@prefix vivo: . @prefix edm: . @prefix ns0: . @prefix dcterms: . @prefix dc: . @prefix skos: . vivo:departmentOrSchool "Applied Science, Faculty of"@en, "Community and Regional Planning (SCARP), School of"@en ; edm:dataProvider "DSpace"@en ; ns0:degreeCampus "UBCV"@en ; dcterms:creator "Scott, Lisa M."@en ; dcterms:issued "2009-05-26T19:42:09Z"@en, "1998"@en ; vivo:relatedDegree "Master of Arts in Planning - MA (Plan)"@en ; ns0:degreeGrantor "University of British Columbia"@en ; dcterms:description """Good neighbourhood shopping streets have long been significant in their ability to provide goods and services within walking distance of neighbourhood residents, to create a rich public realm, and to foster a sense of community. Far removed from their past as streetcar strips, the neighbourhood shopping street is once again being looked at as an important element of the urban environment. The purpose of this thesis is to determine the characteristics of good neighbourhood shopping streets and to examine these characteristics in the context of two Vancouver case studies—Commercial Drive and West 41st Avenue. Based on a review of planning, urban design, and landscape architecture literature, the fundamental principles of good neighbourhood shopping streets are revealed. Specifically, a good neighbourhood shopping street is accessible, comfortable, sociable, a place, adaptable, beautiful, and diverse. Flowing from these principles, and the means to them, are the characteristics of good neighbourhood shopping streets—buildings that relate to the street, good walking facilities, pedestrian amenities, traffic management, street activity, neighbourhood goods and services, maintenance, supportive neighbourhood context, and supportive government. The research suggests that real-life neighbourhood shopping streets rarely have all the characteristics that the literature holds as ideal. Rather, some characteristics— buildings that relate to the street, street activity, neighbourhood goods and services, a supportive neighbourhood context, and supportive government—appear as fundamental to good neighbourhood shopping streets but are exhibited to varying degrees. More specifically, the case studies help illustrate what particular elements are either essential or helpful, creating a checklist that other streets can benefit from."""@en ; edm:aggregatedCHO "https://circle.library.ubc.ca/rest/handle/2429/8245?expand=metadata"@en ; dcterms:extent "12444767 bytes"@en ; dc:format "application/pdf"@en ; skos:note "Streetcar Strip to Neighbourhood Centre: Characteristics of G o o d Neighbourhood Shopping Streets Examined in the Context of Commercial Drive and West 41st Avenue by L I S A M . S C O T T B . A . , T h e University of British Columbia , 1994 A T H E S I S S U B M I T T E D I N P A R T I A L F U L F I L M E N T O F T H E R E Q U I R E M E N T S F O R T H E D E G R E E O F M A S T E R O F A R T S in T H E F A C U L T Y O F G R A D U A T E S T U D I E S School of Community and Regional Planning W e accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard T H E U N I V E R S I T Y O F B R I T I S H C O L U M B I A October 1998 © Lisa Marie Scott, 1998 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. ^ P ^ p a r t f r r e n t of \\_i The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada Date Ct!«&?ef )6)\\^>H DE-6 (2/88) A B S T R A C T G o o d neighbourhood shopping streets have long been significant in their ability to provide goods and services within walking distance of neighbourhood residents, to create a rich public realm, and to foster a sense of community. Far removed from their past as streetcar strips, the neighbourhood shopping street is once again being looked at as an important element of the urban environment. The purpose of this thesis is to determine the characteristics of good neighbourhood shopping streets and to examine these characteristics in the context of two Vancouver case studies—Commercial Drive and West 41st Avenue. Based on a review of planning, urban design, and landscape architecture literature, the fundamental principles of good neighbourhood shopping streets are revealed. Specifically, a good neighbourhood shopping street is accessible, comfortable, sociable, a place, adaptable, beautiful, and diverse. Flowing from these principles, and the means to them, are the characteristics of good neighbourhood shopping streets—buildings that relate to the street, good walking facilities, pedestrian amenities, traffic management, street activity, neighbourhood goods and services, maintenance, supportive neighbourhood context, and supportive government. The research suggests that real-life neighbourhood shopping streets rarely have all the characteristics that the literature holds as ideal. Rather, some characteristics— buildings that relate to the street, street activity, neighbourhood goods and services, a supportive neighbourhood context, and supportive government—appear as fundamental to good neighbourhood shopping streets but are exhibited to varying degrees. More specifically, the case studies help illustrate what particular elements are either essential or helpful, creating a checklist that other streets can benefit from ii TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract ii List of Tables vi List of Figures vii Acknowledgements viii Chapter One: Thesis Introduction and Overview 1 1.1 Introduction 1 1.2 Context and Purpose 1 1.3 Scope 4 1.4 Methodology 5 1.5 Thesis Overview 7 Chapter Two: A Literature Review of Good Neighbourhood Shopping Streets 8 2.1 Introduction 8 2.2 Neighbourhood Shopping Streets and the City 8 2.2.1 History 8 2.2.2 Streets A s Publ i c Space 10 2.3 Principles of G o o d Neighbourhood Shopping Streets 12 2.3.1 Accessibility 13 2.3.2 Comfort 14 2.3.3 Sociability 15 2.3.4 Sense of Place 16 2.3.5 Adaptabil i ty 16 2.3.6 Beauty 17 2.3.7 Diversity 18 2.4 Characteristics of G o o d Neighbourhood Shopping Streets 19 2.4.1 Buildings that Relate to the Street 19 2.4.2 G o o d Walk ing Facilities 24 2.4.3 Pedestrian Amenities 29 2.4.4 Traffic Management 32 2.4.5 Street Activi ty 35 2.4.6 Neighbourhood Goods and Services 37 2.4.7 Maintenance 38 2.4.8 Supportive Neighbourhood Context 39 2.4.9 Supportive Government 41 2.5 Summary 43 Chapter Three: Commercial Drive Case Study 44 3.1 Introduction to Case Study 44 3.2 Neighbourhood Context 44 3.2 1 Urban Context 44 iii 3.2.2 History 45 3.2.3 People 46 3.2.4 Land Use 49 3.2.5 Transportation 50 3.3 Evaluation of Characteristics 51 3.3.1 Buildings that Relate to the Street 52 3.3.2 G o o d Walking Facilities 60 3.3.3 Pedestrian Amenities 63 3.3.4 Traffic Management 68 3.3.5 Street Activity 71 3.3.6 Neighbourhood Goods and Services 72 3.3.7 Maintenance 74 3.3.8 Supportive Neighbourhood Context 75 3.3.9 Supportive Government 76 3.4 Summary 76 Chapter Four: West 41st Avenue Case Study 78 4.1 Introduction to Case Study 78 4.2 Neighbourhood Context 78 4.2 1 Urban Context 78 4.2.2 History 79 4.2.3 People 80 4.2.4 Land Use 81 4.2.5 Transportation 83 4.3 Evaluation of Characteristics 84 4.3.1 Buildings that Relate to the Street 85 4.3.2 G o o d Walking Facilities 92 4.3.3 Pedestrian Amenities 96 4.3.4 Traffic Management 99 4.3.5 Street Activity 101 4.3.6 Neighbourhood Goods and Services 103 4.3.7 Maintenance 105 4.3.8 Supportive Neighbourhood Context 106 4.3.9 Supportive Government 107 4.4 Summary 107 Chapter Five: Discussion of Research Findings 109 5.1 Introduction 109 5.2 Summary of Findings: The Case Studies and the Characteristics 109 5.2.1 Buildings that Relate to the Street 111 5.2.2 G o o d Walking Facilities 113 5.2.3 Pedestrian Amenities 115 5.2.4 Traffic Management 117 5.2.5 Street Activity 119 5.2.6 Neighbourhood Goods and Services 120 5.2.7 Maintenance 121 5.2.8 Supportive Neighbourhood Context 122 5.2.9 Supportive Government 122 iv 5.3 Conclusions 123 5.3.1 Relative Importance of the Characteristics 123 5.3.2 Reflections on Neighbourhood Shopping Streets 127 5.4 Implications 129 5.5 Recommendations for Further Research 131 Bibliography 132 Appendix A: Interaction of Commercial Drive Businesses with the Street 139 Appendix B: Interaction of West 41st Avenue Businesses with the Street 141 v LIST OF TABLES 2.1 Zoning Elements and Their Effect on Neighbourhood Shopping Streets 41 5.1 Summary of Research Findings: H o w Evident are the Characteristics? 110 5.2 Essential and Helpful Elements of G o o d Neighbourhood Shopping Streets 125 A . l Interaction of Commercial Drive Businesses with the Street 139 B. l Interaction of West 41st Avenue Businesses with the Street 141 vi LIST OF FIGURES 1.1 Location of Case Studies in Vancouver Context 6 2.1 A 1:2 Building Height to Street Width Ratio 21 2.2 Sidewalk Zones 25 2.3 Curb Ramps 27 2.4 \"Before and After\" Corner Widening 28 2.5 Small and Large Curb Radii 34 2.6 Bus Bulges 34 3.1 Urban Context of Commercial Drive Case Study 45 3.2 Land Use of the Grandview Neighbourhood 48 3.3 Commercial Drive Study Area 51 3.4 Buildings of Commercial Drive 52 3.5 Transparency of At-grade Frontage on Commercial Drive 56 3.6 Sidewalk Display at Norman's Fruit and Salad 57 3.7 Sandwich Board for East E n d Books 58 3.8 Pedestrian Crossings on Commercial Drive • 63 3.9 Pedestrian Amenities on Commercial Drive ' 64 3.10 Overflowing Garbage Container 65 3.11 Bike Rack on Commercial Drive 66 3.12 Community Art at H o m e Hardware 67 3.13 Pedestrian/Vehicle Accidents on Commercial Drive 69 3.14 Pedestrian Density: Number of Pedestrians per Block per H o u r 71 4.1 Urban Context of West 41st Avenue Case Study 79 4.2 L a n d Use of the Neighbourhood Context 82 4.3 West 41st Avenue Study Area 85 4.4 Buildings of West 41st Avenue 86 4.5 Architectural Consistency Created by Trompe I'Oeil M u r a l 87 4.6 Transparency of At-grade Frontage on West 41st Avenue 89 4.7 Neon Sign for Avenue Gri l l 92 4.8 Pedestrian Crossings on West 41st Avenue 94 4.9 Textured Crosswalk at Yew Street and West 41st Avenue 95 4.10 Pedestrian Amenities on West 41st Avenue 96 4.11 Garbage Container on West 41st Avenue 97 4.12 Kerrisdale Shopping Area Banners 98 4.13 Pedestrian/Vehicle Accidents on West 41st Avenue 100 4.14 Pedestrian Density: Number of Pedestrians per Block per H o u r 101 5.1 Percentage of Businesses at Street-level 124 vii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS M a n y people have helped see this thesis through to completion. I am especially grateful to Professors Michae l Seelig and Penny Gurstein for their advice and guidance, to Professor Peter Boothroyd and the Planning School office staff for their kindness, to my \"thesis support group,\" Sue and Shaugn, for their feedback and commiseration, to Cristina for always being there, to my sister, Andrea , for her proofreading skills and encouragement, to my parents, Blaine and Mary , for providing me with inspiration and the freedom to explore my academic interests, and to my husband, K e v i n , for his patience, love, and enthusiasm in showing Vancouver's neighbourhoods to a prairie gir l . viii CHAPTER ONE: THESIS INTRODUCTION AND OVERVIEW 1.1 Introduction It has been said that \"the freedom with which a person can walk about and look around is a very useful guide to the civilized quality of an urban area\" (Buchanan 1963, p. 40). This is particularly true of neighbourhood shopping streets—the commercial strips on urban arterial streets that form the core of neighbourhood goods and services. A s the focus of neighbourhood public life, such streets should be \" g o o d , \" providing neighbourhood goods and services in a pedestrian-friendly atmosphere. But what exactly does \" g o o d \" mean? The two general questions this thesis seeks to answer are: what are the specific characteristics of good neighbourhood shopping streets, and do popular neighbourhood shopping streets have these characteristics? 1.2 Context and Purpose These questions are significant because many planners are stressing the importance of lively and walkable neighbourhood commercial streets. Such streets are significant in their ability to provide goods and services within walking distance of neighbourhood residents, to provide transit connections to other urban areas, and to create a rich publ ic realm in contrast to surrounding residential streets. They are also democratic in their ability to integrate a variety of transportation modes and diverse land uses. Furthermore, as the focus of neighbourhood public life, they can help create a sense of community and neighbourhood pride. In Vancouver, planners are recognizing the importance of such streets to a 1 sustainable and vital urban environment. Neighbourhood centres are described in CityPlan: Directions for Vancouver as places where \"people w i l l f ind shops, jobs, neighbourhood-based services, public places that are safe and inviting, and a place to meet with neighbours and join in community l i fe\" (City of Vancouver 1995, p. 10). In Vancouver and other N o r t h American cities, neighbourhood centres often take the form of commercial strips on busy arterial streets. A s neighbourhood shopping streets, their role as a public place is frequently at odds with their role as a thoroughfare. Recognizing both this potential conflict and the need to decrease automobile use, CityPlan also calls for the prioritization of walking, cycling, and transit to decrease traffic congestion, improve the environment, and increase neighbourhood livability. Other municipal documents also reflect the ability of good neighbourhood shopping streets to contribute to sustainability. In 1990, City C o u n c i l adopted Clouds of Change (Task Force on Atmospheric Change 1990), a report which recommends walking and cycling as viable alternatives to automobile use and land use planning which decreases transportation demand. M o r e recently, C o u n c i l adopted the City 's Transportation Plan (City of Vancouver 1997a) which contains numerous references to pedestrian-friendly commercial streets. Regionally, the Greater Vancouver Regional District ( G V R D ) has also drafted policy which is relevant to good neighbourhood shopping streets. The Livable Region Strategic Plan, adopted i n principle by the G V R D in 1994 and endorsed by Vancouver City C o u n c i l , contains initiatives that \"place a priority on walking, cycling, publ ic transit, goods movement, and then the automobile\" ( G V R D 1994, p. 3). For example, it recommends enhancing or retrofitting local streets and infrastructure to favour transit, bicycle and pedestrian uses and encourages Transportation D e m a n d 2 Management ( T D M ) . i Flowing from its objective of minimizing the impact of transportation on quality of life, the G V R D ' s Transport 2021 report advocates a \"shift from the automobile as the primary and most important user of road space to ... the automobile ... as one of many components required to satisfy the complete travel needs of the neighbourhood\" ( G V K D 1993, p. 21). In addition to professional planning interest in good neighbourhood shopping streets, citizens appear increasingly interested in reclaiming their commercial streets as public space in which they can safely walk, conveniently shop, and sincerely participate in their community. Indeed, many North American cities are experiencing a street \"retail renaissance\" (Applebe 1996), with cafes such as Starbucks extending the activity of shopping streets past regular business hours and stores that normally exist in a mall environment acquiring street locations. Furthermore, citizens are increasingly expressing their support for neighbourhood shopping streets with more than their pocketbooks. In Vancouver for example, recent surveys in the Kensington-Cedar Cottage neighbourhood expressed strong support for the improvement of existing neighbourhood shopping areas (City of Vancouver 1998), the closing of neighbourhood supermarkets has sparked neighbourhood outrage and controversy, and both residents and merchants have pressured the City to maintain on-street parking in front of neighbourhood businesses. But if North American cities want to create or strengthen their neighbourhood shopping streets (and as a result, their neighbourhood centres), it would be helpful to know what characteristics help foster such streets. While there has been much academic literature produced on the public life of streets, pedestrian-friendly urban design, and the importance of the neighbourhood in a sustainable city, there has been little written specifically on what makes a good neighbourhood shopping street. This 1 T D M aims to reduce the demand for transportation via disincentives for single-occupancy vehicle use and incentives for walking, cycling, and transit use. 3 thesis strives to determine the characteristics that might be applicable to such streets by conducting a literature review. These characteristics are then looked at in the context of two case studies—two popular Vancouver neighbourhood shopping streets—to see if the necessary characteristics are present and to discover what other characteristics might exist. 1.3 Scope Because of the particular problems of N o r t h American cities and the Canadian context of the case studies, the scope of the thesis' research is generally l imited to literature that is relevant to N o r t h American cities. However , literature from other places is occasionally consulted when particularly relevant. Though much of the thesis could pertain to streets in general, streets which provide a retail function are of primary interest—being both important places of neighbourhood publ ic space and significant generators of pedestrian traffic. In addit ion, because the research interest is primarily focussed on the neighbourhood shopping street as a good publ ic space, there is a large emphasis on the street's physical characteristics. But given that physical characteristics do not exist in a vacuum, the influence of socioeconomic characteristics is also considered. W i t h regards to the case studies, the scope is most often l imited to those blocks of the shopping streets which are most active. However , this narrow scope is occasionally expanded—for example when considering commercial activity beyond the study area, the street's neighbourhood context, and its role as an arterial street. Finally, while the implications of the thesis findings may be generally applicable, the research itself is l imited to Vancouver neighbourhood shopping streets. 4 1.4 Methodology Information for this thesis was derived through both a review of relevant literature and case study research. A literature review was conducted to examine the history and role of neighbourhood shopping streets and to derive a set of principles and characteristics that could be applied to good neighbourhood shopping streets. Sources of information included various planning, urban design, and landscape architecture literature. W h e n determining which Vancouver shopping streets would serve as case studies, it was first decided that those streets which serve an entire neighbourhood w o u l d be considered. A commercial zoning map of the city was therefore observed to determine which neighbourhood shopping streets have traditionally served as district centres—commercial centres which offer a large variety of goods and services to a residential district with a population of 25,000 to 50,000 people (City of Vancouver 1971).2 M o r e than a dozen shopping streets in Vancouver meet this criteria, and while any of them could potentially be an example of a good neighbourhood shopping street, West 41st Avenue and Commercial Dr ive , as seen in Figure 1.1, were ultimately chosen. This is partly due to personal observation that these are two of the most distinct and busy shopping streets in Vancouver, partly due to a desire to have case studies from the politically and economically distinct east and west sides of Vancouver, and partly due to the City's own recognition that both streets' neighbourhoods \"already have ... some of the features of neighbourhood centres\" (City of Vancouver 1995, p. 10). 2 These streets are: West 10th Avenue, West Broadway, Dunbar Street, Denman Street, West 41st Avenue and East and West Boulevard in Kerrisdale, Granville Street south of Broadway and in Marpole, Main Street at Broadway, Kingsway Avenue at both Knight Street and Joyce Street, Commercial Drive, Victoria Drive, and East Hastings Street. 5 Figure 1.1 Location of Case Studies in Vancouver Context H a v i n g chosen which Vancouver shopping streets to study, the streets themselves were then delimited to determine which section—of a length not exceeding three blocks due to time limitations—was most vital. This was based on personal observation of elements such as pedestrian traffic and store occupancy. In addit ion, secondary sources such as planning documents were studied to determine what constituted the \"core.\" For example, the City of Vancouver defines Commercia l Drive's traditional shopping core as the six blocks between Charles Street and T h i r d Avenue (1982). Similarly, Rhone and Iredale Architects describes the block on West 41st Avenue between West Boulevard and Y e w Street as the \"crit ical core of the shopping district\" (1969, p. 7). After defining the study area, each neighbourhood shopping street was then studied with respect to the characteristics identified in the literature. Primary f ield research 6 involved observation, pedestrian counts, inventory of pedestrian amenities, and interviews with area stakeholders. A review of relevant government documents provided an institutional framework and statistical information, while various community information (e.g. community surveys, media documents, and newsletters) provided additional secondary data. 1.5 Thesis Overview This introductory chapter has briefly outlined the concept of neighbourhood shopping streets, their importance to urban vitality, and the thesis' research framework. Chapter T w o reviews the literature pertaining to streets as publ ic space and pedestrian-friendly urban design, resulting in a description of the principles and characteristics of good neighbourhood shopping streets. Chapters Three and Four present the context and research findings of the two Vancouver neighbourhood shopping streets that serve as case studies. Chapter Five discusses the research findings and conclusions, examines their planning implications, and suggests areas for further research. 7 CHAPTER TWO: A LITERATURE REVIEW OF GOOD NEIGHBOURHOOD SHOPPING STREETS 2.1 Introduction The \"central value of urban life is that of publicness, of people from different groups meeting each other and of people acting in concert, albeit with debate\" (Jacobs and Appleyard 1987, p. 119). Since civilization began, streets have been the publ ic places where people could walk, shop, play, and meet, and as the largest and most universal publ ic element of cities, streets have always been of interest to urban planners and designers. This chapter of the thesis examines this interest as it pertains to neighbourhood shopping streets. After discussing the literature on streets as publ ic space and pedestrian-friendly urban design, the principles of good neighbourhood shopping streets are outlined and their characteristics are described. 2.2 Neighbourhood Shopping Streets and the City 2.2.1 History Neighbourhood shopping streets have always been an important element of the urban environment, with many developing along streetcar lines to serve the residents who lived a short walk away. Given their linear orientation, they were sometimes overly long and were fi l led with temporary, one-storey structures known as \"taxpayers.\" 3 Because walking and transit were primary modes of transportation, neighbourhood shopping streets were inherently pedestrian-friendly, with \"wide ^ As Ford (1994, p. 232) notes, \"taxpayers\" are small, one-storey buildings which were \"intended to generate enough income to pay the property taxes until demand for space increased and proper downtown-type buildings could be constructed.\" As such a demand was rarely realized on the streetcar strip, many \"taxpayers\" still exist. 8 sidewalks, awnings for rain or sun protection, on-street parking to shield pedestrians f rom traffic, and narrow-fronted shops with attractive window displays oriented to shoppers\" (Untermann 1990a, p. 172). So-called \" M a i n Streets\"—whether the focal point of a city or a neighbourhood—were the \"home not only of stores and offices, but also of imposing churches, theatres, banks, hotels, ... war memorials, libraries, and other banners of community well-being. The corridor formed by these varied structures jammed tight along both of the sidewalks, becoming the ideal setting for speeches, parades, and celebrations\" (Liebs 1995, p. 8). However , as the automobile became more prevalent, planners and urban designers began to treat the street more as a transportation corridor and less as a publ ic space. Garden Ci ty proponents such as Clarence Stein and Ebenezer H o w a r d proposed developments with houses turned from the street, pedestrians separated f rom automobiles, and roads created solely for automobile traffic (see for example Schaffer 1982). Even more destructive to the public realm were Modernists such as L e Corbusier. Believing that streets were mere \"traffic machines,\" the French architect boldly proclaimed that the \"present idea of the street must be abolished: D E A T H O F T H E S T R E E T ! D E A T H O F T H E S T R E E T ! D E A T H O F T H E S T R E E T ! \" (1929, p. 124). Modern i sm permeated the design professions and streets were no longer the focus of city bui lding. M a n y neighbourhood shopping streets which also served as arterial streets became the domain of traffic engineers who—primar i ly concerned with vehicular capacity—widened streets, narrowed sidewalks, and prohibited on-street parking. Planners became increasingly obsessed with efficiency and adopted zoning as a way to \"rationalize\" the city. L a n d uses were increasingly separated from one another at the same time that automobiles were negating the need for compact, walkable, and transit-friendly communities. Parking space for cars became of prime 9 concern and shopping was increasingly separated from the street by parking lots. Furthermore, as the scale of retailing began to change—supermarkets, for example, have simultaneously increased in size and decreased in number (Handy 1993)— neighbourhood shopping streets have lost many important businesses and area residents have been forced to shop outside the neighbourhood. But despite the fact that many neighbourhood shopping streets in North America have declined (see for example Loukaitou-Sideris 1997), other streets are successfully providing overflow space for downtown, are upscale, specialized shopping areas, or have been revitalized as community focal points (Ford 1994). 2,2.2 Streets As Public Space Whether thriving or blighted, the street's role as \"both path and place\" continues to provide challenges (Moughtin 1992, p. 133). Writers such as Jacobs (1961), Rudofsky (1969), and Whyte (1988) have long highlighted the need to address the negative consequences of Modernist planning on vital urban streets. They and others—for example the recent proponents of New Urbanism4—aim to reclaim the street as both public space and primary urban element. G o o d streets are seen as \"communal living rooms\" (Mackin and Krieger 1989, p. 32), where both mundane and extraordinary civic activities occur (see also Langdon 1994; Bacon 1971; G e h l 1987). Shopping streets in particular are seen to play an \"important social role as community centres for the city's neighbourhoods and provide an alternative living environment which supplements the purely residential character of the surrounding neighbourhoods\" (City of Toronto 1982, p. 1). Oldenburg (1989, 4 Recently, concepts such as \"urban villages,\" \"transit-oriented development,\" and \"traditional neighbourhood development\"—collectively dubbed New Urbanism (see for example Newman et al 1992; Calthorpe 1993; Katz 1994)—have also advocated pedestrian-friendly streets and accessible neighbourhood goods and services in the hopes of creating sustainable communities. 10 p. 16) feels they are a potential \" th ird place\"—a sociable \"core setting of informal publ ic l i fe\" that exists apart from the domestic place (home) and the productive place (work). The publ ic role of the street however, is often thought to have an impact beyond the street itself. Jacobs (1993, p. 6), for example, feels that if we \"develop and design streets so that they are wonderful , fulfi l l ing places to be, community bui lding places, attractive publ ic places for all people of cities and neighbourhoods, then we w i l l have successfully designed about one-third of the city directly and w i l l have made an immense impact on the rest.\" Shopping streets in particular are \"archetypal publ ic places\" (Southworth and L y n c h 1974, p. 9), neighbourhood gateways which subtly affect a street's context physically, socially, and economically (Greenberg 1995). M o r e specific than the literature on streets is that which examines the role of the pedestrian in cities. Walk ing , in addition to being a good form of exercise, and a non-polluting form of transportation, \"invites human contact that automobile transport precludes\" and enables \"people [to] get to know their merchants and their neighbours\" (Oldenburg 1989, p. 288). G o o d pedestrian environments are necessary not only to provide a safe and comfortable environment for those who already do walk, but to encourage more people to walk. Indeed, small-scale built environment variables such as sidewalks or crosswalks have been shown to influence automobile use and are more easily changed than socioeconomic or land use variables (1000 Friends of Oregon 1993). Pedestrian-friendly urban design, though implicit in many of the works on streets as publ ic space, is more specific in its scope. F r u i n (1971) and Pushkarev and Z u p a n (1975) are early examples of writers who concentrate on the importance of pedestrian circulation and the design of good walking environments. M o r e recently, Untermann 11 (1984, 1990) and Hass-Klau (1991, 1994) have been influential, the former from a N o r t h American context and the latter from a European one. G i v e n their suggestion that good streets can make good neighbourhoods, some of the above proponents of streets as publ ic space and pedestrian-friendly urban design have been accused of environmental determinism—the \"view that the physical environment determines human behaviour\" (Rapoport 1977, p. 2). F o r example, Audirac and Shermyen (1994, p. 162) question the \"deterministic attitude [that] pervades many of these [New Urbanist] design strategies, particularly as it relates to their socioeconomic objectives and claims.\" However, as Rapoport (1977) notes, the view today is more likely to be that the built environment, as a setting for human activities, can inhibit or facilitate certain activities. For example, an ugly street may inhibit neighbourhood pride but w i l l not necessarily deter it. Similarly, a good pedestrian environment may facilitate walking trips but w i l l not necessarily generate them. G i v e n our need for more sustainable communities, the importance of such facilitation cannot be underestimated. 2.3 Principles of Good Neighbourhood Shopping Streets W i t h i n the literature on streets specifically and good urban design in general, a number of principles emerge as fundamental to good neighbourhood shopping streets. They represent goals that the street should aspire to and are synonymous with it. Specifically, a good neighbourhood shopping street is accessible, comfortable, sociable, a place, adaptable, beautiful, and diverse. These principles—represented as accessibility, comfort, sociability, sense of place, adaptability, beauty, and diversity—are both overlapping and interdependent. 12 2.3.1 Accessibility A good neighbourhood shopping street is accessible: a diverse range of people using a variety of transportation modes must have access to the street in order to participate in it (Hi l lman and Whalley 1979; Antupi t et al 1996; Southworth and L y n c h 1974; Langdon 1994; Francis 1987). A n d while the accessibility of vehicles often predominates at the expense of accessibility for non-motorists, banning vehicular traffic from all neighbourhood shopping streets is not necessarily desired. Rather, there must be a \"successful balancing and partial accommodation of a number of needs simultaneously, allowing cars and pedestrians to share publ ic space in appropriate combinations and with clearly defined roles\" (Greenberg 1990, p. 325). T o be accessible, the good neighbourhood shopping street must be within walking distance of neighbourhood residents, particularly those who lack other transportation options (Untermann 1984; Greenberg 1995; Durn in g 1996). But mere proximity may not be sufficient. Therefore the neighbourhood shopping street must, as part of a network, have interesting and direct connections to other streets (Langdon 1994; Whyte 1988; Loukaitou-Sideris 1996; Durning 1996; Fru in 1974; G e h l 1987; Kunstler 1996; H a n d y 1996; Untermann and M o u d o n 1990). O n the shopping street itself, accessibility continues with the integration of pedestrians, cyclists, transit vehicles, and cars. Final ly, accessibility also refers to the degree of publicness on the street. For example, as streets are developed with inwardly-oriented shopping centres, activity is taken away from the street and into a more private sphere. Francis (1987, p. 29) therefore suggests planners use \"accessibility criteria\" to determine if new projects w i l l add to or subtract from the public landscape. 13 2.3.2 Comfort A good neighbourhood shopping street, to be used as a place rather than a thoroughfare, is also a comfortable place in which to be (Antupit et al 1996; G e h l 1987; Loukaitou-Sideris 1997; Greenberg 1995; Jacobs 1993). For the street to function as a publ ic space, the scale of the street—and its component buildings, lights, signs, sidewalks, and amenities—should be geared towards the comfort and safety of people, not vehicles (Bacon 1974; Tibbalds 1988). In an abstract sense, because humans \" l ike to feel sheltered and protected\" (Kunstler 1996, p. 137), the street should be defined as a space. M o r e specifically, ease of movement and pedestrian amenities such as benches and washrooms contribute to a comfortable street space. H o w the street deals with natural elements such as weather and topography is also crucial to a street's comfort. In particular, adequate sunlight, shade, and protection from rain, w i n d , and cold are necessary to create a comfortable microclimate—an important feature of our perception of a place (Southworth and L y n c h 1974; F r u i n 1974; G e h l 1987: 180; Untermann 1984; Lynch 1971; Francis 1987). Comfort is also dependent on how safe pedestrians feel when using the street space (Untermann and M o u d o n 1990; G e h l 1987). In one sense this refers to how the negative effects of automobile traff ic—including noise and air pol lution—are mitigated (Southworth and Lynch 1974). For example, G e h l (1987) notes that it is difficult for people to have a conversation when the background noise of a street exceeds 60 decibels, a common level on streets with mixed traffic. Confl ict wi th traffic accounts for most pedestrian safety concerns and is one of the most commonly cited reasons for not walking (Goldsmith 1992; Untermann 1984). Therefore, a \"symbiotic relationship between drivers and pedestrians is necessary for a safe and lively street. Drivers must be able to see pedestrians and to establish eye-contact with them. This 14 contact is naturally easier on a narrow street ... [and] ... at vehicular speeds of less than 25 m p h \" (Untermann and M o u d o n 1990, p. 10). In another sense, safety from crime (both real and perceived) is a determinant of a street's comfort and has a tangible impact on people's use of the street (Untermann 1984; Francis 1987). For example, if people believe an area is dangerous, they use the area less, there is less street activity, crime increases and the original perception becomes a reality (Painter 1996; G e h l 1987; Engwicht 1993). T o counteract this, \"eyes on the street\" (Jacobs 1961, p. 35)—natural proprietors (residents, shop-keepers, etc.) who watch the street as they live and work on it—are advocated . 2.3.3 Sociability Because \"primary public places should be socially functional\" (Whyte 1988, p. 150), good neighbourhood shopping streets (as part of the publ ic realm) are sociable. Indeed, given the grid system's lack of a central focus, good streets often act as a type of publ ic square (Ford 1994) and can foster social contacts. Even when superficial, \"the sum of such casual, public contact at a local level—most of it fortuitous, most of it associated with errands, all of it metered by the person concerned and not thrust upon him by anyone—is a feeling for the public identity of people, a web of publ ic respect and trust, and a resource in time of personal or neighbourhood need\" (Jacobs 1961, p. 56). Furthermore, these modest social contacts may lead to more substantial social contacts (Gehl 1987). W h i l e some question the market for sociable streets when people increasingly go outside the neighbourhood to work, shop, and socialize (Audirac and Shermyen 1994), studies show increased life satisfaction for those who participate in their neighbourhood (Ahlbrandt 1984). 15 2.3.4 Sense of Place \"Pr imary publ ic places ... should reinforce one's sense of place\" (Whyte 1988, p. 150)—another important principle of good neighbourhood shopping streets. Streets with a sense of place have meaning, incorporate links to other spaces, and are legible in that they communicate function, time, and place to their users (Loukaitou-Sideris 1996; Tibbalds 1988; G e h l 1987; Southworth and L y n c h 1974; Jacobs and Appleyard 1987; Wiedenhoeft 1981; Greenberg 1995; Engwicht 1993). For example, urban elements such as clocks, bulletin boards, and maps can act as landmarks while reflecting a neighbourhood's identity (Lynch 1960; Jacobs 1961; Sucher 1995). Streets with a sense of place have an identity for which people can be proud of, loyal to, and involved in (Wiedenhoeft 1981; Francis 1987; Langdon 1994). Such streets become an extension of the home environment and are more likely to be maintained and loved (Francis 1987; Oldenburg 1989). G o o d neighbourhood shopping streets, and people's use of them, are also correlated to a sense of community (Nasar and Julian 1995; Ahlbrandt 1984). A n d as mentioned earlier, those who use neighbourhood facilities are found to be happier and more satisfied than those who do not (Ahlbrandt 1984). Finally, studies have also shown that both perceived service quality and neighbourhood satisfaction are determinants of neighbourhood retail use, implying that a sense of community is necessary to help create successful neighbourhood shopping streets (O'Br ien and Ayid iya 1991). 2.3.5 Adaptability \"Streets are as mutable as life itself and are subject to constant alterations through design or use\" (Celik et al 1994, p. 1). A good neighbourhood shopping street must therefore be adaptable, responding to changing needs over time by developing 16 organically and incrementally—a \"mending of the edges\" (Tibbalds 1988, p. 14)— rather than comprehensively (Greenberg 1995). For example, former gas station sites present a good opportunity to inf i l l a neighbourhood shopping street on a modest scale, often on prominent corner sites (Greenberg 1990). In addition, smaller buildings and lot sizes, are particularly amenable to change (Tibbalds 1988). Adaptable streets also have a sense of \"chronological connectivity\" (Kunstler 1996, p. 88) i n that they pay homage to history in their design and to the future i n their ability to last (Bacon 1974; Wiedenhoeft 1981; Engwicht 1993). The retention of o ld buildings is therefore particularly valued (Lennard and Lennard 1987; Jacobs 1961). Though change is inevitable, what is good in a street should be retained, added to and enhanced (Tibbalds 1988; Jacobs 1993). But ideas transplanted from other successful streets onto contextually different areas rarely work (Celik et al 1994). Rather, the street must be allowed to evolve and emerge in a way that \"makes sense to us here and n o w \" (Greenberg 1990, p. 324). Finally, it is important to monitor the change that w i l l inevitably occur, \"to f ind out what has been working and what has not been\" (Whyte 1988, p. 253). 2.3.6 Beauty Because \"streets provide the principal visual scenes in cities\" (Jacobs 1961, p. 378), good neighbourhood shopping streets are beautiful as well as adaptable. In particular, publ ic spaces must be attractive to be used and loved (Langdon 1994; G e h l 1987; Untermann 1984; Wiedenhoeft 1981; Fru in 1971). However , civic art \"is not merely a bit of aestheticism ... tying tidies on poles and putting doilies on the crosswalks\" (Robinson 1903, p. 28), but is the \"integration of sculpture, landscape design, and architecture in the creation of civic spaces that uplift society and transmit the highest values\" (Southworth and Ben-Joseph 1997, p. 48). 17 In terms of visual interest, streets \"need animation and detail; too many of our streets look tired, dul l , and uninviting ... the texture, detail and animation so satisfying to pedestrians compromise driver safety, it is argued, so it is eliminated\" (Untermann 1990b, p. 56). The problem of urban design is therefore to \"deal simultaneously with the different speeds of movement and different rates of perception, to create forms which are as satisfying to those in an automobile as they are to those who travel on foot\" (Bacon 1974, p. 35). One way to achieve this is harmony (Moughtin 1992; Robinson 1903). For example, a physical continuous edge along the street may create a \"harmonious whole,\" but \"to motivate pedestrians to continue exploring their surroundings after the initial burst of discovery has faded, a place must offer variety\" (Langdon 1994, p. 95). Indeed, the street is not a shopping centre and the inherent diversity of its design elements adds to the visual interest of the street (Untermann 1984; Rapoport 1977). Furthermore, an \"overemphasis on aesthetic appearance can lead to a neglect of the dynamic interrelationship between buildings and context\" (Loukaitou-Sideris 1996, p. 101). 2.3.7 Diversity G o o d neighbourhood shopping streets are also diverse in their activities and users— a principle that has been alluded to previously. Streets that are mixed-use zoned, for example, help attract a variety of people and encourage a variety of activities (Untermann 1984; Wiedenhoeft 1981; G e h l 1987; Jacobs 1961). In addition, a variety of uses w i l l lead to a more sustained use of the street, with people working, socializing, and l iving on the street, not merely shopping on it. It is a civil space that \"allows diverse behaviours, cultures, opinions, classes, and tastes to coexist\" (Greenberg 1995, p. 67). Diverse streets are also more adaptable than homogeneous ones, with \"diversity provide[ing] the pool of ideas and chaos the chance for them to meet\" 18 (Engwicht 1993, p. 26). Finally, as mentioned above with regards to beauty, the pedestrian experience is very dependent on diverse visual images. Because of their slower speed, pedestrians can perceive many differences i n urban form and activity, a \"complexity [that] depends on the number of changes or noticeable differences per unit time—changes of any uniform, or uniformly varying, attribute—whether rate, direction, slope, curvature, colour, enclosure, smell, sound, light, or whatever\" (Rapoport 1977, pp. 240-241). 2.4 Characteristics of Good Neighbourhood Shopping Streets F r o m both the conceptual literature on streets and that which is specifically related to pedestrian-friendly urban design, the characteristics of good neighbourhood shopping streets emerge. These characteristics are different from principles in that they are tangible things which the street has as opposed to things the street is. For example, a good neighbourhood shopping street has the principles of accessibility and comfort and is accessible and comfortable. The characteristics are a means to the principles. F o r example, good walking facilities help make a street accessible and comfortable. L i k e the principles, the characteristics discussed below—buildings that relate to the street, good walking facilities, pedestrian amenities, traffic management, street activity, maintenance, neighbourhood goods and services, supportive neighbourhood, and supportive government—are overlapping and interdependent. 2.4.1 Buildings that Relate to the Street G o o d streets encourage people to move about and interact with the built environment. Because buildings are major elements of a city's streetscape, how they relate to the street is important (Tibbalds 1988; Kunstler 1996; Bacon 1971; G e h l 1987; Francis 1987). In particular, their ability to create both a comfortable space and visual 19 interest for pedestrians is crucial because people are wil l ing to walk further when there are interesting things to see (Langdon 1994). These characteristics are especially important with regards to civic buildings, which , in addition to being potential landmarks, can serve as models for other buildings (Kunstler 1996). Firstly then, \"buildings should be arranged in such a way as to define and even enclose publ ic space rather than sit in space\" (Jacobs and Appleyard 1987, p. 119). Because humans desire a sense of enclosure, the street should have the quality of an outdoor room (Langdon 1994; Mought in 1992; Wiedenhoeft 1981; Rudofsky 1969; Jacobs 1993). This requires a consistent street wall , and in some cases may require inf i l l of vacant space (Whyte 1988). In addition, height variation between buildings should be kept within one-half to two storeys to create a more harmonious street wal l (Moughtin 1992). Bui ld ing setback5—how far the building is set back from its lot l ine—is important in this respect (Langdon 1994; H a n d y 1997; Whyte 1988). In general, a large setback separates (both physically and psychologically) the bui lding from the street, while a smaller setback connects the bui lding to the street and helps define the street space. This is particularly true when the facades create a continuous street wal l (Langdon 1991; Untermann 1984). Similarly, upper-storey setbacks can also affect how well the bui lding relates to the street (Kunstler 1996). Nevertheless, the occasional modest street-level setback (e.g. 1 metre or 3 feet) can be viewed as an opportunity to allow more room for pedestrian amenities and wider sidewalks (Untermann 1984). Another determinant of the quality of an outdoor room is the bui lding height to street width ratio. W h i l e D a Vinci ' s stated rule that \"the street should be as wide as the 5 Rather than setting a minimum setback requirement, Kunstler (1996, p. 138) would prefer planners establish a build-to line which determines \"how close buildings stand to the street and promotes regularity of [building] alignment.\" 20 height of the houses\" (Selberg 1996, p. 166) is sometimes referred to, a more commonly recommended building height to street width ratio is between 1:2 (as seen in Figure 2.1) and 1:3. Proportions greater than 1:6 are generally thought to be too open (Lynch 1971; Jacobs 1993). Figure 2.1 A 1:2 Building Height to Street Width Ratio (Source: Kunstler 1996, p. 139) Furthermore, buildings should not be identical, but complementary, relating to each other as wel l as to the street in order to create a consistent street wall and the sense of an outdoor room. T o create harmony amongst varying styles, there needs to be a fundamental agreement, \"a strong motif at ground level ... that pulls the buildings into alignment\" (Kunstler 1996, p. 137). Whi le the public realm can help create this consistency—for example through the use of street trees or setback lines—the private use of common materials or architectural elements can also be beneficial (Moughtin 1992; Jacobs 1961; Langdon 1994). In addition to being close to it, buildings should be oriented to the street. A n d because stores in interior malls or above and below-grade draw away potential street activity and dilute the streetscape, retail—the most interactive bui lding type—should 21 front the street at-grade (Whyte 1988; Selberg 1996; Wiedenhoeft 1981; Barnett 1982; G e h l 1987). Therefore, when buildings are more than one storey high, less interactive uses such as offices or apartments should be above-grade (Untermann 1984; City and County of San Francisco 1984). Even these upper-storeys, however, have the opportunity to relate to the street in terms of their visual interest, diverse activity and proximity to the sidewalk. Upper-storey uses such as dance studios, music halls, or apartments can contribute to a lively streetscape in what Whyte (1988, p. 81) refers to as \"second storiness.\" Because the bui lding facade is the \"face\" of a bui lding, doors and windows on good shopping streets should front the sidewalk to help create a transparent and inviting atmosphere for pedestrians (Kunstler 1996; Selberg 1996; Southworth and L y n c h 1974; Jacobs 1993; Lennard and Lennard 1987; G e h l 1987). Entrances, for example, should be broad and open, facilitating easy pedestrian access and creating interest for what is inside (Whyte 1988). Windows also contribute to transparency and are vastly preferable to blank walls. W i n d o w displays in particular are valuable because they provide visual interest to pedestrians and a competitive edge to the store (Achimore 1993; Pelham and Macintosh 1985). Even better though are sidewalk displays—the \"merchandise that is out front, on the street, where you can pick it up, feel i t \" (Whyte 1988, p. 85). Sidewalk displays, along with devices such as canopies and landscaping, \"play a role in softening the visual and psychological hard edges of the w o r l d \" and act as a zone of transition between the public realm of the sidewalk and the more private realm of the store (Kunstler 1996, p. 139). In terms of scale, it is again important that the buildings relate to the street. T o create a certain density as well as the sense of an outdoor room, N e w Urbanists, for example, feel that buildings should be at least two storeys high or more, with additional benefits of apartments and offices above the stores. A n d though large buildings can often be 22 imposing in size, a human-scaled urban environment \"does not necessarily preclude high buildings—what is important is what is perceived close to eye level\" (Tibbalds 1988, p. 14). Others disagree, feeling that low buildings are more \" i n harmony with the way in which people move about and the way in which the senses funct ion\" (Gehl 1987, p. 100). Jacobs (1993), for example, found that buildings l ining many of the world's best streets are generally not greater than eight to nine storeys (30 metres or 100 feet) tall. \" M a n y , many, separate, distinct buildings with complex arrangements and relationships\" are also desirable (Jacobs and Appleyard 1987, p. 117), reflecting a pedestrian scale and providing the fine urban grain that makes walking interesting (Gehl 1987, Jacobs 1993; Rapoport 1977). Similarly, small frontages are generally favoured over large ones (Durning 1996; Untermann 1984; G e h l 1987), and projects on large lots should accommodate or reflect the size of small individual storefronts. In Toronto, for example, 1800 square metres (6000 square feet) has been determined as the limit for \"as of right\" privileges on traditional shopping streets (City of Toronto 1982). Also contributing to a more interesting streetscape are buildings of various ages and conditions (Jacobs 1961), with older buildings in particular contributing a \"wealth of craftsmanship, materials, and a variety of details that are not to be duplicated today\" (Wiedenhoeft 1981, p. 87). Buildings must also relate to the street in a way that creates a positive microclimate. Most importantly, buildings should provide protection from rain with canopies and should not exacerbate wind effects or create permanently shady areas (Whyte 1988). In addition to sheltering pedestrians from the elements, canopies also benefit the store by reducing overhead glare and keeping the interiors cool on hot and sunny days (Greenberg 1995). Bui lding materials can also affect the microclimate. For example, porous surfaces such as brick or limestone break up the sun's rays and 23 diffuse them, creating an evenly reflected light that is easier to look at than the harsh light of reflected glass (Whyte 1988). In addition, natural bui lding materials such as brick and stucco weather gradually over time, creating a patina that highlights the \"beautifying effects of age\" (Lennard and Lennard 1987, p. 21). Finally, buildings should be decorated to \"honour and embellish\" not only the owners and stakeholders, but also the street, those who walk in it, and the city as a whole (Kunstler 1996, p. 39). Older buildings are particularly valuable in their ability to beautify the street, and \"every effort should be made to retain some sense of continuity with the past and every opportunity taken to use aesthetic contributions of earlier generations\" (Wiedenhoeft 1981, p. 153). 2.4.2 G o o d W a l k i n g Facilities G o o d walking facilities are a second characteristic of good neighbourhood shopping streets and are made up of good sidewalks, safe crossings, and a fine street network. Because \"sidewalks are the capillaries of communities, even the embodiment of community\" (Greenberg 1995, p. 75), good sidewalks are an important characteristic of good neighbourhood shopping streets. Indeed, their design is \"degree zero of urban planning\" (Greenberg 1995, p. 75), with good sidewalks imparting a sense of quality to the street and inviting people to use it as a space rather than simply pass through it (Handy 1997; G e h l 1987). G o o d sidewalks must be wide enough to comfortably accommodate both pedestrians and sidewalk objects such as street trees, sidewalk displays, and seating, but not so wide as to eliminate the \"hustle and bustle\" that makes for a lively streetscape (Whyte 1988). In terms of absolute width , Whyte (1988, p. 78) notes that \"the most celebrated of the ancient walkways\" fall within a range of 3.6 to 5.5 metres (12 to 18 24 feet). For neighbourhood shopping streets however, a width of 3 to 3.6 metres (10 to 12 feet) is generally considered sufficient (Loukaitou-Sideris 1997; Untermann 1984). However , another way to consider sidewalk width is to divide the space into the three zones—curb zone, pedestrian zone, and bui lding zone—seen in Figure 2.2 (Untermann 1984; Pushkarev and Zupan 1975; Project for Publ i c Spaces 1982; Ci ty and County of San Francisco 1995). Building ' Zone ! Pedestrian Zone Curb Zone i Figure 2.2 Sidewalk Zones (Source: City and County of San Francisco 1995, p. 36) The curb zone should be at least 0.5 metres wide (1.5 feet) and is not generally used by pedestrians due to its proximity to the roadway and the presence of street furniture, utilities, and trees. The bui lding zone should also be at least 0.5 metres wide (1.5 feet), allowing space for window shoppers, sidewalk displays and seating. W h e n bui ld ing entrances and windows are set back somewhat, this space is effectively increased without detracting from a sense of enclosure. Finally, the pedestrian zone is the effective sidewalk width—i.e . that space that can be easily used for pedestrian travel—and should be dimensioned in relation to flow. The Project for P u b l i c Spaces (1982) for example, feels that at least 2.5 metres (8 feet) are required in the pedestrian zone. M o r e specifically, the \"upper limit for an acceptable density in streets and on sidewalks with two-way pedestrian traffic appears to be around 10 to 15 pedestrians per minute per meter (3.5 feet) of street w i d t h \" (Gehl 1987, p. 136). 25 Because pedestrians are very sensitive to pavement and surface conditions (Gehl 1987), sidewalks must be of good quality (Goldsmith 1992; Province of Ontario 1980). The sidewalks of good neighbourhood shopping streets should therefore be differentiated from other sidewalks and from the road surface with the use of special pavers, imprints, or design (Greenberg 1995). Paving materials and patterns also help unify the streetscape, provide a sense of continuity between different areas, and can differentiate between sidewalk zones (Gibbons and Oberholzer 1991; Jacobs 1961). Rather than emphasizing the curb zone with detailing, Untermann suggests using special pavement \"on places where people walk, and where there is little l ikel ihood of it being removed to service underground utilities (1984, p. 125). This is especially important given that two thirds of the pedestrian's visual cone is oriented towards the ground (Untermann 1984). Sidewalks must also be well-maintained—clean, free of pavement cracks, and with few obstructions that detract from walking with comfort and continuity (Untermann 1984; Southworth and Lynch 1974; Greenberg 1995; F r u i n 1971). In this latter sense, good sidewalks are not too cluttered and are not interrupted by driveways. In addition, curb ramps should be placed at all street crossings to allow easy access for wheelchairs, strollers, and shopping carts. As seen in Figure 2.3, two curb ramps per corner provide a more direct continuation of the sidewalk and define the street corner more sharply than a single curb ramp does. Finally, sidewalk buffers—whether bollards, trees, planters, or parked cars—help to enhance sidewalk comfort and define sidewalk space. 26 Figure 2.3 Curb Ramps (Source: Untermann 1984, p. 48) Because pedestrians are inclined to take the most direct route, convenient and safe crossings are required on good neighbourhood shopping streets (Untermann 1984; G o l d s m i t h 1992; Rowe 1996). There are generally two types of pedestrian crossings: uncontrolled crossings (i.e. crosswalks) and controlled crossings (i.e. pedestrian-controlled or fully signalized crossings). 6 O n well-used pedestrian streets, crossings should be available every 30 to 60 metres (100 to 200 feet). W h i l e most crossings are placed at intersections, in some cases there may be sufficient pedestrian demand for a midblock crossing (Southworth and Lynch 1974; Untermann and M o u d o n 1990). W h e n controlled crossings are necessary, crossing cycles must be sensitive to pedestrian movement. Firstly, there must be sufficient time for slower pedestrians to cross—for example, extending the \"walk\" signal by one-half second per one metre 6 Grade-separated crossings (i.e. overpasses and underpasses) are a third type of crossing. They are generally not recommended because \"pedestrians are efficient agents in requiring that streets be pleasant and should not be removed from this advocacy position\" (Untermann 1984, p. 84). 27 (3.3 feet) of roadway width gives pedestrians more time to safely cross the street (Untermann 1984). Secondly, at pedestrian-controlled crossings, pedestrians should not have to wait longer than 60 seconds to cross the street (Untermann and M o u d o n 1990). Thi rd ly , at fully signalized intersections, pedestrians should not be required to push a button to safely cross the street. Finally, audible signals on signalized crossings are helpful to pedestrians with visual impairments. Whether uncontrolled or controlled, all pedestrian crossings should have crosswalks. A s extensions of the sidewalk, their presence should be clearly marked with paint or special paving. Corner widening, as seen in Figure 2.4, also helps to prioritize pedestrian space by physically extending the sidewalk into the road and decreasing the crossing distance (Untermann 1984; Project for Publ ic Spaces 1982). Finally, raised crosswalks—crosswalks built level to the height of sidewalks—are a more radical crosswalk design which requires vehicles, not pedestrians, to change elevation at intersections (Untermann 1984). Figure 2.4 \"Before and After\" Corner Widening (Source: Untermann 1984, p. 35). 28 Sidewalks must also be considered as part of a network of streets. W h e n this network is a fine grid made up of relatively short blocks, there is increased route choice, accessibility, and continuity (Loukaitou-Sideris 1996; Greenberg 1995; Jacobs 1961). In addit ion, a fine grid creates many street corners—those \"100% locations\" well -used by pedestrians and coveted by shopkeepers who desire a prominent location (Whyte 1988). Beyond the grid, the pedestrian network can be made even more fine with the existence of lanes and shortcuts through blocks (Untermann 1984). This larger street network must also be supportive of pedestrian travel (Untermann and M o u d o n 1990). Finally, the angle of the grid system has a bearing on microclimate. For example, it has been observed that in the absence of a strong attractor, pedestrians tend to walk on the sunny side of the street (City of Vancouver 1991). Therefore a grid orientation that allows both sides of the street to be sunny for at least part of the day would be beneficial . 2.4.3 Pedestrian Amenit ies T o be pleasant and comfortable, good neighbourhood shopping streets have pedestrian amenities such as street furniture, public art, and greenery. Though often providing modest improvements to the physical quality of the street, studies show an increase in the provision of pedestrian amenities results in increased street use (Gehl 1987). A n d while \"most amenities are unintended. W h y not intend them?\" (Whyte 1988, p. 104). However , many pedestrian amenities are \"the special seasonings of a great street\" (Jacobs 1993, p. 301), and care must be taken not to overuse them. Street furniture, when used effectively, not only directly enhances pedestrian comfort but helps define the street as a space (Southworth and L y n c h 1974). Pedestrian-29 scaled lighting, for example, increases the comfort and safety of the sidewalk (Untermann 1984, Southworth and Lynch 1974; Province of Ontario 1980; Barnett 1982; F r u i n 1971; G e h l 1987) and has been shown to have a positive effect on street use (Painter 1996). \" W a r m and friendly\" lighting (Gehl 1987, p. 167) should be used when possible. For example, incandescent lighting tends to look more natural than energy-efficient lighting such as mercury vapour, sodium vapour, or metal halide (Gibbons and Oberholzer 1991). Because \"resting is an essential part of walking\" (Untermann 1984, p. 28), seating is an important type of street furniture. It should be well-sited—oriented for people-watching, placed at the edges of open spaces, and arranged for sociability (Gehl 1987; Whyte 1988; Wiedenhoeft 1981; Project for Publ ic Spaces 1982; Southworth and L y n c h 1974). Publ i c seating should also be comfortable, with wood being a preferred material to stone or concrete, particularly in hot or cold weather (Wiedenhoeft 1981; Project for Publ i c Spaces 1982; Province of Ontario 1980). There should also be a variety of seating, with chairs, benches, planter ledges, and stairways all providing potential resting spots (Lennard and Lennard 1987). Finally, there should be sufficient seating placed at regular intervals (Gehl 1987). Garbage containers, though often poorly designed and sited, are vital street furniture on good neighbourhood shopping streets because \"[when a place] is tidy, people are t idy\" (Whyte 1988, p. 91). Containers should therefore be visible and convenient without being obtrusive, sited at 30 metre (100 feet) intervals, or at least every block (Gibbons and Oberholzer 1991; Southworth and Lynch 1974). They must also be emptied regularly to be of any benefit and should be used i n conjunction with a recycling program to decrease waste. Other street furniture which provides valuable pedestrian amenity includes clocks, 30 telephones, mailboxes, drinking fountains, bike racks, and newspaper boxes, all of which should be situated outside of regular pedestrian traffic (Gibbons and Oberholzer 1991; Province of Ontario 1980). Because transit users are also pedestrians, bus stops are another important pedestrian amenity. They should be conveniently sited and \"inherently congenial\"—providing shelter, information, seating, and safety (Whyte 1988; Southworth and L y n c h 1974; Project for P u b l i c Spaces 1982). The most lacking of public amenities in N o r t h America—the publ ic restroom—should also be considered (Whyte 1988; Rudofsky 1969). Signs are another miscellaneous pedestrian amenity, providing information to pedestrians and increasing area legibility (Southworth and L y n c h 1974). Street signs are particularly important and should be readily apparent to both pedestrians and drivers (Robinson 1903). Private signs can also add visual interest to the street as a whole while benefiting the particular business (Stewart 1985). P u b l i c art is an appreciated amenity on shopping streets, entertaining us, defining space, and \"contribute[ing] to the art of place-making\" (Sucher 1995, p. 157). In Port land, for example, ornate drinking fountains donated by a philanthropist provide both refreshment and beauty on downtown streets (Whyte 1988), while in Seattle, bronze dance steps embedded in the sidewalk invite direct interaction with the street (Sucher 1995). Greenery is an important pedestrian amenity, softening the edges of the built environment, helping to define space, hiding unattractive and impermeable facades, providing a more comfortable microclimate, and buffering pedestrians from traffic (Antupit et al 1996; H a n d y 1997; Untermann 1984; Loukaitou-Sideris 1997; Lennard and Lennard 1987; Wiedenhoeft 1981; Province of Ontario 1980; Robinson 1903; Jacobs 1993). Street trees, in their ability to psychologically narrow the street and thereby help slow traffic, are especially valued. Indeed, Jacobs (1993, p. 293) notes 31 that, \"given a l imited budget, the most effective expenditure of funds to improve a street would probably be on trees.\" W h i l e the City of San Francisco (1984) suggests they be planted at 6 metre (20 feet) intervals, \" i f there is a rule of thumb ... it woul d be that closer is better\" (Jacobs 1993, p. 294). Regardless, trees are better planted in the ground than in planters, with tree grids surrounding the tree base to help protect and ventilate root systems and tree guards to help protect young trees in busy areas (Gibbons and Oberholzer 1991). However, some feel that street trees are not always appropriate for shopping streets due to their potential to block the views of stores (Sitte 1965). Similarly, the use of planters is discouraged unless they are regularly maintained and are placed outside of the sidewalk's pedestrian zone (Untermann 1984). 2.4.4 Traffic Management Vehicular traffic per se is not problematic, but its volume and speed must be controlled and it must not dominate the street at the expense of other modes or the street itself (Untermann and M o u d o n 1990; Greenberg 1995; Francis 1987; Engwicht 1993). Street design can help mitigate the negative impacts of vehicular traffic by decreasing both conflict between modes and traffic speed (Antupit et al 1996; Selberg 1996; Appleyard 1981). A n d the \"slower the vehicular traffic, the easier it is for the pedestrian to assert himself\" (Whyte 1988, p. 63). Though neighbourhood shopping streets may be difficult to redesign due to their current role as traffic movers, calming them is possible (see for example Hass-Klau 1990; Devon County C o u n c i l 1991). A fine street network—a grid made up of short blocks (e.g. 60 to 90 metres or 200 to 300 feet long)—is important for traffic management because it allows for freedom in pedestrian and cyclist route choice while providing relatively direct l inks between places (Handy 1997; G e h l 1987; Fru in 1974; Langdon 1994; Untermann 1984). 32 In addition, because traffic can be distributed in a variety of ways, arterial streets, though bearing the brunt of volume, need not be overburdened. W h e n crosstown streets occur frequently enough (for example, every 0.6 k m or 1 mile), they are able to serve as a traffic arterial without cutting neighbourhoods in two; \"they bring people together from neighbourhoods on each side\" (Langdon 1994, p. 144). G o o d neighbourhood shopping streets, though often serving as traffic routes, are not overly wide (Handy 1997). Relatively narrow streets discourage high traffic speed and volume while helping to manage traffic in indirect ways. T o illustrate, in a study of major Seattle streets, \"more jaywalking, easier navigation along and across the roadway, more elderly people and those with mobility limitations, more bicycles, more people with pets, and more strolling rather than walking\" was observed on narrow streets than on wide streets (Untermann and M o u d o n 1990, p. 9). A s mentioned earlier, street width can be considered relative to bui lding height, a ratio that determines whether a street has the quality of an outdoor room. In terms of absolute street width , however, a 20 metre (66 foot) right of way is considered to be relatively narrow for major streets, providing two travelling lanes, two parking lanes, and two sidewalks. Lane width is also important for traffic management, wi th 3 metre (10 feet) lanes recommended over the speed-enhancing 3.5 to 4 metre (12 to 14 feet) lanes favoured by engineers (Untermann 1990b). The scale of the street is important in other respects and should reflect a diversity of transportation modes. Intersections, for example, should be less hostile to non-motorized modes by having smaller curb radii , as illustrated in Figure 2.5 (Greenberg 1995; Sucher 1995; Untermann 1984). The \"sharper\" sidewalk corners that result from a smaller radii slow turning vehicles and make it easier to cross the street. 33 Figure 2.5 Small and Large Curb Radii (Source: Sucher 1996, p. 130) G o o d neighbourhood shopping streets should also be transit-friendly—having sufficient density to support frequent service, buildings that are oriented to the street and not to parking lots, decent bus stops, and, as seen in Figure 2.6, bus bulges—sidewalk extensions which enable buses to pick up and drop off passengers without having to merge in and out of traffic (Untermann 1984). Electric technology should also be considered, with trolley buses and streetcars providing relatively quiet and street-friendly transit. Finally, bicycle travel should also be encouraged with the provision of bike racks, bike lanes, and a continuous system of bike routes (Wiedenhoeft 1981; Untermann 1984). Parking is another important element of traffic management, providing access for drivers and—when not free—revenue for street improvements and incentives for the use of alternative transportation modes (Durning 1996). On-street parking is preferred because a buffer is created for pedestrians, shoppers have convenient access to stores, and vehicular traffic is calmed (Langdon 1994; Kunstler 1996; Untermann 1984; Greenberg 1995; Jacobs 1993). When further parking is needed, shared lots, either behind storefronts or in a covered structure, can accommodate motorists without inconveniencing pedestrians or breaking up the street wall. Nevertheless, because established neighbourhood shopping streets often cannot create such lots, the street's ability to attract people on foot, by bicycle, and by transit becomes particularly important (Untermann 1984). Furthermore, \"when it comes to finding a parking place in urban environments, the usual motto is 'enough will not suffice' \" (Wiedenhoeft 1981, p. 55). 2.4.5 Street activity Regardless of its physical condition, people tend to be attracted to places where other people are (Whyte 1988; Southworth and Lynch 1974; Lynch 1971; G e h l 1987; Jacobs 1961; Untermann 1984; Wiedenhoeft 1981). A good neighbourhood shopping street therefore has a certain level of street activity, of \"people actively interchanging goods, services, information and impressions\" (Wiedenhoeft 1981, p. 73). Untermann and M o u d o n (1990, p. 9), for example, note that a total of at least 380 pedestrians per hour (on both sides of the street) yields a healthy, solid, pedestrian environment. Furthermore, research has shown that \"there is a high degree of compatibility between strong retail and a lively street life\" (Whyte 1988, p. 35). Because the surrounding neighbourhood is the street's most important market, its density is a significant factor for street activity. 35 Another important component of street activity and good urban design in general is a diversity in activities: \"living, working, trading, shopping and playing all gain from being linked, as opposed to being zoned and separated\" (Tibbalds 1988, p. 13). In addition to creating a more consistently lively street space, more efficient use is made of amenities such as parking and a more diverse population exists (Francis 1987; G e h l 1987; Langdon 1994; Antupit etal 1996; Handy 1996; Oldenburg 1989; Wiedenhoeft 1981; Greenberg 1995; Jacobs 1961). Street activity centred around special events is also valuable. As Robinson stated in 1903 (p. 373), \"it is no secret that a beautiful celebration is good business.\" Neighbourhood shopping streets, as the focus of a neighbourhood, are particularly well-suited to such special events. Whether big or small, spontaneous or planned, such events can facilitate triangulation—the \"process by which some external stimulus provides a linkage between people and prompts strangers to talk to each other as if they were not\" (Whyte 1988, p. 154). Safety is both a determinant of street activity and a consequence of it. In the former case, a street's safety has a tangible impact on people's use of the street while in the latter case, lively areas are largely self-policing because the mere presence of people will discourage undesirable activity (Whyte 1988; Greenberg 1995; Jacobs 1961). Cities however, are struggling to deal with the increasingly visible consequences of urban poverty—for example, panhandling and unsolicited \"squeegeeing\" of car windshields. Society's tolerance is being tested, with some people seeing such activity as a threat to their safety and the enjoyment of the street as a public space. In Victoria, for example, a \"code of conduct\" by-law was recently adopted to reclaim its downtown streets from street kids and New Westminster and Vancouver have both enacted by-laws which limit panhandling activity. 36 2.4.6 Neighbourhood G o o d s and Services Another characteristic of a good neighbourhood shopping street is its relevance to the surrounding neighbourhood. Regardless of how \"good\" the street is, surveys have shown that \"residents perceive the strip as an important spine of their neighbourhood\" (Loukaitou-Sideris 1997, p. 19). Consequently, good neighbourhood shopping streets should relate to its local context by having neighbourhood-oriented goods and services (i.e. not merely auto-oriented ones) and land uses that are compatible with residential areas (City and County of San Francisco 1984; Greenberg 1995; Schumacher 1978). The street should also reflect the neighbourhood's demographics, work patterns, societal values, and time availability (Holl 1996). A n appropriate retail mix is important. For example, to provide diverse goods and services, a good neighbourhood shopping street should include restaurants, banks, grocery stores, offices, drug stores, hardware stores, bakeries, coffee shops, and dollar stores (Langdon 1994; V o n Eckardt 1978; Greenberg 1995; Pelham and Macintosh 1985). Street vendors also provide variety to the retail mix, increasing both visual diversity and street activity (Untermann 1984; Project for Public Spaces 1982; Rudofsky 1969). Without a good mix of goods and services, residents may have to travel to another neighbourhood, increasing traffic and decreasing convenience (Untermann 1984). Retail variety is also important in the case of non-interactive businesses. T o o many banks, for example, are problematic due to their relatively large size, their frequent inability to interact with the street, and their occasional unattractiveness (Kalman 1985; Gehl 1987). T o counteract the deadening effect of too many banks, the City and County of San Francisco (1984) prefers that they not be located within 100 metres (300 feet) of each other. G o o d neighbourhood shopping streets also benefit from the variety provided by 37 numerous, small business owners (Kunstler 1996; Whyte 1988; Sucher 1995; Langdon 1994). Indeed, the neighbourhood shopping street is where small businesses can thrive best (Greenberg 1995). A n d when these small businesses are owned by people who live in the area, the businesses are able to respond more readily to local needs. Chain stores on the other hand, benefit from increased buying power and are able to undersell local businesses. In addition, the concentration and centralization of buying power may ignore local needs. Chain stores can also hurt the appearance of shopping streets with their standardized outlets and conspicuous signs (Kalman 1985). Convenience is another important factor of neighbourhood goods and services. In one sense, convenience represents the ease with which neighbourhood residents can walk to goods and services, an issue which is discussed with respect to a supportive neighbourhood context. In another sense, convenience refers to the businesses' relative distance from each other. Specifically, convenience is enhanced and stores thrive best when they are concentrated in a relatively small area (Whyte 1988; G e h l 1987; Greenberg 1995). 2.4.7 Maintenance According to Greenberg (1995, p. 23), the \"urban variant of the second law of thermodynamics [is that] without constant vigilance and intervention, disorder— of both the material and behaviour kinds—tends to increase.\" Therefore maintenance is an important characteristic of neighbourhood shopping streets, with a well-maintained street indicating economic vitality and concern about appearances (Jacobs 1993). O n a smaller scale, quality materials that are easy to maintain are important, and individual businesses, whether in partnership with government or on their own initiative, can take responsibility for simple things like street cleaning (Rowe 1996). 38 O n a larger scale, the maintenance of good neighbourhood shopping streets requires organizations and individuals who take a long-term interest in the well-being of the street. In terms of formal organizations, Business Improvement Areas (BIAs) can initiate street improvements, solicit appropriate tenants and help ensure that vacant sites and buildings are promptly leased (Whyte 1988; Rowe 1996). Merchant associations can also provide a similar forum for community retail. In the absence of such an organization, Greenberg (1995) suggests that municipal government play the mall manager. Regardless, one initiative that could be used by neighbourhood shopping streets is a \"shop locally and save the world\" marketing campaign which would explain the economic, social, and environmental benefits of shopping in the neighbourhood (Engwicht 1993, p. 141). 2.4.8 Supportive Neighbourhood Context A supportive neighbourhood context is an important characteristic of good neighbourhood shopping streets. In terms of size, a good neighbourhood is often described as having a range of facilities and destinations within a 400 to 800 metre (0.25 to 0.5 mile) radius (Moughtin 1992; Kunstler 1996; V o n Eckardt 1978; City and County of San Francisco 1984; Greenberg 1995). This represents a 5 to 10 minute walk and has been demonstrated as the furthest distance people are willing to walk (Hillman and Whalley 1979). However, the more interesting, comfortable, and safe a route is, the further people are willing to walk (Untermann 1984; Wiedenhoeft 1981). Sufficient neighbourhood density? is another important contextual factor for a good neighbourhood shopping street (Antupit et al 1996; Langdon 1994; Jacobs 1961). This is because, as density increases, the potential market for neighbourhood goods and 7 Suggested density figures vary. For example, while Jane Jacobs (1961) feels that at least 100 dwellings per acre are necessary to produce diversity, Allan Jacobs (1993) feels only 15 dwellings per acre are necessary to achieve active urban communities. 39 services increases (City of Toronto 1982). Furthermore, research shows that as density increases, walking trips increase (Handy 1997). Density has also been shown to be related to the range of facilities within walking distance (Hillman and Whalley 1979). M i x e d use, like density, also results in an increase in walking trips and is therefore another important factor of a supportive neighbourhood context. (Cervero and Radisch 1995). Similarly, a diverse population will also help create a good neighbourhood shopping street by supporting diverse businesses. A mix in housing styles and types helps support residents of varying incomes, lifestyles, and family size (Langdon 1994; Loukaitou-Sideris 1997). It is also important that the neighbourhood can be defined as a cohesive unit. W h e n people know its name, its approximate boundaries, and feel an attachment to it, a neighbourhood is more likely to have a sense of place (Engwicht 1993). A supportive neighbourhood context also requires that there is an opportunity for citizens to be involved in their neighbourhood shopping streets. (Mackin and Krieger 1989; Rowe 1996; Barnett 1982; Francis 1987). Some even argue that residents should have direct control overtheir neighbourhood destinies (see for example V o n Eckardt 1978). Regardless, participation is necessary because it responds to the diverse needs and expectations of actual street users and—if participation is active rather than reactive—eliminates potential conflicts (Loukaitou-Sideris 1996; Gurstein 1995). Neighbourhood associations, particularly in the absence of a formal business organization, are a valuable resource for getting citizens involved in neighbourhood issues and for lobbying on behalf of the street. Individual involvement is also important. For example, Jacobs (1961, p. 68) feels \"the social structure of sidewalk life hangs partly on what can be called self-appointed public characters ... anyone 40 who is in frequent contact with a wide circle of people and who is sufficiently interested to call himself a public character.\" 2.4.9 Supportive Government Because the \"building block of community is the neighbourhood,\" governments need to improve their attempts at creating balanced, satisfying neighbourhoods (Langdon 1994). A supportive local government therefore plays a role in good neighbourhood shopping streets. T o begin with there should be Official Community Plans which articulate a desired goal. From there, government's most obvious influence lies in its zoning and building codes and parking regulations. In Vancouver, the Zoning and Development By-law is a powerful regulatory tool. With respect to neighbourhood shopping streets, its most relevant regulatory elements are seen in Table 2.1. For example, frontage requirements can help increase commercial diversity and visual interest, height requirements can help create a human-scaled streetscape, and minimal front yard setback requirements prohibit pedestrian-hostile environments such as strip malls. Though resistance to such regulations may occasionally occur, Whyte (1988, p. 249) notes that \"developers are a pragmatic lot. Once a requirement is on the books they will comply with it.\" Regulation Effect on Neighbourhood Shopping Streets land use what type of use may exist (retail, service, office, dwelling, etc.) frontage how wide the maximum frontage of a commercial use may be height how tall a building may be setback how far a building must be setback from its lot line (front. rear, and side) floor space ratio how much floor space may be built as a proportion of lot size Table 2.1 Zoning Elements and Their Effect on Neighbourhood Shopping Streets (Source: City of Vancouver 1996b) 41 Beyond the technicalities, municipalities should also make a long term commitment to their neighbourhood shopping streets. The City of Toronto, for example, has recognized certain areas as \"traditional shopping streets\" and is committed to retaining and improving their vitality by encouraging more housing development in and around the strips, encouraging new retail development on them, and supporting their ability to attract customers and provide good service (City of Toronto 1982). In addition, walking, cycling, and public transportation issues must be incorporated into all planning and transportation processes of government. For example, pedestrian standards and rights should be enforced, the allocation of transportation resources made more equitable, parking requirements decreased, development proposals evaluated for their effect on pedestrian convenience and comfort, and buildings exempted from property tax in order to encourage development of valuable vacant or underutilized sites (Kunstler 1996; Durning 1996; Rowe 1996). Local government can also work with various individuals and groups to help create and maintain good neighbourhood shopping streets. For example, businesses, crime prevention offices, transit, neighbourhood organizations, and other levels of government are all potential partners who should be recognized as allies in the making of good neighbourhood shopping streets (Loukaitou-Sideris 1997). Beyond municipal government, there are other government departments which are relevant to neighbourhood shopping streets. Provincially, the Ministry of Municipal Affairs and Housing is concerned with planning issues such as beautification, land use, and development, while the Ministry of Small Business, Tourism, and Culture is interested in heritage and small business. For example, from 1981 to 1985, the Heritage Area Revitalization Program (HARP) helped street-level merchants respond to competition from shopping malls. 42 Federally, the Neighbourhood Improvement Program (NIP) in the 1970s and the Main Street program funded by Heritage Canada in the 1980s helped subsidize many street improvements in Canadian cities. In the United States, the National Trust for Historic Preservation continues to provide inspiration. Since the 1980s, its Main Street Program has used a four-pronged approach of design, organization, promotion, and economic restructuring to help revitalize 1,300 \"main streets\" (National Main Street Centre's website 1998). 2.5 Summary The purpose of this chapter has been to discuss the nature of the neighbourhood shopping street and its bearing on public space and urban design literature. Many elements conspire to make a good neighbourhood shopping street, but they must first be based on a number of fundamental principles. Specifically, a good neighbourhood shopping street is accessible, comfortable, sociable, a place, adaptable, beautiful, and diverse. Flowing from these principles are the characteristics of good neighbourhood shopping streets, the means by which the principles can be attained. The following two chapters look at these characteristics—buildings that relate to the street, good walking facilities, pedestrian amenities, traffic management, street activity, neighbourhood goods and services, maintenance, supportive neighbourhood context, and supportive government—as they pertain to the Vancouver case studies of Commercial Drive and West 41st Avenue. 43 C H A P T E R T H R E E : C O M M E R C I A L D R I V E C A S E S T U D Y 3.1. Introduction to the Case Study This chapter looks at Commercial Drive—specifically, the three blocks between 1st Avenue and Kitchener Avenue—as an example of a good neighbourhood shopping street. The case study begins by looking at the relevant aspects of the street's neighbourhood contexts—its urban context, history, people, land use, and transportation. Following this background information, the characteristics of good neighbourhood shopping streets as identified in the literature review are examined. 3.2 Neighbourhood Context 3.2.1 Urban Context Commercial Drive is a popular shopping street located in the centre of Grandview-Woodland,? an inner-city neighbourhood located on the east side of Vancouver (see Figure 3.1). T o the neighbourhood's east lie Strathcona and the Downtown Eastside, to the south Kensington-Cedar Cottage, to the north Burrard Inlet, and to the east Hastings-Sunrise. With the exception of the northern boundary, the edges of Grandview are somewhat indistinct, blurring with neighbouring areas. Located on a slight rise in the topography, Grandview is aptly named, with views of Vancouver's downtown, the mountains, and Burnaby available from various neighbourhood locations. 8 Unless otherwise indicated, the neighbourhood information for both case studies is derived from the City of Vancouver's Community Profiles (City of Vancouver 1994a-d) which are largely based on 1991 Statistics Canada census data. More recent census data was not available at the time that research was conducted. 9 While Grandview-Woodland is the City's official name for this neighbourhood, it is more commonly referred to as simply \"Grandview.\" 44 Figure 3.1 Urban Context of Commercial Drive Case Study (Source: City of Vancouver 1995, p. 50). 3.2.2 History The path that would later become Commercial Drive was originally a skid road, used to drag logs from the timber stand that was Grandview. In 1891, the Vancouver-New Westminster interurban railway was established. Running down the old skid road—now named Park Drive—every hour, the railway and subsequent local streetcar service spurred the development of Grandview. The area developed quickly, with commercial businesses setting up on Park Drive to serve the new residents, many of whom were moving into attractive and substantial homes. Indeed, the area was originally promoted as a prestigious alternative to the developed West E n d . In 1912, Park Drive was renamed by \"optimistic merchants [who] decided that a change of name to Commercial Drive would create a busy thoroughfare with teeming sidewalks\" (Applebe 1990, p. 10). 45 Following W W I and the Canadian Pacific Railway's promotion of Shaughnessy as an exclusive Vancouver neighbourhood, Grandview became a more modest, working class area. The primarily Anglo-Saxon neighbourhood also became more multicultural, with the arrival of Italian, Chinese, and Eastern European immigrants. The period following W W I I brought a second, larger wave of Italian residents to the neighbourhood, reviving Commercial Drive (which had not yet lived up to its expectations) with new grocery stores, cafes, and other businesses. In the 1950s and 1960s, more Chinese residents moved to the area, and the subsequent arrival of the area's first East Indian residents further added to Grandview's increasing diversity. 3.2.3 People In 1991, the population of Grandview was 27,460, an increase of almost 7% since 1986 and reflective of overall population growth in Vancouver. Grandview's average household size in 1991 was 2.2 people per dwelling unit, only slightly less than the Vancouver average of 2.3 people per dwelling unit. O f significant interest demographically is the relatively young profile of the neighbourhood in 1991, with more residents under 40 years of age than in the city as a whole (63% versus 58%). Grandview is still a very multicultural community, with 17% of 1991 residents listing Chinese as their mother tongue, an increase from 14% in 1971. In 1991, however, only 4% of residents listed Italian as their mother tongue, a decrease from 13% in 1971. Other languages listed in the 1991 census include French, German, Portuguese, and Indo-Pakistani. In addition, more than 15% of respondents fit into the \"other\" language category. Given this continuing diversity, it is not surprising that M O S A I C (Multilingual Orientation Service Association for Immigrant Communities)—a local non-profit service for new residents—has been kept busy for the last 26 years in its prominent location on Commercial Drive. 46 In 1991, Grandview had a larger proportion of low-income persons than the city as a whole (38% versus 25%). There was also a larger proportion of assisted housing for low to moderate income households—16% of the area's housing units or 58 projects were non-market. Furthermore, in 1991, there were significantly more renters in Grandview than in the city as a whole (73% versus 59%). Finally, the population of Grandview in 1991 was also more mobile than the city as a whole, with 62% of people (versus 58% of Vancouver residents) reporting that they had changed their place of residence in the past five years. Grandview residents have always been active in their community, organizing to improve their streets and fighting highway plans through their neighbourhood. In 1964, the Grandview-Woodland's Area Council ( G W A C ) was formed out of growing frustration with a lack of community facilities. Consisting of 15 elected members, G W A C continues to help area residents and interest groups voice their concerns to City H a l l . In the late 1960s, the Britannia Community Services Centre, located just off Commercial Drive on Napier Street, was planned by both citizens and the City as a \"supermarket of community services\" (Staley 1980). Today, its library, recreation centre, schools, and daycare continue as a joint operation by the community and the municipality. Community activism also continues with O u r O w n Backyard, a community development project that is helping Grandview residents get involved in neighbourhood planning issues. 47 BROADWAY (T) B r i t a n n i a C o m m u n t t y S e r v t c e s C e n t r e - L i b r a r y - Elementary School ® V a n c o u v e r A b o r i g i n a l F r i e n d s h l p C e n t r e (5) E e s t S l d e Fami l y P lace - R e c r e a t i o n Complex - Community Services 0 Fire S t a t i o n Existing Land Use C ^ _ J ^ > R e s l d e n t l a l - o n e - f a m l r y (6ult«9sllowed) R e s i d e n t i a l - t w o f a m i l y (dup lexes ^ c o n v e r s i o n s ) C§2££^ K e s l d e n t l a l - m u l t i - f a m i l y ( a p a r t m e n t ) O ^ . ^ C o m m e r c i a l C o m p r e h e n s i v e D e v e l o p m e n t ( p o r t r e l a t e d d e v e l o p m e n t ) I n d u s t r i a l A r e a B o u n d a r y B u s C o r r i d o r B ike R o u t e Ra i lway SkyTra in R o u t e SkyTra in S t a t i o n F i g u r e 3.2 Land Use in Grandview (Source: City of Vancouver 1994b, p. 5) 48 3.2.4 Land Use As seen in Figure 3.2, Grandview is primarily a residential neighbourhood. However, there is a variety of housing types—including single family detached homes, detached homes with suites, duplexes, townhomes, and apartment buildings. In 1991 there were 12,665 dwelling units, an increase in dwelling units of 44% since 1971. Grandview is a relatively dense Vancouver neighbourhood, with 28.8 dwelling units per hectare in 1991 (the city average was 17.7 dwelling units per hectare). Industry plays a large role in Grandview's land use. Located in the north and northeast end of the neighbourhood, the industrial land here represents 40% of the City's total industrial land base. T o the north, much of the activity is port-related, while to the northeast are manufacturing activities such as the garment industry, printing, and food processing. Commercial land use primarily exists along Broadway, East Hastings Street between Victoria and Renfrew, and along Commercial Drive. Commercial Drive has more than 20 short blocks of commercial uses, with buildings generally ranging from one to three storeys high and of varying vintages. Newer buildings tend to be both wider (often taking up half of a block or more) and taller (often four storeys high) than their older neighbours. Regardless of age, multi-storey buildings are frequently mixed use, with condominiums or apartments occupying their upper-storeys. Numerous street-level vacancies are seen outside of the core commercial area. There are 10.35 hectares of park land throughout Grandview, distributed amongst 12 neighbourhood parks. Commercial Drive's Grandview Park is one of the area's most prominent parks and is home to the Grandview Cenotaph—a landscape resource on the Vancouver Heritage Register (City of Vancouver 1998b). There is a relative lack of 49 green space in Grandview—only 0.4 hectares of park per 1000 people (the city average is 1.12 hectares). This lack of public realm may account for the popularity of the study area's two nearby parks and the use of the street itself for socializing and recreation. 3.2.5 Transportation Transportation, the catalyst to the neighbourhood's development, continues to influence Grandview. Today, due to its location between the eastern suburbs and downtown, and between the port and south Vancouver, traffic plays a large role. Major east/west streets include East 1st Avenue, a residential street whose four lanes carry about 50,000 vehicles per day (City of Vancouver 1997b), Hastings Street, and Broadway. Clark Drive is one of the city's grittiest streets—a major truck route carrying six busy lanes of traffic. Victoria Drive and Commercial Drive are less busy north/south streets. Given the existence of a fine street grid, traffic is fairly well-distributed amongst the major streets, located approximately one kilometre apart. However, rat-running—the short-cutting of vehicular traffic through residential streets—is common throughout the neighbourhood (City of Vancouver 1982). Transit is very important to the neighbourhood. In 1952, local streetcar service was replaced by trolley buses in B C Electric's \"rail to rubber\" campaign. Today, under the auspices of B C Transit, the trolley buses continue with the #10 on Hastings Street, the #20 on Commercial Drive, and the #9 on Broadway. In addition, the #22 bus runs on diesel down Clark Drive, and the #99 B-Line supplements the #9 service with an express, articulated diesel bus. Improvements to service, however, have been lacking. For example, busy East 1st Avenue has long been cited as a potential bus route but continues to be the sole domain of vehicular traffic (City of Vancouver 1982). In the 1980s, Skytrain—an elevated rail system that primarily serves regional transit 50 needs—was added to B C Transit's repertoire despite the objections of City Council and area residents. The controversy continues with the recent announcement that the neighbourhood will soon be home to another Skytrain line—and not an anticipated, at-grade, light-rail transit line. In terms of bicycle travel, Grandview is home to one of the City's oldest and best-used bike routes—the Union/Adanac Bike Route. In addition, plans are currently underway for the creation of a greenway on Woodland Drive, a quiet residential street two blocks west of Commercial Drive. 3.3 Evaluation of Characteristics The characteristics of good neighbourhood shopping streets—buildings that relate to the street, comfortable walking facilities, pedestrian amenities, traffic management, street activity, neighbourhood goods and services, maintenance, supportive neighbourhood context, and supportive government—are examined in the context of Commercial Drive. As seen in Figure 3.3, the specific study area is the three blocks on Commercial Drive between 1st Avenue and Kitchener Street. Figure 3.3 Commercial Drive Study Area 51 3.3.1 Bui ldings that Relate to the Street A n O u t d o o r R o o m Commercial Drive has the quality of an outdoor room. This is due to a fairly consistent street wall, little height variation between buildings, and a close setback of most buildings. Furthermore, there is no loss of continuity due to parking lots or vacant lots, and the narrow gap that exists between two older buildings between Grant Street and Kitchener Street is visually bridged by a fence. One narrow alley interrupts the sidewalk for 20 feet but is not too disruptive. Nevertheless, the Commercial Drive Area Plan suggests that such alleys eventually be removed in order to increase the continuity of the streetscape (City of Vancouver 1982). Figure 3.4 Buildings on Commercial Drive Height variation between buildings on Commercial Drive is kept within one-half to two storeys, as seen in Figure 3.4. N o buildings are greater than three storeys high 52 and within blocks there is generally consistency. Sometimes though, the street wall is saw-toothed in appearance—for example, in the eastern block between 1st Avenue and Graveley Street—but most of the one-storey buildings are fairly tall, stretching to ease the transition to adjacent higher buildings. Minimal building setback also helps create the quality of an outdoor room. O n Commercial Drive, though there are frequently recessed entrances—often accommodating sidewalk displays or seating—most buildings have no setback. When there is a setback, it is generally less than 2.5 metres (8 feet) deep. In two such instances—in front of the M O S A I C building and Norman's Fruit and Salad— the extra space is occupied with positive amenities such as telephones, street musicians, outdoor seating, and sidewalk displays. However, the setback at C I B C is underutilized and exacerbates the bank's poor relation to the street. Above street-level, there are two instances of upper-storey setbacks which create a bit of a gap in the street wall. However, as these occur in the middle of two large complexes (II Mercato and the M O S A I C building) rather than at the end of their respective blocks, the setbacks are less distractive than they might otherwise be. Buildings should also relate to each other as well as to the street in order to create the sense of an outdoor room. In this sense, there is not much architectural unity among building styles along Commercial Drive—Edwardian two- and three-storey brick buildings, one-storey \"taxpayers\" with false fronts, one- and two-storey modern buildings from the 1950s and 1960s, and Postmodern buildings of the 1980s. Though the building styles do not have harmony in their materials or architectural elements, the street's common setback lines and relatively consistent building height help create unity in the streetscape. 53 The ratio of building height to road width is also an important determinant of the quality of an outdoor room. Given that Commercial Drive's right-of-way is 20 metres (65 feet) wide in the northern two blocks and the buildings are one to three storeys (5.5 to 11.5 metres or 18 to 38 feet) tall, the ratio ranges from 1:1.7 to 1:3.6. For example, the two-storey buildings between Grant Street and Kitchener Street create a human-scaled building height to street width ratio of 1:2.2. Even in the southern block, where the road widens to 23 metres (76 feet), the ratio is only T.2.6. Interaction with the Street Commercial Drive benefits from having buildings that, in addition to being close to the street, interact with the street. Retail fronts most of the street, creating a large amount of pedestrian traffic in and out of stores and making the businesses accessible and convenient to pedestrians. With the exception of four medical offices, two banks, an insurance broker, and a travel agency, all at-grade uses are street-oriented retail. As a mall, II Mercato is also inherently not street-oriented. Most of its retail is within the mall environment and most of its exterior frontage includes the non-interactive uses mentioned above—specifically, a bank, a dental office, a medical clinic, and an insurance business. Such an arrangement is unfortunate for both the street and the interior mall merchants—the former is degraded by the loss of street retail and the latter does not benefit from the significant pedestrian traffic outside the mall. Upper-storeys on Commercial Drive, when evident, are occupied primarily by apartments. In this sense there is often an element of second storiness along Commercial Drive. The apartments are not set back from the street below, and, in some cases, their bay windows extend into it. Someone can be heard practising the saxophone, plants are seen in balconies, and at night the lights of the apartments liven the street. Sometimes—particularly in newer buildings—upper-storeys are occupied 54 by offices or other uses that need not be at street-level. Most provide some visual interest in terms of window or banner signs, but they otherwise lend little to the street below. In particular, there is little second storiness in the M O S A I C building given its tinted windows, blinds, and partial upper-storey setback. Doors and windows on good shopping streets should front the sidewalk for maximum interaction with the street. Commercial Drive's doors always front the street. A n exception is again seen in II Mercato, where retail stores in the mall are accessed through the mall itself. Even an optical store which flanks the mall entrance cannot be directly accessed from the street. In addition, two businesses elsewhere on Commercial Drive occupy multiple storefronts with multiple doors, yet patrons are directed to use only one of them. A l l other businesses, with the exception of a few second-storey offices, have doors directly facing the street. These doors are frequently left open during business hours, providing easy access and sensory stimulation for pedestrians. Windows also front the street on Commercial Drive, dominating the at-grade street wall and creating interest for what is inside the buildings. In the case of a few cafes and a produce store, the windows are thrown wide open to the adjacent sidewalk. There is even a restaurant with a pedestrian-level take-out window. In a few cases, however—the chain-link fence addition to H o m e Hardware, the entrance to M O S A I C (which vandals have used as a blank canvas for graffiti), much of the Liquor Store frontage, and half of the VanCity frontage—windows are absent and the pedestrian is faced with a blank wall. In addition, there are some instances where the windows—covered with blinds, posters, or paint—become de facto blank walls. Despite these exceptions, as seen in Figure 3.5, the majority of the frontage on Commercial Drive is fairly transparent. 55 1600 Block < - j L . - c 1 f 1500 Block Commercial Drive j l 1400 Block Transparent i 1 Storefront j |vf.:.v.y Semi-Transparent Storefront Relatively Opaque Storefront Figure 3.5 Transparency of At-grade Frontage on Commercial Drive Furthering its visual interest, many businesses on Commercial Drive orient at least part of their trade to the street via window displays (see Appendix A) . Travel brochures, bakery goods, clothing, and testimonials (for example, one business' window display includes a letter from a happy customer) all attract the attention of passerby, but the most popular window display is the wall of clients' pet photos at Vancouver Photo and Hobby. Restaurants and cafes, in addition to having the \"display\" of their patrons, frequently attach reviews or menus to their windows. Sidewalk displays on Commercial Drive occur less frequently than window displays (see Appendix A) but are even more striking in their ability to attract pedestrian attention (see Figure 3.6). In addition, sidewalk displays are exciting because, unlike most window displays, they are ever-changing. O n Commercial Drive, fresh fruit and vegetables, housewares, newspapers, cold drinks, and more are on display, sometimes being so extensive as to negate the need for a window display. 56 Figure 3.6 Sidewalk Display at Norman's Fruit and Salad Sandwich boards, like sidewalk displays, add visual interest while creating a transition from the public realm of the sidewalk to the semi-private realm of the business. Most stores, particularly those which do not have sidewalk displays, use sandwich boards. As seen in Figure 3.7, skinny sandwich boards can decrease pedestrian conflict while still being highly visible. Restaurants also sometimes have menu boards that are either free standing or are posted to the wall. 57 Figure 3 . 7 Sandwich Board for East End Books Finally, devices such as canopies, seating, and landscaping also help buildings interact with the street. As seen in Appendix A , canopies are present on most buildings on Commercial Drive. Where they are not present, for example on character buildings, the street benefits from an unobstructed view of striking facades and signs. O n other buildings however, the lack of a canopy is unfortunate. For example, a canopy on the C I B C building would not only ameliorate the microclimate of a busy street corner but would distract the eye from an otherwise blank facade. In terms of seating, almost all restaurants and cafes have sidewalk seating either within the building's setback or recessed entrance, on the sidewalk, or on a side street. However, landscaping between the building and the sidewalk on Commercial Drive is rare. The only instance in the study area was seen at Bukowski's—a new restaurant whose door is attractively flanked by two large planters and two narrow planting boxes. 58 Pedestrian Scale In terms of scale, it is again important that the buildings relate to the street. As seen in Appendix A , 83 % of businesses on Commercial Drive have frontages that are less than 10 metres (33 feet) wide. Furthermore, 53% of businesses have frontages that are less than 5 metres (16.5 feet) wide. These narrow frontages provide for a number of different business opportunities, diverse activity, and pedestrian interest. However, many of the large storefronts occur in a single block—between Graveley Street and Kitchener Street on the east side of the street. Here, the Liquor Store's 18 metre (59 feet) wide storefront has little visual interest and dominates almost half the block, while Kalena Shoes occupies three storefronts to be 15 metres (48 feet) wide, further decreasing the diversity of businesses and providing few working entrances. Fortunately, newer buildings built on large lots tend to reflect a pedestrian scale with 5 metre (16.5 feet) wide storefronts. Buildings on Commercial Drive also, in general, help create a positive microclimate. As mentioned above, most buildings have canopies that protect pedestrians from rain and provide some shade. The buildings on this street are also sufficiently low in height that all areas can be sunny at some point during the day. In addition, the recessed upper-storeys of II Mercato and the M O S A I C building, though somewhat detrimental to the quality of an outdoor room, help sun fall to the street below. Finally, the frequent use of porous materials such as brick and stucco in both older and newer structures helps diffuse the rays of the sun. Beauty Finally, the buildings of Commercial Drive are mostly, despite their combined eccentricity, quite attractive. The City of Vancouver has recognized some of the 59 area's character by placing three buildings within the study area—the Belmont Block, O d l i n Block, and the Cozy Apartments—on the Vancouver Heritage Register. Most buildings, particularly the older ones, meet the sky with a cornice line which is sometimes quite ornate. Even some of the newer buildings on the street complement their neighbours' roof-top details. Perhaps due to their age, most buildings on Commercial Drive (22 of 31) are decorated to some extent. For example, the Belmont Block has a beautiful cornice line, an entrance detailed with small, patterned tiles, and its name cast into the facade. In addition, a smaller building between Grant Street and Kitchener Street on the eastern side of the street has a cornice line which is accentuated by both Spanish roof tiles and large square tiles. In terms of signs, most are unremarkable— placed on canopies or painted above storefronts. A neon and metal sign for the WaaZuBee Cafe, however, is worth noting for its beauty. Finally, in the literature review, the importance of quality and siting of civic buildings in the creation of beauty on the street was noted. O n Commercial Drive, the Vancouver Health Department has a prominent corner location in the upper-storeys of the pink-stucco, Il Mercato building. However, its relation to the street at-grade is poor. A n d though not exactly a civic structure, the government-run liquor store in the M O S A I C building also poorly relates to the street. 3.3.2 G o o d W a l k i n g Facilities Sufficiently W i d e Sidewalks The sidewalks on Commercial Drive range from 3 to 3.5 metres (9.5 to 11 feet) wide. This is very close to the minimum recommended width of 3 to 3.6 metres (10 to 12 60 feet) (Loukaitou-Sideris 1997; Untermann 1984). However, it was observed that in some areas additional width would be helpful. For example, when the effective sidewalk width is considered (i.e. the actual sidewalk width minus the curb zone, building zone, and various sidewalk obstructions), the area available for walking is sometimes narrowed to 1.5 metres (5 feet). At such locations, pedestrian traffic occasionally becomes significantly congested and people must walk in the curb zone or on the roadway. Attractive and Comfortable Sidewalks The sidewalks in the core area of Commercial Drive, as a result of a Neighbourhood Improvement Program in the 1970s, have been differentiated from other sidewalks on the street by the use of a 0.6 metre (2 feet) wide brick buffer area. This helps create a visual transition from the pedestrian path to the road and reflects the use of brick in the buildings, but does little to create an actual buffer. As mentioned above, people often are forced to walk on this outer strip due to pedestrian congestion. The sidewalks, however, are relatively free of cracks and are themselves of good quality. But litter seems to be a problem. This is most likely a result of insufficient garbage containers and lack of maintenance by the city. In addition, there are numerous obstructions to pedestrian traffic, not all of which are pedestrian amenities. For example, there are frequent posts which note parking restrictions although such information is also noted on the parking meters. There are also instances where objects are placed in a way that unnecessarily narrows the sidewalk. Finally, pedestrians themselves sometimes create an obstruction. The sidewalks on Commercial Drive are allowed to continue fairly safely and seamlessly. They are not interrupted by driveways and there is only one instance 61 of an alley. In addition, there are curb ramps at all corners to allow easy access for wheelchairs, strollers, and shopping carts. These curb ramps, however, are often oriented in ways that do not allow for direct pedestrian travel. Apart from the visual buffer that is provided by the brick inlay, there are a few other buffers along Commercial Drive between the sidewalk and the roadway. There are no planters or bollards, but trees, light standards, and parking meters all provide some buffer effect. The curb lane that accommodates parked cars is also a vital sidewalk component, creating a buffer between pedestrians and moving traffic while slowing traffic speed. However, parking is prohibited in these lanes during peak vehicular volumes and irrespective of pedestrian traffic volumes. Convenient and Safe Crossings Crossing Commercial Drive as a pedestrian is not easy. As seen in Figure 3.8, of the four intersections in the study area, only two provide safe crossing opportunities. This creates a distance of 180 metres (600 feet) between safe crossing opportunities, two to three times the distance recommended in the literature. Because of the lack of crosswalks and pedestrian signs, pedestrians crossing Commercial Drive at Graveley Street and Kitchener Street are either aggressive or must wait for a break in traffic. Furthermore, at Grant Street, the pedestrian-controlled signal is not particularly sensitive to pedestrian movement, often taking more than 70 seconds to change. The crossing cycle itself is quite short, allowing only 12 seconds for people to cross the street. Consequently, frequent disregard of the light by pedestrians was observed. In addition, at 1st Avenue, pedestrians using the east crosswalk must often wait for turning vehicles before crossing the street. Jaywalking was observed throughout Commercial Drive, particularly between Grant Street and Kitchener Street where the traffic is somewhat lighter. However, given the relatively short blocks (60 to 90 62 metres or 200 to 300 feet), most people opt to cross at the intersections (controlled or otherwise). Figure 3.8 Pedestrian Crossings on Commercial Drive Fine Street N e t w o r k Sidewalks are part of a network of streets. The street network here is a fine grid made up of relatively short blocks, one of which is made finer by the addition of an alley. In its 270 metres (900 feet) of street, the study area has 12 street corners. In addition, the larger street network is fairly pedestrian-friendly, with continuous sidewalks and occasional boulevards. Finally, it is worth noting that the north/south orientation of Commercial Drive allows both sidewalks to receive sun for at least part of the day. 63 3.3.3 Pedestrian Amenities Street Furniture Commercial Drive has a good supply of pedestrian amenities, as seen in Figure 3.9. In terms of street furniture, Commercial Drive has pedestrian-scaled lighting, a thoughtful and often lacking amenity on Vancouver streets. They average about four lights per block (two per side), or every 18 metres (60 feet). The pedestrian-level light is attached about 4 metres (12 feet) above the sidewalk on poles which also accommodate trolley wires and regular street lights. The decorative lamps help add some beauty to an otherwise unsightly post. The light source for both the sidewalk and road lighting is high-pressure sodium vapour, an orange light that provides more light with less wattage, but is somewhat unnatural. * 1 I | Commercial Drive Greenery O Tree | — I Bench • Light O Garbage Bin X Bus Stop ifi Drinking Fountain A Telephone fffi Bicycle Rack Figure 3.9 Pedestrian Amenities on Commercial Drive 64 O n Commercial Drive there is a lack of quality public seating and a wealth of private seating. Though there are some benches around the corner from Commercial Drive, the only benches directly on the Drive are bus stop benches (at three out of four bus stops), two of which are unattractive. People were observed sitting on these benches whether or not they were waiting for the bus, illustrating a potential latent demand for public seating. Despite the lack of public seating, there are many people sitting on Commercial Drive. One person was observed sitting on the curb talking on a cellular phone and panhandlers are frequently seen sitting on the sidewalk. But by far the most outdoor sitting occurs at private restaurants and cafes—seven groupings exist on the more sunny eastern side of the street and three groupings exist on the less sunny western side. Most seating is situated directly on Commercial Drive, and is oriented towards the sidewalk. O n warm sunny days most seats are full. However, the seats, being private, are not well-distributed—two blocks have no sidewalk seating and one block has four groupings. Figure 3.10 Overflowing Garbage Container 65 Garbage containers, like public seating, are also lacking on Commercial Drive. There are five in the study area (almost one per block), but they are neither well-distributed nor adequately maintained (see Figure 3.10). Two blocks completely lack garbage containers, including the eastern block between 1st Avenue and Graveley Street which has the most heavy pedestrian traffic, three groups of sidewalk restaurant seating, and a bus stop. O n this block, an overflowing, plastic garbage container was seen temporarily set up in front of C I B C Furthermore, the public containers are unattractive concrete cylinders which are promptly filled because they are not easily compacted. The Britannia Community Police Office (CPO) has been lobbying City H a l l for more containers, so far to no avail (McLaren 1998). In terms of other street furniture in the area, two public telephones are located in the setback of the Liquor Store and newspaper boxes—though sometimes poorly placed—are frequently present. There are no mailboxes or clocks in the study area, but there is one drinking fountain around the corner from Commercial Drive. Bike racks on Commercial Drive are numerous, very well-used and, as seen in Figure 3.11, are occasionally public art. Figure 3.11 Bike Rack on Commercial Drive 66 Bus stops are another important pedestrian amenity and should be hospitable (Whyte 1988). O n Commercial Drive, however, they provide neither shelter nor information, and the seating (as previously mentioned) is most often of poor quality or non-existent. Public restrooms are available in II Mercato and in nearby Grandview Park. Public Art There are few examples of typical public art on Commercial Drive. O n a smaller scale, however, a school art project has seen the installation of individually illustrated tiles onto various buildings (see Figure 3.12), a mural has been painted on the corner of Commercial Drive and 1st Avenue, and banners are occasionally hung from the light posts. The aforementioned WaaZuBee Cafe sign and the unique bike rack are also examples of private creativity which add to the public realm. Figure 3.12 Community Art at Home Hardware 67 Greenery In terms of greenery, street trees are the dominant natural element on Commercial Drive. They appear to be sufficiently large and hardy to withstand the harsh street environment, but their shape and height vary within and between blocks and their bases are often surrounded by weeds. Planted flush to the sidewalk, the trees are fairly evenly distributed, occurring on average every 14 metres (45 feet) of street frontage (see Figure 3.9). There are, however, more trees on the eastern side of the street, a fortunate occurrence as this is more often the sunny side of the street. Apart from the \"greenery\" at the base of the trees, other public plantings are rare. There are two instances of bushes on the street. Both occur on the west side of the street and seem designed to obscure fire hydrants. Around the corner from Commercial Drive there is one instance of a boulevard with bushes and four instances of grass boulevards. There is only one example in the study area of private planting, the aforementioned planters at Bukowski's. 3.3.4 Traffic Management Manageable Traffic Volume and Speed Commercial Drive carries almost 20,000 vehicles per day (City of Vancouver 1997b). It is four lanes wide in the northern two blocks, and five lanes wide in the southern block, with on-street parking reducing vehicle capacity to two lanes in non-peak hours. The speed limit on Commercial Drive is 50 km/h , a speed which seems to be observed due to the visual narrowness of the street, the large amount of sidewalk activity, and the presence of parked cars. Given its building to street width ratio, as discussed previously, the street is generally pedestrian-scaled. C u r b radii on 68 Commercial Drive are fairly small, slowing traffic and easing pedestrian crossing. The grid system here is fairly tightly knit, with blocks only 60 to 90 metres (200 to 300 feet) long allowing greater pedestrian and cyclist route choice and providing relatively direct links between places in the neighbourhood. In addition, because crosstown streets in Vancouver occur every five to eight blocks, traffic is distributed amongst other arterial streets. In terms of pedestrian/vehicle conflicts, over the past six years there have been numerous accidents. As seen in Figure 3.14, almost half occurred at the busy intersection of 1st Avenue and Commercial. In addition, many accidents occurred at the intersections which show no pedestrian priority. Figure 3.13 Pedestrian/Vehicle Accidents on Commercial Drive: 1990-1996 (Source: City of Vancouver 1996) Transit and Bicycle Accommodation In terms of transit, Commercial Drive is on a busy bus route and is quite transit-friendly. The density is sufficient to support frequent service of the #20 trolley bus 69 (six to seven minute headway during the day), and buildings are oriented close to bus stops. The bus stops however, are uninviting and lack both shelter and transit information. In addition, as in much of Vancouver, B C Transit vehicles are frequently overcrowde'd and it is not uncommon for potential passengers to be passed by full trolley buses. Furthermore, the east/west connections lie almost ten blocks away from either side of the study area, highlighting the need for a bus route on East 1st Avenue. Bike racks, as mentioned in the discussion of street furniture, are abundant on Commercial Drive. They also appear to be very well-used. In terms of other bicycle facilities, there are no bike lanes on Commercial Drive but the study area is bounded by two east/west bicycle routes. The proposed north/south Woodland Greenway is sorely needed as the traffic volumes on Commercial Drive, combined with its parked cars and transit vehicles, create a rather hostile cycling environment. Parking Facilities Parking has always been an issue to Commercial Drive merchants and the residents of adjacent side streets. This is attributable to the many buildings which predate existing parking regulations and to the lack of a complete lane system (City of Vancouver 1982). In addition to the on-street metered parking directly on Commercial Drive (one dollar for 80 minutes), free two-hour parking is available on short sections of the perpendicular side streets. This on-street parking is very well-used, often to the extent that there is illegal parking near crosswalks and bus stops. Off-street, Il Mercato has a large underground parkade and other businesses have some parking in the alley, but such parking is intended for customers only. There is no shared public lot. 70 3.3.5 Street Activity Density O n e important component of street activity is pedestrian density. As seen in Figure 3.15 there is a significant level of pedestrian traffic on Commercial Drive, particularly in the eastern 1600 block. In addition, neighbourhood density is important, and in Grandview the density is significant (28.8 dwelling units per hectare). This figure is perhaps even greater in the immediate vicinity of Commercial Drive—where many of the area's apartments and multi-tenanted houses exist—and on the street itself—where many mixed-use buildings exist. The mix in housing type also contributes to the diversity of residents. Figure 3.14 Pedestrian Density: Number of Pedestrians per Block per Hour (12 noon) Diversity There is also diversity in uses along Commercial Drive, with restaurants, retail, offices, street vendors, and government services. Some stores, such as bakeries and cafes, open early, while others, such as restaurants and corner stores, operate late into the night. These varied uses, combined with the many apartments above street-level, ensure there is a diversity of user groups and activities at various times of the day. 71 Special events, planned or otherwise, also play an important role in enhanced street activity. For example, the recent W o r l d Cup series prompted cafes to decorate the sidewalks, sparked impromptu parades, and facilitated triangulation. Other events, such as \"Reclaim the Street\" parties and the Fringe Festival, also help the street fulfil its role as a meaningful public place. Safety Commercial Drive is fairly safe in terms of crime. Many stores are well-fortified, police officers were frequently observed, and numerous stores display notices for the Britannia C P O . However, illicit drug use beyond the immediate study area is increasingly open, graffiti is a problem, and many residents of this relatively tolerant community have expressed their frustration with aggressive panhandlers and \"squeegee people\" (Mosca and Spicer 1997). The community's C P O — l o c a t e d close to the study area in the Britannia Community Centre—recently released a survey that highlighted community issues and is working to \"deter those activities that create concerns and fear and threaten to destroy the climate of tolerance that the Commercial Drive community values\" (Mosca and Spicer 1997, p. i). 3.2.6 Neighbourhood Goods and Services Community-oriented Retail Mix Though the goods and services along Commercial Drive are diverse and community-oriented, the area's bohemian atmosphere draws people from throughout the region. Services in the study area generally reflect the area and are compatible with residential land use. For example, in a reflection of the area's Italian heritage, the A T M at VanCity can communicate in Italian, and the neighbourhood H o m e 72 Hardware store prominently displays bocce balls for an Italian version of lawn bowling. As seen in Appendix A , within the study area there are more than 60 businesses which cater to most of the neighbourhood's basic needs—restaurants and cafes, a pub, a liquor store, banks, a drug store, hardware and housewares, bakeries, produce stores, a dry cleaner, photo processing labs, a butcher, clothing and shoe stores, barber shops and hair salons, a travel agency, insurance brokers, realtors, doctors, and dentists. There are also occasional street vendors, a regular street musician at the Liquor Store, and a shoe-shine lady. Outside of the immediate study area, goods and services include supermarkets, antique stores, and dollar stores. Small and Locally-owned Businesses The businesses in the study area are almost all small and independently owned. Only seven are large chains—Home Hardware, Busy Bee Cleaners, Bagel Street Cafe, the Liquor Store, Allied Insurance, Care Point Medical Centre, and C I B C . Outside of the immediate area, McDonald's , Subway, and Starbucks also exist, despite initial opposition from residents. While some merchants live in the Grandview area, there are fewer merchants living in the neighbourhood than before. 1 0 A n d though there are many new stores on the street, businesses such as Norman's Fruit and Salad, the Caffe Roma, and the Bluebird Beauty Salon are neighbourhood institutions that have been on the street for at least 20 years. Personal communication, Alan Ross (long time area resident), 25 July 1998. 73 Convenience The businesses of Commercial Drive are convenient to each other, existing side by side and, with the exception of II Mercato, being accessible from the same sidewalk. Within three blocks there are 67 businesses and no street-level vacancies. Despite this strong concentration of goods and services, the existence of numerous stores outside the immediate study area decreases the definability of the core commercial area and disperses its activity. 3.3.7 Maintenance Physical Upkeep The physical maintenance of Commercial Drive is somewhat lacking. Perhaps due to the absence of a formal business organization, there are insufficient garbage containers, the street is frequently littered, and utility poles are covered with poster remnants. This summer, a provincially-funded \"Spruce the Drive\" campaign worked to reverse the trend by painting graffiti-marked buildings and picking up garbage (McLaren 1998). The shops themselves are generally very well-maintained, with individual businesses seeming to take responsibility for keeping the street tidy. For example, for the past 11 years, many stores along Commercial Drive have contracted an entrepreneurial man to clean their windows weekly. In addition, shopkeepers were frequently observed sweeping the sidewalk outside their businesses. O n e of the least well-maintained buildings is the one which houses the government-run Liquor Store— the M O S A I C building. 74 \" M a n a g e m e n t \" Apart from the City of Vancouver, no formal organization or individual takes responsibility for the long-term viability of Commercial Drive. While there have been various incarnations of business associations in the area for the past 80 years, their existence has been inconsistent. Today, the Grandview Merchants Association is inactive. The Britannia C P O recently attempted to initiate the formation of a B I A but there was insufficient merchant interest. Consequently, the C P O has become the sounding board for many business and resident concerns. Nevertheless, merchants work with community groups to help make Commercial Drive a \"community-based\" street (Usinger 1990), and though street amenities are somewhat lacking, Commercial Drive's core shopping area seems to be successful. 3.3.8 Supportive Neighbourhood Context Density and Diversity The Grandview neighbourhood is quite large, covering 440 hectares and having a radius of about 1 kilometre. Many residents are therefore within an easy walk of Commercial Drive. Grandview is also a rather dense neighbourhood, and is becoming more dense as single-family homes are replaced with condominiums and multi-suite townhomes. Given the increasing lack of private open space for residents, the need for a good public realm is evident. Diversity in the neighbourhood is also important to successful neighbourhood shopping streets, and in Grandview, there is a large mix of housing types that helps accommodate diverse household types and incomes. Grandview's diverse cultures also contribute to a supportive neighbourhood context, facilitating a variety of 75 businesses and a cosmopolitan atmosphere. A n d though there is a relatively larger proportion of low-income people in the neighbourhood than in the city as a whole, Grandview is gentrifying. Sense of Pr ide The community seems to like its neighbourhood and has pride in its shopping street, with 79% of respondents to the C P O survey saying that they enjoyed living in Grandview. One person noted: \"I like our little neighbourhood, we've got a lot of freaks here, but this is our neighbourhood and most of us are good people, gentle people\" (Mosca and Spicer 1997, p. 36). 3.3.9 Supportive Government In 1980, a plan for Commercial Drive was approved by City Council , establishing a case for the retention and enhancement of the street's pedestrian orientation and affirming the street's role as a commercial centre serving neighbourhood residents (City of Vancouver 1982). As a result of the plan, the core shopping area of Commercial Drive is now zoned a C - 2 C Commercial District, the intent of which is to \"provide for a wide range of goods and services, to maintain commercial activities and personal services that require central locations to serve larger neighbourhoods, districts or communities, and to encourage the creation of a pedestrian-oriented district shopping area by increasing the residential component and limiting the amount of office use\" (City of Vancouver 1996b). O f particular relevance to the street's character is the C-2C zoning's conditional approval of office uses, its maximum allowable commercial frontage (15.3 metres or 46 feet wide), its prohibition of a front setback except where it benefits pedestrians, and the dedication of land for lane purposes where lanes do not already exist. 76 However, other than its support of the BIA program, Vancouver has not made a long-term commitment to its neighbourhood shopping streets, and this neglect is evident in Commercial Drive's lack of amenities such as garbage containers, bus shelters, and continuous on-street parking. Presumably, there will soon be a Community Visioning process for the Grandview neighbourhood which will articulate the street's role in the context of CityPlan. 3.4 Summary This chapter has looked at the case study of Commercial Drive as an example of a good neighbourhood shopping street. Commercial Drive is located in the heart of Grandview, a diverse and active neighbourhood in Vancouver's east side. Formed as a result of the interurban railway, this neighbourhood shopping street has become one of the city's most popular and cosmopolitan commercial areas. With its working-class roots, multicultural population, and dense neighbourhood context, Commercial Drive is an eclectic mix of cafes, produce stores, and basic neighbourhood services. It has been undergoing gentrification and increasing densification for some time. When examined with respect to the characteristics of good neighbourhood shopping streets as identified in the literature review, it is evident why the street may be successful. It has buildings that relate to the street, ample street activity, neighbourhood goods and services, and a supportive neighbourhood context. Other characteristics, however, are less evident. In particular, Commercial Drive's walking facilities, though somewhat adequate, could be improved with respect to sidewalk width, maintenance, comfort, and crossings. Furthermore, its pedestrian amenities are in need of updating, the street's traffic role often dominates, and better maintenance is needed. 7 7 C H A P T E R FOUR: WEST 41ST A V E N U E CASE STUDY 4.1. Introduction to the Case Study This chapter looks at West 41st Avenue—specifically, the block between West Boulevard and Yew Street on the south side of West 41st Avenue—as an example of a good neighbourhood shopping street. The case study begins by looking at the attributes of the street's context that are relevant to the issues of a neighbourhood shopping street—neighbourhood context, history, people, land use, and transportation. Following this background information, the characteristics of a good neighbourhood shopping street as identified in the literature review are examined with respect to West 41st Avenue. 4.2 Neighbourhood Context 4.2.1 Urban Context As seen in Figure 4.1, West 41st Avenue is the heart of the popular Kerrisdale shopping area located at the nexus of three neighbourhoods—the Kerrisdale neighbourhood itself, Arbutus Ridge, and Shaughnessy. 1 1 T o the neighbourhood's east lies the neighbourhood of Dunbar, to the south the Fraser River, to the north Kitsilano, and to the east Oakridge. With the exception of the southern boundary, the edges of the shopping street's neighbourhood context are indistinct, blurring with its neighbouring areas. 1 1 Though the city has divided the neighbourhood context into these three distinct geographical areas, for simplicity the thesis will refer to the neighbourhood collectively as \"Kerrisdale.\" Information has therefore been combined from all three neighbourhoods to provide a rough, but statistically inaccurate (given different populations and areas), overview of area characteristics. 78 Figure 4.1 Urban Context of West 41st Avenue Case Study (Source: City of Vancouver 1995, p. 50). 4.2.2 History Like Grandview, Kerrisdale grew up around an interurban railway stop. In 1905, a stop for the \"Sockeye Special\"—running from Vancouver to the canneries in Steveston—was established at Wilson Road (later to become West 41st Avenue) and the still-existing rail tracks. Originally part of the district of South Vancouver, in 1908, Kerrisdale became the political centre of the Municipality of Point Grey and a municipal hall was established at the corner of 42nd Avenue and West Boulevard (now the site of the Kerrisdale Community Centre). Spurred by the introduction of local streetcar service in 1912, the area experienced a postwar building boom. In 1922, the municipality enacted what became the first Canadian zoning by-law, \"with controls that differentiated between residential and commercial areas\" (Kalman et al 1993, p. 165). Large single-family homes on relatively large lots were developed and a concentrated retail district was established, centred 79 around West 41st Avenue between West Boulevard and Yew Street. In 1927, Point Grey, along with South Vancouver, became part of the City of Vancouver. Following the depression years, Kerrisdale was established as one of Vancouver's most prominent residential and commercial districts. 4.2.3 People In 1991, the combined population of the three neighbourhoods was 34,320. Average household size was 2.6 people per dwelling unit, a number slightly more than that seen in the city as a whole (2.3 people per dwelling unit) and indicative of the area's role as a desirable family area. In addition, it is interesting to note that the area's 1991 population was generally older than the city as a whole, with 50-56% of the population being over the age of 40, and 16-27% being over the age of 65. The Kerrisdale community has always been a fairly homogeneous one, with most residents being from Anglo-Saxon backgrounds. However, paralleling trends seen in the city as a whole, the community is becoming more diverse. Most notable is the increasing presence of Chinese-Canadians—in 1991, 14% of residents listed Chinese as their mother tongue, a 12% increase since 1971. Other languages listed in the 1991 census were French, German, and Greek. The Kerrisdale community has traditionally been a relatively affluent one. In 1991, for example, 7-15% of the population was classified as low-income (the city average is 25%). There was also a smaller proportion of assisted housing for low to moderate income households—with only three non-market housing projects in the area in 1991. Furthermore, in 1991, there were significantly more owners than renters (59-76% versus the city rate of 41%). This ratio is partly attributable to rapid condominium development in the late 1980s which saw the demolition of many older rental 80 apartment buildings surrounding the commercial core (and the subsequent dispersal of a well-established senior citizens' community). The community's population in 1991 was relatively stable, with 40-50% of residents reporting that they had changed their place of residence in the past five years (the city average is 58%). Kerrisdale residents have always been very proud of their community. Indeed, it is often referred to as \"the village\" for both its sense of community and its quaintness. A fairly conservative area, community associations include four homeowners' associations. In addition, Concerned Citizens for Affordable Housing was formed to respond to the loss of affordable housing, while the Society of Pioneers exists to track change in the neighbourhood. Finally, the Kerrisdale Community Centre is an important social hub of the area, housing a seniors centre, library, and recreation centre. 4.2.4 Land Use As seen in Figure 4.2, the neighbourhood's land use is primarily residential. A n d while the majority of residences are single-family detached homes, the housing surrounding the commercial core is considerably more diverse, consisting of low- and high-rise apartment buildings, duplexes, and townhomes. In 1991 there were 13,455 dwelling units, an increase of 2-10% since 1971. It is interesting to note that this is only about 800 more dwelling units than in Grandview, an area a third of the size of the combined neighbourhoods of Kerrisdale, Arbutus Ridge, and Shaughnessy. It is therefore not surprising that the area is much less dense, ranging from 6.4 dwelling units per hectare in Shaughnessy, to 14 dwelling units per hectare in Arbutus-Ridge (the city average is 17.7 dwelling units per hectare). 81 Exl ( t i n g Land U M fesidental-rmilti-fiimi^tjpartwrtj^s. ^ f r *