r i n t i n g process. Other colours may be s t e n c i l l e d on (see below) and the colour 58 59 pounded on w i t h a brush thereby a c h i e v i n g more v a r i e t y of colour and te x t u r e . The d i v i s i o n of labour (main p a r t i c i p a n t s being the a r t i s t and the c u t t e r ) and the f a c t that a low r e l i e f design i s cut i n t o a hard s u r f a c e , are the two main s i m i l a r i t i e s to the Japanese wood-cut p r i n t . Houston found i t necessary to adapt ukiyo-e p r i n t methods s i g n i f i c a n t l y f o r the Northern s i t u a t i o n . For example, ukiyo-e woodcutters make a d i f f e r e n t b l ock f o r each colour on the p r i n t . The pigment used i s a water s o l u b l e powder mixed w i t h a r i c e paste and i s a p p l i e d w i t h brushes. (See Saff and S a c i l o t t o , 1978, pp. 53-68.) The S t e n c i l Houston got the idea from watching women work w i t h s e a l s k i n . Shapes were cut out i n the s k i n and then brush-painted through, l e a v i n g images on the paper below. Scraped s e a l s k i n was soon found to be im-p r a c t i c a l and l a t e r s t e n c i l paper (or heavy wax paper) was s u b s t i t u t e d . U s u a l l y f i f t y p r i n t s are made and numbered f o r p u b l i c s a l e . For c l a r i t y i n a u t h e n t i c i t y they are a l s o embossed w i t h the Canadian Eskimo A r t s Council S e a l , p r i n t e d w i t h the co-op mark, and signed by both the print-maker and a r t i s t . Three e x t r a p r i n t s are a l s o p u l l e d : one f o r the Cape Dorset permanent c o l l e c t i o n , another f o r the N a t i o n a l Museum of Canada, and a t h i r d f o r the Department of Indian and Northern A f f a i r s f o r p u b l i c a t i o n and catalogue purposes. The stone, s t e n c i l , e t c . , are then destroyed. A l l drawings u s u a l l y remain i n the co-op. Since 1981, 60 the annual Dorset catalogues note that f i v e proofs are pulled and that p r i n t e r s are now i d e n t i f i e d by personal chops which appear on each p r i n t . GLOSSARY Amautik: Angakoq: Camp L i f e : Contemporary Pe r i o d : Eskimo: H i s t o r i c P eriod: I n u i t : Inukshuk: I n u k t i t u t : K a b l u n a i t : Old Ways: P r e h i s t o r i c P eriod; Sananguaq: The woman's parka. • Shaman. The t r a d i t i o n a l , nomadic l i f e s t y l e . Begins w i t h the time of i n t e n s i f i e d white contact, a f t e r World War I I , or from 1945 onward. Now used predominantly as an ant h r o p o l -o g i c a l and a r c h a e o l o g i c a l term. I t comes from a derogatory \"Algonquin word meaning 'eater of raw f l e s h ' . From the d e c l i n e of the Thule P e r i o d and a r r i v a l of the k a b l u n a i t to about the middle of the twe n t i e t h century. 'The People'. The name that the i n h a b i t a n t s of the Canadian A r c t i c have given themselves. Used i n a l l contemporary references. Comes from the stem ' i n u k ' — ' t h e man*. Generally a stone c a i r n i n the shape of a man. Used as a landmark. The language of the I n u i t . 'The people w i t h heavy eyebrows'. The i n u k t i t u t term f o r the white people. The times when the people were s t i l l nomadic. Includes the Pre-Dorset Cul t u r e (or A r c t i c Small Tool T r a d i t i o n , ASTt, ca. 2500 B.C. -800 B.C.); Dorset Cul t u r e (ca. 1000 B.C. -1000 A.D.); and Thule Cul t u r e (ca. 1000 -1600). The making of a model. The c l o s e s t term i n i n u k t i t u t to equal ours of ' a r t ' . S e n l a v i k : The working p l a c e , or s t u d i o . 61 62 Settlement L i f e : L i v i n g i n white e s t a b l i s h e d towns. South: When used i n t h i s paper, r e f e r s to the I n u i t p e r s p e c t i v e . SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY ' BALIKCI, ASEN 1960 \"Some A c c u l t u r a t i v e Trends Among The Canadian Eskimo,\" Anthropologica, n.s., V o l . 2, pp. 139-153. 1970 The N e t s i l i k Eskimo. : Garden C i t y , New York: N a t u r a l H i s t o r y Press. BERRY, JOHN W. 1966 \"Temne and Eskimo Perceptual S k i l l s , \" I n t e r n a t i o n a l J o u r n a l of Psychology, V o l . I , No. 3, P a r i s , pp. 207-229. BOAS, FRANZ 1888 \"The Ce n t r a l Eskimo,\" 6th Annual Report, Bureau of Ethnology, Washington, D.C. and U n i v e r s i t y of Nebraska Press, L i n c o l n , 1964. BRIGGS, JOAN L. 1970 Never i n Anger. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard U n i v e r s i t y Press. CARPENTER, EDMUND S. 1955 \"Changes i n the Sedna Myth Among the A i v i l i k , \" A n t h r o p o l o g i c a l Papers of the U n i v e r s i t y of Ala s k a , V o l . I l l , pp. 69-73. 1959 Eskimo. With Robert F l a h e r t y and F r e d e r i c V a r l e y . Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press. 1973 Eskimo R e a l i t i e s . New York: H o l t , Rinehart, and Winston. CARPENTER, E. S. and McLUHAN, M. 1960 \"Acoustic Space,\" i n E x p l o r a t i o n s i n Communication. Boston: Beacon Press (BP-218) 1966, pp. 65-70. COLOMBO, JOHN ROBERT (ed.) 1981 Poems of the I n u i t . Oberon Press. DAWSON, C. E., FREDRICKSON, V-M., AND GRABURN, N. H. H. 1974 T r a d i t i o n s i n T r a n s i t i o n Culture Contact and M a t e r i a l Change. Berkeley, C a l i f o r n i a : Louise Museum of Anthropology. ELIADE, MIRCEA 1970 \"Shamanism,\" i n Forgotten R e l i g i o n s . E d i t e d by V e r g i l i u s T. A. Ferm. Freeport, New York: Books f o r L i b r a r i e s Press. FIRTH, RAYMOND 1966 \"The S o c i a l Framework of P r i m i t i v e A r t , \" i n The Many Faces of P r i m i t i v e A r t . Edi t e d by D. Fraser. Englewood C l i f f s , New Jersey: P r e n t i c e H a l l . 63 64 ISAACS, AVROM 1972 \"On Dealing i n Eskimo A r t , \" Canadian Forum, V o l . 52, J u l y / August, pp. 16-19. JACKSON, MARION 1981 \"The A r t of Stonecuts and S t e n c i l s : A Look at the Printmaking Process,\" North, Summer, pp. 8-15. JENNESS, DIAMOND 1922 \"Eskimo A r t s , \" Geographical Review, V o l . X I I , A p r i l , pp. 161-174 1964 \"Eskimo A d m i n i s t r a t i o n : I I . Canada,\" Techni c a l Paper No. 14, A r c t i c I n s t i t u t e of North America. JUNG, CARL G. 1964 Man and His Symbols. Garden C i t y , New York: Doubleday and Co., Inc. LANTIS, MARGARET 1970 \"The R e l i g i o n of the Eskimos,\" i n Forgotten R e l i g i o n s . E d i t e d by V e r g i l i u s T. A. Ferm. Freeport, New York: Books f o r L i b r a r i e s Press. LEVINE, L. 1977 \"We are S t i l l A l i v e , \" Mayday, V o l . l , N o . 1, pp. 8-19. LEWIS, I . M. 1971 E c s t a t i c R e l i g i o n : An A n t h r o p o l o g i c a l Study of S p i r i t Possession and Shamanism. Penguin Books L t d . LEWIS, RICHARD (ed.) 1971 I Breathe a New Song. New York: Simon and Schuster. LOMMELL, ANDREAS 1967a Shamanism: The Beginnings of A r t . Translated by Michael B u l l o c Toronto: McGraw-Hill Book Company. 1967b World of the E a r l y Hunters. Translated by Michael B u l l o c k . London: Evelyn, Adams, and Mackay. MURPHY, R. F. 1964 \" S o c i a l Change and A c c u l t u r a t i s m , \" Transactions of the New York Academy of Sciences, V o l . 26, No. 7, pp. 845-854. MYERS, MARYBELLE 1980 Things Made by I n u i t . Montreal: Federation des Cooperatives du Nouveau Quebec. 1982 \" J o s i e Papialook,\" Beaver, Summer, pp. 22-29. 65 NEUMANN, ERICH 1955 The Great Mother: An A n a l y s i s of the Archetype. Translated by Ralph Manheim. P r i n c e t o n : P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1963. FITZHUGH, WILLIAM W. and KAPLAN, SUSAN A. 1982 Inua. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian I n s t i t u t i o n Press. FRASER, DOUGLAS 1966 The Many Faces of P r i m i t i v e A r t . Englewood C l i f f s , New Jersey: P r e n t i c e H a l l . GEDALOF, ROBIN (ed.) n.d. Paper Stays Put: A C o l l e c t i o n of I n u i t W r i t i n g . Edmonton: H u r t i g P u b l i s h e r s . GRABURN, NELSON H. H. 1971 \" T r a d i t i o n a l Economic I n s t i t u t i o n s and the A c c u l t u r a t i o n of Canadian Eskimso,\" i n Studies i n Economic Anthropology. E d i t e d by G. Daltbn. Washington: American A n t h r o p o l o g i c a l A s s o c i a t i o n . 1974 \"A P r e l i m i n a r y A n a l y s i s of Symbolism i n Eskimo A r t , \" Proceedings of the F o r t i e t h I n t e r n a t i o n a l Congress of Am e r i c a n i s t s , V o l . 2, Rome, pp. 165-170. GRAY, PHILIP HOWARD 1974 Eskimo A r t i s t s . Boze, Montana. HERCHMER, H. L. 1980 \"Twelfth Province,\" Canadian Heritage, June, pp. 22-24. HERSKOVITS, M. J . 1959 \" A r t and Value,\" i n Aspects of P r i m i t i v e A r t by R.obert R e d f i e l d , M. J . H e r s k o v i t s , and Gordon F. Ekholm. New York: Museum of P r i m i t i v e A r t . HOFFMAN, WALTER J . 1897 The Graphic A r t of the Eskimos. Washington: Smithsonian I n s t i t u t e . HOUSTON, JAMES 1956 \"My Friend Angatiawak,\" Canadian A r t , V o l . 12, Winter, pp. 222-224. 1960 \"Eskimo Graphic A r t , \" Canadian A r t , V o l . 17, January, pp. 8-15. 1967 Eskimo P r i n t s . Barre Mass.: Barre P u b l i s h e r s . HUGHES, C. C. 1965 \"Under Four F l a g s : Recent Culture Change Among the Eskimos,\" Current Anthropology, V o l . VI, No. 1, February, pp. 3-69. 66 IGLAUER, EDITH 1962 I n u i t Journey. Vancouver: Douglas and Mcl n t y r e , 1979. PITSEOLAK, PETER 1975 People From Our Side. Edmonton: H u r t i g P u b l i s h e r s . 1976 \"Coming of the Whitemen: How i t looked from our s i d e , \" North, V o l . 23, July/August, pp. 40-42. RAINE, DAVID F. 1980 P i t s e o l a k : A Canadian Tragedy. Edmonton: H u r t i g P u b l i s h e r s . RASMUSSEN, KNUD 1929 I n t e l l e c t u a l C u l t u r e of the I g l u l i k Eskimos. F i f t h Thule, V o l . V I I , No. 1. 1931 The N e t s i l i k Eskimos: S o c i a l L i f e and S p i r i t u a l C u l t u r e . F i f t h Thule, V o l . V I I I , No. 1 & 2. 1973 Eskimo Poems: from Greenland and Canada. Translated and edited by Tom Lowenstein. U n i v e r s i t y of P i t t s b u r g h Press. RAY, DOROTHY JEAN 1977 Eskimo A r t : T r a d i t i o n and Innovation i n North Alaska. Vancouver: S. S. Douglas L t d . RINK, HENRIK 1875 Tales and T r a d i t i o n s of the Eskimo. London: W i l l i a m Blackwood and Sons, 1974. SAFF, DONALD and SACILOTTO, DELI 1978 Printmaking: H i s t o r y and Process. New York: H o l t , Rinehart, and Winston. SCHAEFER, OTTO 1976 \"Yesterday and Today,\" A r c t i c , V o l . 29, March, pp. 87-91. SCHWARTZ, F. H. 1978 \"The Cape Dorset Report,\" I n u i t Today, V o l . 4, No. 7, June, pp. 13-57. SWINTON, GEORGE 1967 \"The Magico-Religious B a s i s , \" i n \" P r e h i s t o r i c Dorset A r t \" by W i l l i a m E. Ta y l o r , J r . and George Swinton, Beaver, Autumn, pp. 32-47. 1971/72 \"Eskimo A r t Reconsidered,\" artscanada, V o l . 28, December/ January, pp. 85-94. 1972 Sculpture of the Eskimo. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart. 67 TAYLOR, WILLIAM E. JR. 1967 \"The S i l e n t Echoes of C u l t u r e , \" i n \" P r e h i s t o r i c Dorset A r t \" by W i l l i a m E. Ta y l o r , J r . and George Swinton. Beaver, Autumn, pp. 32-47. THOMSON, J . S. and THOMAS, C. 1981 \" S p i r i t s of Ear t h and Water,\" Canadian C o l l e c t o r , M a r c h / A p r i l , pp. 39-42. VAN STEENSEL, MAJA (ed.) 1966 People of L i g h t and Dark. Ottawa: Department of Indian A f f a i r s and Northern Development. VASTOKAS, JOAN 1967 \"The R e l a t i o n of Form to Iconography i n Eskimo Masks,\" Beaver Autumn, pp. 26-31. 1971/72 \" C o n t i n u i t i e s i n Eskimo Graphic S t y l e , \" artscanada, V o l . 28, DEcember/January, pp. 68-83. 1973/74 \"The Shamanic Tree of L i f e , \" artscanada, V o l . 30, December/ January, pp. 25-30. AGNES ETHERINGTON CENTRE 1979 I n u i t A r t i n the 1970's. Kingston. CANADIAN ESKIMO ARTS COUNCIL 1971 Sculpture I n u i t : Masterworks of the Canadian A r c t i c . Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press. NATIONAL MUSEUM OF MAN 1977 The I n u i t P r i n t . Ottawa. UNIVERSITY OF ALBERTA 1978 I n u i t Games and Contests: the C l i f f o r d E. Lee C o l l e c t i o n of P r i n t s . I n t r o d u c t i o n by George Swinton. Text by Helen C o l l i n s o n . Edmonton. WEST BAFFIN ESKIMO COOPERATIVE Cape Dorset Annual Graphics C o l l e c t i o n . Toronto. WINNIPEG ART GALLERY 1978 The Coming and Going of the Shaman: Eskimo Shamanism and A r t . Text by Jean B l o d g e t t . Winnipeg. 1979 Eskimo N a r r a t i v e . Winnipeg. 1980a Cape Dorset. Winnipeg. 1980b The I n u i t Amautik: I L i k e My Hood to be F u l l . Text by Bernadette D r i s c o l l . Winnipeg. 1982 I n u i t Myths, Legends, and Songs. Text by Bernadette D r i s c o l l . Winnipeg. 70 Figure 5. Drawing by Enooesweetok—collected by film-maker Robert Flaherty, 1913-14. C o l l e c t i o n : The Royal Ontario Museum, Toronto. Source: Vastokas, 1971/72, p. 72. Figure 6. Drawing by Enooesweetok of the Sikosilingmint Tribe, Fox Land, B a f f i n Island, Collected by Robert Flaherty. Source: Carpenter, 1973, p. 169, Figure 7. Long Journey. #36-1974. Stonecut. Figure 9. Tudlik (Loon). #38-1974. Stonecut. Figure 10. Fish Lake. #37-1966. Stonecut. Figure 12. Spring Landscape. Stonecut and S t e n c i l . #53-1977. 74 75 Figure 15. Naujaq Umiallu (Seagull and Boats). 1978. Lithograph. Figure 16. #34-1963. Eagle Carrying Man. Stonecut. 77 78 hut,,. il, into id higl is nude » i t l i JJJ Figure 21. Middle: Female f i g u r i n e s . I g l o o l i k area Thule Culture. Ivory, l e n g t h lh\" to 2\". C o l l e c t i o n : Eskimo Museum, C h u r c h i l l . Source: Swinton, 1972, p. 117. Bottom: B i r d f i g u r i n e s . I g l o o l i k area Thule C u l t u r e . I v o r y , length 1%\" to 2\". C o l l e c t i o n : Eskimo Museum, C h u r c h i l l . Source: Swinton, 1972, p. 117. Figure 22. Woman With B i r d Image. #14-1961. Stonecut. 79 Figure 23. Shaman's Dwelling. #32-1975. Stonecut. Figure 24. Two Loons at Sea. #52-1979. Stonecut and S t e n c i l . 81 Figure 27. Metiq on M a l l i k (Duck on a Wave). #39-1983. Lithograph. Figure 28. V i s i o n of Two Worlds. #19-1983. Lithograph and S t e n c i l . 83 Pudlo GreyBirdlUn oiseau gns 20'/4-x 25 V , Edition 50 Pudlo Women at the Fish Lakes! Femmes se preparant A la peche 1 4 V x 1 8 V 2 \" . Edition 75 Pudlo Fishing/Peche 20'/4-x 2 5 V . Edition 50 Pudlo Landscape with Caribou! Paysage et cahbou 22\" x 2 5 V Edition 50 Figure 31. Bottom r i g h t : Landscape with Caribou. 1977. Lithograph. Figure 32. Timiat Nunamiut (The Body of Land). 1976. Lithograph. Habitat com-mission. Source: Dorset, 1981, p. 73. 1976. "@en ; edm:hasType "Thesis/Dissertation"@en ; edm:isShownAt "10.14288/1.0097866"@en ; dcterms:language "eng"@en ; ns0:degreeDiscipline "Art History"@en ; edm:provider "Vancouver : University of British Columbia Library"@en ; dcterms:publisher "University of British Columbia"@en ; dcterms:rights "For non-commercial purposes only, such as research, private study and education. Additional conditions apply, see Terms of Use https://open.library.ubc.ca/terms_of_use."@en ; ns0:scholarLevel "Graduate"@en ; dcterms:title "Pudlo Pudlat : images of change"@en ; dcterms:type "Text"@en ; ns0:identifierURI "http://hdl.handle.net/2429/28419"@en .