Arts, Faculty of
History, Department of
DSpace
UBCV
Black, John William
Master of Arts - MA
University of British Columbia
The purpose of this thesis is to examine several important aspects of social democracy in the Cisleithanian half of the Habsburg Monarchy in the years between 1867 and 1901. By exploring the environment in which the socialist movement developed, the socialist ideology, the development of the party and its organization, and the socialist leadership, it presents a profile of the Cisleithanian socialist movement. In spite of the fact that the socialist movement in Cisleithania was one of the largest in Europe by 1901, historians have tended to ignore both its development and its peculiarities. The Cisleithanian socialist movement, and particularly its German-speaking component, has been seen as merely a junior partner of the Reich-German socialist movement. To a certain extent this was true, for Cisleithanian socialists did import their ideology and their original conceptions of party and trade union organization from Germany. Yet the models imported from Germany all had to be adapted to the multi-national character of the socialist movement in Cisleithania. Marxism was adopted, but Cisleithanian socialists were forced to take a position on the complex nationality question in Cisleithania, a question for which there was no acceptable Marxist "answer." The German idea of a centralized party organization was also taken over, but it had to be abandoned in face of demands for autonomy on the part of Czech socialists. An entirely new and unique form of party organization was evolved. In the trade union movement, the concept of centralism was also adopted, and once more proved unsuitable in a multinational environment, in spite of convincing arguments in its favour. In these respects, and others, Cisleithanian socialists made an important contribution to the development of the European socialist movement, a contribution which deserves more attention from historians than it has received. The major problem the Cisleithanian social movement faced was the nationality question. The multi-national nature of the state and the socialist movement, in a context in which nationalist feeling was very strong, helped to determine both the development and the fate of the socialist movement of all nationalities in the western half of the Monarchy. In fact, the nationality conflict which developed in the Cisleithanian socialist movement mirrored the conflict in Cisleithania as a whole. Indeed, the contradiction between the theory of socialist internationalism and the practical reality of nationalism in the working class was apparent in the Cisleithanian socialist movement long before the outbreak of the First World War made it clear to non-socialists and socialists alike. In this sense, the study of the Cisleithanian socialist movement is also a study in nationalism.
A PROFILE OF THE SOCIALIST MOVEMENT IN THE WESTERN HALF OF THE HABSBURG MONARCHY IN THE SECOND HALF OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY BY JOHN WILLIAM BLACK B.A., York U n i v e r s i t y , 1968 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n the Department of HISTORY We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the requ i r e d sta>ldarcl THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA October, 19 75 In presenting t h i s t h e s i s in p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements f o r an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f or reference and study. I f u r t h e r agree that permission for extensive copying of t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by h i s re p r e s e n t a t i v e s . It i s understood that copying or p u b l i c a t i o n of t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my w r i t t e n permission. Department of The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia 2075 Wesbrook P l a c e Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 Date A B S T R A C T The purpose of t h i s t h e s i s i s to examine s e v e r a l important aspects of s o c i a l democracy i n the C i s l e i t h a n i a n h a l f of the Habsburg Monarchy i n the years between 1867 and 1901. By e x p l o r i n g the environ-ment i n which the s o c i a l i s t movement developed, the s o c i a l i s t ideology, the development of the party and i t s o r g a n i z a t i o n , and the s o c i a l i s t l e a d e r s h i p , i t presents a p r o f i l e of the C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t move-ment . In s p i t e of the f a c t that the s o c i a l i s t movement i n C i s l e i t h a n i a was one of the l a r g e s t i n Europe by 1901, h i s t o r i a n s have tended to ignore both i t s development and i t s p e c u l i a r i t i e s . The C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t movement, and p a r t i c u l a r l y i t s German-speaking component, has been seen as merely a j u n i o r partner of the Reich-German s o c i a l i s t movement. To a c e r t a i n extent t h i s was t r u e , f o r C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l -i s t s d i d import t h e i r ideology and t h e i r o r i g i n a l conceptions of party and trade union o r g a n i z a t i o n from Germany. Yet the models imported from Germany a l l had to be adapted to the m u l t i - n a t i o n a l character of the s o c i a l i s t movement i n C i s l e i t h a n i a . Marxism was adopted, but C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t s were forced to take a p o s i t i o n on the complex n a t i o n a l i t y question i n C i s l e i t h a n i a , a question f o r which there was no acceptable M a r x i s t "answer." The German i d e a of a c e n t r a l i z e d party o r g a n i z a t i o n was a l s o taken over, but i t had to be abandoned i n face of demands f o r autonomy on the part of Czech s o c i a l i s t s . An e n t i r e l y new and unique form of party i i i i i o r g a n i z a t i o n was evolved. In the trade union movement, the concept of c e n t r a l i s m was a l s o adopted, and once more proved un s u i t a b l e i n a m u l t i -n a t i o n a l environment, i n s p i t e of convincing arguments i n i t s favour. In these r e s p e c t s , and ot h e r s , C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t s made an impor-tant c o n t r i b u t i o n to the development of the European s o c i a l i s t move-ment, a c o n t r i b u t i o n which deserves more a t t e n t i o n from h i s t o r i a n s than i t has rec e i v e d . The major problem the C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l movement faced was the n a t i o n a l i t y question. The m u l t i - n a t i o n a l nature of the s t a t e and the s o c i a l i s t movement, i n a context i n which n a t i o n a l i s t f e e l i n g was very s t r o n g , helped to determine both the development and the f a t e of the s o c i a l i s t movement of a l l n a t i o n a l i t i e s i n the western h a l f of the Monarchy. In f a c t , the n a t i o n a l i t y c o n f l i c t which developed i n the C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t movement mirrored the c o n f l i c t i n C i s l e i t h a n i a as a whole. Indeed, the c o n t r a d i c t i o n between the theory of s o c i a l i s t i n t e r n a t i o n a l i s m and the p r a c t i c a l r e a l i t y of n a t i o n a l i s m i n the working c l a s s was apparent i n the C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t movement long before the outbreak of t h e c F i r s t World War made i t c l e a r to n o n - s o c i a l i s t s and s o c i a l i s t s a l i k e . In t h i s sense, the study of the C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t movement i s a l s o a study i n n a t i o n a l i s m . TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ABSTRACT .......... • i i LIST OF TABLES v i i LIST OF FIGURES v i i i LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS i x ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS x PREFACE x i INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTER I . THE ORIGINS AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE SOCIALIST MOVEMENT IN CISLEITHANIA 7 i ) The S e t t i n g : I n d u s t r i a l Development 7 i i ) The P o l i t i c a l S t r u c t u r e of C i s l e i t h a n i a 16 i i i ) The O r i g i n s and Development of the S o c i a l i s t Movement i n C i s l e i t h a n i a 22 i v ) The Czech S o c i a l i s t Movement 41 I I . ASPECTS OF CISLEITHANIAN SOCIALIST PARTY PROGRAMMES . . . . 54 i ) "Immediate" Demands i n C i s l e i t h a n i a n S o c i a l i s t Programmes 54 a) Democratic Aspects 54 b) S o c i a l Aspects 58 i i ) Ends and Means: I d e o l o g i c a l Aspects of C i s l e i t h a n i a n Programmes 65 i i i ) The Programmatic D i s c u s s i o n of the N a t i o n a l i t y Question 76 i v V CHAPTER Page I I I . SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC PARTY ORGANIZATION IN CISLEITHANIA . . . 103 i ) P a r t y Organization 1867-1891 104 i i ) The Move to a Federal Organization 1892-189 7 . . . . 108 i i i ) The F e d e r a l Organization a f t e r 189 7 123 i v ) The S o c i a l i s t Press i n C i s l e i t h a n i a 1867-1901 . . . 126 v) The A r b e i t e r - Z e i t u n g 132 IV. THE SOCIALIST TRADE UNION MOVEMENT IN CISLEITHANIA . . . . 147 i ) The S o c i a l i s t Trade Union Movement to 1885 149 i i ) The Trade Union Movement a f t e r 1885 152 i i i ) The N a t i o n a l i t y Question i n the Trade Union Movement 166 V. CISLEITHANIAN SOCIALIST PARTY LEADERSHIP 189 i ) Leadership before A d l e r 190 i i ) K a r l Kautsky's Role i n C i s l e i t h a n i a n S o c i a l i s m . . . 197 i i i ) V i c t o r A d l e r (1852-1918) 210 CONCLUSION 239 BIBLIOGRAPHY 256 APPENDIX I . Major S o c i a l i s t P a r t y Congresses 1867-1905 . . . . 282 APPENDIX I I . The D e c l a r a t i o n of P r i n c i p l e s at H a i n f e l d . . . . 283 APPENDIX I I I . The D e c l a r a t i o n of P r i n c i p l e s Adopted at Vienna 1901 284 APPENDIX IV. The Programme Commission's O r i g i n a l Proposal f o r a R e v i s i o n of the H a i n f e l d D e c l a r a t i o n of P r i n c i p l e s , 25 August 1901 286 v i Page APPENDIX V. The Party Executive's O r i g i n a l Proposal f o r a N a t i o n a l i t i e s ' Programme at the 1899 Briinn Congress of the C i s l e i t h a n i a n Party 288 APPENDIX VI. The M o d i f i e d F i v e P o i n t s Adopted by the Briinn Congress, 1899 290 APPENDIX V I I . The C i s l e i t h a n i a n S o c i a l i s t P a r t i e s i n 1901 . . . . 291 LIST OF TABLES Table Page I. Employment i n Industry and Ag r i c u l t u r e 10 I I . Employment by N a t i o n a l i t y i n Industry and Ag r i c u l t u r e 11 v i i LIST OF 'FIGURES Figure Page 1. The Habsburg Monarchy on the eve of the F i r s t World War: A d m i n i s t r a t i v e s t r u c t u r e 15 2. The Habsburg Empire 1867-1918 (Mhguisti'c aridge.thnic s t r u c t u r e ) 77 3. Censorship: Front page of the A r b e i t e r f r e u n d 1874 . . . 128 4. Front page of G l e i c h h e i t , 1886 130 5. Front page of Die Gewerkschaft 162 6. B r i c k l a y e r i n 1887 and 1912: The s o c i a l i s t s c l a i m c r e d i t f o r the m a t e r i a l and e d u c a t i o n a l improvement of the workers' c o n d i t i o n 216 v i i i LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AGSA - A r c h i v f u r die Geschichte des Sozialismus und der A r b e i t e r - bewegung ASg - A r c h i v f u r S o z i a l g e s c h i c h t e CEH - C e n t r a l European H i s t o r y JCEA - J o u r n a l of C e n t r a l European A f f a i r s JCH - J o u r n a l of Contemporary H i s t o r y JMH - J o u r n a l of Modern H i s t o r y NZ - Die Neue Z e i t SR - S l a v i c Review and i t s predecessor American S l a v i c and East European Review SPD - Sozialdemokratische P a r t e i Deutschlands SM - S o z i a l i s t i s c h e Monatshefte VSWG - V i e r t e l j a h r e s s c h r i f t f u r S o z i a l - und W/irtschaftsgeschichte ZfG - Z e i t s c h r i f t f u r Geschichtswissenschaft i x ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I should l i k e to thank P r o f e s s o r Stanley Z. Pech of the UBC H i s t o r y department f o r i n i t i a t i n g me i n t o the mysteries and complexities of the h i s t o r y of E a s t - C e n t r a l Europe, and f o r r e v e a l i n g to me a new per s p e c t i v e on the h i s t o r y of C e n t r a l Europe. He also showed great patience and endurance throughout a long and d i f f i c u l t t ask, a task which at times appeared as i f i t would never end. Thanks are a l s o due to Pr o f e s s o r Ivan Avakumovic of the UBC H i s t o r y department, f o r h i s d e t a i l e d c r i t i c i s m was both very valuable and c o n s t r u c t i v e . P r o f e s s o r Marketa Goetz Stankiewicz of the UBC German depart-ment, who has a l s o " l i v e d " i n a S p e c i a l C o l l e c t i o n s c a r r e l l f o r a con-s i d e r a b l e length of time, has been very k i n d and h e l p f u l . Her d e t a i l e d knowledge of the Czech and German languages has been i n v a l u a b l e i n the day-to-day l i f e of a student s t r u g g l i n g w i t h a r e c e n t l y - l e a r n e d language and w i t h one he has never s t u d i e d . The I n t e r l i b r a r y Loan Department of the UBC Main L i b r a r y has been i n v a l u a b l e and k i n d i n h e l p i n g me to obtain d i f f i c u l t and oft e n incomprehensible sources from a l l over North America. F i n a l l y , I should l i k e to thank my w i f e E l i z a b e t h , without whose support and encouragement t h i s long and d i f f i c u l t task would never have been completed. x PREFACE: A NOTE ON SOURCES, PROBLEMS AND TERMINOLOGY The h i s t o r y of the s o c i a l i s t movement i n the Habsburg Monarchy i s a subject which has been sadly neglected by h i s t o r i a n s . Only since about 1960 have h i s t o r i a n s i n the West begun to study the movement, and that study has been r e s t r i c t e d l a r g e l y to the German-speaking coun-t r i e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y , of course, the Republic of A u s t r i a . In the Com-munist successor s t a t e s , h i s t o r i a n s have s t u d i e d the o r i g i n s and de-velopment of t h e i r own s o c i a l i s t movements, but much of t h e i r work before 1960 was e i t h e r too dogmatic, or contained such a strong ideo-l o g i c a l b i a s as to make i t almost useless to the serious s c h o l a r . Since 1960, the p i c t u r e has changed somewhat. A s m a l l group of h i s t o r i a n s i n A u s t r i a has begun to p u b l i s h a s e r i e s of works dea l i n g w i t h various aspects of the s o c i a l i s t movement i n the Monarchy, p a r t i -c u l a r l y i t s German-speaking branch. Czech Marx i s t h i s t o r i a n s have s t u d i e d the o r i g i n s and development of the Czech s o c i a l i s t movement i n the Monarchy, although t h e i r a t t e n t i o n has been mainly d i r e c t e d to the e a r l y years a f t e r 1867, and to the Russian Revolution and i t s impact upon the Monarchy. As a r e s u l t , i t i s only i n recent years that the pioneering h i s t o r i e s of the s o c i a l movement, w r i t t e n by e n t h u s i a s t i c s o c i a l i s t s i n the 1920's, have begun to be superceded. Thus one who embarks on the study of "the s o c i a l i s t movement i n the Habsburg Monarchy faces x i x i i problems which are not faced i n other f i e l d s . The p l e t h o r a of secon-dary works one might expect to f i n d simply does not e x i s t . In the E n g l i s h language, no major study of the s o c i a l i s t movement i n the Monarchy has been w r i t t e n . One of the major reasons f o r the neglect of the s o c i a l i s t move-ment i n the Habsburg Monarchy i n the West has been, of course, the i n t i m i d a t i n g number of languages spoken i n the Monarchy. As t h i s t h e s i s attempts to i n d i c a t e , however, the s o c i a l i s t movement i n at l e a s t the western h a l f of the Monarchy can be s t u d i e d i n s p i t e of language d i f f i -c u l t i e s . The l a r g e s t and most important component of the s o c i a l i s t movement i n the western h a l f of the Monarchy was the German-speaking group, and a l l of the major records of the s o c i a l i s t movement, i n c l u d i n g the p r o t o c o l s of party and trade union congresses, and Ithe major s o c i a l i s t newspapers are i n that language. This i s e s p e c i a l l y the case f o r the p e r i o d before 1901. This t h e s i s t h e r e f o r e concentrates on the s o c i a l i s t movement i n the western h a l f of the Monarchy, from i t s beginnings i n 1867 to 1901. The Hungarian h a l f of the Monarchy has not been discussed, f o r a f t e r the Ausgleich of 1867, developments i n Hungary were very d i f f e r e n t from those i n the western h a l f , and hence not comparable w i t h i t . The year 1901 i s a convenient c u t - o f f date, f o r a f t e r that year the non-German languages became much more important, as the s o c i a l -i s t movement d i s i n t e g r a t e d along n a t i o n a l l i n e s . At the same time, sources a v a i l a b l e i n North American l i b r a r i e s are not as p l e n t i f u l f o r the p e r i o d a f t e r 1901. x i i i The major source f o r t h i s t h e s i s has been the party and trade union congress p r o t o c o l s , published a f t e r each congress a f t e r 1888. In the p e r i o d discussed i n t h i s t h e s i s these were a l l p r i n t e d i n German v e r s i o n s , and the speeches made at the congresses were e i t h e r made o r i g i n a l l y i n German, or were t r a n s l a t e d i n t o German f o r the b e n e f i t of the m a j o r i t y of the delegates. Trade union and party congress p r o t o c o l s must, of course, be used w i t h c a u t i o n . P a r t y congresses i n p a r t i c u l a r were u s u a l l y stage-managed a f f a i r s , and much of the r e a l l y important business was t r a n s -acted i n camera. In s p i t e of these l i m i t a t i o n s , however, the party and trade union congress p r o t o c o l s are an extremely valuable source f o r the h i s t o r y of the s o c i a l i s t movement. The p r o t o c o l s (and the party newspapers) are the major source f o r the development of s o c i a l i s t ideology and o r g a n i z a t i o n , f o r p r i o r to 1900 there was v i r t u a l l y no s o c i a l i s t p e r i o d i c a l l i t e r a t u r e i n the Monarchy, and no important t h e o r e t i c a l w r i t i n g . As a r e s u l t , party congress debates, and p a r t i -c u l a r l y the programmes adopted at the congresses are a f a r more impor-tant source f o r the development of s o c i a l i s m i n the western h a l f of the Habsburg Monarchy than, f o r example, i n Germany. In the study of the Habsburg Monarchy i n the nineteenth century one of the major problems i s terminology. What name does one give to a country which d i d not even have an o f f i c i a l name i n the p e r i o d discussed i n t h i s t h e s i s ? In government documents the s t a t e was o f t e n r e f e r r e d to as the "Kingdoms and Lands represented i n the I m p e r i a l Parliament," o r , a l t e r n a t i v e l y as the "Kingdoms and Lands represented x i v i n the A u s t r i a n I m p e r i a l Parliament." In everyday usage, of course, the western h a l f of the Monarchy was r e f e r r e d to as " A u s t r i a , " but there are s e r i o u s l i m i t a t i o n s to the use of t h i s term. P r i o r to 1867 " A u s t r i a " r e f e r r e d to Jfehe Habsburg Monarchy as a whole, w h i l e a f t e r 1918, i t meant the t i n y Republic of A u s t r i a , which r e l u c t a n t l y took over that name. At the same time, what was an " A u s t r i a n ? " Many Austro-Germans f e l t that they were "Germans," and not " A u s t r i a n s , " andtfco many non-Germans the term " A u s t r i a n " was a p e j o r a t i v e . In an attempt to impose some r e g u l a r i t y i n t h i s t h e s i s , the term " C i s l e i t h a n i a " has been used to r e f e r to the western lands. The L e i t h a R i v e r t r a d i t i o n a l l y separated Hungary from the western h a l f of the Monarchy, and " C i s l e i t h a n i a " and " T r a n s l e i t h a n i a " were of t e n used to r e f e r to the two h a l v e s . The use of the term " C i s l e i t h a n i a " thus avoids the thorny question of whether or not there was such a t h i n g as " A u s t r i a " or an " A u s t r i a n . " Other terms w i t h which there are problems are those r e l a t e d to the word " n a t i o n , " i n c l u d i n g " n a t i o n a l , " " n a t i o n a l i t y , " " n a t i o n a l i s m " and " n a t i o n a l i s t . " In the West these terms htave t r a d i t i o n a l l y a p p l i e d to the s o - c a l l e d " n a t i o n - s t a t e s " of Western Europe, but i n m u l t i - n a t i o n a l Eastern Europe, they not only had t h e i r own s p e c i f i c and often p o l i t i c a l d e f i n i t i o n s , but a l s o were v i r t u a l l y meaningless i n a s t a t e such as the Habsburg Monarchy. In a d d i t i o n , the v i r u l e n t forms which n a t i o n a l i s m has taken i n t h i s century has tended to give the terms " n a t i o n a l i s m " and " n a t i o n a l i s t " p e j o r a t i v e meanings. In t h i s t h e s i s they are meant to be understood as purely n e u t r a l terms, w i t h no p o s i t i v e or negative connotations. "Eumptius in muro sedebat Dumptius alto, Humptius de muro Dumptius, heu! ceeidit. Nea equites regis, nex agmina cuncta tyranni Humpti te Dumpti restituere quent. " F r i e d r i c h Engels to KaflKautsky, 4 December 1893, Engels-Kautsky B r i e f w e c h s e l , p. 397. x v INTRODUCTION The purpose of t h i s t h e s i s i s to examine s e v e r a l important aspects of s o c i a l democracy i n the C i s l e i t h a n i a n h a l f of the m u l t i -n a t i o n a l Habsburg Monarchy i n the years between 1867 and 1901. By loo k i n g at the environment i n which the s o c i a l i s t movement developed, at the s o c i a l i s t i deology, the development of the party and i t s o r g a n i -z a t i o n , the nature and problems of the trade union movement, and the s o c i a l i s t l e a d e r s h i p , t h i s t h e s i s w i l l present a p r o f i l e of the s o c i a l i s t movement i n C i s l e i t h a n i a . In s p i t e of the f a c t that the s o c i a l i s t movement i n C i s l e i -t hania was one of the l a r g e s t i n Europe by 1901, h i s t o r i a n s have tended to ignore i t s development and i t s p e c u l i a r i t i e s . Instead, they have concentrated t h e i r a t t e n t i o n on s o c i a l i s t movements i n the t r a d i t i o n a l l y more important areas of Western Europe and Russia. The C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t movement, and p a r t i c u l a r l y i t s German-speaking component, has been seen as merely a j u n i o r partner of the Reich-German s o c i a l i s t movement. To a c e r t a i n extent t h i s was true, f o r the r e l a t i o n s between the C i s l e i t h a n i a n and German s o c i a l i s t movements were extremely c l o s e . C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t s imported t h e i r ideology and t h e i r concepts of party and trade union o r g a n i z a t i o n from Germany. In many resp e c t s , German and Austro-German s o c i a l i s t s were pa r t of one great German-speaking s o c i a l i s t movement. Yet, as w i l l be i n d i c a t e d , the models imported from Germany a l l had to be adapted 1 2 to the m u l t i - n a t i o n a l character of the s o c i a l i s t movement i n C i s l e i -thania . Marxism was adopted, but C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t s were forced to take a p o s i t i o n on the complicated n a t i o n a l i t y question i n C i s l e i -t h a n i a , a question f o r which there was no acceptable Marxist "answer." The German id e a of a c e n t r a l i z e d party o r g a n i z a t i o n was a l s o taken over, but i t had to be abandoned i n face of demands f o r autonomy on the p a r t of Czech s o c i a l i s t s . An e n t i r e l y new and unique form of party o r g a n i z a t i o n was evolved. In the trade union movement, the concept of c e n t r a l i s m was also adopted, and once more proved u n s u i t a b l e i n a m u l t i - n a t i o n a l environment, i n s p i t e of convincing arguments i n i t s favour. In these re s p e c t s , and others, C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t s made an important c o n t r i b u t i o n to the development of the European s o c i a l i s t movement, a c o n t r i b u t i o n which deserves more a t t e n t i o n from h i s t o r i a n s than i t has received. The environment i n which the C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t movement developed was more complex than any other i n Europe i n t h i s p e r i o d . The Habsburg Monarchy c o n s i s t e d of two separate s t a t e s (and a f t e r 1878 a t e r r i t o r y , Bosnia-Hercegovina, which belonged to n e i t h e r ) both of which had unbelievably complicated e t h n i c and l i n g u i s t i c s t r u c t u r e s . In T r a n s l e i t h a n i a , or Hungary, the Magyars formed a t l e a s t a r e l a t i v e m a j o r i t y of the p o p u l a t i o n , but i n C i s l e i t h a n i a no one group had that p r i v i l e g e . In 1900 the n a t i o n a l i t y s t r u c t u r e of C i s l e i t h a n i a was as follows:"^ 3 German 9,170,939 or 35.1 per cent Czech 5,955,397 22.8 P o l i s h 4,239,052 16.2 Ruthene 3,375,576 13.0 Slovene 1,192,780 4.5 I t a l i a n 727,102 2.8 Serbo-Croat 711,380 2.7 Rumanian 230,963 0.9 Others 504,115 2.0 26,107,304 100.0 Of the seventeen Crown Lands i n t o which C i s l e i t h a n i a was d i v i d e d , only three (Upper A u s t r i a , Salzburg and the Vorarlberg) had no s i g n i f i c a n t m i n o r i t i e s i n 1900. The e t h n i c (and p o l i t i c a l ) d i v e r s i t y of C i s l e i -t h a n i a created enormous o r g a n i z a t i o n a l and p o l i t i c a l problems f o r the s o c i a l i s t movement. As i n d i c a t e d i n the f i r s t chapter of t h i s t h e s i s , however, the e t h n i c s t r u c t u r e of the s o c i a l i s t movement was not as complex as that of the s t a t e . The nature of i n d u s t r i a l development was such that "only" s i x n a t i o n a l i t i e s had a c t i v e s o c i a l i s t movements by 1901. Of these only the Czech and German movements were s i g n i f i c a n t , w h i l e the P o l i s h movement occupied a middle p o s i t i o n . This t h e s i s seeks to demonstrate, however, that i t was not simply the e t h n i c d i v e r s i t y of the s o c i a l i s t movement i n C i s l e i t h a n i a which made i t so d i f f e r e n t from other s o c i a l i s t movements. Rather, i t was n a t i o n a l i s t f e e l i n g among the various groups i n the movement, p a r t i c u l a r l y the Czech s o c i a l i s t s . The form t h i s n a t i o n a l i s t f e e l i n g took r e f l e c t e d a s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e between the n a t i o n a l i t i e s and nati o n a l i s m s of the non-German peoples of C e n t r a l and Eastern Europe and those i n Western Europe and Germany. With the exception of the 4 Germans, Poles and I t a l i a n s , a l l of the peoples of the Monarchy under-went what has come to be known as " n a t i o n a l r e v i v a l s " i n the l a t e e i g h -teenth and i n the nineteenth c e n t u r i e s . By e s t a b l i s h i n g or re-estab-l i s h i n g a l i t e r a r y language and c u l t u r e , each of these peoples entered i n t o the age of i n d u s t r i a l i s m and urbanism w i t h a new-found consciousness of themselves as a n a t i o n a l i t y . As the l i t e r a r y and c u l t u r a l r e v i v a l movements became mass movements, they were transformed i n t o p o l i t i c a l n a t i o n a l i s t movements, seeking to emancipate the "people" from every aspect or v e s t i g e of f o r e i g n domination and r u l e , although they d i d not n e c e s s a r i l y c a l l f o r the d i s s o l u t i o n of the Monarchy. The working c l a s s e s of the various n a t i o n a l i t i e s , i n c l u d i n g those of the Germans, Poles and I t a l i a n s , were as much a par t of t h i s phenomenon as were the middle c l a s s e s . In f a c t , the n a t i o n a l i t y c o n f l i c t which developed w i t h i n the C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t movement mirro r e d the c o n f l i c t i n C i s l e i t h a n i a as a whole. Indeed, the c o n t r a d i c t i o n between the theory of s o c i a l i s t i n t e r n a t i o n a l i s m and the r e a l i t y of n a t i o n a l i s m i n the working c l a s s was apparent i n the C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t movement long before the outbreak of the F i r s t World War made i t c l e a r to s o c i a l i s t s and non-s o c i a l i s t s a l i k e . In t h i s sense, the study of the C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t movement i s a l s o a study i n n a t i o n a l i s m . The f i r s t chapter of t h i s t h e s i s e s t a b l i s h e s the background. I t presents a d i s c u s s i o n of the development of i n d u s t r y and urban-i z a t i o n i n C i s l e i t h a n i a , and i n d i c a t e s the impact t h i s had on the s o c i a l i s t movement. In a d d i t i o n , the p o l i t i c a l and l e g a l s t r u c t u r e 5 of C i s l e i t h a n i a i s discussed, i n order to e s t a b l i s h those aspects of the laws which were d e c i s i v e i n the development of the s o c i a l i s t move-ment. Because the primary focus of t h i s t h e s i s i s on the years a f t e r 1886, the h i s t o r y of the movement between 1867 and 1890 i s presented, i n order to provide a framework on which the r e s t of the t h e s i s can be b u i l t . NOTES - INTRODUCTION Figures quoted in Richard Charmatz, Der demokratisch-nationale Bundesstaat Osterreich (Frankfurt-am-Main 1904), p. 29. Percentages are my own calculation, and are rounded. Serbs and Croats were not differentiated between by the Cis-leithanian census, which asked only for the language spoken in daily l i f e (Umgangssprache). 6 CHAPTER I THE ORIGINS AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE SOCIALIST MOVEMENT IN CISLEITHANIA i ) The S e t t i n g : I n d u s t r i a l Development I n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and u r b a n i z a t i o n , the source of the modern working c l a s s movement, began somewhat l a t e r i n Austria-Hungary than i n Germany and Western Europe. From the beginning of the process un-t i l the d i s s o l u t i o n of the Monarchy i n 1918, Austria-Hungary as a whole lagged behind Western Europe and Germany i n i t s development. I n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n began i n the t e x t i l e i n d u s t r y i n North Bohe-mia, but the o l d t r a d i n g centres, Vienna and Lower A u s t r i a , Graz, L i n z , and the German-speaking regions of Bohemia and Moravia were a l s o i n c l u -ded i n the e a r l y stages. The transformation ushered i n by i n d u s t r i a l -i z a t i o n thus commenced i n the German-speaking areas of the Monarchy, and only l a t e r d i d i t begin to occur i n areas i n h a b i t e d by other peoples. Among the p r e c o n d i t i o n s f o r i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n was freedom of movement f o r the p o p u l a t i o n . As long as feudalism e x i s t e d peasants could not move to the new i n d u s t r i a l centres to work i n i n d u s t r y . Symptomatic of the economic backwardness of the Monarchy was the l a t e a b o l i t i o n of feudalism. Whereas i n England i t had disappeared i n the f a i r l y remote p a s t , i n France a f t e r the r e v o l u t i o n of 1789, and i n 7 8 Germany i n the p e r i o d between the r e v o l u t i o n a r y wars and 1848, i n Aus-tria-Hungary feudalism only ended f i n a l l y i n 1848. As w i t h so many other ideas and processes i n Europe i n the l a s t few c e n t u r i e s , the progression was from west to east. Thus feudalism l a s t e d t i l l 1861 i n R u s s i a , and i n some areas of the Balkans, to 1918. Another b a s i c f a c t o r was the c r e a t i o n of a modern system of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n and communication to f a c i l i t a t e the formation of a s i n g l e market. In the nineteenth century the most important v e h i c l e f o r t h i s was the r a i l r o a d . C i s l e i t h a n i a opened the f i r s t (horse-drawn) r a i l w a y i n Europe i n 1832, although s e r i o u s r a i l r o a d - b u i l d i n g d i d not commence u n t i l 1841."'" In t h i s respect development i n C i s l e i t h a n i a was not q u i t e so retarded. At f i r s t c o n t r o l l e d by government, r a i l r o a d - b u i l d i n g ex-panded r a p i d l y , p a r t i c u l a r l y a f t e r 1860. By 1870 there were 6,112 k i l o m e t r e s of t r a c k i n the C i s l e i t h a n i a n h a l f of the Monarchy, and by 2 1900 t h i s had grown to 19,229 k i l o m e t r e s . Despite Austria-Hungary's l a t e s t a r t , the a c t u a l record of i n -d u s t r i a l growth was impressive. Producing 1.2 m i l l i o n m e t r i c tons of c o a l i n 1850, 15.0 i n 1880, and 39.0 m i l l i o n tons i n 1900, the Mon-archy's output i n the l a t t e r year was exceeded only by those of the United S t a t e s , Great B r i t a i n and Germany. In p i g i r o n production the Monarchy was s i x t h i n the world i n 1900, j u s t behind France and Russia. The increase i n production between 1870 and 1900, almost 400 per cent, \was surpassed by the United S t a t e s , Russia and Germany. I t was e i g h t times that of B r i t a i n , and over three times the growth i n 4 French output. In the even more important area of s t e e l p r o d u c t i o n , 9 Austria-Hungary was a l s o s i x t h , but the r a t e of growth a f t e r 1890 was not as high as elsewhere. Within the western h a l f of the Monarchy economic development i n the p e r i o d a f t e r 1867 was a l s o impressive. N a t i o n a l income grew at an annual r a t e of 2.6 to 2.8 per cent. Only the United S t a t e s , Canada and Japan had higher growth rates i n the same years.^ The i n -d u s t r i a l growth r a t e , 3.46 per cent per year a f t e r 1865, was a l s o r e s p e c t a b l e , comparing favourably w i t h Germany's 3.7 per cent. Per c a p i t a p r o d u c t i o n , however, 75 per cent of Germany's i n 1850, had f a l l e n to only 58 per cent by 1914. Even l e s s encouraging was the f a c t that the p r o p o r t i o n of the p o p u l a t i o n i n v o l v e d i n i n d u s t r i a l production d i d not expand as r a p i d l y as i t d i d i n Germany. whereas the per centage of the p o p u l a t i o n working i n i n d u s t r y i n C i s l e i t h a n i a i n creased from 19.7 i n 1869 to 22.2 i n 1900, i n Germany there was a much l a r g e r i n c r e a s e , from 27.6 to 36.8 per cent, i n the same years.^ The reason f o r the discrepancy between these f i g u r e s and those f o r the growth i n annual income and i n d u s t r i a l production becomes c l e a r i f we look at the r e g i o n a l nature of i n d u s t r i a l development i n C i s l e i t h a n i a . As p r e v i o u s l y noted, i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and u r b a n i z a t i o n began i n the l a r g e l y German-speaking western and extreme northwestern areas. The r e s t of the Monarchy, except f o r the Czech regions, was overwhelm-i n g l y a g r i c u l t u r a l before 1914. As the decades passed, however, i n -d u s t r i a l i s m d i d expand eastwards, enveloping f i r s t the Czechs and l a t e r the other peoples. Only a f t e r 1900, could one even begin to speak of 10 i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n i n the southern and eastern parts of the Monarchy. Regional imbalances were thus q u i t e l a r g e , and the h e a v i l y indus-t r i a l i z e d n orth and northwest tended to overcompensate f o r the under-developed east and south, and so d i s t o r t the o v e r a l l f i g u r e s . An examination of the percentages of the population i n the various regions of C i s l e i t h a n i a employed i n i n d u s t r y and a g r i c u l t u r e i n 1890, 1900 and 1910, i n d i c a t e s the r e g i o n a l imbalance. Table 1 Employment i n Industry and A g r i c u l t u r e R Percentage i n Percentage i n Region Industry A g r i c u l t u r e A l p i n e Lands 1890 26.08 1890 51.15 1900 27.66 1900 45.05 1910 27.10 1910 39.30 Bohemian Lands 1890 32.95 1890 49.44 1900 34.25 1900 44.00 1910 35.18 1910 38.94 9 Southern Area 1890 10.83 1890 75.26 1900 11.81 1900 72.54 19'10 13.42 1910 64.57 G a l i c i a 1890 6.26 1890 83.88 1900 5.88 1900 83.31 1910 6.77 1910 78.71 Bukovina 1890 7.39 1890 83.02 1900 7.85 1900 78.97 1910 7.51 1910 77.23 C i s l e i t h a n i a 1890 21.23 1890 62.41 1900 22.25 1900 58.16 1910 22.65 1910 53.10 11 I t i s evident that the A l p i n e and Bohemian Lands had the l i o n ' s share of the i n d u s t r i a l p o p u l a t i o n . As one moved eastwards and south-wards from the northwestern i n d u s t r i a l core, the percentage of the pop u l a t i o n dependent upon a g r i c u l t u r e f o r i t s l i v i n g i n c reased sharply. The percentages by n a t i o n a l i t y employed i n i n d u s t r y and a g r i c u l t u r e i n 1900 emphasize t h i s even f u r t h e r : Table 2 Employment by N a t i o n a l i t y i n Industry and A g r i c u l t u r e " ^ A g r i c u l t u r e -N a t i o n a l i t y Industry F o r e s t r y Germans 38.3 33.5 Czechs 36.5 43.1 Slovenes 13.4 75.4 I t a l i a n s 23.4 50.1 Poles 14.8 65.6 Serbo-Croats 4.6 86.9 Ruthenes 2.5 93.3 Rumanians 2.7 90.3 Germans and Czechs were thus overwhelmingly predominant i n i n d u s t r y i n 1900. In f a c t , 50 per cent of i n d u s t r i a l workers i n C i s -l e i t h a n i a were Germans, and 31 per cent Czechs.''"'*" Only 19 per cent were d i s t r i b u t e d among the approximately 41 per cent of the p o p u l a t i o n which was n e i t h e r German nor Czech. These percentages were a l s o r e -f l e c t e d i n the n a t i o n a l i t y s t r u c t u r e of the s o c i a l i s t movement. The focus on i n d i v i d u a l regions and n a t i o n a l i t i e s b e l i e s the o v e r a l l s t a t i s t i c s f o r C i s l e i t h a n i a , and i n d i c a t e s that socio-economic 12 d i s p a r i t i e s among the peoples were very l a r g e . In order to understand the reasons f o r t h i s i t i s important to remember the p o s i t i o n s the various peoples occupied i n s o c i a l , economic, p o l i t i c a l and c u l t u r a l l i f e at the beginning of the i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n process. P r i o r to the great changes i n the second h a l f of the nineteenth century the Germans— and to a c e r t a i n extent the I t a l i a n s and P o l e s — w e r e predominant i n a l l these areas of l i f e . The other peoples were l a r g e l y peasant peoples, 12 and so began the new era at a great disadvantage. Only the Czechs proved to have the a d a p t a b i l i t y necessary f o r a r e l a t i v e l y quick t r a n s i t i o n i n t o i n d u s t r i a l i s m , and by 1900 they were r a p i d l y o v ertaking the Germans. Perhaps t h e i r long a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h the Holy Roman Empire and the German Confederation had equipped them w i t h the more Western c u l t u r a l p a t t e r n s and experience which were apparently necessary. In s p i t e of the l a i s s e z - f a i r e nature of c a p i t a l i s t ideology i n the nineteenth century, the government of C i s l e i t h a n i a played a much l a r g e r r o l e i n economic development than governments i n B r i t a i n and the Low Countries. Generally speaking, t h i s was p a r t of a p a t t e r n which emerged i n those countries east of the Rhine R i v e r , and which became more intense as one moved eastward. A f t e r 1867 the l i b e r a l B u r g e r m i n i s t e r i u m — s o - c a l l e d s i n c e i t had more commoners than any previous government—began the s e r i o u s removal of b a r r i e r s to trade and the growth of i n d u s t r y . The government was e s p e c i a l l y i n v o l v e d i n the expansion of the economic i n f r a s t r u c t u r e , i n c r e a s i n g the percentage of s t a t e expenditure devoted to i t from 12 13 to 42 per cent between 1869 and 1913. Concomitantly i t used the supe-r i o r t a x resources of the more i n d u s t r i a l provinces to help overcome r e g i o n a l d i s p a r i t i e s . "^ I n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n was only p a r t of the process of change which a f f e c t e d Europe i n the nineteenth century; another part was urbaniza-t i o n . Large s c a l e population movements transformed the human s t r u c -ture of the land. Improvements i n a g r i c u l t u r e and a c c e l e r a t e d popu-l a t i o n growth provided an ever expanding labour pool f o r the new indus-t r i e s i n the c i t i e s and towns. M i g r a t i o n to the new i n d u s t r i a l centres created the i n d u s t r i a l p r o l e t a r i a t , the source of the s o c i a l i s t move-ment. As i n other European countries the s c a l e of p o p u l a t i o n growth and movement i n C i s l e i t h a n i a was l a r g e . On the whole the p o p u l a t i o n increased -from 18.2 m i l l i o n i n 1860 to 26.1 m i l l i o n i n 1900, or 42 14 per cent i n 40 years. This compared favourably w i t h a 50 per cent increase i n Germany i n those y e a r s , and 40 per cent i n Transleithania."'""' The movement to the c i t i e s was e x t e n s i v e , although i t d i d not q u i t e compare w i t h that i n Germany. With approximately twice C i s l e i -t h a n i a ' s p o p u l a t i o n i n 1900, Germany.yhad 36 c i t i e s w i t h more than 100,000 i n h a b i t a n t s to C i s l e i t h a n i a ' s 6, and 526 w i t h more than 10,000, w h i l e 16 C i s l e i t h a n i a had only 92. Despite t h i s , however, growth rates i n C i s l e i t h a n i a were not unimpressive. In the s i n g l e decade of the 1880's f o r example, w h i l e the p o p u l a t i o n as a whole grew by 8 per cent, the numbers l i v i n g i n c i t i e s of 100,000 and more increased by more than o n e - t h i r d . " ^ Even more imposing was the growth of c i t i e s of 10,000 or more. Between 1850 and 1910 they increased by more than 400 per 14 18 cent. Vienna, w i t h a p o p u l a t i o n of 898,855 i n 1869, had a t t a i n e d 19 1,769,028 by 1900—an increment of almost 100 per cent i n t h i r t y years. Prague's growth was not as l a r g e . I t had 157,713 i n h a b i t a n t s i n 1869, 20 and 201,589 i n 1900, a 28 per cent i n c r e a s e . Because of the v a r y i n g l e v e l s of socio-economic d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n among the peoples of C i s l e i t h a n i a , the p r o p o r t i o n of each n a t i o n a l i t y ' s p o p u l a t i o n p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n the move to the c i t i e s was d i f f e r e n t . This i s i n d i c a t e d by the percentage of each n a t i o n a l i t y ' s p o p u l a t i o n l i v i n g i n c i t i e s i n 1900: 21 Germans 27.8 per cent Czechs 15.3 Poles 12.9 Slovenes 5.8 Ukrainians 2.08 Serbo-Croats 0.75 C i s l e i t h a n i a 17.8 By 1910 Germans formed 57.2 per cent of the urban po p u l a t i o n i n C i s -l e i t h a n i a , although t h e i r p r o p o r t i o n of the p o p u l a t i o n as a whole was 22 only 35.58 per cent. In s p i t e of the apparent German predominance i n the c i t i e s , u r b a n i z a t i o n brought great changes to the e t h n i c s t r u c t u r e of c i t i e s i n the Monarchy, mostly to the disadvantage of the Germans. Prague, P i l s e n , Budweis and other c i t i e s w i t h a l i e n h i n t e r l a n d s l o s t t h e i r German character as a r e s u l t of migrations i n the nineteenth century. For a 23 time, even Vienna appeared to be threatened. Along w i t h the l a r g e -s c a l e Czech migrations i n t o i n d u s t r i a l German Bohemia, the i n d u s t r i a l -i z a t i o n process appeared to endanger the German p o s i t i o n i n C i s l e i t h a n i a . This circumstance, among othe r s , was to c o n t r i b u t e g r e a t l y to the i n -c r e a s i n g l y defensive a t t i t u d e of the Germans as the century progressed. Figure 1. The Habsburg Monarchy on the Eve of the First W o r l d W a r ADMINISTRATIVE STRUCTURE 16 24 The t h r e a t to the German p o s i t i o n was a r e a l one. As indus-t r i a l i z a t i o n and u r b a n i z a t i o n spread to the peasant n a t i o n a l i t i e s of the Monarchy, they began to develop modern s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s . The new groups which emerged clamoured f o r a share i n both wealth and power i n the s t a t e , and a long s t r u g g l e f o r power began. I t was complicated by n a t i o n a l i s t f e e l i n g among a l l groups i n C i s l e i t h a n i a , not excluding the s o c i a l i s t s . As the s o c i a l i s t movement, one of the products of i n d u s t r i a l -i z a t i o n and u r b a n i z a t i o n , developed, i t faced not only the economic problems encounted by s o c i a l i s t s and workers elsewhere, but a l s o the r e p r e s s i v e nature of the p o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e of C i s l e i t h a n i a . i i ) The P o l i t i c a l S t r u c t u r e of C i s l e i t h a n i a A f t e r a d i s a s t r o u s defeat at the hands of P r u s s i a i n 1866 the r u l e r s of the Habsburg Monarchy, apprehensive about the s u r v i v a l of the s t a t e , decided to reorganize i t . I n 1867 an A u s g l e i c h was con-cluded w i t h Hungary, and from thenceforth Hungary developed i n a d i f -f e r e n t d i r e c t i o n from the r e s t of the Monarchy. In those p a r t s of the Monarchy l e f t over—known as the "King-doms and Lands represented i n the R e i c h s r a t " — a new system of govern-ment was organized during 1867. This new governmental s t r u c t u r e was not democratic, nor even as advanced as the German system. In form i t was l i k e the B r i t i s h model. A bi-cameral parliament, c o n s i s t i n g of a Herrenhaus and an Abgeordnetenhaus was created. The 17 lower house was not e l e c t e d by the p o p u l a t i o n , however, but r a t h e r by the Landtage or p r o v i n c i a l assemblies. These i n turn were e l e c t e d on the b a s i s of a r e s t r i c t e d three or four c l a s s f r a n c h i s e , s i m i l a r to 25 that i n P r u s s i a . The Landtag f r a n c h i s e was not broadened before the c o l l a p s e of the Monarchy. Although a form of cabinet government was e s t a b l i s h e d , the cabinet d i d not have to be based on a m a j o r i t y i n parliament. As time passed a t r a d i t i o n of doing so developed, but t h i s was not always the case. Although parliament had many of the r i g h t s and p r i v i l e g e s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the B r i t i s h system, such as the r i g h t to i n i t i a t e 26 l e g i s l a t i o n and to approve the budget, the government was i n r e a l i t y an emperor's government. Franz Josef had the r i g h t to i n i t i a t e l e g i s -l a t i o n , though h i s every act had to be counter-signed by a re s p o n s i b l e 27 m i n i s t e r . The e f f e c t i v e n e s s of t h i s l i m i t a t i o n was c u r t a i l e d by the f a c t that the emperor could appoint and dismiss m i n i s t r i e s a t w i l l . He a l s o had the power to decide upon peace and war and the making of t r e a t i e s , a c l e a r i l l u s t r a t i o n of the concentration of power i n h i s hands. The infamous " A r t i c l e 14" of the new c o n s t i t u t i o n f u r t h e r l i m i t e d the power of parliament. When parliament was not i n se s s i o n the govern-29 ment was given the r i g h t to r u l e by decree, i f necessary. Such decrees had the force of law, although they had to be approved by parliament when i t assembled. As n a t i o n a l i s t o b s t r u c t i o n i n c r e a s i n g l y hampered parliament's a c t i v i t y a f t e r 1897, the emperor and h i s government tended 18 to v i o l a t e the s p i r i t of the law by proroguing parliament and r u l i n g by decree. I n d i v i d u a l s were granted e q u a l i t y before the law, the r i g h t to assemble and a s s o c i a t e i n g r o u p s — i n c l u d i n g p o l i t i c a l groups—and other democratic r i g h t s . There was to be a f r e e p r e s s , unencumbered by censorship. In s p i t e of the apparent l i b e r a l i t y of these r i g h t s , however, there were s t r i c t l i m i t a t i o n s on them, and they could r e l a -t i v e l y e a s i l y be set aside. While the p o p u l a t i o n was given the r i g h t to organize p o l i t i c a l l y , f o r example, the d e f i n i t i o n of what c o n s t i -t uted a p o l i t i c a l a s s o c i a t i o n was often l e f t to the r e l e v a n t a u t h o r i t i e s , 30 and they could use or abuse t h e i r power as they wished. This was a r e a l problem, p a r t i c u l a r l y f o r the s o c i a l i s t movement. Furthermore, a p o l i t i c a l a s s o c i a t i o n approved by the a u t h o r i t i e s could not develop 31 t i e s w i t h other p o l i t i c a l a s s o c i a t i o n s . This r e s t r i c t i o n prevented the s o c i a l i s t s from e s t a b l i s h i n g a concrete o r g a n i z a t i o n u n t i l a f t e r 1891. In a d d i t i o n , i n case of war, " i n t e r n a l unrest," or "treasonous a c t i v i t i e s , " the b a s i c r i g h t s of the i n d i v i d u a l — i n c l u d i n g freedom of person, freedom of the pr e s s , and of a s s o c i a t i o n and assembly— 32 could be " l i m i t e d . " Once again, these terms were not s p e c i f i c a l l y defined. As a r e s u l t , f o l l o w i n g a demonstration i n Vienna i n 1869, the leaders of the s o c i a l i s t movement were t r i e d f o r "high-treason." One aspect of the new c o n s t i t u t i o n which was unique was the l e g a l p r o t e c t i o n of the r i g h t s of the peoples of C i s l e i t h a n i a . A l l n a t i o n a l i t i e s were declared to be equal, and were to have complete freedom to propagate and preserve t h e i r n a t i o n a l i t y and language; a l l "customary" languages were guaranteed t h e i r r i g h t s i n s c h o o l s , and 33 i n o f f i c i a l and p u b l i c l i f e . This p r o g r e s s i v e law had no counter-34 part i n the other m u l t i - n a t i o n a l s t a t e s i n Europe at the time. In p r a c t i s e , of course, n a t i o n a l i t i e s were not equal, nor d i d they have equal access to education i n t h e i r own languages, but as time passed a gradual development towards language e q u a l i t y d i d occur. C l e a r l y the C i s l e i t h a n i a n h a l f of the Monarchy was an undemo-c r a t i c s t a t e a f t e r 1867. For the upper c l a s s e s there was indeed r e p r e s e n t a t i o n and a c e r t a i n amount of p o l i t i c a l power, but f o r the "lower orders" there was next to nothing. S o c i a l i s t s were thus placed i n a more d i f f i c u l t p o s i t i o n than comrades i n Western Europe and even Germany, f o r they had no hope of e l e c t i n g members of parliament who could f r e e l y express s o c i a l i s t views. In Germany u n i v e r s a l manhood s u f f r a g e , at l e a s t f o r the c e n t r a l parliament, was granted i n 1867 and t h e r e a f t e r the German s o c i a l i s t s could e l e c t members of parliament and have t h e i r views r e p r e s e n t e d — i f not acted u pon—at the highest l e v e l i n the land. The l a c k of the f r a n c h i s e and other r i g h t s i n C i s l e i t h a n i a meant that the C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t movement had to add to i t s a c t i -v i t y a s t r u g g l e f o r the most b a s i c democratic r i g h t s . Not only were workers excluded from the b a l l o t , but the laws granting r i g h t s to i n d i -v i d u a l s , i n c l u d i n g those of a s s o c i a t i o n and assembly, d i d not i n e f f e c t apply to s o c i a l i s t s . The various organs of government concerned w i t h the s o c i a l i s t movement c o n s t a n t l y took advantage of those aspects of 20 the laws which permitted them to repress the s o c i a l i s t s . P a r t y pro-grammes were declared S t a a t s g e f a h r l i c h (a danger to the s t a t e ) , meetings were ordered d i s s o l v e d or even p r o h i b i t e d , o r g a n i z a t i o n s were a b o l i s h e d , and s o c i a l i s t s were thrown i n p r i s o n or e x i l e d . S o c i a l i s t s newspapers were censored, and the Kaution system—each paper had to deposit a lar g e sum of money w i t h the a u t h o r i t i e s from which f i n e s were to be subtracted i n case of i n f r a c t i o n of the law—made i t extremely d i f f i -c u l t f o r s o c i a l i s t newspapers to s u r v i v e . There was, however, progress of a s o r t . A f t e r 1890 r e p r e s s i o n of the s o c i a l i s t movement slackened p e r c e p t i b l y . A d d i t i o n a l l y , the f r a n c h i s e was g r a d u a l l y extended. In 1873 a f r a n c h i s e reform made e l e c t i o n s to the Re i c h s r a t d i r e c t , though only those who p a i d at l e a s t 10 to 20 gulden taxes could vote f o r the four c u r i a e i n t o which the lower house was d i v i d e d . Workers, peasants and much of the lower middle 35 c l a s s were s t i l l excluded from the vote. Another m o d i f i c a t i o n i n 1882 reduced the tax q u a l i f i c a t i o n to 5 gulden but s t i l l l e f t the mass of the po p u l a t i o n unrepresented. Only i n 1896 was there a major change. In that year an e l e c t o r a l reform which permitted a l l men over age twenty-four to vote was introduced. Only 72 of the 353 seats were to be e l e c t e d 36 on t h i s b a s i s , however. The other four c u r i a e were maintained. At l a s t , however, s o c i a l i s t s and others could run f o r parliament. In the f i r s t e l e c t i o n s under the new system fourteen s o c i a l i s t s were suc-c e s s f u l . F i n a l l y , i n 1907 u n i v e r s a l manhood suf f r a g e f o r a l l seats was won, i n p a r t due to the e f f o r t s of the s o c i a l i s t s . Only a f t e r 189 7, 21 t h e r e f o r e , could one speak of any k i n d of s o c i a l i s t parliamentary a c t i -v i t y . In so f a r as the s o c i a l i s t party e x i s t e d i n the years before 189 7 i t functioned as an extra-parliamentary p a r t y , and could have no d i r e c t i n f l u e n c e on parliament and the laws of the land. For other p a r t i e s i n C i s l e i t h a n i a the s i t u a t i o n was d i f f e r e n t . The age of mass p a r t i e s r e a l l y began w i t h the e l e c t o r a l reform of 1882, which enfr a n c h i s e d the lower middle c l a s s . By the e a r l y 1890's the f i r s t mass p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s had emerged. S i g n i f i c a n t l y , the changes i n the f r a n c h i s e d i d not lead to the growth of mass l i b e r a l p a r t i e s . Instead the lower middle c l a s s and the working c l a s s p r e f e r r e d n a t i o n a l or s o c i a l r a d i c a l i s m . Of the p a r t i e s represented i n parliament before 189 7 only the C h r i s t i a n S o c i a l P a r t y even attempted to appeal to a m u l t i - n a t i o n a l e l e c t o r a t e . Once the s o c i a l i s t s won parliamentary r e p r e s e n t a t i o n , however, they were the only s u p r a - n a t i o n a l l y - o r g a n i z e d mass party i n parliament. The adoption of u n i v e r s a l manhoodssuffrage i n 1907 placed C i s -l e i t h a n i a among the more l i b e r a l European s t a t e s . That t h i s progres-s i v e step occurred at the expense of the Germans i s evident from t h e i r p r o p o r t i o n of deputies i n parliament. At the time of the 1873 reform they h e l d a two-thirds m a j o r i t y of the seats i n the lower house. The 1882 m o d i f i c a t i o n reduced t h i s to 52.4 per cent, and the 1896 reform 37 to 47 per cent. The 1907 reform i r r e t r i e v a b l y ended any p o s s i b i l i t y of a German m a j o r i t y i n parliament. I t i s thus c l e a r that the democra-t i z a t i o n of the s t a t e occurred at the expense of the Germans, i n the same sense that i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and u r b a n i z a t i o n i n t h e i r l a t e r stages d i d . 22 i i i ) The O r i g i n s and Development of the S o c i a l i s t Movement i n C i s l e i t h a n i a S o c i a l i s m i n C i s l e i t h a n i a d i d not emerge overnight a f t e r the l i b e r a l i z a t i o n of 1867. A long p e r i o d of organizationalowbrk-had pre-ceded the a c t u a l growth of a s o c i a l i s t movement. The f i r s t worker o r g a n i z a t i o n s of any k i n d had begun i n 1804 when " f a c t o r y funds" were 38 e s t a b l i s h e d i n the t e x t i l e and p o r c e l a i n i n d u s t r i e s i n Bohemia. O r i g i n a l l y formed to provide sickness and t r a v e l b e n e f i t s f o r members, many began to c o l l e c t funds f o r support of unemployed workers, thereby assuming some c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of trade unions. By 1840 some workers began to th i n k of them i n terms other than as mere benevolent asso-39 c i a t i o n s . The government of Bohemia became alarmed, and as of 14 March 1845 c o l l e c t i o n of money among workers was forbidden, except i n so f a r as the a u t h o r i t i e s s p e c i f i c a l l y permitted i t . A h i s t o r i a n of the labour movement says that the government feared " s o c i a l i s t a g i -40 t a t i o n " i n these a s s o c i a t i o n s . The r e v o l u t i o n of 1848 was a s i g n i f i c a n t event i n the develop-ment of the labour movement i n C i s l e i t h a n i a . For the f i r s t time indus-t r i a l workers, as a s e l f - c o n s c i o u s group r a t h e r than as i s o l a t e d i n d i -v i d u a l s , appeared on the h i s t o r i c a l stage i n Prague and Vienna. Pub-l i c a l l y they r a i s e d demands of t h e i r own; f o r increased wages, s h o r t e r 41 working hours and b e t t e r working c o n d i t i o n s . These demands, and the appearance of workers on the ba r r i c a d e s i n the l a t t e r stages of the upheaval, were important:, not only i n t h e i r s i g n i f i c a n c e i n the r e v o l u t i o n a r y process i t s e l f , but a l s o f o r t h e i r impact upon the 23 evolution of the workers' self-consciousness. I n t e r e s t i n g l y , however, when K a r l Marx appeared i n Vienna i n 1848, seeking support for h i s 42 ideas, he found l i t t l e response. I t i s c l e a r , however, that the creation of separate worker organizations during the revolution e v i -denced the workers' consciousness of themselves as separate from the bourgeoisie. Following the collapse of the revolution and the return of absolutism there was l i t t l e s o c i a l i s t a c t i v i t y u n t i l the 1860's. As a movement did begin to emerge'it was l e d e i t h e r by Reich-German workers or Austro-Germans who had been a c t i v e i n the s o c i a l i s t movement i n Germany. For this reason, the new ideologies beginning to spread among workers i n C i s l e i t h a n i a i n the 1860's were imported from Germany. They took two forms, " s e l f - h e l p " (Schulze-Delitzsch) and "state-help" (Las-s a l l e ) . Schulze-Delitzsch believed that workers should not expect any help from the state, and that they should organize t h e i r own " s e l f -help" s o c i e t i e s by forming consumers' and producers' associations and savings' s o c i e t i e s . The working class should r e f r a i n from p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y . In contrast, the Lassalleans opined that the state should be used as an instrument by workers to create "state-help" associations and co-operatives which could then replace c a p i t a l i s t industry. The means to be used were p o l i t i c a l ; workers would obtain u n i v e r s a l man-hood suffrage and take over the state apparatus. To do t h i s they would need to co-operate with the l i b e r a l s against the n o b i l i t y and other reactionary forces. 24 Marxism was not one of the i d e o l o g i e s competing f o r the favour of the workers at t h i s time. Although Marx and Engels' "Communist 43 Manifesto' was pu b l i s h e d i n Vienna as e a r l y as 1868, and although Czech s o c i a l i s t papers began p u b l i s h i n g Marx's comments on the Franco-44 P r u s s i a n War i n 1870-71, i t was not u n t i l the 1870's that Marxism began to have an impact i n C i s l e i t h a n i a . In any case, u n t i l the adoption of a new c o n s t i t u t i o n i n 1867, l e g a l s o c i a l i s t a c t i v i t y i n C i s l e i t h a n i a was v i r t u a l l y impossible. The p a r t of the new c o n s t i t u t i o n immediately relevant to the workers was, of course, the " l i b e r a l i z a t i o n " of the a s s o c i a t i o n s and assembly laws of 1852. As the government i n t e r p r e t e d i t , t h i s permitted workers to form n o n - p o l i t i c a l a s s o c i a t i o n s , such as worker's e d u c a t i o n a l asso-c i a t i o n s , a form pioneered i n Germany i n 1859. In mid-November 1867, the s t a t u t e s of the f i r s t l e g a l e d u c a t i o n a l a s s o c i a t i o n , founded i n 45 Vienna, were approved by the I n t e r i o r M i n i s t r y . This opened the way to the founding of ed u c a t i o n a l a s s o c i a t i o n s i n the major i n d u s t r i a l centres of C i s l e i t h a n i a . I n i t i a l l y l o c a t e d i n Vienna, North Bohemia, Brlinn, and i n Graz, the new or g a n i z a t i o n s began opening reading rooms f o r workers and forming d i s c u s s i o n groups. They e s t a b l i s h e d contacts w i t h one another, but no attempt could be made to form a n a t i o n a l or r e g i o n a l a s s o c i a t i o n , i n s p i t e of the f a c t that they were n o n - p o l i t i c a l . A c t i v i t y i n the new a s s o c i a t i o n s r a p i d l y became p o l i t i c a l , however, as they began t o consider what form of ideology to adopt, and to take a p o s i t i o n on the iss u e s of the day. During 1868 s o c i a l i s t s .25-began to h o l d what they c a l l e d worker's assemblies, and adopted reso-l u t i o n s on various t o p i c s . At the n i n t h of these, h e l d on 30 August 1868 i n Vienna, the Vienna o r g a n i z a t i o n adopted a L a s s a l l e a n pro-46 gramme. Even before t h i s they had taken a p o s i t i o n on the compli-cated n a t i o n a l i t y problem i n C i s l e i t h a n i a . I t was argued that the " p r i n c i p l e of n a t i o n a l i t y i s today only on the agenda of r e a c t i o n a r i e s , " and that the v i c t o r y of s o c i a l i s m and the achievement of e q u a l i t y would 47 s o l v e the n a t i o n a l i t y question. This statement t y p i f i e s the view of the n a t i o n a l i t y question h e l d by European s o c i a l i s t s i n the n i n e -teenth century and can be seen as one of the c a r d i n a l defects of s o c i a l i s t thought. I n i t i a l l y the government permitted the s o c i a l i s t s considerable freedom of a c t i o n , provided they d i d not contravene the law. F o l l o w i n g the Eisenach founding Congress of the German s o c i a l i s t party i n August 1869, however, the government launched a r e p r e s s i v e campaign against them. Some d i s c u s s i o n of the background to t h i s i s necessary. P r i o r to the Austro-Prussian War of 1866 C i s l e i t h a n i a was, of course, a member of the German Confederation. As a r e s u l t , C i s -l e i t h a n i a n Germans and Reich-Germans d i d not d i f f e r e n t i a t e between the two c o u n t r i e s , e s p e c i a l l y i n the s o c i a l i s t movement. There was f r e e passage of both men and ideas across the borders. As the s o c i a l i s t movement emerged among Germans i n C i s l e i t h a n i a , t i e s between them and s o c i a l i s t s i n Germany were very c l o s e , and f o r a long time a f t e r Kbnig-grat z the new r e a l i t y was r e j e c t e d . On 25 J u l y 1869, f o r example, Wilhelm Liebknecht, one of the leaders of the s o c i a l i s t movement i n 26 Germany, spoke i n Vienna. He argued t h a t : The present e x c l u s i o n of A u s t r i a from Germany i s only pro-v i s i o n a l and temporary. A u s t r i a must come back to Germany . . . We do not stand i n an i n t e r n a t i o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h A u s t r i a n workers, on the c o n t r a r y , our r e l a t i o n s h i p i s a n a t i o n a l one; we cannot organize without you.48 C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t s agreed w i t h t h i s view, and as a r e s u l t , when the Bebel-Liebknecht f a c t i o n i n the German worker's movement h e l d a congress at Eisenach Germany i n order to found a s o c i a l i s t p a r t y , 49 C i s l e i t h a n i a n Germans sent r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . Despite Liebknecht s warnings about the danger of p o l i c e r e p r e s s i o n , the congress decided to l o c a t e the new party's C o n t r o l Commission i n Vienna. A f t e r the congress, C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t s adopted the pro-gramme of the Eisenach p a r t y . Based l a r g e l y on the programme of the F i r s t I n t e r n a t i o n a l , ^ i t . i t i e a l l e d f o r the establishment of a " f r e e s t a t e , " which could only mean a r e p u b l i c . This was i n t o l e r a b l e to the C i s -l e i t h a n i a n a u t h o r i t i e s , and the programme was p r o h i b i t e d i n C i s l e i t h a n i a . A massive campaign of r e p r e s s i o n of the s o c i a l i s t movement began. The c r i s i s brought on by the campaign climaxed i n a l a r g e demon-52 s t r a t i o n before the assembling R e i c h s r a t on 13 December 1869. This was the f i r s t major demonstration by workers i n C i s l e i t h a n i a s i n c e 1848, and was 'remarkable f o r the o r d e r l i n e s s i n which the ten to twenty thou-53 sand workers paraded before parliament. A p e t i t i o n , c a l l i n g f o r freedom of a s s o c i a t i o n , a f r e e press and e l e c t o r a l r i g h t s , was presented to the m i n i s t e r - p r e s i d e n t , Graf Taaffe. Freedom of a s s o c i a t i o n was granted, but the government immediately acted to prevent the s o c i a l i s t s 54 from t h i n k i n g they had won a major v i c t o r y . The le a d e r s - o f . t h e 27 de l e g a t i o n which had presented the p e t i t i o n were a r r e s t e d , and on 2 March 1870, l e a d i n g Viennese s o c i a l i s t s , i n c l u d i n g H e i n r i c h Oberwinder and Andreas Scheu were a l s o apprehended. Far from g i v i n g i n to pres-sure, the government was planning a high-treason t r i a l , w i t h the i n t e n -t i o n of completely destroying the worker's movement. At the t r i a l , which occurred i n J u l y 1870, the defendants were found g u i l t y , and Scheu, Oberwinder and one Johann Most were sentenced 56 to s e v e r a l years at hard labour. In one f e l l swoop the leadership of what was becoming C i s l e i t h a n i a n r a t h e r than merely Viennese s o c i a l democracy was removed. On 30 J u l y 1870 the Vienna e d u c a t i o n a l asso-c i a t i o n , and many others as w e l l , was d i s s o l v e d by governmental decree. Another r e s u l t of these events was the c l o s u r e of the V o l k s -stimme, Vienna's only s o c i a l i s t n e w s p a p e r . I t was replaced i n January 1870, however, by the weekly V o l k s w i l l e and by G l e i c h h e i t i n Wiener 58 Neustadt, both e d i t e d by Austro-Germans. The establishment of the Volksstimme—on 11 A p r i l 1869—had marked an important step i n the growth of the s o c i a l i s t movement; a p o l i t i c a l forum was created i n which s o c i a l i s t views could be expressed p u b l i c l y . In a d d i t i o n , the press served as the l e a d e r s h i p of the s o c i a l i s t movement w e l l i n t o the 1890's, f o r l e a d i n g s o c i a l i s t s i n e v i t a b l y centred t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s i n the e d i t o r i a l committees of the press. On the same day the v e r d i c t i n the high-treason t r i a l was announced, France declared war on P r u s s i a . The i n t e r n a t i o n a l s i g n i -f i c a n c e of the Franco-Prussian War i s w e l l known, but i t a l s o had an impact on the future of C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l democracy. The War, and 28 r e a c t i o n s to one of i t s r e s u l t s , the P a r i s Commune, had important im-p l i c a t i o n s f o r both Czech and German s o c i a l i s t s i n the Monarchy. Their a t t i t u d e s to each other and t h e i r n a t i o n a l i s t movements, as w e l l as 59 to t h e i r middle c l a s s e s , changed. Some Czech workers i n Prague began to consider c l o s e r r e l a t i o n s w i t h Austro-German s o c i a l i s t s . This occurred because many Austro-German s o c i a l i s t s took the same p o s i t i o n as Czech s o c i a l i s t s — s u p p o r t f o r the French Republic ( u n t i l the P a r i s Commune was suppressed), and t h e r e f o r e o p p o s i t i o n to the new German R e i c h . ^ Since there had been voices among the Germans, which had favoured the idea of Czech-German -co-operation from the beginning, t h i s r a i s e d the p o s s i b i l i t y of forming a b i - n a t i o n a l s o c i a l i s t movement i n C i s l e i t h a n i a . T i e d d i r e c t l y to t h i s was the s o c i a l i s t s ' r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h the middle c l a s s and i t s p a r t i e s as a whole. When these had condemned the P a r i s Commune—which the s o c i a l i s t s saw as the f i r s t s o c i a l i s t r e v o l u t i o n i n Europe—both Czech and German s o c i a l i s t s began to r e -evaluate t h e i r r e l a t i o n s w i t h the middle c l a s s . Since the n a t i o n a l movements were p r i m a r i l y i d e n t i f i e d w i t h the middle c l a s s and i t s p a r t i e s , t h i s meant a r e c o n s i d e r a t i o n of the r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h the n a t i o n a l movements as w e l l . For German-speaking s o c i a l i s t s , at l e a s t i n terms of a c t u a l l y e x i s t i n g t i e s w i t h t h e i r middle c l a s s , t h i s d i d not pose a r e a l problem, f o r the German middle c l a s s was l a r g e l y h o s t i l e to the s o c i a l i s t movement i n both the A l p i n e and Bohemian lands. I t d i d pose a problem f o r the Czechs, however, f o r the Czech middle c l a s s had had both an i n t e r e s t i n and t i e s w i t h the s o c i a l i s t movement sin c e 61 i t s i n c e p t i o n . 29 The d i f f e r e n c e s between the a t t i t u d e s of the Czech and German middle c l a s s e s were important. Czech l i b e r a l s , genuinely i n t e r e s t e d i n the w e l f a r e of Czech workers, had attempted to organize them a f t e r 1867. This a c t i v i t y a l s o r e f l e c t e d t h e i r d e s i r e to i n c l u d e workers i n the Czech n a t i o n a l i s t movement. The German middle c l a s s , on the other hand, l a c k i n g a n a t i o n a l i s t movement, and unclear as to what a German n a t i o n a l i s t movement should stand f o r i n the f i r s t p l a c e , took l i t t l e i n t e r e s t i n the workers' movement, and thus i n s o c i a l i s m . Among German-speaking s o c i a l i s t s the r e a l problem was not what the German middle c l a s s thought of the s o c i a l i s t movement, but r a t h e r what some s o c i a l i s t s thought of the middle c l a s s . Following the amnesty of the imprisoned Vienna l e a d e r s h i p i n February 1871 s o c i a l i s t a c t i v i t y i n the c a p i t a l expanded once more. The i d e o l o g i c a l c o n f l i c t which was about to occur found expression i n the views of the two major lea d e r s . This was a s i g n i f i c a n t phenomenon i n i t s e l f , f o r i t emphasized that the s o c i a l i s t movement had developed to the p o i n t where s p e c i f i c i n d i -v i d u a l s could be c l e a r l y i d e n t i f i e d as l e a d e r s . H e i n r i c h Oberwinder (1846-1914), as a German-born L a s s a l l e a n , stood f o r co-operation w i t h the middle c l a s s and i t s p a r t i e s . He was a l s o a pan-German n a t i o n a l i s t , had favoured P r u s s i a i n the war, and wanted to take p a r t i n a Sieges- f e i e r a f t e r i t ended. Andreas Scheu (1844-1927), the f i r s t important native-born s o c i a l i s t l e a d e r , was an i n t e r n a t i o n a l i s t , and was opposed 62 to any co-operation w i t h the b o u r g e o i s i e . Contrary to the claims 6 3 of some h i s t o r i a n s , however, Scheu was not a M a r x i s t . His views d i d , however, r e f l e c t the i n f l u e n c e of the F i r s t I n t e r n a t i o n a l i n the C i s -l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t movement. 30 That i n f l u e n c e was extremely important. A l l of the l e a d i n g members of the movement i n Vienna were members of the I n t e r n a t i o n a l , 64 and t i e s between i t and the s o c i a l i s t movement were c l o s e . Orxgx-n a l l y , the German-language s e c t i o n of the I n t e r n a t i o n a l , b a s e d 1 1 1 Geneva, had seen i t s e l f as the a c t u a l party of German-speaking workers. A f t e r the founding of the Eisenach party i n Germany, however, and e s p e c i a l l y a f t e r the events of 1870-71, t h i s f i c t i o n could no longer be maintained. At the 1872 Hague Congress of the I n t e r n a t i o n a l — a t t w h ' i e h Oberwinder was a d e l e g a t e — i t was decided that each n a t i o n a l group should form i t s own independent n a t i o n a l p a r t y . Appropriate i n s t r u c t i o n s were sent out to the c o r r e s p o n d e n t s . ^ These were a powerful weapon i n Scheu's s t r u g g l e w i t h Oberwinder. Oberwinder's d e s i r e to co-operate w i t h the middle c l a s s found expression i n h i s welcoming of the 1873 e l e c t o r a l reform, even though i t granted no concessions to workers. This was the immediate cause of the s p l i t between the two men. Scheu saw t h i s as a r e t r e a t from the goal of u n i v e r s a l s u f f r a g e , and a compromising departure from 66 s o c i a l i s t p r i n c i p l e . The c o n f l i c t between Oberwinder and Scheu soon became general i n the Vienna movement, and was u l t i m a t e l y , i n conjunc-t i o n w i t h other f a c t o r s , to c r i p p l e i t f o r some time to come. The p r o v i n c i a l German groups tended to declare f o r Scheu, though Graz r e -mained n e u t r a l . To complicate matters, i n May of 1873 the Vienna stock market c o l l a p s e d , ushering i n the worst depression of the nineteenth century. Between 1867 and 1873 C i s l e i t h a n i a had enjoyed an unprecedented 31 economic boom, and t h i s had l u l l e d the s o c i a l i s t s into a f a l s e sense of s e c u r i t y — a l o n g with everyone else i n the society. Many s t r i k e s had been successful, and by 1873 the trade union movement was impres-s i v e l y strong. A f t e r the crash, however, the decline of the movement was pre-c i p i t a t e . The trade association of manufacturing workers i n Reichen-berg f e l l from a peak of 3,535 members i n 1870 to a low of 68 i n 1877. The Vienna Worker's Educational Association, founded with such high hopes i n 1867, and with nearly 6,000 members i n 1868, had s l i p p e d to 68 a mere 180 members by 1878. F r u s t r a t i o n i n the economic realm only i n t e n s i f i e d the per-s o n a l i t y c o n f l i c t i n Vienna, although Oberwinder's p o s i t i o n was de-c l i n i n g . At the end of June 1873 Scheu's f a c t i o n united with another opposition group, c a l l i n g f o r the creation of a new programme. In November, the Graz organization, which had not become involved i n the struggle, proposed a congress to unite the factions and to create a worker s party. Czech and German s o c i a l i s t s were agreeable to the idea, and both were represented at the Neudbrfl Congress, held i n A p r i l 1874. O r i g i n a l l y to be held i n Baden, Lower A u s t r i a , i t had to be adjourned to Neudbrfl i n Hungary because the C i s l e i t h a n i a n p o l i c e forbade i t . Oberwinder's group refused to take part i n an i l l e g a l congress, so they returned to Vienna. A s l i g h t l y modified Eisenach programme was adopted by those who remained, and a section on r e l a t i o n s with the Czechs, which c a l l e d 32 f o r n a t i o n a l s e l f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n , was added. I t was agreed that Czechs and Germans would c o - e x i s t i n the un i t e d p a r t y , though they would each 70 have t h e i r own o r g a n i z a t i o n s . The Neudbrfl Congress was the founding congress of the s o c i a l democratic party i n C i s l e i t h a n i a , f o r both Czechs and Germans. I t thus deserves to be ranked w i t h the Eisenach Congress i n importance. In a wider sense, and even more s i g n i f i c a n t l y , Neudbrfl represented the f i r s t attempt i n the h i s t o r y of the i n t e r n a t i o n a l s o c i a l i s t move-ment to solv e the n a t i o n a l i t y question as i t a f f e c t e d party o r g a n i z a t i o n 71 without s a c r i f i c i n g u n i t y . The e f f e c t s of the congress were, however, v i r t u a l l y n u l l i f i e d when the government attacked the new o r g a n i z a t i o n . Andreas Scheu was hounded out of C i s l e i t h a n i a , and i n J u l y 1874 the party executive i n Graz was a r r e s t e d . Treason t r i a l s f o l l o w e d , and by the end of 1874 the new party was i n d i s a r r a y . An attempt to h o l d another congress i n 1875 was broken up by the p o l i c e . Repression only served to a c c e l -erate the d e c l i n e of the German movement. Several years of confusion followed. In 1876, under the lea d e r s h i p of Emil K a l e r - R e i n t h a l (1853-722 189 7), according to K a r l Kautsky an opponent of " m a t e r i a l i s m , " an attempt was made to u n i t e w i t h the Oberwinder f a c t i o n , and to b r i n g the party programme i n t o l i n e w i t h K a l e r - R e i n t h a l ' s concept of " l e g a l i t y . " At the Wiener Neustadt Congress of August 1876 agreement was reached w i t h p a r t of Oberwinder's f a c t i o n . At the same time, a new programme was adopted. Although i t was based on the Germany party's Gotha 33 programme, K a l e r - R e i n t h a l ' s c o n v i c t i o n that the party must avoid " i l -l e g a l i t y " l e d to a r e t r e a t from the p r i n c i p l e s expressed at Neudbrfl. As the programme phrased i t : The workers of A u s t r i a s t r u g g l e on the b a s i s of the e x i s t i n g c o n s t i t u t i o n . . . f o r a r a d i c a l r e o r g a n i z a t i o n of the s t a t e and of s o c i e t y . . . but they r e j e c t a l l p l a y i n g w i t h revo-l u t i o n . 73 Ost e n s i b l y c a l l e d to u n i t e the p a r t y , the Congress went so f a r as to r e j e c t the i d e a of a nation-wide p a r t y : Because a u n i t e d o r g a n i z a t i o n . . . under a common p o l i -t i c a l and s o c i a l programme has foundered on the r e s i s t a n c e of the government, the worker's assembly recognizes . . . [that] any extensive t h e o r e t i c a l programme and any [na t i o n -wide] o r g a n i z a t i o n should be abandoned.^ The abandonment of any attempt to maintain a nation-wide or-g a n i z a t i o n was expressed by the f a i l u r e to i n v i t e the Czechs to the Co n g r e s s . ^ P a r t l y as a r e s u l t , the Neudbrfl d e c i s i o n s concerning n a t i o n a l s e l f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n and an i n t e r n a t i o n a l party o r g a n i z a t i o n 76 were allowed to lapse. I t was c l e a r that c o n t i n u i n g r e p r e s s i o n and the cumulative e f f e c t s of the l a s t i n g depression were t a k i n g t h e i r t o l l . Reaction to the new programme was b i t t e r i n many quarters and l e f t and r i g h t wing f a c t i o n s developed. The le£t wing m a j o r i t y r e -j e c t e d the emphasis on l e g a l i t y and the abandonment of the t i e w i t h the Czech s o c i a l i s t s . The r e s u l t of t h i s was that an o p p o s i t i o n to K a l e r - R e i n t h a l ' s l e a d e r s h i p and h i s programme developed w i t h i n the party. At the Atzgersdorf Congress of 1877 t h i s found expression i n the r e j e c t i o n of the Wiener Neustadt programme, and i n a b i t t e r a t t a c k on K a l e r - R e i n t h a l . The Congress decided to recognize the Eisenach 34 programme, but to base i t s a c t i v i t y on the Neudorfl programme.^ K a l e r -R e i n t h a l ' s pre-eminence i n the s o c i a l i s t movement began to d e c l i n e . The r e t u r n to the p r i n c i p l e s of the Ne u d o r f l programme recon-firmed the t i e w i t h the Czech s o c i a l i s t s . At the same time, the Atzgers-dorf Congress achieved a reunion w i t h the remanants of Oberwinder's o r g a n i z a t i o n — h e had l e f t C i s l e i t h a n i a i n 1876. For the f i r s t time i n s e v e r a l years u n i t y was r e s t o r e d to the C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t movement. The new-found u n i t y i n the s o c i a l i s t movement was not threatened by the foundation of a separate Czech party at Brevnov, a suburb of Prague i n 1878, f o r the Czechs s t i l l considered t h e i r o r g a n i z a t i o n to 78 be an "inseparable p a r t of the . . . i n t e r n a t i o n a l p a r t y . " The Ger-mans agreed w i t h t h i s view, f o r at the next Congress of the C i s l e i -thanian party the r e s u l t s of the Brevnov Congress were approved, and the new Czech party l e a d e r s h i p was recognized. The decade of the 1870's had seen the C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t p arty make some advances. R e l a t i o n s between Czech and German s o c i a l i s t s were r e l a t i v e l y harmonious. Some u n i f o r m i t y had been achieved i n ideo-l o g i c a l matters. The negative aspects, however, c l e a r l y outweigh the p o s i t i v e ones. Although a party had been founded, the s o c i a l i s t s had been unable to give i t a coherent form. C e n t r a l committees and other o r g a n i z a t i o n a l forms had been e s t a b l i s h e d , but had f a l l e n v i c t i m to governmental r e p r e s s i o n . S o c i a l i s t newspapers, the r e a l centre of the movement, had not been e s t a b l i s h e d on a f i r m foundation. The party had been unable to do anything about p o l i c e r e p r e s s i o n , other than to 35 h o l d a few s e c r e t congresses. Through most of the decade the continuing depression had taken i t s t o l l of the p a r t y ; i n 1878 a party paper, 79 p u b l i s h e d i n l i e u of membership dues, had a c c i r c u l a t i o n of only 2,800. I t i s not s u r p r i s i n g that many s o c i a l i s t s were f r u s t r a t e d at t h e i r l a c k of success, and responded to a wave of a n a r c h i s t v i o l e n c e which spread across Europe from Russia and swept over C i s l e i t h a n i a i n the e a r l y 1880's. In C i s l e i t h a n i a t h i s phenomenon was not based on the philosophy of anarchism but r a t h e r r e f l e c t e d only i t s t e r r o r i s t i c aspect. The emerging r a d i c a l f a c t i o n i n the s o c i a l i s t p a r t y thus came to b e l i e v e i n the propaganda of the "deed" as a means to b r i n g the r e v o l u t i o n nearer. They f e l t that p u b l i c and open o r g a n i z a t i o n s were absurd i n the face of p o l i c e r e p r e s s i o n , and that parliamentarism was a waste of time. They ther e f o r e stood f o r s e c r e t o r g a n i z a t i o n s , a c l a n d e s t i n e and i l l e g a l p r e s s , and argued that the s o c i a l i s t goal of u n i v e r s a l manhood s u f f r a g e was mistaken. The suppression of the Reich-German s o c i a l i s t party i n 1878 appeared to confirm the r a d i c a l view. In i t s i d e o l o g y , t a c t i c s , and o r g a n i z a t i o n , as w e l l as i t s commitment to parliamentarism, the German party had been a model f o r C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t s to f o l l o w . As such i t had had an enormous i n f l u e n c e on the C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t movement. The r e v e l a t i o n of i t s apparent bankruptcy had a great impact i n C i s l e i t h a n i a . When Johann M o s t — a l r e a d y well-known i n C i s l e i t h a n i a as one of the Hochverrater of 1870—began p u b l i c a t i o n of a r a d i c a l paper i n London i n January 1879 i t found an even wider audience i n 80 C i s l e i t h a n i a than i n Germany. During 1880 a s t r u g g l e f o r power w i t h i n the party began, and by the end of the year the r a d i c a l s had c l e a r l y gained the upper hand. The "moderates," as those who s t i l l b e l i e v e d i n the o l d approach came to be c a l l e d , founded t h e i r own newspapers as the r a d i c a l s took over the o l d papers. T -With the a r r i v a l of Josef Peukert, a r e a l a n a r c h i s t , i n Vienna at the.end of 1881 i t r a p i d l y became c l e a r that i t was im-p o s s i b l e f o r r a d i c a l s and moderates to c o - e x i s t w i t h i n the same pa r t y . In J u l y 1882 the moderates f i n a l l y broke w i t h the r a d i c a l m a j o r i t y , and h e l d t h e i r own party congress at Brunn, t h e i r stronghold. A- l a s t minute attempt at compromise f a i l e d , and the b i f u r c a t i o n was complete. Both Czech and German s o c i a l i s t s had s p l i t along i d e o l o g i c a l l i n e s . I n d i c a t i v e of the depth of the i d e o l o g i c a l d i f f e r e n c e s was the f a c t that Czech r a d i c a l s f e l t c l o s e r to German r a d i c a l s than to t h e i r c o - n a t i o n a l s i n the moderate camp. The same cannot be s a i d of the moderates. Although the programme adopted a t Brunn was a c l e a r statement of moderate views, r e t a i n i n g the demand f o r u n i v e r s a l s u f f -rage, and r e j e c t i n g c l a n d e s t i n e o r g a n i z a t i o n and acts of t e r r o r , Czech and German moderates s p l i t over i t s n a t i o n a l aspects. In October 1883 the r a d i c a l s h e l d t h e i r own party congress, and s p e l l e d out t h e i r commitment to r a d i c a l a c t i o n . They would: work w i t h a l l p o s s i b l e means f o r the r e v o l u t i o n , and keep the p o p u l a t i o n aroused through pamphlet campaigns or 'deeds.,181 This r e s o l u t i o n was c a r r i e d out i n 1883 and 1884—whether at the behest of the r a d i c a l leaders or not i s unclear. Several s p e c t a c u l a r r o b b e r i e s , k i l l i n g s , and dynamitings occurred. To the a u t h o r i t i e s these "deeds" 37 represented a concerted p l a n to overthrow the governments of C e n t r a l Europe, and they were not slow i n r e a c t i n g . On 30 January 1884 m a r t i a l law was decreed i n the Vienna region. In 1885 an " a n t i - s o c i a l i s t " law was introduced i n t o parliament. Even though the b i l l was u l t i m a t e l y forced to be r e d i r e c t e d against "anar-c h i s t s " by the l i b e r a l o p p o s i t i o n i n parliament, the mere t a b l i n g of the b i l l caused those s o c i a l i s t s (of both f a c t i o n s ) who were s t i l l a c t i v e a f t e r the debacle of January 1884 to d i s s o l v e t h e i r o r g a n i z a t i o n s and go underground. Within a short time the Briinn Volksfreund was the s o l e remaining German-language s o c i a l i s t paper i n the e n t i r e Mon-82 archy. By mid-1885 the s o c i a l i s t movement i n C i s l e i t h a n i a had v i r -t u a l l y ceased to e x i s t as a v i s i b l e f o r c e . A new beginning was neces-sary. In order to b r i n g about the r e c o n c i l i a t i o n of the remnants of the feuding f a c t i o n s , a new l e a d e r s h i p , unconnected w i t h e i t h e r , was needed.. This l e a d e r s h i p was provided by V i c t o r A d l e r (1852-1918). Born i n Prague, the wealthy A d l e r had e a r l y e s t a b l i s h e d contact w i t h the s o c i a l i s t movement, but d i d not j o i n u n t i l a f t e r h i s f a t h e r ' s death i n 1886. He rose r a p i d l y to prominence. His view, that a p e r i o d of common a c t i v i t y was necessary before a new p a r t y which u n i t e d r a d i c a l s 83 and moderates could be formed, turned out to be the c o r r e c t one. A f t e r almost three years of c o n c i l i a t o r y a c t i v i t y and endless nego-t i a t i o n s , A d l e r was able to c a l l a u n i t y congress f o r the end of Decem-ber 1888 i n the Lower A u s t r i a n town of H a i n f e l d . I t was preceded by the Czech party's Briinn Congress of 1887, which r e u n i t e d the Czech movement, and at H a i n f e l d both Czechs and Germans were represented. 38 A new p a r t y w i t h a Mar x i s t programme was created at the Con-gress. I n d i c a t i v e of f u t u r e developments, f i v e n a t i o n a l i t i e s — G e r m a n s , Czechs, P o l e s , Slovenes, and I t a l i a n s — w e r e represented at the Congress. The H a i n f e l d Congress marked the beginning of a new era i n s o c i a l i s t , and indeed, i n C i s l e i t h a n i a n p o l i t i c s . As o f f i c i a l r e p r e s s i o n of the s o c i a l i s t movement s u b s i d e d — t h e a n t i - a n a r c h i s t l e g i s l a t i o n lapsed i n 1891—and as the economy f i n a l l y began to recover from the great depression, the s o c i a l i s t movement grew by leaps and bounds, and was soon i n a new p o s i t i o n of power. On 1 May 1890, the f i r s t May Day, the party t e s t e d i t s new strength-by c a l l i n g a work stoppage. "The a u t h o r i t i e s showed them-84 selves to be almost h e l p l e s s against t h i s great demonstration." Several times the government t r i e d to f o r b i d t h i s demonstration of s o l i d a r i t y w i t h the newly-founded S o c i a l i s t I n t e r n a t i o n a l , but the s o c i a l i s t s simply ignored them. The success of the demonstration made c l e a r the message that the s o c i a l i s t movement was becoming a f a c t o r to be reckoned w i t h . I n c r e a s i n g l y during the 1890's the party became preoccupied w i t h the n a t i o n a l i t y question and w i t h winning u n i v e r s a l s u f f r a g e . A d l e r had thought that the n a t i o n a l i t y question i n the party was " w i t h e r i n g away" i n the aftermath of H a i n f e l d , but he was i n c o r r e c t . Although the Czech p a r t y had decided i n 1890 that i t would no longer h o l d separatee-congresses, i t s p o s i t i o n was ambiguous, f o r i t s t i l l r e t a i n e d a separate o r g a n i z a t i o n . This ambiguity was lessened i n 1893 when Czech s o c i a l i s t s h e l d a separate congress and refounded t h e i r 39 p a r t y , a l b e i t as p a r t of the C i s l e i t h a n i a n p a r t y . A f t e r 1893 the Czech s o c i a l i s t s launched a d r i v e f o r more autonomy w i t h i n the movement. Under Adler's l e a d e r s h i p compromise a f t e r compromise was made, and i n 189 7 the C i s l e i t h a n i a n party became a f e d e r a l p a r t y , composed of s i x n a t i o n a l s o c i a l i s t p a r t i e s . This s t a b i l i z e d the p a r t y , and pro-vided a great opportunity f o r the development of s o c i a l i s m among the other n a t i o n a l i t i e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y by easing a g i t a t i o n a l problems. The r e a l harbinger of the problems which were to beset the s o c i a l i s t movement a f t e r 1900 was the trade union movement. I t s leader, Anton Hueber, f e l t that i t was p o s s i b l e — o n l y j u s t — f o r the party to be f e d e r a l i s t i c i n form, but not the trade union movement. With good reason, Hueber and other trade u n i o n i s t s argued that the trade unions had to be c e n t r a l l y organized i n order to carry out t h e i r f u n c t i o n s most e f f e c t i v e l y . As time passed, however, t h i s argument c a r r i e d l e s s a n d i l e s s weight w i t h Czech trade u n i o n i s t s , e s p e c i a l l y as Hueber was u n w i l l i n g to grant them even the s l i g h t e s t autonomy. At the second trade union congress i n 1896 the Czech delegates walked out, and s h o r t l y afterwards founded t h e i r own trade union commis-s i o n . While most of the Czech unions remained a f f i l i a t e d w i t h the c e n t r a l Trade Union Commission i n Vienna, as the years passed a t t r i t i o n s et i n . The f a i l u r e to r e s o l v e the c o n f l i c t i n the trade union move-ment had a d i r e c t impact on the p a r t y , and i n .1911 the Czech s o c i a l i s t s broke t h e i r t i e s w i t h the C i s l e i t h a n i a n p a r t y , and the i n t e r n a t i o n a l u n i t y of the:proletariat i n C i s l e i t h a n i a c o l l a p s e d . The other major concern of the party i n the 1890's, the s t r u g g l e f o r u n i v e r s a l s u f f r a g e , f i r s t found concrete expression when i t was 40 made one of the demands at the second May Day c e l e b r a t i o n i n 1891. In 1892 A d l e r and the party leadership decided that the s o c i a l i s t s should concentrate t h e i r e f f o r t s on winning the vote. During 1893 a massive campaign of p u b l i c meetings, demonstrations and p r o t e s t s occurred. The Taaffe government, p a r t l y i n response to the s o c i a l i s t e f f o r t s , introduced a b i l l to grant l i m i t e d s u f f r a g e i n October 189 3. Though the government f e l l over the i s s u e , i n 1896 a new government introduced a reform which allowed u n i v e r s a l s u f f r a g e i n a new f i f t h c u r i a . At l a s t s o c i a l i s t s could run f o r parliament w i t h an exp e c t a t i o n of success: The e l e c t i o n s of 189 7, i n which fourteen s o c i a l i s t s were e l e c t e d , marked the beginning of parliamentary a c t i v i t y f o r C i s l e i -thanian s o c i a l i s t s , and at the same time, gave f u r t h e r impetus to t h e i r s t r u g g l e f o r true u n i v e r s a l s u f f r a g e . I t s f i n a l achievement i n 1907 was perhaps the great v i c t o r y the s o c i a l i s t s i n C i s l e i t h a n i a ever, won. At the same time, however, the concentration on the campaign f o r the vote l e d to the growth of f a i t h i n u n i v e r s a l s u f f r a g e as the great panacaea. This was evident i n the 1899 and 1901 s o c i a l i s t pro-grammes, which pl a c e d great r e l i a n c e on the achievement of the s u f f r a g e . The problem w i t h t h i s was t h a t , i n C i s l e i t h a n i a at l e a s t , u n i v e r s a l s u f f r a g e d i d not s o l v e a l l problems. At the very time at which the s o c i a l i s t s committed themselves i n t h e i r p a r t y programme, parliamentary government i n C i s l e i t h a n i a broke down. This was the great tragedy of both the s o c i a l i s t movement and the Habsburg s t a t e . The gradual 41 democratization of C i s l e i t h a n i a d i d not end n a t i o n a l i t y c o n f l i c t . On the c o n t r a r y , i t only i n t e n s i f i e d i t . As German power d e c l i n e d i n C i s l e i t h a n i a , the n a t i o n a l i s t emancipation movements among the non-German peoples, as w e l l as the Germans themselves, became i n v o l v e d i n a massive, all-embracing s t r u g g l e to f i l l the vacuum created. The gran t i n g of u n i v e r s a l manhood s u f f r a g e only worsened the s i t u a t i o n , f o r i t weakened German power even f u r t h e r , and thus provided more scope f o r the ambitions of the various peoples. What i s so f a s c i n a t i n g about the s o c i a l i s t movement i n C i s l e i -t h a n i a i s that i t too r e f l e c t e d t h i s s t r u g g l e . L i k e the Habsburg s t a t e , i n i t s o r i g i n s i t was l a r g e l y German. As i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and urban-i z a t i o n continued, however, the s o c i a l i s t movement became i n c r e a s i n g l y complex i n i t s n a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e . In t h e i r d e s i r e to avoid c o n f l i c t , and to maintain the u n i t y of the s o c i a l i s t movement, C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t s developed o r i g i n a l forms of o r g a n i z a t i o n and thought which were of the utmost s i g n i f i c a n c e , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n t h e i r impact upon the s o c i a l i s t movements of Eastern Europe. i v ) The Czech S o c i a l i s t Movement The Czech s o c i a l i s t movement was perhaps the most i n t e r e s t i n g i n the Habsburg Monarchy. I t was the d r i v i n g f o r c e behind the unique d i r e c t i o n s C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s m took a f t e r 1893. Complicating the development of the Czech s o c i a l i s t movement was the f a c t that four d i f f e r e n t centres emerged a f t e r the reforms of 1867. Czech s o c i a l i s t s were a c t i v e i n Prague, Brunn, North Bohemia and i n Vienna. In the l a t t e r three regions Czech s o c i a l i s t s developed cl o s e t i e s w i t h German s o c i a l i s t s , but i n Prague the Czech s o c i a l i s t movement developed i n a d i f f e r e n t d i r e c t i o n , at l e a s t at f i r s t . In Prague the f i r s t worker a s s o c i a t i o n s e s t a b l i s h e d a f t e r the reforms of 1867 were founded by Dr. F r a n t i s e k L. Chleborad, a c t i n g under the auspices of the conservative "Old Czech" wing of the Czech N a t i o n a l p a r t y . N o n - p o l i t i c a l trade u n i o n - l i k e a s s o c i a t i o n s and co-85 operatives were e s t a b l i s h e d . By mid-1868 an o p p o s i t i o n , supported by the l i b e r a l "Young Czech" wing of the Czech N a t i o n a l P a r t y and l e d by Jan Bavorsky, a typographer, had emerged. Predominant i n Prague by e a r l y 1869, i t fo l l o w e d the model adopted by Vienna, and founded worker's e d u c a t i o n a l a s s o c i a t i o n s . What d i f f e r e n t i a t e d the Prague s o c i a l i s t s from those i n Vienna, of course, was t h e i r c l o s e t i e s w i t h the Czech n a t i o n a l i s t movement. German-speaking s o c i a l i s t s had n a t i o n a l i s t f e e l i n g s as strong as the Czech s o c i a l i s t s had, but they were not r e f l e c t e d i n t i e s w i t h t h e i r middle c l a s s p a r t i e s . At f i r s t , Bavorsky and h i s supporters were b i t t e r about the a t t i t u d e taken by Vienna s o c i a l i s t s to the n a t i o n a l i t y question. Bavorsky expressed h i s view i n Delnjk on 1 May 1868.:; Why d i d you decorate the speaker's p l a t f o r m w i t h German colours when you say from the same p l a t f o r m that there i s no d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n by n a t i o n a l i t y among workers? . . . Our paths are d i f f e r e n t — w e recognize the brotherhood of workers, but i t must be based on a completely d i f f e r e n t foundation than a speaker's p l a t f o r m draped w i t h German colours!86 In the years 1869 and 1870, however, they developed cl o s e t i e s w i t h s o c i a l i s t s i n Reichenberg ( L i b e r e c ) , and the f u n e r a l of one of the 43 German s o c i a l i s t leaders i n Reichenberg, which occurred a f t e r h i s death i n a Prague p r i s o n , became the occasion f o r a l a r g e demonstration of , . . . 87 i n t e r n a t i o n a l i s t s o l i d a r i t y . F o l l o w i n g the Franco-Prussian War and the P a r i s Commune a group emerged i n Prague who took a p o s i t i o n somewhat s i m i l a r to that taken by Andreas Scheu i n Vienna. Led by Josef B. Pecka and L a d i s l a s Zapo-tocky, they accepted the p r i n c i p l e s of the F i r s t I n t e r n a t i o n a l , and 88 favoured the c r e a t i o n of an independent s o c i a l i s t p a rty. On 6 Feb-ruary 1874, Pecka i n d i c a t e d h i s views of the Young Czechs and t h e i r g o a l , the achievement of Bohemian S t a a t s r e c h t : We working people would i n any case re c e i v e very l i t t l e , even i f Bohemian S t a a t s r e c h t were to be recognized tomorrow.89 S o c i a l i s t s i n Prague had e s t a b l i s h e d close t i e s w i t h Czech s o c i a l i s t s i n Vienna, and on 17 August 1873 a meeting h e l d i n Vienna adopted a r e s o l u t i o n demanding a congress of workers of a l l n a t i o n a l i t i e s i n 90 C i s l e i t h a n i a to adopt a programme and e s t a b l i s h a pa r t y . Czech s o c i a l i s t s t h e r e f o r e p a r t i c i p a t e d i n the Ne u d b r f l Con-gress, and an independent s o c i a l i s t p a r t y , independent, that i s , of the middle c l a s s and i t s p a r t i e s , was founded. Immediately a f t e r the Congress, however, a s p l i t occurred among s o c i a l i s t s i n Prague, and Pecka and Zapotocky were fo r c e d to found a new paper, Budoucnost, on 91 1 October 1874. The c o n f l i c t w i t h i n the Prague s o c i a l i s t movement between those who d e s i r e d a separate Czech s o c i a l i s t movement, and those who stood f o r a C i s l e i t h a n i a n party was to continue down to 1914. When the Czechs were excluded from p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the Wiener Neustadt Congress, and when that Congress abandoned the i d e a of a 44 C i s l e i t h a n i a n p a r t y , Czech s o c i a l i s t s began to move i n a more indepen-dent d i r e c t i o n . On 28 September 1876 a conference of Czech s o c i a l i s t s from Bohemia, Moravia and Vienna met i n Prague. There Pecka r a i s e d the question of an independently-organized Czech party w i t h a c e n t r a l 92 l eadership i n Prague and a f f i l i a t e s i n Briinn and Vienna. A year and a h a l f l a t e r t h i s party was founded, although i t was seen as an i n t e g r a l p a r t of the C i s l e i t h a n i a n p arty. The establishment of a Czech s o c i a l democratic party was a n a t u r a l r e s u l t of the growth of the n a t i o n a l i s t emancipation movement among the Czechs. Although there was some d i s s e n s i o n among Czech 93 s o c i a l i s t s i n North Bohemia and Briinn, an independently-organized 94 Czech party was e s s e n t i a l , e s p e c i a l l y f o r a g i t a t i o n a l purposes. The new party d i d not l a s t very long, however, f o r a f t e r 1880 Czech s o c i a l i s t s , i n company w i t h the Germans, s p l i t along radical-moderate l i n e s . Not u n t i l 1887 d i d they r e u n i t e . S i g n i f i c a n t l y , the reunion was c a r r i e d out under the lea d e r s h i p of Josef Hybes, a former r a d i c a l who had become a d i s c i p l e of V i c t o r A d l e r . In a d d i t i o n , the centre of the Czech (and indeed of the German) s o c i a l i s t movement had s h i f t e d to moderate Briinn a f t e r the r a d i c a l s were d i s c r e d i t e d . N a t i o n a l i s t f e e l i n g was weaker there. As a r e s u l t , when the C i s l e i t h a n i a n p a r ty was r e - e s t a b l i s h e d a t H a i n f e l d i n 1888/9, the n a t i o n a l i t y question and the i d e a of an o r g a n i z a t i o n a l l y - d i s t i n c t Czech partyv,were~-ri6t s t r e s s e d . During the 1890's, Prague began to regain i t s l e a d e r s h i p of the Czech s o c i a l i s t movement. A f t e r 1893 the Prague s o c i a l i s t . leadership launched a d r i v e f o r autonomy w i t h i n the s o c i a l i s t movement i n C i s l e i t h a n i a . As the s o c i a l i s t movement, at l e a s t among Czechs and Germans, grew i n t o a mass movement during the 1890's, s e r i o u s prob-lems emerged f o r Czech s o c i a l i s t s . The German m a j o r i t y i n the C i s -l e i t h a n i a n party tended to ignore the Czechs, and i n some senses could be seen as an e x p l o i t i n g element i n the s o c i a l i s t movement. In t h i s sense, one might argue t h a t , f o r the Czech s o c i a l i s t s at l e a s t , the s o c i a l and n a t i o n a l questions became fused i n t o one thorny problem. As Czechs, Czech s o c i a l i s t s saw themselves as an e x p l o i t e d n a t i o n a l i t y , dominated by an a l i e n German group. As s o c i a l i s t s they a l s o saw them-selves as a subordinate group, e x p l o i t e d by German c a p i t a l i s t s . F i n a l l y , as members of a German-dominated C i s l e i t h a n i a n p a r t y which at f i r s t d i d not d i f f e r e n t i a t e by n a t i o n a l i t y , they saw that i n the very movement which was supposed to b r i n g about t h e i r l i b e r a t i o n , they were d i r e c t e d by the r u l i n g German n a t i o n a l i t y . In the same sense as the Czech n a t i o n a l i t y s t r o v e to create an independent place f o r i t s e l f i n the Habsburg Monarchy, the Czech s o c i a l i s t s began to s t r u g g l e to e s t a b l i s h an independent p o s i t i o n i n the s o c i a l i s t movement. NOTES - CHAPTER I 1 Arthur J . May, The Hapsburg Monarchy 1867-1914 (New York, 1968 [1951]), p. 64. 2 k. k. S t a t i s t i s c h e n Zentralkommission, O s t e r r e i c h i s c h e s S t a t i s t i s c h e s Handbuch, XXX (1911), p. 212. 3 Andrew G. W h i t e s i d e , A u s t r i a n N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s m before 1918 (The Hague, 1962), p. 22. American production was 244.0 m i l l i o n metric tons, B r i t i s h 228.0 m i l l i o n , and German 149.0 m i l l i o n tons. I b i d . Between 1903 and 1914 Austro-Hungarian c o a l production increased by 54 per cent, a r a t e surpassed only by Germany's 61 per cent expansion. I b i d . 4 C a l c u l a t e d from f i g u r e s i n i b i d . P e t e r Hanak, "Die b i i r g e r l i c h e Umgestaltung der Habsburger Monarchie und der A u s g l e i c h , " Der b s t e r r e i c h i s c h - u n g a r i s c h e A u s g l e i c h 1867, ed. L'udovit H o l o t i k ( B r a t i s l a v a , 1971), pp. 347-8. ^ Gybrgy Ranki, " E i n i g e Probleme der w i r t s c h a f t l i c h e n Entwick-lung i n der Osterreichisch-Ungarischen Monarchie," i b i d . , p. 397. L. Katus gives a f i g u r e of 4.0 per cent f o r Germany and 3.9 f o r C i s -l e i t h a n i a i n the years 1869/70 to 1913. He compares t h i s w i t h 6.1 per cent f o r Sweden, 4.2 i n T r a n s l e i t h a n i a , 3.5 i n R u s s i a , 2.2 f o r I t a l y , 2.1 i n England, and 1.9 per cent i n France. L. Katus, "Economic Growth i n Hungary during the Age of Dualism 1867-1913," Social-Economic Researches on the H i s t o r y of E a s t - C e n t r a l Europe, ed. E. Pamlenyi (Budapest,1970), p. 113. ^ Ranki, p. 396. 8 ^ J u r i j K r i z e k , "La c r i s e du dualisme et l e d e r n i e r Compromis austro-hongrois (1897-1907)," H i s t o r i c a , XII (1966), pp. 132-3. In Lower A u s t r i a and Bohemia almost 43 per cent of the p o p u l a t i o n was engaged i n i n d u s t r y i n 1900, and i n some areas of Bohemia the propor-t i o n was as high as 60 per cent. W h i t e s i d e , p. 26. 9 C a r n i o l a , the L i t t o r a l and Dalmatia. Otto Bauer, Die N a t i o n a l i t a t e n f r a g e und die Sozialdemokratie (Vienna,1924 [1907]), p. 240. The v a r i o u s peoples are arranged roughly i n order of distance from the northwestern i n d u s t r i a l core. There i s some d i s t o r t i o n of the f i g u r e s among I t a l i a n s and Slovenes because of the p o s i t i o n of T r i e s t e . 46-47 K a r l F r a n z l , " N e u z e i t l i c h e Entwlcklung der bohmischen Indus-t r i e und des bohmischen- Handels,"- Das bohmische V o l k y ed. Zdenek V. Tobolka (Prague-, 1916) , i p 2 1 2 . 12 For t h i s reason, the d i s c u s s i o n of the r e l a t i v e "success" or " f a i l u r e " of the Monarchy as an economic e n t i t y i s l a c k i n g i n c l a r i t y . While i t i s c l e a r from present-day experience that an "underdeveloped" country must have an i n d u s t r i a l growth r a t e s i g n i f i c a n t l y l a r g e r than those of the i n d u s t r i a l i z e d c o u n t r i e s i f i t i s ever to a t t a i n t h e i r economic l e v e l , the f a c t t h a t the Monarchy d i d not do so i s not enough to brand i t an economic f a i l u r e . Cf. Oscar J a s z i , The D i s s o l u t i o n of the Habsburg Monarchy (Chicago, 1966 [1929]), pp. 208-12. See a l s o Edward Marz, "Some Economic Aspects of the N a t i o n a l i t y C o n f l i c t i n the Habsburg Empire," JCEA, X I I I (1953-4), passim. C e r t a i n l y n a t i o n a l i t y c o n f l i c t i n the economic sphere complicated the Monarchy's growth prob-lems, and indeed, helped slow the pace of economic development. Without a comparison of the socio-economic p o s i t i o n of each of the Monarchy's peoples at the beginning and end of the p e r i o d , however, i t would appear to be s i m p l i s t i c to define the Monarchy as a f a i l u r e . Indeed, such a comparison would probably show that i t was n e i t h e r , f o r the b e n e f i t s and d e f i c i t s tended to balance each other. 13 Herbert M a t i s , " N a t i o n a l i t a t e n f r a g e und W i r t s c h a f t i n der Habsburgermonarchie," Der Donauraum, XV (1970), p. 181. This i s another f a c t o r which needs c o n s i d e r a t i o n i n any d i s c u s s i o n of the economic success or f a i l u r e of the Monarchy. 14 Wilhelm W i n k l e r , S t a t i s t i s c h e s Handbuch f u r das gesamte Deutschtum ( B e r l i n , 1927), p. 16. Percentages c a l c u l a t e d from f i g u r e s i n i b i d . , pp. 15-17. K a r l Heinz Werner, "Oster r e i c h s I n d u s t r i e - und Aussenhandels-p o l i t i k 1848 b i s 1948," Hundert Jahre b s t e r r e i c h l s c h e r W i r t s c h a f t s - entwicklung, ed. Hans Mayer (Vienna, 1949), p. 369. May, The Hapsburg Monarchy, p. 223. 18 Whiteside, A u s t r i a n N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s m before 1918, p. 27. 19 Figures quoted i n Hertha F i r n b e r g , "Wesen und Wandel der S o z i a l s c h i c h t u n g O s t e r r e i c h s , " O s t e r r e i c h s W i r t s c h a f t s s t r u k t u r , ed. Wilhelm Weber ( B e r l i n , 1961), I I , p. 841. 20 S t a t i s t i s c h e n Landesbureau des Kbnigreiches Bohmen, S t a t i s - t i s c h e s Handbuch des Kbnigreiches Bbhmen (Prague, 1913), p. 35. Between 1890 and 1914 Vienna grew by 45 per cent, Prague by 23, and Budapest by 74 per cent. Cf. K b n i g l i c h e Ungarische S t a t i s t i s c h e n Zentralamt, Ungarisches S t a t i s t i s c h e s Jahrbuch, Neue Folge XXI (1913), p. 10. Figures on which c a l c u l a t i o n s f o r Vienna were based are i n F i r n b e r g , p. 841. D i s t o r t i o n s due to changes i n c i t y boundaries are i n e v i t a b l e , but the f i g u r e s do give a rough i d e a of growth r a t e s . 4 8 21 Winkler, p. 169. C i t i e s of 25,000 po p u l a t i o n and over. 22 I b i d . 23 For f i g u r e s on Prague and P i l s e n see S t a t i s t i s c h e s Handbuch des Kbnigreiches Bbhmen (1913), pp. 30-3. On Budweis see k. k. S t a t i s -t i s c h e n Central-Commission, S p e c i a l Orts-Repertorien der im o s t e r r e i c h i - schen Reichsrathe vertretenen Kbnigreiche und Lander (Vienna, 1893), IX, Bbhmen, p. 73, and Winkler, p. 188. On Briinn, which maintained i t s German m a j o r i t y t i l l 1918, see S p e c i a l Orts-Repertorien, X, Mahren, p. 1, and A l f r e d Bohmann, Das Sudetendeutschtum i n Zahlen (Munich, 1959), p. 32. There were 102,974 Czechs i n Vienna i n 1900. Cf. Monika G l e t t l e r , Die Wiener Tschechen urn 1900 (Munich, 1972), p. 54. This was the o f f i c i a l f i g u r e . G l e t t l e r says that i n 1910 one-quarter of Vienna's p o p u l a t i o n was of Czech o r i g i n , although only one-tenth was n a t i o n a l l y conscious. Cf. G l e t t l e r , Sokol- und A r b e i t e r t u r n v e r e i n e der Wiener Tschechen (Munich, 1972), p. 13. A f t e r the c o l l a p s e of the Monarchy, claims t h a t there were 500,000 to 1 m i l l i o n Czechs i n Vienna were made. Cf. Wilhelm W i n k l e r , "Die Tschechen i n Wien," F l u g s c h r i f t e n f u r Deutschbsterreichs Recht, XXXIX (1919), pp. 20, 29. 24 This i s not to suggest that the German p o s i t i o n d i s i n t e g r a t e d before 1914. The Germans remained the l e a d i n g n a t i o n a l i t y i n the Mon-archy, both p o l i t i c a l l y and economically. In 1910, f o r example, they p a i d 63 per cent of a l l taxes i n C i s l e i t h a n i a , though they were only 35 per cent of the p o p u l a t i o n . See J a s z i , pp. 278-9. In c o n t r a s t , only 3.04 per cent of the p o p u l a t i o n of G a l i c i a — w h i c h had almost 29 per cent of the p o p u l a t i o n — p a i d taxes i n 1910. I t i s important to note a l s o , that the Czech migrations i n t o i n d u s t r i a l German Bohemia d e c l i n e d as i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n began to a c c e l -erate i n Czech Bohemia a f t e r 1880. The Czech migrations have been seen as one of the major reasons f o r the r i s e of " n a t i o n a l s o c i a l i s m " i n German Bohemia. The t h r e a t was more apparent, i n t h i s case, than i t was r e a l . 25 Depending on the Crown Land, the Landtag was d i v i d e d i n t o three or four c u r i a e . The f i r s t was f o r the great landowners (as w e l l as some of the higher c l e r g y and the r e c t o r s s of the u n i v e r s i t i e s ) , and the second f o r the Chambers of Commerce and Industry. The t h i r d and f o u r t h c u r i a e were f o r . t h e c i t i e s and the r u r a l areas. By no means a l l of the people could vote. In Vienna, f o r example, one had to pay 20 gulden i n annual taxes to q u a l i f y as a voter i n the t h i r d c u r i a . Cf. C a r l y l e A. Macartney, The Habsburg Empire 1790-1918 (London, 1969), p. 514. 26 Law of 21 December 1867, A r t i c l e s 13, 11c, Die o s t e r r e i c h i s c h e n Verfassungsgesetze, ed. Edmund Bern a t z i k , ( V i e n n a , 1911), pp. 398, 395. 2 7 Law of 25 J u l y 1867, A r t i c l e 1, i b i d . , pp. 371-2. 49 2 8 Law of 21 December 1867, A r t i c l e 5, i b i d . , p. 436. 29 I b i d . , A r t i c l e 14, p. 399. 30 F r i e d r i c h Walter, O s t e r r e i c h i s c h e Verfassungs- und Verwaltungs- geschichte 1500-1955 (Vienna, 1972), p. 230. S i g n i f i c a n t l y , according to the law of 15 November 1867 on A s s o c i a t i o n s , women and f o r e i g n e r s were not permitted to belong to p o l i t i c a l a s s o c i a t i o n s . B e r n a t z i k , p. 386 ( A r t i c l e 30). This r e s t r i c t i o n on women's r i g h t s was to be one of the main issues f o r the women's movement w i t h i n C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s m a f t e r 1890. 31 Law of 15 November 1867, A r t i c l e 33, B e r n a t z i k , p. 386. 32 I b i d . , A r t i c l e 20, pp. 389-90. See a l s o Walter, p. 233. 33 Law of 21 December 1867, A r t i c l e 19, B e r n a t z i k , p. 426. 34 This i n c l u d e d R u s s i a , P r u s s i a , Belgium, S w i t z e r l a n d and Hungary. In the l a t t e r case a l i b e r a l n a t i o n a l i t i e s ' law was adopted, but was never adhered t o . 35 Ernst C. H e l l b l i n g , O s t e r r e i c h i s c h e Verfassungs- und Verwaltungs- geschichte (Vienna, 1956), p. 375. 36 Walter, p. 350. This added f i v e m i l l i o n new voters to the l i s t s . 37 F r i e d r i c h P r i n z , "Die bohmischen Lander von 1848 b i s 1948," Handbuch der Geschichte der bohmischen Lander, ed. K a r l B o s l , I I I ( S t u t t g a r t , 1968), pp. 174-5. 38 Charles A. G u l i c k , A u s t r i a from Habsburg to H i t l e r (Berkeley-Los Angeles, 1948), I , p. 16. See a l s o E m i l S t r a u s s , Geschichte der deutschen Sozialdemokratie Bohmens (Prague, 1925-6), I , p. 38. 39 Wilhelm Weber, "Die s o z i a l p o l i t i s c h e und s o z i a l r e c h t l i c h e Entwicklung i n Osterreich, 1848 b i s 1948," Hundert J.ahre . . . , p. 578. 40 J u l i u s Deutsch, Geschichte der o s t e r r e i c h i s c h e n Gewerkschafts- bewegung (Vienna, 1929, 1932), I , p. 22. 41 G u l i c k , I , p. 18. 42 Deutsch, Gewerkschaftsbewegung, I , p. 42. See a l s o G. Herman, " K a r l Marx i n Wien," Der Kampf, I (1907-8), pp. 266-71. 43 On t h i s s u r p r i s i n g occurrence, which appears to have been overlooked by the a u t h o r i t i e s , see K l a u s j l i r g e n Miersch, Die A r b e i t e r - presse der Jahre 1869 b i s 1889 a l s Kampfmittel der o s t e r r e i c h i s c h e n Sozialdemokratie (Vienna, 1969), pp. 27-8. Hereafter A r b e i t e r p r e s s e . 50 J i r i " K o r a l k a , Uber d i e Anfange der s o z i a l i s t i s c h e n A r b e i t e r -bewegung i n der Tschechoslowakei," ZfG, IX (1961), p. 137. 45 Ludwig B r i i g e l , Geschichte der b s t e r r e i c h i s c h e n Sozialdemo- k r a t i e (Vienna, 1922-1925), I , pp. 85-7. 46 Text of the programme r e p r i n t e d i n J u l i u s Bunzel, Eine amtliche D a r s t e l l u n g der Anfange der b s t e r r e i c h i s c h e n Arbeiterbewegung," VSWG, X I I (1914), p. 291. 47 Text of the Manifesto, which was l a t e r p u b l i s h e d i n the major C i s l e i t h a n i a n languages, i n Demokratisches Wochenblatt ( L e i p z i g ) , 25 J u l y 1868. 48 I b i d . , 7 August 1869. An i n d i c a t i o n of the c o n t i n u i n g Gross- deutsch f e e l i n g among C i s l e i t h a n i a n German s o c i a l i s t s was pointed out by Jan Bavorsky, one of the Czech s o c i a l i s t s i n Prague. He noted that at the meeting which accepted the manifesto on the n a t i o n a l question and agreed to p u b l i s h i t i n the major C i s l e i t h a n i a n languages, the speaker's p l a t f o r m was draped w i t h the Reich-German n a t i o n a l c o l o u r s ! Cf. J i r i * K o r a l k a , "Tschechische B r i e f e aus Dresden und Braunschweig 1870-1871," ASg,- V (1965), pp. 327-8. 49 The f i v e delegates from C i s l e i t h a n i a represented the major German region s , not j u s t Vienna. They i n c l u d e d one from Reichenberg (Bohemia) , one from Briinn (Moravia), one from Wiener Neustadt (Lower A u s t r i a ) , and two from Vienna. P r o t o k o l l uber die Verhandlungen des Allgemeinen Deutschen sozial-demokratischen Arbeiterkongresses zu Eisenach am 7., 8. und 9. August 1869 ( B e r l i n , 1969. Reprint of the o r i g i n a l e d i t i o n , L e i p z i g , 1869), pp. 76-82. Hereafter P r o t o k o l l , w i t h p l a c e and date. I b i d . , pp. 59-61. I t never became o p e r a t i v e . 51 — " J i r i K o r a l k a , "Die d e u t s c h - b s t e r r e i c h i s c h e n a t i o n a l e Frage i n den Anfangen der sozialdemokratischen P a r t e i , " H i s t o r i c a , I I I (1961), p. 148. 52 Der V o l k s s t a a t ( L e i p z i g ) , 18 December 1869. 53 H e i n r i c h Oberwinder, Die Arbeiterbewegung i n O e s t e r r e i c h (Vienna, 1875), p. 50. The o v e r o p t i m i s t i c V o l k s s t a a t reported 50,000 demonstrators. Per V o l k s s t a a t , 18 December 1869. 54 B r i i g e l , Geschichte, I , p. 188. 55 56 H e i n r i c h Scheu, Erinnerungen (Vienna, 1912), p. 23. Der Wiener Hochverratsprozess, ed. H e i n r i c h Scheu (Vienna, 1911), pp. 820-1. This work contains the t r a n s c r i p t s of the t r i a l . Johann Most (1846-1907) l a t e r became prominent i n the German s o c i a l i s t movement, and a f t e r 1879 was one of the l e a d i n g a n a r c h i s t s . 51 ^ Oberwinder, p. 30. I t s e d i t o r , German-born Hermann Hartung, f l e d Vienna p r i o r to the a r r e s t s . 58 Hochverratsprozess, pp. 334, 410. 59 On the development of the Czech s o c i a l i s t movement see below, section i v . ^ Zdenek S o l l e , Internacionala a Rakousko. I. Internacionala a Pocatky S o c i a l i s t i c k e h o Hnuti v Zemich Byvale Habsburske Monarchie (Prague, 1966), p. 269. I have used the German summary, "Die Inter-nationale und Osterreich. Die I. Internationale und die Anfange der s o z i a l i s t i s c h e n Bewegung i n den Landern der ehemaligen habsburgischen Monarchie," hereafter "Die Internationale und Osterreich." 61 See below, section i v . Oberwinder, p. 20, Zdenek S o l l e , "Die I. Internationale und Osterreich," H i s t o r i c a , X (1965), pp. 280. Herbert Steiner, Die Arbeiter- bewegung Osterreichs 1867-1889 (Vienna, 1964), pp. 61ff. 6 3 .. Richard Charmatz, Lebensbilder aus der Geschichte Osterreichs (Vienna, 1947), p. 100, i s an example of those who c a l l e d Scheu a Marxist. Albert Fuchs was probably more accurate when he argued that Scheu was influenced by Marxism. Fuchs, Geistige Stromungen i n Osterreich 1867- 1918 (Vienna, 1949), p. 86. 64 Steiner, Arbeiterbewegung, p. 35. The f i r s t contact with the I n t e r n a t i o n a l was made by a group i n Asch, Bohemia i n 1864-5. See Zdenek S o l l e , "Die ersten Anhanger der Internationalen A r b e i t e r -Assoziation i n Bohmen," H i s t o r i c a , VII (1963), p. 169. That the government of C i s l e i t h a n i a thought that the Inter-n a t i o n a l was dangerous i s evident from a report of the M i n i s t e r i a l r a t of the M i n i s t r y of the I n t e r i o r , Schmidt-Zabierow, of 1872 i n which the r o l e of the In t e r n a t i o n a l was discussed. I t was c a l l e d " i n a few words . . . the r e a l motor of the whole [ s o c i a l i s t ] movement." Quoted i n Briigel, Geschichte, I I , p. 145. The appearance was, of course, more important than the r e a l i t y . 65 •* S o l l e , "Die Internationale und Osterreich," p. 222. 66 For Scheu's explanation of the s p l i t see Scheu to Wilhelm Liebknecht, 8 June 1873, reprinted i n Herbert Steiner, Die Gebruder Scheu (Vienna, 1968), pp. 59-60. See also Der Volksstaat, 15 March 1873, and Scheu, Urnsturzkeime (Vienna, 1923), passim, and I I , p. 109. S i g n i f i c a n t l y , Scheu made no reference to in t e r n a t i o n a l i s m or the n a t i o n a l i t y question i n h i s memoirs. Perhaps the s i t u a t i o n at the time he wrote was such as to cause him to f e e l that the question of Czech-German r e l a t i o n s was no longer relevant. For Oberwinder's response, which was a b i t t e r personal attack on Scheu, see Oberwinder, pp. 74-5, and Der Volksstaat, Beilage zu Nr. 26, 29 March 1873. He had to pay to have t h i s attack printed i n the paper. 52 6 7 Deutsch, Gewerkschaftsbewegung, I , pp. 135-6. 68 Miersch, A r b e i t e r p r e s s e , p. 124. When the f a c t s of the Krach and i t s causes began to come out, much of the blame was placed upon l i b e r a l p o l i t i c i a n s and Jewish c a p i t a l i s t s . This was one of the causes of the r i s e of anti-Semitism and the d e c l i n e of l i b e r a l i s m among the Germans. Cf. Pe t e r G. J . P u l z e r , The Rise of P o l i t i c a l A n t i - Semitism i n Germany and A u s t r i a (New York, 1964), pp. 25, 135. 69 70 S t e i n e r , Arbeiterbewegung, pp. 82-3. Der V o l k s s t a a t , 24 A p r i l 1874. 71 Zdenek S o l l e , "Die Sozialdemokratie i n der Habsburger Mon-ar c h i e und d i e tschechische Frage," ASg, VI-VII (1966-7), p. 323. The foundation of nation-wide s o c i a l i s t p a r t i e s had not, as y e t , been attempted i n e i t h e r Belgium or Sw i t z e r l a n d . 72 Erinnerungen und Erbrterungen von K a r l Kautsky, ed. Benedikt Kautsky (The Hague, 1960), pp. 324-5. 73 Quoted i n B r i i g e l , Geschichte, I I , p. 292. See a l s o Der V o l k s s t a a t , 3 September 1876. 74 Der V o l k s s t a a t , 3 September 1876. 7^ I t i s not c l e a r p r e c i s e l y why the Czech s o c i a l i s t s were not i n v i t e d . Der V o l k s s t a a t ' s report of the Congress noted that i n v i t a t i o n s had been sent to Czech s o c i a l i s t s , but they had not responded. Der V o l k s s t a a t , 3 September 1876. Hans Mommsen, i n Die Sozialdemokratie und die N a t i o n a l i t a t e n f r a g e im habsburgischen V i e l v b l k e r s t a a t (Vienna, 1963), p. 88 ( h e r e a f t e r S o z i a l d e m o k r a t i e ) , says that the i n v i t a t i o n s were sent to the wrong Czech s o c i a l i s t paper, one which was opposed to any t i e s w i t h the Germans. I t i s not c l e a r whether or not t h i s was i n t e n t i o n a l . 7^ The only p o s i t i v e steps taken w i t h regard to the Czechs were the r e c o g n i t i o n of the Czech s o c i a l i s t paper Budoucnost (Future) as a pa r t y organ, and the d e c i s i o n to p u b l i s h party pamphlets i n Czech as w e l l as German. Der V o l k s s t a a t , 3 September 1876. 7 7 S t e i n e r , Arbeiterbewegung, p. 134. 78 Quoted i n K o r a l k a , "Uber die Anfange der s o z i a l i s t i s c h e n Arbeiterbewegung," p. 142. 79 Kautsky, Erinnerungen, p. 352. O f t K a r l Kautsky, "Johann Most," Die G e s e l l s c h a f t , I (1924), p. 549. 53 81 Quoted from a p o l i c e report r e p r i n t e d i n B r i i g e l , Geschichte, I I I , p. 310. 82 Mier s c h , A r b e i t e r p r e s s e , p. 167. Ad l e r to K a r l Kautsky, 21 August 1886, V i c t o r A d l e r , B r i e f - wechsel mit August Bebel und K a r l Kautsky, ed. F r i e d r i c h A d l e r (Vienna, 1954), p. 14. He r e a f t e r , A d l e r , B r i e f w e c h s e l . 84 Gustav Kolmer, Parlament und Verfassung i n Oes t e r r e i c h (Vienna, 1900-1914), IV, pp. 337-8. 85 Rudolf Wierer, "Das n a t i o n a l e Problem i n den Anfangen der tschechischen Arbeiterbewegung," Bohemia, I I I (1962), pp. 518-9. Quoted i n K o r a l k a , "Tschechische B r i e f e , " pp. 327-8. See a l s o K o r a l k a , "Die de u t s c h - o s t e r r e i c h i s c h e n a t i o n a l e Frage," p. 132. 87 Der V o l k s s t a a t , 21 May 1870. S o c i a l i s t s from the major centres i n C i s l e i t h a n i a (and even from Saxony), as w e l l as represen-t a t i v e s of the Czech n a t i o n a l i s t movement p a r t i c i p a t e d . 88 One h i s t o r i a n claims that the i n f l u e n c e of the P a r i s Commune was the stron g e s t impulse f o r the c r e a t i o n of an independent Czech s o c i a l i s t movement. Cf. S o l l e , "Die I . I n t e r n a t i o n a l e und O s t e r r e i c h , " p. 271. See a l s o K o r a l k a , "Uber die Anfange der s o z i a l i s t i s c h e n Arbeiterbewegung, p. 133. 89 Quoted i n E m i l S t r a u s s , "Die n a t i o n a l e Frage i n der F r u h z e i t der tschechischen Arbeiterbewegung," Der Kampf, XIV (1921), p. 255. 90 Cestmir J e s i n a , "Czech S o c i a l Democracy, I t s O r i g i n s and Nature? (unpublished Ph.D. d i s s e r t a t i o n , George Washington U n i v e r s i t y , 1970), p. 168. 9 1 K a r e l K r e i b i c h , Pocatky CeskeTio Delnickgho T i s k u (The H i s t o r y of the Czech Worker's Press) (Prague, 1951), p. 28. 92 Mommsen, Sozialdemokratie , p. 89; St r a u s s , Geschichte, I , p. 145. 93 Mommsen, Sozialdemokratie , p. 90. 94 S t e i n e r , Arbeiterbewegung, p. 146. CHAPTER I I " ASPECTS OF CISLEITHANIAN SOCIALIST PARTY PROGRAMMES Between 1867 and 1901 C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t s adopted e i g h t major programmes. Each was d i v i d e d i n t o two p a r t s ; an i d e o l o g i c a l preamble which o u t l i n e d the ul t i m a t e goals of the s o c i a l i s t movement, and a l i s t of "immediate" or "minimum" demands appended to i t . The i d e o l o g i c a l preambles i l l u s t r a t e the e v o l u t i o n of s o c i a l i s t ideology i n C i s l e i t h a n i a , w h i l e the immediate demands i n d i c a t e the pro g r e s s i v e and democratic nature of the s o c i a l i s t s ' concern f o r the w e l f a r e of the e x p l o i t e d p a r t of the p o p u l a t i o n . Changes i n the immediate demands p o i n t out the growing s o p h i s t i c a t i o n i n the s o c i a l i s t movement, as w e l l as the progress, or la c k of i t , i n ac h i e v i n g the reforms c a l l e d f o r . One aspect of C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t programmes was d i f f e r e n t from those adopted elsewhere. This was the concern w i t h the n a t i o n a l i t y question i n C i s l e i t h a n i a . I t was expressed i n one form or another i n every programme, and i n 1899 a separate programme, e n t i r e l y devoted to the n a t i o n a l i t y q u e s t i o n , was accepted. i ) "Immediate" Demands i n C i s l e i t h a n i a n S o c i a l i s t Programmes a) Democratic Aspects The immediate demands made by s o c i a l i s t s i n t h e i r p a r ty pro-grammes can be d i v i d e d i n t o two p a r t s . The democratic s e c t i o n s were 54 55 those which were intended to b r i n g about the democratization of the s o c i e t y . The " s o c i a l " aspects were those which concerned the c o n d i t i o n of the working c l a s s . R e a l i z a t i o n of the former would provide the s o c i a l i s t s w i t h the l e g a l r i g h t to carry on t h e i r s t r u g g l e s . The accep-tance of the l a t t e r would enable workers t o have both the time and the energy to devote themselves to the s o c i a l i s t movement, provided they could f i r s t be aroused. Despite the apparent l i b e r a l i t y of the c o n s t i t u t i o n of 186 7, many of the r i g h t s guaranteed to the p o p u l a t i o n were not i n p r a c t i c e a v a i l a b l e to s o c i a l i s t s . As a r e s u l t , C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t s were concerned w i t h fundamental democratic r i g h t s i n a l l of t h e i r programmes. From the f i r s t programme i n 1868 to the l a s t i n 1901 demands f o r freedom of a s s o c i a t i o n and assembly, a free p r e s s , and the r i g h t to form c o a l i -t i o n s were s t r o n g l y emphasized. These demands were c e r t a i n l y not unique to the s o c i a l i s t s , f o r they were also prominent i n the programmes of 2 the l i b e r a l p a r t i e s and groups of the p e r i o d . Unique to the s o c i a l i s t s , however, was the c a l l f o r the a b o l i t i o n of the standing army and i t s replacement w i t h e i t h e r a people's army 3 or an armed p o p u l a t i o n . E q u a l l y r a d i c a l was the d e c i s i o n of the 1901 Congress that only the people's r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s should decide on peace . 4 and war. Beginning w i t h the Neudbrfl programme of 1874 the s o c i a l i s t s expanded t h e i r democratic demands to i n c l u d e the se p a r a t i o n of church and s t a t e . They a l s o c a l l e d f o r the removal of education from church c o n t r o l , and pressed f o r o b l i g a t o r y , f r e e education."' The demand f o r 56 e d u c a t i o n a l r i g h t s was taken almost word-for-word from the German party's Eisenach programme of 1869. The Neudbrfl Congress a l s o introduced a c a l l f o r the r e p l a c e -ment of i n d i r e c t t a x a t i o n by a pro g r e s s i v e or graduated income tax. In a d d i t i o n , there was to be a p r o g r e s s i v e tax on i n h e r i t e d w e a l t h . 7 Another reform i n s i s t e d upon at Neudbrfl and maintained i n va r y i n g forms i n a l l l a t e r programmes was a r a d i c a l change i n the l e g a l -j u d i c i a l system i n c l u d i n g independent c o u r t s , e l e c t i o n of judges, and g free proceedings. A l l programmes a f t e r Wiener Neustadt (1876) c a l l e d f o r e l e c t i o n of j u r i e s as w e l l . New i n 1901 was a demand f o r the end of c a p i t a l punishment.^ The most important of the democratic demands introduced by C i s -l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t s , and c e r t a i n l y i d e o l o g i c a l l y the most s i g n i f i c a n t , was the c a l l f o r u n i v e r s a l s u f f r a g e . This l i b e r a l and L a s s a l l e a n p o i n t was probably the most r a d i c a l of the d i r e c t demands intro d u c e d by the 1868 programme, i n view of the f a c t t h a t e l e c t i o n s to the Re i c h s r a t were not even d i r e c t u n t i l 1873."^ Not u n t i l 1874 d i d a l i b e r a l party adopt u n i v e r s a l s u f f r a g e as p a r t of i t s p l a t f o r m , and even then i t was considered a r a d i c a l move. In the e a r l y 1880's, as the s o c i a l i s t party s p l i t i n t o two warring f a c t i o n s , the m a j o r i t y r e j e c t e d parliamentarism, b e l i e v i n g i n s t e a d i n d i r e c t i n d i v i d u a l t e r r o r i s t a c t i o n as the s o l e means of b r i n g i n g on the r e v o l u t i o n . The moderate m i n o r i t y , whose Briinn programme of 1882 ex-pressed t h e i r views, clung to u n i v e r s a l s u f f r a g e as an important weapon, 12 and even as an end i n i t s e l f . 57 The H a i n f e l d Congress of 1888/9, w h i l e accepting u n i v e r s a l s u f f -rage as one of i t s primary goals, q u a l i f i e d t h i s by adding that s o c i a l i s t s would not: delude themselves about the worth of parliamentarism, a form of modern c l a s s rule.13 In 1891 the demand f o r the f r a n c h i s e , already p a r t of the o f f i -c i a l programme, was added to that f o r the eigh t hour day at the May Day demonstrations, and i n 1893 the party committed i t s e l f to a s e r i e s of mass meetings and demonstrations to force i t s demand f o r the vote on parliament.''"^' With i n t e r r u p t i o n s , the s o c i a l i s t s t r u g g l e f o r u n i v e r s a l s u f f r a g e l a s t e d t i l l the middle of the f i r s t decade of the twentieth century, when the party's e f f o r t s were crowned w i t h success. The i n -c r e a s i n g emphasis on t h i s s t r u g g l e moved the pa r t y , to the r i g h t , and i n the d i r e c t i o n of r e f o r m i s t parliamentarism, the same way the German party was going. I n t i m a t e l y t i e d to the su f f r a g e question was that of r i g h t s f o r women. The f i r s t reference to women i n a C i s l e i t h a n i a n programme had been i n the Brunn p l a t f o r m of 1882. There i t was s t a t e d that the l i b e r a -16 t i o n of the working c l a s s was to occur "without d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n by sex." Only i n 1892, however, was t h i s general statement made s p e c i f i c . To the demand f o r u n i v e r s a l s u f f r a g e was added the view that i t should be introduced "without d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n by sex." In a d d i t i o n , the p l a t f o r m declared that the party condemned not only n a t i o n a l p r i v i l e g e s , but also those of s e x . 1 7 Not u n t i l the 1901 Congress, however, d i d the party adopt a separate statement which condemned sexual i n e q u a l i t y of any k i n d . 58 The C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t movement c l e a r l y represented the vanguard of democratic thought i n the western h a l f of the Monarchy a f t e r 1867. Many of the r a d i c a l democratic demands made by the s o c i a l i s t s d i d not become acceptable to l i b e r a l s (and others) u n t i l l a t e i n the century, i f at a l l . Although s o c i a l i s t s never formed a government i n C i s l e i t h a n i a , t h e i r t i r e l e s s e f f o r t s to achieve the democratization of the s t a t e , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the case of u n i v e r s a l s u f f r a g e , were a potent f a c t o r i n the gradual democratization that a c t u a l l y occurred. b) S o c i a l Aspects Whereas democratic demands were intended to apply to the e n t i r e p o p u l a t i o n of C i s l e i t h a n i a , the s o c i a l aspects of the platforms were those which concerned the working c l a s s , and c a l l e d f o r an improvement i n i t s c o n d i t i o n . Apart from a few ve s t i g e s of Josephinian l e g i s l a t i o n l i m i t i n g c h i l d labour, and some l e g i s l a t i o n dating from the 1840's r e g u l a t i n g 19 female and c h i l d labour, there were v i r t u a l l y no laws governing working c o n d i t i o n s and other aspects of work i n the new i n d u s t r i e s i n C i s l e i -t h a n i a when the s o c i a l i s t movement began i n the 1860's. Granted only a l i m i t e d r i g h t to form c o a l i t i o n s (unions) and to s t r i k e i n 1870, workers i n i n d u s t r y and s m a l l business were v i r t u a l l y defenceless against t h e i r employers, as w e l l as the s t a t e . The f i r s t programme to deal w i t h these problems was adopted at the N e u d b r f l Congress of 1874. I t proposed a s t a t u t o r y l i m i t a t i o n on the number of hours of work, the e l i m i n a t i o n of c h i l d labour, and the 59 r e s t r i c t i o n of female labour i n f a c t o r i e s and i n d u s t r i a l workplaces. The i n t r o d u c t i o n of a system of f a c t o r y i n s p e c t i o n was a l s o demanded, as was the a b o l i t i o n of c o n v i c t labour i n so f a r as i t competed w i t h free labour. S e v e r a l refinements of these p o i n t s were added at the Wiener Neustadt Congress of 1876, many echoing those adopted at the German party's Gotha Congress the year b e f o r e . The Wiener Neustadt programme demanded a l e g a l 10 hour day, and introduced a c a l l f o r the eigh t hour day i n mines and i n dangerous occupations, as w e l l as f o r women and f o r c h i l d r e n between the ages of 14 and 18. C h i l d labour was to be 21 p r o h i b i t e d f o r those under age fourteen. The demand f o r f a c t o r y i n s p e c t i o n was expanded to cover non-factory workplaces as w e l l , i n 22 a s i m i l a r sense to that expressed at Gotha. The i n s i s t e n c e upon l i m i -t a t i o n s on c o n v i c t labour was r e t a i n e d . E n t i r e l y new were demands f o r worker c o n t r o l of t h e i r own bene-23 volent a s s o c i a t i o n s . A f i r s t attempt was a l s o made to propose p r o t e c -t i o n f o r the h e a l t h of workers, against both sickness and accident. This d i d not represent a c a l l f o r sickness and accident insurance. Rather, the employer was to be re s p o n s i b l e f o r compensating workers i n j u r e d on the j o b , provided the f a u l t l a y w i t h the employer, and not w i t h the worker. In the area of h e a l t h care the programme asked only that a law be passed r e q u i r i n g the employer to ensure a health y work , 2 4 environment. In a b i d to broaden the appeal of the programme to other groups i n s o c i e t y , the Wiener Neustadt Congress a l s o passed a r e s o l u t i o n 60 suggesting that the r e g u l a t i o n s a p p l y i n g to servants be ab o l i s h e d , and that a l l farm labourers and domestic servants be t r a n s f e r r e d to the 25 p r o v i s i o n s of the general labour code. whereas the demand f o r u n i v e r s a l s u f f r a g e was almost unique to the s o c i a l i s t s , and hence very r a d i c a l f o r i t s time, the s o c i a l aspects of the s o c i a l i s t programmes of the 1870's were n e i t h e r unique nor p a r t i c u l a r l y r a d i c a l . Toward the end of the decade various non-s o c i a l i s t groups, w i t h d i f f e r i n g motives, began to th i n k along s i m i l a r 26 l i n e s . When the Taaffe government took o f f i c e i n 1879 i t was com-27 mitted to s o c i a l reform, despite i t s conservative nature. The d r i v e f o r s o c i a l l e g i s l a t i o n was given added impetus by the r i s e of the r a d i -c a l f a c t i o n i n the s o c i a l i s t movement and the bloody "deeds" which began to occur. One authors goes so f a r as to suggest that the main impulse f o r s o c i a l l e g i s l a t i o n was f e a r of these "deeds," and indeed, of s o c i a l 2 8 r e v o l u t i o n . At the same time, however, one of the major f a c t o r s f o r many of the l e g i s l a t o r s was simple humanitarian concern at the obvious 29 s u f f e r i n g of so l a r g e a p a r t of the p o p u l a t i o n . Beginning i n 1883 laws were passed which a l l e v i a t e d some of the s u f f e r i n g . Health and accident insurance f o r i n d u s t r i a l workers and some workers i n a g r i c u l t u r e were e s t a b l i s h e d . A maximum working day of eleven hours i n . f a c t o r i e s and ten hours i n mines was l e g i s l a t e d , as w e l l as a day of r e s t on Sunday. L i m i t s were placed on female and c h i l d l a b o u r — c h i l d r e n under twelve years of age were p r o h i b i t e d from working. A beginning was a l s o made i n the p r o v i s i o n of laws r e g u l a t i n g f a c t o r y s a f e t y . Among other t h i n g s , the s o c i a l i s t demand f o r f a c t o r y i n s p e c t i o n was s a t i s f i e d . 61 I n s p i r e d i n p a r t by Bismarck's attempt to defuse the s o c i a l i s t movement i n Germany, the s o c i a l reform l e g i s l a t i o n adopted i n C i s l e i -t hania was among the most advanced i n Europe i n the 1880's. In s p i t e of t h i s , however, i t d i d not please the s o c i a l i s t s . At the H a i n f e l d Congress of 1888/9 a r e s o l u t i o n on the govern-ment's l e g i s l a t i o n was adopted. S t r e s s i n g that the government had i n -troduced the reforms because i t feared "the growing str e n g t h of the p r o l e t a r i a n movement," because i t wished to convince workers of the "good w i l l " of the possessing c l a s s e s , and s i n c e i t was w o r r i e d about the p o s s i b l e d e c l i n e i n h e a l t h of r e c r u i t s to the armed f o r c e s , the r e s o l u t i o n announced that r e a l s o c i a l reform could only be c a r r i e d out by the " e x p l o i t e d . " I t a l s o emphasized that insurance of workers " i n no way reaches to the heart of the s o c i a l problem." The government's s o c i a l reform would not stop the conti n u i n g d e c l i n e of l i v i n g standards 31 f o r the mass of the p o p u l a t i o n . The s o c i a l i s t c r i t i q u e was p e r t i n e n t , f o r many were excluded from the new l e g i s l a t i o n , p a r t i c u l a r l y a g r i c u l t u r a l workers. The f a c t o r y i n s p e c t i o n system was w o e f u l l y inadequate; as l a t e as 1908 there were 32 only 85 i n s p e c t o r s . To compound the problems, many of the new laws 33 simply were not adhered t o . As a r e s u l t of the new l e g i s l a t i o n C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t s had to adopt an e n t i r e l y new s o c i a l programme. Since the s o c i a l aspects of the programmes adopted at H a i n f e l d and Vienna (1901) were so s i m i l a r , they can be considered together. At the head of both programmes was a demand f o r the r i g h t to form c o a l i t i o n s , e s p e c i a l l y trade unions. 62 The Vienna p l a t f o r m dropped the view that wage agreements should be l e g a l l y recognized. Reminiscent of the Wiener Neustadt programme, and i n d i c a t i v e of the f a i l u r e to i n c l u d e many a g r i c u l t u r a l workers i n the reforms of the 1880's, was the 1901 c a l l f o r the i n c l u s i o n of a g r i c u l t u r a l workers under the i n d u s t r i a l labour code. The eleven hour work day e s t a b l i s h e d by the s o c i a l l e g i s l a t i o n was to be reduced to e i g h t hours, without exception. A new proposal was f o r the a b o l i t i o n of n i g h t work (except where the t e c h n i c a l nature of the operation made t h i s i m p o s s i b l e ) . In 1901 t h i s was expanded to i n c l u d e the complete e l i m i n a t i o n of n i g h t work f o r women and c h i l d r e n . In a d d i t i o n , female labour which might prove "damaging to the female organism" was to be forbidden. The formal p r o h i b i t i o n of c h i l d labour before age twelve was to be r a i s e d to fourteen. At the Vienna Congress the s t r i c t enforce-ment of t h i s law and of the law p r o v i d i n g f o r a day of r e s t on Sunday . . . ,35 was enjoined. The s o c i a l aspects of the s o c i a l i s t programme were to apply at a l l l e v e l s of i n d u s t r y , not j u s t i n f a c t o r i e s , and p u n i t i v e sentences were to be provided f o r those who disobeyed the laws. The 1901 Congress s p e c i f i c a l l y expanded t h i s p o i n t to i n c l u d e workers i n a g r i c u l t u r e and f o r e s t r y . These requirements n e c e s s i t a t e d more i n s p e c t o r s , w i t h greater power. At both congresses worker p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of the s o c i a l l e g i s l a t i o n was c a l l e d f o r . In 1901 as w e l l , a thorough reform of the insurance system was demanded. I t was to be expanded to cover the aged arid the permanently d i s a b l e d , as w e l l as widows and orphans. 63 One question r a i s e d at the 1901 Congress which had not been de a l t w i t h i n any d e t a i l a t previous C i s l e i t h a n i a n congresses was the land or peasant question. At the 1898 L i n z Congress of the Austro-German s o c i a l i s t p a r t y a commission had been e s t a b l i s h e d to develop 36 a r e s o l u t i o n on a g i t a t i o n i n the countryside. At the 1900 Graz Con-gress of the German party t h i s r e s o l u t i o n was adopted, i n s p i t e of 37 V i c t o r Adler's o p p o s i t i o n . This was the proposal presented to the 1901 Congress of the C i s l e i t h a n i a n p a r t y . Although the r e s o l u t i o n was seen only as p r o v i s i o n a l , and i n -deed was not adopted at the Congress, i t s content i s s i g n i f i c a n t , f o r 38 i t reveals the s o c i a l i s t a t t i t u d e to the land question. The r e s o l u -t i o n argued that the purpose of s o c i a l i s t a g i t a t i o n i n the countryside was to make the s o c i a l i s t i d e a a v a i l a b l e to the peasantry, p a r t i c u l a r l y a g r i c u l t u r a l workers and poorer peasants (Kleinbauern). The s o c i a l i s t s would support reforms which would lea d to the " s o c i a l " o r g a n i z a t i o n of the production and d i s t r i b u t i o n of food. This i n c l u d e d the s o c i a l i z a t i o n of f o r e s t s , p a s t u r e s , and water-power. Expansion of p u b l i c ownership of land was a l s o to be encouraged, although a g r i c u l t u r a l co-operatives were supported. A l l t r a d i t i o n a l p r i v i l e g e s connected w i t h land ownership were to be a b o l i s h e d , i n c l u d i n g entailment of e s t a t e s , and hunting and f i s h i n g r i g h t s . L e g i s l a t i o n which would lea d to the improvement of a g r i c u l t u r e and cheaper production of b a s i c n e c e s s i t i e s was to be encouraged. In a d d i t i o n , the s o c i a l i s t s stood f o r anything which would improve the p h y s i c a l and s p i r i t u a l c o n d i t i o n of a g r i c u l t u r a l workers. 64 S o c i a l i s t s were thus seeking support from both l a n d l e s s labourers i n the c o u n t r y s i d e , as w e l l as peasants w i t h s m a l l h o l d i n g s . Based l a r g e l y 39 on the programme adopted by the F i r s t I n t e r n a t i o n a l at B a s e l i n 1869, as w e l l as on the experience of other s o c i a l i s t p a r t i e s i n the 1890!s, the programme d i d not s t a t e the u l t i m a t e goals of s o c i a l i s t ideology 40 i n the countryside. In h i s speech to the Graz Congress, however, Wilhelm Ellenbogen made i t c l e a r that the purpose of the programme was to sp-read the i d e a of c o l l e c t i v i s m among the peasantry, i n so f a r as i t 41 d i d not already e x i s t . In summary, the s o c i a l aspects of C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t pro-grammes f a l l i n t o two p e r i o d s , separated from each other by the Taaffe government's s o c i a l l e g i s l a t i o n . The f i r s t programmes, l a r g e l y based on the Eisenach and Gotha programmes of the German p a r t y , marked the i n i t i a l steps i n the development of a s o c i a l i s t programme f o r the b e t t e r -ment of the working c l a s s i n the immediate s i t u a t i o n . The l a t e r pro-grammes, developed i n r e l a t i o n to the governmental reforms, were an attempt to expand those reforms and to strengthen the Kampffahigkeit of the urban p r o l e t a r i a t . Reduced working hours wouldvprovide workers w i t h more l e i s u r e time i n which they c o u l d achieve both a human e x i s -tence and the a b i l i t y to absorb the s o c i a l i s t view of the world. B e t t e r working c o n d i t i o n s , h i g h e r pay, and h e a l t h and accident insurance would carry t h i s a step f u r t h e r by p r o v i d i n g u n s k i l l e d workers w i t h the phy-s i c a l and moral wherewithal to a r i s e from t h e i r apathy and organize to create a b e t t e r world. The a g r i c u l t u r a l programme, although not adopted, provided f o r the i n c l u s i o n of a g r i c u l t u r a l labourers and s m a l l peasants i n t h i s v i s i o n . 65 i i ) Ends and Means: I d e o l o g i c a l Aspects of C i s l e i t h a n i a n Programmes Democratic and s o c i a l demands were l a r g e l y intended to be achieved w i t h i n the e x i s t i n g s o c i e t y , but the i d e o l o g i c a l preambles to C i s l e i -thanian s o c i a l i s t programmes envisaged a fare, more r a d i c a l transformation of the s o c i a l order. S o c i a l i s t s i ' d e o l o g y i n C i s l e i t h a n i a - ' d i d not, however, move d i r e c t l y and c l e a r l y from t h e ' s e l f = h e l p " philosophy of Schulze-D e l i t z s c h to the " s t a t e - h e l p " views of L a s s a l l e and from thence to the r e v o l u t i o n a r y M a r x i s t d o c t r i n e . Imported d i r e c t l y from Germany—Schulze-D e l i t z s c h , L a s s a l l e , Marx and Engels were a l l G e r m a n s — s o c i a l i s t ideology i n C i s l e i t h a n i a r e f l e c t e d the i d e o l o g i c a l confusion and c o n f l i c t i n the German movement, as w e l l as the l a c k of c l a r i t y i n the thought of C i s l e i -thanian s o c i a l i s t s themselves. Fo l l o w i n g the c o l l a p s e of the s o c i a l i s t movement i n "1884 and~1885 a new l e a d e r s h i p emerged, committed to the M a r x i s t ideology. P a r t l y middle c l a s s i n o r i g i n — A d l e r , Kautsky, and Ellenbogen a l l . h a d u n i v e r -s i t y d e g r e e s — t h e new leadership r e c o n c i l e d the f a c t i o n s , and at H a i n f e l d a new p a r ty was created. The programme adopted at H a i n f e l d was M a r x i s t i n i n s p i r a t i o n and content. The i d e o l o g i c a l c l a r i t y of the Marxism enshrined i n the H a i n f e l d programme began to break down i n the 1890's, however, as the p r a c t i c e of the p a r ty became i n c r e a s i n g l y r e f o r m i s t . The Vienna programme of 1901 i n d i c a t e d the r e t r e a t from, but not the abandonment of the r e v o l u t i o n a r y M a r x i s t d o c t r i n e , at the same time as i t i l l u s t r a t e d an i n c r e a s i n g acceptance of the parliamentary road to s o c i a l i s m . In other words, i d e o l o g i c a l development i n C i s l e i t h a n i a n 66 socialism p a r a l l e l e d the German experience, although Cisleithanian so-cialism was not a mere r e f l e c t i o n of German s o c i a l i s t ideology. The f i r s t programme, that of the Ninth (Vienna) Worker's Assembly of 1868, was a c l a s s i c statement of Lassalleanism. Proclaiming as the goal the complete equality of a l l c i t i z e n s , p o l i t i c a l l y through the introduction of universal suffrage, and s o c i a l l y by the creation of productive associations sponsored by the "free state," the framer of the programme envisioned a r a d i c a l transformation of society without a bloody revolution. Instead, the change was to be carried out "solely 42 through the power of public persuasion." The second programme, adopted at the Neudbrfl founding Congress of the Cisleithanian party, was a mixture of Marxist and Lassallean 43 views, as was i t s model, the Eisenach programme of the German party. Though i t was not e x p l i c i t l y stated, the victory of the Scheu faction which Neudbrfl represented, marked the organizational separation of the s o c i a l i s t movement from the middle class parties. In place of the 1868 demand for equality was that for the: li b e r a t i o n of working people from wage labour and class rule through the elimination of modern private ownership of the means of production. In i t s place [the party] strive s for the communal, state-organized production of goods.44 This mixture of Marxism and Lassalleanism was confirmed by the reten-t i o n of the demand for state support of productive associations. The Neudbrfl programme dropped the reliance on "public persuasion," and replaced i t with the statement that the democratic and s o c i a l aspects of the programme were: partly for the r e a l i z a t i o n of [the party's] principles and partly for the purpose of agitation for them. 45 67 There was no t r a c e of a concept of c l a s s s t r u g g l e or of revo-l u t i o n a r y a c t i o n as a means to achieve the party's goals. Perhaps what was not s a i d was more important than what was a c t u a l l y put i n t o the p l a t f o r m . C e r t a i n l y the framers of the Wiener Neustadt programme drew t h i s c o n c l u s i o n . They r e j e c t e d "any p l a y i n g w i t h r e v o l u t i o n . " By i m p l i -c a t i o n the programme adopted at Wiener Neustadt condemned the abandonment of " p u b l i c persuasion" at N e u d b r f l . As the party organ, G l e i c h h e i t , s t a t e d a f t e r the 1876 Congress: Those who s t r u g g l e f o r the cause of the s u f f e r i n g people have reorganized themselves and . . . have p u b l i c l y and candidly submitted themselves to the law . . . W i t h i n these l e g a l l i m i t s [the p a r t y ] w i l l c a r r y out the l i v e l i e s t a g i t a t i o n f o r i t s p r i n c i p l e s . . .46 The r e t r e a t i n t o s o c i a l reformism at Wiener Neustadt was perhaps t a c t i c a l l y sound. C e r t a i n l y "Staatsgef " a h r l i c h k e i t " — t h e N e u d b r f l party and i t s programme had been outlawed—had not helped the s o c i a l i s t move-ment, and i n the miserable economic s i t u a t i o n some form of retrenchment and u n i t y was necessary. The reunion w i t h p a r t of the Oberwinder f a c t i o n expressed t h i s , as d i d the attempt to broaden the party's appeal by 47 d i r e c t i n g the programme to people other than workers. Opposition to the new programme was, however, widespread, and at a congress i n 1877, K a l e r - R e i n t h a l and h i s programme were r e j e c t e d . A r e t u r n to the p r i n c i p l e s of Eisenach and N e u d b r f l was decided upon. The a c t u a l c r e a t i o n of a new p l a t f o r m was postponed t i l l 1882, and only occurred a f t e r the party had s p l i t i n t o two w a r r i n g f a c t i o n s over the t a c t i c s to be used to b r i n g on the millenium. Though the Brunn 68 programme of 1882 represented the views of the m i n o r i t y , i t l e d d i r e c t l y to the H a i n f e l d programme. The Briinn programme was, i n f a c t , the f i r s t " M a r x i s t " programme to be adopted by a C e n t r a l European s o c i a l i s t party.' I t can be c a l l e d " M a r x i s t " f o r a very simple reason: Kautsky's d r a f t of the programme was merely a German t r a n s l a t i o n of Marx's 1880 pro-gramme f o r the French s o c i a l i s t s , modified to f i t the s i t u a t i o n i n C i s -49 l e i t h a n i a ! As had N e u d b r f l , the programme c a l l e d f o r the l i b e r a t i o n of the working c l a s s through the t r a n s f e r of the means of production i n t o common possession. The t r a n s f e r could only come about, however, as the r e s u l t of the p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y of the working c l a s s , organized as an independent p o l i t i c a l p a r t y . T h i s party would use a l l means which c o i n c i d e d w i t h the people's sense of j u s t i c e , i n c l u d i n g u n i v e r s a l s u f f -rage, to a r r i v e at i t s g o a l . S t i l l i n c l u d e d i n the programme was the o l d L a s s a l l e a n demand f o r s t a t e support of co-operative e n t e r p r i s e s . The M a r x i s t view i n c o r p o r a t e d i n the programme d i d not mean that the moderates had suddenly gone over i n a body to Marxism, but d i d i n d i -cate that the process was under way, as i t was i n Germany. Kautsky had become a Ma r x i s t at the end of the 1870's, and h i s i n t e l l e c t u a l development both s t i m u l a t e d and r e f l e c t e d t h i s . At the same time, however, the use of the term " M a r x i s t " to c h a r a c t e r i z e the Briinn programme needs to be q u a l i f i e d . The " m o d i f i -c a t i o n s " Kautsky spoke of were q u i t e d r a s t i c . The " p o l i t i c a l " a c t i -v i t y of the working c l a s s had been the " r e v o l u t i o n a r y " a c t i v i t y i n the o r i g i n a l , and the d e f i n i t i o n of the means to be used as those "which 69 c o i n c i d e d w i t h the people's sense of j u s t i c e " had been "with any means" i n Marx's d r a f t . T h e s e a d d i t i o n s and omissions c e r t a i n l y d etracted from the Mar x i s t nature of the programme. This does not n e c e s s a r i l y mean that the moderates were not Mar-x i s t s i n 1882, however. The use of the aforementioned terms, p a r t i -c u l a r l y " r e v o l u t i o n a r y , " would have l e d to the outlawing of the programme 52 i n C i s l e i t h a n i a and hence i t s u n s u i t a b i l i t y as a t o o l f o r a g i t a t i o n . This i s one of the reasons why the terms " r e v o l u t i o n a r y " and " r e v o l u t i o n " never appeared i n a C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t programme. I t was the H a i n f e l d programme of 1888/9 which r e a l l y marked the formal enshrinement of the M a r x i s t ideology i n the s o c i a l i s t programme. 54 W r i t t e n by A d l e r , r e v i s e d by Kautsky, and based on the 1882 programme, i t i s a c l a s s i c statement of the M a r x i s t ideology. P i c t u r i n g a s o c i e t y i n which the means of production were be-coming more and more concentrated i n the hands of fewer and fewer c a p i -t a l i s t s , and i n which the mass of the p o p u l a t i o n was s i n k i n g i n t o misery, s o c i a l i s t s argued that the t r a n s f e r of the means of production i n t o the common possession of the working p o p u l a t i o n was not only the means of l i b e r a t i o n , but a l s o the f u l f i l l m e n t of a h i s t o r i c a l l y necessary 55 task. From t h i s M a r x i s t vantage p o i n t they viewed the s t a t e as the expression of the p o l i t i c a l and economic r u l e of the c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s . Adapting the phrase used at the 1882 Brunn Congress, the new programme argued that the workers would use a l l " a p p r o p r i a t e " means which c o i n c i d e d w i t h the people's " n a t u r a l " sense of j u s t i c e to a t t a i n t h e i r ends. This compromise r e s o l u t i o n pleased the former r a d i c a l s . The 70 moderates a l s o r e c e i v e d an o l i v e branch, f o r t h e i r b e l i e f i n the e f f i -cacy of u n i v e r s a l s u f f r a g e was a l s o expressed, though i t too was l i m i t e d : Without deluding ourselves about the value of parliamentarism, a form of modern c l a s s r u l e , [we] s t r i v e f o r u n i v e r s a l , equal andodirect s u f f r a g e f o r a l l r e p r e s e n t a t i v e bodies . . . as ^ one of the most important means of a g i t a t i o n and o r g a n i z a t i o n . The " R e s o l u t i o n on P o l i t i c a l R i g h t s , " appended to the main "De-c l a r a t i o n of P r i n c i p l e s , " used the term " c l a s s s t r u g g l e " f o r the f i r s t time i n a C i s l e i t h a n i a n socialist^programme, as~the-party r e l a t e d the t r a n s -formation of the economic order, the " w o r l d - h i s t o r i c a l task of the pro-l e t a r i a t , " to the demand f o r democratic r i g h t s . They were seen as a means to i n h i b i t the c a p i t a l i s t s ' attempts to undermine the c l a s s s t r u g g l e — the a c t u a l l e v e r f o r change. Despite the r a d i c a l phraseology, the programme was a l s o t a i n t e d w i t h what came to be c a l l e d reformism. The " r e v o l u t i o n , " the u l t i m a t e transformation of s o c i e t y , was not mentioned i n the programme, nor was there any statement of how the s e i z u r e of power would a c t u a l l y occur. Instead, the party's " a c t u a l programme" was: to organize the p r o l e t a r i a t , to i n s p i r e i t w i t h an awareness of i t s p o s i t i o n and i t s t a s k s , [and] to e s t a b l i s h and main-t a i n i t s s p i r i t u a l and p h y s i c a l capacity to s t r u g g l e d The r e v o l u t i o n was thus postponed u n t i l the d i s t a n t f u t u r e . In the meantime the s o c i a l i s t s had to concentrate t h e i r energies on the r e a l i -z a t i o n of t h e i r democratic and s o c i a l demands. In theory, t h i s r e f o r m i s t a c t i v i t y could be seen as p e r f e c t l y c o n s i s t e n t w i t h the p a rty's t h e o r e t i c a l r e v o l u t i o n i s m . In p r a c t i c e , however, the campaign f o r reform, p a r t i c u l a r l y the s t r u g g l e f o r u n i -v e r s a l s u f f r a g e , drove the party to the r i g h t . V i c t o r A d l e r had seen 71 5 8 the p a r t y at a "dead end" i n 1891. Worried that n a t i o n a l i s m or l e f t 59 wing r a d i c a l i s m might d i s r u p t i t , he decided to throw the party i n t o 60 a m i l i t a n t campaign f o r u n i v e r s a l s u f f r a g e . Aside from the b u i l d i n g of an o r g a n i z a t i o n and the i n c r e a s i n g concern w i t h the n a t i o n a l i t y ques-t i o n , t h i s s t r u g g l e f o r u n i v e r s a l s u f f r a g e remained the major preoccu-p a t i o n of the s o c i a l i s t movement from 1893—when the campaign a c t u a l l y began:-r-to 1905. As time passed, the s u f f r a g e became i d e n t i f i e d w i t h the u l t i m a t e end, and was seen i n c r e a s i n g l y as the means of c a r r y i n g out the r e v o l u t i o n a r y transformation of s o c i e t y . The i n c r e a s i n g gap between the r a d i c a l theory and the r e f o r m i s t p r a c t i c e of the p a r t y was, however, narrowed by the r e v i s i o n of the 61 H a i n f e l d programme at the 1901 party Congress. This r e v i s i o n marked a c l e a r r e t r e a t from the r a d i c a l p r i n c i p l e s expressed at H a i n f e l d , a l -though i t d i d not s i g n i f y the formal abandonment of the M a r x i s t ideology. While the g o a l , the a c t u a l programme, and the means to achieve the goal remained, the " h i s t o r i c a l n e c e s s i t y " f o r the t r a n s f e r of the means of production to common ownership became merely the "necessary" task of the p r o l e t a r i a t . Obviously under the i n f l u e n c e of Eduard Bernstein's r e v i s i o n i s t arguments, the conception of the i n c r e a s i n g misery of the 62 p r o l e t a r i a t was dropped. Gone also was the r a d i c a l language of the H a i n f e l d programme. Workers were no longer the " s l a v e s " of the c a p i -t a l i s t , but were "dependent" upon him. These changes were, i n a sense, s t y l i s t i c , but they c l e a r l y i n d i c a t e d a r e t r e a t from the i n t r a n s i g e n c e of the o l d programme.^ The most dramatic changes i n the programme were i n the a t t i t u d e s towards the f r a n c h i s e and to parliamentarism. The statement that the 72 party should not delude i t s e l f about the value of parliamentarism, a modern form of c l a s s r u l e , which preceded the demand f o r the f r a n c h i s e 64 at H a i n f e l d , vanished from the Vienna programme. As a r e s u l t , both the f r a n c h i s e and parliamentarism became acceptable i n t h e i r own r i g h t ! Furthermore, the democratic demands, p a r t i c u l a r l y u n i v e r s a l s u f f r a g e , were no longer seen as necessary to a i d i n the development of the worker's c l a s s consciousness; r a t h e r , the preamble to the democratic demands now denounced l i m i t a t i o n s on freedom per se! S i m i l a r l y , the H a i n f e l d s t a t e -ment that " r e a l " s o c i a l reform could only be brought about by workers themselves, was dropped from the programme. Even a cursory reading and comparison of the two programmes makes i t p a t e n t l y obvious that the s o c i a l i s t s had r e t r e a t e d from the r i n g i n g denunciation of the c a p i t a l i s t s o c i a l order at H a i n f e l d . They had c e r t a i n l y not abandoned t h e i r commitment to the Marxist i d e o l o g y , but they had brought t h e i r theory, at l e a s t as expressed i n t h e i r p u b l i c programme, more i n t o l i n e w i t h t h e i r p r a x i s . For s e v e r a l reasons, t h i s r e t r e a t from r a d i c a l Marxism i s of the utmost s i g n i f i c a n c e . For one t h i n g , i t represented a break i n the development of the s o c i a l i s t ideology a f t e r 186 7. That development had tended towards an i n c r e a s i n g l y r a d i c a l c r i t i q u e of the c a p i t a l i s t system and an e q u a l l y r a d i c a l s o l u t i o n to that system's problems. In s p i t e of the moderate elements i n the H a i n f e l d programme, that tendency had been confirmed at H a i n f e l d . The 1901 programme saw the moderate elements of H a i n f e l d gain the upper hand, and i n t h i s sense, i t represented a break w i t h t r a d i t i o n . 73 Of equal importance was the f a c t that the party now had an i d e -ology which r e f l e c t e d i t s p r a c t i c e . This i s not to suggest that both the theory and p r a c t i c e of the party were e n t i r e l y r e f o r m i s t . The 1901 programme s t i l l contained a r a d i c a l c r i t i q u e of c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t y , and the party i t s e l f was s t i l l capable of r a d i c a l a c t i o n . The c o n t r a s t w i t h the German party i s i n s t r u c t i v e . The SPD d i d not r e v i s e i t s programme before 1914. As a r e s u l t , i t s t h e o r e t i c a l commitment to r e v o l u t i o n remained unchanged i n a p e r i o d when i t s p r a c t i c e was even more r e f o r m i s t than that of C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t s . The d i f f e r e n c e between the p r a c t i c e of the two p a r t i e s ' ^ emerged as e a r l y as 1890. In s p i t e of t h e i r obvious weakness, C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t s c a l l e d a one day general s t r i k e to ce l e b r a t e the f i r s t May Day. The much more powerful German o r g a n i z a t i o n took the Sunday nearest May 1st 65 as i t s " h o l i d a y . " Indeed, throughout the p e r i o d a f t e r 1890 C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t s were more w i l l i n g than the German leadership to use such weapons as s t r i k e s and demonstrations. I n s p i r e d by the Russian r e v o l u -t i o n of 1905 C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t s decided to use the general or "mass" s t r i k e as a weapon i n t h e i r s t r u g g l e f o r u n i v e r s a l s u f f r a g e . ^ In c o n t r a s t , the party and trade union leadership i n Germany attempted to curb t h e i r members' enthusiasm f o r the general s t r i k e , an enthusiasm which ran extremely high i n 1905. For a time the German p a r t y and trade union leadership d i d not r e s t r a i n t h i s enthusiasm. Only when i t threatened 6 7 to get out of hand d i d they apply the brakes. C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t s d i d not u l t i m a t e l y use the mass s t r i k e , f o r demonstrations, work slow-downs and the threat of the mass s t r i k e were weapons enough. The 74 s i g n i f i c a n t p o i n t i s that these a c t i o n s were c a r r i e d out w i t h the ap-6 8 p r o v a l of both party and trade union l e a d e r s h i p ! In other words, C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t leaders were more w i l l i n g to use r a d i c a l , means to a t t a i n r e f o r m i s t ends than were those i n the German movement. The means used tended to s a t i s f y t h e i r more r a d i c a l members, w h i l e the goal f o r which the s t r u g g l e was c a r r i e d out pleased the moderates. The party's a c t i v i t y thus gave the impression of m o n o l i t h i c i d e o l o g i c a l u n i t y . I t a l s o made the party appear more r a d i c a l than i t a c t u a l l y was. In Germany, of course, the c o n t r a d i c t i o n between the party's i n c r e a s i n g reformism (and t i m i d i t y ) and i t s r a d i c a l theory was one of the major reasons f o r the r i s e of a r a d i c a l wing i n the p a r t y , and f o r the u l t i m a t e d e s t r u c t i o n of the u n i t y of the s o c i a l i s t movement during the F i r s t World War. In C i s l e i t h a n i a t h i s d i d not occur. P a r t of the reason f o r t h i s was the s m a l l e r gap between theory and p r a c t i c e . The growing commitment of the C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i a l i s t move-ment to u n i v e r s a l s u f f r a g e as the means to the end, was i n a sense naive. C e r t a i n l y i f the s o c i a l i s t s were to o b t a i n a m a j o r i t y i n parliament, they could t h e o r e t i c a l l y carry out t h e i r r e v o l u t i o n . At.the same time, however, developments i n Germany i n d i c a t e d the d i r e c t i o n s governmental response to the growth of the s o c i a l i s t vote could take; l o c a l governments 69 simply r e s t r i c t e d the f r a n c h i s e . In a d d i t i o n , i f the s o c i a l i s t s were indeed every to form a government, they would then face the same problem German s o c i a l i s t s had p o t e n t i a l l y faced s i n c e 1867: the m i n i s t e r - p r e s i d e n t and h i s cabinet were r e s p o n s i b l e , not to parliament, but to the emperor, who was the u l t i m a t e a r b i t e r . Even a m a j o r i t y i n parliament d i d not 75 guarantee that the s o c i a l i s t s would take power. At the same time, a party which based i t s e l f on one c l a s s d i v i d e d among s e v e r a l n a t i o n a l i t i e s could not hope to o b t a i n i t s goals through the e l e c t o r a l system, at l e a s t i n the immediate s i t u a t i o n . This i s why the f a i l u r e to adopt the a g r i c u l t u r a l r e s o l u t i o n at the 1901 Congress was so s i g n i f i c a n t . In a country i n which the m a j o r i t y of the p o p u l a t i o n was r u r a l , any party which d i d not attempt to appeal to that m a j o r i t y had no hope of winning power. In Russia, Lenin d i d not make the same mistake. In order to win over the m a j o r i t y of the p o p u l a t i o n , he attempted to appeal d i r e c t l y to the p e a s a n t r y — i n s p i t e of the f a c t that he d i d not look upon par-liamentarism as the means of achieving power. In these senses, the C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t view of the f r a n -chise per se as the means to the end was n a i v e . A d l e r , the p r a c t i c a l p o l i t i c i a n , was aware of t h i s . He once s a i d t h a t : We need the r i g h t to vote f o r a l l peoples, f o r a l l c l a s s e s ; we a l s o need i t , f i n a l l y , f o r the s t a t e . But we a l s o need i t f o r a completely d i f f e r e n t reason. We need the r i g h t to vote so that we can f i n a l l y be r i d of i t . ^ Then, and only then, could the party go on to achieve the reforms i t d e s i r e d so deeply, by p u t t i n g pressure on the government through the party's e l e c t e d r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . The i d e o l o g i c a l aspects of C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t programmes thus i n d i c a t e the growing commitment to the f r a n c h i s e and to r e f o r m i s t parliamentarism i n the s o c i a l i s t movement. The constant emphasis on u n i v e r s a l , equal, and d i r e c t s u f f r a g e i n the party programmes a f t e r 1867, e i t h e r as one weapon among many, or as the u l t i m a t e weapon, was f i n a l l y i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d i n the 1901 programme, the l a s t adopted before the War of 1914. 76 i i i ) The Programmatic D i s c u s s i o n of the N a t i o n a l i t y Question C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s m ' s main c o n t r i b u t i o n to the development of s o c i a l i s t thought i n the l a t e nineteenth century was the attempt to propose a s o l u t i o n to the problem of n a t i o n a l i t y c o n f l i c t i n a m u l t i -n a t i o n a l s t a t e . The Briinn programme of 1899 was the f i r s t s o c i a l i s t programme devoted e n t i r e l y to the r e s o l u t i o n of n a t i o n a l i t y c o n f l i c t . N a t u r a l l y enough, the programme drew on many sources. As e a r l y as 1848 proposals which would grant e q u a l i t y to the eleven major n a t i o n a l i t i e s i n the Monarchy had been p u b l i c l y discussed. 7"'' The Ausgl e i c h w i t h Hungary and the gran t i n g of v i r t u a l "home r u l e " to the Poles i n G a l i c i a were o f f i c i a l attempts to solv e part of the problem. In the c o n s t i t u t i o n a l e r a a f t e r 186 7 each of the major p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s among the n a t i o n a l i t i e s i n C i s l e i t h a n i a had i t s own s o l u t i o n to the problem. The e a r l y M a r x i s t s had d e a l t w i t h the n a t i o n a l q u e s t i o n , but they had not taken i t s e r i o u s l y , f o r n a t i o n a l i s m (and n a t i o n a l i t y ) , so 72 they b e l i e v e d , would "wither away" w i t h the development of c a p i t a l i s m . In a d d i t i o n , t h e i r b e l i e f i n the o v e r r i d i n g importance of the West Euro-pean and German r e v o l u t i o n s as the key to the r e v o l u t i o n a r y t r a n s f o r -mation of Europe precluded a systematic d i s c u s s i o n of the n a t i o n a l i t y q u e s t i o n , and indeed, of the nature of n a t i o n a l i s m i t s e l f . The backward m u l t i - n a t i o n a l s t a t e s of Eastern Europe were seen as e n t i r e l y p e r i p h e r a l to the West European r e v o l u t i o n , except i n so f a r as they might have a negative impact upon i t . . T H E HABSBURG EMPIRE 1867-1918 I GERMANS MM RUMANIANS 12 million (24%) 3lj million (6%) | MAGYARS ITALIANS l O million <20%> V million OV/o) £ C i t iM with larga Jowl»h population* ^ 2 million Jawi In all (4%) Figure 2. 78 Yet C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t s d i d have some experience of t h e i r own to draw upon. As e a r l y as the Second (Vienna) Worker's Assembly of 1868 an i n i t i a l statement on the n a t i o n a l i t y question was adopted. I t was decided that the n a t i o n a l question was secondary to the s o c i a l q u e s t i o n , and that e q u a l i t y of the various n a t i o n a l i t i e s would sol v e 73 the problem. This s i m p l i s t i c view was elaborated on at the F i f t h Assembly, which approved a manifesto con'the n a t i o n a l (and s o c i a l ) problem. The manifesto announced that the: age of separate n a t i o n a l i t i e s i s over. The n a t i o n a l i t y p r i n -c i p l e i s today only on the agenda of r e a c t i o n a r i e s . The labour market recognizes no n a t i o n a l borders.74 The views expressed at these two Assemblies are s i g n i f i c a n t , f o r they t y p i f y the s o c i a l i s t view of n a t i o n a l i s m and the n a t i o n a l i t y question during the nineteenth century. N a t i o n a l i s m was seen as a r e a c t i o n a r y phenomenon, which only impeded the s t r u g g l e f o r economic and s o c i a l l i b e r a t i o n . U l t i m a t e l y the development of c a p i t a l i s m would destroy n a t i o n a l d i f f e r e n c e s as a world market and a world language emerged. The Ninthh Worker's Assembly c a r r i e d the d i s c u s s i o n a l i t t l e .furth f o r i t r a f s e d i t h e question o f - J t h e " r i g h t " of n a t i o n a l s e l f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n . " One h i s t o r i a n warns, however, that t h i s concept was seen as a democratic 76 r i g h t , and not s p e c i f i c a l l y as a n a t i o n a l r i g h t to sece s s i o n . The N e u d o r f l Congress of 1874 r e t a i n e d t h i s concept, without c l a r i f y i n g i t s meaning. The Congress was s i g n i f i c a n t , however, f o r i n e s t a b l i s h i n g the f i r s t s o c i a l i s t p a r t y i n Europe to c o n s i s t of more than one n a t i o n a l i t y (or language group), i t removed the d i s c u s s i o n of the n a t i o n a l i t y question from the t h e o r e t i c a l plane, and made i t a 79 problem of p r a c t i c a l p o l i t i c s . 7 7 A systematic a n a l y s i s of the subje c t was postponed, however, f o r the Wiener Neustadt Congress of 1876 aban-doned the i d e a of a nation-wide o r g a n i z a t i o n . In the absence of the Czech s o c i a l i s t s , the Congress returned the d i s c u s s i o n to the stage i t had reached i n the l a t e 1860's when i t was declared t h a t : We are separated by no a r t i f i c i a l d i f f e r e n c e s , and by no p o l i t i c a l animosity. To us the word n a t i o n a l i t y i s a meaning-l e s s sound which dies away unheard i n the face of the common i n t e r e s t s which b i n d us together.78 When the Czech s o c i a l i s t s founded t h e i r own party at the.Brevnov Congress of 1878 they renewed the debate on the n a t i o n a l i t y question. In f a c t , the founding of a separate Czech party was i n i t s e l f a s i g n i -f i c a n t statement, f o r i t represented the r e a l i z a t i o n t h a t separate n a t i o n a l 79 o r g a n i z a t i o n s were necessary, i f only f o r purposes of a g i t a t i o n . I t was a l s o , of course, a r e f l e c t i o n of the existence of n a t i o n a l f e e l i n g i n the s o c i a l i s t movement, and emphasized that the n a t i o n a l i t y question was not merely a concern of " r e a c t i o n a r i e s , " but a r e a l problem which would have to be d e a l t w i t h e v e n t u a l l y . In the programme adopted at the Congress? the Czechs r e a f f i r m e d the p r i n c i p l e of s e l f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n of n a t i o n s , but once more i t was not defined. To j u s t i f y the establishment of the "Czechoslav" party the programme s t a t e d t h a t : [The Czechoslav S o c i a l i s t P a r t y ] recognizes that each party must be organized by n a t i o n a l i t y before the merger of working people without regard to n a t i o n a l i t y or r e l i g i o n can be c a r r i e d o u t . ^ This view was accepted by the C i s l e i t h a n i a n p a r t y , but before a r e a l d i s c u s s i o n of the n a t i o n a l i t y question could begin, the s o c i a l i s t movement d i s i n t e g r a t e d i n t o - f a c t i o n s . 80 As a r e s u l t , i t was not u n t i l 1887 that f u r t h e r d i s c u s s i o n of 81 the n a t i o n a l question occurred. At the Brunn Congress of 1887, which r e u n i t e d Czech r a d i c a l and moderate s o c i a l i s t s , a r e s o l u t i o n on the n a t i o n a l i t y question was adopted. The s o l u t i o n to the problem was the i n t r o d u c t i o n of e q u a l i t y f o r a l l languages: [ S ] o c i a l democratic workers are the one and only [group] who can b r i n g about e q u a l i t y f o r the Czechoslav language among the other languages, because s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l e q u a l i t y must precede language [ e q u a l i t y ] . 8 2 The r e s o l u t i o n then went on to argue that the r i g h t of s e l f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n must be given to the people, f o r t h i s was the way i n which the process of a s s i m i l a t i o n to other n a t i o n a l i t i e s could be stopped. C l e a r l y , the s t r e s s on the n a t i o n a l i t y question at the Brunn Congress was not as heavy as i t had p r e v i o u s l y been. The r e t r e a t from the p r i n c i p l e s expressed at the Czech party's Brevnov Congress of 1878 i s e a s i l y e x p l i c a b l e . A d l e r and Josef Hybes (1850-1921), the most prominent Czech s o c i a l i s t at the time, had taken great pains to woo the more n a t i o n a l i s t Czech s o c i a l i s t s i n Prague over to the i d e a of a new i n t e r n a t i o n a l p a r t y , which would u n i t e both Czech 83 and German r a d i c a l s and moderates. As a r e s u l t , the Brunn Congress was more concerned w i t h the re-establishment of the u n i t y of the Czech s o c i a l i s t movement than w i t h the n a t i o n a l i t y question. The same was true of the H a i n f e l d Congress of 1888/9, which r e u n i t e d r a d i c a l s and moderates of both n a t i o n a l i t i e s and adopted a 84 new programme. The n a t i o n a l i t y question was not an i s s u e at H a i n f e l d , and the new programme merely r e s t a t e d that the party s t r o v e f o r the l i b e r a t i o n of everyone, without d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n by n a t i o n a l i t y . I t 81 r e i t e r a t e d that the party was i n t e r n a t i o n a l , and condemned any n a t i o n a l • 85 p r i v i l e g e s . I n the 1890's, however, the s o c i a l i s t s f i n a l l y found themselves fo r c e d to take a comprehensive p o s i t i o n on the n a t i o n a l i t y question. As long as the s o c i a l i s t movement was merely a "sect or a gang of 86 r u f f i a n s , " as A d l e r so p i c t u r e s q u e l y put i t , the n a t i o n a l i t y question was not a s e r i o u s problem. Without d i r e c t r e p r e s e n t a t i o n i n parliament, and without a r e a l nation-wide o r g a n i z a t i o n , s o c i a l i s t s of the various n a t i o n a l i t i e s could a f f o r d to ignore i t . A f t e r 1890, however, the s o c i a l i s t movement developed a mass f o l l o w i n g among the peoples of C i s -l e i t h a n i a . In 1897 the party o r g a n i z a t i o n was f e d e r a l i z e d i n an attempt 87 to s o l v e the n a t i o n a l i t y question w i t h i n the s o c i a l i s t s ' own ranks. In the same year the f i r s t s o c i a l i s t s were e l e c t e d to parliament, j u s t i n time to p a r t i c i p a t e i n the c r i s i s which marked the v i r t u a l end of parliamentary government i n C i s l e i t h a n i a . Parliament was d i s a b l e d by o b s t r u c t i o n f o l l o w i n g the i n t r o d u c t i o n of decrees making the Czech and German languages equal i n the p u b l i c a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of Bohemia and Moravia. The Germans saw the decrees as a t h r e a t to the German p o s i t i o n i n the Bohemian Lands, and reacted v i o l e n t l y . The Czechssresponded i n k i n d . As a r e s u l t , r i o t i n g i n the s t r e e t s , and i n parliament, p o l i t i c i z e d the n a t i o n a l i t y question to an u n p a r a l l e l e d extent. For the next 88 s e v e r a l years both s t a t e and parliament were p o l i t i c a l l y p a ralyzed. This created a twofold problem f o r the s o c i a l i s t s . For one t h i n g , n a t i o n a l i t y c o n f l i c t d e f l e c t e d a t t e n t i o n away from the s o c i a l 89 s t r u g g l e s of the working c l a s s . At the same time, o b s t r u c t i o n i n 82 parliament c r i p p l e d the i n s t i t u t i o n which the s o c i a l i s t s i n c r e a s i n g l y saw as the medium f o r the transformation of s o c i e t y once true u n i v e r s a l s u f f r a g e was r e a l i z e d . A d l e r was o r g i n a l l y opposed to the i d e a of a s o c i a l i s t n a t i o n a l i t y programme, but when Kautsky published an a r t i c l e on the question i n Neue Z e i t i n 1898 debate became general among the 90 s o c i a l i s t s , and A d l e r was forced to give way. At the 1899 Brunn Congress of the C i s l e i t h a n i a n party a com-mitt e e , composed of n a t i o n a l party r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s on the Gesamtpartei (or C i s l e i t h a n i a n party) executive i n Vienna, presented a proposal. This d r a f t programme argued that n a t i o n a l c o n f l i c t i n C i s l e i t h a n i a was a r e s u l t of the p o l i t i c a l backwardness of p u b l i c i n s f itutzions, and that i t was one of the means the r u l i n g c l a s s e s used to secure t h e i r p o s i t i o n . The f i n a l settlement of the n a t i o n a l i t y (and language) question was seen as "above a l l a c u l t u r a l demand," which could only be obtained i n a t r u l y democratic community, based on u n i v e r s a l , equal and d i r e c t s u f f r a g e . Only i n such a community, i n which a l l f e u d a l p r i v i l e g e s were e l i m i n a t e d , could the working c l a s s e s , the r e a l upholders of s t a t e and s o c i e t y , be heard. Each n a t i o n a l i t y had the r i g h t of exi s t e n c e and development, but the peoples had to l i v e i n clo s e s o l i d a r i t y w i t h one another, and s o c i a l i s t s of a l l tongues had to carry out t h e i r p o l i -91 t i c a l and trade union s t r u g g l e s together. On the b a s i s of these p r i n c i p l e s a f i v e p o i n t " p r a c t i c a l " pro-gramme was proposed. C i s l e i t h a n i a could only be a democratic n a t i o n a l i t y 92 s t a t e . This f e d e r a l s t a t e would be composed of autonomous n a t i o n a l a d m i n i s t r a t i v e areas, which would be based as f a r as p o s s i b l e on language 83 borders. The a d m i n i s t r a t i v e areas of each n a t i o n thus created would together c o n s t i t u t e a n a t i o n a l u n i t . In complete autonomy, the popu-l a t i o n of each u n i t would deal w i t h i t s n a t i o n a l c o n c e r n s — d e f i n e d as c u l t u r a l and l i n g u i s t i c . N a t i o n a l m i n o r i t i e s i n mixed areas would r e -ceive l e g a l p r o t e c t i o n . The f i f t h p o i n t c a l l e d f o r the r e j e c t i o n of any o f f i c i a l s t a t e language, but recommended German as the "language 9 3 of communication." The proposal was defended by Josef S e l i g e r , a Bohemian German. He argued that workers were the ones who s u f f e r e d most from n a t i o n a l i t y c o n f l i c t ; hence i t was necessary f o r s o c i a l i s t s to develop a s o l u t i o n to the problem. The n a t i o n a l i t y question i n C i s l e i t h a n i a was a c u l t u r a l problem, and not a question of power (Machtfrage). The removal of c u l -t u r a l matters from the c e n t r a l parliament's j u r i s d i c t i o n would d e p o l i -t i c i z e and defuse i t . He concluded: S o c i a l democracy i n [ C i s l e i t h a n i a ] must produce a s o l u t i o n to t h i s problem, and must do i t s utmost to c a r r y i t out. We are concerned w i t h f i n d i n g theobasis on which i t i s p o s s i b l e f o r the peoples i n t h i s s t a t e to l i v e together. Only i n t h i s way can 'pure' c l a s s s t r u g g l e replace n a t i o n a l i t y con-f l i c t . 9 4 Both t hev.commission's p r o p o s a l , and S e l i g e r ' s defence of i t , c o nsiderably underestimated the seriousness of the n a t i o n a l i t y question i n C i s l e i t h a n i a . I t was by no means merely a c u l t u r a l matter. More than anything e l s e , n a t i o n a l s t r i f e i n C i s l e i t h a n i a was becoming a p o l i t i c a l s t r u g g l e , concerned not w i t h c u l t u r a l - U n g u i s t i c r i g h t s , but w i t h power i n the s t a t e . Even though the Badeni controversy was out-wardly c u l t u r a l - l i n g u i s t i c i n content, Czech and German n a t i o n a l i s t s had no i l l u s i o n s that i t r e a l l y represented the l e a d i n g edge of the 84 b a t t l e f o r c o n t r o l of Bohemia, and u l t i m a t e l y of the Monarchy. What Czech n a t i o n a l i s t s r e a l l y wanted was a n a t i o n a l t e r r i t o r y of t h e i r own, 95 i n other words, a Czech s t a t e w i t h i n the Monarchy. This was the r e a l meaning of the Young Czech demand f o r the r e a l i z a t i o n of Bohemia's t r a -d i t i o n a l r i g h t s — t h e c o n t r o v e r s i a l Bohemian S t a a t s r e c h t . Although Czech s o c i a l i s t s had apparently given evidence of t h e i r i n t e r n a t i o n a l i s m when they denounced Bohemian Staatsrecht i n parliament 96 i n 1897, i t was c l e a r from t h e i r response to the commission's pro-p o s a l that they stood on the same ground as t h e i r n a t i o n a l i s t movement. The responses of s o c i a l i s t s of other n a t i o n a l i t i e s i n d i c a t e d t h e i r r e -l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h t h e i r n a t i o n a l movements. Antonin Nemec, a lead i n g Czech s o c i a l i s t , was the f i r s t to respond. In r e j e c t i n g the f i v e p o i n t p r o p o s a l , Nemec argued that the n a t i o n a l i t y question was not merely a c u l t u r a l problem. Economic, s o c i a l and other f a c t o r s were i n t e g r a l p a r t s of i t . The commission's r e s o l u t i o n was a f a i l u r e , because i t would only i n t e n s i f y n a t i o n a l i t y c o n f l i c t , not e l i -minate i t . Bohemia was a case i n p o i n t . I f the province were to be p a r t i t i o n e d , n a t i o n a l i t y s t r u g g l e s would be c a r r i e d i n t o the sma l l e s t 97 v i l l a g e . Another Czech s o c i a l i s t c a r r i e d t h i s l a t t e r p o i n t even f u r t h e r . K a r l Vanek s a i d that C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t s were being premature i n t h e i r attempt to deal w i t h C i s l e i t h a n i a ' s f u t u r e , f o r : i f we wish to e s t a b l i s h n a t i o n a l t e r r i t o r i e s , we must set up new borders. I t has already been pointed out, however, . . . that the f l u c t u a t i o n process has not yet ended; =u[jas a a r e s u l t ] i t can e a s i l y happen that a m i n o r i t y can suddenly become a m a j o r i t y , and then the borders would have to be adjusted.98 This " f l u c t u a t i o n process" was described by Nemec i n an a r t i c l e p u b l i s h e d i n the Czech s o c i a l i s t press p r i o r to the Congress. He pointed 85 out that economic necessity was causing the r u r a l population i n the Czech regions of Bohemia to migrate i n t o the i n d u s t r i a l German areas of the "mixed-language" regions. Even though t h i s caused n a t i o n a l i t y c o n f l i c t , Nemec f e l t that the most important aspect of this population movement was the f a c t that i t had not yet ended. On the contrary, i t was only i n i t s beginning stages. At the same time as Czechs were wandering i n t o German regions, however, German c a p i t a l was moving into Czech d i s t r i c t s . This too created n a t i o n a l i t y struggle. In s p i t e of t h i s , however, this process must be permitted to continue i n nationally-mixed areas such as the "Sudeten Lands and also Lower A u s t r i a " ! ! I f we were to speak out i n favour of the d i v i s i o n of the [Crown] Lands in t o n a t i o n a l t e r r i t o r i e s before the current movement of population ends, we would only^anticipate development without ending n a t i o n a l c o n f l i c t . 9 9 Clearly Czech s o c i a l i s t s wished to postpone the d e f i n i t i o n of n a t i o n a l t e r r i t o r i e s i n C i s l e i t h a n i a u n t i l the movement of population was complete, or, i n other words, u n t i l Bohemia was completely Czech!. Indeed, the reference to Lower A u s t r i a as a "mixed-nationality" area indicates that Czech s o c i a l i s t s went f a r beyond the Young Czechs and t h e i r c a l l f o r a Bohemian state, f o r , by i m p l i c a t i o n Nemec was claiming that population migration would ultimately bring lower A u s t r i a and Vienna i n t o the Czech f o l d ! This was p o l i t i c a l nationalism of the f i r s t order. The P o l i s h s o c i a l i s t s ' ..response to the proposal r e f l e c t e d t h e i r p o l i t i c a l s i t u a t i o n . Ignaz Daszynski emphasized that repressed peoples everywhere were s t r i v i n g for t h e i r own states. Though the Poles i n the Monarchy would continue to work with t h e i r comrades, the d i v i s i o n 86 of the P o l i s h people among three s t a t e s could not be f o r g o t t e n . P o l i s h s o c i a l i s t s intended to work w i t h Poles i n Russia and P r u s s i a so that one day the u n i t e d P o l i s h people could take i t s place i n the f a m i l y of nations.?"*^ ^ With these q u a l i f i c a t i o n s i n mind the Poles were q u i t e w i l l i n g to accept the proposal. U n l i k e the other non-German n a t i o n a l i t i e s , however, the Poles d i d not r e j e c t German as the "language of communication." Daszynski merely s a i d that t h i s question would be decided by what a c t u a l l y oc-curred."'"^"'" As a f e l l o w " r u l i n g n a t i o n a l i t y , " i n a d i s t a n t p r o v i n c e , Poles had few c o n f l i c t s w i t h the Germans, and the proposal of German as the"language 1 of communication" was not a t h r e a t to the p r e s t i g e of t h e i r movement, as i t was f o r the Czechs and others. The Ruthene, or U k r a i n i a n , s o c i a l democrats expressed t h e i r views through ther s o l i t a r y r e p r e s e n t a t i v e at the Congress, V i c t o r Hankiewicz. While agreeing w i t h the p r o p o s a l , Hankiewicz s t i p u l a t e d that the "Ruthene" popu l a t i o n of the Monarchy was a p a r t of the great " U k r a i n i a n " n a t i o n , ,_. n- . - . , 102 which must one day be u n i t e d . Slovene s o c i a l i s t s , representing one of the weaker peoples i n the Monarchy, r e p l i e d to the commission's proposal by i n t r o d u c i n g one of t h e i r own. R e j e c t i n g the t e r r i t o r i a l p r i n c i p l e of o r g a n i z a t i o n , they c a l l e d f o r each n a t i o n a l i t y to be organized as a union of persons, not t e r r i t o r y . This r e f l e c t e d t h e i r view t h a t i t would be impossible to 103 disentangle the n a t i o n a l i t i e s i n the L i t t o r a l . The I t a l i a n delegate, Antonio Gerin from T r i e s t e , agreed w i t h the Slovenes about the problem of the L i t t o r a l , though he d i d note that the I t a l i a n s of the T i r o l formed 87 a compact group which could be organized t e r r i t o r i a l l y . Nevertheless, he r e j e c t e d both pro p o s a l s , arguing i n s t e a d that i t was too soon to deal w i t h the n a t i o n a l i t y q u e s t i o n , and that s o c i a l i s t s should concentrate t h e i r energies on c l a s s s t r u g g l e . In t h e i r i n i t i a l statement to the Congress, Czech s o c i a l i s t s had proposed that the d r a f t programme be withdrawn and a commission e s t a b l i s h e d to draw up a new one. A f t e r each n a t i o n a l group had had a chance to speak to the o r i g i n a l r e s o l u t i o n , t h i s was agreed to. The commission r e d r a f t e d the f i v e p o i n t s of the o r i g i n a l . C i s -l e i t h a n i a was s t i l l to be a democratic n a t i o n a l i t y s t a t e , but the word " f e d e r a l " had been added d i r e c t l y to the de s i g n a t i o n . The autonomous n a t i o n a l a d m i n i s t r a t i v e areas were more s p e c i f i c a l l y defined. They would replace the h i s t o r i c Crown Lands, and t h e i r a d m i n i s t r a t i o n and l e g i s -l a t i o n would be c a r r i e d out by " n a t i o n a l chambers," e l e c t e d by u n i v e r s a l s u f f r a g e . Together these would form a n a t i o n a l u n i t , which would carry out i t s n a t i o n a l concerns i n complete autonomy. These " n a t i o n a l concerns" were no longer defined as l i n g u i s t i c and c u l t u r a l . The statement about l e g a l p r o t e c t i o n f o r m i n o r i t i e s i n mixed areas was a l s o made more s p e c i f i c . Now a l l m i n o r i t i e s would be pro-t e c t e d by a law to be drawn up by the I m p e r i a l parliament. P r e d i c t -a b l y , the statement i n favour of German as a "language of communication" was dropped. Instead, i n so f a r as one was necessary, i t would be decided by the I m p e r i a l parliament. Even though the new proposal was adopted unanimously, i t i s obvious from the r e a c t i o n s of the various n a t i o n a l p a r t i e s to the — 88 o r i g i n a l d r a f t , that the programme was the broadest p o s s i b l e compro-mise among s i x groups w i t h very d i f f e r e n t n a t i o n a l i n t e r e s t s . For at l e a s t two of the n a t i o n a l i t i e s represented at the Congress, the Poles and Ruthenes, the programme was only of p e r i p h e r a l i n t e r e s t . C e r t a i n l y i t s r e a l i z a t i o n would b r i n g d i s t i n c t advantages to the Ruthenes, who s u f f e r e d under P o l i s h r u l e i n G a l i c i a . At the same time, however, the primary i n t e r e s t of these peoples was i n union w i t h t h e i r co-n a t i o n a l s over the borders. For Czech s o c i a l i s t s , whose i n t e r e s t s l a y w i t h i n C i s l e i t h a n i a and obviously w i t h the achievement of as much i n f l u e n c e as they could p o s s i b l y win, the r e s o l u t i o n was a l s o acceptable. Even though the f i v e p o i n t s were meant as a " p r a c t i c a l programme," i t would be a long time before they were r e a l i z e d . At the same time, the Czechs s t i l l f e l t that they needed the support of the German pa r t y . As a r e s u l t they were 106 not w i l l i n g to ca r r y t h e i r o p p o s i t i o n too f a r . U l t i m a t e l y , the Brunn programme r e f l e c t e d the " n a t i o n a l i z a t i o n " of the va r i o u s n a t i o n a l i t y groups w i t h i n the s o c i a l i s t movement. This was p a r t i c u l a r l y true i n the case of the Czech s o c i a l i s t s , but a p p l i e d no l e s s - t o the other n a t i o n a l i t i e s , i n c l u d i n g the Germans. ^Nationalism among Austro-German s o c i a l i s t s was, of course, much more s u b t l e and more d i f f i c u l t to i d e n t i f y . One of the reasons f o r t h i s was the f a c t that Germans i n the s o c i a l i s t movement, l i k e Germans i n C i s l e i t h a n i a as a whole, were a " r u l i n g n a t i o n a l i t y . " As a r e s u l t , they d i d not have to l i b e r a t e themselves from a l i e n r u l e i n e i t h e r s t a t e or p a r t y . Even t h e i r " c l a s s enemy," the bo u r g e o i s i e i n C i s l e i t h a n i a , spoke the same language. 89 A c e r t a i n amount of German n a t i o n a l i s m was, however, i n d i c a t e d by the proposal that German be adopted as the language of communication. As A d l e r noted, the Germans could agree to the abandonment of t h i s p o i n t , because German was the language of communication i n any case, as the Congress i t s e l f i n d i c a t e d . ^ 7 This was c e r t a i n l y t r u e , of course, but i t d i d i n d i c a t e a f a i l u r e to understand the depth of ( p a r t i c u l a r l y ) Czech s e n s i t i v i t y to s l i g h t s , r e a l or imagined, to the p r e s t i g e of the Czech n a t i o n a l i t y . The major weakness of the Br'unn programme was the f a i l u r e to t r e a t the n a t i o n a l i t y question i n C i s l e i t h a n i a as a p o l i t i c a l problem. C e r t a i n l y the f i n a l d r a f t of the programme was much more " p o l i t i c a l " i n o r i e n t a t i o n than the o r i g i n a l , and indeed, represented a q u a l i f i e d acceptance of the i d e a of f e d e r a l i z a t i o n of the Monarchy along e t h n i c l i n e s . At the same time, however, the new programme s t i l l r e f e r r e d to the n a t i o n a l i t y question as a " c u l t u r a l " problem, and d i d not under-take a thoroughgoing a n a l y s i s of the nature of n a t i o n a l i t y c o n f l i c t . The primary reason f o r t h i s was, of course, the r a d i c a l l y divergent i n t e r e s t s of the various n a t i o n a l i t i e s i n v o l v e d i n i t s c r e a t i o n . One t h i n g these divergent i n t e r e s t s i n d i c a t e d was that s o c i a l i s t s i n C i s l e i t h a n i a were no l e s s n a t i o n a l i s t than t h e i r co-nationals i n the v a r i o u s n a t i o n a l i s t movements. U l t i m a t e l y the u n i v e r s a l i t y of n a t i o n a l f e e l i n g was to prove stronger than the t h e o r e t i c a l u n i v e r -s a l i t y of c l a s s i n t e r e s t . In t h i s sense the n a t i o n a l i t y question was a p o l i t i c a l problem. As such i t r e f e r r e d to each people's d e s i r e to r u l e i t s e l f . 90 The outstanding feature of the Brunn programme was the s p e c i f i c commitment to the p r e s e r v a t i o n of the Habsburg s t a t e contained i n i t . This was a r a d i c a l departure from the t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l i s t view of the Monarchy. From L a s s a l l e to Kautsky, s o c i a l i s t t h i n k e r s had seen the Monarchy as a r e a c t i o n a r y , doomed e d i f i c e , which would c o l l a p s e 108 w i t h the success of the s o c i a l i s t r e v o l u t i o n . Yet this...commitment i s understandable. None of the peoples i n the Monarchy, i n c l u d i n g those represented i n the s o c i a l i s t movement, thought s e r i o u s l y i n terms of the Monarchy's d i s s o l u t i o n i n 1899. Although Czech s o c i a l i s t s r e f l e c t e d t h e i r n a t i o n a l i s t movement's d e s i r e f o r a Czech s t a t e , that s t a t e was conceived of as e x i s t i n g w i t h i n the Habsburg Monarchy, and not as an independent s t a t e . The r e a l s i g n f i c a n c e of the Brunn n a t i o n a l i t i e s ' programme re s t s i n the f a c t that i t was an extremely important c o n t r i b u t i o n to the debate on n a t i o n a l i s m and the n a t i o n a l i t i e s ' question i n the European s o c i a l i s t movement a f t e r 1900. I t s e l a b o r a t i o n by Otto Bauer and K a r l Renner helped to e s t a b l i s h the context i n which the debate was c a r r i e d out. I t was of course, p a r t i c u l a r l y r e l e v a n t — i n a negative or a p o s i t i v e s e n s e — t o the s o c i a l i s t movements i n other m u l t i - n a t i o n a l s t a t e s i n Europe. In summary, the h i s t o r y of C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t programmes i n d i c a t e s the e a r l y r e l i a n c e upon the German model, w i t h the exception of those aspects which d e a l t w i t h the n a t i o n a l i t y question. By the end of the nineteenth century, however, C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t s were s t r i k i n g out on t h e i r own. This was i n d i c a t e d by the Brunn programme 9 1 o f 1 8 9 9 a n d t h e V i e n n a p l a t f o r m o f 1 9 0 1 , b o t h o f w h i c h p l a c e d h e a v y r e l i a n c e o n t h e e l e c t o r a l p r o c e s s a s t h e m e a n s t o s o c i a l i s m . W h i l e t h i s w a s n o t p a r t i c u l a r l y d i f f e r e n t f r o m t h e G e r m a n p a r t y ' s p r a c t i c e , t h e G e r m a n p a r t y d i d n o t r e v i s e i t s t h e o r y i n t h i s d i r e c t i o n . W h a t w a s o c c u r r i n g i n C i s l e i t h a n i a w a s t h e p r o g r e s s i v e a d a p t a t i o n o f t h e s o c i a l i s t i d e o l o g y t o t h e r e a l i t i e s a n d t r a d i t i o n s o f t h e c o u n t r y , o r a t l e a s t t o t h e r e a l i t y t h e s o c i a l i s t l e a d e r s p e r c e i v e d . T h e B r i i n n p r o g r a m m e o f 1 8 9 9 w a s a c l a s s i c e x a m p l e o f t h i s , f o r i t c a n b e f i t t e d i n t o t h e C i s l e i t h a n i a n f e d e r a l i s t t r a d i t i o n , d e v e l o p e d d u r i n g t h e r e v o l u t i o n o f 1 8 4 8 a n d e l a b o r a t e d u p o n t h e r e a f t e r . o NOTES - CHAPTER I I See Appendix I f o r a l i s t of the major party congresses. The 1901 programme was the l a s t adopted before the F i r s t World War. 2 The Young Czech Party adopted these demands i n i t s f i r s t pro-gramme i n 1874. Cf. Stanley B. Winters, "The Young Czech Party (1874-1914): An A p p r a i s a l , " SR., XXVIII (1969), pp. 434, 438. The 1882 L i n z Programme of the German n a t i o n a l i s t l i b e r a l s a l s o contained the same proposals. Reprinted i n Klaus B e r c h t o l d (ed.), O s t e r r e i c h i s c h e P a r t e i - programme 1868-1966 (Munich 1967), pp. 198-203. 3 The Wiener Neustadt Congress of 1876, which marked a temporary r e t r e a t to a more moderate p o s i t i o n , reduced t h i s demand to a reduction of the standing army's s i z e , and the eventual c r e a t i o n of a people's army. Text i n Der V o l k s s t a a t , 6 September 1876. The Czech s o c i a l i s t s ' Briinn programme of 1887 d i d not mention the armed f o r c e s , but t h i s was because they decided that only a C i s l e i t h a n i a n party congress could e s t a b l i s h a programme i n d e t a i l , and not because of a s p e c i f i c d e c i s i o n to exclude i t . Text i n B r i i g e l , Geschichte, I I I , pp. 388-90. 4 P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1901, p. 4. The pr e r o g a t i v e was the emperor's. See above, Chapter I , s e c t i o n i i . ^ For the t e x t of the Neudbrfl programme see Der V o l k s s t a a t , 24 A p r i l 1874. For a s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t v e r s i o n see S t e i n e r , A r b e i t e r - bewegung, pp. 99r-100. The Briinn Congress of 1882 was the only one to give an age l i m i t to which education should be compulsory (fourteen y e a r s ) . Reprinted i n B e r c h t o l d , pp. 129-30. ^ Demokratisches Wochenblatt, 14 August 1869. 7 Both p o i n t s were taken from the Eisenach programme. The Hain-f e l d programme dropped both proposals, but the former was r e s t o r e d to the programme i n 1892, and the l a t t e r i n 1901. See P r o t o k o l l ( H a i n f e l d ) , 1888/9, pp. 3-4; P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1892, p. 107;. P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1901, p. 4. g Der V o l k s s t a a t , 24 A p r i l 1874. Once again the p o i n t was taken almost d i r e c t l y from the Eisenach programme. 9 P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1901, p. 4. See the German party's E r f u r t programme, P r o t o k o l l ( E r f u r t ) , 1891, p. 4. 1 0 Cf. Bunzel, " D a r s t e l l u n g , " p. 291. The f u l l e r d e f i n i t i o n of t h i s p o i n t at the Ne u d b r f l Congress of 1874 was based on the Eisenach programme. See Der V o l k s s t a a t , 24 A p r i l 1874; Demokratisches Wochen- b l a t t , 14 August 1869. 92 93 Once again, the party was the Young Czech P a r t y . Winters, "The Young Czech P a r t y , " p. 436. Even the r a d i c a l p l a t f o r m of the German n a t i o n a l i s t l i b e r a l s of 1882 d i d not d i r e c t l y c a l l f o r u n i v e r s a l s u f f -rage. Cf. B e r c h t o l d , pp. 199-200. U n i v e r s a l suffrage was not s e r i o u s l y r a i s e d i n parliament t i l l a f t e r 1890. 12 A statement of r a d i c a l views i s contained i n a p o l i c e report r e p r i n t e d i n B r i i g e l , Geschichte, I I I , p. 310. See als o the r a d i c a l pamphlet r e p r i n t e d i n B e r c h t o l d , pp. 125-9. 13 P r o t o k o l l ( H a i n f e l d ) , 1888/9, p. 3. This phrase was adopted i n p a r t to please the former r a d i c a l s . I t was a l s o a statement of the Mar x i s t view of parliamentarism and the s t a t e . 14 I n t e r e s t i n g l y , the 1893 campaign s t a r t e d a f t e r the Young Czech Party introduced a r e s o l u t i o n proposing u n i v e r s a l s u f f r a g e i n t o parliament. A r b e i t e r - Z e i t u n g , 24 March 189 3. A d l e r immediately sup-ported the Young Czech p r o p o s a l — f r o m outside p a r l i a m e n t — a n d m o b i l i z e d the party's f o r c e s . One party leader noted that between 1 May and 15 September there were over 400 assemblies and demonstrations, i n c l u d i n g 20 w i t h more than 10,000 p a r t i c i p a n t s . Wilhelm Ellenbogen, "Der Kampf urn das allgemeine Wahlrecht und die p o l i t i s c h e n P a r t e i e n i n O e s t e r r e i c h , " NZ, XII:1 (1893-4), p. 55. Ellenbogen r e f e r r e d to the Young Czechs as Mie "most pro g r e s s i v e of a l l the parliamentary p a r t i e s . " I b i d . , p. 87. Cf. P e t e r Gay, The Dilemma of Democratic S o c i a l i s m (New York, 1962 [1952]), p. 62; and G.D.H. Cole, A H i s t o r y of S o c i a l i s t Thought (London, 1953-60), I I , pp. 42 7-36. 16 B e r c h t o l d , p. 129. Women had, of course, been r e f e r r e d to much e a r l i e r i n the s o c i a l aspects of the programmes. 1 7 P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1892, pp. 107-9. As e a r l y as 1875 Wilhelm Liebknecht and August Bebel had r a i s e d the question of a s p e c i f i c s t a t e -ment about the vote f o r women—at the German party's Gotha Congress. U l t i m a t e l y i t was decided that the use of the term " c i t i z e n s " r a t h e r than "men" would carry the same i m p l i c a t i o n — w h i c h of course i t d i d n o t — but the debate about votes f o r women at the Congress, p a r t i c u l a r l y Bebel and Liebknecht's arguments, t y p i f y r a d i c a l and progressive thought on the woman question i n t h i s e r a and beyond. See Der V o l k s s t a a t , 30 May, 2 June 1875. Although women were l e g a l l y forbidden to belong to p o l i t i c a l a s s o c i a t i o n s (see above, Chapter I , note 30), they were f r e e to attend meetings, and they began to do t h i s i n sm a l l numbers a f t e r H a i n f e l d . In 1890 women workers circumvented the 186 7 law by forming n o n - p o l i t i c a l e d u c a t i o n a l a s s o c i a t i o n s ( A r b e i t e r - Z e i t u n g , 11 J u l y 1890), and at the end of 1891 the p u b l i c a t i o n of the f i r s t s o c i a l i s t women's paper, the Vienna A r b e i t e r i n n e n - Z e i t u n g , was announced. A r b e i t e r - Z e i t u n g , 18 December 1891. Needless to say, many men were h o s t i l e to the i n c l u s i o n of women i n the movement, and r e g u l a r l y a f t e r 1891 r e s o l u t i o n s were 94 introduced at party congresses c a l l i n g f o r the end of the independent p u b l i c a t i o n of the women's paper. Cf. f o r example, Protoko11 (Vienna), 1897, pp. 177, 186-9. The f i r s t women appeared at a party congress i n 1891, though t h e i r presence t h e r e a f t e r was e r r a t i c . See Adelheid Dworak-Popp's appeal f o r support f o r women at the 1891 Congress, P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1891, pp. 39-41. 18 P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1901, p. 4. The Reich-German party had adopted a s i m i l a r p o i n t back i n 1891. P r o t o k o l l ( E r f u r t ) , 1891, p. 5. At the 1899 C i s l e i t h a n i a n party Congress, however, the d i s s a t i s f i e d women delegates pointed out the gap between the party's theory, as ex-pressed i n the pa r t y programmes, and i t s p r a c t i c e . As Betty Krapka, a Vienna Czech, put i t : "At a l l congresses . . . r e s o l u t i o n s have been passed concerning the woman question. When i t i s a question of i n s t i -t u t i n g e q u a l i t y i n p r a c t i c e , however, everything i s f o r g o t t e n . " P r o t o k o l l (Brunn), 1899, p. 132. 19 Macartney, The Habsburg Empire 1790-1918, p. 275. 20 Der V o l k s s t a a t , 24 A p r i l 1874. The l a t t e r two demands were an advance over the Eisenach programme. 21 I b i d . , 6 September 1876. The Gotha programme d i d not mention a s p e c i f i c number of hours. Text i n i b i d . , 28 May 1875. 22 I b i d . , 6 September 1876. The Gotha programme demanded i n addi-t i o n the e l e c t i o n of f a c t o r y i n s p e c t o r s by workers. 23 I b i d . This was a l s o s i m i l a r to demands made at Gotha. 24 I b i d . The Gotha programme was vague on t h i s question. 25 I b i d . The o r i g i n a l reads: "Aufhebung a l l e r Gesindeordnungen und U n t e r s t e l l u n g der Knechte und Dienstboten unter die allgemeinen A r b e i t e r g e s e t z e . " 26 The L i n z programme of the German n a t i o n a l i s t l i b e r a l s was an example of one such group's views. 27 W i l l i a m A. Jenks, A u s t r i a under the Iron Ring 1879-189 3 ( C h a r l o t t e s v i l l e , 1965), p. 179. 2 8 Kolmer, Parlament und Verfassung i n O e s t e r r e i c h , I I I , p. 370. 29 Ludwig B r i i g e l , S o z i a l e Gesetzgebung i n O s t e r r e i c h von 1848 b i s 1918 (Vi e n n a - L e i p z i g , 1919), pp. 110-3; Jenks, A u s t r i a under the Iron Ring, p. 218. 30 On the s o c i a l reform of the 1880's see B r i i g e l , S o z i a l e Gesetz- gebung, pp. 109-51; Jenks, pp. 179-220; and Kolmer, I I I , pp. 370-8. 95 3 1 P r o t o k o l l ( H a i n f e l d ) , 1888/9, p. 4. 32 May, The Hapsburg Monarchy 1867-1914, p. 224. 33 Macartney, The Habsburg Empire 1790-1918, p. 633. 34 The p o i n t was reminiscent of the Gotha programme of 1875. 3 5 P r o t o k o l l ( H a i n f e l d ) , 1888/9, p. 4; P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1901, p. 5. The H a i n f e l d programme a l s o c a l l e d f o r Sunday as a day of r e s t . P r o t e c t i v e laws f o r apprentices.and young workers were proposed at the 1901 Congress. 36 P r o t o k o l l (Graz), 1900, p. 106. The t e x t i s i n i b i d . , pp. 104-5. On the o r i g i n s and development of the "German S o c i a l Democratic Worker's Party i n A u s t r i a , " see below Chapter I I I . 37 P r o t o k o l l (Graz), 1900, pp. 128-9. Adler f e l t that the adop-t i o n of the r e s o l u t i o n would cause the party to d i v e r t too much a t t e n -t i o n to the peasants, and would thus harm i t s a g i t a t i o n among workers. Wilhelm Ellenbogen, who d r a f t e d the r e s o l u t i o n , used some very convincing arguments i n favour of i t , arguments which might have been taken more s e r i o u s l y , c o n s i d e r i n g the party's i n c r e a s i n g commitment to u n i v e r s a l s u f f r a g e . He p o i n t e d out the l i m i t e d s i z e of the i n d u s t r i a l working c l a s s i n C i s l e i t h a n i a , and the even s m a l l e r numbers organized i n trade unions, and contrasted t h i s w i t h the s i z e of the a g r i c u l t u r a l p o p u l a t i o n . Though he d i d not e x p l i c i t l y say so, the i m p l i c a t i o n was that i f the s o c i a l i s t s sought to win power using u n i v e r s a l s u f f r a g e as the means, they had b e t t e r look to the a g r i c u l t u r a l p o p u l a t i o n f o r support. This view i s confirmed by Ellenbogen's d i s c u s s i o n of the e l e c t o r a l system. The seventy-two c o n s t i t u e n c i e s i n the f i f t h (or u n i v e r s a l suffrage) c u r i a were mostly very l a r g e , and i n c l u d e d urban and r u r a l areas. I f the s o c i a l i s t s wished to expand t h e i r r e p r e s e n t a t i o n i n parliament under the e x i s t i n g system, they had to appeal to the r u r a l p o p u l a t i o n . Thus a r e s o l u t i o n to a i d i n a g i t a t i o n among the peasants was necessary. I b i d . , p. 106. 38 Because the "laws of development i n the a g r i c u l t u r a l economy were not yet completely c l e a r , " the r e s o l u t i o n could only be seen as p r o v i s i o n a l . P r o t o k o l l (Graz), 1900, p. 127 (Ellenbogen's speech). At the 1901 Congress, Ellenbogen added that the commission r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the r e s o l u t i o n d i d not wish to see i t adopted as p a r t of the party programme, but r a t h e r as a r e s o l u t i o n . P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1901, p. 132. The r e s o l u t i o n was not r e j e c t e d by the Congress, but was simply not i n c l u d e d as a r e s o l u t i o n when the programme was voted on. I b i d . , p. 196. As he had i n 1900, A d l e r argued that the s o c i a l i s t s should w a i t u n t i l the peasants came over to the s o c i a l i s t s of t h e i r own accord, r a t h e r than wasting energy on attempting to win them over. A l l that s o c i a l i s t s had to do was to emphasize that workers and peasants had s i m i l a r i n t e r e s t s . In any case, s o c i a l i s t s had so much to do i n a g i t a t i n g among workers, that a l l t h e i r energies should be concentrated there. I b i d . , p. .9 7. 96 39 40 41 42 P r o t o k o l l (Graz), 1900, p. 112 (Ellenbogen's speech) I b i d . , pp. 110-112. I b i d . , pp. I l l , 113. Bunzel, " D a r s t e l l u n g , " p. 291. The programme was w r i t t e n by Hermann Hartung, a German-born s o c i a l i s t . 43 At Neudbrfl Andreas Scheu r e j e c t e d the 1868 programme as " u n s o c i a l democratic," and.-.advocated the Eisenach programme. Herbert S t e i n e r , "Neudbrfelsky s j e z d Rakouske Socialne Demokraticke delnicke Strany" ("The N e u d b r f l Congress of the A u s t r i a n S o c i a l Democratic ? Party") , Prispevky k dejinamnKSC,• N oL6 - .(1959). p. 118. The a r t i c l e contains a p a r t i a l stenographic report of the Congress. With thanks to P r o f e s s o r Marketa Goetz Stankiewicz of the German depart-ment. 44 Der V o l k s s t a a t , 24 A p r i l 1874. The terminology i s c l e a r l y reminiscent of the Eisenach programme, which i t s e l f was p a r t l y based on the "General Rules" of the F i r s t I n t e r n a t i o n a l . These are r e p r i n t e d i n J u l i u s Braunthal, H i s t o r y of the I n t e r n a t i o n a l 1864-1943 (New York, 1966, 1967), I , Appendix I , pp. 357-60. 45 Der V o l k s s t a a t , 24 A p r i l 1'8.74. 46 Quoted i n Miersch, A r b e i t e r p r e s s e , p. 106. 47 The programme suggested that lower o f f i c i a l s , s m a l l l a n d -owners and a g r i c u l t u r a l workers had a common i n t e r e s t w i t h the working c l a s s . Der V o l k s s t a a t , 6 September 1876. 48 The German party d i d not r e v i s e the 1875 Gotha programme t i l l i t s E r f u r t Congress of 1891. This placed the SPD on a f u l l y M a r x i s t b a s i s . 49 Kautsky, Erinnerungen, pp. 508-9. See also Kautsky, " V i c t o r A d l e r . E r i n n e r u n g s b l a t t e r zu seinem 60. Geburtstag," NZ, XXX:2 (1911-12), pp. 421-2. For the t e x t of the French programme see Dokumente des Sozialismus (ed. Eduard B e r n s t e i n ) , I (1905), pp. 84-5. B e r c h t o l d , p. 129. "Independent" meant independent of a l l other p a r t i e s . Marx had f e l t t hat the s o c i a l i s t s should co-operate w i t h the p r o g r e s s i v e wing of the bourgeois p a r t i e s , but that.they should not j o i n them. This had been Scheu's standpoint i n the e a r l y 1870's. Dokumente des Sozialismus, p. 84. In a d d i t i o n , the d i r e c t reference i n Marx's programme to the " p o l i t i c a l and economic e x p r o p r i -a t i o n of the c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s " was completely expunged. 97 52 Kautsky, Erinnerungen, p. 508. Kautsky noted that he r e -placed the term "with any means" because he wanted to s t r e s s the moderates' o p p o s i t i o n to t e r r o r i s t i c "deeds." I b i d . , p. 509. 5 3 As Josef Hannieh put i t at H a i n f e l d : ". . .we base ourselves f u l l y on the M a r x i s t standpoint . . . of the m a t e r i a l i s t conception of h i s t o r y . " P r o t o k o l l ( H a i n f e l d ) , 1888/9, p. 8. 54 Braunt h a l , H i s t o r y of the I n t e r n a t i o n a l , I , p. 216; S t e i n e r , Arbeiterbewegung, p. 275. For the f i r s t time there was no German pro-gramme f o r C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t s to adapt. Kautsky's p a r t i c i p a t i o n and the clo s e t i e s w i t h the German party were evidence of a contin u i n g Reich-German i n f l u e n c e . Kautsky had emigrated to Germany i n 1883. 5 5 P r o t o k o l l ( H a i n f e l d ) , 1888/9, p. 3. The " D e c l a r a t i o n of P r i n c i p l e s " i s reproduced i n Appendix I I . 56 I b i d . , p. 4. S i x t y - n i n e delegates voted f o r the programme, 3 a g a i n s t , and 1 abstained. I b i d . , p. 26. 57 58 I b i d . , p. 3. Ad l e r to Engels, 29 December 1891, V i c t o r A d l e r . Aufsatze, Reden und B r i e f e , ed. F r i e d r i c h A d l e r , Gustav P o l l a t s c h e k (Vienna, 1922-9), Heft 1, p. 31. H e r e a f t e r A d l e r , Aufsatze. See al s o A d l e r to Engels, 19 March 1894, i b i d . , p. 91. 59 Pa r t y u n i t y was threatened by Czech n a t i o n a l i s m i n 1891 and by l e f t wing r a d i c a l i s m i n 1892, although the people i n v o l v e d represented a t i n y m i n o r i t y i n each case. P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1891, pp. 33-41, 161-9; P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1892, pp. 13-33, 64-6. The f r a n c h i s e s t r u g g l e o f f e r e d an i s s u e which could d i v e r t a t t e n t i o n away from these kinds of problems. See Mommsen, Sozialdemokratie, pp. 164-6. 60 A d l e r was convinced that the party must i n v o l v e i t s e l f i n the d i s c u s s i o n of reforms without becoming op p o r t u n i s t . A d l e r to Engels, 22 June 1891, A d l e r , Aufsatze, I , p. 25. ^ Ad l e r argued that the r e v i s i o n of the programme was necessary, not because of a change i n the movement's b a s i c theory, nor because of Bernstein's work, but r a t h e r , f o r " a e s t h e t i c " reasons. P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1901, pp. 96-7; A r b e i t e r - Z e i t u n g , 22 September 1901. He a l s o f e l t that the separate r e s o l u t i o n s appended to the H a i n f e l d programme should be combined w i t h the D e c l a r a t i o n of P r i n c i p l e s . A d l e r to Kautsky, 1 June 1901, A d l e r , B r i e f w e c h s e l , p. 353. 62 A d l e r denied t h i s , of course, and argued that Engels had already recognized t h i s long before B e r n s t e i n d i d . Bernstein's work was thus superfluous! P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1901, p. 101. Kautsky, the c h i e f defender of orthodox Marxism i n the c o n f l i c t w i t h B e r n s t e i n , gave the " o f f i c i a l " s e a l of approval to the programme when he declared that he could f i n d no evidence of "Bernsteinism." I b i d . , p. 122. 98 The i d e o l o g i c a l preamble to the programme i s reproduced i n Appendix I I I . A comparison of the d r a f t of the programme presented to the Congress w i t h the programme adopted makes t h i s obvious. (The d r a f t i s reproduced i n Appendix I V ) . Drawn up by a committee composed of A d l e r , Ellenbogen and Franz Schuhmeier of the German party^ Josef S t e i n e r f o r the Czechs, and Ignaz Daszynski f o r the P o l e s , i t can be c o n s i d e r e d — i n the absence of evidence to the c o n t r a r y — a s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the leadership's views. The major i n f l u e n c e was, of course, A d l e r ' s . The d r a f t began by changing the name of the p a r t y . I t dropped the word "Worker's" from the t i t l e . The " d i s g r a c e f u l " c o n d i t i o n s workers l i v e d i n , as expressed both at H a i n f e l d and i n the f i n a l d r a f t , were merely "present" c o n d i t i o n s . The "oppressive" dependency of the worker on the c a p i t a l i s t was merely the " i n c r e a s i n g " dependency (as opposed to the use of the term " s l a v e " at H a i n f e l d ! ) . The reference to the "con-quest of p o l i t i c a l power" i n the programme was not even i n the d r a f t . The phrase, the party s t r u g g l e s f o r the "greatest p o s s i b l e " i n f l u e n c e i n a l l areas of p u b l i c l i f e , was o r i g i n a l l y only a "proper" i n f l u e n c e . A r b e i t e r - Z e i t u n g , 25 August 1901, P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1901, pp. 50-2^ The proposal was b i t t e r l y attacked at the Congress. Anton Nemec, one of the Czech l e a d e r s , opposed the r e v i s i o n i n the f i r s t p l a c e , as d i d the Slovene, E t b i n K r i s t a n . I b i d . , pp. 124, 133. Kautsky had pub-l i s h e d a d e t a i l e d c r i t i q u e of the p r o p o s a l , and s e v e r a l l e a d i n g C i s l e i -thanian German s o c i a l i s t s had attacked i t i n the pages of the A r b e i t e r - Zeitung. Cf. Kautsky, "Die R e v i s i o n des Programmes der Sozialdemokratie i n O e s t e r r e i c h , " NZ, XX:1 (1901-2), pp. 68-82. At the SPD's LUbeck Congress B e r n s t e i n approved at l e a s t parts of the d r a f t programme. A r b e i t e r - Z e i t u n g , 27 September 1901. Unfortunately the views of the r a n k - a n d - f i l e delegates to the convention were not heard, so i t i s d i f f i c u l t to judge the general f e e l i n g about the d r a f t . I t i s c l e a r , however, that s e v e r a l prominent party members were s t r o n g l y opposed to various parts of i t , p a r t i c u l a r l y the abandonment of " i n c r e a s i n g misery." U l t i m a t e l y a new commission (with 12 members, i n c l u d i n g the o r i g i n a l 5) was chosen to r e - d r a f t i t . The new proposal was adopted unanimously. P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1901, pp. 137, 198. I t i s d i f f i c u l t to determine why Adler's f i r s t d r a f t of the programme was so conservative. Perhaps i t t r u l y r e f l e c t e d h i s views. I t may, however, have been d e l i b e r a t e . A d l e r s a i d i n a l e t t e r to Kautsky that the debate on the p r o p o s a l before the Congress had even occurred had pleased him immensely, "because f i n a l l y we have serious d i s c u s s i o n i n our swamp [ s i c ] once again." In t h i s way the "tendencies to softness ( S c h l a p p i g k e i t ) , which had been s e c r e t l y growing among us, can best be stopped." A d l e r to Kautsky, 22 October 1901, A d l e r , B r i e f w e c h s e l , p. 374. ^ In j u s t i f y i n g t h i s change A d l e r argued that the s o c i a l i s t view of the f r a n c h i s e and of parliament had not changed very much. He then added, however, that "we i n C i s l e i t h a n i a have l i t t l e reason to over-value parliament, but we must . . . maintain t h i s p arliament, be-cause i f we destroy i t , i t i s out of the question that anything more 99 reasonable would f o l l o w i t . . . . E a r l i e r the r a d i c a l s accused the moderates of only being i n t e r e s t e d i n g e t t i n g e l e c t e d , and of seeing i n p arliamentarism the only means to the goal . . . Today we no longer overvalue parliamentarism, and t h e r e f o r e a defence against t h i s view, although i t was necessary at H a i n f e l d , i s completely s u p e r f l u o u s . " P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1901, p. 99. ^ Cf. J u l i u s B r aunthai, V i c t o r und F r i e d r i c h A d l e r (Vienna, 1965), pp. 68-73. As l a t e as 1905 the SPD's r e s o l u t i o n on the May Day s t r i k e was ambivalent. Under pressure from the trade union leadership the SPD adopted a r e s o l u t i o n c a l l i n g f o r a work stoppage on 1 May "whereever t h i s i s p o s s i b l e . " Cf. Gay, Dilemma, pp. 237-8. See a l s o C a r l E. Schorske, German S o c i a l Democracy 1905-1917 (New York, 1955), pp. 91-7. fifi P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1905, pp. 68-9, 137. The Russian revo-l u t i o n was of enormous importance, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n C i s l e i t h a n i a . I t r e v i v e d the f l a g g i n g enthusiasm among German s o c i a l i s t s f o r the campaign f o r the f r a n c h i s e , and r a d i c a l i z e d the movement. As Franz Schuhmeier put i t at the 1905 party Congress: "We have s a i d enough. A f t e r the news from Russia, our p l a c e i s no longer here, but i n the s t r e e t s of Vienna." I b i d . , p. 122. 6 7 Richard W. Reichard, "The German Working Class and the Russian Revolution of 1905," JCEA, X I I I (1953-4), pp. 146, 149-50. See a l s o Harvey M i t c h e l l , "Labor and the O r i g i n s of S o c i a l Democracy i n B r i t a i n , France and Germany 1890-1914," Workers and P r o t e s t , Harvey M i t c h e l l and P e t e r N. Stearns ( I t a s c a , 1971), pp. 92-100; and Gay, Dilemma, pp. 238-41. 6 8 The government agreed to change the s u f f r a g e , but d e l a y i n g t a c t i c s by opponents i n parliament caused the d i s c u s s i o n to drag on. The s o c i a l i s t p a r t y executive warned that unless a c t i o n was forthcoming, a three day mass s t r i k e would occur i n Vienna. On 14 June 1906 a s o c i a l i s t conference began preparations f o r i t . A committee, composed of both party and trade union l e a d e r s , was e s t a b l i s h e d f o r t h i s purpose. The opponents of e l e c t o r a l reform gave up t h e i r o p p o s i t i o n , and w i t h i n a short time u n i v e r s a l manhood s u f f r a g e became the law of the land. See Deutsch, Gewerkschaftsbewegung, I , pp. 428-35. On the i d e o l o g i c a l d i f f e r e n c e s between the German and C i s l e i t h a n i a n trade union movements see below, Chapter IV. 69 70 Schorske, German S o c i a l Democracy, pp. 45-6. P r o t o k o l l . ( V i e n n a ) , 1905, p. 130. 71 - "Gf.--Robert A. Kann, The M u l t i n a t i o n a l Empire (New York, 1964 [1950]), I I , pp. 3-39. 72 K a r l Marx and F r i e d r i c h Engels, "Manifest der Kommunistischen P a r t e i , " K a r l Marx, F r i e d e r i c h Engels, Werke, p u b l i s h e d under the 100 auspices of the I n s t i t u t f l i r Marxismus-Leninismus beim ZK der SED ( B e r l i n , 195 7- ) , IV, p. 479. The Werke are c i t e d h e r e a f t e r as Ma-rx-Engels Werke. 73 B r i i g e l , Geschichte, I , p. 92. 74 Demokratisches Wochenblatt, 25 J u l y 1868. This statement d i d not imply f a m i l i a r i t y w i t h the Marxi s t view, f o r the manifesto argued that the P o l i s h d e s i r e to r e - e s t a b l i s h an independent P o l i s h s t a t e was r e a c t i o n a r y . The prog r e s s i v e nature of P o l i s h n a t i o n a l i s m was one of the fundamental views h e l d by Engels. See Engels, "Was hat die A r b e i t e r k l a s s e mit Polen zu tun?", Marx-Engels, Werke, XVI, pp. 153-63 [ o r i g i n a l l y p u b l i s h e d i n E n g l i s h i n The Commonwealth, 24 March, 31 March, 5 May, 1866]. 7 5 Bunzel, " D a r s t e l l u n g , " p. 291. 76 Mommsen, Sozialdemokratie, pp. 51-2. 7 7 The B e l g i a n Labour Part y was not e s t a b l i s h e d u n t i l 1885, and a nation-wide Swiss party not ..until. 1888. Cole, S o c i a l i s t Thought, I I , pp. 426, 436; Braunt h a l , H i s t o r y of the I n t e r n a t i o n a l , I , p. 209. The Russian party was not founded t i l l even l a t e r . 78 Der V o l k s s t a a t , 6 September 1876. 79 The N e u d b r f l Congress had als o recognized the p r i n c i p l e of separate o r g a n i z a t i o n s f o r Czechs and Germans. I b i d . , 24 A p r i l 1874. 80 B r i i g e l , Geschichte, I I I , p. 82. 81 At the 1882 Briinn Congress of the moderate f a c t i o n , Czech and German s o c i a l i s t s s p l i t over the n a t i o n a l i t y question. Kautsky's programme contained no reference to i t , and Czech s o c i a l i s t s demanded that t h i s be changed. For some reason the Germans refused, and the Czechs r e j e c t e d the programme. Cf. Mommsen, Sozialdemokratie, p. 95; Be r c h t o l d , pp. 129-30. The Reich-German party o r g a n s i n - e x i l e p u b l i s h e d a t a c t f u l and misleading report of the Congress: "The di s c u s s i o n s a t the Congress were c a r r i e d on i n the German and Czech languages. There was no t r a c e of n a t i o n a l r i v a l r y , but because the t r a n s l a t i o n of speeches conside r a b l y lengthened the debates, i t was decided that from henceforth Czechs and Germans would only h o l d common congresses when they wished to a l t e r the programme." Der Sozialdemokrat ( Z i i r i c h ) , 26 October 1882. 82 Quoted i n S o l l e , "Die Sozialdemokratie i n der Habsburger Monarchie und die tschechische Frage," p. 334. 83 Cf. Mommsen, Sozialdemokratie, pp. 136-42. 84 Only Josef Hannich, /a Bohemian German, complained about the l a c k of a t t e n t i o n to the n a t i o n a l i t y question at H a i n f e l d . Even then, 101 he only argued that the I n t e r n a t i o n a l standpoint of the party had been i n s u f f i c i e n t l y expressed. P r o t o k o l l ( H a i n f e l d ) , 1888 /9 , p. 8. 85 86 87 88 I b i d . , p. 3. A d l e r to Engels, 22 June 1891, A d l e r , Aufsatze, I , p. 25. See below, Chapter I I I . A r t h u r G. Kogan, "The S o c i a l Democrats and the C o n f l i c t of N a t i o n a l i t i e s i n the Habsburg Monarchy," J M , XXI ( 1949 ) , p. 205. 89 Mommsen quotes a governmental report of 1899 i n which i t was noted that s o c i a l democratic a g i t a t i o n had been pushed i n t o the background by n a t i o n a l s t r u g g l e i n Bohemia. Mommsen, Sozialdemokratie, p. 294, note. 2.7 90 I b i d . , pp. 306 -13 . See a l s o A d l e r to Kautsky, 21 J u l y 189 7, A d l e r , B r i e f w e c h s e l , p. 233 ; Kautsky to A d l e r , 5 August 1897, i b i d . , p. 236. See a l s o below, Chapter V, s e c t i o n i i . 91 P r o t o k o l l (Brunn), 1899, pp. x i v - x v . 92 In parentheses f o l l o w i n g t h i s statement was the expression " N a t i o n a l i t a t e n - B u n d e s s t a a f . " I b i d . , p. x i v . 93 I b i d . The " f i v e p o i n t s " are reproduced i n Appendix V. 94 I b i d . , pp. 75 -8 . 95 Only one German delegate recognized t h i s . Engelbert Perner-s t o r f e r argued that s o c i a l i s t s must d i s t i n g u i s h between the language question and the n a t i o n a l i t y question. The only way to secure the e x i s -tence of each people was to define a s p e c i f i c t e r r i t o r y f o r i t . "Cer-t a i n l y we Germans . . . could say that i t i s n ' t so necessary f o r us. But the Czech people have no s t a t e , and i t i s t h e r e f o r e p e r f e c t l y under-standable that t h e i r middle c l a s s p a r t i e s have made demands f o r such a s t a t e . Czech s o c i a l democrats . . . i n so f a r as they f e e l themselves to be a n a t i o n , have i n t h e i r i n t e r e s t the establishment of a c o n s o l i -dated s t a t e . " I b i d . , p. 87. 96 Extreme n a t i o n a l i s t Czech s o c i a l i s t s saw the d e c l a r a t i o n as "treachery," and proceeded to found a "Czech N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s t P a r t y " i n 1898. J a r o s l a v P o l a c h , "The Beginnings of Trade Unionism among the Slavs of the A u s t r i a n Empire," SR, XIV. (1955), p. 246, Edouard Benes, "Le mouvement o u v r i e r tchecoslovaque," Le Monde Slave, I ( 1918 ) , pp. 4 5 8 - 9 . The N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s t s were a r e a l t h r e a t to Czech s o c i a l demo-cracy. In the 1901 I m p e r i a l e l e c t i o n s they won 5 seats i n Bohemia, w h i l e Czech s o c i a l i s t s l o s t both t h e i r s e a t s . In 1911 they won 17 seats to the s o c i a l i s t s ' 26 . The o r i g i n a l purpose of the d e c l a r a t i o n was to 102 break a l l t i e s w i t h the Young Czech p a r t y . P r o t o k o l l (Brunn), 1899, p. 79 (Nemec's speech). Mommsen argues that the Czechs r e j e c t e d the Sta a t s r e c h t because i t meant the abandonment of the Czech m i n o r i t i e s i n Vienna and Lower A u s t r i a . Mommsen, Sozialdemokratie, p. 406. 9 7 P r o t o k o l l (Brunn), 1899, pp. 79-80. 98 I b i d . , p. 93. 99 A r b e i t e r - Z e i t u n g , 24 September 1899. The a r t i c l e was o r i g i -n a l l y p u b l i s h e d i n Pravo L i d u , the Czech party organ, but was t r a n s l a t e d and r e p r i n t e d i n the A r b e i t e r - Z e i t u n g . The migration of Czechs i n t o German Bohemia was of profound s i g n i f i c a n c e . The apparent t h r e a t to the s u r v i v a l of the German n a t i o n a l i t y i n the p r o v i n c e * — a s Czech Bohemia i n d u s t r i a l i z e d the migrations slowed to a t r i c k l e a f t e r about 1880 or 1890—deeply a f f e c t e d the consciousness of both Czechs and Germans. To many Germans i t was the outstanding example of the beleagured p o s i t i o n of the Germans i n the Monarchy. To the Czechs i t was symbolic of the emancipation of t h e i r people, and t h e i r t e r r i t o r y , from a l i e n r u l e , and hence had an e x h i l a r a t i n g e f f e c t on the Czech n a t i o n a l i s t movement. The impact of the Czech migrations on German workers i n Bohemia was one of the reasons f o r the b i r t h of a N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s t German Worker's movement i n the province. I t s l i n k s w i t h Nazism are explored by Whiteside i n h i s A u s t r i a n N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s m before 1918. In cont r a s t to Ithe Czech N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s t P a r t y , the "German Worker's P a r t y " d i d not become s i g n i f i c a n t before 1914. 100: P r o t o k o l l (Brunn), 1899, pp. 82-4, 108. 101 I b i d . , p. 84. 102 I b i d . , pp. 84-5. 103 I b i d . , pp. xv, 85. 104 I b i d . , p. 86. 105 I b i d . , pp. x v - x v i . The r e v i s e d " f i v e p o i n t s " are reproduced i n Appendix VI. Mommsen, Sozialdemokratie , p. 332. ^ 7 P r o t o k o l l (Brunn), 1899, p. 82. Some German delegates were not so s u b t l e . Robert P r e u s s l e r , f o r example, argued that the few Czechs i n L i n z should not have the r i g h t to e s t a b l i s h t h e i r own e l e c t o r a l d i s -t r i c t o r g a n i z a t i o n and send delegates to the Congress. Both K a r l Vanek and Josef Krapka responded a n g r i l y to t h i s suggestion. I b i d . , pp. 92-3. 10 8 See below, Chapter V. CHAPTER I I I SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC PARTY ORGANIZATION IN CISLEITHANIA The development of s o c i a l i s t party o r g a n i z a t i o n i n C i s l e i t h a n i a was complicated by the nature of i n d u s t r i a l development and the m u l t i -n a t i o n a l character of the s t a t e . E a r l i e r i t was noted that i n d u s t r i a l -i z a t i o n began i n the German and Czech-speaking north-western s e c t i o n of the Monarchy. As a r e s u l t , when the s o c i a l i s t movement began i t was l a r g e l y German and Czech i n composition. As i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n spread from west to east i n the Monarchy, however, the s o c i a l i s t movement became e t h n i c a l l y and l i n g u i s t i c a l l y more and more complex. Beginning w i t h the foundation of the C i s l i e t h a n i a n party i n 1874, Czech and German s o c i a l i s t s agreedtthat Czech s o c i a l i s t s should have t h e i r own n a t i o n a l o r g a n i z a t i o n w i t h i n the C i s l e i t h a n i a n p a r t y . For s e v e r a l reasons, however, when i t became p o s s i b l e to e s t a b l i s h a d e f i n i t e party o r g a n i z a t i o n i n 1892, t h i s t r a d i t i o n was at f i r s t ignored. A cen-t r a l i s t i c p a r t y o r g a n i z a t i o n , i n s p i r e d by the Reich-German model, was adopted. InnaamuMi-tnational s o c i a l i s t movement t h i s model proved to be inadequate. Under pressure from Czech s o c i a l i s t s i n p a r t i c u l a r , the pre-dominant German element i n the party was forced to the r e a l i z a t i o n that party o r g a n i z a t i o n would have to take account of the m u l t i - e t h n i c i t y of the movement. As a r e s u l t , C i s l i e t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t s developed a form of party o r g a n i z a t i o n which was unique i n Europe. 103 104 i ) P a r t y Organization 1867-1891 The new laws of 1867, g r a n t i n g workers the r i g h t to form l o c a l n o n - p o l i t i c a l a s s o c i a t i o n s , l e d to an upswing i n a c t i v i t y among workers. E d u c a t i o n a l ^ a s s o c i a t i o r i s wereC fo rmedn i nb-theamajofniindus'trial ' eGe f f tres ; t h e i r a c t i v i t y soon became p o l i t i c a l , and contacts among them began to expand. Attempts to e s t a b l i s h bodies which could co-ordinate a c t i v i t y and propaganda among the various o r g a n i z a t i o n s — a prominent example was the Vienna " A g i t a t i o n Committee" of 1868—were p r o h i b i t e d by the a u t h o r i t i e s . The premature and perhaps i l l - c o n s i d e r e d move to organize Austro-German s o c i a l i s t s as p a r t of the Eisenach party a l s o foundered on the r e s i s t a n c e of the government. Following the Eisenach f i a s c o and the establishment of the German Empire i n 1871, Austro-German s o c i a l i s t s turned t h e i r a t t e n t i o n away from Germany, and began to t h i n k of the c r e a t i o n of a C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t p a r t y . As p r e v i o u s l y noted, the experience of the Franco-Prussian War and the P a r i s Commune had brought Czech s o c i a l i s t s around to the same view, and had considerably modified t h e i r o r i g i n a l l y c r i t i c a l a t t i t u d e towards Austro-German s o c i a l i s t s . As a r e s u l t , when a C i s l e i t h a n i a n party was founded at the Neud o r f l Congress of 1874, i t was b i - n a t i o n a l i n compo-s i t i o n . Although the Neudorfl Congress e s t a b l i s h e d a c e n t r a l l e a d e r s h i p f o r the p a r t y — w i t h i t s seat at G r a z — i t i s not s u r p r i s i n g that no de-t a i l e d o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e was adopted. The government had ex-pressed i t s a t t i t u d e to the ide a of a s o c i a l i s t party by f o r b i d d i n g the congress i n the f i r s t p l a c e , and i t was c l e a r that f u r t h e r government 105 a c t i o n would be forthcoming. At the same time, e x i s t i n g l e g a l r e s t r i c -t i o n s made i t v i r t u a l l y impossible to s p e c i f y the forms of o r g a n i z a t i o n . The l i m i t e d s c a l e of the s o c i a l i s t movement was a l s o a f a c t o r . 1 The most important, and indeed, the unique aspect of the N e u d o r f l Congress was the d e f i n i t i o n of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between Czechs and Germans i n the new p a r t y . As the programme put i t : [The p a r t y ] sees . . . no o b s t a c l e to [our] common s t r u g g l e f o r m a t e r i a l l i b e r a t i o n i n the o r g a n i z a t i o n of our comrades by n a t i o n a l i t y . On the c o n t r a r y , i t recognizes that the only guarantee of success i s a b r o t h e r l y co-operation i n which ^ a l l n a t i o n a l working cl a s s e s have equal r i g h t s and d u t i e s . The s o c i a l i s t s intended to define the r e l a t i o n s h i p between Czechs and Germans i n more d e t a i l at t h e i r next congress. S h o r t l y a f t e r the N e u d b r f l Congress, however, the new executive of the party was a r r e s t e d , and the programme outlawed. In t h i s s i t u a t i o n the s o c i a l i s t s decided to h o l d another i l l e g a l congress i n Hungary. This time, however, the governments of the two halves of the Monarchy co-operated w i t h each other, and the congress was broken up by p o l i c e . By the time of the Wiener Neustadt Congress of 1876 German s o c i a l i s t s had v i r t u a l l y abandoned the i d e a of a C i s l e i t h a n i a n p a r t y , as w e l l as 3 any r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h Czech s o c i a l i s t s . P a r t l y as a r e s u l t of t h i s , Czech s o c i a l i s t s founded t h e i r own party i n 1878, although they emphasized that i t was an i n t e g r a l p a r t 4 of the C i s l e i t h a n i a n p a r t y . S h o r t l y a f t e r the Congress, which was h e l d i n s e c r e t , the p o l i c e discovered a l i s t of the p a r t i c i p a n t s , and they were a l l arrested."' The a r r e s t s symbolized the d i f f i c u l t i e s faced by s o c i a l i s t s i n C i s l e i t h a n i a i n t h i s p e r i o d . For the movement to h o l d an i l l e g a l 106 congress was to i n v i t e arrest and t r i a l f o r treasonous a c t i v i t y . To hold a l e g a l congress was to be so r e s t r i c t e d by p o l i c e . interference that i t served l i t t l e purpose. I t was at le a s t possible to e s t a b l i s h a party leadership, provided that the leaders were w i l l i n g to spend most of t h e i r time i n j a i l . In face of the association laws, and the way i n which the government applied them'JtoosociaMststtife£wasufut:i0.eoto attempt to define a s p e c i f i c organization. I t i s not s u r p r i s i n g , therefore, that many s o c i a l i s t s l o s t patience with the system at the end of the 1870's. In 1882 the s o c i a l i s t movement s p l i t into two h o s t i l e f a c t i o n s , the r a d i c a l s and the moderates. The former argued that any concept of a p u b l i c , open party was r i d i c u l o u s i n the s i t u a t i o n which existed, while the l a t t e r maintained that the previous arrangement should be retained. The c o n f l i c t began to be resolved when a serie s of murders and other t e r r o r i s t acts i n 1883 and 1884 led to the p r o s c r i p t i o n of the s o c i a l i s t movement, and i t s v i r t u a l disappearance from p u b l i c view. Ultimately, the suppression of the s o c i a l i s t "party" d i s c r e d i t e d the r a d i c a l s , and when the factions re-united at Hainfeld there was no question that henceforth the party would be a p u b l i c , mass organization which rejected acts of t e r r o r . This became evident as early as 1886 when several new s o c i a l i s t newspapers were founded, among them V i c t o r Adler's G l e i c h h e i t i n Vienna. Adler developed good r e l a t i o n s with a former Czech r a d i c a l , Josef Hybes, and as time passed a move to unity developed. This found expression i n the f i r s t p u b l i c s o c i a l i s t party congress since 1882, the Czech Unity Congress i n Brunn, held i n 1887. At t h i s 107 Congress the only o r g a n i z a t i o n a l content was a r e i t e r a t i o n of a s t a t e -ment f i r s t made at Brevnov i n 1878. The Czech s o c i a l i s t movement was a "part of the [ C i s l e i t h a n i a n ] s o c i a l democratic p a r t y , but has i t s . „. „6 own o r g a n i z a t i o n . A f t e r the s u c c e s s f u l r e c o n c i l i a t i o n of the Czech f a c t i o n s , a C i s l e i t h a n i a n Unity Congress was h e l d i n H a i n f e l d at the end of 1888. As there was as yet no p a r t y , both l e g a l l y and i n p r a c t i c e , the congress was c a l l e d by the le a d i n g s o c i a l i s t newspapers. O r g a n i z a t i o n a l d e c i -sions made at H a i n f e l d were ra t h e r l i m i t e d . A programme was adopted, however, and a r e s o l u t i o n supporting the trade union movement was passed. The u n i t y of the two former f a c t i o n s was announced, but because the e x c e p t i o n a l laws and the a n t i - a n a r c h i s t laws were s t i l l i n f o r c e , no concrete party o r g a n i z a t i o n was e s t a b l i s h e d . 7 As a r e s u l t , the st a t u s of the Czech o r g a n i z a t i o n was not c l a r i f i e d . I t was unclear whether or not i t was merely a p r o v i n c i a l branch of the H a i n f e l d p a r t y , or a f u l l -g f l e d g ed Czech s o c i a l i s t p a r t y w i t h i n the C i s l e i t h a n i a n p a r t y . Although i t was obvious who the le a d i n g f i g u r e s i n the party were, no c e n t r a l l e a d e r s h i p body was e s t a b l i s h e d , and no lea d e r s h i p e l e c t e d . A f t e r the H a i n f e l d Congress the party remained a loose grouping of independent a s s o c i a t i o n s and unions, although the tendency f o r the more prominent f i g u r e s to concentrate i n the e d i t o r i a l committees of the various p a r t y papers was strengthened. The only r e a l u n i f y i n g f a c t o r was the H a i n f e l d programme. The c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of l e a d e r s h i p i n the e d i t o r i a l committees of the party newspapers was given formal expression i n r e s o l u t i o n s 108 9 passed at the 1891 C i s l e i t h a n i a n party Congress. The c e n t r a l party organs were now the A r b e i t e r - Z e i t u n g f o r the Germans, and Rovnost ( E q u a l i t y ) f o r the Czechs."^ In a d d i t i o n , the 1891 Congress began the process of d e f i n i n g the party's o r g a n i z a t i o n , i f only i n a l i m i t e d way. A member of the party was i n t e r p r e t e d as one who "acknowledges the p r i n c i p l e s of H a i n f e l d . M o r e o v e r , i t was recommended that p o l i -t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s be founded, where p o s s i b l e to cover e n t i r e p r o v i n -12 ces. i i ) The Move to a Federal Organization 1892-1897 In June of 1891 an event of s i g n a l importance f o r the develop-ment of s o c i a l i s t p a r t y o r g a n i z a t i o n occurred. For s e v e r a l years the government had faced l i b e r a l o p p o s i t i o n i n parliament to the s t a t e of m a r t i a l law (Ausnahmezustand) i n the Vienna r e g i o n , and to the a n t i -a n a r c h i s t laws. When the l e g i s l a t i o n came up f o r renewal i n June of 1891 i t was c l e a r that opinion was against the laws, and they were 13 allowed to lapse. In the atmosphere created by t h i s event, A d l e r and the other leaders of the s o c i a l i s t movement s e i z e d t h e i r opportunity, and success-f u l l y proceeded to e s t a b l i s h a d e f i n i t e party o r g a n i z a t i o n . In h i s address to the 1892 party congress, A d l e r pointed out the dangers of doing.;so,but argued that i t was now both p o s s i b l e and necessary: I say to you openly, I don't t h i n k that the r u l e of law i s so secure . . . that we can permit ourselves to do what other p a r t i e s do without t h i n k i n g . I don't know whether or not t h i s executive committee f o r the G e s a m m t p a r t e i— i f you decide to create i t t o d a y — w i l l be a r r e s t e d s h o r t l y t h e r e a f t e r on 109 some p r e t e x t or other. This i s why we have not done t h i s b efore. But I now b e l i e v e that t h i s executive i s neces-sary . . . P r e v i o u s l y we could not r i s k such a t h i n g , but today, even i f they were to lo c k up a l l the leaders of our o r g a n i z a t i o n s , we should only be stopped f o r a week or so, f o r there are hundreds of people behind us who could take up the task again. For these reasons, we can move a step f u r t h e r today, and give ourselves an o r g a n i z a t i o n l i k e other p a r t i e s have.-'-4 The o r g a n i z a t i o n a l forms adopted at the 1892 Congress were p a r t l y based on those of the Reich-German p a r t y . In both co u n t r i e s the party could not b u i l d i t s o r g a n i z a t i o n around the e x i s t i n g p o l i -t i c a l a s s o c i a t i o n s , f o r contacts between and among them were i l l e g a l . As a r e s u l t , a completely new form or o r g a n i z a t i o n was necessary. 1"* At the bottom of the h i e r a r c h y e s t a b l i s h e d by the 1892 Congress were the members of l o c a l s o c i a l i s t a s s o c i a t i o n s . As i n the German pa r t y , these e l e c t e d Vertrauenspersonen, or "persons of co n f i d e n c e . " 1 ^ U n l i k e the German party s t r u c t u r e , i n which there were no bodies i n t e r v e n i n g between the Vertrauenspersonen and the party e x e c u t i v e , there were s e v e r a l l o c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n a l forms i n C i s l e i t h a n i a . In the C i s l e i t h a n i a n party the Vertrauenspersonen i n an area c o n s t i t u t e d the B e z i r k , or " d i s t r i c t , " o r g a n i z a t i o n . This group chose delegates to form the Land, o r p r o v i n c i a l , o r g a n i z a t i o n . This i n turn e l e c t e d an a g i t a t i o n committee, which concerned i t s e l f w i t h a g i t a t i o n and or-gan i z at i onal ' . o m a t t e rsujrihthef'Land. The Land o r g a n i z a t i o n had broad powers. I t c o l l e c t e d money f o r a g i t a t i o n f o r the d i s t r i c t o r g a n i z a t i o n s , and al s o sent funds to the c e n t r a l p a rty executive. I t a l s o was entru s t e d w i t h the task of c a l l i n g Land conferences, which would deal w i t h Land b u s i n e s s . 1 7 In cases 110 where the issues i n the Land concerned the whole of C i s l e i t h a n i a , the Land o r g a n i z a t i o n could send r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s to speak to the party l e a d e r s h i p . The party congress was to meet every two y e a r s , but e x t r a -ordinary congresses could be c a l l e d i f the m a j o r i t y of the Land or-g a n i z a t i o n s agreed. Delegates to the party congresses would be chosen by the l o c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s , u s u a l l y below the d i s t r i c t l e v e l . The party congress was to be the f i n a l a r b i t e r i n a l l matters. While the Land o r g a n i z a t i o n s could reverse any d e c i s i o n s made by the d i s t r i c t , 18 the party congress could overturn Land r u l i n g s . At the top of the h i e r a r c h y was the party executive. Composed of nine members, i t s purpose was to carry out the business of the party 19 as a whole. In a concession to those who were opposed to the concen-t r a t i o n of power i n the p r e s s , i t was decided that e d i t o r i a l personnel 20 could form only o n e - t h i r d of the party l e a d e r s h i p . This l e a d e r s h i p was to be r e s p o n s i b l e to the party congress, and had to d e l i v e r a report to each congress. As a f u r t h e r l i m i t a t i o n on i t s power a f i v e member C o n t r o l Commission would be chosen to oversee a l l aspects of the c e n t r a l executive's a c t i v i t y , except f o r i t s management of the 21 day-to-day business of the p a r t y . This Commission was to be l o c a t e d i n North Bohemia, w h i l e the party l e a d e r s h i p i t s e l f would be i n 22 Vienna." Although many of the forms of o r g a n i z a t i o n adopted at the 1892 Congress were based on the o r g a n i z a t i o n of the Reich-German p a r t y , the new C i s l e i t h a n i a n p a r ty o r g a n i z a t i o n was much more " f e d e r a l i s t i c " I l l than i t s model. Even though the German party's s t r u c t u r e was intended to be " c e n t r a l i s t i c , " the f a i l u r e to e s t a b l i s h o r g a n i z a t i o n a l forms be-tween the party executive and the Vertrauensmanner i n the e l e c t o r a l 23 d i s t r i c t s was a l s o based on the f a c t that there was no uniform asso-c i a t i o n s law i n the Reich, as there was i n C i s l e i t h a n i a . As time passed, s o c i a l i s t s i n the more l i b e r a l German s t a t e s began to develop i n t e r -mediate forms—by 1900, f o r example, Wurttemberg s o c i a l i s t s had estab-24 l i s h e d a Land o r g a n i z a t i o n — b u t , g e n e r a l l y speaking, the German party remained more c e n t r a l i s t i c than i t s C i s l e i t h a n i a n counterpart. Far more s i g n i f i c a n t than the question of whether or not the party was more f e d e r a l i s t i c or c e n t r a l i s t i c , was the f a i l u r e to consider n a t i o n a l d i f f e r e n c e s i n the new o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s t a t u t e s . Indeed, when a twelve member committee was chosen to recommend candidates f o r the c e n t r a l e x e c u t i v e , i t named nine members, a l l Germans, although one 25 Czech and one Pole were members of the Committee! The f a i l u r e to in c l u d e a Pole i n the leadership was perhaps understandable, f o r the P o l i s h o r g a n i z a t i o n was s t i l l i n i t s i n f a n c y , and no prominent P o l i s h s o c i a l i s t s l i v e d i n Vienna. In any case, the P o l i s h s o c i a l i s t s declared that t h e i r acceptance of the new o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e could not be as wholehearted as th a t of other n a t i o n a l i t i e s , for'cthey had to consider 26 t h e i r r e l a t i o n s w i t h c o - n a t i o n a l s o u t s i d e the Empire. In a f u r t h e r expression of t h e i r own p a r t i c u l a r p o s i t i o n the Poles suggested that the d e f i n i t i o n of d i s t r i c t ~ o r g a n i z a t i o n s o b e : m o d i f i e d so that they could extend across Crown Land boundaries i f the l i n g u i s t i c / n a t i o n a l s i t u a t i o n 27 made t h i s e s s e n t i a l . The complication t h i s would create f o r the Land o r g a n i z a t i o n s was not considered, although the proposal was adopted. 112 The f a i l u r e to e l e c t a Czech r e p r e s e n t a t i v e to the party executive has been explained by one h i s t o r i a n as p o s s i b l y the r e s u l t of a countermove on Adler's p a r t to the absence of a strong Czech de l e -2 8 g a t i o n to the Congress. This s t i l l does not e x p l a i n , however, why n a t i o n a l d i f f e r e n c e s were not considered when the o r g a n i z a t i o n a l 29 s t a t u t e s were drawn up i n the f i r s t p l a c e . In any case, the Czechs d i d not express any d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n w i t h t h e i r e x c l u s i o n from the cen-t r a l e xecutive. The Czech s o c i a l i s t s had sent only three delegates to the Congress, 30 two of whom were among Adler's strongest supporters. They had deported themselves as guests, t a k i n g only a s m a l l p a r t i n the debate. Their f a i l u r e to appear i n any numbers was explained by Edmund Zelbr from Brunn. He s a i d that the Czechs had j u s t had t h e i r own congress, and didn't f e e l i t necessary to send a l a r g e d e l e g a t i o n . In r e a l i t y , however, the Czechs were emphasizing t h e i r o r g a n i z a t i o n a l independence from the 32 Germans. As r e c e n t l y as 1887 Czech s o c i a l i s t s had po i n t e d out that they were a par t of the C i s l e i t h a n i a n p a r t y , but had t h e i r own o r g a n i z a t i o n . Because of the i n t e r n a t i o n a l i s t i n f l u e n c e of Josef Hybes and the Brunn s o c i a l i s t s i n the Czech movement, however, t h i s idea had not found ex-p r e s s i o n at the H a i n f e l d Congress. This r e t r e a t from the conept of a separate Czech party had been f o r m a l i z e d by the d e c i s i o n of a conference of e d i t o r i a l committees i n Brunn i n August 1890 that the Czechs would no 33 longer h o l d separate party congresses. Many Czech workers were h o s t i l e to the id e a of the disappear-ance of an o r g a n i z a t i o n a l l y - d i s t i n c t Czech p a r t y . In l a t e 1890 a group 113 committed to the re-establishment of a separate Czech party formed i n Prague. The prolonged c o n f l i c t which then began was d i r e c t e d as much against Brunn's primacy i n the Czech s o c i a l i s t movement as i t was against the s t r i c t l y i n t e r n a t i o n a l approach taken by the Brunn lea d e r s . At the 1891 C i s l e i t h a n i a n p a r ty Congress the c o n f l i c t erupted i n a f u l l - s c a l e debate among Czech delegates, although i t ended w i t h the 34 defeat of the extreme n a t i o n a l i s t s when they walked out of the Congress. When Czech s o c i a l i s t s set about implementing the 1891 Congress's d e c i -s i o n to f o r m a l l y c e n t r a l i z e l e a dership i n the e d i t o r i a l committees of the p r e s s , however, the Czech movement s p l i t . Czech s o c i a l i s t s i n Vienna, Prague and Brunn a l l claimed the r i g h t to e s t a b l i s h the Czech l e a d e r s h i p 35 i n t h e i r own press. A compromise was arranged, however, and a Czech conference was c a l l e d f o r Christmas 1891 to discuss the matter. This conference, o r i g i n a l l y planned as a Land conference, u l t i -mately became a f u l l - s c a l e congress of Czech s o c i a l democracy, and as such, served n o t i c e on the C i s l e i t h a n i a n p a r ty that the Czechs were now beginning to t h i n k i n more n a t i o n a l terms. While the Congress s t i l l adhered to the H a i n f e l d programme, o r g a n i z a t i o n a l l y the Czechs agreed that : The Czechoslav Worker's Part y i s a branch of [ C i s l e i t h a n i a n ] s o c i a l democracy, but i t has i t s own o r g a n i z a t i o n . Each n a t i o n a l must independently create i t s own o r g a n i z a t i o n , but i n face of the common enemy a l l n ations . . . must be united.36 Although the Congress a c t u a l l y agreed that leadership should be c e n t r a l -i z e d i n the s o c i a l i s t p r ess, i t f a i l e d of i t s o r i g i n a l purpose when the 37 North Bohemian de l e g a t i o n walked out. 114 As a consequence of the i n t e r n a t i o n a l i s t s o c i a l i s t s ' r e f u s a l to attend a proposed u n i t y conference i n Prague i n September. 1892, the extreme n a t i o n a l i s t f a c t i o n i n that c i t y l e f t the party and organized on t h e i r own. This weakened the Prague branch of the Czech movement, and r e s u l t e d i n a strengthening of Brunn's p o s i t i o n . Although the new party q u i c k l y d e c l i n e d i n t o i n s i g n i f i c a n c e , the i n t e r n a t i o n a l i s t s among the Czech s o c i a l i s t s had p a i d a p r i c e f o r t h e i r v i c t o r y . In defeating the n a t i o n a l i s t s "they took over the i n h e r i t a n c e of the defeated: the 38 demand f o r g r e a t e r independence." This was i n d i c a t e d by a conference of Vertrauensmanner at Briinn i n November 1892. The delegates adopted a new o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e based on that of the C i s l e i t h a n i a n p a r t y , but they emphasized that the Czech party had the r i g h t to decide i t s own s t a t u t e s of o r g a n i z a t i o n , 39 and indeed, i t s own t a c t i c s . This was tantamount to a d e c l a r a t i o n of independence. A congress of Czech or g a n i z a t i o n s was now. necessary to approve the new s t a t u t e s , and to define the r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h the C i s l e i t h a n i a n p a r t y . In December 1893 Czech s o c i a l i s t s met i n Budweis (Ceske Bud-e j o v i c e ) i n Bohemia. With the adoption of the 1892 C i s l e i t h a n i a n or-g a n i z a t i o n a l s t a t u t e s , and the e l e c t i o n of a Czech party e x e c u t i v e , t'he Czechoslav S o c i a l Democratic Worker's Party f o r m a l l y came i n t o e x i s -40 tence. The new Czech party was not to be q u i t e as independent as the Briinn d e c i s i o n on t a c t i c s and o r g a n i z a t i o n had suggested. At the very beginning of the Congress i t was decided that only those who recognized 115 41 the Hainfeld programme would be allowed to p a r t i c i p a t e . Furthermore, the Brunn statement was modified to the s i g n i f i c a n t extent that t a c t i c s would now be decided upon i n agreement with "the German-Austrian com-42 rades." In a further and fundamental concession to internationalism, the new Czechoslav party r e i t e r a t e d that only a C i s l e i t h a n i a n party 43 congress could modify the party programme. These developments among the Czechs, while somewhat reassuring, obviously put pressure on the c e n t r a l party executive i n Vienna to seek accommodation with them. As a r e s u l t , the 1894 C i s l e i t h a n i a n party Congress—at which the Czechs appeared i n s t r e n g t h — t o o k the l i n e of l e a s t resistance, and approved everything the Czechs had done at Bud-44 weis. In so doing, the organizational r e l a t i o n s h i p between the Czechs and the C i s l e i t h a n i a n party was f i n a l l y c l a r i f i e d , on the basis of unity of programme, agreement on t a c t i c s , and independence i n organi-zation. In order to bring the party structure into l i n e with the approval of the decisions of the Budweis Congress, the 1894 Congress replaced the previous Land organization with Kreis organizations. These could consist of whatever part of a Crown Land (or Crown Lands) was deemed necessary by the organization involved. In addition to s a t i s f y i n g the Czechs, i t was hoped, t h i s decision would also enable the P o l i s h or-46 ganization to include both G a l i c i a and the P o l i s h part of S i l e s i a . Ominously, however, t h i s concession, and the expressed inten-t i o n to e l e c t representatives of the n a t i o n a l i t i e s to the c e n t r a l execu-t i v e , did not s a t i s f y the Czechs. In f a c t , t h e i r behaviour at the 116 Congress i n d i c a t e d t h e i r d e s i r e to both emphasize and enlarge t h e i r party's autonomy. At the very beginning of the Congress Josef S t e i n e r suggested that the delegates should vote by n a t i o n a l i t y on important questions. By i m p l i c a t i o n , t h i s meant that they should vote by " n a t i o n a l p a r t y . " V i c t o r A d l e r was able to o b t a i n a compromise, however, when 47 he suggested that t h i s be l i m i t e d to questions of o r g a n i z a t i o n . Never-t h e l e s s , at the beginning of the debate on o r g a n i z a t i o n , Rudolf Smetana (a Vienna Czech) s t a t e d that the Czechs would not take part i n the debate, because they had t h e i r own o r g a n i z a t i o n , and d i d not want to 48 i n f l u e n c e the Germans! This suggested, of course, that the Congress was a German congress. I t a l s o contained the i m p l i c a t i o n that the German "pa r t y " would have to n e g o t i a t e w i t h the Czechs a f t e r the Congress 49 ended. A d l e r f r u s t r a t e d t h i s move by arguing that the Czechs should at l e a s t remain f o r the d i s c u s s i o n . The Czechs, not wanting an open u i • A 5 0 break, acquiesced. Another i n d i c a t i o n of the Czech s o c i a l i s t s ' d e s i r e to emphasize t h e i r autonomy was given at the Congress. They refused to take part i n the e l e c t i o n of an executive which r e f l e c t e d the m u l t i - n a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e of the p a r t y . This was the most s i g n i f i c a n t aspect of t h e i r behaviour at the Congress, f o r t h i s was the o s t e n s i b l e purpose of the 51 Congress i n the f i r s t p l a c e ! Josef Hybes explained why the Czechs refused to take p a r t . He s a i d that they had t h e i r own o r g a n i z a t i o n 52 i n the p a r t y , and d i d not want to i n f l u e n c e the e l e c t i o n s ! In s p i t e of the Czech r e f u s a l , two Czechs—Smetana and K a r l Vanek—and one Pole 53 (Ignaz Daszynski) were e l e c t e d to the new executive. 117 Adler's a d r o i t manoeuvring c e r t a i n l y helped to f r u s t r a t e the Czech s o c i a l i s t s ' attempts both to demonstrate and to enlarge t h e i r independence at the Congress. Another important f a c t o r , however, was the f a c t that the Poles d i d not support the Czech s t r a t e g y . T h e i r a i d had been expected, e s p e c i a l l y because of the P o l e s ' continued em-phasis t h a t t h e i r s i t u a t i o n was a s p e c i a l one. P o l i s h support was not forthcoming, however, because the weak P o l i s h o r g a n i z a t i o n was o r g a n i z a t i o n a l l y and f i n a n c i a l l y very dependent upon the r e l a t i v e l y wealthy German o r g a n i z a t i o n , and d i d not want to j e o p a r d i z e that i v.- 5 4 r e l a t i o n s h i p . In s p i t e of the f a c t that the Czech s o c i a l i s t s were outmanoeuvred by A d l e r at the Congress, they d i d not r e l e n t . At the next C i s l e i t h a n i a n party Congress, h e l d i n Prague i n A p r i l 1896, they introduced a r e s o l u -t i o n c a l l i n g f o r the r e c o n s t r u c t i o n of the party l e a d e r s h i p . Antonin 55 Nemec, head of the Czech party executive e s t a b l i s h e d i n May 1894, asked that the C i s l e i t h a n i a n party's c e n t r a l l e a d e r s h i p become an execu-t i v e committee, c o n s i s t i n g of the " s e l e c t committees" of the v a r i ous 56 " n a t i o n a l p a r t i e s . " The i m p l i c a t i o n of t h i s suggestion was, of course, that each n a t i o n a l i t y should proceed to f o l l o w theCGzech example, and e s t a b l i s h a n a t i o n a l p arty. This was aimed d i r e c t l y at the German s o c i a l i s t s , who d i d not d i f f e r e n t i a t e between the C i s l e i t h a n i a n party and themselves . "*7 In t h i s s i t u a t i o n V i c t o r A d l e r , as might haverbeen expected of him, arranged a compromise r e s o l u t i o n , sponsored by the German, Czech and P o l i s h l e a d e r s h i p s . The new Gesamtvertretung, or c e n t r a l 118 executive committee of the Cisleithanian party, would be chosen from the various " n a t i o n a l i t i e s " i n the movement. The choice would not be haphazard, however, for the members would be the Executive Committees of the German, Czech and Polish "organizations." The I t a l i a n s and South Slavs would also have representation. The new executive would 58 carry out the business of the Cisleithanian party. The change i n terminology i n the new resolution was s i g n i f i c a n t . By eliminating the term "national parties," Adler was able to evade the question of divorcing the German organization from the Gesamtpartei. Yet the new resolution s a t i s f i e d the Czechs, for i t did reconstruct the leadership i n the sense that they had asked for i n t h e i r o r i g i n a l resolution. The real significance of the Czech resolution was twofold. Merely by presenting i t , they had indicated a change i n t h e i r approach to the Cisleithanian party. Instead of emphasizing the i r autonomy by obstructing congresses, they were now interested i n reconstructing the party so that by combining t h e i r national executive with others, 59 they could have as much rea l power at the centre as was possible. One of the Polish delegates c l e a r l y recognized the implications of t h i s . Josef Frankel said that: We Poles are pleased that the Czech comrades have suggested that the leadership of the Gesammtpartei be established on a f e d e r a l i s t i c basis.60 This was certainly true, although Adler's compromise resolution post-poned i t s r e a l i z a t i o n for another year. When the Congress proceeded to select the new executive, however, the d i f f e r i n g interpretations of the resolution became evident. Polish 119 and Czech s o c i a l i s t s refused to take p a r t i n the e l e c t i o n s , and empha-s i z e d that they must f i r s t e l e c t Executive Committees at t h e i r own 61 party congresses. From the Czech vantage p o i n t t h i s was understand-a b l e , but f o r the Poles to argue i n t h i s f a s h i o n was a new departure. At previous C i s l e i t h a n i a n party congresses they had supported the Ger-mans, but now they switched sides and favoured the Czechs. This change r e f l e c t e d the r a p i d growth of t h e i r o r g a n i z a t i o n a f t e r 1894, and hence the weakening of t h e i r o r g a n i z a t i o n a l and f i n a n c i a l dependence upon 62 the Germans. U l t i m a t e l y both Czechs and Poles agreed to take p a r t i n the e l e c t i o n s , thought the Czechs noted that the Czech members of the new 63 executive would have to be confirmed by the next Czech p a r t y Congress. Ten Germans, 3 Czechs, 1 P o l e , 1 I t a l i a n and 1 Slovene were e l e c t e d 64 to the new executive. At t h e i r Brunn Congress of May 1896 the Czechs c a r r i e d out the d e c i s i o n s of the Prague Congress, and o f f i c i a l l y e l e c t e d a f i v e member Executive Committee. I t s seat was to be i n Vienna, so that i t could f u n c t i o n as p a r t of the a l l - p a r t y e x e c u t i v e . ^ The Congress a l s o r e -defined K r e i s o r g a n i z a t i o n s as Wahlkreis o r g a n i z a t i o n s by adopting 66 the new e l e c t o r a l d i s t r i c t s created by Badeni's e l e c t o r a l reform. The most important d e c i s i o n made by the Congress, however, was the adoption of a r e s o l u t i o n on the o r g a n i z a t i o n of the C i s l e i t h a n i a n p a r t y : The Congress of the Czechoslav S o c i a l Democratic Part y recommends that i t s German-speaking comrades should c a l l t h e i r own party congresses, i n the same way as the Bohe-mian [Czech] and P o l i s h comrades do . . . In t h i s way the 120 Congress of the Gesammtpartei In [ C i s l e i t h a n i a ] would then only d e a l w i t h common questions.67 According to the author of the only s c h o l a r l y work w r i t t e n on the n a t i o n a l i t y question i n the C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t movement i n the l a s t seventy ye a r s , t h i s r e s o l u t i o n l e d d i r e c t l y to the f e d e r a l -i z a t i o n of the s o c i a l i s t movement i n 1897. A d l e r and the party l e a d e r -ship had drawn up an organizationallpaiantj^b.uthwhenhthSzGzecheresolution was passed he immediately dropped h i s p r o p o s a l , and adopted the Czech 68 r e s o l u t i o n . This was not a r e f l e c t i o n of Adler's conversion to f e d e r a l i s m i n the party o r g a n i z a t i o n , but r a t h e r of a f e a r that i f 69 he didi<not adopt the Czech view, the party would d i s i n t e g r a t e . A d l e r s t a t e d h i s personal view of the matter at the 1897 Con-gress. A f t e r p o i n t i n g out that the party executive had developed a proposal which would have preserved the o l d form of o r g a n i z a t i o n — the "mother" o r g a n i z a t i o n as he put i t — h e went on to say that i t was not only the Czechs who wished to "separate the Czech o r g a n i z a t i o n from the German." Many Germans had a l s o expressed a s i m i l a r d e s i r e . He continued: My p e r s o n a l opinion i s d i f f e r e n t from that of many party comrades on t h i s p o i n t . I would have wished that the o l d form could have been maintained f o r a w h i l e longer, be-cause I b e l i e v e that the German comrades s t i l l have a ^ n strong duty to a i d t h e i r comrades who speak other languages. In a d e c l a r a t i o n he presented to the Congress (and which was accepted) he i n c l u d e d what amounted to a p l e a f o r u n i t y : We are conscious that c l a s s c o n t r a d i c t i o n s are stronger and deeper than n a t i o n a l d i f f e r e n c e s . We declare that t h i s o r g a n i z a t i o n i s e x c l u s i v e l y d i r e c t e d towards estab-l i s h i n g the most e f f e c t i v e form i n which . . . s o c i a l democrats o f ' a l l languages can c a r r y out the s t r u g g l e 121 against the e x p l o i t i n g classes of t h e i r own n a t i o n and against [those] of a l l nations.71 The most important event of the 1897 C i s l e i t h a n i a n Congress was thus the se p a r a t i o n of the German o r g a n i z a t i o n from the C i s l e i -thanian. The German d e c l a r a t i o n that they would now form t h e i r own o r g a n i z a t i o n was the key to the s i t u a t i o n , f o r as long as they d i d 72 not do so, the C i s l e i t h a n i a n party was, i n e f f e c t , the German pa r t y . As a r e s u l t of t h i s d e c l a r a t i o n , the C i s l e i t h a n i a n party was t r a n s -formed i n t o a f e d e r a t i o n of independent n a t i o n a l s o c i a l democratic p a r t i e s . The Germans immediately proceeded to adopt an o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s t a t u t e f o r the new German p a r t y . I t c o n s i s t e d of the o l d o r g a n i z a t i o n of the Gesamtpartei, w i t h the exception that the K r e i s o r g a n i z a t i o n s 73 were replaced by Wahlkreis o r g a n i z a t i o n s . The whole Congress then defined the new C i s l e i t h a n i a n p a r t y . Every two years there would be a Gesamtparteitag, or C i s l e i t h a n i a n party Congress. Each e l e c t o r a l d i s t r i c t had the r i g h t to send two delegates, and i n d i s t r i c t s of mixed n a t i o n a l i t y the m i n o r i t y could 74 als o send two delegates, i f i t wished. The women's or g a n i z a t i o n s of the various n a t i o n a l groups could a l s o send two r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . The competence of the C i s l e i t h a n i a n party congress was such that i t alone could change the party programme. I t a l s o decided upon a g i t a t i o n , t a c t i c s and o r g a n i z a t i o n f o r the C i s l e i t h a n i a n p a r t y . Questions which d i d not concern the e n t i r e party were to be d e a l t w i t h at the congresses of the separate n a t i o n a l p a r t i e s . 122 The new party was to be l e d by a C i s l e i t h a n i a n party l e a d e r -s h i p , which would c o n s i s t of the leaderships of the various n a t i o n a l p a r t i e s . I t would deal w i t h day-to-day business which concerned the C i s l e i t h a n i a n party. 7"^ As a r e s u l t of the 189 7 Congress the Germans proceeded to estab-l i s h a German party at t h e i r f i r s t separate congress i n 1898. As pre-v i o u s l y noted, the Czechs had r e - e s t a b l i s h e d t h e i r party i n 1893, although Nemec s t a t e d that i t only c o n s t i t u t e d i t s e l f as an "indepen-76 dent n a t i o n a l p a r t y " i n 1896. The G a l i c i a n S o c i a l Democratic Part y had been formed by the Poles i n 1891. I t was intended to i n c l u d e both Jews and Ruthenes as w e l l as P o l e s . In 1894 i t had been extended to i n c l u d e the Poles of A u s t r i a n S i l e s i a . 7 7 As a r e s u l t of the 1897 d e c i -78 s i o n s , i t was r e s t r u c t u r e d as a P o l i s h p a r t y . The few Ruthene-Ukrainian s o c i a l i s t s had been a c t i v e i n the G a l i c i a n p a r t y , but i n 1896 the Ruthene R a d i c a l P a r t y , o r i e n t e d towards the peasantry and w i t h a programme s i m i l a r to that of the s o c i a l i s t s , 79 had been created. Not u n t i l 1899 d i d the l e f t wing of t h i s p a r ty s p l i t o f f and form a Ruthene s o c i a l i s t o r g a n i z a t i o n , a f f i l i a t e d w i t h the Gesamtpartei. The Slovenes had created t h e i r South Slav S o c i a l Democratic Party i n August 1896 as a body separate from the C i s l e i t h a n i a n o r g a n i -z a t i o n , but Slovene delegates appeared at the 1897 Congress', and a 81 Slovene s e c t i o n of the i n t e r n a t i o n a l party was organized. The I t a l i a n s were i n a d i f f i c u l t p o s i t i o n because of the geo-graphic s e p a r a t i o n of t h e i r two settlement areas, the L i t t o r a l and the 123 Trentino. As a r e s u l t , two separate I t a l i a n executives were e s t a b l i s h e d , 82 one f o r the L i t t o r a l i n December 189 7, and the other somewhat l a t e r . i i i ) The Fede r a l Organization a f t e r 1897 The 1899 C i s l e i t h a n i a n party Congress was the f i r s t h e l d under 83 the new r u l e s . Although there were c e r t a i n l y disagreements about the n a t i o n a l i t y q u e s t i o n , the Congress was one of the more s u c c e s s f u l . At the Congress the d e f i n i t i o n of the Gesamtpartei was expanded some-what. A three member C o n t r o l Commission was e s t a b l i s h e d to watch over 84 the c e n t r a l executive. In response to pressure from the newly-founded Women's N a t i o n a l Committee (Frauen-Reichs-Comite), the regu-l a t i o n applying to women delegates was modified. In areas (Wahlkreisen) where there were organized women, a woman delegate could accompany the 85 other delegates. An i n t e r e s t i n g new feature of the 1899 Congress was a c l e a r statement of the means to be adopted to enable the Gesamtpartei to finance i t s e l f . P r e v i o u s l y , of course, i t had had to r e l y on donations from i n d i v i d u a l members, on the income of the s o c i a l i s t p r e s s , on a i d from the trade union movement, and on donations from p r o v i n c i a l o r g a n i -86 z a t i o n s . As a r e s u l t of a d e c i s i o n of the new ex e c u t i v e , the Gesamt- p a r t e i was to be financed by d e f i n i t e c o n t r i b u t i o n s made by each n a t i o n a l party executive. I n a d d i t i o n , funds f o r s p e c i f i c purposes 87 would be c o l l e c t e d by the party press. A f t e r 1898 the i n d i v i d u a l n a t i o n a l p a r t i e s financed themselves by c o l l e c t i n g dues from t h e i r members. u u Formerly they had f e l t too vuln e r a b l e to the a s s o c i a t i o n laws to r i s k doing so. Another new feat u r e at the 1899 Congress was the presence of fourteen s o c i a l i s t members of parliament. At each of the four C i s l e i -thanian party congresses a f t e r 1897 t h i s group was to give a rep o r t 89 to the Congress on t h e i r parliamentary a c t i v i t y . The r o l e of the parliamentary d e l e g a t i o n (and of the debate on t h e i r report) became i n c r e a s i n g l y important as the party transformed i t s e l f i n t o a parliamen-t a r y p a rty i n t e r e s t e d i n the democratic road to s o c i a l i s m . These were the l a s t in-Congress m o d i f i c a t i o n s to the or g a n i -z a t i o n of the C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t p a r t y . Further congresses were h e l d i n 1901, 1903, and 1905, but t h e r e a f t e r the growing c o n f l i c t be-tween Czech and German s o c i a l i s t s made the h o l d i n g of f u r t h e r C i s l e i -thanian congresses impossible. The f e d e r a l i z a t i o n of the s o c i a l i s t p a r t y o r g a n i z a t i o n i n C i s -l e i t h a n i a created a s t r u c t u r e unique i n European s o c i a l i s m . In t h i s i n s t a n c e , the Reich-German party o f f e r e d a negative model. As e a r l y as 1893 P o l i s h s o c i a l i s t s i n P r u s s i a n Poland had l e f t the German party 91 and organized t h e i r own. As l a t e as 1901 the is s u e had not been 92 resolved. Esther Golde, a member of the P o l i s h S o c i a l Democratic P a r t y i n P r u s s i a n Poland, p o i n t e d out the s i g n i f i c a n c e of the C i s l e i t h a n i a n model f o r the peoples of Eastern Europe at the 1901 C i s l e i t h a n i a n party Congress. She argued t h a t : Our party comrades, who are s t r u g g l i n g i n the most d i f f i -c u l t ^ c o n d i t i o n s 7 have^always looked to [ C i s l e i t h a n i a n ] s o c i a l democracy as a model i n Europe of how one can 125 overcome n a t i o n a l d i f f e r e n c e s i n ( s o c i a l democratic) prac-t i c e , and at the same time be able to consider and preserve the r i g h t s of nations.93 In other words, the f e d e r a l i z a t i o n of the C i s l e i t h a n i a n p a r t y , as w e l l as the Brunn n a t i o n a l i t i e s ' programme of 1899, served as a model f o r s o c i a l i s t s among some of the oppressed or m i n o r i t y peoples of Eastern Europe. This was the case i n P r u s s i a n Poland, and, more i m p o r t a n t l y , i n Russia. In 1902 the Jewish Bund, a s o c i a l i s t o r g a n i z a t i o n which claimed to speak f o r the Jewish p r o l e t a r i a t i n Russia, took i s s u e w i t h the Russian s o c i a l i s t party's denunciation of the i d e a of the f e d e r a l -i z a t i o n of the Russian p a r t y : I s k r a wants to assure us that f e d e r a l r e l a t i o n s between the Bund and Russian S o c i a l Democracy are bound to weaken the t i e s between them. We cannot r e f u t e t h e i r o p i n i o n by r e f e r -r i n g to p r a c t i c e i n R u s s i a , f o r the simple reason that Russian S o c i a l Democracy does not e x i s t as a f e d e r a l body. But we can r e f e r to the extremely i n s t r u c t i v e experience of S o c i a l Democracy i n A u s t r i a , which assumed a f e d e r a l c h a r a c - ^ t e r by v i r t u e of the d e c i s i o n of the P a r t y Congress of 1897. Both Lenin and S t a l i n reacted p a r t i c u l a r l y negativelyoto. the constant c i t a t i o n of the C i s l e i t h a n i a n example by s o c i a l i s t s of c e r t a i n m i n o r i t y groups i n Russia. This was e s p e c i a l l y the case a f t e r the c o l l a p s e of the Gesamtpartei and the c e n t r a l i s t i c trade union o r g a n i -95 z a t i o n i n C i s l e i t h a n i a . L i k e the Brunn n a t i o n a l i t i e s ' programme, the f e d e r a l i z a t i o n of the C i s l e i t h a n i a n party o r g a n i z a t i o n i n d i c a t e d the growth of n a t i o n a l i s t f e e l i n g i n the s o c i a l movement. I t occurred l a r g e l y as the r e s u l t of pressure from the Czech s o c i a l i s t s . The p r o g r e s s i v e " n a t i o n a l i z a t i o n " of the Czech s o c i a l i s t movement, i n conjunction w i t h i t s gradual eman-c i p a t i o n from dependence upon the German o r g a n i z a t i o n f o r f i n a n c i a l 126 and o r g a n i z a t i o n a l support, l e d to the Czech party's d r i v e f o r eman-c i p a t i o n . I t i s evident that the r e l a t i v e l y p a i n l e s s t r a n s i t i o n from a c e n t r a l i s t i c to a f e d e r a l i s t i c party o r g a n i z a t i o n occurred l a r g e l y as a r e s u l t of V i c t o r Adler's p r e s t i g e and a u t h o r i t y i n the C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t movement. His o v e r r i d i n g concern f o r the u n i t y of the s o c i a l i s t movement, and h i s w i l l i n g n e s s to compromise, made i t p o s s i b l e to pre-serve the u n i t e d movement f o r another fourteen y e a r s . 9 ^ i v ) The S o c i a l i s t Press i n C i s l e i t h a n i a 1867-1901 For much of the p e r i o d a f t e r 1867 the s o c i a l i s t press was the r e a l centre of the C i s l e i t h a n i a n worker's movement. As long as i t was l e g a l l y impossible to e s t a b l i s h a party h i e r a r c h y , the leadership of the party was u s u a l l y i d e n t i c a l w i t h the e d i t o r i a l committees of the l e a d i n g s o c i a l i s t papers. The f i r s t worker's papers founded i n C i s l e i t h a n i a i n the 1860's were pu b l i s h e d e i t h e r as supplements to l i b e r a l papers, such as the A r b e i t e r z e i t u n g and A r b e i t e r b l a t t i n Vienna, or were s e c t i o n s of l i b e r a l papers, such as the Narodnl l i s t y ( N a t i o n a l Paper) or Hlas (The Voice) 9 7 among the Czechs. Czech s o c i a l i s t s appear to have been the f i r s t to found a worker^operated paper, Delnik (The Worker) , on 1 December 1867, but u n t i l the mid-1870's, they were plagued w i t h apostasy i n t h e i r press. The f i r s t Viennese German worker's paper published by workers was the Volksstimme, founded on 11 A p r i l 1869. I n d i c a t i v e of the l i m i t e d nature 127 of the s o c i a l i s t movement, however, was the f a c t that a f t e r a few months of operation the paper had achieved a c i r c u l a t i o n f i g u r e of only 1,010— 98 of which 640 were i n Vienna. As the decade ended, other papers were founded i n Prague, Briinn, Graz, Wiener Neustadt and i n North Bohemia as w e l l . In t h i s e a r l y p e r i o d s o c i a l i s t papers were r a t h e r crudely w r i t t e n bi-weekly or monthly papers. They faced great f i n a n c i a l d i f f i c u l t i e s . The Kaution, a bond posted w i t h the a u t h o r i t i e s , and from which sums were subtracted when papers overstepped the law, was a c r i p p l i n g burden. As w e l l , the newspaper t a x stamp, a tax on each copy^printed, made i t v i r t u a l l y impossible f o r the s o c i a l i s t s to even t h i n k of p u b l i s h i n g more 99 o f t e n than two or three times a month. Compounding the problems of the press was the a t t i t u d e of the government a f t e r 1869. In that year censorship was i m p o s e d . I n s e v e r a l cases s o c i a l i s t papers were dri v e n out of existence by the simple expediency of a r r e s t i n g the e d i t o r s as they were appointed.'^''" As a r e s u l t of a l l these f a c t o r s , and the l i m i t e d f i n a n c i a l means of the i n f a n t movement, the e a r l y s o c i a l i s t newspapers u s u a l l y had a short l i f e - e x p e c t a n c y . By the mid-1870's the s o c i a l i s t movement i n C i s l e i t h a n i a had expanded c o n s i d e r a b l y , but t h i s growth was not r e f l e c t e d i n the c i r c u -l a t i o n of i t s press. In 1877, G l e i c h h e i t , the German organ, had a press run of only 2,000 copies; t h i s compared most unfavourably w i t h the 102 12,000 copies p u b l i s h e d by Vorwarts, the Reich-German party organ. This meant that the s o c i a l i s t press operated at a l o s s ; one h i s t o r i a n 31r. 1-1. ttfSahlion: GrprQiiiuii: 311. • jtcirhcnbcrg. gtomstaj). Jen 2G. Jlcrrmbrr 1871 ^rlictfcrfrcun^ Sojiaf-pofitifd}* 3<itf< r^ift fur &as ar6<it<afc« Uoffi. 1. Mm\. bit zu.'rilUit 19 ti ffoilo: ©if Blfnfditn |o!Itn n-tt fcmtn unb Jtiutttr inn, fc*nn all* iuU) jut ',u'it)fii q<jd)tifi«n iliniotn £>iit net i iadt i t iMi "Jitnnatei b^iunt vm iien*4 Ciidriut unit tr\\i&nH rou ^ucti (lit bi< 'i :abui-hiiti) CfG sBUitieo aliciorio rechl tljiitiii $u ifiii £ g jiiiui txio^lan ij'l, tjalu-ii bod) Mi' i^i-yiu'i or-i twmiclbi'u v-im-n I K U U U U :Neu<<Ei £ o U i'<> at'a lebciiQf.Tliiii Mcibcti, briuichiii wir'.Hboniicnit'ti tint) &anmi crfndjon mir did) >3ti^ ulkrort-j ttjaliti fin Die 'lu'vbrdluihj B M 'Slntte* Umri'ihljciiii'.evlrinieuDeii bci ^raiianurationd-Iclni.w luirD orfudjt. Daiuit hint <3ldiuiig in bcr tflvebuiiHi cuitrete Aufgcfdjofrn i l l nicQt aufiit'liolu'ii! (JkovffscirM SlitS ben 3Uiitctaflon bcr ofterretdjifefjen 3cnjitr . Figure 3. Censorship: Front page.of-the Arbeiterfreund 1874. 129 estimates that a break even p o i n t would have been reached at 6,000 103 copies. The r e s t r i c t i o n s placed upon the s o c i a l i s t press by the govern-ment p a r t l y e x p l a i n i t s weakness. Another f a c t o r , of course, was the l i m i t e d s i z e of the movement i t s e l f . In the case of the German press, however, there was another cause. This was the overwhelming predomi-104 nance of the Reich-German party press i n C i s l e i t h a n i a . K a r l Kautsky pointed out the reasons f o r t h i s . He argued that C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s m had f a i l e d to produce: an important l i t e r a t u r e of i t s own; i t s l i t e r a t u r e was e i t h e r d i r e c t l y or i n d i r e c t l y imported from Germany . . . The Aus-t r i a n p a r t y press was, i n a l l questions which were not s p e c i -f i c a l l y A u s t r i a n , the echo of the German. In f a c t , the Reich-German party press was so preponderant i n C i s l e i -t h a n i a that i n the l a t e 1870's the German party organ had a l a r g e r c i r -10 6 c u l a t i o n i n C i s l e i t h a n i a than the C i s l e i t h a n i a n organ. As the s o c i a l i s t movement expanded (and s p l i t ) i n the e a r l y 1880's, the s o c i a l i s t press kept pace. In 1883 Zukunft, the r a d i c a l organ, had 4,800 s u b s c r i b e r s , w h i l e the moderate Wahrheit had only 1,200. The Czech r a d i c a l paper, Delnicke l i s t y (The Worker's Paper), w i t h a press run of 2,500, had a s u b s t a n t i a l l e a d over the moderate Spravedlnost ( J u s t i c e ) . 7 With the v i r t u a l suppression of the party i n 1885, the s o c i a l i s t press c o l l a p s e d , and at the n a d i r there was only one German language 10 8 s o c i a l i s t paper i n the e n t i r e Monarchy s t i l l p u b l i s h i n g . By l a t e 1886, however, the movement had begun to r e v i v e , and s e v e r a l "above f a c t i o n s " papers, i n c l u d i n g V i c t o r Adler's G l e i c h h e i t i n Vienna, were f A A 1 0 9 founded. ^ToOcmimmer. E SlctdjJjctt. 5 o 51 a I = b o m o f r a t i f df o * IP o df e n h I a 11. (Sridieint febtn Samftaa, niorrime. 36ifn. Samffaj, 6m 11. 3>fjem0ct 1X86 x'tdniisifralions-^rfis f tint itrjitfr.-tulcncuiii;): | fflomjfllirii) p. — ' finl'.'jolirtq . . . . . „ [.50' ViiTICljjfuiii . . . . . —.75 ' SRpnnCid' — [ GimrlJif •JJiinimrT:! >'• tr. ! Cffcnr :Hft!iiii'nrioiini tins I'urtufrr:. 21 r b c t t e r ! ;u CfjJtTOM. beionb™ i„ Kim inner o ™ »u*tuibiu»yt{t<inB ™ * « « « »«n>««S»8*» . ""'*<?. teian»B«nfif •« i o i i a l b f i n o r r a t i j f b f l i SI r bei 11r pa r I ri iltbl. ii! btfanmlid) fciiic leidilf autaabe. S t a n man abet-bit Jfotb^rnbiafeil U bomber, <«ev,oij it fit. C r * . . W r *»rf(4»««»»fl . btv Ifibcr « « * io »«>itc». ««»Mrtb«tfn Uaf|e ber ^ « ' « « « « bril -,ur Wriar.uu, fiber ilirf fiftenjtcu ,-,iiifreiirii m birtni. io muil mail l i * ebeit tntl*lit|«!i ben cllflcn i?Uboge..raum, ben unle.e 'I'MDBirbSliiiifie mid nodi Ini'cn. SMI ifir S» u in \tttr bnifbartn Un auiliiinimrn. . , . . , . . . . . . ret Sirbciirridioii o I) 11 c :« fi tf iid> i a u f A ra f i io n o n 111erf rt) i ebe tine nun m 'ffiirn lAon langt nnb icbiocr cniberjrte Wane im Rnmptf fur ibr autco :Ktdn im» tie' von ibr ertonnie iSnbrhrii ;iiiuiiii>rcn. ijl bit ojfene »b|id)t uub btr tmjioe ^mecr bie|eS Untcrncbmcns. . . ^ ''ter VlrbniiTtlnjje ijl bic lueltfieirbiditliiiie fliiifiabr lujii'tnllfii, 'Iniamn btr fomnicnoen WeicUldiairsorbnuna, <u |ein. <JO;U but jit ficti geiftia, unb f o r n e r l i d i .lreifinci ;u niadicn linb :u rrhalirn. £ i e loirb a/iftip, in ben £ i a u b fjeiest, ibre 'P 1*' ju tt)un. menu (if fidi bon btin iPtioujjijtiii iljrcr Vluiqabtf burdjbriiijtii lajjt, luein jie bie otoiioniijdjeu uub politijcbtn iBebingunrten itjrt* e-iffjrt flnr erfennt. Carum tor 9111cm: (ir fen n 11119 ber Solibaritat ber arbeitrrriaftcu aOet Mationen; !li er b re i tu no, unb IBertitiung, be8 flloflenbemufilfeinS, o f j e n e Crganifation a I« po Ii it f die 'l>nrtei; * a m p j; f u r politijdjt ijreibtit, f ii r ba*S>iea)tauf frtic, utibejctiraufte IN c i n u it qotiii ficr n u c\. Urn fid) aber jcqeii bic prjofiidie Trfieiierinina in mclireti, locldje bao berrjajenbe Uiirrtdjajtsfoftrm tiber bie MrbeiterHane oer> t/fintit, hat jie 'Jl v t>< i w r i di uuu f i c fe bntb>(iiie()rn, mib bai ieber cinjelnf «rbeiler b i t "(Jtlidjl, tijrr 'J)iird>fii(iriiiif( tijerjudjiig unb energijd) u^ iiberluadien. r<iejeii btibeu .^ it'lcn loirb utiier Watt bietien! • iirbtr l a j lirimil uiii ntue Heiuciir Boiur, baj bit Mrbeittr Otflerreia)9 in ibrer fjrojen IDebnabl ber Sinjidji jiub, bas eine offtit unb ';ie i b e w u i u c 'Vronnftonba in 'Soil unb' '-Jdirijt, Irof aller Sdjroitriafeittn, bit einjlgt ift, bit grfolg baben fonn, nnb baj; e<s umnoiitid) ijl, jie Q U I bit Sautr $u uitltrbrficffn. Taraub jcbopftn loir bie jiuoerjicbl, ba^ unjere (Mtnoffen ben neuen 3Jlitfireiter fur bic £ad)e ber 'Jlrbtiierflajfe u^flimmenb beiruHen lotrbeu. S i r lonnen b'u'c io)on bcricblcn, bajj eine Jlniabl oon erprobteu (jteiiojjtn beS 3n= unb fluManbee) unfer Unternebmtn bur* ajeitarbeii -,u forbern l^fltjaflt baben ui'b bieitm iiltriortrb^ n an* \«™ *t)t'U btreiw bit Xbal baben fotBen laffrn. @o totrben loir nadj unb uudj in bic vai^ c lomincu, uuieni I'ejern eiu Flared unb ooQjiaibigtb' Jiilb ber iift'ernationafen 'Jlrbriterbtnirgunct bitten :u Fonntu, mcld)co bie r^d[jd|uiir|fti ber 2?0unieoi9blatter nur entftedt Ipitbtrgtben. UBir jirilcn "retilcr unfer Mian au.1) jebem ein;tlntn (5)tnofffii jur iHrrfuguna, btr in unaltidjem ftampfe jtjtn bit jluSbtutuiici be^ Jcapiiales tina.t; loir rotrben btn 3Irbeittru tbtnjo im Vobu^ampft jur «titt jttben, a[i ieben cin^ efntn Jjail son $er(t$uua, unjerer ot)itet)iu ut^urtidicubeu 'Jlrbfiterfcbuugejcpe, btr u^ unjtrtr .<ttnntuib Fommt. burd) c^roffentlidiunfl braiibmarfen. Urn ur.|tve -Jlui^ abe crjuUeti. btbiirjen loir bti •itertrauend aller 'Varteinenoffen. ©le Serbreitunej unjfrtr \^bttn in btr Offfertt= licbfeit faun nur burd) bit Tbtiliiabntt filler, rotlrbe bit tublid)t Stfrtiuun alirr t^nfa)en bom %odte bee Aapitald ert)offtn uub au.-jtrtbeu, mil tfrjola, t\tjd)tben. Ofnofjtn! priift, reaS toir (Sucb oorlrgen! unb Dtnn 3br finbel, boji e« btr jrofjen Sadje nufl, (o oirf( fur bit i'trbrcitunj bitjt9 Oraane^, loeld)c5 bao ^ u r c i jt! ^ t r t t f l f l O P pilolidra-gtroinn abfd|afftn unb babfi bod) ro<ld)ra nafltiftn?", obtr (djlifglid) .gibl tt irgtnb ttroaf, Dal |a aut ifl fat bit pluatpftt tttUamt?'. Xtr.ftb,arffinniDt fdftt befommt t in i^tmplar oon 3R i= f 1 n I iSolfimlrebtn. Sulggbt stffuun, Uaiotrfalbibliotbrf. (Bcattlftnwffra. n i l btta l l . Ouni ». 0. ift fat 9anm-woDlpiDntrtitn nnb fur tioigt aabtte 3nbufrtit)ioeiat bie far ein Jabr nad) Ontraimtim brr ncutn f^ abritegrftQc geroabne flulnabmfgtflallung btr *t a $ l a r b t i l oon tetiblidjtu unb iugenbtd)en ^ ilff arbeitera tnbgittig tttofafen. Xif OnbnJitttDti babtn bit flutbtulung n>tiblid)tc Vrbtilf. (raft bti 91ad|l bat4 BuffttUung utun Wafdjiuen erfegen mUfen. 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'IM\ finer I •.'ftntibiflfii fltbtilft» jtii tiM'.nif aiip tin jpldjtv •= diiirtid)oii|lfi >iii tr. Ufllid) fommtn. lUK-rfiutvMiviv.ti'.c- inn ii'tibr.i, irn'icn utr mrl)t, irritl ft flt'ci hfiilt jdisMi udiff, fai; t;i ("nufititcra'.h tzbti a lit mi't'.UdK!*. .MUtiri'di uu'.utn • A l [ : \ t i ] l A ] : JJ'fbifiPifitii ."a i".'ff!lid!.ii: „ ' T :. * 1 ; 1 : 1 , l ' J u ' ^ r ' ' • fc':<I|!.rt: f-M'i'lvilltliVllH*. „ ; , ; « , . [.:;,,. ..... • ~ * I ( tr f i t;; ;i •if Mir l-t;uit|. ;!';li.v: tiMtr- judi ^ i : : - : . : : f. :•,:•„ I': '.*Iti*"ji!',;][t:,:^ Figure 4. Front page of G l e i c h h e i t , 1886. 131 A f t e r H a i n f e l d the s o c i a l i s t press i n C i s l e i t h a n i a expanded r a p i d l y , and by 1891 f i f t e e n papers (6 German, 5 Czech, 1 I t a l i a n , 2 P o l i s h and 1 Slovene) were recognized as party organs. 1"^ E s p e c i a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t was the development of a s o c i a l i s t press among peoples other than the Germans and Czechs. The Vienna A r b e i t e r - Z e i t u n g , founded as a bi-weekly i n 1889, became the f i r s t s o c i a l i s t d a i l y paper i n C i s l e i t h a n i a on 1 January 1 8 9 5 . A s such, i t became, even more than i t had been p r e v i o u s l y , the l e a d i n g s o c i a l i s t paper i n the Monarchy. At the same time, however, the paper's f i n a n c i a l t r o u b l e s i n d i c a t e d t h a t the move had been some-what premature. Between 1895 and the end of 1899 the paper was e n t i r e l y dependent upon the f i n a n c i a l l a r g e s s e of the Reich-German p a t t y , and 112 the sums re c e i v e d from i t were s u b s t a n t i a l . The e l i m i n a t i o n of the newspaper tax stamp i n 1899 was an important step towards making the l f f. . 113 paper s e l f - f m a n c i n g . In 1892 the A r b e i t e r - Z e i t u n g was j o i n e d by the f i r s t women's 114 s o c i a l i s t paper i n the Monarchy, the A r b e i t e r i n n e n - Z e i t u n g . Recog-n i z e d as a c e n t r a l organ of the party i n 1896, by 1899 the c i r c u l a t i o n of t h i s bi-weekly paper had grown to 4,200."'"''""' By the time of the 1894 C i s l e i t h a n i a n party Congress, the number of s o c i a l i s t newspapers had grown to 24, i n c l u d i n g 14 i n German, 8 i n Czech, 1 i n the "Jewish j a r g o n , " and 1 i n Slovene. The I t a l i a n and P o l i s h papers had apparently disappeared. The Czech and German papers 116 together had a c i r c u l a t i o n of 101,950. 132 Af t e r 1894 the growth of the s o c i a l i s t press accelerated, and even the non-German and non-Czech n a t i o n a l i t i e s began to develop a via b l e s o c i a l i s t press. By 1896 t o t a l c i r c u l a t i o n had expanded to 229,000. 1 1 7 Although t h i s rose to 406,000 by 1899, the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of the n a t i o n a l i t i e s other than Germans and Czechs remained l i m i t e d . German c i r c u l a t i o n had reached a t o t a l of 246,000 and the Czech s o c i a l -i s t s published 144,000 copies, but the other n a t i o n a l i t i e s ' press only 118 c i r c u l a t e d 16,000 copies. This i s a clear i n d i c a t i o n of the over-whelming predominance of the Germans and Czechs i n the C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t movement. Two years a f t e r the Arbeiter-Zeitung became a d a i l y , the f i r s t Czech s o c i a l i s t d a i l y , Pravo Lidu (The People's Right) , was founded i n Prague. By the end of 1898 i t had attained a d a i l y c i r c u l a t i o n 119 of 7,500 copies. In 1901 a second Czech d a i l y , Delnicke l i s t y , 120 began p u b l i c a t i o n i n Vienna. By 1901, i n f a c t , C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l -i s t s had a t o t a l of 8 d a i l y newspapers, including 3 German, 2 Czech, 121 2 I t a l i a n and 1 P o l i s h papers. v) The Arbeiter-Zeitung The Arbeiter-Zeitung, c e n t r a l organ of Cisleithanian. s o c i a l democracy a f t e r 1894, was recognized as one of the better newspapers 122 i n Europe i n the early part of the twentieth century. As the major s o c i a l i s t paper i n the Imperial c a p i t a l , and as c e n t r a l organ;, i t con-cerned i t s e l f mainly with the s o c i a l i s t movement i n the Monarchy. 133 As an a g i t a t i o n a l paper i t published announcements of demonstrations and campaigns, p u b l i c i z e d s t r i k e s and lockouts, and dealt i n d e t a i l with t h e i r r e s u l t s . Announcements of a l l party congresses, as w e l l as of major gatherings at the various l o c a l l e v e l s i n C i s l e i t h a n i a , were published. Detailed reports, often verbatim, were then c i r c u l a t e d describing the r e s u l t s of the meetings. The a c t i v i t i e s of the trade unions were covered i n s i m i l a r d e t a i l . As c e n t r a l organ of the party, the Arbeiter-Zeitung r e f l e c t e d the views of the party executive i n Vienna. From a Marxist vantage point i t discussed the major issues of the day, denouncing i n i q u i t y and propagandizing the s o c i a l i s t view of the world. Like most newspapers of the time, the Arbeiter-Zeitung's pages were f u l l of the texts of speeches, decrees and reports of. a l l -.kinds, in c l u d i n g d e t a i l e d coverage of debates i n parliament, and of the s o c i a l i s t movement i n other lands. Considerable attention was devoted to the s o c i a l i s t movement i n Germany. In the absence of a t h e o r e t i c a l paper of the type of Die Neue Ze i t i n Germany (remedied i n 1907 with the foundation of Der Kampf), the Arbeiter-Zeitung occasionally published a r t i c l e s of a more t h e o r e t i c a l nature, covering such questions as so-c i a l i s t ideology, the agrarian question, and the n a t i o n a l i t y question 123 i n the Monarchy. Well-organized and well-written, the Arbeiter-Zeitung was f u l l of information, and gave an a c c u r a t e — i f sometimes too o p t i m i s t i c — p o r t r a i t of the s o c i a l i s t movement. NOTES - CHAPTER I I I S h o r t l y before Neudbrfl the s o c i a l i s t o r g a n i z a t i o n s a t t a i n e d t h e i r h i g h e s t membership l e v e l i n the years before 1885. In 1873 there were 219 worker's o r g a n i z a t i o n s of a l l kinds i n C i s l e i t h a n i a . Of these, 51 were i n Vienna (of a t o t a l of 142 i n the A l p i n e Lands), 36 i n Bohemia, 21 i n Moravia, and 7 i n S i l e s i a ( f o r a t o t a l of 64 i n the Bohemian Lands). In the r e s t of C i s l e i t h a n i a there were only 7 o r g a n i z a t i o n s , of which 6 were i n C a r n i o l a and 1 i n G a l i c i a . There were j u s t over 83,000 members. Of t h i s t o t a l , however, only about 17,000 belonged to what might be c a l l e d " p a r t y " o r g a n i z a t i o n s . These were the 69 educa-t i o n a l a s s o c i a t i o n s ( i n c l u d i n g 2 women's a s s o c i a t i o n s w i t h 500 members), and the 3 p o l i t i c a l a s s o c i a t i o n s (which had a membership of 135). Another 33,000 belonged to trade unions, and 33,000 were i n " s o c i a l democratic production c o - o p e r a t i v e s " (584 members) and i n benevolent a s s o c i a t i o n s f o r s i c k and d i s a b l e d workers. Deutsch, Gewerkschafts- bewegung, I , p. 120. The f i g u r e s i n c l u d e 18 o r g a n i z a t i o n s w i t h approxi-mately 10,000 members i n T r a n s l e i t h a n i a . 2 Der V o l k s s t a a t , 24 A p r i l 1874. 3 The Congress was permitted to occur because K a l e r - R e i n t h a l , i n h i s quest f o r " l e g a l i t y , " took advantage of A r t i c l e 2 of the assembly laws, which permitted meetings which were r e s t r i c t e d to " i n v i t e d guests." (Cf. B e r n a t z i k , p. 387). Herbert S t e i n e r d e s c r i b e s , however, the humi-l i a t i o n t h i s brought. The b u i l d i n g i n which the Congress was h e l d was ringed by p o l i c e throughout the proceedings. The p a r t i c i p a n t s were not allowed to take any paper other than t h e i r i n v i t a t i o n s i n t o the b u i l d i n g , and a p o l i c e commissioner was on hand to watch over the proceedings. In a d d i t i o n , the delegates a l l had to report to the p o l i c e before the Congress could begin. Cf. S t e i n e r , Arbeiterbewegung, p. 126. The mayor of Wiener Neustadt noted that he approved the Congress because otherwise the s o c i a l i s t s would have h e l d a s e c r e t meeting. I t was b e t t e r , he f e l t , to permit i t to occur under the eyes of the p o l i c e , "so that the a u t h o r i t i e s would be informed of the d e c i s i o n s made there e a r l i e r . " Quoted i n i b i d . 4 x K o r a l k a , "Uber die Anfange der s o z i a l i s t i s c h e n Arbeiterbewegung," pp. 142-3. S t e i n e r , Arbeiterbewegung, p. 146. ^ Quoted i n Mommsen, Sozialdemokratie, p. 144. Although he r e p r i n t e d the e n t i r e programme, B r i i g e l d i d not i n c l u d e t h i s phrase. Cf. B r i i g e l , Geschichte, I I I , pp. 388-90. 134 135 As the A r b e i t e r - Z e i t u n g , successor to the suppressed G l e i c h - h e i t , put i t i n 1891: "The question of party o r g a n i z a t i o n i s an impor-tant but very l i m i t e d p a r t of our p a r t y congresses. Our absurd laws squeeze us between the a s s o c i a t i o n law and the law against conspiracy (Geheimbundparagraphe). We must therefore r e f r a i n [from c r e a t i n g ] any concrete o r g a n i z a t i o n . . . and content ourselves w i t h a loose o r g a n i -z a t i o n . " A r b e i t e r - Z e i t u n g , 3 J u l y 1891. g Mommsen, Sozialdemokratie, p. 150. There was as yet no neces-s i t y f o r any c l a r i f i c a t i o n of r e l a t i o n s w i t h any of the other n a t i o n a l i -t i e s , although 1 P o l e , 1 Slovene and 1 I t a l i a n were present at H a i n f e l d . Though contact w i t h P o l i s h s o c i a l i s t s i n G a l i c i a had begun as e a r l y as 1887, there was no P o l i s h s o c i a l i s t o r g a n i z a t i o n of any s i g n i f i c a n c e there u n t i l a f t e r 1890. Cf. S t e i n e r , Arbeiterbewegung, p. 274; Polach, "The Beginnings of Trade Unionism," p. 249. Slovenes, d i s t r i b u t e d among s i x Crown Lands, tended to a f f i l i a t e w i t h the l o c a l German and I t a l i a n o r g a n i z a t i o n s . The I t a l i a n s were d i v i d e d i n t o two geographi-c a l l y separated regions. There was almost no s o c i a l i s t a c t i v i t y i n the I t a l i a n T i r o l . In T r i e s t e s o c i a l i s t s had been a c t i v e at l e a s t s i n c e the 1860's, but no r e a l contact had developed w i t h those i n the n o r t h . There was no a c t i v i t y among the Ruthenes or i n the Bukovina or Dalmatia. 9 P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1891, p. 145. The f a c t t h a t the German c e n t r a l organ was l o c a t e d i n Vienna i n d i c a t e d the s h i f t of the German centre away from Brunn. Rovnost was i n Brunn, however. 1 1 P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1891, p. 144. 12 I b i d . The growth of the s o c i a l i s t movement s i n c e 1888 was pointed out at the Congress. Whereas i n 1888 there had been 104 o r -g a n i z a t i o n s (of a l l kinds) w i t h 15,498 members, by 1891 t h i s had i n -creased to 219, w i t h 47,160 members—an incomplete f i g u r e . I b i d . , p. 22. The s o c i a l i s t s had thus not yet a t t a i n e d the 1873 l e v e l , though* i n i t s p u b l i c aspect the movement c e r t a i n l y appeared stronger than the f i g u r e s i n d i c a t e . Cf. above, Chapter I I I , note 1. 13 For a d i s c u s s i o n of the growth of l i b e r a l o p p o s i t i o n to the laws see Jenks, A u s t r i a under the Iron Ring, pp. 161-77; Kolmer, Par- lament und Verfassung i n O e s t e r r e i c h , V, pp. 232-3; and A r b e i t e r - Z e i t u n g ; 12 June 1891. 14 P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1892, p. 131. The term Gesam(m)tpartei was used to describe the C i s l e i t h a n i a n p a r t y . 15 I b i d . , pp. 130-1 (Adler's speech). See a l s o Chapter I , s e c t i o n i i . 16 I b i d . , p. 140. Whereas the German party r e f e r r e d to "men" of confidence, C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t s p r e f e r r e d a n e u t r a l term, and 136 s p e c i f i c a l l y i n c l u d e d a reference to women. I b i d . The German party adopted i t s o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s t a t u t e s at i t s 1890 Congress. Cf. P r o t o k o l l ( H a l l e ) , 1890, pp. 4-8. Not u n t i l 1900 d i d the Germans introduce the term "persons." P r o t o k o l l (Mainz), 1900, p. 6. 1 7 P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1892, pp. 141-2. A Land conference would be c a l l e d i f o n e - t h i r d of the d i s t r i c t s gave cause. I b i d . 1 9 I b i d . , p. 142. 20 One group at the Congress argued i n favour of a loose f e d e r a l -i s t i c o r g a n i z a t i o n . T h i s , they f e l t , would avoid the problem of d i c t a t o r -ship i n the par t y . This r a d i c a l m i n o r i t y had been upset by the previous c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of power i n the press. I b i d . , p. 130. 2 1 I b i d . , p. 119. 2 2 I b i d . , pp. 144-5, 147. 23 Since German workers had had the vote ( i n I m p e r i a l e l e c t i o n s ) s i n c e 1867 i t was n a t u r a l that the s o c i a l i s t s should decide to d i v i d e the country i n t o e l e c t o r a l d i s t r i c t s f o r purposes of o r g a n i z a t i o n . 24 P r o t o k o l l (Mainz), 1900, p. 137. 25 P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1892, pp. 145, 147. The candidates were then approved by the Congress. The C o n t r o l Commission was to be chosen by the Land o r g a n i z a t i o n i n the Crown Land i n which i t was l o c a t e d . 2 6 I b i d . , p. 135. This statement was d e l i v e r e d by Ignaz Daszyn-s k i i n the form of a r e s o l u t i o n of the P o l i s h delegates to the Congress. 27 28 29 I b i d . , pp. 135, 142. Mommsen, Sozialdemokratie, p. 195. In a l e t t e r to Engels i n June 1891 A d l e r had w r i t t e n that he thought that n a t i o n a l d i f f e r e n c e s i n the s o c i a l i s t movement were " l u c k i l y . . . completely overcome." A d l e r to Engels, 22 June 1891, A d l e r , A u f s a t z e , I , p. 25. Perhaps Adler s t i l l h e l d t h i s view i n 1892, although there i s no evidence to confirm or deny t h i s . 30 Mommsen, Sozialdemokratie, p. 195. 3 1 P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1892, p. 98. 32 Mommsen, Sozialdemokratie, p. 195. Mommsen says that when the e d i t o r s of the A r b e i t e r - Z e i t u n g i n v i t e d the Czechs to the e x t r a -ordinary 1892 Congress they refused the i n v i t a t i o n , p o i n t i n g out that 137 according to the d e c i s i o n of the 1891 Congress the next Congress was not scheduled to occur u n t i l 1893. I b i d . , pp. 190-1. 3 3 I b i d . , p. 190. 3 4 P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1891, pp. 33-51, 161-9. 35 Mommsen, Sozialdemokratie, pp. 189-90. 36 Quoted i n i b i d . The statement i s reminiscent of both the Brevnov (1878) and Briinn (1887) Congresses of the Czech p a r t y . The Congress was h e l d i n Prague. 37 I t should be noted that there were four separate centres f o r Czech s o c i a l democracy. Briinn Czechs tended to be cl o s e to German s o c i a l i s t s i n Vienna. Czech s o c i a l i s t s i n Prague and Vienna were more independent and more n a t i o n a l l y - c o n s c i o u s . Those i n North Bohemia were probably the most i n t e r n a t i o n a l l y - m i n d e d of a l l , and the b i - n a t i o n a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s i n the region remained i n exis t e n c e considerably longer than elsewhere. The f a c t that Czechs were i n the m i n o r i t y i n the area was c e r t a i n l y a f a c t o r . 38 Mommsen, Sozialdemokratie, p. 194. 39 I b i d . , p. 195 40 The o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s t a t u t e s of the C i s l e i t h a n i a n party were s l i g h t l y modified. In p l a c e of Land o r g a n i z a t i o n s — a n obvious impos-s i b i l i t y i n the Bohemian Lands—were r e g i o n a l , or K r e i s , o r g a n i z a t i o n s . As w e l l , r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of the d i s t r i c t o r g a n i z a t i o n s and the trade unions were to be i n c l u d e d i n the Czech executive. A r b e i t e r - Z e i t u n g , 2 January 1894. (The P o l i s h o r g a n i z a t i o n adopted the new s t a t u t e s i n A p r i l 1893, p o i n t i n g out, however, that they would have to be adapted to the l o c a l and n a t i o n a l s i t u a t i o n the Poles faced. A r b e i t e r - Z e i t u n g , 14 A p r i l 1893.) At the time of the Congress the Czechs had already organized 11 K r e i s o r g a n i z a t i o n s , i n c l u d i n g 7 i n Bohemia, 3 i n Moravia and 1 i n Lower A u s t r i a . I n t e r e s t i n g l y , there was no K r e i s o r g a n i z a t i o n i n S i l e s i a . Cf. Josef Hybes, " B e r i c h t der tschechoslawischen S o z i a l -demokratie auf den I n t e r n a t i o n a l e n A r b e i t e r - und Gewerkschaftskongress, London 1896," r e p r i n t e d i n Zdenek S o l l e , "Die tschechische S o z i a l -demokratie zwischenr.: Nationalismus und I n t e r n a t i o n a l i s m u s , " ASg?, IX (1969), p. 248. 41 This represented a break w i t h the l i b e r a l s and n a t i o n a l i s t s who had gained so much i n f l u e n c e i n the Prague movement during the c o n f l i c t . 42 A r b e i t e r - Z e i t u n g , 2 January 1894. 138 43 I b i d . , 2 January, 5 January 1894. S i g n i f i c a n t l y , to the outside world ( f o r example, at congresses of the I n t e r n a t i o n a l ) the Czech party would be independent. I b i d . , 2 January 1894. 44 There were 133 delegates at the Congress, i n c l u d i n g 102 Germans, 24 Czechs, 4 I t a l i a n s , 4 Poles and 2 Slovenes. P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1894, p. 49. More than 76 per cent of the delegates were thus Germans, more than double t h e i r percentage of the popul a t i o n as a whole. 45 I b i d . , p. 3. 46 I b i d . , p. 117. This r a t i o n a l i z e d the 1892 d e c i s i o n that d i s t r i c t o r g a n i z a t i o n s could extend over Crown Land f r o n t i e r s by als o making i t p o s s i b l e f o r the next highest o r g a n i z a t i o n a l l e v e l to do so as w e l l . In Bohemia, i t was noted, at l e a s t one d i s t r i c t (North Bohe-mia-Aussig) s t i l l had a b i - n a t i o n a l o r g a n i z a t i o n . I b i d . , p. 15. 47 48 49 50 51 I b i d . , p. 30. I b i d . , p. 111. Mommsen, Sozialdemokratie, p. 198. I b i d . See a l s o P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1894, p. 111. A r b e i t e r - Z e i t u n g , 20 March 1894. Before the e l e c t i o n occurred, the c e n t r a l executive of the C i s l e i t h a n i a n party was r e -defined. I t was to be expanded to 16 members, 8 of whom would form a committee which would carry out the d a i l y business of the par t y . The other e i g h t would be the C o n t r o l Commission. The pr o v i s o was added that the Congress would s e l e c t the seat of the executive. A l l members of the committee and two members of the C o n t r o l Commission had to r e s i d e there. Vienna was chosen as the seat. P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1894, p. -118. 52 I b i d . , p. 131. In s p i t e of t h i s d e c l a r a t i o n , Hybes and August Radimsky, two of Adler's strongest supporters, broke ranks and voted f o r the new executive. I b i d . 54 Mommsen, Sozialdemokratie, p. 199. I n d i c a t i v e of the weakness of the P o l i s h o r g a n i z a t i o n was the i n a b i l i t y to c o n t r i b u t e funds to the c e n t r a l executive. C o n t r i b u t i o n s i n 1894 were as f o l l o w s : North Bohe-mia 53.52 f l o r i n s , C a r n i o l a 7.00 f l o r i n s , Lower A u s t r i a 3,059.00, S i l e s i a 55.29, and S t y r i a 110.00 f l o r i n s . P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1894, pp. 38-9. Jealousy of the c e n t r a l l e a d e r s h i p was .mother f a c t o r l i m i -t i n g donations. Czech s o c i a l i s t s expressed t h e i r views, by g i v i n g nothing. 139 Mommsen, p. 200. He was a l s o e d i t o r of the Czech party's organ, the S o c i a l n i Demokrat. P r o t o k o l l (Prague), 1896, p. 103. Mommsen says that i f the Czech o f f e r were not accepted, they proposed to break a l l contact w i t h Vienna. Mommsen, p. 201. ^ This was made c l e a r attfche Czech party's Briinn Congress, h e l d a month a f t e r the C i s l e i t h a n i a n Congress. There the Czechs d i r e c t l y suggested that the Germans should f o l l o w the Czech and P o l i s h example, and h o l d t h e i r own party congresses. In t h i s way the C i s l e i t h a n i a n party congress could be reconstructed to deal only w i t h i s s u e s which concerned a l l o r g a n i z a t i o n s . A r b e i t e r - Z e i t u n g , 29 May 1896. By h o l d i n g party congresses separate from those of the Gesamtpartei, of course, German s o c i a l i s t s would i n e f f e c t found t h e i r own par t y . CO P r o t o k o l l (Prague), 1896, pp. 120, 167. 59 Nemec grounded h i s demand f o r a new executive s t r u c t u r e by arguing that as the party was now going to be more f i n a n c i a l l y dependent upon the r a p i d l y expanding trade u n i o n s — w h i c h were c e n t r a l l y o r g a n i z e d — the Czechs needed more power at the centre, and i n p a r t i c u l a r , members of the c e n t r a l l e a d e r s h i p who would have f u l l power. I b i d . , p. 103; A r b e i t e r - Z e i t u n g , 9 A p r i l 1896. 6 0 P r o t o k o l l (Prague), 1896, p. 129. ^ I b i d . , p. 167. The Slovene delegate, Josef Z a v e r t n i k , a l s o refused to take p a r t i n the e l e c t i o n s . Observing that no Slovene had been suggested as a candidate f o r the ex e c u t i v e , he announced that Slovene s o c i a l i s t s would leave the Congress and organize independently. The n a t i o n a l s e n s i t i v i t y of many of the non-German groups was t y p i f i e d by h i s statement that "we have o f f e r e d you our hand, and you have knocked i t away." I b i d . A d l e r immediately stood up to announce that a mistake had been made i n not proposing a Slovene, and Zavertnik's name was entered, whether he wanted i t or not. I b i d . The Slovenes r e j e c t e d t h i s , and remained separate t i l l 1897. 62 63 p. 197. 64 65 66 I b i d . , 27 May 1896. According to Josef Hybes, by the.time of the Briinn Congress the Czech K r e i s o r g a n i z a t i o n s had grown from 11 to 13, b r i n g i n g i n another i n Moravia, and f i n a l l y adding one i n S i l e s i a . Cf. Hybes, " B e r i c h t , " p. 249. For the stand i n 1893 see Mommsen, Sozialdemokratie, p. 247. A r b e i t e r - Z e i t u n g , 11 A p r i l 1896; P r o t o k o l l (Prague), 1896, A r b e i t e r - Z e i t u n g , 12 A p r i l 1896. I b i d . , 29 May 1896. 140 above, Chapter I I I , note 40. Mommsen says there were 14 In 1896; the e x t r a one was i n Upper A u s t r i a . Mommsen, Sozialdemokratie, p. 200. Mommsen's d i s c u s s i o n of the Czech and C i s l e i t h a n i a n congresses of 1896 i s garbled. He has dated the C i s l e i t h a n i a n Congress to August 1896 and not A p r i l , and thus mixed up the .order i n which the Congresses occurred. I b i d . , pp. 200-1. ft 7 A r b e i t e r - Z e i t u n g , 29 May 1896. 6 8 Mommsen, Sozialdemokratie, p. 204. See als o Adler's speech at the 189 7 Congress, P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1897, p. 114. 69 70 71 72 Mommsen, p. 204. P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 189 7, p. 164. I b i d . , p. 169. I b i d . , p. 164. A d l e r announced to the Congress that "accor-ding to the d e c i s i o n of the great m a j o r i t y of the German d e l e g a t i o n , i t can now give up i t s r o l e as the 'mother' of the movement. Therefore i t i s necessary f o r the Germans to declare themselves as a German o r-g a n i z a t i o n . " I b i d . This was, of course, what the Czechs had been aiming at f o r years. 73 I b i d . , p. 165. To maintain the i d e a l of i n t e r n a t i o n a l brother-hood i t was agreed that members of the Gesamtpartei executive could s i t i n on any meeting of the German executive. I b i d . , pp. 166, 1699 t 74 I b i d . , p. 7. The executive committees of the n a t i o n a l p a r t i e s a l s o were delegates. The n a t i o n a l groups w i t h i n the i n d u s t r i a l unions a l s o could send delegates. See below, Chapter IV. I b i d . 7 6 I b i d . , p. 210. 7 7 Mommsen, Sozialdemokratie, p. 245. 78 Polach, "The Beginnings of Trade Unionism," p. 252. 79 At the 1897 Congress the Ruthene R a d i c a l party was represented, and t h e i r one member of parliament, Dr. J a r o s i e w i c z , asked to be admitted to the s o c i a l i s t group i n parliament; t h i s was refused. P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 189 7, p. 71. 80 Polach, p. 252. 81 P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1897, p. 32. The Slovene party attempted to speak f o r j a i l South S l a v s . 141 8 2 Mommsen, p. 262. See a l s o P r o t o k o l l (Briinn), 1899, pp. 28, 31. A more d e t a i l e d d i s c u s s i o n of each of the n a t i o n a l p a r t i e s can be found i n Appendix V I I . Ruthene 1899, p. 140-3. 83 There were 64 German, 38 Czech, 10 P o l i s h , 2 Slovene, 1 and 1 I t a l i a n delegates at the Congress. P r o t o k o l l (Briinn), . 62. Of these 3 Germans and 2 Czechs were women. I b i d . , pp. 84 85 I b i d . , p. i x , 63. I b i d . VXXl. This was not the concession the women were seeking, but r a t h e r a compromise suggested by Josef Hannich. The women's o r g a n i z a t i o n had sought one delegate f o r each e l e c t o r a l d i s t r i c t . I b i d . , pp. 73, 64. The Frauen-Reichs-Comite had been formed at the f i r s t so-c i a l i s t women's conference, h e l d i n 1898. I b i d . , p. 10. 86 Donations from i n d i v i d u a l members were of t e n i r r e g u l a r . The press g e n e r a l l y l o s t money t i l l 1900. For an example of the e r r a t i c nature of donations from Land o r g a n i z a t i o n s see above, Chapter I I I , note 54. On the trade union movement, see below, Chapter IV. 87 The f i n a n c i a l statement presented to the Congress noted the f o l l o w i n g c o n t r i b u t i o n s and disbursements: Income Disbursements Source Amount ( i n f l o r i n s ) R e c i p i e n t Amount German executive 920.00 C i s l e i t h a n i a n executive 473.53 Czech 440.00 German 992.04 P o l i s h 40.00 Czech 1334.77 I t a l i a n 30.00 P o l i s h 1220.00 Slovene n i l Ruthene 370.00 A r b e i t e r - Z e i t u n g 4154.32 I t a l i a n 1025.16 Delnicke l i s t y 22.42 Slovene 200.00 Other 400.00 Foreign p a r t i e s 496.00 The report ran to 30 A p r i l 1899. The income was the a c t u a l income from the e x e c u t i v e s , and not the s p e c i f i e d sums. I t was noted s p e c i -f i c a l l y t hat a l a r g e p a r t of the money c o l l e c t e d by the A r b e i t e r - Zeitung came from Czech s o c i a l i s t s . The expenditures i n d i c a t e that the C i s l e i t h a n i a n executive was determined not to favour the German par t y . P r o t o k o l l (Briinn), 1899, p.'4. 88 The German party introduced party dues of 2 H e l l e r per month at i t s f i r s t Congress i n 1898. Cf. P r o t o k o l l (Graz), 1900, pp. 11, 13. 89 In the e l e c t i o n s of 189 7 the s o c i a l i s t s had won 14 of the 72 seats i n the f i f t h c u r i a . These i n c l u d e d 7 from Bohemia (5 Germans and 2 Czechs), 3 i n Moravia (2 Germans and 1 Czech), 1 Czech from S i l e s i a , 1 German from S t y r i a , and 2 Poles from G a l i c i a . Cf. Jacques Hannak, Im Sturm eines Jahrhunderts (Vienna, 1952), p. 111. In a l l 8 142 Germans, 4 Czechs and 2 Poles won e l e c t i o n . S u r p r i s i n g l y , the s o c i a l i s t s f a i l e d to win any of the 5 f i f t h c u r i a l seats i n Vienna. These a l l went to C h r i s t i a n S o c i a l s . In the 1901 e l e c t i o n s the s o c i a l i s t s d i d p o o r l y . In Bohemia they r e t a i n e d only Josef Hannich's seat i n Reichenberg. This was made up f o r i n par t by the winning of 2 seats i n Lower A u s t r i a and 2 i n Vienna ( a l l German). A German seat was picked up i n S i l e s i a , and one was l o s t i n Moravia. The Poles h e l d on to only 1 seat i n G a l i c i a , and the German seat i n Graz was l o s t . This made a t o t a l of 7 Germans, 2 Czechs and 1 Pole i n the s o c i a l i s t d e l e g a t i o n to p a r l i a n e n t . B r i i g e l , Geschichte, IV, p. 342. The defeat was one of the reasons f o r the modi-f i c a t i o n of the programme i n 1901. For the sake of c o n t r a s t , i n the f i r s t e l e c t i o n under u n i v e r s a l s u f f r a g e i n 1907, the s o c i a l i s t s won 87 s e a t s , and emerged as the second strongest party i n parliament. F i f t y Germans, 24 Czechs, 6 P o l e s , 5 I t a l i a n s , and 2 Ruthenes were e l e c t e d . In 1911 the s o c i a l i s t s won only 82 s e a t s , of which 44 were German, 26 Czech, 8 P o l i s h , 3 I t a l i a n and 1 Ruthene. Cf. W i l l i a m A. Jenks, The A u s t r i a n E l e c t o r a l Reform of 1907 (New York, 1950), p. 215. 90 I n d i c a t i v e of the growth of the various n a t i o n a l p a r t i e s was t h e i r r e p r e s e n t a t i o n at the 1901 Congress. There were 79 Germans, 37 Czechs, 15 P o l e s , 5 Ruthenes, 5 Slovenes, and 3 I t a l i a n s . Among these were 8 women (7 Germans and 1 Slovene). P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1901, pp. 201-3. By 1905, the Germans were i n the m i n o r i t y f o r the f i r s t time at a Gesamtpartei congress. At the l a s t Congress of C i s -l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l democracy there were 94 Germans, 65 Czechs, 24 P o l e s , 9 Slovenes, 4 Ruthenes and 2 I t a l i a n s . Among these were 16 women, i n c l u d i n g 11 Germans, 2 Czechs, 2 Poles and 1 Slovene. P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1905, pp. 142-5. For comparative f i g u r e s from 1894 and 1899 see above, Chapter I I I , notes 44 and 83. 91 Cf. Rosa Luxemburg, "Neue Stromungen i n der poln i s c h e n s o z i a l i s t i s c h e n Bewegung i n Deutschland und O e s t e r r e i c h , " NZ_, XIV:2 (1895-1896), p. 177. 92 Cf. A r b e i t e r - Z e i t u n g , 1 October 1901. The paper's report on the German party's 1901 Congress betrayed a c e r t a i n amount of s e l f -s a t i s f a c t i o n at the co n t r a s t between the German and C i s l e i t h a n i a n p a r t i e s . 9 3 P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1901, p. 110. 94 Quoted i n Josef S t a l i n , "Marxism and the N a t i o n a l Question" (1913), J . V. S t a l i n , Works, I I (Moscow, 1953), p. 357. S t a l i n argued that Jewish s o c i a l i s t s had borrowed t h e i r theory from the Briinn n a t i o n a l i t i e s ' programme to j u s t i f y t h e i r separate o r g a n i z a t i o n . I b i d . , p. 347. I n t e r e s t i n g l y , S t a l i n m i s i n t e r p r e t e d the Briinn pro-gramme. He thought that the South Slav proposal of " c u l t u r a l - n a t i o n a l 143 autonomy" had been adopted. I b i d . , p. 326. Lenin d i d not make t h i s mistake. Cf. V. I . L e n i n , "A C o n t r i -b u t i o n to the H i s t o r y of the N a t i o n a l Programme i n A u s t r i a and i n Russia" (1914), V. I . L e n i n , C o l l e c t e d Works, XX (Moscow, 1963), pp. 99-101. 95 See f o r example, Lenin's " S e p a r a t i s t s i n Russia and Separa-t i s t s i n A u s t r i a " (1913), Lenin C o l l e c t e d Works, XIX (Moscow, 1963), pp. 87-8. 96 I t might be noted that the f e d e r a l i z a t i o n of the party and the r e s u l t a n t d e c l i n e i n the i n f l u e n c e of the German element i n the movement i n a sense p a r a l l e l s the d e c l i n e of German i n f l u e n c e i n the Monarchy i n the second h a l f of the nineteenth century, as economic development a c c e l e r a t e d . The growth of non-German power centres i n the s o c i a l i s t movement thus p a r a l l e l s the r i s e of the Czech b o u r g e o i s i e i n i n d u s t r y and business i n Inner Bohemia, as w e l l as the C z e c h i z a t i o n of formerly German c i t i e s l i k e Prague and Briinn. 97 * Miersch, A r b e i t e r p r e s s e , pp. 1 3 f f , 2 2 f f , J a r o s l a v Purs, "The Working Class Movement i n the Czech Lands i n the Expansive Phase of the I n d u s t r i a l R e v o l u t i o n ! , " H i s t o r i c a , X (1965), pp. 121ff. 98 Purs, p. 133; S t e i n e r , Arbeiterbewegung, p. 16. 99 The newspaper tax was f i n a l l y l e g i s l a t e d out of e x i s t e n c e i n 1899, helped by an extended p e r i o d of s o c i a l i s t a g i t a t i o n . P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1901, p. 72. Each time a paper pu b l i s h e d an i s s u e i t had to be submitted to the a u t h o r i t i e s . I f an a r t i c l e or p a r t of one was " c o n f i s c a t e d , " a new copy had to be made up and re-submitted. This o f t e n occurred three times f o r one i s s u e ! An example of the s e v e r i t y of t h i s was given at the 1901 Congress. The P o l i s h s o c i a l i s t d a i l y Naprzod (Forward), i n 19 months of e x i s t e n c e , had experienced 125 " c o n f i s c a t i o n s . " I b i d . , pp. 44, 76. By t h a t date t h i s was e x c e p t i o n a l treatment. Cf. Josef Hannich, Erinnerungen (Warnsdorf, n.d.), p. 78, f o r a d e s c r i p t i o n of the e f f e c t i v e n e s s of t h i s form of p e r s e c u t i o n on the Reichenberg A r b e i t e r f r e u n d . 102 Miersch, A r b e i t e r p r e s s e , p. 107. The c i r c u l a t i o n of the S o z i a l p o l i t i s c h e Rundschau, pu b l i s h e d f o r s e v e r a l years a f t e r 1877 i n l i e u of membership dues, rose from 2,800 i n 1878 (of which only 480 were i n Vienna) to 5,000 i n 1879. I b i d . , p. 115; Kautsky, Erinnerungen, p. 352. 103 Miersch, A r b e i t e r p r e s s e , p. 107. 144 104 Kautsky, "Die Arbeiterbewegung i n O e s t e r r e i c h , " NZ, V I I I (1890), p. 53; Kautsky, Erinnerungen, pp. 352-3; Ludwig B r e t s c h n e i d e r , "Vor H a i n f e l d , " Der Kampf, I (1907-8), p. 211. Kautsky, "Die Arbeiterbewegung," p. 53. 106 Mommsen, Sozialdemokratie, p. 62. Mommsen r e f e r s to the German party organ as Der V o l k s s t a a t (which ceased p u b l i c a t i o n i n 1876), but from the context i t i s assumed that he'»means Vorwarts. ^ 7 S t e i n e r , Arbeiterbewegung, p. 209. 10 8 Hannich, Erinnerungen, p. 94. This was the Briinn V o l k s - freund. The paper l a s t e d i n f a c t , t i l l 1938. The Czechs a l s o l o s t most of t h e i r press. 109 By mid-1887 G l e i c h h e i t had a c i r c u l a t i o n of 3,600. Miersch, A r b e i t e r p r e s s e , p. 177. This rose to 5,000 i n 1888. B r i i g e l , Geschichte, I I I , p. 398. Briinn's s i g n i f i c a n c e i n the C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t movement i n t h i s p e r i o d i s i n d i c a t e d by the order i n which the "above f a c t i o n s " newspapers were founded. F i r s t was Rovnost ( E q u a l i t y ) , begun i n Briinn i n 1885 f o l l o w i n g the reunion of Czech r a d i c a l s and moderates there. In October 1886 the f i r s t German "above f a c t i o n s " paper, the A r b e i t e r -stimme, was founded, a l s o i n Briinn. M iersch, p. 171. Not u n t i l 11 December 1886 was Adler's G l e i c h h e i t founded i n Vienna. As Adler's p r e s t i g e rose, the centre of the movement, f o r the Germans at l e a s t , began to s h i f t to Vienna. The con t i n u i n g importance of Briinn i n the Czech movement has already been noted. During the n e g o t i a t i o n s l e a d i n g to the H a i n f e l d Unity Congress, i t became evident that Briinn Germans a l s o had a c l a i m to predominance i n the German s o c i a l i s t movement. P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1891, p. v i i i . In a d d i t i o n there were 13 German and 6 Czech trade union papers. This was a r i s e from three German and 1 Czech i n 1888. I b i d . The " p o l i t i c a l " press had grown from a c i r c u l a t i o n of 15,400 t o one of 55,750 i n those years. I f the trade union press were i n c l u d e d the gain wasifrom 21,500 to 127,850. I b i d . , pp. 23-4. In 1888 there were 13 s o c i a l i s t papers (7 German, 4 Czech and 1 P o l i s h ) , one of which was pub l i s h e d i n Hungary. P r o t o - k o l l ( H a i n f e l d ) , 1888/9, p. 112. The A r b e i t e r - Z e i t u n g replaced the suppressed G l e i c h h e i t . A r b e i t e r - Z e i t u n g , 27 October 1893. By 1892 the new paper had a c i r c u -l a t i o n of 12,000 (of which 4,000 were i n the p r o v i n c e s ) . P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1892, p. 151. In 1894 i t became the o f f i c i a l organ of the s o c i a l i s t movement i n C i s l e i t h a n i a . P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1894, p. 176. By the end of i t s f i r s t month as a d a i l y , the paper had 15,000 sub-s c r i b e r s , w i t h 22,000 f o r the Sunday e d i t i o n . J u l i u s B r a u n t h a l , V i c t o r und F r i e d r i c h A d l e r , p. 95. By 1897 i t had grown to 27,000, and i n 1904 i t had 28,000 s u b s c r i b e r s . I b i d . , p. 98. 145 112 The major source of money f o r the s o c i a l i s t press a f t e r 1886 had been the fortune A d l e r i n h e r i t e d from h i s f a t h e r . By 1891, however, that fortune had been exhausted. Braunthai, pp. 53, 91. Even before the A r b e i t e r - Z e i t u n g became a d a i l y , i t had l o s t l a r g e sums of money. In the f i r s t few months of i t s appearance as a d a i l y the f i n a n c i a l s i t u a t i o n was d i s a s t r o u s . In a l e t t e r to A d l e r of 10 March 1895 August Bebel pointed out that the SPD had already given the A r b e i t e r - Z e i t u n g 30,000 marks! On 18 September another 10,000 marks was announced. Cf. Bebel to A d l e r , 10 March 1895, 18 September 1895, A d l e r , B r i e f w e c h s e l , pp. 172, 186-7. These were l a r g e sums of money, even f o r the powerful German pa r t y . In November 1896 Bebel again wrote to A d l e r , t h i s time i n d i -c a t i n g that a f u r t h e r 20,000 marks was to be sent. I b i d . , 18 November 1896, pp. 222-3. Even t h i s sum had been dwarved by the 70,000 marks Adler's b r o t h e r - i n - l a w H e i n r i c h Braun had sent A d l e r e a r l i e r ! Braun-t h a l , pp. 96-8. By 1899 the A r b e i t e r - Z e i t u n g was l o s i n g 15,000 to 18,000 F l o r i n s per year. A d l e r to Bebel, 30 November 1899, A d l e r , B r i e f w e c h s e l , p. 334. 113 A d l e r wrote to Bebel that the paper would now make 15,000 to 18,000 F l o r i n s per year. A d l e r to Bebel, 30 November 1899, A d l e r , B r i e f w e c h s e l , p. 334. The s o c i a l i s t s claimed r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the l e g i s l a t i o n ' s quick passage through parliament. P r o t o k o l l (Graz), 1900, p. 15. The e f f e c t of the removal of the tax of 1 Kreuzer per copy was dramatic. On 1 January the p r i c e of the paper was cut. In a d d i t i o n , i t was expanded i n s i z e and content, to ten pages. A r b e i t e r - Z e i t u n g , 29 December 1899. The r e d u c t i o n i n p r i c e was more than f i f t e e n per cent. 114 Cf. A r b e i t e r - Z e i t u n g , 2 October, 18 December 1891. The 1892 party Congress decided to p u b l i s h i t independently of the A r b e i t e r - Zeitung. P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1892, pp. 150, 160. 1 1 5 P r o t o k o l l (Prague), 1896, p. 180; P r o t o k o l l (Briinn), 1899, p. 129. 116 P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1894, p. 147. The s o c i a l i s t s refused to recognize the Jews as a n a t i o n a l i t y , and r e j e c t e d Y i d d i s h as a language. In a d d i t i o n there were 18 German trade union papers, w i t h a c i r c u l a t i o n of 58,250, and 11 Czech w i t h 21,700 c i r c u l a t i o n . There were a l s o 4 other Czech papers ( i n c l u d i n g one women's paper) w i t h a press run of 17,900. I b i d . Of the 18 German trade union papers 15 were pu b l i s h e d i n Vienna. 1 1 7 P r o t o k o l l (Prague), 1896, p. 37. This i n c l u d e d 95,800 f o r the p o l i t i c a l p r e s s , and 111,700 f o r the trade union papers. In 1894 t o t a l c i r c u l a t i o n had been 179,000. The number of papers had grown from 55 to 65. 146 118 P r o t o k o l l (Briinn), 1899, p. 41. 119 •» S o l l e , "Die tschechische Sozialdemokratie," p. 197; Pr o t o - k o l l (Briinn), 1899, p. 5. 120 ^ S o l l e , p. 198. The foundation of a Czech d a i l y i n Vienna was not seen very p o s i t i v e l y by German s o c i a l i s t s . When the Czechs asked the SPD f o r money to finance t h e i r paper, A d l e r responded to Bebel's query by s t a t i n g that he would not support or r e j e c t the Czech "Pumpbrief." A d l e r to Bebel, :.19 November 1901, A d l e r , B r i e f w e c h s e l , p. 379. When P o l i s h s o c i a l i s t s asked the SPD f o r 5,000 marks to enable them to transform Naprzod i n t o a d a i l y , A d l e r responded to Bebel's request f o r f u r t h e r i n f o r m a t i o n by n o t i n g that he "warmly supported" the P o l i s h p r oposal. A d l e r to Bebel, 30 November 1899, i b i d . , p. 333. 121 P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1901, p. 14. The Germans had two d a i l i e s i n Vienna and one i n Graz. The o p t i m i s t i c I t a l i a n s had one i n the T i r o l and one i n T r i e s t e . The P o l i s h d a i l y was published i n Cracow. In a d d i t i o n , the s o c i a l i s t s p u b l i s h e d the f o l l o w i n g l e s s r e g u l a r papers i n 1901: three times a week twice a week once a week twice a month once a month This made a t o t a l of 3 German, 19 German, 1 German, 2 1 5 3 1 Czech Czech, Czech, Czech, Czech I t a l i a n I t a l i a n , P o l i s h , Slovene Ruthene 26 German, 14 Czech, 4 I t a l i a n , 2 P o l i s h , 1 Slovene and 1 Ruthene p o l i t i c a l papers. There were a l s o 26 German, 20 Czech, 3 P o l i s h and 1 I t a l i a n trade union papers, 1 German paper f o r the insurance groups, and 2 German and 1 Czech s a t i r i c a l papers. There were thus a t o t a l of 48 p o l i t i c a l , 50 trade union and 4 others. I b i d . , p. 14. The s o c i a l i s t s were too o p t i m i s t i c i n t h e i r e s t a b l i s h -ment of d a i l y papers. By 1905 t h e i r number had d e c l i n e d to 5 (2 German, 2 Czech and 1 P o l i s h ) . B r i i g e l , Geschichte, IV, p. 386. 122 One of the harshest c r i t i c s of the Habsburg Monarchy, Henry Wickam Steed, wrote of the A r b e i t e r - Z e i t u n g : "While maintaining on party questions the somewhat narrow standpoint of M a r x i s t orthodoxy, the A r b e i t e r - Z e i t u n g f r e q u e n t l y t r e a t s the l a r g e r p o l i t i c a l , s o c i a l , and even d i p l o m a t i c i s s u e s w i t h a breadth of view and statesmanlike grasp that would honour any independent j o u r n a l i n Europe." Henry Wickham Steed, The Hapsburg Monarchy, (London, 1919), p. 135. 123 Czech s o c i a l i s t s founded t h e i r own t h e o r e t i c a l j o u r n a l as e a r l y as 189 7. This was Akademie. Organ mladeze s o c i a l i s t i c k e . Organ der s o c i a l i s t i s c h e n Jugend. From 1900 the o r i g i n a l l y b i - l i n g u a l p e r i -o d i c a l became u n i l i n g u a l l y Czech. CHAPTER IV THE SOCIALIST TRADE UNION MOVEMENT IN CISLEITHANIA As i n the case of the s o c i a l i s t p a r t y , the development of the s o c i a l i s t trade union movement was complicated by the nature of indus-t r i a l i z a t i o n and the m u l t i - n a t i o n a l character of C i s l e i t h a n i a . L i k e the p o l i t i c a l p a r t y , Germans and Czechs were predominant i n the trade union movement from i t s i n c e p t i o n . T h e i r preponderance was much more pronounced i n the trade union movement, however, f o r the growth of trade unions was more c l o s e l y t i e d to the development of i n d u s t r y than i n the case of the p a r t y . As t h e o r e t i c a l l y (and l e g a l l y ) n o n - p o l i t i c a l a s s o c i a t i o n s , trade unions faced fewer l e g a l d i f f i c u l t i e s than the s o c i a l i s t p a rty. The laws f o r b i d d i n g the establishment of branches or of a C i s l e i t h a n i a n o r g a n i z a t i o n , f o r example, d i d not apply to them. Yet, as avowedly s o c i a l i s t o r g a n i z a t i o n s , the trade unions s u f f e r e d almost as much from r e p r e s s i o n as the p a r t y . U n l i k e the p a r t y , the s o c i a l i s t trade union movement was unable to cope w i t h the o r g a n i z a t i o n a l problems created by the Czech s o c i a l i s t s ' i n s i s t e n c e upon autonomy. This f a i l u r e was caused by the trade union l e a d e r s h i p ' s r e f u s a l to countenance any loosening of the c e n t r a l i s t i c s t r u c t u r e of the trade union movement a f t e r 1893. This was not e n t i r e l y 147 148 due to the i n t r a n s i g e n c e of the l e a d e r s h i p , however, f o r a convincing argument could be made that the nature of the trade union movement i t s e l f was such that any d i v i s i o n of st r e n g t h would weaken i t . A f t e r a l l , trade unions were founded i n the f i r s t p lace as a t o o l w i t h which workers could c o l l e c t i v e l y respond to the power of t h e i r employers by s t r u g g l i n g f o r b e t t e r wages and improved working c o n d i t i o n s . As a r e s u l t , the German le a d e r s h i p of the trade union movement, not without b e t r a y i n g a c e r t a i n amount of German n a t i o n a l i s t f e e l i n g , r e j e c t e d any d i v i s i o n of the trade union movement along n a t i o n a l i t y l i n e s , even at the a d m i n i s t r a t i v e l e v e l i n the mid-1890's. Because of the i n t i m a t e t i e s between trade unions and p a r t y , however, i t was n a t u r a l f o r the Czech party to expect some form of d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of the trade union movement once the i d e a of f e d e r a l -i z a t i o n had been accepted i n the C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t p a r t y . The enormous f i n a n c i a l resources of the unions i n the 1 8 9 0 ' s — a t l e a s t i n comparison w i t h those of the party—made i t appear e s s e n t i a l to the Czech party that some form of c o n t r o l , or at l e a s t M i t a r b e i t , i n the trade union a d m i n i s t r a t i o n be obtained. At the same time as the party was i n the process of f e d e r a l i z a t i o n , however, the trade union movement was being f u r t h e r c e n t r a l i z e d along the l i n e s of the Reich-German model. This meant that the Czech p a r t y — a s Otto Bauer put i t — a s an independent party based on an i n t e r n a t i o n a l l y - o r g a n i z e d trade union movement, was a p a r t y without a mass o r g a n i z a t i o n , a " s p i r i t without a body.""'" This c o n t r a d i c t i o n made c o n f l i c t w i t h i n the trade union movement v i r t u a l l y i n e v i t a b l e . 149 i ) The S o c i a l i s t Trade Union Movement to 1885 As noted p r e v i o u s l y , the trade union movement i n C i s l e i t h a n i a 2 began i n the e a r l y nineteenth century. During the r e v o l u t i o n of 1848 labour o r g a n i z a t i o n s of a l l kinds emerged, and i n A p r i l 1848 the f i r s t ~ 3 c o l l e c t i v e agreement was signed. Not u n t i l the r e v i v a l of the labour movement i n the 1860's, however, d i d a modern form of trade unionism beginn to develop. A f t e r the new c o n s t i t u t i o n of 1867 made i t p o s s i b l e to form trade unions, a p e r i o d of intense o r g a n i z a t i o n a l a c t i v i t y set i n . During 1868 and 1869 trade unions were founded i n the i n d u s t r i a l i z i n g western p a r t s of 4 the Monarchy, e s p e c i a l l y by supporters of S c h u l z e - D e l i t z s c h . One of the most important weapons used by trade unions was, of course, the s t r i k e . In the "boom" years a f t e r 1867 s e v e r a l success-f u l s t r i k e s occurred. There were, however, l e g a l l i m i t s to union a c t i -v i t i e s . Although s t r i k i n g i t s e l f was not i l l e g a l , i t was against the law f o r workers to "c o n s p i r e " to s t r i k e . ^ These l e g a l d i s a b i l i t i e s , among othe r s , forced trade unions i n a d i r e c t i o n , which, w h i l e not e n t i r e l y unique to C i s l e i t h a n i a , made the trade union movement as much a p o l i t i c a l movement as an economic one. P o l i t i c a l a c t i o n was neces-sary to remove these l i m i t a t i o n s on trade union a c t i v i t y . This bound party and trade unions together. Indeed, not u n t i l a f t e r 1890 was there even any r e a l p o s s i b i l i t y of an o r g a n i z a t i o n a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n between the p o l i t i c a l movement and the trade unions. This was due more to the government's h o s t i l i t y to the p o l i t i c a l movement than to the trade union movement i t s e l f . 150 Some progress was achieved i n the e a r l y p e r i o d . The 1869 demon-s t r a t i o n l e d to a change i n the c o a l i t i o n s law i n 1870. This made i t p o s s i b l e f o r trade unions to make demands and to "threaten" s t r i k e a c t i o n . 7 This was a major improvement f o r the trade unions, but d i d not mean that the government was about to take a n e u t r a l p o s i t i o n i n r e l a t i o n to the trade union movement and to s t r i k e s . This was made c l e a r by the re p r e s s i o n of the s o c i a l i s t movement, i n c l u d i n g the trade unions, a f t e r the 1869 demonstration. Once the o r g a n i z a t i o n s were allowed to be r e - e s t a b l i s h e d , however, the s t r i k e wave continued. The success of many of the s t r i k e s l e d to a r a p i d expansion of the trade union movement. By 1873 there were a t o t a l of 102 trade unions i n the western h a l f of the Monarchy, w i t h 8 32,833 members. With the exception of 21 unions of "manufacturing w o r k e r s " — w i t h 6,929 m e m b e r s — a l l of the occupations f o r which there were unions could be c l a s s i f i e d as c r a f t s . A s i g n i f i c a n t f e a t u r e of these e a r l y trade unions was the f a c t that from the very beginning they d i d not d i f f e r e n t i a t e between s k i l l e d and u n s k i l l e d workers. In contrast to B r i t i s h and American unions, they were not e x c l u s i v e , and every e f f o r t was made to in c l u d e u n s k i l l e d workers. One h i s t o r i a n argues that t h i s was probably the r e s u l t of the close connection between p o l i -t i c a l and trade union movements i n C i s l e i t h a n i a . This phenomenon became 9 a permanent feature of C i s l e i t h a n i a n trade unionism. I t i s understandable that there were few f a c t o r y workers' unions i n 1873, f o r i t was not u n t i l a f t e r 1880 that the modern i n d u s t r i a l form of l a r g e - s c a l e concerns w i t h huge f a c t o r i e s began to emerge i n 151 the A l p i n e and Bohemian L a n d s . ^ The apparent f a i l u r e of c o a l miners and t e x t i l e workers i n the Bohemian Lands to organize i s d i f f i c u l t to e x p l a i n , however. C e r t a i n l y they were among the e a r l i e s t a f f e c t e d by i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , but n e i t h e r group appears to have been organized i n 1873. Indeed, miners were one of the l a s t groups to h o l d a congress of t h e i r own i n the 1890's.^ In t h i s e a r l y p e r i o d congresses of i n d i v i d u a l trade unions began to occur, e s p e c i a l l y a f t e r 1870. The weakness of many unions was i n d i c a t e d , however, by the f a c t that many were unable to h o l d such congresses. Instead, they sent delegates to trade union congresses 12 i n Germany! In the trade union movement, as w e l l as the p a r t y , t i e s w i t h the German movement were c l o s e . Unfortunately f o r the unions, the optimism engendered by the successes of the years a f t e r 1867 disappeared w i t h the onset of the worst depression of the nineteenth century i n 1873. The trade unions, not yet e s t a b l i s h e d on a f i r m foundation, and hampered by governmental and employer h o s t i l i t y , were c r i p p l e d by the c r i s i s . Thousands were 13 thrown out of work, and d r a s t i c cuts i n wages occurred. The s p l i t i n the p o l i t i c a l movement between the Scheu and Oberwinder f a c t i o n s only a c c e l e r a t e d the d e c l i n e . By the end of the decade, the number 14 of trade unions, 102 i n 1873, had f a l l e n to only 62. Not u n t i l the economy began to recover a f t e r 1880 d i d the trade unions begin to r e v i v e , and the growth of r a d i c a l i s m i n the s o c i a l i s t movement s h o r t l y put an end to t h a t . The t e r r o r i s t acts of 1883 and 1884 l e d to the r e p r e s s i o n of the e n t i r e s o c i a l i s t movement, i n c l u d i n g 152 the s o c i a l i s t trade unions. Though many trade unions d i s s o l v e d of t h e i r own accord a f t e r the i n t r o d u c t i o n of the " a n t i - s o c i a l i s t " law i n t o parliament, the trade union movement d i d not e n t i r e l y disappear."'""' Workers could s t i l l use the "compulsory a s s o c i a t i o n s " — e s t a b l i s h e d 16 by the Trade and C r a f t Code of 1883—as e r s a t z trade unions. In the years immediately f o l l o w i n g 1885 the r a d i c a l s r e j e c t e d the compulsory a s s o c i a t i o n s , but the moderates soon saw that the f a c t that journeymen outnumbered masters i n t h e i r a d m i n i s t r a t i o n could be used by the s o c i a l i s t s as a means of transforming the a s s o c i a t i o n s i n t o " r e c r u i t i n g c entres" f o r the s o c i a l i s t movement."'"7 As a r e s u l t , a f t e r 1886 s o c i a l i s t s took them over, and they were used as a base from which 18 the trade union movement could reorganize. i i ) The Trade Union Movement a f t e r 1885 With the d e c l i n e of governmental r e p r e s s i o n a f t e r 1886, and f o l l o w i n g the reunion of r a d i c a l s and moderates i n a new party at Hain-f e l d i n 1888/9, the trade union movement entered i n t o an era of un-precedented expansion. In t h i s p e r i o d the C i s l e i t h a n i a n trade union movement had some c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which d i s t i n g u i s h e d i t from those i n other c o u n t r i e s . In B r i t a i n the trade union movement (and the Fabian Society) created the p o l i t i c a l p a r t y , and g e n e r a l l y speaking remained predominant i n the labour movement. In Germany the p o l i t i c a l p a r t y created the trade union movement, and long c o n t r o l l e d i t . Indeed, the trade union movement was p r i m a r i l y e s t a b l i s h e d as a r e c u i t i n g agency 153 19 f o r the p o l i t i c a l movement. A f t e r 1890, as the German trade union movement developed i n t o a mass movement, i t began to p u l l away from the p a r t y . At the Mannheim party Congress of 1906, however, the German trade unions abandoned t h e i r n e u t r a l i t y , and intervened d e c i s i v e l y i n the s t r u g g l e between l e f t and r i g h t , ensuring the v i c t o r y of the r i g h t wing of the pa r t y . One h i s t o r i a n argues that t h i s l e d to a vast i n -crease i n the power of the German trade unions, to the p o i n t where 20 they took over " e f f e c t i v e c o n t r o l " of the p a r t y . In C i s l e i t h a n i a , i n c o n t r a s t , the party and trade union movements emerged almost simultaneously. A f t e r t h e i r a d m i n i s t r a t i v e s e p a r a t i o n from each other i n the e a r l y 1890's they became, and remained, v i r t u a l l y equal partners i n the s o c i a l i s t movement. This helps e x p l a i n why the trade union leaders were unable to prevent the f e d e r a l i z a t i o n of the party o r g a n i z a t i o n , and why A d l e r f a i l e d to stop the d i s i n t e g r a t i o n of the trade union movement. The long s t r u g g l e f o r the f r a n c h i s e , at l e a s t i n comparison w i t h Germany, r e i n f o r c e d the t i e s between the two branches of the s o c i a l i s t movement. In a d d i t i o n , to enable both branches to carry out t h e i r common—and s e p a r a t e — f u n c t i o n s , the l e g a l r e s t r i c t i o n s f a c i n g the s o c i a l i s t movement had to be e l i m i n a t e d . This was, of n e c e s s i t y , a p o l i t i c a l t ask, to be c a r r i e d out by the party through the e l e c t i o n of members of parliament and the e x e r t i o n of pressure on the govern-21 ment. In order to achieve the s u f f r a g e , however, extra-parliamentary a c t i o n was necessary. In the sense that t h i s was p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n , 154 the primary r e s p o n s i b i l i t y l a y w i t h the p a r t y , but as i t was a l s o mass a c t i o n , the party had to depend on the l a r g e r numbers i n the trade union movement. This f u r t h e r bound the two together. Extra-parliamentary a c t i o n was expensive, however. In a s i t u a t i o n i n which i t was impossible to e s t a b l i s h a r e g u l a r party income or even c e n t r a l funds to support such a c t i v i t i e s , t h i s meant that the party had to depend i n par t on 22 the s u p e r i o r f i n a n c i a l resources of the trade unions. Probably the most important t i e between party and trade unions i n C i s l e i t h a n i a was i d e o l o g i c a l . Perhaps the common o r i g i n s of the movement and the long p e r i o d of s t r u g g l e i t was forced to undergo made i t e a s i e r f o r the two branches of the s o c i a l i s t movement to i d e n t i f y w i t h each other and t h e i r common ideology than i n other c o u n t r i e s . C e r t a i n l y the commitment of the s o c i a l i s t unions to the s o c i a l i s t pro-gramme i n C i s l e i t h a n i a d i f f e r e d markedly from that i n Germany. As e a r l y as 1892, C a r l Legien, the s e c r e t a r y of the German trade union movement, declared that i f the German trade unions were to a t t r a c t the 23 uncommitted, the unions must be p o l i t i c a l l y n e u t r a l . Though t h i s d i d not n e c e s s a r i l y r e f l e c t the a c t u a l s i t u a t i o n i n Germany, i t i s s i g n i f i c a n t , f o r such a statement was almost i n c o n c e i v a b l e i n C i s l e i -t h a n i a . As e a r l y as the 1891 C i s l e i t h a n i a n party Congress, K a r l H'oger of the trade union movement s a i d that the trade unions were: important p r a c t i c a l schools f o r s o c i a l i s m , f i g h t i n g o r -gan i z a t i o n s f o r the r e v o l u t i o n a r y r i s i n g of t h e ; p r o l e -t a r i a t , and not j u s t o r g a n i z a t i o n s f o r the improvement of the s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n of the working class.24 Although i t i s dangerous to take statementsisuch as these out of context, they do i l l u s t r a t e a s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e between the 155 German and C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t movements. The statements i n d i c a t e that the German trade union movement was much more r e f o r m i s t than the trade union movement i n C i s l e i t h a n i a . Although trade unions, i n t h e i r o r i e n t a t i o n towards the present, are u s u a l l y " c o n s e r v a t i v e " i n n a t u r e , C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t unions, as a r e s u l t of t h e i r h i s t o r y and of the c o n d i t i o n s they faced, were more p o l i t i c a l i n o r i e n t a t i o n , and hence more r a d i c a l . They were a l s o more c l o s e l y t i e d to the p o l i t i c a l p a r t y . In Germany, the c o n t r a d i c t i o n between the r a d i c a l r h e t o r i c and the r e f o r m i s t p r a c t i c e of the s o c i a l i s t party was bound to a l i e n a t e the more r e f o r m i s t trade unions, but i n C i s l e i t h a n i a , party and trade unions remained unusually c l o s e , p a r t i c u l a r l y a f t e r the r e v i s i o n of the party's programme i n a more r e f o r m i s t d i r e c t i o n i n 1901. This i s not t o suggest that there was m o n o l i t h i c i d e o l o g i c a l u n i t y i n C i s l e i -t h a n i a , but c e r t a i n l y no s e r i o u s i d e o l o g i c a l c o n f l i c t s , both between the party and trade unions and w i t h i n the party i t s e l f , developed before 1914. At the same time, the r e l a t i o n s h i p between party and trade unions i n the C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t movement was not i d y l l i c . There c e r t a i n l y was c o n f l i c t over the n a t i o n a l i t y q u e s t i o n , but t h i s was a problem p e c u l i a r to C i s l e i t h a n i a i n t h i s p e r i o d , and hence not compar-able w i t h the s i t u a t i o n elsewhere. Another area i n which there was f r i c t i o n was the s t a t u s of the e d u c a t i o n a l a s s o c i a t i o n s . Throughout the 1890's, the p a r t y , because of i t s i n a b i l i t y to i n c l u d e the p o l i -t i c a l a s s o c i a t i o n s i n i t s o r g a n i z a t i o n , saw these as the fundamental l o c a l branches of the p o l i t i c a l movement. The trade unions, on the 156 other hand, wished to transform them i n t o l o c a l branches of the trade 25 unions. By the turn of the century, however, the importance of the edu c a t i o n a l a s s o c i a t i o n s to the party d e c l i n e d , and they tended to be 26 absorbed by the c r a f t unions. P r i o r to the h o l d i n g of the f i r s t C i s l e i t h a n i a n trade union congress i n 189 3, trade union questions were d e a l t w i t h at party con-gresses. At H a i n f e l d the party expressed i t s view of the trade union movement when i t recommended t h a t : p a t t y comrades should found trade unions, w i t h the i n c l u - ^-j s i o n of as many u n s k i l l e d men and women workers as p o s s i b l e . At the 1891 C i s l e i t h a n i a n p a r ty Congress, the trade union movement was discussed at l e n g t h , and a long r e s o l u t i o n adopted. I t spoke i n favour of c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of the trade unions i n t o Land o r g a n i z a t i o n s , and, where p o s s i b l e , Reich o r g a n i z a t i o n s . As long as t h i s was not permitted, congresses of i n d i v i d u a l unions would deal w i t h common problems. 2^ The most important p r a c t i c a l goal of the trade union movement was seen as the shortening of working hours, f o r that was the only way i n which the movement could preserve the p h y s i c a l s t r e n g t h of workers. Because there was no c o - o r d i n a t i o n of s t r i k e a c t i v i t y , the Congress decided that only those s t r i k e s which occurred w i t h the approval of 29 the h i g h e s t body i n the r e l e v a n t trade union would be supported. Even before the 1891 Gesamtpartei Congress recommended the c r e a t i o n of r e g i o n a l unions on a c e n t r a l i s t i c b a s i s , congresses of i n d i v i d u a l trade unions were h e l d . In some cases groups i n r e l a t e d occupations formed unions which covered the i n d u s t r y r a t h e r than the 157 occupation. This marked the beginning of i n d u s t r i a l unionism. A f u r -t h e r step i n the d i r e c t i o n of c e n t r a l i z a t i o n occurred i n 1892 when the government approved the s t a t u t e s of the f i r s t nation-wide union, that of the metal workers. Opposition to t h i s k i n d of c e n t r a l i z a t i o n 30 was almost non-existent. In the atmosphere created by the approval of the metal worker's union, the s o c i a l i s t s acted q u i c k l y . On 13 October 1892 the P r o v i s i o n a l Trade Union Commission was created. As i t s name i n d i c a t e s i t was not intended to be a permanent body. The circumstances surrounding i t s founding i n d i c a t e d the trade u n i o n i s t s ' a t t i t u d e and r e l a t i o n s h i p to the Second I n t e r n a t i o n a l . In 1892 an E n g l i s h trade union Congress had decided to c a l l an i n t e r n a t i o n a l trade union congress. Although the S o c i a l i s t I n t e r n a t i o n a l had planned a Congress i n Z u r i c h f o r the same time p e r i o d , the B r i t i s h refused to give up t h e i r Congress. As a r e s u l t i t was seen as an a n t i - s o c i a l i s t Congress. In order to co-ordinate o p p o s i t i o n to the proposed London Congress, the trade unions of Vienna met together i n October 189 3. A committee was e s t a b l i s h e d to co-ordinate the Vienna o r g a n i z a t i o n s whenever important i s s u e s such as the London 31 Congress arose. Out of t h i s grew the P r o v i s i o n a l Commission. In s p i t e of i t s o r i g i n a l l i m i t a t i o n t o Vienna, the P r o v i s i o n a l Commission's a c t i v i t y expanded q u i c k l y to i n c l u d e a l l of C i s l e i t h a n i a . In l a t e 189 3 i t convened the f i r s t C i s l e i t h a n i a n trade union congress. At the Congress, h e l d i n Vienna i n December, the P r o v i s i o n a l Commission presented a proposal d e f i n i n g the purpose and o r g a n i z a t i o n 32 of the proposed n a t i o n a l trade union o r g a n i z a t i o n . Trade unions 158 were seen as struggle and defence organizations, which e x i s t to defend the economic i n t e r e s t s of workers, e s p e c i a l l y by winning b e t t e r working conditions. To be able to carry out these and other purposes, workers must: concentrate t h e i r strength, and bring together i n d i v i d u a l groups into a united phalanx so that they can set up a strong barricade against that giant, C a p i t a l , and thereby overcome i t s advantages. Workers must not, however, forget that: to be able to s u c c e s s f u l l y carry out the struggle from a l l sides, the p o l i t i c a l aspect must not be forgotten, and therefore [the trade union movement] stands f u l l y f o r the ideas and p r i n c i p l e s of. s o c i a l democracy. 3 3 C l e a r l y , the trade unions were expressing t h e i r s o l i d a r i t y with the s o c i a l i s t party, and were leaving no room for a misconstruction of 34 t h e i r p o s i t i o n . Organizationally each trade union should seek to operate at the Crown Land l e v e l , and where there were enough members, l o c a l s should be created. The i d e a l form was the i n d u s t r i a l union, but u n t i l these were established, c r a f t unions would be acceptable. I n d u s t r i a l unions would c e n t r a l i z e control of a g i t a t i o n , c e n t r a l i z e the support asso-c i a t i o n s , a id s t r i k e s of i n d i v i d u a l branches, arid publish a newspaper for the industry. Pending the establishment of the seventeen i n d u s t r i a l unions foreseen by the Congress, and t h e i r u n i f i c a t i o n into one league, a trade union commission was necessary. To consist of one representative from each i n d u s t r i a l group and one from the unions i n the c a p i t a l of each Crown Land, i t would e l e c t i t s own secretary, and deal with issues 159 common to a l l unions. For i t to carry out these f u n c t i o n s , each member of a trade union was to pay one Kreuzer a month to the Commission. I t would be more of a mediating or c o - o r d i n a t i n g agency than a d i r e c t i n g U A 3 5 body. The s t r i k e r e s o l u t i o n passed at the 1891 C i s l e i t h a n i a n party Congress had not brought about the o r d e r l y management of s t r i k e s , so the trade union Congress d e a l t w i t h t h i s problem i n some d e t a i l . Because so much damage was being done by i l l - c o n s i d e r e d s t r i k e s , i t was agreed that s t r i k e s could no longer be permitted to occur without adequate p r e p a r a t i o n . A l l s t r i k e s were to be reported to the Crown Land c e n t r a l o r g a n i z a t i o n , and from thence to the Commission i n Vienna. Those which were not reported would r e c e i v e no a i d . S t r i k e s o c c u r r i n g without the approval of the r e l e v a n t l e a d e r s h i p body would a l s o not be a s s i s t e d . To encourage unorganized workers to organize, a r e s o l u -t i o n was passed recommending f i n a n c i a l support of "necessary" s t r i k e s .-i 36 among them. In order to discover how many workers a c t u a l l y were organized, questionnaires were sent out p r i o r to the Congress. The incomplete response i n d i c a t e d that there were 136 trade union o r g a n i z a t i o n s i n 37 C i s l e i t h a n i a , w i t h 31,522 members. One of the primary f u n c t i o n s of the Commission, of course, was to c o l l e c t s t a t i s t i c s , and j u s t as i n the p a r t y , t h i s was c a r r i e d out w i t h considerable thoroughness, at l e a s t on the p a r t of the Commission. A f t e r the Congress, the new o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e began to be e s t a b l i s h e d . In s p i t e of the confusion i n the r a p i d l y expanding 160 movement, i n 1894 Crown Land o r g a n i z a t i o n s were s u c c e s s f u l l y set up i n Moravia and S i l e s i a , and by 1896 f u r t h e r o r g a n i z a t i o n s were created 38 i n the A l p i n e Lands, Bohemia, G a l i c i a , and even i n the Bukovina. Once the trade union o r g a n i z a t i o n was f i r m l y e s t a b l i s h e d , the party decided to s p e c i f y the form i n which trade unions would be represented at party congresses. At the 1896 Congress, the party declared that each i n d u s t r i a l union had the r i g h t to send one delegate to the party congress. F o l l o w i n g the f e d e r a l i z a t i o n of the party i n 1897 t h i s was r e - w r i t t e n to permit one r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of each n a t i o n a l i t y 39 i n each i n d u s t r i a l group to attend the Gesamtpar.tedii congress. Although the trade union Congress had c a l l e d f o r the e s t a b l i s h -ment of i n d u s t r i a l unions, only a few were founded, apart from those i n the food and c l o t h i n g i n d u s t r i e s . The b a s i c o r g a n i z a t i o n a l form remained the c r a f t union, and i n d u s t r i a l unionism was not as s u c c e s s f u l 40 i n C i s l e i t h a n i a as i t was i n Germany. In t h i s sense, the attempt to import union models from Germany f a i l e d i n face of spontaneous l o c a l developments. One of the most important a g i t a t i o n a l means f o r both trade unions and party was the s o c i a l i s t press. As noted p r e v i o u s l y , the press a l s o served an o r g a n i z a t i o n a l f u n c t i o n f o r the p a r t y . This was not the case w i t h the trade union movement, f o r trade unions had not had too much d i f f i c u l t y i n e s t a b l i s h i n g o r g a n i z a t i o n s a f t e r 1870. In the 1890's the trade union press was u s u a l l y l a r g e r i n both numbers 41 of papers p u b l i s h e d , and i n i t s c i r c u l a t i o n than the p o l i t i c a l press. Each union had i t s own newspaper, and s e v e r a l p u b l i s h e d German and 161 Czech e d i t i o n s . The most important trade union paper was Die Gewerk- s c h a f t , e s t a b l i s h e d i n June 1892 as the organ of the P r o v i s i o n a l Com-missi o n . I t s s t a t u s was f o r m a l i z e d at the 1893 Trade Union Congress, and i t was decided to p u b l i s h i t i n German and Czech e d i t i o n s , w i t h 42 supplements i n P o l i s h and I t a l i a n . In s p i t e of i t s p o s i t i o n as cen-t r a l organ of the Trade Union Commission, however, Die Gewerkschaft's c i r c u l a t i o n was only 2,200 copies twice a month by 1896, considerably lower than the c i r c u l a t i o n of other union papers such as Der Eisenbahner, Z e l e z n i c h i Zrizenec (The R a i l r o a d Employee), Der M e t a l l a r b e i t e r , and ~ ^ 43 Kovodelnik (The Metal Worker). Although the Vienna Commission was o r i g i n a l l y intended to be a c o - o r d i n a t i n g body only, i t s power grew r a p i d l y . This was e s p e c i a l l y true a f t e r Anton Hueber (1861-1935) became i t s s e c r e t a r y i n January 44 1895. O r i g i n a l l y a member of the r a d i c a l f a c t i o n , Hueber became a c t i v e i n the trade union movement i n 1891. At the 1893 and 1894 trade union and party congresses he had taken the l e a d i n denouncing Adler and the party l e a d e r s h i p f o r t h e i r f a i l u r e to use the general s t r i k e 45 f o r the f r a n c h i s e . A f t e r 1895 the r a p i d l y expanding power of the Commission tended to be concentrated i n Hueber's hands. By 1895 the s o c i a l i s t unions were developing at a f a s t pace, and i n that year there were 88,818 organized workers, almost t r i p l e the number organized i n 1892. Accor-ding to Die Neue Z e i t , however, t h i s represented only 3.3 per cent of 46 the t o t a l i n d u s t r i a l work forc e of 2,654,335 i n C i s l e i t h a n i a . This was some i n d i c a t i o n of how much b a s i c o r g a n i z a t i o n a l work was necessary f o r the trade union movement. Jlfdontion jldminiftration jcpcdition: ffiien, XIV/1 ?(eubaugiirtel 44 itrn5)ih!nbcn td8= Iidimm 12 bi? 1 U!)t i"i}ii»ag§ u. Bon G bi§ 7 !lt)r-.'l6cnfcv. 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Sft ein Streif ojiijtfC burd) bs§ ."ovre JBPiibci^ 'r'iatt pubfijirt ober id)riftlKi)__ baatyr. gemod)t loovbeu, io'tjnbpn famiHtUtlje Zy'"<y-tionen'. bie non kr.©e»crfid)oft-?-sfontnti!uo.*. jtimntten Sircifplocf-j fofort 011 bic ^ ertivj :• pcrji'iten objitQebe:!, unb ?'<w mth:s ;•«•: : •" •' Figure-5. Front page of Die Gewerkschaft, 1894. 163 As an almost f a n a t i c a l b e l i e v e r i n c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of power i n the s o c i a l i s t movement, Hueber attempted to provide what he considered a b e t t e r b a s i s f o r t h i s o r g a n i z a t i o n a l work at the second trade union Congress, h e l d i n December 1'896. He proposed to c e n t r a l i z e the movement even f u r t h e r , as w e l l as expand the power of the Commission. To carry-out the f i r s t of these aims, Hueber suggested the i n t r o d u c t i o n of the Union concept. In German, the term Union meant something r a d i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t from the E n g l i s h term "union." In f a c t , Hueber saw the Union 47 as an i n e v i t a b l e expansion of the i n d u s t r i a l union idea . The c r a f t 48 unions would be transformed i n t o l o c a l s of the i n d u s t r i a l unions. P r o v i n c i a l union " c e n t r a l s " would disappear, and power would thus be c e n t r a l i z e d i n the n a t i o n a l " c e n t r a l " f o r the union. The adminis-t r a t i o n of the Union would c o n s i s t of a committee w i t h r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of each c r a f t i n the n a t i o n a l union. What t h i s meant was that a l l intermediate o r g a n i z a t i o n a l forms would be abolished. The Union would c o n s i s t of a c e n t r a l l e a d e r s h i p i n Vienna, w i t h " l o c a l s " i n the commu-n i t i e s . This i m p l i e d the a b o l i t i o n of the l a s t v e s t i g e s of both l o c a l and p r o v i n c i a l autonomy i n the trade union movement. A f t e r a stormy debate, the vote on the r e s o l u t i o n was proceeded to. The f i n a l f i g u r e s i n d i c a t e that there was considerable o p p o s i t i o n to the p r o p o s a l , not l e a s t from the Czechs. By a vote of 37,163 to 36,555, w i t h 11,221 e i t h e r not v o t i n g or a b s t a i n i n g , Hueber's proposal 49 was defeated. I t was c l e a r that the k i n d of c e n t r a l i z a t i o n so ada-mantly defended by both Hueber and C a r l Legien (the German trade union leader) at the Congress, d i d not r e f l e c t the i n t e r e s t s of a m a j o r i t y i n the s o c i a l i s t unions. 164 Hueber was more s u c c e s s f u l i n h i s attempt to upgrade the status of the Commission. I t was decided that the Commission was to be the Gesamtvertretung f o r workers organized i n s o c i a l i s t trade unions i n C i s l e i t h a n i a . This meant that the Trade Union Commission would be the equivalent of the c e n t r a l executive of the p a r t y , and, indeed, that Hueber would be Adler's counterpart i n the trade union movement. The second trade union Congress of 1896 marked the f i n a l es-tablishment of the o r g a n i z a t i o n of the C i s l e i t h a n i a n trade union move-ment. In the e v o l u t i o n of the trade union movement a f t e r 1896 there were, of course, changes. A f t e r 1900 i n d u s t r i a l unionism began to d e c l i n e i n favour of c r a f t unionism. As the c r a f t unions became stronger, they no longer needed the " c r u t c h " of the i n d u s t r i a l unions. In a d d i t i o n , the i n d u s t r i a l union models another import from Germany, simply d i d not f i t the i n d u s t r i a l c o n d i t i o n s i n C i s l e i t h a n i a . There were l a r g e -s c a l e concerns, but much of the i n d u s t r y i n C i s l e i t h a n i a was s t i l l on a r e l a t i v e l y s m a l l s c a l e . Entrepreneurs were al s o not as w e l l organized as those i n Germany, and hence industry-wide unions were not as essen-t i a l . 5 1 As a r e s u l t , t i e s among the various c r a f t groupings i n the i n -d u s t r i a l unions began to loosen. At the 1902 n a t i o n a l congress of the food i n d u s t r y , f o r example, the bakers l e f t the i n d u s t r i a l union, and 52 founded t h e i r own union. This process continued t i l l 1914. The greatest change a f t e r 1900 was, however, i n the s i z e of the s o c i a l i s t trade union movement. In 1900 there were 98,682 members 53 of s o c i a l i s t trade unions, i n c l u d i n g 93,898 men and 4,784 women. 165 This represented 66.7 per cent of a l l u nionized workers i n C i s l e i t h a n i a — 66.3 per cent of the men, and 77.7 per cent of the women. Other types of unions thus c o n s t i t u t e d o n e - t h i r d of the t o t a l union membership i n C i s l e i t h a n i a . Among these were the C h r i s t i a n trade unions, a f f i l i a t e d w i t h the C h r i s t i a n S o c i a l P a r t y . These amounted to 5.34 per cent of the t o t a l . N a t i o n a l i s t unions c o n t r i b u t e d 3.37 per cent, and "others," 54 24.52 per cent. By 1904 there were 189,121 members of s o c i a l i s t unions i n C i s l e i t h a n i a , i n c l u d i n g 176,066 men and 13,055 women. This had grown to 501,094 organized workers, i n c l u d i n g 454,693 men and 46,401 women i n 1907—the peak year before the w a r . ^ In 1908 there were only 56 147,598 workers organized i n other types of unions, l e s s than 25 per cent of the t o t a l . As important as the growth of the trade union movement, and perhaps a r e f l e c t i o n of i t , was the changing a t t i t u d e of government to the trade union movement a f t e r 1900. In 1901 trade union leaders and the Korber government n e g o t i a t e d the end of the infamous "vagabond" law, one of the c h i e f weapons used by the government against s o c i a l i s t s s i n c e the 1870's.^ 7 A f t e r 1905, government a l s o began to intervene i n labour d i s p u t e s . One h i s t o r i a n of the trade union movement says that t h i s meant that " i n consequence the trade unions were now o f f i -c i a l l y recognized as equal n e g o t i a t i n g partners i n i n d u s t r i a l disputes.""' E q u a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t , was the development of the c o l l e c t i v e agreement. A f t e r 1904 c o l l e c t i v e agreements spread to the p o i n t that 59 i n 1912, 17 per cent of a l l workers were covered by them. As employers organized t h e i r own i n d u s t r i a l a s s o c i a t i o n s , wage agreements began to 166 cover e n t i r e i n d u s t r i e s , r a t h e r than i n d i v i d u a l f i r m s . This was true 60 e s p e c i a l l y a f t e r 1904. I t d i d not, however, h a l t the conti n u i n g breakdown of the i n d u s t r i a l unions before 1914. By 1914, i t might be f a i r to say, the trade union movement was w e l l on the way to i n t e g r a t i o n i n t o the C i s l e i t h a n i a n economic system. The movement faced many problems and d i s a b i l i t i e s , but the 61 f u t u r e looked h o p e f u l . i i i ) The N a t i o n a l i t y Question i n the Trade Union Movement The one v i t a l problem the trade union movement f a i l e d to s o l v e was that of s a t i s f y i n g non-German n a t i o n a l f e e l i n g i n the movement. As i n the case of the s o c i a l i s t p a r t y , the s t r u g g l e which developed was between Czechs and Germans. U n l i k e the p a r t y , however, the other n a t i o n a l i t i e s were almost t o t a l l y i r r e l e v a n t to the c o n f l i c t . None of them, w i t h the exception of the I t a l i a n s , was even a f f i l i a t e d w i t h the Vienna Commission at the time of the outbreak of the c o n f l i c t , and even i f they had been, the±r numbers were so few as to be i n s i g n i -f i c a n t . P r i o r to 1890 Czech workers had u s u a l l y belonged to l o c a l unions organized without regard to n a t i o n a l i t y , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n North Bohemia and Brunn. At the e a r l y party congresses a f t e r 1888, the n a t i o n a l i t y 62 question i n the trade union movement was not an i s s u e . At the 1893 trade union Congress, only one Czech delegate, A l o i s Spera, complained against c e n t r a l i s m , and h i s complaint had nothing to do w i t h n a t i o n a l f e e l i n g . 167 At the same time, however, there was considerable " b i c k e r i n g " between Czechs and Germans at the 1893 Congress. E n t i r e l y concerned w i t h language problems and the t r a n s l a t i o n of r e s o l u t i o n s and speeches 64 i n t o Czech, the " b i c k e r i n g " d i d not develop i n t o n a t i o n a l i t y c o n f l i c t . Spera d i d urge, however, that German delegates be q u i e t when Czech speeches were made.^ This demand f o r more c o n s i d e r a t i o n of the Czechs, r a i s e d an important i s s u e . As the various trade unions, were founded, t h e i r n a t i o n a l l e a dership was almost i n v a r i a b l y German, and hence t h e i r o r i e n t a t i o n was German. As long as the trade union movement only i n c l u d e d s m a l l numbers of workers, t h i s was not a problem. In North Bohemia and Briinn e s p e c i a l l y , most of the Czech working c l a s s e l i t e spoke German, and could operate q u i t e e a s i l y i n a German-speaking union. As the trade union movement began to i n c l u d e the masses of workers, however, the s i t u a t i o n changed d r a m a t i c a l l y , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n Prague and Inner Bohe-mia. Suddenly, i n c r e a s e d use of the Czech language became a n e c e s s i t y . While the Germans were w i l l i n g to grant language c o n c e s s i o n s — t h e 1893 Congress d i d agree to p u b l i s h Die Gewerkschaft i n Czech, f o r example— they c a r r i e d them out r a t h e r s l o w l y , and not very t a c t f u l l y , as Spera's p l e a f o r s i l e n c e when Czech speeches were being given i n d i c a t e d . The most s i g n i f i c a n t speech given at the 1893 trade union Con-gress was perhaps that of the Swiss delegate, K e e l . Summing up h i s experience a t t t h e Congress, he warned the delegates against n a t i o n a l i s t f e e l i n g : I am f o r c e d to observe that you are not so i n t e r n a t i o n a l i n f e e l i n g at home as you are abroad. I have been forced to observe that i n A u s t r i a there i s an anti-German current among 168 the S l a v s , and I should l i k e to make an urgent request . . . I simply cannot understand that there are workers who have not yet completely f r e e d themselves from t h i s n a t i o n a l f e e l i n g which i s p e c u l i a r to oppressed peoples. This i s the sense i n which I should l i k e to appeal to you. You have a common enemy. Your enemy i s not, however, the other n a t i o n a l i t y , i t i s i n t e r n a t i o n a l , i t i s c a p i t a l i s m . . .66 Keel's warning was p r o p h e t i c , f o r i n the next year n a t i o n a l 6 7 t e n s i o n i n the trade union movement began to r i s e . At f i r s t , language concessions were enough to s a t i s f y most Czech trade u n i o n i s t s , but during 1895 c o n f l i c t s i n which the p a r t i c i p a n t s d i v i d e d along n a t i o n a l i t y l i n e s began to occur. Ominously, these revolved around c e n t r a l i z a t i o n 6 8 and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e autonomy r a t h e r than language i s s u e s . That the developing c o n f l i c t w i t h i n the trade union movement had i t s o r i g i n s i n the Czech party's d r i v e f o r increased autonomy became evident at the 1896 C i s l e i t h a n i a n party Congress. In a rat h e r m i l d speech, Antonin Nemec spoke of the d i f f i c u l t i e s f a c i n g the Czech s o c i a l -i s t movement. He noted that the Czech party had now begun to i n t e r e s t i t s e l f i n the trade union o r g a n i z a t i o n of workers. Because the p o l i t i c a l movement was basing i t s e l f i n c r e a s i n g l y on the trade unions f o r f i n a n c i a l support, some means had to be found whereby the Czech party o r g a n i z a t i o n 69 would not be hur t by c e n t r a l i s m i n the trade union movement. Hueber drew the appropriate conclusion from Nemec's statement, and responded by denouncing f e d e r a l i s m i n both trade unions and p o l i -t i c a l movement! As i n the trade union movement, i n the p o l i t i c a l movement the b a s i c p r i n c i p l e of c e n t r a l i z a t i o n must be r e a l i z e d . . . The f e d e r a l i s t i c r i f t (Zerkluftung) must come to and end. In the p o l i t i c a l movement through a u n i t a r y , stronger p a r t y , i n the ^ trade union movement through the c r e a t i o n of i n d u s t r i a l groups. 169 Hueber's statement, c o n s i d e r i n g the circumstances, was somewhat extreme. In h i s response to Hueber's speech, A d l e r r e j e c t e d the i d e a of c e n t r a l -i z a t i o n of the p o l i t i c a l movement; he d i d not, however, mention the trade union movement.7"'' One month l a t e r , at the Czech party Congress i n Briinn, i t be-came evident that the Czechs had defined what Nemec had meant. The speaker on o r g a n i z a t i o n , Josef Krapka, recommended the founding of a Czech trade union commission. His proposal was supported by most of the l e a d i n g f i g u r e s i n the Czech p a r t y , i n c l u d i n g Nemec, Rudolf Smetana and Adolf B u r i a n . Only August Radimsky, one of Adler's strongest j . 7 2 supporters, opposed the suggestion. Hueber, who attended the Congress as a delegate from the Trade Union Commission, then e x p l a i n e d h i s p o s i t i o n . He had apparently given up h i s o p p o s i t i o n to f e d e r a l i s m i n the p o l i t i c a l movement, but was emphatic i n h i s defenee of c e n t r a l i s m i n the trade union movement: In economic questions we must take a completely d i f f e r e n t stand than i n p o l i t i c a l questions. A d i v i s i o n of s t r e n g t h would be d i s a s t r o u s f o r the e n t i r e working c l a s s . 7 3 In h i s r e b u t t a l , Nemec emphasized t h a t : Comrade Hueber judges the s i t u a t i o n from a s p e c i a l p o i n t of view . . . [The c r e a t i o n of a Czech trade union commission] would not mean a d i v i s i o n [of the movement]; i t would only mean that work would be p r o p o r t i o n a l l y d i v i d e d between the two. There is no trace of chauvinism here. We only want to found c e n t r a l trade union l e a d e r s h i p s f o r each Land, l i k e the one i n Briinn. These should be autonomously administered, n a t u r a l l y i n agreement w i t h the Commission i n Vienna. In c o n c l u s i o n , the speaker s t a t e d that the Czech comrades were not f o r separatism, but only f o r a c l a r i f i c a t i o n of the s i t u a t i o n . 7 4 What Nemec was saying was that the Czechs wished to c o n t r o l the o r g a n i -ations which c o l l e c t e d funds f o r the p o l i t i c a l p a r t y . 170 The Congress f i n a l l y voted to leave the subject t i l l the trade union congress i n December.^ In the ensuing months a l i v e l y debate occurred, w i t h the advantage at f i r s t going to the c e n t r a l i s t s . Tension rose r a p i d l y , however, f o l l o w i n g a conference of Czech party Vertrauens-manner. They recommended the establishment of a Czech s e c t i o n at the Commission i n Vienna, as w e l l as an independent Czech s e c r e t a r i a t along-76 s i d e the German. These were t h e i r "minimal" demands! One h i s t o r i a n notes that Hueber d i d not i n v i t e the Czech party to the trade union c o n g r e s s , ^ and i n i t s absence, the Czechs l i m i t e d t h e i r demands to the appointment of an independent Czech s e c r e t a r y , to be chosen by 78 the Commission. The a l l - i m p o r t a n t trade union Congress opened i n Vienna i n December 1896. On the day i t began the A r b e i t e r - Z e i t u n g expressed the c e n t r a l party l e a d e r s h i p ' s view of the c r i s i s : The s o c i a l democratic party has overcome the problem of the m u l t i p l i c i t y of languages by d i v i d i n g o r g a n i -z a t i o n a l work along l i n g u i s t i c borders, and by feder-a t i v e union of the n a t i o n a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s . The trade union o r g a n i z a t i o n cannot carry out such a d i v i s i o n ; that would mean the dismemberment of every s i n g l e o r -g a n i z a t i o n , down to the l e v e l of the i n d i v i d u a l work pl a c e . The means must be found to e s t a b l i s h , where p o s s i b l e , Czech forces alongside those of the Germans, e s p e c i a l l y i n the s e c r e t a r i a t . 7 9 The party (meaning i n e f f e c t A d l e r and the Germans), was thus i n favour of concessions to the Czechs, but was not prepared to agree to the abandonment of c e n t r a l i s m i n the trade union movement. In a speech to the Congress, Josef Rousar, a Czech trade union-i s t , emphasized that the appointment of a Czech s e c r e t a r y would not represent the dismemberment of the trade union movement. The Czech 171 demands were not c h a u v i n i s t i c , and i f the Czechs had wanted to s p l i t the movement, they would not even have bothered to come to the Congress. In A u s t r i a there are workers who are not Germans. I f one a g i t a t e s among them only i n the German language, i t i s under-standable that they are so i n d i f f e r e n t . That must change. When Comrade Hueber s a i d that the other nations w i l l come to the next congress w i t h the same demand as the Czechs t h i s time, then I must say, we have a b s o l u t e l y nothing against t h i s . 8 0 In an e a r l i e r statement Rousar had pointed out p a r t of the reason why the Czechs d i s t r u s t e d the Commission and demanded i t s reform. The Com-mission had done almost nothing f o r the Czech o r g a n i z a t i o n s i n Bohemia. Of the s i x p a i d Vertrauensmanner i n Bohemia, only one was a Czech. In a d d i t i o n , only one a g i t a t i o n a l tour had occurred i n Bohemia, and 81 that had been only among the Germans. Hueber's r e j e c t i o n of the Czech demand showed no t r a c e of a d e s i r e f o r compromise. In the same speech i n which he attempted to introduce the Union concept, he s a i d : So, two s e c r e t a r i e s are to be e l e c t e d to the Commission! . . . I f we f u l f i l l t h i s request, then we must, w i t h com-p l e t e j u s t i f i c a t i o n , decide to h i r e a P o l i s h , a Slovene, and an I t a l i a n s e c r e t a r y . The question i s not whether or not we should have a crowd (Menge) of people of various nations i n the Trade Union Commission; r a t h e r , i f we h i r e them, they must be h i r e d i n the provinces so that the language needs of the p r o l e t a r i a t can be served . . . These are p r a c t i c a l t h i n g s . I f our means permit us t o , then we w i l l h i r e a Vertrauensmann f o r the Trade Union Commission both i n Briinn and i n Prague . . . 82 Hueber d i d not even deal w i t h the i s s u e r a i s e d by the Czechs! Indeed, he d i d not even e x p l a i n why the i d e a of a Czech or P o l i s h or Slovene or I t a l i a n s e c r e t a r y was wrong! The mere statement i t s e l f was<.-enough to disarm the o p p o s i t i o n ! 172 In an attempt to calm the s i t u a t i o n , A d l e r spoke to the Con-gress : Rouschar's r e s o l u t i o n [the Czech r e s o l u t i o n ] i s a r e s o l u -t i o n which the members of the Party E x e c u t i v e , the members of the Trade Union Commission, and the members of the Czech Executive Committee have discussed and agreed to. I don't know, however, whether or not Comrade Eueber mentioned th a t . I was prevented from coming by the assembly t h i s morning. He w i l l say, because we have not voted on i t yet . . . that he was not re q u i r e d to report t h i s . ( I n t e r j e c t i o n : He reported the o p p o s i t e ! ) . . . Because a powerful Czech trade union movement e x i s t s , the Trade Union Commission must have an o f f i c i a l who not only knows the Czech language, but is also a Vertrauensmann of the Czech trade unions. Today there i s an o f f i c i a l , but that i s l e s s than nothing f o r the Czechs . . . I c a l l upon Comrade Hueber as a w i t n e s s , he i s overloaded [withivwork]. Why shouldn't we give him a second secretary? WhatsHeuber'cant d6*-'eah.Lalso~be done by another. 83 Adler's appeal went f o r naught, however, f o r the debate became i n -c r e a s i n g l y b i t t e r . Matters were made much worse when C a r l Legien, the Reich-German trade union s e c r e t a r y , spoke. Strongly supporting Hueber's f a n a t i c a l p o s i t i o n on c e n t r a l i s m , Legien argued that i t would be a recog-n i t i o n of n a t i o n a l i s m i f a second s e c r e t a r y were chosen. Completely misunderstanding the s i t u a t i o n , Legien t r i e d to argue that Germany a l s o had language problems s i m i l a r to those i n C i s l e i t h a n i a , and attempted to compare the complex s i t u a t i o n i n C i s l e i t h a n i a w i t h the problems the Germans were having w i t h A l s a t i a n s , Poles and p a r t i c u l a r i s t s ! He summed up h i s p o s i t i o n by arguing that Adler's "warm support" of Rousar's 84 r e s o l u t i o n would be "very d e t r i m e n t a l to our cause." Legien's statements, i n conjunction w i t h Hueber's, only strengthened the Czechs i n t h e i r views, and conversely, made many Ger-85 mans favour u n r e s t r i c t e d c e n t r a l i s m . In the atmosphere created by 173 Hueber and Legien, pleas by A d l e r and other members of the c e n t r a l party executive f o r compromise were of no a v a i l , and i n the vote on 86 the i s s u e the Czech demands were defeated by a l a r g e m a j o r i t y . A compromise r e s o l u t i o n , c a l l i n g f o r one s e c r e t a r y , but g i v i n g him a deputy, and''ihsisting,.that one of these must know Czech, was introduced 87 by Johann Smitka. When t h i s was passed, the Czechs withdrew to assess 88 the s i t u a t i o n . I n t e r e s t i n g l y , a r e s o l u t i o n proposing that debate be 89 h a l t e d u n t i l the Czechs returned was defeated. When they d i d r e t u r n they presented the f o l l o w i n g p r o t e s t : We declare that we are not s a t i s f i e d w i t h the adoption of Smitka's r e s o l u t i o n , and we p r o t e s t against the m a j o r i t y on t h i s i s s u e . . . We s h a l l l a y the whole question before our o r g a n i z a t i o n s , and l e t them make any f u r t h e r decisions.90 With t h i s d e c l a r a t i o n , the C i s l e i t h a n i a n trade union movement s p l i t along n a t i o n a l l i n e s , f o r w i t h i n a few weeks the Czechs founded t h e i r own trade union commission i n Prague. This d i d not mean, however, that a general d i s i n t e g r a t i o n of the trade union movement along n a t i o n a l l i n e s occurred, nor that the m a j o r i t y of Czech workers a f f i l i a t e d w i t h the Czech Commission i n Prague. The C i s l e i t h a n i a n trade unions remained i n t a c t , and only a few thousand workers i n Bohemia j o i n e d the Prague 91 Commission. By the end of 1897 only 12,834 had a c t u a l l y done so. In 1903 there were s t i l l 50,000 more Czech workers a f f i l i a t e d w i t h 92 Vienna than w i t h Prague. For s e v e r a l years the Prague Commission functioned only as a Bohemian trade union c e n t r a l , f o r the Moravian and S i l e s i a n Czech or-93 g a n i z a t i o n s remained f i r m l y wedded to Vienna. P a r t of the reason f o r t h i s was an increased w i l l i n g n e s s on the part of the German to compromise, but the r e a l cause i s to be found i n the h i s t o r i c a l d i f -ferences between Bohemia and Moravia. N a t i o n a l c o n f l i c t (and n a t i o n a l consciousness) had never been as intense i n Moravia as i t was i n Bohe-95 mia. F o l l o w i n g the Badeni c r i s i s and the increased p o l i t i c i z a t i o n of the n a t i o n a l i t y question i n C i s l e i t h a n i a , however, the v i r t u a l l y " t r a d i -t i o n a l " co-operation between German and Czech s o c i a l i s t s i n Moravia began to d e c l i n e . In 1905 they ran separate candidates i n the Brunn c i t y c o u n c i l e l e c t i o n s . Defeat saw the r e t u r n of i n t e r n a t i o n a l i t y co-operation, but from that p o i n t onwards, the Czech party s y s t e m a t i -9 c a l l y sought to undermine the p o s i t i o n of c e n t r a l i s t leaders i n Moravia. I t i s evident from the d i s c u s s i o n of the development of the s p l i t i n the C i s l e i t h a n i a n trade union movement that the i n i t i a t i v e came from the Czech p a r t y . Only at the Congress where the a c t u a l s p l i t occurred was a prominent Czech trade u n i o n i s t — R o u s a r — d i r e c t l y i n v o l v e d , and t h i s was p a r t l y because the Czech party had not been i n v i t e d to send r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . Even i n the years between 1897 and 1904, when i t appeared l i k e l y that a reunion of the two Commissions would occur, the Czech party was opposed to the i d e a . The m o t i v a t i o n f o r the s p l i t was c l e a r l y a n a t i o n a l i s t one. Czech Marxism was s t r o n g , but mere "economic n e c e s s i t y " was not enough to e x p l a i n the s p l i t w i t h the Germans. The Czech s o c i a l i s t party was not simply i n t e r e s t e d i n securing i t s f i n a n c i a l f u t u r e by securing c o n t r o l of the Czech trade unions. In f a c t , one f a c t o r which makes the " n a t i o n a l i z a t i o n " of the Czech party ( i n p a r t i c u l a r ) i n the 1890's comprehensible i s that t h i s 175 process d i d not occur so much because Czech s o c i a l i s t s were r e a c t i n g to pressure from more n a t i o n a l i s t s o c i a l i s t s , as because the Czech s o c i a l i s t movement was becoming i n c r e a s i n g l y a p a r t i c i p a n t i n the Czech 97 n a t i o n a l movement. While the ^ Gzech n a t i o n a l i s t movement was not n e c e s s a r i l y aiming f o r independence of the Monarchy before 1914, i t was s t r i v i n g to win as much autonomy and i n f l u e n c e i n the Monarchy as was p o s s i b l e . The Czech s o c i a l i s t movement only r e f l e c t e d t h i s f a c t . In t h i s sense, the Czech s o c i a l i s t movement mirrored a trend common among s o c i a l i s t s of the non-emancipated n a t i o n a l i t i e s of Eastern Europe i n t h i s p e r i o d . A l l s o c i a l i s t movements of the p e r i o d aimed at some form of s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l power i n the s t a t e s i n which they l i v e d , although the means to be used to achieve power became i n c r e a s i n g l y debated a f t e r the turn of the century. What d i f f e r e n t i a t e d the s o c i a l i s t s among the m u l t i - n a t i o n a l s t a t e s of Eastern Europe from those elsewhere was the f a c t that they a l s o aimed at " n a t i o n a l " power, the only way to f u l l y emancipate t h e i r peoples. In t h i s way the d r i v e f o r autonomy by the Czech s o c i a l i s t s i n d i c a t e s the e v o l u t i o n of the Czech s o c i a l i s t movement from the st a t u s of "p a r i a h s " to one of i n c r e a s i n g i n t e g r a t i o n i n t o t h e i r n a t i o n a l i t y (the n a t i o n a l i s t movement) and s o c i e t y . Among the Czechs at l e a s t , the n a t i o n a l l i b e r a t i o n movement was pr o g r e s s i v e and democratic, and f o r Czech s o c i a l i s t s to consider themselves a par t of i t was not n e c e s s a r i l y to succumb to " r e a c t i o n a r y " n a t i o n a l i s m . The p o s i t i o n of Austro-German s o c i a l i s t s as members of a " r u l i n g " n a t i o n a l i t y was more complicated. The r o l e of the German pop u l a t i o n as a p r i v i l e g e d n a t i o n a l i t y tended to d i v i d e n a t i o n a l l y conscious Germans— 176 and the German s o c i a l i s t s were c e r t a i n l y among them—between the S c y l l a of pan-Germanism and the Charybdis of what might be c a l l e d " A u s t r i a n i s m . " At the same time, i n s p i t e of the f a c t that German s o c i a l i s t s were as n a t i o n a l i s t as Czech s o c i a l i s t s , t h e i r demand f o r u n i v e r s a l s u f f r a g e and f o r the democratization of the s t a t e could only serve to i s o l a t e them from t h e i r middle c l a s s . The democratization of C i s l e i t h a n i a was not seen as i n the i n t e r e s t s of the German n a t i o n a l i t y i n C i s l e i t h a n i a by the German middle c l a s s , or at l e a s t by l a r g e elements of i t . This placed German-speaking s o c i a l i s t s i n a very d i f f i c u l t , and i s o l a t e d , p o s i t i o n . The d i s c u s s i o n of the n a t i o n a l i t y question i n the trade union movement i n d i c a t e s that there was, apart from the n a t i o n a l i s t i s s u e s , a considerable d i f f e r e n c e between the Czech and C i s l e i t h a n i a n (German) s o c i a l i s t movements. I t i s evident from both the d i s c u s s i o n , and from events a f t e r 1900, that the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the Czech s o c i a l i s t p a r t y and trade union movements was d i f f e r e n t from that of the Germans. The Czech trade union movement was c l e a r l y subordinate to the Czech pa r t y . This i s perhaps because the m a j o r i t y of Czech trade u n i o n i s t s d i d not a f f i l i a t e w i t h the Czech Commission u n t i l a f t e r 1906, but i t i s a l s o a ' r e f l e c t i o n of the f a c t that a leader of the s t a t u r e of Hueber d i d not emerge among the Czechs. Josef Rousar, the most prominent Czech trade u n i o n i s t ^ was forced to r e s i g n h i s p o s i t i o n as s e c r e t a r y i n 1904 because of i l l n e s s , and no outstanding f i g u r e succeeded him. I t i s a l s o of i n t e r e s t to note that no leader of Adler's s t a t u r e emerged i n the Czech party e i t h e r . 177 The c o n f l i c t w i t h i n the trade union movement became more se r i o u s a f t e r 1905. One of the l a s t events i n the drama was the " e x t r a o r d i n a r y " trade union Congress of 1905. In the v o t i n g on the n a t i o n a l i t y ques-t i o n at the Congress the Czechs were overwhelmingly defeated, a f o r e -gone con c l u s i o n i n any case. In the aftermath of-the defeat they set about the systematic d e s t r u c t i o n of the i n t e r n a t i o n a l trade unions. The f i r s t union to s p l i t was the shoemaker's union, i n J u l y 1906. By 1912, 10 7,263 Czech workers were a f f i l i a t e d w i t h the Czech Trade Union 98 Commission i n Prague. When the Czech party e s t a b l i s h e d a separate Czech Commission i n Brunn i n 1910, the Vienna Commission appealed to the I n t e r n a t i o n a l s o c i a l i s t Congress at Copenhagen of the same year. When tha t Congress recognized the Vienna Commission as the only l e g i -timate trade union l e a d e r s h i p body i n C i s l e i t h a n i a , the Vienna Commis-s i o n broke r e l a t i o n s w i t h the Czechs ( i n March 1911). The few Czech s o c i a l i s t s who s t i l l b e l i e v e d i n the maintenance of the Gesamtpartei and a trade union movement organized without regard to n a t i o n a l i t y then proceeded to organize a " c e n t r a l i s t " Czech s o c i a l democratic 99 pa r t y . When the German party recognized t h i s new Czech p a r t y , the o l d Czech party broke away from the Gesamtpartei, and i n t e r n a t i o n a l s o c i a l i s t u n i t y i n C i s l e i t h a n i a was no more."*"^ NOTES - CHAPTER IV Otto Bauer, Die N a t i o n a l i t a t e n f r a g e und die Sozialdemokratie, p. 545. Czech M a r x i s t h i s t o r i a n s have not discussed the n a t i o n a l i t y question i n the trade union movement i n any d e t a i l . T h e i r area of c o n c e n t r a t i o n has been the o r i g i n s of the Czech p o l i t i c a l movement and i t s e a r l y r e l a t i o n s w i t h Germany and w i t h the Germans of C i s l e i t h a n i a . The most recent review of Czech labour h i s t o r i o g r a p h y makes no mention of the trade union movement a f t e r 1890. See Stanley B. Winters, "Trends i n Labor H i s t o r y i n Czechoslovakia," Labor H i s t o r y , X (1969), pp. 602-29, esp. pp. 610-11, 617. 2 See above, Chapter I . 3 G u l i c k , A u s t r i a from Habsburg to H i t l e r , I , p. 18. 4 The L a s s a l l e a n s tended to concentrate on the founding of edu-c a t i o n a l a s s o c i a t i o n s . As a r e s u l t , the supporters of S c h u l z e - D e l i t z s c h won an i n i t i a l advantage i n the trade union movment. Deutsch, Gewerk- schaf tsbewegung, I , p. 69. Deutsch notes that i n many cases trade unions developed d i r e c t l y out of the o l d g u i l d o r g a n i z a t i o n s , a process q u i t e d i f f e r e n t from that i n B r i t a i n . I b i d . , I , pp. 83, 330. Text of the relevant s e c t i o n s of the 1852 penal code r e p r i n t e d i n i b i d . , I , pp. 73-4. ^ Polach, "The Beginnings of Trade Unionism," pp. 239-40. ^ See B e r n a t z i k , Die o s t e r r e i c h i s c h e n Verfassungsgesetze, p. 386, f o r the 1867 l e g i s l a t i o n , and Deutsch, Gewerkschaftsbewegung, I , pp. 95-6, f o r the 1870 c o a l i t i o n law. g There were a l s o 69 e d u c a t i o n a l a s s o c i a t i o n s w i t h 17,035 mem-bers , i n c l u d i n g two f o r women w i t h 500 members, and 36 Sther a s s o c i a t i o n s w i t h 33,264 members, which might be c l a s s i f i e d as f u l f i l l i n g some trade union f u n c t i o n s . Deutsch, I , p. 120. In 1877, i n c o n t r a s t , only about 49,000 were organized i n trade unions i n Germany. Cf. Vernon L. L i d t k e , The Outlawed P a r t y : S o c i a l Democracy i n Germany 1878-1890 ( P r i n c e t o n , 1966) , p. 13. 9 I b i d . , I , p. 229; G u l i c k , A u s t r i a from Habsburg to H i t l e r , I , p. 274. Among the occupations f o r which unions e x i s t e d were harness makers, c l o t h i n g workers, house-painters, glove makers, p r i n t e r s , type-founders, l i t h o g r a p h e r s , woodworkers, metal workers, b r i c k l a y e r s and stonemasons, shoemakers, s c u l p t o r s and sheet m e t a l w o r k e r s . Deutsch, I , p. 120. There are, u n f o r t u n a t e l y , no f i g u r e s a v a i l a b l e as to the p r o p o r t i o n u n s k i l l e d workers formed i n the unions. 178 179 By 1889 the process was w e l l under way i n parts of the Bohe-mian and A l p i n e Lands. In Prague i n that year, although 9 7 per cent of a l l p l a n t s were s m a l l , 54 per cent of the workers were employed i n la r g e f a c t o r i e s . S t e i n e r , Arbeiterbewegung, pp. 161-2. ^ The congress occurred i n 1895. Mommsen, Sozialdemokratie, p. 214. Perhaps the f a c t that so many t e x t i l e workers were women ex-p l a i n s the f a i l u r e to un i o n i z e . Not u n t i l a f t e r 1890 was any r e a l o r g a n i z a t i o n of the "doubly e x p l o i t e d " undertaken. Even then i t was only h a l f - h e a r t e d , as the debates on the woman question at the 1893 and 1896 trade union congresses and the 1899 C i s l e i t h a n i a n party congress were to show. 12 Deutsch, Gewerkschaftsbewegung, I , pp. 125-8. The f i r s t group to h o l d a n a t i o n a l c o n g r e s s — o n 15-16 August 1868—were the p r i n -t e r s , "the e l i t e of the working c l a s s i n a l l European c o u n t r i e s i n the middle of the nineteenth century." Hans F e h l i n g e r , F r i t z Klenner, Die o s t e r r e i c h i s c h e Gewerkschaftsbewegung, Ruckblick und Vorschau (Vienna, 1948), p. 21; Deutsch, I , p. 80. 13 In Vienna alone 35,000 were soon unemployed. S t e i n e r , Arbei- terbewegung , p. 81. The d e c l i n e i n wages was p r e c i p i t a t e . In 1875, compared w i t h 1873, the average wage of r a i l r o a d workers i n S t y r i a had f a l l e n by 31 per cent, of coa l miners i n Bohemia by 28 per cent, and of t e x t i l e workers i n Bohemia by 24 per cent. I b i d . , p. 113. The f a l l i n union membership was a l s o r a p i d . The shoemaker's union i n Vienna, w i t h 962 members i n A p r i l 1873, had only 277 i n June 1874, and a mere 186 i n January 1876. The woodworker's union i-naGrazOO600rstr;ong i n 1873, f e l l to 300 i n 1874, and only 150 i n 1876. Deutsch, I , p. 135. See al s o above, Chapter I , s e c t i o n i i i . 14 Deutsch, I , p. 154. ^ Many unions d i s s o l v e d v o l u n t a r i l y i n order to avoid c o n f i s -c a t i o n of union funds. B r i i g e l , Geschichte, I I I , p. 349; S t e i n e r , Arbeiterbewegung, p. 244. L i b e r a l o p p o s i t i o n i n parliament forced the r e d i r e c t i o n of the b i l l against a n a r c h i s t s . 16 P o l a c h , "The Beginnings of Trade Unionism," p. 240; Jenks, A u s t r i a under the I r o n Ring, pp. 181-2. According to K a r l Kautsky they were intended to replace trade unions. Kautsky, "Die A r b e i t e r -bewegung i n O e s t e r r e i c h , " pp. 103-4. ^ Kautsky, "Die Arbeiterbewegung i n O e s t e r r e i c h , " p. 104. 18 Anton Hueber, " P a r t e i und Gewerkschaft i n O e s t e r r e i c h , " Der Kampf, I (1907-8), p. 12. 19 Schorske, German S o c i a l Democracy 1905-1917, pp. 8-9. 180 20 I b i d . , pp. 49-52. See a l s o Harvey M i t c h e l l , "Labor and the Or i g i n s of S o c i a l Democracy i n B r i t a i n , France and Germany 1890-1914," pp. 76-100, esp. p. 95. Schorske notes that the German trade unions opposed the i d e a of the mass s t r i k e at the Congress. See above, Chapter I I , pp. 65-6. 21 Many r e s t r i c t i o n s lapsed without much pressure from the s o c i a l i s t s . The e x c e p t i o n a l laws and the a n t i - a n a r c h i s t l e g i s l a t i o n both ran out i n 1891, and because of l i b e r a l o p p o s i t i o n i n parliament the government d i d not renew them. I t was c l e a r even before that date, however, that the government had l o s t the w i l l to enforce them. A f t e r 1891 i t a l s o d i d not bother to suppress o r g a n i z a t i o n s created above the l o c a l l e v e l , as at the 1892 C i s l e i t h a n i a n party congress. The c o n t r a s t w i t h Germany i n the f r a n c h i s e question i s i n s t r u c -t i v e . F ollowing the gr a n t i n g of u n i v e r s a l s u f f r a g e i n 1867 the German party g r a d u a l l y developed i n t o a mass p a r t y , w i t h s u b s t a n t i a l represen-t a t i o n i n P a r l i a m e n t , w h i l e the C i s l e i t h a n i a n p a r t y , l i k e both German :and C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t trade union o r g a n i z a t i o n s , remained a t i n y o r g a n i z a t i o n u n t i l 1890. The s i g n i f i c a n c e of t h i s i s w e l l - d e s c r i b e d by G u l i c k : "The absence of smashing p o l i t i c a l v i c t o r i e s prevented the r i s e among the party membership i n C i s l e i t h a n i a of any tendency to negl e c t the trade union movement. On the contr a r y , the p r o t r a c t e d f i g h t f o r the b a l l o t helped to create the t r a d i t i o n of t e s t e d a l l i a n c e between the p o l i t i c a l and economic wings." G u l i c k , A u s t r i a from Habs- burg to H i t l e r , I , p. 304. 22 The " n o n - p o l i t i c a l " trade unions were l e s s v u l n e r a b l e to the a s s o c i a t i o n s ' law than the p a r t y , and could more e a s i l y c o l l e c t funds. As noted p r e v i o u s l y , party membership dues were only introduced a f t e r the f e d e r a l i z a t i o n of the p a r t y . 23 Schorske, German S o c i a l Democracy, T-p. 11. See a l s o h i s speech at the 1893 C i s l e i t h a n i a n trade union Congress, P r o t o k o l l uber die Verhandlungen des I . Gewerkschaftskongresses, abgehalten vom 24. b i s 2 7. Dezember 1893 i n Wien (Vienna, 1901), pp. 46-7. Her e a f t e r P.G. 1893. 2 4 P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1891, p. 55. 25 Hueber, " P a r t e i und Gewerkschaft," p. 13. Mommsen notes that the e d u c a t i o n a l a s s o c i a t i o n s were a f e d e r a l i s t i c and n a t i o n a l l y indepen-dent element i n the network of party and trade union o r g a n i z a t i o n s . Mommsen, Sozialdemokratie, p. 216. The ed u c a t i o n a l a s s o c i a t i o n s were organized by n a t i o n a l i t y , and played an important r o l e i n . t h e Czech n a t i o n a l r e v i v a l . 26 Deutsch, Gewerkschaftsbewegung, I , p. 391. This i s evident from membership f i g u r e s . In 1899 there had been about 30,000 members. By 1903 t h i s had f a l l e n to only 17,274. I b i d . 181 2 7 P r o t o k o l l ( H a i n f e l d ) , 1888/9, p. 83. Throughout most of the 1890's the party refused to o b l i g e party members to belong to trade unions. 28 P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1891, pp. 65-7. Reprinted a l s o i n S. K a f f , " E i n Gewerkschafts-Kongress i n O e s t e r r e i c h , " NZ, X I I : 1 (1893-4), pp. 565-7. 29 P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1891, pp. 66-7. 30 Deutsch, Gewerkschaftsbewegung, I , pp. 270-1. One of the rare examples of r e s i s t a n c e to c e n t r a l i z a t i o n was the baker's congress of A p r i l 1893. A s m a l l group of a n a r c h i s t s managed to o b t a i n the r e -j e c t i o n of c e n t r a l i s m by the union. Their c o n t r o l l a s t e d only u n t i l December 1893, however. I b i d . , I , pp. 299-300. 31 See P.G. 1893, pp. i i i , 7. The f i r s t attempt to found a committee f o r a l l unions i n Vienna had occurred i n June 1872. I t foun-dered on the r e s i s t a n c e of the a u t h o r i t i e s . Deutsch, Gewerkschafts- bewegung , I , pp. 115-6. Although C i s l e i t h a n i a was represented at the f i r s t i n t e r n a t i o n a l p r i n t e r ' s congress, h e l d i n P a r i s i n conjunction w i t h the founding con-gress of the Second I n t e r n a t i o n a l i n J u l y 1889, an i n t e r n a t i o n a l trade union o r g a n i z a t i o n d i d not develop. I d e o l o g i c a l d i f f e r e n c e s among the trade union movements i n the various c o u n t r i e s were one of the major reasons f o r the delay. An i n t e r n a t i o n a l trade union congress d i d occur i n c o njunction w i t h the I n t e r n a t i o n a l ' s Z u r i c h Congress of 1893, though i t was again s e v e r a l years before a meaningful i n t e r n a t i o n a l trade union a s s o c i a t i o n (with i t s headquarters i n B e r l i n ) was created. I b i d . , I , pp. 292-301. 3 2 P.G. 1893, pp. 21-4. 33 I b i d . , p. 23. 34 The c l o s e t i e s between party and trade unions were emphasized by a r e s o l u t i o n i n which the trade unions declared t h e i r agreement i n p r i n c i p l e w i t h the t a c t i c s of the s o c i a l i s t p a r t y l e a d e r s h i p . I b i d . , p. 112. 35 I b i d . , p. 23; A r b e i t e r - Z e i t u n g , 29 December 1893. Eduard K l e e d o r f e r was e l e c t e d s e c r e t a r y of the Commission. The Trade Union Commission's ex i s t e n c e was never o f f i c i a l l y sanctioned by the govern-ment of C i s l e i t h a n i a . G u l i c k , A u s t r i a from Habsburg to H i t l e r , I , p. 273. 3 6 P.G. 1893, p. 24. 37 I b i d . , p. i v . There were only 46 women and 46 apprentices i n c l u d e d i n the t o t a l . Deutsch says there were 20,202 i n Vienna, and 11,320 i n the 182 provinces. Deutsch, Gewerkschaftsbewegung, I , p. 276. The incomplete-ness of the f i g u r e s , and the d i f f i c u l t y i n o b t a i n i n g an accurate t o t a l i s i n d i c a t e d by another set of f i g u r e s p u b l i s h e d by Deutsch. He r e -ported a t o t a l of 46,606 members i n 1892, of whom 2,616 (or 4.7 per cent) were women. I b i d . , I , p. 461. For the sake of comparison, there were 250,000 workers i n s o c i a l i s t unions i n Germany i n the same year. P.G. 1893, p. 1 ( C a r l Legien's speech). 38 Deutsch, Gewerkschaftsbewegung, I , p. 316. 39 P r o t o k o l l (Prague), 1896, p. 179; P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1897, pp. 7, 166. 40 G u l i c k , A u s t r i a from Habsburg to H i t l e r , I , p. 273. In Germany by 1914, s i x t y per cent of the s o c i a l i s t trade union member-ship was organized i n s i x i n d u s t r i a l unions. Helga Grebing, The H i s - tory of the German Labour Movement (London, 1969), p. 69. 41 See Chapter I I I , s e c t i o n i v . 4 2 P.G. 1893, pp. 108-9. 43 T h a t i g k e i t s b e r i c h t der Gewerkschafts-Kommission Oesterreichs f u r 1894 b i s 1896: Rechenschaftsbericht der Gewerkschafts-K6mmission Oesterreichs f u r die Z e i t vom 1. Janner 1894 b i s 31 Oktober 1896 f u r den I I . o s t e r r e i c h i s c h e n Gewerkschafts-Kongress (Zprava o c i n n o s t i rakouske odborove komise zu dobu od 1. ledna 1894 do 31. r i j n a 1896 pro I I . rakousky odborovy s.jezd [ b i l i n g u a l e d i t i o n ] ) (Vienna, 1897), p. 55. H e r e a f t e r T.B. 1896. See a l s o below, Appendix V I I . The f i r s t attempt to found a trade union paper f o r a l l trade unions had occurred i n Vienna i n 1877 when Der Gewerkschaftier began p u b l i c a t i o n . I t ceased p u b l i c a t i o n i n 1878. Deutsch, Gewerkschafts- bewegung, I , pp. 140-4. 44 K l e e d o r f e r had proved to be incompetent, and was removed from o f f i c e . Cf. P r o t o k o l l des I I . o s t e r r e i c h i s c h e n Gewerkschafts- kongresses abgehalten vom 25. b i s 29. Dezember 1896.(Vienna, 189 7) , pp. 7-8 (Hueber's speech). Hereafter P.G. 1896. Hueber remained s e c r e t a r y of the Vienna Commission u n t i l 19 31. Cf. K a r l B l e c k a , "Anton Hueber," Werk und W i d e r h a l l , ed. Norbert Leser (Vienna, 1964), pp. 213-19. The Czecks were represented by K a r l Korinek on the Commission, and women by Anna Boschek (from 1894). Cf. L. P l u s k a l -S c h o l z , "Anna Boschek," Werk und W i d e r h a l l , p. 94. Korinek was a "Beamter," and Boschek a "Beamtin." T.B. 1896, p. 25. 45 At the 1893 trade union Congress Hueber had introduced a r e s o l u t i o n c a l l i n g f o r a general s t r i k e f o r u n i v e r s a l s u f f r a g e . At the end of a long, and at times v i t r i o l i c debate, the Congress decided not to vote on the r e s o l u t i o n , but r a t h e r to submit i t to the next p a r t y congress. P.G. 1893, pp. 90-105. Some of the l e a d i n g trade u n i o n i s t s , i n c l u d i n g K a r l Hoger, had argued against the r e s o l u t i o n on 183 the b a s i s that the s u f f r a g e was a p o l i t i c a l demand, not a trade union one. He p.ut the general s t r i k e f o r the improvement of working condi-t i o n s as the f i r s t p r i o r i t y , the eight hour day as the second, and the s u f f r a g e as only the t h i r d . I b i d . , p. 90. This incensed people l i k e Hueber, and the deVate became somewhat acrimonious. I b i d . , p. 102. A d l e r , who was a l s o present, gave a long p a c i f y i n g speech i n an attempt to calm things down, and l a r g e l y succeeded. I b i d . , pp. 98-9. At the 1894 C i s l e i t h a n i a n party Congress the Hueber-Korinek r e s o l u t i o n was defeated by a compromise r e s o l u t i o n proposed by A d l e r , but not before Hueber had gone to the p o i n t of accusing A d l e r of "be-t r a y i n g " the movement. P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1894, pp. 59-101. In 1896, Hueber admitted that he had learned from h i s experience as head of the Trade Union Commission, and was no longer a "young hothead" (Stunner). P r o t o k o l l (Prague), 1896, p. 83. 46 Of those organized, the highest percentage was i n the poly-graphic i n d u s t r y , where 38.77 per cent of the 21,375 workers were members of unions. In the r a i l r o a d and t r a n s p o r t a t i o n i n d u s t r y the percentage was 14.6. A l l others were under 6 per cent. In the t e x t i l e i n d u s t r y , so important i n Bohemia, and the f i r s t i n d u s t r y to be a f f e c t e d by indus-t r i a l i z a t i o n , only 1.5 per cent of the 399,9 38 workers were organized. In mining only 5.5 per cent (7,710 workers) were unionized. Figures quoted i n NZ, XIV:1 (1895-6), p. 730. See a l s o T.B. 1896, p. 47. The t o t a l represented the stand on 31 December 1895. In the next s i x months t h i s grew to 99,434, of which 95,933 were men and 3,501 women. I b i d . , pp. 47-8. 47 P.G. 1896, pp. 22-3. Hueber was the speaker on "Organization and A g i t a t i o n . " 48 Text of the r e s o l u t i o n i n i b i d . , pp. 24-5. 4 9 I b i d - , PP- 70-1. In the debate Legien s t a t e d h i s p o s i t i o n q u i t e s u c c i n c t l y : " I t i s a b s o l u t e l y necessary that c e n t r a l i z a t i o n i n the trade union o r g a n i z a t i o n be c a r r i e d to the b i t t e r end ( b i s zum Aeussersten)." I b i d . , p. 62. The o p p o s i t i o n to complete c e n t r a l i z a t i o n was a l s o expressed i n the debates on the c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of s t r i k e funds, as w e l l as of " l e g a l p r o t e c t i o n " (Rechtsschutz). I b i d . , pp. 78-9, 104. C e n t r a l i z a -t i o n of s t r i k e funds, to be c a r r i e d out by c o l l e c t i n g one Kreuzer per month per member f o r the Commission, was defeated at the Congress. I b i d . , pp. 74, 88. Hueber was upset by t h i s d e c i s i o n . I b i d . , p. 88. Among the r e s o l u t i o n s passed at the Congress was one c a l l i n g f o r the c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of h i r i n g , of the b u i l d i n g of places f o r t r a -v e l l i n g workers to s t a y , as w e l l as of e d u c a t i o n a l f u n c t i o n s , at the l o c a l l e v e l . I b i d . , pp. 25, 65. The attempt to transform the educa-t i o n a l a s s o c i a t i o n s i n t o l o c a l s or general trade unions f a i l e d . A compromise r e s o l u t i o n , which proposed the transformation of e d u c a t i o n a l 184 s o c i e t i e s (and "mixed" trade unions) only where t h i s was p o s s i b l e , was accepted. No new ed u c a t i o n a l a s s o c i a t i o n s were to be founded. I b i d . , pp. 24-5, 65. ^ Deutsch, Gewerkschaftsbewegung, I , pp. 384-5; G u l i c k , A u s t r i a from Habsburg to H i t l e r , I , p. 274. 52 Deutsch, Gewerkschaftsbewegung, I , p. 393. 53 I b i d . , I , p. 388. The p r o p o r t i o n of organized s o c i a l i s t women had changed only m a r g i n a l l y s i n c e 1892, from 4.7 per cent i n 1892 to 4.8 per cent i n 1900. See a l s o below, Appendix V I I . I b i d . In 1904 women c o n s t i t u t e d 6.9 per cent of the t o t a l . C a l -c u l a t e d from f i g u r e s i n i b i d . , I , p. 461. A f t e r 1907 there was a r e -c e s s i o n , as w e l l as the f i n a l s p l i t between Czechs and Germans (to be discussed below). The p r o p o r t i o n of women i n 1907 was 9.2 per cent, and i t reached 11.7 per cent by 1912. Figures quoted from i b i d . Bohe-mia (35.5 per cent) and Lower A u s t r i a (33.05 per cent) had 68.55 per cent of a l l organized s o c i a l i s t workers i n 1907, although they had only 35.6 per cent of C i s l e i t h a n i a ' s p o p u l a t i o n i n 1910. C a l c u l a t e d from f i g u r e s i n S t a t i s t i s c h e s Handbuch des Konigreiches Bohmen (1913), p. 282; and O s t e r r e i c h i s c h e s S t a t i s t i s c h e s Handbuch, XXX (1911), p. 11 ( c i t i z e n s ) . Whiteside, A u s t r i a n N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s m before 1918, p. 32. ^ The a p p l i c a t i o n of the law to s o c i a l i s t a g i t a t o r s had been one of the reasons why Andreas Scheu emigrated i n 1874. Cf. Strauss, Geschichte, I , p. 133. See a l s o Rudolf Meyer, Der Emanzipationskampf des v i e r t e n Standes (Aalen, 1966 [1875]), I I , pp. 80-2; and Deutsch, Gewerkschaftsbewegung, I , p. 404. 58 F r i t z Klenner, The A u s t r i a n Trade Union Movement ( B r u s s e l s , 1956) , p. 40. 59 I b i d . , p. 41. ^ P r i o r to 1904 over two-thirds of^ a l l c o l l e c t i v e agreements i n v o l v e d p r i n t e r s . Deutsch, Gewerkschaftsbewegung, I , p. 410. ^ The movement was becoming strong enough to be able to nego-t i a t e r e a l changes i n hours of work, wages, and working c o n d i t i o n s . This does not mean, however, that trade u n i o n i s t s were i n the process of r e a l i z i n g a l l t h e i r aims. The eigh t hour day, one of the major aims of s o c i a l i s t s almost s i n c e the beginning of the movement, had been achieved by only 3,783 workers by 1907. I b i d . , I , p. 411. 185 62 Even the Czech n a t i o n a l i s t s o c i a l i s t s d i d not wish to d i v i d e the trade union movement. As t h e i r r e s o l u t i o n to the 1891 party con-gress put i t : "The S o c i a l Democratic Worker's Party i n A u s t r i a i s economically i n t e r n a t i o n a l . . . ." P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1891, p. 162. 6 3 P.G. 1893, p. 36. Another m i n o r i t y d i d r a i s e i t s problems at the 1893 congress. The major problem faced by women workers was t h e i r systematic e x c l u s i o n from many unions ( I t was noted that one-t h i r d of the Vienna trade unions d i d not accept women members. I b i d . , p. 9 ) . Maria Krasa, the spokesperson f o r women at the Congress, noted that even i n occupations where most of the workers were women, they were not accepted i n t o the unions. She added t h a t even the unions which were open to women members, d i d not have any! I b i d . , p. 62. 6 4 Cf. i b i d . , pp. 20, 35, 36, 37, 74, 106. 65 I b i d . , p. 35. Mommsen i s i n c o r r e c t when he says that Spera s a i d that the Czechs would leave the Congress i f more a t t e n t i o n was not p a i d to them. Cf. Mommsen, Sozialdemokratie , p. 215. 6 6 P.G. 1893, p. 113. 6 7 Otto Bauer described the Czech s i t u a t i o n q u i t e s u c c i n c t l y : "To the Czech worker, e x p l o i t e d by a German c a p i t a l i s t , 'sweated' by a German boss, and over whom the c l a s s s t a t e e x e r c i s e s i t s c o n t r o l through German o f f i c i a l s , German judges and German o f f i c e r s , German lea d e r s h i p of the trade union movement appears as a par t of the hated [general complex o f ] a l i e n German r u l e . " Bauer, Die N a t i o n a l i t a t e n f r a g e und die Sozialdemokratie , p. 543. 68 The f i r s t major Czech-German c o n f l i c t was i n the metal worker's union. Cf. Deutsch, Gewerkschaftsbewegung, I , pp. 342-3. 69 70 71 72 A r b e i t e r - Z e i t u n g , 9 A p r i l 1896. I b i d . , 10 A p r i l 1896. I b i d . See a l s o P r o t o k o l l (Prague), 1896, p. 83. A r b e i t e r - Z e i t u n g , 26, 27, 29 May 1896. Even Radimsky i n s i s t e d on more independence f o r the Czechs. 73 I b i d . , 27 May 1896. That Hueber's surrender on the is s u e of c e n t r a l i s m i n the p o l i t i c a l movement was only apparent, was made c l e a r at the 1899 C i s l e i t h a n i a n p a r ty congress. In a not too s u b t l e attempt to re-introduce the i d e a l of c e n t r a l i s m , Hueber introduced a r e s o l u t i o n c a l l i n g f o r the appointment of a se c r e t a r y f o r the Gesamt- ex e k u t i v ! A d l e r r e j e c t e d Hueber's proposal as too expensive, as d i d Spera f o r the Czechs. Hueber l a t e r withdrew h i s proposal. P r o t o k o l l (Brunn), 1899, pp. 65-6, 73. 186 74 v Arbeiter-Zeitung, 27 May 1896. Nemec delivered h i s speech i n Czech and then i t was translated. The Arbeiter-Zeitung quoted the t r a n s l a t i o n . The vote on the issue was f a i r l y close, however, only 19 to 13. Nemec reacted by claiming that the next Czech party congress would be forced to erect a Czech trade union organization. Deutsch, Gewerkschaftsbewegung, I, p. 344. An i n d i c a t i o n of the number of Czechs i n the trade union movement at this time was given by Josef Hybes. He claimed there were 220 Czech trade associations with 20,800 members, and 260 educational s o c i e t i e s with 15,600 members. Cf. Hybes, "Bericht der tschechoslawischen Sozialdemokratie," p. 249. 7^ Deutsch, Gewerkschaftsbewegung, I, pp. 344-5. The secretary would be chosen by the Czech trade unions, and not by a general trade union congress. 7 7 Mommsen, Sozialdemokratie, p. 225. Cf. also P.G. 1896, pp. 6-7. Josef Rousar complained b i t t e r l y about the exclusion of the Czech party from the congress. I b i d . , p. 9. 78 P.G. 1896, p. 40. The text of the Czech proposal was not p r i n t e d i n the published stenographic report of the Congress. The Czechs also demanded the establishment of a Bohemian Landes-Kommission. Ibid . , p. 30. 79 Arbeiter-Zeitung, 25 December 1896. 80 Ibid., 29 December 1896. The report of Rousar's speech published i n the Arbeiter-Zeitung appears to have been more complete than that published i n the P r o t o k o l l of the Congress. I t appears as i f the f i r s t part of h i s speech (the whole speech was delivered i n Czech) was e i t h e r not t r a n s l a t e d , or was only summarized by Josef Hybes. Cf. P.G. 1896, p. 29. Q I P.G. 1896, p. 9; Arbeiter-Zeitung, 28 December 1896. See also Josef Rousar, "Die Gewerkschaftsbewegung i n Oesterreich," Akademie, I (189 7) , pp. 50-4. 82 P.G. 1896, p. 24. The Arbeiter-Zeitung's summary of t h i s part of Hueber's speech ran as follows: "A Czech correspondent (Kor- respondent) has already been appointed. The appointment of an indepen-dent Czech secretary would be the same as the d i v i s i o n of the Commis-sion . For then the other n a t i o n a l i t i e s would demand independent secre-t a r i e s . I f new men must be appointed, then they can be taken on i n the provinces where they are needed. When we have the means, we w i l l appoint Vertrauensmanner f o r Prague and Briinn." Arbeiter-Zeitung, 28 December 1896. 83 P.G. 1896, p.40. Rousar's name was s p e l l e d i n i t s German form i n the P r o t o k o l l . I n t e r e s t i n g l y , the other Czech names with accents were not. 187 84 I b i d . , pp. 62-3. See a l s o h i s e a r l i e r speech, i b i d . , pp. 27-8. S h o r t l y a f t e r the congress an e q u a l l y i n s e n s i t i v e statement appeared i n Die Neue Z e i t . There the p e r c e p t i v e comment was made that " i t didn't even occur to the German comrades, n a t u r a l l y , to demand a 'German' s e c r e t a r i a t . " This completely ignored the f a c t that the s e c r e t a r i a t was already German, and that many of the Czech claims and complaints were j u s t i f i e d . See I s i d o r Ingwer, "Der zweite o s t e r r e i c h i s c h e Gewerkschafts-Kongress," NZ, XV:1 (1896-7), p. 542. 85 Mommsen, Sozialdemokratie, p. 227. 8 6 P.G. 1896, p. 66; A r b e i t e r - Z e i t u n g , 29 December 1896.,. 8 7 A r b e i t e r - Z e i t u n g , 28 December 1896. The P r o t o k o l l of the trade union congress ( e d i t e d by Hueber and Robert P r e u s s l e r ) appears to have been badly e d i t e d , f o r t h i s r e s o l u t i o n i s not even mentioned i n the P r o t o k o l l . From i n t e r n a l evidence, however, i t i s c l e a r that the A r b e i t e r - Z e i t u n g ' s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n was c o r r e c t . O O P.G. 1896, p. 66. I b i d . 90 A r b e i t e r - Z e i t u n g , 28 December 1896. The P r o t o k o l l reported the Czech d e c l a r a t i o n i n i n d i r e c t discourse. P.G. 1896, p. 70. The Czechs d i d not walk out of the Congress. 91 Figures quoted i n Mommsen, Sozialdemokratie, p. 299, note 4. 92 Polach, "The Beginnings of Trade Unionism," p. 245. Polach's a r t i c l e , one of the most comprehensive E n g l i s h language treatments of the s u b j e c t , contains many i n a c c u r a c i e s . He r e f e r s to the c r e a t i o n of the "Czechoslovak" Commission—an obvious anachronism i n part based on Edvard Benes's work—and makes s e v e r a l e r r o r s i n h i s d i s c u s s i o n of the events of the 1890's. See Polach, pp. 244-5. See a l s o Benes,' "Le mouvement o u v r i e r rtchecoslovaque," passim. 9 3 A conference of Moravian trade unions and e d u c a t i o n a l asso-c i a t i o n s i n J u l y 1897 decided that the Prague Commission was a Bohemian c e n t r a l o n l y , and voted to remain w i t h Vienna. Mommsen, Sozialdemo- k r a t i e , p. 229. 94 In 1897 Czech and I t a l i a n s e c r e t a r i e s were appointed, and many trade unions granted concessions to Czech members, i n c l u d i n g the r i g h t of the i n d i v i d u a l to d i r e c t h i s dues to e i t h e r Prague or Vienna. I b i d . , p. 230. 95 Moravia was l e s s h e a v i l y i n d u s t r i a l i z e d than Bohemia. The p o p u l a t i o n s h i f t s engendered by i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n had not been on as l a r g e a s c a l e , and the apparent threat to the German n a t i o n a l B e s i t z - stand had not been as i n t e n s e . Conversely, the "Reconquista-Optimismus" 188 among the Czechs i n Moravia had been weaker. See F r i e d r i c h P r i n z , "Die bohmischen Lander von 1848 b i s 1914," p. 162. In a d d i t i o n , h i s -t o r i c a l r e g i o n a l l o y a l t i e s remained a l i v e longer i n Moravia?.. 96 Mommsen, Sozialdemokratie , pp. 399-400. We are not suggesting that there was no n a t i o n a l i t y c o n f l i c t i n Moravia, but i t i s c l e a r that the t r a d i t i o n of i n t e r n a t i o n a l i t y co-operation between Czech and German s o c i a l i s t s died r e l a t i v e l y s l o w l y . In the I m p e r i a l e l e c t i o n s of 1911, f o r example, i n Bohemia the Czech c e n t r a l i s t s r e c e i v e d only 236 votes (0.09 per cent of the Czech s o c i a l i s t t o t a l t h e r e ) , whereas i n Moravia they r e c e i v e d 8,264 votes to the " s e p a r a t i s t s " 91,300 (8.63 per cent of the t o t a l ) . In S i l e s i a , Lower A u s t r i a and Vienna, the c e n t r a l i s t s won 10,507 votes, or 49.7 per cent of the Czech s o c i a l i s t t o t a l i n those regions. C a l c u l a t e d from f i g u r e s i n S t a t i s t i s c h e s Handbuch des Konigreiches Bohmen (1913), p. 56. 9 7 This was e s p e c i a l l y evident during the campaign f o r the f r a n -chise i n 1905. Czech s o c i a l i s t s took the l e a d i n what became essen-t i a l l y a n a t i o n a l campaign f o r the f r a n c h i s e among the Czechs. For a p e n e t r a t i n g d i s c u s s i o n of the n a t i o n a l aspects of the 1905 campaign— a campaign i n which such renowned f i g u r e s as Masaryk appeared on p l a t -forms w i t h Czech s o c i a l i s t s — s e e J.F.N. Bradley, "Czech N a t i o n a l i s m and S o c i a l i s m i n 1905," SR, XIX (1960), pp. 74-84. 9 8 Po l a c h , "The Beginnings of Trade Unionism," p. 245. 99 The Czech party had e x p e l l e d a group of trade u n i o n i s t s who supported i n t e r n a t i o n a l c e n t r a l i s m f o l l o w i n g the Copenhagen Con-gress. These were the people who organized the new Czech p a r t y . B r a u n t h a l , V i c t o r und F r i e d r i c h A d l e r , p. 174. See a l s o B r i i g e l , Geschichte, V, p. 83. A l l of the other n a t i o n a l p a r t i e s recognized the new Czech p a r t y . Cf. AGSA, I I I (1913), pp. 390-405 f o r the t e x t s of the r e s o l u -t i o n s adopted by the German, P o l i s h and South S l a v i c p a r t i e s . By 1914 105,000 Czech workers were a f f i l i a t e d w i t h the Prague Commission, and 65,000 w i t h Vienna. Another 77,000 were organized i n Czech N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s t trade unions. Polach, "The Beginnings of Trade Unionism," p. 247. CHAPTER V CISLEITHANIAN SOCIALIST PARTY LEADERSHIP In the C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t movement lea d e r s h i p was even more important than i t was elsewhere, f o r C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t s operated i n a more complicated environment than s o c i a l i s t s i n many other c o u n t r i e s . The m u l t i - n a t i o n a l character of the Habsburg Monarchy, the nature of i t s economic development, and other problems, placed a heavy burden on the s o c i a l i s t l e a d e r s h i p . P r i o r to the H a i n f e l d Congress and the a s s e r t i o n of V i c t o r Adler's l e a d e r s h i p , C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s m d i d not produce any leaders of the q u a l i t y or d u r a b i l i t y of August Bebel or Wilhelm Liebknecht. Ne v e r t h e l e s s , the e a r l y s o c i a l i s t l e a d e r s h i p i s important, f o r i t r e -f l e c t e d both the character of the developing movement, and the problems i t faced. K aul Kautsky was the only important C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t whose a c t i v i t y i n the movement spanned the gap between the 1870's and the 1890's. A f t e r 1880 hits i n t e r e s t was mainly confined to the Reich-German movement, but he continued to play an important r o l e i n the C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t movement as w e l l . The primary f i g u r e i n C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s m was, of course, V i c t o r A d l e r . His s i g n i f i c a n c e , both to the C i s l e i t h a n i a n party and to the I n t e r n a t i o n a l , cannot be underestimated, f o r i n s p i t e of the 189 190 n a t i o n a l i t y c o n f l i c t s he was the undisputed leader of one of the strongest and i d e o l o g i c a l l y most u n i t e d M a r x i s t p a r t i e s f o r almost t h i r t y years. i ) Leadership before Adler'*' In s p i t e of the " l i b e r a l " c o n s t i t u t i o n granted i n 1867, the s o c i a l i s t movement i n C i s l e i t h a n i a faced severe r e s t r i c t i o n s on i t s a c t i v i t y . These l i m i t a t i o n s were even more s t r i n g e n t than those imposed upon the German party between 1878 and 1890, f o r workers i n C i s l e i t h a n i a d i d not have the vote, and hence were unable to e l e c t members of par-liament. Complicating matters was the almost u n i v e r s a l r e p r e s s i o n of the s o c i a l i s t movement. In C i s l e i t h a n i a , s o c i a l i s t s faced r e p r e s s i v e a c t i o n from t h e ^ p r o v i n c i a l governments, as w e l l as from the a u t h o r i t i e s i n Vienna. The conglomerate nature of the Habsburg Monarchy i t s e l f was perhaps the major problem faced by the s o c i a l i s t movement and i t s l e a d e r s . C o n s i s t i n g of various regions w i t h d i f f e r e n t h i s t o r i c a l t r a d i t i o n s , v a r y i n g l e v e l s of economic development, and d i f f e r e n t n a t i o n a l i t i e s as w e l l , the Monarchy was u n l i k e v i r t u a l l y any other s t a t e i n Europe. As time passed, of course, r e g i o n a l h i s t o r i c a l consciousness was replaced by n a t i o n a l consciousness. By the t u r n of the century, t h e r e f o r e , more i n t r a n s i g e n t Prague had replaced more c o n c i l i a t o r y Briinn as the major Czech s o c i a l i s t c e n t r e , and Czech s o c i a l i s t s i n Prague had begun to coerce or convince those i n Briinn i n t o accepting t h e i r views. Among the German s o c i a l i s t s the r i v a l r y among Vienna, Graz, German North 191 Bohemia and Briinn was e a r l y decided i n Vienna's favour, although l e a d e r -ship passed to the others whenever Vienna faced i n t e r n a l s t r i f e . For the s o c i a l i s t s , the n a t i o n a l i t y question per se was not as severe a problem i n the yearsobefore 1886. The i n a b i l i t y to es-t a b l i s h a d e f i n i t e and continuing s o c i a l i s t o r g a n i z a t i o n , and the l i m i t e d s i z e of the movement, permitted Czech and German s o c i a l i s t s to postpone se r i o u s c o n s i d e r a t i o n of t h e i r d i f f e r e n c e s . These f a c t o r s , and o t h e r s , together c o n s t i t u t e d the environment i n which the C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t movement developed. As such, they might be c a l l e d e x t e r n a l f a c t o r s . Combined w i t h the l a s t i n g e f f e c t s of the depression of 1873 they created enormous problems and much f r u s -t r a t i o n . As important as t h e - e x t e r n a l f a c t o r s were those which emerged w i t h i n the s o c i a l i s t movement i t s e l f . These " i n t e r n a l " f a c t o r s were p r i m a r i l y the l a c k of a c l e a r conception of the purpose and ideology of the s o c i a l i s t movement, the n a t i o n a l i t y question w i t h i n the German and Czech movements, and the "immaturity" of the leadership i t s e l f . In the years between 1867 and 1886, these f a c t o r s r e s u l t e d i n an intense preoccupation w i t h i n t e r n a l c o n f l i c t s . In these years there were only two periods i n which the s o c i a l i s t movement presented a u n i t e d f r o n t to the world. These were the halcyon years from 1867 to 1870, and those between 1877 and 1880 or 1881. P r i o r to the Franco-Prussian War and the P a r i s Commune, Austro-German s o c i a l i s t s had seen themselves as p a r t of the German s o c i a l i s t movement. Hence they had taken part i n the Eisenach Congress of 1869. The d e c i s i o n to e s t a b l i s h the new party's C o n t r o l Commission i n Vienna 192 r e f l e c t e d Reich-German agreement w i t h t h i s view. As p r e v i o u s l y noted, however, the government thwarted t h i s aim, and made i t impossible f o r the s o c i a l i s t s to carry out the p l a n . The Franco-Prussian War, which r e s u l t e d i n the establishment of a u n i t e d Germany, but w i t h the e x c l u -s i o n of the A l p i n e and Bohemian Lands, appeared to have s e t t l e d the question of German (and German s o c i a l i s t ) u n i t y once and f o r a l l . This became e s p e c i a l l y c l e a r to the German-language s e c t i o n of the F i r s t I n t e r n a t i o n a l . In the wake of the Eisenach Congress and the foundation of the German Empire, the F i r s t I n t e r n a t i o n a l decided that n a t i o n a l 2 s o c i a l i s t p a r t i e s should be founded. This o n l y confirmed the new r e a l i t y which e x i s t e d , namely that C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t s , and p a r t i -c u l a r l y Austro-Germans, had to operate w i t h i n the confines of the Habsburg Monarchy, meaning C i s l e i t h a n i a . At the same time, the h o s t i l e a t t i t u d e of the C i s l e i t h a n i a n middle c l a s s and i t s p a r t i e s to the P a r i s Commune convinced many Austro-German and some Czech s o c i a l i s t s that they should break o f f t h e i r r e l a -t i o n s w i t h t h e i r middle c l a s s e s , and form a C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t p a r t y , independent of both the Reich-German party and the bourgeois p a r t i e s . The c o n f l i c t between the i d e a of an all-German party w i t h c l o s e t i e s to the b o u r g e o i s i e and that of an independent C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t p a r t y , found expression i n the s t r u g g l e between two of the most important leaders of the Vienna movement, H e i n r i c h Oberwinder and Andreas Scheu. German-born H e i n r i c h Oberwinder (1846-1914), a j o u r n a l i s t , was the most prominent e a r l y s o c i a l i s t i n C i s l e i t h a n i a . He has been 193 3 c a l l e d the " s o u l " of the Vienna movement i n the e a r l y years. As a L a s s a l l e a n , Oberwinder f e l t that the s o c i a l i s t s must support the bour-g e o i s i e as long as the s t r u g g l e between "middle c l a s s s o c i e t y " and the r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of feudalism and c l e r i c a l i s m continued. In areas where workers and the bou r g e o i s i e had common i n t e r e s t s , t h i s support 4 was doubly important. One h i s t o r i a n argues that this meant that Ober-winder b e l i e v e d that co-operation w i t h the l i b e r a l s was the only way the worker's movement could achieve any s u c c e s s . P e r f e c t l y c o n s i s t e n t w i t h these views was Oberwinder's w i l l i n g n e s s to w r i t e f o r the Neue F r e i e Presse and other l i b e r a l papers, as w e l l as h i s acceptance of a i d f o r the s o c i a l i s t press from l i b e r a l patrons. This was part of the o r i g i n of Scheu's attack on him.^ The Franco-Prussian War and the P a r i s Commune d i d not cause Oberwinder to modify h i s views. He considered h i m s e l f to be a pan-German w i t h a pro-Prussian l e a n i n g , and had supported the id e a of a S i e g e s f e i e r f o l l o w i n g the P r u s s i a n v i c t o r y . 7 He viewed the bo u r g e o i s i e from the same vantage p o i n t he had had before the war and the C i s l e i -thanian high-treason t r i a l of 1870. In a d d i t i o n , Oberwinder was ex-tremely c r i t i c a l of the Czechs and other S l a v s . He f e l t t hat the n a t i o n a l i t y question was a "swindle," and had opposed the t r a n s l a t i o n g of an 1868 Manifesto i n t o languages other than German. I t was c l e a r that Oberwinder was not o r i e n t e d towards any k i n d of co-operation w i t h Czech s o c i a l i s t s . Andreas Scheu (1844-1927), on the other hand, learned from the experience of the high-treason t r i a l and the Commune. These two 194 events had tended to r a d i c a l i z e the p a r t y , and Scheu was the prime spokesman f o r t h i s tendency. A g i l d e r by occupation, Scheu was the f i r s t prominent Austrian-born German s o c i a l i s t l eader. A c t i v e s i n c e 1867 he had p a r t i c i p a t e d i n the e d i t o r s h i p of the Volksstimme, and was 9 the f i r s t e d i t o r of the V o l k s w i l l e . In the e a r l y 1870's, Scheu be-l i e v e d that the s o c i a l i s t movement should be independent of a l l other p a r t i e s , arguing that " a l l f l i r t a t i o n s w i t h other p a r t i e s are repre-hensible.""'"^ Concluding that an independent s o c i a l i s t p a r t y was necessary, Scheu argued that the Czech s o c i a l i s t s should be consulted as w e l l . This view took the form of a s t r e s s on " i n t e r n a t i o n a l i s m " r a t h e r than German n a t i o n a l i s m , hence h i s condemnation of a " c e r t a i n German n a t i o n a l -l i b e r a l element i n the party organ. The s p l i t between the two men was p r e c i p i t a t e d by Oberwinder's p o s i t i v e response to the e l e c t o r a l reform of 1873, even though i t gave no r i g h t s to the working c l a s s . Uncompromisingly committed to u n i v e r s a l s u f f r a g e , Scheu u t t e r l y r e j e c t e d Oberwinder's view of the reform. A f t e r f a i l i n g to overthrow Oberwinder from w i t h i n the o r g a n i z a t i o n , Scheu resigned from the e d i t o r i a l committee of the V o l k s w i l l e , and l e f t the Volksstimme p o l i t i c a l a s s o c i a t i o n . I n d i c a t i v e of the i n t e n s i t y of the dispute was the f a c t that the c o n f l i c t between Oberwinder and Scheu soon l o s t i t s r e a l i d e o l o -g i c a l content, and degenerated i n t o a b i t t e r personal s t r u g g l e . Scheu r e f e r r e d to c e r t a i n people as " u n p r i n c i p l e d , s h i f t y and untrue to t h e i r i d e a s " (Gesinnungslumpen), and Oberwinder made underhanded references 195 to the re c e n t l y - m a r r i e d Scheu's r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h c e r t a i n Russian female 12 students. Oberwinder a l s o accused Scheu of forming a "conspiracy," and of d e s i r i n g to found a "worker's dynasty" w i t h h i s brothers H e i n r i c h A T f 1 3 and Josef. The Scheu-Oberwinder controversy, i n conjunction w i t h the eco-nomic c r i s i s , c r i p p l e d the s o c i a l i s t movement, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the c a p i t a l . For the r e s t of the decade the Vienna movement was d i v i d e d , and the leadership moved f i r s t to Graz and then to Reichenberg. U l t i m a t e l y , of course, the Scheu f a c t i o n was v i c t o r i o u s i n the s t r u g g l e . The Neudorfl Congress of 1874 i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d that v i c t o r y by c r e a t i n g a party based on many of Scheu's views, p a r t i c u l a r l y h i s b e l i e f i n the need f o r co-operation w i t h the Czechs. I t a l s o represented a f i n a l severance of d i r e c t contact w i t h the p a r t i e s of the b o u r g e o i s i e , although t i e s w i t h i n d i v i d u a l bourgeois p o l i t i c i a n s 14 were never completely broken. Within two years the party had r e t r e a t e d from the St a a t s - g e f a h r l i c h k e i t of N e u d o r f l , and adopted the moderate Wiener Neustadt programme of 1876. In face of continued governmental and p o l i c e r e -p r e s s i o n , t h i s was probably the t a c t i c a l l y c o r r e c t t h i n g to do, but at the same time i t i n d i c a t e d the i d e o l o g i c a l confusion prevalent i n the par t y . Although the party returned to the p r i n c i p l e s of Neu d o r f l (and Eisenach) i n 1877, the i d e o l o g i c a l confusion remained. A f t e r a few years of u n i t y , the movement d i s i n t e g r a t e d i n t o f a c t i o n a l i s m once again i n the e a r l y 1880's. In t h i s new c o n f l i c t the issues were p r i m a r i l y i d e o l o g i c a l , although a c h a r i s m a t i c leader w i t h a l a r g e popular f o l l o w i n g s i m i l a r 196 to that enjoyed by Scheu and Oberwinder complicated matters. The new r a d i c a l s , l e d by Josef Peukert (1854-1910), an a n a r c h i s t , questioned the party's fervent commitment to u n i v e r s a l s u f f r a g e , and consequently a l s o the i d e a of a mass pa r t y . Except f o r K a r l Kautsky, the moderate f a c t i o n d i d not produce a leader of any s t a t u r e , and Peukert's inflammatory a c t i v i t y brought the m a j o r i t y i n t o h i s camp.. Se v e r a l murders and robberies f o l l o w e d , and the party was v i r t u a l l y p r o s c r i b e d . This d i s c r e d i t e d the r a d i c a l f a c t i o n , e s p e c i a l l y a f t e r Peukert f l e d C i s l e i t h a n i a j u s t before the a u t h o r i t i e s came to a r r e s t him."^ Many suspected that he was a p o l i c e agent. The defeat of the r a d i c a l f a c t i o n a l s o marked the confirma t i o n of the party's commitment to u n i v e r s a l s u f f r a g e , and hence to the growth of a mass pa r t y . In a developing p l u r a l i s t i c s o c i e t y there was r e a l l y no s e r i o u s p o s s i b i l i t y of the establishment of a sm a l l e l i t e party of s o c i a l i s t r e v o l u t i o n a r i e s such as Lenin developed i n a u t o c r a t i c Russia. The r a d i c a l s i n C i s l e i t h a n i a were not e l i t i s t s , but t h e i r conception of the party as a s m a l l , underground c o n s p i r a t o r i a l group was remarkably s i m i l a r to Lenin's. In the years before 1886, the s o c i a l i s t movement had f a i l e d to e s t a b l i s h a s t a b l e l e a d e r s h i p . P a r t of the reason f o r t h i s was to be found i n the lea d e r s h i p i t s e l f , but the immense problems f a c i n g the movement were such as to confound even the most b r i l l i a n t and ex-perienced t a c t i c i a n . The party had, however, e s t a b l i s h e d a b a s i s f o r the f u t u r e , and the changing s i t u a t i o n i n C i s l e i t h a n i a a f t e r 1885 enabled i t to r e a l i z e t h i s p o t e n t i a l . Repression of the movement 197 slackened a f t e r 1885, i n d u s t r y continued to expand, the democratization of s o c i e t y d i d not cease, and s i g n i f i c a n t l y , the economy began to r e -cover from the depression. A new beginning was necessary. i i ) K a r l Kautsky's Role i n C i s l e i t h a n i a n S o c i a l i s m K a r l Kautsky was the only prominent C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t a c t i v e both before and a f t e r the d i s a s t e r of 1884 and 1885. As such, h i s r o l e i n the development of the s o c i a l i s t movement was important, and must be examined. Kautsky's importance to German s o c i a l i s m i s w e l l known. As the founder of the German party's t h e o r e t i c a l j o u r n a l (Die Neue Z e i t ) , the c r e a t o r of the E r f u r t programme (1891), and as the c h i e f orthodox i n t e r p r e t e r of Marx and Engels f o l l o w i n g Engels' death i n 1895, he needs no i n t r o d u c t i o n . His a c t i v i t y i n the C i s l e i -thanian s o c i a l i s t movement i s , however, l e s s widely known. Born i n t o a mixed Czech-German f a m i l y i n Prague i n 1854, Kautsky 16 was a Czech n a t i o n a l i s t i n h i s youth. At age seventeen h i s i n t e r e s t i n s o c i a l i s m was awakened by the P a r i s Commune. Though he j o i n e d the C i s l e i t h a n i a n party i n 1875, he d i d not become a M a r x i s t u n t i l a f t e r 1 8 8 0 . ^ In t h i s p e r i o d he saw h i m s e l f as a supporter of Andreas Scheu, and opposed E m i l K a l e r - R e i n t h a l ' s attempt to u n i t e w i t h the o l d Ober-winder o r g a n i z a t i o n . Kautsky was one of the few i n t e l l e c t u a l s a c t i v e i n the e a r l y years of the s o c i a l i s t movement i n C i s l e i t h a n i a . This became q u i t e c l e a r to him on h i s f i r s t t r i p to L e i p z i g i n 1877: 198 In L e i p z i g I got to know f o r the f i r s t time a party or-g a n i z a t i o n which c o n s i s t e d not alone of p r o l e t a r i a n s , but i n c l u d e d not a few i n t e l l e c t u a l s . . . [among them] doctors, lawyers, j o u r n a l i s t s [and] students.19 Aware of h i s i n t e l l e c t u a l i s o l a t i o n , Kautsky moved to Z u r i c h , 20 the centre of the e x i l e d German s o c i a l i s t p a r t y , i n 1880. S h o r t l y t h e r e a f t e r he returned to C i s l e i t h a n i a , however, and according to one 21 h i s t o r i a n , became the leader of the moderate f a c t i o n i n Moravia. C e r t a i n l y he played an important r o l e at the 1882 Briinn Congress of the moderate f a c t i o n , f o r he wrote the party programme. In h i s memoirs he noted, however, that the f a c t that he was to present a programme to 22 the Congress came as a complete s u r p r i s e to him. In these years Kautsky had an extremely negative view of the C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t movement. He f e l t that the only way i n which Austro-German s o c i a l i s t s could become powerful was as p a r t of the Reich-German pa r t y . In any case, he thought that Austro-German s o c i a l i s t s 23 were u t t e r l y dependent upon the German pa r t y . In 1883 he drew the appropriate c o n c l u s i o n , and moved to Germany, where he founded Die Neue Ze i t . He'esfeill concerned h i m s e l f w i t h the C i s l e i t h a n i a n movement, however, f o r he had strong views of how the f a c t i o n s should be r e u n i t e d a f t e r 1886. Kautsky disagreed w i t h V i c t o r A d l e r , b e l i e v i n g that a new programme would destroy r a t h e r than u n i t e the party. He commented to 24 Engels that A d l e r was too preoccupied w i t h the i d e a of "success." In s p i t e of h i s c r i t i c a l views, however, Kautsky was present at the H a i n f e l d Congress, and a s s i s t e d A d l e r i n the p r e p a r a t i o n of the pro-gramme presented to the Congress. 199 During the 1890's Kautsky continued to have contact with the C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t movement, p a r t i c u l a r l y through h i s growing 25 friendship with Adler. At the 1893 and 1896 Congresses of the Inter-n a t i o n a l Kautsky represented C i s l e i t h a n i a . At the beginning of the new century he engaged i n a debate with Adler concerning the r e v i s i o n 26 of the C i s l e i t h a n i a n party programme. In sp i t e of the fac t that Kautsky l i v e d i n Germany, he attended the 1901 C i s l e i t h a n i a n party Congress as the delegate from the VI. Vienna e l e c t o r a l d i s t r i c t . This unusual occurrence probably r e f l e c t e d the esteem i n which he was held 27 by C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t s . In the i n t e r e s t of party unity Kautsky 2 8 did not attack Adler's views at the Congress. Perhaps the most important aspect of Kautsky's r e l a t i o n s h i p to C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l democracy was h i s view of the n a t i o n a l i t y ques-t i o n . As Engels' collaborator and successor, Kautsky's view represented what might be c a l l e d the o f f i c i a l Marxist viewpoint of the n a t i o n a l i t y question,and the future of C i s l e i t h a n i a . In his f i r s t major a r t i c l e on the n a t i o n a l i t y question, Kautsky 29 adopted the views of Marx and Engels. As Germans, Marx and Engels were convinced that the German bourgeoisie, with i t s pan-German pro-gramme, was the c a r r i e r of progress i n Europe during the revolution of 1848. From t h e i r vantage point i n Western Europe, a region i n which nation-states were the norm and not the exception, they looked upon the multi-national Habsburg, Romanov and Ottoman Empires as reactionary structures which were obstacles to the achievement of the European revolution. 200 In the r e v o l u t i o n of 1848 the backward S l a v i c peoples of the Habsburg Monarchy had taken the s i d e of the c o u n t e r - r e v o l u t i o n , thus h e l p i n g to destroy the a l l - i m p o r t a n t German r e v o l u t i o n . They had been b e g u i l e d by R u s s i a n - i n s p i r e d Pan-Slavism, "which intended nothing l e s s 30 than to subjugate the c i v i l i s e d West under the b a r b a r i a n East." As a r e s u l t of t h i s , Engels r e j e c t e d t h e i r n a t i o n a l i s t movements as i n -v a l i d . The S l a v i c peoples were nothing l e s s than " e t h n i c t r a s h , " and 31 32 " r u i n s of peoples," w i t h no f u t u r e . Of the peoples i n the Monarchy only three s t i l l had any " v i -33 t a l i t y . " These were the Germans, the P o l e s , and the Magyars. To Engels, who was the spokesman on the n a t i o n a l i t y q uestion, the Poles were of the utmost s i g n i f i c a n c e , f o r they were s t r o n g l y opposed to the 34 great enemy of nineteenth century r e v o l u t i o n a r i e s , Russia. In 1866 he even went so f a r as to w r i t e that the " p r i n c i p l e of n a t i o n a l i t i e s 35 . . . i s nothing but a Russian i n v e n t i o n concocted to destroy Poland." A f t e r the June U p r i s i n g i n Prague i n 1848, Engels became (and remained) p a r t i c u l a r l y v i t r i o l i c about the Czechs. He s a i d of the great Czech h i s t o r i a n and n a t i o n a l hero, F r a n t i s e k Palacky: The c h i e f champion of the Tschechian [ s i c ] n a t i o n a l i t y , P r o f e s s o r Palacky, i s h i m s e l f nothing but a learned German run mad, who even now cannot speak the Tschechian l a n -guage c o r r e c t l y and without a f o r e i g n accent. Of the Czech n a t i o n a l i s t movement Engels then commented: The dying Tschechian n a t i o n a l i t y , dying according to every f a c t known i n h i s t o r y f o r the l a s t four hundred y e a r s , made i n 1848 a l a s t e f f o r t to regain i t s former v i t a l i t y — a n e f f o r t whose f a i l u r e , apart from a l l r e -v o l u t i o n a r y c o n s i d e r a t i o n s , was to prove that Bohemia could only e x i s t henceforth as a p o r t i o n of Germany, although p a r t of her i n h a b i t a n t s might y e t , f o r some c e n t u r i e s , continue to speak a non-German language.36 201 The Czech n a t i o n a l i s t movement, along w i t h numerous others, was thus tossed by Engels onto the garbage heap of h i s t o r y . Aside from the German n a t i o n a l i s t element i n h i s thought, Engels c l e a r l y f e l t that the f u t u r e of the r e v o l u t i o n and of Europe l a y w i t h the more advanced peoples. In h i s expectation of an e a r l y renewal of the r e v o l u t i o n he d i d not t h i n k that the more backward peoples would have time to catch up i n t h e i r d e v e l o p m e n t — i f indeed they were even cap-37 able of doing s o — w i t h the more advanced Germans. The M a r x i s t view of the s m a l l e r peoples of Eastern Europe was based on i n c o r r e c t premises. Marx and Engels underestimated the strength of the n a t i o n a l r e v i v a l s i n the area. In h i s concern w i t h the f a t e of the West European and German r e v o l u t i o n s , Engels completely over-looked the p o s s i b i l i t y that the peoples of the Habsburg Monarchy might play a p o s i t i v e and independent r o l e i n the achievement of the r e v o l u t i o n . In h i s view, the Germans of the Monarchy were t i e d to the German r e v o l u -t i o n , and most of the other n a t i o n a l i t i e s were mere p l a y t h i n g s of the Russians. Engels d i d , of course, foresee that the Habsburg Monarchy would c o l l a p s e . I f the Germans—and along w i t h them the Czechs—became par t of Germany, and if'-lthe Poles and Magyars e s t a b l i s h e d independent 38 s t a t e s , the Monarchy would disappear. S i g n i f i c a n t l y , the M a r x i s t view of n a t i o n a l i s m among the s m a l l e r peoples of Eastern Europe, and hence of the n a t i o n a l i t y q uestion, was based almost e n t i r e l y on events i n the Habsburg Monarchy during the r e v o l u t i o n of 1848. In t h i s sense, the Habsburg Monarchy helped to provide the b a s i s of the M a r x i s t view of n a t i o n a l i s m . 202 Kautsky's a r t i c l e , p u b l i s h e d i n 1887, c l e a r l y r e f l e c t e d these 39 views. I t was c e r t a i n l y an improvement over Engels' s c a t t e r e d w r i t i n g s , but i t was a l s o a c l a s s i c statement of the M a r x i s t view of the problem of Eastern Europe, and deserves some a t t e n t i o n . Kautsky argued that the modern concept of n a t i o n a l i t y emerged as a r e s u l t of three f a c t o r s . The f i r s t two, the n e c e s s i t y f o r co-operation against e x t e r n a l enemies and against nature, were important, but the t h i r d f a c t o r , the development of trade and i n d u s t r y , was the v i t a l one f o r Europe. I t was the development of c a p i t a l i s m which marked the f i n a l breakdown of l o c a l s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y , and the r i s e of the middle c l a s s . This c l a s s was the c a r r i e r of the n a t i o n a l i d e a . As the productive capacity of c a p i t a l i s m expanded, however, c o n t r a d i c t i o n s developed. The n a t i o n a l s t a t e became too s m a l l a market, and c o m b i n a t i o n — o r c o n f l i c t — b e c a m e necessary. Over-production l e d to economic c r i s e s and growing poverty f o r the mass of the p o p u l a t i o n . The i n a b i l i t y of the middle c l a s s to s o l v e these problems meant the t r a n s f e r of the mantle of progress to the i n d u s t r i a l p r o l e t a r i a t . The p r o l e t a r i a t thus became the c a r r i e r of the n a t i o n a l i d e a , and the i n t e r -n a t i o n a l union of the p r o l e t a r i a t would r e a l i z e i t . The s o l u t i o n to 40 the problem was the e l i m i n a t i o n of competition and p r i v a t e p r o f i t . In the meantime, however, as i n t e r n a t i o n a l trade (and communi-cation) expanded, i t would r e q u i r e that communication be c a r r i e d out i n fewer and fewer languages, and u l t i m a t e l y i n one i n t e r n a t i o n a l language. In C e n t r a l Europe that language would n a t u r a l l y be German. Even i f the Czechs succeeded i n t h e i r attempts to expand t h e i r language f r o n t i e r s , 203 they could not grow as f a s t as modern c a p i t a l i s m . Because of t h i s , Kautsky could " s c a r c e l y take s e r i o u s l y the i d e a of the s u r v i v a l of 41 the Czech n a t i o n . " Any attempt to l i m i t the pervasive i n f l u e n c e of the German language i n the Czech regions would the r e f o r e be a r e t r o -grade s t e p , and would l i m i t the expansion of Czech c a p i t a l i s m . For t h i s reason, the Czech n a t i o n a l i s t movement was r e a c t i o n a r y . The Czech n a t i o n a l i s t movement was a l s o r e a c t i o n a r y because i t was based on the Young Czech P a r t y , and t h i s i n t u r n was b u i l t on the lower middle c l a s s and the peasantry. According to M a r x i s t theory these c l a s s e s were doomed by the process of economic development. Not only was the Czech n a t i o n a l i s t movement r e a c t i o n a r y , i t was a l s o doomed! As f o r the Habsburg Monarchy, i t s days were numbered as w e l l . I t had not been created as the r e s u l t of economic n e c e s s i t y i n the f i r s t p l a c e , but r a t h e r because of the Turkish danger. As the threat from the Turks receded, i t was replaced by a new enemy, Russia and Pan-Slavism. The Monarchy, h e l d together by Germans, Poles and Magyars, would c o l l a p s e w i t h the c r e a t i o n of a Russian parliament, f o r t h i s would d i s s o l v e the bonds which h e l d the l a t t e r two peoples to the Mon-archy. Kautsky's a r t i c l e o bviously owed much to Engels' work. L i k e Engels, Kautsky completely underestimated the vigour of the n a t i o n a l r e v i v a l s i n Eastern Europe, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the Habsburg Monarchy. His b e l i e f that the s o c i a l r e v o l u t i o n would..;automatically s o l v e the n a t i o n a l i t y question was n a i v e , and i t probably c o n t r i b u t e d to Adler's d e s i r e to postpone d i s c u s s i o n of the n a t i o n a l i t y question. Undoubtedly 204 t h i s g e n e r a l l y - h e l d s o c i a l i s t view c o n t r i b u t e d to the European s o c i a l i s t movement's f a i l u r e to d e a l s e r i o u s l y w i t h n a t i o n a l i s m as w e l l . Although Kautsky's argument betrayed, at l e a s t by i m p l i c a t i o n , the same k i n d of German consciousness seen i n Engels' work, h i s p u b l i c w r i t i n g was f r e e of openly c h a u v i n i s t i c language. In h i s p r i v a t e l e t t e r s , 44 however, h i s German f e e l i n g was more f r e e l y expressed. S t i l l , f o r n a t i o n a l l y - c o n s c i o u s Czech s o c i a l i s t s to be t o l d that t h e i r reborn n a t i o n a l i t y was doomed by the i n e v i t a b l e progress of c a p i t a l i s m , w a s — whether i t was " c o r r e c t l y " M a r x i s t or n o t — a s u b t l e endorsement of German n a t i o n a l i s m . A f t e r Engels' death i n 1895 Kautsky rose to the p o s i t i o n of c h i e f i n t e r p r e t e r of Marx and Engels. As such he continued to d i r e c t h i s a t t e n t i o n to the n a t i o n a l i t y question. By 1896 i t had become ob-vious to him that the Czech n a t i o n a l i t y was not i n the process of d i s s o l u t i o n ; on the c o n t r a r y , the Czechs were w e l l on the way to be-coming a s o c i a l l y d i f f e r e n t i a t e d modern people. The o l d M a r x i s t d i v i -s i o n of the peoples of Europe i n t o " p r o g r e s s i v e s " and " r e a c t i o n a r i e s " 45 ( " h i s t o r i c a l " and " u n h i s t o r i c a l " peoples) had become untenable. I t was at t h i s p o i n t that the d i s c u s s i o n of the n a t i o n a l i t y question became general among C e n t r a l and Eastern European s o c i a l i s t s , p a r t i c u l a r l y among the P o l e s . In A p r i l 1896 Rosa Luxemburg published an a r t i c l e denouncing P o l i s h s o c i a l i s t s i n G a l i c i a and P r u s s i a n Poland as " s o c i a l p a t r i o t s " because they wished to i n c l u d e a reference to the 46 independence of Poland i n t h e i r programmes. Luxemburg's r a d i c a l views were h e l d only by a m i n o r i t y i n the s o c i a l i s t movement, but her 205 denunciation of n a t i o n a l i s m sparked a general debate among s o c i a l i s t s 47 which l a s t e d f o r s e v e r a l years. As the l e a d i n g M a r x i s t t h e o r i s t , Kautsky responded to Luxemburg's a r t i c l e s , defending Mie t r a d i t i o n a l 48 M a r x i s t support f o r Poland's independence. Except f o r one f u r t h e r a r t i c l e from Luxemburg, complete w i t h e d i t o r i a l comment from Kautsky, 49 t h i s ended the debate on Poland i n the pages of Die Neue Z e i t . In the wake of the Badeni c r i s i s of 1897, however, Kautsky f e l t that the n a t i o n a l i t y question i n C i s l e i t h a n i a had to be de a l t w i t h . In a s e r i e s of a r t i c l e s w r i t t e n i n 189 7 and 1898—at which point A d l e r convinced him that f u r t h e r d i s c u s s i o n would be d e s t r u c t i v e — Kautsky developed h i s views. He began by arguing that the n a t i o n a l i d e a was not an a r t i f i -c i a l l y created c o n c e p t . ^ In f a c t , the expansion of l i t e r a c y i n the nineteenth century made i t p o s s i b l e f o r sm a l l peoples to become n a t i o n s . For t h i s reason, any l i m i t a t i o n of the n a t i o n a l development of a people was a l s o a r e t a r d a t i o n of s o c i a l development. The n a t i o n a l i s t movements i n the Monarchy were p r o g r e s s i v e , but bweree marred by t h e i r f i x a t i o n on h i s t o r i c concepts. The c l a s s i c and most c o n t r a d i c t o r y example of t h i s , Kautsky argued, was the Czech 52 n a t i o n a l i s t movement. In s t r i v i n g f o r the r e s t o r a t i o n of "Wenceslas' kingdom'/ (meaning the implementation of Bohemian Sta a t s r e c h t ) , the Czechs were demanding the r i g h t to r u l e over three m i l l i o n Germans as 53 w e l l . This c o n t r a d i c t i o n between pr o g r e s s i v e and r e t r o g r e s s i v e as-pects was a l s o r e f l e c t e d i n the s t r u c t u r e of the Czech n a t i o n a l i s t movement. S t i l l arguing that i t was based on the lower middle c l a s s 2 0 6 and the peasantry, Kautsky s a i d t h a t , l i k e the lower middle c l a s s i t -s e l f , the Czech n a t i o n a l i s t movement was at one and the same time c a p i -5 4 t a l i s t , p r o l e t a r i a n , r e v o l u t i o n a r y and r e a c t i o n a r y . S i g n i f i c a n t l y , however, he d i d not d i r e c t l y argue that the lower middle c l a s s was doomed to disappear. In h i s r e - e v a l u a t i o n of the n a t i o n a l i s t movements, Kautsky d i d not exclude the Germans. He argued, i n f a c t , that the German move-ment s u f f e r e d from the same flaw as a l l the o t h e r s . T h i s does not mean that he had given up the id e a of the primacy of the German r e v o l u -t i o n , nor the view that the f u t u r e of German-Austria l a y i n union w i t h 5 6 Germany, but i t at l e a s t i n d i c a t e s that the German-national element i n h i s thought had receded. Kautsky's c r i t i q u e of the n a t i o n a l i s t movement was extremely p e r c e p t i v e . I t was (and i s ) the tragedy of the n a t i o n a l movements and nat i o n a l i s m s of Eastern Europe that the r e a l i z a t i o n of t h e i r goals d i d i n f a c t i n v o l v e r u l e over other peoples. This was tru e even of the most pro g r e s s i v e and l i b e r a l movement of them a l l , the Czech movement. Despite t h e i r p r o g r e s s i v e and l i b e r a t i n g natures, the n a t i o n a l r e v i v a l movements were r e a c t i o n a r y i n the sense that they sought r u l e over other peoples by the r e c r e a t i o n of what was i n many cases an imaginary past. In Kautsky's view t h i s o r i e n t a t i o n to the past d i s q u a l i f i e d every group but the p r o l e t a r i a t from s o l v i n g the n a t i o n a l problem. Only the s o c i a l i s t s looked to the f u t u r e , and t h e i r programme, the f e d e r a l i z a t i o n of the Monarchy along e t h n i c l i n e s , was the only way 207 i n which the n a t i o n a l i t y question could be solved, and the stage set for the p r o l e t a r i a n class struggle."' 7 At the same time, however, Kautsky questioned the future of the Monarchy: But i s i t l i k e l y that A u s t r i a w i l l continue to e x i s t much longer? Are the c e n t r i f u g a l tendencies not so strong that i t w i l l s h o r t l y collapse and be partitioned? This was my previous view. But I have come to b e l i e v e that the present d i f f i c u l t i e s which stand i n the way of t h i s s o l u t i o n to the Austrian n a t i o n a l i t y problem are much larger than those i n the way of f e d e r a l i z a t i o n by n a t i o n a l i t y . The collapse of A u s t r i a has as a precondition not only a revolution i n t h i s Monarchy, but also i n Germany and Russia.58 The c e n t r i f u g a l tendencies exis t e d , he continued, but i n view of the r i v a l r y between Germany and Russia, the peoples of the Monarchy were too weak to stand on t h e i r own. Only through the collapse of feudal remnants and autocracy i n Germany, Russia and the Monarchy, and the re-establishment of an independent Poland, would i t be possible for 59 peoples such as the Czechs to recover t h e i r independence. In the meantime, however, s o c i a l democrats must function i n the s i t u a t i o n which existed. Even though there was no immediate prac-t i c a l chance of r e a l i z i n g the s o c i a l i s t programme of federation by n a t i o n a l i t y , i t was of immeasurable propaganda value i n the party, par-60 t i c u l a r l y i n organizational terms. Kautsky's view of the ultimate fate of the Habsburg Monarchy was remarkably prophetic of what a c t u a l l y occurred. The collapse of the Russian and German (and Ottoman) Empires did make i t possible for the peoples of Eastern Europe to secure an independent existence, at l e a s t u n t i l Russia and Germany recovered t h e i r power. 208 Kautsky's p u b l i s h e d views of the r o l e of s o c i a l democracy i n the n a t i o n a l i t y question i n C i s l e i t h a n i a were s i g n i f i c a n t . Stemming from the pen of the recognized successor to Marx and Engels, they were a u t h o r i t a t i v e i n themselves, and because they p a r t l y r e f l e c t e d the views of the C i s l e i t h a n i a n party l e a d e r s h i p they were doubly s i g n i f i c a n t . They helped to provide both a b a s i s f o r the c o n t i n u i n g d i s c u s s i o n of the n a t i o n a l i t y q u e s t i o n , and a j u s t i f i c a t i o n of the Briinn programme of 1899. However, to overemphasize Kautsky's s i g n i f i c a n c e f o r the C i s -l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t movement i n t h i s respect i s an e r r o r . In t h e i r attempts to denigrate Kautsky, Czech M a r x i s t - L e n i n i s t h i s t o r i a n s have c e r t a i n l y done so. One of them, Zdenek S o l l e , has blamed Kautsky f o r the f a i l u r e of C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t s to adopt the concept of n a t i o n a l s e l f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n to the p o i n t of secession at the Briinn Congress of 61 1899. The adoption of t h i s p r i n c i p l e would, of course, have meant that the s o c i a l i s t s stood f o r the d i s s o l u t i o n of the Habsburg Monarchy. Hans Mommsen, a German h i s t o r i a n , i s probably c o r r e c t when he says t h a t , i f anything, the impulse which l e d to the development of Kautsky's views came from C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t s i n the f i r s t p l a c e , and not 62 from Kautsky h i m s e l f . C e r t a i n l y t h i s i s c l e a r from Kautsky's constant 6 3 c o n s u l t a t i o n w i t h A d l e r whenever the n a t i o n a l i t y question was r a i s e d . As f o r the concept of n a t i o n a l s e l f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n to the p o i n t of secession from the Monarchy, at the time of the Briinn Congress, no one i n C i s l e i t h a n i a , bourgeois or s o c i a l i s t , was s e r i o u s l y t h i n k i n g 64 i n terms of the d i s s o l u t i o n of the Monarchy. Even though Czech 209 s o c i a l i s t s i m p l i e d that the n a t i o n a l i t y question was fundamentally p o l i t i c a l i n nature at the Briinn Congress, they d i d not r a i s e the ques-65 t i o n of s e l f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n i n the L e n i n i s t sense. In a d d i t i o n , i n c o n t r a s t to the s i t u a t i o n i n R u s s i a , where i t was impossible f o r the m i n o r i t i e s to o b t a i n any s a t i s f a c t i o n of t h e i r demands, i n C i s l e i t h a n i a the Czech n a t i o n a l i s t movement had achieved much i n the years before 1901. I t was s t i l l conceivable that the Czechs could achieve t h e i r goals w i t h i n the Monarchy. This was i n p a r t the purpose of the s t r u g g l e f o r power i n the Monarchy i n the f i r s t p l a c e . Each n a t i o n a l i t y wanted to be able to c o n t r o l the Monarchy i n i t s own i n t e r e s t , not destroy i t . I t appears that what M a r x i s t - L e n i n i s t h i s t o r i a n s have done i s to look back i n t o h i s t o r y to seek f o r examples which confirm Lenin's concept of s e l f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n t o the p o i n t of s e c e s s i o n . Thus S o l l e looks to N e u d b r f l and the concept of s e l f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n enunciated there as proof that the s o c i a l i s t s of the 1870's were on the r i g h t t r a c k , and then argues that as a r e s u l t of Kautsky's n e f a r i o u s i n f l u e n c e , they 66 were m i s - d i r e c t e d at H a i n f e l d and at Briinn. Hans Mommsen has argued, however, that t h i s concept was seen as a democratic r i g h t by the e a r l y 6 7 s o c i a l i s t s , and not s p e c i f i c a l l y as a n a t i o n a l r i g h t to secession. Furthermore, Otto Bauer c h a r a c t e r i z e d the " i n t e r n a t i o n a l i s m " of the e a r l y s o c i a l i s t s as "naive cosmopolitanism," and not a r e a l i n t e r n a t i o n a l 68 f e e l i n g which respected the r i g h t s of i n d i v i d u a l n a t i o n s . One might p o i n t out as w e l l , that V i c t o r A d l e r ' s concept of s o c i a l i s t u n i t y pre-cluded the acceptance of the r i g h t of s e l f ^ d e t e r m i n a t i o n . Anything which d i v i d e d the movement was anathema to A d l e r . Lenin's s e l f -210 determination and the resultant concept of a c e n t r a l i z e d party organi-zation c e r t a i n l y divided the Russian s o c i a l i s t movement, as the example of the Jewish Bund indicated. In addition, C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t s were intensely p r a c t i c a l people. Even i f the Monarchy were ultimately to d i s i n t e g r a t e , i n the immediate p r a c t i c a l s i t u a t i o n the s o c i a l i s t s had to be united. The concept of f e d e r a l i z a t i o n by n a t i o n a l i t y was, as Kautsky indi c a t e d , of great p r a c t i c a l value, p a r t i c u l a r l y with regard to organization. To organize the party on the basis of an event which might occur i n 69 the future, seemed to Kautsky to be completely im p r a c t i c a l . i i i ) V i c t o r Adler (1852-1918) V i c t o r Adler was unquestionably the most important figure i n C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s m . Born into a prosperous German-Jewish family i n 1852, he was, l i k e Kautsky, a native of Prague. 7^ As a youth i n Vienna, he took an i n t e r e s t i n the German n a t i o n a l i s t movement, as w e l l as i n the nascent s o c i a l i s t movement. In the l a t e 1860's he spoke at 71 the Vienna Worker's Educational Association, and during the high-72 treason t r i a l of 1870 c o l l e c t e d money for the defendants. The Franco-Prussian War and the Paris Commune affected Adler i n a d i f f e r e n t d i r e c t i o n than i t did Kautsky. Adler moved d i r e c t l y i n t o the German n a t i o n a l i s t camp, and appears to have l o s t much of 73 h i s i n t e r e s t i n the worker's movement. Throughout the 1870's he con-sorted with the leaders of the German n a t i o n a l i s t movement i n 211 C i s l e i t h a n i a . In 1882 he p a r t i c i p a t e d i n the abortive attempt to found a r a d i c a l n a t i o n a l i s t l i b e r a l party with a s o c i a l conscience. The proposed party was to be based on the Linz Programme of 1882, i n the creation of which Adler had a d i r e c t r o l e . The attempt to create a party based on the Linz Programme, and i t s f a i l u r e , was one of the most important events i n the h i s t o r y of Aus t r i a . The i n d i v i d u a l s involved went on to found or lead the three modern p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s , or "camps," i n Au s t r i a . K a r l von Vogelsang and K a r l Lueger were among the founders of the C h r i s t i a n S o c i a l move-ment, while Adler became the "guidMgg l i g h t " i n the evolution of the s o c i a l i s t movement. Georg von Schonerer was les s successful i n h i s b i d to e s t a b l i s h a Pan-German party, although h i s successors i n the 74 F i r s t Austrian Republic managed to do so. A f t e r the break-up of the group, Schonerer and many of h i s followers became anti-Semites. This forced Jews l i k e Adler to leave the n a t i o n a l i s t movement. As a r e s u l t , Adler turned h i s attention more d i r e c t l y to the s o c i a l i s t movement. This i s not s u r p r i s i n g , f o r hi s German nationalism had been tinged with a s o c i a l awareness; h i s major contribution to the Linz Programme had been i n i t s s o c i a l aspects. As a doctor to the poor, Adler had become p a i n f u l l y aware of t h e i r s u f f e r i n g , and resolved to do something about i t . 7 " ' Following the introduction of factory inspection i n 1883, he decided that the best way f o r him to do t h i s was to become an inspector. To prepare himself he went on a study t r i p to Germany, Switzerland and the United Kingdom. Armed with an introduction to F r i e d r i c h Engels, he went to 76 London, where he quickly came under the influence of the "General." 212 Adler did not obtain a p o s i t i o n as a factory inspector, and i n consequence involved himself d i r e c t l y i n the s o c i a l i s t movement. Not u n t i l the death of h i s father i n 1886, however, did he p u b l i c l y j o i n the movement. Kautsky says that Adler was a Marxist from the f i r s t day of h i s actual membership i n the p a r t y . 7 7 In s p i t e of t h i s , however, Adler faced much opposition i n the early period of h i s s o c i a l i s t a c t i v i t y . Workers tended to mistrust him because of h i s upper middle class background, while others, among them Kautsky, were suspicious of h i s German nationalism, as w e l l as of 78 hi s view of the t a c t i c s necessary to reunite the f a c t i o n s . These d i f f i c u l t i e s were, of course, gradually overcome, and Adler's t a c t i c s proved correct. At Hainfeld the factions were reconciled, and Adler established h i s p o s i t i o n as the leader of C i s l e i t h a n i a n socialism. I t i s important to understand Adler's development from German n a t i o n a l i s t to i n t e r n a t i o n a l s o c i a l i s t . 'Like most German-speaking s o c i a l i s t s i n the nineteenth century, Adler was convinced of the c u l -79 t u r a l s u p e r i o r i t y of the Germans. Although he was never a r a c i s t or a chauvinist, Adler did desire to maintain German predominance i n C i s -l e i t h a n i a . He was aware, however, that the non-German n a t i o n a l i s t movements both threatened that moral leadership, and inflamed German 80 nationalism. Furthermore, he gradually r e a l i z e d that the Czech n a t i o n a l i s t movement was based on a f i r m foundation, and was not going to disappear with further economic development. For this reason, the movement of Czechs into the i n d u s t r i a l areas of Bohemia and Lower A u s t r i a appeared to be a threat to the 213 81 German p o s i t i o n i n the Monarchy. The very people who were supposed to represent "German c u l t u r a l s u p e r i o r i t y " i n the Monarchy, however, had proved themselves incapable of s o l v i n g t h i s problem. I t was the l i b e r a l German middle c l a s s which was importing Czech " c o o l i e s " i n t o 82 German Bohemia and Lower A u s t r i a ! This process had to be stopped. In l o o k i n g at the problem, A d l e r became i n c r e a s i n g l y convinced of the socio-economic content of the n a t i o n a l i t y c o n f l i c t s . The indus-t r i a l i z a t i o n of German Bohemia, f o r example, had had c a t a s t r o p h i c e f f e c t s on German l i v i n g standards, and on the b i r t h r a t e . P i o n e e r i n g s t u d i e s of the impact of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n on working people i n C i s l e i t h a n i a were becoming a v a i l a b l e at t h i s time, so i n f o r m a t i o n was r e a d i l y a v a i l -able. One such study showed, f o r example, that i n f a n t m o r t a l i t y rates i n the i n d u s t r i a l d i s t r i c t s of German Bohemia ranged from 43 per cent to 34 per cent, w h i l e i n the a g r i c u l t u r a l regions they went from 34 per 83 cent to "only" 24 per cent. Even more ominous were the f i g u r e s i n Bohemia by n a t i o n a l i t y . Between 1881 and 1890 the r a t e i n the German d i s t r i c t s was 31.4 per cent, and i n the mixed areas of German m a j o r i t y i t was 31.5 per cent. In mixed areas of Czech m a j o r i t y i t was 24.5 per cent, and i n p u r e l y Czech regions only 24.9 per cent. I t was apparent 84 that the very existence of the Germans i n Bohemia was threatened. Combined w i t h the l a r g e - s c a l e m i g r a t i o n of Czech workers i n t o the i n d u s t r i a l regions of German Bohemia, the impact of i n d u s t r i a l i z a -t i o n was even more severe. In the Briix (Most) d i s t r i c t , f o r example, the Czech-speaking p r o p o r t i o n of the p o p u l a t i o n rose from 9 per cent i n 1880 to 27 per cent i n 1900. T i n T e p l i t z (Teplice) d i s t r i c t , the 214 Czech p r o p o r t i o n rose from 7.85 per cent to 13.4 per cent i n the same 85 years, and to 18.7 per cent i n 1910. As Czech Bohemia i n d u s t r i a l i z e d a s i m i l a r d e c l i n e i n l i v i n g c o n ditions occurred. At the same time, however, i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n i n Inner Bohemia slowed the Czech migrations 86 to a t r i c k l e , and a f t e r 1890 the language border s t a b i l i z e d . By that p o i n t , however, the damage had been done, and German n a t i o n a l i s m i n the area had r i s e n to fever p i t c h . In f a c t , the h y s t e r i a created by the movement of Czechs i n t o German Bohemia was a potent f a c t o r i n the development of N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s m i n the area. The impact of t h i s 87 phenomenon on the Czech s o c i a l i s t s has already been discussed. I f the s o c i a l question were s o l v e d , much of the reason f o r the m i g r a t i o n s , the t e r r i b l e s o c i a l problems, and the n a t i o n a l i t y con-f l i c t s would disappear. The democratization of the s t a t e which t h i s i m p l i e d would mean the end of German predominance i n the Monarchy, but i t was the only way i n which the Monarchy could s u r v i v e . I t was obvious to A d l e r that the bo u r g e o i s i e was incapable of s o l v i n g these problems. Only the i n d u s t r i a l p r o l e t a r i a t of a l l n a t i o n a l i t i e s c o uld, or would, carry out the changes necessary; hence h i s d e c i s i o n to j o i n the s o c i a l i s t movement. The only way i n which the Germans could main-t a i n t h e i r moral predominance was by l e a d i n g the movement f o r s o c i a l 88 and p o l i t i c a l emancipation of the peoples of C i s l e i t h a n i a . For these reasons, A d l e r saw no c o n f l i c t between German n a t i o n a l i s m , as he saw i t , and i n t e r n a t i o n a l s o c i a l i s m . As he put i t to Kautsky: I cannot understand why these views should separate me from the p a r t y , e s p e c i a l l y as I have never doubted that i n t h i s sense one can be a good n a t i o n a l and i n t e r n a t i o n a l 215 s o c i a l democrat. In addition, I might add that whoever Q Q i s s e r i o u s l y n a t i o n a l must become a communist. 0 In h i s party a c t i v i t y , Adler was a superb t a c t i c i a n and p o l i -t i c a l s t r a t e g i s t , and h i s a b i l i t y was probably unequalled i n the Second International. Although h i s leadership of the party was s e r i o u s l y challenged at. l e a s t twice during the early 1890's, thereafter h i s p r i -macy was v i r t u a l l y unquestioned. Among rank-and-file party members he was looked on with veneration, and as the years passed became almost a legendary f i g u r e . ^ In h i s p o l i t i c a l p r a c t i c e the most important p r i n c i p l e for Adler was the maintenance of party unity. Otto Bauer even went so f a r 91 as to say that Adler was " f a n a t i c a l " about i t . The preoccupation with unity was one of the main concerns Adler passed on to those who succeeded him. Adler's concern f o r unity affected h i s conception of the party. He did not see i t as a monolithic body i n which everyone would have to "kowtow" to a s t r i c t i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the programme. The Hainfeld programme was established so that "freedom of the i n d i v i d u a l would 92 have the lar g e s t possible r o l e . " Adler encouraged debate within the 93 party, provided that i t did not threaten the party's unity. When a group of l e f t wing r a d i c a l s emerged i n 1891 with demands f o r federalism i n the party i n order to reduce the influence of "individuals"—meaning A d l e r — h e responded strongly. At that point the group posed a threat, because of the p o s s i b i l i t y that they would come together with the n a t i o n a l i s t wing of the Czech movement. In a superb display of t a c t i c s , Adler was able to d e f l e c t the debate i n the party from the issues r a i s e d Figure 6. Bricklayer i n 1887 and 1^12: The s o c i a l i s t s claim credit for the material and educational improvement of the workers' condition. 217 by the r a d i c a l s to questions of p e r s o n a l i t y . Every e f f o r t was made to i s o l a t e them. At the 1892 party Congress, Adler's a t t a c k on them was a masterpiece of d i s s i m u l a t i o n , and he won overwhelming v i n d i c a -94 t i o n . At the 1901 Congress A d l e r c l e a r l y expressed h i s view of the p a r t y , when he r e f e r r e d to the d i s c u s s i o n of the programme: In a d i s c u s s i o n of the programme there can be no m a j o r i t y and no m i n o r i t y i n the party . . . A programme which r e -f l e c t e d only the views of the m a j o r i t y would be a f a l s e programme.95 In other words, the party was, at l e a s t i n theory, an u l t r a democratic o r g a n i z a t i o n which demanded only the most general agreement from i t s members. Adler's conception of s o c i a l i s t u n i t y went f a r beyond that h e l d i n the Reich-German s o c i a l i s t movement. Kautsky d e t a i l e d the d i f f e r e n c e s i n a l e t t e r to A d l e r i n 1905: To me the A u s t r i a n party o r g a n i z a t i o n i s nothing short of a model . . . f o r u n l i k e the German [ o r g a n i z a t i o n ] , which i s merely an e l e c t o r a l mechanism [the C i s l e i t h a n i a n o r g a n i -z a t i o n ] t i e s together the three great branches of the c l a s s s t r u g g l e , parliamentarism, trade unions [and] press. This i s e s p e c i a l l y the case i n the composition of the party execu-t i v e . The A u s t r i a n [party executive] i n c l u d e s one represen-t a t i v e of the c e n t r a l organ, as w e l l as trade u n i o n i s t s . The German c o n s i s t s e x c l u s i v e l y of members of parliament, none of whom has d i r e c t t i e s w i t h the trade unions or the press. I b e l i e v e t h i s i s a great d e f e c t , and i t appears to me to be a l l the more urgent . . . the more the trade unions and party i n Germany separate from each other, and the more the c e n t r a l organ detaches i t s e l f from the party executive.96 In other words, i n C i s l e i t h a n i a the s o c i a l i s t movement was l i t e r a l l y seen as a movement which u n i t e d a l l workers i n C i s l e i t h a n i a , e s p e c i a l l y i n the o r g a n i z a t i o n a l and r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e of the party l e a d e r -s h i p . 218 In an e a r l i e r l e t t e r to Kautsky, Adler had explained h i s con-ception of s o c i a l i s t unity, p a r t i c u l a r l y as i t applied to the press. Kautsky had p u b l i c l y attacked one of the members of the e d i t o r i a l com-mittee of the Arbeiter-Zeitung, and Adler's response to t h i s was ex-tremely c r i t i c a l : As long as I am [on the e d i t o r i a l board] of the A r b e i t e r - Zeitung , I w i l l die f o r every one of my people (lasse i c h mich fur jeden meiner Leute todtschlagen), and I know they w i l l do the same f o r me. A f f a i r s l i k e those of the Leip- ziger Volkszeitung or Vorwa'fts simply do not occur here. I f one of us acts l i k e a donkey, we w i l l t e l l him so, but-only among ourselves. To the- outside world we express our solidarity T I f one i s hanged, so w i l l we a l l be . . I t may be that the paper w i l l s u f f e r f o r the act of an i n d i v i -dual, but generally speaking, both the paper and the party can only be the b e t t e r f o r i t . I wish that you over there had such a genuine brotherhood-in-arms and faithfulness.97 One of Adler's major t a c t i c s , f o r b e t t e r or for worse, was the avoidance of issues which might disrupt the party. This i s evident from h i s campaign against the r a d i c a l s i n 1892. More s i g n i f i c a n t , however, was h i s attempt to evade dealing with the n a t i o n a l i t y ques-t i o n . At Hainfeld, the n a t i o n a l i t y question was almost completely 98 absent from the debates. In a l e t t e r to Engels, Adler argued that: I t would be e x t r a o r d i n a r i l y favourable for us i f the n a t i o n a l i t y question sank into the background. We can do nothing against i t but to emphasize our i n t e r - ^ nationalism, and i n the long run that i s very boring. In other words, Adler could not see a p r a c t i c a l way i n which the so-c i a l i s t s could deal with the problem. Unfortunately, Adler's avoidance of the n a t i o n a l i t y question often turned into what one h i s t o r i a n has c a l l e d a " d i l a t o r y " handling of the Czech s o c i a l i s t s i n terms of matters which were of minute 219 s i g n i f i c a n c e f or Adler and the Germans, but were of v i t a l importance to the C z e c h s . P e r h a p s part of the reason for t h i s was Adler's hope that eventually class contradictions between Czech workers and the Czech middle class would become more important than n a t i o n a l con-101 cerns. The fact that Adler did not i n i t i a l l y l i k e the Slavs did not 102 help matters. Considering the d i f f i c u l t i e s the s o c i a l i s t s had with the Czechs, however, the d i l a t o r y handling of apparent t r i v i a l i t i e s was most unfortunate. When the Poles applied to Adler for support i n asking the Germans for a i d i n founding a d a i l y paper, Adler wrote to Bebel 103 strongly recommending that the German party a i d them; when the Czechs asked for help to e s t a b l i s h a d a i l y i n Vienna, however, Adler t o l d Bebel that he r e a l l y could not care less whether or not the German 104 party aided them, and ref e r r e d to t h e i r l e t t e r as a "Pumpbrief"! In 1905 the Czechs complained that the Germans had not bothered to provide a Czech t r a n s l a t i o n of the Austro-German party report to the Gesamtpartei Congress and th i s i n the midst of the c r i s i s which was to lead to the destruction of the Gesamtpartei. When i t became apparent that the n a t i o n a l i t y question i n the party could no longer be postponed, Adler recognized t h i s , and acted, though only a f t e r long d e l i b e r a t i o n . At the 1899 Brunn Congress of the C i s l e i t h a n i a n party he s a i d : We have not approached t h i s question l i g h t h e a r t e d l y and without long h e s i t a t i o n . But the s i t u a t i o n [in C i s l e i -thania] i s such that the party i s forced to take a p o s i t i o n on the n a t i o n a l i t y question. We cannot permit one group to outvote another, we can only e s t a b l i s h what the common s p i r i t u a l property of the party is.106 220 Adler's main c h a r a c t e r i s t i c was h i s w i l l i n g n e s s to compromise, e s p e c i a l l y when the party's u n i t y was threatened. Whenever an i s s u e became so s e r i o u s that i t had to be d e a l t w i t h , he was almost always the f i r s t to propose some k i n d of compromise."^ 7 A f t e r 1894 that i s s u e was u s u a l l y the n a t i o n a l i t y question. At almost every party congress a f t e r 1894, A d l e r ' s a b i l i t y to r e c o n c i l e opposing groups was t e s t e d , u s u a l l y s u c c e s s f u l l y . I t was i n l a r g e p a r t due to h i s p r e s t i g e and h i s w i l l i n g n e s s to compromise that the party managed to stay u n i t e d f o r so long. In terms of party o r g a n i z a t i o n , t h i s l e d C i s l e i t h a n i a n so-c i a l i s t s down a road no other party had t r a v e l l e d , and by 1897 they had a p a r t y o r g a n i z a t i o n which was unique. Adler's t a l e n t f o r compromise was i n o p e r a t i v e i n the trade union movement, of course, and i t was there that the seeds of the d e s t r u c t i o n of the Gesamtpartei were sown. Even a f t e r the breakdown of the i n t e r n a t i o n a l trade union movement i n C i s l e i t h a n i a , however, A d l e r 'did not give up hope. At the 1910 Congress of the I n t e r n a t i o n a l at Copenhagen he t r i e d to prevent the adoption of a r e s o l u t i o n ex-10 8 p e l l i n g the Czechs, and as l a t e as 1911 was s t i l l t r y i n g to recon-c i l e the feuding groups. I t was noted e a r l i e r , that Adler's primary bequest to h i s successors was h i s concern f o r the u n i t y of the p a r t y . Although the Gesamtpartei d i s i n t e g r a t e d , the impress A d l e r made on the Austro-German party was so strong that during h i s l i f e t i m e i t helped to prevent both the b i t t e r c o n f l i c t between orthodoxy and r e v i s i o n i s m , as w e l l as the d i v i s i o n of the party during the F i r s t World War. Though there were 221 undoubtedly r a d i c a l and moderate factions i n the party, Adler was able to prevent serious conflict."'""'"^ In the same sense, Adler was able to avoid a s p l i t during the War. Although he had been a " s o c i a l p a t r i o t " at the beginning of the war, when he saw that the majority of the party had come around to the l e f t wing view, he accepted it."'"''"''" Although h i s son Friedrichh, was so passionately opposed to the war that he assas-sinated the prime minister, neither F r i e d r i c h nor h i s anti-war followers l e f t the party. V i c t o r Adler's undisputed leadership of the C i s l e i t h a n i a n party, and that party's apparent single-mindedness i n i t s e a r l i e r years, con-t r i b u t e d to the important r o l e the party, and p a r t i c u l a r l y Adler, played i n the Second In t e r n a t i o n a l . In the great c o n f l i c t between Kautsky and Bernstein, Adler played the r o l e of mediator, both i n the German s o c i a l i s t movement and i n the International. When Bernstein published his r e v i s i o n of Marxism i n book form, he asked Adler to be the f i r s t to review i t , for he.v'felt that Adler was the: one person who stood i n p r i n c i p l e f or the mediation of con-f l i c t s w i t h i n the party, and would give i t as generoussaa review as p o s s i b l e , thus s e t t i n g the tone for the discussion. In l e t t e r s to Bebel, Adler argued that the goal of the German party i n the c o n f l i c t should be to make i t possible for Bernstein to remain 113 within the party. One h i s t o r i a n notes that i t was l a r g e l y due to Adler's intervention that Bernstein was not expelled from the German 114 party. In the S o c i a l i s t I n t e r n a t i o n a l Adler t r i e d to prevent the formal condemnation of the R e v i s i o n i s t s at the 1904 Amsterdam Congress."''"'""' Adler's p r e d i l e c t i o n f o r compromise stamped him c l e a r l y as a member of the reformist wing of European socialism. His e n t i r e career 222 ind i c a t e d t h i s . Yet Adler did not see himself as a reformist, despite h i s a i d to Bernstein. Adler rejected the R e v i s i o n i s t s because of t h e i r emphasis on the struggle for reform as the most important part of the 116 worker's movement; to them the f i n a l goal was nothing. The f i n a l goal of the s o c i a l i s t movement was always uppermost i n Adler's mind, although he c e r t a i n l y shrank from revolution. This was r e f l e c t e d i n the Hainfeld programme, where the actual purpose of the party was seen as the preparation of the working class f o r the achievement of i t s goal."'""'"7 A speech Adler gave at the 1892 party Congress expressed t h i s quite c l e a r l y . I t also i n d i c a t e d h i s b e l i e f that the day of the revo-l u t i o n was a long way away: Our party's t a c t i c s must be d i d a c t i c , but not fraudulent! I t i s f a l s e to say that the p r o l e t a r i a t i s ready f o r s o c i a l revolution. This i s simply not true. Where i t i s poorest i s where i t i s the l e a s t revolutionary . . . I t i s our duty to make th i s e x ploited p r o l e t a r i a t p h y s i c a l l y and s p r i t u a l l y capable of struggle . . . We w i l l not stop saying to working people that we must work doggedly and systematically . . . I f we could reach our s o c i a l i s t goal with one leap, even i f i t cost us our heads, we Austrians would not h e s i t a t e . But because i t requires the laying of one stone at a time, never giving up, to crawl up the w a l l twenty times, and to be thrown down twenty times, and to go up again for the twenty-first t i m e — i t i s e a s i e r r to o f f e r up one&s l i f e than to cope with the annoyance and boredom of t h i s t i r i n g work. Night a f t e r night, day a f t e r day, always doing the same thing. Convince one person, and ten other i d i o t s are s t i l l there. Light the spark i n one eye, and there are s t i l l a hundred i n whose eyes there i s no f i r e . . . To go from i n d i v i d u a l to i n d i v i d u a l day a f t e r day, that i s the work we Austrians f i n d the most d i f f i c u l t . But this work must be done, for i t i s the r e a l precondition f o r what I can only c a l l s o c i a l r e volution. . . We act according to the circumstance, and we use a l l u s e f u l means. We look c a r e f u l l y i n t o the con-sequences of whatever means we use. We think c a r e f u l l y about the d i r e c t i o n we should follow. When we have made up our minds, however, we a l l follow that path together, and no one can stop us. That i s our programme and our t a c t i c s . 223 From the r a d i c a l vantage point, of course, the problem with t h i s kind of an a t t i t u d e was that the s o c i a l i s t s would never be ready. The revo-l u t i o n would be postponed forever while the party went about i t s or-ganizational work. Adler was above a l l a p r a c t i c a l man. His major preoccupation was with the day-to-day operation of the party and the Arbeiter-Zeitung. This work wassso absorbing that he d i d not even have time to write 120 l e t t e r s , not to speak of great t h e o r e t i c a l works. In any case, he 121 did not see himself as a t h e o r e t i c i a n . In addition, the gradually worsening n a t i o n a l c r i s i s i n the movement absorbed more and more of his time. In f a c t , Adler worked so hard that he ruined h i s health. He often worked u n t i l he collapsed. A f t e r 1900 h i s health deteriorated r a p i d l y ; he suffered from asthma, and had had heart trouble for many years. By the end of the decade he was spending a good deal of h i s time i n Kurorte. A f t e r each "cure" he would return to work u n t i l he 122 collapsed again, and then take another "vacation." As a r e s u l t of a l l these f a c t o r s , Adler l e f t no t h e o r e t i c a l works of any s i g n i f i c a n c e , although i n actual f a c t he did combine within himself the roles of party leader and t h e o r e t i c i a n . I t was the tragedy of V i c t o r Adler that h i s b e l i e f i n the demo-c r a t i c way of doing t h i n g s — a n d t h i s i s the ultimate meaning of h i s b e l i e f i n compromise—was mistaken, at l e a s t i n terms of h i s own goals. As discussed above, by 1886 Adler had become convinced that the Monarchy could no longer be treated as a §erman state. The only way i n which the n a t i o n a l i t y question, and the threat to the s u r v i v a l of the German 224 n a t i o n a l i t y i n the Monarchy, could be solved, was through the achieve-ment of s o c i a l i s m . Although Adler would have l i k e d to have seen German-A u s t r i a as a constituent part of Germany, he was convinced that the best s o l u t i o n to these problems was the maintenance of the Empire. The Brunn programme of 1899 r e f l e c t e d t h i s view. Yet the commitment of the party to u n i v e r s a l suffrage i n 1899 and 1901 as the means of both achieving power i n the state and solving the n a t i o n a l i t y question, was mistaken, at l e a s t i n the short run. As noted above, the class to which the s o c i a l i s t s directed t h e i r appeals was not the majority of the population, and i n 1901 the s o c i a l i s t s re-j e c t e d a programme dire c t e d to winning over the majority of the popu-l a t i o n . At the same time, the extension of the suffrage did not lead to the r e s u l t s the s o c i a l i s t s had hoped f o r . Instead of removing the n a t i o n a l i t y question as a major issue i n the Imperial parliament, i t only i n t e n s i f i e d n a t i o n a l i t y c o n f l i c t . Adler's hope that the e l e c t i o n of large numbers of s o c i a l i s t s to parliament would bring i n an element of reason and moderation was dashed against the f a c t that the s o c i a l i s t s were as n a t i o n a l i s t i c a l l y - m i n d e d as t h e i r bourgeois opponents . A f t e r 1901 Adler himself became so depressed at the s i t u a t i o n i n the Monarchy and within the s o c i a l i s t movement that he gave up h i s f a i t h i n the suffrage. He recovered i t quickly i n 1905, but thereafter saw the progressive destruction of h i s l i f e ' s work, as the party he 123 had helped to b u i l d disintegrated along n a t i o n a l l i n e s . NOTES - CHAPTER V The d i s c u s s i o n i s confined to the Austro-German party l e a d e r -s h i p . Language d i f f i c u l t i e s and problems w i t h sources preclude any extensive d i s c u s s i o n of the Czech l e a d e r s h i p . 2 On the important connections between C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t s and the F i r s t I n t e r n a t i o n a l see Herbert S t e i n e r , "Die I n t e r n a t i o n a l e A r b e i t e r a s s o c i a t i o n und die o s t e r r e i c h i s c h e Arbeiterbewegung," ASg, IV (1964), pp. 447-513. See a l s o S o l l e , "Die I . I n t e r n a t i o n a l e und O s t e r r e i c h , " pp. 255-300. 3 4 5 6 7 8 B r i i g e l , Geschichte, I I , p. 51. Oberwinder, Die Arbeiterbewegung i n O e s t e r r e i c h , p. 14. Mommsen, Sozialdemokratie , p. 57. See Scheu's a r t i c l e i n Der V o l k s s t a a t , 15 March 1873. S t e i n e r , Arbeiterbewegung, p. 58. Mommsen, Sozialdemokratie , p. 55; Oberwinder, Die A r b e i t e r - bewegung i n O e s t e r r e i c h , p. 21. Among other things the Manifesto argued i n favour of an i n t e r n a t i o n a l l y - o r g a n i z e d s o c i a l i s t movement i n C i s l e i -t h a n i a . Demokratisches Wochenblatt, 25 J u l y 1868. I n d i c a t i v e of Oberwinder's d i s l i k e of the Czechs was h i s response to Jan Bavorsky's attempt to convince the Vienna leadership that mass a g i t a t i o n against the e l e c t o r a l reform should be c a r r i e d out. Oberwinder accused him of having r e l a t i o n s w i t h both the Young and Old Czechs. This was intended to be a p e j o r a t i v e statement. Cf. Oberwinder, p. 70; and Der V o l k s s t a a t , 15 March 1873. 9 Der Wiener Hochverratsprozess, p. 332; Miersch, A r b e i t e r p r e s s e , pp. 41, 94. Quoted i n Meyer, Der Emanzipationskampf des v i e r t e n Standes, I I , p. 63. Der V o l k s s t a a t , 15 March 1873. Scheu s a i d he wanted to keep everything " n a t i o n a l " or " l i b e r a l " out of the party paper. This was aimed d i r e c t l y at Oberwinder. Oberwinder responded w i t h a p a i d s t a t e -ment i n the same paper. He r e j e c t e d Scheu's charges, and argued that Scheu was operating behind h i s back. I b i d . , 29 March 1873, Bei l a g e zu Nr. 26. As e a r l y as the Eisenach Congress of 1869, Scheu, who was a delegate, i n d i c a t e d h i s i n t e r e s t i n the Czechs. He asked that the 225 226 word "Deutschland" be omitted from the party newspaper's name, so that i t could appeal to non-Germans i n C i s l e i t h a n i a , i n c l u d i n g the Czechs. P r o t o k o l l (Eisenach), 1869, p. 54. 12 Der V o l k s s t a a t , 15 March 1873; Oberwinder, Die Arbeiterbewe- gung i n O e s t e r r e i c h , p. 74. 13 Oberwinder, pp. 74-5; and Scheu, Urnsturzkeime, I I , p. 109. 14 Between 1885 and 1897 the s o c i a l i s t s r e l i e d on two r a d i c a l l i b e r a l members of parliament to represent t h e i r i n t e r e s t s . These were Engelbert P e r n e r s t o r f e r (1850-1918) and Ferdinand Kronawetter (1838-1913). The former was a childhood f r i e n d of A d l e r ' s . In 1896 he j o i n e d the p a r t y , and l a t e r played a prominent r o l e . Czech s o c i a l i s t s a l s o had t i e s w i t h the l i b e r a l s . U n t i l the e a r l y 1890's they had r e l a t i o n s w i t h the Young Czechs. L a t e r they had contacts w i t h such s o c i a l l y - m i n d e d people as^T. G. Masaryk. S h o r t l y a f t e r N eudorfl Scheu announced h i s i n t e n t to emigrate. He had been a r r e s t e d i n Moravia f o r "vagrancy," and faced i n c r e a s i n g economic d i f f i c u l t y , f o r the p o l i c e hounded him out of job a f t e r j o b . In h i s memoirs he pointed out that he a l s o emigrated because he f e l t he was an obstacle to the u n i t y of the movement, adding that he had no d e s i r e to be leader. Scheu, Urnsturzkeime, I I , pp. 163-5. Peukert s a i d i n h i s memoirs that he l e f t C i s l e i t h a n i a to go to Germany to be a witness at the t r i a l of a f r i e n d . He admitted that he was given " t r a v e l money" by the p o l i c e . Josef Peukert, Erinnerungen eines P r o l e t a r i e r s aus der r e v o l u t i o n a r e n Arbeiterbewegung ( B e r l i n , 1913), pp. 186-8. Peukert's a c t u a l r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h the p o l i c e has never been a s c e r t a i n e d . 16 Kautsky, Erinnerungen, p. 161 and passim. 1 7 I b i d . , pp. 185-6, 200, 230-3. 18 Miersch, A r b e i t e r p r e s s e , p . 109. Kautsky wrote that he "be-longed to the f a c t i o n which saw i t s p o l e - s t a r i n the absent Andreas Scheu." Kautsky, Erinnerungen, p. 325. 19 Kautsky, Erinnerungen, p. 354. 20 A f t e r the suppression of the German party i n 1878, Z u r i c h became, next to London, the e x i l e centre f o r the German s o c i a l i s t move-ment . 21 Emi l S t r a u s s , Die Spaltung der tschechischen Sozialdemokratie vor 50 Jahren," Der Kampf, XV (1922), pp. 52-3. 22 Kautsky, Erinnerungen, pp. 508-10. 227-23 Kautsky to Engels, 11 May 1882, F r i e d r i c h Engels' Briefwechsel mit K a r l Kautsky, ed. Benedikt Kautsky [2nd enlarged e d i t i o n of K a r l Kautsky, Aus der Fruhzeit des Marxismus] (Vienna, 1955), p. 55. Hereafter Engels-Kautsky, Briefwechsel. See also Kautsky, "Die Arbeiterbewegung i n Oesterreich," p. 53. In Kautsky's view this dependency was expressed by the overwhelming influence of the Reich-German s o c i a l i s t press i n C i s l e i t h a n i a . See above, Chapter I I I . 24 Kautsky to Engels, 31 July 1888, Engels-Kautsky, Briefwechsel, p. 219. See also Kautsky's speech at Hainfeld, P r o t o k o l l (Hainfeld), 1888/9, p. 22. In 1886 Kautsky had held the opposite view. See Adler to Kautsky, 21 August 1886, Adler, Briefwechsel, p. 14. Kautsky l a t e r wrote that the source of h i s d i s t r u s t of Adler was a prominent Vienna s o c i a l i s t who was jealous of Adler. Kautsky, " V i c t o r Adler. Erinner-ungsbl'atter zu seinem 60. Geburtstag," pp. 422-3. 25 In 1888 Kautsky spent a few months i n Vienna—waiting for his divorce from h i s f i r s t w i f e — a n d got to know Adler quite w e l l . 26 Kautsky argued that the Hainfeld programme did not need re-v i s i o n . Kautsky, "Die Revision des Programmes der Sozialdemokratie i n Oesterreich," pp. 68-82. See also the exchange of l e t t e r s between Kautsky and Adler between 6 September 1901 and 25 October 1901, Adler, Briefwechsel, pp. 364-75. Adler did not respond p u b l i c l y to Kautsky's c r i t i q u e t i l l the 1901 Congress. P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1901, pp. 96-110. Adler's speech was l a r g e l y i n response to Kautsky's c r i t i c i s m . 27 Kautsky never gave up h i s Austro-German i d e n t i t y . A f t e r the 1901 Congress he wrote to Adler that the pleasant experience he had had i n Vienna reminded him how much he f e l t at home there: "In Vienna . . . I r e a l i z e d once again how much I am f l e s h of your f l e s h , how much of an a l i e n I have remained i n Germany . . . Since General's [Engels] death I f e e l strange outside of A u s t r i a . I have l o s t old f r i e n d s , but have found no new ones. I t i s even hard to get along with August [Bebel], whom I l i k e the most here." Kautsky to Adler, 15 November 1901, Adler, Briefwechsel, p. 377. A f t e r he r e t i r e d from party a c t i v i t y , Kautsky returned to Vienna to l i v e . 2 8 P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1901, pp. 121-4. Kautsky was also a Referent on the question of "Austrian trade and t a r i f f p o l i c i e s . " Kautsky also played a d i r e c t role i n the Hungarian s o c i a l i s t movement. When the Hungarian party was founded i n 1890 i t adopted the Hainfeld programme, but i n the 1903 r e v i s i o n of the programme, Kautsky was involved i n drawing uptthe new d r a f t . Cf. Arbeiter-Zeitung, 19 December 1890; Braunthal, History of the In t e r n a t i o n a l , I, p. 233. 29 Kautsky had written an a r t i c l e on the n a t i o n a l i t y question before he became a Marxist. In i t he argued that the modern concept of n a t i o n a l i t y emerged from the struggle to unite the nation i n order to defeat n a t i o n a l enemies. Cf. "Die nationale Frage. Von einem . -•:.isn Parteigenossen. 228 o s t e r r e i c h i s c h e n Parteigenossen," Der V o l k s s t a a t , 10, 12 March, 1875. On Kautsky's authorship see Mommsen, Sozialdemokratie, pp. 66-7. 30 E r i e d r i c h Engels, "Germany: Revolution and Counter-Revolution," r e p r i n t e d i n Leonard K r i e g e r (ed.), The German Revolutions (Chicago, 1967) , p. 178. 31 Engels, "Der magyarische Kampf1,1 (1849), Marx-Engels Werke, VI, p. 172. 32 Engels, "Der demokratische Panslawismus" (1849), i b i d . , p. 275. As l a t e as 1882 he argued that the " n o n - h i s t o r i c " peoples of"the Monarchy should accept r e a l i t y and a s s i m i l a t e to the s u p e r i o r c u l t u r e s . Engels to Kautsky, 7 February 1882, Engels-Kautsky, B r i e f w e c h s e l , pp. 50-3. 33 Engels, "Der magyarische Kampf," p. 168. The Poles and Magyars 0 wereaalso opposed to Russia's c r e a t u r e , Pan-Slavism. The best d i s c u s s i o n of Engels' views of the n a t i o n a l i t y question during the r e v o l u t i o n of 1848 i s Roman Rosdolsky, " F r i e d r i c h Engels und das Problem der 'Geschichtslosen Volker' (Die N a t i o n a l i t a t e n -frage i n der Revolution 1848-1849 im L i c h t e der Neuen Rheinischen Z e i - tung)," ASg, IV (1964), pp. 87-276. 35 Engels, "Was hat die A r b e i t e r k l a s s e mit Polen zu tun?", p. 158. 36 Engels, "Germany: Rev o l u t i o n and Counter-Revolution," p. 177. 37 ~ •• S o l l e , Die Sozialdemokratie i n der Habsburger Monarchie und die tschechische Frage," p. 356. 38 Engels to Kautsky, 7 February 1882, Engels-Kautsky, B r i e f - wechsel, p. 53. In a l e t t e r to A d l e r , Engels r e f e r r e d to the separation of the western h a l f of C i s l e i t h a n i a from Germany as "temporary." Engels to A d l e r , 30 August 1892, A d l e r , A u f s a t z e , I , p. 46. 39 Kautsky, "Die moderne N a t i o n a l i s t , " NZ, V (1887), pp. 392-405, 442-51. 40 I b i d . , p. 449. 41 I b i d . , p. 447. 42 In the l a t e 1890's Bernstein's conclusion that the p r e d i c t e d f a l l of the lower middle c l a s s and the peasantry i n t o the p r o l e t a r i a t was not o c c u r r i n g , swept away the fundamental underpinning of Kautsky's argument. See below. Kautsky, "Die moderne N a t i o n a l i t ' a t , " p. 443. Kautsky c l e a r l y expressed h i s view of the f u t u r e of the Monarchy i n a l e t t e r to Engels 229 i n 1885. Because the nations were so i n t e r m i n g l e d , f e d e r a l i s m could not s o l v e the n a t i o n a l problem i n the Monarchy: "The more acute the s o c i a l q u e s t i o n , the greater the n a t i o n a l c o n f l i c t s i n A u s t r i a . These can only be overcome a f t e r the ending of c l a s s c o n f l i c t . But I con-clude that my personal view i s that A u s t r i a w i l l not s u r v i v e the s o l u -t i o n of c l a s s c o n f l i c t . " Kautsky to Engels, 9 January 1885, Engels-Kautsky, B r i e f w e c h s e l , p. 162. He wrote to Engels i n 1882, f o r example, that a mob (Menge) of u n c u l t i v a t e d S l a v i c and Magyar t r i b e s hang l i k e a dead weight around our f e e t . " Kautsky to Engels, 11 May 1882, Engels-Kautsky, B r i e f w e c h s e l , p. 55. That Kautsky f e l t that he was not " n a t i o n a l , " emerged i n a l e t t e r of 1886 i'n which A d l e r p r o t e s t e d that Kautsky considered him as standing "outside the p a r t y , " because he (Adler) was too " n a t i o n a l . " A d l e r to Kautsky, 21 August 1886, A d l e r , B r i e f w e c h s e l , p. 12. 45 Kautsky to A d l e r , 12 November 1896, A d l e r , B r i e f w e c h s e l , p. 221; Kautsky to A d l e r , 5 August 1897, i b i d . , p. 236. See a l s o Solle, "Die Sozialdemokratie i n der Habsburger Monarchie und d i e tschechische Frage," p. 357. On the concept of " h i s t o r i c a l " and " u n h i s t o r i c a l " peoples see Otto Bauer, Die N a t i o n a l i t a t e n f r a g e und die Sozialdemokratie, p. 215ff; Fran Z w i t t e r , Les problemes nationaux dans l a Monarchie des Hapsbourg (Belgrade, 1960), pp. 1 9 f f . ; and Robert A. Kann, Das N a t i o n a l i t a t e n - problem der Habsburgermonarchie (Graz-Koln, 1964), I , pp. 5 4 f f . 46 Rosa Luxemburg, "Neue Stromungen i n der polnischen s o z i a l -i s t i s c h e n Bewegung i n Deutschland und O e s t e r r e i c h , " pp. 176-81, 206-16. She argued that i f P o l i s h s o c i a l i s t s i n C i s l e i t h a n i a and Germany d i d t h i s , i t would mean that they could no longer be part of the s o c i a l i s t movement i n those c o u n t r i e s . I b i d . , p. 206. P o l i s h s o c i a l i s t s i n P r u s s i a had had t h e i r own party s i n c e 1893, but they d i d recognize the E r f u r t programme. See a l s o Luxemburg, "Der S o z i a l p a t r i o t i s m u s i n Polen," NZ, XIV:2 (1895-6), pp. 459-70. A d l e r wrote to Kautsky that he considered Luxemburg's a r t i c l e as "extremely i l l - t i m e d , " and that he was w o r r i e d about i t s impact on P o l i s h s o c i a l i s t s i n G a l i c i a . He was so upset that he asked Kautsky " u r g e n t l y " to send him a l l responses to Luxemburg's a r t i c l e , not f o r purposes of a p p r a i s a l , but r a t h e r , so that he could attempt to undo the damage done by the " d o c t r i n a i r e goose" (Luxemburg). A d l e r to Kautsky, 13 May 1896, A d l e r , B r i e f w e c h s e l , p. 207. 47 As l a t e as 1902 Ignaz Daszynski was s t i l l making v e i l e d references to Luxemburg and her a n t i - n a t i o n a l i s t views. Cf. Daszynski, " N a t i o n a l i t a t und S o c i a l i s m u s , " SM,VIII:2 (1902), p. 735. 48 K a r l Kautsky, " F i n i s P o l o n i a e ? " , NZ, XIV:2 (1895-6), pp. 484-91, 513-25. 49 Rosa Luxemburg, "Von Stufe zu Stufe. Zur Geschichte der b u r g e r l i c h e n Klassen i n Polen," i b i d . , XVI:1 (1897-8), pp. 164-76. 230 Kautsky's comment was that the P o l i s h n a t i o n a l i t y had more v i t a l i t y than Luxemburg f e l t i t had. I b i d . , p. 164. Cf. Kautsky to A d l e r , 23 December 1898, A d l e r , B r i e f w e c h s e l , p. 281; Kautsky to A d l e r , 2 October 1899, i b i d . , p. 326; A d l e r to Kaut-sky, 3 October 1899, i b i d . , p. 327; Kautsky to A d l e r , 31 May 1901, i b i d . , p. 351; and A d l e r to Kautsky, 1 June 1901, i b i d . , p. 352. The f i r s t a r t i c l e , "Der Kampf der Nationalit'aten und das Staats-recht i n O e s t e r r e i c h , " NZ, XVI:1 (1897-8), pp. 516-24, 557-64, was w r i t t e n f o l l o w i n g the Badeni c r i s i s . The second a r t i c l e , "Nochmals der Kampf der Nationalit'aten i n O e s t e r r e i c h , " NZ, XVI :1 (1897-8), pp. 723-6, was w r i t t e n i n response to a r e p l y to the f i r s t a r t i c l e by Ignaz Daszynski. Cf. Daszynski, "Die Lage i n O e s t e r r e i c h , " i b i d . , pp. 718-23. In the a r t i c l e , Daszynski argued that Kautsky had not p r o p e r l y appreciated the str e n g t h of c e n t r i f u g a l tendencies i n C i s l e i t h a n i a . Federation by n a t i o n a l i t y , as understood by s o c i a l democrats, was a "very very long way o f f " i n C i s l e i t h a n i a . I b i d . , p. 721. I f the c r i s i s i n C i s l e i t h a n i a were permitted to continue, mt might lead to the coun-t r y ' s c o l l a p s e . In f a c t , the c e n t r i f u g a l tendencies would continue, and i f there were an adverse change i n f o r e i g n p o l i c y i d i n Europe, i t would be too l a t e f o r reform. I b i d . , p. 722. Kautsky agreed that s o c i a l democrats should have no i l l u s i o n s about the p r a c t i c a l i t y of t h e i r n a t i o n a l programme. Kautsky, "Nochmals der Kampf," p. 724. See below. The debate i n the pages of Die Neue Z e i t continued when Kautsky pu b l i s h e d an a r t i c l e by F r i e d r i c h Stampfer. Stampfer argued i n favour of Bohemian S t a a t s r e c h t . Cf. F r i e d r i c h Stampfer, "Fur das bohmische S t a a t s r e c h t ? " NZ, XVII:1 (1898-9), pp. 275-8, 502-4. (The l a t t e r page reference i s to Stampfer's response to Kautsky's r e p l y . ) Kautsky's t h i r d a r t i c l e , "Das bohmische St a a t s r e c h t und die Sozialdemokratie," i b i d . , pp. 292-301, 504-6 (the response to Stampfer's response was p r i n t e d on the l a t t e r pages), responded to Stampfer. I t was at t h i s p o i n t that A d l e r ' s o b j e c t i o n s to the debate convinced Kautsky that f u r t h e r d i s c u s s i o n would be d e s t r u c t i v e . 5 1 Kautsky, "Der Kampf," p. 517. 52 53 I b i d . , pp. 519-22, 557. I f Bohemian Sta a t s r e c h t were r e a l i z e d i t would immeasurably strengthen " r e a c t i o n " i n both German Bohemia and the A l p i n e Lands. Kautsky, "Das bohmische S t a a t s r e c h t , " pp. 296-7. 54 Kautsky, "Der Kampf," p. 520. The argument was as f o l l o w s : The lower middle c l a s s i s by d e f i n i t i o n democratic. At the same time, however, i t contains elements of both the bou r g e o i s i e and the p r o l e -t a r i a t . As a r e s u l t , i t must be a r e v o l u t i o n a r y f o r c e i n a r e a c t i o n a r y s t a t e . Because of the t h r e a t of s i n k i n g i n t o the p r o l e t a r i a t , however, i t i s a l s o economically r e a c t i o n a r y ! In f a c t , Kautsky argued, the Czech n a t i o n a l i s t movement was the most c o n t r a d i c t o r y i n the Monarchy. 5 5 I b i d . , pp. 519-20. 231 Kautsky to Adler, 5 August 1897, Adler, Briefwechsel, p. 236. 5 7 Kautsky, "Der Kampf," pp. 558-62. 58 Kautsky, "Nochmals der Kampf," pp. 724-5. 59 I b i d , , p. 725. ^ I b i d . , p. 726. See also Kautsky to F. Modracek, 22 October 1899, reprinted i n S o l l e , "Die Sozialdemokratie i n der Habsburger Mon-archie und die tschechische Frage," p. 384. By 1901 Kautsky had given up a l l hope of a s o l u t i o n of the n a t i o n a l i t y question i n the Monarchy. In a l e t t e r to Adler he described the Monarchy as an "insane structure," and argued that: "there are questions which are i n s o l u b l e , and one of them i s the establishment of a v i a b l e A u s t r i a . Even the autonomy of nations would not be a s o l u t i o n . I t i s necessary f o r us f o r a g i t a t i o n a l purposes and as a model for the organization of the party, but i n the s i t u a t i o n which e x i s t s , and given the present r e l a t i o n of forces, i t w i l l not bring about a s o l u t i o n . E s p e c i a l l y i n A u s t r i a , a step-by-step evolution to some kind of s o l u t i o n i s inconceivable. Only complete collapse w i l l solve the problem." Kautsky to Adler, 5 June 1901, Adler, Briefwechsel, p. 354. 61 S o l l e , "Die Sozialdemokratie i n der Habsburger Monarchie und die tschechische Frage," pp. 377-80. 62 Holotik, Der osterreichisch-ungarische Ausgleich 1867, p. 1026. Mommsen was responding to S o l l e ' s Referat at the 1967 B r a t i s -lava h i s t o r i c a l conference. S o l l e ' s Referat, e n t i t l e d , "Der miss-lungene Versuch der osterreichischen S o z i a l i s t e n um ein dauerndes f r i e d l i c h e s Zusammenleben der Volker i n der dualistischen Monarchie," i s p r i n t e d i n the same work, pp. 945-52. I t i s a^condensation of the a r t i c l e noted i n note 61 above. In November 1967 S o l l e published a less restrained (and less scholarly) version i n an Austrian Communist Party p e r i o d i c a l . Cf. S o l l e , "Die misslungene N a t i o n a l i t a t e n p o l i t i k der osterreichischen Sozialdemokratie," Weg und Z i e l , XXIV (November 1967), pp. 540-4. 6 3 See, f o r example, Kautsky to Adler, 31 May 1901, Adler to Kautsky, 1 June 1901, Adler, Briefwechsel, pp. 351-2. 64 Although an Austro-German s o c i a l i s t had responded to Kaut-sky's a r t i c l e s i n Neue Zeit by suggesting that the C i s l e i t h a n i a n party should adopt the concept of self-determination, h i s treatment at the Brunn Congress ind i c a t e d the u n r e a l i s t i c aspect of the view that the party should have adopted the concept. Cf. F r i e d r i c h Stampfer, "Fur das bohmische Staatsrecht," pp. 275-8, 502-4. See also P r o t o k o l l (Brunn), 1899, pp. 62, 81, 84. 65 P o l i s h and Ruthene-Ukrainian s o c i a l i s t s c e r t a i n l y emphasized t h e i r s p e c i a l p o l i t i c a l positions at the Congress, but they also did not s p e c i f i c a l l y r a i s e the question. 232 ^ S o l l e , "Die Sozialdemokratie i n der Habsburger Monarchie und die tschechische Frage," passim. ^ 7 Mommsen, Sozialdemokratie, pp. 51-2. 68 Bauer, Die N a t i o n a l i t a t e n f r a g e und die Sozialdemokratie, pp. 302-5. Thus S o l l e ' s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the meaning of the concept of n a t i o n a l s e l f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n i n the 1870's i s thrown i n t o question. At the same time, h i s view of the H a i n f e l d and Brunn (1899) Congresses as a step backward from Neudorfl r e s t s on h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the Czech view of the n a t i o n a l i t y question expressed at t h e i r Brunn Congress of 1887. (See above, Chapter I I , s e c t i o n i i i . ) He argues that the term "language" as used i n the r e s o l u t i o n at the 1887 Congress was a symbol f o r "the n a t i o n as a whole." Un f o r t u n a t e l y , however, he does not s p e c i f i c a l l y document t h i s argument. Cf. S o l l e , "Die Sozialdemo-k r a t i e i n der Habsburger Monarchie und die tschechische Frage," pp. 333-7, esp. p. 334, note 37. 69 Kautsky to A d l e r , 5 June 1901, A d l e r , B r i e f w e c h s e l , p. 354. 7^ U n l i k e Kautsky, A d l e r never learned Czech. S i g n i f i c a n t l y , many of the important leaders of C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l democracy were born i n Bohemia, i n c l u d i n g A d l e r , Kautsky and Anton Hueber (who was born i n P i l s e n ( P l z e n ) ) . 71 Kautsky, " V i c t o r A d l e r . E r i n n e r u n g s b l a t t e r , " p. 418. A d l e r ' s f r i e n d P e r n e r s t o r f e r was head of the A s s o c i a t i o n . 72 I b i d . See a l s o A d l e r to Andreas Scheu, 21 February 1887, r e p r i n t e d i n S t e i n e r , Die Gebruder Scheu, pp. 152-3; and A d l e r to Kaut-sky, 16 November 1886, A d l e r , B r i e f w e c h s e l , p. 27." 7 3 Kautsky, " V i c t o r A d l e r , " p. 418. 74 Adam Wandruszka, "Osterr e i c h s p o l i t i s c h e S t r u k t u r . Die Entwicklung der P a r t e i e n und p o l i t i s c h e n Bewegungen," Geschichte der Republik O s t e r r e i c h , ed. H e i n r i c h Benedikt 0(Munich, 1954), pp. 291-7. Among other prominent f i g u r e s i n v o l v e d were Engelbert P e r n e r s t o r f e r (see above, Chapter V, note 14), H e i n r i c h Friedjung (the well-known l i b e r a l h i s t o r i a n ) , arid Otto Steinwender ( l a t e r prominent i n the German n a t i o n a l i s t movement). As a medical student A d l e r had been a c a r d i n a l member of one of the German n a t i o n a l i s t student s o c i e t i e s i n Vienna. There he came i n t o contact w i t h some of the f i n e s t minds C i s l e i t h a n i a produced. Members i n c l u d e d Arthur S c h n i t z l e r , Gustav Mahler, Theodor H e r z l (the founder of the Z i o n i s t movement), and even Sigmund Freud. See W i l l i a m J . McGrath, "Student R a d i c a l i s m i n Vienna," JCH, I I (1967), pp. 183-9. For an i n t r i g u i n g d i s c u s s i o n of Adler's r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h Freud see McGrath, "Freud as Hannibal," CEH, V I I (1974), pp. 38-40, 48-9. 233 K a r l Renner, " V i c t o r Adlers s e c h s i g s t e r Geburtstag," Der Kampf, V (1911-12), pp. 442ff. Mommsen agrees w i t h t h i s view of Adler's m o t i v a t i o n i n u l t i m a t e l y j o i n i n g the s o c i a l i s t movement, but adds that A d l e r was a l s o i n t e l l e c t u a l l y a t t r a c t e d to the uncompromising a t t i t u d e of the s o c i a l i s t s . For t h i s reason a l s o he was an admirer of Ibsen and Ni e t z s c h e , and i n f a c t , was one of the f i r s t p o p u l a r i z e r s of Nietzsche i n the Monarchy. Mommsen, Sozialdemokratie, p. 125. 76 The l e t t e r of i n t r o d u c t i o n was provided by Kautsky, whom Ad l e r had met i n 1882. Cf. Ad l e r to Johannes V o l k e l t , 13 September 1882, A d l e r , B r i e f w e c h s e l , p. 5. Kautsky's l e t t e r to Engels i s r e -p r i n t e d i n Engels-Kautsky, B r i e f w e c h s e l , pp. 76-7. I t bore the date of 22 J u l y 1883. Engels was impressed w i t h A d l e r , and wrote that he "would make something of h i m s e l f . " Engels to Kautsky, 18 September 1883, i b i d . , p. 84. 7 7 Kautsky, " V i c t o r A d l e r , " p. 421. Ad l e r maintained h i s con-t a c t s w i t h the non-anti-Semitic branch of the German n a t i o n a l i s t move-ment u n t i l at l e a s t 1886, although he had r e - e s t a b l i s h e d contact w i t h the s o c i a l i s t s a f t e r 1880. Mommsen, Sozialdemokratie, pp. 111-2. 78 A d l e r was opposed by Kautsky and some of the moderate leaders i n Vienna. See above, Chapter V, s e c t i o n i i i . Kautsky wrote to Adler that he considered him as standing "outside the p a r t y " because of h i s " n a t i o n a l " views. See A d l e r to Kautsky, 21 Augustll886, A d l e r , B r i e f - wechsel, p. 12. 79 A d l e r to Kautsky, 21 August 1886, i b i d . This l e t t e r i s one of the few pub l i s h e d sources. German n a t i o n a l i s m was a l e g i t i m a t e t h i n g i n the (German-speaking) s o c i a l i s t movement i n the nineteenth century, and German s o c i a l i s t s everywhere shared i t , beginning w i t h Marx and Engels. That t h i s was a drawback emerged whenever they t r i e d to deny t h i s , and pretend that t h e i r statements were pur e l y d i s i n t e r e s t e d . I b i d . 81 Cf. A d l e r t o Bebel, 2 January 1911, i b i d . , p. 518. 82 H e i n r i c h Braun to Kautsky, 10 A p r i l 1885. Quoted i n Mommsen, Sozialdemokratie, p. 117. Braun was a clos e f r i e n d of A d l e r ' s , besides being h i s b r o t h e r - i n - l a w . 8 3 I . S i n g e r , Untersuchungen uber die s o c i a l e n Zustande i n den Fa b r i k b e z i r k e n des n o r d o s t l i c h e n Bohmen ( L e i p z i g , 1885), pp. 207-8. The f i g u r e s are f o r the years 1876-1882. In B r i t a i n the r a t e was 15 per cent, i n P r u s s i a 21, and i n C i s l e i t h a n i a i t s e l f , 25 per cent. I b i d . 84 Figures quoted i n Mommsen, p. 34. The i n f a n t m o r t a l i t y r a t e f o r c h i l d r e n under f i v e years was even worse. In the same order of d i s t r i c t s i t was 41.6 per cent, 41.9, 35.1, and 36.2 per cent. I b i d . 234 85 In Briix the 1910 percentage f e l l to 24.9. Figures on which percentages f o r 1880 were based are i n Winkler, S t a t i s t i s c h e s Handbuch f u r das gesamte Deutschturn, p. 88. For 1900 and 1910 f i g u r e s from S t a t i s t i s c h e s Handbuch des Konigreiches Bohmen (1909), pp. 2, 12 (1913), pp. 2, 12. 86 A d l e r was aware of t h i s . In 1899 the A r b e i t e r - Z e i t u n g noted that s o c i a l i s t s could proceed to e s t a b l i s h a n a t i o n a l i t y s t a t e (and hence a n a t i o n a l i t y programme) because the most important p r e - c o n d i t i o n f o r i t s r e a l i z a t i o n , the c e s s a t i o n of the p o p u l a t i o n movements had occurred. A r b e i t e r - Z e i t u n g , 8 September 1899. The Czech s o c i a l i s t s ' response to t h i s argument has been d e t a i l e d i n Chapter I I , s e c t i o n i i i . See a l s o A d l e r to Bebel, 2 January 1911, A d l e r , B r i e f w e c h s e l , p. 518. 87 88 89 90 See above, Chapter I I , s e c t i o n i i i . Mommsen, Sozialdemokratie, p. 120. A d l e r to Kautsky, 21 August 1886, A d l e r , B r i e f w e c h s e l , p. 12. See, f o r example, J u l i u s B r a u n t h a l , In Search of the M i l l e n i u m (London, 1945), pp. 52-7; and J u l i u s Deutsch, Einwweiter Weg. Lebens- erinnerungen (Vienna, 1960), pp. 39ff. 91 In a l e t t e r to Kautsky, quoted i n B r a u n t h a l , V i c t o r und F r i e d r i c h A d l e r , p. 175. 92 P r o t o k o l l ( H a i n f e l d ) , 1888/9, p. 2. These words were spoken by Rudolf Pokorny, one of Adler's c l o s e s t c o l l a b o r a t o r s . 9 3 Cf. A d l e r to Engels, 25 August 1892, A d l e r , A u f s a t z e , I , p. 43. 94 A r b e i t e r - Z e i t u n g , 25 September 1892; P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1892, pp. 30-1, 72-86. 9 5 P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1901,vp. 109. 9 6 Kautsky to A d l e r , 20 J u l y 1905, A d l e r , B r i e f w e c h s e l , p. 466. I t would be i n t e r e s t i n g to t r a c e the development of the German party executive from t h i s viewpoint. I f Kautsky's a n a l y s i s of the s i t u a t i o n i n 1905 a p p l i e d to the German party executive throughout the p e r i o d a f t e r 1890, t h i s might help to e x p l a i n the c o n t r a s t between the c l o s e t i e s between party and trade union movements i n C i s l e i t h a n i a and the l o o s e r t i e s i n Germany. The f i r s t C i s l e i t h a n i a n party execu-t i v e , e l e c t e d i n 1892, had had at l e a s t two trade u n i o n i s t s among i t s members. P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1892, p. 137. In a d d i t i o n , A d l e r was the e d i t o r of the A r b e i t e r - Z e i t u n g at the time. The successive party execu-t i v e s always had trade u n i o n i s t s as members. 97 A d l e r to Kautsky, 17 J u l y 1905, A d l e r , B r i e f w e c h s e l , p. 460. 235 98 S o l l e argues that A d l e r avoided the n a t i o n a l i t y question at H a i n f e l d and l a t e r because he f e l t t hat.the v i c t o r y of s o c i a l i s m i n Germany would a u t o m a t i c a l l y s o l v e the problem. S o l l e , Der misslungene Versuch der o s t e r r e i c h i s c h e n S o z i a l i s t e n , " i n H o l o t i k , p. 948. Hans Mommsen made the s i g n i f i c a n t p o i n t , however, that A d l e r d i d not want to deal w i t h the n a t i o n a l i t y question at H a i n f e l d because he d i d not want to complicate the already thorny i s s u e of the union of r a d i c a l s and moderates. H o l o t i k , p. 1025. 99 A d l e r to Engels, 21 January 1890, A d l e r , A u f s a t z e , I , p. 5. A d l e r went so f a r as to attempt to prevent the d i s c u s s i o n of the n a t i o n a l i t y question i n the Reich-German s o c i a l i s t press. In- 1898 he had stopped the debate on the question i n Die Neue Z e i t . In 1901 he prevented the p u b l i c a t i o n i n the j o u r n a l of an a r t i c l e by a Czech s o c i a l i s t which he f e l t would have made matters worse than they already were. Cf. Kautsky to A d l e r , 31 May 1901, A d l e r to Kautsky, 1 June 1901, Kautsky to A d l e r , 5 June 1901, A d l e r , B r i e f w e c h s e l , pp. 351-4. When Kautsky h i m s e l f presumed to make the comment that an "arrogant German" tone had entered the A r b e i t e r - Z e i t u n g , A d l e r ' s response was b i t t e r and s a r c a s t i c : " I have wasted twenty years of my l i f e i n t h i s endless s t r u g g l e , wi'feh t h i s endless compromising and appeasing [of the Czechs and other S l a v s ] , What do you know of such t h i n g s ! ! . . . And then along you come . . . You had to g i v e another example of your ' j o u r -n a l i s t i c cleverness,' and say that the A r b e i t e r - Z e i t u n g reeks of ' r a c i s t German arrogance.' You have done i t , the Delnicke l i s t y has used your statement as a weapon i n i t s c h a u v i n i s t i c s t r u g g l e against us!!" A d l e r to Kautsky, 17 J u l y 1905, i b i d . , p. 460. Mommsen, Sozialdemokratie, p. 123. A f t e r 1894 the Czech s o c i a l i s t s tended to see these l i t t l e " o v e r s i g h t s " as s l i g h t s against the Czech n a t i o n . See h i s r e s o l u t i o n to the 189 7 C i s l e i t h a n i a n party Congress, P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 189 7, p. 169. As he put i t i n 1910: "My hope . . . i s that the l o g i c of h i s t o r y , or the good God, or i r o n n e c e s s i t y w i l l f o r c e us together." A d l e r to Bebel, 5 August 1910, A d l e r , B r i e f w e c h s e l , p. 508. 102 Mommsen, p. 122. Some of Adler's l a t e r utterances concerning the Czechs do not l e a d one to b e l i e v e that he thought too h i g h l y of them. See A d l e r to Kautsky, 17 J u l y 1905, A d l e r to Bebel, 19 March 1911, A d l e r , B r i e f w e c h s e l , pp. 459, 526. This does not mean, however, that he was a r a c i s t . 10 3 A d l e r to Bebel, 30 November 1899, A d l e r , B r i e f w e c h s e l , p. 333. See a l s o A d l e r to Bebel, 23 September 1906, i b i d . , p. 471. 104 A d l e r to Bebel, 19 November 1901, i b i d . , p. 379. The Czechs had a c r e d i t of 20,000 Crowns at the party p r i n t e r y , and were demanding more, A d l e r s a i d . He was w o r r i e d that they would take money from the SPD, but would not pay the p r i n t e r y . I b i d . , pp. 379-80. 236 1 0 5 P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1905, p. 88. This was one of the l a t e r examples of t h i s kind of problem. 1 0 6 P r o t o k o l l (Briinn), 1899, p. 81. ^ 7 As he wrote to Bebel i n 1908: "You know, my vice i s to see the other side i n a l l s i t u a t i o n s . I am also reluctant to see any abrupt decisions made." Adler to Bebel, 30 August 1908, Adler, B r i e f - wechsel, p. 489. 10 8 Norbert Leser, Zwischen Reformismus und Bolschewismus (Vienna, 1968), p. 220. 109 Kautsky commented: "Adler's s k i l l at r e c o n c i l i a t i o n broke down on the question of Czech separatism . . . But Adler's b e l i e f i n the need f o r unity i n the party i s so powerful, that he has done every-thing i n h i s power to prevent a declaration of war on separatism. As the great majority of h i s comrades and friends came to the view that the gap between i n t e r n a t i o n a l s o c i a l democracy and separatism was un-bridgeable, and that a decisive struggle against i t was necessary, Adler was unable to make the decision to leave the bridge . . . He only gave up as i t [became obvious] that i t was i n the process of com-plete d i s i n t e g r a t i o n . " Kautsky, " V i c t o r Adler," p. 425. whether Adler intended i t or not, the debate on the r e v i s i o n of the programme at the 1901 party Congress worked against the develop-ment of factionalism. The i n i t i a l draft was so moderate that i t was bound to i n f u r i a t e the l e f t i n the party. The f a c t that t h i s draft was then re-written to conform more c l o s e l y to t h e i r views meant that the hew programme could be seen as a v i c t o r y f o r the l e f t i n the party. At the same time, however, a comparison of the 1901 programme with the Hainfeld programme indicates that the new programme was also a v i c t o r y f o r the r i g h t wing. In t h i s sense, both sides were m o l l i f i e d by the programme r e v i s i o n , f o r no group had outvoted another. See above, Chapter I I , note 63. Benedikt Kautsky, "Ideologische Wandlungen i n der bster-reichischen Sozialdemokratie," S o z i a l i s t i s c h e Weltstimmen, ed. J u l i u s Braunthal ( B e r l i n , 1958), p. 220. 112 Bernstein to Adler, 3 March 1899, Adler, Briefwechsel, p. 287. For Adler's negative reaction to the book see Adler to Kaut-sky, 16 March 1899, i b i d . , p. 29 7. 113 Adler to Bebel, 1 November 1898, i b i d . , p. 265. 114 Leser, Zwischen Reformismus und Bolschewismus, p. 185. I b i d . , p. 219. See also Braunthal, History of the Inter- n a t i o n a l , I, pp. 276-7. 237 116 Braunthal, V i c t o r und F r i e d r i c h Adler, p. 114. See also Cole, A History of S o c i a l i s t Thought, 111:2, p. 545. 1 1 7 P r o t o k o l l (Hainfeld), 1888/9. See also Appendix I I . 118 P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1892, pp. 85-6. As he put i t at the 1889 Congress of the I n t e r n a t i o n a l : "In the f i n a l hour when the ca p i -t a l i s t s o c i a l order collapses . . . the fate of the p r o l e t a r i a t w i l l be decided by the degree of i t s s p i r i t u a l development. We have l i t t l e influence on the timing of t h i s event . . . but one thing l i e s within our power. That i s to prepare ourselves f o r t h i s moment. To be pre-pared, that i s everything." QQ.uoted i n Leser, p. 214. 119 Adler's hesitancy got him i n t o serious trouble '('in 1893 and 1894) over the question of the general s t r i k e f o r u n i v e r s a l s u f f -rage. At the 1894 party Congress, Adler was severely c r i t i c i z e d f o r his r e f u s a l to use the s t r i k e weapon, p a r t i c u l a r l y by Anton Hueber. P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1894, pp. 57-9. Adler had f e l t that the s o c i a l i s t movement was too weak to s u c c e s s f u l l y carry out a general s t r i k e for the franchise. As he s a i d to a meeting i n Vienna: " I t i s very dan-gerous to threaten anyone with an empty revolver, e s p e c i a l l y when the person threatened knows that i t i s empty." Arbeiter-Zeitung, 22 Sep-tember 1893. Adler's speech i n defence of h i s p o s i t i o n was a p r i n -c i p l e d argument that support of the reactionary Taaffe government's e l e c t o r a l reform would have compromised s o c i a l i s t p r i n c i p l e . P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1894, pp. 36-7. His compromise r e s o l u t i o n , which reaffirmed the commitment to the general s t r i k e , i f necessary, was accepted, a l -though only by a vote of 66 to 42. I b i d . , pp. 81, 104-5. In 1905 Adler was s t i l l convinced that the party was too weak to impose i t s w i l l upon the government by using the general s t r i k e . In the extraordinary s i t u a t i o n which then existed, however, he was prepared to act, i f necessary. Cf. Adler to Bebel, 23 September 1906, Adler, Briefwechsel, pp. 471-2. 120 An amusing example of Adler's f a i l u r e to maintain h i s correspondence occurred i n l a t e 1893. On November 1, 1893 Kautsky wrote to Adler asking him i f i t would be a l l r i g h t i f he asked Bern-s t e i n to write an a r t i c l e on the general s t r i k e f o r Die Neue Z e i t . On 26; November Kautsky again wrote Adler, asking the same question. On 9 December he began another l e t t e r with "Dear V i c t o r . You have probably received my l a s t two l e t t e r s . . . I would appreciate i t i f you would send me an answer soon." On 20 December he wrote again: "Dear V i c t o r ! You have probably received my l a s t three l e t t e r s , " and delivered an ultimatum: "I w i l l get your view i n a form which w i l l not cost you a stroke of the pen: i f I do not receive word from you by the beginning of next week, I w i l l conclude that you are not opposed to the discussion. I f you are opposed, please send me one word to i n d i c a t e i t . "Nein' w i l l be enough, or even 'No'—that w i l l save you two l e t t e r s . " Kautsky to Adler, 1 November,26 November, 9 December, 20 December, 1893, Adler, Briefwechsel, pp. 126-131. Whenever Adler went to j a i l he used the 238 occasion to catch up on h i s correspondence. Cf. Adler to Bebel, 6 November 1899, i b i d . , p. 330. 121 A d l e r o f t e n emphasized i n h i s l e t t e r s that he considered h i m s e l f to be a P r a k t i k e r r a t h e r than a Theoretiker. He wrote to Kaut-sky i n 1895: "You must not t h i n k that I have any k i n d of a b i l i t y or i n c l i n a t i o n toward theory. On the con t r a r y , unless a h i s t o r i c a l t u r n i n g p o i n t comes which causes me to abandon my a c t u a l career as a t o u r i s t or l o a f e r , I w i l l remain a w r i t e r of a r t i c l e s and commentaries f o r the r e s t of my l i f e . " A d l e r to Kautsky, 3 June 1895, i b i d . , p. 178. 122 See A d l e r to Bebel, 5 August 1910, i b i d . , pp. 508-9. 123 Otto Bauer wrote to Kautsky that Adler saw the se p a r a t i o n of the Czechs from the other n a t i o n a l i t i e s i n the s o c i a l i s t movement as the " d e s t r u c t i o n of h i s l i f e ' s work." Quoted i n Brau n t h a l , V i c t o r und F r i e d r i c h A d l e r , p. 175. A d l e r was c e r t a i n l y aware that the Monarchy was i n a grave c r i s i s , and that i t might not s u r v i v e surgery: "We b e l i e v e . . . that t h i s A u s t r i a cannot continue i n i t s o l d way. I f i t i s to s u r v i v e i t f i r s t must d i e . That means that a fundamental change must occur i n A u s t r i a . I f the s t a t e cannot bear t h i s change, then i t w i l l d i e q u i c k l y . . ." P r o t o k o l l (Graz), 1900, p. 69. CONCLUSION From the foregoing i t i s hoped that several things have been established. For one thing, t h i s thesis has t r i e d to i n d i c a t e the necessity for further study of the s o c i a l i s t movement i n the Habsburg Monarchy. C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s m was not merely a r e f l e c t i o n of the s o c i a l i s t movement i n Germany. I t i s true, of course, that strong im-pulses did come from Germany. C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t s did adopt the Marxist ideology, and they did attempt to take over the e s s e n t i a l s of the German form of party and trade union organization. As t h i s thesis has attempted to i n d i c a t e , however, i n each case the p a r t i c u l a r s i t u a t i o n i n C i s l e i t h a n i a led to the modification or the breakdown of these forms and ideas. Yet i t cannot be denied that the r e l a t i o n s h i p between C i s l e i t h a n i a n and German s o c i a l i s m was a close one, and f o r this reason, further study of the s i m i l a r i t i e s and differences between them i s necessary. Several factors which were decisive f o r the development of C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s m have been indicated. The multi-national nature of C i s l e i t h a n i a was one of these. I t was not merely the multi-national character of the state and the s o c i a l i s t movement, however, which was important. The n a t i o n a l i s t movements and t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p with the s o c i a l i s t movements, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the case of the Czech s o c i a l i s t s , are of fundamental importance i n any understanding of the development of the s o c i a l i s t movement i n C i s l e i t h a n i a . 239 240 That development was complicated further by the regional nature of i n d u s t r i a l development i n the Monarchy. I n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n began i n the west and north-west, and only spread slowly to the east and south-east. As the years passed, therefore, the s o c i a l i s t movement became l i n g u i s t i c a l l y and n a t i o n a l l y more and more complex. The primary c o n f l i c t within the movement was, however, l a r g e l y r e s t r i c t e d to the two n a t i o n a l i t i e s f i r s t involved i n i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , the Germans and the Czechs. The l e g a l and p o l i t i c a l structure of C i s l e i t h a n i a was also of fundamental s i g n i f i c a n c e i n the development of the s o c i a l i s t movement. The p a r t i c u l a r l e g a l and p o l i t i c a l r e s t r i c t i o n s facing both branches of the s o c i a l i s t movement united them i n a long p o l i t i c a l struggle f o r basic r i g h t s , e s p e c i a l l y the ri g h t to vote. In contrast to Germany, workers i n C i s l e i t h a n i a did not have any voting rights u n t i l 1897, and u n i v e r s a l , equal suffrage was not won u n t i l 1905. For several reasons, discussed i n t h i s t h e s i s , t h i s l e d to a v i r t u a l f i x a t i o n on the franchise as the means to the end on the part of C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t s i n the 1890's. In s p i t e of the ultimate f a i l u r e of the unique Gesamtpartei organization i n C i s l e i t h a n i a , i t did operate as a united body f or more than a decade. This l i m i t e d success was not p a r a l l e l e d i n the trade union movement. The p a r t i c u l a r l y close r e l a t i o n s h i p between s o c i a l i s t party and trade union movement i n C i s l e i t h a n i a notwithstanding, the German-speaking trade union leadership was not as w i l l i n g e i t h e r to compromise or to experiment as was the party under the leadership of 241 V i c t o r Adler. What the f a i l u r e of the C i s l e i t h a n i a n trade union move-ment (and party) i n d i c a t e d , however, was the d i f f i c u l t y i n applying models developed i n Western Europe and Germany i n a multi-national state and region. The same observation applies to the s o c i a l i s t approach to the s o l u t i o n of the n a t i o n a l i t y question i n C i s l e i t h a n i a . As has been indic a t e d , the t r a d i t i o n a l Marxist view of both the Habsburg Monarchy and of many of the peoples of Eastern Europe was negative. Although Kautsky modified h i s views i n the 1890's, he s t i l l saw the West European and German revolution as primary, and did not think s e r i o u s l y about the p o s s i b i l i t y of an independent role f o r Eastern Europe. In t h i s sense, the Marxist ideology f a i l e d to provide a p r a c t i c a l s o l u t i o n to the problems faced by a multi-national s o c i a l i s t movement i n a state i n which n a t i o n a l i t y c o n f l i c t threatened that movement's unity. In s p i t e of the lack of a Marxist model there were other sug-gestions f o r the r e s o l u t i o n of n a t i o n a l i t y c o n f l i c t . The Linz programme of 1882, f o r instance, proposed that the separation of G a l i c i a , the Bukovina and Dalmatia from C i s l e i t h a n i a would give the Germans a majority of the population i n the areas which remained, and would thus eliminate at l e a s t some of the n a t i o n a l i t y c o n f l i c t . Others, p a r t i c u l a r l y non-Germans, had c a l l e d f or the re-drawing of the Crown Land borders on an ethnic b a s i s , and for the f e d e r a l i z a t i o n of the Monarchy along these l i n e s . The Czech n a t i o n a l i s t movement, of course, stood f o r the r e a l i -zation of Bohemian Staatsrecht, or a Czech state within the Monarchy. Other n o n - s o c i a l i s t groups developed reformo.plans as w e l l . 242 Where the C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t approach to the problem was unique was i n i t s combination of federalism and centralism. The Germans f e l t that the establishment of n a t i o n a l t e r r i t o r i e s with governments which could deal with c u l t u r a l matters a f f e c t i n g the n a t i o n a l i t y , but with the retention of other powers i n the hands of the c e n t r a l parliament, would defuse what was e s s e n t i a l l y a c u l t u r a l problem. As the responses by the other n a t i o n a l i t i e s at the 1899 Brunn Congress of the C i s l e i t h a n i a n party in d i c a t e d , however, t h i s was a fundamental misconception of the nature of the n a t i o n a l i t y question i n the Monarchy. It was not a c u l -t u r a l problem. A f t e r a l l , the Czechs had won t h e i r own u n i v e r s i t y i n Prague as early as 1882, and many—if not a l l — o f the other peoples were free to e s t a b l i s h t h e i r own schools. In essence, the n a t i o n a l i t y question was a p o l i t i c a l question, and n a t i o n a l i t y c o n f l i c t i n the state was a p o l i t i c a l struggle f o r power, and not merely a b a t t l e for c u l t u r a l r i g h t s . In any case, the Brunn n a t i o n a l i t i e s ' programme was of immense importance, for i t helped to e s t a b l i s h the context i n which the debate on the n a t i o n a l i t y question and on nationalism i n the s o c i a l i s t movement was c a r r i e d out. As has been indi c a t e d , t h i s was e s p e c i a l l y true of the s o c i a l i s t movements among the minority peoples of Eastern Europe, including the Poles of Prussia, and Jewish s o c i a l i s t s i n Russia. The leaders of the Russian (Bolshevik) party, including both Lenin and S t a l i n , reacted extremely negatively to the constant c i t a t i o n of the C i s l e i t h a n i a n example by members of the minorities within and without the Bolshevik group. I t would be i n t e r e s t i n g to know to what extent 243 the Brunn programme and the f e d e r a l form of organization adopted by C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t s was i n f l u e n t i a l i n the development of the Bolshevik view of both Russia and the Russian party organization. On a broader s c a l e , C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s m mirrored the con-t r a d i c t i o n between reformist p r a c t i c e and r a d i c a l theory i n the European Marxist movements. At the same time, however, the gap was not as large i n C i s l e i t h a n i a as i t was, f o r example, i n Germany, e s p e c i a l l y a f t e r 1905. Radical andmmoderate factions developed within the German so-c i a l i s t movement, and a long c o n f l i c t ensued. This kind of i d e o l o g i c a l f a c t i o n a l i s m did not emerge on any large scale i n the C i s l e i t h a n i a n movement. The primary r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r t h i s lay with V i c t o r Adler. His concern f o r the unity of the s o c i a l i s t movement, and h i s willingness to compromise to maintain i t , helped to prevent the emergence of fac-t i o n s . C e r t a i n l y there were tendencies to reformism and r a d i c a l i s m i n the movement, but Adler's a b i l i t y to temporize and h i s reasoned appeals to p r i n c i p l e (and r e a l i t y ) c a r r i e d the majority with him. The moderate tone of the 1899 and 1901 programmes, with t h e i r obvious commitment to u n i v e r s a l equal suffrage as the means to the end yet maintaining the t h e o r e t i c a l commitment to orthodox Marxism, were evidence of both the lack of i d e o l o g i c a l f a c t i o n a l i s m i n the move-ment, as w e l l as of Adler's desire (and a b i l i t y ) to prevent i t s r i s e . Considering the Bernstein-Kautsky c o n f l i c t within the German movement at the turn of the century, and the l a t e r r i s e of f a c t i o n a l i s m i n the Germanymovement, an attempt to modify the German party programme i n such a reformist d i r e c t i o n would most l i k e l y have proven disastrous. 244 In f a c t , as has been noted, at the Mannheim Congress of the German party i n 1906, the German trade unions intervened dramatically on the side of the moderate f a c t i o n i n the c o n f l i c t within the party, and e f f e c t i v e l y took over the party. This placed the r a d i c a l f a c t i o n i n a hopeless minority p o s i t i o n , and sowed the seeds of the disruption of the German movement during the F i r s t World War and beyond. Such a c r i s i s was v i r t u a l l y inconceivable i n the C i s l e i t h a n i a n movement, both because of Adler's powerful p o s i t i o n i n the party, and because of h i s e l a s t i c t a c t i c s . In addition, there was no organized i d e o l o g i c a l f a c t i o n a l i s m i n the party. The trade union movement, a l -though i t was more p o l i t i c a l i n o r i e n t a t i o n , was i n fundamental agree-ment with the party's reformist p o l i c y . The fact that the party was w i l l i n g to act r a d i c a l l y only served to cement the unity of the s o c i a l i s t movement i n C i s l e i t h a n i a . I d e o l o g i c a l unity i n the C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t movement, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n i t s Austro-German component, was of profound importance, both during the World War, and i n the Republic of A u s t r i a . When the Austro-German party s p l i t during the War and a Communist party was formed, i t remained a permanently miniscule minority. In contrast to Germany, th i s meant that the greater part of the l e f t wing remained within the s o c i a l democratic party. As a p a r t i a l r e s u l t of t h i s , interwar Austrian s o c i a l democracy was more productive than i t s counterpart i n the Reich."'" The contrast between the s o c i a l democrats i n A u s t r i a and those i n Germany- was evident from the time of the revolution i n 1918 2 onward. During the 1920's Austrian s o c i a l i s t s c a r r i e d out a v i r t u a l 245 3 s o c i a l revolution i n the c i t y of Vienna, and although t h e i r r e s i s -tance to fascism was no more e f f e c t i v e than i n Germany, t h e i r leader-ship was c e r t a i n l y not as moribund as that of the German party i n 1933. The overwhelming concern f o r the unity of the s o c i a l i s t move-ment, stamped upon the party by V i c t o r Adler's example, deeply affected the interwar leader of the Austrian S o c i a l i s t Party, Otto Bauer. He saw as h i s primary goal the r e s t o r a t i o n of the unity of the worker's movement, not only i n A u s t r i a , but also i n the wider world. In 1921 an attempt was made by Austrian s o c i a l i s t s to create a new s o c i a l i s t i n t e r n a t i o n a l , one which would unite both the reformist Second Inter-n a t i o n a l and the Communist Third International. Although the "Second-and-a-half" International f a i l e d , Bauer and Adler's son F r i e d r i c h main-tained t h e i r hopes for a reunion of the i n t e r n a t i o n a l worker's movement 4 foraa long period of time. The aforementioned commitment of C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t s to universal suffrage as the means to the s o c i a l i s t goal indicates some-thing about the character of the s o c i a l i s t movement i n C i s l e i t h a n i a : i t was fundamentally democratic i n nature. Only i n t h i s way can the f e d e r a l i z a t i o n of the party i n 1896 and 189 7 be understood, f o r a f t e r a l l , compromise i s the essence of democracy. The attempt to maintain centralism i n the trade union movement did not contradict t h i s , f o r there were sound economic and p r a c t i c a l reasons for the maintenance of i n t e r n a t i o n a l unity i n the trade union movement. Marxist-Leninists argue, however, that the ultimate democratic s o l u t i o n to the n a t i o n a l i t y question i n C i s l e i t h a n i a was Lenin's concept 246 of self-determination. The weakness of th i s argument i s that i t over-looks the r e a l i t y of the s i t u a t i o n i n C i s l e i t h a n i a . Although C i s l e i -thania was i n a severe state of c r i s i s a f t e r 189 7, few r e a l l y wanted to destroy the Monarchy. Furthermore, the s o c i a l i s t movement i n C i s l e i -thania was becoming a powerful force i n the state, and i n a mere ten years time was to emerge as one of the strongest partie s i n the C i s l e i -thanian p o l i t i c a l spectrum. In contrast, the s o c i a l i s t movement i n Russia was a ti n y minority with no r e a l influence on the autocratic state apparatus; hence i t was easy f o r the Bolsheviks to prescribe solutions to the problems of the Russian Empire. C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t s had to deal with the r e a l i t y they faced, and that r e a l i t y was a continuing Habsburg st a t e , which was w e l l along the road to democratization. Ultimately the Monarchy might d i s -integrate, but at the time, as Kautsky i n d i c a t e d , i t would have been i r r e s p o n s i b l e and destructive to have organized the party's e f f o r t s around something which might or might not occur i n the future. In any case, to argue that Czech s o c i a l i s t s should have abandoned t h e i r separate organization was to misunderstand the nature of both nation-alism and n a t i o n a l f e e l i n g i n the working class i n C i s l e i t h a n i a . At the same time, the Russian Bolshevik f a c t i o n was l a r g e l y composed of Great Russians. This was i n d i s t i n c t contrast to the C i s -l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t movement, where there were at le a s t two mass so-c i a l i s t p a r t i e s , both based on an urban i n d u s t r i a l p r o l e t a r i a t . To have expected one of these to have subordinated i t s e l f to the other was a mistake. 247 On account of language d i f f i c u l t i e s , t h i s thesis has not dealt i n any d e t a i l with the Czech s o c i a l i s t movement per se. Yet ce r t a i n conclusions can be drawn about the nature of the Czech movement. The role of Czech s o c i a l i s t s i n the development of C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s m was an important one. The Czech s o c i a l i s t s acted as the prod which drove the s o c i a l i s t movement i n C i s l e i t h a n i a i n the pioneering d i r e c t i o n s i t took. At the same time, they helped weaken the united movement of a l l n a t i o n a l i t i e s . As Czechs, Czech s o c i a l i s t s saw themselves as doubly oppressed, both by the German c a p i t a l i s t s who ruled the Monarchy and t h e i r l i v e s as workers, and by German s o c i a l i s t s , who dominated the s o c i a l i s t move-ment. The major feature of the Czech s o c i a l i s t movement was thus the fusion of the n a t i o n a l and s o c i a l questions i n i t i n the 1890's. Czech s o c i a l democrats retained t h e i r commitmenttto the Marxist ideology, but as time passed became more and more involved i n t h e i r n a t i o n a l i s t movement and i n i t s concerns. This indicated a fundamental problem with the Marxist ideology. Ostensibly i t was the r e a l i z a t i o n of the na t i o n a l i d e a l , but i n f a c t , i t divided the nation into opposing classes. What the fusion of the n a t i o n a l and s o c i a l questions i n the Czech so-c i a l i s t movement indic a t e d was that the f e e l i n g of i d e n t i t y as a nation was stronger than class consciousness. At the same time as the C i s l e i t h a n i a n party was the f i r s t large-scale party i n Eastern Europe, the Czech s o c i a l i s t movement was the f i r s t among the unemancipated peoples of Central and Eastern Europe. As such i t served as a model, p a r t i c u l a r l y to the other non-German 248 peoples i n C i s l e i t h a n i a . Each concession won by the Czech s o c i a l i s t s was also won by the other non-Gepnan n a t i o n a l i t i e s i n the s o c i a l i s t movement. Except, perhaps, f or the P o l i s h s o c i a l i s t movement i n C i s -l e i t h a n i a , s o c i a l i s t s of the other n a t i o n a l i t i e s were unable to express t h e i r n a t i o n a l i s t feelings as c l e a r l y as the Czech s o c i a l i s t s did', fo r they remained f i n a n c i a l l y and organiz a t i o n a l l y dependent upon the Austro-German party. Every time the Czech s o c i a l i s t s won more autonomy, the o r i g i -n a l l y overwhelming Austro-German influence i n the C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t movement declined a l i t t l e further. Like the p o s i t i o n of the Germans i n the Monarchy as a whole, the r e l a t i v e s i g n i f i c a n c e , and indeed, the power p o s i t i o n of the Germans, declined as the other n a t i o n a l i t i e s i n the s o c i a l i s t movement grew to maturity, and demanded more d i r e c t con-t r o l of t h e i r d e s t i n i e s . The Czech s o c i a l i s t s represented merely the leading edge of t h i s process. The German s o c i a l i s t s ' w illingness to accept t h i s gradual d i -minution of t h e i r power i s evidence of t h e i r commitment to the demo-c r a t i c way. This was s i g n i f i c a n t , f o r i n contrast to the Czech s o c i a l -i s t s , i t tended to i s o l a t e them from t h e i r n a t i o n a l movement. In the franchise campaign of 1905, f o r example, Czech s o c i a l i s t s co-operated with Czech l i b e r a l s i n what was v i r t u a l l y a Czech n a t i o n a l movement for u n i v e r s a l suffrage. This r e f l e c t e d t h e i r growing inte g r a t i o n into t h e i r n a t i o n a l movement. For the German s o c i a l i s t s t h i s was not the case. Their bour-geoisie saw i t s p o s i t i o n threatened by un i v e r s a l suffrage, and hence 249 i t o ffered resistance to the further democratization of the state. This contradiction between l i b e r a l i d e a l s and the desire to maintain German c o n t r o l of the Monarchy was a large part of the reason f o r the decline of Western-style l i b e r a l i s m i n the German p o l i t i c a l environment i n C i s l e i t h a n i a . Because i t faced t h i s c ontradiction, as w e l l as a ready-made German n a t i o n a l state j u s t across the border, German nation-alism i n C i s l e i t h a n i a tended to lose i t s democratic and l i b e r a t i n g aspects, and to become caught up i n anti-Semitism and reactionary p o l i -t i c s . This tended to i s o l a t e German s o c i a l i s t s from t h e i r n a t i o n a l i s t movement, f o r t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the campaign f o r un i v e r s a l s u f f -rage could be seen as a "betrayal" of German in t e r e s t s i n the Monarchy. In s p i t e of the growing i n t e g r a t i o n of the s o c i a l i s t movement—parti-c u l a r l y the trade union movement—into n a t i o n a l l i f e i n the Monarchy i n the l a s t decade or so of i t s existence, German s o c i a l i s t s found themselves in c r e a s i n g l y i s o l a t e d from the n a t i o n a l i s t elements i n t h e i r society. This i s not to suggest that German s o c i a l i s t s were any less n a t i o n a l l y conscious than t h e i r Czech counterparts, but i t does i n d i c a t e the strength of the commitment to democracy among them. Obviously then, one can d i f f e r e n t i a t e between and among nation-alisms, at l e a s t i n terms of t h e i r progressive or reactionary aspects. German nationalism i n the Habsburg Monarchy tended to be reactionary, while Czech nationalism was more progressive. The progressive nature of Czech nationalism was evident i n the treatment of min o r i t i e s i n the Czech state i n the interwar period. Their m i n o r i t i e s ' p o l i c y was among the most l i b e r a l i n Europe. That Kautsky was correct i n arguing that 250 Czech nationalism, along with the other nationalisms i n the Monarchy, was marred by a f i x a t i o n on h i s t o r i c concepts, however, was also i n d i -cated by the m i n o r i t i e s ' p o l i c y of the interwar Czech state. In carrying out the p r i n c i p l e of self-determination i n 1918, the Czechs were un-w i l l i n g to grant the same p r i v i l e g e to the three m i l l i o n Germans who also l i v e d i n the h i s t o r i c boundaries of the Kingdom of Bohemia, not to mention the Magyar minority i n Slovakia. In the cases of both Czech and German s o c i a l i s t s i n C i s l e i t h a n i a , c e r t a i n groups were not w i l l i n g to at l e a s t p a r t i a l l y subordinate t h e i r n a t i o n a l i s t f e e l i n g . In 1898 a section of the Czech working class l e f t the Czechoslav party and formed a Czech National S o c i a l i s t Party. In 1904 a tiny group of Germans formed a German Worker's Party i n Bohemia. Although the Czech National S o c i a l i s t s never became r a c i s t s , the German Worker's Party was r a c i s t from the very beginning. In t h i s sense, National Socialism of the type developed i n Germany a f t e r the F i r s t World War had i t s o r i g i n a l home i n C i s l e i t h a n i a , and was a r e f l e c t i o n of the defensive p o s i t i o n of the Germans i n the Monarchy, as w e l l as of the c o n f l i c t between and among competing nationalisms. The fa c t that t h i s reactionary nationalism did not win a large following among Austro-German s o c i a l i s t s i s perhaps a r e f l e c t i o n of the f a c t that, by and large, the German nationalism of Austro-German s o c i a l i s t s was as progressive as Czech nationalism. I f one were to seek to characterize the C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t movement, i t would be as an Ubergangstypus between the movements i n Western and Eastern Europe. I t contained both elements. The Czech 251 and German s o c i a l i s t movements were s o c i a l i s t movements of a more wes-tern than eastern type by 1901, f o r they were both mass movements, based on an urban p r o l e t a r i a t . The other s o c i a l i s t movements i n C i s -l e i t h a n i a , however, were more t y p i c a l l y East European, f o r they were small i n s i z e , and i n some cases tended to base themselves more on the peasantry than on a v i r t u a l l y non-existent urban p r o l e t a r i a t . What i s s i g n i f i c a n t about this i s that the C i s l e i t h a n i a n so-c i a l i s t movement was the f i r s t large-scale s o c i a l i s t movement, exclusive of Germany, i n Central and Eastern Europe. The attempt to adopt the i d e o l o g i c a l and organizational framework of the German and West Euro-pean movements, p a r t i c u l a r l y the organizational aspects, f a i l e d i n face of the p a r t i c u l a r r e a l i t i e s i n Eastern Europe. In the modification of these concepts to f i t i n t o that r e a l i t y , C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t s created a movement which served, e i t h e r p o s i t i v e l y or negatively, as a model f or many of the s o c i a l i s t movements i n Eastern Europe as they emerged. Furthermore, C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s m also functioned as a ve-h i c l e f o r the introduction of the Marxist ideology i n t o large areas of Eastern Europe. The f i r s t Marxist programme adopted i n Europe east of the Rhine River was not adopted by German s o c i a l i s t s , but rather, by C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t s . When s o c i a l i s t s i n Hungary and Croatia adopted programmes i n 1890 arid 1895 re s p e c t i v e l y , the Hainfeld programme was the one they chose. This meant that i n the Habsburg Monarchy alone,, at l e a s t ten d i f f e r e n t peoples received t h e i r introduction to Marxism by means of the Hainfeld programme. 252 This i s c e r t a i n l y not to deny the seminal r o l e of German so-c i a l i s m as a conduit to Eastern Europe, but i t i s to i n d i c a t e that i t was not the only v e h i c l e for the t r a n s f e r r a l of the Marxist ideology to Eastern Europe. In a more general sense, the s o c i a l i s t movement i n C i s l e i t h a n i a , and i t s j u n i o r partners i n Hungary and Croatia, served as a t r a i n i n g ground for the next generation of s o c i a l i s t and Communist leaders i n the successor states. Many of the leaders of parti e s i n the interwar period and beyond i n Czechoslovakia, Hungary, A u s t r i a , Poland, Rumania and Yugoslavia grew up e i t h e r i n the Habsburg Monarchy, or i n the so-c i a l i s t movement i t s e l f . The influence of the f e d e r a l i s t i c form of party organization adopted by C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t s i n 1897 has also been s i g n i f i c a n t i n Eastern Europe. Czech and German s o c i a l i s t s at the Neudorfl Congress of 1874 were the f i r s t i n Europe to attempt to e s t a b l i s h a multi-national s o c i a l i s t party. I t was the f e d e r a l i s t i c form of party organization developed i n C i s l e i t h a n i a which served as the negative model for Russian Bolsheviks as t h e i r party began to develop i n t o a mass party. I n t e r e s t i n g l y , however, i n the cases of both the Soviet Union and Tito's Yugoslavia, as w e l l as more recently i n Czechoslovakia, the idea of a f e d e r a l i s t i c party organization, and indeed of t e r r i t o r i a l - n a t i o n a l autonomy, has been adopted, at l e a s t i n theory. The ultimate f a i l u r e of C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t s to maintain the unity of the Gesamtpartei and the trade union movement presaged the collapse of the S o c i a l i s t International i n the c r i s i s of 1914. In 253 f a c t , the collapse of the Gesamtpartei i n 1911 freed Austro-German s o c i a l i s t s from t h e i r "internationalism," which by that point had be-come somewhat "forced." As a r e s u l t , i n the f i r s t days of the World War they were free to take a n a t i o n a l i s t p o s i t i o n which expressed t h e i r nationalism. The collapse of the Gesamtpartei and of the S o c i a l i s t Inter-n a t i o n a l i n d i c a t e d that nationalism had proven stronger than s o c i a l i s t internationalism. Both cases were thus evidence of the lack of appre-c i a t i o n of the importance of nationalism and the concomitant over-rating of the s i g n i f i c a n c e of economic class i n t e r e s t s . In the case of the Habsburg Monarchy, of course, i t was a f a i l u r e to understand both the s i g n i f i c a n c e of the n a t i o n a l r e v i v a l movements as w e l l as t h e i r a t t r a c -tiveness to "the working c l a s s . Although several countries i n the "Third World" have been able to combine nationalism with s o c i a l i s m i n t h e i r l i b e r a t i o n movements, by and large the s o c i a l i s t movement i n the twentieth century has s t i l l not been able to deal with the apparent contradiction between nation-alism and " s o c i a l i s m . " One need only look at the enormous problems facing Yugoslavia, and indeed, the SovietyUnion. In conclusion, one might add that i n reading the l i t e r a t u r e of the C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t movement i n the l a t e nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, one cannot help but be struck by a sense of tragedy. Fervent be l i e v e r s i n an ideology which claimed to have the s o l u t i o n to a l l the world's problems, i n s p i r e d by t h e i r persecution and by the s u f f e r i n g they saw around them, s o c i a l i s t s foresaw a "new age." Even before the war destroyed the i n t e r n a t i o n a l s o c i a l i s t move-ment, however, many C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l i s t s saw t h e i r hopes destroyed by the breakdown of t h e i r " L i t t l e I n t e r n a t i o n a l . " I t was a tragedy f o r a man such as V i c t o r Adler that t h i s represented the destruction of h i s l i f e ' s work. NOTES - CONCLUSION We are not suggesting that the German communist party was a creative force. Membership figures i n d i c a t e that s o c i a l i s m had made a deeper impact i n A u s t r i a than i n Germany. The SPD, with 1,037,384 members, was the second largest party i n the S o c i a l i s t International i n 1931. The Austrian party, i n a country with about one-tenth of Germany's population, had 706,941 members, or almost 12 per cent of the population! I t was the t h i r d strongest party i n the International. Braunthal, History of the Int e r n a t i o n a l , I I , p. 333. Vienna was the r e a l centre of the Austrian s o c i a l i s t movement: "One i n three of i t s adult population was a member of the party, and two i n three used to vote s o c i a l i s t . " Braunthal, In Search of the Millenium, p. 254. 2 Among the differences, emerging p a r t l y out of the d i f f e r e n t s i t u a t i o n s i n the two countries, was the at t i t u d e to the new armies established a f t e r the collapse. Cf. Braunthal, Millenium, pp. 217-8, 239ff. 3 On Vienna i n the 1920's see Gulick, A u s t r i a from Habsburg to H i t l e r , I, pp. 175-255, 407-682. 4 Braunthal, History of the Int e r n a t i o n a l , I I , pp. 230-54; Benedikt Kautsky, "Ideologische Wandlungen i n der osterreichischen Sozialdemokratie," pp. 222-3. 255 BIBLIOGRAPHY I. Bibliographies and B i b l i o g r a p h i c A r t i c l e s Bartosek, K a r e l . "Czechoslovakia: the State of Historiography." Journal of Contemporary History, II (1967), pp. 143-55. Steiner, Herbert (ed.). BBi'bliographie zur Geschichte der oster- reichischen Arbeiterbewegung. Vol. I: 1867-1918. Vienna: Verlag des osterreichischen Gewerkschaftsbundes, 1962. Winters, Stanley B. "Trends i n Czechoslovak Labor History." Labor History, X (1969), pp. 602-39. Wolfgramm, Eberhard. "Zur Erforschung der tschechischen Arbeiterbewe-gung b i s 1918 i n der Tschechoslowakei." Z e i t s c h r i f t fur Geschichts- wissenschaft, VIII (1960), pp. 1223-37. I I . 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In Kommission der J . G. Calve'schen k.u.k. Hof- u. Univ.-Buchhand-lung, 1909. . S t a t i s t i s c h e s Handbuch des Konigreiches Bohmen. 2d. ed. Prague: Selbstverlag. In Kommission der J. G. Calve'schen k.u.k. Hof- u. Univ-Buchhandlung, 1913. i i ) Legal Texts and T r i a l Transcripts Bernatzik, Edmund (ed.). Die osterreichischen Verfassungsgesetze. 2d. ed. Studienausgabe Osterreichischer Gesetze, Vol. I I I . Vienna: Manzsche k.u.k. Hof- Verlags- und Universitats-Buchhandlung, 1911. Der Wiener Hochverratsprozess : Bericht liber die Schwurgerichtsverhandlung gegen Andreas Scheu, Heinrich Oberwinder, Johann Most und Genossen, neu herausgegeben von Heinrich Scheu. Nebst einer E i n l e i t u n g : "Zur p o l i t i s c h e n und sozia l e n Geschichte 1848 b i s 1870" von K a r l Renner, mit den "Erinnerungen von Heinrich Scheu. E i n Beitrag zur Geschichte der osterreichischen Arbeiterbewegung" und einem geschichtlichen Nachwort: "Oesterreich von 1870 b i s 1907 und die Wahlreformkampfe der A r b e i t e r s c h a f t " von K a r l Renner. Vienna: Wiener Volksbuchhandlung Ignaz Brand, 1911. 258 i i i ) Newspapers and Journals [Dates i n d i c a t e the years consulted] a) Newspapers Arbeiter-Zeitung (Vienna), 1890-1891, 1893-1894, 1896 (May-December), 1899 (July-December), 1901. Demokratisches Wochenblatt (Leipzig),11868-1869. Der Sozialdemokrat (Zurich and London), 1879-1890. Der Volksstaat ( L e i p z i g ) , 1869-1876. Der Vorbote ((Geneva) , 1866-1871. b) Journals Akademie: Organ mladeze s o c i a l i s t i c k e . Organ der s o c i a l i s t i s c h e n Jugend. Prague, 189 7-1900. Archiv fur die Geschichte des Sozialismus und der Arbeiterbewegung. L e i p z i g , 1910-1919. [Reprint. Graz: Akademische Druck und Verlags-a n s t a l t , 1964-1966.] Dokumente des Sozialismus. Hefte fur Geschichte, Urkunden und B i b l i o - graphie des Sozialismus. B e r l i n , 1902-1905. [Reprint. New York: Burt F r a n k l i n , 1969.1] Der Kampf: Sozialdemokratische Monatsschrift. Vienna, 1907-1923. Die Neue Z e i t : Wochenschrift der deutschen Sozialdemokratie. Stuttgart, 1883-1914. S o z i a l i s t i s c h e Monatshefte. B e r l i n , 1901-1903. iv) Letters and Speeches Adler, V i c t o r . V i c t o r Adler: aus seinen Reden und Sc h r i f t e n . Edited by Anton Tesarek. Grosse Gestalten des Sozialismus, Vol. I. Vienna: Verlag Wiener Volksbuchhandlung, 1947. Adler, F r i e d r i c h (ed.). V i c t o r Adler: Aufsatze Reden und B r i e f e . Eleven parts i n f i v e volumes. Parteivorstand der Sozialdemo-kratischen A r b e i t e r p a r t e i Deutschosterreichs. Vienna: Verlag der Wiener Volksbuchhandlung, 1922-1929. 259 Adler, F r i e d r i c h (ed.)- V i c t o r Adler: Briefwechsel mit August Bebel und K a r l Kautsky: jowie B r i e f e von und an Ignaz Auer, Eduard Bern- s t e i n , Adolf Braun, Heinrich Dietz, F r i e d r i c h Ebert, Wilhelm Lieb- knecht, Hermann Muller und Paul Singer. Parteivorstand der S o z i a l i s t i s c h e n P a r t e i Osterreichs. Vienna: Verlag der Wiener Volksbuchhandlung, 1954. Kautsky, Benedikt (ed.). F r i e d r i c h Engels' Briefwechsel mit K a r l Kaut- sky : Zweite, durch die B r i e f e K a r l Kautskys v e r v o l l s t a n d i g t e Aus- gabe von "Aus der Friihzeit des Marxismus." Quellen und Unter-suchungen zur Geschichte der deutschen und osterreichischen Ar-beiterbewegung, Vol. I. Internationales I n s t i t u t fur S o z i a l -geschichte zu .Amsterdam.- Vienna:-Danubia-Verlag,. U n i v e r s i t a t s -buchhandlung Wilhelm Braumuller & Sohn, 1955. v) Party and Trade Union Congress Protocols and Related Documents a) Party and Trade Union Congress Protocols (In chronological order) P r o t o k o l l uber die Verhandlungen des Allgemeinen Deutschen s o z i a l - demokratischen Arbeiterkongresses zu Eisenach am 7., 8. und 9. August 1869. L e i p z i g : F. T h i e l e , 1869. [Reprint. B e r l i n : Dietz Verlag, 1969.] Verhandlungen des Parteitages der Osterreichischen Sozialdemokratie i n H ainfeld, 30/31 Dezember 1888 und 1 Januar 1889. Vienna: Verlag von L. A. Bretschneider, Red. der " G l e i c h h e i t , " 1889. P r o t o k o l l jiber die Verhandlungen des Parteitages der Sozialdemokratischen P a r t e i Deutschlands: Abgehalten zu H a l l e a. S. vom 12. b i s . 18. Oktober 1890. B e r l i n : Verlag der Expedition des " B e r l i n e r Volks-b l a t t , " 1890. Verhandlungen des zweiten osterreichischen sozialdemokratischen P a r t e i - tages: abgehalten zu Wien am 28., 29. und 30. Juni 1891. Vienna: In Commission b e i Leopold Weiss, 1891. P r o t o k o l l iiber die VerhandlungenddesParteitages der Sozialdemokratischen P a r t e i Deutschlands: Abgehalten zu E r f u r t vom 14.bis 20. Oktober 1891. B e r l i n : Verlag der Expedition des "Vorwarts," B e r l i n e r V o l k s b l a t t , 1891. Verhandlungen des d r i t t e n osterreichischen socialdemokratischen P a r t e i - tages: abgehalten zu Wien am 5., 6., 7., 8. und 9. Juni 1892. Vienna: Verlag von Ludwig A. Bretschneider, 1892. 260 P r o t o k o l l liber die Verhandlungen des I. Gewerkschaftskongresses: abge- halten vom 24. b i s 27. Dezember 1893 i n Wien. Vienna: Verlag der Gewerkschaftskommission (A. Hueber), 1901. Verhandlungen des v i e r t e n osterreichischen sozialdemokratischen P a r t e i - tages: abgehalten zu Wien vom 25. b i s 31. Marz 1894. Vienna: Verlag von Ludwjg A. Bretschneider, 1894. Verhandlungen des fiinften osterreichischen sozialdemokratischen P a r t e i - tages: abgehalten zu Prag vom 5. b i s e i n s c h l i e s s l i c h 11. A p r i l 1896. Vienna: Verlag der Ersten Wiener Volksbuchhandlung (Ignaz Brand), 1896. P r o t o k o l l des I I . osterreichischen Gewerkschaftskongresses abgehalten vom 25. b i s 29. Dezember 1896. Vienna: Verlag von Anton Hueber, 189 7. Verhandlungen des sechsten osterreichischen Sozialdemokratischen P a r t e i - tages: abgehalten zu Wien vom 6. b i s e i n s c h l i e s s l i c h 12. Juni 189 7. Vienna: Erste Wiener Volksbuchhandlung (Ignaz Brand), 1897. Verhandlungen des Gesammtparteitages der Sozialdemokratie i n Oester- r e i c h : abgehalten zu Briinn vom 24. b i s 29. September 1899. Nach dem stenographischen Protokolle. Vienna: Verlag der Wiener Volks-buchhandlung Ignaz Brand, 1899. Verhandlungen des Parteitages der Deutschen Sozialdemokratie Oester- rei c h s : abgehalten zu Graz vom 2. September b i s e i n s c h l i e s s l i c h 6. September 1900. Nach dem stenographischen Protokolle. Vienna: Verlag der Wiener Volksbuchhandlung Ignaz Brand, 1900. , P r o t o k o l l iiber die Verhandlungen des Parteitages der Sozialdemokratischen P a r t e i Deutschlands: Abgehalten i n Mainz vom 17. b i s 21. September 1900. Mit einem Nachtrag: Bericht iiber die Frauenkonferenz am 15. und 16. September i n Mainz. B e r l i n : Expedition der Buchhandlung Vorwarts, 1900. P r o t o k o l l iiber die Verhandlungen des Gesammtparteitages der Sozialdemo- kratischen A r b e i t e r p a r t e i i n Oesterreich: Abgehalten zu Wien vom 2. b i s 6. November 1901. Vienna: Verlag der Wiener Volksbuchhandlung Ignaz Brand, 1901. P r o t o k o l l iiber die Verhandlungen des Parteitages der deutschen s o z i a l - demokratischen A r b e i t e r p a r t e i i n Oesterreich: Abgehalten zu Aussig vom 15. b i s 18. August 1902. Vienna: Verlag der Wiener Volksbuch-handlung Ignaz Brand, 1902. P r o t o k o l l iiber die Verhandlungen des Gesamtparteitages der Sozialdemo- kratischen A r b e i t e r p a r t e i i n Oesterreich: Samt Anhang enthaltend das P r o t o k o l l iiber die Verhandlungen der zweiten sozialdemokratischen Frauenkonferenz: Abgehalten zu Wien vom 9. b i s 13. November 1903. Vienna: Verlag der Wiener Volksbuchhandlung Ignaz Brand, 1903. 261 P r o t o k o l l uber die Verhandlungen des Parteitages der deutschen s o z i a l - demokratischen A r b e i t e r p a r t e l In Oesterreich: Abgehalten zu Salz- burg vom 26. b i s 29. September 1904. Vienna: Verlag der Wiener Volksbuchhandlung Ignaz Brand, 1904. P r o t o k o l l uber die Verhandlungen des Gesamt-Parteitages der sozialdemo- kratischen A r b e i t e r p a r t e l i n Oesterreich: Abgehalten zu Wien vom 29. Oktober b i s 2. November 1905. Vienna: Verlag der Wiener Volks-buchhandlung Ignaz Brand, 1905. Pr o t o k o l l liber dji& Verhandlungen des Parteitages der Sozialdemokratischen P a r t e i Deutschlands: Abgehalten zu Mannheim vom 23. b i s 29. September 1906 sowie Bericht iiber die 4. Frauenkonferenz am 22. u. 23. Septem- ber 1906 i n Mannheim. B e r l i n : Verlag Buchhandlung Vorwarts, 1906. b) Related Documents Berchtold, Klaus (ed.). "Osterreichische Parteiprogramme 1868-1966. Munich: R. Oldenbourg, 1967. Marx, K a r l and Engels, F r i e d r i c h . "Manifest der Kommunistischen P a r t e i . " K a r l Marx, F r i e d r i c h Engels, Werke. Vol. I. I n s t i t u t fur Marxismus-Leninismus beim ZK der SED. B e r l i n : Dietz Verlag, 1959. Steiner, Herbert (ed.). "Neudorfelsky sjezd Rakouske Socialne Demo-kra t i c k e delnicke strany ("The Neudorfl Congress of the Austrian S o c i a l Democratic P a r t y " ) . " Prispevky k dejinam KSC (1959, No. 6), pp. 106-28. Thatigkeitsbericht der Gewerkschafts-Kommission Oesterreichs f u r 1894 bi s 1896: Rechenschaftsbericht der Gewerkschafts-Kommission Oester- reichs fur die Zeit vom 1. Janner 1894 b i s 31. Oktober 1896 fur den I I . osterreichischen Gewerkschaftskongress (Zprava o c i n n o s t i rakouske odborove komise zu dobu od 1. ledna 1894 do 31. r f j n a 1896 pro I I . rakousky odborovy sjezd. B i l i n g u a l E d i t i o n . Vienna: Verlag von Anton Hueber, 1897. vi ) Autobiographies and Memoirs Bebel, August. Aus me inem Leben. 9th ed. 3 vols, i n 1. B e r l i n : D ietz, 1930. Braunthal, J u l i u s . In Search of the Millenium. London: V i c t o r Gollancz, 1945. Deutsch, J u l i u s . E i n weiter Weg: Lebenserinnerungen. Vienna: Amalthea-Verlag, 1960. 262 Haberman, Gustav. Aus meinem Leben: Erinnerungen aus den Jahren 1876- 1877-1884-1896. Translated by Regine Adler. Vienna: F. Temsky, 1919. Hannich, Josef. Erinnerungen: Ein Beitrag zur der Geschichte der oster- reichischen Arbeiterbewegung. Warnsdorf: Nordbohmische Volksstimme, n.d/ Kautsky, Benedikt (ed.). Erinnerungen und Erorterungen von K a r l Kautsky. Quellen und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der deutschen und oster-reichischen Arbeiterbewegung, Vol. I I I . I n t e r n a l i o n a a l I n s t i t u t voor s o c i a l e Geschiedenis, Amsterdam. The Hague: Mouton & Co., 1960. Peukert, Josef. Erinnerungen eines P r o l e t a r i e r s aus der revolutionaren Arbeiterbewegung. B e r l i n : Verlag des S o z i a l i s t i s c h e n Bundes, 1913. Renner, K a r l . An der Wende zweier Zeiten: Lebenserinnerungen 1870- 189 7. Vienna: Danubia-Verlag, 1946. Scheu, Andreas. Umsturzkeime: Erlebnisse eines Kampfers. 3 v o l s , i n 1. Vienna: Verlag der Wiener Volksbuchhandlung, 1923. Scheu, Heinrich. Erinnerungen: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der bster- reichischen Arbeiterbewegung. Vienna: Wiener Volksbuchhandlung Ignaz Brand & Co. [1912]. S c h i l l e r , Seff [Josef S c h i l l e r ] . Gesammelte Werke. Literatur-Kommission der KIP'S. Reichenberg: Runge & Co., 1928. Weiguny, Anton. Erinnerungen eines Alteii aus den Anfangen der ober- osterreichischen Arbeiterbewegung. Linz: Selbstverlag, n.d. Zapotocky, Antonin. Neue Kampfer werden aufstehen: Das Leben meines Vaters: Erinnerungsroman. Translated by Jana Nowakova. B e r l i n : Dietz, 1952. v i i ) Contemporary Accounts a) Books Bauer, Otto. Die Nationalitatenfrage und die Sozialdemokratie. Marx Studien, Vol. I I . Vienna: Verlag der Wiener Volksbuchhandlung, 1924 [1907]. Meyer, Rudolf. Der Emanzipationskampf des v i e r t e n Standes. 2 v o l s . Aalen: S c i e n t i a Verlag, 1966. [Reprint. Vol. I from the 2d ed., B e r l i n 1882. Vol. II from 1st ed., B e r l i n 1875.] 263 Oberwinder, Heinrich. 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APPENDIX I MAJOR SOCIALIST PARTY CONGRESSES 1867-1905 Ninth (Vienna) Worker's Assembly, 30 August 1868 (Viennese) Eisenach Congress, 7-9 August 1869 (German) Neud o r f l Congress, 5-6 A p r i l 1869, N e u d o r f l i n Hungary ( C i s l e i t h a n i a n ) Gotha Congress, 22-7 May 1875 (German) Wiener Neustadt Congress, 13-15 August 1876 (Austro-German) (Prague-) Brevnov Congress, 7 A p r i l 1878 (Czech) Briinn Congress, 15-16 October 1882 ( C i s l e i t h a n i a n moderate s o c i a l i s t s ) Briinn Congress, 25-6 December 1887 (Czech) H a i n f e l d Congress, 31 December 1888-1 January 1889 ( C i s l e i t h a n i a n ) Vienna Congress, 28-30 June 1891 ( C i s l e i t h a n i a n ) Vienna Congress, 5-9 June 1892 ( C i s l e i t h a n i a n ) Budweis Congress, 24-6(?) December 189 3 (Czech) Vienna Congress, 25-31 March 1894 ( C i s l e i t h a n i a n ) Prague Congress, 5-11 A p r i l 1896 ( C i s l e i t h a n i a n ) Briinn Congress, 24-5 May 1896 (Czech) Vienna Congress, 6-12 June 1897 ( C i s l e i t h a n i a n ) Briinn Congress, 24-29 September 1899 ( C i s l e i t h a n i a n ) Graz Congress, 2-6 September 1900 (Austro-German) Vienna Congress, 2-6 November 1901 ( C i s l e i t h a n i a n ) Vienna Congress, 29 October-2 November 1905 ( C i s l e i t h a n i a n ) 282 APPENDIX II THE DECLARATION OF PRINCIPLES AT HAINFELD* Die sozialdemokratische A r b e i t e r p a r t e i i n Oesterreich er s t r e b t fii r das gesammte Volk ohne Unterschied der Nation, der Rasse und des Geschlechtes die Befreiung aus den Fesseln der okonomischen Abhangig-k e i t , die Beseitigung der p o l i t i s c h e n Rechtlosigkeit und die Erhebung aus der geistigen Verkummerung. Die Ursache dieses unwlirdigen Zustan-des i s t n i c h t i n einzelnen p o l i t i s c h e n Einrichtungen zu suchen, sondern i n der das Wesen des ganzen Gesellschaftszustandes bedingenden und beherrschenden Thatsache, dass die A r b e i t s m i t t e l i n den Handen e i n z e l -ner Besitzender monopolisirt sind. Der Besitzer der A r b e i t s k r a f t , die Arbeiterklasse, wird dadurch zum Sklaven der B e s i t z e r der A r b e i t s m i t t e l , der K a p i t a l i s t e n k l a s s e , deren p o l i t i s c h e und okonomische Herrschaft im heutigen Staate Ausdruck f i n d e t . Der E i n z e l b e s i t z an Produktions-m i t t e l n , wie er also p o l i t i s c h den Klassenstaat bedeutet, bedeutet okonomisch steigende Massenarmuth und wachsende Verelendung immer b reitereroVblkss chichten. Durch die technische Entwicklung, das kolossale Anwachsen der Produktivkrafte erweist s i c h diese Form des Bestizes n i c h t nur a l s i i b e r f l i i s s i g , sondern es wird auch that s a c h l i c h diese Form f i i r die liberwiegende Mehrheit des Volkes b e s e i t i g t , wahrend g l e i c h z e i t i g g fi i r die Form des gemeinsamen Besitzes die nothwendigen geistigen und materiellen Vorbedingungen geschaffen werden. Der Uebergang der A r b e i t s m i t t e l i n den gemeinschaftlichen Besitz der Gesammtheit des arbeitenden Volkes bedeutet also nicht nur die Befreiung der A r b e i t e r -klasse, sondern auch die E r f l i l l u n g einer g e s c h i c h t l i c h nothwendigen Entwicklung. Der Trager dieser Entwicklung kann nur das klassenbewus-ste und als p o l i t i s c h e P a r t e i o r g a n i s i r t e P r o l e t a r i a t sein. Das P r o l e t a r i a t p o l i t i s c h zu organisiren, es mit dem Bewusstsein seiner Lage und seiner Aufgabe zu e r f i i l l e n , es g e i s t i g und physisch kampf- fahig zu machen und zu erhalten, i s t daher das e i g e n t l i c h e Programm der sozialdemokratischen A r b e i t e r p a r t e i i n Oesterreich, zu dessen Durchflihrung s i e s i c h a l l e r zweckdienlichen M i t t e l n bedienen wird. Uebrigens wird und muss s i c h die P a r t e i i n i h r e r Taktik auch j e w e i l i g nach den Verhaltnissen, insbesonders nach dem Verhalten der Gegner zu ri c h t e n haben. P r o t o k o l l (Hainfeld), 1888/9, pp. 3-4. 283 APPENDIX I I I THE DECLARATION OF PRINCIPLES ADOPTED AT VIENNA, 1901* Die sozialdemokratische A r b e i t e r p a r t e i i n Oesterreich erstrebt fur das gesammte Volk ohne Unterschied der Nation, der Rasse und des Geschlechtes die Befreiung aus den Fesseln der okonomischen Abhangikeit, der p o l i t i s c h e n Unterdruckung und der geistigen Verkiimmerung. Die Ursache dieser unwiirdigen Zustande l i e g t n i c h t i n den einzelnen p o l i -tischen Einrichtungen, sondern i n der das Wesen des ganzen G e s e l l i -schaftszustandes bedingenden und beherrschenden Thatsache, dass die A r b e i t s m i t t e l i n den Handen einzelner Besitzer monopolisirt sind. Der Besitzer der A r b e i t s k r a f t , die A r b e i t e r k l a s s e , gerath dadurch i n die driickendste Abhangigkeit von den Besitzern der A r b e i t s m i t t e l mit Einschluss des Bodens, der Grossgrundbesitzerklasse und der K a p i t a l i s -tenklasse, deren p o l i t i s c h e und okonomische Herrschaft im heutigen Klassenstaate ihren Ausdruck f i n d e t . Der technische F o r t s c h r i t t , die wachsende Konzentration der Produktion und des Besitzes, die Vereinigung a l l e r okonomischen Macht i n den Handen der K a p i t a l i s t e n und Kapitalistengruppen hat die Wirkung, immer grossere Kreise friiher selbstandiger k l e i n e r gewerblicher Unter-nehmer und Kleinbauern i h r e r Produktionsmittel zu enteignen und s i e als Lohnarbeiter, Angestellte oder als Schuldknechte direkt oder • i n d i r e k t i n die Abhangigkeit von den K a p i t a l i s t e n zu bringen. Es wachst die Masse der P r o l e t a r i e r , es s t e i g t aber auch der Grad i h r e r Ausbeutung, und dadurch t r i t t die Lebenshaltung immer breiterercSchoichiteriedesrarbeiten-den Volkes immer mehr i n Gegensatz zu der rasch steigenden Produktiv-k r a f t seiner eigenen Arbeit und zu dem Anschwellen des von ihm s e l b s t geschaffenen Reichthums. Die der P l a n l o s i g k e i t der k a p i t a l i s t i s c h e n Produktionsweise entspringenden Krisen mit ihren Gefolge von A r b e i t s -l o s i g k e i t und Elend beschleunigen und verscharfen diese Entwicklung. Je mehr aber die Entwicklung des Kapitalismus das P r o l e t a r i a t anschwellen macht, desto mehr wird es gezwungen und befahigt, den Kampf gegen ihn aufzunehmen. Immer mehr macht die Verdrangung der E i n z e l -produktion auch den E i n z e l b e s i t z u b e r f l u s s i g und schadlich, wahrend zugleich fur neue Formen genossenschaftlicher Produktion auf Grund g e s e l l s c h a f t l i c h e n Eigenthums an den Produktionsmitteln die nothwendigen geistigen und materiellen Vorbedingungen geschaffen werden. Zugleich kommt das P r o l e t a r i a t zum Bewusstsein, dass es diese Entwicklung f o r -dern und beschleunigen muss, und dass der Uebergang der A r b e i t s m i t t e l i n den gemeinschaftlichen Besitz der Gesammtheit des Volkes das Z i e l , die Eroberung der P o l i t i s c h e n Macht das M i t t e l seines Kampfes fur die Befreiung der Arbeiterklasse sein muss. Nur das zum Klassenbewusstsein erwachte und zum Klassenkampf o r g a n i s i r t e P r o l e t a r i a t kann der Trager P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1901, p. 3. 284 285 dieser nothwendigen Entwicklung s e i n . Das P r o l e t a r i a t zu organisiren, es mit dem Bewusstsein seiner Lage und seiner Aufgabe zu e r f u l l e n , es g e i s t i g und physisch kampffahig zu machen und zu erhalten, i s t das eig e n t l i c h e Programme der sozialdemokratischen A r b e i t e r p a r t e i i n Oester- reich , zu dessen Durchsetzung s i e s i c h a l l e r zweckdienlichen und dem natiirlichen Rechtsbewusstsein des Volkes entsprechenden M i t t e l bedienen wird. APPENDIX IV THE PROGRAMME COMMISSION'S ORIGINAL PROPOSAL FOR A REVISION OF THE HAINFELD DECLARATION OF PRINCIPLES, 25 AUGUST 1901* Die osterreichische Sozialdemokratie erstrebt fur das gesammte Volk ohne Unterschied der Nation, der Rasse und des Geschlechtes die Befreiung aus den Fesseln der 'okonomischen Abhangigkeit, der p o l i t i s c h e n Rechtlosigkeit und der geistigen Verkummerung. Die Ursache der heutigen Zustande l i e g t n i c h t i n den einzelnen p o l i t i s c h e n Einrichtungen, sondern i n der das Wesen des ganzen Gesellshaftszustandes bedingenden und beherr-schenden Thatsache, dass die A r b e i t s m i t t e l i n den Handen einzelner Be s i t z e r monopolisirt sind. Der Besitzer der A r b e i t s k r a f t , die A r b e i t e r -klasse, wird dadurch i n steigendem Mass abhangig von den Besitzern der A r b e i t s m i t t e l mit Einschluss des Bodens, der Grossgrundbesitzerklasse und der K a p i t a l i s t e n k l a s s e , deren p o l i t i s c h e und okonomische Herrschaft im heutigen Klassenstaate ihren Ausdruck f i n d e t . Der technische F o r t s c h r i t t , die wachsende Konzentration der Produktion und des Besitzes, die Vereinigung a l l e r okonomischen Macht i n den Handen der K a p i t a l i s t e n und Kapitalistengruppen hat die Wirkung, immer grossere Kreise friiher selbstandiger k l e i n e r Unternehmer i h r e r Produktionsmittel zu enteignen und s i e als Lohnarbeiter oder Angestellte direkt oder i n d i r e k t i n die Abhangigkeit der K a p i t a l i s t e n zu bringen, die Kleinbauern aber i n Schuldknechte zu wandeln. Die Lebenshaltung immer b r e i t e r e r Schichten des arbeitenden Volkes t r i t t immer mehr i n Gegensatz zu der rasch steigenden Produktivkraft i h r e r eigenen Arbeit und zu dem Anschwellen des von ihnen sel b s t geschaffen Reichthums. Die der P l a n l o s i g k e i t der K a p i t a l i s t i s c h e n Produktionsweise entspringen-den Krisen mit ihrem Gefolge von A r b e i t s l o s i g k e i t und Elend beschleuni-gen und verscharfen diese Entwicklung. Je mehr aber die Entwicklung des Kapitalismus das P r o l e t a r i a t anschwellen macht, desto mehr wird es gezwungen und befahigt, den Kampf gegen ihn aufzunehmen. Es kommt zum Bewusstsein, dass die Verdrangung der Einzelproduktion auch den E i n z e l b e s i t z immer mehr i i b e r f l i i s s i g und schadlich macht, dass zugleich fur neue Formen genossenschaftlicher Produktion und gemeinsamen Besitzes die nothwendigen ge i s t i g e n und materiellen Vorbedingungen geschaffen werden miissen, und das- der Ueber-gang der A r b e i t s m i t t e l i n den gemeinschaftlichen Besitz der Gesammtheit des Volkes das Z i e l des Kampfes fur die Befreiung der Arbeiterklasse sein muss. Der Trager dieser nothwendigen Entwicklung kann nur das zum Klassenbewusstsein erwachte und zum Klassenkampf o r g a n i s i r t e Pro-l e t a r i a t s e l b s t sein. Das P r o l e t a r i a t p o l i t i s c h zu organisiren, es Arbeiter-Zeitung, 25 August 1901. 286 287 mlt dem Bewusstsein seiner Lage und seiner Aufgabe zu e r f u l l e n , es g e i s t i g und physisch kampffahig zu machen und zu erhalten, i s t daher das'eigentliche Programm der osterreichischen Sozialdemokratie, zu dessen Durchsetzung s i e s i c h a l l e r zweckdienlichen und dem nat i l r l i c h e n Rectitsbewusstsein des V.bifees entsprechenden M i t t e l bedienen wird. APPENDIX V THE PARTY EXECUTIVE'S ORIGINAL PROPOSAL FOR A NATIONALITIES' PROGRAMME AT THE 1899 BRUNN CONGRESS OF THE CISLEITHANTAN PARTY* Da die n a t i o n a l e n Wirren i n O e s t e r r e i c h jeden p o l i t i s c h e n F o r t -s c h r i t t und jede k u l t u r e l l e Entwicklung der Volker lahmen, da diese Wirren i n e r s t e r L i n i e auf die p o l i t i s c h e Ruckstandigkeit unserer o f f e n t l i c h e n E inrichtungen zuriickzuf uhren s i n d und da insbesondere die Fortfuhrung des n a t i o n a l e n S t r e i t e s eines jener M i t t e l i s t , durch die die herrschenden Klassen s i c h i h r e H e r r s c h a f t s i c h e r n und die w i r k -l i c h e n V o l k s i n t e r e s s e n an j e d e r k r a f t i g e n Auesserung hindern, e r k l a r t der P a r t e i t a g : Die endliche Regelung der N a t i o n a l i t a t e n - und Sprachenfrage i n O e s t e r r e i c h im Sinne des g l e i c h e n Rechtes und der Gleichberechtigung und Vernunft i s t vor a l l e m eine k u l t u r e l l e Forderung, daher im Lebens-i n t e r e s s e des P r o l e t a r i a t s gelegen; s i e i s t nur moglich i n einem wahrhaft demokratischen Gemeinwesen das auf das a l l g e m e i r i e e g l e i c h e und d i r e k t e Wahlrecht gegriindet i s t , i n dem a l l e feudalen P r i v i l e g i e n im Staate und i n den Landern b e s e i t i g t s i n d , denn e r s t i n einem solchen Gemeinwesen konnen die arbeitenden K l a s s e n , die i n Wahrheit die den Staat und die G e s e l l s c h a f t erhaltenden Element s i n d , zu Wort kommen: die Plege und Entwicklung der n a t i o n a l e n Eigenart a l l e r V olker i n O e s t e r r e i c h i s t nur moglich auf der Grundlage des g l e i c h e n Rechtes und unter Vermeidung j e d e r Unterdruckung, daher muss vor al l e m Anderen je d e r b u r e a u k r a t i s c h - s t a a t l i c h e Zentralismus ebenso wie die feudalen P r i v i l e g i e n der Lander p e r h o r r e s z i r t werden. Unter diesen Voraussetzungen, aber auch nur unter diesen w i r d es moglich s e i n , i n O e s t e r r e i c h an S t e l l e des n a t i o n a l e n Haders n a t i o n a l e Ordnung zu setzen, und zwar unter Anerkennung folgender l e i t e n d e r Grund-satze: 1. O e s t e r r e i c h kann nur e i n demokratischer N a t i o n a l i t a t e n s t a a t s e i n . (Nationalitaten-Bundesstaat.) 2. Dieser Bundesstaat g l i e d e r t s i c h i n autonome n a t i o n a l e S e l b s t -verwaltungsgebiete, d i e s i c h moglichst den Sp ' E a chg renzenaanp.assen. 3. Die Selbstverwaltungsgebiete j e d e r Nation b i l d e n zusammen j e eine n a t i o n a l e E i n h e i t , die i h r e n n a t i o n a l e n (das h e i s s t s p r a c h l i c h e n und k u l t u r e l l e n ) Angelegenheiten v ' o l l i g autonom r e g e l t und besorgt. 4. Die n a t i o n a l e n Minderheiten i n solchen Gebieten, die gemischt s i n d , werden durch e i n eigenes Gesetz i n i h r e r n a t i o n a l e n Bethatigung gesc h i i t z t . P r o t o k o l l (Briinn), 1899, pp. x i v - x v . 288 289 5. Wir anerkennen kein nationales Vorrecht, verwerfen daher die Forderung einer Staatssprache, wogegen wir die schon j e t z t beste-hende Thatsache der deutschen Verkehrssprache, so lange eine andere n i c h t gegeben i s t , nur a l s praktische Nothwendigkeit ansehen, ohne daraus ein die anderen Sprachen ausschliessendes P r i v i l e g i u m erwachsen zu lassen. Der P a r t e i t a g a l s das Organ der internationalen Sozialdemokratie i n Oesterreich s p r i c h t die Ueberzeugung aus, dass auf Grundlage dieser leitenden Satze eine Verstandigung der Volker moglich i s t ; er e r k l a r t f e i e r l i c h , dass er das Recht jeder N a t i o n a l i t a t auf nationale Existenz und nationale Entwicklung anerkennt, dass aber die Volker jeden F o r t s c h r i t t i h r e r Kultur nur i n enger S o l i d a r i t a t miteinander, nicht im k l e i n l i c h e n S t r e i t gegeneinander erringen konnen, dass insbesondere die Arbeiterklasse a l l e r Zungen im Interesse jeder einzelnen Nation wie im Interesse der Gesammtheit an der internationalen Kampfgenossenschaft und Verbriiderung f e s t h a l t und ihren p o l i t i s c h e n und gewerkschaftlichen Kampf i n e i n h e i t l i c h e r Gesch-lossenheit fuhren muss. APPENDIX VI THE MODIFIED FIVE POINTS ADOPTED BY THE BRUNN CONGRESS, 1899* 1. Oesterreich i s t umzubilden i n einen demokratischen Nation-alitatenbundesstaat. 2. An S t e l l e der h i s t o r i s c h e n Kronlander werden n a t i o n a l ab-gegrenzte Selbstverwaltungskbrper gebildet, deren Gesetzgebung und Verwaltung durch Nationalkammern, gewahlt auf Grund des allgemeinen, gleichen und directen Wahlrechts, besorgt wird. 3. Sammtliche Selbstverwaltungsgebiete einer und derselben Nation b i l d e n zusammen einen n a t i o n a l e i n h e i t l i c h e n Verband, der seine nationale Angelegenheiten v b l l i g autonom besorgt. 4. Das Recht der nationalen Minderheiten wird durch ein eigenes, vom Reichsparlament zu beschliessendes Gesetz gewahrt. 5. Wir anerkennen kein nationales Vorrecht, verwerfen daher d i r Forderung einer Staatssprache; wie weit eine Vermittlungssprache nothig i s t , wird ein Reichsparlament bestimmen. P r o t o k o l l (Briinn), 1899, pp. xv-xvi. 290 APPENDIX VII THE CISLEITHANIAN SOCIALIST PARTIES IN 1901 By the time of the 1901 Gesamtpartei Congress, s o c i a l democracy i n C i s l e i t h a n i a had come a long way from i t s beginnings i n the 1860's. With ten members of the f i f t h c u r i a of parliament, eight d a i l y news-papers, and a group of n a t i o n a l p a r t i e s which covered almost the whole t e r r i t o r y of C i s l e i t h a n i a , a l l united i n a c e n t r a l C i s l e i t h a n i a n party leadership i n Vienna, C i s l e i t h a n i a n s o c i a l democracy appeared to be a considerable force i n p o l i t i c a l l i f e i n the western h a l f of the monarchy. While there i s much truth i n the statement that the s o c i a l i s t movement i n C i s l e i t h a n i a was a considerable force i n 1901, i n r e a l i t y the party was not as strong as i t appeared to be. In many areas there existed only a skeleton party organization, and the dependency of the Arbeiter-Zeitung on f i n a n c i a l support from Germany cast doubts on the r e a l strength of the p i l l a r of the movement, the German-Austrian party. By 1901 only the Germans, the Czechs, and to a c e r t a i n extent the Poles, can be s a i d to have had a strong organization. The n a t i o n a l autonomy movements within the party, apparently s a t i s f i e d by the f e d e r a l i z a t i o n of the party i n 189 7, had not, i n f a c t , disappeared. In the poisoned atmosphere of C i s l e i t h a n i a a f t e r 1897 the " n a t i o n a l i z a t i o n " of the n a t i o n a l s o c i a l i s t p a r t i e s continued apace. This was c l e a r l y i n d i c a t e d i n 1898 when a section of the organized Czech working class l e f t the Czechoslav party and formed a Czech National 291 292 S o c i a l i s t Party. This party, r e j e c t i n g class struggle and Marxism, soon began to gather n a t i o n a l i s t elements i n the Czech working class unto i t s e l f . This had the e f f e c t of further " n a t i o n a l i z i n g " the Czechoslav party. Complicating matters was the German s o c i a l i s t s ' f a i l u r e to understand the p o l i t i c a l nature of the n a t i o n a l question both i n the s o c i a l i s t movement, and i n the Monarchy. At the Brunn Congress of 1899, convinced of the c u l t u r a l nature of the n a t i o n a l question, they had argued i n favour of n a t i o n a l - c u l t u r a l autonomy, something the Czechs— and by implication the Poles and Ruthenian/Ukrainians—rejected. This misunderstanding was worked out more i n the trade union movement than i n the party i t s e l f , and i t was i n the trade union movement that the seeds of the destruction of the Gesamtpartei were sown. i ) The Germans With 175 p o l i t i c a l , 346 trade union, 204 educational, 8 women's and 594 other organizations i n 1899, a t o t a l of 1,327 organizations with 114,056 male and 4,807 female members, the German organization was c l e a r l y the strongest i n the Monarchy."'' Of the 26 p o l i t i c a l and 26 trade union papers published i n the German language, the vast majority were concentrated i n those provinces where the German organization was strongest: Lower A u s t r i a ( e s p e c i a l l y i n Vienna), S t y r i a , and the Bohe-2 mian Lands. The fact that the German socialistsmhaaeseven of the ten s o c i a l i s t members of parliament only emphasized t h e i r predominance. In other areas, however, the German s o c i a l i s t organization was much weaker. There were few s o c i a l i s t s i n the rest of the Alpine 293 Lands, which were mostly r u r a l . In the Bukovina, where there was a German-speaking population, German s o c i a l i s t organizations were almost 3 non-existent. i i ) The Czech Organization The strong Czech organization n a t u r a l l y had i t s centre of gravity i n the geographically concentrated Czech areas of the Bohemian Lands. I t also included a l i v e l y organization among the Czechs of Vienna and Lower A u s t r i a , and even some a c t i v i t y among the few Czechs i n Upper 4 A u s t r i a . Increasingly permeated with Czech nationalism, the Czech s o c i a l i s t s were determined that there should be Czech organizations whereever Czechs l i v e d i n the Monarchy. In t h e i r 1901 report to the Congress of the C i s l e i t h a n i a n party, the Czech executive took note of the increasing threat from the National S o c i a l i s t s . They noted that not only did the Czech party have to struggle against the a u t h o r i t i e s and the Czech and German bourgeoisie, i t also had to f i g h t against t h i s new grouping i n the Czech working c l a s s . In 1901 the Czech organization consisted of 56 p o l i t i c a l asso-c i a t i o n s with 4,679 members, 342 trade union organizations with 22,085 men and 733 women members, 328 educational associations with 16,945 male and 1,456 female members; i n addition there were 52 "other" or-ganizations with 2,779 members, a t o t a l of 773 organizations with 48,169 members. Comparatively speaking, t h i s represented f o r t y per cent of the German t o t a l ; i n the population as a whole the Czechs formed s i x t y per cent of the German t o t a l , and thus were p r o p o r t i o n a l l y less organized 294 than the Germans.7 To complete this survey of the Czech party i n 1901 i t must be noted that the Czech movement possessed 14 p o l i t i c a l and 20 trade union papers i n 1901, and were represented i n parliament by two members. i i i ) The P o l i s h Organization In 1901 the P o l i s h s o c i a l i s t movement consisted of small groups of s o c i a l i s t s i n the " i n d u s t r i a l " c i t i e s of G a l i c i a and the mining areas of Austrian S i l e s i a . The l i m i t e d nature of the P o l i s h movement i s exemplified by the f a c t that i n 1900 there were only 2,179 members of g P o l i s h trade unions. Though the Poles continually emphasized the importance of t h e i r t i e s with Poles i n Russia and Prussia, the P o l i s h organization was among the most steadfast supporters of the Gesamtpartei i n C i s l e i t h a n i a . This had much to do with t h e i r continuing f i n a n c i a l and organizational dependence upon the German organization but was also connected with the fac t that there were no areas of contention between Germans and Poles. With only f i v e papers of a l l kinds i n 1901 the P o l i s h organi-zation was considerably weaker than e i t h e r the German or the Czech move-9 ments. Considering the occupational structure of the P o l i s h population i n 1900, however, t h i s i s understandable."^ Because of the overwhelm-ingly peasantoriatureGofithenGalicianipopulation^etheenPiol'esotended to devote more attention to the peasant question than the Germans and Czechs. One i n t e r e s t i n g f a c t o r i n the P o l i s h s o c i a l i s t movement was the p o s i t i o n of the G a l i c i a n Jews. Though they formed only about 10 295 per cent of the population of G a l i c i a i n 1900, i n the c i t i e s of West G a l i c i a they constituted 29.8 per cent, and i n East G a l i c i a , 38.7 per cent of the p o p u l a t i o n . G e n e r a l l y rejected as a n a t i o n a l i t y by C i s -l e i t h a n i a n — a n d E u r o p e a n — s o c i a l i s t s , and t h e i r language c a l l e d a "jargon," t h e i r p o s i t i o n was anomalous. Perhaps more than Jews e l s e -where, the Jews of Eastern Europe were less i n c l i n e d or able to con-s i d e r themselves as belonging to the majority n a t i o n a l i t y . In part because of t h i s f e e l i n g of d i s t i n c t i v e n e s s , Jewish s o c i a l i s t s i n Russia founded the Jewish Bund, and i n 1905 Jewish s o c i a l i s t s i n G a l i c i a — by no means a l l of t h e m — l e f t the P o l i s h movement and founded a Jewish S o c i a l Democratic Party. At the 1905 Gesamtpartei Congress the spokes-men f o r t h i s group sought recognition as a constituent party but were rejected. iv) The Ruthene Organization Like the P o l i s h organization, the young Ruthene organization i n C i s l e i t h a n i a was oriented towards Russia, where the great majority of Ukrainians l i v e d . The Ruthene party was only founded i n 1899, as a break away of the l e f t wing of the Ruthene Radical party. I t s short report to the 1899 Congress stated that i t had not as yet had the chance to e s t a b l i s h much of an organization or even to found a newspaper. The report noted that the Ruthene party obtained most of i t s support from the peasants of East G a l i c i a , as w e l l as from the Jewish p r o l e -13 t a r i a t i n the small towns there. The 1901 Ruthene report noted that i n the towns of Eastern G a l i c i a the Ruthene working class population—such as i t was—belonged 296 14 mostly to the P o l i s h organizations. "In order to prevent any weakening of the e x i s t i n g organizations" the report added that the Ruthenes had not even attempted to found independent organizations i n the towns.^ What f r u s t r a t i o n that statement must have hidden! As a r e s u l t , the Ruthene s o c i a l i s t organization was perhaps the most p e c u l i a r i n C i s l e i t h a n i a , f o r i t was based almost e n t i r e l y on the peasantry, a supposedly reactionary c l a s s . The report s a i d , however, that even here i t was d i f f i c u l t f o r the s o c i a l i s t s to organize, both because of o f f i c i a l resistance and because of the i n c r e d i b l e poverty and depression of the peasantry. The fact that seventy per cent of the Ruthene population was i l l i t e r a t e p a r t l y explains why the lone Ruthene 16 organ Wola (The W i l l ) , had only 300 subscribers. v) The I t a l i a n Organizations A f t e r the u n i f i c a t i o n of I t a l y the I t a l i a n population of the Habsburg Monarchy was reduced to two geographically separated f r i n g e s , i n the southern part of the T i r o l , and i n the L i t t o r a l ( including a minority i n Dalmatia). Because of t h i s p h y s i c a l separation no c e n t r a l I t a l i a n executive was established a f t e r 1897. In the southern T i r o l the I t a l i a n population consisted l a r g e l y of peasants, and as a r e s u l t the weak I t a l i a n s o c i a l i s t movement there developed close t i e s to the German s o c i a l i s t s . This did not mean that I t a l i a n Tiroleans were a n t i - n a t i o n a l , f o r they stood (in conjunction with German -Tiroleans) f o r autonomy f o r the I t a l i a n part of the province.' When an I t a l i a n executive was established a f t e r the f e d e r a l i z a t i o n of 297 the party, i t included the I t a l i a n d i s t r i c t s of the T i r o l as w e l l as 18 I t a l i a n workers i n German T i r o l and i n Vorarlberg. In t h i s area 19 there were 42 I t a l i a n s o c i a l i s t organizations i n 1901. In A p r i l 1901 an I t a l i a n s o c i a l i s t d a i l y paper, I I Popolo, was established. Though i t quickly obtained a c i r c u l a t i o n of 3,000, by 1905 t h i s over-optimistic 20 venture had to be abandoned. In T r i e s t e the I t a l i a n organization was almost e n t i r e l y free of irredentism, thanks i n part to T r i e s t e ' s secure p o s i t i o n as the Monarchy's chief port, but also because of the Regia-Italian S o c i a l 21 Democratic Party's o f f i c i a l opposition to irredentism. S o c i a l i s t s had been active i n T r i e s t e since the 1860's, and i n 1889 a permanent organization of Germans, I t a l i a n s and Slovenes was established. A Land Conference of s o c i a l i s t s from the L i t t o r a l and Dalmatia met i n T r i e s t e i n December 1897, and decided to e s t a b l i s h a 22 s o c i a l democratic party for the area, without regard to n a t i o n a l i t y . In t h e i r report to the 1901 Congress the I t a l i a n s noted that they had 23 a t o t a l of 17 organizations, with 3,514 male and 206 female members. This l i s t of organizations did not include Gorz and Gradiska nor Dal-matia, f o r i n those provinces repression of the s o c i a l i s t movement continued. In Gorz and Gradiska, f o r example, i t was s t i l l impossible 24 for s o c i a l i s t s to hold p u b l i c meetings. In 1898 the I t a l i a n s i n T r i e s t e made t h e i r weekly paper, Lavatore, a d a i l y , but i t ran into d i f f i c u l t i e s , and within a short time was 25 forced to return to a weekly format. 298 vi) The South Slav Organization As the name of the organization i n d i c a t e s , the Slovenes had hopes of including the Croats, Serbs, and Slovenes of the Habsburg Monarchy i n t h e i r organization. In f a c t , however, the Slovene organi-zation was so small and weak that i t even had d i f f i c u l t y i n expanding 26 i t s a c t i v i t y to include a l l areas where Slovenes l i v e d . The p o l i t i c a l dispersion of the Slovenes across s i x Crown Lands, i n only two of which they formed the majority, caused t h e i r young or-27 ganization immense problems. In the two northern provinces, Carin-t h i a and S t y r i a , Slovene workers tended to gravitate to the German organization rather than the Slovene. In the western provinces, T r i e s t e , Gorz and Gradiska, and I s t r i a , they usually joined the I t a l i a n organi-zat i o n . In Dalmatia, where the Slovenes hoped to include Croats and Serbs, a c t i v i t y was extremely l i m i t e d . In any case the Slovenes did 2 8 not have the resources to operate there. Because of these l i m i t a t i o n s , the Slovene party was forced to l i m i t i t s a c t i v i t y mainly to l a r g e l y a g r i c u l t u r a l Carniola. There the a c t i v i t y of the Roman Catholic church among workers was so exten-s i v e , that i t was very d i f f i c u l t f o r the s o c i a l i s t s to make any headway. By 1900 there were only 1,727 members of s o c i a l i s t unions i n the 29 province. Another complicating f a c t o r i n Carniola was governmental re-pression of the s o c i a l i s t movement. Already, the Slovene organ—which was published three times a month—had been forced to move from L j u b l -30 jana (La bach) to T r i e s t e , and i n 1900 th Sl vene executive followed. 299 This meant that the Slovene party executive had to base i t s a c t i v i t y on those Slovene workers i n T r i e s t e who had not already joined the I t a l i a n organization. This boded i l l f o r the future of the Slovene party. v i i ) Serbs, Croats and Rumanians Among the Serbs and Croats of Dalmatia there appears to have been almost no a c t i v i t y whatsoever p r i o r to 1901, and t h i s did not change i n the following decade. In I s t r i a the Croats apparently joined the I t a l i a n organization. Although there was some s o c i a l i s t a c t i v i t y among Germans and Ruthenes i n the Bukovina, the reports submitted to the 1899 and 1901 C i s l e i t h a n i a n party Congresses ind i c a t e d that i t was minimal. They did not even mention the Rumanian inhabitants of the province. The overwhelmingly peasant population appears to have offered l i t t l e scope for s o c i a l i s t a c t i v i t y . I t i s c l e a r that the development of s o c i a l i s m i n C i s l e i t h a n i a followed the i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n process. In the north west, where indus-t r i a l i z a t i o n had begun quite e a r l y , important Czech and German s o c i a l i s t p a r t i e s emerged. Though the Poles i n G a l i c i a and eastern S i l e s i a had progressed considerably, only Germans and Czechs i n C i s l e i t h a n i a could be s a i d to have had a well-developed, extensive organization i n 1901. Among most of the other peoples, the s o c i a l i s t movement was s t i l l i n i t s infancy. 300 NOTES - APPENDIX VII P r o t o k o l l (Briinn), 1899, p. 12. About one-;third of the German organizations were located i n Vienna and Lower A u s t r i a . Another way of determining the strength of the German party was the number of people paying party dues. In 1900 approximately 50,000 people i n 1,113 or-ganizations were paying party dues of 2 H e l l e r a month. P r o t o k o l l (Graz), 1900, p. 13. 2 P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1901, p. 17. 3 In 1901 i t was reported that there were about 5 organizations i n the Bukovina, with about 548 members. The German party organ i n Czernowitz, with a press run of 500 copies twice a month, had a c t u a l l y l o s t 200 subscribers since 1899. I b i d . , pp. 23-4. P r o t o k o l l (Briinn), 1899, p. 17. 4 The major Czech centres were, of course, Bohemia and Moravia. It was noted i n the Czech executive's 1901 report, however, that the Czech organization i n multinational Austrian S i l e s i a was developing very slowly, i n s p i t e of the f a c t that there was a Czech s o c i a l i s t mem-ber of parliament from the area. P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1901, p. 40. See also above, Chapter I I I , notes 40 and 66. Czech a c t i v i t y i n Lower A u s t r i a was circumscribed by the authori-t i e s . They would not permit p u b l i c assemblies where the Czech language was used. P r o t o k o l l (Briinn) , 1899, p. 10. In Upper A u s t r i a as w e l l , there were l i m i t s . There the a u t h o r i t i e s refused to sanction the creation of s p e c i f i c a l l y Czech organizations, though there were three l o c a l organizations i n existence i n 1901. P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1901, p. 40. I t i s noteworthy that i n Briinn, the c a p i t a l of Moravia, and the o r i g i n a l home of Czech s o c i a l i s t i nternationalism, the Czech and German organizations had a common executive i n 1899. P r o t o k o l l (Briinn), 1899, p. 18. "* In the 1901 elections the Czechoslav s o c i a l i s t s had been annihilated i n Bohemia, l o s i n g both t h e i r seats. The National S o c i a l i s t s had won 5! By 1911 the Czech National S o c i a l i s t s had 17 seats i n p a r l i a -ment, compared with the 26 held by the Czech socialidemocrats. Cf. Jenks, The Austrian E l e c t o r a l Reform of 1907, p. 215. The German National S o c i a l i s t s (The Deutsche A r b e i t e r p a r t e i was founded i n Trautenau, Bohemia i n 1904) were not a r e a l threat to the German s o c i a l i s t s before the war. Cf. Andrew G. Whiteside, Austrian National Socialism before 1918. P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1901, p. 34. The figures were not com-plete at the time the report was submitted. The Czechs had adopted the idea of party dues at t h e i r 1900 Budweis Congress, and reported i n 1901 that there were 14,775 dues paying members of 456 l o c a l organi-zations. I b i d . 301 In terms of 1899 newspaper c i r c u l a t i o n f i g u r e s (see above, Chapter I I I , s e c t i o n i v ) the Czechs, w i t h almost 60 per cent of the German f i g u r e , were i n a s i g n i f i c a n t l y b e t t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h the Germans. Pol a c h , "The Beginnings of Trade Unionism," p. 251. This grew to 7,097 by 1902. I b i d . The Poles gave no membership f i g u r e s f o r 1899 or 1901. g The p o l i s h d a i l y Naprzod had a d a i l y c i r c u l a t i o n of 2,500 copies i n 1901. P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1901, p. 44. 10 11 12 See above, Chapter I , f o r the r e l e v a n t f i g u r e s . P o l ach, p. 253. On t h i s question see P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1905, pp. 51-3, 87. The P o l i s h report r e f e r r e d to the c r e a t i o n of a separate Jewish party as the " c o n f e s s i o n a l d i v i s i o n of the p a r t y , " and r e j e c t e d the i d e a as c o n t r a d i c t o r y to the o r g a n i z a t i o n a l p r i n c i p l e s of the party as w e l l as to the i d e a of the "Brunn n a t i o n a l i t i e s ' programme. I b i d . , p. 52. The C i s l e i t h a n i a n executive accepted t h i s argument, and refused to permit delegates from the Jewish o r g a n i z a t i o n to r a i s e the question at the Congress. The Jewish r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s appealed to the Congress, but withdrew t h e i r appeal at news of the great events i n Russia. I b i d . , p. 87. 1 3 P r o t o k o l l (Brunn), 1899, pp. 34-5. 144 " Only 2.5 per cent of the Ruthene pop u l a t i o n of C i s l e i t h a n i a was employed i n i n d u s t r y i n 1900. See above, Chapter I . ^ P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1901, p. 45. 16 I b i d . , p. 46. The weakness of the Ruthene o r g a n i z a t i o n i s thus c l e a r , f o r t h i s c i r c u l a t i o n f i g u r e f o r the Ruthene c e n t r a l organ was s m a l l e r than that f o r the German l o c a l paper i n Czernowitz. 41. 1 7 P r o t o k o l l (Brunn), 1899, p. 30; P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1901, p. 18 P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1901, p. 40. I b i d . 20 I b i d . ; P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1905, p. 50. In 1905 the paper was t r a n s f e r r e d to p r i v a t e ownership and thus l o s t i t s s t a t u s as a recognized s o c i a l i s t paper. 21 Mommsen, Sozialdemokratie, p. 262. 302 22 I b i d . , p. 263. 2 3 P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1901, p. 41. 24 P r o t o k o l l (Brunn), 1899, pp. 31-2. At the 189 7 C i s l e i t h a n i a n party Congress a delegate from S p l i t (Spalato), Dalmatia, noted that i n that province conditions were so bad that "they aren't r e a l l y any d i f -ferent from those i n the i n t e r i o r of A f r i c a . " P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 189 7, p. 86. I t i s not c l e a r whether the delegate—whose name was Camber— was an I t a l i a n or a Croat. 2 5 P r o t o k o l l (Briinn), 1899, pp. 31S2. P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1901, p. 47 (Slovene Report). 27 On the formation of the Slovene party see above, Chapter I I I , note 61, and section i i i . 2 8 P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1901, pp. 46-7. The p l a i n t i v e note i n the Slovene report was c l e a r l y evident. 29 Polach, "The Beginnings of Trade Unionism," p. 257. On the a c t i v i t y of the Roman Catholic Church i n Carniola see i b i d . , pp. 255-6. He notes that by 1910 the Catholic trade unions—with 6,136 members— had twice as many members as the s o c i a l i s t unions. I b i d . , p. 256. 30 P r o t o k o l l (Vienna), 1901, p. 47.
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History
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A profile of the socialist movement in the western half of the Habsburg Monarchy in the second half of the nineteenth century
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