Arts, Faculty of
Anthropology, Department of
DSpace
UBCV
Reid, Katerina Susanne
Doctor of Philosophy - PhD
University of British Columbia
Purpose of Investigation: In using the terms baxus and tsetseqa Kwakiutl make an explicit nature/culture distinction. The winter season, tsetseqa, is dedicated to communal ritual. In the Summer--baxus--Kwakiutl disperse to gather food. The thesis is an investigation into the conceptual significance Kwakiutl give to the distinction. Its purpose is to elucidate how the baxus is related to the tsetseqa; how great social rituals like the winter dance originate in a conception of man's relation to the natural world. Data and Method: To this end three kinds of texts have been examined: prayers to animals and plants used for food, myths about man's relation to animals, and rituals welcoming animals. Most of the texts are George Hunt's, Boas' Kwakiutl helper. Their analysis is not primarily a formal undertaking, but an attempt at the translation of culture. Kwakiutl conceptions are examined both as part of the expressive system that contains them and for their accessibility and validity in a universal rational framework. The method of analysis is adapted in every case to the type of text. Each type is analysed as a genre in itself and for its relation to the thought of the tsetseqa. The investigation is therefore also a contribution to the question of genre-classification. Analysis is carried out on the lexical and structural levels, focussing on the differentials in the distribution of semantic load and the principles by which textual units are combined. Findings: The nature/culture dichotomy, expressed as baxus and tsetseqa raises for Kwakiutl the issue of determinism. Baxus life confronts them with an ethical problem they cannot solve: they find themselves destroying beings they reverence in order to sustain their lives, and so contract a debt to the animals under the laws of necessity. The texts attempt to define the nature of human boundness and find ways of transcending it. Two ways of resolving the dilemma stand out: a symbolic situation consisting of a scheme of guilt and amendment, and a psychological solution consisting of an affective inversion. The two are connected in the sense that the former furnishes a language for the latter. All three kinds of text speak of human accountability through killing and eating. The myths are made up of two opposing syntagms, one of the contract allowing men to live on animals, the other of the inevitability of the animals' retribution. The prayers and rituals speak of men's divided will: their desire to live in peace with the animals and their simultaneous intention to kill them. Hence the texts present the human condition as a dilemma. All three kinds of text indicate however, a resolution through a transposition to the intra- and interpersonal plane of culture. The animals, who give themselves voluntarily to men in the Summer, turn hunters in the Winter with men as their game. The cannibalistic spirits of the tsetseqa represent the obverse of the game animals of the baxus. If men give themselves voluntarily to these animal-spirits of the Winter to be killed and eaten, they can repay the debt of the Summer. The symbolic reversal of roles expresses a realistic solution on the psychological level. Baxus and tsetseqa are connected through an inversion of fear. That which is feared in the baxus life is voluntarily sought and faced in the tsetseqa. In forestalling death by facing it, the Kwakiutl initiate overcomes necessity on the cultural level and becomes free. The texts connect the animals with the tsetseqa spirits, baxus man as hunter and eater with the initiate who is hunted and eaten, and the animals' gift of life to men with the initiate's gift of life to the community As the animal's gift is the basis of men's physical life, so the initiate's gift of freedom to the community is the basis of the truly human society.
THE ORIGINS OF THE TSETSEQA IN THE BAXUS: STUDY OF KWAKIUTL PRAYERS, MYTHS AND RITUAL by KATERINA SUSANNE REID THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR DF PHILOSOPHY i n the Department of Anthropology and Sociology We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the requ i r e d standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA March, 1976 (c) Katerina Susanne Reid, 1976 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s in p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f the requirements f o r an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e fo r reference and study. I f u r t h e r agree t h a t permiss ion fo r e x t e n s i v e copying o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . It i s understood that copying or p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l ga in s h a l l not be a l lowed without my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Department of fr ^ H» ITT|) (TV, The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia 2075 Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 i ABSTRACT Purpose of I n v e s t i -g a t i o n Data and Method Findings In using the terms baxus and tsetseqa Kwakiutl make an e x p l i c i t n a t u r e / c u l t u r e d i s t i n c t i o n . The winter season, t s e t s e q a , i s dedicated to communal r i t u a l . In the Summer--baxus--Kwakiutl dis p e r s e to gather food. The t h e s i s i s an i n v e s t i g a t i o n i n t o the conceptual s i g n i f i c a n c e Kwakiutl give to the d i s t i n c t i o n . I t s purpose i s to e l u c i d a t e how the baxus i s r e l a t e d to the tse t s e q a ; how great s o c i a l r i t u a l s l i k e the winter dance o r i -g inate i n a conception of man's r e l a t i o n to the n a t u r a l world. To t h i s end three kinds of t e x t s have been examined: prayers to animals and pl a n t s used f o r food, myths about man's r e l a t i o n to animals, and r i t u a l s welcoming animals. Most of the t e x t s are George Hunt's, Boas' Kwakiutl helper. T h e i r a n a l y s i s i s not p r i m a r i l y a formal undertaking, but an attempt at the trans-l a t i o n of c u l t u r e . Kwakiutl conceptions are examined both as part of the expressive system that contains them and f o r t h e i r a c c e s s i b i l i t y and v a l i d i t y i n a u n i v e r s a l r a t i o n a l framework. The method of a n a l y s i s i s adapted i n every case to the type of t e x t . Each type i s analysed as a genre i n i t s e l f and f o r i t s r e l a t i o n to the thought of the tsetseqa• The i n v e s t i g a t i o n i s the r e f o r e a l s o a c o n t r i b u t i o n to the question of g e n r e - c l a s s i f i -c a t i o n . A n a l y s i s i s c a r r i e d out on the l e x i c a l and s t r u c t u r a l l e v e l s , f o c u s s i n g on the d i f f e r e n t i a l s i n the d i s t r i b u t i o n of semantic load and the p r i n c i p l e s by which t e x t u a l u n i t s are combined. The n a t u r e / c u l t u r e dichotomy, expressed as baxus and tsetseqa r a i s e s f o r Kwakiutl the issu e of determinism. Baxus l i f e i i c o n f r o n t s t h e m w i t h a n e t h i c a l p r o b l e m t h e y c a n n o t s o l v e : t h e y f i n d t h e m s e l v e s d e s t r o y i n g b e i n g s t h e y r e v e r e n c e i n o r d e r t o s u s t a i n t h e i r l i v e s , a n d s o c o n t r a c t a d e b t t o t h e a n i m a l s u n d e r t h e l a w s o f n e c e s s i t y . T h e t e x t s a t t e m p t t o d e f i n e t h e n a t u r e o f human b o u r i d n e s s a n d f i n d w a y s o f t r a n s c e n d i n g i t . Two w a y s o f r e s o l v i n g t h e d i l e m m a s t a n d o u t : a s y m b o l i c s i t u a t i o n c o n s i s t i n g o f a s c h e m e o f g u i l t a n d a m e n d m e n t , a n d a p s y c h o l o g i -c a l s o l u t i o n c o n s i s t i n g o f a n a f f e c t i v e i n v e r s i o n . T h e t w o a r e c o n n e c t e d i n t h e s e n s e t h a t t h e f o r m e r f u r n i s h e s a l a n g u a g e f o r t h e l a t t e r . A l l t h r e e k i n d s o f t e x t s p e a k o f human a c c o u n t -a b i l i t y t h r o u g h k i l l i n g a n d e a t i n g . T h e m y t h s a r e made up o f t w o o p p o s i n g s y n t a g m s , o n e o f t h e c o n t r a c t a l l o w i n g men t o l i v e o n a n i m a l s , t h e o t h e r o f t h e i n e v i t a b i l i t y o f t h e a n i m a l s ' r e t r i -b u t i o n . T h e p r a y e r s a n d r i t u a l s s p e a k o f m e n ' s d i v i d e d w i l l : t h e i r d e s i r e t o l i v e i n p e a c e w i t h t h e a n i m a l s a n d t h e i r s i m u l -t a n e o u s i n t e n t i o n t o k i l l t h e m . H e n c e t h e t e x t s p r e s e n t t h e human c o n d i t i o n a s a d i l e m m a . A l l t h r e e k i n d s o f t e x t i n d i c a t e h o w e v e r , a r e s o l u t i o n t h r o u g h a t r a n s p o s i t i o n t o t h e i n t r a - a n d i n t e r p e r s o n a l p l a n e o f c u l t u r e . T h e a n i m a l s , who g i v e t h e m -s e l v e s v o l u n t a r i l y t o men i n t h e S u m m e r , t u r n h u n t e r s i n t h e W i n t e r w i t h men a s t h e i r g a m e . T h e c a n n i b a l i s t i c s p i r i t s o f t h e t s e t s e q a r e p r e s e n t t h e o b v e r s e o f t h e game a n i m a l s o f t h e b a x u s . I f men g i v e t h e m s e l v e s v o l u n t a r i l y t o t h e s e a n i m a l -s p i r i t s o f t h e W i n t e r t o b e k i l l e d a n d e a t e n , t h e y c a n r e p a y t h e d e b t o f t h e S u m m e r . T h e s y m b o l i c r e v e r s a l o f r o l e s e x p r e s s e s a r e a l i s t i c s o l u t i o n o n t h e p s y c h o l o g i c a l l e v e l . B a x u s a n d t s e t s e q a a r e c o n n e c t e d t h r o u g h a n i n v e r s i o n o f f e a r . T h a t w h i c h i s f e a r e d i n t h e b a x u s l i f e i s v o l u n t a r i l y s o u g h t a n d i i i faced i n the tsetseqa. In f o r e s t a l l i n g death by facing i t , the Kwakiutl i n i t i a t e overcomes necessity on the cu l t u r a l l e v e l and becomes free. The texts connect the animals with the tsetseqa s p i r i t s , baxus man as hunter and eater with the i n i t i a t e who i s hunted and eaten, and the animals' g i f t of l i f e to men with the i n i t i a t e ' s g i f t of l i f e to the community As the animal's g i f t i s the basis of men's physical l i f e , so the i n i t i a t e ' s g i f t of freedom to the community i s the basis of the tr u l y human society. i v TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTER 1 PRINCIPLES OF KWAKIUTL THOUGHT 9 1 COSMIC ORDER AS NORM FOR THOUGHT 9 (a) Use of the words baxus and tseteqa ID (b) Baxus and tseteqa as taxonomic and as r e l a t i v e systems (c) Baxus and tsetseqa as a p r e d i c a t i v e s t r u c t u r e 13 (c)A The m y t h i c o - s c i e n t i f i c p i c t u r e 13 (c)B S t r u c t u r e and mediation 17 Cd) The p o l a r system: The Kwakiutl l o g i c of g i v i n g 21 2 THE PRIVATE AND THE PUBLIC: THE STRUCTURE OF THE 2 5 INITIATION MYTH (a) Meletinsky's formula of t e s t s as s t r u c t u r e 28 (b) , C o m p l i c a t i o n - s o l u t i o n p a t t e r n i n the episodes- 22 of Kwakiutl myth (c) R e l a t i o n bf episodes to Meletinsky's formula 37 (d) Nature of the "basic t e s t " 39 (e) C o l l e c t i v e s t r a i n and hero's s t r a i n i n myth 4 2 and f a i r y t a l e ( f l Nature jdf'jthe " a d d i t i o n a l t e s t " 46 3 CONCLUSION 51 CHAPTER 2 KWAKIUTL PRAYERS 60 1 INTRODUCTION 60 (a] D e f i n i t i o n s of r e l i g i o n 68 (b) The t r a n s l a t i o n of naualak 71 Cc) I d e n t i f i c a t i o n and d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n 79 2 SUPERHUMAN BEINGS IN KWAKIUTL PRAYERS 88 (a] Kwakiutl prayers as meetings on journeys 96 (b] The absolute demand 103 (c] The nature of the e p i t h e t s i n Kwakiutl prayers 110 V FORMULAS AND THEIR COMBINATIONS: THE STRUCTURE OF 123 THE PRAYERS (a] The s t r u c t u r e of prayers to Sun: a 1 2 9 precon s i d e r a t i o n (b) Dispensations i n the prayers to i n t e l l i g e n c e 133 14B (c] Wealth, and the d u a l i t y of i n t e l l i g e n c e s and of men Cc)A Animals and the d u p l i c i t y of g i v i n g 146 (c) B Men and the d u p l i c i t y of t a k i n g 153 (d) Formulas of j u s t i f i c a t i o n 156 (e) The^structure of the prayers 166 4 CONCLUSION 172 (a) The world centre 175 (b) V a l i d i t y of Kwakiutl thought 189 CHAPTER 3 HUNTING MYTHS OF THE AREA 206 1 INTRODUCTION 206 (a] A n a l y t i c a l s i t u a t i o n and method 210 (b) T h e o r e t i c a l p o s i t i o n 214 2 KILLING AND EATING: THE SALMON BOY STORIES 219 (a) The armature 227 (b) The message 232 3 SELF-SACRIFICE AND JUSTICE: THE BEAR MOTHER STORIES 247 (a) Some remarks on the armature and code 252 (b) N a r r a t i v e u n i t s 256 (c) Shorter and longer v e r s i o n s : the s t o r i e s and t h e i r message s t r u c t u r e 261 Cc)A The shor t e s t v e r s i o n 261 (c)B The core v e r s i o n 264 (c)B Rules of the game 269 (c]C The longest v e r s i o n 278 4 SUMMARY 288 v i CHAPTER 4 THE KWAKIUTL SALMON RITUAL 300 1 INTRODUCTION 300 (a) The s o c i a l context of the r i t u a l 305 2 THE RITUAL SYNTAX: DESACRALIZATION 311 (a) Procedure 312 (b) C l a s s i f i c a t i o n 317 (c) C onstruction 323 3 THE RHETORIC OF THE RITUAL: THE GUEST AS HOST 338 4 THE MYTH OF THE RITUAL: THE ANIMAL AS HERO 359 (a) R i t u a l anxiety 362 (b) The d e f i n i t i o n of r i t u a l : s u b d i v i s i o n and r e p e t i t i o n 364 (c) Myth, r i t u a l and emotion 374 (d) The salmon r i t u a l and the i n i t i a t i o n r i t u a l : a comparison 380 5 SUMMARY 390 EPILOGUE 397 (a) Elxabae: the animals' "animal" as hero 402 (b) Baxbakualanuxsiwa: the hunters' hunter as food 409 (c) Summary 424 BIBLIOGRAPHY 433 LIST OF TABLES I 117 I I 133 I I I 168 I V 234 V 238 V I . 246 V I I 259 V I I I 260 I X 262 X 268 X I 278 X I I 288 X I I I 385 LIST OF FIGURES 1 15 2 I B 3 42 4 44 5 50 6 1 8 3 7 3 8 3 8 4 0 5 9 4 2 1 GLOSSARY of the most f r e q u e n t l y used Kwakiutl words hamatsa i n i t i a t e of the cannibal s o c i e t y ; eater namima autonomous household group, Boas' numaym (the form of the word i s based on a personal communication from Chief James Sewid) baxus common, or d i n a r y ; the profane season tsetseqa .the s e c r e t s (Boas]; the sacred season; l i e s , cheating naualak supernatural (Boas); e x t r a o r d i n a r y , unoblige t l u g w i supernatural t r e a s u r e , supernatural power ( C u r t i s ) X Acknowledgements I owe a great debt to Mr. Tom Hunt of V i c t o r i a , B.C., who has a l i v i n g knowledge of Kwakiutl t r a d i t i o n s of thought, and who shared t h i s knowledge by s i n g i n g hamatsa songs to me and e x p l a i n i n g them. His explanations confirmed my i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of that most d i f f i c u l t of Kwakiutl concepts, the world centre. I am a l s o indebted to Mrs.:-Daisy Neel of A l e r t Bay, B.C., f o r her i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the hamatsa dance and to the Sewid f a m i l y g e n e r a l l y f o r t h e i r kindness and h o s p i t a l i t y . To Mr. Larry P i e r r e and h i s mother S e l i n a of P e n t i c t o n , B.C., I am indebted f o r extremely i n t e r e s t i n g information on the r e l a t i o n of animals to men, and to Mr. C y r i l Carpenter of B e l l a B e l l a , B.C., a f r i e n d of long standing, f o r information about the salmon run and salmon f i s h i n g . I wish to express my warmest thanks to my s u p e r v i s i n g committee, Profess o r Wilson Duff ( s u p e r v i s o r ] . P r o f e s s o r Brenda Beck, Professor Kenelm Burridge and Professo r Robin Rid i n g t o n , and at an e a r l i e r stage Professor P i e r r e Maranda f o r t h e i r help and c r i t i c i s m . The t e x t s that are the subject ;df my t h e s i s have not been c r i t i c a l l y examined otherwise. I r v i n g Goldman's The Mouth of Heaven: An In t r o d u c t i o n to Kwakiutl R e l i g i o u s Thought unforunately came out too l a t e f o r me to consider i t i n r e l a t i o n to my t o p i c . In my t h e s i s I present the r e s u l t , not the process of my i n v e s t i g a t i o n s . The s t a t i s t i c a l work that under-l i e s many o f the s e c t i o n s , p a r t i c u l a r l y those i n the chapter on prayers was done' by hand, not by computer. "Friends, what do you think? S h a l l we d i s c a r d the use of the red cedar bark which makes us happy? We s h a l l only be downhearted i f we should d i s c a r d i t . We s h a l l be-asleep a l l the time." From a Kwakiutl speech, 1895 1. INTRODUCTION The Kwakiutl tsetseqa or winter r i t u a l , as Boas observed and d e s c r i -bed i t , has a t t r a c t e d a t t e n t i o n i n recent years, because i t i s r e a l i z e d that i t s symbolism i s the language of a hi g h l y s o p h i s t i c a t e d t r a d i t i o n of thought. What has not been so g e n e r a l l y r e a l i z e d , however, i s that the tsetseqa i s not a closed system w i t h i n the Kwakiutl context of thought. My aim i n t h i s study i s to discuss the c u l t u r a l experience i n which the tsetseqa i s rooted, namely the e t h i c a l and i n t e l l e c t u a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n the Kwakiutl give to men's r e l a t i o n to the n a t u r a l world. The data f o r the study are three kinds of Kwakiutl t e x t s : prayers, myths and r i t u a l s . A l l three are concerned with the r e l a t i o n between men and animals, c u l t u r e and nature. The t e x t s were c o l l e c t e d between the 1880s and 1930s, mainly by George Hunt, Boas' helper and c o l l a b o r a t o r i n w r i t i n g and ethnography of the Kwakiutl. Hunt was by language, c u l t u r e and upbringing a Kwakiutl. Boas taught him a phonetic s c r i p t , and he t r a n s c r i b e d the o r a l m a t e r i a l he c o l l e c t e d , adding i n t e r l i n e a r y t r a n s l a t i o n s i n t o E n g l i s h which Boas co r r e c t e d . Boas c a r r i e d on a correspondence with Hunt, over many years, asking questions about customs and b e l i e f s which Hunt answered at length. The bulk of Hunt's l e t t e r s was published i n the two volumes of Ethnology of the Kwakiutl: Based on Data c o l l e c t e d by George Hunt (1921], and the R e l i g i o n of the Kwakiutl Indians (1930). These l e t t e r s are t e x t s i n as f u l l a sense as the prayers and myths. 1 The t r a n s l a t i o n s preserve the s t y l e of the o r i g i n a l to a s u r p r i s i n g extent. As my study i s not a l i n g u i s t i c one, I have used them f o r quotation, checking my reading of them against the o r i g i n a l t e x t s . In my d i s c u s s i o n of the t e x t s I give as: few untranslated words as p o s s i b l e , f i r s t because t h e i r use would not add to an understanding of the m a t e r i a l , second because no standard modern t r a n s c r i p t i o n i s yet 2 . a v a i l a b l e . When I do give untranslated words i t i s because they combine i n t r a n s l a t i o n v a r i o u s , and sometimes to us c o n t r a d i c t o r y meanings, which I e x p l a i n . The word i s then a form of shorthand which the reader must l e a r n . I use Boas' t r a n s c r i p t i o n i n the s i m p l i f i e d form that i s c u r r e n t among an t h r o p o l o g i s t s now. In speaking about Kwakiutl thought I use the "ethnographic present". When I speak from a h i s t o r i c a l point of view I use the past tense. Host of the thought I am concerned with was c l o s e l y bound up with a s p e c i f i c economic s i t u a t i o n that belongs to the past and belongs t h e r e f o r e i t s e l f to the past. Except f o r l i n g u i s t i c work done with Mrs. Emma Hunt of V i c t o r i a , B.C. I have not done any f i e l d w o r k . I have attended winter dances and potlatches at A l e r t Bay, B.C., as the guest of the Sewid f a m i l y , who were generous with t h e i r explanations and to whom I owe a debt of g r a t i t u d e . My t h e s i s i s , however, based on t e x t s , and the mistakes that w i l l undoub-t e d l y be found i n i t are due to my own f a u l t y i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the t e x t s . The Kwakiutl c o l l e c t i o n of t e x t s i s r i c h enough to allow f o r studies of f a r greater breadth and depth than I could undertake w i t h i n the l i m i t s of my t h e s i s . Only when such studies have been made w i l l i t be p o s s i b l e to co r r e c t s p e c i f i c s tudies l i k e mine i n t h e i r l i g h t . My a n a l y s i s of the t e x t s i s not p r i m a r i l y a formal undertaking but an attempt at what has been c a l l e d the t r a n s l a t i o n of c u l t u r e . I examine Kwakiutl conceptions both as part of the expressive system that contains them and f o r t h e i r a c c e s s i b i l i t y and v a l i d i t y i n a u n i v e r s a l r a t i o n a l framework. I have adapted my method of a n a l y s i s i n every case to the type of t e x t under c o n s i d e r a t i o n , using d i f f e r e n t methods f o r myths and f o r prayers and r i t u a l s , and e x p l a i n i n g my usage as I go along. I make--an a n a l y s i s of each type as a genre i n i t s e l f , as w e l l as examining i t 3. f o r i t s r e l a t i o n to the tse t s e q a . My i n v e s t i g a t i o n i s th e r e f o r e a l s o a c o n t r i b u t i o n to the question of g e n r e - c l a s s i f i c a t i o n . I c a r r y out my analyses on the l e x i c a l and s t r u c t u r a l l e v e l s . On the l e x i c a l l e v e l I focus p a r t i c u l a r l y on d i f f e r e n c e s i n the semantic load, f o r instance i n the case of names and e p i t h e t s f o r animals, or i n puns. On the s t r u c t u -r a l l e v e l I concentrate on the p r i n c i p l e s by which t e x t u a l u n i t s are combined and on the question of the r e l a t i o n i n which formal p r i n c i p l e s stand to "message". My study i s l i m i t e d to an examination of t e x t s that r e f e r to the baxus l i f e , the l i f e of the Summer h a l f of the year when the Kwakiutl are semi-nomadic and gather the stores on which they l i v e i n the Winter. The or g a n i z a t i o n of t h e i r l i f e during that period i s dedicated to harvesting and c o l l e c t i n g . In t h i s context they are faced by the problem of the dest r u c t i v e n e s s of t h e i r a c t i v i t y i n a world to which they f e e l they belong, w i t h which they wish to l i v e i n harmony and on which they depend f o r t h e i r l i v e s . The t e x t s are c l e a r about the problem and a l s o about the d i r e c -t i o n i n which the Kwakiutl look f o r a s o l u t i o n . They connect the problem with the ts e t s e q a , the r i t u a l season of the Winter. During that season the Kwakiutl l i v e e n t i r e l y on s t o r e s , and one would t h i n k the dilemma of the Summer could be put by. Yet the tsetseqa i s dedicated to a t t a i n i n g the harmony that i s unatt a i n a b l e i n the Summer. For t h i s to be p o s s i b l e there has to be a s h i f t from the baxus l i f e - - t h e l i f e that r e l a t e s men to the n a t u r a l world where behaviour i s determined--to the i n t r a - and i n t e r -personal plane of c u l t u r e where men are f r e e to be re s p o n s i b l e f o r t h e i r a c t i o n s . I conclude from my examination of the t e x t s that the conceptual and e t h i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e the Kwakiutl give to the baxus/tsetseqa dichotomy r e s i d e s i n t h i s s h i f t . My argument f o l l o w s two l i n e s . The major one I pursue i n my exami-4. nation of r i t u a l s ( i n c l u d i n g the p r a y e r s ) , another, which i s s u b s t a n t i a t -ing and supportive, i n my examination of myths. The d i v i s i o n i s due to the character of the t e x t s . In the t e x t s of prayers and r i t u a l s we have the r e f l e c t i o n of a d i r e c t experience of the dilemma men face i n t h e i r r e l a t i o n to the o u t s i d e , non-human world. In the myths we have s p e c u l a t i o n — a n i n t e l l e c t u a l commentary on the dilemma showing i t up i n a new and unexpected l i g h t . The character of the t e x t s d i f f e r s i n a f u r t h e r respect. R i t u a l t e x t s are simple i n form, c l o s e to experience i n subject matter, and complex and d i f f i c u l t i n thought. Myths on the other hand are h i g h l y organized formal t e x t s i n the examination of which r e p l i c a b l e methods of a n a l y s i s can be employed. On both counts myths are s u i t a b l e f o r t e s t i n g and v a l i d a t i n g what has been garnered from the less a c c e s s i b l e r i t u a l t e x t s . I have arranged my m a t e r i a l so that three examinations of myth enclose the two examinations of r i t u a l that contain the main argument of the t h e s i s . The d i s c u s s i o n of the r i t u a l s i s found i n Chapters 2 and 4, that of myth i n Chapters 1, 3 and the Epilogue. In the t e x t s used f o r Chapters 1--4:the connection between baxus and tsetseqa i s only suggested; i n the Epilogue I examine t e x t s i n which i t i s s p e l l e d out e x p l i c i t l y . In Chapter 1 I attempt to give a general background to Kwakiutl t h i n k -i n g i n a f o r m a l i s e d account i n which I focus on the problem of the r e l a -t i o n between i n d i v i d u a l and s o c i e t y . I analyse the Kwakiutl i n i t i a t i o n myth i n terms of t h i s problem. My a n a l y s i s brings out that the Kwakiutl saw the r e l a t i o n as depending on the i n d i v i d u a l proving himself by an act of courage, and by d i s t r i b u t i n g the gain from t h i s act to the community. I argue that t h i s voluntary act f r e e s the i n d i v i d u a l , and that the commu-n i t y becomes i t s e l f an a s s o c i a t i o n of f r e e members through h i s freedom. This i n t e r r e l a t i o n represents the necessary conceptual background to the 5. problematic r e l a t i o n between men and animals with i t s resolution i n the i n i t i a t i o n of the tsetseqa, which i s the subject of my thesis and which I begin to discuss i n Chapter 2. In Chapter 2, a study of Kwakiutl prayers, I have set out to establish the problematic r e l a t i o n of men to non-human beings by considering two extreme statements, one contained in prayers to the sun, the other i n prayers to animals used for food. Prayers to the sun are the expression of an ideal state vis-a-vis the outside world; man i s simply a grateful and passive receiver. The fact that this state i s ideal also means that i t i s a closed system: the re l a t i o n to the sun, though important in i t s e l f , has no reverberation in Kwakiutl thought as a whole and i s not reflected in e t h i c a l action. No l i n k connects i t with the tsetseqa. By contrast the prayers to animals used for food express the dilemma of being forced to " k i l l one's friends". Necessity makes the ideal of grateful passivity impossible here. The prayers thus raise the issue of determi-nation and freedom, which I take to be the central issue for the Kwakiutl, generative of thought and of et h i c a l action. They also raise the issue of the divided w i l l , because, though men do not wish to k i l l t h e i r friends, they are intent on doing just that. I show how t h i s divided intention i s reflected i n a representation of the animals as double-natured, and how the ambiguity of the representation enables the Kwakiutl to connect the animals with the i n i t i a t i n g s p i r i t s of the Winter. I draw the conclu-sion that t h i s use of symbols opens the way to a genuine resolution of the dilemma of baxus l i f e i n the tsetseqa. In Chapter 3 , a study of the hunting myths of the area, I consolidate my findings l a i d out in the chapter on prayers. I show how the myths concentrate on the double intention of men, reflected again i n a represen-tation of the animal as double. I argue that the hunting myth i s closely 6. r e l a t e d to the i n i t i a t i o n myth i n form, but turns on an opposed i f comple-mentary p r i n c i p l e : the hunting myth shows man's f a i l u r e to f i n d t r u e rapport w i t h the non-human world while the i n i t i a t i o n myth explores the p o s s i b i l i t i e s of a tr u e rapport between men. A s o l u t i o n of the problem of determinism i s approached i n the hunting myths by the e v o l u t i o n of mediator f i g u r e s which have part i n both human and animal nature and u n i t e the claims of nature and c u l t u r e . I draw the conclusion that t h i s attempt does not represent a s a t i s f a c t o r y s o l u t i o n , , (1) because the claims of nature and c u l t u r e cannot i n f a c t be united, (2] because i n the super-human mediator f i g u r e the s o l u t i o n i s removed from the a c t i v e i n t e l l e c t u a l and e t h i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n of the i n d i v i d u a l . A comparison of the mediator f i g u r e with the f i g u r e of the i n i t i a t e shows that i n the tsetseqa the con d i t i o n s f o r such an a c t i v e p a r t i c i p a t i o n f o r the i n d i v i d u a l are present. In Chapter 4, a study of r i t u a l s f o r animals, I complete the argument of Chapters 2 and 3 by b r i n g i n g out the isomorphism between the r i t u a l f o r animals usedfor food and the i n i t i a t i o n r i t u a l . I examine the f i r s t s a l -mon r i t u a l from three points of view: as a r i t e of d e s a c r a l i z a t i o n ; as the r h e t o r i c a l f i g u r e of a " p o t l a t c h " w i t h the animal that puts men i n t o the p o s i t i o n of having to r e q u i t e ; as a dramatization of the animal as hero, l a y i n g down i t s l i f e v o l u n t a r i l y f o r men. I t r y to show how each of these aspects remains "open" demanding completion i n the t s e t s e q a ; and how the dramatization of the i n i t i a t e as hero, l a y i n g down h i s l i f e volun-t a r i l y f o r the community, complements the r i t u a l f o r animals on the human and s o c i a l l e v e l and represents simultaneously a repaying of the debt accumulated i n baxus l i f e . The Epilogue i s not the study of a separate genre, l i k e the preceding chapters, but a b r i n g i n g together of the strands of the argument through an examination of myths that are t r a n s i t i o n a l between hunting and i n i t i a -7. t i o n myths. These myths e x p l i c i t l y s p e l l out the connection between baxus and t s e t s e q a . They s t r e s s the problem of baxus l i f e i n the image of the revengeful h o s t i l i t y of the animals and show the process of r e s o l u -t i o n through the act of courage of the i n i t i a t e - h e r o . I f the hero v o l u n t a r i l y faces the t h r e a t of death the animals r e p r e s e n t - - i f he makes up f o r h i s acts of v i o l e n c e as a hunter and eater by l e t t i n g himself be hunted and eaten--the animals turn i n t o g i v e r s of t r e a s u r e . The treasure i s the r i t u a l j and the g a i n i n g of the r i t u a l i t s e l f i s represented i n the myth as the change f o r the whole s o c i e t y from unconsciousness to consciousness, from being r u l e d by t e r r o r of i n s c r u t a b l e o u t s i d e f o r c e s to f a c i n g the cause of f e a r i n oneself and by f a c i n g i t r e s o l v i n g i t . I set out to e s t a b l i s h that these myths are about the process of becoming human. As t r a n s i t i o n a l myths, which have part i n the thought of the baxus and the t s e t s e q a , they demonstrate that becoming human i n v o l v e s f o r the Kwakiutl a development i n two d i r e c t i o n s at once: towards the non-human world the animals represent and towards the i n t e r p e r s o n a l world of the community of men. The Kwakiutl image t h i s development i n two d i r e c t i o n s by the one act of v o l u n t a r i l y f a c i n g that which one most deeply f e a r s - - i n mythical language the revenge of the animals i n t h e i r w r a t h f u l aspect. I argue that i n r e l a t i o n to the animals t h i s means an act of e x p i a t i o n , and on the human l e v e l a becoming r e s p o n s i b l e f o r one's own f a t e . My a n a l y s i s of the myth shows th a t the Kwakiutl saw i n t h i s change of consciousness the basis of a t r u l y human s o c i e t y . 8. Footnotes 1 . The h i s t o r y of t h e i r c o l l e c t i o n . , method of recording and p u b l i c a t i o n has been f u l l y l a i d out by Boas i n h i s preface to the R e l i g i o n of the Kwakiutl Indians, Part I , Texts (New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 1930). 9. C H A P T E R 1 P R I N C I P L E S OF K W A K I U T L THOUGHT 1 C o s m i e O r d e r a s N o r m f o r T h o u g h t I n t h i s i n t r o d u c t o r y s e c t i o n I am p u t t i n g f o r w a r d a n a b b r e v i a t e d a n d c o n c e n t r a t e d a c c o u n t o f K w a k i u t l f o r m s o f t h o u g h t . I t i s n o t m e a n t a s a n a d v a n c e s u m m a r y o f my t h e s i s . A l l I am d o i n g i s t o s h o w some l o g i c a l r e l a t i o n s t h a t a r e t h e s u b - s t a n c e o f K w a k i u t l t h i n k i n g , s u p p o r t i n g t h e p a r -t i c u l a r m a n i f e s t a t i o n s . T h e r e w i l l b e o c c a s i o n t o l o o k b a c k t o t h e s e p r i n c i p l e s t h r o u g h o u t . I n d o i n g t h i s I make t h e a s s u m p t i o n t h a t t h e r e i s a s y s t e m o f i n t e r -r e l a t e d t e r m s w h i c h p e r m i t s a n a c c o u n t o f t h e c o s m o l o g y , r i t u a l , m y t h a n d t h e o l o g y . " A s s u c h " t h e s y s t e m i s n o t k n o w n . Y e t t h e r e i s a r e p r e s e n t a -t i o n o f i t i n e v e r y " l a n g u a g e " u s e d i n t h e c u l t u r e : l a n g u a g e , v i s u a l a r t , a r c h i t e c t u r e , c o o k i n g t o m e n t i o n o n l y a f e w . T h e r e p r e s e n t a t i o n o f t h e s y s t e m i n l a n g u a g e a l l o w s me t o u s e t w o w o r d s - - b a x u s a n d t s e t s e q a - - a s t w o p o s t u l a t e d t e r m s . T h e d i s t i n c t i o n b e t w e e n b a x u s a n d t s e t s e q a i s t h e f u n d a m e n t a l o p p o s i t i o n i n t h e K w a k i u t l s t r u c t u r a l u n i v e r s e . F i r s t a n d f o r e m o s t i t i s a p r a c t i c a l o n e : b a x u s d e s i g n a t e s t h e s u m m e r h a l f o f t h e y e a r w h e n t h e p e o p l e a r e d i s -p e r s e d t o g a t h e r f o o d , t s e t s e q a t h e w i n t e r h a l f w h e n t h e y l i v e i n p e r m a -n e n t v i l l a g e s a n d c e l e b r a t e t h e i r g r e a t a n n u a l r i t u a l s . S e c o n d l y t h e t w o w o r d s a r e c l o s e l y b o u n d t o c o s m i c r e g u l a r i t i e s : t h e i n c r e a s i n g s t r e n g t h o f t h e s u n a n d l o n g d a y s o f t h e b a x u s p e r i o d b r i n g ; p l a n t s a n d a n i m a l s , p a r -t i c u l a r l y - v t h e s p e c t a c u l a r r u n o f f i s h i n t h e i r s p a w n i n g s e a s o n s ; t h e t s e t s e q a p e r i o d s h o r t d a y s a n d l o n g n i g h t s a n d t h e d i s a p p e a r a n c e o f t h e r i c h p l a n t a n d a n i m a l l i f e . S o c i a l o r g a n i s a t i o n f o l l o w s t h e s e c o s m i c 10. r e g u l a r i t i e s . In the baxus period the secular rank ordering obtains, 1 while i n the tsetseqa period the t r i b e unites to a v i r t u a l theocracy. Because the opposition i s a cosmic norm i t i s , in a society so depen-dent on the rhythms of nature normative f o r l o g i c a l thought. In ancient Greek the word cosmos means organisation, order, an orderly system. The idea of cosmic r e g u l a r i t y i s therefore f o r us too bound up with that of a l o g i c a l system, c l a s s i f i c a t i o n , structure, and taxonomy. This i s s t i l l t ruer f o r the Kwakiutl. I have made use of four l i n g u i s t i c terms to elucidate four d i f f e r e n t ways i n which the baxus/tsetseqa opposition i s treated by the Kwakiutl. The terms can be found i n work on componential analysis and semantic l i n g u i s t i c s . They are c l e a r l y set out at the beginning of Geoffery Leech's 2 Towards a Semantic Description of English. I f we analyse the opposition with:the help of these terms we f i n d that i t i s treated by the Kwakiutl in the following ways: CD as a taxonomic system (on the model of male/female) (2) as a r e l a t i v e system (on the model of above/below) (3) as a predicative structure (on the model of an assertion) 3 (4) as a polar system (on the model of rich/poor) 1(a) Use of the Words Baxus and Tsetseqa The words are not e a s i l y t r a n s l a t a b l e . They are both used as nouns, baxus also as an a t t r i b u t e , while tsetseqa as an a t t r i b u t e i s naualak, supernatural, holy, wonderful, magic. Baxus i s used 1) f o r the summer period, when the secular s o c i a l system i s in force, 2) i n the winter f o r the group of people who have not been i n i t i a t e d or are temporarily not v i s i t e d by the s p i r i t s , 3) f o r a l l that i s ordinary i n contrast to the extraordinary or super-natural, 11. 4] for persons or actions that profane. Baxus can, therefore, be translated as profane, ordinary. Tsetseqa i s used 1) for the winter period, when the organisation of the dancing societies i s i n force, 2) f o r the winter ceremonial i t s e l f , 3) for the members of the highest secret societies. The word tsetseqa means f a l s e , untrue but ekeqela to be good-minded, happy i s also used for the ceremonial. In a l l Kwakiutl dialects the word tseqa has to do with the word for or concept of shaman. Boas translated i t as "the secrets", a very s k i l f u l translation i n view of the fact that techni-4 c a l l y the winter r i t u a l i s a mystery. The two words refer, therefore, f i r s t of a l l to the Kwakiutl d i v i s i o n of the year. Secondly, they refer to a moiety d i v i s i o n that takes place in the winter when the society divides into groups with holy and profane members. The winter r i t u a l cannot take place without the co-operation of both groups, the baxus and the tsetseqa one. I t , therefore, r e f l e c t s the di v i s i o n of the year. Cosmic r e a l i t y i s mirrored i n the so c i a l r e a l i t y of the r i t u a l . 1(b) Baxus and Tsetseqa as Taxonomic and as Relative Systems 'Of the four ways i n which the Kwakiutl treat the difference between baxus and tsetseqa three belong to componential systems while in one a structural r e l a t i o n between the terms i s established. A taxonomic system i s simply a c l a s s i f i c a t i o n system in'-'which the terms are named to keep them apart. As names for the summer and winter periods baxus and tsetseqa form a binary taxonomic opposition. The two terms are subsumed under year, just as, say, man/woman are subsumed under human being. Baxus and tsetseqa are, however, not only the names for the summer and 12. winter period, they also correspond to the opposition between sacred and profane. In Kwakiutl thought sacred and profane are a r e l a t i v e system, and a r e l a t i v e system i s not consistent with a taxonomic one. While the purpose of the taxonomic system i s to keep the terms apart and f i x t h e i r differences, in a r e l a t i v e system each term can melt into the other accord-ing to the point of view taken. I have given the opposition above/below as an example. Obviously, that which i s "above" r e l a t i v e to something lower can also be "below" r e l a t i v e to something higher. In a r e l a t i v e system the terms should correspond to l o g i c a l converses, as above/below i n fact do. But baxus/tsetseqa i n Kwakiutl thought i s a somewhat lopsided system. Though the profane always and only exists in re l a t i o n to the sacred, that which i s highest and most sacred has a certain absolute quality which exists independent of the profane. The system i s , therefore, l i k e a Chinese box system i n which the innermost, most secret box contains a something which does not i t s e l f belong to the system of boxes. This i s generally so with systems of sacred and profane. A Kwakiutl example might almost be created to i l l u s t r a t e the point: at the winter r i t u a l the Kwakiutl have a taboo house in the v i l l a g e which i s used for the hamatsa.! i n i t i a t i o n . It i s called lopeq, empty, that i s empty of a l l that i s baxus or profane. Inside i t i s a "secret room" which stands for the house of Baxbakualanuxsiwa, the Great Cannibal. Inside t h i s room dwells the novice, who stands f o r the Great Cannibal at t h i s juncture, and who i s called naualak, supernatural. The members of the community, who are already sanctified by an entrance ceremony, are seated in r e l a t i o n to that sacred space according to t h e i r degree of s a n c t i f i c a t i o n . The Sparrows, who are most baxus s i t farthest away, the Seals, who are tsetseqa, closer. Among the Seals the laxsa, "gone into thei)house", closest--they are even allowed to enter the inner sanctuary, as t h e i r name implies. The 13. wixsa~-the word means something l i k e having f a i l e d , and who have only "leant against the wall"--have to stay outside (see Boas 1897: 446; 506--7; 420). The most sacred i s here the novice, who i s also the most secret and hidden, and at the same time the centre of the system. Each smaller box i s sacred i n re l a t i o n to the larger one that surrounds i t and 5 profane i n r e l a t i o n to the smaller one i t contains. 1(c) Baxus and tsetseqa as a Predicative Structure A The Mythico-Scientific Picture To recapitulate: the purpose of "naming" i n a taxonomic system i s to set the terms apart and keep them apart. In a re l a t i v e system the terms are confounded, each term taking on the nature of i t s opposite according to the vantage point from which i t i s viewed. The two uses of baxus and tsetseqa belong therefore to two l o g i c a l l y incompatible systems. They are, however, reconciled, or at least approximated, i n Kwakiutl thought. The Kwakiutl have worked out an interesting predicative struc-t u r a l r e l a t i o n between the terms. They say that--I quote from Boas--"in the Summer baxus i s on top and tsetseqa below, and in the Winter vice versa" (1897; 418). Each term i s here subdivided into i t s e l f and i t s opposite immanent i n i t s e l f , so that we have instead of a twofold a fourfold d i v i -sion : baxus ^tsetseqa tsetseqa baxus By subdivision the terms form assertions--"in the Summer baxus i s on top and tsetseqa below"--and the assertions are reversals of each other ("in the Winter tsetseqa i s on top and baxus below"). The assertions refer primarily to baxus and tsetseqa i n t h e i r nature of sacred and profane. What i s asserted i s that no such thing as a purely profane season exists, 14. the sacred i s present, though hidden, and vice versa. The two opposing assertions are seen in the context of the opposition between Summer and Winter, that i s , they belong to the binary taxonomic system baxus/tsetseqa. Yet they refer to the r e l a t i v e system of sacred and profane. What must be considered i s that in the context of the whole statement the reversal i s effected by reference to the change of the seasons within the year, so that one could say that time (or the corres-ponding Kwakiutl concept) mediates the oppositions and also brings the two l o g i c a l l y incompatible systems closer. Indeed, i f we look at the cosmic context as the Kwakiutl see i t a picture emerges, i n which the taxonomic system and the r e l a t i v e system are combined in the structural r e l a t i o n of the double assertion. There i s no complete record of how the Kwakiutl saw the world. There is in fact no reason to believe that they had one co-ordinated picture; the fragments mentioned below may well represent two views of the world, held side by side, different because they belong to different contexts but compatible because they are both based on perception and t r a d i t i o n a l b e l i e f . My account has been pieced together from source material in Boas and from the myths. Boas' Geographical Names of the Kwakiutl Indians i s an impor-4-4- 6 tant source. The two main geographical directions the Kwakiutl use are "upstream" and "downstream". Their t e r r i t o r y i s bounded i n the East by the high coastal range which drains into the P a c i f i c . The Pac i f i c i t s e l f forms the western boundary of Kwakiutl t e r r i t o r y . "Upstream" i s therefore the mountains at t h e i r back, "downstream" the sea before them, which t h e i r villages usually face. The sea i t s e l f i s seen as a stream running to our North, where i t pours into a hole or entrance of the underworld. The mythical northland 15. i s the abode of the s p i r i t s of the winter r i t u a l . Wherever the Kwakiutl are s e t t l e d , t h e r e f o r e , whether i t i s on the riverbanks or on the ocean beaches, they l i v e alongside running water that rushes towards the under-world. This gives them a perception of dark, unknown lands, lands of death, l y i n g out to the North and West.'' When the s p i r i t s of the North come to the Kwakiutl v i l l a g e s i n the winter, t h e i r tsetseqa power, o r i g i n a -t i n g i n the North, seems t o slowly f l o o d the earth. But these unknown lands are not only lands of death, but simultaneously a l s o of generation. The undersea world i s a l s o the place of wealth, and e s p e c i a l l y to the West l i e the c o u n t r i e s of the salmon, of twins and of dwarfs, a l l of which connote wealth and f e r t i l i t y . This conception i s connected with another cosmic n o t i o n , that of the course of the sun. The Kwakiutl b e l i e v e that i n i t s d i u r n a l course the sun sinks i n t o the sea i n the West and t r a v e l s at night through the waters of the underworld, so to speak at the back of the world. At dawn i t r i s e s from the mountains of the East and t r a v e l s the sky by day. I t , t h e r e f o r e , t r a v e l s i n the subterranean waters by night but i n the daytime i t leaps i n t o the c e l e s t i a l sphere that i s i t s element. FIGURE 1 SUN 16. I t i s due to the presence of the sun i n the submarine world that t h i s world can be seen as a world of generation as w e l l as a world of death. The sun i s reduced to i t s most condensed form i n i t s t r a v e l s through the under-w o r l d — a so r t of spark--and t h i s spark w i t h i t s p o t e n t i a l i t y makes the sea "pregnant.". The Kwakiutl a l s o p l o t t e d the annual course of the sun, and t h i s s c i e n t i f i c a l l y . They saw the world as round, a d i s k bounded, by the h o r i -zon or edge of the world. The horizon, or edge of the world was marked Q by the points at which the sun rose and set i n i t s annual movements. The Kwakiutl p l o t t e d these p o i n t s by t a k i n g bearing by means of two f i x e d land-marks and c o n t i n u i n g the l i n e to the horizon. They knew the s o l s t i c e s and the equinoxes. At the time of the Summer s o l s t i c e the c e l e s t i a l j o u r -ney of the sun i s longest and i t s stay i n the underworld s h o r t e s t . This makes the earth almost e n t i r e l y baxus except f o r a small sector i n the North. The Winter s o l s t i c e f a l l s i n the middle of the winter r i t u a l . At t h i s time the sun appears above the horizon f o r only a few hours. The earth i s , t h e r e f o r e , a place of the tsetseqa at t h i s time. But--and t h i s i s the point at which the cosmic p i c t u r e given here c o - i n c i d e s with the a s s e r t i o n s about sacred and profane seasons--the earth i s never completely given over to e i t h e r baxus or t s e t s e q a• Even when the one i s most completely "on top" the other can always be seen underneath: FIGURE 2 baxus world at Summer s o l s t i c e tsetseqa world at Winter s o l s t i c e 17. B Structure and Mediation Our next task i s to put t h i s mythico-scientific world picture into formal terms. We have seen that i n the Kwakiutl statement about baxus and tsetseqa each term i s subdivided into i t s e l f and i t s opposite immanent in i t s e l f so that we have instead of a twofold a fourfold d i v i s i o n . The subdivided terms form assertions. "When baxus i s on top tsetseqa i s below" i s an assertion. The terms have been put into a sp e c i f i c relationship. They form a structure; a predicative structure because what i s said about the main term in each assertion, what modifies i t or "divides" i t , i s the main point of what i s asserted. The assertion formed by each subdivided term i s , however, not a simple assertion but i s temporally q u a l i f i e d : "in the Summer", "in the Winter". It i s the whole statement that forms the assertion: "in the Summer baxus i s on top and tsetseqa below, and vice versa in the Winter". The temporal q u a l i f i c a t i o n s , read together, show that baxus and tsetseqa are seen as contained i n t h e i r higher unit, the year. And the reversed positions of the subdivided terms i n the assertions show that a movement i s intended. Baxus and tsetseqa follow one another inside the unit of the year, and the "year" i s that Kwakiutl earth, the disk with a concealed side and a revealed one, a " l i g h t " and a "dark" one. Whenever one part rises to the top, the other i s necessarily below, and the two alternate through the rhythms of what we c a l l time and the Kwakiutl, more precisely though equally u n s c i e n t i f i c a l l y , the travels of the. sun. A frequent honorific name for the sun i s Walking-to-and-fro-in-the-World or Great-Walking-to-and-fro-all-over-the-World. This seems to confirm that the Kwakiutl do not see rhythmically recurring time as c y c l i c but as a to-ing and fro-ing between extremes, and simultaneously, because of the strongly s p a t i a l associations, 18. 10 a dipping and r i s i n g . However, for our purpose i t i s s u f f i c i e n t l y accurate to say that baxus and tsetseqa because they are seasons of the year are mediated by c y c l i c time. This mediation brings about a reversal of terms--sometimes the one i s "on top", sometimes the other--which i s i t s e l f the consequence of a reversal of functions. One could, therefore, generally say that when baxus and tsetseqa are put into a predicative structural r e l a t i o n inside a framework of time, then time a l l i e s i t s e l f to function in order to bring about a reversal of terms or, more b r i e f l y mediation occurs through a reversal of terms and functions inside a time dimension.^ ^ Mediation always has to do with power relations. This w i l l become quite clear below when we discuss the social application of the formula in the polar system. The reversal of terms i s a conducting of power from the positive to the negative, or from the f u l l e r , stronger, to the emptier, weaker. The p r i n c i p l e should already be apparent here i f we look at the relations the terms form inside t h e i r higher unit. When the o r i g i n a l l y simple binary opposition i s represented as four-fold--baxus on top, tsetseqa below i n one half of the unit and tsetseqa on top baxus below i n the other half--then a dominant-subordinate relationship i s established between the terms i n each subdivision. And because the relationship of dominance and subordination i s reversed in the two halves, equality i s achieved between the terms i n each f u l l cycle. With perpetually revolving cycles this equality i s never concretely realised, but exists as a fact present to the mind. The fact of the balancing middle pervades socia l thought and action, and i s present in myth, and represented in r i t u a l . By this I do not mean that people celebrating a potlatch have necessarily the baxus/tsetseqa opposition in t h e i r minds. They may or may not; i t would depend on customary l i n g u i s t i c usage. But the l o g i c a l • 19. operation of dividing two opposed terms into dominating and subordinate partners, and then reverse the r e l a t i o n , i s a basic pr i n c i p l e of Kwakiutl thought. In the statement the Kwakiutl make about baxus and tsetseqa 12 cosmic regularity i s set up as a general model for applied thought. The important difference between the model (cosmic) and the applied thought (social) l i e s i n the different types of mediation that are at issue. On the level of experiencing the world man i s passive; he cannot influence the motions of the sun, and the c y c l i c return of baxus to dominate over tsetseqa and tsetseqa conquering baxus i s outside his control. But when the same logic i s applied on s o c i a l levels of experience, man i s active; he makes happen what happens automatically on the cosmic l e v e l . He applies i t to status grading and exchange, to re l i g i o u s experience and to marriage, represents i t i n visual art on screens and masks, and develops i t in myths. Due to the stress on the voluntary character mediation has on the 13 s o c i a l l e v e l , i t s rhe t o r i c a l expression i s the f i g h t . I t s best known form i s the potlatch where i t characterizes relations between the host 14 group and the guest group. In visual art i t appears emblem fashion as the famous Wakashan motif of the bird and the whale, in myth as the fight between two brothers or the fig h t of the culture hero with one of the "owners" of power (e.g. the man who owns the sun, the woman who owns f i r e or the salmon), i n r i t u a l as the fig h t between the r i t u a l moieties, the Sparrows and Seals, or the f i g h t between i n i t i a t e and s p i r i t . On each level another application of the same formula i s worked out. In every case the terms are opposed as antagonists i n a battle. True to the cosmic model that which i s "below" at the beginning of the fight--the smaller, the weaker--wins i n the end. It i s a law of these fights that the weaker defeats the stronger. (The law that in every mediation a permutation of power takes place at which the f u l l e r pours i t s e l f into the emptier remains; 20. but t h i s new law. adds a parad o x i c a l dimension to i t through the element of aggressive w i l l i n that term which we have so f a r seen only as negative or subordinate.} Being v i c t o r i o u s , the weaker, of course, becomes the stronger and i s , i n his t u r n , defeated. The p o t l a t c h provides an e x c e l l e n t i l l u s t r a t i o n of t h i s p r i n c i p l e . The s t r u c t u r a l p o s i t i o n of the antagonists i s here as f o l l o w s : When a p o t l a t c h begins the host i s "weak" and "poor" and h i s guests, i n whose 15 debt he i s , are " r i c h " and "strong". At the end of the p o t l a t c h , when he has given away a l l he has and p r e f e r a b l y more than he ever r e c e i v e d - -t h i s can be done by d e s t r u c t i o n of property as w e l l as by g i f t because not exchange but self-denuding i s the f i r s t object—when he has given a l l away he becomes "strong" and " r i c h " and h i s guests, who are now i n h i s debt are "weak" and "poor". E q u a l i t y l i e s between the extremes of g i v i n g away as p r a c t i c e d between the two groups, and i t i s only i n connection with t h i s i n t a n g i b l e s t r u c t u r a l mean that i t makes sense to t a l k about mutually b e n e f i c i a l r e c i p r o c a l exchange. Why should i t be necessary that r e l a t i o n s between s o c i a l groups be reversed a l l the time? The answer I am prepared to give i n the framework of t h i s d i s c u s s i o n i s not p a r t i c u l a r l y deep. I t simply goes back to the f a c t that there are d i f f e r e n t types of mediation. On the cosmic l e v e l , mediation i s i n e l u c t a b l e through time i t s e l f . On the s o c i a l l e v e l i t i s human e f f o r t that turns the wheel. What t h i s e f f o r t achieves through con-tinued exchange of t h e i r r e l a t i v e p o s i t i o n i s connection between the s o c i a l groups. Without t h i s e f f o r t at connection the s o c i e t y would not e x i s t . N a t u r a l l y there are s o c i e t i e s with a s t a b l e status hierarchy where t h i s constant j u g g l i n g with grading i s unheard of and which are s t i l l coherent s o c i e t i e s . In these cases another sort of e f f o r t at connection i s at work, f o r in s t a n c e , d i v i s i o n of labour and mutual interdependence as among 21. the Indian castes. But people do not think that connection between groups i s i t s e l f enough to make a society. They must also be connected with a superhuman world which provides both a measure for t h e i r everyday a c t i v i t i e s and a source of strength. This necessary connection i s made by the Kwakiutl exactly on the pattern on which t h e i r s o c i a l groups are connected. In each case an active effort of the w i l l i s necessary. In the winter r i t u a l , when mediation i s between the profane and the sacred--that i s between men and the supernatural s p i r i t s — i t i s by giving away oneself. This last twist of the pr i n c i p l e gives r i s e to an interesting l o g i c a l question. How i s i t that the subordinate partner in the relationship--which i s always and inevitably man — should be able to gain dominance by divesting himself of himself? In order to answer we have to turn to the polar system, where mediation i s most consequently worked out. 1(d) The Polar System: Kwakiutl Logic of Giving Up to now we have considered mediation in general terms: one set of relations can be changed into another set of relations by the use of a mediating agent. In the cosmic sphere change i s wrought by time, in the sphere of society, by "giving away". With the help of the polar system we can examine the mechanics of mediation more precisely. In speaking of " r i c h " and "strong" as opposed to "poor" and "weak" we have already arrived at terms that belong to a polar system. Polar terms accept modification by degree: richer, weaker etc. This means that the poles can be moved closer together by using less extreme terms. In t h i s way mediation i s achieved between opposed poles. The mediating term i s always ambiguous; i t has something of the extreme term i t replaces and something of i t s opposite. In the context of the polar system baxus and tsetseqa stand f o r pro-22. fane i n the sense of poor and empty, as opposed to sacred i n the sense of f u l l and r i c h . Tsetseqa i s here b e t t e r replaced by i t s a t t r i b u t e naualak, sup e r n a t u r a l . The profane world can only be defined n e g a t i v e l y , as empty - - i t only e x i s t s i n r e l a t i o n to the wealth of the supernatural world. In the baxus season animals and plants and other b l e s s i n g s come to people to make them " r i c h " . They are thanked i n prayers f o r t h e i r coming and addressed as "supernatural ones". Mediation between the two poles--the human, poor and the super n a t u r a l , r i c h one--cannot be automatic as i t was i n the cosmic sphere. I t i s a complicated process, which depends on human i n i t i a t i v e . B a s i c a l l y , i t can only be achieved i f the supernatural pours i t s wealth i n t o the w a i t i n g v e s s e l of the ordinary or profane. But the supernatural i s conceived as s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t , that i s , immobile and s t a t i c , and man has to a c t i v a t e i t . However, according to the d£ ut_ des p r i n c i p l e we have already met, move-ment i s dependent on g i v i n g . What can man give when he i s faced with the supernatural, that i t s e l f contains a l l wealth? Mediation depends here, as I have already mentioned, on the s a c r i f i c e of s e l f . This means i n i t s t u r n , that the mediator i s a n n i h i l a t e d . How i s a connection to be estab-l i s h e d i f i t depends on the wiping out of the connector? I t i s t h i s that makes mediation between the human and the supernatural sd complicated. At the same time i t . i s t h i s very complication and i t s s o l u t i o n that makes t r a n s a c t i o n s with the supernatural i n t o a standard f o r a c t i o n i n s i d e the human sphere. Everything simpler i s derived from t h i s p e r f e c t model. We s h a l l t h e r e f o r e analyse a simpler derived example before t u r n i n g to the "thing i t s e l f " and c o n s i d e r i n g i t i n d e t a i l . The best example i s again the p o t l a t c h . A key term of Kwakiutl thought i s wealth. A l l r e l a t i o n s h i p s — w h e t h e r between men and men or between men and the s u p e r n a t u r a l — a r e power r e l a t i o n -23. ships and wealth i s the gauge of power. A man i s powerful in direct r e l a -tion to how much wealth he can give away and actually gives away. Corres-pondingly, a man i s not powerless in direct r e l a t i o n to how much wealth he receives, because received wealth helps him to give away i n his turn. Receiving therefore creates a state that might be called powerlessness *, or enhanced powerlessness. In the course of the potlatch the potlatching host narrows the distance between his poverty and the guests' wealth' by giving away more and more until--having given as much as he ever received--a point of reversal i s reached. If he continues giving the poles;move apart again, but now positions are reversed: the host gets richer and more powerful and the guests poorer as they sink deeper into his debt. However, the very fact of t h e i r receiving g i f t s i s already the basis of a further reversal because with the help of t h e i r wealth they w i l l put him into t h e i r debt in turn. Potlatch guests therefore depart i n a state of enriched poverty, defeated, but with the p o t e n t i a l i t y of future victory contained in t h e i r defeat. In the potlatch relationship the mediating objects—that which narrows the gap between the status poles—are material goods. Their significance in Kwakiutl thought l i e s in the fact that they can be i d e n t i f i e d with the host (or, more precisely, with his group); his wealth i s part of him and "16 as he gives i t away or destroys i t , i t stands in his stead. Power i s therefore basically gained by a destruction of the s e l f — even i f only in a symbolic gesture. In t h i s way the potlatch r e f l e c t s the rel a t i o n between man and the supernatural. The supernatural, however, i s the source of a l l power and there i s , therefore, a radical difference. In the social f i e l d i t i s wealth that mediates status, but only current wealth, wealth that has been spent. The whole pr i n c i p l e rests on the p o s s i b i l i t y of a general exchange in which 24. the partners are equal. Everyone has the power to gain wealth and the power to give i t away. The s a l i e n t f a c t i n the f i e l d of r e l i g i o u s experience, on the other hand. Is that the partners are unequal and that no wealth c i r c u l a t e s between them. The supernatural i s the source of a l l wealth, and man i s always poor face to face w i t h i t . Moreover the super-n a t u r a l i s by i t s nature unmoved and unmoving, and men have to unlock i t by t h e i r own e f f o r t s . The do ut possis dare of the p o t l a t c h i s d i f f i c u l t to e s t a b l i s h here because man has nothing to g i v e . He i s , i n r e l a t i o n to the supernatural, not r e l a t i v e l y , but a b s o l u t e l y poor. However, the poorest creature has i t s e l f to g i v e , and the moving power of man--that which changes r e l a t i o n between him and the s u p e r n a t u r a l - - l i e s i n t h i s g i f t of himself. This brings us back to the question of domination. As we have seen, by Kwakiutl l o g i c i t i s only through a permutation of power--by the domina-ted dominating, that i s , by a r e v e r s a l of r o l e s and f u n c t i o n s - - t h a t the poor and powerless can become r i c h and powerful. But the supernatural cannot be dominated and, i n any case, the-aim of man i n r e l a t i o n to i t i s not dominance but, unceasingly to gain i t s g i f t s . This i s a r e a l impasse and would be impossible to get out of i f the Kwakiutl had not, i n myth and r i t u a l , created a domain i n which the supernatural appears on a plane on which an exchange of power i s p o s s i b l e . We must v i s u a l i z e again man "poor", and the endless distance that separates him fromthe supernatural, which i s " r i c h " . In i n i t i a t i o n , man moves the poles together by g i v i n g himself, v o l u n t a r i l y , to h i s supernatural s p i r i t . This g i f t puts him i n a p o s i t i o n of dominance: the s p i r i t i s i n h i s debt. Yet, g i v i n g himself a w a y - - a n n i h i l i a t i n g his s e l f - - t h e man has become the s p i r i t . And with t h i s p u t t i n g o f f of h i s manhood and p u t t i n g on s p i r i t h o o d he has gained a l l the wealth of the s p i r i t , the s p i r i t - p o w e r . 25. But because he has received t h i s g i f t he i s already again in the s p i r i t ' s debt, he i s "poor" i n r e l a t i o n to the s p i r i t , who himself remains unchanged. The g i f t of the s p i r i t i s called Lo'gwe, a supernatural treasure, and the 17 person who gains such a treasure i s called L6'gwenuk• He corresponds exactly to the guest who departed from the potlatch i n a state of "enriched poverty". But what makes the transaction between man and the supernatural so much more complicated i s that both have to be host and both have to be 18 guest at one meeting. However that may be, man comes away from that meeting s t i l l a man, but his powerlessness has now a plus instead of a minus. Among the Tsimshian the novice who had completed his i n i t i a t i o n was therefore called 19 "a perfect man". Though the phrase i s not recorded for the Kwakiutl, t h e i r conception of the i n i t i a t e i s also that of a perfect man. 2 The Private and the Public: The Structure of the Kwakiutl I n i t i a t i o n Myth This section on the structure of the Kwakiutl i n i t i a t i o n myth has two aims. F i r s t , to show the principles we have discussed in the last section i n t h e i r application to Kwakiutl c o l l e c t i v e l i f e . Kwakiutl thought i s always applied thought, and the values that determine i t s application are those of the community of men. The i n i t i a t i o n myth gives a concise, i f formal account of what the Kwakiutl considered the right r e l a t i o n between individual and society. To investigate this c o l l e c t i v e perspective completes my survey of the basic principles of Kwakiutl thought. Second, the aim of t h i s section i s to provide background information on the tsetseqa. We s h a l l be examining texts throughout the thesis that are on the one hand concerned with the problems of baxus l i f e and on the other point forward to t h e i r solution in the tsetseqa. A study of the i n i t i a -t ion myth w i l l give us a comprehensive picture in a condensed form of how . 26. the Kwakiutl represented the thought of the tsetseqa to themselves. Fam i l i a r i t y with t h i s picture w i l l make i t easier to follow the connections between baxus and tsetseqa as they emerge from an examination of the pray-ers, hunting myths and r i t u a l s for animals. In speaking of principles of Kwakiutl thought one cannot avoid touch-ing on the issue of determinism. This issue, which plays a central role i n Kwakiutl thinking, does not reveal i t s e l f s u f f i c i e n t l y c l e a r l y i n so formalised an account as I am giving in t h i s chapter. I therefore want to point out very b r i e f l y i t s place in the context. In the last section we have considered two things: cosmic r e g u l a r i t i e s that are a norm for thought, but are contemplated by man passively; and the translation of these into the laws of social i n t e r r e l a t i o n , where men are active. This translation of the mechanical and automatic in the natural sphere to the deliberate and will e d in culture r e f l e c t s the issue of determination and freedom on the most general l e v e l . In the formal account I give of the i n i t i a t i o n myth i n t h i s section, the issue i s reflected in power groupings. Power appears as "supernatural power" i n the myth and i s aligned with a state of freedom from necessity. Necessity and lack of power are synony-mous. Freedom from necessity i s not synonymous with freedom but i s represented as a fundamental condition of freedom. This links the power theme with the wealth theme in the myth. "Power" and "wealth" are even l i n g u i s t i c a l l y related f o r the Kwakiutl (see n.17). A comparison with the texts we s h a l l be examining i n the following chapters may serve to draw attention to how the issue of determinism i s treated i n the imagery of the i n i t i a t i o n myth. Prayers, hunting myths and r i t u a l s for animals a l l get th e i r impetus from a r e a l i s t i c s ituation: the necessity to get food. As a consequence they are e x p l i c i t l y concerned with the question of human boundness i n relation to the natural world. I n i t i a t i o n myths explore the 27. p o s s i b i l i t i e s of human freedom, and have no comparable connection with r e a l i s t i c situations of need. Yet p o s s i b i l i t i e s of freedom can only be worked out against a background which formulates, i n some way, conditions of necessity or constraint. I n i t i a t i o n myths therefore always begin with a lack, and this lack i s represented at i t s simplest as a famine, that i s a c o l l e c t i v e lack of the basic necessities of l i f e . The end shows a state where the lack i s not only overcome but plenty replaces want. Not sufficiency but only plenty can adequately express the idea of freedom. Without being i n the least preoccupied with the question of human boundness, the i n i t i a t i o n myth therefore " r e f l e c t s " necessity in order to emphasise p o s s i b i l i t i e s of freedom. The transformation of the beginning state into the end state i s always dependent on the deed of an individual who gains power from a supernatural s p i r i t . This power, which i s also his "trea-sure", he distributes to his community. The common-weal i s therefore dependent on individual i n i t i a t i v e and public spiritedness. The philoso-phical position seems to be that the conditions for freedom are found in the ind i v i d u a l alone, but i t s f i e l d of expression i s the publicrrealm. My treatment of the i n i t i a t i o n myth i s too general to penetrate to the theme of freedom and extrapolate i t . To do t h i s I would need to consider actual texts. Nor i s such a penetration part of the intention of t h i s introductory chapter. But i t should be noted that a study as general as this always must f a l l short of a satisfactory analysis. The proof i s that i t cannot do j u s t i c e to an issue which i s , i n f a c t , an important part of the relationship between individual and society. F i n a l l y , a word about the method employed i n t h i s section. In 1969 a group of Russian f o l k l o r i s t s published a monograph on the structural analysis of f a i r y t a l e s , a subject to which one of them, Meletinsky. had 20 already devoted a considerable body of work. My own work on Kwakiutl 28. texts had long convinced me of the existence of a close relationship between the Kwakiutl i n i t i a t i o n myth and European f a i r y t a l e s . Other students of the Kwakiutl had pointed to t h i s relationship e a r l i e r , notably 21 Werner M'uller, but i t had never been methodologically demonstrated. With the appearance of Meletinsky's monograph the points on which the analogy rests became clear. His careful s c i e n t i f i c examination brings out structural features i n the f a i r y t a l e which can only be explained through a p a r a l l e l examination of the Kwakiutl i n i t i a t i o n myth. My study of the i n i t i a t i o n myth i s such a p a r a l l e l examination. My method in t h i s section i s therefore the reverse of that which I applied in the last section. There I elucidate the ways i n which the Kwakiutl use the baxus/tsetseqa opposition with the help of l i n g u i s t i c terms. Here I am using the struc-ture of Kwakiutl myth, developed a n a l y t i c a l l y in a l i v i n g context, to elucidate Meletinsky's formula for the f a i r y t a l e . The f i r s t method provides an opportunity f o r us to understand Kwakiutl l o g i c , the second provides an opportunity to see a logic at work i n our own f a i r y tales that i s , in the ordinary way, inaccessible to us. In order to separate out the type of myth I c a l l i n i t i a t i o n myth from the Kwakiutl corpus, I have i n the past examined a hundred Kwakiutl myths, a r b i t r a r i l y selected, f o r the i r structures. My method of analysis i s on record in two papers: "A Methodological Inquiry into the Structure of 22 Kwakiutl Myth" and "Analytical Units in F o l k l o r i s t i c s " . 2(a) Meletinsky's Formula of Tests as Structure In his study of the c l a s s i c a l f a i r y t a l e Meletinsky makes no claim that his formula applies outside the f a i r y t a l e . On the contrary, he describes the structure of the f a i r y t a l e as unique and s p e c i f i c a l l y 23 excludes myth from the scope of his formula. However, his formula 29. 24 applies with certain modifications to the Kwakiutl i n i t i a t i o n myth. These myths have the same structure as the c l a s s i c a l f a i r y t a l e , but, when looked at i n the ethnographic context, i t becomes clear that the under-lying structural p r i n c i p l e i s not that of the test or t r i a l of the hero which Meletinsky singles out, but what I c a l l the victory of the weaker over the.stronger. While I cannot, therefore, apply Meletinsky's formula d i r e c t l y to the myths, nevertheless i t corresponds with a more general scheme, which, because i t moves on a higher l e v e l of abstraction, covers both f a i r y tale and myth. Meletinsky's formula i s a particular solution of what seems to be a more general rule about ta l e making. That myth i s a sort of metastructure for the f a i r y t a l e i s , of course, not a new idea. However, the general assumption that the c l a s s i c a l f a i r y t a l e has develo-ped out of a context of myth and r i t u a l , which Meletinsky shares, seems to me to require more s p e c i f i c substantiation, and I am using Kwakiutl myth and r i t u a l as an i l l u s t r a t i o n of what I take to be a precise o r i g i n a l 25 scheme lying behind Meletinsky's scheme for the f a i r y t a l e . Meletinsky has formulated the structure of the f a i r y t a l e on the thematic level i n terms of three tests for the hero (see 1974: 80). The passing of each test leads to the attaining of a "tale value", and each value i s the condition of the passing of the next test. The tests stand therefore i n a hierarchical relationship to one another, with the highest tale value, obtained at the end of the t a l e , consisting i n marriage to the princess. Meletinsky's formula i s as follows, with Es signifying t e s t s , Ls t a l e values, and horizontal bars above l e t t e r s losses or misfortunes: EL. . .6.X. ...El E'L ,...E ,L' where E = f(eX) and E' = f(L) Here Meletinsky closely follows lines mapped out by the c l a s s i c a l 2 6 work of Propp. He orders Propp's syntagmatic chain of structural units 30. under fewer, more abstract headings. In c a l l i n g his units tests he underscores the finding of Propp that the structural unit of the f a i r y t a l e has necessarily a binary character; f o r instance that of struggle-vict o r y , or task-solution, interdiction-transgression, trickery-complicity or whatever the case may be. He goes beyond Propp i n his observation that these blocks stand i n a hierarchical relationship to one another. Further, he links the binary narrative blocks with a scheme of oppositions that i s based on the characteristics of the dramatis personae. The central opposition of the f a i r y t a l e i s one's own/foreign, and hero and v i l l a i n are grouped, each with t h e i r entourage of characters and objects, on these two opposing sides. The important thing about Meletinsky's study i s that he has shown the unchanging structure of the c l a s s i c a l f a i r y t a l e i n his formula of tests and that he has related the motif to this structure. The "personage char a c t e r i s t i c s " which underlie the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of Aarne and Thompson have been examined for t h e i r r e g u l a r i t i e s , ordered and brought into r e l a -tion to the structure. My study does not attempt to add anything to Meletinsky's work, which must be epoch-making for the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of f a i r y t a l e s . I t i s a study of the structure i t s e l f in i t s r e l a t i o n to a l i v i n g ethnographic context; and inci d e n t a l l y i t hopes to show some of the o r i g i n a l l o c i of the motifs in an archaic prototype of the f a i r y t a l e . It i s not an analysis of individual myths but an examination of the gross relations between Meletinsky's formula and the Kwakiutl i n i t i a t i o n myth. The Kwakiutl myths I am discussing present a precise metastructure of the f a i r y t a l e . The structural parts are dramatic episodes which stand in the same hierarchical relationship to one another as the tests of the f a i r y t a l e . This relationship i s dictated by the r i t u a l to which the 27 stories belong. The r i t u a l poses two problems, one for the i n i t i a t e . .31. (who i s the hero of the t a l e ) , and one for the community. These problems have to be solved in the course of a ta l e which i s the validating myth of the r i t u a l . The structure i s therefore of a dramatic sort, that i s , l i k e drama, i t consists of a complication-solution pattern. This pattern appears i n the individual episodes and i n the overall organization which orders the episodes i n relation to one another. For a l l i t s differences in "tale-world"--a moral world of hero and v i l l a i n - - t h e f a i r y t a l e i s also b u i l t on the dramatic pattern of complication-solution. This i s why Propp's type of analysis, which takes actions as stable analytic units i s so successful. In the myth and in the f a i r y t a l e complication consists of the confrontation of two prota-gonists. But i t i s according to the law of the r i t u a l - - t h a t i s , for an ex t r a - l i t e r a r y reason which cannot be traced in the f a i r y tale--that the weaker always wins. In the myth t h i s law i s spelled out c l e a r l y by the weight given to the main oppositions. What Meletinsky c a l l s one's own/ foreign for the f a i r y tale appears as natural world (village) versus supernatural world (forest, mountain, sea) in the myth. This d i s t i n c t i o n carries connotations of poor versus r i c h or powerless versus powerful. The hero who leaves the natural world (of which he i s a part) for the supernatural one i s always the weaker i n an encounter. But his very weakness and the passivity enforced by i t are the conditions of his gaining power from the supernatural beings he meets. Even i f t h i s law does not appear so cl e a r l y on the thematic l e v e l i t i s also present in the f a i r y t a l e . In the hierarchy of power set up by the f a i r y tale the hero i s always lowest while the v i l l a i n i s at the top. The v i l l a i n i s active, while the hero i s passive; and yet i t i s the behaviour into which the v i l l a i n forces him by his dominance that gains the hero his supremacy at the end. 32. Meletinsky notes the passivity of the hero as a structural feature of 28 the f a i r y t a l e but cannot account for i t . It i s , in fa c t , part of the peculiar pattern of myth and f a i r y t a l e . The complication of t h i s drama i s the encounter of a weak, or powerless, protagonist with a powerful one. The solution i s the overcoming of the powerful one by the powerless, and the handing on of power. The unifying structural principle in the myth and the f a i r y tale i s the permutation of power, and i t i s into t h i s context that the passivity of the hero f i t s . Let me repeat my argument i n terms of the structural study of myth and f a i r y t a l e . The structural unit of myth, the dramatic episode with i t s binary structure of complication-solution, corresponds to Propp's function and Meletinsky's t e s t . The overall dramatic pattern of compli-cation-solution which orders the episodes in re l a t i o n to one another, corresponds to Meletinsky's hierarchical structure. This double dramatic organization, that repeats the organization of the single unit in that of the whole, could be called the metastructure of the f a i r y t a l e in a purely formal, context-free d e f i n i t i o n . But the study of myths i n t h e i r ethnographic context shows the prin-c i p l e underlying this structure, and i t i s only recognition of t h i s p r i n c i p l e that makes a precise account of myth as metastructure for the f a i r y t a l e possible. Though the world of the f a i r y t a l e has i n the main shrunk to the domestic and f a m i l i a l , and motivation and l i t e r a r y devices have changed accordingly, the same l o g i c a l p r i n c i p l e i s operative here as in the myth. The logic of the structure of the myth i s , in fact, r i t u a l l o g i c . This logic allows a synthesis of analytic units in the myth that produces a structure even more highly organized and economic than Meletinsky's 2 9 formula of te s t s . The same episode appears successively i n different 33. parts of the myth, always on a higher l e v e l , a s an i n v e r s i o n of or as a p a r a l l e l to i t s o r i g i n a l form. The key to t h i s s t r u c t u r e i s the v i c t o r y of the weaker over the stronger. The myths cannot s t a r t with a gain; l i k e the f a i r y t a l e s they must n e c e s s a r i l y s t a r t w i t h a l o s s which estab-l i s h e s the neediness of the human c o n d i t i o n . "Human" always has a negative sign i n the myth, supernatural a p o s i t i v e s i g n . But the signs are ambiguous: the goal i s not to become supernatural but to become power-f u l while being human. The c o n f r o n t a t i o n i n each episode i s between a supernatural and a human p r o t a g o n i s t . In these engagements there i s a progressive permutation of power, from episode to episode, u n t i l at the end of the myth the human appears with a p o s i t i v e s i g n . This permutation of power i s at the basis of the binary c h a r a c t e r of the t a l e u n i t s , of the h i e r a r c h i c a l s t r u c t u r e , and of the synthesis that allows one episode to be a s s i m i l a t e d to another. 2(b) C o m p l i c a t i o n - S o l u t i o n P a t t e r n i n the Episodes of Kwakiutl Myth Kwakiutl myths of the i n i t i a t i o n type are v a r i e d t o the eye but, as I have s a i d , t h e i r s t r u c t u r e i s r i g i d l y uniform. There i s an o v e r a l l dramatic s t r u c t u r e of c o m p l i c a t i o n and s o l u t i o n . This s t r u c t u r e i s repeated i n miniature i n every episode. There are f i v e main episodes, each with i t s own c o m p l i c a t i o n - s o l u t i o n p a t t e r n . Episode I COMPLICATION: s i t u a t i o n of l a c k i n the v i l l a g e . This l a c k can be made e x p l i c i t i n communal terms, f o r instance as a famine which the Kwakiutl would e x p l a i n i n terms of a l a c k of power to get game, • r i t can be expressed i n personal terms: an i n d i v i d u a l has been i n s u l t e d , i s o s t r a c i s e d , abandoned. This a l s o i n d i c a t e s a l a c k of power (not only i n the i n d i v i d u a l but the community). In rare cases 34. the lack becomes only clear retrospectively, when i t i s amended at the end. IMMEDIATE SOLUTION: departure of the hero. This i s a weak solution, depending on the deferred strong one. Hunters depart to the moun-tains or the sea for game, young men and women go to the forest in search of supernatural power, etc. DEFERRED SOLUTION: return of hero to v i l l a g e with power to amend lack. Distribution of the supernatural treasure the hero gained to the community. This can mean the results of the supernatural power the hero gained in the form of game to stop the famine or a di s t r i b u t i o n of power in the form of a winter dance. See also episode V for this solution. Episode II COMPLICATION: hero's encounter with supernatural being who has to be compelled to y i e l d some power. This being i s always elusive and often t e r r i f y i n g . SOLUTION: hero overcomes elusiveness of supernatural being and obtains some power. The power can be in the form of magic objects or good advice. Good advice refers d i r e c t l y to how to behave in the coming encounter i n episode I I I . Magic objects may or may not be of use i n that encounter. In every case the solution of episode II i s the preparation for episode I I I . Episode I I I COMPLICATION: hero encounters ca n n i b a l i s t i c s p i r i t who i s out to k i l l him. 35. SOLUTION: hero i s k i l l e d but comes back to l i f e . Sometimes his power to overcome the threatened annihilation i s due to the advice he received in the previous episode. But the advice seems to concen-trate more on a technique of how to get himself eaten in the right way than how to resuscitate himself. The key to t h i s encounter seems to l i e i n the right sort of passivity of the hero. The hero's "victory" compels the s p i r i t to give him a treasure which consists i n material goods, magical objects, and the s p i r i t ' s name, songs and dances. The hero takes on the nature of the s p i r i t with the name. In some myths this i s made e x p l i c i t on the spot: the hero i n his turn eats the s p i r i t , and the s p i r i t resuscitates himself as the hero has done. Episode IV COMPLICATION: hero in form of the s p i r i t cannot re-enter his home v i l l a g e . According to what s p i r i t he met, the hero's form i s zoo-morphic, amorphic or monstrous. He i s not human. He i s dangerous because he i s cannabalistic. He i s often an object of terror to the v i l l a g e r s . In t h i s form he hovers at the edge of the v i l l a g e . S0L1DTIDN: the hero i s recognized, "surrounded" by the v i l l a g e s , and "tamed" or "pacified" by t h e i r leaders. Recognition i s sometimes the most d i f f i c u l t problem, at other times the surrounding and taming. "Surrounding" and "taming" are r i t u a l acts, part of the public i n i t i a -t i o n r i t u a l of the winter dance, when the whole community goes out to meet the novice returning from his period of i s o l a t i o n i n the form of the s p i r i t who i n i t i a t e d him. The taming i s not an exorcism of supernatural power, i t i s a l u l l i n g of i t that enables the community to get the supernaturally enraged hero/i n i t i a t e into the ceremonial house where the winter dance takes place. • 36. Episode V COMPLICATION: the hero suffers from an excess of supernatural power, he i s inhuman; the community from a lack, i t i s poor. SOLUTION (deferred solution of I ) : the hero performs the dances and sings the songs of the s p i r i t or distributes the material treasure he gained, or both. This i s the winter dance. The hero's excessive power i s exorcised by the dances, he becomes human again. The community takes part in his power and/or wealth and becomes r i c h and powerful. In the rhythm of complication-solution there appear some i r r e g u l a r i -t i e s . Complication I branches into two solutions. The immediate one refers to the hero, the deferred one to the community. The deferred one i s takenup at the end of the series. The problem of the community and i t s solution therefore encloses the problems of the hero and i t s solutions l i k e a frame. The hero's fate i s divided from that of the community in the immediate solution of I, and knitted back into i t i n the deferred solution of I which closes the t a l e . Causal connections or t h e i r lack are another feature that make the series i r r e g u l a r . The immediate solution of I (the departure) does not l o g i c a l l y lead to I I (meeting with supernatural being) and the complication of IV--the inhuman form of the hero—does not necessa-r i l y lead to the solution: his recognition, surrounding and taming. On the other hand CSII and CSIII, and the solution of IV and CSV are strongly connected. I I i s the dress rehearsal for I I I , and the solution of I I i s the basis of the solution of I I I i n most cases. The solution of IV leads inevitably to the complication of V and i t s solution. Keeping these i r r e g u l a r i t i e s in mind, the rhythm of complications and solution can be formally expressed l i k e t h i s : 37. CI S^-.-CII SII * CIII SIII + CIV...SIV + cv s 2 i and stand for immediate and deferred solution respectively. The breaks occur, topographically speaking, where the v i l l a g e ends and the supernatural realm in which the hero gains his power begins. The opposi-tion one's own/foreign which Meletinsky sees as basic f o r the f a i r y t a l e i s also the main opposition of the myth. However, i n the f a i r y t a l e , the hero may remain i n the foreign Kingdom where he marries the princess and rules as King. In the myth, which stands i n the context of the r i t u a l , t h i s would mean a f a i l u r e of the hero's expedition, because the goal of the myth (which i s r e a l l y the r i t u a l goal) i s the invigoration or enrich-ment of the community. His return and reintegration are therefore of paramount importance. 2(c) Relation of Episodes to Meletinsky's Formula Meletinsky's formula connects three tests with the losses and gains of the tale values. The highest value i n the c l a s s i c a l f a i r y t a l e i s , according to him, the hero's marriage with the princess and rule over "half a Kingdom". This i s the crowning achievement i n a t a l e which i s , again according to Meletinsky, centered i n a l l i t s action on the hero. The values which are i n question i n the preliminary and basic test lead to this .crowning achievement. The magic objects gained i n the former enable the hero to pass the l a t t e r , and the value gained i n the l a t t e r has the hand of the princess attached to i t as a promise (or i s the princess i t s e l f , so that passing of test and marriage fuse i n one). The th i r d or additional test forms an exception. It i s not a l o g i c a l l y necessary step i n the attainment of the f i n a l t a l e aim. Why, when the t a l e value i s already achieved should the hero hide himself, why should he give the pretender a chance to woo the princess; why introduce the new complication of the false 38. hero? According to Meletinsky the essential structure of the f a i r y t a l e i s composed by the preliminary and basic tests. If one compares the Kwakiutl myths with t h e i r rhythms of complication and solution and the tests of Meletinsky's formula with t h e i r rhythms of losses and gains i t becomes clear that the two series correspond to one another. But, st r u c t u r a l l y speaking, a much subtler knot i s ti e d in the Kwakiutl tales than in the f a i r y t a l e . The f i r s t episode with i t s lack corresponds to the f i r s t l i n k i n Meletinsky's chain, EL, where some mis-fortune breaks into the ordered course of l i f e : the v i l l a i n commits an act of sabotage, the hero breaks an i n t e r d i c t i o n or i s innocently perse-cuted. From t h i s i n i t i a l situation r i s e the three tests: the prelimi-nary test i n which the hero gains the magic object, eA, the basic test which he passes with i t s help, EL, and an additional one in which he refutes the attempts of the counter hero or pretender to displace him and gains the princess. The additional test i s given two l i n k s , i n the formula: E'L', pretense of false hero, and E'L', recognition of hero and achieve-ment of t a l e value. In t h i s way Meletinsky has produced f i v e l i n k s , though he speaks throughout of a three test structure. The f i v e links correspond to the f i v e episodes of myth, but the structural logic that connects them i s weakened. More precisely, because the t a l e interest (or narrator's point of view) concentrates on the hero alone we get what seem, superfluous structural links which have to be ra t i o n a l i s e d . The beginning situation of lack i n the myth i s one of those germinal places which contain the many p o s s i b i l i t i e s of i n i t i a l misfortune realized in the f a i r y t a l e . But i n the myth the personal and the f a m i l i a l are so closely connected with the communal that we always have to do with a c o l l e c t i v e lack. This lack can only be amended by two steps: the i n d i v i -dual deprivation (through danger and death) of the hero and his consequent abundance, and the liquidation of the community's o r i g i n a l lack through the hero. Because of t h i s double point of view—that of the community and that of the hero—the myth episodes are more closely knitted together than the three tests of the f a i r y t a l e . If the hero did not return in the form of the s p i r i t he could not bring about that inversion of the i n i t i a l s i tuation of lack into one of abundance. As he was transformed by the s p i r i t from a poor and powerless human being into a supernatural being, so he transforms the v i l l a g e , by his supernatural wealth, from a poor place to a place of abundance. What i s only an additional test in Meletinsky's .formula i s therefore a structural l i n k of extreme importance: i t i s the place where supernatural (the hero) and natural (the community) have to come to grips, and where.the natural (which i s naturally weak) has to overcome the supernatural (which i s naturally strong). The solu-tion of th i s f i f t h episode i s therefore a counterpart of the solution of that t h i r d episode, only that the "human hero" i s now a whole community. It i s easy to see how once the r i t u a l context was lost and the strand of the communal interest had retreated into the background, the "inhumaneness" of the hero i n t h i s scene was projected outside on to a pretender—the "false hero". The f a i r y t a l e retains with precision a structure which i s necessary to the r i t u a l but has, i n the main, forgotten the reason f o r t h i s structure. From half memories and the rati o n a l i s a t i o n s which make up for t h i s loss spring many of the motifs of the t a l e . 2(d) Nature of the "Basic Test" What Meletinsky c a l l s the basic test i s the most important episode in the myth as i n the f a i r y t a l e . It i s the locus where the t a l e value i s gained. It i s the point of reversal, the peripeteia of drama. The nature of t h i s reversal i s made very clear i n the Kwakiutl myths. There 40. i s no v i l l a i n i n the myths, and the idea of a simple f i g h t with a v i l l a i n over whom the hero has to gain dominance i s l a c k i n g , as i s the idea that t h i s i s a simple t e s t which the hero has to pass. These ideas may be inherent elements. But the s t r u c t u r e of t h i s episode i s more complex. The hero has to know how to be passive and how to be a c t i v e i n the r i g h t way. He has to face being k i l l e d but has to know how to come back to l i f e . In one myth Mouse, who i s the magic helper, teaches.' the hero to 30 s l i p out through the Cannibal's anus when he has swallowed him. Yet t h i s knowledge i s not enough. Through being swallowed the hero becomes l i k e the s p i r i t . In the same myth Mouse teaches him to be a l s o the swallower; and when he has h i s contest w i t h the Cannibal he swallows the Cannibal, who, as the hero d i d before, comes out again at his anus. This r e v e r s a l of r o l e s between i n i t i a t e and s p i r i t i s e s s e n t i a l to show that now the hero himself has the power of i n i t i a t o r - - a power needed when he comes back to the v i l l a g e where has to change the s i t u a t i o n of lack i n t o p l e n t y . But the important q u a l i t y of t h i s "basic t e s t " i s that t h i s i s the point i n the story where the r e v e r s a l of f u n c t i o n s on which the p l o t s t r u c t u r e depends takes place. I t i s the place of transformation according to L e v i - S t r a u s s ' formula f (a): f (b)=f [b) : f: . . t y ) . 3 1 While the whole x y x a-1 s t r u c t u r e of the myth H i k e that of the f a i r y t a l e , as Meletinsky points 32 out) i l l u s t r a t e s the dynamic process of the L e v i - S t r a u s s i a n formula, the "basic t e s t " does so very c l e a r l y i n miniature. In the f i r s t part of the formula (a) represents the s p i r i t which i s always the eater and (f ) h i s f u n c t i o n which i s to eat. He only e x i s t s i n that f u n c t i o n . This makes the i n i t i a t e (b) n a t u r a l l y i n t o him whose f u n c t i o n i t i s to be eaten f^ y But t h i s s t a t e contains i t s overthrow i n i t s e l f because, through being eaten, the i n i t i a t e takes on the f u n c t i o n of eater. I f (b) drops his n a t u r a l f u n c t i o n and takes on the f u n c t i o n of (a)--that i s of the • .41. eater--then the very quality of the s p i r i t i s permutated and becomes a function of being eaten. The eater eaten. The concrete image of ingestion makes i t clear that through being passive the hero becomes consubstantially one with the s p i r i t , and as-a result his weakness turns into strength and his passivity into dominating a c t i v i t y . His eating of the s p i r i t i s only an i l l u s t r a t i o n of t h i s per-mutation of power, and of the fact of the relocation of the source of 33* power and dominating a c t i v i t y . The myth, l i k e the f a i r y t a l e , revolves around the acquisition of power. Levi-Strauss' formula can be expressed in the most general terms in the following way: i f power's function of dominating, f ^ ( a ) , leads to the hero's function of being dominated, f (b), then the hero's function of dominating, f (b), leads to a permutation of power's function, f _., in x a l 3 4 which power i s being dominated (y). It i s the nature of such permutation to generate further permutations. So that the hero's meeting with the s p i r i t — t h e victory of the weaker over the s t r o n g e r — i s the centre of the helicoidal structure whose c i r c l e s widen to take i n the myth as a whole; the r i t u a l ; and f i n a l l y the busi-ness of l i v i n g , i n the course of which every Kwakiutl meets power he considers greater than himself. The hero plays once the role of the i n i t i a t e in being swallowed by the s p i r i t [being dominated by the supernatural power), once the role of the i n i t i a t o r i n swallowing the s p i r i t (dominating the supernatural power). He has therefore two natures, that of dominator and dominated, or, in the language of the myth, that of s p i r i t and man. His double nature enables him to mediate between the society's unsatisfactory (natural) state and i t s desired (power-imbued) state. With the weakening of interest in the "community's point of view" the 42. hero l o s t t h i s double nature of a mediator. But i n the myth the point of the basic t e s t i s j u s t t h i s : that a member of an o r d i n a r i l y powerless community should acquire that nature and become capable of t u r n i n g the impossible i n t o the p o s s i b l e . (In the f a i r y t a l e the animal helpers and ob j e c t s , domestic and magic at once, perform t h i s o f f i c e , but t h e i r i n f l u e n c e does not permeate the story and they are l e s s part of the st r u c t u r e . ) The question i s , then, how the hero t e c h n i c a l l y solves the problem of t u r n i n g a powerless s o c i e t y i n t o a powerful one. The answer i s , i n the same way i n which he, a powerless human being, was turned i n t o a powerful " s p i r i t " , that i s through an i n v e r s i o n of the f u n c t i o n of power. 2(e) C o l l e c t i v e S t r a i n and Hero's S t r a i n i n Myth and F a i r y Tale There are f i v e episodes of which one can roughly say two belong to the n a r r a t i v e ' s c o l l e c t i v e s t r a i n , three to the hero's s t r a i n . The commu-n i t y ' s and the hero's s t r a i n s are i n t i m a t e l y connected. They can 35 (rather u n s a t i s f a c t o r i l y ) be shown i n a diagram l i k e t h i s : FIGURE 3 gain i n g of magic treasure transformation of hero d i s t r i b u t i o n transformation of a l l POVERTY I i I T I U I A I L PLENTY hero human hero human again 43. There are certain points in the diagram that can be marked either positive or negative. Negative i s associated with the natural world, with the human and wanting. The peak of the t r i a n g l e , and the high .vend point of the diagonal bar are positive. Positive i s associated with the supernatural world and, more generally, with power and plenty. The v i l l a g e at the winter dance i s l i f t e d out of i t s ordinary sphere to a height comparable to the "house of the s p i r i t " . The points on the sides of the triangle are intermediary. In narrative terms they are threshold points between the two worlds. The left-hand point i s crossed by the bar to show the cutting point of the individual and the"collective s t r a i n . The triangle represents the hero's point of view, the diagonal bar the community's. At the beginning point theyccoincide. The hero moves from there i n an arc which should, s t r i c t l y speaking, curve back to i t s beginning. At the peak of the arc he i s invested with supernatural power and wealth. Such "wealth" i s only of use to him at home, in his own surroundings, but i t s excessive nature (shown in the animal or monstrous shape he has assumed) makes i t impossible for him to return home. He i s therefore "surrounded" and exorcised of his excessive power by the "display" of i t and by the d i s t r i b u t i o n of his powers and wealth to the community. This exorcism makes him human; the end point of the triangle i s therefore negative again. However, his display and d i s t r i b u t i o n enrich the community as a whole; and, re-integrated, the hero i s of course part of the community. The end point, i s therefore connected with the end point of the community's strain (diagonal bar) which i s positive. The two points together are the public r i t u a l . The entwining of the two strands i s better expressed i n a formula of accumulation and discharge than i n the diagram (C = community, H = hero. • 44. p = p o s i t i v e , n = negative] H Cn-*- p-* n) = C Cn-*- p) This formula does not apply to the c l a s s i c a l f a i r y t a l e where, according to Meletinsky's f i n d i n g s the conversion of negative to p o s i t i v e i n the end represents the hero's personal reward and h i s "crowning achieve-ment". Nevertheless, Meletinsky's formula f o r the f a i r y t a l e f i t s the diagram I have drawn f o r the myth i n a s u r p r i s i n g way, i f one remembers t h a t , though speaking of a s t r u c t u r e of three t e s t s , Meletinsky a c t u a l l y has f i v e l i n k s i n h i s t e s t formula. These l i n k s can be c o r r e l a t e d to the myth episodes i n the f o l l o w i n g way: FIGURE 4 EL L' CSIII S 2 I EL In the beginning, EL, when some misfortune has broken i n t o the order of l i f e , we have i n e v i t a b l y a communal s i t u a t i o n , even i f i t i s only a fa m i l y one, and i f the misfortune b e f a l l s the hero p e r s o n a l l y i t s t i l l a f f e c t s h i s surroundings. In the end, when the hero i s transformed and marries the p r i n c e s s , E'L', we have an event of p u b l i c s i g n i f i c a n c e , even i t i t i s a personal reward f o r the hero. Marriage and Kingship are both symbols of s o c i a l , even cosmic order. The "community interest" (diagonal bar] i s therefore present, though i t i s weak instead of strong as in the myth. The r e a l l y decisive difference l i e s in the additional test E'...E'. Though i t i s a test of i d e n t i f i c a t i o n in both cases, in the f a i r y t a l e i t only uncovers the true nature of the hero (he who has passed the basic test) while i n the myth i t uncovers the Lost member of the society whose return amends the situation of lack in the community he has l e f t . Because of the r i t u a l context of the myths, the d i s t r i b u t i o n at the end has to be to the community which the hero has l e f t , while the f a i r y tale hero may give the benefit of his exploits to the "foreign Kingdom". In what sense i s E 'v-the recognition and "transformation" of the hero--then connected to the communal strai n in L'? B r i e f l y , i n t h i s : t e s t s , l i k e the dramatic episodes of myth, are encounters between two protagonists. In the additional test the true hero i s not pitched against the false hero, or tested by him; both are pitched against the community for t r i a l between them. (The community i s often represented in the person of the King, father of the princess.) Presumably i t i s in the interest of the community that the true hero marries the princess and ascends the throne. It i s therefore a "public display" when the hero throws off his disguise and exposes the pretender. The whole series of tests which have been going on in private between the hero and the helpful-v i l l a i n o u s personages of his world would not make sense i f there were not a l a s t public judgement made on them. Compared to the myth th i s connection with the "common interest" i s tentative. It i s there, however, and gives the additional test in the f a i r y t a l e the same structural function which this l i n k has in the myth: after the hero's removal to a fantastic "other"world i t knits the hero's fate back into the community's in the ordinary world. Even in the f a i r y 46. t a l e , where the hero may marry i n a foreign Kingdom, "they li v e d happily ever after" not i n the world of the) hero's tests but in the ordinary world. In t h i s sense the hero of the f a i r y tale too comes home, and "own" and "foreign" are opposed, as they are in the myth, in the sense of human and communal as against private and f a n t a s t i c . 2(f) Nature of the "Additional Test" What Meletinsky called the additional test i s the l i n k which carries the greatest structural burden in the organization of the myth. From one point of view, i t brings the hero-centered strand to conclusion. From another, i t begins the community-centered strand. Meletinsky says that the additional test forms "a possible second flow of the f a i r y t a l e " . A second flow, I believe, means a repetition i n another key. This i s exactly what the myth shows the "additional t e s t " to be. The second flow i s the communal interest asserting i t s e l f against the hero-interest. The episodes are symmetrically arranged around the t h i r d episode, the "basic test " i n which the hero meets the s p i r i t . The f i r s t and last episode correspond to one another as inversions: the end state i s the opposite of the state at the beginning. It i s not just that lack has been liquidated but that plenty has replaced lack. The second and the fourth episode ("preliminary" and "additional test") also correspond as inver-sions, i f we confine ourselves to the hero's point of view. They are entrance and exit episodes. Through the f i r s t the hero enters the super-natural realm, through the second he leaves i t . They are b i l a t e r a l l y symmetrical i n r e l a t i o n to the "basic t e s t " , as are the corresponding l i n k s in the f a i r y t a l e . In the myth, the second episode i s a dress rehearsal for the meeting with the s p i r i t , that i s , i t points forward to the basic test; i n the fourth episode the hero's animal or monstrous form i s the 47. result of his successful meeting with the s p i r i t , that i s , i t points back to the basic t e s t . In the preliminary test of the f a i r y t a l e the hero gains the object which enables him to pass the basic test; in the addi-t i o n a l t e s t , the sign of i d e n t i f i c a t i o n proves that he has passed the basic test. But the fourth episode of myth i s not only an inversion of the second, i t also forms i t s p a r a l l e l . In the second episode the hero meets a supernatural being. It i s f u g i t i v e or extremely horrible, and has to be tricked or forced before i t yields i t s assistance i n the hero's pursuit of supernatural power. In the fourth episode the community goes out to meet a supernatural being (the metamorphosed hero) who i s f u g i t i v e , horror i n s p i r i n g , and has to be tricked or forced--surrounded--before he can be tamed enough to help the community in t h e i r pursuit of supernatural power. A semantic p a r a l l e l , not v i s i b l e to the eye? :is that the being the hero meets i s of a dual nature, that i s , i t belongs both to the natural and the supernatural world and can mediate between them. When the hero meets the community i n the fourth episode he has also acquired a double nature and can function as mediator between the two worlds. The fourth episode i s therefore a repetition of the second episode, but i t i s more than that: the "additional t e s t " of the myth hero i s the "preliminary t e s t " of the myth community. A new plot of tests and ta l e values starts with changed roles and in a changed scene. The hero i s now the i n i t i a t i n g s p i r i t , the community the hero. The ceremonial house in the v i l l a g e i s the "house of the s p i r i t " . But because i t i s now a "multiple hero" who i s i n i t i a t e d , power i s not concentrated in a destructive way on an in d i v i d u a l , as i t was on the hero. Instead of the excess of power which led to an inhuman state in the hero--necessary for channelling power into the "natural world"-- we have d i s t r i b u t i o n of power which leads to the invigoration of a l l . Super-48. natural power i s now wedded to the human state. This second plot--the communal st r a i n or plot of the multiple hero--is often summarily treated in the myth, not because i t was an unimportant part of the story but because i t was acted i n the public r i t u a l . The myth's main purpose i s to describe events which happen i n secret, while the i n i t i a t e i s i n i s o l a t i o n . This i s why the myth plot ( l i k e the plot of the f a i r y tale) i s hero-centered. But i n i t s e l f the acquisition of power by an individual hero i s incomplete. Whether the myth describes the winter dance or not, the fact remains that even the hero himself only gains his reward when he has channelled his power to the community. The f a i r y t a l e with i t s inevitable happy ending of a marriage feast i n s i s t s more on the communal strai n than the myth does because, i n the l i v i n g context of the myth, the happy ending i s always supplied by the r i t u a l . Myths can therefore end with the fourth episode, which corresponds to E'L'; that i s , they can end with a loss. In the fourth episode the plot of the community starts and t h i s event, because i t i s public, can be taken up i n the form of the public r i t u a l . In the winter dance the periphery of the helix has been reached which had i t s centre in the "basic t e s t " . But only on the level of symbolic representation: the dynamic quality of that permutation of power, which i s conveyed i n Levi-Strauss 1 formula and i n the picture of the helix, joins myth and r i t u a l and everyday l i f e i n the rhythm of the Kwakiutl year. The winter dance ends when the f i r s t f i s h run and the Kwakiutl meet the "great supernatural ones" who have "come to satiate" them. The "eaters" of the Winter are the food of the Summer. When the winter dance comes to an end the Kwakiutl community disperses to gather stores during the nomadic l i f e of the Summer. Every individual Kwakiutl goes out to get his "treasure" from the great supernaturals of the Summer--the f i s h , the berry • 4 9 . 36 bushes, the game of sea and mountain. But l i k e the hero of the myth he does not keep h i s accumulated wealth to himself, i n p r i v a t e , but d i s t r i -butes-it i n p u b l i c because i t i s only through " g i v i n g away" that wealth becomes true wealth and "makes your name great". We have then a rhythm of gain and d i s t r i b u t i o n , p r i v a t e and p u b l i c , supernatural realm and ordinary world that corresponds to the a l t e r n a t i o n of hero's s t r a i n and community's s t r a i n i n the myth; and we have a f u r t h e r d i s t i n c t i o n of symbolic and m a t e r i a l , that d i s t i n g u i s h e s myth and r i t u a l from everyday l i f e . A c q u i s i t i o n and accumulation happen i n p r i v a t e , " g i v i n g away" i n p u b l i c . Out alone.in the f o r e s t , on the 'ocean or i n the mountains, the hero of myth meets h i s s p i r i t and gains h i s t r e a s u r e , as the Kwakiutl hunters and berry gatherers meet the "supernaturals" who give them abundance i n the Summer. The myth hero's d i s t r i b u t i o n — w h i c h i s the community's meeting with t h e i r " s p i r i t " — h o w e v e r happens i n the communal v i l l a g e , and i t i s al s o i n the v i l l a g e that the d i s t r i b u t i o n c b f the wealth gained i n the i s o l a t i o n of the Summer takes place i n the form of f e a s t s and p o t l a t c h e s . The v i l l a g e i s the "n a t u r a l world" as d i s t i n c t from the "supernatural world" of f o r e s t , mountain and sea. T h e s e . d i s t i n c t i o n s are cross-cut by others, but one can ge n e r a l l y say that the p r i v a t e , the secret and hidden, are associated with a c q u i s i t i o n and concentration of wealth and power, and with the supernatural; the p u b l i c with d i s t r i b u t i o n , equity,, and the s u s t a i n i n g of s o c i a l l i f e . I f one extends the s t r u c t u r e of myth to the ethnographic context then there i s always a point where the p r i v a t e and the p u b l i c meet, and the two s t r a i n s c r o s s , the one to dwindle, the other to i n c r e a s e . This point i s the f i r s t s t r a i n ' s " a d d i t i o n a l t e s t " and the second s t r a i n ' s " p r e l i m i n a r y t e s t " . A l t e r n a t i n g lap by l a p , at t h i s p o int: 5 0 . (1) the single hero, monstrous with supernatural wealth, meets the "multiple hero"--the community—out i n quest for wealth; (2) the multiple hero—the community—full of the wealth of the winter dance, meets the single unit's demand to disperse on t h e i r Summer quest of wealth; (3) the single Kwakiutl, heavy with the wealth of Summer, meets the ("multiple hero" i n the community's demand for d i s t r i b u t i o n in the potlatch. The rhythm of these phases, cross-cutting one another at points of double significance can be graphically put l i k e t h i s : F I G U R E 5 hero gains winter individual treasure dance gathers wealth potlatch The structure of t h i s diagram i l l u s t r a t e s Levi-Strauss' theory that "the mythical mind establishes a web of relationships between sociohisto-r i c a l l y given facts and i t works on a symbolic level underlaid by the 37 interplay of i n f r a - and super-structures". The structure of the f a i r y 51. t a l e cannot be connected as easily with the levels of ordinary l i f e because the ethnographic context i s lacking. However, i t i s perhaps permissible to reconstruct a feature of t h i s missing context from the structure. The structure of the myth i s organized around the problem of the relationship between private gain and the public weal. This problem, which i s also central to Kwakiutl society as a whole, i s solved i n the structure rather than e x p l i c i t l y i n the content. If Levi-Strauss i s right i n saying that "form and content are of the same nature ... The 38. content draws i t s r e a l i t y from i t s structure", then the structure of the f a i r y t a l e suggests that the f a i r y t a l e , too, was preoccupied with the relationship of individual gain to the common good. This gain can, of course, be interpreted i n a psychological or material way. 3 Conclusion With the above description of the rel a t i o n between the private and the public, the individual and society, my exposition of Kwakiutl principles of thought comes to an end. Before I begin my examination of the three kinds of text that concern themselves with the problem of the baxus l i f e , I s h a l l b r i e f l y review these principles i n the l i g h t of the subject to which we are turning. It i s clear from my exposition that not the cosmos or natural world but men and the r e l a t i o n between men occupy the centre of Kwakiutl thought. However, there i s another aspect of Kwakiutl thought, less easily accessible because less systematized, according to which man's rela t i o n to the outside world, especially the animals stands at the centre. This aspect r e f l e c t s the experience of p r a c t i c a l or "profane" l i f e . It finds expression i n Kwakiutl prayers, i n certain kinds of myths and i n r i t u a l s for animals. It provides the background i n which the thought of the tsetseqa i s rooted, and i s the subject of my thesis. How i s i t linked 52. to the principles of thought we have discussed? Among the principles we have examined that of giving stands out as important. It i s giving that makes the perfect man and through him "makes" the society, which i s grounded i n the acts of givers. Closely related i s the p r i n c i p l e of the act of courage which, because of i t s voluntary nature turns the individual into a free being, and through which, in i t s turn, a mere survival community becomes a free community. These principles are active in the i n t r a - and interpersonal sphere., where, according to Kwakiutl understanding, man has freedom of decision. They are balanced by the fact that i n his re l a t i o n to the natural world man i s a taker, bound by necessity to acts of destruction. This i s the fact lamented in the prayers, as I s h a l l show in the next chapter. In profane l i f e , or, to put i t i n Kwakiutl expressive terms, in the baxus year, man can only be the "imperfect man", the man who i s dependent on the l i f e of the world around him and who destroys t h i s l i f e through his dependence. I argue i n Chapter 4, in the context of my discussion of the f i r s t salmon r i t u a l , that the acts of violence by which the individual appropriates the l i v e s of other beings to sustain his own l i f e also unite men, as do the acts of courage of the tsetseqa • The society that i s "made" by them i s the survival community, the autonomous soci a l unit called the namima• This household unit celebrates the f i r s t salmon r i t u a l and other r i t u a l s for animals together. It i s based on the secular hierarchy of rank and headed by a chief. I argue that in the Kwakiutl view t h i s was the normal society adapted to the exigencies of baxus l i f e , but that the wider community of givers, whether established in the winter dance society of the communal v i l l a g e or the potlatch society was t h e i r ideal c i v i c society or " p o l i t y " . Kwakiutl expressive culture l i n k s the opposed worlds i n a two-fold way. 53. through the myth of the animal as giver and through the image of eating. In the baxus world the animals are free, and are therefore givers, and i f an ideal state obtained, men would be simply passive and grateful receivers. But baxus man i s technological man who traps the animals and despoils the earth. He could not do otherwise, because, as the myth time stories make clear, man would not be man without his arts and cr a f t s , the most impor-tant of which are the arts of snaring and trapping. The dilemma i s irre s o l u b l e . There has to be, therefore, another plane, on which man transcends the d e f i n i t i o n of technological man, on which he can be active without being destructive, a giver and a maker. This i s the plane of the free i n t e r r e l a t i o n between equals, the p o l i t y . In the tsetseqa, that i s on the purely s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l l e v e l , men imitate the animals' freedom. The second l i n k i s established through the image of eating. One of the remarkable features of Kwakiutl r e l i g i o n , which c l a s s i f i e s i t as a "primitive r e l i g i o n " i s the absence of the substitute—scapegoat or s a c r i f i c i a l victim. Retribution i s d i r e c t l y confronted by every individual equally. This becomes clear i n the images of hunting and eating. In the Summer men hunt and eat animals, and because they must a l l eat to sustain t h e i r l i v e s they are a l l equally involved in a transgression against the animals. In the tsetseqa, therefore, men are hunted and eaten by s p i r i t s . The name given both to animals and to s p i r i t s — supernatural ones, or, more accurately unobliged ones—shows that a connection i s intended. In fact what we have met as the "passivity of the hero" in the i n i t i a t i o n myth gains an aspect of expiation from the vantage point of baxus l i f e . From th i s vantage point the tsetseqa i t s e l f takes on an aspect of a feast of atonement and r e c o n c i l i a t i o n . But then the tsetseqa i s many-faceted and cannot be summed up by any one of i t s aspects. I s h a l l return to a consideration of myths in Chapter 3, which i s a 54. study of hunting myths, and i n the Epilogue, where I examine a variant form of the i n i t i a t i o n myth. A l l the myths I examine in the course of th i s study belong to a d i s t i n c t group in the Kwakiutl corpus, though they vary i n complexity and the way the issue i s posed. On the narrative thematic le v e l the group i s characterized by the journey to the other world. This i s also a distinguishing feature of the f a i r y t a l e . For reasons of space I s h a l l not be able to pursue the cross-culturally important p a r a l l e l with the f a i r y tale i n my la t e r examinations. To make up for thi s deficiency to some extent I s h a l l give references to the work of experts on the f a i r y t a l e : Greimas, Propp, Meletinsky and others. Footnotes 1 Not a theocracy i n the sense of a r u l e of p r i e s t s . The r e l i g i o u s p r i n c i p l e that r u l e s - i s Ca) the d i v i s i o n of the whole- community i n t o two equal and balancing halves with complementary f u n c t i o n s , (b) membership i n dancing s o c i e t i e s w i t h i n which the members of d i f f e r e n t namimas meet as equals. The tsetseqa season s t r e s s e s therefore t r i b a l u n i t y i n contrast to the baxus season, which s t r e s s e s namima. autonomy.and the ranking of i n d i v i d u a l s i n s i d e the., namima, as w e l l as the ranking of namimas i n s i d e the t r i b e . 2 London: Longman's Green and Co., 1970. 3 I am g r a t e f u l t o Michel de V i r v i l l e f o r suggestions and c r i t i s i s m on t h i s s e c t i o n . He demonstrated that the f o u r forms of opposition described by me can be represented i n mathematical and diagrammatic form and that the diagrams can be condensed i n t o one met a-model. I chose not to i n c l u d e the diagrams; but they can b r i n g out c l e a r l y what i s i m p l i c i t i n the t e x t : that the f o u r forms the opposition takes represent pro-gressive m o b i l i z a t i o n s of what i s f i r s t seen as s t a t i c . The p r e d i c a t i v e s t r u c t u r e , f o r i n s t a n c e , i s not a system (and should not be t r e a t e d therefore on the same formal l e v e l as the three systems)--you can feed anything i n t o i t . In t h i s case i t works.:as a transformer, and not only r e c o n c i l e s the l o g i c a l l y opposed taxonomic and r e l a t i v e systems but "mobilizes'! the comparatively f i x e d r e l a t i v e system i n t o the dynamic p o l a r one. 4 For d i s c u s s i o n of the words baxus and tsetseqa see Franz Boas, The S o c i a l Organization and the Secret S o c i e t i e s of the Kwakiutl Indians C1897; r p t . New York: Johnson Reprint Co., 1970), p.418. See a l s o h i s Kwakiutl Ethnography, ed. Helen Codere (Chicago: Univ. of Chic. . Press, 1966), pp.165--168.. Further see Chapter 2, 1 (b). ^Hubert and Mauss i n S a c r i f i c e (London: Cohen and West, 1964). . descr ibe .the place of s a c r i f i c e as a s e r i e s of c o n c e n t r i c c i r c l e s , each more c e n t r a l and more holy than the one surrounding i t . The v i c t i m i s . placed at the centre. The Jewish Temple was constructed on the same p r i n c i p l e ( E z e k i e l XL--XLIV). See a l s o L e v i t i c u s XVI, 2: the High P r i e s t pene-t r a t e s once\a year the Holy of H o l i e s , where God dwells in' -a cloud. Columbia'University C o n t r i b u t i o n s to Anthropology, 20 (New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 1934). See a l s o Werner M u l l e r "Raum und Z e i t i n Sprachen und Kalendern Nordamerikas und Alteuropas", Anthropos, 57 (1962), 568--590. ^For a d e s c r i p t i o n of these lands see Franz Boas, Kwakiutl T a l e s : New S e r i e s ( T r a n s l a t i o n s ) , Columbia Univ. C o n t r i b u t i o n s to Anthropology, 26, Part 2 (New York: Columbai Univ. Press, 1943), pp.215--16. 8 The Kwakiutl d r a m a t i c a l l y convey the slow/advance of the s p i r i t s from the North with the help of " s p i r i t w h i s t l e s " that are heard-at the beginning of the t s e t s e q a f a r to the North of the v i l l a g e , but come nearer and become c l e a r e r as the ceremonial gets under way. The whist-l i n g noises represent the voices of the s p i r i t s . 56. g This world p i c t u r e i s very widespread i n the area.. The Beaver s t i l l speak today of the sun t a k i n g "one chicken step a day" t o make the world. Tonia Riding-ton, personal communication. ^°The Kwakiutl conception confirms Edmund Leach's suggestions i n "Time and False Noses", Rethinking Anthropology (London: Athlone Press, 1964). ^ I f we use L e v i - S t r a u s s ' formula f ( a ) : f ( b ) : : f (b) : f r „-,(y) as a x y x la-1J J p i c t u r e of the r e v e r s a l , then the time dimension, seen s t a t i c a l l y , d i v i d e s the formula i n t o time past and time f u t u r e , seen k i n e t i c a l l y i t changes time past i n t o time present. 12 See Robin Horton, " R i t u a l Man i n A f r i c a " , A f r i c a : Journal of the I n t -e r n a t i o n a l A f r i c a n I n s t i t u t e , XXXIV, No. 2 ( A p r i l 1964), 85--103, where the question of the t h e o r e t i c a l models set up by d i f f e r e n t kinds of s o c i e t i e s i s discussed. 13 The Kwakiutl f i g h t with property, but even more they f i g h t with words. (Their p o t l a t c h songs, f o r instance,.• are a study i n the a r t of - i n s u l t . ) I use r h e t o r i c a l i n t h i s extended sense. 14 The s o c i a l angle of,:the f i g h t i s b r i l l i a n t l y discussed i n A. Rosman and P. Rubel's Fea s t i n g w i t h Mine Enemy: Rank and Exchange among North- west Coast S o c i e t i e s (New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 1971). 15 The Kwakiutl potlatched not as i n d i v i d u a l s but as groups. However, a head c h i e f or c h i e f t a i n e s s was r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the group and, t h e r e -f o r e , host. 1 6 ' Cf. Marcel Mauss, Tha G i f t : Forms and Functions of Exchange i n Archaic S o c i e t y , t r a n s . Ian Cunnison (New York: Norton 1967), p.45: "But i n a d d i t i o n ... a man: gives himself, and he does so because he owes-himself himself and h i s possessions -- t o , o t h e r s " . G.W. Locher also recognises the s a c r i f i c i a l q u a l i t y of the p o t l a t c h ; see The Serpent i n Kwakiutl R e l i g i o n (Leiden: E.J. B r i l l , 1932). 17 I have i n other places used C u r t i s e s simpler t r a n s c r i p t i o n of the word as t l u g w i . (He gives the meaning "supernatural power" and s e c o n d a r i l y "supernatural treasure".) See Edward S. C u r t i s , The North American Indi a n , V o l . 10 (1915; r p t . New York: Johnson Reprint Co., 1970), p.337. 1 8 According to Mauss (1967: .4) p o t l a t c h meant o r i g i n a l l y both "to n o u r i s h " and t o "consume". This i s s u r e l y the best comment on the double p o t l a t c h between the c a n n i b a l i s t i c s p i r i t and the novice. 1 9 Boas, on i n i t i a t i o n i n t o the s o c i e t i e s of the Niska Tsimshian, c i t e d by Josef Haekel i n " I n i t i a t i o n e n und Geheimbunde an der Nordwestkuste Nordamerikas (Zum Problem i h r e r Entstehung)", Anthropologische G e s e l l -schaft i n Wien: M i t t e i l u n g e n , 53, n.s. 3 (1954), p. 176. 20 E l e a z a r Meletinsky, S. Nekludov, E. Novik, and •. Segal, "Problems of .the S t r u c t u r a l A n a l y s i s of F a i r y t a l e s " , i n Soviet S t r u c t u r a l F o l k -l o r i s t i c s . Ed. P i e r r e Maranda (The Hague: Mouton, 1974), 73--139. For 57. convenience the authors are r e f e r r e d to.throughout by Meletinsky's name alone. Meletinsky's p r e l i m i n a r y and r e l a t e d work can be found i n E n g l i s h t r a n s l a t i o n i n Maranda's anthology. 21 « See Werner M u l l e r , W e l t b i l d und K u l t der Kwakiutl Indianer, Studien z u r Kulturkunde 15 (Wiesbaden: Franz S t e i n e r Verl-ag, 1955), p.56, a l s o n. 53. 22 " A n a l y t i c U n i t s " was read as a paper at the meeting of the Canadian Sociology and Anthropology A s s o c i a t i o n i n 1970. Both papers are unpub-l i s h e d . 23 ' His point of view i s s u c c i n c t l y summed up i n "Problem of the H i s t o r -i c a l Morphology of the F o l k t a l e " : "In regard to t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e s u b j e c t s , one might say that p r i m i t i v e myths, i n contrast with developed c l a s s i c a l f a i r y t a l e s , represent an unusual- metastructure. The subjects of c l a s s i c a l f a i r y t a l e s r e v e a l i n f l e x i b l e s t r u c t u r a l l i m i t a t i o n s unknown to p r i m i t i v e f o l k l o r e ... In p r i m i t i v e myths, the syntagmatic l e v e l s are q u i t e i s o l a t e d and s t r u c t u r a l l y e q u i v a l e n t . The a c t i o n can s t a r t with a l o s s as w e l l as a gain ... The various episodes do not f o l l o w each other according to a hierarchy. ... In the c l a s s i c a l t a l e , on the other hand, the various separate l e v e l s are part of a g l o b a l h i e r a r c h i c s t r u c t u r e where test.s f o l l o w each other, each one leading to the next". In Soviet S t r u c t u r a l F o l k l o r i s t i c s , ed. P i e r r e Maranda (The Hague: Mouton 1974), 53--59. 24 Boas, who -at that date, c a l l e d ' a l l myths legends, has described the c h a r a c t e r i c t i c s of the myth I c a l l i n i t i a t i o n myth as: "a c l a s s of legend which r e l a t e s e n t i r e l y to s p i r i t s that are s t i l l i n contact with the Indians, whom they endow with supernatural power". (1897: 393). As myth-is apparently not a category that can be s a t i s f a c t o r i l y defined, I use i t synonymously with t a l e and s t o r y . I have discussed the question of a genre d i s t i n c t i o n between myth and t a l e i n '"Myth as Metastructure of the F a i r y t a l e " , i n Soviet S t r u c t u r a l F o l k l o r i s t i c s , ed. P i e r r e Maranda (The Hague: Mouton 1974), pp.168--172. 25 r In s p i t e of L e v i - S t r a u s s ' wofk and much general controversy, the question whether American Indian myths have " s t r u c t u r e " comparable t o European f o l k l o r e i s s t i l l undecided. Boas, who made the most extensive c o l l e c t i o n s on the Northwest Coast, and was therefore thoroughly f a m i l i a r with the myths I am d i s c u s s i n g here thought Indian myths lacked -structure a l t o g e t h e r . Alan Dundes has a p p l i e d the Proppian scheme f o r f a i r y t a l e s to American Indian myths but achieved only a loose f i t , see The Morphology of North American Indian F o l k t a l e s , FF Communications No. 195 ( H e l s i n k i : Snomalainen -Tiedeakatemia, 1964). The p o i n t i s t h a t "myth" i s not a defined category; l i k e has t o be compared w i t h l i k e , and the category s u i t a b l e f o r comparison with the f a i r y t a l e i s the i n i t i a t i o n myth, and a l s o the r e l a t e d hunting myth as Chapter 3 shows. 26 V l a d i m i r Propp, Morphology of the F o l k t a l e , t r a n s . L. S c o t t , ed. L.A. Wagner (Austin:. Univ. of Texas Press, 1968). 27 o I t i s not c l e a r from 1Meletinsky's monograph how f a r he was aware of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the f a i r y t a l e and an i n i t i a t i o n r i t u a l . He 58. mentions thematic d e r i v a t i o n s i n p a r t i c u l a r cases, but does not note the more important s t r u c t u r a l correspondences which are the subject a-f t h i s paper. This may be due to the f a c t that he was concerned with the d i f f e r e n c e s between, f a i r y t a l e and myth, not with a common d e r i v a t i o n . 2 8 Through making the l o g i c a l connections between t e s t s i n t o the under-l y i n g s t r u c t u r a l p r i n c i p l e he a r r i v e s at what i s a c t u a l l y an over-reduction. Drily the p r e l i m i n a r y and basic t e s t s are necessary to complete h i s scheme. This leaves a .number of loose ends: n e i t h e r the p a s s i v i t y of the hero (though noted as a s t r u c t u r a l part of the f a i r y t a l e ) nor the a d d i t i o n a l t e s t can be s a t i s f a c t o r i l y accounted f o r , and i n i t i a l and f i n a l s t a t e are not s t r u c t u r a l l y f u l l y i n t e g r a t e d . 29 I t should be remembered th a t Meletinsky denies, that a s t r u c t u r a l p r i n c i p l e organizes myth,' and • claims • that • its!.absence • from myth i s the main d i f f e r e n c e between myth and / f a i r y t a l e : "In p r i m i t i v e myths the syntagmatic l e v e l s are q u i t e i s o l a t e d . a n d s t r u c t u r a l l y e q u i v a l e n t . The a c t i o n can s t a r t with a l o s s as w e l l as a gain. . i . The v a rious episodes do not f o l l o w each other according to a h i e r a r c h y " . (1974: 55). Cf. n. 23. 30 Franz Boas, Kwakiutl T a l e s , Columbia Univ. C o n t r i b u t i o n s to Anthro-pology, 2 (New York: Columbia Univ. Press,, 1910) pp.414-442. 31 / Claude L e v i - S t r a u s s , "The S t r u c t u r a l . S t u d y of Myth", i n S t r u c t u r a l Anthropology, t r a n s . C l a i r e J'acobson and Brook .Grundfest Schoepf (Garden C i t y , N.Y.: Anchor, 1967), p. 225. 32 i» u 1 ( See E l l i Kongas and P i e r r e Maranda's i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of L e v i - S t r a u s s ' formula i n S t r u c t u r a l Models i n F o l k l o r e and Transformational Essays (The Hague: Mouton, 1971), p.10 f f . 33 . . . . The myth s t a t e s paradox d i r e c t l y , using v i o l e n t imagery. The f a i r y -t a l e circumvents paradox by a number of l i t e r a r y devices, worthy of a n a l y s i s f o r t h e i r own sake. For instance the hero may be s p l i t i n two. In Hansel;and G r e t e l Hansel i s the passive hero, fa t t e n e d up f o r food, i n h i s cage, G r e t e l the a c t i v e or truimphant hero who turns the w i t c h ' i n t o food by p u t t i n g her i n the bread oven. Or again, because i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with the " e v i l " p r i n c i p l e i s not p o s s i b l e i n the moral t a l e world we have the f a l s e hero, embodying e v i l , and the true one who has to be disentangled from him i n the end. See Kongas Maranda and Maranda, 1971: 46--50 f o r a p a r a l l e l i n European f o l k l o r e . 35 The .diagram. f a i l s t o show, f o r i n s t a n c e , that a point never reappears on the same l e v e l i n the a c t i o n but r a t h e r on a higher l e v e l Dnly the s p i r a l can convey t h i s . The second base point of the t r i a n g l e i s , i n f a c t , on a higher l e v e l than the f i r s t , arid the end point of the diagonal bar on a higher one than the peak of the t r i a n g l e . 36 See d i s c u s s i o n of prayers, Chapter 2. 3 7Quoted from Kongas., Maranda and Maranda 1971: 10. 59. 38 •' / Claude L e v i - S t r a u s s , "L'analyse morphologique des contes russes", I n t e r n a t i o n a l J o u r n a l of S l a v i c L i n g u i s t i c s and P o e t i c s , 3 (1950), p.122. 60. CHAPTER 2 .KWAKIUTL PRAYERS 1 I n t r o d u c t i o n The subject of t h i s chapter i s the t e x t s Boas c o l l e c t e d under the name of prayers. Kwakiutl prayed to n a t u r a l species. As a people of fishermen, hunters and gatherers t h e i r thought i s rooted i n t h e i r r e l a t i o n to animals and p l a n t s . They experience t h i s r e l a t i o n as problematic, and from the problem springs the connection they make with the winter r i t u a l . In the prayer t e x t s we can examine t h i s r e l a t i o n and f o l l o w the l i n e that leads from the thought of the Summer to that of the Winter. Though s l i g h t i n form, the prayers contain more information and speak more d i r e c t l y about the problems inherent i n that r e l a t i o n than the other t e x t s I examine i n the course of my i n q u i r y . I have t h e r e f o r e attempted i n the chapter on prayers a more general explanation of Kwakiutl r e l i g i o u s thought than i n the other chapters. This i n t r o d u c t i o n and .the c o n c l u s i o n , f o r i n s t a n c e , attempt to put the d i s c u s s i o n i n t o a framework of comparative r e l i g i o n . A study of the t e x t s of prayers must, i n e v i t a b l y , be a study of r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s a l s o . B e l i e f s are hard to deal with w i t h i n the con-ventions agreed upon f o r a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l a n a l y s i s . The reason f o r the inadequacies of these conventions may be that we s t i l l l a c k an o b j e c t i v e standpoint and t h e r e f o r e an o b j e c t i v e terminology to deal with b e l i e f i n our own c u l t u r e . Yet the study of meaning i n r e l i g i o n (which i s the study of b e l i e f s ) i s an important part of that general i n q u i r y i n t o "meaning" which i s the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c preoccupation of our time. (Cf. f o r instance Langer i n P h i l o s p h i c a l Sketches: "the concept of meaning, 61. i n a l l i t s v a r i e t i e s , i s the dominant p h i l o s o p h i c a l concept of our time ... s i g n , symbol, denotation, s i g n i f i c a t i o n are our stock i n trade"."'') There have, t h e r e f o r e , been a number of recent attempts to enlarge anthropolo-g i c a l conventions, often with the help of methods and i n s i g h t s borrowed from other d i s c i p l i n e s , i n order to gain new vantage points f o r the a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l study of b e l i e f s . I t i s to be hoped, of course, that these attempts w i l l have a two-way e f f e c t , and r e s u l t i n b e t t e r under-standing of the s i g n i f i c a n c e of r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f i n our own c u l t u r e . Among these recent attempts two main approaches stand out. The f i r s t concentrates on the formal aspect of s y m b o l i z a t i o n , w i t h help from l i n g u i s t i c s and communication theory, the second i s concerned with what might be c a l l e d the t r u t h value of b e l i e f s , and, though l e s s d i r e c t l y indebted to the methods of other d i s c i p l i n e s , uses many of the i n s i g h t s of psychology, philosophy and theology. The f i r s t , i n which L e v i - S t r a u s s has been the seminal mind, and which has become widely popular, has achieved a c l e a r e r l i m i t a t i o n of the f i e l d i n which r e l i g i o u s meaning i s to be sought. Levi-Strauss p a r t i c u l a r l y has separated formal from r e l i g i o u s thought, and, i n Totemism and The Savage Mind reconstructed as c l a s s i f i c a t o r y , systems that had long been confused with r e l i g i o u s ones. The f i r s t approach can then be s a i d to have c l e a r e d the periphery. The second i s d i r e c t l y concerned with the meaning of r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s and r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s . I t seeks a method of how to analyse and " t r a n s l a t e " that meaning. T h i s - i s pioneer work, undertaken only by a few, and not based on any formalised method that i s easy to i m i t a t e . I t i s connected with names l i k e Lienhardt, Evans P r i t c l i a r d and Burridge i n anthropology, R. N. B e l l a h i n s o c i o l o g y , (though Weber has not been superseded t h e r e ) , and Paul Ricoeur i n philosophy. Both approaches use f i e l d experience or t e x t s or both, and though d i f f e r e n t i n aim are not i r r e c o n c i l a b l e i n 62. method and c o n s t a n t l y f r u c t i f y one another. My study of Kwakiutl prayers i s o r i e n t e d toward meaning i n r e l i g i o u s s y m b o l i z a t i o n . As prayers are formal t e x t s , I approach t h e i r meaning through a study of t h e i r form and of the conventional r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s used i n them. Using t h i s approach I hope, however, to say something about how Kwakiutl b e l i e f s might be t r a n s l a t e d . This i n t r o d u c t i o n w i l l d i s c u s s the general problem inherent i n such an undertaking. The c o l l e c t i o n of Kwakiutl prayers which Hunt made f o r Boas, and which was published i n 1930 i n R e l i g i o n of the Kwakiutl Indians i s a 2 unique document i n a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l l i t e r a t u r e . I t allows a d i r e c t i n s i g h t i n t o the r e l a t i o n of a hunting and gathering people to the world around them. I t was c o l l e c t e d over many years by a p a r t i c i p a n t i n the c u l t u r e and i s a la r g e enough body of work to enable us to draw some general conclusions. D i r e c t i n s i g h t i s p o s s i b l e f o r a number of reasons. (1) The prayers are cast not i n arc h a i c or obscure language but i n o r d i -nary speech, and are r e l a t i v e l y a c c e s s i b l e i n t r a n s l a t i o n . Even i n t r a n s l a t i o n they have a freshness and beauty that evokes a response i n the reader. (2) The r e l a t i o n of the people to the ex t e r n a l world i s not explained to us, as i t would be i n an informant's exegesis, but i s d i r e c t l y presented to us i n the prayers. (3) Though the prayers are spontaneous and i n d i v i d u a l they are cast i n a t r a d i t i o n a l mould. They are t h e r e f o r e not the r e s u l t of i n d i v i d u a l o p inion or understanding but are "communal re p r e s e n t a t i o n s " . In other words they r e f l e c t the c o l l e c t i v e concern of the K w a k i u t l , and make i t p o s s i b l e f o r t h e o u t s i d e r to judge the q u a l i t y of Kwakiutl c o l l e c t i v e concerns. The p o s i t i o n of the prayers i n Kwakiutl c o l l e c t i v e l i f e makes them e s p e c i a l l y i n t e r e s t i n g to the student of r e l i g i o n . I t r e f l e c t s on the Durkheimian theory about the d i v i s i o n i n t o sacred and profane. We have seen that Kwakiutl d i v i d e t h e i r year i n t o a "sacred" h a l f , the t s e t s e q a , and a "profane", baxus. During the profane h a l f , the Summer, the l i f e of gathering food and l a y i n g in- s t o r e s i s i n progress, while the sacred h a l f , the Winter, i s given over to the great r i t u a l s . N a t u r a l l y the student of symbolic systems, of r e l i g i o n and of thought concentrates h i s a t t e n t i o n on the sacred h a l f . Yet the Kwakiutl l i f e of prayer, which i s , without doubt, an expression of Kwakiutl r e l i g i o u s thought (though we s h a l l have to define i n what sense) i s inseparably connected with the profane h a l f of the year. Kwakiutl prayers are the r e l i g i o u s expression of the profane way of l i f e . Such a c r o s s - c u t t i n g of the c a t e g o r i e s of the sacred and profane i s of course not unheard of, but i t belongs u s u a l l y to a more d i f f e r e n t i a t e d s o c i e t y and i s caused by c l a s s or caste d i v i s i o n s or d i v i s i o n between the o f f i c i a l and popular r e l i g i o n s . None of t h i s a p p l i e s i n the Kwakiutl case, and t h i s f a c t alone should make Kwakiutl prayer i n t e r e s t i n g . Yet i t has r e c e i v e d no a t t e n t i o n ; and I t h i n k i t i s probably the f a c t that t h i s part of Kwakiutl thought and r e l i g i o u s p r a c t i c e i s submerged as i t were i n profane l i f e and i n t e r m i n g l e d w i t h p r a c t i c a l tasks which e x p l a i n s why i t has not received any a t t e n t i o n from students of the K w a k i u t l . The prayers have been used as p h i l o l o g i c a l t e x t s but have never, to my know-ledge, been s t u d i e d f o r t h e i r s o c i o l o g i c a l i m p l i c a t i o n s . Yet they expres the groundwork of Kwakiutl thought; and i t i s impossible to understand t h winter r i t u a l without a knowledge of Kwakiutl prayers. One of the tasks of an a n l y s i s of the prayers i 3s t h e r e f o r e to e s t a b l i s h how they are con-nected with the system.of thought of the winter r i t u a l . Another e q u a l l y important one i s to show how they diverge from that system and are i n some ways i n i m i c a l to the h a b i t s of thought of the "sacred" world. I s h a l l take up both these c o n s i d e r a t i o n s below. Here, I only want to make the point that we are faced with the phenomenon of a " r e l i g i o u s " expression that belongs to "profane" p r a c t i c e . The prayers are never spoken i n sacred surroundings or on sacred occasions such as the winter r i t u a l e s t a b l i s h e s . This does not mean that the sun or other beings of the e x t e r n a l world are not prayed to i n the Winter. But such prayers would even i n the Winter accompany ordinary a c t i v i t i e s r e f e r r i n g to p r a c t i c a l l i v i n g and would not be part of the sacred performances of the winter •4- i 4 r i t u a l . How, then, are the prayers r e l i g i o u s expressions i n a profane con-text? Kwakiutl prayers are addressed to those denizens of the p h y s i c a l world men meet during t h e i r working l i f e ; animals, p l a n t s , rocks and bodies of water among others. A l l these are l i v i n g beings to Kwakiutl perception. But i t i s the notion of meeting them that has p a r t i c u l a r s i g n i f i c a n c e , as we s h a l l see from the prayers. Every such meeting i s , i n f a c t , a theophany i n the sense i n which E l i a d e uses the word. The animal addressed r e v e a l s i t s e l f as sacred, naualak. The context i s profane because men always bring the being so revealed i n t o an o r d i n a r y , u t i l i t a r i a n connection through t h e i r prayer. The inherent paradox of a simultaneous r e v e a l i n g of the sacred and profaning i t through profane contact can be traced i n the s t r u c t u r e of the prayers. I t i s p a r t i c u -l a r l y evident i n prayers to game (or p l a n t s used f o r food) because here the i n t e n t i o n i s to k i l l and eat. Prayers to game animals are t h e r e f o r e the t e s t s cases f o r our a n a l y s i s ; yet the same p r i n c i p l e inheres i n a l l prayers except those to the sun. The context created by men's i n t e n -t i o n s — a n i n t e n t i o n forced upon them by n e c e s s i t y — i s not only profane i n i t s e l f but makes baxus i n the p a r t i c u l a r sense t h i s word has i n r e l a t i o n to men: i t makes men accountable. The notion of meeting as a theophany has a f u r t h e r relevance here. Not a l l n a t u r a l phenomena are naualak at a l l times, though they are poten-t i a l l y so. They r e v e a l themselves as naualak under s p e c i a l circumstan-ces. Hunting, f i s h i n g and gathering provide those circumstances most f r e q u e n t l y . But the p o s s i b i l i t y of the i r r u p t i o n of the sacred i n t o profane l i f e creates i n men a c o r r e l a t i v e a t t i t u d e : the a t t i t u d e of a t t e n t i o n , of mental a l e r t n e s s , which expresses i t s e l f i n the s t y l e and d i c t i o n of the prayers. A t t e n t i o n and a l e r t n e s s - - r " l i s t e n i n g " as the Kwakiutl c a l l i t - - a r e e s p e c i a l l y a s s ociated with the winter r i t u a l . Kwakiutl speeches opening the w i n t e r r i t u a l season are studded with i n j u n c -t i o n s l i k e " l i s t e n ! " , "attend!", "take care!" and "be happy!" ( c f . Boas 5 1930: 5 7 f f J . In a speech made at the time when there was pressure on the Kwakiutl to give up t h e i r r i t u a l s the speaker expresses the f e a r that i f they gave up the winter dance (symbolised by the red cedarbark) they would be "downhearted": "we s h a l l be asleep a l l the time" (Boas 1966: 421; see a l s o motto). Prayers then are moments of a p a r t i c u l a r a l e r t -ness which Kwakiutl a s s o c i a t e with the sacred (and i n c i d e n t a l l y dangerous) i n a context not otherwise marked by such a l e r t n e s s . In them the sacred, which according to Kwakiutl conception i s "underneath" i n the Summer, sur-faces f o r a moment. Kwakiutl prayers are spoken by everyone, without d i s t i n c t i o n of rank or sex. This again makes them i n t e r e s t i n g as r e l i g i o u s expressions of the baxus l i f e of the Summer, because that l i f e i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by h i e r a r c h i c a l s o c i a l d i s t i n c t i o n s and by a sexual d i v i s i o n of labour. Moreover, both the d i s t i n c t i o n s of rank and differences of sex are p a r t i -c u l a r l y connected w i t h the a c t i v i t i e s of hunting, f i s h i n g and gathering. Chief s and c h i e f t a i n e s s e s organise the subsistence a c t i v i t i e s of the namima, and men and women's work i s always c l e a r l y d i v i d e d . In the d i s -t r i b u t i o n s of food and goods, s e a l f e a s t s and p o t l a t c h e s , d i s t i n c t i o n s 66. between r i c h and poor become evident. Yet prayers, so c l o s e l y connected themselves with subsistence a c t i v i t i e s , c r o s s - c u t t h i s system and e q u a l i s e d i s t i n c t i o n s . Hunt's c o l l e c t i o n shows not only that everyone prayed, men, women, people of rank and ordinary people, the o l d and the young (exclud-i n g only c h i l d r e n ) , r i c h and poor, but that everyone's prayers were equ a l l y necessary and e f f e c t i v e f o r the w e l l - b e i n g of a l l . The i n h e r i t e d prayer, r epresenting a s p e c i a l p r i v i l e g e and spoken by the c h i e f t a i n n e s s to open the b e r r y i n g season i s not any more e f f i c a c i o u s than, say, "the prayer of the common man to the blachen" (Boas 1930: 203) spoken when f i s h i n g i s f r e e f o r a l l . Both kinds have t h e i r own importance, because the r e l a t i o n of men to the non-human world has many f a c e t s , and because i t depends on i n d i v i d u a l s . Everyone i s a l i n k i n a chain t h a t must not be allowed to break at any p o i n t . From t h i s a t t i t u d e i t f o l l o w s that a l l prayers, r e g a r d l e s s of whether they are spoken by men or women, nobles or commoners express the same system of thought and define the r e l a t i o n of men to beings of the non-human world i n the same sort of way. This makes Kwakiutl prayers an important part of Kwakiutl s t u d i e s and r e l i g i o u s s t u d i e s i n general, f o r two reasons: they express the thought of a whole people, and they express thought i n r e l a t i o n to everyday l i f e . However, while t h i s c l a s s i f i e s Kwakiutl prayers, the importance of t h e i r study depends more immediately on c r i t e r i a r e l a t i n g to t h e i r con-t e n t s . I f our examination i s not to be a purely h i s t o r i c a l - d e s c r i p t i v e one we s h a l l have to ask i n how f a r the thought expressed i n the prayers i s genuinely a c c e s s i b l e t o us, what knowledge i t represents and which value such knowledge might have by comparative standards. What do the prayers then t e l l us? What are they an account of and what i s the q u a l i t y of the account? This i s of course the subject of my i n q u i r y i n general; a l l I am adding here i s a wider comparative framework. I have d i v i d e d my a n a l y s i s of the prayers i n t o two p a r t s : f i r s t , an examination of the nature of the beings prayed to and of the e p i t h e t s used to address them, second an examination of the component p a r t s and s t r u c t u r e of the prayers. Both examinations i n v o l v e a great deal of explanation i n terms of Kwakiutl b e l i e f s . Such explanations i n terms of the n a t i v e system are necessary In order to b r i n g out the i m p l i c i t assumptions under which the thought i s ordered. Yet Kwakiutl thought i s v a l i d i n o b j e c t i v e terms, that i s beyond the expressive system In which i t i s , f o r them^contained. The q u a l i t y of the account the prayers give depends, of course, on the extent . to which the t h i n g s accounted f o r have a r e a l i t y outside the "language" which describes them, and are a c c e s s i b l e to u n i v e r s a l r a t i o n a l knowledge. This makes the task of a n a l y s i s a twofold one: to show how the Kwakiutl present to themselves the things they t a l k about i n t h e i r prayers, and to show what t h e i r r e p r e s e n t a t i o n means i n u n i v e r s a l l y understandable terms. Because my examination deals with the moral concerns of the Kwakiutl I i n t e r p r e t the general meaning of the prayers i n terms of the grasp of the moral i m p l i c a t i o n s of experience they show. Such an i n t e r p r e t a t i o n creates f o r us, as o u t s i d e r s , an avenue of access to the Kwakiutl concep-t u a l system. In doing t h i s I am, however, i g n o r i n g another general aspect that makes f o r another avenue of access, that of comparative r e l i g i o n . This aspect i s not of great importance to my t h e s i s i n general, which i s not on Kwakiutl r e l i g i o n but on Kwakiutl thought. I intend to avoid mention of r e l i g i o n on the whole, p a r t l y because of the d i f f i c u l t i e s of d e f i n i t i o n , p a r t l y because nothing would be added. I t a l s o seems to me that a study of the t e x t s alone as they have come down to us i n Boas' c o l l e c t i o n cannot enable us to make a comprehensive and d e f i n i t i v e s t a t e -ment about Kwakiutl r e l i g i o n , w h i l e f i e l d w o r k on the subject has meanwhile, of course, become impossible. However, with an examination of the prayers 68. we have entered the f i e l d of r e l i g i o n , a n d i n order to render Kwakiutl thought c l e a r l y we have to put i t i n t o some sort of comparative perspec-t i v e i n t h i s f i e l d . I s h a l l t h e r e f o r e use t h i s i n t r o d u c t i o n to t a l k of Kwakiutl thought, which i s r e l i g i o u s thought, i n r e l a t i o n to some recent s o c i o l o g i c a l d e f i n i t i o n s of r e l i g i o n . 1(a) D e f i n i t i o n s of R e l i g i o n Among recent accounts of r e l i g i o n the d e f i n i t i o n s a r r i v e d at by Spiro (1966) and B e l l a h (1969) can u s e f u l l y be taken as l i m i t i n g the f i e l d w i t h -6 i n which Kwakiutl r e l i g i o n can u s e f u l l y be discussed. Both authors are acu t e l y conscious of problems of d e f i n i t i o n . Spiro approaches the prob-lem from the outside, i n a sturdy s p i r i t of common sense, p o i n t i n g t o evidence and appearances: Since " r e l i g i o n " i s a term with h i s t o r i c a l l y rooted meanings, a d e f i n i t i o n must s a t i s f y not only the c r i t e r i o n of c r o s s - c u l t u r a l - a p p l i c a b i l i t y but also the c r i t e r i o n of i n t r a - c u l t u r a l i n t u i t i v i t y ; at the l e a s t i t should not be c o u n t e r - i n t u i t i v e . For me, there-f o r e any d e f i n i t i o n of r e l i g i o n which does not i n c l u d e , as a key v a r i a b l e , the b e l i e f i n superhuman ... beings who have power to help or harm man i s c o u n t e r - i n t u i t i v e . Indeed, i f a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l consensus were to exclude such b e l i e f s from the set of v a r i a b l e s which i s n e c e s s a r i l y designated by " r e l i g i o n " , an explanation of these b e l i e f s would s u r e l y continue to e l i c i t our research energies. (1966: 91) In other words, r e l i g i o n i s a b e l i e f i n superhuman beings who have power to help or harm men because t h i s i s what i t means to.most people i n most places and at most periods. Spiro c i t e s Horton (1960) and Goody (1962) as having r e c e n t l y reached the same conclusions (p.94). In f a c t the d e f i n i t i o n reaches.back as f a r as T y l o r , who i n 1891 defined r e l i g i o n as "the b e l i e f i n s p i r i t u a l beings". The question f o r the a n t h r o p o l o g i s t i s , as Spiro p o i n t s out, how to i n t e r p r e t these superhuman beings. B e l l a h ' s d e f i n i t i o n goes some way toward t a c k l i n g t h i s problem. His approach i n hi s a r t i c l e " R e l i g i o u s E v o l u t i o n " i s c o g n i t i v e and p s y c h o l o g i c a l , i n other words he s t a r t s from the i n s i d e , r e f e r r i n g to deep-structure r a t h e r than appearances. A b r i e f , handy d e f i n i t i o n of r e l i g i o n i s considerably more d i f f i c u l t than a d e f i n i t i o n of e v o l u t i o n . An attempt at adequate d e f i n i t i o n would ... take a paper i n i t s e l f f o r adequate explanation. So, f o r l i m i t e d purposes only, l e t me define r e l i g i o n as a set of symbolic forms and acts which r e l a t e man to the u l t i m a t e c o n d i t i o n s of h i s e x i s t e n c e . The purpose of t h i s d e f i n i t i o n i s to i n d i c a t e e x a c t l y what I c l a i m has evolved. I t i s not the u l t i m a t e condi-t i o n s , nor, i n t r a d i t i o n a l language, God that has evolved, nor i s i t man i n the broadest sense of homo r e l i g i o s u s . (1969: 263) What has evolved, according to B e l l a h , i s an understanding of r e l i g i o u s s y m bolization; "the h i s t o r i c r e l i g i o n s " , he says, "discovered the s e l f ; the e a r l y modern r e l i g i o n found a d o c t r i n a l b a s i s on which to accept the s e l f i n a l l i t s e m p i r i c a l ambiguity; modern r e l i g i o n i s beginning to understand the law of the s e l f ' s own existence and so to help man take r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r h i s own f a t e " (p.288). A process s i m i l a r to t h i s h i s t o r i c a l e v o l u t i o n can, however, be discovered w i t h i n r e l i g i o u s systems themselves, without an o b j e c t i v e and a r t i c u l a t e understanding of the symbolization. The Kwakiutl are a p a r t i c u l a r i l y good example of t h i s . This i s why S p i r o ' s and B e l l a h ' s d e f i n i t i o n s together can be taken to d e l i m i t the f i e l d of Kwakiutl r e l i g i o n . Spiro defines r e l i g i o n as a b e l i e f i n superhuman beings; B e l l a h argues that r e l i g i o u s e v o l u t i o n leads to a greater d i s c r i m i n a t i o n of the s e l f from the outside world and helps man to be r e s p o n s i b l e f o r h i s own f a t e . The main argument of my t h e s i s i s that b e l i e f i n superhuman beings helps the Kwakiutl to d i s c r i m i n a t e the s e l f from the outside world, and t o achieve a sense of being r e s p o n s i b l e f o r t h e i r own f a t e . This i s t r u e about those Kwakiutl superhuman beings that are prayed t o , and that are phenomena of the o u t s i d e , non-human world, and those other superhuman beings of the Winter that belong to the i n t r a - and i n t e r p e r s o n a l human world. 70. Neither the nature of the two Kinds of Kwaiutl superhuman beings, nor the connection between'them can be made p e r f e c t l y c l e a r . There i s a residue i n r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f which d e f i e s r a t i o n a l explanation, and which i s w e l l caught i n Spiro's simple d e f i n i t i o n : b e l i e f i n superhuman beings who have power to help or harm man. We have not reached a standpoint from which i t would be p o s s i b l e to assess the degree of autonomy of these "beings". This makes i t d i f f i c u l t t o assess t h e i r standing i n a c u l t u r e and decide when they are to be taken as e x t e r n a l i z e d and p e r s o n a l i z e d means of t h i n k i n g and when they are powers t h a t are meant to be conceived as o b j e c t i v e l y other than human. The r e l a t i o n s h i p between the two cate-g o r i e s i s f l u i d even f o r the p a r t i c i p a n t s . Burridge has pointed out the s h i f t i n g r e l a t i o n between the e x p l a i n a b l e and the obscure that makes up r e l i g i o n . In h i s d i s c u s s i o n of m i l l e n a r i a n movements he defines r e l i g i o n as the systematic ordering of d i f f e r e n t kinds of power, and says: But because a r e l i g i o n i s concerned with the t r u t h of t h i n g s , and reaches out to discover and i d e n t i f y those s o r t s of power which, though sensed and a f f e c t i v e , are c u r r e n t l y not wholly comprehended, i t s r u l e s about the use and c o n t r o l of d i f f e r e n t kinds of powers are grounded i n an i n t e r p l a y between experience, working assump-t i o n s , and those more rooted assumptions we c a l l f a i t h . As experience widens and deepens,• some of the r u l e s and assumptions w i l l be q u a l i f i e d , and others abandoned a l t o g e t h e r - - a developmental process i n which received t r u t h s or assumptions give way to new t r u t h s and i n which the new t r u t h s become i n t h e i r t u rn the received assumptions of f u t u r e generations.' 7 In Burridge's context of cargo c u l t movements the powers not wholly comprehended are embodied by the white man [or another o u t s i d e r ] i n a contact s i t u a t i o n . But powers not wholly comprehended can be part of the n a t i v e r e l i g i o n ' s problematic, embodying goals r e l i g i o u s thought s t r i v e s towards. In the Kwakiutl case one can t r a c e a "developmental" process i n the change-over and l i n k between Summer and Winter during the s o l a r year. The "supernatural ones of the Summer", that i s , the beings prayed t o , are beings connected w i t h p r a c t i c a l l i f e . They are not f u l l y comprehensible 71. because n e c e s s i t y f o r c e s men to harm them against t h e i r w i l l , and harm might t h e r e f o r e be expected from them i n r e t u r n . Through the "super-n a t u r a l ones of the Winter" amends can be made, and the c o i l of g u i l t and n e c e s s i t y i s to some extent undone. But the i n t e r n a l i z a t i o n the process i n v o l v e s d i s c l o s e s new problems, which are now embodied i n the powers of the Winter. Hence, i n so f a r as Kwakiutl r e l i g i o n i s concerned with the t r u t h of t h i n g s i t i s a c c e s s i b l e to r a t i o n a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , but i n so f a r as i t i d e n t i f i e s i n t h i s process powers which are not wholly comprehended, though they are represented, i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i s on u n c e r t a i n ground. Yet j u s t because of i t s concern with t r u t h and i t s "reaching out" f o r knowledge not yet a t t a i n e d Kwakiutl r e l i g i o n must i n c l u d e such obscure representa-t i o n s . This i s t r u e of a l l r e l i g i o n s , i n c l u d i n g the higher ones. The importance of the study of r e l i g i o n l i e s i n the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the " i n t e n t i o n " that inheres i n these r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s , or the " d i r e c t i o n " that i s given to them by the context i n which they appear. The d i f f i c u l t y of the study of r e l i g i o n l i e s i n the o b s c u r i t y of the r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s , e s p e c i a l l y i f they are images of thin g s that cannot be otherwise formula-ted. 1(b) The T r a n s l a t i o n of naualak The Kwakiutl word f o r a power, or powers, not wholly understood i s 8 naualak. We meet t h i s word i n the prayers with great frequency as an address to the beings prayed t o . In the f o l l o w i n g pages I s h a l l t r y to e l u c i d a t e the Kwakiutl conception of naualak and map out that part of the experience i t denotes which i s a c c e s s i b l e to i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . Naualak does not connote superhuman beings i n contrast to men, or a d i v i n e order of t h i n g s , a concept f o r which there i s no Kwakiutl e q u i v a l e n t . The s a l i e n t d i s t i n c t i o n i n Kwakiutl usage i s not that between men and super-human beings or an order that i s d i v i n e and one that i s human but the one between beings and orders, on the one hand, that are non-ordinary, experienced and yet always, at l e a s t to some extent obscure, and those on the other that are ordinary and can be understood. Most Kwakiutl super-human beings are naualak but not a l l ; and men can under c e r t a i n circum-stances become naualak, though they always r e t u r n to being o r d i n a r y . I have already discussed the word and i t s meaning i n a general sense i n Chapter 1. I t s opposite i s baxus. In Section 1 I give Boas' t r a n s -l a t i o n of the two words: naualak he t r a n s l a t e s as supernatural, baxus as ordinary or common. In the d i v i s i o n of the year i n t o two halves they stand r e s p e c t i v e l y f o r the sacred and the profane h a l f , and sacred and profane are appropriate t r a n s l a t i o n s i n many other circumstances. In my a n a l y s i s of the Kwakiutl i n i t i a t i o n myth i n Section 2, I speak of a fun-damental o p p o s i t i o n i n the myths between a " n a t u r a l " and a "supernatural" world. A l l these are l a b e l s which convey the d i s t i n c t i o n Kwakiutl make with the help of naualak and baxus, but l i k e most l a b e l s they are gauged to e s t a b l i s h i n g communication with the outside r a t h e r than g i v i n g p r e c i s e i n f o r m a t i o n on the content. They are u s e f u l f o r making the f i r s t l a r g e d i v i s i o n s i n the m a t e r i a l , and f o r e s t a b l i s h i n g a n a l y t i c d i s t i n c t i o n s and f a c i l i t a t i n g c r o s s - c u l t u r a l comparisons. In the task which has been c a l l e d the t r a n s l a t i o n of c u l t u r e they are often d e f e n s i b l e and sometimes unavoidable. Yet they are dangerous, as everyone working c l o s e l y with t e x t s r e a l i s e s . They b l u r d i s t i n c t i o n s which express the p a r t i c u l a r " i n t e n t i o n " or " d i r e c t i o n " of a c u l t u r e and are i n consequence inadequate f o r c r o s s - c u l t u r a l usage. Conventionally used d i s t i n c t i o n s w i l l have to be r e v i s e d w i t h the help of the evidence accumulating from studies of p a r t i c u l a r t e x t s . The evidence w i l l again have t o be s i f t e d f o r the p r i n c i p l e s that emerge as c r o s s - c u l t u r a l l y v a l i d . 73. The d i f f i c u l t y with Kwakiutl t e x t s i s that they face us with the cons t a n t l y stressed d i s t i n c t i o n between " t h i s " and "another" world. Yet Kwa k i u t l , l i k e other peoples with a " p r i m i t i v e " r e l i g i o u s world view, l i v e i n one world, the m a t e r i a l world of p h y s i c a l existence. The prayers of i n d i v i d u a l s are f o r he a l t h , wealth and long l i f e ; the values of t h e i r great r i t u a l s are c o l l e c t i v e and s o c i a l . No d e s i r e , no value expressed i n the t e x t s betrays a s t r a y i n g of the imagination outside the confines of p h y s i c a l and s o c i a l l i f e . Kwakiutl notions of a l i f e a f t e r death, f o r instance, are i n d i s t i n c t ; what i s c l e a r about them i s that any value that inheres i n t h a t l i f e i s r e l a t i v e t o the value of l i f e on ear t h . The dead are thought of as owners of wealth ( p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the sense of f e r t i l i t y , so that one might say they are owners of p o t e n t i a l l i f e ) , and t h e i r wealth, l i k e a l l Kwakiutl wealth i s not hoarded but flows back to the l i v i n g through r e i n c a r n a t i o n and i n i t i a t i o n by the ghosts. Yet i n s p i t e of t h i s monistic view the notion of another world plays a r o l e of major importance i n Kwakiutl thought. I s h a l l discuss t h i s notion exh a u s t i v e l y at the end of t h i s chapter when I discuss the conception of the world c e n t r e ; here I want to b r i n g out that the d i a l e c t i c provided by "the other" (which i s naualak) i s e s s e n t i a l f o r Kwakiutl thought pro-cesses. Every hunter who goes to the sea or the mountains, every woman who goes to c o l l e c t b e r r i e s or bark meets beings who have crossed over from another world to t h e i r own. In the hunting myths a man or woman has to cross the boundary between the land of the humans and that of the animals, and only a f t e r t h i s c r o s s i n g has been made w i l l the animals come to men to be taken. In the i n i t i a t i o n myths the hero crosses i n t o the world of the s p i r i t s when he dies and rec e i v e s the tre a s u r e of new l i f e . Only a f t e r he has made t h i s c r o s s i n g and crossed back s u c c e s s f u l l y to the human world can he j o i n his s o c i e t y as an adult of consequence and power and with t h i s bring them too the treasure of new l i f e . In other words, the Kwakiutl can grasp the world, and themselves as d i s t i n c t from the world only by f o r m u l a t i n g concepts of "the other". They l i v e i n one world, yet t h i s world i s not conceived of as s t a t i c but i s made dynamic through a constant play of opposites. Men are opposed to animals, health and long l i f e to disease and death, wealth to l e s s - t h a n -nothing. Everything i_s only by a f f i r m i n g i t s opposite and accommodating i t i n i t s e l f . The best example, as f o r so much i n Kwakiutl thought, i s the p o t l a t c h . Kwakiutl pray f o r wealth, but they consider themselves r i c h only i f they have s t r i p p e d themselves to less-than-nothing through g i v i n g . I t i s harder to see that when they pray f o r health they a c t u a l l y and simultaneously accommodate themselves to disease and death; but the prayers seem to imply j u s t t h a t . This "other" which has t o be recognised and known as other i n i t s e l f and yet has to be accepted and accommodated to as simply the other side of the same t h i n g i s b a s i c a l l y what naualak d e s c r i b e s . I t i s always the dreaded, the unacceptable which has yet to be accepted i f i t i s to be overcome, but i t always becomes the wonderful, magically powerful once i t i s overcome and synthesis with i t achieved. Naualak i s t h e r e f o r e not only "other" but a l s o "both"; i t i s i t s e l f the synthesis t h a t has been achieved by u n i t i n g t h e s i s and a n t i t h e s i s . In myth and r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f i t i s imaged as the other world. The other world i s naualak and so are i t s i n h a b i t a n t s whether they are the s p i r i t s that are found i n i t or the animals who come from i t to v i s i t men. Because of t h i s underlying meaning of 'father" naualak can i n many contexts be simply t r a n s l a t e d as "out of the o r d i n a r y , uncommon, e x t r a o r d i n a r y , wonderful, f u l l of magic power". Yet where naualak i s brought i n t o d i r e c t r e l a t i o n with men i t has a more p r e c i s e meaning, t o which the above meanings only provide the overtone. 75. In the prayers the animals and other l i v i n g beings prayed to are addressed as naualak, "Supernatural Ones" i n Boas' t r a n s l a t i o n . The same name i s used f o r the i n i t i a t e i n the p u b l i c r i t u a l : "the super-n a t u r a l one" or "our supernatural f r i e n d " . In both cases naualak r e f e r s to a sort of freedom. The animals, who come from the other world, are fr e e i n r e l a t i o n to men. The Kwakiutl are extremely conscious of men's p h y s i c a l dependence on the n a t u r a l world and of the l i m i t a t i o n s and con-s t r i c t i o n s p h y s i c a l n e c e s s i t i e s impose. In the l i g h t of t h e i r unfreedom they see the animals, who do not depend on them as f r e e . The i n i t i a t e , who has crossed to the other world and returned possessed with power i s a l s o f r e e i n r e l a t i o n to other men. Freedom Cor a c t i n g f r e e l y - - t h e conception i s never divorced from a c t u a l behaviour) has two sides f o r the Kwakiutl. One i s doing as one l i k e s , behaving i n an u t t e r l y w i l f u l , i r r e s p o n s i b l e and u s u a l l y d e s t r u c t i v e way. The "wildness" of the animals, exemplified f o r Kwakiutl and other Indians of the area by the g r i z z l y belongs to that category, but a l s o the abnormal, of which Kwakiutl r i t u a l 10 cannibalism i s the best example. Freedom i n t h i s sense i s the epitome of a c t i o n that l i e s outside the s o c i a l bonds. The other side of freedom i s i n a sense the a c t i o n i n which a l l s o c i a l bonds are grounded: i t i s g i v i n g away f r e e l y . Such a g i v i n g away, though i t may be the foundation of a l l s o c i a l bonds i s al s o s t r i c t l y o utside the s o c i a l bonds which are made by r e c i p r o c i t y . I t i s a voluntary g i v i n g , not a re t u r n f o r something given, and i t i s so wholesale that i t cannot be r e q u i t e d . Kwakiutl super-human beings and men i n the ecstacy of i n i t i a t i o n are f r e e i n t h i s double sense. The animalsare w i l d but they come and give themselves to men. The i n i t i a t e i s w i l d but he dances and d i s t r i b u t e s h i s t l u g w i , h i s "super-n a t u r a l power" to the community. The s p i r i t , another kind of superhuman being who i s so u t t e r l y w i l d and w i l f u l that he i s a cannibal and eats the 76. i n i t i a t e , i s the g i v e r of t l u g w i , the treasure of new l i f e and power. Beings who can act f r e e l y i n t h i s double sense are c a l l e d naualak. Naualak could t h e r e f o r e be t r a n s l a t e d as " f r e e " but i n the very p r e c i s e and c u l t u r a l l y r e s t r i c t e d sense as " f r e e from t h a t which c h a r a c t e r i z e s the 12 s o c i a l bonds and the moral community". In order to a r r i v e at a c l o s e r t r a n s l a t i o n we have to remember that what c h a r a c t e r i z e s these bonds i s equivalent r e c i p r o c i t y ; the law of g i v i n g , r e c e i v i n g and r e q u i t i n g . Burridge's Tangu T r a d i t i o n s provides a clue to a c l o s e r t r a n s l a t i o n . In h i s chapter "The Moral and the D i v i n e " he deals with a Tangu word, imbatekas, that overlaps i n ways that are relevant with the Kwakiutl naualak. Imbatekas has a wide range of t r a n s l a t i o n s : " u n c o n t r o l l a b l e , odd, unobliged, e c c e n t r i c , unusual, u s e l e s s , unfortunate, awesome, remarkable, queer, s i n g u l a r anomalous, e v i l , wicked, bad ..." I t i s a word which may be used of almost any a c t , s i t u a t i o n , being, place or t h i n g which does not belong to the normal, p r e f e r r e d , expectable,commonplace order of s o c i e t y or nature. ... On the whole imbatekas s p e l l s t r o u b l e , and t r o u b l e i s i t s e l f a ssociated with the new, the strange, the odd, the unusual, the unobliged, that which i s not under c o n t r o l . 13 The obvious d i f f e r e n c e s would be mainly due to longer and more intense contact with Western ways of thought than Kwakiutl had had at the time t h e i r myths and prayers were c o l l e c t e d . An o l d e r t r a n s l a t i o n of imbatekas might, have been l e s s negative. The meaning of "wonderful, magic" which i s strong i n naualak i n s p i t e of underlying dread seems to be missing; moreover naualak could never mean anything as morally unequivocal 14 as " e v i l , wicked, bad" because t h i s would destroy i t s e s s e n t i a l d u a l i t y . But the e s s e n t i a l meaning of the two words when brought i n t o r e l a t i o n to men converges. Naualak l i k e imbatekas means "unobliged". A l l naualak beings whether they are superhuman beings, that i s animals and s p i r i t s , or men, that i s the i n i t i a t e or hunter stand outside the ordinary equiva-l e n t r e c i p r o c i t i e s . The t r a n s l a t i o n of naualak as unobliged brings us back to the ques-t i o n of what Kwakiutl r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s of superhuman beings convey. What i s the r e l a t i o n of the "unobliged ones" to o r d i n a r y men; how do they impinge on moral consciousness? Again we take a hint from Burridge's Tangu T r a d i t i o n s . Tangu e t h i c s revolve around r e c i p r o c i t i e s among Kin and f r i e n d s . The r o l e of t h e i r superhuman beings, who are imbatekas i s almost wholly p u n i t i v e and c o r r e c t i v e . Themselves amoral, they bring the moral order to man's minds, and move men t o r e s t o r e i t through confession where i t has been i n f r i n g e d . K wakiutl, l i k e other hunting and gathering Indians of North America, have a c l o s e r r e l a t i o n s h i p to beings of the w i l d than the h o r t i c u l t u r a l Tangu. The r o l e of the animals, who are superhuman beings i s not p r i m a r i l y p u n i t i v e , but i n Kwakiutl thought too these "unobliged ones" br i n g the moral order to men's minds and move men to r e s t o r e i t where i t has been i n f r i n g e d . For the Kwakiutl the moral order a l s o hinges on r e c i p r o c i t i e s , but f i r s t and foremost i n t h e i r r e l a t i o n s to nature. The basic moral law i s to l i v e i n harmony with a l l l i v i n g beings, who are conceived as r e l a t i o n s and f r i e n d s . We s h a l l f i n d t h i s law documented i n a l l three kinds of t e x t s : the prayers, the myths and the r i t u a l s . Yet here they are faced with a dilemma: animals give themselves to men so that men can l i v e . Men cannot r e q u i t e ; they cannot o f f e r t h e i r own bodies to the animals i n r e t u r n . Moreover, i n order to accept the g i f t men have to k i l l and so destroy the sacred bond between r e l a t i o n s and f r i e n d s . Animals remain naualak, unobliged, but men become through n e c e s s i t y baxus, accountable. This i s the s t a t e of men i n the or d i n a r y , baxus part of the year, when they gather t h e i r s t o r e s . But i t i s a s t a t e they cannot remain i n : the account has to be squared, an equivalence has to be e s t a b l i s h e d . A l l the t e x t s we are going to consider: prayers, myths, r i t u a l s 78. show a preoccupation with the squaring of the account. What i n t e r e s t s us here i s the r e l a t i o n s h i p of the animals, who are the o r i g i n a l debtors, to the s p i r i t s of the winter dance, who are the avengers. I s h a l l docu-ment t h i s r e l a t i o n i n the Epilogue with myths which are t r a n s i t i o n a l between hunting and i n i t i a t i o n myths. In order to c l a r i f y the question concerning the nature of Kwakiutl superhuman s p i r i t s a preview i s i n d i c a -ted here. In b r i e f , the animals become the i n i t i a t i n g s p i r i t s of the Winter dance. Equivalence can only be e s t a b l i s h e d i f men give themselves up to r e t r i b u t i o n a l j u s t i c e and become "unobliged" or " f r e e " themselves i n the process. The paradigmatic animals of the i n i t i a t i o n myths, Bear, Wolf, Eagle e t c . are man e a t e r s , j u s t l i k e the p r e s i d i n g s p i r i t of the winter dance, the Great Cannibal. The r e l a t i o n s h i p i s i n v e r t e d : animals are now the hunters, men the hunted, animals the e a t e r s , men t h e i r food. The i n i t i a t e gives himself v o l u n t a r i l y to h i s s p i r i t , simultaneously "overcoming" i t . This i s the mythical account, and the enacted metaphor of the r i t u a l . What does i t mean i n non-symbolic terms? The account with the animals cannot be squared i n the realmcof nature, where the laws of p h y s i c a l n e c e s s i t y o b t a i n . I t has to be s h i f t e d to the realm of c u l t u r e , where men are f r e e i n the sense that they can take r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r themselves and f o r t h e i r i n t e r r e l a t i o n s . Kwakiutl i n i t i a t i o n i s a maturation c r i s i s , a form of the process Jung c a l l s i n d i v i d u a t i o n . During h i s i s o l a t i o n when the i n i t i a t e meets the s p i r i t he meets himself. I t i s my understanding of the Kwakiutl m a t e r i a l , and my working hypothesis a l l through t h i s t h e s i s , that the man-eating s p i r i t s are those parts of the psyche that are unacceptable to the ego. Exter-n a l i z e d i n the form of monsters or savage animals i t becomes a t e s t of courage to surrender to them. One of the most extravagant but a l s o the most frequent of Kwakiutl images i s that of auto-cannibalism. In being eaten by the s p i r i t (as w e l l as i n eating the s p i r i t , a turn of the s p i r a l we have demonstrated i n S e c t i o n 2 of Chapter 1) Kwakiutl eat themselves. P s y c h o l o g i c a l l y t h i s means that act of complete self-acceptance which alone can i n t e g r a t e the s e l f . About the d i f f i c u l t y of such a process Kwakiutl imagery leaves no doubt. I t seems then that i n the psycholo-g i c a l sphere a l s o Kwakiutl operate w i t h concepts of " t h i s " and "other", acceptable s e l f ^ a n d unacceptable s e l f p r o j e c t e d i n t o the s p i r i t s and i n t e g r a t e d under the image of cannibalism. The symbolism i s extrava-gant; the psychology i s unimpeachable by modern standards. Not s u r p r i -s i n g l y w i t h a people who i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e " i n d i v i d u a t i o n " , the i n t e g r a -ted s e l f i s congruous with the s o c i a l p e r s o n a l i t y . The s u c c e s s f u l i n i t i a t e becomes a g i v e r i n the p u b l i c r i t u a l . G i v i n g away i s the Kwakiutl synonym f o r a c t i n g f r e e l y , but g i v i n g away i s a l s o that which binds the community together. In the p u b l i c r i t u a l the i n i t i a t e then "gives himself" once more, but t h i s time f o r his people. This sets the s e a l on h i s s o c i a l p e r s o n a l i t y . In an a s s o c i a t i o n of the f r e e , which i s what the winter dance s o c i e t y represents, a l l members are g i v e r s . 1(c) I d e n t i f i c a t i o n and D i s c r i m i n a t i o n Let us now turn to the l e s s symbolic aspects of Kwakiutl r e l i g i o n . Animals are not only naualak, not only "superhuman beings who can help or harm man", they are a l s o i n mythical language "men" or " l i k e men" or "men l i k e us". The myth t e x t s v a c i l l a t e between these f o r m u l a t i o n s , while the prayers use the address f r i e n d , that i s "one of us". In other words, i d e n t i f i c a t i o n i s the c o r r e l a t i v e of d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n . This would seem to be connected with the f a c t that superhuman beings are here objects of perception as w e l l as mere conceptions. The f a c t t h a t Kwakiutl root r e l i g i o u s experience i n beings of whom they have concrete experience through t h e i r senses should i n any case determine our approach to a study of t h e i r r e l i g i o n . Instead of beginning by asking: how are t h e i r super-human beings represented? and going on t o : what do. these r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s stand f o r ? we have to begin with: how do Kwakiutl perceive animals? and go on t o : how i s t h i s perception extended i n t o a u n i f y i n g e t h i c a l con-ception of the world and man's place i n the world? I d e n t i f i c a t i o n with the animals has both a p r a c t i c a l dimension, i n which animals are seen as both l i k e men and su p e r i o r i n the ord i n a r y business of l i v i n g , and a moral one i n which they become o b j e c t s f o r emulation of another kind. I s h a l l g i ve a b r i e f o u t l i n e of these two dimensions here. As I s h a l l not r e t u r n to the p r a c t i c a l side of the r e l a t i o n with the animals i n my examination of the prayers I s h a l l quote some of the prayers i l l u s t r a t i n g i t here. This w i l l g i v e me at the same time the opportunity of i n t r o d u c i n g the reader to the mode of Kwakiutl prayers. Kwakiutl perceived animals, as I have already s a i d , as s u p e r i o r t o men and g i f t e d w i t h v o l i t i o n to a f a r higher degree. This view of the animals' s u p e r i o r i t y and freedom was not based on the sense of human dependence alone (a dependence which c o n t r a s t s s t r o n g l y with the animals' independence of men). I t was als o based on a knowledge of the animals' s u p e r i o r s k i l l s . In a world where men and animals do not l i v e wholly d i f f e r e n t l i v e s i t i s borne i n on men that animals are b e t t e r adapted to and more capable i n t h e i r sphere of existence than men. The main reason f o r the respect Kwakiutl had f o r animals may H e i n the f a c t that they 16 had no domestic animals except the dog. No animal was dependent on them f o r food or care, no animal was a beast of burden. In such a s i t u a -t i o n animals are at the same time other than men i n being wholly indepen-dent, s e l f - c o n t a i n e d and uninfluenceable, and l i k e men i n being hunters, f i s h e r s and a r t i s a n s , only i n f i n i t e l y more s k i l f u l than men at these j o b s . Kwakiutl had a v i v i d perception of the animals' s k i l l s , and a knowledge of animal l i f e that i s d e t a i l e d and accurate beyond anything we can imagine. They saw that i n many of the techniques of everyday l i f e -r techniques l i k e weaving or b u i l d i n g — even q u i t e small animals r i v a l or surpass men. In the prayers they t h e r e f o r e ask the animals to hand these s k i l l s on to them. The s u p p l i c a t i o n s f o r the animal's s p e c i a l s k i l l s blend with those f o r h e a l t h , wealth and long l i f e . Both l i v i n g animals that were not hunted and game animals a f t e r the k i l l were p e t i t i o n e d i n t h i s way. I t i s q u i t e c l e a r from the prayers that t h e i r g i f t s were not conceived to be magic a l l y and mechanically i n h e r i t e d through the eat i n g of t h e i r substance, but that the handing on i s part of the animals' magnanimity, t h e i r v o luntary f r i e n d s h i p f o r men. I s h a l l quote four prayers, complete with the context Hunt gave them i n h i s l e t t e r s to Boas. They i l l u s t r a t e what we might c a l l both the n a t u r a l and supernatural s u p e r i o r i t y of the animals; how they were l i k e men and how they d i f f e r e d from men In Kwakiutl eyes. Prayer to the Black Bear When the black bear i s dead, when i t has been shot by the hunter, the man s i t s down on the ground at the r i g h t hand side of the bear. Then the man says, praying to i t , "Thank you, f r i e n d , that you did not make me walk about i n v a i n . Now you have come to take mercy on me so that I obtain game, that I may i n h e r i t your power of g e t t i n g e a s i l y with your hands the salmon that you catch. Now I w i l l press my r i g h t hand against your l e f t hand," says the man as he takes hold of the l e f t paw of the bear. He says, "0 f r i e n d , now we press together our working hands that you may give over to me your power of g e t t i n g everything e a s i l y with your hands, f r i e n d , " says he. Now i t i s done a f t e r t h i s , f o r now he only skins the bear a f t e r t h i s . (Boas 1930: 193--4) Prayer to a Beaver a f t e r i t has been k i l l e d "Welcome, f r i e n d , Throwing-down-in-One-Day, you T r e e - F e l l e r , f o r you have agreed to come to me. The reason why I wished to catch you i s that you may give me your a b i l i t y to work that I may be l i k e you; f o r nothing i s impossible f o r you to work a t , f r i e n d , you, Throwing-down-in-One-Day, you T r e e - F e l l e r , you Dwner-of-the-Weather. And a l s o that nothing e v i l may b e f a l l me i n what I am doing, f r i e n d , " says he. Cop. c i t . pp.196--7) Beaver Used as a Charm When a woman i s with c h i l d and i f she has a husband who i s a hunter of a l l kinds of animals then, as soon as the woman gives b i r t h to a boy, her husband goes i n t o the woods where he knows that there i s a beaver dam. As soon as he sees new c u t t i n g s of the beaver, then at once he s i t s down on the bank where he guesses that the beaver comes up to breathe i n the evening. As soon as the beaver comes and emerges he shoots i t . Then the man takes with h i s r i g h t hand the r i g h t paw of the beaver and turns i t on h i s back. While he i s s t i l l holding i t and while the man i s loo k i n g at the beaver he says, "You have come, f r i e n d , I have come to catch you, f r i e n d , Throwing-down-in-One-Day, you T r e e - F e l l e r , that you may come and give over to me your power of work f o r my c h i l d which I have obtained by good luck that he may be l i k e you. For there i s nothing that you do not know i n every kind of work. Now you w i l l go to my house that you may press your working hand against h i s hand that he.may- be l i k e you, f r i e n d . There i s nothing d i f f i c u l t f o r you i n a l l kinds of work," says he as he takes up the beaver and he goes home t o h i s house. As soon as he enters he puts down on i t s back the beaver on a board that i s always l y i n g on the f l o o r , at the place on which i s put down the game as soon as he enters h i s house. Then the man takes h i s c h i l d i n h i s arms and he s i t s down at the edge of the board on which the beaver i s l y i n g on i t s back. The c h i l d i s wrapped up to the waist i n i t s wrappings. Then the man takes the r i g h t paw of the beaver and presses i t against the r i g h t hand of the c h i l d and the man says, "0 f r i e n d , Throwing-down-in-One-Day, you, f r i e n d T r e e - F e l l e r , you have come, you have reached t h i s our l i t t l e f r i e n d . He w i l l i n h e r i t your power of working everything e a s i l y , and he w i l l be l i k e you f r i e n d , Weather-Owner, you, who does everything e a s i l y that you wish to work a t , f r i e n d . Please, give i t over to our l i t t l e f r i e n d , " says he as he rubs the face of the c h i l d f o u r times against the face of the beaver. "Now, f r i e n d , t h i s i s the advice given to me by my l a t e f a t h e r s , that which should be done when I make a charm f o r my c h i l d from you, Throwing-down-in-One-Day," says he as he takes h i s c h i l d back to i t s mother. Now the t a l k about the beaver i s at an end. Cop. c i t . pp.19B--7) Prayer to a Dead S q u i r r e l "You, great, good one, you, Healing-Woman, why are you i n t h i s way, great, good one? Why have you had bad luck, great, good one, nimble one i n our world? I thought you never could have bad l u c k , great, good Supernatural One. What can we do? For now you must become secular, f r i e n d . Now l e t the supernatural power of your body come over to me that I may i n h e r i t from you t o do e a s i l y a l l kinds of work, that I may be l i k e you, you who e a s i l y does a l l kinds of work and a l s o that I may be a good walker and never get t i r e d , l i k e you, 83. you who are a good walker, f o r you never get t i r e d , " says he as he takes the dead s q u i r r e l . Then he says to i t , "Now I w i l l bury you, f r i e n d , as you might be trampled on by the animals that walk about where you are l y i n g dead, f r i e n d " , says he as he c a r r i e s the dead s q u i r r e l and looks f o r a good place on r e a l l y dry ground at the fo o t of a cedar t r e e . When he f i n d i t , he plucks o f f dry moss and wraps i t around the s q u i r r e l . Then he puts the s q u i r r e l on o the ground, but he puts a l i t t l e s o i l on i t , burying i t . As soon as t h i s i s done he comes and leaves i t . That i s the end. Cop.cit. pp.200--201) The examples from the prayers I have given were chosen to i l l u s t r a t e p a r t i c u l a r l y the p r a c t i c a l dimension of the Kwakiutl perception of animals. This leaves the question of how t h i s perception i s extended Into a u n i f y i n g e t h i c a l conception of the world that contains a percep-t i o n of man's place i n the world. I s h a l l g i ve here a b r i e f preview of t h i s question which w i l l be tre a t e d at length i n the s e c t i o n on the s t r u c t u r e of the prayers. As i s c l e a r from the examples, the prayers are dialogues between the orant and the being prayed t o . In many of them the orant a c t u a l l y answers f o r the being he addresses with a phrase that means yes, i t w i l l be so. We have, then, i n the prayers evidence of an immediate and u n s e l f c o n s c i o u s l y given kind of how members of a p r i m i t i v e c u l t u r e con-f r o n t the outside world. This context brings up an o l d problem of com-p a r a t i v e r e l i g i o n , that of " p a r t i c i p a t i o n " . In how f a r d i d Kwakiutl i d e n t i f y with the outside world; to what degree were they capable of d i s c r i m i n a t i n g between s e l f and world? Related to these questions are others, more recent i n o r i g i n , about the r o l e of symbolization and the degree to which s e l f and world can confront one another without the i n t e r -mediacy of symbolic r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s . In h i s a r t i c l e on r e l i g i o u s e v o l u t i o n B e l l a h c l a s s i f i e s r e l i g i o n s i n r e l a t i o n to these questions, and i t w i l l be u s e f u l to look at Kwakiutl prayers i n the context of h i s d i s c u s s i o n . With i t s unambiguous emphasis on the t h i s - w o r d l y and the community of men as the u l t i m a t e values Kwakiutl r e l i g i o n i s t y p i c a l l y a " p r i m i t i v e r e l i g i o n " . In t h i s i t i s a l s o , as B e l l a h shrewdly observes of p r i m i t i v e r e l i g i o n s , c l o s e r to "modern r e l i -g ion" than any of the h i s t o r i c a l r e l i g i o n s (1969: 265--6). Yet these are r e l i g i o u s values, and B e l l a h ' s argument i s that one can only speak of r e l i g i o u s e v o l u t i o n i n terms of r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n , that i s of the progres-s i v e l y more conscious d i s c r i m i n a t i o n of the s e l f from the outside world. This creates an unbridgeable gap between " p r i m i t i v e " and "modern" r e l i g i o n , because--and i n t h i s B e l l a h c l o s e l y f o l l o w s his predecessors i n the f i e l d of r e l i g i o u s e v o l u t i o n , Durkheim arid L e ' v i - B r u h l - - p r i m i t i v e r e l i g i o n i s e s s e n t i a l l y a r e l i g i o n of " p a r t i c i p a t i o n " (op. c i t . , p.271). The question of p a r t i c i p a t i o n has i n recent years been b r i l l i a n t l y brought up to date by L e v i - S t r a u s s i n Totemism and The Savage M i n d . ^ But L e v i - S t r a u s s has concentrated on p r i m i t i v e systems of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n , t hat i s on the formal and i n t e l l e c t u a l l e v e l . Where r e l i g i o n i s con-cerned, h i s judgment does not seem to d i f f e r from that of 19th century anthropology, i f one i s to take the s e c t i o n on r i t u a l i n L'Homme IMu as a g u i d e l i n e : r e l i g i o u s a c t i v i t y i s by d e f i n i t i o n a confusing of c a t e g o r i e s , 18 and springs I n e v i t a b l y from a l a c k of d i s c r i m i n a t i o n . In other words, p r i m i t i v e c l a s s i f i c a t i o n and other s y s t e m a t i z a t i o n s have been saved from " p a r t i c i p a t i o n " , but where i t i s a question of r e l i g i o u s r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s , e s p e c i a l l y i n the form of superhuman beings, we are stuck with the o l d notions. The question of p a r t i c i p a t i o n c l e a r l y must be looked i n t o f r e s h l y , i n s p i t e of the pioneer work done by L e v i - S t r a u s s . Underlying the idea that p r i m i t i v e r e l i g i o n s are r e l i g i o n s of p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s a d i f f i c u l t y about the r o l e of symbolization which research has not yet been able to r e s o l v e s a t i s f a c t o r i l y . The modern development of thought, to which B e l l a h ' s "modern r e l i g i o n " belongs i s c h a r a c t e r i s e d by growing d i s c r i m i -n ation of the s e l f from the outside world w i t h i n a process of s u b s t i t u t -ing r a t i o n a l explanation f o r sy m b o l i z a t i o n , that i s w i t h i n a process of demythologization. R e l i g i o n on the other hand, and t h i s i n c l u d e s p r i m i t i v e r e l i g i o n and i s d e f i n i t i v e of a l l r e l i g i o n , i s the attempt to d i s c r i m i n a t e between the s e l f and the world w i t h the help of symbolic r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s . The d i s t i n c t i o n i s not between r e l i g i o n and thought but between two methods of t h i n k i n g , the f i r s t dedicated to working on what i s a c c e s s i b l e to r a t i o n a l knowledge, the second to working on what i s " c u r r e n t l y not ... f u l l y comprehended" and can t h e r e f o r e only be expressed with the help of a symbolic mode. (The second method, i n c i -d e n t a l l y , p a r a l l e l s that of science.) Among a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s who are als o students of r e l i g i o n Lienhardt seems to be the only one to have f u l l y recognised the r o l e played by r e l i g i o u s r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s i n the 19 attempt to separate subject and o b j e c t . I have argued i n the foregoing pages that Kwakiutl used the represen-t a t i o n of supernatural s p i r i t s as a means t o become conscious of the s e l f . The s p i r i t s are hidden parts of the s e l f which, once accepted, help the i n i t i a t e to form h i s p e r s o n a l i t y and play the r o l e i n s o c i e t y Kwakiutl t h i n k proper to him. In the f o l l o w i n g pages, which are a com-ment on the second s e c t i o n of t h i s chapter, I am tu r n i n g to non-symbolic d i s c r i m i n a t i o n between s e l f and world. An examination of the s t r u c t u r e of the prayers shows the s i g n i f i c a n c e of the part played by the animals i n t h i s non-symbolic d i s c r i m i n a t i o n . The r e l a t i o n to the animals was not o b j e c t i v e i n our sense; f o r t h i s the Kwakiutl sense of the unknown and not f u l l y comprehended was too keen. But when the f a c t o r s e n t e r i n g i n t o the r e l a t i o n were known, Kwakiutl themselves demythologised. The area of demythologising i s important i n a c u l t u r e , f o r the reason that i t 86, i s the only area where thought can be s e l f - c r i t i c a l . Thought cannot be s e l f - c r i t i c a l and mythical at the same time. The two modes exclude one another. M y t h i c a l t h i n k i n g i s always f o r m a l i s e d . The value of f o r m a l , symmetrically balanced and i n v e r t e d patterns i s a e s t h e t i c and mnemonic, and f o r both reasons such patterns are important i n the handing on and p r e s e r v a t i o n of c u l t u r e . But f o r m a l i z a t i o n and symbolic r e p r e s e n t a t i o n preclude by t h e i r very nature a c r i t i c a l grasp of the s i t u a t i o n i n hand. Where myth s t r i v e s to break out of the mere handing on of t r a d i t i o n and l i n k up with experience d i r e c t l y we always get asymmetry and c o n t r a d i c -t i o n . Breaking the conventional pattern and r e p l a c i n g i t w i t h a new 20 one i s one way of i n t r o d u c i n g c r i t i c a l thought. A b e t t e r one i s r e p l a c i n g mythical w i t h non-mythical expression. People can t h i n k both m y t h i c a l l y and s e l f - c r i t i c a l l y , and every t r a d i t i o n allows an a l t e r n a t i n g between the two modes of thought and expression. In s h o r t , where p r i m i t i v e r e l i g i o n s demythologise they foreshadow the development B e l l a h c a l l s "modern r e l i g i o n " , c h a r a c t e r i s e d by non-symbolic d i s c r i m i n a t i o n between s e l f and world. Kwakiutl prayers to animals used f o r food show t h i s development. These prayers not only a l t e r n a t e between a mythical and a s e l f - c r i t i c a l mode of thought and expression, they a l s o give a clue to how the two are connected. I t appears from the prayers that meeting the animals i s experienced by Kwakiutl i n two d i f f e r e n t ways: mediated by a myth and i n d i r e c t r e c o g n i t i o n of what the r e l a t i o n between man the hunter and the hunted animal means. Both kinds of experience contain elements of p a r t i c i p a t i o n : the myth i s the b e l i e f i n the animal's voluntary s e l f - s a c r i f i c e f o r men; the r e c o g n i t i o n i s of a r e l a t i o n i n which men are f o r c e d to k i l l t h e i r loved and reverenced f r i e n d s . The point that i s important i n t h i s con-t e x t Is that p a r t i c i p a t i o n and d i s c r i m i n a t i o n , though verba l and l o g i c a l opposites, do not exclude one another i n experience. I t i s through par-t i c i p a t i o n , that i s through sympathetic i d e n t i f i c a t i o n w i t h another that he i s apprehended as other, and t h i s apprehension leads n a t u r a l l y to a r e c o g n i t i o n of the s e l f i n i t s d i f f e r e n c e . In the prayers d i s c r i m i n a -t i o n between the s u b j e c t i v e and o b j e c t i v e i s not achieved w i t h the help of imaginary representations which e x t e r n a l i s e inner experiences, but through the experience of an intense i m a g i n a t i v e sympathy w i t h l i v i n g beings other than o n e s e l f . This apprehension of the outer world through an outgoing emotion that both connects and separates can be f a c i l i t a t e d by the myth that dramatises the c o n f r o n t a t i o n or i t can be achieved through d i r e c t i n s i g h t i n t o the c o n d i t i o n s of the meeting. I t seems to me that the two methods of apprehending may be connected, and that the myth may represent an education of the understanding. I t a t t r i b u t e s generosity and a l t r u i s m to the animal. I n e v i t a b l y t h i s creates a con-t r a s t : the myth of the animal as gentle and f r e e l y g i v i n g shows o f f men as v i o l e n t and preoccupied with t a k i n g . The con t r a s t leads to the recog-n i t i o n of the f o r c e of ne c e s s i t y and the d i v i d e d w i l l . When k w a k i u t l say i n t h e i r prayers to the animals they have k i l l e d : " I d i d not mean to harm you, f r i e n d " and "do not hold against me what I have done to you", they have made, through t h e i r r e l a t i o n s with non-human beings one of the most Important d i s c o v e r i e s about the s e l f : that i t i s double i n w i l l and i n t e n t i o n and that even love or g o o d w i l l cannot f r e e i t from i t s d u p l i c i t y . There could be no sharper d i s c r i m i n a t i o n of s u b j e c t i v e and o b j e c t i v e than a point where men have to confess that they cannot do as they wish, they cannot r e l a t e to the world as they t h i n k r i g h t ; that t h e i r very i n t e n t i o n s are f o i l e d , and f o i l e d by themselves. I f animals are rep-resented i n Kwakiutl imagery as "superhuman beings who have power to help or harm men", men are seen i n these passages of the prayers as beings who ,wish to l i v e i n harmony with the animals but harm them i n s t e a d . The issue i s sharply focussed on; men could not l i v e i f they d i d not meet the animals with the determination to harm them. Caught i n t h i s c o i l , Kwakiutl do the only r e a l i s t i c and humble thi n g the dilemma allows f o r : they apologise to the animals and e x p l a i n that they are doing what they do not mean to do. These are the passages i n the prayers where the problems of the Summer are sta t e d most unambiguously, and where we are at the f u r t h e s t p o s s i b l e remove--both con c e p t u a l l y and i n experience and e t h i c a l grasp of experience--from the sacred world of the Winter. 2 Superhuman Beings i n Kwakiutl Prayer This s e c t i o n i s an i n v e s t i g a t i o n .of the nature of the superhuman beings Kwakiutl addressed i n prayer. To o r i e n t ourselves i n the world of Kwakiutl prayer we have to ask a few p r e l i m i n a r y questions. What does "pray" mean f o r the Kwakiutl? How are the beings prayed to s e l e c t e d out of the mass of phenomena i n the world? On what occasion, f o r what purpose are they addressed i n prayer? Are they a l l of the same ontolo-g i c a l status f o r the Kwakiutl? I f not, what are the d i f f e r e n c e s ? The Kwakiutl word f o r to pray i s ts.'.; E' Iwaga. The word a l s o means to thank, to p r a i s e , to ask favours, and t h i s i s what Kwakiutl praying, i n a s t y l i s e d form, e s s e n t i a l l y i s . In human i n t e r c o u r s e the word means, according to Boas, to p r a i s e and to console (Boas 19BB: 170). The meaning console i s i n t e r e s t i n g , because not only are some of the prayers i n Boas' c o l l e c t i o n a c t u a l laments f o r animals found dead (Boas 1930: 200 -- 201, 184), but there i s always a touch of lament i n the prayers to the animals and plants that must be k i l l e d fdr.human purposes. The meaning "console" i s t h e r e f o r e present even when the word i s used i n the primary sense of praying to superhuman beings. In h i s short note on prayers i n h i s " R e l i g i o u s Terminology of the Kwakiutl" Boas mentions that "the salmon Is thanked, also f i s h , game and t r e e s who are at the same time asked f o r help" (Boas 1966: 170). This gives the impression that Kwakiutl prayers are d i r e c t e d t o n a t u r a l species alone, (see a l s o Boas 1966: 155 f o r that impression). In f a c t the c o l l e c t i o n of a c t u a l prayers Hunt made shows that the range i s much wider: prayers are a l s o d i r e c t e d t o coppers and t o t o o l s , to landmarks, to the p r o t e c t i v e s p i r i t of the f i r e , to people newly dead and to the newly born. I t i s obviously important f o r an understanding of Kwakiutl prayer to ask what l i m i t s the range of beings prayed to and under what general idea they can be subsumed. As a general d e f i n i t i o n , I would say tha t Kwakiutl prayer i s a dialogue w i t h p h y s i c a l beings other than human, whose powers are conceived as d i f f e r e n t from and greater than those of human beings. Animals, p l a n t s and objects can al s o be ordinary and are then not the ' r e c i p i e n t s of prayers. They are prayed to when t h e i r power i s revealed and they show themselves as " i n t e l l i g e n t " . This i s at a moment of s i g n i f i c a n t c o n t act, o f t e n when the human being needs help. On the one hand the range of prayer i s t h e r e f o r e l i m i t e d by the degree of a l e r t -ness human beings have at t h e i r d i s p o s a l to detect " i n t e l l i g e n c e " i n the extra-human world. On the other i t would not be p o s s i b l e to enumerate or c l a s s i f y the r e c i p i e n t s of prayer because such " i n t e l l i g e n c e " can show i t s e l f c o n s t a n t l y f r e s h l y i n hew aspects of r e a l i t y . When the potato was introduced to the Northern Indians they prayed to i t as Our Lord Potato. Prayer can best be defined as the moment when human i n t e l l i -gence grasps another, extra-human and superhuman " i n t e l l i g e n c e " and engages with i t . Kwakiutl prayers are th e r e f o r e always dialogues. Other c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of Kwakiutl prayer f o l l o w from t h i s d e f i n i t i o n . Kwakiutl pray i n d i v i d u a l l y . Prayer i s spontaneous, though there are many f i x e d occasions when i t i s c a l l e d f o r , and i n s p i t e of the f a c t that the phrases used are conventional. Formalised c o l l e c t i v e prayer i s very r a r e because there i s no priesthood that could act as mediator between the s u p p l i c a n t s and the beings prayed t o . The shamans form what might be c a l l e d a rudimentary priesthood but t h e i r powers are l i m i t e d to heal-in g and c u r s i n g ( i . e . b r i n g i n g d i s e a s e ) , and i n t h i s they resemble more the ambiguous beings prayed to than p r i e s t s who intercede f o r men. Chiefs of the namimas or persons with s p e c i a l l y i n h e r i t e d p r i v i l e g e s genuinely pray f o r the group, f o r instance at the f i r s t salmon ceremonial or the f e a s t s that honour the bear or large sea-mammal brought home by the hunter. But these formal group prayers make up a s p e c i a l category. They are e x c l u s i v e l y connected with the eating of the animals; they are addressed to the animal as the food that i s about to be eaten. As such they are important f o r an understanding of the scheme of g u i l t and respon-s i b i l i t y that connects the Summer with the Winter. They are i n that sense s e l e c t i v e and i n t e r p r e t a t i v e of what the prayers of i n d i v i d u a l s more g e n e r a l l y express. Because they are part of the f i r s t f r u i t r i t u a l s and because they deal with the act of e a t i n g r a t h e r than k i l l i n g , I s h a l l d i s c u s s them i n that context i n Chapter 4. Kwakiutl prayers are never addressed to i n v i s i b l e powers, e i t h e r gods or ancestors, but always to a p h y s i c a l presence. There i s no i n d i c a t i o n that Kwakiutl thought c e r t a i n t h i n g s i n h a b i t e d by a s p i r i t , 21 nor i s there any general notion of a cosmic s p i r i t i n h a b i t i n g t h i n g s . T h e o r e t i c a l l y a l l m a t e r i a l t h i n g s could be prayed t o . The prayer i s always d i r e c t e d to the t h i n g i t s e l f . There i s no dichotomy between out-ward form and inward s p i r i t . In prayers to the dead, f o r i n s t a n c e , i t i s the dead body that i s addressed, while the ancestor whose p h y s i c a l p a r ts have decayed i s out of the reach of prayer. The newly dead and the newly born can be prayed to because they are non-human, infused with the power of the event that separates them from the ordinary human--the event of b i r t h or death--and yet are p h y s i c a l l y there. These seem to be the ba s i c c o n d i t i o n s f o r prayer. The prayers are not to what we c a l l mate-r i a l forms but to the power that i n f u s e s i t , what might be c a l l e d the form's own n a t i v e l i f e or s p i r i t . Carved images are symbols and there-f o r e , according to Kwakiutl standards, cannot be prayed t o . The carved ancestor f i g u r e , f o r i n s t a n c e , _is the ancestor to Kwakiutl; on c e r t a i n occasions the ancestor speaks through i t s mouth. But Kwakiutl make a f i r m d i s t i n c t i o n between on the one hand what they c a l l e d " l i e s " and we c a l l f i g u r e s of the imagination and on the other r e a l beings. The ancestor cannot be prayed t o , however l i f e - l i k e the c a r v i n g , j u s t as the s p i r i t s of the winter dance, however v i v i d l y enacted by the dancers can-not be prayed t o . Kwakiutl were i n t e n s e l y involved with both kinds of superhuman being, but from the beings of the e x t e r i o r , non-human world they expected t h a t concrete gain and help towards l i f e which people can-not give to themselves and t o these they prayed; from the beings of the i n t e r i o r world they expected gain and guidance i n matters i n which people are e f f e c t u a l themselves and to these they did.not pray. The l a t t e r are a i d s to I n t e l l i g e n c e i n approaching the world and f i n d i n g out how f a r man can be an a c t i v e and e f f e c t u a l master of h i s f a t e ; the former are the " i n t e l l i g e n c e " of the world approaching men. I t was t h i s approach, made by beings other than themselves, the Kwakiutl c e l e b r a t e d with p r a i s e and thanks i n t h e i r prayers. To r e t u r n to the p r i n c i p l e of s e l e c t i o n among beings prayed t o . Prayers are predominantly p e t i t i o n s , and the most frequent p r i n c i p l e i s that of a s p e c i a l need. I t i s the cedar most s u i t a b l e f o r s p l i t t i n g o f f from that i s s e l e c t e d f o r the "begging of a board" ( c f . C u r t i s 1915: 11 — 1 2 ) . Out of thousands of t r e e s , i t i s the t r e e s e l e c t e d to make a cannibal pole f o r the r i t u a l that i s prayed t o . But o d d i t y , or a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c that makes t h i n g s stand out are a l s o occasion f o r prayers, f o r i nstance great s i z e , or beauty i n an animal. Such beings are often addressed as "wonderful, magic ones". Among a mass of beings that are the same, f o r instance f i s h i n a f i s h run i t i s the f i r s t who i s s e l e c t e d f o r prayer. F i n a l l y c e r t a i n places, f o r instance c l i f f s that act as landmarks, have become associated with c e r t a i n d e s i r e s or f e a r s and are c a l l e d upon by everyone passing. The p e t i t i o n may be f o r p r o t e c t i o n from bad weather at sea or f o r luck on a journey. As I s a i d , the t h i n g s s e l e c t e d f o r prayer are always perceived as i n t e l l i g e n t . I t i s t h e r e f o r e n a t u r a l f o r Kwakiutl to pray to the t o o l s they have made themselves--dipnets, f i s h hooks or deadfalls--and ask them to use t h e i r minds and do t h e i r jobs e f f i c i e n t l y . A good example i s the "Prayer to the Landotter-Trap". When the trapper f i n d s a good t r a i l of a l a n d o t t e r , then the man searches f o r a c l e a r young hemlock which i s s t r a i g h t , two f i n g e r s t h i c k . . As soon as he f i n d s i t he prays to i t and says, "Thank you, f r i e n d , that I have found you, f o r I have come here to h i r e you, f r i e n d , to work f o r me that you may be the d e a d f a l l of my trap f o r the l a n d o t t e r who i s i n t e l l i g e n t when he i s being trapped. Now only take care and c a l l the l a n d o t t e r to come under you and when you f a l l , f a l l behind the shoulder blades so that you k i l l him," says he. As soon as the man has f i n i s h e d working at h i s land o t t e r t r a p he s i t s down at the r i g h t hand side of h i s t r a p and, l o o k i n g at the t r a p he prays to i t and says, "0 Supernatural One, now you are f i n i s h e d on the ground. Now only take care and do not miss what you are planned f o r and only k i l l the l a n d o t t e r f o r I have obtained you by h i r i n g you, f r i e n d , to come and help me i n my work, trapping a l l kinds of f u r bearing animals. Now go on, take care, f o r you are a man, f r i e n d , " he says as he goes home to h i s house. (Boas 1930: 19B--199) Such a prayer i s almost at what one might c a l l the s e c u l a r end of the range. The orant understands thoroughly how h i s l a n d o t t e r t r a p i s going to work. Note that the trap i s " f r i e n d " , and "a man". Yet there Is always the u n c e r t a i n t y that attends p a r t i c u l a r l y the undertakings of a hunting l i f e . The t r a p i s a l s o "Supernatural One". T h i s , and the c a r e f u l i n s t r u c t i o n s given to the t r a p show that i t s " i n t e l l i g e n c e " i s not conceived as mechanical but as v o l i t i o n a l . In a t o o l the element of the unpredictable and u n c o n t r o l l a b l e i n the nature of t h i s i n t e l l i g e n c e i s s m all. In an animal i t i s l a r g e . T r a d i t i o n a l l y , and because they are hunters and fishermen, Kwakiutl studied the nature of t h i s i n t e l l i -gence most c a r e f u l l y i n the animals, as the example of the hunting myths w i l l show. But the prayers prove that they saw i t as present i n a l l t h i n g s , i n c l u d i n g those we c a l l inanimate. This " i n t e l l i g e n c e " i s made up of those aspects of meaning we have found i n the word naualak: unpredictable, f r e e , unobliged. To p r e d i c a t e such i n t e l l i g e n c e i n t h i n g s i s to experience them as personal beings or powers, which can be engaged with i n dialogue. For the l i m i t e d purposes of my d i s c u s s i o n of the prayers only, that i s f o r the purpose of t h i s chapter, I s h a l l c a l l these beings i n t e l l i g e n c e s . Not a l l beings prayed t o , however, are i n t e l l i g e n c e s . The sun i s not an i n t e l l i g e n c e i n t h i s sense. Kwakiutl addressed the sun i n prayer more f r e q u e n t l y than any other p a r t i c u l a r being. Boas' c o l l e c t i o n begins w i t h prayers to the sun, and i n a sense which n e i t h e r Boas nor anyone e l s e has c l e a r l y d e f i n e d , they are the most Important part of the c o l l e c t i o n . At the same time prayers to Sun are so s i m i l a r i n form to the prayers to other beings that no-one has thought to separate them from one another. Yet i n f a c t prayers to Sun are fundamentally d i f f e r e n t ; the e p i t h e t s used r e g u l a r l y f o r the i n t e l l i g e n c e s are not found In them, and the s t r u c t u r e s of the two kinds of prayers are d i f f e r e n t . My examina-t i o n of the prayers i n t h i s and the next s e c t i o n w i l l bear out t h i s d i s -t i n c t i o n . Sun i s a being of a d i f f e r e n t conceptual sort and belongs to a category' by i t s e l f . Here I s h a l l b r i e f l y define t h i s category. I s a i d that prayers are never d i r e c t e d t o an i n v i s i b l e power, but always to the p h y s i c a l presence that confronts the orant. In the case of Sun t h i s statement remains t r u e and yet becomes p r o b l e m a t i c a l . Prayers to Sun seem to be addressed to a personal god who manifests himself i n the sun. I have marked t h i s d i s t i n c t i o n by dropping the a r t i c l e and using the c a p i t a l l e t t e r . Sun i s the c r e a t o r god of the K w a k i u t l . He i s the only one of t h e i r superhuman f i g u r e s that can be c a l l e d a god with confidence, because here the conception i s c l e a r cut and the f i g u r e s i n g u l a r : n e i t h e r i n conception nor r e p r e s e n t a t i o n does Sun melt i n t o a group and overlap with other s i m i l a r f i g u r e s . However, I f t h i s god manifests himself i n the sun, he a l s o cannot be separated from the p h y s i c a l presence of the sun. Kwakiutl pray to the p h y s i c a l sun, e s p e c i a l l y the sun at the zenit h , the midday sun. Prayers to Sun are always o f f e r e d up i n the open f a c i n g the sun. The conception of Sun as c r e a t o r of men and s u s t a i n e r of the world order i s so completely rooted i n the experience of the a c t u a l gene-r a t i v e power and r e g u l a r i t y of the sun that i t i s impossible to speak of analogy or metaphor. The conception of Sun i s almost e n t i r e l y confined to the world of prayer. There i s only one kind of myth, part of the t r i c k s t e r Mink's c y c l e , i n which a Sun f i g u r e s who corresponds to the Sun of the prayers. Mink i s the son of Sun; Sun i s the c r e a t o r and at the same time the p h y s i c a l sun. He i s an o l d man i n a bejewelled coat who treads the d a i l y course of the sun. The r e l a t i o n of f a t h e r to son i s i n t e r e s t i n g . Sun hands over h i s coat to Mink, hoping to be r e l i e v e d of the burden of h i s d a i l y c e l e s t i a l journey. But Mink the t r i c k s t e r passes too near the earth and causes the sinbrand. Sun p i t c h e s him down to earth i n anger, and i t i s because of t h i s happening t h a t men l e a r n t h a t Sun i s the f a t h e r of men. One v e r s i o n ends with an enumeration of the d e s c r i p t i v e e p i t h e t s 22 used f o r Sun i n the prayers (Boas 1930: 175--177). No other Kwakiutl r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s of the sun correspond to t h i s conception. The sun p l a y s a considerable r o l e i n myth and r i t u a l a r t , but i s e i t h e r p e r s o n a l i z e d as a g i v e r of treasure and eater of men as the other i n i t i a t o r y f i g u r e s , or depicted impersonally as a l i f e and death f o r c e . Kwakiutl were astronomers capable of c a l c u l a t i n g the p o s i t i o n s of the sun during the s o l a r year. We have seen i n s e c t i o n 1 of Chapter 1 that they paid a t t e n t i o n to the s o l s t i c e s and were p a r t i c u l a r l y i n t e r e -sted i n the winter s o l s t i c e which c o i n c i d e d w i t h the c e l e b r a t i o n of the winter r i t u a l . From t h e i r preoccupation with the disappearance of the sun one would expect the Sun of the prayers t o be the r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of a dual power, a death as w e l l as a l i f e f o r c e . Such a conception would have al i g n e d Sun w i t h the conception of the other beings prayed t o , who are a l l " i n t e l l i g e n t " i n the sense that they may harm as w e l l as help men. T h e i r i n t e l l i g e n c e r e v e a l s them as w i l f u l and unobliged. With Sun i t i s not so. In t h e i r r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of Sun the Kwakiutl p i c k on the opp.osite c h a r a c t e r i s t i c : r e l i a b i l i t y , e n t i r e t r u s t w o r t h i n e s s . Sun i s the p r i n c i p l e of order i t s e l f , and t h e r e f o r e such c a t e g o r i e s as we have discussed: freedom and r e s t r i c t i o n , w i l f u l n e s s and o b l i g a t i o n do not apply to him. He i s , of course, f r e e , unobliged, and he i s a g i v e r of g i f t s , , but as he i s conceived as the order i t s e l f w i t h i n which men and a l l other beings l i v e , such a t t r i b u t e s are i r r e l e v a n t to him. Hence, though they accept h i s g i f t s , men do not f e e l accountable i n r e l a t i o n to Sun. Sun i s l i t e r a l l y "above i t a l l " . 2(a) Kwakiutl Prayers as Meetings on Journeys The d i s t i n c t i o n made between Sun and the i n t e l l i g e n c e s i s important. I t means that Kwakiutl p o s t u l a t e two p r i n c i p l e s as simultaneously a c t i v e i n the world; f i x e d order and open p o s s i b i l i t y . What s i g n i f i c a n c e do they have r e s p e c t i v e l y i n Kwakiutl thought? Which of the two permeates Kwakiutl experience more a c t i v e l y ? The d i f f e r e n c e s are i n t e r n a l to the prayers, concerning t h e i r modes of o r g a n i z a t i o n and expression, but I s h a l l approach them f i r s t from the o u t s i d e , through the context Kwakiutl have created by dramatizing t h e i r prayers as meetings on journeys. We have remarked that a c o n d i t i o n of praying i s the p h y s i c a l presence of the being prayed t o . Kwakiutl have no symbolic l o c a l e , no shrines at which the i n v i s i b l e power dwells and from which i t can be reached i n prayer, no image f o r an i n v i s i b l e power, no priesthood to mediate and Intercede f o r the s u p p l i c a n t . Confrontation between the human and the superhuman Is d i r e c t , and'the h i s t r i o n i c Kwakiutl s t r e s s the•immediacy of the contact by dramatizing I t as a chance encounter. The g r e e t i n g formu-l a s with which the prayers open are e j a c u l a t i o n s of pleased s u r p r i s e . Through t h i s dramatic medium prayers are presented as happening t y p i c a l l y at meetings on a journey, when the superhuman being suddenly m a t e r i a l i s e s i n the way of the t r a v e l l e r . We have seen i n our d i s c u s s i o n of i n i t i a -t i o n myths (Chapter 1, Section 2) how c e n t r a l the image of the journey i s i n Kwakiutl thought. In the prayers i t takes the form of the Image of an encounter between t r a v e l l e r s . Behind i t stands the b e l i e f , t r a c e a b l e i n the myths as w e l l as the prayers that a l l beings move i n the o r b i t s of t h e i r own system of order. Where the o r b i t s i n t e r s e c t , and the super-human ones meet the humans, great b l e s s i n g s can be expected. Thus Kwakiutl greet the sun at i t s r i s i n g : "Welcome, Great C h i e f , Father, as you come and show y o u r s e l f t h i s morning. We come and meet a l i v e . • protect me that nothing e v i l may b e f a l l me t h i s day, Chief, Great Father." "Ha". Then he himself answers, the man, i n place of Walking-to-and-fro-all-over-the-World, the Sun, the Chief. (Boas 1930: 182--183) The bear hunter greets the bear: "Thank you, f r i e n d , that we met. I d i d not mean to do you any harm, f r i e n d . Indeed, t h i s i s the reason why you come, made by our c r e a t o r , that I may come to shoot you, that I may eat you, with my w i f e , f r i e n d . " (op. c i t . p.191) The fisherman's wife greets the salmon she i s about to cut: "Welcome, Supernatural One, you, Swimmer, you have come t r y i n g to come to me, you, who always come every year of our world, that you come to set us r i g h t that we may be w e l l . Thank you, thank you s i n c e r e l y , you, Swimmer. I mean t h i s that you, please, w i l l come next year that we may meet a l i v e , that you, please, protect me that nothing e v i l may b e f a l l me, Supernatural One, you, Swimmer. Now I w i l l do what you Came here f o r that I should do to you". (op. c i t . p.207) Some of the f i x e d p o i n t s where Kwakiutl h a b i t u a l l y pray, c l i f f s or w a t e r f a l l s , are very l i k e s h r i n e s . When the Kwakiutl went to Dzawade f o r the olachen season they always v i s i t e d the great cascade i n t h e i r canoes. Men, women and c h i l d r e n took o f f t h e i r clothes, and with t h e i r s i c k and those too o l d and weak to s i t up l y i n g on planks they paddled near u n t i l the great wind of the f a l l c a r r y i n g the spray seaward reached them and drenched them. In t h i s p o s i t i o n they prayed; but even here the prayer does not emphasise the s p i r i t of the place but the meeting between two i n d i v i d u a l s , the human wanderer--here a group--and the super n a t u r a l being, whose paths cross and who "meet a l i v e " at the appointed time i n the appointed place. "Welcome, Old Man, we have come and meet a l i v e . I have asked you f o r t h i s , great, good Supernatural One, l a s t year when we came. I beg you to have mercy and to blow o f f a l l e v i l from us, t h i s our s i c k n e s s , you great, good Supernatural One, t h a t we may come to l i f e , and a l s o , protect me that I may see you again, Old Man, you great Owner-of-the-World, Supernatural One and a l s o , please. 98. l e t be f i n e the weather you are making, great, good, Supernatural One, you are not a common person, Old Man." "Ha"' The Old Man w i l l do so. (Boas .1930: 190) In the examples I have given the meeting with Sun i s i n d i s t i n g u i s h a b l e from the meeting with the i n t e l l i g e n c e s . The g r e e t i n g formula i s the same. This i s i n f a c t u n t y p i c a l : i n the metaphoric language of meetings on a journey, meetings with Sun are g e n e r a l l y d i s t i n g u i s h e d from meetings with the unobliged ones by a d i f f e r e n t kind of g r e e t i n g formula. The f a c t that Sun was greeted i n the one example given with the same words as one of the beings met w i t h on e a r t h , was due to the f a c t that the prayer quoted was t o the sun at s u n r i s e . There i s a moment at s u n r i s e when the sun seems t o l i e on the horizon, the edge of the earth. The language of Kwakiutl prayer i s an extremely s e n s i t i v e Instrument f o r recording r e l a -t i v e p o s i t i o n . I f the g r e e t i n g formula says, as i t does i n our example, "Welcome as you come and show y o u r s e l f t h i s morning; we meet a l i v e " then orant and being prayed to are on a l e v e l ; i n other words the sun i s s t i l l earthboupd. In a l l other prayers to Sun quoted i n Boas' c o l l e c t i o n the sun has r i s e n i n t o the sky and another formula i s used. I have already mentioned that Kwakiutl were p a r t i c u l a r l y impressed by the power of the sun at the z e n i t h , the "high sun". The r e l a t i v e p o s i t i o n s of the orant and the being prayed t o , as w e l l as the gestures accompanying prayer are i n d i c a t o r s of the p r i n c i p l e s that r u l e the d i f f e r e n t r e l a t i o n s h i p s . The Kwakiutl pray standing or s i t t i n g i n f r o n t of the one prayed t o , t h e i r eyes f i x e d on him i n a t t e n -t i o n . They are always face to face with the one prayed t o , and i n the case of the i n t e l l i g e n c e s the face of the s u p p l i c a n t and of the one prayed to w i l l be i n c l o s e p r o x i m i t y . To Sun they pray standing up, l i f t i n g t h e i r face (and often also t h e i r hands) i n an i m p l o r i n g gesture. Here an immense distance separates the face of the supplicant from that of the d e i t y . Sun moves i n the c e l e s t i a l sphere, going h i s way i n e x o r a b l y , ye the beings of the t e r r e s t i a l world are dependent on him f o r t h e i r l i f e . The a t t e n t i o n the supplicant f i x e s on Sun i s t h e r e f o r e d i f f e r e n t from that with which he faces the i n t e l l i g e n c e s i n prayer. His f i r s t words i n greeting Sun are, In f a c t , a c a l l i n g down of Sun's a t t e n t i o n : "Look down upon these-.who came, from you, Great Father! Look down upon these men made by you, Great Father, and protect those who 'came from you, Chief, Great Father."--"Ha." Now he w i l l do i t that way. (Boas 1930: 183) The i n s i s t e n c e on a t t e n t i o n i s a f e a t u r e that belongs to prayers to Sun. Only here do the prayers open r e g u l a r l y with a phrase l i k e "look at me!"--"look down on me!". The prayers t o the i n t e l l i g e n c e s express an a t t e n t i o n already e s t a b l i s h e d , an-immediate, mutual a t t e n t i o n , a meeting which i s not only a c r o s s i n g of paths but a l s o , at l e a s t In hope a meeting of wishes. Hunt opens h i s "Prayer to the F i s h Running i n the R i v e r s " with an account of t h i s mutual a t t e n t i o n : "When a man goes paddling along, and he sees a salmon jumping, then at once he says 'haya haya! Come up again, Swimmer, that I may say haya! according to your wishes, f o r you wish us to say so when you jump. Swimmer, as you are speaking k i n d l y to me when you jump, Swimmer-" (Boas 1930: 184). The s l i g h t d i f f e r e n c e s i n the orant a t t i t u d e , u p l i f t e d face In the one case, a s t r a i g h t " f a c i n g " i n the other, are expressions of a deeper-going dichotomy. Both Sun who moves on high and the beings who move on earth, where t h e i r courses i n t e r s e c t with those of men, are adored i n t h l i t e r a l sense of that word, that i s spoken t o , prayed t o ; but Sun i s worshipped as an omnipotent d e i t y . The names by which the sup p l i c a n t c a l l s to him, Father and Chief, have e x a c t l y the f o r c e of the L a t i n geni t o r and pater, source of my l i f e and r u l e r over my l i f e . Yet i n Sun t h 100. two are more completely l i n k e d because Sun as the source of l i f e i s not Sun as the beginning bf l i f e , i n the past, alone, but a source from which l i f e takes i t s existence at every moment. Sun makes the world c o n t i -nuously, and because he i s making i t at every moment he i s a l s o the ordainer, according to whose w i l l everything happens. The prayers express both i d e a s , the c o n t i n u i t y of c r e a t i o n and the f o r c e t h i s has i n making every moment i n t o an ordained f a t e . In the f o l l o w i n g examples, I have underlined the r e l e v a n t phrases. "Please look upon me, Chief, Great Father, and have mercy and protect us against our sickness, (me) and my r e l a t i v e s , and pray, make us w e l l , Great-Walking-all-over-the-World, f o r you are making i n every way t h i s world t h a t you made.,. Gr eat-Walking-t o - a n d - f r o - a l l - o v e r - t h e - W o r l d , Father."--"Ha," answers the Sun. (Boas 1930: 182) "0 Great Chief, Father, pray look down upon these men made by you, that nothing wrong may b e f a l l me t h i s day, f o r you do as you please with us, Great Chief, Praised-One, G r e a t - W a l k i n g - a l l -over-the-World, Chief."--"Ha". (op. c i t . p.182) In the conception of Sun, then, the Kwakiutl have a c r e a t o r god who i s a l s o ordainer of f a t e . The conception coalesces with perception: we a l l depend on the sun's a c t i v i t y at every moment. At the same time the sun i s dependable; he describes h i s course with a mathematical accuracy, which Kwakiutl measured and which obviously gave them deep s a t i s f a c t i o n . The tone i n which Sun i s prayed to expresses love and t r u s t . Both as "pater" and as " g e n i t o r " Sun i s conceived as benevolent. He i s the model f o r the Kwakiutl i d e a l of the good c h i e f . With Sun there i s no s u s p i c i o n of an a r b i t r a r y w i l l . In him Kwakiutl worship an omnipotent but wholly dependable and wholly benevolent d e i t y . T h e i r r e l a t i o n , to the beings they meet on earth i s d i f f e r e n t . Though Kwakiutl greet them with the same reverence as they do Sun, and express the same dependence on them, the tone of t h e i r prayers shows that the r e l a t i o n i s more complex here. I t i s f i r s t of a l l more complex i n th a t the meeting i s a p h y s i c a l meeting on e a r t h , and such a meeting between t r a v e l l e r s always i n v o l v e s a r i s k . Kwakiutl myths are f u l l of meetings that i n v o l v e r i s k , and i t i s p o s s i b l e to f i l l i n with such myth-scenes the background of the prayers. A frequent i n c i d e n t i s the hero's meeting at sea with the canoe of a stranger. Kwakiutl t r a v e l l e d by water, and as t h e i r waters were open to the w a r r i o r s and sl a v e t r a d e r s from the North the scene i s not u n r e a l i s t i c . An approaching canoe could mean danger. On the other hand, the stranger i n the canoe could be a f e l l o w - K w a k i u t l from a remote t r i b e or a man of peaceful i n t e n t i o n s . In the myths he i s t y p i c a l l y a superhuman being. When the two canoes have come c l o s e each of the men gripped the other's bow w i t h h i s l e f t hand. In h i s r i g h t he held h i s weapon. At t h i s moment of face to face contact the nature of the meeting was decided. They e i t h e r had a medicine f i g h t at which one was overcome by the other or they "recognised" one another, exchanged weapons and c a l l e d one another " f r i e n d " . The Kwakiutl " f r i e n d " means "of the same kind". I t i s used t o address the i n t e l l i g e n c e s (but not Sun) i n the prayers. The i n t e l l i g e n c e s , we have noted, possess v o l i t i o n and power, and i n the i n t i m a t e moment of meeting there i s always a question of how they w i l l use t h i s power, or, more a c c u r a t e l y , how t h e i r great power w i l l a f f e c t such e n t i r e l y d i f f e r e n t beings as men. But the r e l a t i o n between men and i n t e l l i g e n c e s i s a l s o more complex because man's i n t e n t i o n towards them i s double. On the one hand i t i s as passive as i t i s i n h i s r e l a t i o n to Sun: he i s the g r a t e f u l r e c i p i e n t of the b l e s s i n g s they may bestow. On the o ther, he i s i n t e n t on h i s own purposes, and i n the case of prayers t o beings t h a t are used as food, medicines or raw m a t e r i a l f o r a r t i f a c t s ; hi s i n t e n t i o n i s to take t h e i r l i f e . The n a t u r a l u n c e r t a i n t y about the i n t e n t i o n of an "unobliged one" i s t h e r e f o r e matched by the d u p l i c i t y of the s u p p l i c a n t , who prays f o r something that w i l l destroy the being prayed to but s t i l l asks f o r t h i s being's co-operation. These c o m p l e x i t i e s give the prayers to i n t e l l i g e n c e s an overtone of f e a r . "Do not l e t our meet-ing be bad" i s a wish f r e q u e n t l y expressed i n them. I t i s only through the i m p l i c i t dramatic context of the prayers--the context of the meeting on a journey--that the s i g n i f i c a n c e of the d i f f e -rence between prayers t o Sun and prayers t o the i n t e l l i g e n c e s becomes c l e a r l y apparent. Men's journeys and Sun's take place on d i f f e r e n t planes, and the connection between men and Sun i s a v e r t i c a l one. Men can c a l l up to the Sun to draw down h i s a t t e n t i o n . But they can never i n t e r f e r e with or i n f l u e n c e h i s course. Sun's d e p e n d a b i l i t y has the other s i d e of h i s remoteness. His r u l e i s benevolent but so absolute that there i s not even room f o r a scheme of r e s i g n a t i o n to his'-.will. His w i l l i s simply an enveloping f a c t : " f o r you do with us as you please. Great Chief, Praised One". This i s shown i n the Image of journeys. Sun's journey i n the sky manifests an order through which a l l beings l i v e . Because he moves on high he i s there at a l l times f o r a l l men. He c o n s t a n t l y g i v e s , and men can only r e c e i v e In g r a t i t u d e . The journeys of the i n t e l l i g e n c e s on the other hand manifest p a r t i c u l a r and l i m i t e d orders on earth. They are not as c a l c u l a b l e as Sun's and even the most r e g u l a r — f o r instance the runs of the f l s h - - c o n t a i n elements of a r b i t r a r i n e s s . Men use t h e i r own i n t e l l i -gence to I n t e r s e c t these journeys, and In doing so they act on the i n t e l l i -gences. Their meetings are fraught w i t h u n c e r t a i n t y , even danger, but they a l s o mean i n t e r a c t i o n with beings of superhuman power. From t h i s I n t e r a c t i o n grows a complex moral r e l a t i o n s h i p which i s absent i n the case of Sun. 103. 2(b) The Absolute Demand There i s another contextual c o n s i d e r a t i o n which should occupy us before we go on t o an examination of the t e x t s . This i s a c o n s i d e r a t i o n of the emotions expressed i n the prayers, emotions of love and of f e a r . In what experiences and c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n s are these emotions rooted? What are t h e i r r e v e r b e r a t i o n s i n Kwakiutl thought as a whole? Love and f e a r are c l o s e l y bound up w i t h e t h i c a l norms. Let me say here at once, because the f a c t i s not self-evident.before I have quoted more t e x t s , and because my d i s c u s s i o n of e t h i c a l demands and of f e a r s i s sure to obscure i t , that Kwakiutl prayers are expressions of love. They could be com-pared to love poems: t h e i r tone i s one of d e l i g h t , and they express expectations of good to come. They a l s o express dread and remorse, but t h i s i s not i n i t s e l f incompatible with love. The love and dread they express i s the d i s t i l l a t i o n , i n the s p e c i a l form of the prayers, of a general conception of the world. In t h i s s e c t i o n I s h a l l describe what forms the e t h i c a l - c o n c e p t u a l background of these emotions. I t was necessary i n the l a s t s e c t i o n f o r the sake of e x p o s i t i o n to separate the p r i n c i p l e of the r e l a t i o n to Sun from that of the r e l a t i o n to the animals, the order p r i n c i p l e from what might be c a l l e d the oppor-t u n i s t p r i n c i p l e . Yet i n experience, as we can see from the prayers which express immediate experience, the two r e l a t i o n s o verlay one another. On the one hand men meet the animals i n the ordered world of Sun, and t h e i r meetings are part of that harmony. On the other hand the order of Sun i s drawn i n t o the moral ambience that c h a r a c t e r i s e s the meeting of men and animals. Within that moral ambience what was the law of harmony i n an e t e r n a l p e r s p e c t i v e i s turned i n t o the demand f o r harmony i n a temporal p e r s p e c t i v e . The law i s i m p l i c i t i n the prayers to Sun, the demand i n the prayers to the animals. As demand the law might be phrased: 104. thou s h a l t l i v e i n harmony with other l i v i n g beings. In p r a c t i c a l l i v i n g t h i s means "thou s h a l t not k i l l " . This demand i s nowhere e x p l i c i t l y men-tioned i n the t e x t s and yet plays the r o l e of a key assumption under which the thought of prayers and hunting myths i s ordered. The demand f o r harmony gives Kwakiutl and North American Indian t h i n k i n g about the r e l a t i o n between men and animals i t s s p e c i a l stamp. Much of Indian thought expressed i n n a r r a t i o n , i n v i s u a l a r t and i n r i t u a l i s an experimenting with p o s s i b l e types of expressions that describe the r e l a t i o n s h i p of man and the l i v i n g world; r e l a t i o n s of i d e n t i t y , of l i k e -ness, of bonds made by blood or choice. The animal (or other l i v i n g being) is_ a man, i t i s l i k e a man, i t i s man's brother or s i s t e r , f a t h e r , mother or c h i l d , f r i e n d , husband or w i f e . A l l l i v i n g beings are i n t e r -r e l a t e d . The t i e s of human s o c i e t y are convenient metaphors f o r t h e i r i n t e r r e l a t i o n . The demand f o r harmony with a l l l i v i n g beings i s , on the one hand, the outcome of the experience of a hunting l i f e . On the other hand a hunting l i f e shows that i t cannot be f u l f i l l e d . Translated i n t o the p r a c t i c a l language of "thou s h a l t not k i l l " i t r e v e a l s i t s absolute and impossible nature. In the range of r e l a t i o n s between men and other l i v i n g beings, not to k i l l becomes more impossible to the degree to which the l i v i n g beings are more u s e f u l and necessary to subsistence. Yet hunters i d e n t i f y most c l o s e l y with the game animals on whom they and t h e i r communities l i v e . A t ension i s set up between the absolute demand that cannot be f u l f i l l e d and the p r a c t i c a l n e c e s s i t y that cannot be g a i n s a i d . From t h i s t e n s i o n a r i s e the r u l e s that define a hunting l i f e , and, on the i n i d i v i d u a l l e v e l , the moral patterns f o r maturation. In h i s Symbolism of E v i l Paul Ricoeur discusses the nature of the 23 absolute r e l i g i o u s demand. Though h i s context i s that of Jewish h i s -t o r y and the moral r e v a l u a t i o n introduced by the prophets/ h i s f i n d i n g s are not without relevance to the e t h i c s and moral l i f e we are d i s c u s s i n g here. P a r t i c u l a r l y r e l e v a n t to our context i s Ricoeur's remark that " e t h i c s ... i s the slackening of an impulse that i s fundamentally hyper-e t h i c a l " ( l o c . c i t . p.55). This sums up the conception we are d i s c u s s f i n g . The demand "thou s h a l t not k i l l " i s h y p e r e t h i c a l when a p p l i e d to the whole of the l i v i n g world. The r u l e s of conduct with which a hunt-ing l i f e i s hedged i n are e t h i c a l , and represent a slackening of the o r i g i n a l impulse. However, even i f the tension i s eased on the normative l e v e l through r u l e s ordering d a i l y l i f e , i t remains on the moral l e v e l . In t h e i r hunting myths and f i r s t f r u i t r i t u a l s Kwakiutl seem to i d e n t i f y the root of e v i l i n the n e c e s s i t y t o eat. K i l l i n g and e a t i n g "our f r i e n d s " becomes the expression of the absolute " s i n " that i s the reverse 24 of the absolute demand. F r i e n d , as I have s a i d , means "of one kind". The Kwakiutl metaphor f o r s i n t h e r e f o r e becomes cannibalism. Taken to i t s extreme conclusion Ca conclusion which the I d e n t i f i c a t i o n of "of one kind" suggests) cannibalism i s the unthinkable eating of o n e s e l f . But cannibalism i s a l s o used i n the winter r i t u a l as metaphor f o r exculpa-t i o n . The transformation from the s t a t e of being accountable to the s t a t e of being f r e e i s made through the process of r e t r i b u t i o n a l j u s t i c e i n the course of which the eater becomes the eaten. We s h a l l see t h i s process at work e s p e c i a l l y i n the t r a n s i t i o n a l myths that bridge the gap between the conceptual system of hunting and of i n i t i a t i o n , discussed i n the Epilogue. These myths foreshadow the s o l u t i o n f u l l y worked out i n the i n i t i a t i o n myths proper and the winter r i t u a l . But to r e t u r n to the s i t u a t i o n of the Summer. The prayers, with t h e i r immediate r e l a t i o n to experience, express the dilemma. I f harmony can only e x i s t between men and animals as long as 106. men are passive r e c e i v e r s , as they are i n r e l a t i o n to Sun, then men when they k i l l f o r food step out of t h e i r passive r o l e s and s h a t t e r t h i s har-mony. With the harmony they s h a t t e r the b a s i s of t h e i r r e l a t i o n to the world and t h e i r s e c u r i t y . K w a k i u t l , caught on the horns of t h e i r dilemma, do what other people do under such circumstances. They b r i n g the demand down to a manageable l e v e l , and make i t f u l f i l l a b l e i n d e t a i l where i t escapes i n i t s e n t i r e t y . The demand "thou s h a l t not k i l l " i s broken down i n t o a number of observances and taboos that honour the animal and the same time protect men. They are: you must not k i l l s e n s e l e s s l y or f o r sport; you must not be " c r u e l to your game"; you must handle animals and p l a n t s r e v e r e n t l y ; you must honour t h e i r remains, put f i s h bones back i n t o water, bury the bones of land animals, so t h a t the animals can renew themselves from t h e i r bones. Examples can be m u l t i p l i e d from a l l Kwakiutl t e x t s . I t i s here that prayers and taboos come together. The Kwakiutl word f o r taboo, ae ' K - i l a , means l i t e r a l l y "to t r e a t w e l l " . The word can imply a handling t h i n g s c a r e f u l l y , to t r e a t r e v e r e n t i a l l y as one would an honoured personage, and t o t r e a t w a r i l y i n case of repercussions (see Boas 1966: 170). The act of praying i s i t s e l f part of t r e a t i n g the r e c i p i e n t of the prayer w e l l . But no amount of c a r e f u l l y kept observances adds up to a f u l f i l l i n g of the absolute demand. There i s t h e r e f o r e a c o n t i n u a l t e n s i o n between the I m p l i c i t whole demand and the e x p l i c i t compromises — the demand f r a g -mented i n t o observable r u l e s . Keeping the r u l e s r e g u l a t e s l i f e and j u s t i f i e s men. But the j u s t i f i c a t i o n always f a l l s short. The absolute demand i s always there as a measure against which even the most pain-s t a k i n g p r a c t i c e of observances f a l l s . In r e l a t i o n to Sun there Is no problem. There are no observances l i n k e d with Sun except p r a i s e and thanks. The problem a r i s e s only with the i n t e l l i g e n c e s , and here par-107. t i c u l a r i l y with those that serve f o r food. The question that faces 'the Kwakiutl i s how to f i n d more and more complete ways to s a t i s f y the abso-l u t e demand. Yet at the same time consciousness of the absolute and impossible nature of the demand a l s o works against t h i s e t h i c a l s t r i v i n g . For consciousness of the demand not t o k i l l makes the animal sacred i n a Durkheimian sense of s e t t i n g them apart. T h e i r s a c r a l i t y introduces a new aspect i n t o the r e l a t i o n s h i p : f e a r . In the prayers the animals appear threa t e n i n g because they are other, sacred. Up to now we have considered the absolute demand i n i t s general bearing. Not to f u l f i l i t threatens to cut man o f f from partne r s h i p i n the l i v i n g world, from h i s sources of being. There i s al s o a s u b j e c t i v e t h r e a t : the wrath of the beings he offends. Again t h i s notion concerns a l l beings Kwakiutl come i n t o contact w i t h ; the smallest herb i f plucked i r r e v e r e n t l y , not "tr e a t e d w e l l " could send f o r t h a b l a s t of d e s t r u c t i o n . But Kwakiutl are p a r t i c u l a r l y conscious of the t h r e a t from the animals they hunt. The r u l e that enjoins that animals who have been k i l l e d are "tr e a t e d w e l l " ( r u l e s of which the prayers form a p a r t , and which are often mentioned i n the prayers themselves) have, as I have noted above, the double f o r c e of taboos: they are acts of homage but a l s o a c t i o n s designed t o protect from superhuman vengeance. I f the absolute demand In r e l a t i o n to the i n t e l l i g e n c e s used f o r food i s "thou s h a l t not k i l l " , then i t i s c l e a r that i t s opposite pole, the demand fragmented i n t o r u l e s under which I t Is safe to k i l l can be t r a n s l a t e d : nevertheless I want to k i l l and get away with i t . Such an a t t i t u d e of w i l f u l n e s s and r e b e l l i o n would engender f e a r . The mi r r o r of that f e a r i s the wrath of the animals. The s a c r a l i t y of the animals has two fac e s : the face of s e l f - s a c r i f i c i n g a l t r u i s m and the face of wrath. The f e a r men f e e l i s not the p h y s i c a l f e a r of being k i l l e d by the animals In revenge, though I t Is sometimes expressed as t h i s i n the prayers, but an e t h i c a l dread engendered by not having f u l f i l l e d the absolute demand, by being s e l f - w i l l e d and r e b e l l -25 i o u s . The prayers show that even the a c c i d e n t a l K i l l i n g of a s m a l l , and i n our estimation unimportant, animal causes deep dread ( c f . Boas 1930: 201 "Prayer to a S q u i r r e l " ) . In the hunting myths (and a l s o i n v i s u a l a r t ) i t i s , however, the g r i z z l y - - t h e only aggressive game animal --who e x e m p l i f i e s the wrath of the sacred. (In the same myths the bear a l s o e x e m p l i f i e s what might be c a l l e d the grace of the sacred: the s e l f -s a c r i f i c e of the game animals f o r men). This f e a r , because i t i s not a p h y s i c a l but an e t h i c a l dread i s a t r a n s f o r m a t i v e emotion and c o n t a i n s the power to defeat i t s e l f and turn Into I t s opposite, moral courage. The absolute demand cannot be f u l f i l -l e d , but men can overcome t h e i r dread of vengeance by o f f e r i n g themselves up to the powers of the sacred t h a t , as they see i t , are out to destroy them. This i s done i n the f i g u r e of the I n i t i a t i o n . In the winter r i t u a l the I n i t i a t e i s o f f e r e d , or o f f e r s himself to the man-eating s p i r i t . A l i n e leads from the animal i n i t s w r a t h f u l aspect to these blood-drink-2 6 i n g d e i t i e s . The wrathfulness of the animal i n the Summer, and the "holy t e r r o r " of the i n i t i a t e i n the Winter o u t l i n e the psychic movement that leads In Kwkaiutl thought from "having i t one's own way" to r e a l independence and freedom. What then of love? Ricoeur, who has analysed the r o l e dread plays In r e l i g i o u s experience i n h i s Symbolism of E v i l , and to whose a n a l y s i s I owe much of my understanding of the Kwakiutl modality of I t , remarks th a t "man enters i n t o the e t h i c a l world through f e a r and not through love" (1969: 30). But he also sees that dread of the sacred i s connec-ted with l o v e . He sees t h i s connection made by a p r o g r e s s i v e l y growing e t h i c a l consciousness. According to him the dread "contains i n germ a l l 109. l a t e r moments" and becomes "on a higher l e v e l of the consciousness of e v i l , the f e a r of not being able to love any more." ( l o c . c i t . ) . We have seen that f o r Kwakiutl the f e a r i s indeed generative of development and t r a n s f o r m a t i o n a l . But i t i s not the root of a love which grows out of i t i n a long moral development; r a t h e r i t i s only the simultaneously present and necessary other face of t h e i r love. This i s c l e a r from the prayers, but becomes p a r t i c u l a r l y c l e a r i n an examination of the f i r s t salmon r i t u a l . The prayers show that Kwakiutl saw the >. very beginning of man, h i s very being made up of the love he has f o r other beings of t h i s world. With the absolute demand, which expresses t h i s love i n terms of action--thou s h a l t not k i l l - - m o r a l i t y enters. On t h i s showing Kwakiutl m o r a l i t y does not ibegin i n f e a r but i n l o v e . For •.the Kwakiutl, as i n a l l r e l i g i o u s thought, g u i l t and f e a r are rooted i n the "law", here i n the observances, r u l e s of conduct and taboos which them-, selves are designed to protect from g u i l t and j u s t i f y . The law i n i t s t u r n i s rooted i n the impossible demand. The impossible demand i s , however, one of love f o r other beings f i r s t and foremost. Love i t s e l f has two s i d e s , and m o r a l i t y i s generated between the two. One i s a sympathetic one that s t r i v e s f o r union. The d e s i r e f o r harmony expressed i n the absolute demand and i n the e p i t h e t " f r i e n d " - - " o f my kind" --expresses that s i d e . The other side of love c o n s i s t s i n the a b i l i t y to recognise d i f f e r e n c e and grant the other h i s o b j e c t i v e otherness. Kwakiutl hunting myths are a record of t h i s s ide of l o v e . Myths are a s p e c u l a t i v e form, and i n t h e i r hunting myths the Kwakiutl study the otherness of the animals i n t e n t l y . The questions animating the hunting myths are: how f a r are men and animals the same and how do they d i f f e r ? What i s the r i g h t r e l a t i o n between men and animals? The innumerable versions i n which these myths come show the importance these questions had f o r the Indian 1 1 0 . hunters. The r i g h t r e l a t i o n i s that men eat animals. Animals are pre-c i s e l y not " f r i e n d s " , that i s of one Kind with men. The f i e l d of t e n s i o n i s t h e r e f o r e e s t a b l i s h e d between two demands of love. In the r i t u a l s t h i s t e n sion i s resolve d i n a process of moral self-development. The f i r s t f r u i t r i t u a l s ( r i t u a l s f o r f i r s t salmon and f i r s t bear, discussed In Chapter 4) enact myths t o l d from the point of view of the animal. The i n i t i a t i o n r i t u a l s are t h e i r counterpart; they are the answers t o the questions that were posed by t a k i n g the animals' point of view. The former belong to the l i f e of the Summer, the l a t t e r to that of the Winter. Within the rhythm of the r i t u a l year, the impor-tant step from i d e n t i f i c a t i o n to d i s c r i m i n a t i o n and self-knowledge i s made. The prayers are, e p l s t e m o l o g i c a l l y speaking, the expression of an e a r l i e r stage. Myths are s p e c u l a t i v e thought, r i t u a l s f o r m a l i s e d t r a n s -f o r m a t i o n a l a c t i o n . Prayers are records of the experience that precedes both the mythical thought and the r i t u a l a c t i o n . The prayers record two types of d i r e c t experience: the experience man has of himself as des-t r u c t i v e of the animal, though he loves the animal and does not wish him harm, and the experience, he has of the animal as double, capable of des-t r u c t i v e wrath as w e l l as of generosity. As praying allows no time f o r sp e c u l a t i o n , both experiences are recorded i n co n v e n t i o n a l i z e d condensed expressions. In the next s e c t i o n we s h a l l consider the expression the experience of the paradoxical d u a l i t y of the animal takes. 2(c) The Nature of the E p i t h e t s i n Kwakiutl Prayer The language of the prayers i s simple and easy to understand even f o r o u t s i d e r s . I t i s f a r simpler than the language used i n r i t u a l songs (the prayers' nearest p o e t i c c o u s i n s ) , which i s h i g h l y symbolic, or that used 111. i n myths, which describes a remote, non-ordinary r e a l i t y . I t belongs on the whole to r a t i o n a l , u n i v e r s a l l y understandable d i s c o u r s e , though not to everyday speech, from which i t i s d i v i d e d by c e r t a i n p o e t i c d e v i -ces, which we s h a l l d i s c u s s i n the next chapter. The discourse assumes a knowledge of b e l i e f s and customs current i n the c u l t u r e , but not more than any person versed i n the most general l o r e of the c u l t u r e would have. As I mentioned i n the i n t r o d u c t i o n , there i s nothing e s o t e r i c about Kwakiutl prayer, everybody can pray and a l l prayers are :equally e f f e c t i v e . Nor i s there any s p e c i a l e f f i c a c y connected with c e r t a i n words or turns of phrase. The prayers are s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d expressions 27 of t r u s t i n the powers met w i t h , confident of a response. The prayers are, however, not always s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d t r u s t i n g expressions. There are phrases i n which the simple meaning becomes ambiguous, and these^exceptions are the more s t r i k i n g because of the general openness of the prayers. O b s c u r i t i e s occur i n two s o r t s of phrases: CD where the dilemma a r i s i n g from having to k i l l i s r e f e r r e d t o , C2) i n the e p i t h e t s with which the animals are addressed. The f i r s t kind I s h a l l d i s c u s s under "Dispensations" and "Formulas of J u s t i f i c a t i o n " i n the next s e c t i o n . There we have to do with an o b s c u r i t y of thought: the i s s u e i s approached i n an oblique manner. Here we have to do with an o b s c u r i t y of language: the e p i t h e t s are v e r b a l paradoxes, suggesting a q u a l i t y and i t s opposite simultaneously, c a n c e l l i n g sense. Both kinds of phrases are what I c a l l generative l o c i f o r thought. They are those p a r t s of the prayers that are taken up and developed i n Kwakiutl thought otherwise, outside the prayers. They are taken up again p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the winter r i t u a l . In the e p i t h e t s , I s a i d , we have to do with v e r b a l paradoxes. Their double-sense does not appear i n the t r a n s l a t i o n s because Boas has chosen 112. to t r a n s l a t e always only the l o g i c a l l y c o r r e c t "good sense" of the word. I t i s l o g i c a l that i n praying f o r health one would not address a disease b r i n g e r , and asking f o r wealth one would not ask someone known to con-sume wealth and make people poor. Yet i f we i n s i s t on a se m a n t i c a l l y c o r r e c t reading of the names with which the Kwakiutl address t h e i r super-human beings, t h i s i s p r e c i s e l y what the Kwakiutl do. Even a l l o w i n g f o r the f a c t that the e p i t h e t s may have been used c o n v e n t i o n a l l y and with-out much thought of t h e i r double meaning, t h i s shows that the Kwakiutl were compelled by a d i f f e r e n t l o g i c . The context of t h e i r thought as a whole suggests indeed that the " l o g i c a l i n c o n s i s t e n c y " was d e l i b e r a t e . I f they want health they address the being prayed to as "Healing Woman", which i s the name f o r the s p i r i t of disease among them. Boas remarks i n Tsimshian Mythology about t h i s Kwakiutl word that "... the whole may ... be t r a n s l a t e d as ' p e s t i l e n c e woman'" (1916: 546)J but i n f a c t an 28 unmediated double-sense i s intended: "healing-and-pestilence woman". The Kwakiutl are n a t u r a l l y not l e d to do t h i s by an i n s u f f i c i e n c y of language. They have un i v o c a l e p i t h e t s at t h e i r d i s p o s a l i n which the opposing a t t r i b u t e s are d i v i d e d , and they use them i n the prayers on appropriate occasions. (See my d i s c u s s i o n of the prayer of a s i c k woman on p. 121) . That the use of the ambiguous name i s d e l i b e r a t e i s also .. shown by the f a c t that the same names are used when speaking of the s p i r i t of the winter r i t u a l . T heir use i n the winter r i t u a l above a l l makes i t c l e a r that f o r Kwakiutl health and disease come from the same source; and that i t i s i n the end up to men to wring l i f e from the unthinkable o p p o s i t i o n . The l i f e men f i n a l l y gain i n the winter r i t u a l i s , however, not the same as the s e c u r i t y of p h y s i c a l health they ask f o r i n the prayers. The ambiguity of the names by which they address the animals may be a reminder that i t i s i n the nature of th i n g s that the p h y s i c a l 113. health they ask f o r i n the prayers w i l l never be a secure possession with them. The e p i t h e t s are generative l o c i then i n the sense that they lead on to the winter r i t u a l and l i n k the world of nature w i t h the world of the mind. Through t h i s l i n k the Kwakiutl conception of animals i s deepened, and they become s i g n i f i c a n t f a r beyond t h e i r p r a c t i c a l use. The passages i n which the dilemma of having to k i l l i s r e f e r r e d to are generative l o c i i n another sense. In them the Kwakiutl lament what I have c a l l e d . t h e i r d i v i d e d w i l l . The winter r i t u a l takes up t h i s theme of p s y c h o l o g i c a l d i v i s i o n t h e r a p e u t i c a l l y . In the i n i t i a t i o n the per-s o n a l i t y of the novice i s s p l i t , and the symbolic r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s of the r i t u a l show him to himself as s p l i t . They help him to heal the s p l i t h imself, or at l e a s t accommodate the i n e v i t a b l e c o n t r a d i c t i o n s of h i s nature. Both these p a r t s of the prayers' discourse t h e r e f o r e point f o r -ward to the winter r i t u a l . I s h a l l l i m i t myself here to the e p i t h e t s and examine the expression of the dilemma i n the next s e c t i o n . •ne of the most important f i n d i n g s of my a n a l y s i s i s that i n prayers to Sun there i s no comparable " t h i c k e n i n g of language" i n t o symbolism (and n a t u r a l l y no mention of the dilemma). Prayers t o Sun are under-standable r a t i o n a l d iscourse i n every p a r t . The q u a l i t i e s of the "gene-r a t i v e l o c i " can only be appreciated i n a comparison that juxtaposes prayers to Sun with prayers to i n t e l l i g e n c e s . I have t h e r e f o r e put both my l e x i c a l examination of e p i t h e t s , and the s t r u c t u r a l one of the formulas which i s the subject of the next s e c t i o n i n t o t h i s comparative framework. In the f o l l o w i n g pages I g i v e the c l a s s i f a c t o r y t a b l e I have made up f o r the e p i t h e t s , using "secrecy" as a parameter. The e p i t h e t s can be d i v i d e d according to t h e i r r e l a t i v e a c c e s s i b i l i t y of meaning. But "secrecy" alone does not do j u s t i c e to the r o l e they play i n the prayers. 114. Those more a c c e s s i b l e i n meaning a l s o f i t the discourse as a whole. By t r a n s l a t i n g those that are l e s s - . a c c e s s i b l e , and have a double sense as i f they had a s i n g l e and f i t t i n g one, Boas has obscured the f a c t that the e p i t h e t s set up a war of meaning w i t h i n the prayers. What Is remarkable about them i s that the more " s e c r e t " they are the l e s s connection they have with the general discourse u n t i l they a c t u a l l y e s t a b l i s h an under-l y i n g counter-meaning. The ep i t h e t c a r r i e s i t s own semantic load which Is separate from the d r i f t of the dis c o u r s e . The heavier t h a t semantic load, the more remote the name becomes from ordinary speech and the more a l i e n to the obvious d r i f t of the disc o u r s e , but simultaneously the more "pregnant" i n connection with Kwakiutl thought as a whole. Prayers, we know, are dialogues between a man and h i s superhuman partner. Because of the dramatic context i n which the prayers are s e t , that of a s u r p r i s e meeting on a journey, they are studded with exclama-t o r y terms of address. Names of the partner i n prayers are always used i n the v o c a t i v e , never i n a d e c l a r a t o r y statement. However, the proper name of the' being addressed, which would designate him i n ordinary l a n -guage, i s never used at a l l . The prayers have been given captions i n Boas' c o l l e c t i o n ; they are designated "to the Sun", "to the Salmon" e t c . But "Sun" i s never used i n prayers to the sun, or "Salmon" In prayers to the salmon. Instead of the name an e p i t h e t that i s at the same time a t i t l e i s used. There are two d i f f e r e n t types of t i t l e s used with roughly three d i f f e r e n t types of semantic load. To repeat, the semantic loads are d i s t r i b u t e d d i f f e r e n t l y In prayers to Sun and prayers t o the i n t e l l i g e n c e s . I d i s t i n g u i s h between the semantic loads by t h e i r amount of "secrecy". Being t i t l e s and not ordi n a r y names they are a l l secret t o some extent. But there i s a range from an "open s e c r e t " [Salmon = Swimmer) to a sacred name. I d i s t i n g u i s h 115. between the types of t i t l e s as d e s c r i p t i v e and h o n o r i f i c . (1) D e s c r i p t i v e t i t l e s f o r Sun For i n stance: Walking-to-and-fro-in-the-World', 'Going-from-End-to-End'. For those who know, these t i t l e s d e s cribe the y e a r l y journey of the sun, which c i r c u m s c r i b e s , and t h e r e f o r e makes the world. They are synonyms f o r " c r e a t o r " . This i s an open secret f o r those who share i n the c u l t u r e . (2) H o n o r i f i c t i t l e s f o r Sun "Father", "Chief". These are commonly used words. They are s e m a n t i c a l l y marked here only because they are used f o r Sun, who stands f o r the generative, ordering and l o v i n g power i n the universe. They are "open s e c r e t s " . Other h o n o r i f i c t i t l e s l i k e "Our Lord", "Praised One", "Prayed To" speak f o r themselves. (3) D e s c r i p t i v e . t i t l e s f o r i n t e l l i g e n c e s They range i n semantic loads from e n t i r e l y open--"Tree-Feller" f o r the beaver--to intermediary secret ones l i k e "Weather Maker" which i s a l s o used f o r the beaver and depends on a knowledge of 29 magic c u l t u r e l o r e . Some depend on minute observation l i k e "Flabby Skin i n Mouth" f o r the h a l i b u t , others belong to a sort of p r o f e s s i o n a l jargon, l i k e "Younger Brother" f o r the h a l i b u t hook ( f o r i t s cannlness and usefulness--younger brothers served 30 t h e i r e l d e r b r o t h e r ) . This i s commonly shared knowledge. (4) H o n o r i f i c t i t l e s f o r i n t e l l i g e n c e s For i n s t a n c e : "Friend, Supernatural One, Healing Woman, Long-Life-Maker". In contrast t o Sun, who i s always addressed with the most open and ordinary h o n o r i f i c t i t l e s , the i n t e l l i g e n c e s 116. are r e g u l a r l y addressed by e p i t h e t s t h a t are secret as w e l l as sacred. "Supernatural One" (naualak) i s the c h i e f of these. The word means b a s i c a l l y "unobliged". Sun i s never addressed as "Supernatural One". Other h o n o r i f i c t i t l e s of the i n t e l l i -gences, "Healing Woman", "Long-Life-Maker", have a double meaning. Though Sun i s asked f o r health In the prayers, he i s never addressed by e i t h e r of these t i t l e s . What Boas t r a n s l a t e s as "Healing Woman" has a c t u a l l y got the meaning "Healing and P e s t i l e n c e Woman" (Boas 1916: 546). "Long-Life-Maker" i s apostrophised i n winter dance speeches as "Who-makes-our-llfe-short". Another h o n o r i f i c t i t l e , used f o r salmon and twins (who "are" salmon) i s "Rich-Maker-Woman". I t i s also never used f o r Sun. Sun i s never asked f o r wealth, while i n t e l l i g e n c e s r e g u l a r l y are. "Rich-Maker-Woman" also has a double meaning. This i s again c l e a r from the winter dance where the g i v e r s of wealth--the winter dance power and the i n i t i a t e — a r e apostrophised i n the r i t u a l songs as "poor makers" and "swallowers of wealth" ( c f . Boas 1897: 459, 460 among o t h e r s ) . A l l these s e m a n t i c a l l y h e a v i l y loaded h o n o r i f i c t i t l e s of the i n t e l l i g e n c e s are a l s o names f o r the sacred power of the winter dance. While the h o n o r i f i c t i t l e s of Sun—"Father", " C h i e f " — c o n n o t e each of them an undivided power—the power t o generate and o r d e r — t h e h o n o r i f i c t i t l e s of the i n t e l l i g e n c e s connote a d i v i d e d power— at t h e i r most extreme the power to destroy as w e l l as make. Correspondingly, while a l l Sun's t i t l e s are open to understanding, the t i t l e s of the i n t e l l i g e n c e s are, at t h e i r most extreme, not a c c e s s i b l e to the mind at a l l . • TABLE I DESCRIPTIVE TITLE HONORIFIC TITLE SUN INTELLIGENCE SUN INTELLIGENCE OPEN SECRET "Walk"ing-to-and-f r o - i n -the-World" "Going-from-End-to-End" "Swimmer" (salmon) "Tree F e l l e r " (beaver) "Flabby-Skin-in-Mouth" ( h a l i b u t ) "Nimble One" ( s q u i r r e l ) "Father" "Chief" "Our Lord" "Praised One" "Prayed t o " "Friend" (general) "Old Man" (steep p o i n t ) "Owner of the World" ( w a t e r f a l l ) "Prayed t o " ) "Chief of the Upper World" ) l b e r r i e s J "grandfather" ) , . , , _ , » t u-i^i (olachen) "grandchildren") INTER-MEDIATE SECRET Weather Maker" (beaver) " S a t i a t e r " (salmon) "Clever Handed One" (medicinal plant)-"Younger Brother" ( h a l i b u t hook) "Scenting Woman" (ha l i b u t ) "Dancer" (olachen) " A c r o p o l i s " (copper) "Tide Woman" (general f o r products of sea ) SECRET "Supernatural One" (general) "Supernatural Power of the Ground" ( e s p e c i a l l y f o r me d i c i n a l p l a n t s ) "Healing Woman" (general) "Long-Life-Maker" (general) "Rich Maker Woman" (esp. f o r salmon) 118. The t a b l e does not represent a q u a n t i t a t i v e but a q u a l i t a t i v e com-p a r a t i v e a n a l y s i s . I have not l i s t e d a l l the e p i t h e t s that appear i n the prayers, because the same names occur i n many v a r i a n t forms. The catego r i e s are, however, always Kept d i s t i n c t , except f o r the overlap i n the most "open" s e c t i o n between h o n o r i f i c t i t l e s of Sun and of i n t e l l i -gences. The t a b l e shows at a glance that a l l Sun's t i t l e s are i n the "open" s e c t i o n . None of them are even of an intermediate secret kind. In the equation I make between "secrecy" and semantic load t h i s means that t i t l e s f o r Sun do not have a heavy semantic load. (No war of meaning i s set up by them.) The important d i f f e r e n c e of semantic load i s between that of the h o n o r i f i c t i t l e s f o r Sun and that of the h o n o r i f i c t i t l e s f o r i n t e l l i g e n c e s . The d i f f e r e n c e i s not that Sun's t i t l e s are e x o t e r i c and the i n t e l l i g e n c e s ' e s o t e r i c . A l l the names are current among the people, who, as we know, a l l pray. The d i f f e r e n c e l i e s r a t h e r i n the f a c t that the h o n o r i f i c t i t l e s of i n t e l l i g e n c e s c a r r y a semantic overload and point to something beyond themselves. While a l l the t i t l e s could be c a l l e d sacred, i n so f a r as they set the r e c i p i e n t apart from the o r d i n a r y , the most extreme of the h o n o r i f i c t i t l e s f o r i n t e l l i g e n c e s are a l s o the sacred names f o r the winter dance s p i r i t , the quintessence of the sacred (naualak) i n the Kwakiutl expressive system. In the prayers these t i t l e s appear and remain c r y p t i c , ambiguous and u n i n t e l r l i g i b l e . Even t h e i r u n i n t e l l i g i b i l i t y i s not open but hidden under a surface sense. One of the meanings dominates—the good one, which f i t s i n t o the context of the prayer. The other i s l a t e n t but w e l l known; i t c o n t r a d i c t s the dominant meaning and so makes nonsense of the context. Perhaps nonsense i s too strong a word. Let us by way of example look at a number of prayers f o r health to medicinal p l a n t s . The context 119. i s made by an urgent wish f o r help and an obvious t r u s t i n the i n t e l l i -gences good w i l l to cure. The f i r s t i s the prayer of a woman whose husband has prepared medicine from the roots of the w i l d gooseberry bush 31 to cure an extremely p a i n f u l b o i l . In Boas' t r a n s l a t i o n the prayer reads "0, Supernatural One, now you have come to t h i s c r u e l , unmerciful great s i c k n e s s . Go on, pray, make me w e l l , f o r I am poor, you, Who-Makes-Well-the-Sick, you, Healing-Woman. Please, cure me, please, you Asked-to-Make-Well-the-Sick, f o r these are your names, Supernatural Ones. Please, ease the pain of t h i s b o i l which i s on me, please, you, Long-Life-Maker, please," says she. (Boas 1930: 230) The next i s the prayer of a man whose wife has prepared D i g e s t i a leaves as a hot fomentation f o r a s w e l l i n g on h i s shoulder. "0 Supernatural One, now you have come to t h i s c r u e l sickness which t r o u b l e s me. Go on, please, take i t o f f and, please, l i c k i t o f f , you, Supernatural One, and, please, ease the pain, you, Long-Life-Maker and, please, make me w e l l , you, Healing-Woman. Please, take p i t y on me and make me strong, Supernatural One. I should not say t h i s to you, Supernatural One, i f I d i d not b e l i e v e i n you, f o r I r e a l l y b e l i e v e i n your power of making me w e l l . Supernatural One," says he. (op. c i t . p.224) The l a s t i s the prayer of a f a t h e r to the bark of salmonberry vines that i s to be put on the burn of h i s c h i l d , an; old sore that refuses to heal. "0, Supernatural One, now I put you on to the sore of my c h i l d t h a t you may l i c k o f f t h i s great s i c k n e s s , t h a t you, please, make i t heal, you. Supernatural One, t h a t , please, i t may heal up, please, you, Healing-Woman, you, Long-Life-Maker, please, take p i t y on me that my mind may be at r e s t , you, Supernatural One." (op. c i t . p.218) The urgency and emotional s i n c e r i t y of these prayers speak f o r themselves. I t i s the more remarkable that when l i t e r a l l y t r a n s l a t e d t h e i r meaning becomes complex and expresses i n turn a more complex view of l i f e than Boas' t r a n s l a t i o n would lead one to expect. Considering that Boas' "Supernatural Ones" are the unobliged ones that . are f r e e to 120. do as they l i k e , and the other e p i t h e t s have c o n v e n t i o n a l l y e s t a b l i s h e d meanings that c o n t r a d i c t t h e i r c o n s o l i n g surface meanings, the prayers seem to express considerable courage and acceptance of the u n c e r t a i n t i e s of the human c o n d i t i o n . With the double sense of the e p i t h e t s r e s t o r e d , the l a s t example I have given would, f o r Instance, read l i k e t h i s : •, Unobliged One, now I put you on the sore of my c h i l d , that you may l i c k o f f t h i s great s i c k n e s s , that you, please, make i t heal, you Unobliged One, that please I t may heal up, please, you Healing and Disease B r i n g i n g Woman, you, Long-Life-Maker-Who-Makes-OuriLife-Short, please take p i t y on me that my mind may be at r e s t , you, Unobliged One. In s p i t e of what I have s a i d about courage and acceptance above, t h i s t r a n s l a t i o n f o r c e s the question on us: why does the orant, i n the face of h i s obvious t r u s t and g r a t i t u d e , e s t a b l i s h an underlying counter-current to the sense he wants to express? I t i s tempting to see here mainly a t r i c k of language at work. The orant i s c l e a r l y not asking that simultaneously with health disease and death be meted out to him. We do not have to do here, however, with a purely l i n g u i s t i c phenomenon, but with a p h i l o s o p h i c a l s t y l e that i s t y p i c a l of Kwakiutl expressive c u l t u r e as a whole. I t i s f o r instance a t t e s t e d i n Wilson Duff's work on the v i s u a l a r t of the area. In v i s u a l a r t and a r t e f a c t s Duff has found I t p a r t i c u l a r l y connected with sexual imagery. Womb and penis, f o r instance, both " l i f e - b r i n g e r s " i n t h e i r dominant sense, are simultaneously represen-ted as "death-bringers", the womb, say, as the mouth of a r a t t l e s n a k e , the penis as a war club. Such v i s u a l double-speak occurs even i n the u t e n s i l s used f o r female puberty r i t e s , that i s i n a context where the 32 wish f o r f e r t i l i t y , f o r the l i f e - b r i n g i n g c a p a c i t y , i s unequivocal. We s h a l l f i n d the same s t y l e of t h i n k i n g present i n the t e x t s examined i n Chapters 3 and 4, though i n n a r r a t i v e - d i s c u r s i v e and enacted form, and put to d i f f e r e n t uses. The l i n g u i s t i c paradoxes of the e p i t h e t s are the most contracted examples of the s t y l e and the ones l e a s t amenable to i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . Yet what we have to do with here i s , I b e l i e v e , the dominant motif of Kwakiutl thought. How then are we to approach the c o n t r a d i c t i o n s contained i n the e p i t h e t s i n the framework of Kwakiutl thought as a whole? The r e l a t i o n between the two meanings, I b e l i e v e , i s here the same as i n the case of the baxus/tsetseqa o p p o s i t i o n discussed i n Chapter 1. Within the cosmic context the Kwakiutl make t h e i r point of view e x p l i c i t : "In the Summer baxus i s on top and tsetseqa underneath, and i n the Winter v i c e versa." S i m i l a r l y here. In the s i t u a t i o n of the prayers h e a l i n g i s on top. But j u s t because h e a l i n g i s on top i t s opposite, k i l l i n g , i s underneath and w i l l have i t s time. The Kwakiutl were not forced s e m a n t i c a l l y to con-found healing and k i l l i n g power. I f the occasion demanded they used names i n the prayers i n which heal i n g and k i l l i n g powers are c l e a r l y separated, as the prayer of the woman to the water hemlock shows: "0, Supernatural One, I come to ask you to t r y t o heal me, that you heal me, you who i s asked t o heal and, please, save me, you, Life-Owner, and do not l e t me be overcome by the Short-Life-Maker-Woman and by the Killing-Woman; and,, please, take me away from them that I may l i v e a l i t t l e . w h i l e . Now go on. Supernatural One, now you w i l l go i n t o me and you w i l l d r i v e away my diseases that I may vomit." CBoas 1930: 211--12) But the general tendency of Kwakiutl thought i s not to lodge opposi-tes i n two d i f f e r e n t t h i n g s but to apprehend a t h i n g as i t s e l f and i t s opposite simultaneously. The t h i n g e x i s t s , i t " l i v e s " and has i t s l i v i n g r e l a t i o n to men by i t s play between extremes. Being i s always apprehended as mobile by the Kwakiutl, never as i n c l a s s i c a l thought as at r e s t . Here too l i e s the reason why the e p i t h e t s f o r the i n t e l l i g e n c e s are the same as the names of the winter dance power. The changing play 122. between dominant and subordinate aspect the e p i t h e t s contain i s extended here i n another dimension, that represented by the d i v i s i o n of the s o l a r year. In the tsetseqa season, the dark part of the year, not health and long l i f e but disease and death are the dominant motif. However, j u s t as disease and death are present i n the Summer, though "underneath", so health and long l i f e are present i n the tse t s e q a . They are t r a n s l a t e d from the merely p h y s i c a l to a more comprehensive plane, a plane Kwakiutl c a l l v a r i o u s l y w e l l - b e i n g , good-mindedness, being happy, which i s p h y s i c a l , e t h i c a l and conceptual at the same time. In the speeches opening the winter dance season the winter dance power i s c a l l e d "Healing Woman", and here the word has d e f i n i t e l y the dominant sense of P e s t i l e n c e Woman, the dark power of the tsetseqa that i s associated with disease and death. Yet the same power i s a l s o c a l l e d "Happy Maker" and the ceremo-n i a l house i n which i t dwells "Time of Happiness" and "place of w e l l -being". I g i v e , as examples, two b r i e f e x t r a c t s from such winter dance speeches. Now spoke Squatter, the Assembler, and s a i d ; "Now come, you se v e r a l f r i e n d s , you have come i n t o t h i s house which has changed on the ground, t h i s house of the supernatural power, the house of Healing Woman. We have come to be assembled, f r i e n d s , i n t h i s house which has a name, t h i s Time of Happiness, t h i s place of w e l l - b e i n g , the house, the r e c e p t a c l e of the winter ceremo-n i a l . Now j u s t take care, f r i e n d s , take good care when our great f r i e n d s , the dance owners come". (Boas 1930: 121) "Now Welcome, great f r i e n d s , s i t down comfortably i n your seats. Come f r i e n d " s a i d he, as he c a l l e d by names the dancers. "Come and take care of us i n t h i s house which has become d i f f e r e n t on the ground beginning t h i s night; and you a l s o , a l l you f r i e n d s , you have come i n t o t h i s assembly house which has become d i f f e r e n t on the-ground, my house f o r the winter ceremonial. Now welcome, f o r you have come to be happy with t h i s happy maker, the red cedarbark, when i t came and was put on us by Healing Woman." (op. c i t . , p.65) I have mentioned i n the i n t r o d u c t i o n to t h i s part that to be happy denotes the a l e r t n e s s and energy that means l i f e i n the f u l l sense to the 123. Kwakiutl. This i s the l i f e and we l l - b e i n g that i s "underneath" the tsetseqa i n the Winter. The p h y s i c a l l i f e f o r which Kwakiutl ask i n t h e i r prayers must be accepted i n i t s double sense: as c o n t a i n i n g death; as, by being l i v e d , b r i n g i n g us nearer death with every moment. Such acceptance takes courage. In the winter dance we have moved from the courage to accept f a t e to the courage to be r e s p o n s i b l e f o r one's own f a t e . This s h i f t from the passive to the a c t i v e i s imaged i n the i n i t i a t e ' s "act of courage" which transforms death i n t o l i f e . 3 Formulas and t h e i r Combination: the St r u c t u r e of the Prayers In the l a s t s e c t i o n I have discussed how Kwakiutl understand and represent to themselves the superhuman beings they pray t o . In t h i s s e c t i o n I am enquiring i n t o the experience that generates such represen-t a t i o n s . For that purpose I turn from parts of the te x t (the g r e e t i n g formulas, the e p i t h e t s ) to the prayer t e x t as a whole. Considered as a whole, the te x t gives an account of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the s u p p l i -cant and the being s u p p l i c a t e d , and from t h i s account we can e x t r a p o l a t e what experience b a s i c a l l y informs the prayers. According to my under-standing of the t e x t , the experience that informs the prayers i s that of human accountableness. The consciousness of accountableness seems to have two sides f o r the Kwakiutl: i t i s both t h e . r e a l i t y of the human c o n d i t i o n (that which makes men baxus i n r e l a t i o n ' to the beings they pray to) and the challenge t o change that c o n d i t i o n to one i n which the account i s balanced and men are f r e e . The experience of accountableness i s not the only experience that informs the prayers, and i t does not inform a l l prayers t o an equal extent. Where the being prayed to impinges on human experience but i s i t s e l f impervious to human a c t i o n i t plays no role. 1. The greater the extent of 124. human i n t e r a c t i o n with the being prayed to the more rel e v a n t the expei r i e n c e of accountableness. In most cases t h i s accountableness remains i m p l i c i t and can only be deduced from an examination of the prayers' s t r u c t u r e (see subsection 3e) . But where human a c t i o n a c t u a l l y destroys the being prayed to as i n the case of a l l t h i n g s turned to human use, but p a r t i c u l a r l y that of the animals and p l a n t s used f o r food, the expression of accountableness becomes part of the dis c o u r s e ; i t i s "discussed between" the orant and the being to whom he i s praying. These prayers represent the end-case of the experience of human i n t e r a c t i o n with beings other than human. They i n p a r t i c u l a r are the subject of my i n v e s t i g a -t i o n . Kwakiutl prayers are conceived as dialogues with beings of a con-s i d e r a b l e presence and power. When they speak of being accountable they do not do i t d i s p a s s i o n a t e l y and o b j e c t i v e l y but as i f i n answer to some question or accusation. I t i s the defence that we hear i n the prayers,., not the accusation. A n a l y t i c a l l y we have t h e r e f o r e to work our way backward from the e x p l i c i t defence, which takes a number of v a r i a n t forms, to that which makes up the experience of a c c o u n t a b i l i t y i t s e l f . The only way i n which such an a n a l y s i s can proceed i s through an examination of the prayers' form. Though they are s l i g h t and " i n f o r m a l " , Kwakiutl prayers are an a r t form, one might almost say an a r t e f a c t . A n a l y s i s shows s t a b l e comparative u n i t s and more than t h a t , c e r t a i n s t a b l e combinations of such u n i t s , each of which i s the formal expression of a d i f f e r e n t type of experience. The main comparative d i s t i n c t i o n s i s again between prayers to Sun and to the i n t e l l i g e n c e s . Without the contrast that prayers to Sun a f f o r d i t would be d i f f i c u l t to appreciate f u l l y the f o r c e of the meaning prayers to the i n t e l l i g e n c e s have. The s t r u c t u r e of prayers to Sun i s s t a b l e r than that of prayers to 125. i n t e l l i g e n c e s and poses fewer problems of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . A f t e r having defined my c o n s t i t u e n t u n i t s , which I s h a l l do i n the remainder of t h i s i n t r o d u c t o r y subsection I begin t h e r e f o r e with a p r e l i m i n a r y examination of the s t r u c t u r e of prayers to Sun (3a). Prayers to i n t e l l i g e n c e s pose considerable problems of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . These are approached from three angles i n the f o l l o w i n g three subsections: dispensations (3b); d u a l i t y i n i n t e l l i g e n c e s and i n men (3c); and j u s t i f i c a t i o n (3d). With the r e s u l t s of these i n v e s t i g a t i o n s I r e t u r n to the s t r u c t u r e and a com-pa r a t i v e a n a l y s i s of prayers to Sun and to the i n t e l l i g e n c e s (3e). L i k e o r a l epic poetry, where t h i s f e a t u r e has received most a t t e n -t i o n , Kwakiutl prayers are made up of conventional set phrases. Follow-ing Lord, who has done the pioneering work on o r a l composition, I c a l l 33 these phrases formulas. In Lord:'s f i e l d of i n v e s t i g a t i o n , the sung e p i c , which can be very long, formulas are one of the many mnemonic devices the "singer of t a l e s " uses to keep c o n t r o l over h i s m a t e r i a l . Kwakiutl prayers are short, and as they are n e i t h e r sung nor chanted but spoken, they cannot be s t r i c t l y c a l l e d poetry but only a form of heightened prose. There are t h e r e f o r e no m e t r i c a l c o n d i t i o n s present and the s u p p l i c a n t hardly needs mnemonic devices to remind him of the appropriate form i n which to cast h i s prayer. Nevertheless, the set phrases of which the prayers are made up are formulas i n Lord's sense. They are a group of words r e g u l a r l y employed to express a given e s s e n t i a l i d e a . Though the outward form of the prayers i s so simple that they cam .hardly q u a l i f y as o r a l poetry, the given e s s e n t i a l ideas they express are not at a l l simple. The formulas, j u s t because they are ready-made, preserve these ideas i n t a c t and guarantee t h e i r accuracy. They are t h e r e f o r e mnemonic devices of another s o r t : not t o help the memory of the composer, which i n t h i s case needs no help, but to transmit a connection of ideas t h a t i s 126. v i t a l to the i n t e l l e c t u a l l i f e of the people who commonly use the prayers. Though Kwakiutl prayers are short, they are complete pieces with a beginning and an end. In t h e i r simple o r g a n i z a t i o n the formula plays . another important r o l e : i t d i v i d e s the piece i n t o s e c t i o n s which, i n t h e i r combination, form the s t r u c t u r e of the prayer. The prayers are so simple that we have no other d i v i s i o n s , no stanzas, episodes, e t c . . Nevertheless, the r e l a t i o n of parts to one another i s important, as i n any other composition. I have t h e r e f o r e extended Lord's use of "formula" to designate these p a r t s , without, I t h i n k , doing v i o l e n c e to the s p i r i t of his d e f i n i t i o n . For instance, every prayer, as we have already found, opens with a "greeting formula" i n my terminology. The verbal form and the given e s s e n t i a l idea i t expresses i s d i f f e r e n t i n prayers to Sun and prayers to i n t e l l i g e n c e s . These two d i f f e r e n t formulas i n the s t r i c t sense are, however, connected on a more a b s t r a c t l e v e l by expressing the same concept, that of a greet i n g o f f e r e d to the being prayed t o . They are the same formula not v e r b a l l y but i n the abstracted conceptual sense. They appear i n given places i n the prayers and have a given r e l a t i o n s h i p to other parts of the prayer as w e l l as across types, to one another. This account of Kwakiutl prayers i n e v i t a b l y brings up the question of spontaneity. No two prayers i n Hunt's c o l l e c t i o n are the same and the tone of each of them has a freshness and immediacy which makes i t unique. This a i r of spontaneity i s due to the conception we have already discussed: prayers are expressions of j o y and s u r p r i s e at an unexpected meeting. Therefore, though the prayers are made up of formulas and more or l e s s s t r i c t combinations of formulas Kwakiutl seem never to have " r e c i t e d " t h e i r prayers. The occasion i s always experienced as new, and the challenge i t brings with i t as s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t from that of any other occasion. In a c t u a l f a c t , i d i o s y n c r a c i e s of expression and v e r b a l 127. inventiveness are l i m i t e d to minor a l t e r a t i o n s of the formulas. . But the newness of each s i t u a t i o n i s f e l t with such immediacy t h a t , with the help of minor changes on the v e r b a l l e v e l each prayer has an expressive power of i t s own. The prayers give an impression that Kwakiutl enjoyed p l a y i n g with the formulas and were conscious of a l t e r n a t e v e r b a l f o r m u l a t i o n s f o r one idea. George Hunt draws a t t e n t i o n to such an a l t e r n a t i v e i n h i s "Prayer to the F i s h Running i n the R i v e r s " : "'Welcome, f r i e n d Swimmer, we have met again i n good health'. (This 'we have met again i n good health'} means the same as 'we have met a l i v e ' ) . " (Boas 1930: 184). From t h i s i t i s c l e a r that Kwakiutl prayers, l i k e other o r a l compositions, were never mere r e p e t i t i o n s of words yet at the same time were f o r m u l a i c . The formulas out of which they are made up must t h e r e f o r e be defined i n the f i r s t place c o n c e p t u a l l y , by the idea they express, and only s e c o n d a r i l y v e r b a l l y by the group of words used. Each prayer represents a balance between f r e e composition and r e s t r a i n t . Where does the r e s t r a i n t come from? What t e l l s the s u p p l i -cant that i n t h i s p a r t i c u l a r s i t u a t i o n c e r t a i n formulas are r i g h t , and c e r t a i n combinations of formulas, but not others? Prayers have, a f t e r a l l , no p l o t , no s t o r y - l i n e s to hold them together. The r e s t r a i n t must l i e o utside the prayer. I c a l l the shaping f a c t o r behind the prayer a grammar of occasion. Every occasion exerts pressures on the s u p p l i c a n t , pressures that are made up of p h y s i c a l f a c t o r s such as h i s closeness to or distance from the being prayed t o , and pressures that come from i n s i d e , from the customs he f o l l o w s and b e l i e f s he has l e a r n t to a t t a c h to p a r t i -c u l a r beings and p a r t i c u l a r s i t u a t i o n s . The sum of these f a c t o r s makes up a grammar of occasion that gives each i n d i v i d u a l prayer i t s f o r c e of meaning and i t s coherence. C l e a r l y such a grammar i s both c o n s t r a i n i n g 128. and conducive to new and spontaneous expression. Prayers are i n f a c t a language w i t h i n a language, with the formulas corresponding to word-units that make sense as long as they are arranged according to the commonly accepted grammar, but that can otherwise be used with i n d i v i d u a l freedom. I t i s a s p e c i a l language i n that the formulas express complex, c u l t u r a l l y given ideas. The general d e f i n i t i o n f o r the grammar of occasions i s , then, that i t g ives a p a r t i c u l a r prayer i t s p a r t i c u l a r shape. I t c o n t r o l s the choice of formulas (with the l a t i t u d e I have mentioned) and the combina-t i o n of formulas. Beyond t h i s general d e f i n i t i o n , however, the grammar of occasion a l s o brings out major d i v i s i o n s i n the corpus of the prayers as a whole. • I have already discussed the s t a b l e d i f f e r e n c e i n the greet-i n g formulas based on d i f f e r e n t orant a t t i t u d e s . Prayers which t r a v e l v e r t i c a l l y up to the sun, and which t r a v e l an immense d i s t a n c e , are d i f f e r e n t from those which t r a v e l h o r i z o n t a l l y and only a small d i s t a n c e . The s t r u c t u r e i s d i f f e r e n t according to the d i f f e r e n t conceptions that a t t a c h to Sun and to the i n t e l l i g e n c e s . A l l Kwakiutl prayers have one basic s t r u c t u r a l core: that of the g r e e t i n g formula and the p e t i t i o n formula, arranged i n t h i s order. In prayers to Sun the g r e e t i n g formula i s an i n v o c a t i o n : Sun's a t t e n t i o n i s c a l l e d down to the world of men. In prayers to i n t e l l i g e n c e s the greeting formula i s a s a l u t a t i o n : an i n t e l l i g e n c e already aware and a t t e n t i v e i s thanked f o r i t s coming. P e t i t i o n formulas a l s o are d i f f e r e n t f o r the two types of prayers i n s p i t e of a large overlap. Both Sun and i n t e l l i g e n c e s are asked f o r p r o t e c t i o n , help and mercy ( l i t e r a l l y a t a k i n g p i t y ) . Both are asked f o r health and success. But i n the case of Sun these s u p p l i -c a t i o n s remain ge n e r a l , because Sun i s the o v e r a l l and general source of a l l good, while i n the case of the i n t e l l i g e n c e s the range i s much wider. 129. Animals and p l a n t s can be c a l l e d upon f o r the most general but a l s o very p a r t i c u l a r kinds of b l e s s i n g s , that f i t the p a r t i c u l a r character of the being prayed to and need of the s u p p l i c a n t . The main p e t i t i o n s to the "unobliged ones" are f o r long l i f e and wealth. Sun, who i s not an unobliged one, i s never asked f o r e i t h e r . This may be due to the f a c t that the conception of Sun i s that of an unchanging order, while a long l i f e i s measured by the change that i n t e r r u p t s f low, and wealth f o r Kwakiutl i s always associated with exchange. Sun with h i s ^ y e a r l y j o u r -neys circumscribes the world and makes time. He i s always present, even at the times of h i s most extreme withdrawal, because without him there would be no world and the flow of time would stop. Animals on the con-t r a r y , come and go i n mysterious f a s h i o n , p a r t i c u l a r l y h i b e r n a t i n g animals l i k e the bear, or the salmon with t h e i r rhythmic withdrawal to the deep sea and sudden "runs" on the i n l a n d waters. Occasions of meetings are both occasions f o r an exchange of wealth and landmarks by which one can gauge the length of one's l i f e . These "unexpected" meetings are part of the grammar of occasion that forms the prayers to i n t e l l i g e n c e s , j u s t as Sun's constant presence forms the prayers to him. I t i s t h e r e f o r e not s u r p r i s i n g that each type of prayer contains formulas which are not shared between them. 3(a) The S t r u c t u r e of Prayers to Sun: A P r e c o n s i d e r a t i o n A l l Kwakiutl prayers begin with a formula of g r e e t i n g . Only very r a r e l y i s i t omitted and the s u p p l i c a n t , pressed by h i s need, hastens i n t o p e t i t i o n without t h i s proper opening. The g r e e t i n g formula expresses love and t r u s t ; i t a l s o expresses the reverence men owe to beings s u p e r i o r i n power. But i t contains more than the emotions i t expresses. Out of the g r e e t i n g formula the s t r u c t u r e of the prayer i s generated. The 130. g r e e t i n g o f f e r e d to Sun: "look down on me, Chi e f , Great Father" genera-tes a d i f f e r e n t s t r u c t u r e from the "We meet a l i v e " with which the i n t e l l i -gences are greeted. The s t r u c t u r e of prayers to Sun i s s u r p r i s i n g l y s t a b l e and f a r simpler than that of prayers to i n t e l l i g e n c e s . I s h a l l t h e r e f o r e preface my examination of the l a t t e r with a b r i e f look at the former, and take the opportunity f o r a few general remarks on the form. The key word i n the g r e e t i n g formulas to Sun i s the verb to look. Almost every prayer to Sun begins with a phrase c o n t a i n i n g "look": "Look at me", "look down upon me", "pray look down upon these men made by you", "look down upon these men who came from you". We s h a l l see l a t e r that the two key words of prayers to i n t e l l i g e n c e s are to come and t o meet. The d i f f e r e n c e i s s i g n i f i c a n t . The most important t h i n g i n a prayer to Sun 34 i s that Sun's face should be turned t o men, h i s eyes open upon men. Without Sun's face turned towards the earth men cannot l i v e and nothing can prosper. The opening of a prayer to Sun i s th e r e f o r e a c a l l f o r the a t t e n t i o n of the f a t h e r who makes a l l thi n g s and who l e t s them prosper each according to i t s kind under r u l e s that u n i t e them a l l i n harmony. As I have pointed out, t h i s c a l l f o r a t t e n t i o n , t h i s "look at me, look down upon those who came from you", has a l s o a dimension of a n x i e t y . I t i s a c a l l across a g u l f . Sun f o l l o w s h i s course i n e x o r a b l y ; on h i s r e g u l a r i t y the whole world depends. His very r e g u l a r i t y and the depen-d a b i l i t y which i s mathematically measurable i s a l s o the index of the dependency of h i s cr e a t u r e s . A paradox a r i s e s here. Sun cannot be in f l u e n c e d . Yet he must be kept a t t e n t i v e because everything depends i n the u l t i m a t e sense on him. The c a l l f o r a t t e n t i o n can t h e r e f o r e be paraphrased: "look down l e s t anything f a l l out of your order; hold up your order i n t h i s world". This i s what the s t r u c t u r e of formulas bears out. 131 . The formulas that make up the prayers do not n e c e s s a r i l y c o i n c i d e with sentences. The opening formula that invokes Sun to look down i s often only a half-sentence, coupled with a new formula, a p e t i t i o n f o r p r o t e c t i o n . Sentence caesuras are, of course, f u n c t i o n s of the t r a n s -c r i p t i o n of o r a l i n t o w r i t t e n t e x t s , but the s w i f t f o l l o w i n g up of the gre e t i n g with a p e t i t i o n i s present i n the spoken v e r s i o n . I t mi r r o r s the urgency that i s the outcome of the te n s i o n between Sun's ine x o r a b l e -ness and men's an x i e t y . The opening sentence of a prayer to Sun may, f o r instance, read: "Look down upon me, Walking-all-over-the-World, and have mercy on me". In other words, a formula of i n v o c a t i o n i s followed by one of p e t i t i o n i n one sentence of s u p p l i c a t i o n . The p e t i t i o n may continue f o r s e v e r a l sentences, i f the supplicant has s p e c i a l favours to ask, or stop there i f he i s simply c a l l i n g f o r Sun's b l e s s i n g i n a general way. S t r u c t u r a l l y the expansion of the p e t i t i o n formula i s unimportant i f i t occurs. What i s s t r u c t u r a l l y important i s that the two formulas of in v o c a t i o n and p e t i t i o n are followed by a t h i r d which we do not f i n d i n prayers to i n t e l l i g e n c e s : the formula that a f f i r m s Sun's omnipotence and man's e n t i r e dependence. I t may run: "you do with us as you please" or "you are making t h i s world as you please" (Boas 1930: 182 c) and d); seealso the quotations i n 2(a) above). This formula c l o s e s the prayer, and i s given prominence by i t s p o s i t i o n at the end. I t i s only followed by the formula of response which corresponds to the amen of C h r i s t i a n prayer and which shows that the prayer i s a dialogue. Such a s t r u c t u r e may be compressed i n t o one short sentence and s t i l l c ontain a l l the three formulas that are c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of prayers to Sun, as i n t h i s example: "Look at me, Chief, that nothing e v i l may happen to me t h i s day, made by you as you please, Great-Walking-to-and-fro-all-over-the-World, Chief."--"Ha". (Boas 1930: 182) 132. The formulas may also be absorbed i n t o one another. In the "Prayer to Chief Sun" there i s no set phrase a s s e r t i n g Sun's omnipotence, but the s p i r i t of the a s s e r t i o n i s expressed i n the i n s i s t e n c e that men are the creatures of Sun. "Look down upon these who came from you, Great Father! Look down upon these; men made by you, Great Father, and protect those who came from you, Chief, Great Father."--"Ha". Now he w i l l do i t that way. (op. c i t . p.183) In moments of danger, when the prayer i s nothing but a cry f o r help, the conventional set phrases that c h a r a c t e r i s e a prayer to Sun normally may disappear and be replaced by words more immediately appropriate to the s i t u a t i o n . This has happened i n the "Prayer to the Sun when a Canoe i s Caught i n a Gale at Sea". What i s i n t e r e s t i n g about t h i s prayer i s that i t i l l u s t r a t e s the c o n s t r a i n t of the grammar of occasion p a r t i c u l a r l y c l e a r l y . The o c c a s i o n . i s extreme and allows only the b r i e f e s t and most unconventional expression. Yet the r u l e s of the grammar hold: i n s p i t e of compression and absorption of the formulas i n t o one another the prayer s t i l l f o l l o w s the schema of i n v o c a t i o n of a power who i s above and whose a t t e n t i o n can be c a l l e d down; p e t i t i o n f o r the establishment of an order that i s Sun's order; a f f i r m a t i o n of Sun's u n l i m i t e d power, made here by c a l l i n g a world that i s at t h i s moment swallowed up i n chaos "your world". I t seems that the moment of c r i s i s i s p a r t i c u l a r l y apt to b r i n g out and make e x p l i c i t the order p r i n c i p l e that informs the prayers. "Press down the sea i n your world. Great C h i e f , Father, that i t may become good, that your world may become r i g h t on the water, Great Father." (op. c i t . p.183) With the help of these examples we can then a b s t r a c t a simple scheme f o r the s t r u c t u r e of prayers to Sun. 133. TABLE I I Abstract scheme Type of set phrase Invocation "Look down upon me" P e t i t i o n "Have mercy on me and protect me" A f f i r m a t i o n of Sun's omnipotence and man's dependence "You have made and are at any moment making t h i s world" | Response "Yes, I w i l l do so" Not every l i n k i s present i n a l l the prayers. But i n the sample we have i n Boas' R e l i g i o n of the Kwakiutl Indians the s t r u c t u r e of prayers to Sun i s s u r p r i s i n g l y c o n s i s t e n t , both i n the presence of l i n k s and i n t h e i r sequence. Exceptions are two hymns of p r a i s e , the songs of women who dreamt about Sun, which are not dialogues,and belong i n form to the r i t u a l songs (op. c i t . p.183 c and d), and the "Prayer to the Sun at Sunrise" which uses the g r e e t i n g formula proper t o an i n t e l l i g e n c e (op. c i t . pp.182--3; see a l s o 2(a) above} where I have quoted and discussed t h i s p r a y e r ) . The l a t t e r i s a reminder of the overlap that e x i s t s between prayers to Sun and to the i n t e l l i g e n c e s . The i n t e l l i g e n c e s are a l s o independent sources of order, and have powers surpassing those of men, so that men are dependent on them as they are on Sun. But on the one hand t h e i r orders are d i f f e r e n t from the order of Sun, and on the other they, l i k e a l l l i v i n g beings, depend on Sun's order. They t h e r e f o r e occupy to a c e r t a i n extent an intermediary p o s i t i o n between Sun and men, and the overlap i n formulas one can detect i n . t h e prayers here and there i s due to that intermediary p o s i t i o n . 3(b) Dispensations i n the Prayers to I n t e l l i g e n c e s The formulas that make up prayers to the i n t e l l i g e n c e s express complex ideas, f a r more complex than those of prayers to Sun. I t w i l l t h e r e f o r e 134. be necessary to give a background of ideas before going on to a d i s c u s s i o n of the formulas themselves and t h e i r s t r u c t u r a l r e l a t i o n s . The grea t e r complexity of the prayers to the i n t e l l i g e n c e s i s due to the f a c t that men's r e l a t i o n to the i n t e l l i g e n c e s i s c l o s e r and fraught w i t h more u n c e r t a i n t i e s than t h e i r r e l a t i o n to Sun. Sun i s conceived of as un i -v a l e n t . He can engage with men i n one way only,, a benevolent one. flan responds with undivided t r u s t and g r a t i t u d e , h i s anxiety being only that Sun should uphold his order to combat the accidents that tend to occur on t h i s earth. The i n t e l l i g e n c e s are seen as m u l t i v a l e n t ; they can engage with men i n at l e a s t two ways, benevolently or malevolently. Man's r e a c t i o n i s one of g r a t i t u d e tempered by dread. Moreover, man's i n t e n -t i o n towards the i n t e l l i g e n c e s i s i t s e l f ambivalent, and t h i s ambivalence introduces a f u r t h e r f a c t o r of d i v i s i o n and t e n s i o n . •wing to t h i s complicated r e l a t i o n the ideas that are expressed i n the formulas are themselves complicated. I t i s p o s s i b l e to d i s t i n g u i s h three separate impulsions which f i n d expression i n d i f f e r e n t formulas but can be subsumed under the more ab s t r a c t c l a s s of formulas of j u s t i f i c a t i o n . The f i r s t i s an impulsion of d e s i r e - - t h e d e s i r e to make the wished-for s t a t e come t r u e . On the expressive l e v e l i t " l e g i t i m i z e s " the d i f f i c u l t r e l a t i o n between men and i n t e l l i g e n c e s by c a l l i n g on e s t a b l i s h e d orders. But as the orders were themselves e s t a b l i s h e d as the outcome of the d e s i r e , the reasoning i s c i r c u l a r here and not r e a l i s t i c . The second i s an impulsion of f e a r - - f e a r of the i n t e l l i g e n c e s ' ambivalence and men's double i n t e n t i o n s . I t i s r e a l i s t i c , given the conceptual framwork of the Kwakiutl world, and f i n d s i t s proper expression i n prayer f o r a good out-come. The t h i r d i s an impulsion of what I can only c a l l accurate moral perception--the perception of what the r e l a t i o n between men and the i n t e l l i g e n c e s ought to be, j o i n e d to the perception that i n the nature of 135. t h i n g s t h i s r e l a t i o n cannot be achieved. This i s the most r e a l i s t i c of the impulsions i n u n i v e r s a l terms, and represents Kwakiutl understanding of men's r e l a t i o n to the non-human world at i t s most s e r i o u s . In the prayers i t f i n d s i t s most adequate expression i n apology. I s h a l l d i s c u s s t h i s background i n r e l a t i o n to the formulas i n the next three subsections. The metaphor through which the ideas are conveyed i s s p a t i a l . The prayers to the i n t e l l i g e n c e s are an i n v e s t i g a t i o n of the o r i g i n s of a c t i o n s , causes and e f f e c t s , and of the boundaries of a c t i o n s , but they i n v e s t i g a t e not with the help of a b s t r a c t language but with the help of a "scene", a geographical backdrop of journeys, known and unknown countr r i e s , and the boundaries between them. Most languages r e t a i n echoes of the connection between ab s t r a c t causal t h i n k i n g and images of space, f o r instance the c o l l o q u i a l North American "how come" which i s probably based on the German "wiekommt es" which means both "what i s the cause" and "what does i t mean". We do not see what i s unknown any more as a t r a v e l -l e r coming from an unknown country. Yet t h i s i s the f o r c e the metaphoric and dramatic context of the prayers has. That which i s u n c e r t a i n , which has to be thought about and studied f o r i t s e f f e c t s i s a l s o that which comes "from the other side of the world". References to space, e x p l i c i t l y and i m p l i c i t l y , are f a r more frequent i n prayers to the i n t e l l i g e n c e s than i n those to Sun. Yet the g r e e t i n g formulas as we have seen are based i n both kinds of prayer on a sense of space. In prayers t o Sun the i n v o c a t i o n to "look down" conjures up what we c a l l "space" i t s e l f : the d i s t a n c e between Sun above and the s u p p l i c a n t down on earth. This i s why i n prayers to Sun the g r e e t i n g must take the form of an i n v o c a t i o n . The distance i s p h y s i c a l and f i g u r a t i v e : the i n v o c a t i o n conveys the tension that e x i s t s between Sun's inexorableness 136. and men's personal need of him. Out of t h i s t e n sion the prayer grows. The g r e e t i n g formulas that open the prayers to the i n t e l l i g e n c e s are not in v o c a t i o n s but s a l u t a t i o n s . They e s t a b l i s h the more f a m i l i a r r e l a t i o n -ship of beings who journey on earth and meet i n the course of t h e i r coming and going. I f the dominant verb i n the greet i n g formula f o r Sun i s "to look", the dominant verbs i n the g r e e t i n g formula to the i n t e l l i -gences are "to come" and "to meet". I t i s out of the coming and meeting, that i s out of the contact, both p h y s i c a l and f i g u r a t i v e , between the i n t e l l i g e n c e s and the s u p p l i c a n t s that the tension of these prayers a r i s e s . What c o n s t i t u t e s t h i s t e n sion w i l l be the subject of my i n v e s t i g a t i o n i n the f o l l o w i n g three subsections. I t i s evident not only i n the g r e e t i n g formula from which the prayer develops but can be i d e n t i f i e d i n the s t r u c t u r e which holds the prayer together as a whole. The verb "to come" i s g e n e r a l l y used i n the g r e e t i n g formula i n one of three ways: (1) to show that both partners of the dialogue have moved independently to the same place and meet at the appointed times--"we come and meet a l i v e " ; (2) to thank the one prayed to f o r h i s d e c i s i o n i n coming--"you have come to take mercy on me", o r " I thank you h e a r t i l y that you have come and walked i n f r o n t of me", or "thank you. Great Supernatu-r a l One, you have come, you have reached me"; (3) to t e l l the one prayed to that he, the su p p l i c a n t has come to meet the i n t e l l i g e n c e i n order to ask f o r something. This i s frequent i n meetings with medicinal p l a n t s which have to be searched f o r . I t i s v i v i d l y expressed, f o r ins t a n c e , i n the somewhat unorthodox opening to t h i s prayer: "Don't be s t a r t l e d , Supernatural One, by my coming and s i t t i n g down to make a request of you, Supernatural One. I mean t h i s , t h i s .is the reason why I come to you. I come to you to pray you, please, to ( l e t me) take some of your blanket, Sore-Healer, that i t may heal the burn of my c h i l d (or he might say the sore of my c h i l d ) , t h a t , please, may heal up h i s burn, Supernatural •ne," says he as he peels o f f the loose bark of the salmonberry bush. (Boas 1930: 218) 137. In a l l cases, i n c l u d i n g the l a s t one, i t i s the coming of the i n t e l l i g e n c e and h i s meeting of men that i s the miraculous event. The coming of the i n t e l l i g e n c e has nothing to do with the m o b i l i t y , i n natu-r a l i s t i c terms, of the being prayed t o . Every i n t e l l i g e n c e comes f o r t h from i t s own-non-human dimensions of o r i g i n - - i t s "home", i t s place of e s s e n t i a l being--at the moment of prayer to meet the s u p p l i c a n t . The coming of the game that meet the hunter, of the running f i s h , of the p l a n t s i n Spring or of the b e r r i e s when they r i p e n i s the language which expresses i n s p a t i a l terms the magic contact that i s e s t a b l i s h e d . I t i s t h e i r coming from another, supra-human dimension t h a t g i v e s the i n t e l l i g e n -35 ces t h e i r "wealth" and with i t t h e i r power to succour or oppose. Animals and p l a n t s that are f o r use come to men under c e r t a i n dispen-36 s a t i o n s . The d i s p e n s a t i o n i s u s u a l l y mentioned i n c l o s e connection with the s a l u t a t i o n , o f t e n i n the same sentence, though d i s t i n c t and separate formulas are used. Dispensations are mentioned i n the prayer to c o n t r o l a s i t u a t i o n - - t h e miraculous event, the theophany--which i s fraught with r i s k and which, according to Kwakiutl moral perception i s a l s o fraught w i t h a deep-going ambiguity. They are those b e l i e f s and customs which l e g i t i m i z e men's behaviour to the i n t e l l i g e n c e s and absolve them from an impossible r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . They spring from the wish to create the harmony between men and other beings, asked f o r i n the imposs-i b l e demand, through observances on a p o s s i b l e l e v e l , and .they assert that the harmony e x i s t s through the d i s p e n s a t i o n , even though men are forced t o act v i o l e n t l y and d e s t r u c t i v e l y i n p r a c t i c e . There are three major dispensations mentioned i n the prayers to those i n t e l l i g e n c e s t h a t are appropriated f o r human use. The p r i n c i p l e s of order they c a l l on are d i s p a r a t e , but a l l of the p r i n c i p l e s of order are used i n the prayers, sometimes simultaneously i n one prayer. They are: 138. CD the heteronomous order of Sun under which the coming of the i n t e l l i g e n c e i s ordained; (2) the autonomous order of the i n t e l l i g e n c e s under which the i n t e l l i g e n c e s have bound themselves by contract to come; C3) the order of s a c r i f i c e under which the i n t e l l i g e n c e s come v o l u n t a r i l y to give themselves to men. The f i r s t order, which might be c a l l e d the dis p e n s a t i o n of providence, i s not mentioned outside the prayers. The second order, the c o n t r a c t , i s one of the subjects of the hunting myths, and we s h a l l discuss i t s use i n myth i n the f o l l o w i n g chapter. The t h i r d order, b e l i e f i n the s a c r i f i -c i a l i n t e n t i o n of the i n t e l l i g e n c e s permeates Kwakiutl t h i n k i n g . I t i s not often e x p l i c i t i n the t e x t s Can exception i s the Bear Mother sto r y ) but informs them as a bas i c assumption. One might say that a l l Kwakiutl r i t u a l from the i n d i v i d u a l r i t e s of hunters to communal events l i k e the winter r i t u a l i s informed by t h i s basic scheme. Because of the important part i t plays i n Kwakiutl thought as a whole I discus s i t more f u l l y i n t h i s a n a l y s i s than the other two di s p e n s a t i o n s . (1) The order of providence i s f r e q u e n t l y invoked i n prayers to animals and p l a n t s that are used f o r food. The usual f o r m u l a t i o n i s : "you have come brought by our c r e a t o r " . I t i s s t r i k i n g l y absent i n prayers to medicinal p l a n t s , though i t comes up e x c e p t i o n a l l y ; as i n the prayer to the bark of the pigeon t r e e : " I have come and found you. Supernatural One, indeed f o r t h i s i s why you come, sent by the one who made you, that you, please, may make us w e l l when we are s i c k with c o n s t i p a -t i o n " f CBoas 1930: 219). Medicinal p l a n t s are u s u a l l y t r e a t e d as autono-mous. I t i s tempting to t h i n k that the order of providence was i n t r o d u -ced by C h r i s t i a n i t y and became a f a v o u r i t e dispensation at a time when the use of medicinal p l a n t s became o l d fashioned. In that case prayers to medicinal p l a n t s might represent an o l d e r prayer s t r u c t u r e . But there 139. i s no evidence whatever to support such a s p e c u l a t i o n . S t i l l , the absence of the mention of providence i n the prayers t o medicinal p l a n t s presents a p u z z l e , because on the whole, i n v o c a t i o n s of the order of providence mingle e a s i l y with i n v o c a t i o n s of orders (2) and (3). The "Prayer to the Olachen" i s an example. "Now welcome, f i s h , you who have come, brought by the Chief of the World-Above that I see you again, that I come to exert my p r i v i -lege of being the f i r s t to s t r i n g you, f i s h . I mean t h i s , that you may have mercy on me that I may see you again next year when you come back to t h i s your happy pl a c e , f i s h " (Boas 1930: 203) Such a p r i v i l e g e could only have been given by the f i s h themselves to the ancestresses of the praying woman, and l o c a t e s the prayer t h e r e f o r e i n the autonomous order of the animals (2), i n s p i t e of the reference to (1). Sometimes, indeed, the order of providence seems to be simply i n t e r p o l a t e d , as i n the prayer to the bear which invokes h i s s a c r i f i c i a l i n t e n t i o n : "Indeed t h i s i s why you have come, made by our c r e a t o r , that I may come to shoot you, that I may eat you, with my w i f e , f r i e n d " (op. c i t . 191). Though the conception of the c r e a t o r - o r d a i n e r had not doubt been i n f l u e n c e d by C h r i s t i a n teaching by the time Hunt c o l l e c t e d the prayers i t i s probable that i t e x i s t e d a b o r i g i n a l l y . Josef.Haekel's 37 work on the Northwest coast seems to show t h i s c o n c l u s i v e l y . The concept of the power of Sun may have overlapped w i t h the concept of the power of the i n t e l l i g e n c e s i n such a way that both could be invoked i n one prayer without any serious conceptual hiatus being created. Indeed t h i s i s what the language of the.prayers suggests. I n t e l l i g e n c e s too are sometimes addressed "Chief of the Upper World"; the d e c i s i v e d i f f e r e n c e i s that Sun i s never addressed by the ambiguous e p i t h e t s of the i n t e l l i -gences. (2) This i s the autonomous order of the i n t e l l i g e n c e s . They are .140. the o r i g i n a t o r s of the r e l a t i o n with men, and r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the laws that govern that r e l a t i o n . The order i s r e f e r r e d to i n prayers to animals and p l a n t s that are used f o r food, i n prayers to medicinal p l a n t s and i n prayers to p l a n t s that y i e l d raw m a t e r i a l . (For one of the l a t t e r , see Boas 1966: 160). The animals are the teachers of men; they have taught them how to "play" w i t h them, that i s how to catch them and k i l l them, prepare them and use them. The "play" i s a game with r u l e s ; every-t h i n g has to be done i n the way i n which the ancestors were taught at the f i r s t meeting of men and animals. (Cf. Chapter 3, 3(c)B , "Rules of the Game" .) Sometimes the r u l e s were given i n a dream-vision, and such prayers are often handed down i n f a m i l i e s . Here are the "Prayers to the Sockeye Salmon" i n which the r i t u a l r u l e s of " t r e a t i n g w e l l " , given i n a v i s i o n at the beginning of time are observed. As soon as he caught the sockeye salmon with h i s hook, then he clubbed i t once so th a t i t was not r e a l l y dead and he put i t down on the pebbly beach near the bank of the r i v e r . He d i d not allow the sockeye salmon to l i e on the s o i l at the foo t of t r e e s . As soon as nine sockeye salmons had been hooked he broke o f f long withes of young cedar. He tw i s t e d them and as soon as he reached the ( t h i c k ) end of h i s t w i s t i n g , he strung i t through the necks of the sockeye salmon so that the end of the withe showed at the mouth of the sockeye salmon. Then he t i e d together the ends of the cedar withes. As soon as he had done so he looked at the sockeye salmon that had been strung up on the hoop of cedar withes. Then he s a i d praying to them, "• Swimmers, t h i s i s the dream given by you, to be the way of my l a t e grandfathers when they f i r s t caught you at your playground i n t h i s r i v e r . Now you w i l l be i n the same way, Swimmers. I do not club you tw i c e , f o r I do not wish to club to 1 ideatbVjybur;'soulsnso^that you may go home to the place where you come from, Supernatural Ones, you, g i v e r s of heavy weight. I mean t h i s , Swimmers, why should I not go to the end of the dream given by you? Now I s h a l l wear you as a neckring going to my house. Supernatural Ones, you, Swimmers", sa i d he as he took the hoop-shaped s t r i n g of sockeye salmon and put i t around h i s neck. Then he came home. As soon as he entered h i s house h i s wife took a new mat made of broad s t r i p s and spread i t out. Now Head-of-the-World took o f f his neckring of sockeye salmon strung up. Then he took hold of the sides of the r i n g of the sockeye salmon which were strung up and s a i d , "0 Swimmers, how I come and take you i n t o my house. Now I w i l l go and l a y you down on t h i s mat which i s spread on the f l o o r f o r you, Swimmers. This i s your own saying when you came and gave a dream to my l a t e grandfathers. Now you w i l l go," sai d he as he 141. turned around and put down the r i n g of sockeye salmon strung upon the mat that had been spread out. That was a l l the work of Head-of-the-World, except the making of r o a s t i n g tongs. Immediately the w i f e of Head-of-the-World ... took her c a r r y i n g basket and went to the woods to get dead moss. As soon as she found the dead moss she puts i t i n t o her basket and came home. She c a r r i e d the basket c o n t a i n i n g the dead moss and put i t down near the edge of the mat which had been spread out, on which the sockeye salmon were l a i d . Then she took her f i s h k n i f e and ... sat down at the edge of the mat.:., She took up one of the sockeye salmon with her l e f t hand and holding with her r i g h t hand her f i s h k n i f e , ... prayed to the sockeye salmon and said , "Thank you, Swimmers, you, Supernatural Ones, that you have come to t r y to save our l i v e s , (mine) and my husbands, that we may not die of hunger, you, Long-Life-Maker, only protect us that nothing e v i l may b e f a l l us, you, Rich-Maker-Womanj and a l s o t h i s , that we may meet again next year, good, great Supernatural Ones," says she and then she cut the sockeye salmon. (Boas 1930: 205--206) Some of the prayers to medicinal p l a n t s describe complicated procedures that were given t o the ancestor to e f f e c t the cure ( c f . pp.213, 216, 239). Others are simple r e c i p e s , as t h i s prayer to.peuce-danum seeds by a woman who i s plagued w i t h a headache : "You have come, Supernatural-Power-of-the-Ground, and t h i s i s the reason why I c a r e f u l l y keep you that you may be ready f o r me when I have a headache. Now I have a headache, and now I act accord-ing to the dream given by you to my l a t e grandfathers when you t o l d them to chew you at once and to blow you on to the place where the sickness appears. Now I w i l l do t h i s , Supernatural-Power-of-the-Ground, and please, ease my headache, you, Source-of-Healing, Supernatural One. Go on, please, make me w e l l , you, Lang-Life-Maker, you,. S o u r c e - o f - L i f e . Please save me, please. Supernatural One." (op. c i t . p.242) Under t h i s order, whether a c o n t r a c t with the ancestors i s mentioned or not, the i n t e l l i g e n c e i s a f r e e agent, as i n (3). But r a t h e r than s a c r i f i c i a l l y he appears here as a g i v e r of laws and as a maker of the c i v i l i z e d world, the world that i s r u l e d by the r i g h t r e l a t i o n s between men and other l i v i n g beings. From the point of view of men to r e f e r to t h i s order i s both t o rehearse a taboo and to f u l f i l a c o n t r a c t . To f o l l o w "the dream given to the ancestors" means t r e a t i n g the i n t e l l i g e n c e w e l l . (The l i t e r a l meaning of the Kwakiutl word f o r taboo). I t a l s o 142.. means f u l f i l l i n g the human part of a r e c i p r o c a l contract that, promises reward f o r c a r e f u l and r e v e r e n t i a l execution. The point at which the notion of taboo--do not do t h i s or do t h i s because of the consequences that w i l l f o l l o w - - o v e r l a p s w i t h the notion of contract l i e s i n the auton-omy which t h i s order expresses. The order i s grounded i n nothing but the goodwill of the two p a r t i e s . I f men f u l f i l t h e i r part the contract o f f e r s a dispensation a l s o i n the sense of a s p e c i a l remission i n view of the s e v e r i t y of the absolute demand. (3) The s a c r i f i c i a l order s t r e s s e s the f r e e w i l l of the animals and pl a n t s who give themselves to men so that men can l i v e . "Indeed t h i s i s the reason why you come ... that I may eat you, with my w i f e " , says the hunter to the bear he has shot (p.191). And the fisherman's wife prays before she cuts the salmon: "Now I w i l l do what you came here f o r that I should do to you" (p.207). The prayer to the young cedar s t r e s s e s the i n t e l l i g e n c e s ' compassion f o r men: "Look at me, f r i e n d , I come to ask you f o r your dress, f o r you have come to take p i t y on us; f o r there i s nothing f o r which you can not be used, because i t i s your way that there i s nothing f o r which we can not use you, f o r you are r e a l l y w i l l i n g to give us your dress. I come to beg you f o r h i s , Long-Life-Maker, f o r I am going t o make a basket f o r l i l y r o o t s out of you. I pray you, f r i e n d , not to f e e l angry with me on account of what I am going to do to you; and I beg you f r i e n d . t o t e l l our f r i e n d s about what I ask of you. Take care, f r i e n d ! Keep sickness away from me, so that I may not be k i l l e d by sickness or i n war, fri e n d ! " 3 3 In i t s s t r e s s on the i n t e l l i g e n c e s ' own d e c i s i o n i n coming, t h i s order i s c l o s e l y l i n k e d to the autonomous order of (2), under which animals and p l a n t s a l s o s u f f e r a vol u n t a r y death from the hands of men. But \ while the dispensation i n (2) i s the c o n t r a c t , made i n the beginning of time and i n v o l v i n g men i n r e c i p r o c a l d u t i e s , the coming under (3) i s a f r e e g i f t and the dispensation l i e s i n the freedom with which i t i s given. This i s an important point because i t shows c l e a r l y the d i s t r i b u t i o n of . 143. freedom andr.boundness i n the l i f e of the Summer. The i n t e l l i g e n c e s , who are g i v e r s , are f r e e ; men, who are r e c e i v e r s , bound. The freedom of the i n t e l l i g e n c e s ismost c l e a r l y demonstrated i n animals because animals are most important i n subsistence on the one hand, and on the other, because they are most l i k e men p h y s i c a l l y and mentally. Animals show that they can "act f r e e l y " by being capable of that f r e e s t of d e c i s i o n s , voluntary death. They are sacred, naualak, l i k e the i n i t i a t e who a l s o shows that he i s capable of a c t i n g f r e e l y by going i n t o death. And l i k e the ;' i n i t i a t e the animal renews i t s e l f through i t s s a c r i f i c e : by being k i l l e d i t i s regenerated. This innate l o g i c makes the s a c r i f i c i a l order the strongest of a l l d i s p e n s a t i o n s . To refuse a g i f t would be wrong i n general; to refuse the animals' g i f t of themselves would mean c u t t i n g them o f f from what they most d e s i r e , renewal. A l l that i s l e f t to men i s t o accept the animals' g i f t of themselves i n g r a t i t u d e , and, by t r e a t i n g t h e i r bones w e l l , ensure that they can regenerate themselves. By t h e i r consenting p a s s i v i t y and attending t o the r u l e s of a hunting l i f e men r e s t o r e the harmony which the act of k i l l i n g has destroyed. ( K i l l i n g i s i n f a c t not mentioned i n the prayers, and death i s only mentioned i n ; prayers t o dead animals that have not been k i l l e d by the o r a n t ) . From t h i s point of balance, created by the conception of the animals' voluntary death, Kwakiutl thought branches out i n two d i r e c t i o n s , both d o u b t f u l or c r i t i c a l of the d i s p e n s a t i o n . (a) The idea of the animals' s e l f - s a c r i f i c e i s not adequate to deal with the problem of r e c i p r o c i t y . As r e c e i v e r s men are bound, not f r e e , and have to r e q u i t e . Requiting means r e t u r n i n g f u l l measure. The animals give f r e e l y , but accepting t h i s g i f t men accumulate a debt that i s hard to deal with. The animals have given t h e i r substance, t h e i r very . .144. l i f e . I f men want to discharge t h e i r debt they have to give a g i f t of equal magnitude and s i g n i f i c a n c e . In the image of r e c e i v i n g and g i v i n g , the debt and the g i f t , the d i s p e n s a t i o n of the s a c r i f i c i a l order i s c r i t i c a l l y developed i n t o a new dimension, that of the winter dance. Only the voluntary g i f t of the i n i t i a t e ' s l i f e , given as s e l f l e s s l y as the animals give themselves to men i s an act magnanimous enough to r e s t o r e the balance. The problematic of the debt to the animal i s formulated i n r h e t o r i c a l terms i n the f i r s t salmon and bear r i t u a l s . I s h a l l d i s c u s s the p o t l a t c h - f i g u r e of these r i t u a l s i n the s e c t i o n on the r h e t o r i c of the r i t u a l , Chapter 4. What makes t h i s metaphor "persuasive" and "performa-t i v e " i s the i m p l i c i t assumption of a f u l l r e q u i t a l . (b) The idea of the animal's s e l f - s a c r i f i c e i s not adequate to deal with the act of k i l l i n g and the consequent g u i l t . I t seems to exonerate and yet, with i t s s t r e s s on the s a c r i f i c i a l i n t e n t i o n of the animals i t throws i n t o sharp r e l i e f the f a c t that the i n t e n t i o n of men towards the animal i s murderous. The c o n c l u s i o n that men i n v o l v e themselves i n g u i l t i n s p i t e of the dispensation does not escape the Kwakiutl. I t i s taken up i n the prayers themselves (see subsection on formulas of j u s t i f i c a t i o n 30d) below], i n the hunting myths (Chapter 3) and the f i r s t f r u i t r i t u a l s (Chapter 4). In the Bear Mother myths, discussed i n the s e c t i o n on s e l f -s a c r i f i c e and j u s t i c e (Chapter 3), the revenge of the bear f o l l o w s c l o s e upon hi s s a c r i f i c i a l g i f t . The p a r a l l e l with the i n i t i a t e , who also gives h i s l i f e v o l u n t a r i l y , i s not a s t r a i g h t one. The i n i t i a t e i s made sacred (naualak) through h i s death. But the animal, who i s sacred to s t a r t w i t h , i s profaned (made baxus) by being k i l l e d . (See next subsec-t i o n , and Chapter 4, 2 and 4.) At t h i s point Kwakiutl thought turns away from d i s p e n s a t i o n and considers g u i l t . Not the animals' f r e e d e c i s i o n to d i e , which i s myth, but the act of k i l l i n g , which i n f a c t i s now the 145. point of departure. D i r e c t conceptual c o n f r o n t a t i o n of the act of K i l l -i n g seems to have been impossible f o r KwaK<iutl--a f a c t which t e s t i f i e s i t s e l f to the importance of the problem. The prayers c o n t a i n , however, comment that comes near to a c o n f r o n t a t i o n . To t h i s comment we s h a l l t u r n i n the next two subsections. A l l d i s p e n s a t i o n s , that i s a l l systems designed to r e g u l a t e the meeting of men and animals, express the KwaKiutl sense of human accoun-t a b i l i t y . In the prayers the dispensations are t h e r e f o r e cast i n the form of explanations to the animal (or other being) as a defence of a c t i o n . The a c t i o n defended (but not mentioned) i s the act of k i l l i n g . The accusation d e r i v e s from the conception which we have formulated ear-l i e r as the absolute demand that men should l i v e i n harmony with other l i v i n g beings. The very coming of the animal and men's meeting with i t expresses the harmonious order of the world and embodies c o n c r e t e l y the absolute demand. Yet the meeting point i s a l s o the point of death f o r the animal. In the dialogue that ensues the human partner, the k i l l e r , mentions the dispensations i n the form of j u s t i f i c a t i o n s . These s e l f -j u s t i f i c a t i o n s should not be taken as s e l f - r i g h t e o u s , though without know-ledge of the c u l t u r a l context one takes them to be so. They are serious j u s t i f i c a t i o n s of human a c t i o n which express, simultaneously, that j u s t i -f i c a t i o n does not cover the case. In the formulas of j u s t i f i c a t i o n we get, t h e r e f o r e , the most d i r e c t expression of the c l a s h between absolute demand and fragmented demand adjusted to the c o n d i t i o n s of l i v i n g . We could put i t l i k e t h i s : i n prayer, which, as we have sa i d i s a " l i s t e n i n g " --an a t t e n t i v e meditation--the act of k i l l i n g r i s e s up against the orant as something more weighty than the j u s t i f i c a t i o n can deal w i t h . Accusation becomes stronger than defense. The defense can cope with human moral law but the absolute demand exceeds what i s humanly p o s s i b l e . The sanction 146. i s superhuman because the beings i n v o l v e d are superhuman. I t i s immaterial whether the i m p o s s i b i l i t y of f u l f i l l i n g the absolute demand has made them superhuman i n Kwakiutl thought or whether t h e i r superhuman q u a l i t i e s have been instrumental i n forming the absolute demand. In any case, they are conceived to have power gre a t e r than human, and the offence agains them i s a s a c r i l e g i o u s a c t . Before we d i s c u s s the formulas of j u s t i f i c a t i o n themselves we should t h e r e f o r e examine how the superhuman nature of the animals i s conceived and expressed i n the prayers, and how t h i s conception i n f l u e n c e s the estimation of the human act of k i l l i n g . 3(c) Wealth, and the D u a l i t y of I n t e l l i g e n c e s and of Men A Animals and the D u p l i c i t y of G i v i n g I have mentioned that the thought or "philosophy" of the prayers i s not simple, though the prayers are simple i n language and simple i n form. One of the most d i f f i c u l t of the conceptions informing the prayers i s that of wealth. For Kwakiutl wealth i s a metaphor f o r superabundant l i f e , the l i f e everyone wishes f o r . But the a s s o c i a t i o n s of wealth are with death. I t i s the dead, f o r i n s t a n c e , that are the t r u e owners of the wealth of the world. In the prayers the beings prayed to are wealth-b r i n g e r s and wealth-givers, yet i t i s t h e i r wealth which gives them the feared double nature that makes them i n c a l c u l a b l e . The orant t h e r e f o r e asks the animal to whom he i s praying f o r i t s wealth, not to " l e t t h e i r meeting be bad". He does t h i s even at the most innocuous meeting, where the wealth i n question i s nothinglbut what might be c a l l e d the supernatu-r a l b l e s s i n g of the animal, as i n t h i s prayer to a s q u i r r e l : "Great, good one, Healing-Woman, we come and have met, you Long-Life-Maker. Do not l e t our meeting be bad. Supernatural One, only protect me that no e v i l may b e f a l l me from sickness and that the curses of those who hate me may not penetrate me, you, Long-Life-Maker, and that you may, please, j u s t give over 147. to me your wealth that I also may be r i c h as you are, great, good Supernatural One." (Boas 1930: 200) Men too are a f f e c t e d by wealth i n a double way. The Kwakiutl see wealth even i n the adumbrated form i n which i t appears i n the prayers as a l i m i t e d commodity; i n t a k i n g i t from the beings prayed to they d i m i n i s h these beings. The cause of increase f o r themselves, of t h e i r l i f e and superabundance i s the cause of decrease f o r other beings. In the absence of r e c i p r o c i t y , which i s not p o s s i b l e between men and the beings of the out s i d e world because men cannot r e q u i t e , t h i s destroys the harmony so precious to the Kwakiutl. Taking, then, becomes a means of accumulating g u i l t , becoming enmeshed and unfree. Sun i s e n t i r e l y outside t h i s conundrum. He i s not asked f o r wealth i n the prayers and none of h i s e p i t h e t s describe him as wealthy. Wealth i s one of the metaphors through which the Kwakiutl express engagement and i n t e r a c t i o n . I t i s used p a r t i c u l a r l y but by no means e x c l u s i v e l y i n r e l a t i o n to the game animals. Game i s the type-case, where taki n g i s most obviously k i l l i n g , and the enrichment of one the death of the other. The conception i s deepened i n a r e l i g i o u s dimension through the f a c t that " r i c h " and "poor" as w e l l as sacred and profane are connotations of naualak and baxus. I have discussed these connotations i n Section 1 of Chapter 1. Naualak i s the sacred from which a l l wealth comes; men belong to the ordinary baxus world dependent on the wealth of the naualak. The i n t e r a c t i o n between men and the naualak beings of the prayers adds another dimension to t h i s r e l a t i o n . I f these beings are sacred as w e l l as r i c h , t a k i n g from them not only diminishes them, i t profanes them. The language of wealth i s capable then of expressing themes of moral t r a n s -g r e s s i o n , and t h i s i n s p i t e of the f a c t that i t belongs e n t i r e l y to the cosmic or "geographical" language of the myth of the other world. 148. The "dispensations" sprin g from the d e s i r e that a l l be w e l l . But the complement of t h i s d e s i r e i s a f e a r . The f e a r has i t s o r i g i n as much i n the double i n t e n t i o n of man as i n the ambiguous nature of the being prayed t o . But because the double nature of the beings prayed to i s an expression of t h e i r s a c r a l i t y , and t h e i r s a c r a l i t y i s , i n i t s t u r n , the measure f o r the offence that l i e s i n a double i n t e n t i o n towards them, we s h a l l t urn t o an examination of the i n t e l l i g e n c e s ' nature f i r s t . There are passages i n the prayers even apart from the e p i t h e t s , that show that the beings prayed to are beli e v e d to have equal power t o do e v i l and good.. The i n t e l l i g e n c e s are not blamed f o r being dangerous to men; i n f a c t there seems to be an assumption that t h e i r two powers are one at the r o o t , i n d i v i s i b l e , and that they have to be reminded not t o u s e t h e d e s t r u c t i v e one i n a d v e r t e n t l y . "Do not l e t our meeting be bad" i s the most general of such reminders. Sometimes the prayer m i r r o r s a s i t u a -t i o n where the danger i s an understandable f e a r of revenge. For instance, when a boy has k i l l e d a s q u i r r e l wantonly by throwing stones, h i s f a t h e r w i l l f i n d the s q u i r r e l to pray to i t . I have already mentioned that c h i l d r e n do not pray. The f a t h e r does not say "do not be angry, he i s only a small boy", he takes the g u i l t on himself and asks the s q u i r r e l not to put forward i t s d e s t r u c t i v e power. Prayer to the S q u i r r e l Now i t i s t h i s , when a boy has k i l l e d by throwing stones, a s q u i r r e l , then the f a t h e r of the boy searches f o r the place where the s q u i r r e l l i e s dead. As soon as he f i n d s i t the man s i t s down and prays to the s q u i r r e l and says, "0, you great, gjood one; great, good Supernatural One, I have k i l l e d you a c c i d e n t a l l y , Healing-Woman. You w i l l only use your good name, you Healing-Woman, you great Long-Life-Maker, you, great, good Supernatural One. These are your names, f r i e n d , and only have mercy on me that no e v i l may b e f a l l me on account of what I have done to you. I k i l l e d you a c c i d e n t a l l y , great, good Supernatural One. Now I pray you t o , please, help me and, please, p r o t e c t me that nothing wrong may happen to me i n a l l my work," says he and he takes the dead s q u i r r e l and goes to bury i t at the bottom of a t r e e as he wraps 149. i t i n dry moss. That i s the end a f t e r t h i s , (op. c i t . , p.201) The names the f a t h e r uses i n t h i s prayer are l i f e and death names. Healing Woman and Long L i f e Maker are f i r s t of a l l l i f e names i n t h i s context, and when the man says: "these are your names, f r i e n d , " he urges the dead s q u i r r e l to put forward i t s l i f e - p o w e r . Behind them stand " P e s t i l e n c e Woman" and "who-makes-our-lives-short" as t h e i r inseparable other s i d e . The orant i s conscious of the double meaning of the names. He prays t h e r e f o r e : "'you w i l l only use your good name, you Healing Woman, you great Long L i f e Maker, you great good Supernatural One". What t h i s double power i s i s not explained i n the prayers. Some-times there i s what might be c a l l e d a s c i e n t i f i c e xplanation, as i n the prayer to a medicinal plant whose " t h i n r o o t s " were beli e v e d to be poisonous. Here, then, was an i n t e l l i g e n c e who could k i l l as w e l l as heal i n a p h y s i c a l , non-occult sense. Prayer to Hellebore When a man f i r s t f i n d s h e l l e b o r e as he goes loo k i n g f o r i t on the banks of a r i v e r , the man s i t s down on the ground near t o the hel l e b o r e . He says, "At l a s t I come and f i n d you, great, good Supernatural One, you, Life-Maker, you, Long-Life-Maker. I come to pray to you, f r i e n d , that you may make w e l l my wife who i s t r o u b l e d with c o n s t i p a t i o n , that you may have mercy and scrape away what causes c o n s t i p a t i o n of my poor w i f e , that you may set her r i g h t . Please, scrape out her i n s i d e that a l l the badness may come out. This i s my prayer to your good hand, great, good. Supernatural One, f o r whom there i s nothing that he cannot do to a l l kinds of sickn e s s . I pray you, Supernatural One, that you do not allow a l s o your bad hand to come which o f t e n causes ac c i d e n t s to secular men," says the man as he d i g s out the h e l l e b o r e . He does not p u l l out the hell e b o r e , f o r he does not want a l s o toi come out the t h i n r o o t s , f o r he only cuts them o f f from the round end of the he l l e b o r e , f o r that i s which i s r e f e r r e d to by the Indians as "bad hand of the he l l e b o r e " , the t h i n r o o t s . (op. c i t . pp.209--21D) The cause of the f e a r , however, as i t a p p l i e s not to a poisonous plant but to a l l i n t e l l i g e n c e s i s e x p l i c i t i n that l a s t sentence of the prayer. Men are sec u l a r , baxus, and that i s why they are v u l n e r a b l e to ., 150. the sacred power of the ubobliged ones. The i n t e l l i g e n c e s are not w i l -f u l l y m a l i c i o u s , the danger i s the outcome of a q u a l i t i a t i v e d i f f e r e n c e i n t h e i r s t a t e of being: men, being s e c u l a r are weak and the beings prayed to are strong. This o n t o l o g i c a l d i f f e r e n c e i s put i n terms of a mythical geography, as a d i f f e r e n c e of " c o u n t r i e s " . Men are the i n h a b i t a n t s of only one country, the ordinary baxus world. The i n t e l l i g e n c e s mediate between two c o u n t r i e s , t h e i r home, which i s the supernatural "other" world and the ordinary!.world i n which they meet men. Their own country i s a land of wealth from which wealth flows to e n r i c h the o r d i n a r y , n a t u r a l l y poor world. I t flows through the mediation of the i n t e l l i g e n c e s themselves who are t h e r e f o r e wealth-bringers--the "Rich Maker Woman" of the prayers. There i s no a b s t r a c t conceptual d e f i n i t i o n of t h i s "wealth" i n any Kwakiutl t e x t or informant's comment. Yet i t i s a key p r i n c i p l e of Kwakiutl thought. I t i s t h e r e f o r e important that we examine the mythological images i n which i t i s expressed. These are many: salmon country (also the land of the t w i n s ) , copper country, the land of the dwarfs, and the land of the dedd i n the ghost s t o r i e s . These places l i e out West and North from Kwakiutl country i n the P a c i f i c ocean where the sun s i n k s . They l i e beyond the "edge of the world" ( c f . Chapter 1, 1(c)A, and 4(a) below). The mythical imagery suggests that they are places of l i f e but a l s o of death. The nature of t h e i r wealth, however, l i e s i n the r e l a -t i o n s h i p i n which l i f e stands to death here. I t i s a l i f e - i n - d e a t h r e l a t i o n s h i p , t h a t i s a place of l i f e i n the sense that death i s constantly converted i n t o l i f e here. Salmon country f o r instance i s the place where the "ghosts of the salmon" a r r i v e i n canoes, at the same time i t i s a v i l l a g e teeming with b i r d s and c h i l d r e n . The c h i l d r e n are the dead salmon renewed and r e v i t a l i z e d . E q u a l l y the land of the dead teems with 151. p l a y i n g c h i l d r e n who f e r r y the dead across a r i v e r . 0 0 I t i s a r e s e r v o i r of souls and the c h i l d r e n are the souls of the newly to-be-born ( c f . the prayer of a mother f o r her dead c h i l d quoted below). This place of l i f e -i n-death then stands i n d i r e c t o p p o s i t i o n to the human world which i s d e a t h - i n - l i f e , that i s a place i n which l i f e i s c o n s t a n t l y converted i n t o death. The wealth the Rich Maker Women b r i n g i s t h e r e f o r e f i r s t and foremost and i n i t s most general terms the conversion of death i n t o l i f e : f o r instance as food they convert famine i n t o p l e n t y , as medicinal p l a n t s i l l n e s s i n t o h e a l t h . Their power i s not n e c e s s a r i l y attached to natu-r a l i s t i c p r o p e r t i e s but i s the property of them a l l , because a l l mediate between t h e i r supernatural country of l i f e - i n - d e a t h and the human world. To the Kwakiutl t h i s property i s most c l e a r l y expressed i n beings that t r a v e l r h y t h m i c a l l y between a place unknown to them and t h e i r own, Kwakiutl country. Migratory b i r d s and salmon are such beings who mysteriously disappear and r e t u r n . Prayer to the Migratory B i r d s "Welcome, Supernatural Ones, we have come to meet a l i v e , f r i e n d s , you, Long-Life-Makers. You have come and I pray you again that you have mercy and take out again t h i s my sickness when' you go back t o the place where you always disappear, f r i e n d s . Now protect me again during the time when you are here i n the summer i n t h i s good country where I t r e a t you w e l l , Long-Life-Makers, Supernatural Ones." Then the man himself r e p l i e s to h i s words, on behalf of the b i r d s . He says, "Ha, I w i l l do t h i s " , (op. c i t . , p.184) Prayer to the F i s h Running i n the R i v e r s When a man goes paddling along and he sees a salmon jumping, then at once he says, "haya, haya! Come up again Swimmer, that I may say haya, according to your wishes, f o r you wish us to say so when you jump, Swimmer, as you are speaking k i n d l y to me when you jump, Swimmer." "Welcome, f r i e n d Swimmer, we have met again i n good health."' (This "we have met again i n good h e a l t h " , means the same as "we have met a l i v e " ) . "Welcome, Supernatural One, you, Long-Life-Maker, f o r you come to set me r i g h t again as i s always done by you. Now pray take out my sickness and take i t back 152. to your r i c h country at the outer side of our world, Super-n a t u r a l One." Then the man himself answers h i s speech and says, "Ha, I w i l l do so." (op. c i t . p.184--5) In the "Prayer of a Mother f o r her Dead C h i l d " we see that human beings are be l i e v e d t o have the same migratory p a t t e r n . As the migratory b i r d s and the salmon were asked to take the orant's sickness back to t h e i r " r i c h country at the outer side of our world", so the mother asks her c h i l d to change i t s sickness to health " i n the place to which you are going" and r e t u r n to her. "Ah, ah, ah, what i s the reason, c h i l d , t hat you have done t h i s to me? I have t r i e d hard to t r e a t you w e l l when you came to me to have me f o r your mother. Look at a l l your toys and a l l the kinds of t h i n g s . What i s the reason that you desert me, c h i l d ? May i t be that I d i d something, c h i l d , to you i n the way I t r e a t e d you, c h i l d ? I w i l l t r y b e t t e r when you come back to me, c h i l d . Please, only become at once w e l l i n the place to which you are going. As soon as you are made w e l l , please, come back to me, c h i l d . Please, do not stay away there. Please, only have mercy on me who i s your mother, c h i l d . " (op. c i t . p.202) Yet i n s p i t e of sporadic references to r e i n c a r n a t i o n and the land of the dead as a land of wealth, human beings were not considered wealth-b r i n g e r s f o r mankind i n the same way as animals. Humans are i n d i v i d u a l s and i n d i v i d u a l s are mortal, even i f i n the case of a small c h i l d , who has died, the mother hopes that i t may be returned to her. Kwakiutl consider animals immortal because they t h i n k of them as species not as i n d i v i d u a l s . The same salmon i s saluted every year with "we meet a l i v e " . As an immor-t a l "supernatural one" he brings h i s new l i f e to l a y i t down again as a g i f t f o r men. An explanation of the danger that contact with the:'.intelligences brings to men i s best approached through the geographical image we are d i s c u s s i n g . No man, that i s no s e c u l a r being, can pass across the edge of the world and enter the country of the animals without dying. "Cross-153. in g " i s death i t s e l f . We s h a l l see i n the conclusion that the land of the. animals c o i n c i d e s with the Kwakiutl conception of the "world c e n t r e " , and periphery and centre of t h i s place of the mind are the same. The" mythical hero who makes a journey to the land of the animals dies and i s regenerated again. The animals who are met with on earth, however, bri n g t h i s power of death w i t h them, though t h e i r g i f t i s l i f e . The paradox of t h e i r b r i n g i n g death with l i f e cannot be s a t i s f a c t o r i l y e l u c i d a t e d with the help of the wealth-imagery of the prayers alone. I t needs the more comprehensive p h i l o s o p h i c a l conception of the world-centre, which informs the Kwakiutl use of the image of wealth. I s h a l l attempt to e l u c i d a t e t h i s complicated conception i n the conclusion to t h i s chapter (Section 4). Here i t must s u f f i c e that the ambiguity of the i n t e l l i g e n c e s , which i s "explained" by the ambiguity of t h e i r place of o r i g i n , i s the source of danger to men. Conversely s e c u l a r men are at a disadvantage i n any case: they are. subject to i l l n e s s and accident and c o n s t a n t l y threatened by death i n l i f e . They are t h e r e f o r e seen as simultaneously v u l n e r a b l e to the power of the i n t e l l i g e n c e s and i n need of t h e i r wealth t o convert death i n t o l i f e . B Men and the D u p l i c i t y of Taking In t h i s view, men appear e n t i r e l y passive and dependent. This i s because up to now we have only considered what might be c a l l e d the d u p l i c i t y of g i v i n g . The animals w i t h t h e i r double nature represent the " g i v i n g s i d e " of wealth. There i s a l s o a point of view that shows men as a c t i v e . In t h i s view men represent the d u p l i c i t y of t a k i n g , the "tak i n g s i d e " of wealth. Taking must be d i s t i n g u i s h e d from passive r e c e i v i n g , which i s part of a harmonious r e l a t i o n and does not contain a c o n t r a d i c t o r y meaning. Taking i s i n a sense the c o n t r a d i c t o r y meaning 154. of r e c e i v i n g ; i t has overtones of v i o l e n c e , and men are morally i m p l i c a -ted by i t . Many of the i n t e l l i g e n c e s - - t h e salmon i s the outstanding example--bring l i f e i n the concrete form of t h e i r own substance. In : r order to take t h e i r g i f t - - i n order to live--men have to k i l l them. K i l l i n g them means b r i n g i n g them down to t h e i r own l e v e l , that of death i n l i f e . With t h i s act the balance between l i f e and death, which the media-t i o n of the animals has e s t a b l i s h e d , i s , at l e a s t f o r the moment, destroyed and the world becomes a world of death. The se c u l a r world i s not a world of t r a n s f o r m a t i o n , death i s death i n i t . Only by con s i d e r i n g the f u l l impact the act has f o r Kwakiutl: that by k i l l i n g they create a world of death i n which transformation i s not p o s s i b l e , can we judge the seriousness the impasse has f o r them. The impasse i s unavoidable because of t h e i r t h e o r i e s of wealth and g i v i n g . To be sacred means to be wealthy, to be s e c u l a r , poor. Men, who are poor, n a t u r a l l y ask the sacred ones f o r t h e i r g i f t s . T h e i r asking, how-e v e r — t h a t i s t h e i r need--is l i m i t l e s s : they ask u n t i l the sacred ones are poor. This a l s o means that they are not sacred any more but s e c u l a r . Only one of the prayers mentions the f a c t e x p l i c i t l y which the f i r s t s a l -mon r i t u a l makes qui t e c l e a r : that animals become se c u l a r when they are k i l l e d ( c f . Chapter 4, 2). I f a Kwakiutl k i l l s an animal f o r food he does not mention i n h i s prayer that he i s making i t s e c u l a r . Instead he gives h i s reason f o r the deed, a p o l o g i s i n g and r e f e r r i n g to the disp e n s a t i o n s . But when he f i n d s an animal already dead, when the deed has been done by an i n v i s i b l e agent, he laments that the animal has had t o become s e c u l a r . At the same time he asks to be the i n h e r i t o r of i t s power. Laments f o r dead animals are among the f i n e s t of Kwakiutl prayers. They al s o show the pat t e r n that connects death w i t h impoverishment and s e c u l a r i t y very c l e a r l y : 155. "You, great, good one, you, Healing-Woman, why are you i n t h i s way, great, good one? Why have you had bad l u c k , great, good one, nimble one i n our world? I thought you never could have bad luck, great, good, Supernatural One. What can we do? For now you must become s e c u l a r , f r i e n d . Now l e t the super-n a t u r a l power of your body come over to me that I may i n h e r i t from you to do e a s i l y a l l kinds of work". (Boas 1930: 200--201) This prayer, quoted i n f u l l i n the i n t r o d u c t i o n to t h i s chapter, should be compared with "Prayer of a Man who found a Dead K i l l e r Whale" (op. c i t . p.184) which begins "Oh, i t i s great how you l i e here on the ground, Great Supernatural One. What has made you unlucky?", and with the prayer to a dead wolf, quoted by C u r t i s . The l a t t e r shows p a r t i c u -l a r l y c l e a r l y the exchange of l i f e f o r l i f e . The wolf's " l i f e " (which could a l s o be paraphrased as h i s "wealth" or h i s s a c r a l i t y ) i s thought to be contained i n a quartz c r y s t a l he c a r r i e s i n h i s shoulder. The orants 40 ask f o r t h i s symbol of h i s l i f e "so that we may have long l i f e " . Making a "sacred one" s e c u l a r by k i l l i n g i t i s , then, only the l a s t l i n k i n the chain of t a k i n g from the i n t e l l i g e n c e s . Death, which se c u l a -r i z e s , i s a l s o a form of poverty; i t f o l l o w s that a l l t a k i n g i s a form of k i l l i n g , that the prayers to the i n t e l l i g e n c e s , which always ask f o r wealth, are a form of k i l l i n g . I t i s t h i s r a d i c a l connotation of t a k i n g that makes man reprehensible i n h i s own mind i n h i s r e l a t i o n to the i n t e l l i g e n c e s . Where t h i s reprehensibleness becomes e x p l i c i t i n formulas of j u s t i f i c a t i o n t h a t are apologies we have reached an end-case of the prayers. In the next s e c t i o n we s h a l l examine examples of such end-cases: prayers that put i n d i r e c t language what i s i m p l i e d i n the image-language of a l l the prayers. Here, a l l that i s l e f t i s to sum up what has emer-ged from an examination of the image-language of wealth; from the image of a double nature of the animals and the i m p l i c a t i o n of a double i n t e n -t i o n i n man. What emerges stands i n strange contrast to the f e s t i v e tone 156 of g r e e t i n g that dominates the prayers. The Kwakiutl see t h e i r i n t e r -r e l a t i o n with the animals as c r e a t i n g a world of death. The r a d i c a l g i v i n g of the animals, though i t gives l i f e , a l s o brings death to men. The r a d i c a l t a k i n g of men brings death to the animals, and i n v o l v e s men i n an i r r e s o l v a b l e c o n f l i c t of g u i l t . The prayers convey, i n a language not e a s i l y read by us, a perception of what we might c a l l the f a l l e n world. 3(d) Formulas of J u s t i f i c a t i o n The " d u p l i c i t y of t a k i n g " i s hidden by a symbol i n the prayers: the symbol of wealth that p o i n t s to the c o n t r a d i c t i o n that when you r e c e i v e the animal's g i f t p a s s i v e l y , you a c t i v e l y deprive i t of i t s s u p e r i o r i t y and s t r e n g t h . The " d u p l i c i t y of k i l l i n g " , to which we turn i n t h i s s e c t i o n , i s the conceptual complement of the d u p l i c i t y of t a k i n g , but i t i t hot hidden by a symbol. I t i s cast i n the form of j u s t i f i c a t i o n s . A l l formulas of j u s t i f i c a t i o n i n the prayers express accountableness; a l are about k i l l i n g , but they are double because a l l a l s o express the e s s e n t i a l innocence of the k i l l e r . Even i f the orant mentions only the dis p e n s a t i o n of providence to the animal: "you have been sent me by our c r e a t o r " , h i s reference i s t o h i s double p o s i t i o n as innocent k i l l e r . What we have to do with here i s a consciousness of i n t e r n a l incompatibles not a symbol r e f e r r i n g to a dilemma. The p a i n f u l d i v i s i o n of experience i s not e x t e r n a l i z e d and pr o j e c t e d here but i s i n t e r n a l i z e d as a d i v i s i o n of the w i l l . The w i l l i s n e c e s s a r i l y d i v i d e d , because i f men did not k i l l they could not l i v e . The d i v i s i o n of the w i l l i s most openly r e f e r r e d to i n those ^Formulas of j u s t i f i c a t i o n that take the form of apologies. These then are our t e s t - c a s e s . In the j u s t i f i c a t i o n formulas we have an e x p l i c i t c o n f r o n t a t i o n 157. with the absolute (and impassible) demand to l i v e i n harmony with other l i v i n g beings. The orant's never-ending need which f i n d s expression i n asking f o r wealth i n the p e t i t i o n formulas common to a l l prayers, i s an i m p l i c i t t r a n s g r e s s i o n of the demand. The formulas of j u s t i f i c a t i o n found i n prayers to animals and pl a n t s used f o r food confront the demand i n the p r a c t i c a l form of "thou shalt' not k i l l " and recognise and accept e x p l i c i t l y t h a t i t cannot be f u l f i l l e d . Because the r e l a t i o n of men with the beings they pray to i s one of love and t r u s t the r e c o g n i t i o n i s expressed i n the forms of apology, explanation and j u s t i f i c a t i o n . I have discussed explanation and j u s t i f i c a t i o n s u f f i c i e n t l y i n the s e c t i o n on dispen s a t i o n s . Here I am concerned with what I have c a l l e d i n that s e c t i o n the impulsion to accurate moral p e r c e p t i o n — t h e perception of what the r e l a t i o n between men and animals ought to be j o i n e d to the percep-t i o n that i n the nature of th i n g s t h i s r e l a t i o n cannot be achieved. Explanation and j u s t i f i c a t i o n obscure such d i r e c t perception. I t can only adequately be expressed i n the form of an apology. Apologies i n the prayers are part of explanations and j u s t i f i c a t i o n s and yet represent an advance over them. I s h a l l examine here p r i m a r i l y how the s p i r i t of apology informs the prayers, and se c o n d a r i l y how formulas of j u s t i f i c a t i o n are constructed and combined with other formulas to make up the prayer t y p i c a l of s u p p l i c a t i o n to the i n t e l l i g e n c e s . The "Prayer t o the Black Bear" i s the only one i n Boas' c o l l e c t i o n to mention k i l l i n g (the word i s shooting) i n the prayer t e x t . Hunt's account of the k i l l i n g and skinning of the bear i s long and circumstan-t i a l . Every a c t i o n of the hunter i s accompanied by a separate prayer. I s h a l l quote the beginning only, to give an impression of the s e t t i n g i n which the formula of apology appears. I f we see only the t e x t of the prayers, i t i s too easy to f o r g e t the context of a c t u a l slaughter i n which 158. they are spoken. When the hunter goes i n t o the woods to hunt quadrupeds and he sees a black bear he shoots i t . As soon as he has k i l l e d i t , then the hunter goes to where the bear that he has shot l i e s dead and stands by i t s side and says, "Thank you, f r i e n d , that we met. I d i d not mean to do you any harm, f r i e n d . Indeed, t h i s , i s the reason why you come, made by our creator, that I may come to shoot you, that I may eat you, with my w i f e , friend."--"Ha," says he as he takes h i s k n i f e . (Boas 1930: 191) Here the whole of the prayer t e x t , apart from a short g r e e t i n g formula i s made up of a formula of j u s t i f i c a t i o n . I t i s c l e a r that j u s t i f i c a t i o n i s no white-washing of the s e l f . The hunter i s saying that the bear has come (and brought about the meeting and c r o s s i n g of t h e i r ways) f o r the hunter to k i l l him, so that he and h i s f a m i l y w i l l be able to eat. (In parenthesis he i s a l s o saying that t h e i r c r e a t o r made the bear f o r i : t h i s purpose) . But before he puts the case i n t h i s l i g h t he apologises. In h i s apology he comes nearer to the t r u t h of h i s experience than when he j u s t i f i e s h i s a c t i o n w i t h the!.help of a myth. The phrase " I d i d not mean to do you any harm, f r i e n d " expresses conscious-ness of the dilemma he f i n d s himself i n . N a t u r a l l y one cannot d i v o r c e t h i s sentence of apology from the immediately f o l l o w i n g explanation of the n e c e s s i t y that drove the hunter t o k i l l . But i n the case of bears the plea of n e c e s s i t y i s d o u b t f u l ; at l e a s t on the coast bears were not necessary food. The p r e s t i g e connected with bear hunting, on the other hand, was very high indeed. The phrase t h e r e f o r e has i t s own s i g n i f i -cance. I t i s saying: I did that which I do not want to do; the con-d i t i o n s of the world i n which we meet, i n c l u d i n g my own make-up are of such a kind that they f o i l my w i l l and my i n t e n t i o n . The hunter touches here, on the root of h i s dilemma and h i s g u i l t . The demand f o r harmony i s not an a r b i t r a r y demand but a law t h a t i s perceived as r i g h t and i n which the w i l l acquiesces. Yet i n a c t i o n the w i l l betrays i t s e l f and c o n t r a d i c t s perception and i n t e n t i o n with an opposite i n t e n t i o n : the w i l l to K i l l . The dilemma between acquiescing and a c t i v e w i l l can be expressed d i r e c t l y only as a l i e . " I K i l l e d you a c c i d e n t a l l y " says the man to the dead s q u i r r e l , though h i s l i t t l e son, whose place he taKes, has thrown stones. Equally the hunter did mean to harm the bear or he would not be a hunter. Yet at the moment of the animal's death he must maKe the s i t u a t i o n c l e a r ; he must put i t on record that the i n t e n t i o n t o K i l l i s not h i s only i n t e n t i o n and t h a t the act he has committed does not speaK f o r i t s e l f . He can only do t h i s by denying t h a t he has done what he has done. This d e n i a l can taKe extreme forms. The " l i e s " of bear hunters to the bear are w e l l Known from accounts of bear hunts i n North America, S i b e r i a and Northern Europe. Reported they sound comic and p a t h e t i c , as when the S i b e r i a n peoples say to the bear they have K i l l e d "do not blame us, i t was a Russian who did i t " . Here the i n t e r n a l i z a t i o n , the recog-n i t i o n of the d i v i d e d w i l l , has escaped again i n t o an e x t e r n a l i z a t i o n . An e a r l y account from North America comes from Alexander Henry, who i n hi s T ravels and Adventures i n Canada and the Indian T e r r i t o r i e s between the years 17B0 and 1796 describes how he and the f a m i l y whose p r i s o n e r and adopted son he was f i n d and K i l l a bear when they are on the verge of s t a r v a t i o n . A c c o r d i n g l y , i n the morning, we surrounded the t r e e , both men and women, as many at a time as could conveniently worK at i t ; and here we t o i l e d , l i K e beaver, t i l l the sun went down. This day's worK c a r r i e d us about h a l f way through the truhK; and the next morning we renewed the attacK, continuing i t t i l l about two o'clocK, i n the afternoon, when the t r e e f e l l to the ground. For a few minutes, everything remained q u i e t , and I feared that a l l our expectations were disappointed; but, as I advanced to the opening, there came out, to the great s a t i s f a c -t i o n of a l l our party, a bear of e x t r a o r d i n a r y s i z e , which, before she had proceeded many yards, I shot,. The bear being dead, a l l my a s s i s t a n t s approached, and a l l , but 16 0. more p a r t i c u l a r l y my o l d mother (as I was wont to c a l l h er), took her head i n t h e i r hands, s t r o k i n g and k i s s i n g i t s e v e r a l times; begging a thousand pardons f o r t a k i n g away her l i f e ; c a l l i n g her t h e i r r e l a t i o n and grandmother; and requesting her not t o lay the f a u l t upon them, since i t was t r u l y an Englishman that had put her to death. 4^ One could wish that Henry had quoted the prayer verbatim. Though we can see that h i s account i s s u b s t a n t i a l l y accurate, we can als o see through comparison with a c c u r a t e l y quoted t e x t s that the tone i s d i s t o r -ted by h i s amusement at these p r i m i t i v e evasions and f e a r s . This d i s -t o r t i n g tone, which p r e v a i l s g e n e r a l l y i n reports that do not give the t e x t s verbatim has i n i t s t u r n d i s t o r t e d a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . " I d i d not mean to harm you, f r i e n d " has overtones of f e a r and evasion, but comes from a r e a l i s t i c bafflement with the movements of the w i l l i t s e l f , and with the c o n d i t i o n s that n e c e s s a r i l y produce such a w i l l . The f e a r s are r e a l i s t i c and s e l f - c r i t i c a l . There are other expressions of the dilemma, set phrases that entreat the i n t e l l i g e n c e s to use t h e i r g o o d w i l l toward the orant even i f he has harmed them. The fisherman prays t o the salmon: "Do not f e e l wrong about what I have done to you", the berry p i c k e r asks the b e r r i e s not to blame her i f she does as her ancestors d i d , the bark gatherer the cedar not to be angry with her f o r t a k i n g her dress. These phrases r e f e r to the d i v i d e d w i l l i m p l i c i t l y : what they make e x p l i c i t i s the magnaminity the "unobliged ones" of the Summer were conceived to have: they are asked that f o r which one cannot e a s i l y ask a fellowman, that they forego j u s t i c e and f o r g i v e f r e e l y . This conception of the animals' magnanimity under-l i e s also the f i r s t salmon ceremonial and s i m i l a r r i t u a l s . The s e c t i o n on the myth of the r i t u a l i n Chapter 4 w i l l show that the conception makes one of the most important connections with the winter dance. The .blend of independence and a l t r u i s m i n the animal serves as a model f o r the 161. i n i t i a t e and f o r the i n t e r r e l a t i o n between members of the winter dance s o c i e t y . The main import of the phrases of apology t h a t occur here and there i n the prayers i s , however, not one of connection between the world of the Summer and the winter r i t u a l but of d i s c o n n e c t i o n . Kwakiutl so to speak confess i n them that they pursue an existence which i s p a r t i c u l a r l y human and cannot be brought i n t o accord w i t h the absolute demand f o r harmony among l i v i n g beings. In considering t h e i r r e l a t i o n s to the animals they achieve here a view of r e a l i t y that takes i n c o n t r a d i c t i o n without recourse to symbolic r e p r e s e n t a t i o n . They see t h i s r e a l i t y as p s y c h o l o g i c a l (the d i v i d e d w i l l ) but are conscious of a p h y s i o l o g i c a l determinant (the n e c e s s i t y to e a t ) . Yet t h e i r view has the p a r t i c u l a r l y a c t i v e character that i s t y p i c a l of Kwakiutl thought. I t does not con-template the d i v i d e d w i l l , but seems t o be d i r e c t e d to t u r n i n g men's deep-seated sense of belonging t o the world i n t o the task of making them r e a l l y belong. In other words, Kwakiutl use the impossible demand i n a h e u r i s t i c way. Their f i r s t step seems to be to become conscious of the hiatus that d i v i d e s men from the world, t h e i r second to f i n d out what kind of world men can r e a l l y belong t o . The f i r s t i s taken i n the prayer passages that speak of the d i v i d e d w i l l . The second i s taken i n the winter dance. In the winter dance s o c i e t y Kwakiutl have created the image of a world i n which men can l i v e i n harmony. I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g that i t i s not a s o c i e t y based on k i n t i e s or economic i n t e r e s t groups, and that even the d i v i s i o n of labour (which i s sexual i n Kwakiutl s e c u l a r s o c i e t y ) i s abolished. Winter dance s o c i e t y i s based on two p r i n c i p l e s : i n d i v i d u a l d i s t i n c t i o n - - t h e mark of the i n d i v i d u a l ' s a b i l i t y to stand on hi s own f e e t and be r e s p o n s i b l e f o r h i s own fate--and i n t e r p e r s o n a l e q u a l i t y through sharing. In t h i s Kwakiutl have achieved a union of 162. c o n t r a r i e s which seems :to make a world to which people can belong. I t i s a fragment of the r e a l world, because i t i s purely human and s o c i a l , and because i t i s temporary and based on stores c o l l e c t e d under very d i f f e -rent s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s . Nevertheless, even i f i t i s only an image of a s o c i e t y , i t i s an image that i s l i v e d f o r f o u r months every year, and t h i s makes i t a phenomenon of great sociological i n t e r e s t . But to r e t u r n to the prayers. Here the impetus i s to c l a r i f y . In the phrases of apology Kwakiutl express r e c o g n i t i o n of the f a c t that men cannot belong to a harmonious n a t u r a l world and t h a t w i t h h a l f of t h e i r minds and i n t e n t i o n s they do not want to belong to such a world. In the phrases that immediately f o l l o w on the apology, they point out the reasons that j u s t i f y t h e i r breaking the bond of harmony by k i l l i n g the animals. The bear hunter's " I did not mean to do you any harm, f r i e n d " i s t h e r e f o r e immediately f o l l o w e d by "Indeed t h i s i s the reason why you come ... that I may come to shoot you, that I may eat you w i t h my w i f e , f r i e n d " , or again, the fisherman's "Do not f e e l wrong about what I have done to you, f r i e n d Swimmer" goes on " f o r that i s the reason why you come, that I may spear you that I may eat you. Supernatural One, you. Long L i f e Giver". The order of phrases that express inner d i v i s i o n and remorse, e x p l a i n , and j u s t i f y i s not always the same but they are always c a u s a l l y connected as j u s t i f i c a t i o n s . For t h i s reason they can be gathered under the name formulas of j u s t i f i c a t i o n . Formulas of j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o l l o w n a t u r a l l y and l o g i c a l l y on the g r e e t i n g formula that mentions the coming and meeting. Only a f t e r t h i s , when the praying person has put as i t were his dilemma to the i n t e l l i g e n c e s and made them a r b i t e r s of h i s case does he go on to ask. them f o r wealth i n a formula of p e t i t i o n . This s t r u c t u r e i s present p a r t i c u l a r l y i n prayers to the bear, the salmon and the.iberries. These are a l s o the three i n t e l l i g e n c e s that are 163. s i n g l e d out f o r communal r i t u a l i n the wider c u l t u r a l area. Kwakiutl d i d not have a communal f i r s t f r u i t r i t u a l at the beginning of the berry season, but no-one i n the namima s t a r t e d p i c k i n g u n t i l the woman who had i n h e r i t e d the p r i v i l e g e t o p i c k the f i r s t b e r r i e s had prayed to them i n the f o l l o w i n g way: " I have come, Supernatural Ones, you, Long-Life-Makers, that I may take you, f o r that i s the reason why you have come, brought by your c r e a t o r , that you may come and s a t i s f y me; you, Supernatural Ones; and t h i s , that you do not blame me f o r what I do to you when I set f i r e to you the way i t i s done by my root (ancestor) who set f i r e to you i n h i s manner when you get o l d on the ground that you may bear much f r u i t . Look! I come now dressed with my large basket and my small basket that you may go i n t o i t , Healing-Woman; you, Supernatural Ones. I mean t h i s , that you may not be e v i l l y disposed towards me, f r i e n d s . That you may only t r e a t me w e l l . " (Boas 1930: 203) The s t r u c t u r e of t h i s prayer bears out a l l the p o i n t s I have made about prayers to I n t e l l i g e n c e s . The g r e e t i n g formula i s rudimentary but j u s t because of i t s bareness expresses the essence of a l l g r e e t i n g formu-l a s : I have come that I may take you. In the j u s t i f i c a t i o n formula that f o l l o w s , the woman ex p l a i n s both the order of providence and of the con-t r a c t with the ancestor, and entreats the b e r r i e s not to blame her f o r a c t i n g as she does. The p e t i t i o n formula--dften the longest i n the p r a y e r s - - i s contracted here i n t o one p o i n t : that the b e r r i e s may go i n t o the basket. The woman addresses the b e r r i e s by t h e i r ambiguous names, "Healing Women" and "Unobliged Ones", and asks that they use t h e i r bene-f i c i e n t and not t h e i r m a l e f i c i e n t powers i n coming to her: "that you may not be e v i l l y disposed towards me, f r i e n d s . That you may only t r e a t me w e l l " . I s h a l l add, f o r comparison, the complete v e r s i o n of the prayer t o the sockeye salmon from which I have quoted a fragment before. And a l s o t h i s when a man goes to spear the sockeye salmon which come gathering at the mouth of the r i v e r of Gwadze. Then the • 164. spearsman stands i n the bow of h i s spearing canoe. Generally hi s wife i s the steersman. As soon as he spears a sockeye salmon and when he h i t s the sockeye salmon that i s speared by him, then the man makes a squeaking sound. And when the man hauls i n the sockeye salmon i n t o h i s l i t t l e canoe he takes h i s club and he clubs i t once. A f t e r he has p u l l e d out h i s spear point from the sockeye salmon, he holds with h i s two hands the sockeye salmon and the man looks at i t and prays to i t and says, "We have come to meet a l i v e , Swimmer. Do not f e e l wrong about what I have done t o you, f r i e n d Swimmer, f o r that i s the reason why you come that I may spear you, that I may eat you. Super-n a t u r a l One, you, Long-Life-Giver, you, Swimmer. Now protect us, (me) and my w i f e , that we may keep w e l l , t h a t nothing may be d i f f i c u l t f o r us that we wish t o get from you, Rich-Maker-Woman. Now c a l l a f t e r you your f a t h e r and your mother and uncles and aunts and e l d e r brothers and s i s t e r s to come to me a l s o , you, Swimmers, you S a t i a t e r , " says he. Then he puts down hi s salmon which he has speared, i n h i s canoe. As soon as he has speared many sockeye salmon he goes home. When he a r r i v e s at the beach of h i s house, the man steps out of h i s canoe, with h i s w i f e . Then h i s w i f e takes her c a r r y i n g basket and gives i t to her husband. He goes down the beach and puts i n t o i t the sockeye salmon which he has speared (which has two names, al s o sockeye salmon obtained by spearing), i n t o the c a r r y i n g basket. Then h i s wife spreads a new mat i n her house. As soon as she has done so, her husband comes c a r r y i n g the basket co n t a i n i n g the sockeye salmon and pours the sockeye salmon obtained by spearing on the mat that has been spread out. Now hi s wife takes her f i s h k n i f e and s i t s down alongside the mat... Then she holds with her l e f t hand one sockeye salmon and holding with her f i r s t hand her f i s h k n i f e she prays to the sockeye salmon and says, "Welcome, Supernatural One, you, Swimmer, you have come t r y i n g to come to me, you, who always come every year of our world, that you come to set us r i g h t that we may be w e l l . Thank you, thank you s i n c e r e l y , you, Swimmer. I mean t h i s , that you, please, w i l l come next year that we may meet a l i v e , that you, please, protect me that nothing e v i l may b e f a l l me, Supernatural One, you. Swimmer. Now I w i l l do what you came here f o r that I should do to you," says she and she cuts i t . Here i s , where I s h a l l stop my words, f o r you know a l l the ways of what i s done with the salmon. (op. c i t . p.206--207) The context shows that the prayers of the berry p i c k e r s , bear hunters and salmon f i s h e r s are the v e r b a l part of very rudimentary r i t u a l s . These p r i v a t e r i t e s , o r i e n t e d to the i n d i v i d u a l ' s r e l a t i o n to the i n t e l l i -gence complement the formal p u b l i c ceremonies, discussed i n Chapter 4, by which a whole namima c e l e b r a t e s the coming of c e r t a i n i n t e l l i g e n c e s . The question i s , then, what i s the main concern of the rudimentary i n co n t r a s t 165. to the developed r i t e s or i n what way do the prayers complement the r i t u a l s ? ( R i t u a l s are of course a c t i o n s , not words, but i t i s i n the words that we look f o r a c l u e to the a c t i o n ) . I s h a l l take up t h i s question i n the i n t r o d u c t i o n to Chapter 4. The d i s c u s s i o n of the f o r -mulas of j u s t i f i c a t i o n bears, however, so c l o s e l y on the question of f i r s t f r u i t r i t u a l s that I s h a l l b r i e f l y take i t up here. The c e n t r a l a c t i o n i n the f i r s t salmon r i t u a l i s that of e a t i n g . The f i r s t salmon are eaten as a communal s a c r i l e g i o u s act. The prayer spoken before the meal expresses both g r a t i t u d e f o r the animals' s a c r i f i c i a l g i f t of t h e i r bodies and f e a r of the consequences of eating them (see Chapter 4, 2 ( c ) ) . The mental o r i e n t a t i o n i n these r i t u a l s i s t h e r e f o r e e s s e n t i a l l y the same as that we have found i n the formulas of j u s t i f i c a t i o n . I t a l s o points to the dilemma men f i n d themselves i n v i s - a - v i s the animals. Yet the animals are eaten communally i n these r i t u a l s , and as I point out i n my i n t r o d u c t i o n to Chapter 4, the r i t u a l i m p l i e s a s h i f t from i n d i v i d u a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to a. communally conceived r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . The main con-cern of the prayers as expressed i n the formulas of j u s t i f i c a t i o n i s the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of k i l l i n g . K i l l i n g seems t o be the i n d i v i d u a l act par excellence f o r Kwakiutl. In the Salmon Boy myths, which explore the meaning of k i l l i n g and e a t i n g , k i l l i n g remains the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the i n d i v i d u a l w h i le " e a t i n g " i s s h i f t e d from an i n d i v i d u a l to a communal plane (see Chapter 3, 2 ( b ) ) . I f the act of stopping and praying a f t e r one has k i l l e d an animal or before one p i c k s a plant has any r i t u a l s i g n i f i c a n c e i t i s the one which L e v i - S t r a u s s p o i n t s out i n L'Homme Nu; i t introduces an element of slow-i n g down and r e f l e c t i o n , a pause i n the e n t e r p r i s e . The prayer i s the v e r b a l expression of that r e f l e c t i o n . L e v i - S t r a u s s , who t h i n k s of r i t u a l as an i r r a t i o n a l game, a t t r i b u t e s l i t t l e inherent s i g n i f i c a n c e to the . 166. 42 pause. Yet pausing and r e f l e c t i n g cannot be separated. They b r i n g the s i g n i f i c a n c e of the e n t e r p r i s e home to consciousness. Kwakiutl express consciousness of the c o n t r a d i c t o r y nature of r e a l i t y i n t h e i r prayers, and i n the j u s t i f i c a t i o n formulas, e s p e c i a l l y i n apology, they seem to become conscious of the c o n t r a d i c t o r y nature of the s e l f . Such pausing and r e f l e c t i n g i s part of being human, part of asking the question of the way i n which man can belong to the world. 3(e) The S t r u c t u r e of the Prayers We have considered the component parts of the prayers to the i n t e l l i g e n c e s ; i t remains now to consider the s t r u c t u r a l i m p l i c a t i o n s . How are the parts combined and i n how f a r i s the combination s i g n i f i c a n t ? I f the main concern of these prayers i s with k i l l i n g t h i s should be expressed i n the s t r u c t u r e . Equally i t should be p o s s i b l e to deduce the d i f f e r e n t concern of the prayers to Sun from s t r u c t u r a l i m p l i c a t i o n s . To speak of s t r u c t u r a l i m p l i c a t i o n s i n the case of forms as s l i g h t and simple as the Kwakiutl prayers seems exaggerated. S t r u c t u r e i n o r a l forms becomes important where there i s i much heterogeneous m a t e r i a l to be ordered and the message i s complicated. As I have pointed out, i n such cases the o r g a n i z a t i o n of p a r t s has a mnemonic f u n c t i o n that helps the speaker c o n t r o l h i s m a t e r i a l and the l i s t e n e r s to grasp the r e l a t i v e importance of p o i n t s . In t h i s way form can express content. The simple form of the prayers puts no burden on the memory, and there i s no speaker-l i s t e n e r context (at l e a s t i n the conventional sense) to tax the method of communication. Yet the prayers have a "message" and i t s accuracy matters to the Kwakiutl and t h i s , I t h i n k accounts f o r the f a c t that even i n so s l i g h t an o r a l - l i t e r a r y form we should f i n d some of the devices known from more elaborate o r a l l i t e r a t u r e . . 167. One of the best known devices of o r a l composition i s framing: the surrounding of an important episode by two less, important episodes, one l e a d i n g up to i t and another concluding i t (and p o s s i b l y leading on to another). This simple device f o r s t r e s s i n g an important episode has the inherent c h a r a c t e r i s t i c that the f i r s t and t h i r d episodes are, i n some sense, r e v e r s a l s of one another while the c e n t r a l episode has to be complex and capable of l a t c h i n g on i n a d i f f e r e n t way t o each of the framing ones. Framing i s t h e r e f o r e r e l a t e d to that more elaborate device, c h i a s t i c s t r u c t u r i n g , which i s based on the p r i n c i p l e of repeat-ing a scheme i n reversed form, so that the scheme that appears i n the f i r s t move as a b c appears i n the second as c b a, to borrow the simple example of a rhyme scheme. C h i a s t i c s t r u c t u r i n g i s a device f r e q u e n t l y found i n o r a l - l i t e r a r y forms. I t a l s o c h a r a c t e r i s e s the v i s u a l a r t and r i t u a l behaviour of n o n - l i t e r a r y peoples. In the t e x t s we are consider-ing i n the framework of t h i s i n q u i r y we f i n d i t most e l a b o r a t e l y used i n the hunting myths (Chapter 3). The same p r i n c i p l e e s t a b l i s h e s the r e l a t i o n between the salmon r i t u a l and the i n i t i a t i o n r i t u a l (Chapter 4). The prayers are too simple i n composition to show anything l i k e a formal c h i a s t i c scheme. But i n so f a r as they have a s t r u c t u r e at a l l , t h i s s t r u c t u r e i s based on framing, and i n t h i s sense they belong (even i f only as simple pre-forms) to the a r t form of the t e x t s we are consider-i n g here, and t o the form of Kwakiutl a r t more g e n e r a l l y . In the prayers the content of the formulas does the work which i s done i n more elaborate compositions by a complicated d i s p o s i t i o n of p a r t s . We s h a l l t h e r e f o r e consider t h i s content i n a s t r u c t u r a l l i g h t . G e n e rally speaking the s t r u c t u r a l core of Kwakiutl prayers i s greeting formula and p e t i t i o n . The two formulas are present both i n prayers to Sun and i n prayers to i n t e l l i g e n c e s . Yet the two types of prayers are each made up of three formulas, and g r e e t i n g and p e t i t i o n have a d i f f e r e n t r e l a t i o n to each other and the t h i r d formula i n each type. For prayers to Sun I abstracted the scheme: I n v o c a t i o n / P e t i t i o n / A f f i r m a t i o n of Sun's omnipotence. For prayers to i n t e l l i g e n c e s t h a t are used f o r food our examination y i e l d s an e q u a l l y simple but d i f f e r e n t scheme: S a l u t a t i o n / J u s t i f i c a t i o n / P e t i t i o n . The formal d i f f e r e n c e i f we compare the two i s c l e a r . What i s the c e n t r a l formula i n prayers to Sun i s part of the frame i n prayers to i n t e l l i g e n c e s . Are these d i f f e r e n t d i s p o s i t i o n s s i g n i f i c a n t ? TABLE I I I Sun I n t e l l i g e n c e s Greeting Greeting P e t i t i o n J u s t i f i c a t i o n A f f i r m a t i o n of Sun's P e t i t i o n omnipotence Prayers to Sun begin with a g r e e t i n g formula that invokes Sun, asking him to look at the beings he has created and pay a t t e n t i o n to them. They end with an a s s e r t i o n not only of Sun's omnipotence but of h i s omni-competence: everything that happens on earth happens according to Sun's w i l l , which i s a c t i v e i n the world every day as i t was at the c r e a t i o n . L o g i c a l l y the two formulas cancel one another, because the f i r s t invokes a power which the l a s t a f f i r m s t o be omnipresent and not i n f l u e n c e a b l e i n any case--"for you do as you please with us". The Kw a k i u t l , however, did not see the world as a mechanically ordered whole i n which men play mechanical p a r t s . They see the world as a whole, indeed, and men as a part of i t , but because men are not mechanical t h i s world i t s e l f of which they are a part cannot be mechanical. Men have v o l i t i o n , and s p e c i a l d e s i r e s and needs, and the p e t i t i o n which stands between i n v o c a t i o n and a f f i r m a t i o n , and which i s the core of the prayers to Sun, express e x a c t l y that v o l i t i o n a l nature which makes the world a l i v i n g and not a mechanical whole. The p e t i t i o n s ask f o r p r o t e c t i o n from e v i l , from s i c k n e s s , f r o m - m a l e f i c i e n t accident; and f o r a "making r i g h t " of Sun's world. They are often connected by a causal conjunction to the a f f i r m a t i o n of Sun's omnipotence, as i n the "Prayer of a Sick Man" (Boas 1930: 182): "... and pray, make us w e l l , Great-Walking-all-over-the-World, f o r you are making i n every way t h i s world that you made". In other words, because Sun i s the l i v i n g power that makes the world at every moment, the whole of c r e a t i o n i s i n balance from moment to moment, and with h i s prayer man can sp r i n g i n t o the breach. Man needs Sun's order to l i v e under, an order f r e e from e v i l , sickness and f a t a l a c c i d ent. Should Sun's order be dis t u r b e d and man threatened ( f o r instance by s i c k n e s s ) , man can through h i s p e t i t i o n help Sun r e s t o r e h i s order. Just because Sun i s the c r e a t o r and man part of the world he makes, man can, with him, make the world from moment to moment. This i s the burden the p e t i t i o n formula c a r r i e s . In t h e i r s u p p l i c a t i o n s t o Sun Kwakiutl took part i n Sun's c r e a t i v e a c t i v i t y , h e l p i n g t o make Sun's world T i g h t , so that they, too could l i v e i n i t and enjoy i t s goodness. Without the l o g i c a l c o n t r a d i c t i o n between the i n v o c a t i o n formula and the formula of a f f i r m a t i o n the p e t i t i o n formula could not have the f o r c e i t has. As i t i s , i t holds the exact balance between b e l i e f i n the personal a t t e n t i o n of Sun as " f a t h e r " and h i s absolute o r d a i n i n g power as " c h i e f " . S t r u c t u r a l l y considered, then, the p e t i t i o n i n the prayers to Sun presents us with a p r e c i s e rendering of man's c o n d i t i o n i n the world. According to t h i s rendering man i s n e i t h e r a b s o l u t e l y f r e e nor e n t h r a l l e d by fate, but a " l i v i n g and a c t i v e part of a l i v i n g and a c t i v e whole. Prayers to i n t e l l i g e n c e s that are used f o r food, a l s o f a l l i n t o three 170. p a r t s , but here the formula of j u s t i f i c a t i o n stands i n the middle and p e t i t i o n i s a part of the frame. This arrangement i s due to the wholly d i f f e r e n t s i t u a t i o n , both l o g i c a l and a c t u a l , that a r i s e s from the meet-in g on earth of a man and an "unobliged one". On the purely l o g i c a l l e v e l there i s no c o n t r a d i c t i o n here between the f i r s t part of the frame--"we come and meet a l i v e " - - a n d the l a s t "give over to me your wealth that I a l s o may be r i c h as you a r e " — t o use two c h a r a c t e r i s t i c formulations of s a l u t a t i o n and p e t i t i o n as i l l u s t r a t i o n . But there i s a l l the same a c e r t a i n c l a s h between the two parts of the frame here. "We meet a l i v e " i s a formula of g r a t i t u d e that could be paraphrased as "thank you f o r helping me s u r v i v e s i n c e our l a s t meeting". "Give me your wealth" means i n a l l cases where the animal or plant i s used f o r food "die f o r me so that I can l i v e through your death". The i n v e r s e p o s i t i o n s of the two parts of the frame are i n f a c t here due to the o p p o s i t i o n s of r i c h and poor, sacred and profane and the conceptions connected with them. The s i t u a t i o n i n the g r e e t i n g formula i s that of a poor and ordinary man meeting a r i c h and sacred being. The one presented by the p e t i t i o n formula i s that of a man made r i c h and a being who has been s t r i p p e d of i t s sacred power, at l e a s t f o r the period of i t s death. (That t h i s death i s seen as a temporary one i s c l e a r from the g r e e t i n g formula i n which the animal that was k i l l e d l a s t year i s greeted as a l i v i n g f r i e n d t h i s year.) The formulas that make up the frame contain t h e r e f o r e p a r a d i g m a t i c a l l y each the o p p o s i t i o n rich/poor and the transformation of the o r i g i n a l poor i n t o r i c h and r i c h i n t o poor. The transformation i s e f f e c t e d through an exchange which i s e x p l i c i t i n the "give over to me your wealth". The paradigm of two paired o p p o s i t i o n s standing at the beginning and end of a s t o r y , with a c r o s s i n g over i n the middle i n which the load i s exchanged i s f r e q u e n t l y found i n myths. Good examples are the t r i c k s t e r and t r a n s -171. former s t o r i e s i n which the o r i g i n a l owner of a v i t a l n e c e s s i t y — d a y -l i g h t or wa t e r - - i s t r i c k e d out of h i s possession, and a s t a t e of lack i n the world i s r e c t i f i e d t o make human l i f e p o s s i b l e . Prayers, however, are not myths and the prayers which have the s t r u c t u r e we are d i s c u s s i n g do not centre on the transformation i t s e l f , as the myths would, but on the moral i m p l i c a t i o n s the transformation has. The prayer confronts a r e a l s i t u a t i o n i n the m a t e r i a l world: the animal or pla n t t h a t i s prayed t o i s reduced from being sacred ( i t s s t a t e of l i f e ) to being o r d i n a r y (through death). The supplicant who i s doing the reducing i s a r e a l person, who f e e l s the s a c r i l e g e i n v o l v e d i n h i s a c t i o n and whose main concern there-f o r e i s to apologise and to e x p l a i n . Again the middle formula represents the balance between beginning and end; and, as i n prayers to Sun, i t i s the human p o s i t i o n i n r e l a t i o n to the extra-human that I s the c e n t r a l concern. But the human p o s i t i o n i n r e l a t i o n to the i n t e l l i g e n c e s i s c o n t r a d i c t o r y and questionable i n a way that the r e l a t i o n to Sun i s not. The middle formula, which holds the two c o n t r a d i c t o r y s t a t e s of mind together, does so not by r e s o l v i n g the c o n t r a d i c t i o n but by c o n f r o n t i n g i t . The f a c t that the c o n t r a d i c t i o n s inherent i n the r e l a t i o n s of humans and animals i s not resolved i n the prayers shows that the prayers kept at a l l times very c l o s e to p r a c t i c a l and experienced r e a l i t y . Yet the prayers are " s t r u c t u r e s " as well--mental a r t e f a c t s w i t h a f i x e d conven-t i o n a l form. The very formal and s t r u c t u r a l r e l a t i o n s of the parts of these prayers, by p u t t i n g the j u s t i f i c a t i o n formula i n the c e n t r a l p o s i -t i o n draw the a t t e n t i o n to the dilemma that i s inherent i n n e c e s s i t y . In other words, what the form of the prayer s t r i v e s t o preserve i s t h a t closeness to p a i n f u l and c o n t r a d i c t o r y r e a l i t y from which the content (phrased as j u s t i f i c a t i o n and explanation) c o n s t a n t l y t r i e s to escape. •172. I f framing or c h i a s t i c s t r u c t u r i n g (of which framing i s a simple form) i s a mnemonic device i t i s p o s s i b l e that here, where i t does not serve the purpose of ordering unwieldy masses of hetergeneous m a t e r i a l but appears i n i t s simplest form, i t f u n c t i o n s to keep the memory c l o s e to a double-sided experience. In that case the s t r u c t u r e of the prayers i t s e l f i s important as an expression of the main concern of Kwakiutl thought. I have not included the p r i n c i p l e s that r u l e r e l a t i o n s i n the prayers i n my " P r i n c i p l e s of Kwakiutl Thought". This i s because these p r i n c i p l e s do not form themselves a l o g i c a l l y complete system. The thought of the prayers comes out of and re t u r n s to c o n t r a d i c t o r y r e a l i t y r a t h e r than seeking f o r l o g i c a l r e s o l u t i o n . Nevertheless, j u s t because i t p e r t i n a -c i o u s l y faces i r r e s o l v a b l e c o n t r a d i c t i o n s i t deserves a se r i o u s place i n Kwakiutl thought as a whole. I t deals with phenomena and f a c t s . The f a c t s are complex because they are made up of a m a t e r i a l , s p i r i t u a l and moral r e a l i t y . I f Kwakiutl d i d not r e t u r n c o n s t a n t l y i n t h e i r prayers to these complex f a c t s t h e i r thought would not have any s i g n i f i c a n c e f o r us and would not have the value i t has i n a framework of comparative thought. 4. Conclusion A d i s c u s s i o n of Kwakiutl prayers could not proceed without a d i s -cussion of Sun. Sun i s a personal and omnipotent god qu i t e u n l i k e the naualak (sacred, unobliged!) beings we have taken as the centre of our examination. An a n a l y s i s of the prayers from a d i f f e r e n t point of view--a point of view that d i d not have the r e l a t i o n of the baxus and the tsetseqa as i t s focus--might make a case f o r Kwakiutl r e l i g i o n as mono-t h e i s t i c , or at l e a s t centred on a high god. The prayers to i n t e l l i -gences would then appear not as a c t s o f adoration but dialogues w i t h f e l l o w creatures s u p e r i o r t o men but dependent l i k e them on a supreme 173. power. This p o s i t i o n — w h e t h e r i t i s made tenable i n view of a p o s s i b l e C h r i s t i a n i n f l u e n c e on the conception of Sun or n o t - - i s c e r t a i n l y d e f e n s i b l e i n view of the t e x t s . The point of view I have taken i n my examination brings out a d i f f e r e n t c r i t e r i o n f o r what can be c a l l e d the centre or pivot of a r e l i g i o n . In IMuer R e l i g i o n , where E.E. Evans-Pritchard puts forward a pl e a f o r more systematic s t u d i e s of p r i m i t i v e p h i l o s o p h i e s w i t h reference to t h e i r c h i e f c h a r a c t e r i s t i c he remarks: "The t e s t of what i s the domi-nant motif i s u s u a l l y , perhaps always, to what a people a t t r i b u t e dangers and sickness and other misfortunes and what steps they take to avoid or 43 e l i m i n a t e them". Now Sun, to whom people r e l a t e d i n a personal and i n t e n t l i f e of prayer, i s wholly benevolent, the source of order alone and not of misfortune and other d i s o r d e r s . I t seems t o me that a care-f u l a n a l y s i s of the t e x t s shows that the conception of Sun i n s p i t e of i t s apparent dominance does not have the i n t e g r a t i n g power to f u n c t i o n as the centre and p i v o t of Kwakiutl r e l i g i o u s thought. To apply Evans-P r i c h a r d ' s t e s t : disease and misfortune do not seem to come from Sun but are c l o s e l y a s s ociated on the l e v e l of r e l i g i o u s symbolism with the tsetseqa power, the s p i r i t of the winter dance. On the moral l e v e l t h e i r o r i g i n i s seen to l i e i n man himself through h i s r e l a t i o n with the animals. The n e c e s s i t y that i n v o l v e s man i n k i l l i n g a l s o i n v o l v e s him i n misfortune and death. Yet n e i t h e r the animals nor the s p i r i t of the winter dance are represented merely or even s t r i c t l y speaking, as p u n i t i v e . Both b r i n g l i f e , the animals p h y s i c a l l i f e , the winter dance power regeneration - - l i f e on a plane where man has c o n t r o l over h i s f a t e . T h e i r powers are dual, though the animals are primarily.benevolent (with malevolence "underneath"!), the winter dance power p r i m a r i l y malevolent (with benevo-lence "underneath"). I would say that the dominant motif of Kwakiutl 174 r e l i g i o u s thought i s these d u a l i s t i c a l l y conceived powers. Moreover, each engages with a d u a l i s t i c a l l y conceived man, so that Kwakiutl r e l i -gious thought can be p i c t u r e d s c h e m a t i c a l l y as a f i g u r e of two quater-n a r i e s f a c i n g one another across the Summer/Winter d i v i s i o n . Sun w i t h i t s simply conceived power plays no r o l e i n t h i s c o n f i g u r a t i o n of thought Kwakiutl thought suggests that the c r i t e r i o n f o r what i s the domina-t i n g conception i n p r i m i t i v e p h i l o s o p h i e s might be a d u a l i s t i c a l l y conceived power. Evans-Pritchard's d e s c r i p t i o n of S p i r i t - - t h e domina-t i n g conception of Nuer r e l i g i o n - - w o u l d support such a hypothesis. In the context of d e l i b e r a t i n g whether Nuer r e l i g i o n could be c a l l e d a r e l i g i o n of f e a r (as a missionary t o the Nuer suggests) he says: "I think what f i t s the f a c t s best i s to say t h a t i t i s a r e l i g i o n of both f e a r and t r u s t , which may be opposite but are not c o n t r a r i e s , or t h a t the Nuer a t t i t u d e towards S p i r i t might be described as ambiguous, and perhaps as ambivalent" (op. c i t . p.312). On p.318, where he takes up the question of the ambiguities and paradoxes posed by Nuer r e l i g i o n he says that God ( S p i r i t ) " i s both a f r i e n d and a foe, whom one summons f o r a i d and asks to turn away, seeking at the same time union and separation from him" ( c f . a l s o pp.196 and 197, where the dangerousness of S p i r i t i s more emphatically r e f e r r e d t o ) . Kwakiutl r e l i g i o n could not be c a l l e d mono-t h e i s t i c l i k e Nuer r e l i g i o n , not' because i t l a c k s a:supreme r u l e r of the universe and men's f a t e (which i t has i n Sun), but because t h i s supreme r u l e r i s not "both a f r i e n d and a f o e " . I t seems at l e a s t p o s s i b l e that c o n t r a d i c t o r y a t t r i b u t e s are a necessary requirement f o r the f i g u r e that embodies the dominant conception i n a r e l i g i o u s system of thought. Almo a l l t r a d i t i o n a l r e l i g i o u s symbolism ( i n c l u d i n g that of the h i s t o r i c r e l i g i o n s ) works with paradox, with the statement that the one (whoever 175. or whatever t h i s one i s ) i s made up of two balancing but i r r e c o n c i l a b l e opposites. Perhaps the dominant f i g u r e i n any p a r t i c u l a r r e l i g i o n i n order to be dominant has to be double i n t h i s sense because t h i s d u p l i -c i t y i s v i t a l l y l i n k e d (though we do not e x a c t l y know how) to the recog-n i t i o n of the s e l f as d i v i d e d , a r e c o g n i t i o n that i s e s s e n t i a l f o r r e l i g i o u s regeneration. In the h i s t o r i c r e l i g i o n s such a conception would be the root of the t h o d i c i e s that c h a r a c t e r i s e t h e i r t h e o l o g i e s . Two s t u d i e s of r e l i g i o n come to mind i n t h i s context. C a r l Jung has explored the connection of the conception of an immoral god with e t h i c a l 44 development i n h i s "Answer to Job". Of greater relevance to the m a t e r i a l discussed here i s Paul Ricueur's The Symbolism of E v i l (1967) i n which he explores the connection between symbols, conceptions of f a u l t and s i n , and a d u a l i s t i c a l l y conceived b i b l i c a l god. 4(a) The World Centre Kwakiutl thought i s not p r i m a r i l y t h e i s t i c at a l l , nor i s i t manistic i n the sense t h i s word has taken on i n a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l usage. I t i s centred on a d u a l i s t i c a l l y represented power that i s conceived impersonally as the s p i r i t of the winter dance--Healing and P e s t i l e n c e 45 Woman--or even more impersonally as a place: the world c e n t r e . We have seen the importance of s p a t i a l conceptions i n the prayers, e s p e c i a l l y where the double nature of the animals i s i n question. For the Kwakiutl space makes a more v e r s a t i l e conceptual t o o l f o r i n q u i r y i n t o cause and e f f e c t , i n t o the o r i g i n of disease and death and the measure of c o n t r o l men can achieve than a f i g u r e , anthropomorphic or other. The world centre i s such a t o o l . As an image-symbol i t i s extremely comprehensive; i t can accommodate the conception of the animals and t h e i r problematic r e l a t i o n s to men as w e l l as and simultaneously with the p s y c h o l o g i c a l . 176. conception of the s p i r i t s of the winter r i t u a l . Moreover, i t i s not purely a s p a t i a l image but an image of space-time s i m i l a r t o , but f a r more i n c l u s i v e than the meetings on journeys that make such important points of conjunction and r e v e r s a l i n the prayers. Space and time lend themselves t o the conceptual formation of paradox and r e v e r s a l more e a s i l y than b o d i l y forms. A space-time image l i k e the world centre can express the play of opposites r e l a t i v e l y e a s i l y with the help of concepts of motion, d i r e c t i o n and speed. Up and down, s t a s i s and k i n e s i s are oppo s i t i o n s that are c o n t r a r i e s , and i t i s obvious that they cannot e x i s t simultaneously. At the world centre they e x i s t simultaneously i n a play of c o n t r a d i c t i o n that a n a l o g i c a l l y throws l i g h t on the l e s s e a s i l y conveyed play between being and non-being. In any case i t i s t h i s play of c o n t r a d i c t i o n s that generates the world. What i s important i n our context i s that I t does not only generate the world on the cosmic and p h y s i c a l l e v e l but on the psychic one as w e l l , that f o r men the concep-t i o n of the world centre e s t a b l i s h e s a moral c o n t i n u i t y between the two. This moral c o n t i n u i t y excludes the d i r e c t and r e a l i s t i c c o n f r o n t a t i o n of having to k i l l . I t i n c l u d e s the perception of the d i v i d e d w i l l i n a f o r m a l i s e d and schematic way as part of what one: might c a l l a scheme of r redemption. In the conception of the world centre we have a scheme i n which the problems of disease and death and de l i v e r a n c e from disease and death, t r a n s g r e s s i o n and g u i l t and redemption through s a c r i f i c e and renewal are caught up together and conceptually l i n k e d . In such a rep-r e s e n t a t i o n the p h y s i c a l world and the psychic world become one; experience i s redeemed from being fragmentary and"the world makes sense as a whole. I f the study of r e l i g i o n i s the examination and e v a l u a t i o n of such r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s , then the examination of the world centre i s an important part of t h i s d i s c u s s i o n of Kwakiutl prayers. 177. The world centre i s not r e a l l y a p h i l o s o p h i c a l concept, because i t i s an image of something that cannot be Known, while i t i s yet experienced and can be thought about; but i t i s a p h i l o s o p h i c a l conception. I t i s given m a t e r i a l symbolic form i n the winter r i t u a l and l i n g u i s t i c form i n Kwakiutl r i t u a l songs, i n speeches and myths. We have no informant's commentary on i t . In view of the f a c t of i t s p i v o t a l p o s i t i o n i n Kwakiutl expressive c u l t u r e , a f a c t of which Boas must have been aware, i t seems e x t r a o r d i n a r y that he d i d not ask to have i t commented on. I t s main r o l e i s that of a u n i f y i n g conception i n the i n i t i a t i o n system of thought. But i t a l s o serves to c o n c e p t u a l i s e , on a h i g h l y a b s t r a c t l e v e l , the r e l a t i o n between men and animals on the one hand and animals and supernatural s p i r i t s on the other. In t h i s way i t becomes important as a l i n k between the Winter and the Summer. I s h a l l t r y to give an o u t l i n e of t h i s double r e l a t i o n here. F i r s t a b r i e f summary of the sources. 1) I n i t i a t i o n Myths as Source of World Centre Images In the i n i t i a t i o n myths the world centre i s i n d i c a t e d by a pole or a hole i n or near the house of the i n i t i a t i n g s p i r i t . Both have a s s o c i a -t i o n s with death and l i f e . The image of the hole p a r t i c u l a r l y can have double a s s o c i a t i o n s ; door to the house of the s p i r i t , set w i t h t e e t h (snapping door) = mouth of the s p i r i t ; hole to the underworld of the dead, but a l s o pool (or other container) with the water of l i f e , world a x i s (a shaft through the middle of the u n i v e r s e ) . The pole image i s more u s u a l l y d e s t r u c t i v e as "snapping pole" (cannibal pole) or "death b r i n g e r " (a lance, or magic wand that k i l l s at a d i s t a n c e ) , but a l s o appears as tree, post, mountain, .etc. of the world i n an upholding, support-in g c a p a c i t y . The c a n n i b a l ' s house always has both a snapping pole and a pool with the water of l i f e to i n d i c a t e that we are at the world centre 178. here. The images p r o l i f e r a t e and combine e n d l e s s l y . One v a r i a t i o n i s i n t e r e s t i n g i n the context of the prayers: the world centre image that i n c l u d e s animals. Looking down i n t o the "hole" (here presumably the hollow a x i s of the universe!) the i n i t i a t e may see "many animals and f i s h e s " (Boas and Hunt 1905: 100), or a r r i v i n g at the base of the "post of the world" i n a submarine journey he may see sea-mammals crowded against the world pole, which "look l i k e food d i s h e s " (Boas 1943: 215--216). The animals are wealth symbols here with a s p e c i a l connotation of f e r t i l i t y ; e s p e c i a l l y the world centre as hole or v e s s e l i s connected with such l i f e - a n d - w e a l t h symbolism ( c f . Duff 1975: 4 0 f f ) . 2) R i t u a l Songs as Source f o r D e s c r i p t i v e Terms The word.iworld centre ( l i t e r a l l y "middle of the world") crops up i n songs sung by and f o r the cannibal i n i t i a t e at the p u b l i c r i t u a l . "World centre" i s of course i t s e l f only a metaphoric d e s c r i p t i o n of a concep-t i o n which cannot be expressed except i n images. I t i s t h e r e f o r e not s u r p r i s i n g that we f i n d a number of synonyms i n the songs. Kwakiutl poetry (not u n l i k e the poetry of the psalms) went i n f o r the r e p e t i t i o n of a l i n e i n other forms. In these v a r i a t i o n s we f i n d synonyms, which themselves remind one of another poetic technique, that of the Anglo-Saxon Kennings. The i n i t i a t e f o r instance s i n g s : " I have been where you cry 'hunger' f o r me. Cannibal, at the middle of the world; I have been where you cry 'hunger' f o r me. Cannibal, at the post of the world".(Boas 1897: 688). Dg the community sings to the i n i t i a t e : "You were led to h i s cannibal pole i n the place of honour of h i s house the centre r e a r seat , and t h i s house i s our world; you were led to h i s cannibal pole which i s the milky way of our world; you were led to h i s c a n n i b a l pole on the r i g h t hand side of our world".(op. c i t . p.691). From these "Kennings" i n the songs 179. we a l s o l e a r n that the world centre i s synonymous with the "edge" or "rim of the world", a l s o c a l l e d sometimes the " f a r end" or "North end" of the world (see Boas and Hunt 1905: 479 and 482; a l s o Boas 1897 through-out the Appendix). Congruence of centre w i t h periphery i s of course one of the paradoxes w e l l known from a r c h a i c thought g e n e r a l l y ; i t a l s o appears i n Jungian psychology associated with the concept of i n d i v i d u a -t i o n . 3) Hunting Myths as World Centre Images In hunting myths the world centre appears as the place where the game comes from, and to which the animals r e t u r n when they have been k i l l e d to renew t h e i r l i f e ( c f . f o r instance the Salmon Boy and Bear Mother myths of the c o a s t ) . In Kwakiutl mythical geography the country of the animals i s at the periphery of the world. Salmon country f o r instance l i e s f a r out to the West i n the P a c i f i c ocean. To go there one has to cross i n t o the other world, and the c r o s s i n g point i s imaged as an opening and s h u t t i n g hole, a snapping mouth set with t e e t h or a s i m i l a r place of death (see the' hole Salmon Boy has to pass through i n the B e l l a B e l l a v e r s i o n . Chapter 3, 2; i n some Salmon Boy myths Salmon Woman, whom the hero marries, has a vagina dentata). The animals' home i s s i m u l t a -neously a place teeming with wealth and f e r t i l i t y , imaged as swarming with p l a y i n g c h i l d r e n , b i r d s , f l o w e r s , f e a s t i n g and p l a y i n g people (see Salmon Boy myths). I t can a c t u a l l y have the name "Place of Wealth" or "Place of Well-being" i n the myths ( c f . Boas 1935: 208). These are a l s o names used f o r the winter dance houses i n the v i l l a g e i n which i n i t i a t i o n s are cel e b r a t e d (cf Boas 1930: 121). The winter dance house i s an e a r t h l y copy of the s p i r i t ' s house i n which the treasure i s gained. The name "Place of Wealth" or a s i m i l a r name can a l s o be used f o r ; the u l t i m a t e . 180. d e s t i n a t i o n of the dead, who are imagined as gathered at the world centre ( c f . Boas 1910: 315, "Making-Satiated-on-the-other-Side-of-the-World"). Land of the animals, house of the s p i r i t , winter dance house and house of the dead are t h e r e f o r e a l l conceptually c o r r e l a t e d as points of death-and-l i f e . With the help of these mythical images and d e s c r i p t i v e names (of which I have given only a few examples i n each case) i t i s p o s s i b l e to a r r i v e at the more a b s t r a c t d e f i n i t i o n of the world centre which f o l l o w s . The world centre i s conveyed by the Kwakiutl as an unthinkable paradox. I t i s simultaneously nothing and everything, a place of a n n i h i -l a t i o n and o r i g i n . The image most f r e q u e n t l y used to describe i t i n Kwakiutl mythology i s the "post of the world" which upholds the universe. The image of the centre as upholding or supporting has a p s y c h o l o g i c a l and moral as w e l l as a p h y s i c a l - m a t e r i a l dimension. In journeying to the "middle of the world" the i n i t i a t e - h e r o of myth and r i t u a l reaches a point w i t h i n himself that i s not e a s i l y reached i n everyday l i f e . One could say that i n the world centre of m y t h i c a l geography--far out i n the wilderness--he i s faced w i t h an image of the s e l f that i s u s u a l l y hidden by everyday a s s o c i a t i o n s . To meet himself i n t h i s way and to recognise himself i n what he meets, r e q u i r e s an act of inner d e c i s i o n , an "over-coming of the s e l f " . For t h i s d e c i s i o n he needs knowledge to guide him and courage to i n s p i r e him. Imagery and p l o t of the i n i t i a t i o n myth t h e r e f o r e always a s s o c i a t e the world centre image with a t e s t of the 46 knowledge and courage of the hero. When the Kwakiutl i n i t i a t e a r r i v e s "at the centre of the world" or "at the pole of the world" (see the r i t u a l songs quoted above) he has come to a double moment i n which he i s faced with a choice. His inner c o n f l i c t i s mirrored i n the d u a l i t y of the world centre. In the i n i t i a -181. t i o n myths and r i t u a l the world centre always stands f o r the inner dimen-s i o n . The i n i t i a t i n g s p i r i t s , who p e r s o n i f y the world centre, a l s o belong to that inner dimension. The animals, on the other hand, belong to the outer, p h y s i c a l dimension. Yet they are addressed i n the prayers with the same ambiguous names that mark the s p i r i t s of the tsetseqa as p e r s o n i f i c a t i o n s of the world centre. In the absence of an elaborate mythology about i t the whole outer dimension, the connection of the animals to the world centre and the r e l a t i o n of men to the animals through the world centre are f a r more d i f f i c u l t to e x p l a i n than anything that has to do with the i n n e r dimension and the s p i r i t s . One t h i n g i s c l e a r from the prayers: u n l i k e men animals have a d i r e c t , immediate, one might say e f f o r t l e s s r e l a t i o n to the world centre. They are themselves part of i t , while men come i n t o contact w i t h i t only through the extreme e f f o r t made i n i n i t i a t i o n . The question to apply ourselves to i s then how t h i s r e l a t i o n , i n the case of the animals and of men i s conceived. I s h a l l begin w i t h a schematised account of the r e l a t i o n s , f o l l o w e d by a longer explanatory d e s c r i p t i o n . The world centre i s conceived as a coincidence of opposites. In " r e a l l i f e " the opposites are d i v i d e d and so to speak strung out along the road of experience. In the p h y s i c a l world man meets the animal with a double d e s i r e : to be i t s f r i e n d and not harm i t , and t o k i l l and eat i t i n order to l i v e . In t h i s sphere a l l i s f i x e d : man's i n t e n t i o n may be genuinely d i v i d e d but he can i n f a c t f o l l o w only one d e s i r e , the d e s t r u c t i v e one. The animals' response i s c o r r e s -pondingly double: they give men p h y s i c a l l i f e , which contains i t s own opposite, death.. The world centre i s the telescoped image-expression of enantio-dromia, the H e r a k l i t a n view about the play of opposites i n the course of events that maintains that a l l that i s must go over i n t o i t s opposite. In the p h y s i c a l world the l i f e men gain from the animals turns i n t o death. 182. Such a p r i n c i p l e , based on the experiences of p h y s i c a l l i f e , i n v i t e s a transference to the p s y c h o l o g i c a l sphere and a changed a p p l i c a t i o n . In 47 the " p s y c h o l o g i c a l " world a t e r r i f y i n g and b l o o d t h i r s t y s p i r i t faces man with a choice: to l e t himself be eaten or f l e e and avoid him. Here man i s f r e e to decide. I f he has the courage to give himself to the s p i r i t , the s p i r i t , who eats him, converts h i s death i n t o new l i f e by spewing him out again. ( I f he should f l e e the s p i r i t would devour him i n any case, but f o r ever). The H e r a k l i t a n p r i n c i p l e i s app l i e d again: i f man chooses death f r e e l y , making i t a f i r s t choice, he w i l l u l t i m a t e l y gain l i f e . We can p i c t u r e t h i s c o n f i g u r a t i o n of Kwakiutl thought as two quater-n a r i e s , each complete i n i t s e l f , yet the two connected i n a f i x e d c h r o n o l o g i c a l sequence. Both q u a t e r n i t i e s are made up of a p a i r of antagonists f a c i n g one another; each antagonist i s " s p l i t " and t h e r e f o r e appears double. In the p h y s i c a l sphere the r e l a t i o n of man to animal I s f i x e d under the law of n e c e s s i t y . Under t h i s law they are j o i n e d i n an antisyzygy, a wrong marriage. In the p s y c h o l o g i c a l world the r e l a t i o n of man to s p i r i t i s under the law of freedom. Han can d i c t a t e the r e l a t i o n here, and can the r e f o r e r i g h t what was wrong i n the r e l a t i o n i n the p h y s i c a l world. The animals reappear here as the s p i r i t s and man as t h e i r v i c t i m . In other words the two p a i r s of antagonists are r e a l l y one p a i r , viewed under d i f f e r e n t aspects. The animals as s p i r i t s b r i n g man the death which can be converted i n t o l i f e . I have shown the two q u a t e r n i t i e s and t h e i r connection i n the f o l l o w -i n g diagram. The l e f t h a l f of the diagram represents the p h y s i c a l sphere i n which man meets the animal through the world centre, the r i g h t h a l f the ps y c h o l o g i c a l sphere i n which man meets the s p i r i t through the world centre. In the p h y s i c a l sphere man's d i v i d e d d e s i r e that opts f o r k i l l i n g leads to i n j u r y whose f i n a l i s s u e i s death. In the p s y c h o l o g i c a l sphere the choice of being passive i n the face of a threat to one's l i f e i s an a s s e r t i o n of freedom of a c t i o n and leads to regeneration as someone capable of a c t i n g f r e e l y . FIGURE 6 PHYSICAL MAN ANIMAL PSYCHOLOGICAL MAN SPIRIT The world centre i s , then, a place where opposites c o i n c i d e . R e l a t i o n s that pass through the world centre are ambiguous. In the p h y s i c a l world man faces the animal w i t h a double i n t e n t i o n and the animal faces man with a dou b t f u l b l e s s i n g . In the p s y c h o l o g i c a l world man faces the s p i r i t with a choice of a t t i t u d e and the s p i r i t faces man with a pa r a d o x i c a l death. But the world centre does not only yoke man + animal and man + s p i r i t ambiguously i n separate p h y s i c a l and psycholo-g i c a l spheres. Because i t i s the centre i t unites these spheres. I t 184. l i n k s the man-animal and man-spirit r e l a t i o n s h i p i n such a way that one i s transformed i n t o the other, and a d u a l i t y that remains unresolved i n the p h y s i c a l world i s resolved i n the p s y c h o l o g i c a l one. Let us now re t u r n f o r the moment to an ab s t r a c t d e s c r i p t i o n . The world centre i s always conveyed i n mythology by i r r e c o n c i l a b l e opposites. I t i s a pole which i s a hole; to reach i t you go up i n order to f i n d y o u r s e l f down or v i c e versa; time there passes so f a s t i t stands s t i l l . I f the concept i s i n f a c t one of a mutual c a n c e l l i n g of opposites, then the world centre i s conceived as a nothing, the mathematical zero p o i n t . The m a t e r i a l world, on the other hand, i s conceived as made up of opposites^: space as the o p p o s i t i o n of above and below, time as past and fu t u r e and a l l m a t e r i a l bodies as belonging to these o p p o s i t i o n s . The world centre i s the place where these o p p o s i t i o n s , from t h e i r extreme p o s i t i o n s on an a x i s are brought together i n one p o i n t . They cease to e x i s t as o p p o s i t i o n s , and with t h i s reduction and concentration to a point a l l m a t e r i a l bodies must cease to e x i s t . The world centre i s t h e r e f o r e , f i r s t of a l l , the point of death. Yet such a point where opposites meet and cancel one another as opposites i s al s o the point of generation. Again the mathematical zero point provides the exact p a r a l l e l . But the sexual example i s nearer to Kwakiutl imagery: the opposites of male and female abandon t h e i r d i s t i n c t e x i s t e n c e , fuse, and i n ceasing to e x i s t give existence to the germ of new l i f e . This germ, i n c i d e n t a l l y , contains i n i t s e l f again the poten-t i a l i t y f o r e i t h e r maleness or femaleness. But the point here i s that the world centre i s the place of the dynamic transformation of death i n t o l i f e . Seen s t a t i c a l l y i t i s the point of nothing which i s also every-t h i n g ; dynamically the emptiness i n which everything e x i s t s i n p o t e n t i a -48 l i t y , the place of seed. 185. In the world centre, then, a n n i h i l i a t i o n and o r i g i n are one. Now when Kwakiutl pray to the animals they are not simply addressing them-selves to emanations of the world centre but to beings i n which the f o r c e of the centre i s imminent. The animals are on the one hand m a t e r i a l forms that have come from the world centre as from a source, but on the other the dynamic p r i n c i p l e of the centre i s inherent i n .them and they l i v e and operate w i t h i n i t . This gives them t h e i r d u a l i t y and makes them dangerous t o men. Kwakiutl hope and b e l i e v e that they w i l l b r i n g them l i f e and t h e r e f o r e pray to them f o r h e a l t h , wealth and long l i f e . But they are conscious that the l i f e they ask f o r must contain i n i t s e l f death; and they f e a r the death-dealing power which, to them, a l l l i f e -b r ingers i n e v i t a b l y hold. This mingled hope and f e a r i s most evident i n the prayers to animals that are hunted and k i l l e d f o r food. I t i s through Kwakiutl conceptions of k i l l i n g and e a t i n g , e s p e c i a l l y the eating of animal substance, that we can t r a c e how they see the l i v i n g beings they meet i n the world and the world centre and why they address them with the ambiguous names that m i r r o r the ambiguity of the world c e n t r e . Kwakiutl are ac u t e l y aware that the p h y s i c a l l i f e f o r which they ask, which i s the animals' g i f t and which they nourish with the bodies of the animals they k i l l i s a l i f e i n s i d e death. Through eating they grow to l i f e but al s o i n e v i t a b l y towards death. They l i t e r a l l y eat t h e i r own death. In accepting the animals' g i f t of l i f e , then, they accept death. The conception of e a t i n g as a means of l i f e which i s al s o a means of death becomes the o r i g i n of the conception of the i n i t i a t i o n . I t i s als o the point of connection between the concrete animals of the r e a l world and the s p i r i t s of the inner world of i n i t i a t i o n . The imaginary world of i n i t i a t i o n represents the plane on which Kwakiutl f i n d i t p o s s i b l e to escape the l i f e - i n - d e a t h of p h y s i c a l n e c e s s i t y . I t i s 186. imaginary not because i t i s unreal but because i t s r e a l i t y can only be conveyed through images. In t h i s imaginary world a man, the i n i t i a t e , goes on a journey, crosses a boundary, and reaches the world centre. There he i s eaten by a s p i r i t and through his death gains new l i f e . I t can be seen that t h i s journey i s a r e v e r s a l of th a t of the animals, who come from the world centre, are eaten by men i n the r e a l world, and u l t i m a t e l y , a f t e r having sustained t h e i r l i v e s , b r i n g them death. The meeting with the animals takes place i n the " n a t u r a l " world, where the animals b r i n g men l i f e which u l t i m a t e l y turns to death. The meeting with the s p i r i t s takes place i n the "supernatural" world where men die and are reborn. One could perhaps say that the c l o s e but i n v e r t e d r e l a t i o n between animals and s p i r i t s represents Kwakiutl acceptance of the i n e l u c t -a b i l i t y of the human c o n d i t i o n on the plane of p h y s i c a l r e a l i t y and t h e i r b e l i e f that on another plane t h i s c o n d i t i o n can be transformed. Kwakiutl are r e a l i s t s but not f a t a l i s t s . The s p i r i t s as p e r s o n i f i c a t i o n s of the world centre r e f e r , as I have s a i d , to i t s inner psychic dimension, but p a r t i c u l a r l y they r e f e r to that dimension under i t s moral aspect. On the inner plane questions of death and l i f e concern the p e r s o n a l i t y , and the answers are not f i x e d but depend on choice and w i l l . The i n i t i a t e gains " l i f e " by a f r e e d e c i s i o n to choose "death". I t has to be noted, however, that the Kwakiutl conception d e s p i t e i t s s t r e s s on i n d i v i d u a l d e c i s i o n i s not i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c or s o t e r i o l o g i c a l . The d e c i s i o n to choose the death which gives him l i f e i s always fo l l o w e d , or p a r a l l e l e d , by another d e c i s i o n expressed through the image of wealth. This i s the d e c i s i o n to give away his t r e a s u r e , i n other words to share h i s new l i f e w i t h the community. " L i f e " or "wealth" or " d i s t i n c t i o n " only comes to Kwakiutl i n t h i s double sense of a personal completeness that r e l a t e s to others. I t i s i n t h i s sense too that the freedom gained by a choice of 1-87. death must be understood: i n conquering death the i n d i v i d u a l has freed himself p o t e n t i a l l y but his freedom i s r e a l i s e d i n " g i v i n g " , that i s i t e x i s t s s u b s t a n t i a l l y only i n so f a r as i t j o i n s him to others. Freedom f o r Kwakiutl has an e n t i r e l y a d u l t , p u b l i c or c i v i c c h a r a c t e r . To r e t u r n to the animals. Eating and dying, r e c e i v i n g and g i v i n g seerm. to be, then, the operative concepts that j o i n men to the world centre and to the animals, and j o i n the concrete animals to the imaginary s p i r i t s . I s h a l l b r i e f l y r e c a p i t u l a t e the l i n e of thought as I under-stand i t . In the r e a l world men eat animals. The animals o f f e r t h e i r bodies to men as g i f t s , but men can only accept them by an i n t e r v e n i n g act of v i o l e n c e , k i l l i n g . As a consequence, the animals b r i n g not only the g i f t s of h e a l t h , wealth and long l i f e f o r which Kwakiutl pray but a l s o sickness and death. In the imaginary world of i n i t i a t i o n men are eaten by the s p i r i t s . They o f f e r themselves, v o l u n t a r i l y f a c i n g death, and w i t h t h i s "act of p a s s i v i t y " make amends f o r the v i o l e n c e to which they are forced i n the sphere of p h y s i c a l e x i s t e n c e . For t h i s they r e c e i v e the g i f t of what we might c a l l s p i r i t u a l l i f e , t l u g w i , the "supernatural t r e a s u r e " or "supernatural power". With the t l u g w i we move to the i n t r a - and i n t e r p e r s o n a l plane. In p s y c h o l o g i c a l terms i t i s the g i f t of i nner independence. Independence i s shown by g i v i n g - - i n the w i n t e r r i t u a l by d i s t r i b u t i n g the treasure to the community. Here the s t r e s s i s s h i f t e d from the i n d i v i d u a l l y p s y c h o l o g i c a l to the s o c i a l and c o l l e c -t i v e . Through having l e t themselves be eaten by the s p i r i t the Kwakiutl convert t h e i r i n d i v i d u a l proneness to death i n t o a proneness to l i f e . By g i v i n g away t h e i r t r easure (again an i n d i v i d u a l form of dying) they are transforming a mere s u r v i v a l community, bound together by the need to eat and t h e r e f o r e bound to death, i n t o a community of the f r e e , a l i v i n g p o l i t y based on the f r e e a c t i v i t y of i t s members. With t h i s the winter 188. dance s o c i e t y gains the a t t r i b u t e s of the world centre: transformation of death i n t o l i f e , p o t e n t i a l i t y f o r a c t i o n i n the world. This e l u c i d a t i o n of the conception of the world centre does not answer a l l the cruxes connected with Kwakiutl prayers but i t goes some way towards answering them. I t does not t e l l us why Kwakiutl pray to the animals, but i t t e l l s us that prayer i s d i r e c t e d to beings who are r e a l and other than human, and not to beings who are imaginary and represen-t a t i o n s of a p s y c h o l o g i c a l process. I t al s o goes some way toward e x p l a i n -ing why Kwakiutl use the same names to address the animals i n prayers as they give to the s p i r i t s of the winter r i t u a l and the tsetseqa s p i r i t i t s e l f . What remains s t i l l obscure, not on the l e v e l of representations but of r a t i o n a l thought i s how Kwakiutl connected the d i f f e r e n t planes of experience represented. The world centre i s a p h i l o s o p h i c a l conception, the animals phenomena of the r e a l world, and the winter dance s p i r i t s " e x t e r n a l i z a t i o n s " , that i s c r e a t i o n s of the imagination embodying mental processes. As the Kwakiutl use the same imagery f o r a l l three planes, using p h y s i c a l r e a l i t y as the basis f o r t h e i r imagery, we conclude that the connection i s metaphoric. Yet i n a context where we look f o r more than j u s t formal equations and formal explanations words l i k e metaphor are v i r t u a l l y u s eless. We can assume, f o l l o w i n g Burridge, that i n the connec-t i o n s the Kwakiutl make they are "reaching out f o r new t r u t h s " , experiment-ing with experience i n a changing s i t u a t i o n . C e r t a i n l y making the connections between the Summer and the Winter, the animals and the i n i t i a t -ing s p i r i t s seems to have been one of the urgent preoccupations of Kwakiutl thought;atthe period of contact t o which the t e x t s go back. At that time having the r i g h t r e l a t i o n with the animals was s t i l l f e l t to be of v i t a l importance, while the s p i r i t s , r e p resenting problems of the r e l a t i o n of p e r s o n a l i t y and community had become the focus of i n t e r e s t i n an i n t e n s i -. 189. f i e d way. The crux of the s i t u a t i o n as Kwakiutl saw i t was not coming to terms w i t h the white man but coming to terms with the new wealth he had brought, handling t h i s wealth so that i t would not i n j u r e but streng-then Kwakiutl patterns of communal l i f e . The r e l a t i o n to the animals was not i r r e l e v a n t here. Animals are the t r a d i t i o n a l wealth b r i n g e r s , and the new wealth at l e a s t at the e a r l y time of contact, the f u r - t r a d i n g p e r i o d , was gained by o v e r k i l l i n g . O v e r k i l l i n g was a crime, as i t i s i n most hunting and f i s h i n g s o c i e t i e s , and the prayers show that the Kwakiutl must have seen i t as the most c e r t a i n way of making the animals use t h e i r e q u i l i b r a t i n g power and brin g i l l n e s s and death. There i s no doubt that i l l n e s s and death accompanied the new wealth, as the dwindling numbers on the demographic c h a r t s of a s l i g h t l y l a t e r p eriod prove. The dilemma i n which men are i n v o l v e d i n t h e i r r e l a t i o n to the outside world, represen-ted i n the prayers as the problem of the double nature of the animals and, correspondingly, of man's double d e s i r e was t h e r e f o r e a p a r t i c u l a r l y acute i s s u e at the time. 4(b) The V a l i d i t y of Kwakiutl Thought To conclude, l e t us r e t u r n to the question of the v a l i d i t y of Kwakiutl thought apart from the language i n which i t i s c a s t . In the world centre we have a symbolic synthesis of the problems of the Summer with those of the Winter. Can t h i s s y n t h e s i s be expressed i n r a t i o n a l language or i s i t u n t r a n s l a t a b l e from the symbolic language i n which i t i s cast? The crux i s again those non-symbolic passages i n the prayers where Kwakiutl apologise to the animals f o r doing what they do not mean to do and e x p l a i n the n e c e s s i t y that d r i v e s them. I f these statements express a r e a l i s t i c grasp of the s i t u a t i o n , as we s a i d they did--a r e a l i s t i c grasp both of the p s y c h o l o g i c a l r e a l i t y of the d i v i d e d w i l l and the p h y s i c a l one of 190. having to k i l l i n order to l i v e - - t h e n the synthesis on the symbolic l e v e l would be i n v a l i d a t e d . The s y n t h e s i s depends on the conception of the dual nature of the animals. Is the conception of the d u a l i t y of the animals then a p r o j e c t i o n of man's d i v i d e d w i l l onto the outside world? To a c e r t a i n extent i t must be. But i f i t were merely a p r o j e c t i o n , men could not r e l a t e to "the u l t i m a t e c o n d i t i o n s of t h e i r e x i s t e n c e " through t h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of the animals; i n f a c t the re p r e s e n t a t i o n would i n that case be the escape from or s u b s t i t u t e f o r such a r e l a t i n g . There would a l s o be l i t t l e point i n f a c i n g the p a i n f u l i s s u e with the animals d i r e c t l y (as the passages of apology do) i f the conception of the animals as double provided a way around i t . In f a c t the r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of the double-natured animals i n v o l v e s some of the most important issues of Kwakiutl c u l t u r e and "philosophy", and the question whether such represen-t a t i o n s are a c c e s s i b l e to r a t i o n a l explanation at a l l , and i f so i n what form the explanation of them can be ca s t , i s t h e r e f o r e unavoidable. Our knowledge of the process of symbolization i s s t i l l rudimentary, and apart from the terminology of psychology we have no method that allows us to view psychic processes at a remove. We can, however, make hypotheses that l i e i n the realm of the p o s s i b l e and the knowable and that are th e r e -f o r e l e g i t i m a t e . What I am p u t t i n g forward below about the connection between the dilemma and the symbolization i s such a hypothesis. I t can perhaps be assumed t h a t a d i v i s i o n of the w i l l , w i t h i t s evenly balanced and i r r e c o n c i l a b l e d e s i r e s , creates an unbearable tension which, j u s t because of the polar nature of the d e s i r e s , makes and releases amounts of mental energy that are t r a n s f e r a b l e . The theory sounds mechanised and p s e u d o - s c i e n t i f i c ; the process has however been observed i n c l i n i c a l p s y c h i a t r y and led Freud to h i s theory of displacement i n compulsion neurosis, Jung to h i s theory about the normal formation of 191. 49 symbols. The process i s found i n i n d i v i d u a l s ; my a p p l i c a t i o n of i t to c o l l e c t i v e thought must be taken as h y p o t h e t i c a l . According to my theory, then, the dilemma i n which the Kwakiutl f i n d themselves i n r e l a t i o n to the animals, and which c r y s t a l l i s e s as the problem of k i l l i n g and e a t i n g , leads as a primary symbol formation to the image of the double-natured animal, always accompanied by images of k i l l i n g and e a t i n g . In i t s e l f the image of the double-natured animal does not represent a s o l u t i o n , i t r a t h e r mir r o r s the d i v i d e d w i l l , preserving the p o l a r nature of the o r i g i n a l dilemma. Through i t s inherent tension i t becomes i t s e l f , i n i t s t u r n , a source of mental energy, s t i m u l a t i n g thought and at the same time pro-v i d i n g a language i n which thought can be c a s t . With the energy genera-ted by the t e n s i o n p e r s i s t i n g at the core of a hunting and gathering e x i s t e n c e , and a vigorous language imbued with t h i s t e n sion the Kwakiutl turn to new problems. The new problems are capable of r e s o l u t i o n because they belong to the moral and i n t e l l e c t u a l order alone, and the mind i s t h e r e f o r e not thwarted by the laws of p h y s i c a l existence as i t was i n the case of the o r i g i n a l dilemma. From a study of the t e x t s i t appears that the Kwakiutl t a c k l e three major new problems with the help of the images of the double-natured animal and of k i l l i n g and e a t i n g : (1) the problem of j u s t i c e , [2) the problem of maturation, (3] the problem of a harmo-nious world i n which men can l i v e at peace. The three can be reduced to one underlying problem, that of the harmonious world. In the case of (1), however, the harmony a p p l i e s to the r e l a t i o n of men to the o u t s i d e , non-human world; i n the case of (2) and (3) t o the i n t r a - and i n t e r p e r -sonal world. The symbols with t h e i r inherent d u p l i c i t y are transposed onto these other l e v e l s on which i n d i v i d u a l and s o c i a l v ectors come i n t o play. I s h a l l discuss i n the f o l l o w i n g pages f i r s t (1) s e p a r a t e l y , and then (2) and (3) together. . 192. (1) The problem of j u s t i c e f i n d s i t s c l e a r e s t expression i n the hunting myths, which are the subject of the next chapter. The conception of j u s t i c e advanced i n these myths i s that of a d u a l i t y that i m p l i e s p e r f e c t p a r i t y . The same p o l a r images that we found symbolising the d i v i d e d w i l l i n the prayers express t h i s conception i n the myths. The problem of j u s t i c e i s symbolized mainly i n two ways: by the kindness and wrath of the bear--his g i v i n g himself f o r men and d e s t r o y i n g men; and as the man who k i l l s and eats c h i l d r e n Cwho are salmon) and i s k i l l e d and eaten by his parents (as a salmon). J u s t i c e i s shown as " b l i n d " , that i s as e n t i r e l y i m p a r t i a l i n these myths,- the balance that i s achieved i s so p e r f e c t that complete s t a s i s threatens to r e s u l t — a c o n d i t i o n which b a f f l e s the mind and under which l i f e cannot continue. The c o n d i t i o n of s t a s i s i s avoided i n the myths by the i n t r o d u c t i o n of two f i g u r e s , each of whom represents a synthesis between the two opposed and e q u a l l y balan-ced claims of j u s t i c e . On the symbolic l e v e l the s y n t h e s i s i s represen-ted by a superhuman mediator f i g u r e , who i s animal and man at once, and who watches over the r i g h t s of both the hunters and the hunted. This mediator f i g u r e has the f e a r f u l a t t r i b u t e s of the double-natured animal, •n the more r e a l i s t i c l e v e l the synthesis i s achieved i n the f i g u r e of the good hunter, who through abstinence and t r a i n i n g becomes the equal of the animal. Here the synthesis r e s t s on the b e l i e f that i n r e t u r n f o r g i v i n g up some of his human q u a l i t i e s (becoming "subhuman" i n terms of ordinary s o c i e t y ) a man can a t t a i n superhuman q u a l i t i e s that attune him to the d e s i r e s and thoughts of the a n i m a l s . ^ The "good hunter" i s c l o s e to the i n i t i a t e i n conception, as we s h a l l see below. In the hunting myths an a b s t r a c t problem i s t r e a t e d , that of j u s t i c e between men and animals. But the n a r r a t i v e framework w i t h i n which t h i s problem i s set f o r t h i s the r e a l i s t i c one of a hunting and gathering l i f e . 193. The salmon and bears we meet with i n the myths, and the k i l l i n g and eating that takes place, however f a n t a s t i c , r e f e r i n the end to r e a l salmon and bears and the r e a l problems of k i l l i n g and e a t i n g . When we turn now to the problems connected with the w i n t e r r i t u a l t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p changes. The problems of maturity and harmony are set f o r t h with the help of the same imagery, an imagery taken from the dilemma of the d i v i d e d w i l l v i s -a-vis the animals. But a great many new f a c t o r s now e n r i c h t h i s imagery, f a c t o r s of a p s y c h o l o g i c a l nature that have nothing to do w i t h the animals. Animal imagery i s o f t e n used i n myth and r i t u a l to describe the l i n k between human p h y l l o g e n e t i c and ontogenetic development, and the Kwakiutl winter r i t u a l i s an attempt of t h i s kind. The animals and a c t i o n s of k i l l i n g and e a t i n g become here, then, metaphors f o r psychic processes. However, the o r i g i n a l dilemma concerning the animals i s never e n t i r e l y l o s t s i g h t of, and we s h a l l r e t u r n at the end to the question whether the w i n t e r r i t u a l a l s o c o n s t i t u t e s a s o l u t i o n i n r a t i o n a l l y acceptable terms to t h i s dilemma. (2) and (3). The Kwakiutl had hunting myths, but they d i d not develop the problem of j u s t i c e and i t s r e s o l u t i o n as v i g o r o u s l y as d i d t h e i r neighbours to the North. They too are concerned with a c h i e v i n g a s t a t e of harmony, but t h e i r i n t e r e s t has s h i f t e d to the s o c i a l , and har-mony with and w i t h i n nature i s no longer sought f o r by them with the same i n t e n s i t y . Instead i t becomes a problem connected with the nature/ c u l t u r e d i s t i n c t i o n which gives a l l Kwakiutl thought i t s d i r e c t i o n . That which f o r e v e r escapes them i n the n a t u r a l world they set about c r e a t i n g when they make t h e i r c u l t u r a l world, the t s e t s e q a . A d i s c u s s i o n of the tsetseqa i t s e l f i s outside the scope of t h i s i n v e s t i g a t i o n . Yet the question of the v a l i d i t y of Kwakiutl thought cannot be r a i s e d without an attempt at i n t e r p r e t i n g the t s e t s e q a . I f I 194. o f f e r an i n t e r p r e t a t i o n here i t must be understood to be i n a purely h y p o t h e t i c a l s p i r i t , as a theory put forward i n a condensed form which I cannot s u b s t a n t i a t e i n t h i s context. I have dubbed the two problems the Kwakiutl t a c k l e with the help of the images of k i l l i n g and eating and of the double-natured animals "maturation" where they concern the i n d i v i d u a l and "a s t a t e of harmony" where they concern s o c i e t y . This dubbing i n v o l v e s a paradox. I f we accept i t , then "maturation" i n v o l v e s f o r the Kwakiutl what we would c a l l an i n f a n t a l i z a t i o n or r e g r e s s i o n . S i m i l a r l y , the "s t a t e of harmony" inv o l v e s an unusual amount of a n t i - s o c i a l and d e s t r u c t i v e behaviour. Nevertheless I b e l i e v e that my dubbing does j u s t i c e to the problems the Kwakiutl are i n f a c t t a c k l i n g . To them maturity does not simply mean the su c c e s s f u l process of s o c i a l i z a t i o n , and harmony a c t u a l l y means a s t a t e of so c i e t y i n which " a n t i - s o c i a l " behaviour has been given a place and has become " s o c i a l " . In order to understand the Kwakiutl conception of the tsetseqa we have to r e t u r n to the d i s t i n c t i o n they make between Summer and Winter and r e c a l l Evans-Pritchard's t e s t of the dominant motif i n a c u l t u r e . Evans-P r i t c h a r d ' s "dangers, sickness and other misfortunes" we have to define here more g e n e r a l l y as a l l that i s d e s t r u c t i v e , a l l that tends towards death. In the Summer men destroy the animals i n order to l i v e and are themselves threatened by disease and death. Harmony cannot be e s t a b l i s h e d under these c o n d i t i o n s . In the Winter d e s t r u c t i v e n e s s - - t h e tendency to death that i s inherent i n a l l l i f e - - i s i t s e l f part of the harmony. How i s t h i s p o s s i b l e ? I t i s only p o s s i b l e i n world of play, and the winter dance, as the name "dance" i n d i c a t e s , i s such a world. I t i s not only f r e e from the r e s t r i c t i v e s o c i a l apparatus of the baxus world: s o c i a l h i e r a r c h y , labour, sexual d i v i s i o n of labour, i t a l s o allows r e g r e s s i v e . 195. and i n s t i n c t u a l d r i v e s t h e i r range. These are death-drives--at l e a s t i n the sense that under normal s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s they are so d e s t r u c t i v e that they cannot be given expression. Witness f o r instance the cannibalism that plays such a r o l e i n the r i t u a l , and that goes back to i n f a n t i l e 51 wishes and f e a r s generated by the f a m i l y s i t u a t i o n . But here a s o c i a l mode has been found i n which the death-drives can be transformed i n t o l i f e - g i v i n g e n t i t i e s . In the winter dance they are no longer d e s t r u c t i v e of harmony and, consequently, to be suppressed, but are p o s i t i v e and instrumental i n e s t a b l i s h i n g harmony. Cannibalism plays a u n i f y i n g r o l e 52 throughout the w i n t e r dance. The transformation of the a n t i - s o c i a l and d e s t r u c t i v e i n t o the s o c i a l l y c o n s t r u c t i v e can be demonstrated on the i n d i v i d u a l and the c o l l e c t i v e l e v e l . I s h a l l t u rn to the i n d i v i d u a l f i r s t . I f my theory i s c o r r e c t , the c a n n i b a l i s t i c s p i r i t s of i n i t i a t i o n represent the unacceptable parts of the s e l f . The Cannibal i s a p o l a r symbol--eater and giver--but at the same time he i s the "other" part of the s e l f , the part which c i v i l i z e d consciousness has been taught to r e j e c t . As we know, the f i r s t aim of Kwakiutl i n i t i a t i o n i s i d e n t i t y with the Cannibal. The "maturation c r i s i s " of i n i t i a t i o n would then suggest not a process of r e p r e s s i o n - - t h a t i s s o c i a l i z a t i o n — b u t a process of what we might c a l l l i b e r a t i o n , i n which the i n f a n t i l e and p r i m i t i v e parts of the psyche are a c t i v a t e d and i n t e g r a t e d . In other words, the s e l f - r e n e w a l of i n i t i a t i o n seems to be dependent on r e g r e s s i o n . That t h i s i s so i s borne out by an examination of the i s o l a t i o n period which i s , without any doubt, a period of d e s o c i a l i z a t i o n . We have to understand the word maturation i n the p a r a d o x i c a l sense here that the i n f a n t i l e i s redeemed and i n s t a l l e d i n i t s own r i g h t . This would produce the equation of "mature" with naualak, " f r e e , unobliged". In the i n i t i a t e the i n d i v i d u a l has returned 196. to a s t a t e of u n r e s t r i c t i o n . This, one would assume, must lead to a s t a t e of chaos c o l l e c t i v e l y . The winter dance s o c i e t y presents, however, the very opposite of a p i c t u r e of chaos; i t presents a p i c t u r e of a harmo-nious whole i n which the "free play" of each i n d i v i d u a l (represented by h i s dance) i s a s s i m i l a t e d i n t o the ordered movement of a l l , the winter dance. What s o r t of s o c i e t y can a s s i m i l a t e an u n r e s t r i c t e d i n d i v i d u a l ? Let us sum up once more the i n d i v i d u a l aspect before we r e t u r n to the c o l l e c t i v e . The Kwakiutl i d e a l of the complete human being (the "perfect man" of i n i t i a t i o n ) i s not the p e r f e c t l y s o c i a l i z e d i n d i v i d u a l but the i n d i v i d u a l who can "act f r e e l y " . Freedom i n v o l v e s f o r them a return and acceptance of the repressed. The images of k i l l i n g and eat-i n g , and of the double-natured animals a s s i s t i n the i n t e g r a t i o n of a s e l f whose unacceptable parts have become accepted. This l i b e r a t i o n on the personal l e v e l i s a p r e r e q u i s i t e f o r e n t e r i n g the winter dance society, which i s an a s s o c i a t i o n of the f r e e . The question that a r i s e s i s that of the p r i n c i p l e by which such an a s s o c i a t i o n can be organised. L o g i c a l l y i t can be organised only i f there i s an absence of domina-t i o n . This i s , i n f a c t , the main o r g a n i s i n g p r i n c i p l e of the winter dance s o c i e t y , i f an absence can be c a l l e d an o r g a n i s i n g p r i n c i p l e . The winter dance s o c i e t y i s ordered, and part of t h i s order, as of any order, i s h i e r a r c h y . I t i s i n f a c t a very h i g h l y ordered s o c i e t y , because i t i s ordered according to an a e s t h e t i c p a t t e r n . But the p i v o t on which t h i s order turns i s not domination and subordination but balance: everything i s matched with something e l s e that i s i t s exact counterpart and keeps i t i n balance. The basic p r i n c i p l e that implements t h i s s t a t e of balance i s the d i v i s i o n of power and a u t h o r i t y . The community i s d i v i d e d i n t o the r i t u a l moiety d i v i s i o n s of the t s e t s e q a , the Sparrows and the Seals. The Seals have power, the Sparrows a u t h o r i t y . This i s a conscious overthrow 197. of the p r i n c i p l e of the baxus s o c i e t y i n which power and a u t h o r i t y are united i n the c h i e f , and which i s based s o c i a l l y on domination and s u b o r d i n a t i o n . I t i s perhaps f o r that reason that the monistic con-c e p t i o n of Sun, the model f o r the Kwakiutl good c h i e f cannot f i n d any place i n the winter dance. Here everything i s balanced against i t s opposite. Domination and subordination would make such a balancing impossible. The -Sparrows provide the a d m i n i s t r a t i v e framework w i t h i n which the dances take place. From "master of ceremony" to "messengers" they have executive a u t h o r i t y to organise the events. The Seals on the other hand have power--the "supernatural power" that unfolds i n the dances. The power of the Seals i s deferred t o , i t has a l l the p r e s t i g e . But without the o r g a n i s i n g a c t i v i t i e s of the Sparrows who b r i n g the people together i t could not be d i s p l a y e d , i t would not have a f i e l d i n which to play. The Seals, again, are responsible f o r the new i n i t i a t e s who r e t u r n " w i l d " from t h e i r i s o l a t i o n . T h e i r wildness has to be "tamed" or " p a c i f i e d " . This does not imply an exorcism of t h e i r e c s t a t i c powers but a c h a n n e l l i n g of i t i n t o the dance. Again the "freedom" of the i n i t i a t e s could not be r e a l i s e d i f i t could not be d i s p l a y e d , f i n d a f i e l d which i t can order with i t s power. The d i s p l a y i s at the same time the d i s t r i b u t i o n of t h e i r "treasure", and the d i s t r i b u t i o n unites the commu-n i t y by imbuing i t with new l i f e . I have already mentioned that the treasure seems to be the "unrepression" of the i n i t i a t e ; yet i n g i v i n g i t away i t not only loses i t s d e s t r u c t i v e nature but seems to promote harmony i n the community. The i n i t i a t e himself i s then, not the "other" any more; i n g i v i n g away he i s i n t e g r a t e d i n t o the community and his freedom i s one with his r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . I t i s only i n t h i s sense, i n the p u b l i c r i t u a l , that his maturation i s completed. The three groups--Sparrows, Seals'and i n i t i a t e s — m a k e up the winter 198. dance s o c i e t y , and between them, achieve a s t a t e of sy n k i n e s i s i n which a l l are f r e e and a l l move t o the pattern of a v a r i e d but harmonious dance. They achieve t h i s s t a t e p a r t l y through a separation of power from autho-r i t y , p a r t l y through a use of symbols which seems to have o b j e c t i v e l y t h e r a p e u t i c or l i b e r a t i n g e f f e c t s . The dance expresses the Kwakiutl idea of a world i n which men can l i v e i n peace. This world i s l i m i t e d to the s o c i a l realm, and moreover i s a p l a y - s o c i e t y , based on stores and only temporarily f r e e from the nec e s s i t y of labour. In time i t extends to no more than the smaller h a l f of the year. But w i t h i n t h i s compass the Kwakiutl achieve something r a r e : an accommodation of the c o n t r a d i c t i o n s that make ordinary l i f e s t r a i n e d and unhappy; a p o s s i b i l i t y f o r the i n d i -v i d u a l to be both f r e e and part of a community. We remember that the Kwakiutl c a l l the tsetseqa "time of happiness" and "place of w e l l - b e i n g " . The p o l a r symbols permeate tsetseqa t h i n k i n g and are inseparable from the accommodation of c o n t r a d i c t i o n s that i s t a k i n g place. In the r i t u a l moiety d i v i s i o n the Seals with t h e i r power stand over against the Sparrows as do the.naualak animals against baxus men. Through t h i s r e p e t i t i o n and i n v e r s i o n of the subsistence p a t t e r n of the Summer the debt of the Summer i s paid; the animals whom men have hunted and eaten are now made the hunters and eaters. As men are at peace i n a world without any domination, so men and animals are at peace through t h i s r e v e r s a l . When the speaker i n the wi n t e r r i t u a l " t e l l j j s j our world that we have been covered by the red cedarbark", t h i s i s a gesture of man and world u n i t e d , 53 of c u l t u r e and nature r e c o n c i l e d . But t h i s r e c o n c i l i a t i o n i s symbolic, and i n conc l u s i o n we have to ask ourselves whether t h i s s o l u t i o n of the dilemma of the Summer has a v a l i d i t y outside i t s symbolism, s i m i l a r to the s o l u t i o n s of the "new"problems we have been d i s c u s s i n g , or whether i t can only be expressed i n terms of i t s symbolism. . 199. I t h i n k we can speak of a s o l u t i o n i n r a t i o n a l terms from two points of view, i f we are ready to grant, what the Kwakiutl seem to assume, that there are " r e a l " s o l u t i o n s that are not " d i r e c t " s o l u t i o n s . The f i r s t i s a view of the dilemma as g u i l t which can be redeemed. That the Kwakiutl f e l t g u i l t over the k i l l i n g and eating of animals i s i n c o n t r o v e r t i b l e from the evidence of the t e x t s , but g u i l t should here not be taken i n the sense of an inturned brooding. On the contrary, i t seems to make morally and i n t e l l e c t u a l l y a c t i v e and a t t e n t i v e . The polar symbols are generated by genuine worry over the animals. They permeate Kwakiutl thought and become both v e h i c l e s f o r thought and quickeners of thought under the impetus of a f e e l i n g of g u i l t . The energetic a c t i v i t y of mind, with i t s s t r e s s on independence and g i v i n g ( a l t r u i s m ) i s i t s e l f a form of amend-ment i f r e a l i t y i s granted to the world of the mind at a l l . The second i s a view of the dilemma not as g u i l t but as debt, and seems to suggest that there are debts of g r a t i t u d e that can never be repaid d i r e c t l y and that can s t i l l be considered payable. A c h i l d f o r instance cannot repay h i s parents f o r what they have done f o r him; he can only repay them by growing i n t o a mature and r e s p o n s i b l e a d u l t . The Kwakiutl seem to see t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p t o the animals, whom they see as s u p e r i o r to themselves as w e l l as l i k e them i n a s i m i l a r l i g h t . They r e s o l v e the dilie-mima on the only l e v e l where i t i s p a s s i b l e f o r them, that i s on the l e v e l where "man i s r e s p o n s i b l e f o r h i s own f a t e " , to quote B e l l a h . They do t h i s through the i n i t i a t i o n . The s p l i t t i n g of the s e l f by e x t e r n a l i s i n g the unacceptable parts and the self-acceptance of i n i t i a -t i o n has nothing to do with the d i v i d e d w i l l towards the animals and does not repay the animals. The Kwakiutl make use of what could be c a l l e d an anagogical connection. By becoming f r e e himself and l i n k i n g up f r e e l y with others i n the s o c i e t y of men the i n i t i a t e pays the animal back, as a 200. c h i l d i s supposed to pay back i t s parents, not l i t e r a l l y but by i m i t a t i n g i n h i s own life-mode t h e i r r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and independence. 2 01 . Footnotes """Susanne Langer, P h i l o s o p h i c a l Sketches (Baltimore: John Hopkins, 1962), p55. 2 Franz Boas, The R e l i g i o n of the Kwakiutl Indians, Columbia Univ. Co n t r i b u t i o n s to Anthropology, 10 (New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 1930), 177--238. 3 And, i t should be added, without a knowledge of the minor r i t u a l s of the Summer. These minor r i t u a l s , which c e l e b r a t e the coming of animals and p l a n t s to men (see Chapter 4 ) , are an extension and comment on the thought of the prayers. 4 This i s true i n p r i n c i p a l . In p r a c t i c e there i s an i n t e r e s t i n g margin of overlap i n the extrance and e x i t ceremonies of the r i t u a l when prayers are spoken. The d i v i s i o n a l p r i n c i p l e can be studied there i n a c t i o n : i t i s always the p h y s i c a l t h i n g that i s prayed t o , never a t h i n g representing a s p i r i t u a l q u a n t i t y . 5The most frequent i n j u n c t i o n i s to be happy. Happiness describes f o r the Kwakiutl the s t a t e of energetic a l e r t n e s s connected with the winter r i t u a l . Cf. the e x t r a c t s from winter dance speeches quoted i n 2(c) below. g Melford E. S p i r o , " R e l i g i o n : Problems of D e f i n i t i o n and Explanation", i n A n t h r o p o l o g i c a l Approaches to the Study of R e l i g i o n , ASA Monograph;'3, ed. Michael Banton (London: Tavistock P u b l i c a t i o n s , 1966); R.N. B e l l a h , " R e l i g i o u s E v o l u t i o n " i n Sociology of R e l i g i o n , f e d . Roland Robertson (Harmondsworth: Penguin,. 1969). 7Kenelm Burridge, New Heaven New Earth (Oxford: B l a c k w e l l , 1969), p.5. 8 Tsetseqa i s c l e a r l y also such a word, but i t i s r e s t r i c t e d to the winter dance pe r i o d . Naualak i s the more comprehensive term. g The i n i t i a t e who, because of some f a u l t y handling of the naualak power cannot be "tamed" or " p a c i f i e d " has to be k i l l e d or i s l o s t i n the w i l d s . The tamed i n i t i a t e i s not o r d i n a r y , but he has reached a necessary middle stage where the human can come i n t o contact w i t h the naualak power, and from which a r e t u r n to the ordinary i s p o s s i b l e . Cf. Boas 1897: 407--B f o r an account of a f a i l u r e to tame.. ^ F o r the conception of the g r i z z l y see Boas 1930: 194--196; also my d e s c r i p t i o n of Bear Mother myths i n Chapter 3. As f o r cannibalism, e a t i n g one's own kind was a more unthinkable act that any other f o r the Kwakiutl. The Bear Mother myths combine the conception of the wildness of the animals with that of cannibalism, see e s p e i c a l l y the Beaver myth discussed at the end of Chapter 3. In the Epilogue I discuss the myths that r e l a t e the wildness of the animals to the winter r i t u a l . The word i s r a r e l y used f o r the s p i r i t s , which are s u f f i c i e n t l y c h a r a c t e r i s e d by t h e i r a c t i o n s . They are sometimes r e f e r r e d to as "the supernatural people" i n the myths. 202. 12 In this' sense t s e t s e q a , which, we remember, -is e t y m o l o g i c a l l y r e l a t e d to l y i n g , cheating a l s o means f r e e . During, the tseteqa p e r i o d s o c i e t y i s not the ordinary moral community but an a s s o c i a t i o n of the f r e e . 13 Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1969: 134. 14 I t appears from other parts, of.Burridge's text that imbatekas shares the d u a l i t y of naualak, c f . pp.153 and 157 op. c i t . 15 For the "wildness" of the hunter see Boas 1930: 194'ff. Cf. a l s o the conception of the good hunter described i n Chapter 3, end. The hunter i s i n a p e c u l i a r p o s i t i o n : v i s - a - v i s the animal he i s a man haunted by g u i l t , t h a t i s baxus, accountable. V i s - a - v i s the community he i s both " w i l d " and a g i v e r of g i f t s that cannot be r e q u i t e d , that i s naualak, unobliged. 16 Dogs are anomalies: they occupy a p o s i t i o n i n the semantic universe at the same time c l o s e r t o men and c l o s e r t o t o o l s . They were used f o r hunting, and had names th a t were handed on i n s i d e namimas l i k e people's, names. In the dog myths (which form a s p e c i a l group) dogs change places with t h e i r masters. In i n i t i a t i o n .myths on the other hand, the i n i t i a t i n g animal ( f o r instance Mountain Goatl gives, away hunting dogs .lik e any other magic object; the dog i s ;here nothing but a contraption that never f a i l s i n the hunt. 17 Totemism, tr a n s . Rodney Needham,. (Boston: Beacon Press, 1963); The , Savage Mind (Chicago: Univ. of Chic. Press, 1966). 1BL'.Homme Nu ( P a r i s : P l o n , 1971), pp. 596--611-. 19 Godfrey Lienhardt, D i v i n i t y and Experience.: The Religion' of the Dinka (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1961J, p.1/0. 20 Cf. Chapter 3 f o r the r o l e played by i r r e g u l a r i t y i n myth patterns. Asymmetry i s to form what c o n t r a d i c t i o n , i s to content. P o i n t s of contr a -d i c t i o n are always key points i n Kwakiutl thought, see below 2(c) and Chapter 4, 3. 21 In t h i s respect the Kwakiutl d i f f e r sharply from other North American Indians, f o r instance the Indians of the P l a i n s and Eastern Woodlands. 22 The myth i s s t i l l a l i v e among the K w a k i u t l ; I was given a version once on' a f l y i n g sheet i n a beer p a r l o u r . I t i s , however, not a l i v e because of a continued veneration f o r Sun,,' but because of the p e r e n n i a l p o p u l a r i t y of the t r i c k s t e r Mink. 23 Trans. Emerson Buchanan (Boston: Beacon P r e s s , 1969), pp.54--62. 24 Cf. East Indian philosophy, to which Kwakiutl philosophy seems r e l a t e d . In I n d i a the h y p e r e t h i c a l demand i s converted i n t o the e t h i c a l system of p u r i t y versus impurity. Vegetarianism i s an expression of that system. Vegetarianism could not help the Kwakiutl who bel i e v e d that a l l 203. l i v i n g beings, p l a n t s as much as animals were "of one kind" w i t h man. 25 Catherine McClellan's The G i r l who Married the Bear, P u b l i c a t i o n s i n Ethnology, No. 2 (Ottawa: N a t i o n a l Museums of Canada, 1970), a c o l l e c t i o n of Bear Mother s t o r i e s which Includes the personal h i s t o r y of the n a r r a t o r s i s a c h r o n i c l e of the complex of f e e l i n g s discussed here. See f o r instance version 7, p.42. : The s t o r i e s are discussed i n d e t a i l i n Chapter 3. 26 See the epilogue f o r an i l l u s t r a t i o n of t h i s . l i n e . 27 / That such a dialogue i s a serious undertaking which needs responsible persons as partners i s shown i n the f a c t that no c h i l d r e n ' s prayers are recorded. ' On the occasions when i t i s necessary f o r a c h i l d t o pray parents w i l l pray i n i t s stead (see Boas 1930: 201 and 208--9). 2 8 For a p h i l o l o g i c a l a n a l y s i s of the word,see Franz Boas, Tsimshian Mythology, 31st Annual Report of the Bureau, of American Ethnology (Washington: Gov. P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , 1916), p.546. 29 Cf. Boas 1930: 197, "Use of Beaver Castorium to C a l l Rain". 30 Cf. the use of "younger brother" i n the Bear Mother myths, Chapter 3, 3 ( c ) . 31 The f o l l o w i n g examples do not represent the complete prayer, which begins when the he a l i n g plant i s encountered at i t s l o c a t i o n , but a part. For the context see Boas 1930 at the appropriate pages. 32 Images Stone B.C.: T h i r t y Centuries of Northwest Coast Indian S c u l -pture (Sanichton, B.C.: Hancock House, 1975), see e s p e c i a l l y the sect i o n s "Fonts of L i f e " . 33 A l b e r t B\ Lord, The Singer of Tales (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. P r e s s , 1960)'-, p.30. Parry's d e f i n i t i o n of the formula which Lord uses i s "a group of words which i s r e g u l a r l y employed under the same m e t r i c a l c o n d i t i o n s to express a given e s s e n t i a l i d e a " . 34 The conception of the " a t t e n t i v e " sun and the " s l e e p i n g " sun i s a l s o present i n r i t u a l . . Cf. the magnificent transformation sun-mask p i c t u r e d by Boas i n Secret S o c i e t i e s 1897: 630. 35 Cf. the curious double use of the word to come i n the g r e e t i n g formulas of the prayers t h a t accompany the making of a h a l i b u t hook,Boas, 1966: 160. To the spruce roots the orant says, f o r in s t a n c e : "Oh f r i e n d , come, f o r you, y o u r s e l f , have c a l l e d me to come and get you, f r i e n d " . 36 Dispensation i s used here i n the sense of the system under which the t h i n g i n question i s administered. The meaning of a release from an o b l i g a t i o n i s al s o not unimportant i n our context. 37 Haekel has touched on the problem of the concept of a supreme being on the Northwest Coast i n many of h i s a r t i c l e s . See f o r instance 204. "Kosmischer Baum und P f a h l i n Mythus und Kult- der Stamme Nordwest Amerikas," Wiener Volkerkundliched M i t t e i l u n g e n , VI (1958). 3 8 Franz Boas, Ethnology of the K w a k i u t l , Bureau of American.Ethnology, •35th Annual Report, Part -1'-.(Washington : Gov. Press, 1921), p.619. 39 For accounts of the land of the salmon see p a r t i c u l a r l y the Salmon Boy myths of the coast. The myths of the northern people are more e x p l i c i t about the ghost salmon that a r r i v e from the e a r t h . For accounts of .the land of the dead see p a r t i c u l a r l y the .ghost s t o r i e s i n - K w a k i u t l Tales (Boas 1910) and Kwakiutl Tales New S e r i e s (Boas 1943). Cf. a l s o Chapter 3, 2 ( a ) , and 4 (a) below. 40 Edward S. C u r t i s , The North American Indian, V o l . 10 (1915, r p t . New York: Johnson Reprint Co., 1970), p.37. For a d i s c u s s i o n of the quartz c r y s t a l as a t h i r d eye and container of l i f e and s a c r a l i t y see Chapter 4, 2 ( c ) . In Northwest Coast a r t shoulders and other l i f e -centres of the body were marked with an eye, c f . Duff i n Images of Stone •B.C., 1975; f o r a s t r i k i n g example.-, see p.140.!, 41 Ed. James Bain (Boston: L i t t l e , Brown and Co., 1901). For my account of the r i t u a l f o r the dead bear see Chapter 4, 3. 42 / •For a d i s c u s s i o n of Levi-Strauss on r i t u a l see Chapter 4, 4. 43 • Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1956: 315. 44 In Psychology of R e l i g i o n , t r a n s . R.F.C. Hul.l (London: Routledge and Kegan P a u l , 1958). 45 In myth and r i t u a l t h i s impersonal conception i s p e r s o n i f i e d as the c a n n i b a l i s t i c i n i t i a t i n g s p i r i t w i t h whom the h e r o - i n i t i a t e can engage, Werner M u l l e r takes the Great Cannibal, patron of the winter r i t u a l as the dominant f i g u r e i n Kwakiutl thought, see Weltbild. und K u l t der Kwakiutl Indianer (Wiesbaden:- Franz S t e i n e r , 1955), while G.W. Locher a s s e r t s that the S i s i u l , the m y t h i c a l double-headed serpent has t h i s p o s i t i o n i n Kwakiutl r e l i g i o n , see The Serpent i n Kwakiutl R e l i g i o n (Leiden: E.J. B r i l l , 1932). Both are, of course, r i g h t ; both the Cannibal and the S i s i u l are p e r s o n i f i c a t i o n s of the dual power, swal-lowers and g i v e r s at once. 46 The congruence of outer and i n n e r dimension, though quite c l e a r from imagery and p l o t , i s nowhere i n Kwakiutl t e x t s expalined i n non-symbolic language. For a d e s c r i p t i o n i n r a t i o n a l -terms we have t o go t o p a r a l l e l conceptions, f o r instance,•the Dharma Kaya of I n d i a as explained by Hindu and Buddhist commentators. The image of-the world pole i s e t y m o l o g i c a l l y present i n the word: dharma - i s . derived from the word-root d h r i meaning to support, uphold. . A.commentary .in the Tibetan Book of the Dead t e l l s us that "Dharma .is that which upholds .and .supports the universe as a l s o the i n d i v i d u a l . Dharma i s in.mankind Right Conduct, the r e s u l t of True Knowledge". Ed. W.Y. Evans-Wentz (London: Oxford Univ. Press, 1960), p.11, n. 1. 47 The myth world as e x t e r n a l i s e d subconscious. 205. '"It would seem that i n t h i s , too, the Dharma Kaya i s a conception of the same Kind:- i t i s known both as "the Void" and "Place of the Densely Packed". 49 For Jung's theory, which i s more re l e v a n t t o our context than Freud's see f o r instance, P s y c h o l o g i c a l Types, or: The Psychology of I n d i v i d u a t i o n , t r a n s . G. Baynes (London: Kegan P a u l , 1923), p.608 f f . ^The Kwakiutl hunter gave up the most obvious human a t t r i b u t e , that of speech. His withdrawal from s o c i a l l i f e no doubt d i d i n f a c t increase his. c a p a b i l i t i e s as a hunter. 51 The d r i v e s that come to the fore i n the winter r i t u a l seem t o be predominantly the aggressive d r i v e s . The sexual d r i v e s seem not to have played the same predominant r o l e , at l e a s t according to Boas' account. But c f . t h i s account .from C u r t i s (1915: 170): "Among the Wikeno the winter names of a l l males r e f e r to the female organs, and vice versa, which i n d i c a t e s the admitted f a c t t h a t the w i n t e r i s , a season of uncommon sexual -promiscuity". 52 I t may be objected that Kwakiutl r i t u a l cannibalism i s , a f t e r a l l , only a metaphor -- i t e x i s t s only i n the imagination. But the repressed i n f a n t i l e wish to k i l l andi t o eat a l s o e x i s t s only i n the imagination and s t i l l needs r e s o l u t i o n , see Freud on t h i s question i n Totem and Taboo, t r a n s . A.A. B r i l l (New York: Vintage Books, 1918), p.205. There i s no reason t o t h i n k t h a t they cannot be resolved i n p l a y , t h a t i s on the plane of the imagination, i f they are allowed open expression. 5 3 S e e Boas 1930: 71. 206. CHAPTER 3 HUNTING MYTHS OF THE AREA 1 I n t r o d u c t i o n The t e x t s I am d i s c u s s i n g i n t h i s chapter under the name of hunting myths do not come from the Kwakiutl l i n g u i s t i c region alone. They are part of a complex of myths that i s widespread i n the North P a c i f i c area. The d i s t i n g u i s h i n g f e a t u r e of t h i s complex i s that the myths r e l a t e c l o s e l y to hunting r i t u a l . This r i t u a l i s of two kinds: one kind i s designed to help the hunter or fisherman to get h i s game, the other i s designed to help him escape the consequences of the act of k i l l i n g . The second i s the more important one i n the myths. The myths are by no means j u s t a chart f o r the r i t u a l or a r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n of the r i t u a l i n narra-t i v e form, though they a l s o i n c i d e n t a l l y f u l f i l both these f u n c t i o n s . They are s p e c u l a t i v e thought t h a t concerns i t s e l f with the v a l i d i t y of the r i t u a l i n the face of the problematic r e l a t i o n s that e x i s t betweem men and animals, hunter and hunted. The c e n t r a l concern of the myths i s th e r e f o r e the same as that of the prayers t o animals and p l a n t s used f o r food. The myths do not i n f a c t add s u b s t a n t i a l l y to the thought of the prayers,- r a t h e r they provide c o n s o l i d a t i o n of the f i n d i n g s based on the prayers. They are concerned with the questions we have discussed i n the se c t i o n s on dispensations and j u s t i f i c a t i o n s . The double nature of the animals, or, conversely, the double i n t e n t i o n of men i s t h e i r main sub-j e c t . But instead of being condensed i n t o a few phrases and v e r b a l parado xes as i t i s i n the prayers t h i s subject i s unfolded here i n a thorough and compelling way through the n a r r a t i v e . 207. I f the myths t r e a t the same questions as the prayers i t may be asked why I devote a separate chapter to them. Is i t only to confirm the f i n d -ings of the prayers by comparison with a d i f f e r e n t medium? P a r t l y indeed t h i s i s the purpose. The prayer t e x t s are so s l i g h t and the statements contained i n them, though often d i r e c t , so condensed and abbreviated that i t may be thought that they cannot support the weight of the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n I put on them. In the myths everything i s t r e a t e d thoroughly and the statements of the prayers are repeated, though here e n t i r e l y i n the sym-b o l i c language of myth imagery. But the myths, taken mostly from neigh-bours of the Kwakiutl, a l s o put the thought of the prayers i n t o the wider framework of the thought of a c u l t u r e area. The comparison shows us what i s p a r t i c u l a r l y Kwakiutl and what belongs to the thought of the area at l a r g e . The r e s o l u t i o n of the dilemma concerning men's r e l a t i o n with the animals w i t h i n the framework of the t s e t s e q a , f o r i n s t a n c e , seems to be p a r t i c u l a r l y Kwakiutl. But my examination of the myths shows that the dilemma i t s e l f , the c o n f l i c t of d e s i r e , the f e e l i n g s of g u i l t and f e a r of r e t r i b u t i o n a r i s i n g from k i l l i n g and e a t i n g , and the attempts at reso-l u t i o n on the one hand through r i t u a l observances and on the other through l a r g e imaginary syntheses, b r i d g i n g the n a t u r e / c u l t u r e dichotomy, belong to a p h i l o s o p h i c a l s t y l e f a r more widespread. The scope of my i n v e s t i g a t i o n i s too l i m i t e d to allow me to determine how widespread t h i s s t y l e i s . I f i t were to be determined, a more g e n e r a l l y based examination of the hunt-ing myths which express t h i s s t y l e through t h e i r form as w e l l as t h e i r content would be a reasonable point of departure. TThere are, however, good reasons f o r devoting a separate chapter to hunting myths apart from what the comparison with the prayers a f f o r d s . I am examining i n t h i s chapter myths from two well-known myth complexes, Salmon Boy and Bear Mother. Both kinds describe the r i t u a l s used to 208. " p r o p i t i a t e " animals k i l l e d f o r food. Their subject matter i s t h e r e f o r e r e l a t e d not j u s t to prayers but more c l o s e l y s t i l l to the f i r s t salmon and bear r i t u a l s which form the subject of the next and l a s t chapter. The reason why i t i s worthwhile devoting a whole chapter to the myths does not, however, l i e mainly i n the subject matter but i n the form i n which t h i s subject matter i s conveyed. The myths are the only complex, hi g h l y organised t e x t s we have that bear on the r e l a t i o n between men and animals. In t h i s they have two advantages over the other, l e s s formal t e x t s at our d i s p o s a l . (1) Because the myths are comparatively remote from immediate expe-r i e n c e and the subject i s developed at l e i s u r e , they are the only specula-t i v e accounts of the problem we have. Because they are s p e c u l a t i v e , the problem has became a more abs t r a c t and p h i l o s o p h i c a l one than i t i s i n the form i t takes i n prayers and r i t u a l s . I have already mentioned i n my conclusion to the l a s t chapter that i n the myths i t takes on the form of an e x p l o r a t i o n of the question of j u s t i c e . The myths are i n t e r e s t e d i n what the balance of human behaviour w i t h i n nature would be i f such a balance could be drawn. Such a s p e c u l a t i v e e x p l o r a t i o n of the causes, r e s u l t s and l i m i t a t i o n s of a c t i o n provides evidence of a new kind concern-ing the a t t i t u d e of hunting peoples to the n a t u r e / c u l t u r e dichotomy. The s p e c u l a t i v e thought of the myths i s presented, i n a h i g h l y organised form that allows us to speak here of a system of thought. (2) The systematic aspects of the s p e c u l a t i o n are, simultaneously, the o r g a n i z a t i o n a l aspects of the narrative.. This allows us to approach the content or message here through an a n a l y s i s of form. A demonstration of a c u l t u r a l problem through the form of a given t e x t has two advantages: f i r s t i t excludes i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s that are due to the a n a l y s t ' s b i a s , and secondly i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i s a r r i v e d at by a method that can be demonstrated,. 209. repeated and f a l s i f i e d . The highly complex and formal o r g a n i z a t i o n of the myth t e x t s allows me to l a y my s t r e s s on method i n t h i s chapter, and to show that c e r t a i n important aspects of content can only be as c e r t a i n e d through an a n a l y s i s of form. The most important discovery made i n t h i s chapter i s that of the isomorphism of the developed Salmon Boy and Bear Mother s t o r i e s . The p l o t s of the two kinds of story d i f f e r widely. Only a s t r u c t u r a l analy-s i s on the basis of r e l a t i o n s between n a r r a t i v e u n i t s can r e v e a l t h i s isomorphism. In each kind of st o r y a r e v e r s a l of what has been e s t a b l i s -hed takes place. Formally the second part stands i n a c h i a s t i c r e l a t i o n -ship to the f i r s t . I f i t has been e s t a b l i s h e d i n the f i r s t part that animals w i l l give themselves to men the second part e s t a b l i s h e s that men w i l l p e r i s h i n the same way as the animals or through the agency of the animals. In terms of a c t i o n the f i r s t and second part cancel one another out, and a s t a t e of s t a s i s r e s u l t s that would make a continuance of a c t i v e l i f e (based on hunting) impossible. In each.case t h i s s t a s i s , r e s u l t i n g from the equally balanced cl a i m s of animals and men, i s defeated by the appearance of a "master of the animals" f i g u r e . This superhuman f i g u r e , who i s not introduced as a deus ex machina but i s made, one might say under our eyes, i n the c r u c i b l e of the p l o t - a c t i o n of f i r s t and second part combined, emerges at the end of the t a l e to demonstrate that not s t a s i s but movement through balanced r e c i p r o c a l r e l a t i o n s i s the aim of the n a r r a t i v e . The mediator f i g u r e i s always both human and animal i n a synthesis exceeding both. I t can t h e r e f o r e represent j u s t i c e f o r both. I t u nites the claims of c u l t u r e and nature; i t acts as the p r o t e c t o r of both the game and the hunter. The n a t u r e / c u l t u r e dilemma i s , then, embedded i n the form of the myth and can be e l u c i d a t e d through a study of the form. The r e s o l u t i o n of the 210. dilemma through the "master of animals" i s a l s o part of the myth form. Yet s o l u t i o n through t h i s mediator f i g u r e i s purely conceptual--as I have s a i d the f i g u r e i s the " l o g i c a l outcome" the problem b u i l t up i n parts 1 and 2--and perhaps f o r that reason does not seem to c o n s t i t u t e a "strong" s o l u t i o n . A second Kind of s o l u t i o n i s o f f e r e d i n some of the myths i n the f i g u r e of the good hunter. The good hunter e f f e c t s a n a t u r e - c u l t u r e mediation by m o d i f i c a t i o n of h i s human nature through r i t u a l observances. He becomes a;-figure midway between scapegoat and redeemer f o r h i s s o c i a l group, yet remains w i t h i n the scope of what every human being can a t t a i n . In t h i s the good hunter i s a type f i g u r e f o r the i n i t i a t e . The i n i t i a t e could also be c a l l e d the good hunter's a n t i - t y p e i n so f a r as he modifies his human nature through unrepression ( e c s t a t i c m o d i f i c a t i o n ) while the good hunter modifies h i s human nature through greater r e p r e s s i o n ( a s c e t i c 2 m o d i f i c a t i o n ) . In any case, the connection between the thought of the myth and that of the testesqa l i e s here: i n each case the na t u r e / c u l t u r e dichotomy i s attenuated by an i n d i v i d u a l ' s s a c r i f i c e of h i s "humanness" 3 f o r the sake of the group. Humanness has to be taken here i n the sense of the normal or c o n v e n t i o n a l l y acceptable p e r s o n a l i t y . I t s m o d i f i c a t i o n can lead e i t h e r to greater closeness with animals or to the i d e a l of the f u l l y human (the "perfect man") we f i n d i n i n i t i a t i o n . This conclusion i s borne out by my examination of the connection between the f i r s t salmon r i t u a l and the i n i t i a t i o n r i t u a l i n the next chapter, and by th a t of the t r a n s i t i o n a l myths which l i n k hunting and i n i t i a t i o n , i n the Epilogue. 1(a) A n a l y t i c a l S i t u a t i o n and Method My study of Kwakiutl prayers and f i r s t f r u i t r i t u a l s defined the problem of my t h e s i s . Both kinds of t e x t c o n t a i n d i r e c t r e ferences, i n u n i v e r s a l l y understandable r a t i o n a l language to the unease f e l t over the 211. K i l l i n g and e a t i n g of animals, and both contain l i n g u i s t i c elements and s t r u c t u r a l i n d i c a t i o n s that point to a r e s o l u t i o n of the dilemma concern-i n g the animals i n the winter r i t u a l . The problem was to f i n d a body of work that would act as c o n t r o l f o r my f i n d i n g s and make i t p o s s i b l e to view them i n a more comprehensible p e r s p e c t i v e . In choosing Salmon Boy and Bear Mother s t o r i e s I knew I was choosing myths that contain r i t u a l p r e s c r i p t i o n s f o r the treatment of animals. I a l s o knew that the " l a n -guage" of myth i s formal and symbolic and that I would f i n d some of the symbolic aspects of the prayers elaborated i n these t e x t s . By and large I could reasonably hope that Salmon Boy and Bear Mother s t o r i e s would throw l i g h t on the c u l t u r a l conception of animals and of the r e l a t i o n between men and animals.. At the beginning of my study of the myths I was unaware of the extent to which t h i s expectation was j u s t i f i e d , and of how f o r t u n a t e my d e c i s i o n was to analyse Salmon Boy and Bear Mother myths side by s i d e . My s e l e c t i o n of the a c t u a l versions' was a r b i t r a r y except i n so f a r as i t was guided by the wish to i n c l u d e the Kwakiutl v e r s i o n s and those c u l t u r a l l y and l i n g u i s t i c a l l y most c l o s e l y r e l a t e d to them. There i s to my knowledge no other study so f a r i n existence that has poin-ted out the isomorphism between Salmon Boy and Bear Mother s t o r i e s . Nor have the mediator f i g u r e s at the end of these.-stories been compared or t h e i r s i g n i f i c a n c e been recognised. This a n a l y t i c a l s i t u a t i o n a l s o d i c t a t e s the method. An a n a l y s i s of the myths on the l e v e l of a b s t r a c t i o n of, say, Propp [1968) or Dundes 4 (1964) would not be i n place. N a t u r a l l y the parts of the myths I am examining f i t i n t o the l a r g e r , more general p a t t e r n of American Indian mythology: there i s probably not a s i n g l e episode that cannot occur with d i f f e r e n t a c t o r s and i n a d i f f e r e n t s e t t i n g . But as Boas remarks i n another context ( d i f f u s i o n ) : " i t i s necessary to apply t h i s method j u d i -212. c i o u s l y , and the l o g i c a l connection of what I have c a l l e d "elements" must be taken i n t o account".^ i t i s that l o g i c a l connection that I am concer-ned w i t h . We have to do here w i t h two methodologically d i f f e r e n t aims. One method i s s u i t a b l e ito study the armature of the mythmakers i n the widest sense. I t n e c e s s a r i l y deals with l a r g e samples, wide d i s t r i b u t i o n and i s m e t a l i n g u i s t i c . The other method i s s u i t a b l e f o r the study of message. I t confines i t s e l f to groups of t a l e s . I t pays a t t e n t i o n not only to the f u n c t i o n s but to the dramatic personae, because much of the message i s contained i n them--in t h e i r , names, i n t h e i r c u l t u r a l evalua^ tion--and t h e i r i n t e r r e l a t i o n s . The myths I have chosen f o r instance are about the salmon and bear and t h e i r r e l a t i o n to the people who hunt them. The only animals that can be s u b s t i t u t e d without changing the message-s t r u c t u r e are other game animals. But even here, though the t a l e s about salmon and bear are isomorphic on one l e v e l , there are sub t l e s t r u c t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s between them according to the r o l e s the two animals play i n r e a l l i f e and i n the conceptual system. S u b s t i t u t i o n among the dramatis personae has t h e r e f o r e s t r u c t u r a l r e v e r b e r a t i o n s . In both kinds of t a l e a human hero i s kidnapped by the animals. But l a b e l s l i k e " i n t e r d i c t i o n -v i o l a t i o n " and "abduction by v i l l a i n " , though they apply, are useless: the important t h i n g here i s that i t i s the salmon or the bear that abduct, because the myth explores the r e l a t i o n to the salmon and the bear. My a n a l y t i c system f o r the chapter i s simple. I examine f i r s t the salmon s t o r i e s f o r armature and message, then the bear s t o r i e s f o r arma--t u r e and message. The two terms are taken from L e v i - S t r a u s s ' vocabulary, and i f the meaning he gives them i s expanded, I e x p l a i n how. I use fo u r separate methods of approach i n the course of the chapter. The s t o r i e s are examined CD f o r the underlying b e l i e f s which, systematised, make up the armature (salmon s t o r i e s ) ; (2) f o r the i n t e r r e l a t i o n of episodes 213. which convey message Csalmon and bear s t o r i e s ) ; (3) f o r d i v i s i o n i n t o n a r r a t i v e u n i t s which expresses the armature i n the ab s t r a c t and shows i t s l i n k to message (bear and salmon s t o r i e s ) ; (4) f o r puns and word play which convey message with the help of a moral g r i d (bear s t o r i e s ) . To make an a n a l y s i s of t h i s kind, two major synchronic s t r u c t u r i n g s have to be taken i n t o account: the n a r r a t i v e s t r u c t u r e which i n v o l v e s the arrange-ment of the u n i t s of a c t i o n , and the character s t r u c t u r e which i n v o l v e s the -deployment of a c t o r s . I d e a l l y they should be studied s e p a r a t e l y , and f u l l y . For reasons of space I cannot give f u l l treatment here to e i t h e r of them. I shall.'have to l i m i t myself mainly to an a n a l y s i s of the n a r r a t i v e s t r u c t u r e , and even here concentrate on the main episodes. The character s t r u c t u r e can only be touched on i n passing. I have used the "common sense" nomenclature of a n a l y s i s which has, i n one form or another, long been current i n the study of American Indian mythology. I use episode f o r a u n i t that expresses a s i n g l e coherent idea; i n c i d e n t f o r i t s c o n s t i t u e n t p a r t s ; main episode f o r the c l i m a c t i c peak of a n a r r a t i v e sequence (Du Bois ' " c o r e " ) , minor episode f o r the supporting episodes of such a sequence; extended main episode f o r the s t a b l e c l u s t e r of main episode flanked by two minor episodes that are r e v e r s a l s of one another. I use Propp's term move f o r the n a r r a t i v e sequence that can, t h e o r e t i c a l l y , stand alone as one s t o r y ; and as my complex myths are made up of two con-se c u t i v e moves I a l s o use part 1 and part 2 f o r these sequences. My terminology i s u n s a t i s f a c t o r y but adequate f o r the purpose of the analy-s i s , i n view of the f a c t that the sample i s small and the myths c l o s e l y r e l a t e d i n content. And, I repeat, the i n q u i r y I am conducting should not be confused with a general morphological study. 214. 1(b) T h e o r e t i c a l P o s i t i o n In From Honey t o Ashes^' Le v i - S t r a u s s discusses the question of the completeness of any p a r t i c u l a r myth v e r s i o n . His d i s c u s s i o n bears on the question of how to decide what the message of a myth i s , and how to decide whether that message i s s a t i s f a c t o r i l y conveyed i n any p a r t i c u l a r myth. These are obviously important questions f o r my i n q u i r y , and I s h a l l begin a c o n s i d e r a t i o n of them w i t h a f a i r l y f u l l account of what he has t o say. The occasion f o r h i s general remarks i s a p a r t i c u l a r incon s.istency that has struck him about h i s explanations. He says on p.127: A short while back I r e c a l l e d a r u l e of s t r u c t u r a l a n a l y s i s which i s that a myth should always be accepted as i t i s . But on the very same page I may have i n f r i n g e d t h i s r u l e by proposing to f i l l i n what I s a i d was a gap i n the Apanaye v e r s i o n with the help of the more p r e c i s e account provided by the Kraho v e r s i o n . To be c o n s i s -tent ought I not to have accepted the Apinaye v e r s i o n "as i t was",..? He then goes on to solve the crux by proposing that there are two p o s s i b i -l i t i e s . (1) Myths belonging to d i f f e r e n t communities may transmit the same message without being a l l e q u a l l y d e t a i l e d or e q u a l l y c l e a r i n expression. As i n a l l the instances the general sense of the message i s the same, each one c o n t a i n i n g more or l e s s i n f o r m a t i o n , i t i s l e g i t i m a t e to complete the l e s s s a t i s f a c t o r y ones with the help of the more e x p l i c i t . (2) An e n t i r e l y d i f f e r e n t case i s presented by myths with i n t r i n s i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t messages. In t h i s case the q u a n t i t y and q u a l i t y of the i n f o r -mation i s of l e s s consequence than the content, and each message has to be accepted "as i t i s " . Here we cannot make good the i n s u f f i c i e n c y by com-b i n i n g separate messages i n t o one s i n g l e message. I f we d i d , the r e s u l t -ing message would have no meaning apart from that which the person r e c e i v -ing i t might care to a t t r i b u t e to i t . This of course makes i t only the more urgent that we should be t o l d how to d i s t i n g u i s h between the two. But Le"vi-Strauss does not give a 215, very s a t i s f a c t o r y t h e o r e t i c a l answer. "The problem i s a d i f f i c u l t one, and there i s no h i d i n g the f a c t that i n the present s t a t e of both theory and method i t i s often necessary to s e t t l e the question e m p i r i c a l l y " . He proceeds to do j u s t t h i s f o r h i s own case by recourse to h i s t o r y . But does the proof that myths have the same message, and can be completed with the help of one another, r e a l l y l i e i n the argument that the people who t e l l these myths form a l i n g u i s t i c and ethnographic f a m i l y , and the myths "only a few c e n t u r i e s ago at the most were i n d i s t i n g u i s h a b l e " ? (p.128). Whatever the merit of h i s a s s e r t i o n , i t i s a meagre t h e o r e t i c a l o f f e r i n g Q c o n s i d e r i n g the importance of the question. I s h a l l t r y to add some-t h i n g to i t i n t h i s chapter. Looking at the question from another e m p i r i c a l vantage p o i n t , the c o n d i t i o n s of o r a l composition, i t appears that message i s a very change-able q u a n t i t y . CD I t i s a f f e c t e d by c u l t u r e change, which i n i t s turn may a f f e c t d i f f e r e n t branches of ethnographic f a m i l i e s d i f f e r e n t l y . C2) The sex of the n a r r a t o r a f f e c t s i t even i f the structure-changes i n t h i s case are very s u b t l e . The McClellan c o l l e c t i o n of Bear Mother s t o r i e s , which we s h a l l examine l a t e r , i s a case i n p o i n t . Myths convey messages at d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s , and Bear Mother has a message on the l e v e l of hunt-ing Cmen's r e l a t i o n to animals) and on the s o c i a l l e v e l ( i n t r a f a m i l y r e l a t i o n s ) . On the whole i t i s the men who t e l l the hunting s t o r y (ascer-t a i n a b l e by s t r u c t u r a l comparison with other hunting myths) while the women, who have an important p o s i t i o n i n t h e i r m a t r i l i n e a l s o c i e t y but know the problems of hunting only at one remove s t r e s s the s o c i a l message. (3) F i n a l l y the message i s modified on the communication l e v e l by what the sender knows the r e c e i v e r can take i n . Most of the t e x t s we have are myths as t o l d to an a n t h r o p o l o g i s t . The n a r r a t o r ' s estimate of an a n t h r o p o l o g i s t ' s c a p a b i l i t i e s may lead to shorter v e r s i o n s and simpler 216, g messages than the f u l l myth i n i t s c u l t u r a l context warrants. This brings me to the important question of what i s a complete myth. The narrator i s always concerned to f i n i s h h i s story and transmit a message. But a complicated message i s t i e d to a complex s t o r y and needs time to unfold. I f there i s no time, or the audience i s not mature or informed enough to be r e l i e d on f o r background knowledge, the n a r r a t o r can r e f a s h i o n h i s s t o r y so that i t i s s h o r t e r yet complete, and has a 10 d i f f e r e n t message. The n a r r a t i v e u n i t s (episodes) are so c o n s t i t u t e d that they can be combined i n d i f f e r e n t ways, and the n a r r a t o r has such a fund of knowledge of the p o s s i b l e forms that he can change a- s t o r y i n the t e l l i n g . A s k i l f u l n a r r a t o r can of course a l s o condense the s t o r y by l e a v i n g out minor episodes and s t r i p p i n g a l l episodes he uses of as many i n c i d e n t s as sense permits. The s t o r y i s then s t i l l complex and c a r r i e s the complicated message. Many of McClellan's informants have done j u s t t h a t . In my designation of s t o r i e s as long and short v e r s i o n s such a s t o r y would q u a l i f y as a long v e r s i o n though i t takes l i t t l e time to t e l l . I f these are the c o n d i t i o n s of o r a l composition then i t i s c l e a r t h a t each myth has to be taken "as i t i s " . However, under normal condi-t i o n s of m y t h - t e l l i n g . i n s i d e the c u l t u r e the myth i s not the short and compact s t o r y the a n t h r o p o l o g i s t u s u a l l y hears. I t i s a l i n k i n a chain of r e l a t e d s t o r i e s or part of one long s t o r y . Serious m y t h - t e l l i n g goes 11 on f o r days and n i g h t s , sometimes f o r weeks;- When the short v e r s i o n becomes part of t h i s long v e r s i o n or c y c l e the l o c a l and l i m i t e d message i t has i n i s o l a t i o n i s pushed i n t o the background i n favour of the more important message that unfolds out of i t s r e l a t i o n to the whole. In the a n a l y s i s of short myths:, there i s t h e r e f o r e reason to look f o r a message which may', be incomplete and obscure i n the myth as i t i s but can be e l u c i d a t e d by a comparison with the long v e r s i o n or c y c l e . I t would be 217. present over and above the obvious and complete message. The anthropo-l o g i s t should look then f o r two messages: one of the myth as i t i s , another of the myth i n i t s r e l a t i o n to a greater whole. This r a i s e s the question of where we f i n d the message and how we e x t r a p o l a t e i t . Myths are made up of episodes. From the point of view of o r a l composition an episode i s that which the n a r r a t o r t e l l s i n "one breath", t h a t before and a f t e r which he makes a t i n y pause. Episode i s to the myth what conventional phrase i s to the prayer:, a well-worn formula that acquires unique s i g n i f i c a n c e because of. the s t r u c t u r a l p o s i t i o n and r e l a t i o n to other episodes. On the idea expressed i n the episode the d i r e c t i o n of the n a r r a t i v e depends (sequence of u n i t s ) . But only some episodes are e s s e n t i a l to the t a l e , and i t i s t h e i r r e l a t i o n to one another that d i c t a t e s the s t r u c t u r e of the whole (hierarchy and i n t e r r e l a t i o n of u n i t s ) . A one-move t a l e has the f o l l o w i n g hierarchy: Opening (= d i s -j u n c t i o n a l marking p o i n t ) ; events that lead up to c r i s i s (= minor e p i -sodes); c r i s i s ( = main episode); events that r e s u l t from c r i s i s (= minor episodes); c l o s i n g (= c o n j u n c t i o n a l marking p o i n t ) . The message l i e s i n the r e l a t i o n of minor to main episodes and of opening to c l o s i n g p o i n t . I f a t a l e contains a second move, i t becomes a complex t a l e . But i n f a c t the second move i s f o r m a l l y speaking i n i t s e l f a new and separate t a l e . I t s s t r u c t u r e i s l i k e that of the simple one-move t a l e above. But the main episodes of both and to a l e s s e r extent the minor ones are s t r u c t u r a l l y connected. The myth maker has a number of connecting devices at h i s d i s p o s a l (which we s h a l l d i s c u s s i n connection with the a c t u a l t a l e s ) of which chiasmus i s the most s t r i k i n g (abc-cba). The message of^the complex t a l e l i e s i n the r e l a t i o n of the f i r s t s t r u c t u r e to the second. The ways of r e l a t i n g episodes across the t a l e d i v i s i o n s are not only 218. formal ( a e s t h e t i c ) but a l s o conceptual arid moral. They belong to what 12 Armstrong has c a l l e d the c o n d i t i o n of the t a l e . I t i s only by c o n s i -dering the three aspects simultaneously (the formal, conceptual and e t h i c a l ) that we a r r i v e at an understanding of the message. The three aspects are a l s o present i n the simple t a l e , but there i s a considerable deepening of them i n the complex t a l e . This more than anything e l s e convinces me that the complicated message o f t t h e long versions i s the basic t a l e from which the shorter versions d e r i v e . I am aware that I am i n disagreement on t h i s point with eminent a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s . Radin, f o r i n s t a n c e , who has pondered the question deeply b e l i e v e s that c y c l e s are a l a t e l i t e r a r y form, a s o r t of epic made up of o r i g i n a l l y separate short myths (1956: 121 f f ) . Radin does not explore how the questions which the c y c l e s r a i s e and t r e a t , and which cannot be r a i s e d and t r e a t e d i n a l e s s elaborate form were dealt with before the 13 c y c l e s were composed. Yet they are questions which are of v i t a l i n t e -r e s t to the people who t e l l the myths. I f i n d , however, some confirma-t i o n of my view i n Propp's Morphology of the Folk Tale. Propp a s s e r t s there that a p a r t i c u l a r type of two-move t a l e i s "the basic type of t a l e " . He cannot prove i t nor does he attempt t o , he can only assert h i s convic-t i o n that "only a combination of the two moves produces an e n t i r e l y complete t a l e " , and that "to t h i s one t a l e a l l the t a l e s of one c l a s s [Russian f a i r y t a l e s J are t r a c e d " (1968: 1D3--4). What Propp claims there f o r the whole c l a s s of f a i r y t a l e s I c l a i m here only f o r the hunting myth. But I consider the s t r u c t u r e and message of the hunting myth to be of fundamental importance f o r the whole of mythology. One more phenomenon defin e s the r e l a t i o n between short and long v e r s i o n s , that of s t r u c t u r a l i r r e g u l a r i t y . I s a i d that the s t r u c t u r e was d i c t a t e d by the r e l a t i o n of e s s e n t i a l episodes to one another and that the message depended on that r e l a t i o n . (For .reasons of space I cannot here define the nature of i n e s s e n t i a l episodes or deal adequately with t h e i r s t r u c t u r a l s i g n i f i c a n c e . ) However, i n one myth some episodes may be e s s e n t i a l to the s t r u c t u r e of the myth as i t i s and others to the s t r u c t u r e of the longer v e r s i o n . When the.-short v e r s i o n becomes part of the long v e r s i o n the "unnecessary" or "askew" b i t s f i n d t h e i r proper place. A l t e r n a t e l y , e s s e n t i a l and i n e s s e n t i a l episodes may c l a s h and se m a n t i c a l l y overload the myth so that two^complete but l o g i c a l l y c o n t r a d i c t o r y • messages r e s u l t . These s t r u c t u r a l imbalances are important and must be paid c a r e f u l a t t e n t i o n to because they are always signs of something more wanting to be s a i d , something which i n s i d e the l i m i t a t i o n s of the myth as i t i s cannot be s a i d . The n a r r a t o r , while he i s t e l l i n g h i s story with the one message i s reaching out f o r another with another message. Nor are the two unconnected. The n a r r a t o r , d i f f e r e n t from the an a l y s t i n that he can survey the whole f i e l d , puts i n with the askew b i t the p o s s i b i l i t y of a wider view. For the analyst the askew b i t i n d i c a t e s a point where a new development of thought begins. 2 K i l l i n g and Eating: The Salmon Boy S t o r i e s We s h a l l be comparing myths that belong to several Northwest coast groups: Kwa k i u t l , Nootka, Tsimshian, Haida and Inland T l i n g i t . Though the people who t e l l them belong to one c u l t u r e area (except the Inland T l i n g i t who s t r a d d l e two areas, Northwest coast and S u b a r c t i c ) , they have d i f f e r e n t patterns of s o c i a l organisation.. The s t o r i e s have a general message that concerns the r e l a t i o n of men to animals and th a t i s the same f o r these people who a l l l i v e under the same e c o l o g i c a l c o n d i t i o n s . But they a l s o have a s o c i a l message that i s n e c e s s a r i l y d i f f e r e n t i n s i g n i f i -220. cant d e t a i l s . I s h a l l concentrate my a n a l y s i s on the "hunting myth", that i s on the expression of problems that the s t o r i e s of these hunting, f i s h i n g and gathering peoples had i n common. The problems are those that are a l s o a r t i c u l a t e d i n the Kwaiutl prayers to animals and p l a n t s k i l l e d f o r food. They a r i s e i n the same e c o l o g i c a l and general c u l t u r a l s i t u a t i o n i n an area where s t o r i e s and ideas t r a v e l l e d to and f r o . We s h a l l begin by d i s c u s s i n g the Salmon Boy myths and go on to the Bear Mother. I s h a l l use the f o l l o w i n g a b b r e v i a t i o n s . SB f o r Salmon Boy, BM f o r the g i r l who married the bear, BBSB, NSB, TSSB, HSB f o r the SB myths from r e s p e c t i v e l y the B e l l a B e l l a , Nootka, Tsimshian and Haida. The d i s t r i b u t i o n of the SB myth has been charted by Erna Gunther i n 14 her "A Further A n a l y s i s of the F i r s t Salmon Ceremony". The myth i s w e l l d i s t r i b u t e d on the Northwest coast but the centre seems to l i e i n the Coast S a l i s h area. For the Kwakiutl only one v e r s i o n has been c o l l e c t e d , the B e l l a B e l l a one I am using. I t forms a group with a v e r s i o n from the Nootka. The Nootka are both l i n g u i s t i c a l l y and c u l t u -r a l l y c l o s e l y r e l a t e d to the Southern Kwakiutl. I have t h e r e f o r e taken the two versions as a basis f o r my a n a l y s i s and give a b s t r a c t s f o r both. The Tsimshian and Haida versions w i l l have to be t r e a t e d more b r i e f l y . In the course of a d i s c u s s i o n of salmon myths Gunther give s a short synposis of the p l o t of SB myths which runs as f o l l o w s : The myth of Salmon Boy has a more d i r e c t connection with the ceremony i n that i t described the r i t u a l f o r .the f i r s t salmon. The p l o t v a r i e s but l i t t l e . A boy i s taken to the salmon country where he i s t o l d to c l u b a c h i l d when he wants food, eat and throw the bones i n t o the water. The c h i l d r e v i v e s immediately. The boy returns to h i s f a t h e r ' s v i l l a g e i n the salmon run and i s caught by h i s f a t h e r . He teaches h i s people how to t r e a t the salmon. (p.162) L a c o n i c a l l y summed up l i k e t h i s the p l o t i s s t a r t l i n g . We ask our-selves why, i f the boy was i n salmon country d i d he club a c h i l d i n order 221. to feed? And when he re t u r n s i n the salmon run i s he a salmon? I f so, does h i s f a t h e r club and eat him? And i f so how can he teach h i s people how to t r e a t the salmon,? These questions are j u s t i f i e d , each one of them touching one of the "mysteries" of the myth. Unconnected as the episodes of the p l o t synopsis seem, Gunther has put her f i n g e r on the main paradigm: departure, r e t u r n ; k i l l i n g and e a t i n g ; teaching. These themes appear not once but sev e r a l times i n one myth; they are t r e a t e d on s e v e r a l i s o t o p i e s and i t i s through these redundancies t h a t the message becomes apparent. In t h i s sense one can say t h a t the gre a t e r the redundancy i n one p a r t i c u l a r myth the more complete the message. I have d i v i d e d my a b s t r a c t s of the myths i n t o paragraphs to f a c i l i -t a t e comparison of episodes. A The B e l l a B e l l a Salmon Boy myth i s found i n Tsimshian Mythology (Boas 1916: 886 f f ) . A c h i e f and h i s three sons are i n v i t e d to a f e a s t . The boys refuse to go, but when the f a t h e r comes back with some food the e l d e s t jumps up from the bed where he has been l y i n g and eats i t . Annoyed, h i s f a t h e r says: "What are you doing with my food? I f you are a good boy you may marry the daughter of Maesila, the Salmon Chi e f . " The boy i s m o r t i f i e d by the reproach and stays i n bed f o r threeudays. Then he goes out b i r d - s h o o t i n g by the beach. A f t e r he has shot three b i r d s h i s arrow h i t s a dry salmon bone, and h i t s i t . a g a i n and again. He wishes the bone might be a f r e s h salmon and take him t o the Salmon C h i e f ' s country. The bone r e p l i e s to h i s thoughts, t e l l i n g him to gather up a l l the remaining bones and throw them i n t o the sea. The bones become a salmon who takes him on h i s back, swimming away with him. They t r a v e l f o r a long time before reaching Salmon country. Qn t h e i r way they come to a hole through which the salmon must pass. An eagle s i t s by the hole, watching i t . When the eagle looks away f o r a moment, the salmon rushes through t h e i h o l e . As soon as they have passed through the hole the boy sees that the salmon are l i k e people. They t r a v e l on i n t h e i r canoe past many v i l l a g e s and come to the town of the Salmon Chief. Many c h i l d r e n are p l a y i n g outside the town, and there are many b i r d s and f l o w e r s . The salmon shows the boy a lake where the C h i e f ' s daughter goes to bathe. The boy hides by the lake, and when two p r e t t y g i r l s come to bathe he jumps out and c a r r i e s one of them away. She smells very sweet. She marries him and i s soon pregnant. Her f a t h e r the c h i e f i s much annoyed and c a l l s the people together to f i n d out who the c h i l d ' s f a t h e r i s . One by one the animals come forward and c l a i m a p a t e r n i t y denied by the g i r l . The boy comes i n unseen, but the people can smell him. He makes hi s c l a i m and the g i r l admits that he i s the f a t h e r of her c h i l d . The Salmon Chief allows the boy to s i t on a mat with h i s daughter. With t h i s they are o f f i c i a l l y married. Some time l a t e r the g i r l has t w i n - c h i l d r e n , who grow up very f a s t . The young husband i s hungry f o r salmon. The c h i e f n o t i c e s h i s depression and when he i s t o l d the reason t e l l s him to go to the playground of the c h i l d r e n by the r i v e r and throw a c h i l d i n t o the water. The young man does as he i s t o l d and the c h i l d turns i n t o a salmon, which he takes home, cooks and eats. His salmon-wife c a r e f u l l y spreads a mat and t e l l s him to put the bones on i t and not to lose a s i n g l e one. Then he i s to take the bones to the r i v e r and throw them i n . When he does, the bones turn imme-d i a t e l y i n t o the boy he has thrown i n t o the r i v e r before. A f t e r some time the young man gets so homesick that he w i l l not get up i n the morning any more. When the c h i e f hears of i t he prepares a canoe to take him home, f i l l e d w i t h boxes of food. The young man with h i s wife and c h i l d r e n leaves i n the canoe, •n t h e i r r e t u r n journey they do not pass through the hole watched over by the eagle. The young man t h i n k s he has been away f o u r days but i t has been f o u r years. When' h i s people f i n a l l y recognise him again, he enters h i s house with h i s wife and c h i l d r e n , and the people dance i n h i s honour. He sends them to bring In the load from his canoe. But nobody can l i f t the boxes. His shaman wife has to c a r r y them i n . She t e l l s her f a t h e r - i n - l a w to b u i l d a large house and c a l l a l l the people together. No-one b e l i e v e s that the boxes contain enough food f o r a b i g p o t l a t c h but they turn out to be i n e x h a u s t i b l e . One contains salmon, the other b e r r i e s , the other meat and t a l l o w . The Nootka Salmon Boy myth i s found i n Tsimshian Mythology (Boas 1916: 919 f f ) . A Nootka head c h i e f and h i s f r i e n d are gambling partners. The f r i e n d f i n d s himself l o s i n g and decides to gain supernatural power to give him luck. Wives could help t h e i r husbands i n such a quest i f they lay s t i l l during the night while t h e i r husbands were out i n the f o r e s t . The husband has asked h i s wife f o r her help; but every night while he i s out p u r i f y i n g himself the c h i e f comes and sleeps w i t h her. Warned by an o l d man the husband s u r p r i s e s the p a i r and t e a r s out h i s r i v a l ' s r i g h t eye. The head c h i e f , who had been a handsome man i s deeply m o r t i f i e d 223. and hides i n h i s house. F i n a l l y he seeks the advice of a wise man, who decides he can get h i s eye back only i f he f i n d s a wife with supernatural power. He makes a garment of swan-skin f o r h i s c h i e f that w i l l enable him to f l y around the world. Our hero f l i e s up and down the coast of Vancouver I s l a n d and Cape F l a t t e r y , l o o k i n g among the t r i b e s f o r a woman to please him. Not f i n d i n g anyone p r e t t y enough he turns to the open sea, and a f t e r a long f l i g h t comes to strange c o u n t r i e s . F l y i n g by night, he hears the c h i l d r e n p l a y i n g i n the v i l l a g e s and the people s i n g i n g and dancing arid making merry. No-on ever sleeps, but by day the people seem to go b l i n d . These are the v i l l a g e s of the f i s h - p e o p l e . Our hero has a t r i c k of a t t r a c t i n g the people by d r i f t i n g very near t h e i r beaches, and when they come out to catch him loo k i n g around f o r a woman he l i k e s . One e a r l y morning, d r i f t i n g i n a bay i n f r o n t of the v i l l a g e of the salmon people, he sees a very p r e t t y woman. He decides to l e t her f a t h e r , Chief Fast Swimmer, catch him. Immediately the Salmon P r i n c e s s asks her f a t h e r f o r the p r e t t y white swan as a pet. Her f a t h e r says "yes, because I love you", but asks to be l e f t alone f o r a moment with the strange b i r d . As soon as they are alone together our hero l i f t s o f f h i s swan mask and says: "Oh Chief Fast Swimmer, I am a man, and have come to marry your p r i n c e s s " . The c h i e f who has been expecting j u s t t h i s laughs with pleasure. Before c a l l i n g i n his daughter and h i s people f o r the marriage ceremony, he arranges f o r one of h i s wise men to put back our hero's missing eye and give him a general beauty treatment. The human c h i e f has brought eagle down from h i s world, which he gives to h i s f a t h e r - i n - l a w to d i s t r i b u t e at the marriage p o t l a t c h . [The salmon people value eagle down h i g h l y and come to the r i v e r s of the earth to get i t ) . The valuable g i f t enhances our hero i n the people's eyes; they say "Here i s a c h i e f ! See, he has much valua b l e property!" and t r e a t him with f r i e n d l i n e s s . When he i s hungry they send a l i t t l e boy i n t o the water. He turns i n t o a salmon, and they catch him, cut him open and roast him. When our hero has f i n i s h e d e ating they p i c k up a l l the bones and s k i n and put them back i n t o j t h e water. Immediately t h i s i s done the boy comes back to l i f e . Our hero spends a happy time with the salmon people. His wife bears him two c h i l d r e n . Yet at the thought of!,his parents he becomes melancholy. When the Salmon Chief hears of t h i s he decides t h a t they w i l l a l l accompany h i s son-in-law home. The salmon are pleased because they have heard much of the other part of the' world, and are curious to see i t . Before they s t a r t out they i n s t r u c t our hero i n what they want men to do f o r them. Salmon l i k e eagle down and la r g e mussel s h e l l s ; they do not want men t o use bl u n t - p o i n t e d spears on them, f o r i t hurts; a l s o the s t i c k s of the salmon traps should be shaved w e l l , with a good sharp point on them. When men cook and eat them they are to p i c k up a l l the bones and s k i n and throw them i n t o the sea "because then" 224. the salmon end t h e i r i n s t r u c t i o n "we can go home again. I f they don't do that we cannot come to l i f e again". The Salmon Chief then give s h i s son-in-law h i s best salmon-skin blanket c a l l e d "ten-times-jumper-blanket". When he puts i t on to go i n t o the water he i s a salmon, when he comes out of the water he i s a man again. Meanwhile scouts have been sent to f i n d out how our hero's parents are. They report that they l i v e i n a t i n y house by the beach, have burnt o f f t h e i r h a i r i n mourning and are t r e a t e d w i t h d e r i s i o n . I t i s c l e a r l y high time f o r our hero to come back. When the salmon reach a point near h i s v i l l a g e , he i s t o l d to go and i n s t r u c t h i s f a t h e r and a l l h i s people to move to a c e r t a i n r i v e r and make a salmon trap there. Four salmon w i l l be caught, and they are to club them, cut them, roast them and eat them. Every l i t t l e piece of bone and s k i n i s to be picked up and thrown i n t o the water. In h i s ten-times-jumper-blanket our hero swims to the beach where h i s f a t h e r l i v e s and, t u r n i n g i n t o a man, v i s i t s the o l d man-iand i n s t r u c t s him according to the word of the salmon. He then swims back to the w a i t i n g salmon. The salmon people d i v i d e from t h i s point on, d i f f e r e n t groups t u r n i n g i n t o d i f f e r e n t streams. Our hero a r r i v e s w i t h h i s f a m i l y of wif e and two c h i l d r e n at the r i v e r he has named to h i s f a t h e r on the f o l l o w i n g morning. That morning a l l the people go with h i s f a t h e r to the stream, f o r the o l d man has t o l d them they w i l l f i n d t h e i r l o s t head c h i e f there. The o l d man b u i l d s a salmon weir, which i s entered by four salmon. He catches them, clubs them and takes them to his wife to cut them and cook them. When the o l d woman has prepared them they c a l l a l l t h e i r f r i e n d s to come and eat with them. A f t e r the meal the o l d man p i c k s up every piece of s k i n and bone ( f o r he has f a i t h i n what h i s son has t o l d him) and c a l l s the people to accompany him to the r i v e r . They a l l see him throw the bones i n t o the water, and a l l see t h e i r former head c h i e f with h i s wife and two c h i l d r e n come out of the water. The people are happy to have t h e i r c h i e f back but they are not sure whether he i s r e a l l y f l e s h and blood. They t h e r e f o r e make a f e a s t to t e s t him. They t h i n k i f i t were r e a l l y t h e i r l o s t head c h i e f (of whom they t h i n k as dead) he would not eat. He eats up, however, whatever i s o f f e r e d to him. Then he t e l l s them what the salmon have asked him to hand on t o h i s people: what the salmon would l i k e people to do f o r them, and that the women, c u t t i n g salmon should always keep t h e i r legs wide open, and only use a large m u s s e l - s h e l l f o r c u t t i n g ; and that the men should not use blunt-pointed spear-heads, f o r i t hurts the salmon more than sharp ones. The st o r y ends: t h i s i s how the Indians know that salmon are men as we are. The two s t o r i e s are a l i k e i n making a strong connection between eat-ing and marriage. Greedy eating i s g e n e r a l l y l i n k e d with c r e a t i v i t y and th e r e f o r e a l s o sexual potency and f e r t i l i t y on the Northwest coast, but 225. the other SB s t o r i e s we s h a l l look at do not make the connection. Here the f a t h e r ' s shocked remonstrances i n BBSB are immediately and f o r us unaccountably followed by h i s suggestion that h i s greedy son marry the daughter of the Salmon Chief. In f a c t the preoccupation w i t h e a t i n g and marriage seems to take i n v e r t e d and complementary forms i n the two. .myths. BBSB s t a r t s w i t h a bout of i r r e g u l a r e a t i n g and ends with a r e g u l a r marriage d i s p l a y (the p o t l a t c h given by the hero to h i s people with h i s wife's g i f t s ) . NSB s t a r t s with a bout of i r r e g u l a r marriage and.ends with an eating d i s p l a y (the hero eats the food o f f e r e d to him at h i s people's f e a s t v o r a c i o u s l y to prove he i s not a ghost). BBSB begins with a f e a s t from which the hero i s absent but which i s nevertheless the occasion f o r an act of g l u t t o n y that severs him from h i s s o c i e t y . NSB ends with a f e a s t at which the hero i s present and at which an act of g l u t t o n y incorporates him i n t o h i s s o c i e t y . In each s t o r y the hero marries a salmon w i f e , that i s a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the;.:animals y i e l d i n g the most important supply of food. The supernatural wife brings wealth t o him and h i s people. This connection of a supernatural marriage w i t h food i s an important f a c e t of the hunting s t o r y but we s h a l l not meet i t again u n t i l we d i s c u s s the BH s t o r i e s where i t turns up again i n a d i f f e r e n t key. Of the two versions BBSB i s the s h o r t e r and simpler. Apart from one s t r u c t u r a l o d d i t y , to which I s h a l l come, i t has i n f a c t the s t r u c t u r e of the most usual Kwakiutl myth, the t r e a s u r e - g a i n i n g s t o r y . This i s a weak ve r s i o n of the i n i t i a t i o n myth and t e l l s of the departure of a hero, h i s entry i n t o a non-human supernatural world, h i s gaining of a t r e a s u r e , departure, and r e t u r n to the human world where he d i s t r i b u t e s h i s treasure 15 to h i s people. Only i n the most remote and symbolic way does the BBSB st o r y convey the f a c t that the t r e a s u r e i s the coming of the salmon, i n the 226. form of i t s r e g u l a r and r e l i a b l e coming, the salmon runs. One of the i n e x h a u s t i b l e boxes i s f i l l e d with salmon. But on t h i s count the s t o r y i s as i n t e r e s t e d i n the coming of- the b e r r i e s and the game (whose most important d i e t a r y part was the f a t ) as i n the salmon. The n a r r a t i v e s t r u c t u r e of BBSB c o n s i s t s then, pared down to i t s e s s e n t i a l s , i n three episodes: Departure to salmon country Marriage to salmon wife Return t o human world and d i s t r i b u t i o n of treasure In t h i s s t r u c t u r e departure and r e t u r n form the frame and marriage the main episode because i t i s through the marriage that the treasure i s gained. The s t o r y i s hero-concentrated to a great degree; the message i s that a poor hero who has disgraced himself as a c h i l d can r e t u r n as a r i c h man and through p o t l a t c h i n g achieve a s o c i a l p o s i t i o n as c h i e f and leader of his people. What I have c a l l e d "the communal strand" i n my a n a l y s i s of the i n i t i a t i o n myth i s very weakly developed though i t i s present ( c f . Chapter 1, 2 ( e ) ] . Every s p e c i f i c episode of the s t o r y f u r t h e r s t h i s simple scheme except one. Following d i r e c t l y on the episode of the marriage we f i n d an episode which i s not connected with the n a r r a t i v e current the scheme o u t l i n e s . This i s the episode i n which SB k i l l s the salmon c h i l d , eats i t and regenerates i t through i t s bones. S t r i c t l y speaking there are two e p i -sodes: the f a t h e r - i n - l a w ' s i n s t r u c t i o n s and the deed i t s e l f . We know from Gunther's synopsis that they belong to the paradigm of the SB myth; the k i l l i n g and e a t i n g i s i n f a c t the main episode of the myth. The event takes place i n the middle of the s t o r y and i t , i n s t e a d of the marriage, could be the centre, the p e r i p e t e i a of the drama. But i t does not l i n k up c l o s e l y with the sequence of events of the s t o r y , while the 227. marriage i s w e l l i n t e g r a t e d e s p e c i a l l y with the beginning and end. In BBSB we have a good example of a s t o r y with two messages. The t r e a s u r e -g a i n i n g myth and i t s message i s complete, but side by side w i t h i t s main episode, i n a s t r u c t u r a l l y important p o s i t i o n stands an episode that would make i t i n t o a hunting myth. The message of that myth i s obscure and incomplete. We can account f o r t h i s s t r u c t u r a l i r r e g u l a r i t y i n three ways: BBSB was t o l d on the f r i n g e of the d i f f u s i o n a l c i r c l e of SB and i s t h e r e f o r e a poor v e r s i o n ; that the K w a k i u t l l a r e c u l t u r a l l y biased toward t r e a s u r e - g a i n i n g myths r a t h e r than hunting myths; that when BBSB was c o l l e c t e d the i n i t i a t i o n myth had become so f a s h i o n a b l e that i t tended to swallow up and transform the o l d hunting myths. Each of these arguments has something to be s a i d f o r i t but none of them i s d e c i s i v e . We s h a l l l a t e r see that each na r r a t o r has the choice of several forms and the s k i l l to recompose a complex story as a simple one. The complete hunting myth i s complex, but even i n an area where i t i s well-known i n i t s complex form i t may be t o l d i n a simple form that resembles s t r u c t u r a l l y and i n message the t r e a s u r e - g a i n i n g myth. 2[a) The Armature Though BBSB i s a poor v e r s i o n of the SB myth and of the hunting myth i n general i t provides an e x c e l l e n t example f o r the mythical armature of the group. Armature i s the ready-to-hand equipment myth makers use to p r o j e c t a p a r t i c u l a r content. L ^ v i - S t r a u s s , to whom we owethe use of the word as an a n a l y t i c a l term, defines i t as "a combination of p r o p e r t i e s 16 t h a t remain i n v a r i a n t i n two or s e v e r a l myths" (1970: 199).- Greimas has refined on t h i s d e f i n i t i o n . Armature (or "framework") r e f e r s "to the s t r u c t u r a l s t a t e of the myth as n a r r a t i o n . This status appears to be double: i t might be s a i d (1) that the t o t a l i t y of s t r u c t u r a l p r o p e r t i e s common to a l l mythological t a l e s c o n s t i t u t e s a n a r r a t i v e model, and (2] that t h i s model must account f o r the myth as a d i s c u r s i v e t r a n s p h r a s t i c u n i t y where a s p e c i f i c content i s s t r u c t u r e d i n a s p e c i f i c way" (1971: 82). In the SB myths the s p e c i f i c content i s that i t i s the salmon that are v i s i t e d , and that t h i s v i s i t r e s u l t s i n the coming of salmon to men, that i s the salmon runs. Hunting myths are the nearest metagroup of SB myths: they t e l l of a v i s i t to the-land of the animals and i t s conse-quences. The l a r g e s t group i s the s t o r y of the v i s i t to another world of which the v i s i t to the world of the dead i s perhaps the prototype. Propp has touched on t h i s l a s t p o s s i b i l i t y i n h i s Morphology of the Folk-t a l e (1968: 1 0 6 - - 7 ) . 1 7 Given the geographical, e c o l o g i c a l and c u l t u r a l c o n d i t i o n s on the Northwest coast, Salmon Boy provides a p a r t i c u l a r l y coherent and compre-hensive example of t h i s armature because of the p e r i o d i c nature of the salmon runs. For an important c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the armature i s repe-t i t i o n of the v i s i t and r e g u l a r a l t e r n a t i o n of the v i s i t a n t s . In other words the myth i s a type happening whose a n t i - t y p e i s found i n everyday l i f e . I t provides an e t i o l o g i c a l angle (which i s l o s t i n the treasure-gaining s t o r i e s and the European f a i r y t a l e s that concentrate on the biography of a hero): that the two worlds were once separated, and stag-nated without contact and l i f e - g i v i n g i n t e r a c t i o n . The " v i s i t t o the other world" i s the event which s t a r t e d the a l t e r n a t i o n s on which human l i f e depends. The hunting myths make t h i s q u i t e c l e a r : the o r i g i n a l v i s i t , that moved the animals to come, has to be repeated by the hunter who goes out alone i n t o the wilderness. Without h i s v i s i t the animals w i l l not come. In the armature of the SB myths an a r c h a i c foundation of t h i s a l t e r n a t i o n i s uncovered: as salmon leave t h e i r home p e r i o d i c a l l y to v i s i t men and br i n g them l i f e , so men have to leave t h e i r homes at • 229. t h e i r appointed time and t r a v e l to the land of the dead. The armature of the SB myth i s made up of a t h r e e f o l d c o n t r a s t : that between land and sea, between men and salmon, and between l i f e and death. The f i r s t i s the simplest and i s obvious i n a Northwest coast context; the second depends on the f i r s t and brings up the question of the s i m i l a -r i t i e s and d i s s i m i l a r i t i e s between salmon and men; the t h i r d i s ambiguous, and, as i t a p p l i e s to both land and sea d w e l l e r s , men and salmon, c o n s t i -t u t e s the binding term between the other two. A f u r t h e r c o n t r a s t , that between b i r d s on the one hand and. salmon and men on the other i s important f o r the myths but i s not a part of the armature; i t belongs r a t h e r to the code. The f o r c e of these c o n t r a s t s l i e s i n the geographical and e c o l o g i c a l s i t u a t i o n of the people who t e l l the SB s t o r i e s . The Northwest coast i s a sunken coast cut by innumerable f j o r d s and studded with i s l a n d s . I t f a l l s , i n many places s t e e p l y , from the coast range to the P a c i f i c ; The coast range i s studded with lakes and d r a i n s i n t o the P a c i f i c i n innume-r a b l e creeks and r i v e r s . This t e r r a i n of sea and land, s a l t water and f r e s h water i s one of the great spawning grounds of the world. The s a l -mon, coming from the deep sea ascend the mountains where they spawn i n the upland lakes and r i v e r s . Each run of salmon i s f o l l o w e d i n t o the f j o r d s by a cavalcade of sea mammals, which prey on them. Hunting as w e l l as f i s h i n g i s easy under these c o n d i t i o n s and brings great wealth. I t i s as i f the whole animal kingdom-were i n movement led by the salmon. In t h i s view the salmon appears as a "master of the animals", and i t i s as t h i s he i s i n f a c t depicted i n the scene when the Salmon Chief c a l l s a l l the animals f o r the p a t e r n i t y t e s t . This great movement of the salmon and of wealth i s an "upstream" movement. The salmon t r a v e l s West to East, and West to East i s there-f o r e the d i r e c t i o n of food, of wealth and of l i f e . The three inexhaus-t i b l e boxes i n the s t o r y , c o n t a i n i n g salmon, b e r r i e s and game t r a v e l West to East. The opposite d i r e c t i o n , East to West, "downstream", i s the r e f o r e p r e d i c t a b l y the d i r e c t i o n taken by the dead. The shaman t r a v e l s "downstream" when he wants to recapture the s o u l r o f someone s i c k . Yet t h i s d e f i n i n g of d i r e c t i o n s from the point of view of men alone i s too simple. I f men and salmon form a c o n t r a s t i n g p a i r then the myth does not only ask what these d i r e c t i o n s mean f o r men but what they mean f o r the salmon. And f o r the salmon West to East i s the d i r e c t i o n of death, w h i l e , i f t h e i r bones are r i t u a l l y t r e a t e d by men who eat them and not l e f t to dry on land, East to West i s t h e i r journey to l i f e . Men and salmon t h e r e f o r e make t h e i r journeys under opposite sign s . But t h i s i s not enough. Salmon, who die when they go from the sea to the land are dependent on the p i e t y of men f o r t h e i r regeneration. I f t h i s p i e t y i s performed the land becomes u l t i m a t e l y a place of t r a n s f o r -mation f o r them and t h e r e f o r e a place of p o t e n t i a l new l i f e . Men t r a v e l l i n g to the land of the dead a l s o reach a place of t r a n s f o r m a t i o n , often c a l l e d "Place of Wealth" from which they return i n a new incarna-t i o n . The dead then f i n d l i f e - i n - d e a t h at the end of t h e i r journey as do the salmon. Land and sea both o f f e r points of t r a n s f o r m a t i o n , and men and salmon t r a v e l to and f r o between these p o i n t s , t h e i r paths c r o s s -i n g , t h e i r journeys always under opposite s i g n s . For the armature of the myth t h i s provides us with three terms, two simple and one complex: (1) man. (on l a n d ) , (2) salmon ( i n sea), (3) t r a v e l or mutual v i s i t s - - i n a b s t r a c t terms a l t e r n a t i o n between them. The complex term unites the two simple terms i n t o a system of ordered r e l a t i o n -s h i p s . We know that the a l t e r n a t i o n stands f o r the a l t e r n a t i o n of l i f e and death. In the salmon myths (and a l l the hunting myths) t h i s system 231. of ordered r e l a t i o n s h i p s i s a moral one and stands under the s i g n of j u s t i c e . The salmon, coming to men bring food, that i s l i f e to them. But men who nourish t h e i r l i f e w i t h such food are mortal and doomed to d i e . In the mythical view, concerned with o r i g i n s and eschatology the salmon t h e r e f o r e a l s o b r i n g them death. Conversely, men'killand eat salmon. Salmon l i k e a l l animals are immortal but only by being k i l l e d and eaten can they be regenerated from t h e i r bones. Hen t h e r e f o r e also b r i n g l i f e to the salmon. In the complete hunting myth t h i s system of j u s t i c e i s s p e l l e d out as the message on the l e v e l of the a c t i o n u n i t s . In BBSB i t i s i m p l i c i t i n the armature which i s projected through the imagery. The hero t r a v e l s West on the back of the salmon who i s simultaneously the canoe (Seelen-s c h i f f ) f o r the hero and the salmon ghost ready to be renewed. They come to a hole watched by an eagle, one of the "mouth of death" images so frequent i n Kwakiutl mythology. Immediately on passing through t h i s hole the hero sees that "salmon are men" while simultaneously he becomes i n v i s i b l e . The salmon v i l l a g e , c h a r a c t e r i s e d by a r i v e r , swarming c h i l -dren, b i r d s and flowers i s the Kwakiutl mythological image of the land of 19 the dead. I t i s the u n i v e r s a l mythical image of the place of t r a n s f o r -20 mation, where death and generation are one. I t i s i n t h i s place, at t h i s r i v e r , that we must v i s u a l i s e SB k i l l i n g a c h i l d , e a t i n g i t and throwing i t s bones i n t o the water to r e v i v e i t . His act i s the concrete expression of the place as l i f e - i n - d e a t h . At the same time h i s act i s a type act: men w i l l perform i t i n the human world, and, because Salmon Boy, who t r a v e l l e d i n t o death and came back a l i v e performed i t at the "centre of the world" i t can be e f f i c a c i o u s l y repeated i n the human world. In the myth the j u s t i c e of the system i s reversed: SB d i e s f i r s t and then eats and l i v e s . In the r e a l world men eat and l i v e f i r s t and then d i e . 232."' I t i s c l e a r how the scheme of the armature can be used f o r two d i s -t i n c t kinds of myth, according to whether the s t r e s s i s on the man's journey to the other world to gain renewal f o r men (land+sea) or the salmon's journey to the earth to gain renewal f o r themselves (sea+land). The former makes a tr e a s u r e - g a i n i n g s t o r y with the coming of the salmon as the tr e a s u r e . The l a t t e r i s u s u a l l y longer because i t undertakes t o s p e l l out the system of j u s t i c e not only metaphorically but i n the events that take place a f t e r the coming of the salmon on earth, that i s i n terms of the s t r u c t u r e of a c t i o n - u n i t s . From the point of view of the arma-ture these a d d i t i o n s are only redundancies. But i t i s only through these redundancies that we can comprehend the message of the hunting myth. At the end of the next subsection we s h a l l turn to NSB which s t r e s s e s i n almost equal parts the journey f o r the sake of human renewal, and the journey of the salmon and the p r i c e men pay f o r t h e i r coming. The r e s u l t of t h i s semantic overloading i s a myth that i s simultaneously a complete treasure g a i n i n g myth and an almost complete hunting myth. They cannot be both complete because the two messages c o n t r a d i c t one another. 2(b) The Message Both armature and message are found i n the n a r r a t i v e s t r u c t u r e of the myth. The armature provides us with a cosmic-geographical map of where the events take p l a c e , and with a scheme of departures and a r r i v a l s . (This scheme, as we s h a l l see i n 3(b) i s als o the ab s t r a c t s t r u c t u r e of n a r r a t i v e events used by the myth maker). The message i s conveyed through the a c t i o n u n i t s , more p r e c i s e l y through the tension which t h e i r s t r u c t u r a l r e l a t i o n s to one another creat e . N a t u r a l l y the message of a myth cannot be paraphrased. I t s most economic statement i s the myth i t s e l f . To make the d i s t i n c t i o n between the armature and message-structure q u i t e 233. c l e a r I s h a l l repeat them f o r BBSB here i n schematic form. (1) The armature of the myth i s provided by a t h r e e f o l d c o n t r a s t : men/salmon, land/sea, l i f e / d e a t h This c o n t r a s t i s organised i n t o a three-term system: men (land, l i f e ) on t h e i r own salmon (sea, death) on t h e i r own a l t e r n a t i o n : t r a v e l : East-<-»-West, upstrearm-Hdownstream = l i f e/dsath-«-»-death/lif e The system comprises two simple terms and a complex one that unites the two i n t o a harmonious whole. The myth v i s u a l i s e s the harmonious whole i n the f o l l o w i n g way: Men = land d w e l l e r s : t r a v e l downstream to death Are regenerated at a "place of wealth" and return upstream to l i f e (In the story the journey to death i s metaphoric. The place of wealth i s the land of the salmon. The treasure gained there i s the coming of the salmon. Man's p h y s i c a l l i f e on earth i s secured i f the salmon corneas food) . Salmon = sea d w e l l e r s : t r a v e l upstream to death Are regenerated when men put t h e i r remains i n t o water Return downstream to l i f e (In the story the salmon teach men through the hero how to K i l l , eat and regenerate them. They t r a v e l to the earth v o l u n t a r i l y to be k i l l e d and eaten. Their renewal i s secured i f men honour t h e i r remains). 234. (2) The scheme embraces treasure .gaining myths and hunting myths. The n a r r a t i v e sequence pr e s c r i b e s that the v i s i t of a man to salmon country must come f i r s t . I f the s t r e s s f a l l s on the man's v i s i t to the salmon and the salmon's v i s i t to men i s neglected we get the message of a treasure gaining myth. The treasure i s the coming of the salmon but i n the BBSB t h i s aspect remains i m p l i c i t as part of the incomplete message s t r u c t u r e of the hunting myth. The c o n d i t i o n s of gaining the treasure are two: (1) marriage to Salmon Woman (2) l e a r n i n g how to k i l l , eat and regenerate the salmon. In BBSB both c o n d i t i o n s are present but only (1) i s l o g i c a l l y connected wit lit the other episodes of the story w h i l e (2) remains i s o l a t e d . This i s the reason why the message s t r u c t u r e of BBSB i s that of the t r e a s u r e - g a i n i n g s t o r y , and why the s t o r y i s almost e n t i r e l y hero-concentrated. Marriage to a Salmon Woman may br i n g luck to one man; l e a r n i n g how to t r e a t the salmon belongs to mankind. TABLE I V Message s t r u c t u r e of BBSB: | " "" Separation of (poor) hero from (poor) s o c i e t y r " Journey to Salmon world r* Marriage to Salmon Woman Being taught how to t r e a t the salmon L Gaining of treasure ( i n e x h a u s t i b l e boxes as "dowry") L — Return of ( r i c h ) hero to human world <——— I n t e g r a t i o n i n t o (now r i c h ) s o c i e t y through d i s t r i b u t i o n The scheme shows the "framing" device myth makers use to convey a message. The episodes are arranged i n balancing p a i r s whose members do not simply stand i n a p p o s i t i o n but are arranged l o g i c a l l y i n r e l a t i o n to 235. one another as questions are to answers. The p a i r s or "frames" are f i t -ted i n t o one another l i k e Chinese boxes. Seen c h r o n o l o g i c a l l y a s e r i e s of questions, each l o g i c a l l y and s e q u e n t i a l l y connected with the former, res o l v e s i t s e l f i n t o a s e r i e s of answers i n such a way that the l a s t answer answers the f i r s t question. The most widely separated p a i r s form the true frame of the s t o r y . The pattern i s known to c l a s s i c a l s c h o l a r -ship as annular pattern (or onion pattern) and was f i r s t noticed i n the 21 Homeric e p i c s . Meanwhile i t has been recognised as a u n i v e r s a l device 22 of o r a l composition. By completing the frames one by one the o r a l composer i s f i r m l y kept on the path of his s t o r y . The onion patte r n u s u a l l y has a centre and the centre i s u s u a l l y not a binary u n i t of balancing episodes but a t r i n a r y u n i t i n which two minor episodes f l a n k a major one which forms the climax of the s t o r y . The scheme above shows two t h i n g s : that the episode i n which SB learns to k i l l and eat the salmon has t h i s c e n t r a l p o s i t i o n , and that i t i s q u i t e unconnected with the other a c t i o n u n i t s of the s t o r y . I t i s abruptly introduced a f t e r the marriage episode. Only i f one knows the p l o t of the SB myth and understands that the treasure l i e s i n the knowledge of how to t r e a t the salmon does the s i g n i f i c a n c e of i t s c e n t r a l p o s i t i o n become c l e a r . Simultaneously one r e a l i s e s i n what l i e s the incompleteness of BBSB as a SB myth. The knowledge of how to t r e a t the salmon the hero gains i n salmon country i s useless unless i t i s handed on to men i n the human world. The e t i o l o g y of the myth--the treasure as the coming of the salmon--must be c u l t u r a l l y understood as the beginning of l a w f u l and s a n c t i f i e d salmon f i s h i n g . The SB myth cannot, t h e r e f o r e , be hero-concentrated as can a t r e a s u r e - g a i n i n g myth. SB i s mankind's (or the group's) l i n k with the salmon; through him, or through the knowledge he brings back, salmon f i s h i n g becomes, c u l t u r a l l y speaking, p o s s i b l e . At 236. the centre of the salmon myth stands the covenant the salmon make with men which provides t h a t the salmon are s a c r i f i c a l l y k i l l e d and eaten by men while men through the r i t u a l treatment of t h e i r bones allow them to regenerate themselves. SB i s the mediator of t h i s c o n t r a c t . His mediation n e c e s s a r i l y i n v o l v e s the b r i n g i n g back of a message from the salmon which must form the answer to the k i l l i n g and eating episode. The c o n t r a c t u a l aspect provides us, i n the narrowest sense, w i t h the p a t t e r n of question and answer. A contract depends on the mutual responsiveness of two p a r t i e s . This pattern should be present i n the complete SB myth. In a wider sense the question r a i s e d by the k i l l i n g and e a t i n g i n salmon country a f f e c t s not only conduct but an e t h i c a l standard of balancing j u s t i c e or r e t r i b u t i o n . This i s a more problematic aspect and w i l l only emerge as an unquestionable part of the hunting myth i n a d i s c u s s i o n of the BM group. Examined c l o s e l y , the episode i n BBSB i n which SB learns how to t r e a t the salmon f a l l s i n t o two p a r t s : (1) p r e l i m i n a r y i n s t r u c t i o n s , [ 2 ] the a c t u a l act of p u t t i n g i n t o p r a c t i c e what he has been taught. This d i v i s i o n of the main episode i n t o v e r b a l i n s t r u c t i o n and act or event i s a s t a b l e f e a t u r e of the SB myths. The redundancy i s s t r i k i n g : the n a r r a t o r uses the same words f o r the teaching and f o r the d e s c r i p t i o n of the a c t . Nevertheless i t i s not simply the same information repeated to c l a r i f y i t and underline i t s importance. Teaching and a c t , though couched i n the same words, c a r r y d i f f e r e n t semantic loads i n the s t o r y . This becomes c l e a r i n the f u l l e r v e r s i o n s . We t h e r e f o r e have to do not wit h i n c i d e n t s of one episode but with two d i f f e r e n t , though c l o s e l y r e l a t e d episodes. In the teaching episode the myth maker t r e a t s the c o n t r a c t u a l aspect of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between salmon and men; the k i l l i n g and e a t i n g episode i s a type-act. Set i n the salmon world 237. c l e a r l y both look f o r t h e i r "answer" i n the human world. The episode i n which the hero i s taught demands a counter-episode i n which he teaches h i s people; the d e s c r i p t i o n of the type-act i n the salmon world asks f o r a d e s c r i p t i o n of i t s a n t i - t y p e i n the human world. Compared from t h i s point of view both NSB and BBSB show d e f i c i e n c i e s of s t r u c t u r e , but NSB i s by f a r the more complete v e r s i o n . In NSB the episode of the k i l l i n g , eating and regeneration of the salmon i s very c a s u a l l y t r e a t e d and the hero i s not i n s t r u c t e d at a l l . However, the st o r y i s l e s s herd-concentrated than BBSB and the account of the salmon's re t u r n with the hero to the human world i s unusually f u l l . A l o t of teaching takes place i n the course of the r e t u r n sequence. The salmon teach the hero, the hero teaches his people, f i r s t his parents alone, l a t e r , when he i s retransformed i n t o a man, h i s group. The teaching f a l l s i n t o two parts which we might c a l l p r a c t i c a l salmon l o r e and r i t u a l t eaching. The salmon people teach the hero f i r s t "what the salmon l i k e " — f o r instance about the use of sharp points i n spearing them. The Salmon Chief then i n s t r u c t s the hero i n how to t r e a t the salmon r i t u a l l y and to hand on t h i s knowledge to h i s f a t h e r . The f a t h e r i s to re-enact the primal k i l l i n g and e a t i n g scene but t h i s time w i t h the hero (as a salmon) as v i c t i m . Subsequently the hero teaches h i s f a t h e r and then, when he has been retransformed i n t o a man he teaches h i s people p r a c t i c a l salmon l o r e , i n c l u d i n g the f a c t that the salmon are men and that the women 23 c u t t i n g them must behave as i f they were "husbands". This amount of teaching, which packs the l a t t e r part of NSB can be reduced to a simple formal scheme. I give comparative o u t l i n e s of the s t r u c t u r e s of BBSB and NSB, with the missing episodes i n square brackets, to show the r e l a t i o n of i n s t r u c t i o n to act i n the SB s t o r y . 238. TABLE V BBSB — Journey t o salmon world as a man — I n s t r u c t i o n : to hero: how to t r e a t the salmon Act: death and regeneration of the salmon _ '[ i n s t r u c t i o n : to people: how to t r e a t the salmonj — Return to human world as man NSB Journey to salmon world as a man p—-• ^ I n s t r u c t i o n : to hero^ : how to t r e a t the salmon^ * Act: death and regeneration of the salmon — I n s t r u c t i o n : f o r the people: how to t r e a t the salmon P r e l i m i n a r y return to human world as a salmon/man • I n s t r u c t i o n : Into hero^: how to t r e a t the salmon ^ Act: death as salmon and regeneration as man I n s t r u c t i o n : to people: how to t r e a t the salmon — — Return to human world as a man The frame of NSB i s s t i l l that of a tr e a s u r e - g a i n i n g myth. I t begins with the (poor] hero l e a v i n g the human world and ends with the ( r i c h ) hero coming back to the human world and being i n t e g r a t e d i n t o h i s s o c i e t y on the ba s i s of the treasure he b r i n g s . The treasure i s here d e f i n i t e l y the coming of the salmon (the s t o r y s t r e s s e s the e t i o l o g i c a l element) a l i g n e d with the teaching of salmon l o r e . The c o n t r a c t u a l message i s complete here ( u n l i k e i n BBSB): the hero hands on the knowledge gathered from the salmon. This i s done p a r t l y i n ver b a l from and p a r t l y through a r e p e t i t i o n of the type-act. The most i n t e r e s t i n g t h i n g about the o r g a n i s a t i o n of a c t i o n - u n i t s i n NSB i s the r e p e t i t i o n of the type-act. The o v e r a l l s t o r y has one frame, the departure-return frame o f the t r e a s u r e - g a i n i n g t a l e . But t h i s frame i s , 239. one might say a r t i f i c i a l l y d i v i d e d i n t o two inner frames by a p r e l i m i n a r y r e t u r n of the hero. During t h i s i n t e r i m period the hero goes through s e v e r a l metamorphoses, appearing sometimes as human at others as a salmon. This v a c i l l a t i o n between two forms allows f o r a s i g n i f i c a n t r e p e t i t i o n of the type-act i n the human world. In human form the hero can teach h i s people how to t r e a t salmon (he teaches them f i r s t through an i n d i v i d u a l , h i s f a t h e r , herog i n the scheme), i n animal form he can then become the object of t h e i r r i t u a l treatment and regain l a s t i n g human status through regeneration. The r e p e t i t i o n of the type-act i s s i g n i f i c a n t f o r two reasons. (1) While the p r o t o - t y p i c a l act i n salmon country was performed by the hero alone, the type-act i n the human world i s shared by the community. The f a t h e r K i l l s the salmon ( h i s son) and the mother cuts him, but a l l t h e i r f r i e n d s are i n v i t e d to eat him. This communal meal c l e a r l y i n s t i t u t e s the f i r s t salmon r i t u a l . (2) The r e p e t i t i o n contains a s i g n i f i c a n t r e v e r s a l : the hunter of the main episode i n the f i r s t frame becomes the game of the main episode i n the second. This r e v e r s a l f o r e -shadows the preoccupation of the f u l l hunting myth with r e t r i b u t i v e j u s t i c e . Formally t h i s problem can only be worKed out i n a complex, two-move t a l e . NSB, with the device of a d i v i s i o n through the hero's c u r i o u s l y indeterminate h a l f - r e t u r n , has moved towards the complex hunting t a l e , and can convey a hunting t a l e message. A b r i e f comparison with the i n i t i a t i o n t a l e seems necessary at t h i s p o i n t . In both Kinds of story there i s a c a n n i b a l i s t i c meal i n the other world, a "surrounding" to b r i n g the hero back to t h i s world, and a second c a n n i b a l i s t i c meal i n the human world. The d i f f e r e n c e s are p r e c i s e i n s p i t e of the overlap on the metaphoric l e v e l . In the i n i t i a t i o n myth the hero who has journeyed i n t o the other world i s eaten by the s p i r i t and turned i n t o a s p i r i t . When he returns and i s "surrounded", he "eats" 240. the community. In the course of that act he i s made human again, while the community i s enhanced. In the SB myth on the other hand the hero who has journeyed ..into the other world eats the salmon and regenerates the salmon again from i t s bones. He returns to the human world as a salmon and i s "surrounded" ( l i t e r a l l y , i n the salmon weir) and eaten by the community. Through t h i s act he i s regenerated as a human being and the community has gained food, that i s healt h and wealth through the salmon r i t u a l . The s a c r i f i c i a l element i n these s t o r i e s i s obvious. However, the f i r s t ( i n i t i a t i o n ) i s about the regeneration of man, the second (hunting) about the regeneration of salmon. In the f i r s t a man s a c r i f i c e s himself v o l u n t a r i l y to gain life-enhancement f o r h i s group. In the second the salmon i s s a c r i f i c e d to gain food, that i s p h y s i c a l l i f e - c o n t i n u i t y f o r the group. Only the second i n v o l v e s men i n g u i l t and r e t r i b u t i o n . The closeness of the two, both on the formal and the metaphoric l e v e l , i s due to the f a c t that the i n i t i a t i o n myth i s a r e t h i n k i n g of the problem of the hunting myth and a r e s o l u t i o n of the g u i l t - r e t r i b u t i o n complex on another plane. This can be most c l e a r l y demonstrated with the help of the r i t u a l s to which the two kinds of myth are r e s p e c t i v e l y attached, the f i r s t salmon and the i n i t i a t i o n r i t u a l . We s h a l l turn to the r i t u a l s i n the next chapter. The l o g i c a l connection, which makes the hunting myth a form of the i n i t i a t i o n myth, i s not n e c e s s a r i l y a l s o a c h r o n o l o g i c a l -h i s t o r i c a l one. The two r i t u a l s have e x i s t e d p r e h i s t o r i c a l l y side by side and so have presumably the two kinds of myth. I t i s however tempt-in g to regard the great emphasis on i n i t i a t i o n i n h i s t o r i c a l times as a deepening of the "human s i d e " under the s t r e s s of a c c u l t u r a t i o n c o n d i t i o n s . The t r e a s u r e - g a i n i n g myth as I s a i d i s a weak form of the i n i t i a t i o n myth. NSB then attempts to pack twoccontradictory messages i n t o one myth: 241. (a) that i n k i l l i n g and eating animals the hero (here an Everyman f i g u r e ) i n v o l v e s himself i n g u i l t and has to face r e t r i b u t i o n , (b) that the hero (here an i n d i v i d u a l ] returns from the other world to enhance himself and hi s community. The myth maker of NSB manages t h i s d i f f i c u l t task remarkably w e l l , mainly by an ambiguous use of the regeneration theme: the hero i s k i l l e d as a salmon but regenerated i n t o a man (not a salmon-who-is-also-a-man, but an ordinary f l e s h and blood m o r t a l ) . In t h i s way he b l u n t s , however, the form of the r e t r i b u t i o n theme. The theme i s taken up more v i g o r o u s l y i n TSSB (Boas 1916: 192) and 24 HSB (Swanton 1905: 7 ) . These two ver s i o n s and many other SB myths develop the t r a g i c aspect of the SB f i g u r e . SB i s Everyman i n one sense but more immediately i n the n a r r a t i v e he i s that member whom the community s a c r i f i c e s f o r the sake of the we l l - b e i n g of a l l . The hero who t r a v e l s to salmon country s u f f e r s a sort of s o u l - l o s s . He returns but can never be f u l l y human again. The salmon have h i s s o u l , though he may not know i t . In the end t h i s f o r c e s him to re t u r n to them; but true to h i s ambiguous nature as salmon and man he remains connected with h i s human home by watching over the salmon run. This p l o t i s developed i n a story w i t h a c l e a r l y defined complex s t r u c t u r e of two moves. The d i v i s i o n between move 1 and move 2 i s made by the hero's return to the human world. The two moves are connected through the r e v e r s a l of the hero's f a t e described i n the two main episodes. In move 1, which i s set i n the salmon world, SB k i l l s a salmon. In move 2, set i n the human world, SB i s k i l l e d as a salmon. The s e t t i n g of the two episodes i s s i g n i f i c a n t . The salmon k i l l e d by SB can regenerate himself on the spot because he i s k i l l e d i n the place of regeneration. SB, k i l l e d as a salmon i n the human world, where m o r t a l i t y r e i g n s , has to t r a v e l back to salmon country f o r h i s regeneration and can be regenerated there only as 242. a metaphoric man, that i s a s a l m o n - s p i r i t . The human c y c l e of r e i n c a r n a -t i o n i s l o s t to him, but instead a more- powerful s t a t e of i m m o r t a l i t y i s hi s f a t e . As a man transformed i n t o the s a l m o n - s p i r i t he looks a f t e r men and salmon. He takes over the o f f i c e of what i s known as a "master of animals"; i n t h i s case he c o n t r o l s the salmon run and makes sure that both salmon and men f u l f i l t h e i r mutual o b l i g a t i o n s . TSSB, the longest and most complex of the hunting myths we are con-s i d e r i n g , b r i n g s out the r e v e r s a l of the two main episodes most c l e a r l y . I t reverses the i n c i d e n t s of the main episode of move 1 on two d i f f e r e n t i s o t o p i e s i n two separate moves, 2 and 3. Murder and cannibalism are v i v i d l y i f half-humourously presented i n the f i r s t main episode. In t h i s v e r s i o n SB does not have to r e j e c t the food o f f e r e d him by the salmon. He t h e r e f o r e k i H s " c h i l d r e n " g r a t u i t o u s l y , not driven by hunger. "He took a club and when he saw a good-looking boy he took hold of him and clubbed him. The boy was at once transformed i n t o a nice l i t t l e s p r i n g salmon. He took i t and went up a l i t t l e f a r t h e r along the sand-hill[where the c h i l d r e n were p l a y i n g , s l i d i n g down]. Then he s t a r t e d a f i r e and roasted the whole small s p r i n g salmon; and when i t was done he ate i t a l l . " (pp.194--5). On another occasion he chooses "a b e a u t i f u l f a t youth". In move 2 the problem r a i s e d i n move 1 i s taken up i n terms of eat-ing (cannibalism] i n move 3 i n terms of k i l l i n g (hunting). In move 2 SB t r a v e l s i n the salmon run i n the stomach of the Salmon Chief. In other words the eater has become food, and food to be eaten by h i s own kind. (No a c t u a l eating i s described) . The transformation from k i l l e r to k i l l e d i n move 3 i s more complicated. SB, now a normal youth again, takes up his o l d occupation of eagle hunting. His companions do not know what he uses f o r b a i t on these occasions, but the s t o r y t e l l s us: "The p r i n c e himself l a y down at the opening of the trap and became l i k e a small spring salmon, very p r e t t y to look at and s h i n i n g b r i g h t l y " . The p a r a l l e l w i t h the "nice l i t t l e s p r i n g salmon" he has eaten i n salmon country can hardly be missed. A b a i t , however, i s a kind of deceptive hunter, a hunter masquerading as prey. SB, who has been a hunter and k i l l e r i n salmon country, s t i l l t h i n k s of himself as a hunter. However, by using h i s salmon form he has i n a d v e r t e n t l y become game. A hawk swoops down and takes the p r e t t y l i t t l e s p r i n g salmon by the t h r o a t , f l y i n g away with i t . The companions f i n d the p r i n c e dead, h i s mouth f u l l of blood. We s h a l l meet the hunt i n the deceptive mode again i n the BM s t o r i e s and i n the same s t r u c t u r a l p o s i t i o n . Only then the hunter of the f i r s t main episode does not become the game of the second main episode i n the form of h i s former prey (the salmon), but the game of the f i r s t main episode (the bear) becomes the hunter of those t h a t t h i n k they w i l l hunt him i n the second main episode. The reversed hunting episode i s followed by the hero's r e t u r n to the salmon world. I s h a l l use the d e s c r i p t i o n of t h a t event as given i n TSSB and add t h a t i n HSB f o r comparison. The content v a r i e s but the p r i n c i p l e of the message s t r u c t u r e remains the same. The hero who has had an ambivalent nature through most of the story leaves the human s t a t e a l t o g e t h e r i n order to take over the d u t i e s t o which he i s appointed i n the supernatural world. The Tsimshian p r i n c e has been buried i n a grave box placed on high s t i l t s . His best f r i e n d i s mourning and watching under the b u r i a l p latform. "Before d a y l i g h t he [the f r i e n d ] thought he heard the sound of people coming up the r i v e r i n canoes ... Soon the canoes reached the beach i n f r o n t of the place where they were. The people went up to where the c o f f i n was ... one of them climbed up to the c o f f i n . He loosened the rope round the c o f f i n and opened i t . Then he s a i d : 'Dear P r i n c e , your 244. f a t h e r the Chief sent us to take you down to him'. Then the p r i n c e arose and went down laughing f o r j o y and h i s beloved f r i e n d stood there speech-l e s s . " The f r i e n d recovers himself, however, and accompanies the p r i n c e unnoticed to salmon country. Here he i s taught by the p r i n c e how to club a c h i l d f o r his food. When he gets homesick and asks the prince t o . go back with him the prince answers: "I w i l l go back with you and as soon as I a r r i v e at home I s h a l l d i e and then I s h a l l stay w i t h my grandfather and his people." (p.203]. The p r i n c e has taken over the r o l e of the Salmon Chief. The Salmon Chief took the prince back i n h i s own stomach when he became homesick on his f i r s t v i s i t , and died when the prince's mother cut her son out of him. Note a l s o that the p r i n c e has become the source of knowledge about how to t r e a t the salmon, i d e n t i f i e d with h i s " f a t h e r " the Salmon Ch i e f , while the f r i e n d i s now the t r a n s m i t t e r of that knowledge to the human world. HSB i s e x p l i c i t about the s o u l - l o s s experienced by the SB. The hero has become a shaman a f t e r h i s r e t u r n from salmon country and l i v e s an ordinary l i f e w i t h h i s people. But apparently h i s " s o u l " has remained a salmon. There i s again a hunt i n the deceptive mode though t h i s time the hero, because of h i s d i v i d e d s t a t e of being, of which he i s unconscious, manages to hunt and k i l l h i mself. "They [the s o c i a l group] moved away and the next year they came to the same place to get salmon. When the salmon came again and ran up a s h i n i n g one was on top. Then he the SB t o l d them hot to spear i t , but i t was the very one they t r i e d to spear. By and by he made a spear f o r himself and speared i t . When he had p u l l e d i t ashore and the salmon died he too, d i e d . He d i d not know that i t was his own s o u l . " (Swanton. 1905: 13). The Haida SB does not r e t u r n to the. salmon world of the story a f t e r h i s cB.at.h but becomes what one might c a l l a metaphoric salmon and the s p i r i t of the salmon run. The essence 245. of the salmon f o r men i s not that he i s a deep-sea creature but that he "runs", l i v i n g i n both s a l t and f r e s h water, mediating sea and land. The shaman, who can "drum" himself i n t o another dimension, i s a double crea-t u r e of the same s o r t . The supernatural o f f i c e the SB takes up a f t e r h i s death i s described i n those terms. " A f t e r f o u r nights were passed they put him i n t o a pool where s a l t and f r e s h waters mingled, where he had d i r e c t e d that he should be placed ... They a l s o put h i s drum there. A f t e r t h i s had turned around to the r i g h t f o r a while i t vanished i n t o a deep hole i n the bottom. And now when there i s going t o be p l e n t y of salmon, they hear his drum sound i n the deep plac e . " We are now i n a p o s i t i o n to s i n g l e out the main episodes of a complete v e r s i o n of the SB myth and to i n t e r p r e t the message i n i t s o u t l i n e . In the next s e c t i o n I s h a l l d i s c u s s the BM myths to show (1) how a d i f f e r e n t s t o r y - - d i f f e r e n t on the lexemic l e v e l - - c a n have the same s t r u c t u r e of components, (2) how message i s r e l a t e d t o lexemic content and s t r u c t u r a l content. Preoccupation with k i l l i n g , e a t i n g , the animal's s e l f - s a c r i c i c e and the problem of j u s t i c e i s common to a l l hunting myths. But while SB myths concentrate on k i l l i n g and e a t i n g , BM myths s t r e s s s e l f - s a c r i f i c e and r e t r i b u t i v e j u s t i c e . This i s due to the s h i f t on the lexemic l e v e l - - b e a r replaces salmon. The isomorphism on the l e v e l of componental s t r u c t u r e ( s t r u c t u r e of a c t i o n u n i t s ) i s , however s t r i k i n g . I append a comparative sketch of the two s t r u c t u r e s which i l l u s t r a t e s both p o i n t s . 246. TABLE VI Salmon Boy Journey to salmon world as a human I n s t r u c t i o n : to SB: how to t r e a t the salmon Act: death of salmon: k i l l e d by SB as hunter I n s t r u c t i o n : to f i s h i n g people: how to t r e a t the salmon Return to human world part man part salmon Act: death of hunter: SB k i l l e d as salmon Return to salmon country as salmon s p i r i t Bear Mother Journey to bear world as a human I n s t r u c t i o n : to BPl: how to t r e a t the bear Act: death of bear: k i l l e d by hunters, brothers of BM I n s t r u c t i o n : to hunters: how to t r e a t the bear Return to human world part woman part bear Act: death of hunters: k i l l e d by bear who used to be t h e i r s i s t e r Return to bear world as bear s p i r i t 247. 3 S e l f - s a c r i f i c e and J u s t i c e : the Bear Mother S t o r i e s The d i s t r i b u t i o n of Bear Mother has not been mapped as has that of Salmon Boy. L i k e Salmon Boy the st o r y i s c l o s e l y r e l a t e d to hunting r i t u a l . From H a l l o w e l l ' s study of "Bear Ceremonialism i n the Northern Hemisphere" one would guess that the Bear Mother s t o r y has a wider d i s t r i -25 bution than Salmon Boy, and that i t i s the prototype of Salmon Boy. I base t h i s assumption on the very c l o s e p a r a l l e l between bear r i t e s and Salmon r i t e s . In our region the Bear Mother story i s associated with the coast where i t i s densely d i s t r i b u t e d p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the North. For my examination I s h a l l , however, use McClellan's 1970 c o l l e c t i o n from the Southern Yukon. My choice i s d i c t a t e d by two reasons, CD the versions were a l l c o l l e c t e d i n a comparatively small area, and though the eleven versions vary i n d i v i d u a l l y i t i s c l e a r that a l l the n a r r a t o r s were t e l l i n g the same s t o r y ; (2) a coherent c o l l e c t i o n l i k e McClellan's demonstrates the r e l a t i o n of short v e r s i o n to long v e r s i o n Cor s i n g l e myth to c y c l e ] more c l e a r l y than a c o l l e c t i o n that i s dispersed over space and time. Though the s t o r i e s were c o l l e c t e d i n the I n t e r i o r T l i n g i t area, t h e i r centre seems to be among the c o a s t a l T l i n g i t . Many of the n a r r a t o r s preface t h e i r v e r s i o n with " I f s s a i d to have happened down bh the coast". M c C l e l l a n c a l l s the st o r y "The G i r l Who Married the Bear", a t i t l e given by her, not by her n a r r a t o r s . I p r e f e r t o f o l l o w Barbeau i n c a l l i n g i t "Bear Mother" because that t i t l e l i n k s i t to the widely spread b e l i e f s about an animal mother or game mother Cmeat mother) which are of great importance among hunting peoples. Moreover i t p o i n t s up the connection with the.Salmon Boy st o r y . Both heroes--the boy who married the salmon and the g i r l who married the bear--are at the end of the myth a s s i m i l a t e d to the "Master of Animals" or "Mother of Animals", that i s to the f i g u r e which can give or 248. 26 withhold game. The d i f f e r e n c e between the f i g u r e s i n the two kinds of story i s one of the important points i n the comparison. The male f i g u r e as Salmon Chief shows predominantly benevolent f e a t u r e s . This i s no doubt connected with the f a c t that salmon are the food par e x c e l l e n c e , that the runs, though they vary i n strength, can be r e l i e d upon, and that the f i s h are passive i n r e l a t i o n to men. As Bear Mother the female f i g u r e shows more threate n i n g f e a t u r e s commensurate with the power of the bear who k i l l s people, i s a r i v a l i n f i s h i n g arid gathering, and only marginally food. The Northwest coast and Plateau peoples do not have a w e l l - d e f i n e d p e r s o n a l i s e d Mother Earth f i g u r e as have many of the peoples of the P l a i n s and Eastern Woodlands. Yet the concept i s present and the bear i s known as husband of the e a r t h , or Bear Mother from whose womb the animals and 27 a l l l i v i n g beings s p r i n g . This c l o s e a s s o c i a t i o n of the bear with the earth must be r e a l i s e d as a background to the Bear Mother s t o r i e s . In the bear some of the innate c o n d i t i o n of s t r i f e and h o s t i l i t y that e x i s t s between t e c h n o l o g i c a l man and the earth as mother of a l l l i v i n g beings i s a r t i c u l a t e d . Technological man i s under a r c h a i c c o n d i t i o n s always man the hunter and trapper. The bear, more than any other animal of the hunting myths, l i g h t s up the r e l a t i o n between men and animals. Like the SB myths the BM s t o r i e s have a s o c i a l f a c e t that makes them s t o r i e s about interhuman problems, as w e l l as a "hunting" one that makes them s t o r i e s about the r e l a t i o n between men and animals. I consider the l a t t e r to be the primary one and s h a l l concentrate on i t i n my a n a l y s i s . The former has been e x c e l l e n t l y analysed by M c C l e l l a n i n the part of her i n t r o d u c t i o n c a l l e d "The C u l t u r a l Context of the Story" C1970: 6--16). To Mc C l e l l a n the s o c i a l f a c e t i s the important one. However j u s t i f i e d her i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i s , comparison with the SB myth.shows that i t i s the r e l a t i o n between men and animals that i s the focus. A n a l y s i s on the lexemic l e v e l 249. w i l l show the importance of the s o c i a l f a c e t while a n a l y s i s on the semantic l e v e l , which means an a n a l y s i s of the s t r u c t u r e shows that the s t o r y embodies and p r o j e c t s the problems of hunting. The one i s the c u l t u r a l "language" i n which the story i s cas t , the other the much more widely a u t h o r i t a t i v e message. However, i n p r a c t i c e the two make the woof and the warp of the s t o r y . For reasons of space I s h a l l t e l l the BM stor.y here as a compositum of the 11 versions i n the M c C l e l l a n c o l l e c t i o n . This compositum i s (with one m o d i f i c a t i o n ) the f u l l v e r s i o n or c y c l e which, under the c o n d i t i o n s McClellan d e s c r i b e s , no one had the time to t e l l . I introduce the s t o r y by quoting part of McClellan's Summary (p.IX): One of the most popular s t o r i e s of the Southern Yukon Indians ... i s about a g i r l who was taken away by a bear a f t e r she had i n s u l t e d i t . He f i r s t appears i n human form and she marries him and has c h i l d r e n by him. Later her brothers k i l l the bear, who i s t h e i r brother-in-law, and the g i r l , r e t u rns home. However, when her brothers urge her to don a bearskin against her wishes, she turns i n t o a bear f o r e v e r and k i l l s her brothers. The two c h i e f themes that the story develops are c o n f l i c t between the consanguine and a f f i n a l l o y a l t i e s and the uneasy balance of harmony between animals and humans. The Yukon Indians a l s o l i n k the t a l e to t h e i r r i t u a l observances f o r the corpses of bears, since the bear taught h i s wife what should be done and she i n s t r u c t e d her brothers. Compositum. of "The G i r l Who Married the Bear" (McClellan 1970) In the old days people were c a r e f u l about bear droppings. Everyone walked around them. I f you stepped on them or jumped over them you might arouse the anger of the bear. When the people had f i n i s h e d drying salmon they went up to the mountains to berry. A g i r l : i s out ber r y i n g with a group of women. She i s saucy: "the one who never speaks the r i g h t way". She s l i p s on some bear droppings and c a l l s the bear names. On the way back the g i r l ' s packing strap breaks and she s p i l l s her b e r r i e s . The others f i n a l l y leave her to p i c k them up by h e r s e l f . A nice young man suddenly appears and o f f e r s to help. (In one v e r s i o n he looks l i k e her husband). He takes her away, and she marries him. That night they walk f o r a long time. Every time they walk over a w i n d f a l l the g i r l f e e l s some sub t l e change. What she t h i n k s are 250. w i n d f a l l s are r e a l l y mountains they are c r o s s i n g . A l l Summer long the g i r l and her husband hunt gophers, f i s h f o r salmon and pick b e r r i e s . The g i r l wonders where the stores are kept. The food disappears, but when they s t r i k e camp at night her husband always has some to cook. He i s c a r r y i n g i t i n a secret cache under h i s arm. •ne night the g i r l wakes up i n her husband's arms. He i s asleep. Looking down she suddenly sees that the hand on her breast has g r i z z l y bear claws. Then she knows she has married a bear. She shuts her eyes and goes to sleep again. There i s nothing she can do. In the morning her husband appears again as a man. I t i s growing c o l d and the bear i s l o o k i n g f o r winter quarters. He goes to the sheer slopes of the mountains. The g i r l has four brothers who are hunters. She knows where they hunt mountain goat and bear, and she chooses a place i n the brothers' hunting grounds. When her husband asks her to break o f f spruce branches to l i n e t h e i r den she breaks them high up to mark the place f o r her brothers. The bear and his w i f e go to sleep. Towards Spring the g i r l knows she i s pregnant. The c h i l d s t i r s i n her womb e a r l i e r than a human c h i l d would. The g i r l h e r s e l f i s beginning to grow f u r . She bears two cubs who are h a l f bear-half human. When the snow begins to melt the bear begins to sleep u n e a s i l y . He asks h i s w i f e to look outside and report on the weather f o r him. She goes out and makes a snowball which she rubs on her body to make i t smell of her. (In other versions she embraces the bear as i f she were l o v i n g him, and then makes the snowball). She r o l l s i t down t h e h h i l l f o r her brothers' dogs to f i n d . D i v i s i o n of p l o t . P l o t A i s the main s t o r y l i n e P l o t B i s found i n f o u r v e r s i o n s . P l o t A: The bear dreams that h i s wife's brothers are l o o k i n g f o r him and w i l l k i l l him. He decides to f i g h t . He puts on h i s "swords" (his c a nines), and t e l l s his wife he w i l l play with her brothers. She pleads w i t h him, asking him to spare them and l e t them k i l l him. She reminds him that they are h i s brothers-in-law, and that i f he k i l l s them he w i l l be harming h i s c h i l d r e n , whose guardians they are. He decides to die without f i g h t i n g . His knowledge of his approaching death grows. He teaches his wife how to t r e a t h i s remains r i t u a l l y , and asks her to teach her brothers. He t e l l s her that bears are always to be t r e a t e d with reverence by hunters and never played with or laughed a t . The dogs f i n d the snowball and lead the brothers to the den. The 251. bear husband asks h i s wife why she has betrayed him. When the brothers a r r i v e at the entrance of the den he goes o u t s i d e , l e a v i n g h i s swords behind, and i s k i l l e d . P l o t B The f o u r brothers know that t h e i r s i s t e r has been taken by a bear, and they go out to f i n d her and k i l l the bear. They prepare themselves r i t u a l l y and each t r i e s , but they a l l f a i l except the youngest. The youngest seems always to be asleep. His el d e r brothers laugh at him and t e l l him he w i l l never get hi s s i s t e r . But he puts h i s mind t o i t , and he alone observes the proper r i t u a l t r a i n i n g . His mind gets so strong that he "sees" the place i n the high mountains where the bear has hidden h i s den. As a r e s u l t , the bear knows that the youngest brother w i l l k i l l him. When the dog f i n d s the snowball and leads his master up to the den the bear comes out and l i e s down q u i e t l y . The youngest brother k i l l s him, and the f o u r brothers meet to butcher the carcass. Here p l o t B unites with p l o t A again The youngest brother comes back to the den to c o l l e c t the detachable copper arrowheads he has dropped. He f i n d s h i s s i s t e r and her babies i n the den. She t e l l s him that they have k i l l e d t h e i r brother-in-law, and teaches him how to t r e a t the bear's remains. The brothers obey her i n s t r u c t i o n s and perform the f i r s t memorial r i t u a l f o r the bear, which i s l i k e the mourning r i t e f o r a dead r e l a t i v e . The g i r l and her c h i l d r e n e x c i t e the d i s t a s t e of the brothers because of t h e i r b e a r - l i k e appearance. The brothers ( i n some versions the v i l l a g e r s ) debate whether to k i l l her. . But the youngest brother p o i n t s out t h a t such a woman might be u s e f u l to them. Her mother comes out with c l o t h e s f o r her and the c h i l d r e n . For a long time the g i r l cannot bear the smell of humans. She camps by!.herself and only g r a d u a l l y moves nearer the v i l l a g e . F i n a l l y the g i r l , r e t u r n s to the v i l l a g e . Her bea r l i k e n e s s seems to disappear. She i s of great help i n the bear hunt, because she can point out the bears' dens to the hunters from the v a l l e y . She recognises them by the smoke r i s i n g from the bears' camp-fires, i n v i s i b l e to human s i g h t . •ne day, when her brothers have shot a bear and two cubs, they ask her to put on the s k i n and play at being a bear f o r them. They w i l l shoot at her, but put bark points on t h e i r arrows so that they w i l l not hurt her. The g i r l implores them not to " f o o l around" and t e l l s them she w i l l t u r n bear i f they do. They p e r s i s t and throw the skins over her and her c h i l d r e n . She changes i n t o a bear, a t t a c k s her brothers and t e a r s them to pieces. 252. The youngest brother has watched her c l o s e l y , and sees that she i s not h i s s i s t e r but a bear. He changes h i s bark arrowheads f o r r e a l ones and shoots at her, h i t t i n g her i n the t h r o a t . She spares him alone of the brothers. The v i l l a g e r s can do nothing. They watch her going, walking high upon the mountain s i d e , a she bear with her cubs. She has turned bear f o r good and w i l l not come back again. She walks away t a k i n g the course of the sun. 3(a) Some Remarks on the Armature and Code There i s no need to di s c u s s the armature of the BM s t o r i e s i n the l i g h t of b e l i e f s , a f t e r the lengthy d i s c u s s i o n of the SB myths. I t i s c l e a r that the two c y c l e s belong to a meta-group that i s c h a r a c t e r i s e d by a t h r e e f o l d movement between the human world and the world of the animals. There are d i f f e r e n c e s : SB's journey takes him below to the submarine world of the f i s h , BIT s up to the mountain world of the bears, SB i s a man, BM a woman and so on. But both heroes end t h e i r journeying i n the world of the animals a s : g i g a n t i c supernatural f i g u r e s surpassing both men and animals. In both c y c l e s the complex term .which u n i f i e s the two simple terms (men i n the v a l l e y s ; bears i n the mountains) i s the l i f e / d e a t h a l t e r n a t i o n . Yet i t i s here that the most s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e i s loca t e d . In the BM s t o r i e s the journey of the human being i n t o death (which provided the necessary analogy i n the SB s t o r i e s to the coming of the salmon) i s hardly touched on. Instead, the l i f e / d e a t h c o n t r a s t i s moved forward i n t o the centre of the a c t i o n and p o s i t e d i n the character of the bear. The bear himself i s l i f e - b r i n g e r (through h i s s e l f - s a c r i f i c e ) and death-dealer (through h i s revenge). This i s a d i f f e r e n c e we should b r i e f l y consider. I t i s connected with the d i f f e r e n c e i n the sex of the hero. I t s i m p l i c a t i o n s are caught i n the c l u s t e r of images that opens the story and forms, so to speak, i t s overture. These are the berrying-images; and, as the SB myths could be sai d to be based on a bird-hunting code, so 253. 28 BM myths seem to be based on a b e r r y i n g code. The d i v i s i o n of labour among the Northwest coast peoples was a sexual d i v i s i o n . Men hunted, women gathered vegetables. The d i v i s i o n i n i t s t u r n defined the sexes and was r e i n f o r c e d by a sexual metaphor: game was 29 the hunter's "wife", roots and b e r r i e s the gatherer's "husband". I f i n the salmon s t o r i e s t h e r e f o r e a boy marries a salmon t h i s connotes the approved way of g e t t i n g salmon. In terms of the metaphor he c o n t r a c t s a proper marriage. I f i n the bear s t o r i e s the hunter marries a bear t h i s i s e q u a l l y r i g h t . But i f a g i r l marries a bear something i s wrong. Is she usurping male p r i v i l e g e ? This i s not made c l e a r , but i n any case she i s c r o s s i n g some dangerous b o r d e r l i n e . The metaphor i s of a "wild marriage", an anomaly. Perhaps the question, w i l d i n what way? i s not so important. Both salmon and bear happen i n f a c t to belong to ambiguous c a t e g o r i e s . Salmon i s game while f i s h e d f o r and k i l l e d and t h e r e f o r e "wife" to the fisherman. But when the f i s h are cut to be smoked they become "husband" to the women ( c f . end of NSB). I t i s hard to say i n how f a r t h i s sexual metaphor enters i n t o the conception of the p a r t i c u l a r animal. In the case of the bear the ambiguity seems to be part of the conception of "bearness". "Bearness" can be depicted as male or female, and each form again as mild (game) or w i l d (revenger). The ambiguity of the sexual metaphor i s given one s o r t of expression i n a L i l l o o e t prayer to the bear. Here the bear i s c a l l e d upon as a "master of the game", a f i g u r e that has always (and e x p l i c i t l y ) b i s e x u a l connotations i n the mythology of the area. His b i s e x u a l i t y i s described as h i s "mystery" i n the prayer. His male power i s so great that i t can turn a l l animals i n t o game (that i s i n t o females), and e q u a l l y he i s so female that i n i m i t a t i n g him they a l l become female (that i s game). "Qhthou greatest of a l l animals, thou man of animals,mow my f r i e n d , thou a r t dead. May thy mystery make a l l other animals l i k e women when I hunt them! May they f o l l o w thee and f a l l an easy prey to me!".(Hallowel1 1926: 60). Bears hunted a f t e r the h i b e r n a t i o n period were n o t o r i o u s l y easy prey, and regarded as g i v i n g themselves. The prayer i s of course an expression of the wish of the hunter, and t h e r e f o r e s u p p l i c a t e s the bear's benevolence alone. In the a c t i o n s t r u c t u r e of our st o r y the ambiguity of the bear's nature shows i t s e l f i n a d i f f e r e n t form. At the beginning the bear appears as male. His i n i t i a l wildness i s suppressed and he appears to the hunters as passive Cgame) and t h e r e f o r e benevolent. The n a t u r a l i s t i c background i s here the bear a f t e r h i b e r n a t i o n coming from fiisiideh; At the end of the st o r y the bear appears i n a female, w i l d and a c t i v e form, which i s experienced as malevolent by the hunters. The n a t u r a l i s t i c back-ground i s here the bear at the end of the Summer, when both bears arid men are b e r r y i n g , and e s p e c i a l l y the she bear with cubs who can, n o t o r i o u s l y , become dangerous. The f a c t that the she bear who t e a r s the hunters to pieces i s a bear who has come out to feed on b e r r i e s [see p a r t i c u l a r i l y v e r s i o n s 1b, p.22 and 2, p.27), l i n k s the end of the st o r y t o i t s beginning, which i s set i n a be r r y i n g patch. I t a l s o c l o s e s the c y c l e of the sexual ambiguity of the bear as i t i s expressed i n our myths. In any case, whatever the weight of the sexual accents at the beginning of the s t o r y , i n marrying the bear the g i r l crosses the border of proper behaviour and i s exposed. One of the ways i n which McClellan's n a r r a t o r s imply the dangerousness of the union i s i n s t r e s s i n g the p h y s i c a l r e l a t i o n between her and the bear. T h e i r a t t i t u d e seems to be V i c t o r i a n : sexual i n t e n s i t y (which i n s p i t e of t h e i r modern r e t i c e n c e i s s t r o n g l y conveyed) i s the sign of a r e l a t i o n that i s beyond the pale. A s i m i l a r a s s o c i a t i o n of ideas may'.have led the Haida, i n t h e i r famous carvings of 255. Bear Mother, to portray the couple i n the most extravagant sexual 30 p o s i t i o n s . But t o r e t u r n to the r o l e of food as an i n d i c a t o r of norm. The scene f o r the meeting i s set i n a b e r r y i n g patch. (In nine of the eleven ver-sions the abduction of the g i r l takes place while she i s b e r r y i n g . In one she i s gathering w i l d rhubarb). A b e r r y i n g patch i s "where the bear goes out", and she steps on the droppings (or jumps over them) and c a l l s out i n s u l t s to the bear. To i n s u l t the supernatural ones i s one way of " c a l l i n g " them. The f i r s t r e s u l t of her c a l l i s that her packing strap breaks and her b e r r i e s f a l l to the ground. Her b e r r i e s , which should a l -ways be "above" are below, and are turned i n t o " d i r t " . D i r t i s c u l t u r a l l y equated with excrement and nothing. In t h i s way she denies her "true hus-band" and opens the way to unknown " w i l d " p o s s i b i l i t i e s . Her companions desert her and the bear approaches her, i n one v e r s i o n i n the guise of her husband ("false husband"). The value sign that connects the c l u s t e r of images with which the story opens i s s h i t . I cannot go here i n t o the very complex connotations bear s h i t has on the Northwest coast. S u f f i c e i t t o say that i t i s a sacred substance, of a value equal to food and has to be "treated w e l l " l i k e food. In the c o a s t a l BM myths i t i s l i t e r a l l y food: the bears s h i t 31 b e r r i e s on to clean mats to feed t h e i r v i s i t o r s . To t r e a t i t as " s h i t " as the g i r l does i s not only to i n s u l t the bear but to i n s u l t the b e r r i e s . We can say t h e r e f o r e that the g i r l (a) t r e a t s that as s h i t which should be t r e a t e d l i k e food (bear droppings), (b) t r e a t s food which should be t r e a t e d as metaphoric husband as s h i t ( b e r r i e s ) , and (c) t r e a t s a " f a l s e husband", which should be a nothing to her, as husband (the bear). N a t u r a l l y t h i s f l o u t i n g of the proper values has not only negative r e s u l t s . As i n s u l t i s an i n v e r t e d c a l l f o r the supernatural so wrong 256. behaviour makes a breach through which the supernatural can come i n t o con-t a c t with men. Nevertheless the r e v e r s a l of values and play w i t h appea-rance and r e a l i t y with which the story opens i s meant to show that the n a r r a t i v e has a negative c a s t . I t e s t a b l i s h e s the bear not only as the g i v e r of wealth but the avenger. The l i f e / d e a t h a l t e r n a t i o n , which i s acceptable i n terms of regeneration, as i n the SB s t o r i e s , becomes f r i g h -t e n i n g when i t i s put i n terms of the love-and-wrath of the animals on which men depend. 3(b) N a r r a t i v e Units Armature i s the formal equipment used by the myth maker to convey a p a r t i c u l a r content. In our d i s c u s s i o n of the armature of the SB myth we have concentrated on background and discussed the c u l t u r a l b e l i e f s t h a t , brought i n t o systematic r e l a t i o n , make up the framework of the myth. The b e l i e f s concerned death and regeneration, and the operative image was that of the journey. We s h a l l not repeat t h i s e x e r c i s e f o r the BF7] myth but examine another, r e l a t e d aspect of the framework: the a r t i c u l a t i o n of the s t o r y by n a r r a t i v e u n i t s . Armature becomes here the equipment necessary f o r the myth maker t o organise h i s s t o r y m a t e r i a l , and f o r the analyst to recognize the " n a r r a t i v e model". The examination should a l s o show the l i n k that connects the framework (which i s general and belongs to the meta-group) with the message s t r u c t u r e (which i s p a r t i c u l a r and belongs to the subgroups and even i n d i v i d u a l myths). In other words, to be complete a d i s c u s s i o n of armature must take i n t o account two aspects: background b e l i e f s and formal a r t i c u l a t i o n of the n a r r a t i v e . Together these two aspects can show how a p a r t i c u l a r content can be conveyed through a general form. The t h r e e f o l d movement which c h a r a c t e r i s e s the armature of the SB and 257. BM s t o r i e s allows us to d i v i d e the t e x t i n t o f o u r sequences. Departures and returns act as marking points where one sequence ends and a new one begins. ( I have designated sequences with Roman, marking p o i n t s with Arabic numerals). (1) "Departure to the other world" ends the sequence that leads up to. that departure and introduces the sequence that takes ; place i n the other world, (2) "Return to the human world" ends the l a t t e r and introduces the events that take place a f t e r the hero's r e t u r n , (3) "Second departure to the other world" again ends the l a t t e r and introduces the hero's f i n a l journey. What Greimas c a l l s " d i s j u n c t i o n a l syntagms" (1970: 86) then act as the major points of a r t i c u l a t i o n f o r the t e x t . The sequences they separate are not of equal value i n the n a r r a t i v e . Sequence I and IV are i n the nature of an i n t r o d u c t i o n and a c o n c l u s i o n . They are often condensed and of great symbolic depth. In other words they are c l o s e l y t i e d to the system of thought and b e l i e f that i s e x t e r n a l to the n a r r a t i v e , and t h e i r e l u c i d a t i o n i s important to the message. Point (2) "Return to the human world" i s a marking point of p a r t i c u l a r weight because i t d i v i d e s the t e x t i n t o two pa r t s (or moves) and marks the middle of t h e s s t o r y . The s t o r y i t s e l f i s enacted i n sequence I I and I I I , that i s i n the sequences that are enclosed by the three d i s j u n c t i v e marking p o i n t s , and are not open at one end or the other l i k e I and IV. The two enclosed sequences are each i n t e r n a l l y a r t i c u l a t e d by a marking point which i s a t u r n i n g point of the s t o r y . The two t u r n i n g p o i n t s belong to what Greimas c a l l s b e havioral syntagms and glosses as t e s t s . In the hunt-ing myth they are not t e s t s but the acts that complement v e r b a l i n s t r u c 1 : t i o n , i n other words the type a c t s . They form the twt?' p e r i p e t e i a s of the two-move dramatic n a r r a t i v e and allow us to subdivide the two main sequen-ces together ( I I and I I I ) again i n t o f o u r p a r t s . We have t h e r e f o r e an outer framework that a r t i c u l a t e s the whole of the n a r r a t i v e by d i v i d i n g i t 258. i n t o f o u r sequences w i t h the help of three d i s j u n c t i o n a l marking p o i n t s , and an inner framework that d i v i d e s the heart of the n a r r a t i v e i n t o f o u r subsequences with the help of the three d i s j u n c t i o n a l marking p o i n t s and two behavioural marking p o i n t s . The two p e r i p e t e i a s are deaths; the death of the bear or salmon i n part 1 and the death of the hunters or Salmon Boy i n part 2. The four sub-sequences are made up of the events leading up to and f o l l o w i n g the deaths. The two p e r i p e t e i a s are the main episodes of the myths. The message i s concentrated i n them, and the d i f f e r e n c e s i n message i n the bear and s a l -mon s t o r i e s depend on the d i f f e r e n c e s i n the two p a i r s of deaths. The d i f f e r e n c e i n the events leading up to them and f o l l o w i n g them, that i s i n the minor episodes, are n a t u r a l l y d i c t a t e d by these d i f f e r e n c e s i n the main episodes. In each myth the two main episodes ( p e r i p e t e i a s of part 1 and 2) form a p a i r . Their contents are symmetrically i n v e r t e d and complement one another, i n t h i s way conveying the message. The message t h e r e f o r e cannot be gathered from the content of the main episodes d i r e c t l y but only from the tension between the two. The two main sequences ( I I and I I I ) are f i n a l l y a r t i c u l a t e d i n t e r -n a l l y by f o u r minor marking points which express what Greimas c a l l s con-t r a c t u a l syntagms. Each main episode i s flanked by two minor episodes with whom i t forms a u n i t (the extended main episode). The two minor episodes surrounding a main episode stand i n a symmetrical r e l a t i o n to one another. The f i r s t c o n s i s t s of i n s t r u c t i o n s to an i n d i v i d u a l , i n c l u d i n g the charge that they be handed on to the group. The second c o n s i s t s of the i n s t r u c t i o n s being handed on to the group. The two minor episodes stand to the main episodes as v e r b a l i z a t i o n s (demands, promises) stand to act ( f u l f i l m e n t ) . The i n s t r u c t i o n i n the f i r s t minor episode i s 259. always the s u f f e r e r i n the main episode. The i n s t r u c t e d i n d i v i d u a l of the f i r s t minor episode becomes the i n s t r u c t o r of the group i n the second minor episode. A l l f u r t h e r a r t i c u l a t i o n of the n a r r a t i v e belongs to the message-s t r u c t u r e of p a r t i c u l a r versions and cannot be d e a l t with on the l e v e l of the meta-group. I s h a l l sum up the f i n d i n g s of t h i s s e c t i o n i n a t a b l e . As the c o n t r a c t u a l syntagm i s very important i n the hunting myth but . i t s nature cannot be c l e a r l y shown i n the t a b l e , I s h a l l give a schematic account of i t as i t appears i n the SB and BM s t o r i e s beforehand. TABLE VII C o ntractual syntagm i n SB and BM myths: SB part 1 Salmon i n s t r u c t ( s ) SB Salmon d i e ( s ) Salmon Boy i n s t r u c t s < h i s people SB part 2 SB i n s t r u c t s h i s f a t h e r SB dies Father i n s t r u c t s the group BM part 1 Bear i n s t r u c t s wife Bear dies Wife i n s t r u c t s brothers BM part 2 Brothers i n s t r u c t s i s t e r ( i n f a l s e hunt) Brothers are K i l l e d S i s t e r i n s t r u c t s group ( w r a t h f u l l y , as BM) 260. TABLE V I I I SEQUENCE I Marking point (1 ) ( d i s j u n c t i o n a l ) SEQUENCE I I •— Minor marking point (a) (con t r a c t u a l ) ^ 1-. PERIPETEIA (performative) Minor marking point (b) L- ( c o n t r a c t u a l ) _____ Marking point ( 2 ) ( d i s j u n c t i o n a l ) SEQUENCE I I I f— Minor marking point (c) (co n t r a c t u a l ) ^,2. PERIPETEIA (performative) Minor marking point (d) l _ ( c o n t r a c t u a l ) Marking point ( 3 ) ( d i s j u n c t i o n a l ) Overture Departure to the other world Main n a r r a t i v e sequence Events I n s t r u c t i o n s to i n d i v i d u a l s Death of animal I n s t r u c t i o n s to group Events Return to human world Main n a r r a t i v e sequence Events I n s t r u c t i o n s to i n d i v i d u a l Death of hunter(s) I n s t r u c t i o n s to group Events Second departure to other world SEQUENCE IV Conclusion 261. 3(c) Shorter and Longer Versions: The S t o r i e s and t h e i r Message-Structure My a b s t r a c t of the BM story i s a compositum made up out of the eleven versions McClellan c o l l e c t e d . From i n t e r n a l evidence and McClellan's v comments i t would seem that most of the n a r r a t o r s could have t o l d a st o r y of the length of the compositum, because a l l the i n c i d e n t s seem to be known to a l l . (Various things i n t e r f e r e d , the two most important the time f a c -t o r and that they were unprepared and had not c o l l e c t e d t h e i r memories. The most valuable a d d i t i o n s are made by nar r a t o r s who had had time to th i n k about the s t o r i e s ) . In a c t u a l f a c t , they t o l d d i f f e r e n t s t o r i e s of various lengths. Each of the s t o r i e s i s complete i n i t s e l f . Again we can adduce the most valuable evidence f o r the r e l a t i o n between short myth and c y c l e . Leaving out minor v a r i a t i o n s , which we have not time to con-s i d e r here, the eleven versions can be d i v i d e d i n t o three types: (1) the shortest v e r s i o n which i s the s t o r y of a supernatural marriage; (2) the core v e r s i o n which i s the true hunting myth, and deals with the bear's s e l f - s a c r i f i c e and revenge, that i s with the double nature of the "super-n a t u r a l ones" and men's double i n t e n t i o n s ; (3) the longest v e r s i o n which i s the st o r y of the pe r f e c t hunter, superimposed on the true hunting myth ( i . e . the core v e r s i o n ) . The l a s t v e r s i o n contains an i n t e r n a l c o n t r a -d i c t i o n which i s shown i n the compositum by the s p l i t t i n g i n t o P l o t A and P l o t B. A The Shortest Version Given the compositum i t would be an i n t e r e s t i n g e x e r c i s e to explore the t h e o r e t i c a l p o s s i b i l i t i e s of d i v i s i o n i n t o shorter v e r s i o n s . The d i f f e r e n t messages these t h e o r e t i c a l l y gained versions have could be exami-ned, and then compared with the ver s i o n s a c t u a l l y gained i n the f i e l d . The most obvious t h e o r e t i c a l d i v i s i o n would seem to be to cut the story o f f at 262. the completion of part 1. This would make a hunting myth that includes the teaching of the r u l e s of bear hunting and the bear's s a c r i f i c i a l death, but leaves out the r e v e r s a l theme: the brothers' breaking of the contract and the bear's r e t r i b u t i o n . None of McClellan's n a r r a t o r s t o l d t h i s s t o r y (which i s an i n t e r e s t i n g s o c i o l o g i c a l f a c t i n i t s e l f ) . The simplest v e r s i o n she was t o l d ( v e r s ion 4, p.34) breaks o f f a f t e r part 1 but leaves out the c o n t r a c t between bear and hunters. I t i s simply the s t o r y of the g i r l who married the bear, betrayed him to her hunting brot-hers, was re-accepted i n t o the community, and, because of her supernatural a s s o c i a t i o n , gave valuable help i n the bear hunt. S i m i l a r i n s t r u c t u r e to the BBSB myth i t lacks the odd episode or asymmetry which connects the l a t t e r to the hunting myth and yet i t i s not a t r e a s u r e - g a i n i n g t a l e . The g i r l seems to gain nothing; the community gains through her double nature, h a l f human-half bear, but seems, at l e a s t at f i r s t , very d o u b t f u l whether i t wants such a gai n . Yet the v e r s i o n resembles the t r e a s u r e - g a i n i n g myth i n an important p o i n t : i t has an unequivocal hero. Of a l l the s t o r i e s i t most deserves the t i t l e M c C l e l l a n has given the c o l l e c t i o n . The message s t r u c t u r e of the s t o r y i s roughly the f o l l o w i n g : TABLE IX » G i r l i n s u l t s bear I | Marriage to bear (journey to bear world) I | | B e t r a y a l of bear Death of bear 1 Recognition and acceptance of g i r l — Return to v i l l a g e G i r l aids i n bear hunt 263. The s t o r y i s not about the bear as the others are nor i s i t about the hunters. The bear does not s a c r i f i c e himself (at l e a s t the na r r a t o r does not i n d i c a t e that he does) and the hunters l e a r n nothing from him. The sto r y i s about a hero who made a supernatural marriage and was changed by i t . The i n t e r e s t i n g t h i n g about hero-centred s t o r i e s i s t h e i r l i n k to the i n i t i a t i o n myth, or to put i t i n e x t r a - l i t e r a r y terms, to the experience of i n t r o s p e c t i o n t h a t i n i t i a t i o n s u p p l i e s and that l i e s at the bottom of the change i n the hero. Here (as i n the t r e a s u r e - g a i n i n g myths where the hero becomes r i c h ) the change i s seen as extraneous. "She was a l l h a i r y now. A l l over her body and limbs — l i k e a bear." The n a r r a t o r focuses on the problem: how can so changed a being who has become monstrous, be in t e g r a t e d again? A l l the "questions" of the f i r s t part and "answers" of the second are r e l a t e d to t h i s problem, and the answers seem tr o u b l e d and un c e r t a i n . For ins t a n c e , though her b e t r a y a l of the bear leads l o g i c a l l y to her re c o g n i -t i o n and acceptance, the v i l l a g e r s h e s i t a t e and want to k i l l ' . h e r . Her marriage to the bear makes her re t u r n to the v i l l a g e slow and p a i n f u l : "She had t r o u b l e g e t t i n g used to the smell of humans. She didn't l i k e t h e i r s m e l l . When she f i r s t came down she could hardly come c l o s e to camp because the smell of humans was so strong." Immediately a f t e r t h i s comes the d e s c r i p t i o n of her help i n bear hunting which ends the s t o r y . Having broken through to the supernatural once (with the i n s u l t that " c a l l e d " t h e bear), she can now see the bear's camp f i r e s which are hidden from o r d i -nary human eyes. Taken by themselves these features are al s o present i n other v e r s i o n s , but those versions are longer and the same items have a d i f f e r e n t value i n the s t r u c t u r e . There they point forward to part 2, to the f a c t that the g i r l ' s domestication i s only apparent and that she w i l l r e v e r t to bear. Here we have no part 2. The problem around which the 264. st o r y i s b u i l t i s i n f a c t s i m i l a r to the main crux of the i n i t i a t i o n s t ory (the main crux from the community's point of view): how can the monstrous being be tamed enough--but not tamed too much--tamed so f a r that we can p r o f i t from i t s power? The problem i s s i m i l a r but the p l o t i s d i f f e r e n t and p a r t l y i n v e r t e d . In our st o r y the heroine i s changed through marriage to a supernatural being who d i e s , i n the i n i t i a t i o n s t ory the hero or heroine i s changed through death at the hands of a supernatural being. Both are changed i n t o something monstrous and hover at the edge of the v i l l a g e . But the i n i t i a t e - h e r o i s r e l u c t a n t to enter and the v i l l a g e r s eager to "surround" him while the g i r l wants to go home but cannot, and the v i l l a g e r s debate whether they w i l l K i l l her. Yet whether t h e i r good f o r -tune comes to the v i l l a g e r s because of or i n s p i t e of t h e i r e xertions i t comes through-a double natured, human-supernatural being. The message--simpler than that of the i n i t i a t i o n myth--is concerned with the i n t e g r a -t i o n of such a being i n t o the community. B The Core Version The core v e r s i o n i s the st o r y of the bear who s a c r i f i c e s himself to the hunters (or to men; i n t h i s as i n the SB myth men are defined as hun-t e r s and eaters) and who takes revenge on the hunters when they abuse h i s g i f t . The story i s t o l d through the g i r l who mediates between bear and men throughout, f o r the good of men and f o r t h e i r undoing. In so f a r as she i s human she i s destroyed h e r s e l f by t h i s mediation. In so f a r as she i s a supernatural being and a bear she l i v e s on f o r ever, watching over the r e l a t i o n s between hunter and hunted. The p a r a l l e l with the Salmon Boy sto r y i s obvious but the d i f f e r e n c e s are more i n t e r e s t i n g . When the Salmon Boy has completed his mission with his people he d i e s , and, t u r n i n g i n t o a salmon, goes back to the salmon as Salmon Chief. The g i r l who 265. married the bear does not die but K i l l s , having been d r a m a t i c a l l y t r a n s f o r -med i n t o a bear. She then leaves f o r ever as a bear. The bear i s brought throughout the s t o r i e s i n t o connection with the sun and she taKes the road of the sun when she leaves. "And when she had K i l l e d her brothers, she walKed out j u s t the way the sun goes. She walKed on out north and clockwise;. JaKe motions the way she went ". (Version 1b, p.21). In both Kinds of s t o r y the human being who has been i n the animal world seems to have f o r f e i t e d his soul to the animals, and t h i s soul i s represented both as the animal form and as a sKin or garment that can be put on over the human form. Salmon Boy puts on the Ten-times-jumper-blanKet when he wants to swim i n the salmon run. The g i r l t u r n s i n t o a bear when the bear s k i n i s thrown over her, and as a bear revenges her husband. Both become p r e s i d i n g animal s p i r i t s , but the g i r l an angry and vengeful s p i r i t com-manding the awe of men. The angry aspect of the bear i s an important part of the core myth. There are Athapascan versions that concentrate e n t i r e l y on the hunter's g u i l t and the wrath of the bear. Ridington has one from the Beaver i n which the brothers k i l l the bear without knowing that he i s t h e i r s i s t e r ' s husband. The bear does not s a c r i f i c e himself but i s k i l l e d because h i s wife refuses to t a l k to her brothers. A f t e r h i s death she w i l l not leave the den and only consents to go home with them when they have given her her husband's s k i n , head and backbone to c a r r y . These are the p a r t s that i n our s t o r i e s are mentioned as the remains of the bear that have to be r i t u a l l y venerated. On t h e i r way back she walks a l i t t l e behind her brothers. One of the "hands" of the bear hangs'-down from the bundle of i t s s k i n , and i t s claws swing across the t r a c k s she makes. (They are walking i n the snow). Whenever she i s out of s i g h t behind a h i l l the hunters! dogs "speak to one another" (one of the n a r r a t o r s comments that 266. "the dogs Know when one of the medicine animals, the bosses, the giant animals ... i s near"). The hunters' s i s t e r who i s c a r r y i n g the bear's sKin i s here transformed i n the presence of the brothers, without t h e i r n o t i c i n g i t , i n t o one of the "giant animals". The swinging hand wipes out her tracKs and with them her i d e n t i t y as a human being and as a woman who, being "game", should leave t r a c K s . Her nature i s changed and she turns hunter ( f o l l o w i n g her brother's t r a c K s ) . That night she chews o f f the heads of her mother and brothers and a l l the people i n the camp. Two c h i l d r e n , who s u r v i v e because they have been hidden i n an earth-lodge, the young g i r l because her f i r s t period had s t a r t e d , her younger brother to share her s e c l u s i o n "so that he would become a good hunter", speaK to t h e i r e l d er s i s t e r : "Why d i d you cause to l i e down the one who gave us b i r t h , and the ones who have stood beside us?" and she answers "I am not sade [elder s i s t e r ] but Kleeze [bear]. Those bodies are not people to me. 32 Those are the ones that caused kleeze my man, to l i e down." The image of the bear's hand wiping out the woman's tracKs conveys i n a d i f f e r e n t c u l t u r a l idiom what our s t o r i e s say when they maKe the g i r l i n s u l t the bear droppings and s p i l l her b e r r i e s . She repudiates her woman's r o l e and with i t , n a t u r a l l y , her human r o l e . This perverts her doubly, from a woman i n t o a hunter, from a human being (who hunts animals) i n t o a hunter of men. The perversion i s , however, confined to the n a t u r a l l e v e l . On the supernatural' l e v e l , where she i s i d e n t i f i e d w i t h the bear, she becomes a "medicine animal", "one of the bosses". As the Bear Mother she i s awful, but she i s a l s o the one who sends the animals and gives the good hunters lucK. Our core v e r s i o n does not confine i t s e l f to the angry aspect of the bear, as does the Athapascan v e r s i o n , but the anger of the bear must never-t h e l e s s be i n s i s t e d on as one of the main themes. The comparison with the 267. Athapascan version i s meant to define t h i s theme c l e a r l y . The core v e r s i o n , to which most of the s t o r i e s i n M c C l e l l a n 1 s c o l l e c t i o n belong, has a f a r more complicated message f o r the hunter than the Beaver version. This message i s conveyed i n the two-part s t r u c t u r e , and i s double: i t speaks of the love and the anger of the bear, and of men's good i n t e n t i o n s and t h e i r f a i l i n g s . Men's good i n t e n t i o n s are, however, always q u a l i f i e d because they can never come up to that absolute demand not to k i l l which r u l e s the true (or i d e a l ) r e l a t i o n between them and the animals. Man's i n t e n t i o n s are t h e r e f o r e always double and can only be made "good" by the generosity of the bear and by obeying r u l e s of conduct l a i d down by the bear. The two-part s t r u c t u r e t h e r e f o r e corresponds t o a double d u p l i -c i t y : part 1 speaks of the love of the bear expressed i n his voluntary death f o r men, part 2 of h i s anger that comes equally unexpectedly; i n part 1 men are n e u t r a l and t h e i r i n t e n t i o n s are made good i n prospect by the r u l e s given by the bear, i n part 2 they break the c o n t r a c t , and t h e i r i n t e n t i o n s are revealed as g e n e r a l l y bad. On the one hand man the hunter i s always i n the wrong and r e t r i b u t i o n must be expected, given the double nature of the bear. On the other, given the p o s s i b i l i t y of good i n t e n -t i o n and c a r e f u l conduct i n man, the good hunter (who does not o v e r k i l l and performs the r i t u a l s ) may be spared, and even gain favour with the bear and honour among men. This "awful and d e l i c a t e balance" between men and animals i s expres-sed i n the language of f a m i l y r e l a t i o n s . Through the g i r l the bear and the hunters are b r o t h e r s . The hunters' crime i s b a s i c a l l y t h a t of k i l l -i n g "one of us". In Ridington's version the n a r r a t o r comments: "They had not intended to use t h e i r strength to k i l l one of those who i s one of us ..." (MS p.122). But through the g i r l and her c h i l d r e n the bear i s a l s o the hunters' brother-in-law and as such has a moral o b l i g a t i o n to s a c r i f i c e himself f o r them. In the main episode of part 1 the bear ther e f o r e behaves according to the highest moral human standards, as a 33 "brother'^who gives h i s l i f e f o r h i s Kin. This makes the r e v e r s a l i n the second main episode (part 2) more i r o n i c when the bear ( t h i s time as the she-bear with cubs) suddenly -shows her enmity. Thought of as a " s i s t e r " and t r u s t e d , she turns and k i l l s her unsuspecting brothers 1. The s t r u c t u r e of the s t o r y , expressed i n the language of f a m i l y r e l a t i o n s , i s p e r f e c t l y c h i a s t i c , not only f o r m a l l y but conceptually. The- order i n the t r i a d of episodes that makes up the extended main episode i n part 1: i n s t r u c t i o n to hero, a c t , i n s t r u c t i o n to community: a b c, i s reversed i n part 2 and becomes c b a. At the same time the message i s i n v e r t e d ; what was p o s i t i v e i n part 1 becomes negative i n part 2. G i r l i n s u l t s bear Journey to bear world (marriage t o bear) B e t r a y a l of bear to brothers Teaching of mourning r i t u a l to human wife Death as a g i v i n g oneself f o r one's ki n Teaching of mourning r i t u a l to brothers Return to human world: re-acceptance of s i s t e r i n t o f a m i l y Help i n bear hunt F o r g e t t i n g o f teaching by brothers Death as a murder of kin F o r g e t t i n g by s i s t e r that she was human Return t o bear world G i r l becomes Bear Mother TABLE X 269. Rules of the Game In s p i t e of the formal and conceptual p e r f e c t i o n of the s t r u c t u r e we cannot help asking c e r t a i n questions. Why does the wife betray her hus-band? Why does the bear s a c r i f i c e himself? Why do the brothers i n s i s t on p l a y i n g with the bear skin? Why does the s i s t e r (as bear) k i l l the brothers? The f i r s t answer i s that c e r t a i n c o n s t r a i n t s are binding f o r the message-structure of the s t o r y . I f the n a r r a t o r wants to t e l l a hunting story then the bear must d i e , and f o r him to die the w i f e must betray him. As we have seen the wife behaves qu i t e d i f f e r e n t l y i n the Beaver Story from the w i f e i n McClellan's s t o r i e s : i n the former she simply refuses a request, i n the l a t t e r she a c t i v e l y shows her brothers the way and a c t i v e l y persuades her husband not to f i g h t . Nevertheless the r e s u l t i s e x a c t l y the same: the bear goes out and i s k i l l e d by the brothers. From t h i s we can assume that there i s a skeleton of r u l e s to which the myth makers keep and around which they b u i l d t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r l o c a l or i n d i v i -dual versions of the s t o r y . The second and complementary set to the r u l e s I have mentioned above must be that the brothers somehow cover the s i s t e r w i t h the bear s k i n , and the s i s t e r turns i n t o a bear and k i l l s them. Again the r u l e s are R e a l i s e d q u i t e d i f f e r e n t l y i n the Ridington v e r s i o n and i n M c C l e l lan's: i n the former they give her her husband's s k i n to pack, i n the l a t t e r they i n s i s t on " p l a y i n g bear" with her. The r e s u l t i s again the same i n both cases, the s k i n having been put on her she becomes the bear, and, as the g r i z z l y w i l l turn against the hunters who have harmed him and w i l l even t r a c k them down or k i l l them from an ambush, so she turns against her brothers. The u l t i m a t e reason f o r these r u l e s may be formal c o n s i d e r a t i o n s . Meletinsky i n h i s study of the f a i r y t a l e c a l l s them " r u l e s of the game" and understands by t h i s the recipe- according to which a s t o r y i s made, 34 and, one might add, remembered and r e t o l d . There i s no doubt, however, that these r u l e s , whether t h e i r i n s p i r a t i o n i s r e a l l y formal or whether they stem from another Kind of experience, are l i n k e d to other r u l e s , the r u l e s of conduct i n a s o c i e t y . The l i n k can be of the most v a r i o u s , and q u i t e i n d i r e c t , as f o r instance i n the t r i c k s t e r s t o r i e s . But i t i s always there. I t i s the way the n a r r a t o r s r a t i o n a l i s e the c o n s t r a i n t s of the s t o r y . To us, who are i n t e r e s t e d i n what might be c a l l e d the moral philosophy of the people who t o l d these hunting myths the r a t i o n a l i -zations are of f i r s t importance. The best d e f i n i t i o n to my knowledge of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the "givens" of a s t o r y and the p a r t i c u l a r way they are rendered by a narra-35 t o r or group at a p a r t i c u l a r time i s found i n J o l l e s ' "Einfache Formen". There i s no Urformj the givens or " p r i m i t i v e forms" e x i s t only as p o s s i -b i l i t i e s , i . e . p o t e n t i a l i t i e s ; i n the i n d i v i d u a l n a r r a t i o n , i n which they achieve contemporary meaning, they become a c t u a l i t i e s . The " p r i m i t i v e forms" must be of great p o t e n t i a l i t y i f they are to go on generating new contemporary " a c t u a l forms" over a long period of time. They are i n f a c t the generative places I have discussed e a r l i e r which, obscure i n themselves, are puzzles that ask f o r s o l u t i o n and c o n t a i n , i n f a c t , s o l u t i o n s . They are the points from which thought springs and because they are, and always remain puzzles, they c o n s t a n t l y generate new thought. A f t e r a l l the p r e l i m i n a r y work we have done, we can t r a c e the develop-ment from the p o t e n t i a l to the a c t u a l forms i n our Bear Mother s t o r i e s very c l e a r l y . To explore the l i n k s between givens (which e x i s t only as p o t e n t i a l i t i e s ) and a c t u a l i z a t i o n s i s another way of e x p l o r i n g the r e l a -t i o n s h i p between short v e r s i o n and long v e r s i o n , s i n g l e myth and c y c l e . 271. I should remind the reader here that when I speak of the p r i m i t i v e forms as puzzles or as e x i s t i n g only as p o t e n t i a l i t i e s I do not mean that they e x i s t as concepts, that i s i n the a b s t r a c t . They could not be the "givens" of a story unless they were concrete formations. A n a l y t i c language i s p a r t i c u l a r l y poor i n p r e c i s e d e f i n i t i o n s f o r such formations. 36 We c a l l them image, symbol and i n p a r t i c u l a r cases verbal paradox. That they are concrete i s shown by the s t r i k i n g s i m i l a r i t i e s between the p r i m i t i v e forms of the o r a l t r a d i t i o n s and the v i s u a l a r t of a c u l t u r a l period or era. The b a s i c p r i m i t i v e form of the Bear Mother s t o r y i s the two-faced-ness of the bear. The bear has a benevolent face and an angry f a c e , a male face and a female face (though t h i s takes us already on to the road of a c t u a l i z a t i o n : b a s i c a l l y the p r i m i t i v e form of t h i s s t o r y i s "the two faces of the one face of the bear" or however such a paradox can be expressed). In the v i s u a l medium t h i s i s the double-faced mask so f r e -37 quent on the Northwest coast. In the s t o r i e s we are examining, with t h e i r complex two-move s t r u c t u r e s t h i s p r i m i t i v e form i s p a r t i c u l a r l y evident. But i t i s e q u a l l y present i n the simple story of the Beaver (where the bear s t o r y i s only a part of a more elaborate myth). The p r i m i t i v e form i s a c t u a l i z e d i n the core of the myth, what I have c a l l e d the extended main episode. Dur complex and s o p h i s t i c a t e d Bear Mother s t o r y , according t o the p r i m i t i v e form i t r e a l i s e s has two main episodes, f a l l s i n t o two halves, and t e l l s to a l l i n t e n t s and purposes two s t o r i e s . The f i r s t i s the story of the bear; i t i s the male h a l f of the t a l e as a whole (bear as husband). From the g i r l ' s b e t r a y a l to her r e c o g n i t i o n by her brothers the hero of the t a l e i s the bear. The second i s the s t o r y of the. g i r l . I t i s the female h a l f of the t a l e as a whole ( s i s t e r as bear). From the bother's d e c i s i o n to play at bear to the end when she i s seen high upon on the mountains with her cubs the heroine of the t a l e i s the g i r l . As I have s a i d , the male h a l f i s the benevolent face of the bear, the female h a l f the malevolent face of the bear. As bear husband the bear i s l o v i n g to the extent that he s a c r i -f i c e s himself f o r h i s k i n . As bear s i s t e r the bear i s an avenger, d i s -penser of an awful j u s t i c e , and holder of a power f a r greater than men's (Bear Mother). The bas i c pattern i s s u r e l y that which we have already seen i n the names of the "supernatural ones" c a l l e d on i n the Kwakiutl prayers and the name of the r i t u a l power: Healing and P e s t i l e n c e Woman. Only here a f u r t h e r d i v i s i o n i n t o male and female i s added, as i n the Chinese Yin and Yang. This basic form i s mo n o l i t h i c and p a r a d o x i c a l . In the n a r r a t i v e , however, i t becomes a r t i c u l a t e d . Hero and heroine, male and female, are a n t a g o n i s t i c and have antagonists. The antagonists are i n each part of the story the hunters. The hunters are also "brothers", brothers of the bear and of t h e i r s i s t e r . The p r i m i t i v e form of the story (the form a r t i c u l a t e d i n t o the requirements of n a r r a t i v e ) contains men and bears, brothers and s i s t e r s . The pattern of t h i s p r i m i t i v e form i s that the g i r l - a s ^ w i f e i d e n t i f i e s with the hunters and causes the death of the bear, and the g i r l - a s - s i s t e r i d e n t i f i e s with the bear and causes the death of the hunters. We have seen that t h i s was the pattern not only i n our s t o r i e s but i n Ridington's very d i f f e r e n t s t o r y . This n a r r a t i v e p a t t e r n c l e a r l y again contains a paradox, as does the basic form. We cannot solve i t , we have to accept i t simply as given, as the " r u l e s of the game" f o r t h i s s t o r y . But we can see that i t must have to do with other r u l e s , the r u l e s of conduct i n a hunting s o c i e t y . In the deployment of actors we see the taboos of an arc h a i c s o c i e t y : hunting r u l e s and menstruation taboos, marriage r u l e s and i n c e s t taboos. 273. Seeing the l i n k between the two kinds of r u l e does not e x p l a i n any-t h i n g ; the taboos are j u s t as much p r i m i t i v e forms as the givens of the s t o r y . But taboos i n v o l v e a c t i o n s ; they are not i c o n i c r epresentations l i k e the subject heroes. Ac t i o n s lend themselves to r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n s . The ancient taboos that are inherent i n the deployment of act o r s and which even we can s t i l l see, may not have any "meaning", at l e a s t they are unfathomable, to us and to the n a r r a t o r s . But i t i s through t h i s l i n k that the nar r a t o r s can a c t u a l i s e t h e i r s tory and that we can analyse i t . The ancient taboos, whatever they are, are co n s t a n t l y t r a n s l a t e d i n t o r u l e s of conduct i n contemporary circumstances. Approval and di s a p p r o v a l are d i s t r i b u t e d , a c t i o n s are marked with plusses and minusses. With the help of these markings the myth maker t r a n s l a t e s the p r i m i t i v e forms i n t o a n a r r a t i o n . The markings do not appear i n the s t o r y , they are i n the minds of the myth maker and h i s audience and guide the story l i n e , connecting episodes and appointing p r o p o r t i o n s . As such they are d i f f i c u l t to get f o r the o u t s i d e r . They have, however, t h e i r own expressive form; they appear as suggestive w i t t i c i s m s or word play. We do not e x a c t l y connect r u l e s of conduct with w i t , and I am not suggesting that they appear as jok e s , though t h e i r l o g i c a l form gives them an a f f i n i t y to jokes and r i d d l e s . But i t i s a f a c t that i n o r a l t r a d i t i o n s (proverb, story,©song) moral judgments appear i n conceptually and v e r b a l l y w i t t y forms. This wit i s l i k e a second g r i d , o v e r l a y i n g the ununderstandable and unchangeable p r i m i t i v e forms, g i v i n g them a quickness of meaning, but i t s e l f probably 38 quick to change i t s meaning w i t h changes i n moral a t t i t u d e s . (The change i s almost untestable because the c o l l e c t i n g of o r a l t r a d i t i o n s i s almost always a l s o the death of o r a l t r a d i t i o n s . ) Both g r i d s are order-ing devices f o r the s t o r y , the f i r s t unchangeable, the second changeable but s t i l l t r a d i t i o n a l , because i t r e f l e c t s the moral b e l i e f s of the commu-274, 39 n i t y . Both belong to the t r a d i t i o n a l equipment of the good s t o r y 40 t e l l e r . But i t i s the second that makes the f i r s t i n t e l l i g i b l e - , to us. •ne of the important moral notions that connects part 1 and part 2 of the BM st o r y i s the notion of the good hunter. In the longest v e r s i o n of the s t o r y , which we s h a l l discuss i n the next s e c t i o n , the notion be-comes a r i v a l theme, and the good hunter a r i v a l hero of the bear. In the core v e r s i o n , however, the notion simply quickens the st o r y with meaning, and i f the good hunter appears as a f i g u r e at a l l he has a subservient r o l e . The notion of the good hunter i s r e a l i s e d i n a pun on the word "to pla y " , which occurs i n two key p o s i t i o n s , i n the f i r s t and second main episodes, and functi o n s to bind the two parts together. "To play" as a 41 term i n hunting means to k i l l an animal. ( I t has als o a sexual meaning, and that the r e s p e c t i v e preys of men and women are c a l l e d "wives" and "husbands" i s relevant here, as w e l l as the c r o s s - c u l t u r a l l y more s t a b l e a s s o c i a t i o n of women with game). Such p l a y i n g i s done by r u l e s and the players have to know the r u l e s of the game. Now i n na t i v e b e l i e f the animals themselves have taught men the r u l e s ( c f . Kwakiutl prayers) and s t o r i e s l i k e Bear Mother and Salmon Boy are simultaneously records of t h i s teaching and d e s c r i p t i o n s of the game. B a s i c a l l y the r u l e s are that men " t r e a t the animals w e l l " , t h a t i s f u l f i l the r i t u a l and p r a c t i c a l p r e s c r i p -t i o n s given them by the animals, and the animals l e t themselves be k i l l e d without f i g h t i n g and without t a k i n g revenge. This arrangement has n a t u r a l l y a reverse s i d e . I f men ignore the r u l e s , f o r instance do not f u l f i l t h e i r r i t u a l o b l i g a t i o n s to honour the animals' remains or the p r a c t i c a l ones of f i g h t i n g with well-sharpened weapons then to "play" means that the animal k i l l s the hunter. In the f i r s t part of the. Bear Mother s t o r y we have an o r i g i n - s i t u a t i o n i n which the hunters who come to k i l l the bear are s t i l l untaught and the 275. bear s t i l l belongs to those p r o t o t y p i c a l animals who once hunted men. Yet through h i s wif e and her c h i l d r e n he has become the brother-in-law of the hunters. He i s caught i n the c o n f l i c t between the wish to "play" w i t h them and the wish to behave l i k e a tr u e brother-in-law and l e t himself be k i l l e d , that i s , play the game by the new r u l e s , the covenant between animals and men. The wife i s the mediator between o l d and new. "'Be good to your brothers-in-law' she says. Don't hurt any of them!' And the bear says, he t e l l s h is wife 'I am going t o play with my b r o t h e r s - i n -law,' he says. He has a spear--sagat--up there on the roof. And that t h i n g there i s r e a l l y the te e t h of the bear that he has up there ..." (ve r s i o n 2, p.26). In exact a p p o s i t i o n stands the sequence i n the second part when the brothers ask t h e i r s i s t e r t o play w i t h them. This time "play" does not have the double meaning of k i l l i n g and i t i s not important what word the nar r a t o r uses here. The idea however i s important: the brothers propose (a) t o play w i t h the be a r s k i n , a part of the bear which they have been t o l d to venerate ( i n some versions the taboo i s s h i f t e d t o laughing: they have been t o l d not to laugh at the bear and when they see t h e i r s i s t e r i n the s k i n , behaving l i k e a bear, they laugh), (b) with t h e i r s i s t e r , an a c t i o n which seems to i n v o l v e a hidden i n c e s t taboo connected with the sexual meaning of play. In any case t h i s play i s the f a l s e cause of a s e r i e s of f a l s e e f f e c t s . The whole sequence i s i n the deceptive mode. The b r o t - • • hers t h i n k they are only p l a y i n g , and use toy arrows. They t h i n k they are hunters w h i l e they are, i n f a c t , game. The r u l e s of the game are going against them. The s i s t e r , who has warned them: "I can't play that I am a bear" and "I am going to be a bear f o r good a f t e r you have f i n i s h e d p l a y i n g with me" i s forced to act a u t o m a t i c a l l y and against her w i l l once she has changed i n t o a bear. Almost a l l the nar r a t o r s s t r e s s "she could 276. not help h e r s e l f " , and one adds "tears ran. down her f a c e " . I t i s however, only the episode of the youngest brother (which appears i n only 4 of the 11 version s ) t h a t f u l l y e x p l a i n s her behaviour i n 42 terms of the play on "play". One of the r u l e s of p l a y i n g with animals (given by the animals themselves, as we saw i n the SB myth) i s that wea-pons should be prepared t h a t are sharp and e f f e c t i v e when the animals a r r i v e at t h e i r playground (Kwakiutl term f o r f i s h i n g s i t e ) . The youngest brother sees that the being that comes out of the wood to h i s playground i s not t h e i r s i s t e r but a bear. He changes his spruce bark arrows f o r copper ones. He shoots at her and h i t s her i n the t h r o a t . This cannot k i l l her because she i s a s p i r i t , but because he knows how to "play" she spares him, again s t r i c t l y according to the r u l e s of the game. The youngest brother i s an impersonation of the good hunter, used as a f o i l to show o f f the bad hunters. This use of f o i l i s f u l l y developed i n the longest v e r s i o n which I s h a l l discuss next. Here i t sharpens the play on "play": bad hunters do not know how to "play", good hunters know. The whole g r i d of r u l e s kept and r u l e s broken, conduct evaluated p o s i t i v e l y or n e g a t i v e l y according to t r a d i t i o n a l usage f i t s p r e c i s e l y over the g r i d made by the p r i m i t i v e form. We remember that the p r i m i t i v e forms of the BM story were the i c o n i c one of the two faces of the bear, and the n a r r a t i v e one of the g i r l as wife i d e n t i f y i n g with the hunters and causing the death of the bear and the g i r l as s i s t e r i d e n t i f y i n g w i t h the bear and causing the death of the hunters. As the r u l e s of h i s game they pose two problems to the n a r r a t o r , (1) how to show the two faces of the bear by c l e a r l y d i s t i n g u i s h i n g the one from the other (a problem shared by the a r t i s t i n wood or pai n t and by the producer of r i t u a l ) ; (2) how to make the behaviour of the g i r l i n t e l l i g i b l e (a narrator's problem). The r u l e s of conduct that order the hunting s o c i e t y provide a s o l u t i o n f o r both 277. at once. (1) Right conduct = r i g h t r e l a t i o n between bear and hunters (and s e c o n d a r i l y between hunters and s i s t e r because the woman partakes i n the nature of the bear) marks the face of the bear "benevolent"; wrong conduct marks i t "malevolent". Conduct thus serves both as d i s t i n g u i s h i n g mark and as i n t e l l i g i b l e d i s t i n c t i o n . (2) The same r u l e s e x p l a i n the p a r a d o x i c a l behaviour of the g i r l as wife and s i s t e r . As wife she helps the bear r e a l i s e the new order between men and animals. The tragedy of his death i s m i t i g a t e d by the f a c t that through the r i t u a l , which she' teaches the hunters, he w i l l be able t o regenerate himself. As s i s t e r she plays the r o l e of a r b i t e r and judge guarding the r u l e s that enable men and animals to l i v e together. She holds t h i s o f f i c e as " s i s t e r " , because a s i s t e r goes away to connect one i n a l a w f u l and peaceful way with out-s i d e r s who would i n the ordinary s t a t e of a f f a i r s be one's enemies. " S i s t e r " can t h e r e f o r e i n p r i n c i p a l stand f o r a guardian of the laws that 43 connect one w i t h beings other than o n e s e l f . I sum up with a schematic t a b l e of d e c i s i o n s and r u l e s i n which + 44 stands f o r r i g h t , - f o r wrong. 278. TABLE XI Part 1 Marks Decisi o n of bear to "play" w i t h h i s b r o t h e r s - i n - l a w D e c i s i o n of bear not to "play" + Bear teaches wife r u l e s of game • + Bear plays the game by dying + S i s t e r teaches brothers r u l e s of game + S i s t e r returns home Reasons f o r marks his adversaries are h i s k i n animals give themselves to hunters Part 2 Dec i s i o n of brothers to play with t h e i r s i s t e r D e c i s i o n of brothers not to "play" ( i . e . d e c i s i o n to use toy arrows) Bear plays the game by k i l l i n g Youngest brother's d e c i s i o n to "play" ( i . e . to use r e a l arrows) Bear's d e c i s i o n to spare youngest brother i n c e s t taboo s i s t e r i s bear (a) r e t r i b u t i o n (b) r e s u l t of broken con-t r a c t (c) hunters who do not know how to "play" are game s i s t e r i s bear good hunter, knows when to "play" S i s t e r departs permanently f o r bear world and becomes Bear Mother C The Longest Version The longest v e r s i o n i s the core v e r s i o n changed s l i g h t l y i n part 1, Instead of a l l the brothers k i l l i n g the bear together and f i n d i n g t h e i r s i s t e r i n c i d e n t a l l y the brothers compete i n t r y i n g to f i n d t h e i r s i s t e r and k i l l i n g the bear. The youngest succeeds while the others f a i l . 279. •ne would t h i n k that such a s l i g h t p l o t v a r i a t i o n would make l i t t l e d i f f e r e n c e , but i t changes the message s t r u c t u r e fundamentally. One.of the basic notions connected with the two faces of the bear i s that of r e t r i b u t i v e j u s t i c e . I t could be expressed as "he who k i l l s must be k i l l e d " . We have found the same notion underlying the d i v i s i o n i n the SB t a l e s i n the form of "he who eats must be eaten". Now i n the longest v e r s i o n of the BM story he who k i l l s i n part 1--the super i o r brother - - i s p r e c i s e l y - not he who i s k i l l e d i n part 2 but he who i s saved (again on account of his s u p e r i o r i t y ) . In t h i s way the centre i s s h i f t e d from b i l a t e r a l l y symmetrical d i v i s i o n to r e p e t i t i o n i n another key. There are two examples of the longest v e r s i o n i n McClellan's c o l l e c -t i o n (versions 1 and 2, pp.15--27) both t o l d by knowledgeable o l d men, one of whom has c l o s e r a s s o c i a t i o n s to the c o a s t a l T l i n g i t , the other to the Inland Athapascans (p.24). The v e r s i o n can t h e r e f o r e not be blamed on the n a r r a t o r g e t t i n g h i s s t o r i e s mixed up (of which the o l d e r of the two men was apparently sometimes accused, p.15) nor on r e g i o n a l v a r i a t i o n . We must accept i t as coming from men who were both a u t h o r i t i e s on t h e i r own c u l t u r e ( e s p e c i a l l y the o l d e r , who c a l l e d himself a shaman), and who had been s u c c e s s f u l hunters a l l t h e i r l i v e s . In t h i s v e r s i o n the good hunter i s introduced as subject hero. We have already met him as the youngest brother who knows how to "play" when confronted by a bear. Here he moves i n t o the centre of the s t o r y . To r e a l i s e the impact of such a s h i f t of emphasis we must remember that the r e t r i b u t i o n a l j u s t i c e of the core v e r s i o n has u n i v e r s a l a p p l i c a t i o n and t h a t the actors i n that drama are type f i g u r e s standing f o r every man. The s a l i e n t c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the good hunter i s that he i s d i f f e r e n t from other men. His d i f f e r e n c e i s c h a r a c t e r i s e d i n two ways: by e l e c t i o n (unknown to others he i s akin to a supernatural being), and by s e l f -280. d i s c i p l i n e and t r a i n i n g . The two go together: the good hunter t r a i n s i n s p e c i a l , more e f f e c t i v e ways because he i s e l e c t e d , but he i s a l s o e l e c t e d because of the s u p e r i o r concentration and seriousness of his t r a i n i n g . The object of h i s t r a i n i n g , the game animal, i n our s t o r y the bear (him-s e l f a shaman), knows that the good hunter i s stronger than he i s and submits v o l u n t a r i l y to him. Part 1 and Part 2 of our story are t h e r e f o r e not any longer connected by the formula: he who k i l l s the bear s h a l l d i e by the bear but instead by: he who can k i l l the bear s h a l l be spared by the bear. The f i r s t formula has universal, a p p l i c a t i o n because a l l men are g u i l t y of the k i l l -i n g of animals i f only by e a t i n g them. The second puts the s t r e s s on a b i l i t i e s that can only be developed by the i n d i v i d u a l and i n s i d e the i n d i v i d u a l . Everyone has these a b i l i t i e s but they are developed unevenly by men. The two formulas express d i f f e r e n t p o ints of view about hunting. Both p o i n t s of view may e x i s t i n the same s o c i e t y , and are not c o n t r a d i c -t o r y , but they cannot e x i s t without t r o u b l e i n the same s t o r y . The s t o r y of the good hunter makes f o r a b a s i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t p a t t e r n ; the deploy-ment of actors i s not any longer bear versus hunters,but good hunter (+ bear) versus bad hunters. Nevertheless the two n a r r a t o r s who t e l l the longest v e r s i o n have t r i e d to combine the core myth with the myth of the good hunter. Considering the formal d i f f i c u l t i e s they are s u r p r i s i n g l y s u c c e s s f u l . There i s a hiatus where one would expect i t , i n the f i r s t main episode, where the theme of r e t r i b u t i o n has to be prepared f o r i f one wants to t e l l the core myth w i t h i t s general message. I f the bear has been k i l l e d by the youngest brother alone, the e l d e r brothers must be some-how involved i n the k i l l i n g . The f i r s t n a r r a t o r solves t h i s crux b r i l l i a n t l y i f my reading of the t e x t i s r i g h t (p.19) by extending the 281. episode, s h i f t i n g from k i l l i n g to e a t i n g . Only the youngest can climb the steep mountain s i d e to the bear den. The el d e r ones come near because they have heard h i s dogs but must wait below. The carcass of the bear r o l l s down. The s i s t e r t e l l s the brother(s) that the bear i s t h e i r b r o t h e r - i n - l a w , must be t r e a t e d r i t u a l l y , and i s good to eat. "'You s k i n the bear good. That's your brother-in-law, i Kani! ... Treat him good. I t s good to use to eat' she s a i d " . When they have skinned the bear they eat a communal meal of h i s r i b s . Having s u c c e s s f u l l y d e a l t with t h i s crux, the n a r r a t o r i s i n t r o u b l e because he has to deal now with the s i s t e r ' s r e c o g n i t i o n by the youngest brother. He t h e r e f o r e says "wrong here" (p.19) and goes back to before the youngest brother has met up with 45 the o l d e r brothers. A l l the brothers have now been i n v o l v e d i n the death of the bear as eaters. The communal meal of "one si d e of the r i b s " has r i t u a l connotations and reminds one of the episode i n NSB where the f a t h e r i n v i t e s a l l h i s f r i e n d s to eat the Salmon Boy, whom he has caught and k i l l e d as a salmon. (Their meal i s an image of the f i r s t salmon ceremonial, i n which the i n d i v i d u a l g u i l t of k i l l i n g i s d i s t r i b u t e d to a l l i n a communal meal). In the other t e x t of the longest v e r s i o n there i s a confusion of pronouns at the c r i t i c a l p o i n t . The brothers reach the den together. The context c l e a r l y suggests that the youngest brother alone k i l l s the bear. But the text runs: "As soon as he runs out, they i . e . the younger brother? k i l l the bear", (p.26). The d i f f i c u l t y over E n g l i s h pronouns i s here not j u s t the usual l i n g u i s t i c one but a l s o con-cept u a l . A hiatus at t h i s point suggests a semantic overloading of the f i r s t p a r t . Propp i n his Morphology has a b r i e f note, which i s relevant here, on the rare cases i n which two f u n c t i o n s that are mutually e x c l u s i v e are employed i n one move (196B: 102). For the Russian f a i r y t a l e they are " s t r u g g l e with the v i l l i a n and v i c t o r y over him" and " d i f f i c u l t task and i t s s o l u t i o n " . Disregarding the moral v a l u a t i o n s of the f a i r y t a l e , s t r u g g l e - v i c t o r y might w e l l describe the f i g h t w i t h the bear, and t a s k -s o l u t i o n the youngest brother's secret t r a i n i n g , h i s f i n d i n g the s i s t e r and k i l l i n g the, bear, while h i s e l d e r brothers f a i l at the same task. T a s k - s o l u t i o n could a l s o describe the second main episode, i n part 2, which has the c h a r a c t e r of a r i d d l e w i t h the main clue hidden: t h a t the s i s t e r i s a bear. Only the youngest brother gets the clue and acts on i t . Now Propp i n the same passage a s s e r t s that the t a l e which has i n one move a f i g h t and the other a d i f f i c u l t task [ i n t h i s order) i s "the basi c type of a l l t a l e s " . "But i n speaking about Russian f a i r y t a l e s " he says "we are compelled to say that today t h i s i s the t a l e to which a l l the t a l e s of our c l a s s are traced"* [pp.103—104). The core v e r s i o n of the BM s t o r y , i t would seem belongs to that c l a s s . In t h i s case Propp's morphology may have f a r more general a p p l i c a t i o n s and should be examined f o r them. The longest v e r s i o n , however, would seem to prove that the combination of the two f u n c t i o n s i n one move, which Propp considered a v i o l a t i o n of the r u l e because i t occured only three times i n a hundred t a l e s , also make up a t a l e - t y p e . Obviously a d i f f i c u l t one to t e l l , but p o s s i b l e with thought and s k i l l . Part 1: task set f o r a l l brothers. Leads to s t r u g g l e - v i c t o r y as s o l u t i o n . Youngest brother suceeds. Shares v i c t o r y ( i n form of communal eating of vanquished) w i t h others. Attached to v i c t o r y i s a moral o b l i g a t i o n which a l l are charged to keep. Part 2: a l l d i s r e g a r d o b l i g a t i o n . R e s u l t : a l l are faced with a new task. Youngest brother succeeds i n s o l v i n g i t c o r r e c t l y . Others are destroyed by t h e i r ignorance. Here s t r u g g l e - v i c t o r y i n part 1 leads to t a s k - s o l u t i o n i n part 2 as i n the core myth. The hunters who have been v i c t o r i o u s are t e s t e d . They f a i l . At the same time s o l u t i o n of a task i n part 1 leads to the s o l u t i o n of the task i n part 2, and the one who has succeeded i n the f i r s t succeeds i n the second. The combination i s p o s s i b l e i f the emphasis i s s h i f t e d from the moral preoccupation ( g u i l t - r e t r i b u t i o n ) to a p s y c h o l o g i c a l one ( e x t r a o r d i n a r y powers). Such a s h i f t seems to rep-resent an attempt at s o l v i n g the problem of g u i l t - r e t r i b u t i o n , and i s as such c l e a r l y of the greatest importance f o r our examination of the o r i g i n of the thought of the Winter i n the thought of the Summer. Again, where we have s t r u c t u r a l i r r e g u l a r i t y , a " t h i c k e n i n g " of conceptual p o s s i b i l i t i e s p a r t l y c o n t r a d i c t o r y to one another and a r e s u l t i n g opaqueness i n the message we have also a new departure i n thought. Assuming such a s h i f t of emphasis, t a s k - s o l u t i o n would not be a separate f u n c t i o n but an i n t e r n a l i z a t i o n of s t r u g g l e - v i c t o r y . The s t r u g g l e takes place i n s i d e , and the enemy to be overcome i s the s e l f . Abstinence ( f a s t i n g , continence) and d i s c i p l i n e ( t r a i n i n g ) make the hunter i n t o a man of e x t r a o r d i n a r y powers. The outside enemy disso l v e s - - h e goes over to the hunter, becomes a f r i e n d . The bear gives himself to the youngest brother who has observed the proper preparatory r i t e s . One of the songs which the bear-wife hands on to her brothers i n the longest version as part of the bear's testament goes: "I went through every one of those young people/and the l a s t brother--/!, know he d i d the r i g h t thing?" The t r a n s l a t i o n (the n a r r a t o r ' s own) may be clumsy but the meaning i s c l e a r , as i t i s i n his comment: "And he [the bear] dreams that the l a s t one i s going to get him. So he can't help i t . When he f i n d s him, he comes r i g h t out and gives himself up." (p.27). This i s a shamanistic conception of how the dilemma can be r e s o l v e d j and the wit or word-play that f o r m a l l y connects part 1 and part 2 i n the longest v e r s i o n stems d i r e c t l y from a shamanistic view of the world. I t i s a play on "seeing" and on " l i g h t " , on "being asleep" and on "dreaming". 284. We remember that i n the second main episode the youngest brother proved himself a good hunter because he could see that h i s s i s t e r was r e a l l y a bear. He could see when the others were b l i n d , and he knew (how to "play") when they were ignorant. In the longest version the d i f f e r e n c e between the seeing youngest brother and the unseeing e l d e s t brother i s made q u i t e c l e a r : When they come to the place where the bears were the place where they were going t o play w i t h t h e i r s i s t e r a bear came out feeding on b e r r i e s . And those f o u r brothers went a f t e r i t . And f i r s t they put spruce bark points on t h e i r arrows. Arid the youngest of the brothers looked, and i t didn't look l i k e h i s s i s t e r . Every place there were r e a l bears walking. They never put those bear skins on t h e i r backs. The younger brother sees that they are f u l l bears. He t o l d h i s o l d e s t brother: "That's not our s i s t e r . Can't you see i t ? I t ' s d i f f e r e n t from our s i s t e r . That i s a grown bear. Watch out!" So they walked cl o s e to i t , and a f t e r a while the oldest brother shot h i s bow and arrow. And j u s t as soon as she heard the bow and arrow make a noise l i k e t h a t , she jumped on the boys, (p.23) This d i f f e r e n c e between the brother who can "see" and the others who are b l i n d i s prepared f o r i n a p a r a d o x i c a l way. In part 1 the f o u r brothers go out to f i n d t h e i r s i s t e r and k i l l the bear. The three e l d e r brothers are a c t i v e hunters who go out one a f t e r the other, but f a i l . The youngest i s always asleep. "The youngest ki d i s always s l e e p i n g . When the o l d e s t brother comes back and h i s k i d brother i s s l e e p i n g yet he says, 'You're no good. Do you t h i n k you are going to get your s i s t e r ? ' " . The youngest brother's sleep i s , however, more e f f e c t i v e than the o l d e r one's wakefulness. The n a r r a t o r t e l l s us t h a t he f i r s t "wishes to himself" that he might get h i s ' ^ s i s t e r and then "knows" i t . When h i s day comes, he goes s t r a i g h t to the bear's den (p.18--19). In t h i s v e r s i o n the youngest brother does not t r a i n . There i s however an i m p l i c i t l i n k with a motif that i s frequent on the coast: that of the despised younger brother (or poor boy or orphan) s e c r e t l y t r a i n i n g while 285. the others t h i n k he i s asleep. The theme of the d u a l i t y of appearance and r e a l i t y i s i n i t s t u r n u s u a l l y l i n k e d t o the two sides of the e x t r a -ordinary man: that he i s e x t r a o r d i n a r y by (hidden) e l e c t i o n and by t r a i n -i n g . What seems to others sleep i s concentration of powers. E x a c t l y the same combination of "seeing" and s l e e p i n g i s found i n the bear, except that the bear as a supernatural being needs no t r a i n i n g and no e l e c t i o n . He has what the youngest brother achieves. He "sees" the brothers s t a r t i n g out l o o k i n g f o r him, and l i k e the youngest brother knows the f u t u r e , f o r he t e l l s h i s wife "your brothers w i l l k i l l me". In most versions he dreams that they w i l l k i l l him. (The theme of pro-p h e t i c seeing and dreaming i s by no means l i m i t e d to the longest v e r s i o n , i t i s only f u l l y developed i n i t . ) The bear's dream corresponds to the youngest brother's sleep. Knowledge and seeing comes to them when they are by normal standards unknowing and unseeing. The second n a r r a t o r of the longest version adds the i n t e r e s t i n g image of l i g h t . To appreciate i t we must keep i n mind that the bear who dreams i n the dark cave of h i s death i s , throughout the c o l l e c t i o n , associated with the sun. His s k i n and h i s head must be exposed i n the memorial r i t u a l to the sun i n the r i g h t way. When the g i r l leaves f o r ever as a bear she takes the way of the sun. In t h i s v ersion the brothers a l l t r a i n but only the youngest t r a i n s properly (p.27 end). T r a i n i n g makes t h e i r minds l i k e l i g h t . The n a r r a t o r uses " f l a s h l i g h t " , and the image i s of a s p o t l i g h t " f e e l i n g " the mountains. Way before that the bear saw what hi s brothers-in-law were doing ... Before he s t a r t s out, the bear t e l l s h i s w i f e , "Your o l d e s t brother i s coming a f t e r us!" The bear knows when he leaves home. And when the brother was coming c l o s e r he has something i n h i s mind j u s t l i k e a f l a s h l i g h t . And the bear j u s t gets ahold of i t and he shoves that t h i n g out. He d i d that with three of those boys. gatuqu ... i s the mind of a person ... And f i n a l l y the bear t e l l s h i s w i f e : "The younger of your brothers i s going t o go t h i s morning, and i t looks as i f he i s going to get us," he 286. said.- •.• • And not very long a f t e r t h a t , that man's mind comes. The bear shoves the young man's mind out of the cave . But not very long a f t e r i t comes again. He t r i e s i t three times, and he can.'t make i t . The t h i r d [ s i c ] time that mind comes i n s i d e that place there, the bear never shoves that person's mind out. (pp.25—26) Obviously the youngest brother has f i n a l l y achieved the same powers of seeing as the bear. As the bear can see him i n h i s house so he can see the bear i n h i s den. He i s t h e r e f o r e able to f i n d the bear. But why does the bear come out to be killed--;by him and does not f i g h t ? (a point s t r e s s e d by the f i r s t n a r r a t o r ) . Apparently as the boy knows (i n his sleep) that he w i l l f i n d his s i s t e r , so the bear knows (through his dreams) that he w i l l be k i l l e d by the boy. Seeing and knowing go together, as i n the second main episode where to be able to see the r e a l i t y hidden to others meant al s o the knowledge how to cope with i t . Seeing and knowing then makes the bear and the good hunter equals, the bear through n a t i v e power, the hunter through acquired power. But the powers of seeing and knowing are so complete that they make them more than equals, they make them f r i e n d s who, because they see p e r f e c t l y , work together f o r the same end. In the f i g u r e of the good hunter the longest v e r s i o n resolves the dilemma of the r e l a t i o n between men and animals. I t i s resolved not on the plane of n a t u r a l j u s t i c e — b l o o d f o r blood — b u t a more i d e a l j u s t i c e : as the hunter gives himself (that i s gives himself up as an ordinary human being, gives up normal d e s i r e s and i n c l i n a t i o n s ) , the animal w i l l give i t s e l f . The Kwakiutl i n i t i a t i o n r i t u a l accepts the same l o g i c but reverses i t : as we accept the voluntary death of the animals i n the Summer so must we give ourselves v o l u n t a r i l y to the s p i r i t s i n the Winter. (The s p i r i t s i n t h e i r turn have much i n common with "the medi-cine animals, the bosses".) The longest version with i t s human f i g u r e who i s equal to a supernatural f i g u r e , and i t s imagery of seeing and l i g h t 287. i s of a l l the versions c l o s e s t to the i n i t i a t i o n myth i n which the human hero becomes one with the s p i r i t . However, i n s p i t e of a l l approxima-t i o n s to the i n i t a t i o n myth, one e s s e n t i a l d i f f e r e n c e remains: i n the hunting myth the voluntary death of the animal stands at the centre, i n the i n i t i a t i o n myth the voluntary death of the human being. A formal summing up w i l l show that the play on "seeing" makes a s t r u c t u r a l g r i d f o r the longest v e r s i o n . To see i s used i n the sense of seeing with the i n n e r eye, pe r f e c t seeing or prophetic seeing. This kind of seeing i s used i n three d i f f e r e n t ways i n the myth (1) c o n j u n c t i v e l y to connect man and "supernatural one", (2) d i s j u n c t i v e l y to separate them, and (3) d i s c r i m i n a t i v e l y , to d i s t i n g u i s h "seeing" from seeing. In part 1 the good hunter and the bear "see" as one and th e r e f o r e act as one. The hunter's wish to k i l l the bear i s the bear's wish to give himself to the hunter. In part 2 "seeing" separates the good hunter and the bear; i t makes the good hunter use sharp arrows and the bear leave f o r ever. This episode a l s o d i s t i n g u i s h e s the brother who "sees" from those who merely see (a form of b l i n d n e s s ) . F i n a l l y i n the middle of the st o r y "seeing" and seeing are harmoniously d i s t r i b u t e d between s i s t e r and younger brother. The s i s t e r who i s a supernatural being a f t e r her sojourn with the bear can "see" and guides her brother's seeing, which, with her help, i s e f f e c t i v e . That same sp r i n g she t e l l s her younger brother who got her that she wants to have a good time bear hunting. She t e l l s her brother: "I see smoke, _IK [younger b r o t h e r ] , bear smoke." ... "Where" her brother asks. "Out t h e r e . You see that t r e e standing up? Right there. You go there and look f o r i t . " He goes and sees a bear r i g h t there every time she says t h a t . ... Just the woman can see the smoke. Nobody e l s e can see i t . (p.20) A t a b l e w i l l show the s t r u c t u r a l g r i d based on "seeing": 288. TABLE XII —* G i r l i n s u l t s bear ~— • Journeys to bear world Betrays den to youngest brother I— Youngest brother's t r a i n i n g enables him to "see" bear Bear teaches w i f e r u l e s p-Bear l e t s himself be K i l l e d by youngest brother who can "see" him Wife teaches brothers r u l e s —'" Returns to human world. Aids youngest brother i n bear hunt w i t h her a b i l i t y to "see" bears. Brothers play with bear sKin —• Bear K i l l s e l d e r brothers who cannot "see" him —~* Youngest brother saved by his a b i l i t y to "see" bear — Returns to bear world — G i r l becomes Bear Mother 4 Summary 1) Armature: The myths I have discussed form a group by v i r t u e of t h e i r armature. A t h r e e f o l d movement brings a subject hero from t h i s world to the world of the animals, bacK to t h i s world, and to the world of the animals again. 2] Message: Within t h i s group each short myth i s complete and says something unique to i t s e l f . But each short myth a l s o says some-t h i n g that can only be understood i n r e l a t i o n to the long version or c y c l e . (a) Short Versions: the myths deal with a problem p e c u l i a r to hunting: the problem of g u i l t and r e t r i b u t i o n i n men's r e l a t i o n to the animals. The problem stems from the r e a l l i f e dilemma that men have to k i l l i n order to l i v e . The short versions take up f a c e t s of the problem and attempt to solve the problem on a manageable s c a l e . Such f a c e t s are: the making of a c o n t r a c t with the animals the f o r t i f y i n g of man so that he becomes the equal of the animals the r e - i n t e g r a t i o n of men that have been with the animals (b) Long Versions: the group of myths that share the same armature f a l l s i n t o two subgroups, salmon myths and bear myths (SB and BM myths). Stable throughout the group: the hunter who k i l l s the prey i n part 1 becomes himself prey i n part 2. This suggests that the idea of j u s t i c e i s c e n t r a l to the myth. Subgroups of long versions (A) Stable throughout the salmon v e r s i o n s : the "prey" of the hero i n part 1 i s a salmon; i n part 2 the hero i s k i l l e d as a salmon. Formulated i n general terms: the hunter i s k i l l e d i n the form of h i s v i c t i m (when he assumes t h i s form). hero as hunter _ hero as salmon salmon x as hunter (B) Stable throughout the bear v e r s i o n s : the hunter i n part 1 i s man, his prey the bear; i n part 2 the bear i s the hunter and his prey man. In general terms: the prey becomes the hunter. hunter _ bear bear hunter where the denominator of part 1 becomes the numerator of part 2 and v i c e versa. This i s a l s o the formula f o r the i n i t i a t i o n t a l e where,in the mutual 290. eating of s p i r i t and i n i t i a t e ^ h e r o s p i r i t _ i n i t i a t e i n i t i a t e s p i r i t (C) Comparison: the d i f f e r e n c e between the subgroups i s dependent on the d i f f e r e n c e between the animal protagonists of the subgroups, (a) Salmon = food. Where j u s t i c e reverses the r e l a t i o n s h i p men th e r e f o r e become food (= salmon). The eater eaten. (b) Bears are game, but they are the only game that can reverse the r e l a t i o n s h i p between hunter and hunted. They are dangerous; they are a l s o the r i v a l s of men i n "hunting" salmon and b e r r i e s . When j u s t i c e reverses the r e l a t i o n s h i p men t h e r e f o r e not only become game but bears hunters. The hunter hunted and the game as hunter. Both formulations express a problematic r e l a t i o n between men and animals. On the l e v e l of the r e l a t i o n between men and animals the problem cannot be re s o l v e d . But both formulations enter a l s o i n t o the i n i t i a t i o n myth where they express a problematic r e l a t i o n to the s e l f and between men. Transposed to t h a t l e v e l the problem seems t o be capable of r e s o l u t i o n . 3) S i g n i f i c a n c e of mediator f i g u r e s : a comparison The conception of j u s t i c e on which the myths centre i s not c l e a r l y e x p l i c i t i n t h e i r content. The myths deal with j u s t i c e through t h e i r form. The conception of j u s t i c e expressed i n the form i s a p r i m i t i v e conception of mechanical r e t r i b u t i o n . This conception comes out i n the symmetry of the myth; i t a l s o expresses an under-l y i n g p h i l o s o p h i c a l view of the absolute nature of n e c e s s i t y and the u n e l u c t a b i l i t y of f a t e . The s i g n i f i c a n c e of the f i g u r e s of the mediator and the good hunter l i e s i n the f a c t t h a t i n them t h i s view i s questioned. This connects these f i g u r e s with the 2 9 1 . i n i t i a t e and the a n i m a l - s p i r i t s of the tsetseqa• (a) Mediator. The mediator f i g u r e s introduce a m o d i f i c a t i o n of the conception of j u s t i c e as mechanical and i n e l u c t a b l e r e t r i b u t i o n . Salmon Boy and Bear Mother are human beings who s a c r i f i c e a.part of t h e i r humanity i n order to a s s i m i l a t e a part of animal nature, and so come c l o s e r to the animals than men can normally hope to do. This s a c r i f i c e of t h e i r humanity (which the myths do not n e c e s s a r i l y represent as voluntary) i s meant to make a breach i n the d i v i d i n g l i n e between men and animals, or, to use another image, i t i s shown to be the bridge on which the animals can cross to the human world. The p r i n c i p l e of a m o d i f i c a t i o n of humanity f o r the sake of a c l o s e r connection with the animals, introduces a more a c t i v e • element i n t o the conception of j u s t i c e : j u s t i c e need not mean j u s t r e t r i -bution s u f f e r e d p a s s i v e l y but can be a c t i v e l y i n f l u e n c e d by men. However, the f a c t that the.••myths represent t h i s s a c r i f i c e of humanity as an e t i o l o -g i c a l event weakens the a c t i v e i n g r e d i e n t i n the conception. Salmon Boy and Bear Mother are undoubtedly on one l e v e l meant to be paradigmatic--they are Everyman f i g u r e s - - b u t the e t i o l o g i c a l angle of the myth removes them to the past and so to speak f o s s i l i z e s them as superhuman beings. They can i n t h i s guise a r b i t r a t e between men and animals i n an a l t o g e t h e r sovereign manner. On the one hand, that there i s now such a f i g u r e watch-in g over the salmon run, or over hunting i n general, c e r t a i n l y gives men a more a c t i v e part i n t h e i r experience of the world. They themselves can now i n f l u e n c e the working of j u s t i c e through obeying the i n j u n c t i o n s these f i g u r e s have conveyed to them and over whose execution they watch. In observing the r u l e s taught them, they are able to modify t h e i r own humanity i n a small way. But on the other hand the f a c t that these f i g u r e s of the past have made contact with the animals once and f o r a l l times, and 292. s a c r i f i c e d t h e i r humanity f o r a l l men, al s o minimizes the scope of a c t i v e involvement f o r the ordinary i n d i v i d u a l . (b) Good Hunter. In t h i s context, the i n t r o d u c t i o n of the "good hunter" f i g u r e means a step towards a grea t e r and more a c t i v e human p a r t i -c i p a t i o n . I t f u r t h e r modifies the mechanical conception of j u s t i c e by in t r o d u c i n g a p r i n c i p l e of c o n t r o l over experience that i s open to every-one. This i s the p r i n c i p l e of " t r a i n i n g " - - o f e s t a b l i s h i n g the connection between men and animals through an e f f o r t at s e l f d i s c i p l i n e . The s i g n i f i c a n c e of t h i s step l i e s not only i n the f a c t that t r a i n i n g i s a p o s s i b i l i t y of which everyone who has the strength of mind can a v a i l him-s e l f , but also i n the r e l a t e d f a c t that though i t e n t a i l s a considerable s a c r i f i c e of the hunter's humanity, i t allows him to remain a member of the human community. In the f i g u r e of the good hunter, then, the more s i g n i f i c a n t step towards " t a k i n g r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r one's own f a t e " , to use B e l l a h ' s phrase, has been made. The hunter f i g u r e represents the p o s s i b i l i t y that through s e l f - d e n i a l and the r e j e c t i o n of the pleasures of s o c i a b i l i t y one gains a strength of concentration ( p o s s i b l y i n the sense of "being oneself") that equals that of the animals. With t h i s one has gained p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n t h e i r nature; one can d i v i n e t h e i r wishes and, ho p e f u l l y , coordinate the n e c e s s i t i e s of human existence with the wishes of the animals. B a s i c a l l y both the superhuman f i g u r e of the mediator and the human f i g u r e of the good hunter are attempts to r e s o l v e the dilemma inherent i n the r e l a t i o n to the animals, or to overcome the natu r e / c u l t u r e dichotomy through an act of p a r t i c i p a t i o n . (c) Comparison h u n t e r - i n i t i a t e . Many fea t u r e s connect the "good hunter" of our myths w i t h the i n i t i a t e of the winter r i t u a l . I t i s important to show the closeness of the connection i n order to b r i n g out the f u l l scope of the contrast that d i v i d e s them. L i k e the good hunter 293. the i n i t i a t e removes himself from human contact v o l u n t a r i l y . He s a c r i -f i c e s h i s humanity even more d r a s t i c a l l y (though more temporarily) than, the hunter. I have mentioned above th a t the i n i t i a t e modifies h i s human nature e c s t a t i c a l l y , w h i l e the hunter modifies h i s a s c e t i c a l l y , but i n 47 f a c t no sharp d i v i d i n g l i n e can be drawn between the two. Though the hunter g e n e r a l l y uses s e l f d i s c i p l i n a r y measures there i s an element of "unrepression" i n h i s t r a i n i n g t h a t a l i g n s h i s method with those of the i n i t i a t e . In our myths, the youngest brother's immoderate s l e e p i n g i s an example which can be compared to the bed-wetting, s o i l i n g , d i r t i n e s s and l a z i n e s s of other powerful world-renewing or society-renewing persona-l i t i e s of myth. Conversely, the i n i t i a t e i s not j u s t "unrepressed" but t r a i n s i n h i s i s o l a t i o n through f a s t i n g and p u r i f i c a t i o n s . Yet the i n i t i a t e i s d i v i d e d from the good hunter by a d e c i s i v e f u r t h e r step i n the d i r e c t i o n of "ta k i n g r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r one's own f a t e " . I t i s only i n the i n i t i a t e that the s h i f t from a passive acceptance of experience to an a c t i v e p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n experience i s completed. This could be done because the i n i t i a t e belongs to what one might c a l l a p h i l o s o p h i c a l way of l o o k i n g at the world where a c l e a r n a t u r e / c u l t u r e d i s t i n c t i o n has been made, as i t has been made i n the Kwakiutl d i s t i n c t i o n between baxus and t s e t s e q a . With t h i s d i s t i n c t i o n the realm of n e c e s s i t y , where experience i s determined, becomes c l e a r l y defined, and t h i s d e f i n i -t i o n promotes an apprehension of the areas where men have f i n a l l y "the p o s s i b i l i t y of c r e a t i n g a form of experience they d e s i r e and f r e e i n g them-selves s y m b o l i c a l l y from what they must otherwise p a s s i v e l y endure", to 48 use Lienhardt's f o r m u l a t i o n . The superhuman mediator and the good hunter f i g u r e s of the hunting myth are approximations t o t h i s p o s s i b i l i t y . But the e f f o r t to transcend n e c e s s i t y they represent i s doomed because the d i f f e r e n c e , between experiences that can be dominated by men and those 294. that cannot has not been c l e a r l y understood. There i s no r e a l i s t i c way i n which men can c l o s e the gap between themselves and the animals, and r e s o l v e the dilemma that f o r c e s them to k i l l and eat t h e i r f r i e n d s . The step from the f i g u r e of the hunter to that of the i n i t i a t e - - a very small step i n r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l terms--involves the s h i f t from preoccupa-t i o n with the p o s s i b i l i t y of freedom of a c t i o n i n the extra-human world to that p o s s i b i l i t y i n the i n t r a - and interhuman world. According to Kwakiutl understanding, the s o c i a l world i s the area where men are f r e e to shape t h e i r experience and are, indeed, r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the proper shaping of i t . This " s o c i a l world", where men are f o r part of the year f r e e from the c o n s t r i c t i n g i n t e r a c t i o n with the extra-human world i s the tsetseq a. Cd) Comparison mediator f i g u r e and winter dance s p i r i t In t h i s context the d i f f e r e n c e between the mediator f i g u r e of the hunting myths and the c a n n i b a l i s t i c and g i f t - g i v i n g f i g u r e of the i n i t i a t i o n myth becomes important. The two kinds of f i g u r e are so c l o s e and the con-ce p t u a l overlap between them i s so great that the areas of d i s t i n c t i o n 49 need p o i n t i n g out. The s h i f t I have mentioned above from a preoccupa-t i o n w i t h the extra-human world to a preoccupation with the i n t r a - and interhuman world makes i t necessary to t r a n s l a t e the animals i n t o s p i r i t s so that they can express metaphorically the problems of psychic and s o c i a l i n t e g r a t i o n . The mediator f i g u r e s of hunting myths are a l s o " t r a n s l a t e d " animals, but with a d i s t i n c t i o n . In f i g u r e s l i k e the Salmon Boy and the Bear Mother men have t r i e d to transcend n e c e s s i t y by f u s i o n with the animals. In these f i g u r e s the human i s amalgamated w i t h the extra-human i n an attempt to overcome the dilemma that d i v i d e s men from the extra-human. This attempt, we have s a i d , i s doomed to f a i l u r e . By contrast the a n i m a l - s p i r i t s of the winter dance are f i g u r e s that express 295. the d i s t i n c t i o n between men and the extra-human world. They do t h i s on the symbolic l e v e l of the scheme of g u i l t and amendment and on the ps y c h o l o g i c a l l e v e l , where they a s s i s t toward an overcoming of f e a r . As "hunters of men" the animal s p i r i t s stand c l e a r l y over against men as embodiments of g u i l t towards the animals and of the d e s i r e to make amends. There i s no attempt here to bridge the gap between men and animals by an amalgamation. The animals are conceived, here, as i n the hunting myths, as having a "gentle" {benevolent) side and a " w i l d " (malevolent) one. In the tsetseqa the w i l d side of the animal i s t r a n s l a t e d i n t o a human metaphor. The animal s p i r i t s meet the i n i t i a t e as embodiments of his own f e a r . I i n t e r p r e t t h i s f e a r as being b a s i c a l l y a f e a r of himself. I f he i d e n t i -f i e s with the animal s p i r i t t h i s i s not a man-animal f u s i o n but an attempt to overcome the horror of oneself i n an animal image. On the other hand t h i s act of courage a l s o l i n k s man to the animal i n i t s ge n t l e aspect. The i n i t i a t e ' s act of courage, which u l t i m a t e l y b e n e f i t s h i s community, p a r a l l e l s the animal's act of courage i n g i v i n g i t s e l f to man f o r h i s sustenance. The animal gives i t s e l f to man w i t h i n the n a t u r a l sphere, where i t i s conceived as being able to act f r e e l y . In emulating the animal i n the s o c i a l sphere--the only sphere where man i s conceived as able to act f r e e l y - - t h e i n i t i a t e i n some measure repays the animal. His emulation, because of the s h i f t of l e v e l s i t i n v o l v e s , i s not of the order of a p a r t i c i p a t i o n but i s based on a d i s t i n c t i o n . I s h a l l d i s c u s s the connection between the animal of the baxus world of the Summer, as i t i s represented i n prayers and welcoming r i t u a l s , and the animal s p i r i t s of the testseqa i n the next chapter. E s p e c i a l l y the l a s t s e c t i o n , "The Myth of the R i t u a l " i s relevant to t h i s summary, as i s a l s o the Epilogue. Footnotes " I base t h i s statement mainly on the f a c t that t r a n s i t i o n a l myths, i n which the animals from being game turn i n t o i n i t i a t o r s , and g i v e r s of the winter r i t u a l are t y p i c a l l y K w a k i u t l . See my d i s c u s s i o n of two such myths i n the Epilogue. 2 "Type" and ''anti-type" belong to e x e g e t i c a l terminology. The a n t i -type f u l f i l s or completes the type ( C h r i s t the a n t i - t y p e of Adam). In our case e c s t a t i c and a s c e t i c are t h e r e f o r e not simply opposites but have points i n common. The good hunter of the Bear Mother s t o r y , though he d i s c i p l i n e s himself a l s o shows signs of "unrepression", f o r instance he sleeps while h i s brothers work, see 3(c) below. 3 A l l r e s o l u t i o n of the na t u r e / c u l t u r e dilemma seems to be achieved by t h i s r e c i p e . The hero (or heroine) of the hunting myth who becomes the' master of animals f i g u r e at the end of the myth a l s o achieves his v i t a l s y nthesis through a s a c r i f i c e of h i s humanness. He becomes, one might say "the perfect animal" to the i n i t i a t e ' s the "perfect man". 4 Vl a d i m i r Propp, Morphology of the F o l k t a l e , t r a n s . L. S c o t t , ed. L.A. Wagner (Austin: Univ. of Texas Press, 1968); Alan Dundes, The Morphology of North American Indian F o l k t a l e s , FF Communications No. 195 ( H e l s i n k i : Snomalainen Tiedeakatemia, 1964). 5 "Dissemination of Tales Among the Natives of North America", Journal of American F o l k l o r e , 4, No. XII (1891), 13--20. My i t a l i c s . Cf. Boas 1891; Gladys Reichard, " L i t e r a r y Types and Dissemination of Myths", Journal of American F o l k l o r e , 34, No. 133 (1921), 269--307; D. Demetracopoulou and Cora Du Bois, Journal of American F o l k l o r e , 45, No. 178 (1932), 375--500. 7Trans. John and Doreen Weightman (London: Jonathan Cape, 1973). 8 / The r e s u l t s of Le v i - S t r a u s s ' a n a l y s i s are summed up at the end of his chapter, pp.l48--5Q. 9 See Demetracopoulou and Du Bois 1932: 392 on the r e a c t i o n of d i f f e r -ent n a r r a t o r s to the re c o r d i n g s i t u a t i o n . "^Paul Radin i n The T r i c k s t e r (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1956) comments on the f a c t that v a r i a b i l i t y i s not due to mistaken t e l l i n g but that a s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e i n what i s t o l d i s e s t a b l i s h e d . 1 1See Catherine M c C l e l l a n , The G i r l Who Married the Bear (Ottawa: Na t i o n a l Museums of Canada, 1970). One of the n a r r a t o r s ' complaints that come up again and again i s that there i s not enough time to t e l l the sto r y p r o p e r l y . Cf. f o r i n s t a n c e p.15; "Before beginning with the s t o r y i t s e l f , . Jake explained how hard i t was to f i n d a short s t o r y to t e l l . Some s t o r i e s r e q u i r e two or three f u l l days, because they f i t together l i k e i n t e r t w i n e d f i n g e r s (Jake demonstrated). Part way through h i s n a r r a t i v e he informed us that he was c u t t i n g t h i s s tory short so that he could f i n i s h i t during the afternoon". 297. 12 Robert Pl a n t Armstrong, "Content A n a l y s i s i n F o l k l o r i s t i c s " , i n Mythology, ed. P i e r r e Maranda (Harmondsworth: .Penguin, 1972). 13 I do not t h i n k a d i s t i n c t i o n between long version and c y c l e can be u s e f u l l y made, and use the words interchangeably. On t h i s p o i n t , and on a r e v e r s a l of Radin's p o i n t , that i s a f i e l d s i t u a t i o n i n which former c y c l e s are d i s i n t e g r a t i n g i n t o short myths, see Demetracopoulou and Du Bois 1932: 380. 14 Univ. of Washington P u b l i c a t i o n s i n Anthropology, 2 (1928), 129--173. "^The work of eminent f o l k l o r i s t s has made i t c l e a r that ( i f put i n c u l t u r e - f r e e terms) we have here a bas i c p a t t e r n t y p i c a l of European f o l k -t a l e s . Cf. Propp, Meletinksy, Greimas. A.J. Greimas c l a s s i f i e s them as "dramatic n a r r a t i v e s " which are a l l dichotomised i n t o a before versus and a f t e r . See "The I n t e r p r e t a t i o n of Myth", i n S t r u c t u r a l A n a l y s i s of Oral T r a d i t i o n s , ed. P i e r r e Maranda ( P h i l a d e l p h i a : Univ. of Pennsylvania Press, 1971), p.83. 16 The Raw and the Cooked, t r a n s . John and Doreen Weightman (New York: Harper, 1970), p.199. ^See a l s o Greimas 1971: 83 (3) f o r a more abs t r a c t d e f i n i t i o n of t h i s meta-group. 18 SB s t o r i e s have, s u r p r i s i n g l y , what could be c a l l e d a bird - h u n t i n g code. Cf. BM s t o r i e s , which have a b e r r y i n g code (see 3(a) below). Many SB myths, e s p e c i a l l y of the northerrucoas-t, begin with a b i r d hunt,, as does indeed BBSB. Cf. a l s o the hole guarded by the eagle i n BBSB, the eagle hunt i n TSB, and SB as a swan i n NSB. 19 Cf. the "ghost s t o r i e s " i n Kwakiutl Tales (Boas 1910) and Kwakiutl Tales, New S e r i e s (Boas 1943). 20 Cf. the world centre, Chapter 2, 4 ( a ) . 21 Cf. Cedric Whitman, Homer and the Heroic T r a d i t i o n (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 1958). 22 Cf. David Buchan, The Balladandthe Folk (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul , 1972). 23 / Levi-Strauss remarks on the i n t e r e s t i n g point of salmon as husband i n "Asidwal", i n The S t r u c t u r a l Study of Myth and Totemism, ed. Edmund Leach (London: Tavistock, 1967), p.31. He does not r a i s e an even more i n t e r -e s t i n g p o i n t : why do the men t r e a t the salmon they f i s h f o r as wives ( c f . marriage to Salmon Woman) while women t r e a t the salmon they cut and prepare as husbands? The d i f f e r e n c e between male and female food i s c u l t u r a l l y important. Men give female food to women, women male food to men. Neither should hunt or gather food of the ,-same. isex. But only the salmon i s t r e a t e d as male and female food: given to the women as female food to cut, given back to the men as male food to be eaten. See also n.29 below on t h i s s ubject. 298. 24 John R. Swanton, Haida Texts and Myths (Washington: Gov. P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , 1905), p.7. 25 American An t h r o p o l o g i s t n.s., 28 (1926), 1--175. 2 6 I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g i n the l i g h t of modern psychology that t h i s "mother" i s a l i f e and death f i g u r e , not u n l i k e Healing and P e s t i l e n c e Woman. The verb a l paradox i s missing but the concept i s present, as our a n a l y s i s w i l l show. 27 The idea of the bear as mother of a l l l i v i n g beings seems to be s t i l l a l i v e among the Indians. Wilson Duff has a poem from a T l i n g i t student which expresses i t b e a u t i f u l l y . Personal communication. 28 / "Code" as defined by Levi-Strauss i n the Savage Mind as a "means of f i x i n g s i g n i f i c a t i o n s by transposing them i n t o terms of other s i g n i f i -c a t i o n s " (1966: 172). 29 I d e a l l y , then, the sexes given one another t h e i r husbands and wives f o r food. For a d i s c u s s i o n of the symbolism in v o l v e d see E r i c Schwimmer's "Objects of Mediation: Myth and P r a x i s " , i n The Unconscious i n C u l t u r e , ed. Ino Rossi (New York: Dutton, 1974), 209--237. 30 Cf. Marius Barbeau, "Bear Mother", Journal of American F o l k l o r e , 59, No. 231 (1945), 1 — 12. 31 Cf. however the treatment given to excrement i n the Kwakiutl s t o r y "The G i r l Who Married the G r i z z l y Bear" ( C u r t i s 1915: 271) and the equivalent T l i n g i t myths. There excrement i s not food but money and the valuable s t u f f i s not the bears' but the g i r l ' s . The treatment one might say i s not r a t i o n a l but Freudian. 32 Robin Rid i n g t o n , The Last Generation (unpublished), MS pp.116-125. 33 Cf. Kwakiutl prayers ( f o r instance Boas 1930: 191) where the bear i s addressed as " f r i e n d " . F riend i s l i t e r a l l y "one of us" and i t was the word the Kwakiutl used f o r f e l l o w members of the namima. 34 Eleazar Meletinsky et a l . , "Problems of the S t r u c t u r a l A n a l y s i s of F a i r y t a l e s " , i n Soviet S t r u c t u r a l F o l k l b r i s t i c s , ed.:- ;Pierre Maranda (The Hague: Mouton, 1974). 3 ^5 ^ "Andre J o l l e s , Elnfache Formen (1930j r p t . Tubingen: Max Niemeyer, 1972). 36 J o l l e s c a l l s them Wortgebcirde, word gesture. 37 Cf. p a r t i c u l a r l y the Kwakiutl transformation mask that shows the "angry" and the "benevolent" face of the c h i e f . For references see Deborah Waite "Kwakiutl Transformation Masks", i n The Many Faces of P r i m i t i v e A r t , ed. Douglas Fraser (Englewood C l i f f s , N.J.: P r e n t i c e H a l l , 1966). 299. 38 This i s why, when we do not understand the second g r i d , we supply ourselves a new one. Roland Barthes has based a theory of c r i t i c i s m on that f a c t . 39 The a u t h o r i t y given f o r the second g r i d i s u s u a l l y that t h i s i s what the o l d people d i d , s a i d , or thought. But under the circumstances of myth t e l l i n g "what the o l d people d i d " can be taken as the contemporary i d e a l . 40 An. index of excellence of McClellan's n a r r a t o r s i s that they are capable of word play i n E n g l i s h , though i t i s a language hardly any of them know w e l l . When the appropriate verbal play cannot be i m i t a t e d they use paraphrasing, to make the point c l e a r . 41 Cf. Boas 1966: 158--9: "The k i l l i n g of animals i s sometimes c a l l e d p l a y i n g games with the fisherman or hunter who sends them back to t h e i r home". 42 In the other v e r s i o n s e i t h e r a l l the brothers are k i l l e d ( i n r e t r i b u -t i o n f o r the k i l l i n g of the bear, as i n the Beaver story and/or because they have broken the' contact) or only the younger brothers, or the youngest are k i l l e d . In the l a t t e r case the assumption i s presumably that only kids would be ignorant enough to defy the r u l e s given by the bear. 43 Wilson Duff has suggested to me that under modern c o n d i t i o n s the bear might stand f o r the white man. In the l i g h t of the f u n c t i o n s of the secondary g r i d such an extension would be p o s s i b l e . 44 I am not suggesting that the explanations of the g r i d are the message of the myth. As r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n s the explanations are urisubtle, and schematizing them as I have done makes them more unsubtle. The myth with i t s message i s s u b t l e . 45 My reading would have to be checked against McClellan's f i e l d MS. 46 A l l the f i g u r e s discussed i n t h i s summary are mediator f i g u r e s i n a general sense, because a l l mediate between the human and a superhuman s t a t e of e x i s t e n c e . I have, however, i n the f o l l o w i n g d i s c u s s i o n used the word s p e c i f i c a l l y f o r the "master of the animals" f i g u r e s of the Salmon Boy and the Bear Mother. 47 In the i n t r o d u c t i o n to t h i s chapter. 48 Godfrey Lienhardt, D i v i n i t y and Experience (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1961), p.170. 49 For the overlap see p a r t i c u l a r l y mountain goat hunters' myths i n Kwakiutl Texts (Boas and Hunt, 1905), a l s o the mountain goat hunter's dance i n the winter r i t u a l i n which Big Horn, master of the' mountain goats appears i n person. Big Horn i s not a tsetseqa s p i r i t i n the developed sense but a t r a n s i t i o n a l s p i r i t whose g i f t i s luck i n hunting. Cf. Epilogue, Elxabae. 300. CHAPTER 4 THE KWAKIUTL SALMON RITUAL 1 I n t r o d u c t i o n In t h i s chapter I s h a l l take up the problem of the r e l a t i o n between men and animals once more, t h i s time through an examination of r i t u a l s that c e l e b r a t e the coming of an animal to men. I s h a l l concentrate on the f i r s t salmon r i t u a l of the K w a k i u t l . We should bear i n mind however, that the salmon i s not the only animal that i s r i t u a l l y venerated, and that r i t u a l veneration i s only one expression of a general pattern of behaviour towards a l l animals and plants k i l l e d f o r food. Some animals or p l ants are chosen to represent t h i s p a t t e r n i n r i t u a l form, u s u a l l y because of t h e i r m a t e r i a l importance; and with t h i s s e l e c t i o n t h e i r conceptual s i g n i f i c a n c e becomes gre a t e r than that of others. But i n p r i n c i p l e they are s p e c i f i c instances through which a general a t t i t u d e i s expressed. In the Northwest coast area i t i s p a r t i c u l a r l y the salmon, the bear and b e r r i e s which are s i n g l e d out f o r r i t u a l treatment. The s i n g l i n g out of these three " i n t e l l i g e n c e s " , then, makes up a conceptual chain which binds the prayers, the hunting myths and the r i t u a l s together. We have found throughout our examination t h a t salmon, bear and b e r r i e s c o n s t i t u t e what might be c a l l e d t e s t cases f o r thought i n t h i s area. In view of t h i s , our f i r s t concern here must be to define i n what way the approach through r i t u a l d i f f e r s from that of the prayers and the myths. One th i n g that l i n k s prayers and myths together f o r a l l t h e i r heterogeneity, and c o n t r a s t s them with the r i t u a l s , i s that they are concerned with the r e l a t i o n of the i n d i v i d u a l to the animal. R i t u a l s 301. organise c o l l e c t i v e l i f e ; they are t h e r e f o r e concerned with the r e l a t i o n of the group to the animal. In the prayers the i n d i v i d u a l Kwakiutl speaks to the animal he has met, and myths speculate about the e f f e c t of i n d i v i -dual moral behaviour on the r e l a t i o n to animals. But i n t h e i r r i t u a l the Kwakiutl seem to t h i n k about how men as a group, as a species even (f o r the s o c i a l group always stands i m p l i c i t l y f o r mankind) t r e a t the animals with whom they i n t e r a c t i n t h e i r d a i l y l i f e . The group represents the c u l t u r a l system, which exceeds i n g e n e r a l i t y and v a l i d i t y any question of i n d i v i d u a l behaviour. We may t h e r e f o r e hope that i n examining the r i t u a l s we s h a l l be able to come up wit h something that might be c a l l e d a meta-statement on what, i s s i g n i f i c a n t i n the r e l a t i o n between man and animals. Though the statement i t s e l f i s n a t u r a l l y culture-bound, the methods of e x t r a p o l a t i n g i t i n v o l v e an examination of the c h a r a c t e r and purpose of r i t u a l i n general, and t h i s w i l l be our secondary task i n t h i s chapter. In t u r n i n g from the myths to the r i t u a l s we must a l s o r e t u r n to some extent to the prayers. The salmon r i t u a l i n c l u d e s prayers, and the r i t u a l s i t u a t i o n i s not u n l i k e that of the prayers. Both r i t u a l and prayer c e l e b r a t e a meeting with an animal, and both are f o r m a l l y pres-c r i b e d occasions. Both b r i n g about a slowing down of the tempo of p r a c t i c a l l i f e , and c o n s t i t u t e pauses between event and event. Kwakiutl prayers are i n f a c t considered by e t h n o l o g i s t s t o be r i t u a l s of the same order as the f i r s t salmon r i t e , only simpler. Gunther In her "Further A n a l y s i s of the F i r s t Salmon Ceremony" makes no e x p l i c i t d i f f e r e n c e 1 between the two. As the Oxford d i c t i o n a r y d e f i n e s r i t e simply as "a formal procedure or act i n a r e l i g i o u s or other solemn performance", and r i t u a l as "a p r e s c r i b e d order of performing r e l i g i o u s and other d e v o t i o n a l s e r v i c e " such i n c l u s i v e n e s s cannot be g a i n s a i d . 302. For our purpose i t i s more p r o f i t a b l e t o look f o r the d i f f e r e n c e s . The most obvious d i f f e r e n c e , on which we have already touched, i s that while the prayer i s e s s e n t i a l l y a personal act the f i r s t s a l m o n ' r i t u a l i s a communal one. We s h a l l see below how the supplicant who prays to the animal during the r i t u a l prays f o r the community, while the orant g e n e r a l l y prays f o r himself. Another important d i f f e r e n c e i s that while the prayer i s a contemplation of an act, the r i t u a l i s an act i t s e l f . The prayer i s spoken a f t e r the act of k i l l i n g , sometimes before, and revolves t h i s act i n the mind. In the f i r s t salmon r i t u a l people come together to eat the salmon. This i s p r i m a r i l y a p h y s i c a l act though i t fuses with an act of contemplation. And speaking of a p h y s i c a l a c t , i t i s important to r e a l i s e that the r i t u a l c o n s i s t s of common everyday a c t i o n s : the c u t t i n g up, cooking and eating of the salmon. These everyday a c t i o n s are l i f t e d out of the ordinar y , given a frame, and fo r m a l i s e d i n t o a f e a s t . Taking account of the o r d i n a r i n e s s of the a c t i o n makes i t p a s s i b l e to de f i n e a basic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the salmon r i t u a l . An everyday a c t i o n can be l i f t e d up i n t o a r i t u a l a c t i o n f o r two purposes. (1) In order to stand s y m b o l i c a l l y f o r something e l s e . In the Eu c h a r i s t , f o r instance, bread and wine point beyond;, themselves, and the r i t e does not consider the ac t i o n of eating and d r i n k i n g . (2) In order to be emphasised, s i n g l e d out and considered f o r i t s own sake. Here d i s c o n t i n u i t y i s introduced i n t o the stream of ordinary a c t i v i t y , and a bundle of a c t i o n s , f o r instance the preparing and e a t i n g of salmon, which would pass normally unnoticed, i s made s i g n i f i c a n t . My example shows that I consider the f i r s t salmon r i t u a l to be of t h i s l a t t e r kind. I t i s a heightened experience of an everyday ac t , heightened by group p a r t i c i p a t i o n and f o r m a l i t y ; and through t h i s heightening, a c o n s i d e r a t i o n of i t s meaning i s achieved. But to pursue the d i f f e r e n c e between r i t u a l and prayer f u r t h e r . 303. In the prayer the orant contemplates the act of K i l l i n g the animal, and i n s e l f - j u s t i f i c a t i o n and remorse communicates with the animal about i t . He lays bare the dilemma which f o r c e s him to K i l l a f r i e n d and a "supernatu-r a l one" i n words. The discrepancy between h i s a c t i o n and h i s words i s never f u l l y r e s o l v e d . The r i t u a l goes f u r t h e r , i s more d r a s t i c and uncompromising, along the same l i n e s . The p a r t i c i p a n t s so to speaK enact the dilemma. While the prayers speaK of the need f o r food, i n apology, the r i t u a l i s e s s e n t i a l l y the act of e a t i n g . The prayers a s s e r t only the personal need but the r i t u a l demonstrates the u n i v e r s a l need. This greater comprehensiveness of the r i t u a l has two r e s u l t s . (1) I n d i v i d u a l g u i l t i s li g h t e n e d by t h i s demonstration of communal and even u n i v e r s a l g u i l t . Society steps i n , exonerating the i n d i v i d u a l . But by doing t h i s i t a l s o negates the i n d i v i d u a l ; i t a s s e r t s h i s impotence and the power and competence of the group of which he i s an "organic" p a r t . The i n d i v i d u a l i s not equipped to deal c o n c l u s i v e l y with the dilemma with which experience confronts him. Let i t t h e r e f o r e be handed over to the group. In the communal meal, i n sharing an animal's body with h i s f e l l o w members, the i n d i v i d u a l s y m b o l i c a l l y confirms h i s p h y s i c a l and i n t e l l e c t u a l depen-dence on the group. To the extent that t h i s taKes place the group i s u n i f i e d through the r i t u a l . 12) the group a c t i o n of the f i r s t salmon r i t u a l does not, however, r e s o l v e the dilemma that caused the o r i g i n a l sense of g u i l t , but po i n t s i t up sharply. Though i n d i v i d u a l g u i l t i s absorbed i n u n i v e r s a l g u i l t , g u i l t i s demonstrated more d e l i b e r a t e l y and d r a s t i c a l l y . The group i s not competent to solve to problem. I t i s only competent, through the a u t h o r i t y of a p u b l i c i n s t i t u t i o n , which the salmon r i t u a l i s , to focus on I t i n more g e n e r a l l y v a l i d terms. I t i s t h i s f o c u s s i n g , as a group a c t i o n , which seems to lead to the r e a l i z a t i o n that the problem can only be d e a l t with by being i n t e r n a l i z e d , that i s resolved 304. w i t h i n the i n d i v i d u a l . R e s o l u t i o n presupposes the w i l l i n g n e s s to pay recompense i n the same d r a s t i c manner i n which the o r i g i n a l v i o l e n c e was committed. This can only be done through i n d i v i d u a l s , and i t cannot be done contem p l a t i v e l y and p r i v a t e l y , as i n the apologies of the prayers but must be done p u b l i c l y and a c t i v e l y , j u s t as the f i r s t salmon r i t u a l was a p u b l i c and a c t i v e demonstration of the dilemma. Res o l u t i o n t h e r e f o r e means a s h i f t back to the i n d i v i d u a l , who becomes again as important as he was as the o r i g i n a l p e r p e t r a t o r of the act of v i o l e n c e . He i s now the p s r p e t r a -t o r of an act of courage which can only be an i n d i v i d u a l act. But r e s o l u t i o n a l s o means a f u r t h e r s h i f t , back to the group which i s commu-n a l l y redeemed by the i n d i v i d u a l ' s act of courage. These two f u r t h e r s h i f t s are not made i n the Summer, when the salmon r i t u a l takes place, but i n the Winter. The s o c i e t y the i n d i v i d u a l r e l a t e s to then i s the winter dance s o c i e t y , that i s a group whose members have a l l proven themselves competent i n d i v i d u a l l y . Here the former r e l a t i o n between i n d i v i d u a l and s o c i e t y i s reversed: i f amendment and r e s o l u t i o n of the dilemma was p o s s i b l e on the i n d i v i d u a l l e v e l i t i s a l s o p o s s i b l e on the communal one. The i n d i v i d u a l i s t h e r e f o r e confirmed i n t h i s second s o c i e t y . In t h i s chapter I s h a l l take the Kwakiutl f i r s t salmon r i t u a l as an "incomplete v e r s i o n " , completed only i n the context of the Kwakiutl year, and I s h a l l take Kwakiutl moral thought as a s h i f t i n g of emphasis from the i n d i v i d u a l to the communal on two planes of experience, the e x t e r n a l and the i n t e r n a l . In order to have a b a s i s f o r t h i s account i n the s o c i a l and e c o l o g i c a l c o n d i t i o n s of the Kwakiutl, we must b r i e f l y t u rn to the compo-s i t i o n and f u n c t i o n s of the group that c e l e b r a t e s the salmon r i t u a l . 305. 1(a) The S o c i a l Context of the R i t u a l Among the Kwakiutl the s o c i a l u n i t w i t h i n which the f i r s t salmon r i t u a l i s celebrated i s the namima. In t h i s the KwaKiutl f o l l o w the pattern that i s t y p i c a l of the whole area i n which the P a c i f i c salmon i s f i s h e d f o r and the r i t u a l c e lebrated. Among these peoples, whatever t h e i r s o c i a l o r g a n i s a t i o n , i t i s i n v a r i a b l y the economic group that f i s h e s together that provides the uni t f o r the r i t u a l . The p e c u l i a r character of the KwaKiutl o r g a n i z a t i o n i n t o naminas and t r i b e makes the s i g n i f i c a n c e of t h i s f a c t stand out more c l e a r l y than i t does, among neighbouring peoples with o r g a n i z a t i o n s based more s t r i c t l y on k i n s h i p u n i t s or more l o o s e l y on bands. The nature of the Kwakiutl namima has already been discussed. I t was b a s i c a l l y economic: the namima was the household group. This group s e t t l e d i n the Summer i n various s i t e s where i t s members had an i n h e r i t e d 2 r i g h t to do t h e i r f i s h i n g , sea-mammal hunting, berrying and land-hunting. The B e l l a B e l l a Salmon Boy story i s an i l l u s t r a t i o n of the l o c a l i z a t i o n of salmon f i s h i n g r i g h t s . When the Salmon Chief p r e c i s e l y describes the place where that f i r s t salmon weir i s to be b u i l t i n which Salmon Boy and his f a m i l y are going t o be caught he i s d e f i n i n g the f i s h i n g s i t e of Salmon Boy's namima. Not only the r i v e r but the place on the r i v e r i s named. When, a l i t t l e l a t e r on i n the myth, the salmon disperse, every group going to a named r i v e r or creek, then t h i s d e f i n e s the s i t e s at which, according to the n a r r a t o r of the myth, the neighbouring namimaihave a r i g h t to f i s h . The myth serves as a document f o r the group which owns i t . I t documents the l e g a l r i g h t to f i s h f o r salmon i n the place named by Salmon Chief, and i t a l s o maps out the l e g a l s i t e s of the neighbouring groups, a l l of which are enumerated as the d e s t i n a t i o n of the d i s p e r s i n g salmon. N a t u r a l l y the myths of d i f f e r e n t groups may c o n f l i c t i n d e t a i l s , but. i n p r i n c i p l e a myth 306. l i k e Salmon Boy i s a l e g a l and geographical "map" of a f i s h i n g area. The a c t u a l f i s h i n g at these namima s i t e s was done i n separate f a m i l y groups, and the catches were owned by the i n d i v i d u a l f a m i l i e s which prepa-red and cured t h e i r own stores f o r the winter. The f a m i l i e s had again t h e i r own places to f i s h i n w i t h i n the namima-owned area. But no f a m i l y began to f i s h f o r i t s e l f when the salmon run was approaching. They a l l waited u n t i l the f i r s t salmon r i t u a l had been celebrated. I t marked the communal d e c i s i o n to f i s h . One of the men Camong the Kwakiutl he d i d not need to be a c h i e f ) caught the f i r s t four salmon and his wife cut and prepared them. The couple then were hosts at a r i t u a l which was i n character a f i r s t f r u i t r i t e , and not e s s e n t i a l l y d i f f e r e n t from the berry and crab apple f e a s t s at which neighbours and f r i e n d s shared the f i r s t day's harvest of the season. The i n v o c a t i o n which belonged to the r i t u a l was made by the person highest i n rank, i n the name of a l l . The communal nature of t h i s i n v o c a t i o n i s i n s t r i k i n g - c o n t r a s t to ordinary prayers. Ordinary prayers.are o f f e r e d up i n the name of an i n d i v i d u a l using the pronoun I , even i f the orant i s spokesman f o r a group. So the woman whose p r i v i l e g e i t i s to p i c k the f i r s t b e r r i e s says: "I have come th a t I may take you ... f o r that i s the reason why you have come ... that you may come and s a t i s f y me; ... and t h i s that you do not blame me f o r what I do to you. ... I mean t h i s , that you may not be e v i l l y disposed to me, f r i e n d s . That you may only t r e a t me w e l l . " (Boas 1930: 203). By con-t r a s t , the prayer o f f e r e d upron the course of the r i t u a l , while i t i s c l o s e i n subject matter, i s o f f e r e d i n the name of the group, the orant using "we": "Now we pray you, Supernatural Ones, to protect us from danger that nothing e v i l may happen to us when we eat you ... f o r that i s the reason you come here, that we may catch you f o r food." (Boas 1921, I : 610). •307. I t i s c l e a r that the danger every berry p i c k e r and salmon f i s h e r faces i n d i v i d u a l l y as she or he pursue t h e i r work has become a danger faced communally i n the r i t u a l . In the ordinary prayer the danger i s based on the g u i l t of k i l l i n g , i n the r i t u a l on the g u i l t of e a t i n g . The g u i l t of ea t i n g , which could e a s i l y be as i n d i v i d u a l as that of k i l l i n g , has been d e l i b e r a t e l y made communal by a shared r i t u a l meal. Why was the group that was chosen f o r t h i s i n s i s t e n t communality n e i t h e r the f a m i l y — t h e a c t u a l working g r oup—nor the t r i b e — t h e u l t i m a t e r i t u a l g r o u p — b u t the namima? We know that the namima i s the autonomous p o l i t i c a l u n i t as w e l l as the economic u n i t . I t i s s t r u c t u r e d by a hierarchy of ranks through which i t s economic work i s organised and i t s p o l i t i c a l worth represented. I t belongs to s e c u l a r l i f e : i t f u n c t i o n s i n the Summer and i s d i s s o l v e d i n the Winter i n favour of a t r i b a l o r g a n i z a t i o n by dancing s o c i e t i e s . I f the f i r s t salmon, caught by an i n d i v i d u a l fisherman, are communally eaten by t h i s s e c u l a r economic group then we know without doubt that the r i t u a l belongs to the s t r u c t u r e s of n e c e s s i t y and not of freedom. But what ne c e s s i t y i s put forward by the symbolic u n i f y i n g act? I t must be the necessity f o r s u r v i v a l . Under the c o n d i t i o n s of a hunting and gathering l i f e n e i t h e r the i n d i v i d u a l nor the f a m i l y nor the t r i b e are u n i t s competent to ensure s u r v i v a l . The s o c i a l group that c e l e b r a t e s the r i t u a l i s b a s i c a l l y the s u r v i v a l group, the groups w i t h i n which people depend on one another f o r t h e i r l i v e s . I t i s w e l l known that these groups have to have e x a c t l y the r i g h t economic stre n g t h under the given e c o l o g i c a l circumstances. I f they are too large they have to s p l i t , i f too small they are absorbed. The Kwakiutl namima belongs to t h i s p a t t e r n , even i f i n the r i c h c o a s t a l r e g i o n and at the time from which our d e s c r i p t i o n of the r i t u a l dates the patter n was becoming more conceptual than economic. What i s put forward then, f i r s t of a l l i s the 308. n e c e s s i t y to act as a group. Secondly, the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r a c t i o n i s the group's. The i n d i v i d u a l may be bound to k i l l i n order to l i v e and so, w i l l y - n i l l y , i n v o l v e himself i n g u i l t . But i n a c t u a l f a c t he cannot l i v e by h i s k i l l i n g . He i s dependent on the group f o r h i s l i f e and h i s k i l l i n g only makes sense i n s i d e the group. The r i t u a l confirms that men as a group are bound by the n e c e s s i t y to k i l l and to eat, and that g u i l t i s the r e f o r e communal. I n d i v i d u a l g u i l t tends to d i s s o l v e i n t h i s p e r s p e c t i v e , but without being e f f e c t i v e l y r e solved. Both e t h i c a l l y and con c e p t u a l l y , the move from the i n d i v i d u a l to the c o l l e c t i v e i s l a r g e l y s t e r i l e . I t does not lead to a conception of the group as s p e c i f i c a l l y human. I t has, however, two c o r o l l a r i e s which, as i n s i g h t s i n t o the nature of s o c i e t y , and the r e l a t i o n of s o c i e t y to the outside world lead to f u r t h e r thought. •ne c o r o l l a r y i s that i t r e v e a l s that s o c i e t y i s based on v i o l e n c e . The move from i n d i v i d u a l to c o l l e c t i v e g u i l t , i n stead of r e s o l v i n g the dilemma of men's r e l a t i o n to the animals deepens i t . S o c i e t y cannot e x i s t without v i o l e n c e and men can only e x i s t as members of s o c i e t y . This means that s o c i e t y , i t s e l f b u i l t on v i o l e n c e , negates the i n d i v i d u a l who, i n the measure i n which he becomes l e s s accountable f o r h i s own vi o l e n c e becomes.also more bound. In f a c t man as a member of s o c i e t y i s doubly bound: by the n e c e s s i t y to k i l l i n order t o l i v e and by the ne c e s s i t y to belong to s o c i e t y i n order to l i v e . The second c o r o l l a r y i s a gain i n o b j e c t i v i t y . The move away from the i n d i v i d u a l i s a l s o a move away from the e x c l u s i v e preoccupation with s e l f - j u s t i f i c a t i o n and c u p i d i t y . From the vantage point of the group the animal v i c t i m i s seen more o b j e c t i v e l y , as a being i n i t s own r i g h t , than t h i s i s p o s s i b l e f o r the praying i n d i v i d u a l , who muddles i t with h i s f e a r s , d e s i r e s and i n t e n t i o n s . In other words the group--more secure i n i t s 309. power, more e f f e c t i v e l y d e s t r u c t i v e — i s a l s o i n a p o s i t i o n to be more com-passionate than the i n d i v i d u a l . I use compassion purely i n the p h i l o s o -p h i c a l sense Rousseau gave i t ( c f . L e v i - S t r a u s s 1963: 101), and s h a l l d i s c u s s i t s a p p l i c a t i o n t o the salmon r i t u a l at length i n the s e c t i o n on the myth of the r i t u a l . In being able to i d e n t i f y with the salmon, one might say i n making the r i t u a l the salmon's drama--or tragedy--the group n e c e s s a r i l y a l s o d i f f e r e n t i a t e s i t s e l f from the salmon, i f only because i t has the part of the v i l l a i n . In d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g i t s e l f i t must de f i n e i t s e l f as human, however u n f l a t t e r i n g the designation i s under the circumstances. But i t i s j u s t t h i s u n f l a t t e r i n g view of man accompany-ing the d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n and s e l f - r e c o g n i t i o n that forms the Kwakiutl image of the human as accountable and r e s p o n s i b l e , and as f i n a l l y f r e e through a d i s c h a r g i n g of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y w i t h i n a new s o c i e t y , whose conception i s s p e c i f i c a l l y human. However, t h i s i s being p r e c i p i t a t e . The salmon r i t u a l does no more than put forward, i n the myth that attaches to i t , the salmon's point of view. I t does not i t s e l f c o n t a i n a move towards recompense and amend-ment. But through i t s o b j e c t i v i t y i t sharpens the sense of r e s p o n s i -b i l i t y . And because r e s p o n s i b i l i t y was i n c u r r e d by the group through the dependence of the i n d i v i d u a l on the group i t can only be discharged through the opposite move, the move of separating the i n d i v i d u a l from the group on which he depends. This r e v e r s a l takes place i n the Winter, i n the i n i t i a t i o n ceremony. I t must be remembered that the n o v i c e - i n i t i a t e i s not yet a member of a dancing s o c i e t y . Seats i n dancing s o c i e t i e s are handed on i n s i d e the namimas by i n h e r i t a n c e , though they can only be a c t u a l i z e d through i n i t i a t i o n . The n o v i c e - i n i t i a t e i s t h e r e f o r e d i v i d e d from that very household group which i s a s u r v i v a l s o c i e t y when he goes i n t o i s o l a t i o n . N a t u r a l l y he " d i e s " . The p a r a l l e l i s p r e c i s e l y made i n the representations of the two r i t u a l s . I t i s as i f the namima sa i d i n the Summer, through the represen-t a t i o n s of the salmon r i t u a l : Men can only s u r v i v e i n s i d e the group. Let them negate t h e i r i n d i v i d u a l i t y and be incorporated i n the group to l i v e . Men can only s u r v i v e i f they eat. Let them dispose of t h e i r g u i l t of k i l l i n g by eating i n communion and l i v e . and i n the Winter, through the representations of the i n i t i a t i o n r i t u a l : Men can only survive i n s i d e the group? Let them a f f i r m t h e i r i n d i v i d u a l i t y and go i n t o the f o r e s t alone, to d i e . Men can only survive i f they eat? Let them amend t h e i r g u i l t of k i l l i n g by f a s t i n g , i n i s o l a t i o n , and d i e . F u r t h e r , i n t h i s move back to i n d i v i d u a l i t y men become f r e e l i k e the animal of t h e i r myth, who also leaves h i s "home" and enters the a l i e n world (human i n i t s case) to d i e . In having become the equal of the animal men have paid t h e i r debt on the only l e v e l on which i t i s payable--a l o g i c we have already observed i n the s t o r y of the good hunter. This i s the f u l l consequence of "compassion", of seeing from the others point of view. This seeing, or remembering, p a r a d o x i c a l l y o r i g i n a t e s i n the s u r v i v a l group, by d e f i n i t i o n a wholly s e l f - c e n t r e d group. The impetus towards a human s o c i e t y then comes from the s u r v i v a l group, out of i t s dialogue with the animals whom i t needs f o r s u r v i v a l . The new s o c i e t y i s human because i t i s not based on the necessity to s u r v i v e but on the c a p a c i t y f o r choice and d e c i s i o n and s e l f - a b n e g a t i o n . We must always remember, however, that t h i s l i n e of thought does not represent steps i n an e v o l u t i o n a r y development, an advance from a l e s s than human to a human c o n d i t i o n . Men were men i n the c i r c l e of the Kwakiutl year, and the Kwakiutl saw the human c o n d i t i o n as the c o n d i t i o n of belonging to both s o c i e t i e s : i n the Summer, to the s e c u l a r s o c i e t y that i s based on n e c e s s i t y and v i o l e n c e , i n the Winter to the sacred one that i s made through .311. men's ca p a c i t y to overcome t h e i r f e a r s and l i v e together without domina-t i o n or subordination. 2 The R i t u a l Syntax: D e s a c r a l i z a t i o n I mentioned i n the i n t r o d u c t i o n that my account of the salmon r i t u a l would be as of an "incomplete v e r s i o n " . This was an a l l u s i o n to the hunting myths; and as w i t h the myths the r i t u a l i s incomplete only from one point of view but complete from another. I t i s incomplete as part of the system of thought that i s developed and d i s p l a y e d i n the Kwakiutl year as a whole. As a system of symbols i t can be taken as complete i n i t s e l f . I t s symbolic system a l l i e s i t to other r i t u a l s of the same kind, from other parts of the world, and makes i t comparable and c l a s s i f i a b l e . Taking both points of view i n t o account, i f we want to understand the salmon r i t u a l i n i t s e l f and i n i t s r e l a t i o n to the winter r i t u a l , we must analyse i t s c o n s t i t u t i o n and decide to what general c l a s s of r i t u a l s i t belongs. This i s not easy. Apart from Hubert and Mauss' monograph on the s a c r i f i c e , which appeared i n 1898, l i t t l e systematic methodological work has been done on what Evans P r i t c h a r d c a l l s "the grammar" of the r i t u a l 3 i n h i s foreword to that monograph (1964: v i i i ) . The e x c e l l e n t work which has been done i n recent years on r i t u a l symbolism and its:.connection with s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n represents, of course, a methodologically d i f f e r e n t approach, which i s not relevant to my kind of i n q u i r y . I s h a l l t h e r e f o r e have to a c e r t a i n extent break new ground i n t h i s chapter. The Kwakiutl had three great r i t u a l complexes: hunting and gathering r i t u a l s , of which the f i r s t salmon r i t u a l was the most important, the pot-l a t c h and the winter dance. L i f e c r i s i s r i t u a l s can be a s s i m i l a t e d to the l a t t e r two complexes. The complex of hunting and gathering r i t u a l s stands apart: i t belongs wholly to the l i f e of the Summer, i s d i r e c t e d to 312. the outside non-human world, and, according to KwaKiutl conceptual d i s t i n c -t i o n s stands under the sign of r e c e i v i n g , w h i le the other two are charac-t e r i s e d by g i v i n g . This i m p l i c i t basic d i s p o s i t i o n i s important, because the dominant motif of the salmon r i t u a l can be traced bacK to i t i n the end. In t h i s s e c t i o n I s h a l l examine the order and arrangement of the parts or phases of the salmon r i t u a l , that i s the r i t u a l syntax. I s h a l l begin with a d e s c r i p t i o n of the r i t u a l procedure, f o l l o w t h i s by an account of my methods of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n , and f i n a l l y analyse the c o n s t r u c t i o n . 2(a) Procedure According to Gunther, who has brought the data f o r the salmon r i t u a l s of the P a c i f i c area together, the KwaKiutl had a salmon r i t u a l f o r every species that ran i n t h e i r waters. She remarKs: "This i s a thoroughly KwaKiutl c h a r a c t e r i s t i c , f o r t h e i r l i f e i s e x c e p t i o n a l l y f u l l of r i t u a l a c t s " (1928: 142). This may be true but we have, i n f a c t , only one d e s c r i p t i o n of a KwaKiutl salmon r i t u a l , t hat f o r the f i r s t s i l v e r salmon. The other examples Gunther has i n mind are prayers and d e s c r i p t i o n s of the ret u r n of remains to the water. When her monograph appeared i n 1928 i t was not yet f u l l y r e a l i z e d to what an extent these were everyday a c t i o n s performed by i n d i v i d u a l s , not only f o r f i r s t catches but i n the course of t h e i r d a i l y labour. They show a spontaneous and l i v i n g r e l i g i o s i t y , but they are not r i t u a l s of the same order as that f o r the f i r s t s i l v e r salmon. This became c l e a r when Boas' c o l l e c t i o n of prayers i n The R e l i g i o n of the Kwakiutl Indians (1930) came out two years l a t e r . I t i s of course no proof that the KwaKiutl d i d not have a f i r s t salmon r i t u a l f o r every species. The only account of such a r i t u a l , however, i s that f o r the f i r s t s i l v e r salmon, sent by George Hunt to Boas i n a l e t t e r , probably i n answer to a question. (Unfortunately we do not know what the question was 313. i f there was one). Hunt's text was p r i n t e d i n 1913--14 i n the f i r s t part of The Ethnology of the Kwakiutl (1921), a volume that i s dedicated i n greater part to the Kwakiutl r e c i p e s c o l l e c t e d from Mrs. Hunt. The t e x t i s i n f a c t headed l i k e a r e c i p e : "Eyes and salmon heads roasted together w i t h backbone and t a i l i n t h i s manner:", though Boas does not p r i n t i t i n the s e c t i o n f o r r e c i p e s but i n a subsection headed " B e l i e f s and Customs". For the Hunts r e c i p e s and occasions c l e a r l y cannot be d i v i d e d ; there are 4 c e r t a i n ways of doing t h i n g s on c e r t a i n occasions. I t i s t h e r e f o r e p o s s i b l e that the only f u l l d e s c r i p t i o n of the Kwakiutl f i r s t salmon r i t u a l we have was intended as a s o r t of cooking i n s t r u c t i o n , and that the r i t u a l context i s i n c i d e n t a l . Such ethnographic accidents no doubt i n f l u e n c e our i n t e r p r e t a t i o n when we work from t e x t s . They are, however, only an exaggerated example of a s e l e c t i v e n e s s that i s always and n e c e s s a r i l y at work. In t h i s case the r e s u l t i s a d e s c r i p t i o n of the r i t u a l t hat puts the emphasis on the preparing and eating of the salmon.' This i s unusual i n ethnographic d e s c r i p t i o n s of r i t u a l s of t h i s k i n d. What s t r i k e s the observer u s u a l l y are the entrance ceremonies with which the animal i s welcomed. The c u t t i n g up i s o f t e n done i n p r i v a t e (cf. the Ainu bear f e s t i v a l , where i t i s the only phase of the r i t u a l from which the o u t s i d e r i s r i g o r o u s l y excluded) and the communal eating may s t r i k e the observer as nothing more than a p a r t i c u l a r l y j o l l y meal.. In f a c t these two r i t u a l a c t i o n s are of c e n t r a l importance, as we know from the Salmon Boy myths. We can t h e r e f o r e count ourselves lucky t o have Hunt's pa i n s t a k i n g d e s c r i p -t i o n , which does not pass over these aspects of the r i t u a l . Boas' c o l l e c t i o n of t e x t s i n Ethnology of the Kwakiutl contains no general information about Kwakiutl salmon r i t u a l s . Hunt's r e p o r t s , which are always about p a r t i c u l a r d e t a i l s , are p r i n t e d without any attempt at summarising. Boas has, however, d i v i d e d the accounts Hunt gave him under 314. se v e r a l headings, though they were undoubtedly continuous pieces o r i g i n a l l y . The d i v i d i n g i s due to Hunt's tendency, mentioned above, to i n c l u d e tech-n i c a l , s o c i a l and r e l i g i o u s aspects i n one d e s c r i p t i o n , a tendency which ran counter to Boas' methods of c l a s s i f y i n g c u l t u r a l t r a i t s . For our subject we f i n d prayers and r i t u a l a c t i o n s under " B e l i e f s and Customs" (610--612); t e c h n i c a l d e t a i l s under "Preservation of Food" (303--304) and ".Recipes/" (e.g. 353). C r o s s - r e f e r e n c i n g i s e x c e l l e n t , so that the accounts can be pieced together again, as they c l e a r l y must be f o r the purpose of our i n q u i r y . There are f u r t h e r d i f f i c u l t i e s . The d e s c r i p t i o n of the r i t u a l r e f e r s to the f i r s t s i l v e r salmon, as I have s a i d , but the welcoming prayer of the woman which opens the r i t u a l i s not quoted, though i t i s mentioned. I t i s quoted verbatim i n a d e s c r i p t i o n of the custom r e l a t i n g to the f i r s t dog salmon, where i t i s , however, not followed up with a d e s c r i p t i o n of a r i t u a l . This leaves us i n doubt whether a f u l l r i t u a l was c e l e b r a t e d f o r any salmon species apart from the s i l v e r salmon, and a l s o f o r c e s us to amend our account of the r i t u a l f o r the s i l v e r salmon with b i t s r e l a t i n g to the treatment of the dog salmon. I do not t h i n k t h i s i s n e c e s s a r i l y of great account, because from a knowledge of Kwakiutl customs one can r e c o n s t r u c t the general s i t u a t i o n with regard to the salmon r i t u a l as something l i k e t h i s . A l l f i r s t salmon were greeted with a welcoming prayer before they were cut. (We know t h i s from the c o l l e c t i o n of prayers i n R e l i g i o n of the Kwakiutl Indians and Ethnology of the KwaKiutl). The Kwakiutl d i d not separate a "salmon r i t u a l " e i t h e r from the general custom of g i v i n g f e a s t s and eating f i r s t f r u i t s together, or from the various techniques of food preparation that are aspects of such f e a s t s . C u t t i n g and cooking techniques v a r i e d according to the season and kind of salmon, whether i t was meant to be eaten f r e s h or preserved, was caught i n the sea or u p r i v e r , was f a t or lean. A r i t u a l procedure which, as c r o s s - c u l t u r a l 315. comparison shows must be ancient and s t a b l e , was k n i t t e d i n t o these various procedures, sometimes dominating them, sometimes swallowed up by them. In g i v i n g us an account of the r i t u a l f o r the f i r s t s i l v e r salmon George Hunt probably chose the occasion on which the r i t u a l p a t t e r n appears most unmistakably and emphatically. Yet even here the p r a c t i c a l and seasonal aspects must be thought of as i n t e g r a l and relevant parts of the whole. I summarize the main phases of the r i t u a l given i n Ethnology of the Kw a k i u t l , Part I. Phases 2 and 3 summarize the d e s c r i p t i o n of customs r e l a t i n g to the f i r s t dog salmon, what f o l l o w s r e l a t e s to the f i r s t f o u r s i l v e r salmon of the season. (1) P r e l i m i n a r y (pp. 302, 609). The f i r s t salmon are caught and brought i n . (2) Welcoming (p. 609). The wife of the fisherman meets her husband at the beach to r e c e i v e the salmon. She prays: "Oh Supernatural Ones! Oh Swimmers! I thank you that you are w i l l i n g t o come to us. Don't l e t your coming be bad, f o r you come to be food f o r us. Therefore, I beg you to protect me and the one who takes mercy on me, li;;hat we may not die without cause, Swimmers." She r e p l i e s "yes" h e r s e l f , and takes the salmon to a higher part of the beach where she has spread a mat. (3) C u t t i n g (pp. 303, 304). She s p l i t s the salmon, cleans i t and with a sharp k n i f e cuts the meat " t h i n along i t s s k i n " . Hunt provides two p i c t u r e s , p.304, that show (1) the salmon meat a f t e r c u t t i n g , shaped l i k e a salmon spread out, the bones of course missing; (2) the way t h i s meat was hung over cross-poles to dry. The two p i c t u r e s provide us with an i l l u s t r a t i o n of the i n c i d e n t s i n cannibal myths, when men are found i n the Cannibal's house cut and d r y i n g over the f i r e (see E p i l o g u e ) . I t provides a l s o a c l u e to the 316. " s p l i t r e p r e s e n t a t i o n " of Northwest coast a r t . F i n a l l y i t i s important f o r the r i t u a l that t h i s s o r t of c u t t i n g leaves the woman with a complete s k e l e t o n . (4) Cooking (p.610--11). She has cut the salmon so that head and t a i l have remained on the backbone. She puts the four skeletons on the upright t o a s t i n g tongs, pushing t a i l and backbone down between the tongs u n t i l the end.of the tongs reach to the eyes of the salmon head. (Hunt provides a p i c t u r e of such a skeleton standing upright i n the tongs, p.610). She takes the tongs with the salmon heads to her house and places them by the side of the f i r e . She waits f o r the s k i n of the head to blacken, and then puts them over the f i r e . (5) Communal meal (p.611--12). I quote Hunt's d e s c r i p t i o n of the salmon r i t u a l verbatim from t h i s point t o the end. Then her husband at once i n v i t e s h i s numaym to come and eat i t , f o r he must take care not to keep i t overnight i n the house; f o r the f i r s t people said that i f the roasted eyes were kept overnight i n the house when they are f i r s t caught, then the s i l v e r salmon would disappear from the sea. Therefore they do i n t h i s way. As soon as the guests come i n , they- s i t down i n the rear of the f i r e , on the mat that has been spread out f o r them. When a l l the guests are i n , the woman takes a new food mat and spreads i t i n f r o n t of those she i s going to give to eat. Then she takes down the four roasting-tongs with the eyes i n them that have been over the f i r e and places them before her guests. Then she takes the salmon out of the r o a s t i n g tongs. A f t e r she has done so she gives water to them to d r i n k ; and a f t e r they f i n i s h d r i n k i n g , then the one highest i n rank prays to what they are going to eat. He says: "Oh f r i e n d s ! Thank you th a t we meet a l i v e . We have l i v e d u n t i l t h i s time when you came t h i s year. Now we pray you, Supernatural Ones, to protect us from danger, that nothing e v i l may happen to us when we eat you, Supernatural Ones! For that i s the reason why you come here that we may catch you f o r food. We know that only your bodies are dead here, but your souls come to watch over us when we are going to eat what you have given us to eat now". Thus he says and when he stops he says, 317. "Indeed!" As soon as he stops speaking they begin to eat, and h i s f r i e n d s a l s o eat. Then the man takes up a bucket and goes to draw f r e s h water, and when he comes back he puts down the water he has drawn and waits f o r them to f i n i s h e a t i ng. A f t e r they have eaten the water i s put i n f r o n t of them and they d r i n k . Then h i s w i f e p i c k s up the pieces of bone and s k i n and puts them on the food-mat; and when she has them a l l she f o l d s up the mat and goes to throw the contents i n t o the sea; and the guests only rub t h e i r hands together to dry o f f the f a t from t h e i r hands, f o r they are c a r e f u l not to wash t h e i r hands, and not to wipe t h e i r hands with cedar-bark. A f t e r they have done so, they go out. (6) R e s t o r a t i o n to the sea (pp.612, 611, 609). The i n c i d e n t of the gathering of the salmon bones and throwing them i n t o the sea i s a separate phase. E a r l i e r on, the women has already thrown the slime i n t o the sea when she had cut and cleaned the salmon. These i n c i d e n t s belong together as one formal phase, even i f they are separated i n time; i n both, d i f f e r e n t v i t a l p a r t s of the salmon are returned to the sea " f o r i t i s sai d that the various kinds of salmon at once come to l i f e when the i n t e s t i n e s are put i n t o the water at the mouth of the r i v e r " (p.609). 2(b) C l a s s i f i c a t i o n In her a n a l y s i s of the f i r s t salmon r i t u a l (1928) Gunther remarks that Kwakiutl l i f e i s e x c e p t i o n a l l y f u l l of r i t u a l s . Yet to describe them she uses only two c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s : the salmon r i t u a l belongs to the "minor r i t u a l s " i n c o n t r a s t to p o t l a t c h and winterdance which are "major". The use of the words minor and major suggests that r i t u a l s are a l l much the same, only some are bigger and more important, others smaller and more n e g l i g i b l e . I t i s tr u e that the word r i t u a l i n a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l usage i m p l i e s a c e r t a i n form that remains s t a b l e whether the occasion i s l a r g e r or s maller. My own working d e f i n i t i o n of t h i s form i s that r i t u a l s are 318. framed events (framed by what Hubert and Mauss have c a l l e d entry and e x i t ceremonies); i n s i d e t h i s frame a transformation (or transformations) i s enacted. But t h i s i s an o v e r l y general d i s t i n c t i o n ; f o r c l a s s i f i c a t i o n purposes r i t u a l s must be separated from one another by s t r u c t u r e and essence. We s h a l l t u r n to essence f i r s t and work towards a d i s c r i m i n a t i o n by s t r u c t u r a l f e a t u r e s i n the course of t h i s and the f o l l o w i n g s e c t i o n s . The relevant questions are: What i s the purpose of the r i t u a l ? What i s i t s "tendency" or d i r e c t i o n ? - What or who i s transformed? As a f i r s t step i n c l a s s i f i c a t i o n we s h a l l take Propp 1s advice, given i n h i s Morphology when he comes to the task of separating h i s t a l e s by essence. He suggests that to guard against e r r o r s i n l o g i c we must "note that a proper c l a s s i f i c a t i o n may be accomplished i n a t h r e e f o l d manner: (1) according to the v a r i e t i e s of one s i g n ...; (2) according to the absence of presence of one or another sign ...; (3) according to mutually e x c l u s i v e signs''.^ I s h a l l adopt Propp's set of c r i t e r i a f o r " e s s e n t i a l " c l a s s i f i c a t i o n . The r e l e v a n t signs remain to be found. These emerge i f we compare the salmon r i t u a l with the i n i t i a t i o n r i t u a l . I b e l i e v e that the signs that emerge have a u n i v e r s a l bearing on the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of r i t u a l s , but t h i s i s a contention that would r e q u i r e support from f u r t h e r comparative s t u d i e s . Here my aim i s only t o set up a way of d i s t i n g u i s h -ing the s o r t s of Kwakiutl r i t u a l . (1) According to the v a r i e t i e s of one s i g n : (a) r i t u a l s often s t r i v e to consecrate the use of something i n order to bind any e v i l e f f e c t that could f o l l o w from that use. (The use of s e x u a l i t y , f o r instance, or of k i l l i n g i n war). The one sign by which we can separate the salmon r i t u a l from the i n i t i a t i o n r i t u a l i s that the former s t r i v e s f o r a consecrated procuring of food, the l a t t e r f o r a consecrated procuring of power. (b) R i t u a l s can be separated according to what or who i s transformed. At the centre of the salmon r i t u a l stands the death and transformation of a salmon, at the centre of the i n i t i a t i o n r i t u a l the death and transformation of a man. (2) According to the absence or presence of one or another s i g n : no example. (3) According to mutually e x c l u s i v e s i g n s : an important d i f f e r e n -t i a t i o n i s whether a r i t u a l i s o b j e c t i v e [ d i r e c t e d toward a t h i n g , or non-human being of the e x t e r n a l world) or s u b j e c t i v e [ d i r e c t e d toward a person or persons). The salmon r i t u a l i n so f a r as i t i s d i r e c t e d to the salmon i s an o b j e c t i v e e x t e r n a l l y d i r e c t e d r i t u a l i n contrast to the i n i t i a t i o n r i t u a l which i s e n t i r e l y s u b j e c t i v e and i n t e r n a l l y d i r e c t e d . To sum up: the salmon r i t u a l i s a food-gathering r i t u a l , centred on the problem of what the procuring and e a t i n g of food means; i t i s an o b j e c t i v e r i t u a l ; and the transformation i t enacts i s that of an animal. As i t i s the f i r s t salmon that i s r i t u a l l y eaten i t can be f u r t h e r c l a s s i -f i e d as a f i r s t f r u i t r i t u a l . The a n t h r o p o l o g i s t who has gathered the evidence f o r food procuring r i t u a l s on a world wide basis i s Frazer, i n the Golden Bough. Following him, anthropology has regarded these r i t u a l s 6 f i r m l y as a g r a r i a n . But the harvest r i t u a l or a g r a r i a n r i t e , of which the f i r s t f r u i t r i t u a l i s a subclass (cf.-Frazer 1925, V o l . I I , • p'.48) , i s already present w i t h the same e s s e n t i a l tendencies and s t r u c t u r a l f e a t u r e s i n the r i t u a l s of non-agrarian peoples. In h i s S p i r i t s of the Corn and of the Wild, F r a z e r has separated harvest r i t u a l s [see e s p e c i a l l y Chapter V of V o l . 1 ) , f i r s t f r u i t r i t u a l s [Vol.11, Chapters X and XI) and the pro-p i t i a t i o n of w i l d animals by hunters (Vol.11, Chapter XIV). This i s , of 320. course, a p o s s i b l e c l a s s i f i c a t i o n but Frazer overlooked i n making i t that morphologically we have to do with one type, and that whether the object of the r i t u a l i s the s p i r i t of the corn or that of the animal, and whether the "harvest" i s domesticated or w i l d i s immaterial i n view of the f a c t that a l l show the same s t r u c t u r e . However, because these r i t u a l s have been regarded i n the h i s t o r y of anthropology as s p e c i f i c a l l y a g r i c u l t u r a l I s h a l l speak of "agrarian r i t e s " , using i n v e r t e d commas t o show that the designation i s a n a l y t i c a l . This c l a s s i f i c a t i o n allows me to show the c l o s e r e l a t i o n between "agrarian r i t e s " and "hunting r i t e s " of c e r t a i n kinds. The "agrarian r i t e " , r e g a r d l e s s of whether i t was performed f o r domesticated p l a n t s or w i l d animals Cor p l a n t s ) has c e r t a i n f e a t u r e s which, as I hope to show, can only have t h e i r o r i g i n i n the thought of hunting peoples. In c e r t a i n v a r i a t i o n s of the "agrarian r i t e " , which I s h a l l d i s c u s s i n the next s e c t i o n , f e a t u r e s l i k e the elaborate welcoming cere-monial f o r the animals predominate, and reshape the whole i n t o a "hunting r i t e " . But we have to keep i n mind t h a t i n a l l i t s m a n i f e s t a t i o n s we have morphologically speaking t o do w i t h the same r i t u a l . Features such as the welcoming ceremonial have t h e i r o r i g i n i n a hunting m e n t a l i t y ; they are an expression of the c l o s e r e l a t i o n between the hunter and h i s prey. We s h a l l examine t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p from s e v e r a l angles i n the course of our d i s c u s s i o n of the r i t u a l s and i n the Epilogue; i t i s complex and ambiguous. I t s main f e a t u r e i s t h a t the prey i s p e r s o n a l i z e d ; i t becomes an equal--antagonist or f r i e n d . Yet we f i n d the same ceremonial customs, denoting the same r e l a t i o n s h i p , i n r i t u a l s f o r the corn, where i t cannot have developed. Frazer mentions the customs surrounding the f i r s t salmon among the Kwakiutl i n the same volume i n which he describes at length the customs surrounding the "Corn Mother", but does not r e a l i s e the i d e n t i t y of form 321. between them. This i s due to the absence of systematic a n a l y s i s . Frazer r a t i o n a l i s e s r a t h e r than analyses. In f a c t , i f one a b s t r a c t s from the s i t u a t i o n , the agrarian r i t e s described by Frazer i n his section- on the Corn Mother comply with those c e l e b r a t e d over the f i r s t salmon or bear. What then are the rel e v a n t features? I would s e l e c t f i v e customs and two items of b e l i e f that remain s t a b l e . Not a l l these f e a t u r e s are necessa-r i l y simultaneously present i n the customs of a l l the peoples c e l e b r a t i n g these r i t u a l s but they make up the f u l l s t r u c t u r a l inventory. A s t r i k i n g f e a t u r e of t h i s inventory i s that s t r u c t u r a l l y i d e n t i c a l f e a t u r e s may be expressed through p s y c h o l o g i c a l l y opposed a t t i t u d e s : l o v e - f e a r ; welcoming -abhorrence; and others. 1) S e l e c t i o n of a part and separation- from the r e s t . Conceptually, t h i s i s a metonymic operation i n which the pa r t , which i s conceived as the " s p i r i t " of the whole stands f o r the whole. 2) Paying reverence to that part, f o r instance honouring i t i n p u b l i c c e l e b r a t i o n , t a k i n g i t i n t o the v i l l a g e i n procession e t c . . (Con-ve r s e l y abusing i t , t a k i n g i t i n t o the v i l l a g e s e c r e t l y , where i t i s considered a misfortune when discovered.) 3) Dramatic k i l l i n g of the pa r t . (An i n t e r e s t i n g aspect of t h i s f e a t u r e i s that i t can be accompanied by a c e r t a i n g l o a t i n g , c f . Frazer on the K i l l i n g of the Corn Mother, see items of b e l i e f below). 4) Communal eating of the pa r t . (This may be preceded by mourning ceremonies or expressions of remorse but i s on the whole a c h e e r f u l o c c a s i o n ) . 5) Resowing of the p a r t . I f i t has been eaten i n the form of a i - s u b s t i t u t e (e.g. as an animal that stands f o r the Corn Mother), the o r i g i n a l l y s e l e c t e d p a r t - - l a s t sheaf, harvest crown e t c . - - i s sown. I f the se l e c t e d part has been eaten i t s e l f , as i s the case with the f i r s t salmon or bear, bones and other remains are sown. Two items of b e l i e f a t t a c h to r i t u a l s of t h i s Kind. . They are of a p s y c h o l o g i c a l nature and are important f o r t h e i r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . They are: 1) that i n K i l l i n g and e a t i n g the " s p i r i t " , man i s triumphing over a f o r c e g r e a t e r than himself, and t h e r e f o r e p o t e n t i a l l y dangerous and p o s s i b l y h o s t i l e . (Cf. Frazer, 1925, Vol.1 on the customs of 'crying the necK' (pp.264--269), which i s simultaneously a mourning ceremony and a triumphant e x e c u t i o n ] . 2) that the " s p i r i t " i s murderous and/or c a n n i b a l i s t i c . C h i l d r e n i n r u r a l Europe were t o l d not t o picK f l o w e r s i n the f i e l d s and not t o step on the corn or the Corn Mother would K i l l them. (Cf. F r a z e r , op. c i t . pp.132--133). With t h i s l i s t of customs and b e l i e f s we have already turned towards s t r u c t u r e . We must, however, consider another important c l a s s i f i c a t o r y aspect, which escapes Frazer, but which Hubert and Mauss recognized and mentioned i n t h e i r monograph on the s a c r i f i c e . Discussing the general f u n c t i o n s of the s a c r i f i c e they remark that s a c r i f i c e s do not n e c e s s a r i l y and only increase the h o l i n e s s of the s a c r i f i c e r (the object of s a c r i f i c e ) but may work the other way, decreasing and e l m i n i a t i n g a r e l i g i o u s charac-t e r that i s not any longer wanted or necessary (1964: 52 f f ) . "This" they say, "might be termed the s a c r i f i c e of d e s a c r a l i z a t i o n " , and continue Things, l i k e persons may be i n a s t a t e of such great s a n c t i t y that because of i t they become unusuable and dangerous. S a c r i f i c e s of t h i s kind become necessary. This i s p a r t i c u l a r l y the case with the products of the earth. Each species of f r u i t s , c e r e a l and other products i s sacred i n i t s e n t i r e t y , forbidden, so long as a r i t e , o f t e n of a s a c r i f i c i a l nature, has not r i d i t of the p r o h i b i t i o n which p r o t e c t s i t . To e f f e c t t h i s there i s concentrated i n one p o r t i o n of the species of the f r u i t a l l the power contained i n the others. Then t h i s part i s s a c r i f i c e d , and by v i r t u e of t h i s alone, the others are r e l e a s e d . Or, again, i t passes through two stages of d e s a c r a l i z a t i o n : the whole of the 323. consecration i s f i r s t of a l l concentrated i n the f i r s t f r u i t s , then these f r u i t s themselves are represented by a v i c t i m who i s e l i m i n a t e d . The appropriateness or inappropriateness of the terminology of s a c r i -f i c e to the ag r a r i a n r i t e w i l l be discussed below. What i s important here i s that Mauss has put h i s f i n g e r on an e s s e n t i a l a t t r i b u t e of the ag r a r i a n r i t e : i t i s a r i t e of d e s a c r a l i z a t i o n . The object of the r i t u a l i s conveyed from a sacred to a profane s t a t e . Mauss also shows th a t subjec-t i v e as w e l l as o b j e c t i v e r i t u a l s can be r i t u a l s of d e s a c r a l i z a t i o n . In our o r i g i n a l c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of the f i r s t salmon r i t u a l , i n which we used the i n i t i a t i o n r i t u a l as comparison, we noticed that the f i r s t salmon r i t u a l i s an o b j e c t i v e r i t e , and that the transformation i t enacts i s of an animal, w h i l e the i n i t i a t i o n r i t u a l i s s u b j e c t i v e and enacts the t r a n s -formation of a man. To t h i s c l a s s i f i c a t i o n we can add now that the d i r e c t i o n of the two r i t u a l s i s opposed: i n the salmon r i t u a l the salmon i s d e s a c r a l i z e d , i n the i n i t i a t i o n r i t u a l the man i s s a c r a l i z e d . In t h i s i n v e r s i o n l i e s the connection between salmon r i t u a l and i n i t i a t i o n r i t u a l . 2(c) Construction "Agrarian" r i t e s , according t o a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l usage, were d i r e c t e d to the earth and/or the r:crop of the earth. As we use the term here t h i s i s not n e c e s s a r i l y so except i n the widest sense of the word. The Kwakiutl were a people of fishermen and sea mammal hunters with no a g r i c u l t u r e . For them the treasure of the earth lay i n the water, so that the f i e l d of the a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s becomes the sea, and t h e i r crop, or harvest the salmon run. While Frazer's " s p i r i t of the f i e l d " i s anthropomorphised, or zoo-morphised, becoming the Corn Mother, (Great Mother, Old Woman, Old Man, Corn Baby etc.) or the Wolf (Cock, Hare, Goat, B u l l , Horse, Fox, P i g e t c . ) , the Kwakiutl " s p i r i t of the sea" remains i t s e l f , the salmon. But because 324. the generic salmon has to be d i s t i n g u i s h e d from a l l the innumerable a c t u a l salmon i t i s defined as the Salmon Chief - the g r e a t e s t , the best, the most powerful of the salmon. In a more general form the s p i r i t of the sea was a mythic serpent, the S i s i u l , g i v e r and withholder of t r e a s u r e . This i s a conception of the s p i r i t of the water the Kwakiutl share with S a l i s h speaking peoples. The S i s i u l i s not only mistress of the sea but of a l l water; she can represent the network of underground waterways as w e l l as " f l y i n g water" from the clouds. She i s imagined as a t r a v e l l e r who can t r a v e l underground, above ground and i n the a i r . To human eyes she some-times appears as a salmon, and indeed the salmon i s also e s s e n t i a l l y a t r a v e l l e r between d i f f e r e n t and opposed worlds, the submarine world, the surface world of f j o r d s and r i v e r s , and the mountain world of freshwater streams and lakes to which i t climbs to spawn. In accordance wit h t h e i r natures of t r a v e l l e r s between opposed worlds these p e r s o n i f i c a t i o n s of the s p i r i t of the water were seen as p o t e n t i a l g i v e r s yet as withholders of t r e a s u r e , who had to be overcome, one might say, done i n , before the b l e s s -ing they held could be appropriated. The best systematic d e s c r i p t i o n of the a g r a r i a n r i t e i s s t i l l t h at by Hubert and Mauss i n S a c r i f i c e (1964: 6 4 f f ] . According to the o r i e n -t a t i o n of t h e i r monograplrthey c a l l i t the a g r i c u l t u r a l s a c r i f i c e . The f i r s t p r i n c i p l e s of the salmon r i t u a l are s u c c i n c t l y described i f we t r a n s -l a t e t h e i r "land" and " f i e l d " as "sea". I s h a l l quote the most s a l i e n t part i n t h i s t r a n s l a t i o n , p u t t i n g Mauss' words i n brackets: These s a c r i f i c e s have a double o b j e c t . F i r s t l y , they are destined to a l l o w the sea or r i v e r to be f i s h e d and the salmon u t i l i z e d by l i f t i n g the p r o h i b i t i o n s that protect them (allow the land to be worked and i t s products u t i l i z e d . . . ) . Second they are means of f e r t i l i z i n g the sea ( f e r t i l i z i n g the c u l t i v a t e d f i e l d s ) and of preserving i t s l i f e when a f t e r the i n t e n s i v e f i s h i n g ( a f t e r the harvest) i t appears s t r i p p e d and dead. In f a c t the sea (the f i e l d s ) and i t s product i s considered eminently a l i v e . There r e s i d e s i n i t a r e l i g i o u s p r i n c i p l e that slumbers 325. i n w i n t e r , reappears i n s p r i n g , i s manifested i n the salmon runs (harvest) and makes the f i s h i n g (harvest) d i f f i c u l t f o r mortals to enter upon. Sometimes t h i s p r i n c i p l e i s even represented as a s p i r i t t hat mounts guard over the sea and i t s denizens (the earth and i t s f r u i t s ) . I t must th e r e f o r e be e l i m i n a t e d i n order that the salmon runs can be made use of (that the use of the harvest and i t s crops be made p o s s i b l e ) . But at the same time, since i t i s the very l i f e of the sea ( f i e l d ) , a f t e r having been e x p e l l e d i t must be recreated and f i x e d i n the water (earth) whose f e r t i l i t y i t produces. The s a c r i f i c e s of simple d e s a c r a l i -z a t i o n may be adequate f o r the f i r s t need but not f o r the second. . Thus, f o r the most part, a g r a r i a n s a c r i f i c e s have a m u l t i p l i c i t y of e f f e c t s . (1964: 66—67) The salmon r i t u a l then, i f we take Mauss' d e s c r i p t i o n of the a g r a r i a n r i t e ~ a s a guide, f a l l s i n t o two c o n t r a d i c t o r y p a r t s : a r i t e of d e s a c r a l i -z a t i o n that makes the harvesting of the salmon p o s s i b l e at a l l , and a r i t e of c o n s e c r a t i o n r t h a t ensures the f e r t i l i t y of the sea, that i s the r e t u r n of the salmon. The p r o h i b i t i o n s that protect the salmon are i n t h e i r most general form, as we know, the absolute demand that man should l i v e i n har-mony with the world; expressed, i n regard t o the animals, i n the demand that men should not k i l l . As we have seen i n the myths and prayers, t h i s demand i s adjusted to r e a l i t y i n the form of various d i s p e n s a t i o n s . We s h a l l examine the r i t u a l both f o r the form the p r o h i b i t i o n s take and f o r dispensations i f there are any. Mauss' contention that there i s a " r e l i g i o u s p r i n c i p l e " that slumbers i n the Winter and reappears i n the Spring i s v i v i d l y i l l u s t r a t e d by Kwakiutl b e l i e f s . The r e l i g i o u s p r i n c i p l e i s not abstracted but i s immanent i n the l i v i n g beings of t h i s world t h e m s e l v e s — t h e "unobliged ones". Animals and p l a n t s "go home" below the sea or i n t o the mountains i n the Winter and t r a v e l abroad i n t o human country again i n the S p r i n g . The general r e l i g i o u s p r i n c i p l e i s condensed i n f i g u r e s l i k e the Salmon Chief and the Bear Mother, f i g u r e s c a l l e d by the Beaver, we remember, "the medicine animals, the bosses". For the Kwakiutl and other Northwest coast peoples,-326. the f i r s t salmon of the run i s such a f i g u r e . The p i c t u r e they have i s of the salmon c h i e f , leading h i s people from t h e i r v i l l a g e i n the deep sea; swimming ahead of them, and f a l l i n g i n t o the hands of men. This p i c t u r e gives some i n d i c a t i o n of the s a c r i l e g e that i s committed but a l s o the triumph and v i c t o r y that i s involved i n catching the f i r s t salmon. Another p o i n t e r to the status of t h i s salmon and the p r i n c i p l e i t embodies are the names with which the f i r s t salmon i s addressed i n the r i t u a l . The Tsimshian c a l l i t Chief Spring Salmon, Quartz Nose, Three Jumps. Chief Spring Salmon and Three Jumps ( c f . NSB Ten times jumper blanket!) are e p i t h e t s that occur i n the Salmon Boy myths f o r a "master of animals". Quartz Nose r e f e r s to a symbol f o r the r e l i g i o u s p r i n c i p l e i t s e l f or per-haps b e t t e r , f o r an aspect of i t . E x c e p t i o n a l l y powerful animals were bel i e v e d to c a r r y quartz c r y s t a l s i n t h e i r bodies i n which t h e i r f o r c e took concrete form. Among men only shamans c a r r i e d such c r y s t a l s i n t h e i r bodies.^ Quartz c r y s t a l s play an important r o l e i n the shamanic thought of the Northwest coast. They seem to be taken as s o l i d i f i e d l i g h t , and the imagery of the c r y s t a l i s r e l a t e d t o t h a t of l i g h t and seeing I have discussed at the end of the l a s t chapter. Such c r y s t a l s , c a r r i e d i n the body, were a t h i r d eye and t h e i r o r g a n i z a t i o n , f o r which they were p r i z e d , was probably an image f o r the power of "seeing", with i t s overtones of a high psychic o r g a n i z a t i o n . In "Quartz Nose" a l l t h i s i s barely touched on, but the e p i t h e t shows the sacredness and d i s t i n c t i o n of the f i r s t s a l -mon; how he i s set apart from a l l that i s o r d i n a r y and profane. In our context i t shows the concentration of the sacred p r i n c i p l e i n the f i r s t salmon, and the f o r c e the people c e l e b r a t i n g the r i t u a l saw themselves confronted w i t h , the power that opposed them. I f the f i r s t salmon r i t u a l was f i r s t and foremost a r i t u a l of desac-r a l i z a t i o n , then the f i r s t task the c e l e b r a t i n g community must have set 327. i t s e l f would have been to s t r i p the salmon of t h e i r sacred character. Only i f t h i s was accomplished, they could approach the salmon and catch, k i l l and eat i t without danger. This task i s i n f a c t the very essence of the r i t u a l . I t d i c t a t e s the t i m i n g and the r i t u a l procedure. Timing the r i t u a l was the f i r s t stage: the Salmon r i t u a l was performed when the salmon run had begun, but no-one would have dreamed of f i s h i n g before i t had been performed. Concentrating the general p r i n c i p l e of s a c r a l i t y , which i s immanent i n a l l salmon, and making i t p a r t i c u l a r and even personal i n the f i r s t salmon was the second step. The solemn processions with which the salmon was c a r r i e d ashore by some peoples i s such a device of s i n g l i n g out and concentrating. I t i s missing i n the Kwakiutl r i t u a l , where i t i s replaced by the woman's welcoming prayer. The next and most important step was to s t r i p t h i s symbol of the salmon's s a c r a l i t y of i t s power, and with t h i s r elease a l l salmon f o r profane use. This was done i n the communal meal--communal because the danger in v o l v e d and the r e t r i b u t i o n t h r e a t e n i n g such an act could best be supported d i s t r i b u t e d among the Q group. We know from the prayers that when an animal died i t became sec u l a r ; a l s o that i t s p a r t i c u l a r f o r c e , which had made i t a "supernatural one", could be i n h e r i t e d by the person who found i t and t r e a t e d i t reve-r e n t l y . C u r t i s t e l l s the story of the two canoers who found the body of a wolf. They f i r s t wrapped i t i n one of t h e i r own blankets, then asked i t to re t u r n t h e i r kindness with t h i s s p e c i a l g i f t : "Real f r i e n d ... Now tha t the l i v i n g s p i r i t i s out of you, we want th a t lucky part of your body to come to us, i n r e t u r n f o r what we give you. We are going to bury you. We want you to leave us with the hwela [a quartz c r y s t a l found i n the moun-t a i n s , a piece of which every wolf i s be l i e v e d t o ca r r y i n h i s r i g h t f o r e -shoulder and which i s , i n r e a l i t y , h i s l i f e ! . . Leave i t w i t h us so that we g may have long l i f e ... Done, f r i e n d . " In t h i s t r a n s a c t i o n between an 328. animal, made se c u l a r by a c c i d e n t a l death, and men who are asking f o r the g i f t of i t s l i f e - f o r c e because i t i s now f r e e , we have, as i t were, the innocent model f o r the act of d e s a c r a l i z a t i o n i n the salmon r i t u a l . For here the s i t u a t i o n i s that men are faced by l i v i n g animals ( i n the immense concentration of the salmon run) whose own l i f e f o r c e must be converted by an act of v i o l e n c e i n t o l i f e f o r men. Here i t i s a question of appropria-t i n g the c r y s t a l by f o r c e , to borrow the image from the wolf i n c i d e n t . This i s what I t h i n k the Kwakiutl are doing i n t h e i r r i t u a l . I f we t u r n , with t h i s problem i n mind, to the communal meal, of which we f o r t u n a t e l y have such a d e t a i l e d account f o r the KwaKiutl, t h e - i f i r s t t h i n g that s t r i k e s us i s the oddity of the parts s e l e c t e d f o r i t . We must keep i n mind that the t e x t i s headed l i k e a r e c i p e : "Eyes and salmon heads roasted together w i t h backbone and t a i l i n the f o l l o w i n g manner:". I t i s a strange meal that c o n s i s t s of eyes and a sk e l e t o n , though there would be some meat on the heads. There can be no doubt at a l l , t hat what was o f f e r e d to the c e l e b r a t i n g community was not p r i m a r i l y the salmon's meat but an ensemble of v i t a l p a r t s , head, backbone and t a i l , the upper and lower centres between which the l i f e - f o r c e p l a y s . The same parts are s i n g l e d out f o r veneration i n the r i t u a l f o r the bear as described i n the Bear Mother myths. The eyes play an important r o l e i n both cases: i n the r i t u a l p r e s c r i p t i o n s f o r the bear the head i s placed so that the morning 10 sun s t r i k e s the eyes. I suggest, though with some h e s i t a t i o n , that i n the salmon r i t u a l , i n eating the eyes (whose " l i g h t " i s "blackened" by the f i r e ) the Kwakiutl s y m b o l i c a l l y destroyed the l i f e - f o r c e of the salmon; robbing the Salmon Chief of h i s " c r y s t a l " . I f t h i s i s the case they would, in one highly condensed symbolic act, have defeated the whole of the sacred 11 f o r c e that opposed them, and be f r e e to f i s h . T h i s , i n any case, i s the f i r s t and main object of the communal meal. To appropriate the l i f e - f o r c e 329. f o r themselves through the same symbol, the salmon's eyes, i s here secon-dary. In the case of animals k i l l e d f o r food the l a t t e r must f o l l o w on the former as a matter of course because here the g i f t of l i f e i s the animal's concrete body that i n death nourishes the human body and gives i t l i f e . The e a t i n g of "eyes and salmon heads" i s bhly';ohe part of the communal meal, the non-verbal part. No-doubt as enactment i t i s the most important p a r t , and c a r r i e s i t s own complete meaning. There i s , however, a v e r b a l p a r t , the prayer t h a t precedes i t . Here we may look f o r comment on the non-verbal p a r t . The prayer opens with a gr e e t i n g formula that r e f e r s to the y e a r l y c y c l e and the rhythm that connects the l i f e of men with that of the salmon. From then on i t i s e n t i r e l y preoccupied with e a t i n g . I t has th e r e f o r e d i r e c t bearing on the r i t u a l meal that i s about to take place. How i s the eating viewed i n the prayer? There i s only one answer: with f e a r . A f t e r the g r e e t i n g the prayer launches i n t o intense s u p p l i c a t i o n : "protect us from danger, that nothing e v i l may happen to us when we eat you". As i t i s the salmon that are asked f o r p r o t e c t i o n , while they themselves are eaten, the danger must a r i s e here from the human act of eating r a t h e r than the double nature of the salmon. The salmon i s i n f a c t d i v i d e d , but not i n t o a g i v e r and destroyer. I t i s " s o u l " separated from "body". The bodies are dead; but the soul i s addressed as the r a t i o n a l benevolent p r i n c i p l e that has knowledge and memory of i t s s a c r i f i c i a l i n t e n t i o n : " f o r that i s the reason why you come here, t h a t we may catch you f o r food. We know that only your bodies are dead here,but your souls come to watch over us when we are going to eat what you have given us to eat now". In the separation of body and soul l i e s the hope of r e t a i n i n g the good w i l l of the salmon, because the s o u l , which seems to be imagined as 330. hovering over the eaters during the meal, w i l l be the l i f e p r i n c i p l e of the new salmon, or r e v i t a l i z e d salmon, when the bones have been thrown i n the water. In order to understand the f e a r of eating which the r i t u a l expresses we must Know what eating involved f o r the KwaKiutl. Eating a r i t u a l meal i s , of course, not e a t i n g ; i t i s e a t i n g reconsidered, e a t i n g l i f t e d out of the ordinary s i t u a t i o n and moved i n t o a context of thought. Yet i n the salmon r i t u a l , e a t i n g has not been transposed to the symbolic and imaginary as i t has i n the winter r i t u a l . I t i s r e a l e ating that i s considered. We Know from the prayers that death profanes an animal. The salmon and a l l the f i s h and game animals that are K i l l e d f o r food are d e l i b e r a t e l y profaned. In t h i s l i e s the g u i l t of the i n d i v i d u a l hunter and fisherman. In being eat en, however, an animal seems to be more d r a s t i c a l l y profaned. Ingestion meant i d e n t i f i c a t i o n to the KwaKiutl, as the cannibal myths and the cannibal dances c l e a r l y show. In being ingested by profane men the animal becomes part of t h e i r baxus nature. To be baxus means to be common, ordi n a r y , but also by i m p l i c a t i o n to be unfree, bound. While they are being ingested the animals lose t h e i r f r e e nature. We Know that f o r men being bound i n v o l v e s a paradox: while they want to l i v e i n harmony with the world they also want to destroy t h i s harmony. The d e l i b e r a t e trend of t h e i r d e s i r e s i s d e s t r u c t i v e , and t h i s i s why being baxus f o r them a l s o means to be accountable i n the sense of being l i a b l e to be c a l l e d to account f o r the g u i l t they have i n c u r r e d . For the animals, too, being bound in v o l v e s a paradox. T h e i r freedom, i n r e l a t i o n to men, c o n s i s t s i n t h e i r d e c i s i o n to give themselves to men. The very r e s u l t of t h i s freedom i s that they become bound, which i n t h e i r case means becoming a p h y s i c a l part of a profane, by d e f i n i t i o n unfree organism. But because the d e l i b e r a t e trend of t h e i r d e s i r e s i s c o n s t r u c t i v e , not d e s t r u c t i v e , to be baxus f o r 331. them does not mean to be accountable. I f one considers the concentration of s a n c t i t y i n t o the f i r s t salmon, the heightened and d e l i b e r a t e way i n which i t i s eaten by the group, and the b e l i e f that the salmon i s an innocent and generous v i c t i m - ~ t h a t he has come of h i s own f r e e w i l l - - o n e can understand the f e a r expressed i n the prayer. The f e a r i s not of a personal nature; l i k e a l l the gestures and words of the r i t u a l i t r e f e r s to a general s t a t e . I t i s the expression of a consciousness of the f u l l enormity of an ac t ; an act which i n an every-day context would pass unnoticed. The f i r s t salmon r i t u a l i s t h e r e f o r e a f e a s t of r e c o l l e c t i o n , or remembrance. The g u i l t that i s brought to remembrance, and that gives r i s e to the f e a r , i s again not personal, but general. I t acts as the lens:, through which man's place i n the scheme of things can be recognised c l e a r l y . Man i s obscurely bound by n e c e s s i t y to destroy that which he recognises as good. Only g u i l t , which s h i f t s the s t r e s s from n e c e s s i t y to r e s p o n s i b i l i t y - - t o being baxus as being account-a b l e — c a n give the impetus that leads away from o b s c u r i t y and moral p a s s i v i t y to a more conscious and a c t i v e p o s i t i o n . The v e r b a l part of the r i t u a l , the prayer of s u p p l i c a t i o n with i t s e x p l i c i t l y emphasised f e a r of the consequences such eating might b r i n g , introduces then a new f e a t u r e i n t o a r i t u a l of d e s a c r a l i z a t i o n . The object of the r i t u a l cannot simply be to s t r i p the salmon of a s a n c t i t y so great that i t makes i t unu:s!a:ble f o r men. I t i s true that the f i r s t object of the r i t u a l i s to lower the salmon t o the l e v e l of baxus men, so that f i s h i n g can be c a r r i e d out without danger. This object i s achieved by eat i n g the f i r s t salmon i n whom the s a n c t i t y of the salmon run i s concen-t r a t e d . But through the prayer of s u p p l i c a t i o n the p o s i t i o n of men and salmon as mere antagonists i n a st r u g g l e i n which men are v i c t o r i o u s i s modified. The salmon i s d i v i d e d i n t o body and s o u l ; and while the body 332. i s eaten, the soul i s b e l i e v e d to be "watching over us" p r o t e c t i v e l y . The conscious part of the salmon i s asked t o p r o t e c t from the danger the dese-c r a t i n g a c t i o n might b r i n g . This shows that the p a r t i c i p a n t s can hope f o r a p o s i t i v e r e s u l t of an a c t i o n they recognize as d e s t r u c t i v e . The salmon r e t a i n s , even while he i s incorporated, and so bound, some of h i s voluntary p o w e i — h i s " s o u l " - - and t h i s i s t r u s t e d to be benevolent. The prayer of s u p p l i c a t i o n expresses then consciousness of g u i l t ( f e a r ) , and t r u s t or hope. T h i s i s a c o n s t r u c t i v e combination, because as I have s a i d above, consciousness of g u i l t i s here an impetus to an i n t e l l e c t u a l l y and morally a c t i v e a t t i t u d e . We can on t h i s b a s i s venture to suggest that the communal meal f o r which the v i t a l p a r t s of the salmon are s e l e c t e d , i s not only an act of d e s a c r a l i z a t i o n d i r e c t e d t o the salmon, but a l s o one from which a c e r t a i n amount of consecration i s gained f o r men. I f the salmon i s lowered to the l e v e l of baxus men by the act of e a t i n g , men are also r a i s e d by the same a c t , to the l e v e l of naualak salmon, at l e a s t to a c e r t a i n modest extent. I t i s on t h i s b a s i s that men and salmon can meet i n the f i s h i n g season, and that f i s h i n g i s p o s s i b l e . I f t h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i s c o r r e c t , the verbal and non-verbal part of the r i t u a l of the communal meal communicate the same message but with d i f f e r e n t means. The combination of f e a r and hope of the prayer presents the r i t u a l as an e f f o r t at consciousness i n which f e a r means seeing. The non-verbal part condenses t h i s i n t o one two-faceted symbol: the e a t i n g of eyes. The salmon's eyes are put out, and i n eating them men become more seeing. We have now examined the f i r s t and main part of the salmon r i t u a l , the d e s a c r a l i z a t i o n . We have seen that t h i s part i t s e l f i s d i v i d e d and takes a double d i r e c t i o n , to the salmon and t o men. To sum up our f i n d i n g s so f a r , we can say: 333. 1) the salmon r i t u a l i s f i r s t and mainly an o b j e c t i v e r i t u a l , d i r e c t e d toward the salmon. I t c o n s i s t s of a communal act of d e s a c r a l i z a t i o n , that of eating the salmon and through the process of i d e n t i f i c a t i o n by i n g e s t i o n , lowering i t to s e c u l a r s t a t u s . 2) Second and subordinately the salmon r i t u a l i s s u b j e c t i v e , i . e . d i r e c -ted toward the people who c e l e b r a t e i t . I t c o n s i s t s of a consecra-t i o n of these people who by partaking of the salmon are enhanced i n t h e i r powers. 3) The consequence of the double a c t i o n of the r i t u a l i s to make salmon f i s h i n g p o s s i b l e . Before t u r n i n g to the l a s t part of the r i t u a l , the r e c o n s e c r a t i o n of the salmon and the sea, we must complete t h i s part by c o n s i d e r i n g i t s r e l a t i o n s h i p to s a c r i f i c e . The communal meal of the a g r a r i a n r i t e i n e v i t a b l y brings s a c r i f i c e to the mind. Frazer has recognised that we have to do here with two forms, and d i s t i n g u i s h e s them as "sacrament" and " s a c r i f i c e " [see 1925, Vol.2: "The Sacrament of F i r s t F r u i t s " , Chapter X; "The S a c r i f i c e of F i r s t F r u i t s " , Chapter XI; "Types of Animal Sacrament" Chapter XVI I ] . The beginning sentences of Chapter XI contain h i s d e f i n i -t i o n of the d i f f e r e n c e : "In the preceding chapter we saw that p r i m i t i v e peoples often partake of the new corn and the new f r u i t s sacramentally, because they suppose them to be i n s t i n c t with d i v i n e s p i r i t or l i f e . At a l a t e r age, when the f r u i t s of the earth are conceived as created r a t h e r than as animated by a d i v i n i t y , the new f r u i t s are no longer partaken of sacramentally as the body and blood of a god; but a p o r t i o n of them i s o f f e r e d to the d i v i n e beings who are. b e l i e v e d to have produced them" [p.109]. In other words, i n a sacrament the god i s eaten; i n a s a c r i f i c e something of one's own i s o f f e r e d to the god, and connection or r e c o n c i l i a t i o n with him e s t a b l i s h e d through the s a c r i f i c e d p a r t . The Kwakiutl salmon r i t u a l 334. belongs by t h i s d e f i n i t i o n without any doubt to the sacraments. The con-f r o n t a t i o n between baxus men and naualak salmon i s d i r e c t ; no intermediary i s used to connect them. In agrarian r i t e s that have as t h e i r object the d e s a c r a l i z a t i o n of the corn an animal i s sometimes s u b s t i t u t e d f o r the corn, representing the s p i r i t of the corn. This animal i s k i l l e d and ceremoniously eaten at a harvest supper. As i t represents the corn, we should here be i n the presence of a sacrament. However, according to Hubert and Mauss' f i n d i n g s , t h i s animal can have the mediating character of a s a c r i f i c e , and the immo-l a t i o n can t u r n the a g r i c u l t u r a l r i t e i n t o an a g r i c u l t u r a l s a c r i f i c e . I t stands both f o r the s p i r i t of the corn, which must be profaned to make harvesting safe, and f o r the ploughmen and reapers who are the profaners. (1964: 69 — 70). The act of k i l l i n g the v i c t i m i s consequently a l s o the act of r e t r i b u t i o n which p u r i f i e s the harvesters from the s t a i n of s a c r i l e g e and allows them to be newly born. Mauss sums up hi s argument: "Thus, i n the f i r s t moment of the r i t e , a double a c t i o n takes place: ( i ) the desac-r a l i z a t i o n of the harvested and threshed corn by means of the v i c t i m which represents i t ; ( i i ) the redemption of the harvest women and the ploughmen by the immolation of t h i s v i c t i m who represents them" (p.70). The knot of g u i l t and redemption i s t i e d and loosened i n one and the same moment, during the s a c r i f i c e , and the meal that f o l l o w s can only be a meal of r e c o n c i l i a -t i o n . In such a case the communal meal cannot be part of the process of d e s a c r a l i z a t i o n ; i t must be a s u b j e c t i v e r i t u a l pure and simple, conse-c r a t i n g the p a r t i c i p a n t s by s e t t i n g the sea l on t h e i r redemption. In the a g r a r i a n s a c r i f i c e we have a r a d i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t r i t u a l from that of the Kwakiutl. The Kwakiutl, because of t h e i r d i v i s i o n of. the year i n t o s e c u l a r and sacred, t h e i r conception of men's r o l e i n the former as passive, the l a t t e r as a c t i v e , d i s t r i b u t e g u i l t and redemption between the 335. salmon r i t u a l [ r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the l i f e of the Summer) and the winter r i t u a l ( r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the l i f e of the Winter). I t i s p o s s i b l e that the d i f f e r e n c e l i e s e s s e n t i a l l y i n the e n t i r e lack of r e p r e s e n t a t i o n i n the salmon r i t u a l . The salmon i n the f i r s t salmon r i t u a l i s the s p i r i t of the salmon and the sea i t s e l f . The cakes made of barley corn and eaten at the harvest supper s i m i l a r l y are "John Barleycorn". But the animal i n the agr a r i a n r i t e represents the s p i r i t of the corn i n an unrelated f i g u r e ; and, presumably, i f t h i s f i g u r e can stand f o r one t h i n g i t can als o stand f o r another. I t can t h e r e f o r e become the v i c t i m of a s a c r i f i c e . The death of a f i r s t salmon i s , on the other hand, always a murder. The act of s a c r i f i c e does not make g u i l t y i t s e l f , i t i s performed to wipe out g u i l t otherwise contracted. The act of murder i s i t s e l f the g u i l t y a c t . By no s t r e t c h of the imagination can one see the murderer reprieved by h i s own act. Redemption can only l i e i n an act of r e t r i b u t i o n . I f the reapers o f f e r an animal that stands f o r themselves as r e t r i b u t o r y o f f e r i n g they can achieve d e s a c r a l i z a t i o n and r e t r i b u t i o n i n one a c t . For the Kwakiutl who confront the salmon d i r e c t l y , there i s no such way. R e t r i b u t i o n and redemption are indeed achieved by them, too, i n the act of dying and being reborn. But they must a c t i v e l y undergo t h i s death i n the same way i n which the salmon a c t i v e l y undergoes h i s own death when he v o l u n t a r i l y o f f e r s himself to men. Redemption t h e r e f o r e l i e s f o r the Kwakiutl i n a form of i m i t a t i o n . As men eat salmon i n the Summer, so s p i r i t s eat men i n the Winter. And though the salmon cannot stand f o r men i n the Summer, and by hi s death work t h e i r redemption, he can stand f o r them me t a p h o r i c a l l y i n the Winter. In the i n i t i a t i o n myths men are p i c t u r e d as salmon. The c a n n i b a l i s t i c : : :' s p i r i t s of the winter cut them, s p l i t them and hang them up to dry as the fisherman's w i f e does the salmon i n Hunt's d e s c r i p t i o n . Being a salmon , 336. means here being hunted and being food. On t h i s metaphoric l e v e l , and on i t alone, the death of the salmon provides the l i n k between g u i l t and redemption. Men's a c t i v e i m i t a t i o n of the p a s s i v i t y of the salmon f i n d s no place i n the r i t u a l s of the Summer. The salmon r i t u a l leaves them with the open problem of s a c r i l e g e , which can only be resolved i n the Winter. This brings us to the l a s t part of the r i t u a l , the reconsecration of the salmon and the sea. To paraphrase and adapt Mauss, the "very l i f e of the sea, a f t e r having been e x p e l l e d , must be recreated and f i x e d i n the water whose f e r t i l i t y i t produces". In the salmon r i t u a l t h i s i s done by c o l l e c t i n g the bones a f t e r the meal and throwing them i n the sea. The salmon of the r i t u a l , we remember, was a skeleton; only eyes and meat adhering to the head could be eaten. The bones that are used to r e f e r -t i l i z e the sea are t h e r e f o r e the same " v i t a l p a r t s " that played a r o l e i n the r i t u a l : head, backbone and t a i l . With t h i s l a s t part of the salmon r i t u a l we are i n the presence of a r i t e of a d i f f e r e n t order from those we have up to now considered. The r i t e i s part of the syntax of the r i t u a l , and completes i t . i n i t s e l f . But i t does not l i n k up with e t h i c a l a c t i o n beyond the r i t u a l as do the other r i t u a l phases, and has t h e r e f o r e no part i n l i n k i n g the r i t u a l to the thought of the Winter. I s h a l l t h e r e f o r e o u t l i n e i t s s i g n i f i c a n c e here only b r i e f l y , and s h a l l not r e t u r n to i t i n my f u r t h e r d i s c u s s i o n s of the salmon r i t u a l . Head, backbone and t a i l are an image of d u a l i t y and charge, as i n the well-known K u n d a l i n i symbolism of I n d i a to which the Kwakiutl conception seems to be r e l a t e d . In the consecration r i t e of the salmon r i t u a l they take on an aspect of sexual d u a l i t y and c r e a t i v i t y that makes them s u i t a b l e f o r a metaphoric f e r t i l i z i n g of the sea. The salmon as head, backbone and t a i l i s here the e f f i g y of the S i s i u l , the doubleheaded serpent who i s the 337. very s p i r i t of the sea and the Kwakiutl mythical impersonation of potency as d u a l i t y and charge. This v i t a l i s t i c symbolism l i n k s the consecration r i t e with the r i t e s p rescribed f o r the bear throughout the Northern hemi-sphere, and the bear r i t e s i n turn throw f u r t h e r l i g h t on the salmon r i t e . We know from the Bear Mother myths that the venerated parts are head, s k i n and t a i l . The l i n e of red ochre Tsimshian hunters drew between head and t a i l on the i n s i d e of a bearskin can, I b e l i e v e , c o n f i d e n t l y be i d e n t i f i e d as a spine. In S i b e r i a n bear r i t u a l s " t a i l " i s sometimes used euphemis-12 t i c a l l y f o r penis ( H a l l o w e l l 1926). " The bones of the bear are t h e r e f o r e s u i t a b l e to f e r t i l i s e the earth as those of the salmon are to f e r t i l i s e the sea. Another aspect of t h i s v i t a l i s t i c symbolism concerns the l i f e of the salmon i t s e l f and i s expressed i n the dry/wet o p p o s i t i o n . We have seen that i n our r i t u a l the salmon was d e l i b e r a t e l y " d r i e d " , even to blackening i t . Returned to the sea i t i s "wetted", and t h i s moistening i s b e l i e v e d to r e s t o r e i t to i t s o l d completeness. Drying connotes death or a s t a t e of suspended animation, wetting l i f e . I n i t i a t i o n myths borrow t h i s meta-phor from the salmon r i t u a l . We s h a l l see i n the Baxbakualanuxsiwa myth discussed below (Epilogue) that the people who had s u f f e r e d r i t u a l death were d r i e d l i k e f i s h , but could be revived by the water of l i f e . The man-eater on the other hand i s got r i d of by "overdrying": put i n t o an earth oven on hot stones, where c o n v e n t i o n a l l y food i s steamed with the a d d i t i o n of water, he i s denied water and t h e r e f o r e burnt to ashes. Important though t h i s v i t a l i s t i c symbolism i s f o r Kwakiutl thought i t i s o u t s i de the subject of my t h e s i s proper. The consecration r i t e does not i n v o l v e the p a r t i c i p a n t s of the r i t u a l i n e t h i c a l a c t i o n or generate e t h i c a l . a c t i o n beyond the immediate occasion. I t contains no tension and creates no c o n f l i c t of d e s i r e and no remorse. I t i s an a f f i r m a t i o n of 338. man's u n i t y with the world, and i n t h i s resembles the prayers to Sun, which a l s o l a c k r e v e r b e r a t i o n i n Kwakiutl thought as a whole. I t i s t h e r e f o r e not part of the "open question" the salmon r i t u a l otherwise represents. 3 The Rhetoric of the R i t u a l ; the Guest as Host This s e c t i o n i n t e r r u p t s my examination of the f i r s t salmon r i t u a l with a broadly based account of the r h e t o r i c used i n the genre of animal r i t u a l s that I have defined i n the l a s t chapter. By r h e t o r i c I mean those conventions of p r e s e n t a t i o n t h a t "move" the p a r t i c i p a n t s i n a double sense: move them to take c e r t a i n a t t i t u d e s to the animal, and i n f l u e n c e t h e i r behaviour, t h a t i s move them t o a c t i o n . For instance, to c e l e b r a t e the r i t u a l as a f e a s t at which the animal i s host to men, to take the example of the r h e t o r i c a l convention at the centre of our d i s c u s s i o n , moves people to r e q u i t e . There i s a deep-rooted t r a d i t i o n i n ar c h a i c s o c i e t y that having accepted a g i f t one r e t u r n s t h a t g i f t . The animal.'.s g i f t , how-e v e r — i t s body--cannot be returned. The s i t u a t i o n set up by the r h e t o r i -c a l convention i s t h e r e f o r e b a f f l i n g and d i s t u r b i n g . The r h e t o r i c a l f i g u r e moves by challenging thought and i n v e n t i o n . I t makes the r i t u a l i n t o an open question that demands an answer. For the Kwakiutl t h i s answer l i e s outside the salmon r i t u a l ; they r e q u i t e the animal's g i f t of i t s l i f e by a s i m i l a r act of courage i n the i n i t i a t i o n r i t u a l of the Winter. In t h i s way a connecting arc i s e s t a b l i s h e d between the thought and behaviour of the Summer, which i s rooted i n n e c e s s i t y and formulated i n the r i t u a l conventions we have discussed, and the wholly d i f f e r e n t thought and behaviour of the Winter. Conventions of pres e n t a t i o n vary l o c a l l y of course, and to a l i m i t e d extent t h i s s e c t i o n explores such v a r i a t i o n . I t s main aim i s however to show how they move p a r t i c i p a n t s t o that unease of mind which moves them to 339. take f u r t h e r thought and a c t i o n . I t i s c l e a r from the a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l l i t e r a t u r e , e s p e c i a l l y F r a z e r ' s vast accumulations of evidence, that the r i t u a l s we are d i s c u s s i n g are both happy and uneasy occasions. This i s u s u a l l y explained i n a n a t u r a l i s t i c manner as the d i r e c t r e s u l t of experience: j o y over the harvest or success-f u l hunt, f e a r t h a t the bounty may stop. But n e i t h e r the j o y nor the f e a r i s " n a t u r a l " ; i t i s to a large measure created by the r i t u a l i t s e l f , by means of a r t . We have to ask ourselves t h e r e f o r e how the r i t u a l makers (whom I take to be the p a r t i c i p a n t s themselves) created these t e n s i o n s , and why they created them. I s h a l l show i n t h i s chapter that with the help of r h e t o r i c a l conventions j o y and unease are d e l i b e r a t e l y counterbalanced i n the r i t u a l s , and that a s t r u c t u r e of c a r e f u l l y worked out i n t e r i o r contra-d i c t i o n , which i s s t a b l e , g i v e s them t h e i r c h a r a c t e r of open questions which demand an answer. The s e c t i o n i s unusual i n the framework of t h i s chapter i n that I have taken the r i t u a l f o r the bear r a t h e r than the salmon r i t u a l as my example. There are two reasons. CD In the bear r i t u a l the pattern of the f e a s t at which the animal i s host to men i s more c l e a r l y apparent than i t i s i n the r i t u a l f o r any other animal. This i s p a r t l y due to the b e l i e f , widespread i n Indian North America, that the bear i s the host par e x c e l l e n c e . In popular b e l i e f he i s r i c h , he c a r r i e s h i s wealth with him under his s k i n , he can nourish himself from h i s own body, f o r instance by sucking h i s paws during h i b e r n a t i o n . In the Bear Mother s t o r i e s , we remember, he c a r r i e s a l l the s t o r e s accumulated by himself and h i s wife i n an i n v i s i b l e cache under h i s arm. When he cooks he takes h i s m a t e r i a l from h i s own body. In the very widespread "bungling host" myth, Bear, who i s more often than any other animal the i d e a l host, feeds h i s v i s i t o r s with meat cut out of h i s s i d e , without t a k i n g harm. (2) We have seen i n the hunting myths that •340. the bear i s a h i g h l y p e r s o n a l i s e d f i g u r e i n Indian hunting l o r e . This i s the second reason why I have taken bear r i t u a l s as r e p r e s e n t a t i v e f o r a r h e t o r i c a l convention that makes the animal i n t o a partner i n an exchange of g i f t s . Looked at from t h i s point of view i t seems that the convention f i r s t belonged to the bear r i t u a l and spread t o r i t u a l s f o r other animals. The basis of the convention i s that the animal i s considered i n i t s singu-l a r i t y , as an i n d i v i d u a l . The bear w i t h h i s s t r i k i n g l y "human" physique and habits i s more obviously "one of us" than most animals. The conven-t i o n of the guest as host presupposes the concept of an exchange between euqals. The t r a d i t i o n , a l s o found i n the hunting myths, that animals are "men as we are" t h e r e f o r e forms the basis f o r the r h e t o r i c a l f i g u r e of the r i t u a l . To I n d i v i d u a l i s e an animal means t r e a t i n g i t as a man. Dealings between men r e s t on r e c i p r o c i t y . Men are connected through g i v i n g , r e c e i v i n g and r e q u i t i n g . I f they are to be connected with animals, and animals with them, t h i s i s the model f o r t h e i r connection. I t a l s o seems probable that i n d i v i d u a l i s i n g the animal i s p a r t i c u l a r l y a p r a c t i c e of the hunter who, i n the course of the chase and the s t r u g g l e to k i l l forms a personal r e l a t i o n s h i p with h i s prey. As a l l r i t u a l s of t h i s kind perso-n a l i s e t h e i r o b j e c t , even i f i t is:-a vegetable crop or a run of salmon, i t i s p o s s i b l e that they are rooted i n the hunting m e n t a l i t y , and that t h e i r form i s c a r r i e d over from hunting r i t u a l s . The concept of the part that stands f o r the whole makes t h i s i n d i v i d u a l i z a t i o n p o s s i b l e even i n the most u n l i k e l y cases. The "Mother" or the "Chief" plays the r o l e of giver-away f o r the species. I am comparing i n t h i s s e c t i o n the Kwakiutl r i t u a l f o r the f i r s t bear of the season with two s p a t i a l l y and temporally f a r - f l u n g t r a d i t i o n s : the Ainu bear f e s t i v a l , and a r i t u a l f o r the bear from the Eastern Woodlands of North America, reported by an 18th century t r a v e l l e r . The comparison shows • 341. how widespread the r h e t o r i c a l convention i s , what a time-depth i t has, and how c l o s e l y i t i s connected with the bear. The Ainu t r a d i t i o n elaborates p a r t i c u l a r l y the "myth of m u t u a l i t y " that belongs to'.;that convention. According to i t animals and men p r a c t i c e mutually b e n e f i c i a l r e c i p r o c a l exchange. We have met t h i s myth already as one of the dispensations used i n the prayers to excuse k i l l i n g . The account of the bear r i t u a l from the Woodlands, on the other hand, adds the r e a l i s t i c aspect that a l s o belongs '•:< to that r h e t o r i c a l f i g u r e , the mourning over the n e c e s s i t y that f o r c e s men to k i l l t h e i r f r i e n d s . This too we know from the prayers and the hunting myths but only i n the Woodlands r i t u a l i s i t expressed d i r e c t l y . Each of the two examples then s t r e s s e s another aspect of the r i t u a l but examination shows that i t i s the combination of the two that makes up the t e l l i n g f o r c e of the r i t u a l . * * * * * * * * * * * * The r i t u a l syntax i s l i k e the " p r i m i t i v e form" of myth; i t can never be analysed i n i t s e l f , only i n one of i t s a c t u a l m a n i f e s t a t i o n s . The designation a g r a r i a n r i t e embraces i t s e l f a number of p o s s i b l e a c t u a l mani-f e s t a t i o n s , but i n so f a r - a s i t e x p l i c i t l y emphasises the r i t e of desacra-l i z a t i o n i t i s nearest to a s a t i s f a c t o r y i l l u s t r a t i o n of that syntax. In Hunt's d e s c r i p t i o n of the Kwakiutl f i r s t salmon r i t u a l we were lucky to have a good example. However, Kwakiutl custom passed over c e r t a i n p a r t s of the r i t u a l v e r y l l i g h t l y : the entry ceremony--the welcoming of the . ' I : salmon--becomes nothing but the p r i v a t e act of the woman r e c e i v i n g the salmon, and the e x i t ceremony—the r e c o n s e c r a t i o n i s again a q u i e t l y per-formed p r i v a t e a c t . The whole emphasis i s on the communal meal which i s described i n great d e t a i l , i n c l u d i n g i t s p r e p a r a t i o n . In t h i s chapter I s h a l l t u r n to the question of emphasis. Emphasis does not change the syntax of the r i t u a l , which remains an arrangement of 342. the same p a r t s , ordered i n the same way. I t does two t h i n g s . I t changes the outward appearance of the r i t u a - l so that we are apparently confronted by a v a r i e t y of forms when there i s i n f a c t , s t r u c t u r a l l y , only one form. In i t s e l f t h i s would hardly i n t e r e s t us, but each change of emphasis i s ef f e c t e d by using a d i f f e r e n t r h e t o r i c a l convention, each of which gives us a new i n s i g h t i n t o the essence of the r i t u a l . Having separated the salmon r i t u a l by essence from other r i t u a l s we are now t u r n i n g to a c l o s e r examina-t i o n of that essence. Rhetoric i s the technique of persuasion, as w e l l as the body of r u l e s that ensures eloquent expression. In o r a l c u l t u r e s r h e t o r i c i s of greater importance than i n l i t e r a r y ones because i t i s one of the means through which c u l t u r a l i d e n t i f i c a t i o n i s achieved, that i s , i t i s not persuasion to a p r i v a t e o p i n i o n , that of the r h e t o r , but to a commu-nal cause; not p r i v a t e t h i n k i n g but communal t h i n k i n g . I use r h e t o r i c t h e r e f o r e i n an extended sense that takes i n , apart from the speeches made i n the r i t u a l where we have them (and they were t r a n s c r i b e d verbatim u n f o r t u n a t e l y only too r a r e l y ) , the non-verbal behaviour that a l s o expres-ses the " f i g u r e of thought" and f o l l o w s the r u l e s of expression, imposed by that f i g u r e . By r i t u a l r h e t o r i c I do not mean mainly the myth that e x p l a i n s the r i t u a l - - t h o u g h myths and r h e t o r i c a l conventions c o n s t a n t l y fuse--but the impressive and persuasive f i g u r e under which the r i t u a l i s executed. In L' Homme IMu Levi-Strauss has c a l l e d the approach that t r e a t s myths and r i t u a l as mutually i n t e r p r e t a t i v e a confusion such that the cat does not know i t s own k i t t e n s . Myth i s thought, r i t u a l i r r a t i o n a l and vapid a c t i o n . The d i s t i n c t i o n has much to be sa i d f o r i t , and should give us pause; I s h a l l consider i t i n the next s e c t i o n , where we are concerned with the myth of the salmon r i t u a l . Meanwhile, however, I s h a l l continue as i f the cat knew i t s own k i t t e n s , that i s on the " s u p e r f i c i a l " l e v e l 343. where i t i s assumed that the r i t u a l expresses the thought and i n t e n t i o n of the p a r t i c i p a n t s . R h e t o r i c a l conventions are important, because they express the essence of the r i t u a l very f o r c e f u l l y , thougb always through emphasis on one s e l e c -ted aspect. Sometimes, however, not the whole essence can be expressed because the aspect that has been sel e c t e d cannot l o g i c a l l y accommodate i t . Where the emphasis s h i f t s f o r instance to the l a s t p a r t , so that the whole r i t u a l becomes a r i t e of consecration there i s no room f o r the expression of d e s a c r a l i z a t i o n . Mauss, who has very c l e a r l y recognised the v a r i e t y of forms i n which the a g r i c u l t u r a l s a c r i f i c e presents i t s e l f says about such a s h i f t : "But i n s a c r i f i c e s whose purpose i t i s to f e r t i l i s e the e a r t h , that i s , to i n f u s e i n t o i t a d i v i n e l i f e , or to render more a c t i v e the l i f e I t may possess, there i s no longer a question, as before, of e l i m i n a t i n g from i t a sacred c h a r a c t e r . One must be communicated to I t " . [1964: 71--2). Such r i t u a l s may assume d e s a c r a l i z a t i o n as an i m p l i c i t background, perhaps simply conceived as the ordinary wear and t e a r of time. The salmon r i t u a l becomes then a world renewal r i t u a l , i n which the a r r i v a l of the salmon run provides the impetus f o r a reconsecration of water and earth. The Yurok of Northern C a l i f o r n i a c e lebrated such a r i t u a l at the time of t h e i r largest salmon run, which f a l l s i n the Autumn. Another example i s the annual 1 3 bladder f e a s t of the Eskimos of Bering S t r a i t s which Nelson recounts. In the bladder f e a s t the sexual imagery I have described as part of the r e c o n s e c r a t i o n r i t e i s p a r t i c u l a r l y v i v i d . A hole i s cut i n the i c e of the frozen sea, and the bladders of the sea-mammals k i l l e d i n the course of the year are pushed through i t , r e f e r t i l i z i n g the waters and at the same time g i v i n g the animals a chance of being reborn. Such r i t e s are world renewal and f e r t i l i t y r i t u a l s ; yet j u s t because of the emphasis on the v i t a l i s t i c p r i n c i p l e , which the s h i f t to the consecration phase [the e x i t 344. phase of the r i t u a l as a whole) i m p l i e s , they l o s e i n i n t e r e s t as subjects of our i n v e s t i g a t i o n . When the emphasis i s s h i f t e d forward, on the other hand, to the entry ceremony, the r i t e of welcoming the animal, we get a r h e t o r i c a l f i g u r e that expresses the problematic and open nature of the r i t u a l p a r t i c u l a r l y ol.... c l e a r l y . I have c a l l e d t h i s f i g u r e "the guest as host". I t represents the animal, which i s welcomed as an honoured guest, as the r e a l host at the f e a s t given i n i t s honour, and t h e r e f o r e r a i s e s the problem of a s u i t a b l e r e q u i t a l . This s h i f t of emphasis from the "meal" to the "welcoming" does not impair the essence of the r i t u a l , and s y n t a c t i c a l l y the r i t u a l remains complete i n a l l i t s p a r t s , only the beginning overshadows the r e s t through the v i v i d n e s s of i t s p r e s e n t a t i o n . The form:".is :used f o r the salmon r i t u a l but i t seems to belong more n a t u r a l l y s t i l l to the bear r i t u a l , because the animal f o r whom i t i s celebrated i s conceived i n that very personal way which i s t y p i c a l of the r e l a t i o n to the bear. However, the same r i t u a l i n l e s s elaborate form i s celebrated f o r other animals among the KwaKiutl and other Northwest coast peoples. The animal i s received l i k e a high ranking guest a r r i v e d on a v i s i t . A banquet with speeches i s given i n h i s [or her) honour. As behooves such a guest he w i l l r e q u i t e , and indeed gives a f e a s t i n which he g i v e s himself, h i s own body, to h i s former hosts who are now his guests. The communal meal i s here the f e a s t at which the guest has turned host. The metaphoric model i s undoubtedly the Northwest coast p o t l a t c h . Yet t h i s r h e t o r i c a l convention of the r i t u a l i s extremely widespread, and was used, f o r instance i n the harvest c e l e -b r a t i o n s of the European peasantry. The Corn Mother was brought to the v i l l a g e i n procession, with s i n g i n g and dancing. Prayers of s u p p l i c a t i o n were o f f e r e d to her, and then she was eaten e i t h e r as cakes shaped l i k e 14 human f i g u r e s , or i n the form of an animal. But then the p o t l a t c h 345. pattern of r e c e i v i n g and r e q u i t i n g i s , of course, not t y p i c a l of the North-west coast alone but belongs to a r c h a i c thought i t s e l f . In t h i s s e c t i o n I s h a l l be mainly concerned with an examination of the r i t u a l i n t h i s form. I s h a l l f i r s t examine i t as i t has been reported f o r the f i r s t salmon r i t u a l of the Tsimshian, and then t u r n to the Kwakiutl bear r i t u a l which contains p a r t i c u l a r l y v aluable evidence. I s h a l l quote Gunther's account of the Tsimshian f i r s t salmon ceremony, because i t gives an idea of the c u l t u r a l context to which the r i t u a l cus-toms belong. In s p i t e of i t s e x c e l l e n c i e s , however, t h i s account cannot be taken as a u t h o r i t a t i v e f o r the Tsimshian f i r s t salmon r i t u a l . Gunther took i t from Boas' d e s c r i p t i o n i n Tsimshian Mythology (1916: 450) and Boas, i n t u r n , took i t from the Tsimshian Salmon Boy Myth we have discussed i n the l a s t chapter (1916: 192). I t i s w e l l known that Boas' attempt i n Tsimshian Mythology to describe the " l i f e of the people as i t appears i n t h e i r t a l e s and t r a d i t i o n s " (p.43) ran i n t o the d i f f i c u l t y that myths do not r e a l l y d e scribe the l i f e of the people! b u t t t h e i r thought, which uses the i n c i d e n t s of l i f e f o r i t s own purposes. Here, the d e s c r i p t i o n of the salmon r i t u a l i s c l e a r l y subordinated to the p l o t of the myth. Through a comparison with other, isomorphic r i t u a l s we can judge how t h i s subordina-t i o n e f f e c t s the d e s c r i p t i o n . I t breaks o f f at a point at which the a c t u a l r i t u a l could not have come to an end, because at t h i s point the story swerves from a d e s c r i p t i o n of the r i t u a l . This i s when the salmon i s cut: i n the s t o r y , Salmon Boy i s found at t h i s point i n embryonic form i n Salmon C h i e f ' s stomach and absorbs the n a r r a t o r ' s i n t e r e s t ; i n an a c t u a l r i t u a l the c e l e b r a t i n g community would go on to the communal meal. Having made t h i s r e s e r v a t i o n we are f r e e to appreciate the e x t r a -o r d i n a r y i n t e r e s t of the account. I t centres on the pageant with which the salmon i s brought i n from the beach and conducted to the c h i e f ' s house. an do on the c u t t i n g which is! done here i n s i d e the f e a s t house. The f i r s t phase i s b r i l l i a n t and noisy, the second quiet and solemn. This i s of p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r e s t i n r e l a t i o n to the Kwakiutl f i r s t salmon r i t u a l . There the fisherman's wife ( a f t e r having prayed to the f o u r salmon) takes them up q u i c k l y to the higher part of the beach to cut them i n s o l i t u d e . Here the fisherman husband (impersonated by the shaman) guides the salmon to the v i l l a g e i n p u b l i c procession. The c u t t i n g i s always done by women, but there, i n contrast to the Kwakiutl custom, p u b l i c l y by two women sha-mans who, one would assume, must be impersonating the fisherman's w i f e . "When the f i r s t salmon has been caught, f o u r o l d shamans are c a l l e d to the fisherman's p l a t f o r m . They brin g along a new cedar bark mat, b i r d ' s down, red ochre and other paraphernalia belonging to a shaman" ... The shaman i s present because he i s the normal ceremonial leader. The use of a new mat may be traced to two customs: i n the f i r s t f r u i t ceremonies of the L i l l o o e t as w e l l as t h e i r salmon ceremony: new u t e n s i l s are used; and furthermore, Tsimshian custom d i c t a t e s that "when a v i s i t o r i s led i n t o a house, a good new mat i s spread f o r him" (Boas RBAE 31: 437). "They spread the cedarbark mat on the p l a t f o r m , and the shaman fisherman puts on h i s a t t i r e , holding the r a t t l e i n h i s r i g h t hand, the eagle t a i l i n h i s l e f t " . In some accounts i t i s d e f i n i t e l y stated that the shaman changes c l o t h i n g with the f i s h e r -man. This change of c l o t h i n g might be i n t e r p r e t e d as an attempt to make the shaman and fisherman seem one ... "The shamans take up the mat at i t s four..corners and c a r r y up the salmon ( i n the same way as a guest i s welcomed); the fisherman shaman going ahead of them, shaking h i s r a t t l e and swinging h i s eagle t a i l " . A person who i s the object of ceremony i s c a r r i e d i n a blanket, the f o u r corners held by f o u r men. A b r i d e i s c a r r i e d on an e l k s k i n blanket to the house of the groom's f a t h e r ... "The salmon i s c a r r i e d to the c h i e f ' s house; and a l l the young people who are considered unclean are ordered to leave the house, while a l l the o l d people e h t e r r i n f r o n t of the procession". I t i s appropriate that the ceremony should be conducted i n the c h i e f ' s house, f o r a l l honoured guests are r e c e i v e d there ... " A l l the shamans i n the v i l l a g e dress up andrcome i n , f o l l o w i n g the salmon ... I n s i d e (the house) the salmon i s placed on a l a r g e cedar board, and the shamans march around i t f o u r times. Meanwhile the s i n g e r s s i t down i n t h e i r proper places around the house, and the fisherman shaman c a l l s two ol d women shamans to cut the salmon ... They take up t h e i r mussel-s h e l l knives, while a l l the people keep q u i e t . They c a l l the salmon by i t s honorary names: Chief Spring Salmon, Quartz Nose, Two G i l l s on Back, L i g h t n i n g Following One Another, and Three Jumps". (1928: 139--140) Gunther comments that the customs described here have not been " f i t t e d 347. i n t o any one ceremonial p a t t e r n " , but are echoes of the various ceremonial patt e r n s of the Tsimshian, the honouring of guests, shamanistic cures etc. This i s p a t e n t l y not the case. That the "language" through which a r i t u a l p a t t e r n i s conveyed i s culture-bound goes without saying. But the r i t u a l belongs to the meta-group of the "agrarian r i t e " , with the emphasis s h i f -ted to the entrance ceremony, though the account remains uncompleted because of the nature of the source. We can f i n d p a r a l l e l s i n Frazer's c o l l e c t i o n of a g r a r i a n r i t e s where the entrance ceremony i s equ a l l y elaborated and t h e r e f o r e i s also that of the guest honoured because he i s i n f a c t the host, the g i v e r of g i f t s . I s h a l l supplement the Tsimshian account of the f i r s t salmon r i t u a l with a Kwakiutl account of a f i r s t bear r i t u a l . The r i t u a l p a t t e r n i s the same: they are both f i r s t f r u i t r i t e s , the s t r e s s i s on the entrance cere-mony, and the r h e t o r i c i s that of the f e a s t . But the Kwakiutl account, though very s h o r t , shows the p a t t e r n i n i t s completness and allows us t o make s t r u c t u r a l i n f e r e n c e s that throw f u r t h e r l i g h t on the purpose of the ceremony. I t used to be the custom that when the f i r s t bear of the season was k i l l e d , the hunter would b r i n g i t to the v i l l a g e , and while yet a short distance away could c a l l , " I have a v i s i t o r " . Then a l l the people very solemnly and q u i e t l y would assemble i n h i s house. The bear was placed i n a s i t t i n g posture i n the place of honour i n the middle of the back part of the room, with a r i n g of cedar bark about i t s neck and eagle down on i t s head. Food was then given to each person, and a p o r t i o n was placed before the bear. Great solemnity p r e v a i l e d . The bear was t r e a t e d as the honoured guest, and was so addressed i n the speeches. The people one by one would advance and take h i s paws i n t h e i r hands as i f u t t e r i n g a s u p p l i c a t i o n . A f t e r the ceremonial meal was over, the bear was skinned and prepared f o r food. CCurtis 1915: 38) S t r u c t u r a l l y t h i s i s the same r i t u a l as the f i r s t salmon ceremony of the Tsimshian. The s t r e s s i s again on the entry ceremony the welcoming of the animal. But i n s p i t e of i t s b r e v i t y we have here a f u l l e r account 348. of the r i t u a l s t r u c t u r e . The r i t u a l proceeds i n three stages: 1) The bear i s welcomed as a v i s i t o r of importance. Signs of honouring him are the seat i n the middle of the rear of the house, which i s the place of honour i n a Kwakiutl house, the neck r i n g and eagle down with which he i s adorned, the speeches made i n h i s honour, and the banquet given f o r him. These signs correspond to the ceremonial procession f o r the salmon among the Tsimshian. Taking i n t o account d i f f e r e n c e s of usage, the two ways of honouring a guest are not mutually e x c l u s i v e but could occur i n e i t h e r s o c i e t y together. 2) I n d i v i d u a l s u p p l i c a t i o n to the bear by the members of the community. Mi s s i n g i n the Tsimshian account, probably due to the b i a s of the account as part of a myth. The phase i s important s t r u c t u r a l l y because i t contains the c l a s h of f e e l i n g that accompanies the capture of an animal. I t i s an a r t i c u l a t i o n of the dilemma. I t s place between the f e a s t fori:the animal given by men, and the f e a s t f o r men given by the animal i s s i g n i f i c a n t . 3) C u t t i n g up and ea t i n g of the bear. The ceremony of c u t t i n g up the animal i s given greater prominence i n the Tsimshian account, which breaks o f f here. What f o l l o w s i s the communal meal. I f we take the r h e t o r i c a l convention that i s employed here s e r i o u s l y - -the convention of the o b l i g a t i o n s of g i v i n g , r e c e i v i n g and r e q u i t i n g - - the pattern that emerges i s something l i k e t h i s : a renowned person comes to v i s i t a s o c i a l group. He i s re c e i v e d with a f e a s t of welcome. In r e t u r n he gives a p o t l a t c h f o r h i s host group with the g i f t s he has brought f o r them. The g i f t s are h i s own substance, given so that they can eat. Before he gives himself they each come up to him to ask h i s pardon f o r t h e i r t a k i n g , and to thank him f o r h i s g i f t . I t ,is a patter n of two v . f e a s t s , and of the transformation of the hosts i n t o guests, the guest i n t o host. The people who have received the bear as t h e i r guest become h i s guests; he becomes the host. The r i t u a l i s a condensed statement of the pattern of the p o t l a t c h rhythm. Further, we have seen i n Chapter 1 that the p o t l a t c h always i m p l i e s a s e l f - s a c r i f i c e of the host to h i s guests. His possessions are an extension of himself; i n g i v i n g them away he symbo-l i c a l l y g ives himself. In the hunting r i t u a l , where the animal as game v i s i t s men, we have the concrete p r e f i g u r a t i o n of such g i v i n g . There i s nothing symbolic about the s e l f - s a c r i f i c e of the v i s i t o r . The g i f t he brings to give away to the human community i s himself. D i s t i n c t i o n s may be made, as i n the Kwakiutl prayer to the salmon, that i t i s only h i s body which men take while h i s soul l i v e s on, but about the c e n t r a l f a c t there i s no doubt: i t i s h i s l i f e which he l a y s down as a g i f t . Of the three phases s t r i c t l y speaking only the f i r s t and the t h i r d belong to the r h e t o r i c a l f i g u r e of the guest as host. In the f i r s t phase the animal i s honoured as a d i s t i n g u i s h e d v i s i t o r and a f e a s t and enter-tainment given f o r i t . In the t h i r d phase the animal r e q u i t e s with a f e a s t f a r more important: i t g i v e s i t s own substance to feed the people. This f e a s t i s at the same time a d i r e c t s u s t a i n i n g of the people's l i f e , who eat t h e i r host, and a sign or pledge that t h i s f i r s t animal, who has been enterta i n e d so generously, w i l l see to i t that i t s f e l l o w animals, fellow-members of the species, w i l l come and l e t themselves be caught i n plenty. In other words the r i t u a l i s a reenactment of the o r i g i n a l con-t r a c t between men and animals. Men and animals give to one another; i f they do so with scrupulous care, e s p e c i a l l y on the human s i d e , they are q u i t s . The f i r s t and t h i r d phase belong to those mythical conventions which 350. i n the prayers we have c a l l e d d i s p e n s a t i o n s . I f they made up the r i t u a l by themselves i t would be an e n t i r e l y happy event. Men could have t h e i r cake and eat i t ; i n t h i s case eat the ;animal and l i v e i n harmony with i t . The second phase however stands i n d i r e c t c o n t r a d i c t i o n to t h i s convention. The c l a s h i s not so much on the surface, where an apology to the animal can perhaps be a l i g n e d with the mythical convention that men and animals are q u i t s , but deeper down, i n the unease that perceives t h a t , r e a l i s t i c a l l y assessed, men and animals are not q u i t s and can never be q u i t s . In the phase of s u p p l i c a t i o n the people implore the animal not to be angry about the t a k i n g of i t s l i f e , which they do, i n f a c t , from n e c e s s i t y , and f o r which they have nothing to o f f e r i n r e t u r n . This i n t e r l u d e between the f i r s t and t h i r d phase that e s t a b l i s h e s the r e l a t i o n of s e c u l a r man, who, being s e c u l a r i s poor and has nothing to g i v e , with a supernatural g i v e r i s the conceptual p i v o t of the r i t u a l as a whole. Without i t the r h e t o r i c a l convention of the f i r s t and second phase--the guest as host--wouild remain a "dead metaphor", incomplete i n t e l l e c t u a l l y and morally, and without any transforming power. In other words the c o n t r a d i c t o r y i n t e r v e n i n g phase makes the r h e t o r i c persuasive because i t l i n k s i t with r e a l i t y . U n fortunately, we have no verbatim accounts of the speeches and prayers f o r the Kwakiutl bear r i t u a l and the Tsimshian salmon r i t u a l . This i s a serious lack because speeches and prayers provide an exegesis of the r i t u a l a c t i o n . Without such commentary the r i t u a l s tend to s t r i k e us as i r r a t i o -nal or at best vaguely and obscurely s y m b o l i c a l . In f a c t they are p r e c i s e statements of c l e a r l y formed a t t i t u d e s . We know enough about the back-ground, from an examination of the prayers and myths i n the preceding two chapters to see that what I have s a i d about the r h e t o r i c a l convention of the r i t u a l i s g e n e r a l l y t r u e . But r i t u a l adds a new dimension to the question of the r e l a t i o n between men and animals, and we are t h e r e f o r e i n need of a 351 . p a r t i c u l a r exegesis. The only verbatim evidence f o r the r h e t o r i c a l con-vention of the guest as host we have used so f a r i s the prayer spoken before the communal meal i n the Kwakiutl salmon r i t u a l . This means our evidence comes from a r i t u a l that does not emphasise t h i s convention. Moreover, t h i s prayer represents s t r u c t u r a l l y the second phase--it i s i n t e r s p e r s e d between welcoming (the women's prayer on the beach) and eating (the commu-nal meal). Yet f o r a l l these d i f f e r e n c e s the l a s t phrase of the prayer expresses c l e a r l y the f i g u r e of the salmon as hosts at the meal i n which t h e i r own bodies are consumed: "... your souls come to watch over us when we are going to eat what you have given us to eat now". For e x e g e t i c a l commentary on the bear r i t u a l we have to go outside Kwakiutl t e r r i t o r y , simply because our KwaKiutl sources are too scant, not because such com-mentary could not have been gained. But t h i s n e c e s s i t y a l s o has the v i r t u e of making us see the Kwakiutl-Northwest cost convention i n i t s gre a t e r context. The concepts u n d e r l y i n g the bear r i t u a l are a s t o n i s h -i n g l y uniform i n the boreal woodland area i n which the bear i s venerated. As H a l l o w e l l has demonstrated i n h i s "Bear Ceremonialism i n the Northern Hemisphere" (1926) there i s a circumpolar " c u l t u r e area", s t r e t c h i n g from Fi n l a n d through Northern A s i a and North America i n which the same concepts are elaborated i n d i f f e r e n t forms. They were found most- c l e a r l y a r t i c u l a -ted among the Ainu, f o r whom the bear i s the supreme d i v i n e being. The Ainu word Kamui, a god, means u s u a l l y a bear.15 j n W h a t f o l l o w s I s h a l l do three t h i n g s . (1) I s h a l l give an account of the m y t h i c o - r h e t o r i c a l f i g u r e of the guest as host, taken from KyosuKe K i n d a i c h i ' s comments on the Ainu bear f e s t i v a l . This i s the c l e a r e s t account of the pri n c i p l e . , o f the bear r i t u a l we have i n the l i t e r a t u r e , . but i t i s c l e a r by v i r t u e of i g n o r i n g the second, c o n t r a d i c t o r y phase of the r i t u a l . (2) I s h a l l supplement t h i s account with one from Alexander Henry, p r i s o n e r and f r i e n d of Eastern 352. Woodland Indians i n the 18th century. Henry's account contains an e x c e l -l e n t d e s c r i p t i o n of the second phase. With i t s help I s h a l l be able to demonstrate that the complete r i t u a l depends on i t s s t r u c t u r a l l y contra-d i c t o r y nature. (3] I s h a l l discuss the r h e t o r i c a l f i g u r e once more as the Kwakiutl conceived i t , as a p o t l a t c h metaphor, and show that because of i t s ambiguity i t can contain the c o n t r a d i c t i o n of the r i t u a l . As any tr u e r h e t o r i c a l f i g u r e i t i s a persuasive and o r g a n i z i n g metaphor that moves i n both senses, emotionally, and towards a new point of view. Here, again the locus of c o n t r a d i c t i o n becomes the departing point f o r new a c t i o n and thought. (1) K i n d a i c h i i s an outstanding student of the Ainu. His "Concepts behind the Ainu Bear F e s t i v a l " i s the best a n a l y s i s of the bear r i t u a l I 16 know of. The Ainu, l i k e the Kwak i u t l , venerated the salmon as w e l l as the bear; an a n a l y s i s of prayers, myths and r i t u a l s along; the l i n e s traced i n my t h e s i s might be rewarding. I quote K i n d a i c h i ' s account f o r two reasons: f o r the a r t i c u l a t e n e s s and p r e c i s i o n with which the two-way host-guest r e l a t i o n s i s t r e a t e d , and f o r the r e c o g n i t i o n that we have to do here with the general p r i n c i p l e of the r e l a t i o n of men to a l l non-human l i v i n g beings, not only animals used f o r food but a l l animals, not only animals but p l a n t s ; a l i v i n g world of "othernesses" that are grasped i n t h e i r separate i d e n t i t i e s and bound to men w i t h bonds of mutual g i v i n g . The mythical world of the "two c o u n t r i e s " i s the same as i n Kwakiutl b e l i e f . In c o n t r a s t to Kwakiutl b e l i e f , however, there i s i n K i n d a i c h i ' s account no i n d i c a t i o n that the two c o u n t r i e s i n v o l v e a doubleness of the "super-n a t u r a l ones", as i t i s expressed, f o r in s t a n c e , i n the e p i t h e t s of the prayers; a doubleness t h a t , moreover, r e f l e c t s the d u p l i c i t y of human i n t e n t i o n s . A l l i s w e l l here between men and animals. Another p a r a l l e l to Kwakiutl b e l i e f i s the d i v i s i o n i n t o body and s o u l . The bodies the people eat at the r i t u a l are only animals' garments; the s o u l , w i t h i t s p o t e n t i a l f o r renewal, remains untouched. Again, there i s no i n d i c a t i o n i n t h i s account of the f e a r that accompanies the d i v i s i o n i n t o body and soul and the e a t i n g of the body, as i t i s so c l e a r l y expressed i n the Kwakiutly prayer spoken during the salmon r i t u a l . K i n d a i c h i has neglected these aspects (though they are c l e a r l y present i n the t e x t s . t h a t describe the Ainu bear r i t u a l ) f o r the sake of the l o g i c and coherence of the concepts. The r e s u l t i s one of the most b e a u t i f u l and i n c i s i v e d e s c r i p t i o n s of the "myth of m u t u a l i t y " that forms the conceptual b a s i s of the r h e t o r i c a l f i g u r e of the guest as host. I t s d e f i c i e n c i e s as a d e s c r i p t i o n of the r i t u a l we can amend from other sources. Outside of t h i s world, where men are l i v i n g , there i s a country of gods, where the gods, i t i s thought, l i v e i n human form ... These gods sometimes come to t h i s world of men t o play, where the god, a bear, comes i n a d i s g u i s e of black f u r , sharp claws and a big form, the wolf ... comes i n a white robe, the fox ... comes i n a yellowish-brown d i s g u i s e , others i n d i s g u i s e s of b i r d s , or of i n s e c t s or of f i s h . These forms of l i v i n g t h i n g s are nothing but the d i s g u i s e i n which those gods v i s i t t h i s world, (p.345) ... Not only animal forms but a l s o grasses and t r e e s are gods: the corn and the l i l y bulb, f o r example, are gods c a l l e d . . . "food gods'.' . . . Among the Ainu people (who feared to eat the l i l y bulb) there was a man who was brave enough to eat one; he found i t had a f i n e t a s t e and a l l the others became w i l l i n g to eat i t . A f t e r t h a t , the god of the l i l y bulb was able to r e t u r n to h i s Kingdom of gods, without wandering i n vain upon the e a r t h . Thus the gods who came to t h i s world can r e t u r n happily to the Kingdom of gods, only by being f r e e d of t h e i r hayokube (or w i l l -i n g l y eaten and being respected) at the hands of the Ainu t r i b e . Therefore, the f l e s h and the s k i n of the bear, of the owl or the salmon, which arer/their d i s g u i s e s , are given to the Ainu who catch them; and the Ainu r e c e i v e them and eat them i n thankfulness. Thus the gods, who came down to earth to play, can go home to the Kingdom of gods. (p.346) ... These gods of another world come to t h i s land i n the d i s g u i s e of v a r i o u s l i v i n g t h i n g s ; and when they are caught and k i l l e d at the hands of the Ainu people, t h e i r s p i r i t s come i n the house, not through the usual doors, but through the inner window and s i t at the l e f t s i d e of the f i r e - p l a c e , which i s u s u a l l y the seat of guests. This window i s c a l l e d ... "the window through which the gods enter". The v i s i t o r - s p i r i t i s a present to man, i f i t i s seen from the point of view of the Ainu; but i t i s a guest as seen from the point of view of the gods. When, thus, gods v i s i t the house of the Ainu, the d i s g u i s e (or meat and f u r ) i s a complimentary g i f t to the people of the house. Then 354. they hold a banquet, c a l l i n g the people of t h e i r neighbourhood and eati n g t h i s "souvenir" of the gods a l l together. I t i s c a l l e d "to give a banquet" i f i t i s seen from the viewpoint of men, but i t means "an entertainment" as seen from that of the gods..... When men br i n g home such game as a bear or a deer, i t i s the god's v i s i t to t h e i r home,- i t means e n t i r e l y the welcome of a guest, h i s entertainment, and send-off. I t i s s u r p r i s i n g that there i s a great d i f f e r e n c e between the mind of the Ainu and ours [Japanese] when game was caught. When a deer or a bear was caught, they say i n the Ainu language shumau-anj an means "there i s " and shumau means that "a god returns to h i s former s e l f by being K i l l e d by the hand of men". I t does not mean death but a new l i f e i n the form of a god. When a l i v i n g t h i n g i s K i l l e d by men, i t s s K u l l i s decorated with f l o w e r s and t h e ' s k u l l i s c a l l e d ... "r e t u r n i n g god". A f t e r K i l l i n g a creature they maKe an o f f e r i n g to the s p i r i t and say, "Go thou home to thy f a t h e r l a n d w i t h the souvenir". T h i s i s c a l l e d "sending o f f " , of which there are many expressions such as "to l e t go" or "to d i s -patch" or "to l e t depart". The word Kumamatsuri, "the bear f e s t i v a l " i s jomante i n Ainu language, which means "sending o f f " . (p.347--34B) What i s s t r i K i n g about t h i s d e s c r i p t i o n of Ainu b e l i e f i s that the Ainu are capable of g i v i n g a synchronic account of the r i t u a l from the point of view of the animal and of men. What we s h a l l d i s c u s s i n the next sec-t i o n as one of the most important c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of these r i t u a l s - - t h a t they are ex e r c i s e s i n seeing from the other's point of v i e w - - i s caught here i n the language. The s p i r i t who comes through i t s s p e c i a l window i s simultaneously "a g i f t " (to men) and "a guest" (of men); the communal meal i s "a banquet" ( f o r men) and "an entertainment" ( f o r the bear). The f i r s t and t h i r d r i t u a l phases are l i n g u i s t i c a l l y j o i n e d together. The second phase with i t s remorse, lamentation and. s u p p l i c a t i o n to the bear not to be angry i s neglected here. I n t e r e s t i n g l y i t i s conducted, at l e a s t among the Ainu of Volcano Bay, Yezo, by the women alone, who dramatise t h e i r f e e l i n g s by t u r n i n g against the men who have K i l l e d the bear (Frazer 1925: 186). Among the Ainu of Saghalien both men and women weep and maKe speeches ask-ing the bear's f o r g i v e n e s s , reminding him at the same time that i t i s h i s duty to s a c r i f i c e himself f o r them (op. c i t . p.188). I s h a l l not quote these speeches, which Kindai'chi so unaccountably Ignores, but turn back to North America f o r an account of the second phase. 355. 18 (2) Alexander Henry's d e s c r i p t i o n i s notable on se v e r a l . counts. One i s that the r i t u a l , c e lebrated by a small g r o u p — t h e f a m i l y with which he t r a v e l l e d , whose p r i s o n e r he was and who had adopted h i m — l o s e s i n cere-moniousness and gains i n spontaneous f e e l i n g as w e l l as i n v e r b a l a r t i c u -l a t e n e s s . These people l i v e d very near the bone—when Henry discovered and shot the bear they were on the verge of s t a r v i n g t o death. In s p i t e of i t s spontaneity the r i t u a l has the same formal s t r u c t u r e as the KwaKiutl bear r i t u a l , with a l l i t s phases, and i n the same order; and perhaps because of the spontaneity and the smallness of the group we get l e s s cere-mony and a p r e c i s e , e x p l i c i t summing up i n ordinary language of the "concepts behind the bear r i t u a l " . The r h e t o r i c a l f i g u r e , and the "myth of m u t u a l i t y " are only i n d i c a t e d . Yet a l l through, the same procedure obtains as i n the KwaKiutl salmon r i t u a l and bear r i t u a l . F i r s t an i n d i v i d u a l prayer i s spoken when the bear i s k i l l e d , here not by the k i l l e r - - A l e x a n d e r — b u t by the woman he c a l l s my o l d mother. This prayer, i n which she asks f o r f o r g i v e n e s s , she accompanies by s t r o k i n g and k i s s i n g the bear (p.136). The f i r s t phase of the r i t u a l i s a "welcoming" i n the lodge, where the bear's head i s set on a s c a f f o l d and decorated with the wealth of the f a m i l y , s i l v e r b r a c e l e t s and "wampum" b e l t s . This i s f o l l o -wed by what Henry c a l l s the f e a s t of the manes—the mourning r i t e f o r the b e a r — w h i c h i s followed by the communal meal. The "feast of the manes" has, then, the exact s t r u c t u r a l p o s i t i o n between "welcoming" and " e a t i n g " as the s u p p l i c a t i o n i n the Kwakiutl bear r i t u a l , when everyone takes the bear's hand, or the communal prayer i n the KwaKiutl f i r s t salmon r i t u a l . In t h i s account t h i s phase i s , however, the high point of the r i t u a l as a whole, and the speech that accompanies i t maKes c l e a r i n u n i v e r s a l l y under-standable language the dilemma of n e c e s s i t y that i n s p i r e s i t . The next morning a f t e r t a k i n g the bear home and p u t t i n g the head on a s c a f f o l d no sooner appeared, than preparations were made f o r a f e a s t of the manes. The lodge was cleaned and swept; and the head of the bear l i f t e d up and a new shroud blanket, which had never been used before, spread under i t . The pipes were now l i t : and Wawatam blew tobacco-smoke i n t o the n o s t r i l s of the bear, t e l l i n g me to do the same, and thus appease the anger of the bear, on account of my having k i l l e d her. I endeavoured to persuade my benefactor and f r i e n d l y a d v i s e r , that she no longer had any l i f e and assured him that I was under no apprehension from her d i s p l e a s u r e ; but the f i r s t p r o p o s i t i o n obtained no c r e d i t , and the second gave but l i t t l e s a t i s f a c t i o n . At length, the f e a s t being ready, Wawatam commenced a speech, resembling, i n many t h i n g s , h i s address to the manes of hi s r e l a t i o n s and departed companions but, having t h i s p e c u l i a r i t y , that he here deplored the n e c e s s i t y under which man laboured thus to destroy t h e i r f r i e n d s . He represented, however, that the mis-fortune was unavoidable, since without doing so, they could by no means s u b s i s t . The speech ended, we a l l ate h e a r t i l y of the bear's f l e s h ; and even the head i t s e l f , a f t e r remaining three days on the s c a f f o l d , was put i n t o the k e t t l e . (pp.137—8) In the r i t u a l of these h a r d - l i v i n g people the myth of the happy har-mony between men and animals, grounded on mutual g i v i n g has almost disap-peared. I t i s j u s t hinted at i n the g i f t s of valuables and the new mat the! bear i s o f f e r e d at h i s coming to the lodge. What i s stre s s e d i s the extreme opposite of harmony: that men have to destroy t h e i r f r i e n d s i n order to l i v e . (The i t a l i c s i n the quote are the author's.) One cannot conceive of a s t a t e more d r a s t i c a l l y opposed to that proposed i n the myth; i t i s i m a g i n a t i v e l y , l o g i c a l l y , and as an experience the absolute negation of a s t a t e of happy m u t u a l i t y . The mutual g i v i n g and r e c e i v i n g of the myth presupposes two f r e e and equal p a r t n e r s . This s t a t e i s doubly nega-te d : not only i s one of the partners d e s t r o y e d — a n act th a t a l l o w s him to give ( i . e . himself) but puts an end to m u t u a l i t y — b u t even as a destroyer the other partner has not acted f r e e l y but under the compulsion of necessity. In other words, he was from the outset u n f i t t e d f o r the f r e e mutuality the myth proposes. This i s the r e a l i t y to which Wawatam po i n t s i n h i s speech. (3) Henry's Woodland Indians s t r e s s the second phase as the centre of the r i t u a l . They do not even thank the bear f o r coming: from the o l d woman's 357. prayer on t h e i r dialogue w i t h the bear speaks of sorrow and asks f o r g i v e -ness. Which, then, are the "concepts behind the bear r i t u a l " ? I t would seem that the dilemma of n e c e s s i t y , expressed i n the second phase, i s the point of departure. I f the r e a l i t y of the f e l l o w s h i p between men and animals i s accepted, then the second phase represents the r e a l i s t i c view of the case. The myth of mut u a l i t y would represent then the absolute r e s o l u -t i o n of the dilemma i n the realm of l o g i c a l p o s s i b i l i t y l o g i c a l o n l y , because, as I have pointed out; the r e a l s t a t e of a f f a i r s and the myth-state are p e r f e c t opposites. Morally t h i s absolute s o l u t i o n could be phrased as the absolute demand, which clashes with what i s humanly p o s s i b l e but s t i -mulates to f i n d s o l u t i o n s w i t h i n the range of the p o s s i b l e . Here the myth enters again, not as a l o g i c a l p o s s i b i l i t y or an impossible moral demand but as a metaphor. According to Fernandez metaphors can be persuasive or performative, they are "a s t r a t e g i c p r e d i c a t i o n upon an inchoate pronoun (an I , a you, a we, a they) which makes a movement and leads to performance". In other words, metaphors move people (along a continuum or sev e r a l continua) i n what Fernandez c a l l s "a c u l t u r a l q u a l i t y space" (p.48), and make people act i n new ways. The metaphor of the p o t l a t c h i s both persuasive and per-formative i n Fernandez sense. This i s why I have examined i t as a rheto-r i c a l f i g u r e , the guest as host. In the r i t u a l which s t r e s s e s the ' welcoming, the v i s i t of the honoured guest, as do the Kwakiutl bear r i t u a l and the Tsimshian salmon r i t u a l t h i s r h e t o r i c a l f i g u r e i s emphatically used. The people who are persuaded o r moved by i t (along a continuum i n t h e i r c u l t u r a l space), or are stimulated by i t to performance, are the par-t i c i p a n t s i n the r i t u a l . But i t i s only through two t h i n g s ; the myth of mu t u a l i t y , which contains the p r i n c i p l e of the r i t u a l , and the non-mutuality of r e a l i t y expressed i n the second phase of the r i t u a l , that we can chart '358. i n what d i r e c t i o n the metaphor of the p o t l a t c h moves people and what i t persuades them to do. The continuum on which people are moved i s the time continuum Summer-Winter. The two poles are encrusted w i t h c u l t u r a l connotations: boundness by n e c e s s i t y , p a s s i v i t y , receiving--freedom by a c t i v i t y , g i v i n g . In the Summer men are faced with o b j e c t i v e problems, t h e i r r e l a t i o n with the out-s i d e , non-human world. In the Winter they look inward and concern them-selves with problems of human i n t e r r e l a t i o n . The p o t l a t c h metaphor enac-ted i n the salmon and bear r i t u a l moves them on t h i s continuum from a non-mutual r e a l i t y to a mutual r e a l i t y . I t does not move them f a r , but the winter dance completes the movement. The myth of mutuality p r e f i g u r e s the r e a l i t y of m u t u a l i t y , but i t p r e f i g u r e s i t on a plane where i t i s not p o s s i b l e , i n men's r e l a t i o n with the animals. I t nevertheless c o n s t i t u t e s the beginning and the end p o i n t , the p r i m o r d i a l point of departure and the e s c h a t o l o g i c a l point of a r r i v a l . The metaphor i s the mover because of i t s two-sideness. Fernandez has w e l l s a i d that metaphorical a s s e r t i o n i s a way of avoiding b u i l d i n g up p r e c i s e i n t e l l e c t u a l s t r u c t u r e s (p.42]. The p o t l a t c h metaphor accommo-dates the myth of mutuality and the r e a l i t y of non-mutuality. I t b u i l d s up a p o t l a t c h model i n which men, by e n t e r t a i n i n g t h e i r v i s i t o r , are i n the p o s i t i o n of g i v e r s , and h i s "banquet" f o r them i s a r e q u i t i n g of t h e i r g i f t . Simultaneously i t points out, according to an inherent law of the p o t l a t c h , that men are now i n debt, because the g i f t of the animal's substance has to be repaid with a g i f t of equal or g r e a t e r value and men have not the power of such a g i f t . In r e c e i v i n g they have taken up a challenge they cannot meet and are i n a c o n d i t i o n of i r r e m e d i a b l e debt, bound by t h e i r non-freedom. The metaphor then does three t h i n g s : (a] r e f l e c t s s y m b o l i c a l l y the mutuality that i s mythical i n the Summer, (b) conceptually shows that the .359. Summer puts men i n debt, (c) p e r s u a s i v e l y points to a s o l u t i o n ; that men must make-themselves f r e e and become g i v e r s i n the Winter. In t h i s way i t moves men i n the Summer-Winter continuum, i n a c u l t u r a l q u a l i t y space where a c t i v i t y i s b e t t e r than p a s s i v i t y , and to be a g i v e r b e t t e r than a r e c e i v e r . The f a c t that men can never pay t h e i r o r i g i n a l c r e d i t o r s adds a f u r -t h e r shade of ambiguity to the metaphor, and keeps i t c o n t i n u a l l y f r e s h . Hen w i l l always r e t u r n to the n e c e s s i t y of being r e c e i v e r s where they cannot r e q u i t e as Winter turns t o Summer. And they w i l l always s t r u g g l e to f r e e themselves and repay t h e i r debt as Summer turns to Winter. 4 The-Myth of the R i t u a l : The Animal as Hero To discuss a r i t u a l i n terms of the myth has become problematic since L e v i - S t r a u s s has pronounced against any i n t e r m i n g l i n g of r i t u a l with myth. In h i s s e c t i o n on r i t u a l i n L'Homme Nu Le v i - S t r a u s s i n s i s t s on s t r i p p i n g 21 r i t u a l of a l l content and analysing i t as pure form. The form which he f i n d s underlying the va r y i n g contents he regards as s t a b l e f o r a l l r i t u a l s , and the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n he gives to t h i s form as v a l i d f o r a l l r i t u a l s . This method r a i s e s two questions, one concerning the d e f i n i t i o n of r i t u a l , the other the meaning. What i s , then, a r i t u a l ? Is L e v i - S t r a u s s ' account of t h i s s t a b l e form i t s e l f the d e f i n i t i o n of what a r i t u a l i s , i n other words are ceremonies that do not correspond to that form not r i t u a l s ? And second, i s L e v i - S t r a u s s ' i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of t h i s form the only p o s s i b l e one or are there others that would cover t h i s and a v a r i e t y of other forms and so allow a more widely based i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , which would suggest i n turn a d i f f e r e n t d e f i n i t i o n ? These questions are not d i r e c t l y r e l e v a n t to the subject i n hand, but what Lev i - S t r a u s s says i n the course of h i s d i s c u s s i o n about the r o l e of anxi e t y i n r i t u a l and the m o d a l i t i e s of myth i s so p e r t i n e n t and has such 360. c l a r i f y i n g f o r c e that one cannot avoid t a k i n g up the whole problem. This s e c t i o n t h e r e f o r e contains apart from i t s proper subject--a d e s c r i p t i o n of the myth of the r i t u a l and an examination of the r o l e the myth plays--a report of L e v i - S t r a u s s ' approach to the problem of r i t u a l and myth i n general. Reduced to i t s simplest elements the myth of the f i r s t salmon r i t u a l Cor of r i t u a l s f o r other animals, e.g. the bear) can be t o l d i n three sentences. The animal leaves i t s supernatural home i n sea or mountain and t r a v e l s to t h i s world, where i t meets with men. Here i t i s k i l l e d and eaten. Regenerating i t s e l f from i t s bones, i t returns to i t s supernatural home. An assumption accompanying the myth i s that t h i s s e r i e s of events w i l l repeat i s t e l f year a f t e r year. Each of the basic elements contained i n these three sentences can be elaborated and deepened. We have seen i n the l a s t s e c t i o n how the r h e t o r i c a l f i g u r e of the guest as host can elaborate the meeting with men. Received as a guest the animal i s showered with honours and i n v i t e d to a f e a s t . In r e t u r n i t gives a f e a s t at which i t o f f e r s i t s body. Accord-in g to the law of g i v i n g , r e c e i v i n g , and r e q u i t i n g (the " p o t l a t c h law") men have now t o o f f e r an equal g i f t or remain i n the animal's debt. With the help of the p o t l a t c h metaphor the simple elements of meeting with the animal, and eating i t , have gained a moral f o r c e that i n f l u e n c e s behaviour. From the myths we have discussed i n the l a s t chapter we know how other parts of the st o r y are deepened and e t h i c a l l y mobilized i n na t i v e thought. The Salmon Boy myths throw l i g h t on the element of eating the animal. In these s t o r i e s the salmon teach the boy that t-ho.ugh they "are men" (a point that has been e s t a b l i s h e d the moment he crossed the border i n t o t h e i r world) they are food f o r men. In other words though they are the same i n a l l general respects they are d i f f e r e n t i n one p e r t i n e n t respect. I d e n t i f i -361. c a t i o n - - s e e i n g that the salmon are men as we are--leads to a r r e c o g n i t i o n of the d i f f e r e n c e s : men and salmon feed d i f f e r e n t l y , and salmon are food f o r men. In the salmon r i t u a l , where the salmon i s t r e a t e d as a man, the problem of i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n stands again at the centre. The Bear Mother s t o r i e s take up another aspect of t h i s problem, arid show how the element of k i l l i n g can be elaborated. The bear has the strength and i n t e l l i g e n c e to k i l l the hunters who persecute him. Never-t h e l e s s , he decides to leave h i s den v o l u n t a r i l y and l e t himself be k i l l e d . This e l a b o r a t i o n represents the act of k i l l i n g so to speak i n s i d e out: as a voluntary act on the animal's part that i s yet a passive act; a d e c i s i o n to s u f f e r death r a t h e r than cause i t . The animal, who i s l i k e a man, has the i d e a l human q u a l i t i e s of v o l u n t a r i n e s s and u n s e l f i s h -ness. These q u a l i t i e s provide the necessary mediation between i d e n t i f y -ing and d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g i n the problematic r e l a t i o n between men and animals, where men are forced to eat t h e i r f r i e n d s . The bear's s a c r i f i -c i a l act shows how d i f f e r e n t the animals are from men, but p o i n t s out simultaneously the way to being l i k e them. I have already remarked that according to Levi-Strauss t h i s myth, simple or elaborated, should be t r e a t e d as unconnected with the e s s e n t i a l tendency of t h e r r i t u a l . Myth and r i t u a l are, according to him, b a s i c a l l y c o n t r a d i c t o r y forms of expression, and to t r e a t them as i f they belonged together leads to confusion. I f we want to e s t a b l i s h that the myth i n f a c t expresses the e s s e n t i a l tendency of the r i t u a l , which I wish to do, we have to d i s c u s s L e v i - S t r a u s s ' theory. To do t h i s i t w i l l be necessary to ask the f o l l o w i n g questions: 1) Considering r i t u a l separated from myth, as L e v i - S t r a u s s suggests, what would i t be and what would i t s e f f e c t on behaviour be? 362. 2) Considering myth along with r i t u a l , i n c o n t r a d i c t i o n to L e v i - S t r a u s s ' suggestion, does the enactment of r i t u a l add anything c o n c e p t u a l l y to the myth? 3) Again co n s i d e r i n g myth along with r i t u a l , does the enactment increase the human scope of the p a r t i c i p a n t s ; do they l e a r n something which the myth alone could not have t o l d them, are p o t e n t i a l s of a c t i n g and t h i n k i n g created which the myth alone cannot create? In order to answer these questions we have to take i s s u e w i t h L e v i -Strauss on three p o i n t s : the d e f i n i t i o n of r i t u a l , the d e f i n i t i o n of myth, and the r o l e of emotion i n r i t u a l . These p o i n t s are taken up i n his:, s e c t i o n on r i t u a l i n L'Homme IMu. 22 4(a) R i t u a l as Anxiety The s e c t i o n on r i t u a l i n L'Homme Nu a r i s e s from the c r i t i c i s m l e v e l l e d at L e v i - S t r a u s s that h i s anthropology denies the importance of a f f e c t i v e l i f e (p.596--7). Levi-Strauss begins t h e r e f o r e by making an a s s e r t i o n which he has made before, notably i n The Savage Hind, that emotion and what a r i s e s from emotion i s obscure, and tha t what i s r e f r a c t o r y to explanation can ipso f a c t o not be used f o r explanation. When he adds here that " A l l manifestations of a f f e c t i v e l i f e that would not r e f l e c t at the l e v e l of consciousness some worthy i n c i d e n t thwarting or a c c e l e r a t i n g the process of understanding do not belong to the human sciences; they belong to biology and others should deal with them", one can only agree. But when he defi n e s r i t u a l i n the course of h i s d i s c u s s i o n as obscure emotion that cannot properly be the object of i n t e l l e c t u a l operations because i t l a c k s i t s e l f an i n t e l l e c t u a l nature one becomes uneasy. Yet he argues a con-v i n c i n g case by a d e f i n i t i o n of r i t u a l that separates i t from myth of a l l d e s c r i p t i o n : r i t u a l whose language, i f i t uses language, does not proceed 363. by argument but by a sort of i n c a n t a t i o n . This i n c a n t a t i o n , according to L e v i - S t r a u s s , endeavours to r e c o n s t r u c t the wholeness of experience, to recapture l i f e as i t was before thought destroyed i t . R i t u a l i s e s s e n t i a l l y separate from and a n t a g o n i s t i c to thought. Myth, on the other hand, _is thought. Then, while myth r e s o l u t e l y turns i t s back on the continuous, to cut up and d i s j o i n the world by means of d i s t i n c t i o n , of c o n t r a s t s and o p p o s i t i o n s , r i t u a l proceeds i n the opposite d i r e c t i o n : s t a r t i n g with d i s c r e t e u n i t s which are imposed upon i t by a previous c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n of r e a l i t y , r i t u a l runs a f t e r the continuous and t r i e s to catch up to i t , d e s p i t e the f a c t that the i n i t i a l rupture accomplished by mythical thought renders t h i s task impossible f o r ever. Hence the mixture that i s so c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of r i t u a l , a combination of stubborness and impotence e x p l a i n s why i t has always a compulsive and desperate aspect. Conversely, (and, Undoubtedly t h i s i s why, d e s p i t e what precedes, men, who should have learned from f a i l u r e and vacuousness, have never given i t up) r i t u a l has what we could c a l l the majestic q u a l i t y of magic: i t i s a complicated game, i r r a t i o n a l i n essence, contrary to mythical thought, but nevertheless i n d i s p e n s i b l e as i t introduces i n a l l s l i g h t l y serious e n t e r p r i s e s an element of slowness and of r e f l e c t i o n , pauses and intermediary stages and can even moderate war. Contrary to what an unenlightened n a t u r i s t imagines, r i t u a l does not s p r i n g from a spontaneous r e a c t i o n to the experienced: r a t h e r i t turns upon experience and the s t a t e s of anxiety which c r e a t E i t or are created by i t - - a n d then accompany i t - - l e t us say i n both cases. I t does not express, supposing that they e x i s t , an immediate r e l a t i o n between man and the world but r a t h e r the oppo-s i t e : i . e . a mental r e s e r v a t i o n , born of a f e a r that by s t a r t i n g from a schematic and conceptualised view of the world, h i s immediate subconscious datum, man cannot manage to f i n d h i s way back to the experienced. (pp.607 — 8 ) The argument r a i s e s two major questions. Does r i t u a l r e a l l y t r y to recapture "the experienced"? And i s i t by d e f i n i t i o n a s t a t e of anxiety? The answers n a t u r a l l y depend on how one d e f i n e s r i t u a l . Before we look at L§vi-Strauss' d e f i n i t i o n i n the l i g h t of examples, a few b r i e f general remarks. There i s no doubt that r i t u a l s s t r i v e f o r wholeness. The conception of a harmony between a l l l i v i n g beings, which i n s p i r e s the r i t u a l s we are d i s c u s s i n g i s an example of a s t r i v i n g f o r a wholeness of experience that 364. has never e x i s t e d and can never be a t t a i n e d . ( I t i s not, however, sought through i n c a n t a t i o n or any compulsive g e s t u r a l behaviour, and i t i s not sought i n the r i t u a l alone but i n the myths and prayers that r e l a t e to the same complex of thought). However, i s t h i s conception of wholeness not e x a c t l y the myth of the r i t u a l ? And i s t h i s myth of a wholeness of experience r e a l l y confused with "the experienced"? Our examination of the r i t u a l , with i t s c a r e f u l l y juxtaposed c o n t r a d i c t o r y phases, seems to show that i t was recognised as a construct and used to quicken thought and moral perception. Nevertheless one cannot deny that the r i t u a l s we are d i s c u s s i n g s p r i n g from anxiety and cause a n x i e t y . C e r t a i n l y the f i r s t f r u i t r i t e s do not show a tough a t t i t u d e to the animals and the l i v i n g world. But i s a n x i e t y n e c e s s a r i l y contrary to thought? Only i f i t i s a c o n s t r i c t i n g , wholly inturned emotion, as i s that desperate and doomed attempt to run a f t e r the continuous Le v i - S t r a u s s d e s c r i b e s . I f i t turns outward and considers n e c e s s i t y i n the l i g h t of other beings, who have, l i k e men, t h e i r own laws and t h e i r own powers, anxiety becomes i t s e l f a spur to thought. We have seen how t h i s l o o k i n g outward leads to i d e n t i f i c a t i o n s and d i f f e -r e n t i a t i o n s , t o conceptions of v o l u n t a r i n e s s and s e l f l e s s n e s s that are i n t h e i r o r i g i n s simultaneously emotional and i n t e l l e c t u a l . Anxiety i n these r i t u a l s seems to me one of those"manifestations of a f f e c t i v e l i f e that r e f l e c t at the l e v e l of consciousness some worthy i n c i d e n t a c c e l e r a t i n g the process of understanding". But i n L e v i - S t r a u s s ' terms I am speaking here again of the myth and not of the r i t u a l . Before we can go any f u r t h e r we have to dis c u s s h i s d e f i n i t i o n of r i t u a l per se. 4(b) The D e f i n i t i o n of R i t u a l : S u b d i v i s i o n and R e p e t i t i o n L e v i - S t r a u s s ' general axiom, as we have seen, i s that myth i s an 365. i n t e l l e c t u a l , r i t u a l an emotional e f f o r t of man t o come to terms with the world. Experience of l i f e , sensory experience, i s i t s e l f never d i r e c t and n o n - a n a l y t i c a l j mere seeing has a p h y s i o l o g i c a l element of s e l e c t i o n that s t a r t s as a binary coding i n the eye and i s continued i n the o r g a n i z a t i o n of the perceived w i t h i n the b r a i n . Myth b u i l d s on t h i s b a s i c a l l y analy-t i c a l nature of experience by m u l t i p l y i n g and e l a b o r a t i n g the p o s s i b l e combinations. In doing t h i s i t works " i n the metaphoric s t y l e : i t sub-sumes i n d i v i d u a l i t i e s under a general paradigm, enlarging and impoverishing the concrete data at the same time. This i s done by f o r c i n g the d e t a i l s , one a f t e r the other, to cross discontinuous thresholds which separate the e m p i r i c a l from the symbolic, the imaginary, and l a s t l y the schematised order of t h i n g s " . R i t u a l , on the c o n t r a r y , "nourishes the i l l u s i o n that i t i s p o s s i b l e to go contrary to the movement of the myth and t o remake the continuum s t a r t i n g from the d i s c r e t e " . "This desperate endeavour, always doomed to f a i l , of recovering the c o n t i n u i t y of experience which has been l i v e d and l a t e r destroyed by the e f f e c t s of a schematism which mythical s p e c u l a t i o n has s u b s t i t u t e d f o r i t c o n s t i t u t e s the essence of r i t u a l " . Ignoring a s l i g h t c o n t r a d i c t i o n — c o n t i n u i t y of experience can never have been l i v e d according to the argument, and must t h e r e f o r e i t s e l f be a mental c o n s t r u c t — t h e p o s i t i o n i s as f o l l o w s : myth d i s j o i n s the world by means of large d i s t i n c t i o n s , c o n t r a s t s and o p p o s i t i o n s , that i s , i t moves from non-thought to thought. R i t u a l r e a c t s with a n x i e t y to the widening . of the d i s t a n c e between the i n t e l l e c t and l i f e . I t endeavours to f i l l the gaps -mythical thought has created through f i n e r and f i n e r d i s t i n c t i o n s , f i n a l l y b l u r r i n g a l l d i s t i n c t i o n w i t h endless r e p e t i t i o n . L e v i - S t r a u s s a r r i v e s at t h i s absolute contrast by a s p e c i a l d e f i n i t i o n of myth t h a t deprives r i t u a l of a l l m y t h i c a l elements. Myth has two m o d a l i t i e s , e x p l i c i t and i m p l i c i t . In i t s e x p l i c i t mode i t i s a n a r r a t i o n 3 6 6 . whose importance and i n t e r n a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s i s c l e a r i n i t s own r i g h t . In i t s i m p l i c i t mode the myth " e x i s t s only as notes, sketches or fragments; in s t e a d of there being a l i n k j o i n i n g them each remains t i e d to such and such a phase of the r i t u a l ; i t makes up the g l o s s and i t i s only during the r i t u a l acts themselves that mythical r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s are evoked" ( . (p.5 9 8 ) . Both m o d a l i t i e s belong to myth alone. The habit of t r e a t i n g the second as part of r i t u a l has l e d to confusion concerning the true nature of r i t u a l . R i t u a l i n i t s pure form i s n o n - l i n g u i s t i c : •n the side of and beyond myth the same gradation i s noticed s t a r t i n g from e x p l i c i t mythology, which represents, i n the f u l l sense of the word, a l i t e r a t u r e and progressing to i m p l i c i t mythology where speech fragments become r e s p o n s i b l e f o r non-l i n g u i s t i c behaviors, and l a s t l y to r i t u a l i n i t s pure form which, at i t s l i m i t , one could conceive of as l o s i n g a l l a f f i n i t y w i t h language because i t would c o n s i s t of sacred w o r d s — u n i n t e l l i g i b l e to the common people, or coming from an a r c h a i c language which people no longer understand, or even formulae devoid of i n t r i n s i c s i g n i f i c a n c e as often can be found i n m a g i c — i n c o r p o r a l gestures or i n chosen and manipulated o b j e c t s . A t t h i s moment, r i t u a l , as music at the other end of the system, d e f i n i t e l y drops out of language and i f we want t o understand i t s d i s t i n c t i v e nature, we must face t h i s pure form and not the intermediary s t a t e s . How then s h a l l we de f i n e r i t u a l ? We s h a l l say that i t c o n s i s t s of uttered words, performed motions, o b j e c t s manipulated independently of a l l g l o s s or allowed exegesis or required by these three types of a c t i v i t y and which depend on i m p l i c i t mythology and not on r i t u a l i t s e l f . Under these c o n d i t i o n s , i t i s not with mythology that we should compare r i t u a l to b r i n g out i t s d i s t i n c t i v e q u a l i t i e s ... but with secular l i f e , where the three types of a c t i v i t y are eq u a l l y represented; from here on then, the problem brought about by the nature of the r i t u a l w i l l c o n s i s t : f i r s t l y , to enquire why one must say words, make motions and manipulate objects i n order to o btain the r e s u l t s which r i t u a l r e q u i r e s , and secondly, how these operations, as executed during r i t e s , d i f f e r from analogous opera-t i o n s of everyday l i f e : i n other words and without wondering about the contents which would i n e v i t a b l y b r i n g us back to mythn. . o l o g y — t h u s producing the i l l u s i o n that we are d e f i n i n g r i t u a l when, i n f a c t , we are speaking of the accompanying myth—we w i l l ask three questions on which depend the whole i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the r i t u a l : during r i t e s , w h a t . d i s t i n c t i v e manners are we r e f e r r i n g to? How does one g e s t i c u l a t e ? And what p a r t i c u l a r c r i t e r i a d i c t a t e the choice of r i t u a l i s t i c o b j e c t s and t h e i r handling? (pp.5 9 9 — 6 0 0 ) These are extremely i n t e r e s t i n g questions. Levi-Strauss does not f o l l o w them up, however, but deals from here on e x c l u s i v e l y with r i t u a l 367. t e x t s - - t h e long t e x t s of long r i t u a l s , such as the Navaho h e a l i n g chants. In doing so he r e f r a i n s from searching f o r what the words say but l i m i t s himself to "knowing i n what way the words speak" (my i t a l i c s ) . In other words L e v i - S t r a u s s i s approaching r i t u a l now as one might a poem when one i s l o o k i n g f o r patterns r a t h e r than meaning: sound pa t t e r n s , rhyme patterns, rhythm, metre. Two observations h a v e to be made on t h i s p o i n t , and t h i s a p p l i e s to the choice and to the manipulation of o b j e c t s as w e l l as to the performance of the motions. In a l l these cases, r i t u a l c a l l s c o n s t a n t l y f o r two procedures, s u b d i v i s i o n on the one hand, and r e p e t i t i o n on the other. F i r s t , as a s u b d i v i s i o n w i t h i n c l a s s e s of o b j e c t s and types of gestures, r i t u a l i n f i n i t e l y d i f f e r e n t i a t e s and a t t r i b u t e s d i s c r i m i n a t i v e values to.the smallest nuances. I t i s not I n t e r e s t e d i n anything as a whole, but on the cont r a r y , c l a r i f i e s the v a r i e t i e s and s u b - v a r i e t i e s of a l l taxonomies, be they animal, vegetable and m i n e r a l , or those of which man i s l i b e r a l l y the o r i g i n a t o r , such as raw m a t e r i a l s , shapes, gestures and o b j e c t s . The same kind of gesture acquires a r o l e and a d i s t i n c t meaning, and i t s place i n the r i t u a l changes depending on whether i t i s performed beginning from the r i g h t or the l e f t , from the top or the bottom, from w i t h i n or without. The same a p p l i e s t o speech, (p.601). - ... In appearance, the process of s u b d i v i s i o n and of r e p e t i t i o n are opposite to each other; i t i s thus a question of sometimes i n t r o d u c i n g d i f f e r e n c e s , however small they be, i n t o operations which may appear to be i d e n t i c a l ; and at other times, of reproducing a statement on and on u n t i l i t i s l o s t s i g h t of. Bu t . i n f a c t , the f i r s t process i s e v e n t u a l l y reducable to the second which c o n s t i t u t e s , i n some way, i t s l i m i t . Such d i f f e r e n c e s , having become i n f i n i t e s i m a l , have a tendency to fuse themselves i n t o a q u a s i - i d e n t i t y ... (p.602). This d e f i n i t i o n of r i t u a l by s u b d i v i s i o n and r e p e t i t i o n at f i r s t s i g h t s t r i k e s one as convi n c i n g . At l e a s t a great many r i t u a l s , i f not a l l , correspond to t h i s "pure form". But second thoughts about t h i s form make one uneasy. The p a t t e r n L e v i - S t r a u s s has found i s a non-pattern; i t s very execution as a pattern means a s i n k i n g i n t o i n a n i t y and chaos. There are two th i n g s i n t h i s d e f i n i t i o n which i t w i l l be wise to keep apart: (1) an account of r i t u a l as c o n s i s t i n g of s u b d i v i s i o n and r e p e t i t i o n ; (2) an a s s e r t i o n that t h i s p r a c t i c e leads to a l o s s of a l l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n . L e v i - S t r a u s s ' account of the r i t u a l process as s u b d i v i s i o n and r e p e t i -368. t i o n immediately brings to mind the world renewal r i t u a l s of Indian North America. In these widespread r i t u a l s the i n v a r i a b l e p r a c t i c e i s to d i s -member the o b j e c t i v e world w i t h the help of symbolic o b j e c t s , or i n words, to the smallest p o s s i b l e i n t e g r a l u n i t s , and then b u i l d i t up again from these u n i t s u n t i l a whole new world i s created. The accompanying exegesis may t e l l us that without such a dismembering and "remembering" the world w i l l l o s e i t s soundness and d e t e r i o r a t e . The same process can, however, a l s o be seen i n r i t u a l s where not the n a t u r a l world but man and s o c i e t y are the centre of a t t e n t i o n . Two Kwakiutl r i t u a l s come to mind on reading L e v i - S t r a u s s ' d e s c r i p t i o n : the s e a l f e a s t and the entrance r i t u a l to the winter dance season. The former i s one of those s o c i a l occasions, so frequent i n Kwakiutl l i f e , that can hardly be c a l l e d a r i t u a l . The seal i s an important catch, and i s only eaten communally at a f e a s t given by the c h i e f . The animal i s cut up i n t o as many parts as there are members in";]., the namima. The p a r t s are d i s t r i b u t e d according to rank, each part having a f i x e d r e l a t i o n to a s o c i a l p o s i t i o n , so t h a t , f o r i n s t a n c e , the c h i e f gets the head, the twoi.mem^nearest to him i n rank r i g h t and l e f t f l i p p e r s , and so on. I t i s qu i t e c l e a r what process i s at work here. I t i s the same process L e v i - S t r a u s s has described i n The Savage Hind as d e t o t a l i z a t i o n and r e t o t a l i z a t i o n ; only here i t i s used i n the ephemeral context of a 23 f e a s t , and the animal i s not "the ancestor". However, i n dismembering and eating an animal the s o c i e t y "remembers" i t s e l f , e x p l o i t i n g the f u l l f o r c e of the pun through the r i t u a l gestures. The conceptual process of i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and d i s t i n c t i o n that i s at work i n v o l v e s , e x a c t l y as L e v i -Strauss noted i t f o r totemism, a passage between concrete and a b s t r a c t , animal and human. An analogy i s made between the concrete p a r t s of the dismembered animal and the concrete parts o f t t h e s o c i e t y , the i n d i v i d u a l s . 369. The p o r t i o n s of meat w i l l never make a whole animal again; the animal, i n i t s wholeness and p e r f e c t i o n can only be remembered now. On the other hand, so c i e t y too i s never more than an a b s t r a c t e n t i t y , dependent on concrete signs\;to body i t f o r t h . When the i n d i v i d u a l s eat the animal, each h i s appointed p a r t , the s o c i e t y i s "remembered" i n the image of the wholeness and p e r f e c t i o n of the animal. B a s i c a l l y , the same process i s at work i n the entrance ceremony to the winter dance season, but here we have to do with a f u l l - f l e d g e d r i t u a l that answers more c l o s e l y to L e v i - S t r a u s s ' d e f i n i t i o n . The purpose of the r i t u a l i s the s a n c t i f i c a t i o n of the group about to c e l e b r a t e the winter r i t u a l together, a "going through" as the Kwakiutl c a l l i t . This purpose i s achieved by manipulating a number of o b j e c t s : t a l l o w , c h a r c o a l , red cedarbark, eagle down i n a predetermined manner and i n f i x e d sequence. The manipulations are subdivided i n t o "bundles" that form g e s t u r a l u n i t s . C u t t i n g the red cedarbark and d i s t r i b u t i n g i t are, f o r i n s t a n c e , two separate u n i t s . For each an i n d i v i d u a l i s c a l l e d by name, and h i s r i g h t to the p r i v i l e g e of performing the gestures i s r e c i t e d i n a speech. The a c t o r c a l l e d on repeats each s i n g l e gesture f o u r times, three times as a f e i n t and the f o u r t h e f f e c t i v e l y . Each object i s t r e a t e d f o r m a l l y i n the same way as the one preceding i t . This rhythm of s u b d i v i s i o n and r e p e t i -t i o n i s f i n a l l y broken when the r i t u a l culminates i n a l o n g - l a s t i n g s i l e n c e and the announcement: "F r i e n d s , we have gone through". Here the " l o g i c a l operator", to use L e v i - S t r a u s s ' s term. Is not a concrete animal but a mystic experience, "going through", and the r e l a t i o n between the operator and the goal of the r i t u a l i s a c l o s e and i n t r i c a t e one i n comparison with the preceding case. S t r i c t l y speaking, "going through" can only be known to i n d i v i d u a l . e c s t a t i c experience, such as the i n i t i a t e ' s experience i n i s o l a t i o n . But a " p r i v i l e g e " i s the concrete 370. sign of the i n e f f a b l e experience. In the d i s p l a y i n g of p r i v i l e g e s the Kwakiutl achieve i d e n t i f i c a t i o n w i t h one another through d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n from one another. The p r i v i l e g e s are a l l d i f f e r e n t , j u s t as the mystic experience i n i n i t i a t i o n i s given a d i f f e r e n t content by the i n d i v i d u a l . . , T h is p a r t i c u l a r i s e s the i n d i v i d u a l . In essence, however, the experience i s the same: that of "going through", of being changed. In repeating the p a r t i c u l a r experiences, down to the smallest nuances, i n the token form of the p r i v i l e g e s , the Kwakiutl succeed i n b u i l d i n g up the u n i v e r s a l experience of "going through" and enacting i t communally. The communal experience confirms and d e l i m i t s the group. In the case of e i t h e r r i t u a l the smallest c o n s t i t u e n t u n i t i s care-f u l l y preserved i n i t s i n t e g r i t y , because i t i s on p a r t i c u l a r i z a t i o n that g e n e r a l i z a t i o n and a b s t r a c t i o n depend. R e p e t i t i o n s t r e s s e s the u n i t i n i t s p a r t i c u l a r i t y and so keeps i t d i s t i n c t . But i s the f i n a l e f f e c t not a f t e r a l l to e l i m i n a t e a l l these d i s c t i n c t i o n s and make them fuse i n t o one communal experience? There i s always t h i s lower l i m i t : as the animal could not be r e c o n s t i t u t e d , even i n memory, i f i t s smallest c o n s t i t u e n t p a r t s were not kept i n t e g r a l , at l e a s t i n the mind, so the communal expe-r i e n c e could not be b u i l t up unless the s mallest c o n s t i t u e n t p r i v i l e g e was s e p a r a tely enacted. The KwaKiutl custom of making everything "a p r i v i l e g e " shows t h i s p r i n c i p l e very c l e a r l y . Not a l l r i t u a l s show the s u b d i v i s i o n and r e p e t i t i o n L e v i - S t r a u s s s t r e s s e s as t y p i c a l . S u b d i v i s i o n and r e p e t i t i o n i s a method that can be used but i s not n e c e s s a r i l y used i n the process of i d e n t i f y i n g and d i f f e -r e n t i a t i n g . I d e n t i f i c a t i o n and d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n t h e i r t urn cannot d e f i n e r i t u a l because they are i n t e l l e c t u a l operations with a more general scope, as t h e i r use i n totemism and other c l a s s i f y i n g systems show. But g e n e r i c a l l y r i t u a l belongs to t h i s group of operations. 371. The operation d i f f e r s i n complexity according t o whether we have to do with a s u b j e c t i v e or an o b j e c t i v e r i t u a l . In the s u b j e c t i v e r i t u a l , t o which the two KwaKiutl examples discussed above belong, an already e x i s t i n g unit (the namima, the 1 winter dance s o c i e t y ) i s dismembered i n order to be "remembered" through i t s separate p a r t s , the i n d i v i d u a l s . In other words the human group confronts i t s e l f , and through d i v i s i o n or d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i d e n t i f i e s i t s e l f . There i s al s o c r o s s - i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with an outside u n i t but the " o u t s i d e r " acts as a comparative standard. The change which the r i t u a l seeKs to brin g about through d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n and r e i d e n t i f i c a -t i o n concerns the group and i s s e l f - r e f e r e n t . The salmon r i t u a l , and others l i k e i t , are o b j e c t i v e r i t u a l s i n which the c e l e b r a t i n g group confronts an " o u t s i d e r " d i r e c t l y . The animal i s no longer a means to s e l f - r e f e r e n c e , i t i s the object of c u r i o s i t y . The .. -.. human group wants to Know about an other. Knowledge can be gained through a taKing apart and p u t t i n g together again, which i s the technique of the world renewal r i t u a l s where s u b d i v i s i o n and r e p e t i t i o n play a l a r g e r o l e . But i t can a l s o be gained, e s p e c i a l l y i n the case of a r e l a t e d l i v i n g crea-t u r e , through comparison with and d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n from oneself. In the salmon r i t u a l a r e l a t i o n of i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i s estab-l i s h e d between the animal and man. The i n t e l l e c t u a l operation i s the same as i n the s u b j e c t i v e r i t u a l but simpler. Instead of s e l f - r e f e r e n c e and a non-human operator, taKen from the animal or s p i r i t u a l world, there i s d i r e c t reference to a non-human p r o t a g o n i s t . I d e n t i f i c a t i o n and d i f f e r e n -t i a t i o n i s not sought w i t h i n the human group but between the human and the non-human being. The method i s not that of a decomposition of the s e l f (the i n d i v i d u a l or the c o l l e c t i v e s e l f ) i n order to apprehend that s e l f , but a d i r e c t apprehension of an. other as "one of us" that shows e x i s t i n g d i s t i n c t i o n s . C l e a r l y t h i s i s not merely an i n t e l l e c t u a l process but al s o 372. one of the sympathetic imagination. In t h i s process the animal i s n e i t h e r anthropomorphised nor t r e a t e d as one of a species. I t i s i n d i v i d u a l i z e d , and so becomes comparable--one of us--while remaining i t s e l f . To conclude I r e t u r n to L e v i - S t r a u s s ' d e f i n i t i o n of r i t u a l per se. I t depended on these a s s e r t i o n s : 1) r i t u a l i n i t s pure form can be recognised i f i t i s f r e e d from a l l mythic e n c r u s t a t i o n s , i n c l u d i n g the g l o s s given to i t i n i t s c u l t u r a l context; 2) r i t u a l then shows i t s e l f to c o n s i s t of a pattern of s u b d i v i s i o n and r e p e t i t i o n that leadi-to a l o s s of d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n ; 3) t h i s p a t t e r n represents the desperate attempt—desperate because always doomed to f a i l u r e — t o recapture the c o n t i n u i t y of experience. L e v i - S t r a u s s ' d e f i n i t i o n would exclude the f i r s t salmon ceremony and other f i r s t f r u i t and hunting r i t e s from being r i t u a l s . As we have seen from the Kwakiutl t e x t f o r the f i r s t salmon r i t u a l these r i t u a l s , c o n s i -dered as gestures and objects manipulated, are everyday acts performed at a normal everyday tempo. That they are i n f a c t pauses i n everyday a c t i v i t y and introduce that "element of slowness and r e f l e c t i o n " which Levi-Strauss so p e r c e p t i v e l y notes as a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of r i t u a l i s due to the accom-panying myth of the f i r s t salmon. The i m p l i c i t myth, r e f e r r e d to i n speeches and prayers and a l i v e i n the consciousness of the p a r t i c i p a n t s , i s here the only t h i n g that d i s t i n g u i s h e s r i t u a l a c t i o n from everyday a c t i o n . Without i t the Kwakiutl f i r s t salmon r i t u a l would be the c u t t i n g up of the salmon and cooking and eating a d e l e c t a b l e part of i t . However, a patt e r n of s u b d i v i s i o n and r e p e t i t i o n , even i f absent i n some r i t u a l s , i s a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c f e a t u r e of most r i t u a l s . ( I t i s a l s o a f e a t u r e of n a r r a t i v e and d e s c r i p t i v e prose i n general i n Indian North America; but there, as L e v i - S t r a u s s e x p l a i n s , i t has a metonymic f u n c t i o n 373. instead of the metaphoric one i t has f o r r i t u a l - - c f . p.579). Yet what i t achieves, according t o my i n v e s t i g a t i o n s , i s not n o n - d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n but a rendering prominent of the smallest i n t e g r a l u n i t s , which are thus st r e s s e d as c o n s t i t u e n t u n i t s of the whole. S u b d i v i s i o n and r e p e t i t i o n belong t t h e r e f o r e to the operation of d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n and i d e n t i f i c a t i o n which we a l s o f i n d i n totemic systems. This makes r i t u a l not a "complicated game, i r r a t i o n a l i n essence, contrary to mythical thought" but an i n t e l l i g e n t o p e r a t i o n , d i r e c t e d to understanding and coping with circumstances, r e l a t e d to mythical thought and yet more experimental and l e s s s p e c u l a t i v e than i t . F i n a l l y , the question of emotion. When Levi-Strauss w r i t e s : "The r i t u a l ' s compulsion t o mark o f f the smallest c o n s t i t u e n t of experience by means of s u b d i v i s i o n , and then to m u l t i p l y them by r e p e t i t i o n , i l l u s t r a t e s a deep throbbing need of p r o t e c t i o n against a l l c u t t i n g or eventual d i s r u p -t i o n which mightccompromise i t s u n f o l d i n g " i t seems to me that he i n f r i n g e s hi s own r u l e about the a n a l y s i s of r i t u a l per se and provides a g l o s s . This immediately r a i s e s the question why L e v i - S t r a u s s ' g l o s s ( h i s i m p l i c i t myth) should have more i n t e r p r e t a t i v e value than the n a t i v e one (the i m p l i c i t myth). Perhaps at the l e v e l of deep s t r u c t u r e reached by the a n a l y s i s g l o s s i n g i s i n order. This i s the a n t h r o p o l o g i s t as god, l o o k i n g through the people he s t u d i e s . But what i f he should draw i n v a l i d con-c l u s i o n s from v a l i d f i n d i n g s ? I f r i t u a l a c t i o n - i s approached through the i m p l i c i t myth, and so a l l o -wed to be i n t e l l i g e n t , i t i s q u i t e c l e a r that r i t u a l emotion i s not n e c e s s a r i l y s e l f - p r o t e c t i v e . S u b j e c t i v e r i t u a l s i n c l u d e t y p i c a l l y a r i s k i n g of the s e l f , and o b j e c t i v e r i t u a l s show: an openness to the outside world and the non-human other that i s an i n t e l l i g e n t e x e r c i s e of the emotion of sympathy. By separating emotion i n r i t u a l from i t s reasonable source i n the i m p l i c i t myth and reducing i t to the "throbbing need of 374. p r o t e c t i o n " against the d i s r u p t i o n of experience, Levi-Strauss i s p r a c t i s i n g a " r i t u a l i s m from without" that g i v e s the l i e to h i s best a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l i n s i g h t s . He i s maRing r i t u a l b i z a r r e and i r r a t i o n a l by not loo k i n g at i t "from w i t h i n " . N a t u r a l l y i f r i t u a l were as obscure as he makes i t i t • - u would not be a s u i t a b l e subject f o r the human sciences. But i f we examine r i t u a l i n the l i g h t of i t s accompanying myth we f i n d that not only are _ c l e a r ideas expressed but that they are ideas that are relevant to human thought i n general. 4(c) Myth, R i t u a l and Emotion Let us re t u r n now to the hunting and f i r s t f r u i t r i t u a l s that c e l e -brate the coming of the animal, and ask ourselves two questions: what change of consciousness do the emotions these r i t u a l s arouse prdduce i n the p a r t i c i p a n t s ? and, what i s the d i f f e r e n c e between the myth about the animal that e x i s t s only i n connection with the r i t u a l and the independent n a r r a t i v e on the same subject? We s h a l l s t a r t with the second question. In making the d i s t i n c t i o n between i m p l i c i t and e x p l i c i t myth Lev i - S t r a u s s has given us an i n v a l u a b l e t o o l f o r the i n v e s t i g a t i o n of r i t u a l . Simply making the d i s t i n c t i o n r a i s e s the p o s s i b i l i t y that an i m p l i c i t myth may be d i f f e r e n t from the e x p l i c i t one on the same subj e c t , and that t h i s d i f f e -rence w i l l t e l l us something about the r i t u a l that would have escaped us otherwise. A myth that e x i s t s only-as fragments of n a r r a t i v e , each of them t i e d to a phase of the r i t u a l , and that i s organised only by the enactment of the r i t u a l , should t e l l us something about the conceptual tendency or " I n t e n t i o n " of the r i t u a l as d i s t i n c t from that of myth. In many cases i m p l i c i t and e x p l i c i t myths d i f f e r only i n the greater d e t a i l and p r e c i s i o n with which the e x p l i c i t myth i s t o l d . The d i f f e r e n c e i s s i m i l a r to that between a p u b l i c and a secret v e r s i o n , where the p u b l i c 375. v e r s i o n corresponds to the i m p l i c i t myth which people have i n mind while the r i t u a l proceeds, and the secret v e r s i o n to the e x p l i c i t myth, t o l d only by those who own i t . This i s the case with the KwaKiutl i n i t i a t i o n myth. I t i s th e r e f o r e i n t e r e s t i n g that i n the case of the hunting myths and the myths attached to the hunting r i t u a l s , we have to do with two r e l a t e d and yet f o r m a l l y t o t a l l y d i f f e r e n t s t o r i e s . The d i f f e r e n c e l i e s i n the point of view: i t i s as i f the e x p l i c i t myth were a story made up by men f o r men, the i m p l i c i t myth one made up by animals f o r men. The e x p l i c i t myth has a human hero and t e l l s of h i s adventures i n the land of the animals. The i m p l i c i t myth has an animal hero and t e l l s of what b e f a l l s him when he v i s i t s men. There i s no e x p l i c i t myth that i s t o l d e n t i r e l y from the point of view of the animal, o r , to express i t d i f f e r e n -24 t l y , that has an animal as hero. The hunting myths seem to str u g g l e to achieve t h i s point of view, and we have seen that the Bear Mother story comes c l o s e to i t at the point of c r i s i s , when the bear i s K i l l e d . But the frameworK and most of the p l o t are based on the adventures of a human hero and deal with human concerns. The human hero leaves t h i s world f o r the world of the animals and succeeds i n some way i n overcoming the animal before he returns to t h i s world with h i s p r i z e . [In a second move r e t r i -bution may f o l l o w and a balance of j u s t i c e between men and animals be e s t a b l i s h e d whose p i v o t i s the transformed hero.) The myth of the r i t u a l gives us the complement to t h i s s t o r y . I t i s the myth of the animal who comes v o l u n t a r i l y to the world of men to give i t s e l f to men. Here the animal i s the t r a g i c and triumphant hero who engages our sympathy, and man hi s uncertain, antagonist, who rouses a p p r o p r i a t e l y d i v i d e d f e e l i n g s . The st o r y , organised by the r i t u a l phases of welcoming, s u p p l i c a t i o n , e a t i n g , and the consecration of the remains i s that of the animal s u f f e r i n g a n n i h i l a t i o n f o r the sake of men, and i t s f i n a l r e s t o r a t i o n . The organi-•376. sing r i t u a l a c t i o n s r e f l e c t t h e r e f o r e the a b i l i t y of seeing from another's point of view. This becomes p a r t i c u l a r l y c l e a r i f we consider how the phases of the r i t u a l express c o n t r a d i c t o r y moods: j o y over the animal's coming, remorse and g r i e f that necessity should f o r c e one t o k i l l one's f r i e n d s , g r a t i t u d e f o r the g i f t of the animal's body at the meal. Each mood i s an appropriate response to another aspect of the animal's s t o r y ; l i k e the c o n t r a s t i n g pieces of a mosaic they make up the whole together. Such a s t o r y represents an advance over that t o l d from the human point of view because the s u b j e c t i v e d i s t i n c t i o n between "us" and "them", "own" and " f o r e i g n " i s overcome. I t i s an i n t e l l e c t u a l advance, because the c o g n i t i v e p e r s p e c t i v e i s broadened, made on the basis of an emotional advance, because i t presupposes the a b i l i t y to f e e l with others. This advance i s l i n k e d w i t h the r i t u a l , f o r i t i s the r i t u a l that gives the myth i t s form. For t h i s reason alone, i m p l i c i t myth and r i t u a l should not be separated. I t i s here, too, and not i n some cont e n t l e s s form, that we should look f o r the r o l e emotion plays i n r i t u a l . What i s the q u a l i t y of the emotions aroused by hunting and f i r s t f r u i t r i t e s ? There is.no doubt that much of the anxiety we have found expressed i n these r i t u a l s concerns the s e l f . In the prayer spoken before the communal meal i n the Kwakiutl f i r s t salmon r i t u a l the p a r t i c i p a n t s are a f r a i d t h a t the act of eating might destroy them. Yet t h i s a n x i e t y , which we have al s o found i n the "f e a s t of the manes" celebrated f o r the bear, has i t s o r i g i n i n an appre-hension of the animal as an independent agent and s u f f e r e r i n the r i t u a l drama. Only t h i s apprehension of the animal as a being i n i t s own r i g h t can lead to the comprehension of the r o l e men play, a comprehension of t h e i r dilemma that f o r c e s them to k i l l t h e i r f r i e n d s . The emotion d i s -played i n the r i t u a l i s t h e r e f o r e not b l i n d l y r e f l e x i v e but outgoing; i t embraces both p e r s p e c t i v e s , that of the animal and of men. The myth that 377. i s t o l d from the animal's point of view i s an e x e r c i s e i n i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n : i n f e e l i n g with the animal men can see t h e i r a c t i o n s i n t h e i r t r u e l i g h t ; the problem of t h e i r d i f f e r e n c e from the animal presents i t s e l f and has to be d e a l t w i t h . A l l outgoing emotions that apprehend others i n t h e i r d i f f e r e n c e have a dual emotional and i n t e l l e c t u a l aspect: love, mercy, j u s t i c e , e q u i t y , amity. They are t h e r e f o r e humanis-ing emotions, opposed to the inturned emotions of f e a r , hatred, envy, s e l f -p i t y which are r e g r e s s i v e and cloud the r a t i o n a l f a c u l t i e s . I f L e v i - S t r a u s s had chosen to analyse emotion i n r i t u a l from t h i s point of view he would have found a f a r more promising f i e l d of i n q u i r y . Even s u b d i v i s i o n and r e p e t i t i o n , as we have seen, can be a movement of c u r i o s i t y toward the world, an attempt to grasp a t h i n g i n i t s p a r t s i n order to know the whole. And i f the Osage enumerate the pa r t s of an animal's body i n t h e i r r i t u a l with l o v i n g care they l e a r n at the same time about themselves. In another context Le v i - S t r a u s s i s f u l l y aware of the r o l e played by emotion i n the development of what i s s p e c i f i c a l l y human. In the l a s t chapter of Totemism, "Totemism from Within", he described the passage from nature to c u l t u r e as dependent on sympathetic i d e n t i f i c a t i o n 25 with animals. Paraphrasing Rousseau he says: " I t i s because man f e l t o r i g i n a l l y i d e n t i c a l to a l l those l i k e him (among which as Rousseau e x p l i c i t l y says, we must in c l u d e animals) that he came to acquire the capa-c i t y to d i s t i n g u i s h himself as he d i s t i n g u i s h e s them, i . e . to use the d i v e r s i t y of species as a conceptual support f o r s o c i a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n " , (p.101). The source of t h i s c a p a c i t y he d e f i n e s , again f o l l o w i n g Rousseau as "the only psychic s t a t e of which the content i s i n d i s s o c i a b l y both a f f e c t i v e and i n t e l l e c t u a l , and which the act of consciousness s u f f i c e s to t r a n s f e r from one l e v e l to the other, v i z . , compassion" ( l o c . c i t . ) . This v i n d i c a t e s our approach to r i t u a l and i m p l i c i t myth. The passage 378. from nature to c u l t u r e , as Lev i - S t r a u s s i s w e l l aware i n Totemism and The Savage Mind i s not so much a h i s t o r i c a l e v o l u t i o n a r y f a c t (of which we can know l i t t l e ) as a process of maturation which every s o c i e t y has to make p o s s i b l e f o r i t s i n d i v i d u a l s . Men being what they are, i t has to be con-s t a n t l y renewed and repeated. The r i t u a l s , f e a s t s and prayers f o r animals which punctuateKwakiutl l i f e i n the Summer are a constant e x e r c i s e i n com-passion, or sympathy, and provide the necessary a f f e c t i v e b a s i s f o r c u l t u -r a l l i f e , not only f o r the sec u l a r s o c i a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n s which are e f f e c t i v e during the Summer, but more importantly f o r the conceptions of freedom that are e f f e c t i v e i n the Winter. The passage from nature to c u l t u r e i s however not one from a f f e c t i v i t y to i n t e l l e c t u a l i t y (or animal-i t y to humanity!) as Levi-Strauss suggests ( l o c . c i t . ) but from inturned emotion and i r r a t i o n a l i t y to outgoing emotion and r a t i o n a l i t y . Compassion, though an emotion, i s n e i t h e r n a t u r a l nor i s i t animal or u n i n t e l l i g e n t . I t i s i t s e l f a f a c u l t y o f the mature mind and necessary f o r i n t e l l i g e n t t h i n k i n g . I t i s not a step, q u a l i t a t i v e l y a l i t t l e lower, towards being human but a part of being human. The d i f f i c u l t step i s that from s e l f -regarding emotion to an awareness of others. This step was apparently made under ar c h a i c c o n d i t i o n s f i r s t i n regard to the animals. Having once been made, i t s impetus c a r r i e d it', beyong t h i s context. The KwaKiutl con-ceptions of j u s t i c e , freedom and e q u a l i t y , which we f i n d i n the winter r i t u a l , are a development from the r e l a t i o n between men and animals as i t i s b u i l t up i n the hunting and f i r s t f r u i t r i t u a l s of the Summer. This i s a large c l a i m to maKe f o r r i t u a l s which are r e a l l y nothing more than the solemnised communal e a t i n g of animals, k i l l e d f o r food i n any case. But as we have seen, the importance of the r i t u a l l i e s i n the f a c t t h a t the everyday act of e a t i n g the animal i s here performed i n the l i g h t of the myth, which puts i t i n t o the wider context of the c u l t u r a l system of 379. thought. The r o l e eating plays i n Kwakiutl thought i s w e l l known, but i t can only be understood i f i t s o r i g i n i n the dilemma that i s enacted i n the hunting r i t u a l s i s understood. The animal that i s received as an honou-red v i s i t o r i n the f i r s t phase i s eaten i n the t h i r d phase of the r i t u a l . The c l a s h between t r e a t i n g i t as "one of us" and as food would be unbridge-able i f i t were not f o r a s p e c i a l j u g g l i n g with the cap a c i t y f o r compassion. Imaginative i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with the animal h i t s on the s o l u t i o n which we c a l l the i m p l i c i t myth: that i n a s i t u a t i o n where men are not f r e e (being forced to k i l l f o r food) the animal i s a f r e e agent, and that i t uses i t s freedom to give i t s e l f f o r men, to s a t i s f y t h e i r need. "Compassion" i n men f o r the animal i s t r a n s l a t e d i n t o the animal's compassion f o r men; and only i n t h i s way i s i t p o s s i b l e to eat and t h i n k of what one i s doing. The myth makes p o s s i b l e the step from e a t i n g as a r e f l e x to eating as a con-scious act i n which emotion and understanding are equally bound up. From the consciousness of what one i s doing i n eating the animal a r i s e the e t h i c a l notions that make the groundwork of Kwakiutl thought. "Eating" cannot t h e r e f o r e here be opposed to " t h i n k i n g " . I t i s part of L e v i - S t r a u s s ' theory of the passage from nature to c u l t u r e (which i s also the passage from a f f e c t i v i t y to i n t e l l e c t u a l i t y ) that i n r i t u a l s animals are eaten, i n totemic systems they are used to mark conceptual d i f f e r e n c e s . He develops the d i s t i n c t i o n i n The Savage Hind (1966: 224fsf), where he comes to the conc l u s i o n that . c l a s s i f i c a t o r y systems, because they belong to the l e v e l of language, always aim to make sense, while the system of s a c r i f i c e "represents a p r i v a t e discourse wanting i n good sense" (p.228), and r e t u r n s to i t i n L'Homme Nu with ... r i t u a l does not create c a t e g o r i e s [laws, axioms} i t r a t h e r endeavors, i f not to disown them, at l e a s t t o tempo r a r i l y o b l i t e r a t e the d i s t i n c t i o n s and the oppo s i t i o n s which they impose, making apparent a l l kinds of ambiguities, compromises and connections between them. Hence I was able to show elsewhere how a r i t u a l such as the s a c r i f i c e as a system of thought i s i n diametric 380. o p p o s i t i o n with totemism, even though both use the same e m p i r i c a l m a t e r i a l : animals and p l a n t s are destined i n the one case t o pure and simple m a t e r i a l d e s t r u c t i o n , or to use as food, i n the other case they are promoted to an i n t e l l e c t u a l f u n c t i o n which may r e s u l t i n t h e i r use as food being e i t h e r forbidden or l i m i t e d by di v e r s e r e s t r i c t i o n s , (p.608) This q u a l i t a t i v e d i s t i n c t i o n between r i t u a l and c l a s s i f i c a t o r y systems, "e a t i n g " and " t h i n k i n g " does not hold up i n the l i g h t of the Kwakiutl m a t e r i a l . In the s e a l f e a s t the animal i s eaten and yet used to mark conceptual d i f f e r e n c e s . S i m i l a r l y i n the f i r s t f r u i t and hunting r i t u a l s the very object i s i t s use f o r food and yet, i n being eaten, the animal becomes food f o r thought. Thought, bound to the p h y s i c a l act of e a t i n g , begins with g r a t i t u d e to the animal f o r the g i f t of l i f e . I t contemplates the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the animal as hero, and develops from there t o consider human capaci-b t i e s . The c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which make the animal a hero are v o l u n t a r i n e s s and s e l f l e s s n e s s . The animal i s f r e e , t h a t i s i t can do as i t l i k e s , and i t chooses to gives i t s e l f to men. S t a r t i n g from t h i s f a c t , freedom and a l t r u i s m Cgiving) become the main is s u e s of Kwakiutl thought. In r e l a t i o n to the animals men w i l l always be bound by the ne c e s s i t y to eat. They cannot repay them with an equal g i f t ; they have to remain, i n r e l a t i o n to them, g r a t e f u l r e c e i v e r s . But i n the Winter n e c e s s i t y i s overcome; and freedom and a l t r u i s m i s p o s s i b l e between men. Men become great, they become the heroes of t h e i r own myth, i f they act v o l u n t a r i l y and s e l f l e s s l y l i k e the animals. A great man i s f r e e , and h i s freedom i s e s t a b l i s h e d by g i v i n g ; at the same time, h i s freedom i s i r r e v o c a b l y anchored i n the boundness of the Summer and i n r e c e i v i n g the animal's g i f t . 4(d) The Salmon R i t u a l and the I n i t i a t i o n R i t u a l : A Comparison The connection between the Summer and the Winter i s not merely estab-381. l i s h e d on the basis of an emotion of g r a t i t u d e that turns i n t o emulation, or s p e c u l a t i v e thought about the nature of freedom. The l i n k i s too :' important to be l e f t to the vagaries of f e e l i n g and thought. I t i s f o r -malised i n the p r e c i s e r e l a t i o n between the f i r s t salmon r i t u a l Cor other r i t u a l s of the same kind) and the i n i t i a t i o n r i t u a l of the winter dance. Here, again, i t i s the myth of the r i t u a l that has to be considered, because i t i s the i m p l i c i t myths on which the p r e c i s e r e l a t i o n depends. As a s e r i e s of gestures the two r i t u a l s are connected as concrete act to metaphorical a c t . The salmon r i t u a l , a simple occasion, i s b a s i c a l l y the act of eating a meal. The i n i t i a t i o n r i t u a l , a very elaborate occasion, centres on a metaphoric meal, that i s moreover repeated twice over: once out of s i g h t , when the s p i r i t makes a meal of "Lit he i n i t i a t e i n i s o l a t i o n , once i n p u b l i c , when the i n i t i a t e "eats" the community. Only on the l e v e l of the i m p l i c i t myths, t h a t i s where meaning i s given through words, can the correspondence between the two s e r i e s of gestures be evaluated. The myth of the i n i t i a t i o n r i t u a l , l i k e that of the salmon r i t u a l , can be t o l d inLithree sentences. A man leaves h i s home i n the human world f o r the wilderness of the f o r e s t where he meets the "supernatural people", the s p i r i t s . There he i s k i l l e d and eaten. Then he i s r e s u s c i t a t e d and given a treasure, with which he r e t u r n s to the human world. The myth i s one of the best known to anthropology, because i t makes the: mythical framework of the r i t e de passage. As Van Gennep f i r s t pointed out, and Durkheim, Mauss and Hubert elaborated, the experience that i s wrapped up i n these m y t h i c a l terms i s one p e r i o d i c a l l y repeated i n the l i f e of i n d i v i d u a l s wherever a t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l framework p e r s i s t s . I t i s the experience of the l i f e c r i s i s r i t e , i n which an i n d i v i d u a l i s taken out of h i s normal circumstances and transformed i n t o an e x t r a o r d i n a r y , and "saved" being. Returning to o r d i n a r y l i f e he i s d i f f e r e n t ; he has gained 382. the "treasure" of a new human st a t u s , a term that must be understood to have a simultaneously s o c i a l and s p i r i t u a l s i g n i f i c a n c e . Because s o c i e t y depends on "new men" i t i s i t s e l f enriched by that t r e a s u r e . What has t h i s myth, or the experience that i s expressed through i t to do with the salmon r i t u a l ? We s h a l l r c o n s i d e r the correspondence f i r s t on the formal l e v e l , where i t shows! both a pattern of i n v e r s i o n and of para-l l e l s . As framework f o r the comparison we s h a l l use Leach's g e n e r a l i s e d model f o r such r i t e s de passage; a model i n which the r i t u a l i t s e l f i s analysed i n terms of three phases of e x t r a o r d i n a r y time, that i n t e r r u p t the 26 f l o w of ordinary time. He c a l l s t h i s model the "Durkheimian scheme" and uses f o r the i n i t i a t e , who i s the main actor (or s u f f e r e r ) the Durkheimian term "moral person". Leaving aside Leach's i n t e r e s t i n time, we f i n d that the sequences embrace three d i s t i n c t " s t a t e s of the moral person" which are relevant to our comparison. Phase A. The r i t e of s a c r a l i z a t i o n or separation. The moral person i s t r a n s f e r r e d from the Secular-Profane world to the Sacred World; he " d i e s " . Phase B. The marginal s t a t e . The moral person i s i n a sacred c o n d i t i o n , a. kind of suspended animation. Ordinary s o c i a l time has stopped. Phase C. The r i t e of d e s a c r a l i z a t i o n of aggregation. The moral person i s brought back from the Sacred to the Profane world; he i s "reborn"- secular time s t a r t s anew, (p.134) This scheme can be f u r t h e r mythologised. We see i n i t the f a m i l i a r p a t t e r n of the mythical armature: "se p a r a t i o n " , which i s s o c i a l and s p a t i a l , becomes departure to the supernatural world, "aggregation" the r e t u r n to t h i s world. Between the two takes place the p e r i p e t e i a of the 383. drama, the r i t u a l death and r e s u r r e c t i o n . The whole tendency or d i r e c t i o n of t h i s i m p l i c i t myth i s from a non-sacred s t a t e , arid back again to a profane s t a t e that i s , however, enhanced by the experience. The armature of the i m p l i c i t myth of the salmon r i t u a l corresponds to i t i n d i r e c t r e v e r s a l : departure to the human world, (ritual!) death, r e t u r n to the supernatural world. In other words the heroes of the two myths s t a r t at d i a m e t r i c a l l y opposed p o i n t s , the animal i n the sacred realm, the human hero i n the profane one; they t r a v e l i n opposite d i r e c -t i o n s , " c r o s s i n g paths", and reach t h e i r c r i s i s at d i a m e t r i c a l l y opposed p o i n t s , each i n what i s from h i s point of view the other world; then r e t u r n each to h i s point of departure. The patter n of t h e i r journeys can be diagrammatically put l i k e t h i s : FIGURE 7 ANIMAL MAN 384. The p e r i p e t e i a of the animal hero's drama takes place i n the ordinary world of men. This means two t h i n g s : that he, a "supernatural one", i s d e s a c r a l i z e d i n death, and that h i s death i s r e a l , p h y s i c a l death. His body goes to the men who eat him. I t i s nevertheless a death that i s m y t h i c a l l y seen as the equivalent of the i n i t i a t e ' s r i t u a l death because, as a "supernatural one", the salmon belongs to the immortals who can be r e v i v e d from t h e i r bones. The i n i t i a t e on the other hand, who i s profane to s t a r t w i t h , s u f f e r s a r i t u a l death i n the supernatural world which s a c r a l i s e s him. This s a c r a l i z a t i o n i s conveyed s y m b o l i c a l l y through h i s being eaten by the supernatural s p i r i t , as the salmon's d e s a c r a l i z a t i o n i s conveyed through h i s being eaten by men. I f t h e r e f o r e , we use the "Durkheimian scheme", and put the two r i t u a l s side by s i d e , t h e i r i m p l i c i t myths can be seen to be p e r f e c t mirror 27 i n v e r s i o n s of one another. 385. TABLE X I I I F i r s t Salmon R i t u a l I n i t i a t i o n R i t u a l Phase A Phase A SEPARATION DESACRALIZATION SACRALIZATION The salmon i s t r a n s f e r r e d from the The i n i t i a t e i s t r a n s f e r r e d from sacred world to the s e c u l a r / the seoDlar/profane world t o the profane one. He d i e s sacred one. He d i e s . Phase B Phase B THE MARGINAL STATE The salmon i s i n a sec u l a r The i n i t i a t e i s i n a sacred condi-c o n d i t i o n , a kind of suspended t i o n , a kind of suspended animation, animation. Secular men have The supernatural s p i r i t has eaten eaten him, and he i s i d e n t i f i e d him, and he i s i d e n t i f i e d with him. with them. Phase C Phase C AGGREGATION SACRALIZATION DESACRALIZATION The salmon i s brought back from The i n i t i a t e i s brought back from the profane to the sacred world. the sacred to the profane world. His bones are put i n t o the water: He has "gone through" the s p i r i t : he i s reborn. he i s reborn. The t a b l e suggests an examination from two po i n t s of view: that of the a c t i o n u n i t s , and that of the characters or a c t o r s . We s h a l l t u r n f i r s t to the former, and remain f o r the moment on the formal l e v e l . The t a b l e i s arranged so that each phase of .the two r i t u a l s corresponds h o r i -z o n t a l l y one with the other, each forming the other's i n v e r s i o n . I t i s an arrangement of p e r f e c t p a r i t y which suggests that the two r i t u a l s are equal but m i r r o r p i c t u r e s of one another. There i s , however, another p o s s i b i l i t y i n which the two r i t u a l s are arranged v e r t i c a l l y l i k e the two moves of the hunting myth. The complete v e r s i o n of the hunting myth, we remember, c o n s i s t e d of two parts that were i n v e r s i o n s of one another syn-c h r o n i c a l l y , but d i a c h r o n i c a l l y represented a sequence of events i n which the second part was the consequence of the f i r s t . The f i r s t part con-ta i n e d the "questions" to which the second part gave the "answers", and t h i s arrangement created the correspondence across the caesura. I f we move the r i g h t hand column of the t a b l e , that concerns the i n i t i a t e , below the l e f t hand one we get the same r e l a t i o n between the two r i t u a l s . What s t r i k e s one f i r s t , on the purely formal l e v e l i s the p e r f e c t chiasmus of the r e l a t i o n : d e s a c r a l i z a t i o n , l i m i n a l i t y , s a c r a l i z a t i o n — s a c r a l i z a t i o n , l i m i n a l i t y , d e s a c r a l i z a t i o n ( a b c — c b a ) . But t h i s r e l a t i o n only makes sense i n the l i g h t of the questions r a i s e d i n the f i r s t r i t u a l and the answers given i n the second. The two r i t u a l s with t h e i r i m p l i c i t myths are c l e a r l y separate e n t i -t i e s , each complete i n themselves, with a d i f f e r e n t kind of hero and r e f e r r i n g to d i f f e r e n t spheres of experience. They are i n Kwakiutl thought, however, connected through the animal who i s hero of the f i r s t s t o r y and, as the " s p i r i t " antagonist of the hero i n the second. We s h a l l examine the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the animal which i s the hunter's game and the c a n n i b a l i s t i c i n i t i a t i n g s p i r i t more c a r e f u l l y i n the Epilogue. Here 387. i t s u f f i c e s to remember the Bear Mother myth. The s e q u e n t i a l and conse-q u e n t i a l connection between the two r i t u a l s i s , roughly speaking, that i n the f i r s t move (the salmon r i t u a l ) men k i l l an animal i n order to eat i t , i n the second (the i n i t i a t i o n r i t u a l ) an a n i m a l - s p i r i t k i l l s a man and eats him. The symmetry of the i m p l i c i t myths i s f a r more p e r f e c t , because they are more general and l e s s n a t u r a l i s t i c than the e x p l i c i t myths. The message-pattern i s the same, at l e a s t on t h i s l e v e l : i t i s one of r e t r i -b u t i o n a l j u s t i c e . The question r a i s e d by the f i r s t move i s i n both cases "on what c o n d i t i o n do you get l i f e given to you", and the answer i n the second move: "on c o n d i t i o n that you pay with your l i f e " . The debt of l i f e i s death. This i s why the myth of the coming of the salmon i s a l s o , i m p l i c i t l y , a myth about the o r i g i n of death. Considering the s e q u e n t i a l and consequential-. connection' between the two r i t u a l s i n terms of formal balances ignores, however, the important s h i f t i n e t h i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e that takes place i n moving from one to the other. I f we consider t h i s s h i f t we can appreciate the advance the two-r i t u a l p a t t e r n represents over the two-move p a t t e r n of the hunting myth i n respect of human i n i t i a t i v e and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r a c t i o n . In the salmon r i t u a l men act from n e c e s s i t y . Baxus l i f e f o r c e s them to k i l l , and the only freedom they have i s to'.recognise k i l l i n g f o r what i t i s and develop a consciousness of being accountable. In the i n i t i a t i o n r i t u a l , on the other hand, men are by no means the v i c t i m s of a m e c h a n i s t i c a l l y working j u s t i c e . Here they can choose that r e t r i b u t i o n should overtake them. They can redeem themselves by seeking t h i s r e t r i b u t i o n , and by v o l u n t a r i l y exposing themselves to the death which i n the Summer they i n f l i c t . This s h i f t from the determined to the voluntary i s accompanied by a r e s t r u c t u r i n g . In the salmon r i t u a l man's a t t i t u d e i s the same through-out, d i c t a t e d by h i s c o n f l i c t i n g wishes not to harm the animal and to have 388. i t f o r h i s prey. His dilemma imparts a s t a t i c aspect to the r i t u a l . By c o n t r a s t the i n i t i a t i o n r i t u a l i s dynamic, a s e r i e s of changes and t r a n s -formations caused by man himself, and f i r s t and foremost d i r e c t e d to himself. Changed himself, he becomes a transformer. I t i s true that I.'v l i f e i n the Winter i s conceived as the sphere of freedom where man can be e f f e c t i v e because he i s f r e e . But freedom and e f f e c t i v e n e s s are not conceived as givens: the i n i t i a t e i s only f r e e i n so f a r as he makes him-s e l f f r e e and h i s freedom i s p r i m a r i l y shown i n overcoming what might be c a l l e d an i n s t i n c t i v e conservatism and r e l u c t a n c e to be an agent. In t h i s sense the i n i t i a t i o n r i t u a l i s the consequence of the salmon r i t u a l , because men have moved from acceptance to a c t i o n . The question i s what has i n s p i r e d t h i s move. In order to f i n d the answer we must t u r n now from the a c t i o n t o the characters of the i m p l i c i t myth. I have been t a l k i n g as i f man were the hero of both r i t u a l s . A c t u a l l y the f a t a l i s t i c a t t i t u d e of the f i r s t salmon r i t u a l i s due to the f a c t that man i s not an agent, or, at l e a s t , i s compelled by n e c e s s i t y where he i s an agent, that i s i n k i l l i n g the animal. The agent, or f r e e being, of the salmon r i t u a l i s the salmon. In t h i s he resembles the i n i t i a t e , or r a t h e r the i n i t i a t e resembles him because the animal seems to have served as model. Freedom of a c t i o n i s what they share as heroes of myths; indeed i t i s what makes them both heroasof myth. While the con-nectio n between the r i t u a l s as f a r as the a c t i o n s t r u c t u r e went was based on the p r i n c i p l e of i n v e r s i o n , where the character s t r u c t u r e i s concerned i t i s based on p a r a l l e l i s m . The characters of the heroes of the i m p l i c i t myths are of the same kind, t h e i r a c t i o n s are m o t i v i a t e d by the same f o r c e . The connect'ion.is s e q u e n t i a l i n so f a r as the i n i t i a t e , who as a man i s i n the animal's debt, i s a l s o motivated t o pay men's debt to the animals. The motivating f o r c e s f o r the animal and the i n i t i a t e are v o l u n t a r i -389. ness and s e l f l e s s n e s s . Both!leave t h e i r home f o r the same reasons. In the salmon's case the a l t r u i s t i c i n t e n t i o n i s obvious: he i s going to give his l i f e f o r men so that they can l i v e . In the i n i t i a t e ' s case i t i s not so obvious, but salmon and men s t a r t from opposite p o s i t i o n s and t h e i r , acts of s e l f l e s s n e s s are t h e r e f o r e d i f f e r e n t and have t o be considered each i n t h e i r contexts. The salmon i s f r e e ; nothing could compel him to come. In d e c i d i n g to come to men he v o l u n t a r i l y faces death. He s a c r i f i c e s h i s unbounded freedom i n the d e c i s i o n to give himself. Men, on the other hand, are not f r e e , and the i n i t i a t e s a c r i f i c e s himself to gain freedom f o r them. The g i f t of the salmon has given men freedom on the economic l e v e l : during the Winter they are f r e e from the need to c o l l e c t food. They can never repay the animal's g i f t d i r e c t l y ; they can only answer i t s challenge by a deed as voluntary and greathearted as that of the salmon. I f the salmon, who i s f r e e to do as he l i k e s and an immortal, can narrow h i s freedom t o a d e c i i o n to d i e f o r men, then men, who are bound and mo r t a l , can do something s i m i l a r with t h e i r boundness. I f they face death volun-t a r i l y , choosing to d i e at t h e i r own time, they narrow n e c e s s i t y to a point at which they gain freedom. Such a f o r c i n g of ne c e s s i t y cannot be done by a whole community at once, yet a l l the members of the community want to have part i n the f r e e -dom i t brings. The s o c i e t y t h e r e f o r e s p l i t s at every winter r i t u a l , sending a part of i t s e l f , the i n i t i a t e s , out to d i e . The i n i t i a t e s volun-t a r i l y face death and i n doing so become f r e e . This freedom i s t h e i r new l i f e . When they r e t u r n and are incorporated again they become the new l i f e of the s o c i e t y , which, through them, i s f r e e . The i m p l i c i t myth of the i n i t i a t e as hero and the salmon as hero t h e r e f o r e run e x a c t l y p a r a l l e l , though on d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s of experience. The salmon chooses death v o l u n t a r i l y , s a c r i f i c i n g himself f o r men. Through h i s d e c i s i o n men 390. gain new l i f e , that i s the c o n t i n u a t i o n of t h e i r l i f e i s assured. The salmon's act i s the basis of p h y s i c a l l i f e . The i n i t i a t e chooses death v o l u n t a r i l y s a c r i f i c i n g himself f o r h i s group. Through h i s d e c i s i o n h i s s o c i e t y gains new l i f e i n the sense of the freedom of mind that i s gained by a triumph over n e c e s s i t y . The i n i t i a t e ' s act i s the basis of c i v i c l i f e , because a s o c i e t y of the f r e e i s based, according to Kwakiutl con-c e p t i o n , on g i v i n g to one another. The conceptual l i n k between the two r i t u a l s with t h e i r i m p l i c i t myths i s c l e a r . I t l i e s i n f a c i n g death v o l u n t a r i l y and g i v i n g one's l i f e f o r others. But how does the i n i t i a t e ' s act i n which he emulates the salmon repay the salmon f o r h i s o r i g i n a l g i f t , the g i f t of h i s l i f e to men? We have already discussed t h i s question (Chapter22, 4Cbl). I t cannot repay him d i r e c t l y because "supernatural ones" are s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t . I t can only be paid on the l e v e l on which the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y that has been accepted with the animal's g i f t i s discharged by being adult and r e s p o n s i b l e to others. The greatness of the salmon's g i f t l i e s i n the f a c t that he i s e n t i r e l y f r e e to choose; the greatness of. the i n i t i a t e ' s g i f t i n the f a c t that he chooses to overcome himself where he i s most s t r i n g e n t l y bound, i n h i s f e a r of r e t r i b u t i o n which i s a f e a r of death. 5 Summary A) The "openness" of the r i t u a l . I s a i d at the beginning of my d i s c u s -sion that I would t r e a t the salmon r i t u a l as an incomplete version--an "open question" that demands an answer. I have shown t h i s openness i n each of the three aspects of the r i t u a l taken up i n the three s e c t i o n s of t h i s chapter. Here I s h a l l b r i e f l y r e s t a t e the forms i t takes. (The numbers of my d i v i s i o n s correspond to the s e c t i o n numbers i n the chapter.) 1) The salmon r i t u a l i s an o b j e c t i v e r i t u a l and a r i t u a l of d e s a c r a l i z a -391 . t i o n . Objective r i t u a l s of d e s a c r a l i z a t i o n seem n e c e s s a r i l y to be "open", because they cannot contain the elements of e x p i a t i o n which r e c o n c i l e a f t e r an act of t r a n s g r e s s i o n . The contrast with s a c r i f i c e p o i n t s up t h i s con-d i t i o n c l e a r l y . Hubert and Mauss describe the process of d e s a c r a l i z a t i o n which allows people to harvest, and the a d d i t i o n a l s t r u c t u r a l c o n d i t i o n s which turn such a r i t e i n t o a s a c r i f i c e and allow f o r e x p i a t i o n of the s a c r i l e g e . In the f i r s t salmon r i t u a l , the s t r u c t u r a l c o n d i t i o n s of the s a c r i f i c e are missing; e x p i a t i o n has t h e r e f o r e to be sought f o r outside the r i t u a l , i n a new expressive form. 2) The r h e t o r i c a l f i g u r e of the animal as a guest who becomes host at the r i t u a l , g i v i n g i t s own substance, suggests the p o t l a t c h context. A g i f t r e c e i v e d i n t h i s context has to be r e q u i t e d with a g i f t of at l e a s t equal value. As such a r e q u i t a l i s impossible, the r h e t o r i c of the r i t u a l i m p l i e s that men are i n the animal's debt. The f i g u r e of the animal as host i s a persuasive and performative metaphor i n the sense that i t "moves" people to an a c t i v e concern with p o s s i b i l i t i e s of repayment. 3) The myth of the animal as hero i s an i m p l i c i t myth which e x i s t s only i n connection with the r i t u a l . Through i t the r i t u a l becomes an e x e r c i s e i n sympathetic imagination. The animal i s seen both as " l i k e us" and as "other" i n the s i n g u l a r i t y of i t s f a t e , which moves i t to s a c r i f i c e i t s e l f , , f o r men. The courage and a l t r u i s m of the animal s t i m u l a t e s emulation; and so i t comes about that the non-interested apperception of a non-human being becomes the beginning of being human. In Kwakiutl expressive c u l t u r e , becoming human i s enacted through the symbolism of the i n i t i a t i o n r i t u a l . The point of becoming human, then, unfolds simultaneously i n two d i r e c t i o n s : i n the d i r e c t i o n of the understanding of an other ( r i t u a l f o r animals), and i n the d i r e c t i o n of the understanding of the s e l f ( i n i t i a t i o n r i t u a l ) . This accounts f o r the p a r i t y between the two r i t u a l s . The understanding 392. of the other can a l s o be seen as a challenge which cannot be taken up with-out an understanding of the s e l f , and i n t h i s l i e s the "openness" of the r i t u a l f o r animals seen under t h i s aspect. EO The s h i f t from group to i n d i v i d u a l . In so f a r as the r i t u a l i s "open'1 and leads on to the t s e t s e q a, t h i s t r a n s i t i o n a l s o i n v o l v e s a s h i f t from, group r e s p o n s i b i l i t y t o i n d i v i d u a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . I s h a l l b r i e f l y review t h i s s h i f t i n r e l a t i o n to the three aspects of the r i t u a l . 1) D e s a c r a l i z a t i o n . The communally perpetrated d e s a c r a l i z a t i o n through the r i t u a l meal, though i t leaves the r i t u a l "open", does not n e c e s s a r i l y lead to a s h i f t to the i n d i v i d u a l . We have seen i n Hubert and Mauss' example of a s a c r i f i c e that such a s a c r i l e g e can a l s o be communally expiated. (The ploughman and reapers i n the r i t u a l they describe are c o l l e c t i v e l y cleansed through the symbolism of the s a c r i f i c e . ) 2) R e q u i t i n g . The r h e t o r i c a l f i g u r e of the guest as host i n d i v i d u a l i s e s the animal. The problem i s that the animal's personal s a c r i f i c e of i t s l i f e has to be r e q u i t e d with an equal g i f t . Only an i n d i v i d u a l s a c r i f i c e , and only the s a c r i f i c e of a l i f e can be a proper r e q u i t a l . Here the s h i f t from c o l l e c t i v e to i n d i v i d u a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y i s c l e a r . Simultan-eously the problem i s s h i f t e d from the p h y s i c a l to the p s y c h o l o g i c a l plane, and becomes a question of inner d e c i s i o n and courage. 3] Animal as hero. The myth of the animal as hero makes a s h i f t from c o l l e c t i v e to i n d i v i d u a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y i n e v i t a b l e . Only an i n d i v i d u a l can be a hero, and emulation of such a hero i s an i n d i v i d u a l a c t . Here the s h i f t a l s o has a f u r t h e r dynamic aspect, which leads from the i n d i v i -dual to a new form of c o l l e c t i v i t y . The animal giv e s i t s l i f e f o r men. Men gain t h e i r p h y s i c a l existence through h i s s a c r i f i c e . To emulate the animal properly the i n i t i a t e t h e r e f o r e not only gives h i s l i f e as a r e q u i t a l f o r the animal's g i f t or a r e t r i b u t i o n f o r mankind's wrong, but a l s o gives 393. his l i f e f o r h i s group and ensures through h i s s a c r i f i c e a s u p e r i o r communal l i f e f o r them. I n i t i a t i o n turns on freedom here: the animal can give i t s e l f because i t i s f r e e ; the i n i t i a t e , i n i m i t a t i n g i t , becomes f r e e and h i s g i f t to the community i s freedom. 394. Footnotes 'Erna Gunther, "A Further A n a l y s i s of the Firs t Salmon Ceremony", Univ. of Washington P u b l i c a t i o n s i n Anthropology, 2, No. 5 (June 1928), 128--173. See p a r t i c u l a r l y pp. 141 and 142. 2 Cf. Boas' map of namima-owned f i s h i n g s i t e s i n Geographical Names of the Kwakiutl Indians, Columbia Univ. C o n t r i b u t i o n s to Anthropology, 20 (New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 1934). The boundaries extend i n t o the sea to comprise f i s h i n g grounds and i n l a n d to comprise camping ground or temporary v i l l a g e s i t e , behind that berrying grounds and above i t ' i n the mountains hunting grounds. 3 Henri Hubert and Marcel Mauss, S a c r i f i c e : I t s Nature and Function, t r a n s . W.D. H a l l s (London: Cohen and West 1964). 4 Among the r e c i p e s can be found d e s c r i p t i o n s of f i r s t f r u i t r i t u a l s , s e a l f e a s t s e t c . KwaKiutl s o c i a l and ceremonial l i f e i s conveyed with great v i v i d n e s s and immediacy. The r e c i p e s are t h e r e f o r e an important source of inf o r m a t i o n on my subject. 5 V l a d i m i r Propp, Morphology of the F o l K t a l e , t r a n s . L. S c o t t , ed. L.A. Wagner ( A u s t i n : Univ. of Texas Press, 1968), p.101. 6 The evidence i s c o l l e c t e d mainly i n S i r James Frazer, S p i r i t s of the Corn and of the Wild (London:- Macmillan, 1925). The f a c t that these r i t u a l s were recognised f i r s t among a g r i c u l t u r a l peoples and t h e r e f o r e taKen to be s p e c i f i c a l l y agrarian r i t e s i s , of course,, not simply the r e s u l t of Frazer's personal experience and bias. His worK i s based on that of e a r l y German a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s who were c l a s s i c i s t s - o r f o l K l o r i s t s with European f i e l d s . C l a s s i c a l t e x t s and-work among-European peasants strengthened the impression that the r i t u a l s were g e n e r i c a l l y connected with a g r i c u l t u r e . Hence our "agrarian r i t e s " . ^Cf. Hunt's f a s c i n a t i n g account " I Desired to Learn the Ways of the Shaman" i n Boas 1930: 1--41. 8' Among other Northwest coast groups sometimes one person, d i s t i n g u i s h e d and therefore unusually powerful, was s e l e c t e d f o r the dangerous act of e a t i n g the f i r s t salmon. 9 Edward S. C u r t i s , The North American Indian, V o l . 10 (1915; r p t . New York: Johnson Reprint Co./ 1970), p.37. 1 0 C f . McClellan 1970: 41. 11 I suggest t h i s with h e s i t a t i o n because the blackening of head and eyes and r e v e a l i n g of the skeleton a l s o betokens- a s t a t e of being "dry" as a s t a t e of being at r e s t before coming t o l i f e again. The notions we have t o do with here are widespread and a r c h a i c . Cf. f o r instance Richard Broxton •nians', The O r i g i n s of European Thought (Cambridge: Univ. Press, 1951), pp.260--63. Yet w i t h the KwaKiutl a double image seems to be at stake, •that of p r e s e r v a t i o n ( i n death) and of a transformation which i n v o l v e s a 395. being destroyed and created anew. For the l a t t e r they used the image of food and i n g e s t i o n . Cf. the double sense of the imagery i n Baxbakualan-uxsiwa (Epilogue). I th i n k such a double image i s intended here: they eyes which are "put out" are, a f t e r a l l , also the main part s e l e c t e d f o r the communal meal. . 12 For an i n t e r e s t i n g note on head and t a i l as the potent parts where seed i s stored and l i f e r e s i d e s see Onians, 1951; 126, n.3 (holy bone 4 t a i l end of spine: the "seed that grew i n t o a new body"). T a i l , penis and womb can be equated as the lower centre, balancing the centre of th'e head. The spine i s the v i t a l connection between the two. 13 E.W. Nelson, "The Eskimos about Bering S t r a i t " , Eighteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, Part I (1899), pp.379--393; 437. 14 See Frazer 1925. Frazer has made the pa t t e r n unrecognisable by d i v i d i n g the r i t u a l i n t o separate customs. In V o l . I , Chapter V. p.146, we f i n d d e s c r i p t i o n s of the welcoming of the Corn Mother l i k e a guest; i n V o l . I I , Chapter X. p.48, the return f e a s t i s described, i n which the Corn Mother provides the banquet with her own body. ^ C f . Kyosuke K i n d a i c h i 1949: 345 ( f o r f u l l reference to h i s a r t i c l e see h.16). 16 Kyosuke K i n d a i c h i "The Concepts behind the Ainu Bear F e s t i v a l (Kumamutsuri)", t r a n s . M i n o r i Yoshida, Southwestern Journal of Anthropology, 5 (1949), 345 — 350). " ^ I t would be i n t e r e s t i n g to know whether the word "to play" used i n t h i s context could have the double sense of "to k i l l " i t has f o r the Kwak i u t l , who "play" with an animal, sending i t home. 18 Travels and Adventures i n Canada and the Indian T e r r i t o r i e s Between the Years 1760 and 1776 by A. Henry, Fur Trader, ed. James Bain (Boston: L i t t l e , Brown and Co., 1901). 19 For the prayer see Chapter 1, 3 (d). 20 James Fernandez, "Persuasions and Performances: of the Beast i n Every-body ... And the Metaphors of Everyman", Daedalus, 101, No. 1 (Winter 1972), 39--60. 2 1 P a r i s : Plon, 1971, pp.596 — 611. 22 For quotations I use the t r a n s l a t i o n made by Brenda Beck f o r a seminar given by her i n January 1973 at the Univ. of B.C. The page numbers r e f e r to the French e d i t i o n . 23 Chicago: Univ. of Chic. Press, 1966. See p a r t i c u l a r l y Chapter VI " U n i v e r s a l i z a t i o n and P a r t i c u l a r i z a t i o n " . Myth time stories w i t h t h e i r animal t r i c k s t e r s belong, of course, to a d i f f e r e n t genre. An "animal-person" i s no an animal. Trans. Rodney Needham (Boston: Beacon Press, 1963]. pp.92--104. Edmund R. Leach, Rethinking Anthropology, (London: Athlone Press, 1961), pp.l32--136. 27 Though the "Durkheimian scheme" has been known to anthropology f o r a long time, and r i t u a l s of d i s a c r a l i z a t i o n even longer, the two have never, to my knowledge, been brought together as they are i n my t a b l e , to show t h e i r r e l a t i o n of symmetrical i n v e r s i o n . As a r e s u l t they have never before been examined f o r t h e i r l o g i c a l connection. 397. EPILOGUE The purpose of t h i s epilogue i s to bring the strands of the l a s t three chapters together. I f i n d that I can show my f i n d i n g s i n the m i r r o r , as i t were, of myths which have as t h e i r story-content the t r a n s i t i o n from baxus to t s e t s e q a, and I s h a l l use t h i s m i r ror to sum up my t h e s i s . The myths " r e f l e c t " my f i n d i n g s because they do not s t a r t from the assumptions f a m i l i a r to us from the t e x t s we have examined, but s t a r t from the con-c l u s i o n s we have drawn. My task i n the foregoing chapters on prayers, hunting myths and r i t u a l s f o r animals was to examine the thought of the baxus l i f e . The t e x t s a l l d e a l t with the problem of a j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r k i l l i n g and eating beings animated by the same l i f e and i n t e l l i g e n c e as men. No f i n a l l y v a l i d j u s t i f i c a t i o n could be found, and the dilemma imposed by n e c e s s i t y remained i r r e s o l v a b l e . Yet the very, p a i n s t a k i n g labour of examing the c o n d i t i o n s of determination i t s e l f , of which these te x t s ' are evidence, y i e l d s an understanding of the c o n d i t i o n s of freedom. T h i s , i n a b s t r a c t language, i s "the o r i g i n of the tsetseqa i n the baxus". In terms of t e x t u a l analy-s i s , i t was a matter of b r i n g i n g to the f o r e f r o n t those elements of the t e x t s which r e f e r t o the tsetseqa• In showing t h i s evidence, and develop-ing my t h e s i s of the connection, my task of examining the thought of the Summer i s ended. In t h i s epilogue I want to go a step beyond the l i m i t s of my inves-t i g a t i o n of t e x t s that belong to baxus l i f e . My reason i s that though the t e x t s we have examined show the connections with the tsetseqa, i t i s d i f f i -c u l t to define the meaning of these connnections. The meaning we have given them always demanded an i n t e r p r e t a t i v e leap. I t was not expressed i n the m a t e r i a l , but gathered from cumulative evidence and knowledge of 398. the c u l t u r e . Given the t e x t s , which, as expressions of baxus l i f e con-centrated on the problem—the question and not the a n s w e r — t h i s i s not s u r p r i s i n g . A question which can l e g i t i m a t e l y be asked i n t h i s context, however, i s whether the Kwakiutl d i d not have t r a d i t i o n s that express the connection between baxus and tsetseqa d i r e c t l y . On the whole the Kwakiutl conceptualised the connection as an o p p o s i t i o n , and dramatised moving from the baxus to the tsetseqa season, f o r i n s t a n c e , as a t o t a l change. Their general concern with motivations and values makes i t n a t u r a l , however, to wonder whether they d i d not formulate somewhere the process of change i t s e l f , and the e t h i c a l and p s y c h o l o g i c a l values that they attached to t h i s change. Such t e x t s would express the thought of the baxus and ts e t s e q a simultaneously. Without f a l l i n g i n t o the purview of t h i s t h e s i s p r e c i s e l y , they would be important as concrete evidence supporting the deductions made from the t h e s i s m a t e r i a l . Such t e x t s do e x i s t i n the KwaKiutl mythological corpus. I have c a l l e d them t r a n s i t i o n a l myths; f i r s t , because they have a f f i n i t i e s with both hunting myths and i n i t i a t i o n myths without belonging f u l l y to e i t h e r , second, because they a c t u a l l y describe a process of t r a n s i t i o n , f o r m u l a t i n g i t as a change of mind. These t e x t s do not approach the r e l a t i o n between men and animals from the r e a l i s t i c angle of the need to K i l l and eat as do the t e x t s we have examined. They are not any longer about the p l i g h t of the hunter who i s forced t o K i l l h i s f r i e n d s . The mythmaKers have made here the step i n t o that imaginary realm where r e t r i b u t i o n has.become r e a l i t y : they are about the p l i g h t of the hunter who i s pursued and K i l l e d by the animals. They belong to the hunting myths i n so f a r as they elaborate on the second' move of the myth, which describes the animal's r e t r i b u t i o n . Their l a s t word, however, i s not r e t r i b u t i o n but a v i c t o r y f o r men and a new bond between men and animals (or, more c o r r e c t l y , animal-399. s p i r i t s ) . They describe the gaining of the r i t u a l , of the tsetseqa power from the a n i m a l - s p i r i t s . In t h i s epilogue I s h a l l look at two myths which show two d i f f e r e n t t r a n s i t i o n a l stages between the system of thought that i s turned outward, toward the r e l a t i o n with animals, and that which i s turned inward, toward the r e l a t i o n w i t h the s e l f and s o c i e t y . The f i r s t myth, Elxabae, i s an i n i t i a t i o n myth s t i l l enclosed i n the ways of thought of the Summer, that i s of a hunting s o c i e t y where the need f o r food and the n e c e s s i t y to k i l l are the paramount problems. The myth i s i n t e r e s t i n g f o r the way i n which i t combines the f a t a l i s t i c hunting d o c t r i n e of r e t r i b u t i o n a l j u s t i c e with the i n i t i a t i o n d o c t r i n e of the act of courage that makes human e f f o r t e f f e c t i v e and r e l e a s e s from the mechanical workings of r e t r i b u t i o n . Yet the change to maturity i n the i n i t i a t e i s not seen i n s o c i a l terms but terms of hunting: h i s i n i t i a t o r y experience makes him capable of master-in g the animals and provide an i n e x h a u s t i b l e supply of food. The story remains focussed on the r e l a t i o n between men and animals. The second myth, Baxbakualanuxsiwa, i s the o r i g i n myth of the cannibal r i t u a l . The focus i s t h e r e f o r e on s o c i e t y , and on the c o n t r a s t between the s t a t e of c u l t u r e before the r i t u a l was obtained and a f t e r . The animals i n t h i s s tory are not r e a l animals any more but s p i r i t s , and hunting and food have become metaphors. Nevertheless the myth-imagery i s based on the conception of a mechanical r e t r i b u t i v e j u s t i c e through which the hunter becomes the hunted, the eater the eaten. This r e v e r s a l i s , however, reversed again; i n f a c t the p l o t can be seen as a s e r i e s of p o s s i b l e transformations of the r e l a t i o n between hunter and hunted, eater and eaten. The story i s n e i t h e r an a l l e g o r y nor a parable, yet i s has a c i v i c theme, which i s clothed i n the garb of a f a n t a s t i c hunter's s t o r y . I have chosen these two myths because they a r t i c u l a t e an aspect of 400. the r e l a t i o n between men and animals we have not paid s u f f i c i e n t a t t e n t i o n t o : they show the animals as man-eaters. This aspect should be examined to complete our p i c t u r e of how the KwaKiutl saw the animals and thought of t h e i r i n t e r - r e l a t i o n with them. I t i s f u r t h e r important, because the animals, seen i n t h i s p a r t i c u l a r way are themselves the transforming agents that change the system of the Summer i n t o that of the Winter. We have had an i n d i c a t i o n of t h i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the animals (and.lirideed other l i v i n g creatures) i n the prayers. There they are greeted as f r i e n d s but addressed by e p i t h e t s that point to a double nature and that a l s o r e f e r to the dangerous s p i r i t s of the winter dance. The animals of the myths I s h a l l analyse here a c t u a l l y act out th a t double nature, or r a t h e r act out that feared hidden "other s i d e " , and with t h i s , though they are r e a l animals, become s p i r i t s of the winter dance. The animals are not the heroes of these myths; e x p l i c i t myths never have animal heroes. They are the antagonists of the human hero. The myths are u l t i m a t e l y about becoming human ( i n the sense i n which the i n i t i a t e i s the pa t t e r n of the human, the "perfect man") and about human freedom. Freedom, i n the KwaKiutl conception of i t , i s never seen apart from being bound; i t i s i n f a c t based on being bound. Conceptually, the t r a n s i t i o n from boundness to freedom i s made by a complicated i n t e r p l a y between p a s s i v i t y and a c t i v i t y i n which the animals are important agents. In KwaKiutl thought freedom has two s i d e s : imperiousness--doing whatever one pleases, regardless of law--and g i v i n g to others. G i v i n g i s the s o c i a l form of a c t i n g f r e e l y , and i t i s seen as a development from imperiousness, which i s overcome f o r the saKe of s o c i a l l y c o n s t r u c t i v e freedom. This conception does not apply to human beings alone but covers both human beings and animals. I s h a l l b r i e f l y r e s t a t e here the r e l a t i o n between men and animals that expresses f o r the KwaKiutl the t r a n s i t i o n from the 401. baxus l i f e to the t s e t s e q a . Animals are n a t u r a l l y f r e e , but t h i s makes them w i l d and independent. They are by nature dangerous arid i n t r a c t a b l e . In the world of the Summer, however, d e s t r u c t i v e freedom--imperiousness--i s transformed i n t o c o n s t r u c t i v e freedom by the animals' d e c i s i o n to give themselves to men. Through t h i s d e c i s i o n the w i l d animal--the animal as "teeth b a r e r " - - i s changed i n t o the mild animal, the animal as game. We must remember that i n both i t s forms the animal i s f r e e and a c t i v e . Man i s i n a curious complementary p o s i t i o n . Unlike the animal he i s not f r e e i n the Summer, and as r e c e i v e r of the g i f t he i s passive. But i n order to appropriate the g i f t he must temper p a s s i v i t y with a c t i v i t y - h e must use a c t i v e v i o l e n c e . So, as the animal modifies i t s a c t i v i t y with a l i t t l e p a s s i v i t y and becomes game, the man modifies h i s p a s s i v i t y w i t h a l i t t l e a c t i v i t y and becomes a hunter and eater. His change, however, i n s p i t e of the p e r f e c t complementarity between the hunter-eater and the game, burdens him w i t h g u i l t , because he has broken through the passive r o l e appropriate to him i n the Summer, while the animal, i n becoming a g i v e r , has never i n j u r e d i t s a c t i v e r o l e . Man has appropriated a freedom not properly h i s own. Amendment demands a p e r f e c t r e v e r s a l . So i t comes about that i n the middle of the l i f e of the Winter, when man i s a c t i v e and f r e e he must be capable of making himself passive. He meets the animal again, but now i t i s the animal i n i t s a n t i - s o c i a l c h a racter, the imperious being and t e e t h barer. In t h i s form the animal i s the c a n n i b a l i s t i c s p i r i t of the winter r i t u a l . The i n i t i a t e ' s act of courage--the act that makes him f r e e - - l i e s i n h i s c a p a c i t y to be passive toward the animal and l e t himself be k i l l e d and eaten. In other words, i n the Summer men are hunters and eaters and the animal shows i t s e l f i n i t s mild aspect, as game; while i n the Winter the animal shows i t s e l f i n i t s w i l d aspect as hunter and eater, and man i s i t s game. This r e l a t i o n between animals and men forms the substructure of the two myths we s h a l l be d i s c u s s i n g . The f u l l s t r u c t u r e of the i n i t i a t i o n s t o r y , as I have described i t i n Chapter 1 i s missing, but both myths are approximations to i t . The overtones of r e t r i b u t i v e j u s t i c e come from the Kinship t o the hunting myth. J u s t i c e can only be done by a r e v e r s a l of the r e l a t i o n s h i p s between animals and men, a r e v e r s a l which turns game i n t o hunter, eater i n t o eaten. The four terms and t h e i r p o s s i b l e t r a n s -formations i n t o one another seem to e x e r c i s e a f a s c i n a t i o n over the minds of the Kwakiutl and t h e i r neighbours. The mythology of the region explores a l l the l o g i c a l p o s s i b i l i t i e s of the s e t . In reading the myths, i t w i l l be i n t e r e s t i n g to note how these transformations advance the p l o t s , p a r t i c u l a r l y the p l o t of the second s t o r y . Ca) Elxabae: the animals' "animal" as hero The f i r s t myth we s h a l l d i s c u s s , Elxabae, r e f l e c t s the geographical s e t t i n g of the people who t e l l i t . The Dzawadenox, one of the t r i b e s of the K w a k i u t l , l i v e at the end of Kingcome I n l e t , on the mainland opposite the North end of Vancouver I s l a n d . The i n l e t i s deep and narrow at t h e i r v i l l a g e s i t e , and the surrounding country i s mountainous and deeply wooded. I t i s hunter's country, abounding w i t h bear, mountain goat and other game of a l l kinds. Yet the salmon runs up the i n l e t and the r i v e r that empties i n t o i t , and i t i s t h e r e f o r e a l s o a fisherman's country. The bear, l i k e men, roams the mountains and comes down to the r i v e r to f i s h . He i s both an equal, though immensely more powerful, and a r i v a l . I a b s t r a c t from the myth of the same name i n Kwakiutl Texts. Elxabae The f i r s t ones of the Dzawadenox were s u f f e r i n g from a famine. They asked t h e i r c h i e f f o r help, who sent h i s son to look f o r salmon. The youth f i n d s many salmon jumping i n the r i v e r and makes a salmon trap to catch them. The next morning, however. 403. he f i n d s h i s trap broken and only the jawbone of a dog-salmon near by. He mends the trap but the same t h i n g happens, and happens again. Up to then he has trecked forward and back-ward between the v i l l a g e and the r i v e r p a t i e n t l y , mending by day what had been destroyed i n the n i g h t , and not spoken to anyone i n order not t o break h i s lu c k . On the t h i r d day he t e l l s h i s f a t h e r , and announces that he w i l l take h i s spear and watch by h i s trap a l l n i g h t . His f a t h e r warns him to take care: i t might be the g r i z z l y bear, who i s very w i l d . Elxabae has watched a l l night i n vain by his salmon trap when he sees, at dawn, a large g r i z z l y coming down to the r i v e r . He makes s t r a i g h t f o r Elxabae's t r a p and breaks i t to pieces.' Elxabae t r i e s to stab him but the bear simply takes hi s spear and throws i t away. He gathers the youth up i n h i s arms and c a r r i e s him i n t o the f o r e s t , to his house. A r r i v e d there he t e l l s him not to be a f r a i d , because he i s h i s guest and w i l l meet hi s (the g r i z z l y 1 s ) t r i b e the next morning at a f e a s t to which they w i l l be i n v i t e d . Elxabae wants to know where t h i s t r i b e i s but the bear t e l l s him not to be anxious and to sleep w e l l . E a r l y the next morning, a f t e r a s l e e p l e s s night, Elxabae hears h i s host say to h i s speaker: " C a l l our t r i b e , that they come q u i c k l y today to t a s t e the game that I caught yesterday". The youth cannot help guessing t h a t t h i s l i t t l e joke r e f e r s to him. The animals begin to assemble: f i r s t the black bear, then the wolf, the wolverine, the deer, the e l k , and a l l the d i f f e r e n t kinds of animals. Their host greets them with "welcome, f r i e n d s : I only longed f o r you. You have a l l come i n ; t h e r e f o r e I s h a l l i n v i t e t h i s kind of animal to s i t among you i n the house" and he c a l l s to Elxabae to come and be introduced to his t r i b e . When Elxabae stands beside him i n the doorway the g r i z z l y says: "0 f r i e n d s , look at me! I have i n v i t e d you that you may a l l partake of a l i t t l e of t h i s " , and he taps the youth on the temples. Elxabae does, not survive t h i s f r i e n d l y gesture. He i s at once carved up by the "carver of man's f l e s h " . Meanwhile the host makes a speech i n which he exp l a i n s how Elxabae attacked him by the r i v e r when he was v i s i t i n g h i s (the bear's) salmon t r a p , and how he f o r e s t a l l e d him i n the nick of time by throwing h i s spear away. The meal i s then d i s t r i b u t e d among the guests, and when the animals have a l l eaten they go home again. The wolf i s the f i r s t to f e e l qualms about what they have done. He t e l l s the others that he f e e l s sorry about the p r e t t y young f e l l o w and suggests they go to a place near the bear's house and vomit him up. The animals a l l f e e l the same, and so i t comes about that s i t t i n g together the black bear vomits what he has eaten f i r s t , then the wolf, the wolverine, the deer, the e l k , and so on i n proper order. The wolf puts the pieces of f l e s h together and s p r i n k l e s the water of l i f e on them. Elxabae comes back to l i f e at once. The wolf advises him to go back to his l a t e host, the g r i z z l y , who, impressed by his powers of r e v i v a l , w i l l welcome him and i n v i t e him to a d i v i n g c o n t e s t . Elxabae i s to pretend that the bear spends hardly any time under water. This w i l l make the bear angry, and he w i l l d i v e longer and longer. At the f o u r t h and longest dive Elxabae i s to grab the mask the bear has taken o f f and run f o r h i s l i f e . Everything happens as planned. The g r i z z l y takes h i s mask o f f before going i n t o the water, and Elxabae t r i c k s him i n t o s t a y i n g under so long that he can p i c k up the mask, swing i t on his shoulder and make f o r home. He has almost reached h i s f a t h e r ' s house when 404. he hears the growling of many g r i z z l i e s behind him. He has j u s t time to ask h i s mother to c a l l a l l t h e i r people i n t o the house, and bar the door, when the g r i z z l i e s a r r i v e . The c h i e f of the g r i z z l i e s begs the youth through h i s speaker to r e t u r n the food-o b t a i n i n g mask to him. But the people i n the house respond with the war cry'and the g r i z z l i e s are f r i g h t e n e d . Then the c h i e f g r i z z l y speaks himself: "• f r i e n d Elxabae! Bring my food-o b t a i n i n g mask here. You s h a l l t r y to i m i t a t e me when you have your winter dance. Your name s h a l l be Great G r i z z l y Bear. And that i s the same as my g r i z z l y - b e a r mask when i t i s used. That means also that you w i l l be r i c h i n food, f o r I s h a l l always be near you". At t h i s Elxabae returns the mask to the g r i z z l y bear. (Boas S Hunt, 1905: 25--3B) Li k e any hunting myth Elxabae begins w i t h a journey to the world of the animals. Here, as i n the hunting myths, animals are people: they l i v e i n houses, have a c h i e f and cel e b r a t e f e a s t s . But i n contrast to the s t o r i e s we are f a m i l i a r with the animals do not o f f e r themselves as food to teach the hero the r i g h t r e l a t i o n s h i p between men and them. Instead they eat the "animal" that has come to them, captured by t h e i r c h i e f . The tone of d e l i g h t e d irony cannot be missed. The story i s a parody of the r i g h t r e l a t i o n s so c a r e f u l l y b u i l t up i n mythology elsewhere. In a sense i t can be s a i d to p i c k up where the second move of the hunting myth begins, that i s with a r e v e r s a l of r o l e s . -Elxabae (and h i s fellow-tribesmen) has every i n t e n t i o n to be a hunter and eater of animals. But he becomes the game of the bear, and the food even of creatures as gently herbivorous as deer' and e l k . The st o r y i s making the point that i n t h i s reversed world a l l the animals are teeth barers, a l l of them are carnivorous ( j u s t as i n the r e a l world a l l men are hunters, because they a l l eat animals). Such a s i t u a t i o n of r e v e r s a l i s often met with i n mythologies that make a d i s t i n c t i o n between myth time and r e a l time. In myth time animals hunted men. This allows men i n r e a l time to be hunters of animals. I f the r e v e r s a l has been projected i n t o the past i n t h i s way, the g u i l t over hunting i s appeased beforehand. In contrast to t h i s p a t t e r n , Kwakiutl thought i s l i t t l e concerned with a n t i c i p a t o r y 405. excuse, but very much concerned with a c t u a l expiation-.'; For Kwakiutl the r e v e r s a l takes place with the change from Summer to Winter, and the problem of g u i l t has to be faced f r e s h l y w i t h i n the c y c l e of every year. This pattern i s r e f l e c t e d i n t h e i r mythology. Elxabae i s set i n r e a l time, and the r e s o l u t i o n of the hunting problem i s found i n i t s i n i t i a t i o n s t r u c t u r e . The armature, though very simple, i s unusually f i n e as b e f i t s a f i n e myth. I t uses the three main features of l o c a l t e r r a i n to place the main events: v i l l a g e , r i v e r , mountain [or f o r e s t — t h e - two are synonymous). The n a r r a t o r has a p e r f e c t l y c h i a s t i c s t r u c t u r e to hand to remind him how to deploy and order h i s m a t e r i a l . The t r a c k of the hero's journey i s : village+river^mountain—mountain+river-n/illage or, d i a g r a m a t i c a l l y , as i t i s an upward journey from the v i l l a g e on the i n l e t to the r i v e r , and from the r i v e r to the bear's den: FIGURE 8 v i l l a g e v i l l a g e Each point corresponds to the other i n an i n v e r s i o n . The lower points are f u r t h e r apart; the two points at.;the peak are so c l o s e as to be almost one. For b r e v i t y ' s sake I s h a l l f o r m a l i s e my d e s c r i p t i o n of what takes place at these p o i n t s , denoting with an A the point on the upward journey, an A^ the same point on the journey down. 1) V i l l a g e Events i n the v i l l a g e make up the frame of the s t o r y . The "before" and " a f t e r " s i t u a t i o n s of t h i s frame should define what the story i s about. 406. V i l l a g e A (a) c o l l e c t i v e : Famine. The people ask t h e i r c h i e f f o r help. V i l l a g e A (a) c o l l e c t i v e : The people help t h e i r c h i e f . Through Elxabae's prowess t h e i r s i t u a t i o n w i l l be one of p l e n t y . They al s o gain the bear r i t u a l . (b:). i n d i v i d u a l : Elxabae has supernatural power added to h i s merely human s k i l l . He i s a dancer; he can provide f o r his people. 2) R i v e r . Judged by the length of the d e s c r i p t i o n and the care l a v i s h e d on i t the r i v e r i s the most important place i n the s t o r y . The making of the salmon trap i s described i n d e t a i l : f i r s t Elxabae's f i t n e s s f o r the task (he has l e a r n t h i s s k i l l from h i s f a t h e r ) ; the m a t e r i a l s he uses, the journeys he makes to get i t , the weaving of the basket, the journeys to and f r o , the mending of the destroyed basket. .Almost equal care i s l a v i s h e d on the d i v i n g scene which describes the power of the bear's long breath and Elxabae's cheating. R i v e r A (a) B u i l d i n g of salmon t r a p . Technical s k i l l of Elxabae. '•They have no bear r i t u a l . ) (b) i n d i v i d u a l : Elxabae has t e c h n i c a l knowledge and s k i l l with which he i s to reverse s i t u a t i o n of famine. (b) T r i c k played by bear. Theft of s a l mon (food)• Bear defeats Elxabae. (c) Elxabae's t e c h n i c a l s k i l l i s of no a v a i l . R i v e r A 1 (a) Diving contest. Natural s k i l l of bear. (b) T r i c k played by Elxabae. Theft of food-obtaining mask. Elxabae defeats bear. (c) Elxabae's v i c t o r y i n the medicine f i g h t gives him power. 407. 3) ' Mountain. The two p o i n t s here are the house of the g r i z z l y , c h i e f of the animals, and the place near his house where the animals assemble a f t e r the f e a s t . S t r u c t u r a l l y they can be considered as one: the point of p e r i p e t e i a ; death and r e s u r r e c t i o n of the hero. Mountain A Elxabae i s k i l l e d , cut i n pieces and eaten. Mountain A^ Elxabae i s vomited, pieced together and r e s u s c i t a t e d . The core episode has t h e r e f o r e i t s e l f two parts which are r e v e r s a l s of one another. The episode i s not a t e s t as i t i s i n the f u l l y developed i n i t i a t i o n myth (Elxabae passes a t e s t when he s u c c e s s f u l l y t r i c k s the bear by the r i v e r , and t h i s t e s t i s symmetrically arranged to balance, the bear's t r i c k i n g him out of h i s salmon). I t i s s u r e l y meant to be some-t h i n g e l s e that has not immediately to do w i t h the hero as a person: i t i s meant to bring the hunting r i t u a l and the i n i t i a t i o n r i t u a l together to show t h e i r i n t e r - r e l a t i o n s h i p . The scene i n the mountains i s at the same time a t a k e - o f f of a human hunting f e s t i v a l , the mockery d i r e c t e d against the l i s t e n e r s , and an orthodox account of an i n i t i a t i o n . The f i r s t comparison that comes to mind i s the s e a l f e a s t I have described i n the l a s t chapter. The hunter, here the c h i e f himself, returns with an important bag. He c a l l s his people together f o r a f e a s t at which the "animal" i s cut up by a p r o f e s s i o n a l c a r v e r , and d i s t r i b u t e d to the guests according to rank. In other words, the animals are "remembering" t h e i r s o c i e t y by dismembering a man. And because t h i s i s myth, not r e a l i t y , they can do something even b e t t e r : instead of j u s t remembering the "animal" as i t has been, i n t h e i r minds, they can l i t e r -a l l y re-member him, vomiting up the pieces i n t h e i r proper order, accord-ing to rank, and p u t t i n g them together again. The second, and most obvious comparison i s with the welcoming r i t u a l 408. f o r the animals. As i s appropriate, the r i t u a l that i s enacted has an accompanying myth. The myth i s without any doubt that of the "animal" as hero (though a man makes such a h i l a r i o u s l y bad hero). Elxabae i s greeted as a guest who has come from another world, and a f e a s t i s arran-ged f o r him. He i s then cut up and eaten i n a communal meal at which he i s the ( u n w i l l i n g ) host. F i n a l l y he i s revived ( i n a somewhat unorthodox manner) from h i s "remains" and sent home. The most i r o n i c touch i s that i n the exact place where remorse i s expressed i n the salmon or bear r i t u a l s over having to k i l l the animal, the g r i z z l y bear ex p l a i n s that he had to k i l l i n se l f - d e f e n c e because Elxabae t r i e d to spear him. The i n i t i a t i o n myth runs p a r a l l e l to t h i s t a k e - o f f of the myth of the animal as hero. A l l that i s needed i s a s h i f t from the animals' to the human point of view. From the human point of view, the animals' communal, meal i s a r i t u a l dismemberment of the i n i t i a t e . Man has given up h i s r o l e as hunter, and i s p a s s i v e l y given over to the c a n n i b a l i s t i c animals. Having been ingested by them he has "gone through" and emerges a new man. His regeneration should make a man of power of Elxabae and i t i s indeed followed by a medicine f i g h t in"which he defeats a supernatural being. The tr e a s u r e he gains has then f i r s t of a l l the s p i r i t u a l s i g n i f i -cance of marking h i s having "gone through", of h i s having, by being passive at the r i g h t moment, achieved a greater than ordinary power of being a c t i v e , of being able to "act f r e e l y " . But the v i s i b l e form the . trea s u r e takes shows c l e a r l y t h a t a c t i n g f r e e l y i s seen here i n terms of hunting, that i s seen i n terms of the i n i t i a t e ' s r e l a t i o n to animals before i t i s seen in-terms of his r e l a t i o n to men. The g r i z z l y ' s "mask" i s , of course, his animal form. In t a k i n g his mask, Elxabae has meta-p h o r i c a l l y k i l l e d him, and can now ask f o r h i s power, as the hunter who has k i l l e d an animal can. The bear's power i s h i s a b i l i t y to get food. 4D9. hence the name "food-obtaining mask". Bears were e s p e c i a l l y admired by the Kwakiutl f o r t h e i r s k i l l i n catching salmon. We must remember that Elxabae set out o r i g i n a l l y to put an end to the famine i n the v i l l a g e by catching salmon. The g r i z z l y proved a b e t t e r fisherman then. When he promises Elxabae however, at the end of the s t o r y , that he w i l l be h i s guardian s p i r i t and that t h i s means he w i l l be " r i c h i n food", Elxabae obtains what the Kwakiutl bear hunter asks when he prays to the bear: "Thank you, f r i e n d , that you d i d not make me walk about i n v a i n . Now you have come to take mercy on me, so that I obtain game, that I may i n h e r i t your power of g e t t i n g e a s i l y with your hands the salmon that you catch. Now I w i l l press my r i g h t hand against your l e f t hand" says the man as he takes hold of the l e f t paw of the bear. He says "D f r i e n d , now we press together our working hands that you may give over to me your power of g e t t i n g everything e a s i l y with your hands, f r i e n d . " (Boas 1930: 193--4) The great i n s i s t e n c e on the bear's hands i n the prayer remainds one of the d e t a i l e d care with which the myth described Elxabae's handiwork, the making of the salmon t r a p . In the myth Elxabae has to add to the t e c h n i c a l s k i l l of h i s hands the "supernatural s k i l l " or power of the bear. He does t h i s by becoming an i n i t i a t e , which means f i r s t of a l l l o s i n g his s k i l l and becoming pas s i v e . Through the r i t u a l he becomes then a " f u l l man", equal to the bear. (b) Baxbakualanuxsiwa: the hunters' hunter as food With the second myth, Baxbakualanuxsiwa, we are t u r n i n g away from the preoccupation wit h hunting and food, at l e a s t on a r e a l i s t i c and moral l e v e l . The s t o r y i s not concerned w i t h the r e l a t i o n to animals any more but with s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s , a point that i s made at the outset, because, while the f i r s t s t o r y s t a r t e d with a lack of food the second one s t a r t s with a lack of men. The members of a t r i b e are disappearing one by one, and at the point where the s t o r y begins only one couple With t h e i r three 410. grown-up sons are l e f t . In s p i t e of t h i s d i f f e r e n t o r i e n t a t i o n , however, the imagery of the myth i s taken from hunting and food-preparation to such an extent that one can say that t h i s i s the dominant theme. As I have pointed out, however, the theme has become metaphorical here, that i s , the hunting and preparing of food t h a t i s going on point to something e l s e , beyond themselves. They point to a p s y c h o l o g i c a l t r a n s f o r m a t i o n . The story i s about the gaining of the cannibal r i t u a l , and the point i t seems to make i s that before they had the r i t u a l men were forced to l i v e i n a s o r t of bad dream whose events they could not c o n t r o l . With the g a i n i n g of the r i t u a l they learn to l i v e i n r e a l i t y , which turns out to be a f a c i n g on t h e i r own account that which has held them i n a s p e l l of t e r r o r before. Baxbakualanuxsiwa, or Cannibal at North End of the World, as our myth t r a n s l a t e s the name, i s the p r e s i d i n g s p i r i t of the Kwakiutl winter r i t u a l . The name i n d i c a t e s a being who l i v e s at the lowest point of the world, downstream, because the ocean i s a r i v e r f l o w i n g North. L i t e r a l l y t r a n s -l a t e d h i s name means i n f a c t : he who f i r s t ate man at the mouth of the r i v e r . The r i v e r i s the ocean, i t s mouth the point where i t pours through a hole i n t o the underworld. The Cannibal i s t h e r e f o r e a guandian at the gate of death, or the gate or mouth of death himself. In our s t o r y , how-ever, his house i s i n the mountains, and he i s a hunter who scours the f o r e s t i n search of h i s prey, men. In h i s animal appearance he i s a kind of monstrous b i r d bf prey, who l i v e s at the top of the mountain and swoops down on h i s v i c t i m s . In s p i t e of the apparent c l a s h , there i s no r e a l c o n t r a d i c t i o n between the l o c a t i o n h i s name connotes and the l o c a t i o n the myth e x p l i c i t l y gives him, because his house i s that "centre of the world" where up and down make no sense, and above and below are the same. What i s important i n our context i s that as a d w e l l e r i n the mountains and 4 1 1 . f o r e s t s and a hunter of men he i s c l e a r l y r e l a t e d to the animals we met i n the l a s t s t o r y . The bear's house was another such "centre of the world", and the transforming power of the c a n n i b a l i s t i c animals derived from being part of t h i s centre. The i n i t i a t i n g s p i r t s of the Kwakiutl were i n f a c t h i s t o r i c a l l y mainly animals, l i k e the Bear and the Wolf of that s t o r y . The Cannibal as the dominating f i g u r e of the winter dance was an importation from the extreme North of Kwakiutl t e r r i r o t y . With the d i f f u s i o n of the r i t u a l South i n h i s t o r i c a l times, and the v e r i t a b l e f a s h i o n that s t a r t e d f o r the Cannibal, Baxbakualanuxsiwa became the main i n i t i a t i n g • s p i r t of the Kwakiutl. A new mythology grew up around h i s f i g u r e . In h i s review of Locher's Serpent i n Kwakiutl R e l i g i o n Boas uses the example of the recent i n t r o d u c t i o n of the cannibal myths to argue against 1 any attempt to systematize mythologies. He w r i t e s : My accounts of personal reminiscences of the Kwakiutl go back approximately to 1850 and a number of e a r l i e r dates are w e l l a u t h e n t i c a t e d , so that many d e t a i l s of t h e i r h i s t o r y can be traced back to the beginning of the 19th century. I conclude from these reports that the complete c y c l e of the cannibal myths did not penetrate i n t o Kwakiutl mythology before the f i r s t h a l f of the 19th century, and t h a t the r e l a t e d r i t u a l has been i n t r o -duced piecemeal as a r e s u l t of i n t e r m a r r i a g e with the northern t r i b e s . Even at the present time the scene of the p r i n c i p a l myth of t h i s c y c l e i s l a i d i n R i v e r s I n l e t , outside of Kwakiutl t e r r i t o r y , and the myth i s narrated as belonging to one of the s u b s i d i a r y groups of that t r i b e . The countless s t o r i e s i n which the cannibal s p i r i t has been s u b s t i t u t e d f o r wolves, bears and other creatures which b r i n g supernatural g i f t s are obviously new i n v e n t i o n s to prove the r i g h t s of other groups to the h i g h l y esteemed r i t u a l . (1940: 448) Yet the argument could be turned around. That the mythological f i g u r e of Baxbakualanuxsiwa was accepted so eagerly and h i s r i t u a l so h i g h l y esteemed may be due to the f a c t that he f i t t e d i n t o an e x i s t i n g system, and that he sharpened some po i n t s of that system i n a way that was congenial to the p r e v a i l i n g c l i m a t e of thought. That i s e x a c t l y what I t h i n k happened when the cannibal s p i r i t was s u b s t i t u t e d f o r the wolves and bears Boas mentions. Boas c h a r a c t e r i s e s these creatures as br i n g e r s of supernatural g i f t s , but does not mention t h a t they are a l s o man-eaters. The g i f t c i s e s s e n t i a l l y the g i f t of new l i f e . I t cannot be gained w i t h -out dying f i r s t . To be eaten means "going through" a supernatural being, and through the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n r e c e i v i n g t h e i r power. Boas has t h e r e f o r e overlooked that the change of f a s h i o n t h a t made the Cannibal replace the animals as an i n i t i a t i n g s p i r i t does not represent a change of p r i n c i p l e , but on- the contrary represents a considerable sharpening of the p r i n c i p l e . The animals as i n i t i a t i n g s p i r i t s appear as eaters of men i n c o n t r a d i s t i n c t i o n to t h e i r normal r o l e , which i s to be food f o r men. This i s true of at l e a s t some of them. In the Cannibal the connec-t i o n with r e a l l i f e i s severed, and the e s s e n t i a l point taken hold, of: tha t man the hunter and eater i s t o be turned i n t o the hunted and eaten. Where the animals' double nature makes them u s u a l l y m i l d , and hunters and eaters of men only e x t r a o r d i n a r i l y , the Cannibal i s completely w i l d and nothing but a hunter and eater of men. In one of h i s forms he i s des-c r i b e d as " a l l mouths", or covered with thousands of mouths, through which the wind w h i s t l e s . His cry i s hap, which means hunger, eating.. (The name of the cannibal dancer i n the r i t u a l , hamatsa, means e a t e r ) . With t h i s c ry he scours the woods, l o o k i n g f o r h i s food, men. He t r e a t s humans as they t r e a t animals. I ab s t r a c t from the f a m i l y h i s t o r y of the 2 same name i n Ethnology of the Kwakiutl. Baxbakualanuxsiwa The Somxolidex were a happy people because t h e i r t r i b e was so numerous. At that time they had only a minor ceremonial, not the great winter r i t u a l . Suddenly the people began to disappear when they went i n l a n d , u n t i l f i n a l l y only one f a m i l y with three sons i s l e f t . The boys are mountain goat hunters; t h e i r s i s t e r has disappeared when she was i n i s o l a t i o n f o r her f i r s t p e riod. The boys decide to look f o r the l o s t people of t h e i r t r i b e . On t h e i r way through the f o r e s t they meet an o l d woman who warns them: 413. "Beware of the one who i s k i l l i n g your tribesmen, c h i l d r e n . Don't go near the house whose smoke looks l i k e blood, which looks l i k e the rainbow. I t i s the house of Cannibal-at-North-End-of-World. And don't go'-.to the house with black smoke. I t i s the house of G r i z z l y Bear and he w i l l hurt you. Go to the house with the white smoke, f o r t h a t i s the house of Mountain Goat." She gives them magic objects that w i l l t u rn i n t o obstacles i n the way of a pursuer i f thrown over t h e i r shoulders. The brothers go on and f i n d the house she has warned them ag a i n s t . Their s i s t e r s i t s i n the house w i t h a l i t t l e boy. The c h i l d c r i e s f o r the blood he sees t r i c k l i n g from a s c r a t c h on one of the brothers' l e g s . The s i s t e r asks her brother to scrape some of i t o f f w i t h a s t i c k and give i t to the c h i l d . The l i t t l e boy i s quiet as soon as he has the blood to l i c k . Behind them i n the large house the brothers see the bodies of t h e i r tribesmen hanging up to dry over the f i r e . They escape from the house with the excuse that they have to f e t c h t h e i r arrows, and run f o r home. Behind them they hear t h e i r s i s t e r c a l l i n g out: "Cannibal-at-North-End-of-World! Meat came to you! Come back, Cannibal-at-North-End-of-World! The game that came to your house i s going home!" Immediately the cry of the Cannibal i s heard, hap, hap, hunger, hunger. He pursues the boys, but with the help of the o l d woman's magical g i f t s they outrun him. They reach home, and have j u s t time to t i e a cedar bark rope around the house and t e l l t h e i r parents of t h e i r experiences, when the Cannibal i s heard on the roof of t h e i r house. He takes out a roof board and begins to come i n head f i r s t . The f a t h e r remains impeccably p o l i t e : "Oh son-in-law, Cannibal-at-North-End-of-World. Don't be i n a hurry. Come i n the morning with your wife and my grandson, and you s h a l l have my three sons to eat. Meanwhile, go away f o r a l i t t l e w h i l e . " The Cannibal i s content and leaves. During the night the f a m i l y prepares a trap f o r him. They d i g a p i t i n the f l o o r of the house, l i n e the bottom with stones and l i g h t a f i r e i n i t . They cut boards the s i z e of the p i t , and stack them near i t . F i n a l l y they k i l l three dogs, take out t h e i r i n t e s t i n e s and bury t h e i r bodies. At d a y l i g h t they cover up the p i t i n which a f i r e has been burning a l l n i g h t . Close to i t they place a settee covered with two new mats. The boys l i e down on boards s t a r k naked, with the f r e s h dogs' i n t e s t i n e s c o i l e d on t h e i r middles. They have hardly had time to arrange themselves when the cannibal cry i s heard outside and the Cannibal enters with h i s wife and l i t t l e son. He sees the naked bodies and wants to rush to eat them, but the f a t h e r r e s t r a i n s him: "don't, son-in-law. We don't behave l i k e that when we are i n v i t e d . Come and s i t down." The Cannibal s i t s down with h i s l i t t l e boy on one of the mats on the s e t t e e , w hile his w i f e s i t s on the other. "Now I s h a l l t e l l you a s t o r y " , begins the f a t h e r . "We always t e l l our guests a story f i r s t . What s t o r y s h a l l I t e l l you, my grandchildren? Maybe i t w i l l be t h i s about the one who walked about under the trees of the mountain with a cloud hanging h a l f way up on i t . " The Cannibal begins to snore. His wife and c h i l d are a l s o asleep. The men l i f t the mat on which the Cannibal i s r e c l i n i n g w i t h h i s l i t t l e boy, and throw them i n t o the p i t with the red-hot stones. The mother covers the p i t q u i c k l y with the heavy boards. For a long time the voice of the Cannibal i s heard from the p i t c r y i n g hap. When a l l i s f i n a l l y q u i e t the f a t h e r removes the boards and waves a large hat i n the p i t . Fine ashes r i s e i n a cloud, and he says: "You s h a l l 414. be the mosquitoes of l a t e r generations." The daughter wakes up, and i s angry at f i r s t to f i n d her husband and c h i l d k i l l e d . But when her mother speaks sharply to her: "Look at your brothers! They almost d i d not escape when they were hunted by your husband!" she comes to her senses. In the morning she guides the others to the Cannibal's house by a secret path. Her f a t h e r almost f a i n t s when he sees the bodies of h i s tribesmen hanging over the f i r e to dry. But h i s daughter has them taken down and l a i d out, and brings her f a t h e r the bladder of a mountain goat, f i l l e d with l i q u i d , and says: "Now s p r i n k l e the water of l i f e over our tribesmen." When the water of l i f e touches the d r i e d bodies the people s i t up and rub t h e i r eyes as i f they had been asleep. They do not know what happened to them, and know nothing about Cannibal-at-North-End-of-the-World to whose house they had been taken. Now the t r i b e i s complete again and everyone i s very happy. They gather the t r e a s u -res of the Cannibal's house, h i s red cedar bark, masks and other dancing paraphernalia, his cured skins and d r i e d meat of mountain goats. The g i r l leads them home, and at home t e l l s her f a t h e r that he must now give a winter dance. She w i l l guide him i n everything he needs to know. She and her three brothers w i l l disappear i n t o the woods as cannibal dancers. A f t e r f o u r months they w i l l have to be captured again. Then the dance w i l l begin i n the v i l l a g e , where her f a t h e r ' s house i s to be ceremonial house f o r the dancers. (Hunt attaches a diagram, showing the house with the sacred rooms of the dancers, the "house of Baxbakualanuxsiwa".) The t r i b e agree to c e l e b r a t e the winter dance, and two more women are s e l e c t e d , so that three female and three male dancers "disappear" when the time comes. When they are captured and brought back to the v i l l a g e a f t e r f o u r months they have become man-eaters. Tamers and healing dancers accompany them t o "press down" t h e i r rage. The account ends w i t h a d e t a i l e d d e s c r i p t i o n of the dances, paraphernalia and customs of the winter r i t u a l . (Boas 1921: 1222-1248) The e s s e n t i a l point of Baxbakualanuxsiwa i s the d i f f e r e n c e between the s t a t e of a f f a i r s at the beginning of the s t o r y and the s t a t e of -c a f f a i r s at the end. In t h i s Baxbakualanuxsiwa i s an unusually good example of that large c l a s s Greimas has c a l l e d dramatic n a r r a t i v e s , a l l of which aire dichotomised, according to him, i n t o a before versus an a f t e r . 3 European f a i r y t a l e s are t y p i c a l of t h i s c l a s s . We do not want to pause here over c r o s s - c u l t u r a l comparisons, but i t i s evident that Baxbakualan-uxsiwa f i t s i n with patterns discovered by students of the c l a s s i c a l f a i r y t a l e , e s p e c i a l l y Propp and Meletinsky. I f beginning and end are of such importance i n t h i s s t o r y , then Baxbakualanuxsiwa must be e s s e n t i a l l y the story of a s o c i e t y . The back-415. ground shows us the people: happy, because they are a large group, pursu-in g t h e i r tasks which often lead them i n l a n d , i n possession of a minor r i t u a l . Against t h i s background develops the dramatic n a r r a t i v e of the disappearance of the whole group. At the end the people are again numerous and presumably happy; we leave them c e l e b r a t i n g the winter dance they have gained. The questions we have to ask ourselves i n such a con-t e x t are c l e a r l y : what happens to these people i n the i n t e r i m , how are they changed? Or: what c h a r a c t e r i s e s them before and a f t e r ? In what way i s the s o c i e t y d i f f e r e n t a f t e r the a c q u i s i t i o n of the winter dance? •ne might say that the beginning shows the s o c i e t y i n i t s " n a t u r a l " s t a t e . This can be taken to be the s e c u l a r s t a t e of the Summer, though the story p r o j e c t s i t i n t o the h i s t o r i c a l past and i t becomes the s t a t e i n which they d i d not yet have the winter r i t u a l . In t h i s normal s t a t e the people f o l l o w t h e i r occupations, that i s to say they go i n l a n d to hunt and gather food. -Inland means mountains and f o r e s t , the world of the animals, which i s a l s o the world of the s p i r i t s . The three houses the o l d woman mentions to the boys c h a r a c t e r i s e t h i s world: the house of Mountain Goat i s r e l a t i v e l y harmless; Mountain Goat i s presumably a "master of mountain goats", the r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the species which i n t h i s area i s the main game of the hunter. The house of Bear i s dangerous: Bear i s an animal, but i n the " w i l d " form of a man-eating a n i m a l - s p i r i t . The house of the Cannibal-at-North-End-of-World i s where the tribesmen have disappeared t o : the Cannibal i s not an animal at a l l any more but purely a s p i r i t , anthro-pomorphic, amorphic or of changeable form, an eater and i n i t i a t o r of men. I t i s the l a s t house the heroes go t o , and i t i s only the Cannibal we have to do w i t h i n the s t o r y ; i n other words the problems of the hunting myth are l e f t behind. Yet the beginning of the story suggests that the " n a t u r a l " s t a t e of s o c i e t y , when men go i n l a n d t o hunt and gather food, 416. i s overshadowed by a f e a r of r e t r i b u t i o n , a f e a r of r e v e r s a l which means that the hunters and gatherers of food may be hunted and gathered as food. The f e a r i s given form at the beginning of the dramatic n a r r a t i v e , when people suddenly disappear when they go i n l a n d . The end of the s t o r y should t h e r e f o r e l o g i c a l l y be an overcoming of that f e a r ; not a " n a t u r a l " s t a t e but a s t a t e i n some way hallowed so that people are safe. The question, then, i s how the a c q u i s i t i o n of the winter r i t u a l can lead to such a s t a t e . I f we can answer i t i t w i l l be c l e a r that the story rep-resents indeed a t r a n s i t i o n , even mediation between the problems of the Summer and those of the Winter. The armature of Baxbakualanuxsiwa i s of a p e c u l i a r kind. I t f o l l o w s the pattern of the i n i t i a t i o n s t ory--the hero leaves the v i l l a g e , goes to the house of the s p i r i t i n the f o r e s t , and returns home with a t r e a s u r e - -but i t repeats t h i s pattern with v a r i a t i o n s three times. I t i s a l s o d i f f e r e n t i n that the p e r i p e t e i a takes place not i n the house of the s p i r i t but i n the v i l l a g e . Nor i s t h i s episode, i n which the fortunes of the heroes t u r n , given a c e n t r a l p o s i t i o n i n the formal scheme. The c e n t r a l p o s i t i o n i s given to the r e v i v a l of the tribesmen and g a i n i n g of the w i n t e r r i t u a l . This i n i t s e l f shows the importance given to s o c i e t y i n t h i s s t o r y , though on the face of i t i t i s a s t o r y of the adventures of the three b r o t h e r s . I s h a l l i n the f o l l o w i n g give again a somewhat forma-l i s e d account, which i s meant to do no more than show the main elements of the s t o r y i n t h e i r r e l a t i o n . The framework of the myth can be examined from two points of view, a s p a t i a l and a temporal one. S p a t i a l l y the framework i s made up by two s o l i d p o i n t s - - t h e f a t h e r ' s house i n the v i l l a g e and the Cannibal's house i n the forest--and the l i n e s that run between them. Seen temporally, i t i s d i v i d e d i n t o three phases: the period when people disappear and the 417. existence of the t r i b e i s threatened; the period when people are revived and r e t u r n and the t r i b e i s r e s t o r e d ; and the period when the t r i b e c e l e -brates the winter dance. Each phase takes shape as a journey. The journey i s the concept i n which space and time meet. The f i r s t might be c a l l e d a journey i n t o the unknown. The existence of the Cannibal i s not known yet, the people who are snatched by him do not know where they are taken or what i s happening to them, the people who go out to look f o r them do not know what they are up a g a i n s t . R e a l i t y has the q u a l i t y of a nightmare i n t h i s p e r i o d . The second journey i s to what i s known, and i s e n t i r e l y happy: the s i s t e r leads the way, the brothers already know what sig h t to expect i n the Cannibal's house and the parent's i n i t i a l horror i s q u i c k l y overcome by the r e v i v a l of t h e i r tribesmen. The t h i r d journey i s of a d i f f e r e n t kind a l t o g e t h e r . I t i s only i m p l i e d i n the myth, and i s a journey of the mind. A l l the myth t e l l s us i s that the i n i t i a t e s f o r the cannibal dance disappear i n t o the f o r e s t f o r f o u r months. Yet what i s i m p l i e d and what can be supplied by everyone i n the c u l t u r e i s that the i s o l a t i o n of the c a n n i b a l i n i t i a t e s means a v i s i t to the Cannibal's house, where they are k i l l e d , eaten and revived again. The i n i t i a t e s t h e r e f o r e -experience, on a d i f f e r e n t l e v e l , what the whole t r i b e experienced i n the e a r l i e r part of the s t o r y . In f a c t the story of the tribesmen who were hung l i k e s p l i t salmon i n the smoke of the Cannibal's f i r e , of the boys who were almost eaten by the Cannibal and of the g i r l who married the Cannibal, i t s e l f s u pplies the dancers with t h e i r experience. I t c o n s i s t s of the i n i t i a t i o n theme with v a r i a t i o n s , and the n a r r a t o r does not need to repeat i t . The f i r s t and t h i r d journey are t h e r e f o r e connected as a going i n t o death, or a v a r i a t i o n of i t . Formally the s t o r y s t resses t h i s connection through the word "disappear". In the beginning of the story the tribesmen suddenly disappear. The same word i s used t e c h n i c a l l y 4 IB. i n the winter dance: the i n i t i a t e s "disappear" when they go i n t o i s o l a -t i o n . The meaning of the story c r y s t a l l i z e s around these two uses of "disappear". The f i r s t disappearance i s i n v o l u n t a r y and q u i t e h e l p l e s s : people are simply the prey of the Cannibal. The second disappearance i s voluntary and i n f u l l knowledge: the i n i t i a t e s are s t i l l the Cannibal's prey but they choose to submit to him f o r the sake of the g i f t of new l i f e . The mediating l i n k between the i n v o l u n t a r y experience of the t r i b e s -men and the voluntary experience' of the i n i t i a t e s i s - the adventures of the brothers, which are n e i t h e r voluntary nor i n v o l u n t a r y . The brothers escape i n i t i a l l y thanks to the g i f t s of the powerful o ld woman, but t h e i r t r u e escape, and t h e i r defeat of the Cannibal i s due to t r i c k e r y . The t r i c k seems to be conceptually the mediating term between the i n v o l u n t a r y [ i . e . experience that i s fo r c e d on one) and the voluntary (experience one chooses) i n Kwakiutl thought, and perhaps i n a r c h a i c thought g e n e r a l l y . I t has something of both_: i t i s used because one i s i n a spot i n which one would not choose to be. And i t i s an a c t i v e shaping of events, a making of the experience r a t h e r than s u f f e r i n g an old form of i t . One could t h e r e f o r e say that t r i c k e r y (the l i e , d e c e i t ) are a preform of the voluntary as i t i s shown i n the i n i t i a t i o n r i t u a l . In Kwakiutl mythology the t r i c k s t e r and transformer t a l e s stand midway between myth time and r e a l time as the KwaKiutl see i t . Real time t a l e s are t a l e s of human e f f o r t , o f t e n t a l e s of s p i r i t quests which centre on a t e s t o r t e s t s . The t r i c K , which changes the myth world to the r e a l world preceded the development of human beings. In BaxbaKualanuxsiwa we have a s i m i l a r s i t u a t i o n on a small s c a l e . The nightmare world i n which people are hun-ted by monsters whom they don't Know and cannot f i g h t , and eaten by them, i s a sort of myth time. The monster i s caught by a t r i c K i n which he i s lured by food which he i s prevented from e a t i n g . He i s f i n a l l y himself "cooked" to cinders and turned from giant s i z e i n t o the t i n y mosquito, (a bloodsucker the Kwakiutl thought harmless). With t h i s change people 4 reach t h e i r proper scale and r e a l time begins. In r e a l time people go out v o l u n t a r i l y to o f f e r themselves to monsters i n order to gain power. Dn the symbolic l e v e l the whole myth i s held together by images of hunting and e a t i n g . An examination of the images of food preparation r e v e a l s s u r p r i s i n g l y that the methods used i n the Cannibal's house are of a c i v i l i z e d kind, while those used i n the f a t h e r ' s house are of a savage kind. The bodies of the tribesmen are t r e a t e d i n the Cannibal's house by what i s one of the commonest methods of preserving salmon. They are s p l i t and hung up on racks to dry. But though the myth on one l e v e l i n d i c a t e s i n t h i s image that they are dead and have become food f o r the Cannibal, i t i n d i c a t e s simultaneously, on another, that i n t h i s dry s t a t e they are "preserved" and that l i f e e x i s t s as a p o t e n t i a l i t y i n them. The second p o s s i b i l i t y i s v i n d i c a t e d when they are r e s u r r e c t e d by the water of l i f e , which i s a l s o found i n the Cannibal's house. The p a r a l l e l with the Kwakiutl f i r s t salmon r i t u a l can hardly be overlooked: the salmon i s f i r s t blackened over the f i r e , then revived i n the water. But at the same time he i s a l s o dead and eaten; he "goes through" men as the i n i t i a -tes "go through" the Cannibal. The food imagery of the Cannibal's house has, then, a double s i g n i f i c a n c e : as an image of eating and i n g e s t i o n i t points to i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with the s p i r i t and gaining of power; as an image of drying over f i r e and being r e v i v e d with water i t points to a death that leads to new l i f e . Both images belong a l s o t o a r c h a i c European thought, as Onians has pointed out; even the analogy of dead bodies with smoked 5 f i s h can be found i n Homer. In our myth, .the c i v i l i z e d cooking methods that the tribesmen r e c e i v e i n the Cannibal's house f o r e c a s t the treatment the i n i t i a t e s w i l l r e c e i v e there. They too w i l l f i n d l i f e i n death there because the centre of the world i s the place of l i f e i n death and of the transformation of death i n t o l i f e . On the other hand, the methods used i n the f a t h e r ' s house are d i f f e r e n t because the issue i s d i f f e r e n t . Here a mythical monster has to be deprived of i t s power so that men can be safe. When the brothers turn themselves i n t o food f o r the Cannibal they t u r n themselves i n t o food not yet f u l l y prepared f o r e a t i n g . They stop, so to speak, at the c u t t i n g stage, w a i t i n g on t h e i r slabs l i k e cut salmon. The Cannibal i s eager to eat them raw, but i s prevented. The whole scene i s i n the deceptive mode: the brothers pretend to be food not yet cooked, and the Cannibal i s t o l d t o wait f o r food he w i l l never eat. The second cooking method that i s suggested i n the scene i n the f a t h e r ' s house i s steaming i n an earth oven. To prepare food i n t h i s way a p i t i s dug, and l i n e d w i t h stones heated i n the f i r e . The food i s put on the hot stones, and the p i t i s sealed o f f . The food i s however t h i c k l y wrapped i n leaves and water i s poured over i t , so that i t cooks gently i n the steam. The Cannibal i s "cooked" by t h i s method, but i s exposed to too much, heat and deprived of water. The method i s the opposite of that with which the tribesmen are t r e a t e d i n h i s house. They are d r i e d , because they are f a r enough from the f i r e , and as a r e s u l t can be revived by water. He i s burnt, because he i s too c l o s e to the f i r e and deprived of water. He can only r i s e as the almost b o d i l e s s mosquito. On the other hand, the method i s i n a p p o s i t i o n to that with which the brothers were t r e a t e d . The brothers are undercooked: they are raw food, and th e r e f o r e uneatable. The Cannibal i s overcooked: he i s burnt food and th e r e f o r e uneatable. The lesson to be derived from a l l these cooking methods i s a strange one. The brothers return to t h e i r o l d n a t u r a l selves a f t e r t h e i r unsuccessful attempt at t u r n i n g themselves i n t o food; the Cannibal, too, as a mosquito, remains himself, only diminished i n scope 421. and power. The lesson i s undoubtedly that you have to be properly cooked, made eatable, to be twice-born and gain new l i f e . The m a t e r i a l I have brought together so f a r can be summed up with the help of a simple diagram. FIGURE 9 G QJ - P ID CD ^ cn CD CD > - P CD •H - P > CD C T D M C ^ (D T D CD q-> O - H > f-. OJ CD C-. - P ro CD 3 i—I CL - C O - P CD - H Q - 3 LU C O Z D O X C O < CO < LU C O ZD O X < cn < c_> LU T J co O CD Z D O O T 4 - •H X q- . O C - P CD C O C CD - P -•H > (D o CD < CD C D r-1 T D CD 1—1 Q . CD _ D O •H CD PH O < Q _ T U - P C J C O CD O c ro T D U rn •p c ••> " D CD CD —I SH CL O O - P CD cn CL CD CD n •H Si -p c •H T D T D O O O O q- ••> q-J Z O M O • P D + J O C C - H CD cn i—i ( H > to CD In _ D - C T D - H - P C O - P C f-t O (0 m c u T D O O - P c CD q-u a T D r H > , • H - P - C CL U E CD q-O CD • cm CD >i TJ i—I - P i — I CL CL i—i O £ ' r l CD L U . > Q_ 422. Baxbakualanuxsiwa turns on the concept of v o l u n t a r i n e s s . Involun-t a r y disappearance becomes voluntary disappearance; what has been a d i m i n i s h i n g of the t r i b e becomes an e n r i c h i n g of the t r i b e . The mediat-ing t r i c k depends on the brothers t u r n i n g themselves v o l u n t a r i l y i n t o food w i t h the r e s u l t that the Cannibal, who has been the only one a c t i v e so f a r i s turned i n v o l u n t a r i l y i n t o food. The change i n the Cannibal i s only r e l a t i v e to the change i n the people, because he i s a thought-being and changes as they change. I f he turns from a giant to a mosquito he does so because f e a r has been conquered through the courageous ac t i o n s of the l a s t f a m i l y . But more importantly, i f he changes f o r the whole t r i b e from simply a mysterious power that snatches them out of l i f e to a g i v e r of the winter dance, then t h i s i s due to a change i n them from f e a r to courage, ignorance to knowledge and a passive a t t i t u d e to an a c t i v e one. The change i s not worked out i n t h i s story i n terms of the maturation of an i n d i v i d u a l . I t i s not an i n i t i a t i o n s t ory but the s t o r y of the acqui-s i t i o n of the winter dance; that i s , the change concerns a whole t r i b e and u l t i m a t e l y mankind i n the c o s m i c - h i s t o r i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e such myths take. In what terms, then, does the myth see the change of a whole people? The beginning sentences of the myth contain a summing up of the s i t u a t i o n ; they d e f i n e the f e a r and even, by p o i n t i n g to a lack suggest the remedy. " The Somxolidex were always happy because t h e i r number was great. And they used only the lewelaxa ceremonial; they had no winter ceremonial. Suddenly those who went i n l a n d from t h e i r houses disappeared ..." The f e a r i s f o r the s u r v i v a l of the t r i b e . As long as t h e i r numbers are great the Somxolidex w i l l continue as.a u n i t but i f people disappear the t r i b e w i l l disappear. The minor r i t u a l the people c e l e b r a t e i s no safeguard, but the a c q u i s i t i o n of the winter r i t u a l w i l l be. So f a r the myth. Now, we have found that the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the winter r i t u a l which the myth s t r e s s e s i s p r e c i s e l y the disappearing of the i n i t i a t e s . In other words the t r i b e guards i t s safety by i m i t a t i n g i t s p e r i l ; i t s concern i s w i t h i t s u n i t y and wholeness and f o r t h i s reason i t s p l i t s i t s e l f apart and r i s k s a number of i t s young people, so r i s k i n g i t s e l f . The myth a r t i c u l a t e s the r e l i g i o u s paradox about l o s i n g your l i f e i n order to gain i t on a c o l l e c t i v e l e v e l . What " l i f e " can the t r i b e , as a c o l l e c t i v i t y , hope to gain by expos-ing i t s e l f ? The myth gives only an i n d i r e c t answer: i t can hope to be i t s e l f ; not any longer the p l a y t h i n g of unknown forces greater than i t s e l f but conscious, i n command, and i n possession of the i n i t i a t i v e . The s i t u a t i o n of danger has s h i f t e d from the outside to the i n s i d e ; and i f death means being s u r p r i s e d by the danger and overcome against ones w i l l , l i f e means knowing of i t and meeting i t by one's own choice. The s o c i e t y l i k e the i n d i v i d u a l , defines i t s e l f against i t s own f e a r - - t h e f e a r to which the imagery of the myth has given such v i v i d c o l o u r . The myth focuses on the s o c i e t y and takes l i t t l e account of the i n d i v i d u a l . I t s main question i s : how does the s t a t e of the s o c i e t y d i f f e r a f t e r the a c q u i s i t i o n of the winter r i t u a l ? But i t comes to the same conclusion as other i n i t i a t i o n s t o r i e s . L ike the i n d i v i d u a l the s o c i e t y i t s e l f can only become f r e e , that i s autonomous and independent i f i t can overcome i t s unconsciousness and i t s f e a r . The s h i f t from the outside to the i n s i d e i s made concrete as the a c q u i s i t i o n of the winter r i t u a l , and i t means i n p s y c h o l o g i c a l terms--even i n c o l l e c t i v e p s y c h o l o g i c a l terms-~a s h i f t from a passive to an a c t i v e a t t i t u d e . With the a c q u i s i t i o n of the winter r i t u a l men have moved i n t o an era i n which they are masters of t h e i r own f a t e . And because men never are master of t h e i r f a t e e n t i r e l y , land yet have to labour c o n s t a n t l y to define the small area where such mastery i s p o s s i b l e ) the e t i o l o g i c a l myth of the o r i g i n of the winter r i t u a l i s 424. r e a l l y a myth of the " o r i g i n of the tsetseqa i n the baxus". In baxus l i f e men are bound by n e c e s s i t y , but, as the Kwakiutl say, the tsetseqa i s underneath. From a reading of the t e x t s i t appears that t h i s means that the s t a t e of determination, expressed as baxus contains i n i t s e l f the p o s s i b i l i t y of freedom, which has to be recognised and developed, however, by men themselves. In other words, the Kwakiutl do not conceive baxus and tsetseqa simply as seasons of the year that f o l l o w one another a u t o m a t i c a l l y j r a t h e r , the s o l a r year i s the image i n which the two c o - e x i s t i n g c onditions of the human state are r e f l e c t e d . Baxus l i f e comes -to men by n e c e s s i t y ; the tsetseqa has to be helped to dominance i n i t s own sphere by an e f f o r t on the side of men. (c) Summary To sum up I s h a l l f i r s t r e capituate i n schematic form the problems of baxus l i f e (the problems of the hunting l i f e ) and of the tsetseqa (the problems of c i v i c l i f e ) and the p r i n c i p l e s that connect them. Second I s h a l l look once more at the myths we have examined and ask how they make the p r i n c i p l e s of the t r a n s i t i o n from baxus -to tsetseqa e x p l i c i t . 1) RECAPITULATION OF THE PROBLEMS OF THE BAXUS AND THE TSETSEQA, AND OF THE PRINCIPLES THAT CONNECT THEM. A The problem and i t s s o l u t i o n abstracted I Hunting (a) The c e n t r a l problem of the hunting l i f e : how to escape the revenge of the animals. (b) Conditions of s o l u t i o n : none. J u s t i c e demands a r e v e r s a l that gives the animals an opportunity of revenge. (c) S o l u t i o n : men must emulate the animals' s a c r i f i c i a l a c t , and o f f e r themselves v o l u n t a r i l y as game and food f o r them. In other words the s o l u t i o n l i e s in- a paradox: do v o l u n t a r i l y that which you f e a r . The paradox contains the p o s s i b i l i t y of transformation 425. and t h e r e f o r e of a new s t a t e i n which the dilemma of the o l d s t a t e i s overcome. I n i t i a t i o n (a) The c e n t r a l problem of the c i v i c l i f e : how to build- a s o c i e t y t h a t i s strong from w i t h i n and can withstand- the dangers of d i s i n t e g r a t i o n that threaten i t . (b) Conditions of s o l u t i o n : a s o c i e t y of strong members tha t have each i n d i v i d u a l l y l e a r n t to overcome t h e i r f e a r s and to be inde-pendent and a c t i v e . (c) S o l u t i o n : the s o c i e t y r i s k s i t s e l f by s p l i t t i n g o f f a part of i t s e l f (the i n i t i a t e s ) and sending them to the world of the s p i r i t s . The i n d i v i d u a l i n i t i a t e v o l u n t a r i l y faces death i n the world of the c a n n i b a l i s t i c s p i r i t s . In other words, the s o l u t i o n (played out on a c o l l e c t i v e and i n d i v i d u a l l e v e l ) l i e s here also i n the paradox: do v o l u n t a r i l y - t h a t which you f e a r . The i n i t i a t e - who has managed to overcome his f e a r and to meet--the s p i r i t p a s s i v e l y , returns free and a c t i v e . From t h i s r e s e r v o i r of i n d i v i d u a l i n i t -i a t i v e and courage the s o c i e t y b u i l d s i t s independent strength. The Conceptual Link between I and I I The same act by which the animals are repaid i s a l s o the act t h a t makes men free and enables them to b u i l d a free s o c i e t y . The act of voluntary s a c r i f i c e ensures a double freedom: i n r e l a t i o n - t o the animals- (that i s r e t r o s p e c t i v e l y ) i t discharges- from -the. r e s p o n s i b i l i t y accumulated i n the Summer; i n r e l a t i o n t-o men ( p r o s p e c t i v e l y ) i t ensures the c i v i c l i f e of the Winter. The hallmark of l i f e i n the Winter i s a s o c i e t y made up of free members. The Sources f o r the foregoing a b s t r a c t i o n s To I : Hunting Prayers. .The problem of the hunting l i f e f i n d s d i r e c t expression i n the prayers. They express remorse over k i l l i n g , the hope not to be punished. They j u s t i f y and e x p l a i n human conduct. They also express f e a r of r e p r i s a l . Hunting myths. In the hunting myths the absence of any c o n d i t i o n s of s o l u t i o n s on the l e v e l of baxus l i f e f i n d s expression. They are f o r m a l l y based on a scheme of r e v e r s a l that expresses a sense of automatic and inescapable j u s t i c e . The hunter i s turned i n t o food, the game i n t o hunter. R i t u a l s f o r animals. Though the s o l u t i o n i s not expressed here i t i s i m p l i c i t i n the r e l a t i o n s h i p of p a r i t y that e x i s t s between the f i r s t salmon r i t u a l and the i n i t i a t i o n r i t u a l . The -relation i m p l i e s a scheme of r e v e r s a l , l i k e that of the hunting myth, but u n l i k e the hunting myths' scheme i t contains a r e s o l u t i o n of the dilemma. J u s t i c e i s done and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y discharged—man i s not destroyed but redeemed. To I (a) To I .(b) To I '(c) 426. To I I : I n i t i a t i o n (The f o l l o w i n g sources are beyond the scope of t h i s t h e s i s . They are however f o r m a l l y summed up i n the examination of the i n i t i a t i o n myth i n Chapter 1.) I I Ca-], Cb), Cc] are expressed i n the i n i t i a t i o n myths and. the. i n i t i a t i o n r i t u a l . The myths are t a l e s of transformation. They t e l l - o f the i n i t i a t e - h e r o ' s meeting with the s p i r i t , h i s death, . r e s u s c i t a t i o n and gaining of the" t r e a s u r e . They could be c a l l e d myths of i n d i v i d u a t i o n . The r i t u a l enacts- the -taming- o f the i n i t i a t e - . I t shows him i n h i s w i l d s t a t e i n which he brings the b a s i c a l l y a n t i - s o c i a l freedom of the s p i r i t to the community. The r i t u a l changes a n t i - s o c i a l i n t o s o c i a l l y v i a b l e and even s o c i a l l y c o n s t r -uc t i v e freedom, expressed as g i v i n g ( d i s t r i b u t i o n of t r e a s u r e ) . I t might be c a l l e d a r i t u a l of s o c i a l transformation 1, -because the r i t u a l process turns an ordinary s o c i e t y i n t o a p o l i t y whose members are l i n k e d through t h e i r freedom, not through t h e i r need of one another. To B Conceptual Link Sources f o r the conceptual l i n k are found i n a l l the m a t e r i a l I have examined. In the t h e s i s m a t e r i a l the connections remain i m p l i c i t , i n the m a t e r i a l used f o r the epilogue they are e x p l i c i t . I give a summary of only the most obvious ones. I m p l i c i t Links (a) Prayers. The prayers are l i n k e d to the tsetseqa by the e p i t h e t s with which the orant addresses the i n t e l l i g e n c e s he prays to. The honarary t i t l e s he gives to the i n t e l l i -gences are the names he uses f o r the s p i r i t of the winter r i t u a l . The meaning of the connection can only be e x t r a -polated through a study of the Kwakiutl conception of the world centre. (p)', Hunting myths. The l i n k s are here only approximate, and, i n so f a r as the myths do not belong to the KwaKiutl corpus, comparative. They are present i n the mediator f i g u r e s that dominate the myths i n t h e i r complete v e r s i o n s . The "master of animals" f i g u r e and the "good hunter" f i g u r e show conceptual correspondences to the a n i m a l - s p i r i t s and i n i t i a t e of the KwaKiutl winter r i t u a l . (•y) Salmon r i t u a l . The conceptual l i n K f i n d s expression i n the p e r f e c t p a r i t y between the myth of the salmon r i t u a l and the myth of the i n i t i a t i o n r i t u a l . E x p l i c i t LinKs Myths of t r a n s i t i o n . The myths discussed i n the epilogue deal with the problem of the hunting l i f e and the problem of i n i t i a t i o n sim-ultaneously. The problems of hunting are transposed from the n a t u r a l plane, where they are i n s o l u b l e , to the i n t r a - and i n t e r -personal plane of c u l t u r e . On t h a t plane an . a f f e c t i v e i n v e r s i o n 427. i s p o s s i b l e , which f r e e s the hero and the s o c i e t y p s y c h o l o g i c a l l y . That which was blindly- feared and accepted i s brought- i n t o c o n s c i -ousness and a c t i v e l y sought, and with t h i s f a c i n g of i t , overcome. 2 RECAPITULATION OF PRINCIPLES OF TRANSITION WITH THE HELP OF THE MYTHS OF- THE EPILOGUE. I f a myth was to make the process of t r a n s i t i o n from the baxus to the ts e t s e q a, from hunting to i n i t i a t i o n e x p l i c i t , the story context would have to bring together two aspects: r e t r i b u t i o n f o r k i l l i n g and e a t i n g animals (which i s a syndrome of the hunting l i f e ) ; a transformation of r e t r i b u t i o n i n t o the p r i n c i p l e that makes men independent (which belongs to i n i t i a t i o n ) . In each of the myths of the epilogue these two aspects are brought together, but i n d i f f e r e n t ways. Both myths turn b a s i c a l l y on the same problem, but the issue i s posed d i f f e r e n t l y i n each of them and the nar-r a t o r uses d i f f e r e n t key images to make i t e x p l i c i t . I s h a l l r e s t a t e below i n schematic form how the is s u e i-s posed i n each myth, and how the t r a n s i -t i o n from the baxus to the tsetseqa i s worked out with the help of a r e t r i b u t i o n scheme and a transformation scheme. Elxabae (A) Problem: Elxabae i s a simple myth. I t turns on the problem of how to become f u l l y human, and does t h i s under the image of a c t i v i t y . The s t o r y c o n t r a s t s a state of being human based, on t e c h n i c a l s k i l l (which leads to mere f r u i t l e s s a c t i v i t y ) with a s t a t e of being " f u l l y human" based on a power that makes a c t i v e i n a way f r u i t f u l f o r oneself and others. (B) Retribution•scheme. The hero, Elxabae, i s " t e c h n o l o g i c a l man" s k i l l e d at k i l l i n g animals f o r food by t e c h n o l o g i c a l means. His e f f o r t s are destroyed by the bear, who, as Chief of the Animals, revenges the animals by t u r n i n g Elxabae i n t o food f o r them. His 428. death, however, turns the .animals i n t o h i s debtors; they p i t y him and give him new l i f e . (C) Transformation scheme. Through h i s death and r e s u s c i t a t i o n Elxabae becomes the equal of the bear. The bear's g i f t of the r i t u a l i s the pledge of a new bond, i n which the a n i m a l - s p i r i t becomes the guardian of the man and adds h i s superhuman ;power to h i s merely human s k i l l s . In o b t a i n i n g t h i s g i f t Elxabae has become f u l l y human i n the sense i n which the i n i t i a t e becomes a "perfect man". He has p a s s i v e l y and a c t i v e l y redeemed h i s debts to the animals by s u f f e r i n g dismemberment, and by r e t u r n i n g to the. bear (whom he dreads) f o r a contest of strength. In doing t h i s he has become a c t i v e i n a new way: by f a c i n g h i s death and overcoming his f e a r he has l e a r n t to "act f r e e l y " . His capacity f o r a c t i n g f r e e l y i s shown i n the myth by h i s possession of the r i t u a l dance and h i s a b i l i t y to provide s u c c e s s f u l l y from now on f o r his people. Baxbakualanuxsiwa (A) Problem: Baxbakualanuxsiwa i s a complex s t o r y . I t a l s o turns on the problem of becoming f u l l y human. In order to understand the image under which the conception of being human i s developed here we must f i r s t consider an aspect of i t s complexity. I t i s an amalgam of two s t o r i e s , of which the f i r s t f o l l o w s a pattern frequent i n I n t e r i o r S a l i s h and Northern Athapascan mythology, while the second i s a t y p i c a l Kwakiutl s t o r y . (B) R e t r i b u t i o n scheme. The f i r s t of the two Kernel s t o r i e s has a pure hunting theme i n the sense that i t addresses i t s e l f t o the problem of the r i g h t r e l a t i o n between men and animals. In myth time the animals are of giant s i z e , carnivorous, and hunt men. A c u l t u r e hero transforms them by magic means i n t o game, making them normal i n s i z e and harmless, so that they 429. can be hunted by men. With t h e i r transformation r e a l time and the era of men begins. Here the element of r e t r i b u t i o n i s reversed, and t h i s r e v e r s a l has entered, i n a modified form i n t o our myth (where people who f i r s t disappear are innocent v i c t i m s of carnivorous monsters). The animals have made themselves g u i l t y i n mythical times, and men are th e r e f o r e absolved form the g u i l t f o r hunting and e a t i n g them i n r e a l time. Put i n t o t h i s h i s t o r i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e , the hunting theme could not fuse with an i n i t i a t i o n theme. In Bax-bakualanuxsiwa however, the Kernel story appears i n a changed form. I t i s set i n r e a l time and has an i n i t i a t i o n s l a n t because the Cannibal i s not transformed .by the magic word of a transformer but by the act of courage of human heroes who o f f e r themselves t o him as food. The e t i o l o g i c a l angle--that from a giant mosquito he.is turned i n t o a normal s i z e d mosquito--has become a loose motif. (C) Transformation scheme. The t r i c k of the heroes gives expression t o the i n i t i a t i o n theme which i s inherent i n the second Kernel sto r y . A- s p i r i t has a house i n an i n a c c e s s i b l e part of the world. In i t he stores the d r i e d bodies of people he has caught and turned i n t o food. A, hero seeks the s p i r i t at h i s house, s u f f e r s death and r e v i v a l there and/or overcomes the s p i r i t , brings the people back t o l i f e and gains the treasure of the r i t u a l . The story introduces the image on which "becoming human" i n Baxbak-ualanuxsiwa t u r n s , the image of voluntariness. In the f i r s t Kernel story the t r a n s i t i o n from the prehuman to the human state i s made pa s s i v e l y as part of h i s t o r y . In the second Kernel story a t r a n -s i t i o n to being " f u l l y human" i s made a c t i v e l y by the hero, beg-i n n i n g with h i s d e l i b e r a t e d e c i s i o n to seek out the s p i r i t . In 430. Baxbakualanuxsiwa the theme of v o l u n t a r i n e s s i s developed i n two stages. I t i s developed i n preparatory form i n the d e c i s i o n of the heroes "to seek him who i s k i l l i n g our tribesmen", and i n the t r i c k they play the Cannibal. I t i s represented i n f u l l y * developed form i n the play on "disappearing". To "disappear" means at the end of the story to enter v o l u n t a r i l y the world i n t o which people disappeared i n v o l u n t a r i l y at the beginning. Here the s i g n i f i c a n c e of the remarkable f u s i o n between the two Kernel s t o r i e s achieved by the n a r r a t o r becomes c l e a r . E l i a d e ' s claim that r i t u a l i s a return to the o r i g i n s and re-establishment of p r i m o r d i a l c o n d i t i o n s i s v e r i f i e d i n an unexpected manner. The myth i s one of a return to p r i m o r d i a l c o n d i t i o n s i n order to over-come these c o n d i t i o n s , or a myth designed to overcome myth. Myth time i s here a world of f e a r s . The dreamliKe q u a l i t y i t assumes i n our myth would suggest that i t i s a world of being haunted by inner or imaginary f e a r s . To reenter i t v o l u n t a r i l y i s to face these f e a r s and to d i s p e l them by f a c i n g them. The conceptual gap between the giant animals of the Kernel s t o r y and the.canniba-l i s t i c s p i r i t s of our myth would then be unimportant here. The emphasis i n the myth i s on the transformation of a spellbound p a s s i v i t y i n t o "human" a c t i v i t y . Becoming human i s rendered here f i r s t as a becoming aware (the people who have disappeared i n v o l -u n t a r i l y have been as i f asleep and are unaware of what happened to them), second as being capable of converting " n a t u r a l " f e a r i n t o a " c u l t u r a l " act of courage. I t i s i n t h i s sense that the myth approaches the nat u r e / c u l t u r e dichotomy and maKes the p r i n c -i p l e of t r a n s i t i o n e x p l i c i t . In the myths of the e p i l o g j e t h e strands of the argument I have 431. been pursuing throughout my t h e s i s come together. The t e x t s of prayers, hunting myths and r i t u a l s f o r animals are evidence of the p a i n s t a k i n g labour the Kwakiutl expended on examining the c o n d i t i o n s of determination. This very labour, as I s a i d , y i e l d s them an understanding of the con-d i t i o n s of freedom. At i t s most abstract t h i s process i s the " o r i g i n of the tsetseqa i n the baxus". In my examination of the t e x t s I have shown the o r i g i n of the tsetseqa more conc r e t e l y to be a t r a n s p o s i t i o n of the unresolvable dilemma met with i n the n a t u r a l world to the i n t r a - and i n t e r p e r s o n a l plane of c u l t u r e , where man i s capable of being responsible f o r h i s a c t i o n s . The t r a n s p o s i t i o n i s made through an i n v e r s i o n of f e a r . The c o n d i t i o n s of baxus l i f e produce f e a r . I f that which i s feared i s v o l u n t a r i l y sought and faced, the t r a n s i t i o n from baxus l i f e to the tsetseqa has been made. The tsetseqa i t s e l f i s defined by freedom from n e c e s s i t y . Necessity i s part of p h y s i c a l l i f e , and the most i n e l u c t a b l e n e c e s s i t y i s death. In f o r e s t a l l i n g death by f a c i n g i t , the Kwakiutl i n i t i a t e overcomes n e c e s s i t y on the c u l t u r a l l e v e l and becomes f r e e . The winter dance--.the t s e t s e q a - - i s the c o l l e c t i v e expression of that freedom. These connections between the baxus and the tsetseqa are only i m p l i e d i n the t h e s i s t e x t s which concentrate on the problems of baxus l i f e . They become e x p l i c i t , however, and could be demonstrated, i n the t e x t s chosen f o r the epilogue, because these t e x t s have the t r a n s i t i o n from the baxus l i f e to the tsetseqa as t h e i r subject. 432. Footnotes "''"Review of G.W. Locher, 'The Serpent i n Kwakiutl R e l i g i o n : A Study i n P r i m i t i v e C u l t u r e ' . " In Race, Language and Cul t u r e (1940; r p t . New York: Free Press, 1966). 2 The t e x t was c o l l e c t e d by Hunt and published i n Boas' c o l l e c t i o n of fa m i l y h i s t o r i e s . Hunt sent the t e x t s as l e t t e r s to Boas, and they are f u l l of i n t e r e s t i n g i n c i d e n t a l i n f ormation, e s p e c i a l l y t h i s p a r t i c u l a r one, which i s very long. See "Family H i s t o r i e s " i n Ethnology of the Kwakiutl: Based on Data C o l l e c t e d by George Hunt, 35th Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, Part I I , 1913--14 (Washington: Gov. P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , 1921). 3 See Chapter 3, n.15. 4 For the theme of the gi a n t animals which hunt men and have to be reduced to normal s i z e before men can s a f e l y i n h a b i t the world see Beaver Tales, ed. Toni and Robin Ridington (unpublished). 5See Onians 1951: 260--262, but e s p e c i a l l y p.261. The Kwakiutl t e x t stressed that i t i s the w a r r i o r s of the t r i b e who hang, d r i e d up, l i k e smoked f i s h i n the Cannibal's house. The phrase Homer uses to describe the remains of the Greek w a r r i o r s i s "dry l i k e smoked f i s h " . The etymological connection of "skeleton" with " d r i e d up body" Onians points out i s i n t e r e s t i n g i n view of the blackening of head and eyes and use of a skeleton i n the Kwakiutl f i r s t salmon r i t u a l . 433. B i b l i o g r a p h y Armstrong, Robert P l a n t . 1972. "Content A n a l y s i s i n F o l k l o r i s t i c s " . In Mythology: Selected Readings. Ed. P i e r r e Maranda. Harmondsworth: Penguin. Barbeau, Marius. 1945. "Bear Mother". Journal of Am. F o l k l o r e , 59, No. 231, 1-12. B e l l a h , R.N. 1969. " R e l i g i e u s E v o l u t i o n " . In Sociology of R e l i g i o n . Ed. 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The origins of the Tsetseqa in the Baxus : a study of Kwakiutl prayers, myths and ritual
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