Arts, Faculty of
Geography, Department of
DSpace
UBCV
Casinader, Rex A
Doctor of Philosophy - PhD
University of British Columbia
McGee in his recent writings on Asian urbanization highlights extended metropolitan regions and proximate non-urban settlement systems with an intense mixture of agricultural and non-agricultural activities. The latter McGee terms as desakota, a neologism coined in Bahasa Indonesian, to signify the fusion of desa (rural) and kota (urban). Some of the ecological preconditions for desakota are high rural population densities; labour intensive rice cultivation with agricultural labourers in need of non-farm work in the off seasons and/or labour shedding by green revolution effects. McGee however recognizes that desakota can also occur in other ecologically dense habitat of non-rice crops with high population densities. Kerala State in India is one such region with a mix of rice and non-rice crops. This study examines the urban-rural fusion that is observed in Kerala and provides an empirically informed assessment of the McGee desakota hypothesis. While basically affirming the desakota hypothesis, the study at the same time raises some caveats. First, desakota in Kerala is not dependent on any central urban system and intra-desakota dynamics are significant. While M c G e e has recognized that such desakota do occur, his writings tend to neglect this type of desakota. Second, McGee's writings on extended metropolitan regions and desakota are increasingly associated with the recent rapid e c o n o m i c growth occurring in some of the Asian countries. Desakota in Kerala blurs this characteristic as it appears to have occurred beginning in the late colonial p e r i o d of the British Raj. Third, a unique mix of factors in Kerala make the political economy central to making desakota in Kerala intelligible. Undoubtedly in the specificity of the Kerala context the political economy is important. Nonetheless this study raises a critique of the underemphasis of the political economy in McGee's work on extended metropolitan regions and desakota. The research on desakota in Kerala involved the examination of the regional geography of Kerala. Kerala with its radical politics and remarkable social development in a context of low economic growth, attracted the attention of social scientists. But in these studies the spatial dimensions were largely ignored. This study emphasizes that geography matters in understanding Kerala, and that there is an important nexus between the space and political economy of Kerala.
24847624 bytes
application/pdf
DESAKOTA IN KERALA: SPACE AND POLITICAL ECONOMY SOUTHWEST INDIA by REX A.CASINADER B.A. U n i v e r s i t y of Peradeniya (1960) M.A. U n i v e r s i t y of Peradeniya (1978) A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of Geography) We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the r e q u i r e d standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA June 1992 © R e x A.Casinader, 1992. National Library of Canada Canadian Theses Service Bibliothèque nationale du Canada Service des thèses canadiennes NOTICE AVIS THE QUALITY OF THIS MICROFICHE IS HEAVILY DEPENDENT UPON THE QUALITY OF THE THESIS SUBMITTED FOR MICROFILMING. LA QUALITE DE CETTE MICROFICHE DEPEND GRANDEMENT DE LA QUALITE DE LA THESE SOUMISE AU MICROFILMAGE. UNFORTUNATELY THE COLOURED ILLUSTRATIONS OF THIS THESIS CAN ONLY YIELD DIFFERENT TONES OF GREY. MALHEUREUSEMENT, LES DIFFERENTES ILLUSTRATIONS EN COULEURS DE CETTE THESE NE PEUVENT DONNER QUE DES TEINTES DE GRIS. In p resen t ing this thesis in partial fu l f i lment of the requ i rements for an a d v a n c e d deg ree at the Univers i ty of British C o l u m b i a , I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for re ference and s tudy . 1 further agree that pe rm i s s i on for ex t ens i v e c o p y i n g of this thesis fo r scholar ly p u r p o s e s may be granted by the head of m y depa r tmen t or by his or her representat ives . It is u n d e r s t o o d that c o p y i n g o r pub l i c a t i on of this thesis for f inancial gain shall not be a l l o w e d w i thou t my w r i t t e n pe rm i s s i on . Depa r tmen t The Univers i ty of British C o l u m b i a Vancouve r , C a n a d a Date -^^ AÂ^ DE-6 (2/88) M c C e e in his recent wr i t ings o n As ian u rban iza t ion h igh l ights e x t e n d e d met ropo l i t an regions and p rox ima te non-urban se t t l ement systems w i th an intense mixture of agricultural and non-agr icul tura l activit ies. The latter M c G e e terms as desako ta , a n e o l o g i s m c o i n e d in Bahasa Indones ian , to signify the fus ion of d e s a (rural) and ko ta (urban). S o m e of the e c o l o g i c a l p r e c o n d i t i o n s for de sako t a are h igh rural p o p u l a t i o n densi t ies ; l abour intens ive rice cu l t i va t ion w i th agr icul tural l abourers in n e e d of non-farm w o r k in the off seasons and/or l abour s h e d d i n g by g reen r e vo lu t i on effects . M c G e e h o w e v e r r ecogn izes that desakota can also o c c u r in o the r e co log i c a l l y d e n s e habitat of non-r ice c r o p s wi th h igh popu l a t i on dens i t i es . Kerala State in India is o n e such r eg ion w i th a mix of rice and non-rice c rops . This s tudy examines the urban-rural f u s ion that is o b s e r v e d in Kerala and prov ides an empir ica l ly i n f o r m e d assessment of the M c G e e desako t a hypo thes i s . W h i l e basical ly aff i rming the desako ta hypo thes i s , the s tudy at the same t ime raises s o m e caveats. First, desako ta in Kerala is no t d e p e n d e n t o n any centra l u rban sys tem and intra-desakota dynamics are signif icant. W h i l e M c G e e has r e c o g n i z e d that such desako t a d o occu r , his wr i t ings tend to neg lect this type of desako ta . S e c o n d , M c G e e ' s wr i t ings o n e x t e n d e d me t ropo l i t an regions and desako ta are increas ingly assoc ia ted w i th the recent rapid e c o n o m i c g r o w t h occu r r i ng in s o m e of the As ian count r i es . D e s a k o t a in Kerala b lurs this character ist ic as it appears to have oc cu r r ed b e g i n n i n g in the late co l on i a l p e r i o d of the Brit ish Raj. Th i rd , a un ique mix of factors in Kerala make the pol i t i ca l e c o n o m y centra l to mak ing desako ta in Kerala inte l l ig ible. U n d o u b t e d l y in the spec i f ic i ty of the Kerala c o n t e x t the pol i t i ca l e c o n o m y is important . None the l e s s this s tudy raises a cr i t ique of the u n d e r e m p h a s i s of the pol i t ica l e c o n o m y in M c G e e ' s w o r k o n e x t e n d e d me t ropo l i t an reg ions and desako ta . The research o n desako ta in Kerala i nvo l ved the examina t ion of the reg iona l geography of Kerala. Kerala w i th its radical po l i t i cs and remarkable soc ia l d e v e l o p m e n t in a con tex t of l o w e c o n o m i c g r o w t h , attracted the a t tent ion of soc ia l sc ient ists . But in these studies the spatial d i m e n s i o n s were largely i g n o r e d . This s tudy emphas i zes that g e o g r a p h y matters in unde r s t and ing Kerala, and that there is an impor tan t nexus b e t w e e n the space and pol i t ica l e c o n o m y of Kerala. TABLE OF CONTENTS SUMMARY Table of con ten ts iv List of tables xii List of maps xv List of f igures xvi List of append i c e s xvii A c k n o w l e d g e m e n t x i x Introduction 1 C h a p t e r 1 - Desako ta and s o u t h w e s t s o u t h As ia 1 Part I - Towards understanding Kerala 62 C h a p t e r 2 - Reg ion and soc ia l c h a n g e in Kerala 62 C h a p t e r 3 - Kerala a dist inct soc i e t y in India 107 C h a p t e r 4 - The spatial o rde r in Kerala 159 C h a p t e r 5 - Kerala u rban iza t ion : A l iterature survey 204 Part II - Kerala desakota: A macro presentation 238 C h a p t e r 6 - Sectora l prof i le of e c o n o m i c act iv ity in Kerala. 1901 to 1981 238 C h a p t e r 7 - A c lose r l o o k at non-agr icu l ture 274 Part III • Case studies of Kerala industrial ism, political economy and space 334 C h a p t e r 8 - C o i r , space and po l i t i ca l e c o n o m y 334 C h a p t e r 9 - Beed i industry: A c o m p l e m e n t a r y s tudy 394 Conclus ion 435 C h a p t e r 10 - Af f i rmat ion of desako ta in Kerala 435 B ib l iography 458 A p p e n d i c e s 483 CHAPTER ONE - DESAKOTA AND SOUTHWEST SOUTH ASIA 7 I n t roduct ion 1 Kerala: The focus and l ived expe r i ence 4 W h a t is the urban-rural d i c h o t o m y 6 The desako ta hypothes i s 11 The main characteristics 11 Rurban, an inappropriate term 12 The use of an Asian vernacular neologism 14 The dispersed metropolis as an alternate term 76 Megalopolis, dispersed metropolis and desakota 17 The expanding desakota hypothesis and shifts in emphasis 19 Space , pol i t ica l e c o n o m y and desako t a 22 Geographical perspectives of McGee, Harvey and Massey 22 Character of capital in Kerala 30 Forced commerce 35 Labour process and the capital-labour conflict 39 [1] Low Visages and poor working conditions 39 [2] Labour concentration and capital's use of space 40 13] Literacy levels and labour 41 [4] Impact of the caste reform movement 42 Labour process, deskilling and organized labour 43 Organized labour and State power 44 Mobility in Kerala 46 Minimal differentiation 47 Collective consumption 49 Summing up space, political economy and desakota 50 The characterist ics of d e s a k o t a in the M c C e e hypo thes i s and in Kerala 51 Ob jec t i ves of this s tudy 55 Presentat ion of the study 58 PART ONE - TOWARDS UNDERSTANDING KERALA Chapters two to five CHAPTER TWO • REGION AND SOCIAL CHANGE IN KERALA 62 Eco logy and reg ion 62 The reg iona l ident i ty : A h istor ica l ske tch 68 Cul tura l inst i tut ions, change and c o n s e q u e n c e s 72 Late pre-colonia l p e r i o d in the mak ing of co l on i a l and con t empora r y Kerala 78 Travancore land po l i c i es a n d their imp l i ca t ions 86 Expans ion of cash c rops and its imp l i ca t ions 97 Socia l change and the r eg ion 105 CHAPTER THREE - KERALA A DISTINCT SOCIETY IN INDIA 107 Land use patterns 107 Land use: Kerala and other States 108 The significance of coconut 108 Land use and desakota Til The significance of tapioca 115 Size of operational holdings 117 Summing up 118 D e m o g r a p h i c features 119 Population growth 119 Population density 120 Historical demography 126 Fertility decline in Kerala 139 Non-agricultural activity in rural areas 144 En igma of e c o n o m i c backwardness & soc ia l d e v e l o p m e n t 150 Economic backwardness 150 Social development 153 Higher wages in Kerala 155 Pol it ical e c o n o m y and spatial o r d e r 156 CHAPTER FOUR - THE SPATIAL ORDER IN KERALA 159 The rural se t t lement pattern 159 The isolated rural homesteads 159 Newly emerging urban residential landscape in India 164 Implications of the settlement patterns for desakota 167 The urban o rde r 169 The urban ratio 169 Definition of urban in India and Kerala 171 Historical geography of the urban system in Kerala 173 Contemporary urban systems 181 Kerala urban system as a variant 192 Transport , c o m m u n i c a t i o n s and the spatial o r d e r 198 CHAPTER FIVE - KERALA URBANIZATION: A LITERATURE SURVEY 204 Kerala in the urban izat ion t rends of India 204 Kerala as case and compara t i ve s tudy in u rban iza t ion 209 O t h e r l iterature of re levance 229 S u m m i n g up 234 vin CHAPTER SIX - SECTORAL PROFILE OF ECONOMIC ACTIVITY IN KERALA, 1901 TO 1981. 238 The rationale for the use of C e n s u s data 238 C e n s u s data, de f in i t ions and c o n c e p t s 242 Nineteenth century censuses 242 Twentieth century census definitions and concepts 243 The w o r k f o r c e , agr icul ture and non-agr icu l ture 249 A preliminary broad categorization of the workforce 249 Casual labour and its significance 251 Census classification and the floating labour 254 Agricultural labourers 258 The significance of the floating labour pool 260 M i x of agricultural and non-agricultural activity 261 Sectora l ove rv i ew of the Kerala w o r k f o r c e 267 CHAPTER SEVEN - A CLOSER LOOK AT NON-AGRICULTURE 274 I n t roduc t ion 274 Manufac tu r ing 275 The nature of the industrial response in Kerala 275 Organized labour, a feature of Kerala industrialism 288 Non-urban character of manufacturing 292 Household and non-household sectors 297 Bricks and tiles manufacturing 303 Cotton textiles manufacturing 306 Cashew processing industry 315 The other industries 319 Trade and c o m m e r c e 324 Service Sector 325 PART THREE - CASE STUDIES OF KERALA INDUSTRIALISM, POLITICAL E C O N O M Y A N D SPACE Chapters eight and nine CHAPTER EIGHT - COIR INDUSTRY, SPACE AND POLITICAL ECONOMY 334 In t roduct ion 334 C o i r market in the 19th cen tu ry 336 The p r o d u c t i o n p rocess 338 Early phase of g r o w t h and e m e r g e n c e of the co i r be l t 339 Coir yarn spinning 339 Trading networl<s and coir yarn petty production 341 Coir mats and matting industry 344 Towards an understanding of the concentration in Aileppey 346 The inter-war years : Expans ion and industr ia l unrest 354 Growth, depression years and small entrepreneurs 354 Travancore Labour Association 358 Emergence of organized labour and radical hegemony 362 The 1940s: C o i r in the po l i t i ca l e c o n o m y o n the eve of d e c o l o n i z a t i o n 366 The early phase 366 Labour relations 367 The armed struggle 369 Pos t- independence : Fo rced c o m m e r c e c h a l l e n g e d 373 Coir mats and matting 373 Coir yarn sector 380 Coir trading networics as forced commerce 386 Artisans-merchants networl<s and perception of space 390 CHAPTER NINE - BEEDI INDUSTRY: A COMPLEMENTARY STUDY 394 I n t roduc t ion 394 The p r o d u c t and p r o d u c t i o n p rocess 396 The b e e d i mak ing w o r k f o r c e in India and Kerala 398 Beg inn ings of the b e e d i industry in Kerala 402 Examin ing the concen t r a t i on in C a n n a n o r e Distr ict 405 Labour-Capita l con f l i c t and res t ructur ing 412 Political economy and restructuring 412 Establishment and expansion of large-scale factories 414 Decentralization and down-scaling by branch system 415 The third phase: Small-scale factories 419 The crisis of 1968 and subsequent trends 422 C e n s u s data o n rest ructur ing 425 Towards an unde rs t and ing the space and pol i t i ca l e c o n o m y nexus 430 C O N C L U S I O N Chapter ten CHAPTER TEN - AFFIRMATION OF DESAKOTA IN KERALA 435 The s igni f icance of this s tudy 435 Character is t ics of desako t a in the M c C e e hypothes i s and in Kerala 439 Demographic and agro-economic conditions 439 Transport infrastructure and mobility 440 Women's participation in the workforce 441 Kerala desakota, not a recent phenomenon 442 Cultural and ecological factors 448 Integrated and transactive environments 449 Space and Production 450 Geograph i ca l Perspect ives 452 BIBLIOGRAPHY 458 APPENDICES 483 1.01 Non-agr icul tura l wo rk fo r c e in five major States in India: 1961 - 1981 21 2.01 D is t r ibu t ion of land ho ld ings in Travancore, C o c h i n and Ma labar in 1959 88 2.02 Agr icu l tura l p o p u l a t i o n by re la t ionsh ip to land 89 2.03 Ope ra t i ona l ho ld ings and area cu l t ivated by s ize class 90 2.04 Kerala by Cas te and Re l ig ion in 1901 92 3.01 Land use by f o o d grains and o i l seeds in total c r o p p e d area in India by States 109 3.02 Travancore land use patterns in 1815-16 113 3.03 Area u n d e r pr inc ipa l c rops : Travancore 1816-1978 114 3.04 Average s ize of ho ld ings in India by States 118 3.05 S o m e d e m o g r a p h i c features of Kerala, 1901-1981 120 3.06 Kerala and India: Popu l a t i on g r o w t h 1901-1981 122 3.07 Popu la t i on dens i ty of India by States 124 3.08 Kerala: Popu l a t i on dens i ty by distr icts, urban and rural areas in 1981 125 3.09 D e m o g r a p h i c data of 19th century o n Travancore , C o c h i n , Ma laba r and Thanjavur 129 3.10 Popu la t i on dens i ty of Kerala distr icts, se l ec ted Tami lnadu distr icts and the States of Kerala, Tami lnadu and Wes t Benga l : 1901-1981 132 3.11 Fertility rate in India by States: 1972 & 1978 140 3.12 W o r k f o r c e by agri ; non-agr i ; and casual l abour in India and Kerala: 1901-1981 146 3.13 Non-agr icu l tura l w o r k f o r c e in India by major States, sex and rural: 1961-1981 148 3.14 Sectora l state d o m e s t i c p roduc t and w o r k f o r c e in Kerala: 1961-1981 151 3.15 Per cap i ta d o m e s t i c p r o d u c t in India by States 153 4.01 U rban ratios of India and Kerala: 1901-1981 169 4.02 U rban ratios in India by States: 1901 and 1981 170 4.03 Kerala cities w i th p o p u l a t i o n ove r 100 ,000 : 1981 174 4.04 N u m b e r of urban centres in Kerala by s ize class 182 4.05 Basic ameni t ies in vi l lages in India by States 194 4.06 Registered m o t o r veh ic les in Kerala: 1960-1982 202 6.01 Kerala agricultural , non-agr icul tura l a n d casual as a pe rcen t of tota l w o r k f o r c e : 1871-1981 250 6.02 W o r k f o r c e : A g r i ; Non-agr i ; U rban a n d Rural: Kerala 1951-1981 264 6.03 Non-agr icu l tura l w o r k f o r c e by urban and rural areas in Kerala: 1951-1981 266 6.04 Sectora l d i s t r ibu t ion of Kerala w o r k f o r c e : 1901-1981 268 6.05 Kerala w o r k f o r c e by sec tors and u rban and male c o m p o n e n t of each sec tor : 1951-1981 270 7.01 Kerala manufac tur ing sec to r by major industr ies w o r k f o r c e in 1911 , 1931 and 1951-1981 276 7.02 Kerala manufac tur ing sec to r by urban-rural, sex, h o u s e h o l d & n o n - h o u s e h o l d w o r k f o r c e : 1951-1981 292 7.03 Kerala manufac tur ing sec to r by major industr ies and c o m p o n e n t s o f males , urban and h o u s e h o l d ca tegor ies : 1961-1981 293 7.04 Kerala major industr ies w o r k f o r c e by h o u s e h o l d , n o n - h o u s e h o l d non-factory and factory ca tegor ies : 1961-1981 299 7.05 Kerala s e m c e sec to r by sub-sectors 326 7.06 Kerala service sec tor by sub-sectors and urban & male c o m p o n e n t in each sub-sector : 1951-1981 328 8.01 C o i r workers and dealers by Travancore taluks. C o c h i n State and Ma labar distr ict in 1901 350 8.02 C o i r weav ing units and l o o m s in 1980 in A i l e p p e y distr ict by year of es tab l i shment 376 8.03 C o i r weav ing units in 1976 in A i l eppey distr ict es tab l i shed pr ior to 1970 by n u m b e r of l o o m s 377 9.01 Beed i manufac tur ing w o r k f o r c e in India by major b e e d i manufac tu r ing States and sex toge the r w i th h o u s e h o l d and urban in each State: 1961-1981 399 9.02 Kerala b e e d i manufac tur ing w o r k f o r c e by sex, rural-urban and h o u s e h o l d & n o n - h o u s e h o l d sec tors : 1961-1981 402 9.03 Kerala b e e d i manufac tur ing w o r k f o r c e by distr ict and male c o m p o n e n t in each distr ict : 1961-1981 406 9.04 Kerala b e e d i rural manufac tur ing w o r k f o r c e by distr icts 426 9.05 Female par t ic ipat ion rate in Kerala beed i manufac tu r ing in se l ec ted distr icts, h o u s e h o l d & n o n - h o u s e h o l d and rural-urban sectors : 1961-1981 4 2 7 9.06 H o u s e h o l d sec to r in Kerala b e e d i manufac tu r ing w o r k f o r c e in se l ec ted distr icts by sex and rural-urban sec tors ; 1961-1981 429 2.01 India: States and Admin is t ra t i ve Distr icts 1981 63 2.02 Kerala: Admin is t ra t i ve Distr icts 1981 64 2.03 Kerala: Eco log i ca l Z o n e s 65 2.04 Four Ma jo r Pr incipal i t ies of the Ma labar Coas t : C i r c a late Pre-Colon ia l Pe r iod 70 2.05 British Expans ion : Sou th India 1750-1820 71 2.06 Kerala (1961) s h o w i n g areas that we re former iy Travancore , C o c h i n , Ma labar and Sou th Canara 73 2.07 India unde r later M u g h a l s 81 3.01 Kerala: Popu l a t i on dens i ty by Taluks 134 4.01 Kerala: Loca t i on of T o w n s , 1981 184 4.02 Kerala: Interact ion Z o n e of Class I and II U rban Cen t r e s 191 7.01 Weav ing Cen t res in M e d i e v a l Sou th India, C i r c a A . D . 1000-1500 307 8.01 Kerala: C o i r Belt by Taluks (Sub-districts) 347 8.02 Railway o n the east of Lake V e m b a n a d 349 8.03 A l l eppey and H in teHand 352 8.04 A l l eppey T o w n and Wate rways 353 6.01 Agr i cu l tu re , non-agriculture and casual l abour as c o m p o n e n t s of total w o r k f o r c e in Kerala: 1881-1981 262 6.02 G raph of non-agricultural worke r s as a pe rcen t tota l worke rs in Kerala: 1871-1981 262 X V l l 1.01 Sectoral w o r k f o r c e , p o p u l a t i o n s ize and dens i ty by reg ions : Italy 1987 483 3.01 Agr icu l tura l w o r k f o r c e in Kerala by sub-categor ies : 1981 484 3.02 Popu la t i on dens i ty of Kerala distr icts and se l e c t ed Tami lnadu districts in rank o rde r of dens i ty : 1901-1981 485 4.01 Sect iona l T o w n Plans s h o w i n g G r o u n d Plan of Sou th As ian C o u r t Yard Street H o u s e s and B u n g a l o w type houses 486 4.02 Kerala 1 9 8 1 : Standard U r b a n Areas and U rban A g g l o m e r a t i o n s 487 4.03 C o n s u m e r Expend i ture in Kerala by U rban and Rural Areas 488 4.04 Kerala: Road access ib i l i ty 1980 489 4.05 Kerala: Railway access ib i l i ty 1983 490 6.01 Agr icu l tura l , Casua l and Non-agr icu l tura l W o r k f o r c e as percent of Total W o r k f o r c e in Ma labar , C o c h i n and Travancore : 1871-1941 491 6.02 Kerala: Agr . and Casua l Labour , 1901-1981 492 6.03 Kerala: Agr icu l tura l and Non-agr icu l tura l W o r k f o r c e by U rban Rural areas, 1881 to 1981 494 7.01 Brick and tile manufac tu r ing units in Kerala by n u m b e r of workers , use of p o w e r and urban-rural l o c a t i o n : 1961 495 7.02 Brick and tile w o r k f o r c e in Kerala by distr icts, sex and urban-rural l o ca t i on : 1981 496 7.03 C o t t o n texti le industry w o r k f o r c e in Kerala by sub-categor ies and urban-rural l o ca t i on : 1961 and 1981 497 X V l l l 7.04 C o t t o n texti le industry w o r k f o r c e in Kerala by distr icts and percent rural, males, h o u s e h o l d and us ing p o w e r in each distr ict : 1961 & 1981 498 7.05 C o t t o n texti le manufac tur ing units in Kerala by urban-rural locat ions , use of powe r , n u m b e r of worke rs and manufac tu r ing opera t ion : 1961 499 7.06 C a s h e w p rocess ing units by n u m b e r of worke rs , distr ict and urban-rural l oca t ion : 1961 500 7.07 C a s h e w p rocess ing w o r k f o r c e by distr icts, sex and urban-rural l oca t ion : 1981 501 7.08 C a s h e w cul t ivat ion and y ie ld in India by States: 1970/71 - 1979/80 502 7.09 Kerala: C a s h e w cu l t ivat ion by distr icts : 1978 503 7.10 Average earnings for an e ight h o u r shift by c a s h e w worke r s in the h o u s e h o l d and factory sec tors in Kerala and Tami lnadu : 1976/77 503 7.11 Dis t r ibut ion of s ea food p r o c e s s i n g , ta i lor ing, w o o d based indust r ies , jewel lery and vegetab le o i l p r o c e s s i n g in Kerala by distr icts : 1981 504 7.12 Popu la t ion of Travancore, C o c h i n and Ma labar c lass i f ied by caste and re l ig ion : 1901 505 8.01 C o i r workers as pe rcen tage of Non-agr icu l tura l worke r s in Kerala: 1901-1981 508 9.01 U rban A g g l o m e r a t i o n and Standard U rban Areas of C a n n a n o r e and Tell icherry. 508 There are many that I am i n d e b t e d to in the preparat ion of this thesis. 1 thani< Professor Terry M c C e e , my superv i sor for the e n c o u r a g e m e n t , gu idance and cr i t i c i sm, it was his wo rk o n As ian urban iza t ion that b r o u g h t m e to U.B .C. His w i l l ingness to take o n an uncus tomary s tudent d i sp l ayed a to l e rance and a k indness w h i c h I shall no t easily forget . To Professors Trevor Barnes, Peter Harnet ty and Barrie M o r r i s o n , membe r s of my d isser ta t ion read ing c o m m i t t e e , w h o gene rous l y gave their t ime to read, c o m m e n t and d iscuss this thesis I grateful ly a c k n o w l e d g e my i n d e b t e d n e s s . M y one year stay and research in Kerala, and aff i l iat ion to the Cen t r e for D e v e l o p m e n t Studies , Tr ivandrum was s u p p o r t e d and faci l i tated by the Shastri Indo-Canadian Institute and I a c k n o w l e d g e my deb t . The C e n t r e for D e v e l o p m e n t Studies p r o v i d e d a s t imula t ing env i r onmen t for research. I l ike to thank in part icular Professor M i c h a e l Tharakan for his gu idance and many hours of d i s cuss ions . I w ish to thank my fr iends. Dan a n d Ranjani Dhanawansa , D o n g H o Shin and Yao l in W a n g for their f r i endsh ip and suppo r t . In part icular I w i sh to thank t h e m for he l p i ng m e acqui re adequate c o m p u t e r l i teracy to use a c o m p u t e r to wr i te this thesis. C h u c k C r e e n b e r g for his f r iendsh ip and e n g a g i n g , t h o u g h at t imes harassing, d i scuss ions o n cul tura l po l i t i c s . Brian G o e h r i n g , C y n d y P ik l in ton and Scot t M a c l e o d for their f r i endsh ip , Scot t part icular ly for his sense of h u m o u r , inte l lectual e n c o u r a g e m e n t and suppor t t h r o u g h o u t my stay at U.B .C. Finally I o w e a great d e b t to P o p p y and Jehan, stoic family c o m p a n i o n s in this journey . A journey n o w in re t rospec t s o m e t i m e s seen as of d o u b t f u l value. CHAPTER O N E DESAKOTA A N D SOUTHWEST SOUTH ASIA I n t roduct ion Ten years ago , in 1981 , I had my first e n c o u n t e r w i th Kerala. I was travel l ing to C o i m b a t o r e in Tami lnadu , v ia Kerala, to a t tend a seminar o n land re fo rm. I had left C o l o m b o in the late a f t e rnoon , and in a forty-five minutes f l ight, I had c ro s sed the Palk Strait and was in Tr ivandrum, Kerala. C o m p a r e d t o the recent ly bui l t International A i rpor t of C o l o m b o , the then Tr ivandrum A i rpo r t l o o k e d like a railway s ta t ion . But this was mere ly a first imp res s i on . O n c e ou ts ide , the similarity of the landscape of sou thwes t India to sou thwes t Sri Lanka was str ik ing. It was no t mere l y the similarity o f the physica l l andscape that was in t r igu ing , and the obv ious exp l ana t i on that be fo re the con t inen ta l shifts b o t h lands had b e e n part of o n e fo rmat ion . It was the similarity of the socio-spat ia l l andscape that was m o r e str ik ing and less expla inab le . Kerala, l o ca ted in Sou thwes t India, is d e s c r i b e d in many a cademic s tud ies and travel b rochu res as di f ferent f r om the rest of India. This is an issue that shall be e x a m i n e d later in this study. But many of the features of Kerala that are c l a imed as d is t inct ive f r o m the rest of India, are invariably present in Sri Lanka, my count r y of o r ig in . The socio-spat ia l l andscape is o n e such feature. M y a c a d e m i c w o r k and par t ic ipat ion in d e v e l o p m e n t p rog r ammes s ince the late 1970s had been in the f ie ld of urban issues in Sri Lanka. It is poss ib l e to ident i fy certain areas as dist inct ly urban a n d s o m e others as d is t inct ly rural in Sri Lanka. But in many parts of the sou thwes t quar ter of Sri Lanka it was di f f icul t to d is t ingu ish the urban f r o m the rural. F rom N e g o m b o , abou t thirty k i lometres nor th o f C o l o m b o , to Matara o n e h u n d r e d and fifty Ki lomet res sou th of C o l o m b o , it was no t poss ib l e to d e t e r m i n e whe re o n e se t t l ement , b e it des igna ted t o w n o r v i l lage, e n d e d and ano the r b e g a n . This s t retch a long the coast and a g o o d part of the h inter land was in te rspersed w i th c o m m e r c i a l centres and bazaar areas, bu t a g o o d po r t i on of the rest of this r eg i on , a virtual c o n t i n u o u s se t t l ement area, appea red to be b o t h urban and rural at the same t ime . This same socio-spat ia l l andscape was present in the Kerala coasta l and/or l o w l a n d and m id l and area. As I j ou rneyed nor th f r o m Tr i vandrum, s p e n d i n g a little t ime at Q u i l o n , A l l eppey , C o c h i n , and Tr ichur the same landscape u n f o l d e d . It was on l y after I had left Tr ichur b e h i n d and was j ou rney ing towards Palghat, c l ose to the h igh lands and Kerala's eastern bo rde r w i th Tami lnadu , that o n e c o u l d see dist inct se t t l ements b o t h rural and urban . This j ou rney set m e off o n another journey , a menta l o n e . A journey to d o c u m e n t by descr ip t ive analysis and make inte l l ig ib le the se t t l ement pattern that was b o t h rural and urban at the same t ime . In sp i te of my academic w o r k and interests b e i n g urban , o r perhaps because it was so , it was p rob l ema t i c to accept the d i c h o t o m o u s urban-rural concep tua l i z a t i on of soc ia l space and/or h u m a n se t t l ements , in the con tex t of my l ived expe r i ence in sou thwes t Sri Lanka and e x p o s u r e to Kerala in 1981 .^ Few years later, the tragic e thno-pol i t i ca l strife in Sri Lanka saw the sc ramb l ing of my life span trajectories. 1 t o o k up a b o d e in Canada , in a k ind of invo luntary self-exile f r o m my native l and . ^ In a s c r amb led state, the proverb ia l c au t ion of the ange l is 1. Mick Moore (1985 p123-7) recognizes that it is problematic to see a neat dichotomous division of urban and rural within the Sri Lanlcan southwest quarter. But in his efforts to understand the political economy of Sri Lanlta he replaces one dichotomy with another pair, the urban-rural with core-periphery. This is unsatisfactory, because a dichotomous conceptualization of social space once again neglects the intervening space, and a substantial and important one at that in Sri Lanka, lying between the pair of opposites. 2. If I am to believe my family genealogy, Sri Lanka has been the native land of my family for the last three hundred years. It may be of interest in this study of urban-rural social space that we had been urban dwellers for these three hundred years and before that in South India as well. From what was once the domain of the Chola Kingdom in southeast India, many merchants in the trading diaspora of the centuries that followed the decline (circa 13th and 14th centuries) of the Chola Kingdom, settled down in some of their trading entreports in Gujarat, Malabar, BengaL Sri Lanka and southeast Asia- Those who did in Colombo came to be Known as the perhaps absent , and I sought and f o u n d admiss ion as a graduate s tudent at U .B .C . Sitt ing o n e day at a graduate seminar of P ro fessor Terry M c G e e , I heard h im refer to the mix o r jux tapos i t ion of urban and rural in Java, and co in i ng the te rm desako ta ^ t o hypo thes i ze o r concep tua l i z e this mix. H e c o i n e d the w o r d us ing the terms desa (rural) a n d ko ta (urban) in Bahasa Indones ian . T o m e desako ta o f f e r ed itself as a c o n c e p t u a l h o o k t o f a thom the character of the soc ia l space of the sou thwes t e rn co rne r of sou th As ia . For a g o o d part of the past f ive years I have g rapp led w i th this effort , amidst l ife's o the r chores . This study is the result of this endeavour . The wr i t ing up of the s tudy is near ing c o m p l e t i o n and I w i sh I c o u l d say that the journey that was c o m m e n c e d ten years ago has b e e n c o m p l e t e d and I have arr ived at the des t ina t ion . But in a sou th As ian w o r l d v i ew the journey is the des t ina t ion and the separa t ion of the t w o is tak ing apart that w h i c h is o n e . This s tudy d o c u m e n t s the journey and the des t ina t ion . ethnic group "Colombo Chetties". They are perhaps distant cousins of Malacca Chitties and the communities of pre-colonial south Indian descent in Aceh. By the 17th and 18th centuries with the Dutch occupation of the maritime provinces of Sri Lanka, the trading activities of the community were brought to an end, to make way for Dutch monopoly in trade (Arasaratnam. 1967) The Dutch however recruited many from this community to junior and middle level administrative positions. In time they became converts to Presbyterian Christianity. But they were clever enough when the Dutch were replaced by the British as the colonial power, to replace Presbyterian (Dutch Reformed Church) affiliation with Anglicanism and Methodism. Using their favoured position as Christians in the colonial context and their positions in the administration and newly emerging professions they found easy entry into the emerging Sri Lankan urban middle class of the 19th and 20th century. Their descendents in recent years have been less clever and did not become converts to Buddhism. They have joined the Sri Lankan minority diaspora. There are now perhaps more "Colombo Chetties" in Toronto and Sydney than in Colombo and Batticaloa, the latter a Sri Lankan east coast town which had a concentration of this ethnic community. 3. Initially the term coined by McGee was Kodesasi.(1984. p14) and revised later as kotadesasi (1987 p3; 1989 p93-94) But it was argued that the components of the term should be rearranged so as to form the word desakota for settlement and desakotasi for the process.(Ginsburg, Koppel and McGee 1991. p xvii). Kerala: The focus and a l ived expe r i ence The focus of this s tudy is o n Kerala. The urban-rural fus ion is mo re pervasive and extens ive in Kerala than in any o the r part of India. It is present virtually in the ent i re low lands and mid lands of Kerala, a coasta l strip that ex tends about fifty t o sixty k i lomet res f r o m the seashore to the inter ior , and runs a l ong the entire coast of a b o u t 550 k i lomet res . M o r e o v e r the absence of pr imacy in the urban sys tem of Kerala, in contrast t o Sri Lanka, had imp l i ca t ions . It pe rm i t t ed the p rocesses and dynamics of the urban-rural fus ion t o b e internal and less i n f l uenced o r d i s to r ted by an urban pr imate centre . This wil l be e x a m i n e d in detai l later in this study. Suff ice to state that for these reasons, and the unset t led c o n d i t i o n s in strife torn Sri Lanka that m a d e f ie ld w o r k dif f icult , Kerala was a bet ter c h o i c e for this s tudy o f urban-rural fus ion in sou thwes t sou th As ia . A doc to ra l f e l l owsh ip award f r om the Shastri Indo-Canadian Institute m a d e it poss ib l e for m e t o res ide for o n e year in Kerala. The l ived expe r i ence , w h i c h s h o u l d be d i s t i ngu i shed f r o m travel expe r i ence , w i th my family as a h o u s e h o l d , in U l l o o r , c lose to T r i vandrum, was an impor tan t facet of the research p rocess for this s tudy . The l i ved expe r i ence as a h o u s e h o l d e r ; the observa t ions of everyday l ife; empa thy w i th the everyday life of the local i ty ; travel by pub l i c t ransport t h r o u g h o u t the l eng th of Kerala; short stays at Q u i l o n , A l l e p p e y , Kot tayam, C o c h i n , Tr ichur , K o z h i k o d e , C a n n a n o r e and Thekkady ; and the soc i o l og i c a l and geograph i ca l imag ina t ion that is part of such expe r i ence have b e e n extens ive ly used as a research t o o l for this study. They h o w e v e r remain in tangib le and dif f icult t o put d o w n as a list of " s o u r c e s " o r " m e t h o d o l o g y " . A centra l thrust of the research p rocess was the interface b e t w e e n a g r o w i n g unde r s t and ing of a l ived expe r i ence of a real life o r reality in Kerala and soc ia l scient ist d isc ip l inary k n o w l e d g e about Kerala soc iety . The latter was great ly advanced by m y aff i l iat ion, dur ing the o n e year stay, to the Cen t r e for D e v e l o p m e n t S tudies , a research a n d graduate studies inst i tu t ion of e m i n e n c e in Kerala, and in India as we l l . The abil ity t o read, wr i te and speak Tami l , a l anguage s p o k e n to s o m e extent in sou the rn Kerala, and t o d e v e l o p a rud imentary func t iona l k n o w l e d g e of Ma laya lam, the language of Kerala and a c l ose affine of Tami l , also fac i l i tated the research process . It e x t e n d e d the l imits of the Kerala w o r l d b e y o n d the l imits of the Engl ish l iterate popu l a t i on in Kerala. Be ing of s o u t h As ian o r ig in I was also able to m o v e unobt rus i ve l y w i t hou t p r o v o k i n g e x p e c t e d responses to " f o r e i g n e r s " . This h o w e v e r was to depr i ve m e o f s o m e advantages that a v is ib le fo re igne r can ob t a i n in s o u t h As ia . The re la t ionsh ip b e t w e e n my o w n unde rs t and ing of the Kerala con t ex t as a s o u t h As ian and a soc ia l sc ient ist k n o w l e d g e and analysis of this con t ex t is of s ign i f i cance in this study. This is no t to assert that this study has e l ements o f the qual i tat ive fee l of Johan Tur i in The Lapps and Their Land (But t imer 1983. p i ) o r D o m i t i l a Barrios d e C h u n g a r a in Let me Speak. (1978) N o r d o e s this s tudy c la im an ins ider v i e w of desakota . Even my l o n g l ived expe r i ence in Sri Lanka was most l y , but no t entirely, as an urban dwel le r , t h o u g h int imate ly aware of the desako ta mi l i eu in Sri Lanka. But overal l I have a t t empted to infuse in to the s tudy a sensit iv ity t o the p e r c e p t i o n of soc ia l space in the r eg ion that c o m e s f r o m an int imate unde r s t and ing of the cultural and l inguist ic m o d e in w h i c h it is p resen ted , b e i n g cultural ly a p e r s o n o f the reg ion . This semi-autob iograph ica l entry t o i n t roduce this s tudy is no t mere l y because the s tudy was part of the author ' s , (albeit s c rambled ) , life journey but a lso as an inv i tat ion to the reader t o b e c o m e s o i nvo l ved in the puzz l e of in terpreta t ions , that anxiet ies ove r subject iv i ty and object iv i ty r e c e d e and o n e engages in a shared inter-subject ive task to clarify re la t ionsh ips b e t w e e n g e o g r a p h i c t h o u g h t a n d pract ice and the l ived geograph i ca l expe r i ences of h u m a n k i n d . (But t imer 1983 . P3) Hav ing m a d e this i n t r o d u c t i o n , it is appropr ia te to d i scuss the ob jec t i ves of this study. Such a d i scuss ion may be faci l i tated if the mean ing of the te rm desako t a as enunc i a t ed by M c C e e is first spel t ou t . But as the te rm is h i n g e d o n to the m e a n i n g of u rban a n d rural, the pre l iminary task is t o dea l w i th the de f in i t ions of urban and rural. W h a t is the urban-rural d i c h o t o m y ? T o unders tand the def in i t ions of urban and rural, let us briefly examine the var ious just i f icat ions for the urban-rural d iv ide . For they have g iven the urban-rural d i c h o t o m y mul t ip le d i m e n s i o n s of mean ing that t oge the r c o m p o s e the de f in i t ions of urban and rural. The first a n d o f centra l impor t ance for an unders tand ing of the urban-rural d i c h o t o m y , is the e c o n o m i c d i m e n s i o n . E c o n o m i c activit ies in an urban area are p redominan t l y non-agr icul tura l , wh i le in a rural area they are p redominan t l y agricultural . M o o r e (1984) argues that the roots the urban-rural d i v ide may be t raced t o the classical e c o n o m i s t s , James Steuart, A d a m Smi th , R icardo and Marx . M o s t of what Smi th had to say o n the rural-urban ques t i on c lose l y parallels Steuart 's work . The first po in t that they have in c o m m o n is that, l ike all the classical e c o n o m i s t s , their basic unit of e c o n o m i c analysis is the nat ion state. . . .Within this 'nat ion state' con tex t , Steuart d o e s no t appear t o have felt any necess i ty t o justify e i ther his use of a bas ic d i c h o t o m y b e t w e e n 'agr icu l ture ' and ' industry ' o r the ident i f i ca t ion of agr icul ture w i th the count rys ide and industry w i th t o w n s [Stewart, 1767 ; 40 pass im] . A n d this desp i te a r e c o g n i t i o n that at the t ime a great deal of manufac tu r ing actually t o o k p lace in the count rys ide o n a d o m e s t i c basis, [e.g. Steuart 1767;90] . ( M o o r e 1984. p7) M o o r e be l ieves , that as a cor rec t i ve to the excess ive pro-agr icul ture bias of the Physiocrats and as a d e f e n c e of n e w industr ia l i sm, the classical e c o n o m i s t s u n d e r e m p h a s i z e d the quant i tat ive s ign i f i cance of d o m e s t i c o r h o u s e h o l d manufacture . Sectora l d i v i s ion of the e c o n o m y into primary, s econda ry and tertiary was no t ful ly d e v e l o p e d by classical e c o n o m i s t s as they t e n d e d t o de f ine p roduc t i v e activit ies as the p r o d u c t i o n of g o o d s . In the absence of such ca tegor i za t ion the urban-rural d i v ide ga ined impor t ance for the classical e c o n o m i s t s . M o o r e g o e s o n to argue that R icardo: A m o n g his bas ic assumpt ions , so ev ident t o h i m as no t t o require just i f i cat ion, was a Smi th ian m o d e l of soc ie ty . . . .one in w h i c h the main classes w e r e capital ists, l and lords and labourers and w h i c h was in turn ca t ego r i zed in to an urban manufac tu r ing sector , p o p u l a t e d by capital ists, l and lo rd and labourers , and a rural agricultural sec tor in w h i c h land lords featured p r o m i n e n t l y a l ongs ide capital ist farmers and rural l abourers , [Ricardo, 1817:pass im] ( M o o r e 1984. p l O ) These classical e c o n o m i s t s a lso s e e m e d to v i e w rural and urban as histor ical ly universal and invariant ca tegor i es . Marx as M o o r e po in t s ou t set this cor rec t by emphas i z i ng the change that was poss ib l e and tak ing place, the r ep l a cemen t of rural h o u s e h o l d manufac ture by urban factory manufac ture . The irrational o l d f ash ioned m e t h o d s of agr icul ture are rep laced by sc ient i f i c ones . Capi ta l is t p r o d u c t i o n c o m p l e t e l y tears asunder the o l d b o n d of u n i o n w h i c h he ld t oge the r agr icul ture and manufac tu r ing in their infancy. But at the same t ime it creates the material c o n d i t i o n s for a h igher synthesis in the future . (Marx 1867.p505) M a r x was g iv ing express ion to the rural-urban categor ies be ing histor ical ly variant. But he was at the same t ime establ ish ing that u n d e r cap i ta l i sm the e c o n o m i c character of rural w o u l d be agr icul ture p r o d u c t i o n and of u rban , non-agr icu l ture p r o d u c t i o n . But cap i ta l i sm of the Wes t itself is a histor ical ly spec i f i c p h e n o m e n o n , just as European f euda l i sm . O n e of the issues that the desako t a hypothes i s raises is the variat ions of the urban-rural d i v ide , its trajectory and/or t rans i t ion, ou t s ide the h is tor ic spec i f i c i t y of the capital ist soc ie ty o f the Wes t . The manne r in w h i c h capi ta l ism penetrates and func t ions in o the r soc ie t i es , as w e l l as the internal c o n d i t i o n s of these soc ie t ies , may vary the urban-rural d i c h o t o m y and urban t rans i t ion. The s e c o n d d i m e n s i o n o n w h i c h urban-rural d is t inc t ions are m a d e is d e m o g r a p h i c . U rban areas o r se t t l ements are b o t h in terms of p o p u l a t i o n s ize and dens i t y always m u c h h ighe r than rural se t t l ements . Th i rd , urban set t lements and res idents are d e s c r i b e d as having a d ist inct l i festyle w h i c h is very d i f ferent f r o m that of their rural counterpar ts . Louis W i r th ' s (1938, 1964a, 1964b) s tudies b r o u g h t ou t this d i s t i nc t ion and c o n c e p t u a l i z e d the urban life style as u rban i sm. This v i ew e m p h a s i z e d the cultural and s o c i o l o g i c a l d imens i ons . Four th , the pol i t i co-adminis t rat ive structure o r systems of urban and rural se t t lements we re di f ferent . U rban se t t l ements o f t en had s o m e fo rm of local g o v e r n m e n t or pol i t ica l sys tem. Rural se t t lements we re invariably part of a larger pol i t ical-administrat ive unit. This was at the s imp le pol i t ical-administrat ive leve l . A t the m o r e c o m p l e x level of pol i t ica l e c o n o m y , cit ies we r e seen as units of co l l ec t i ve c o n s u m p t i o n . Caste l ls a rgued that cit ies as centres of capital ist industr ial p r o d u c t i o n requ i red the r e p r o d u c t i o n of labour . The class character of the state powe r , he a rgued , ensu red that cit ies p r o v i d e d the co l lec t i ve ly c o n s u m e d g o o d s and serv ices, ( educa t ion , heal th care, pub l i c t ransport , etc) for the r e p r o d u c t i o n of labour . (Castel ls 1976. p74-75) Fifth, the urban l andscape and built en v i r onmen t was ident i f i ed as d i f ferent f r o m the rural. W i t h i n the urban rea lm, m o r p h o l o g i c a l and/or e c o l o g i c a l c a t egor i za t i on , tak ing in to a c coun t phys ica l and soc ia l character ist ics, we re s o m e t i m e s made . The C h i c a g o S c h o o l w h i c h d e p i c t e d e c o l o g i c a l c o m m u n i t i e s of concen t r i c c i rc les f r o m core d o w n t o w n area was o n e such effort at c lass i f i ca t ion . (Hannerz 1980. p i 9-76) Lastly, urban areas had func t i ons that we re d ist inct and on l y min imal ly , if at all , present in rural areas. Namely , urban areas f u n c t i o n e d as centra l p laces of t ransport , c o m m u n i c a t i o n s , t rade, admin is t ra t ion , capital a c cumu l a t i on , co l l ec t i ve c o n s u m p t i o n serv ices e tc . This de f in i t ion of the rural and urban was be l i e ved t o have universal app l i ca t ion in desc r i b i ng se t t lements in all soc ie t i es that p rac t i ced set t led agr icul ture, and/or we r e b e c o m i n g indust r ia l ized . This industr ia l izat ion was t o eventual ly e n c o m p a s s agr icul ture, as it is n o w b e g i n n i n g t o o c c u r in the advanced e c o n o m i e s , part icularly in N o r t h Amer i c a . This is perhaps the synthesis that Marx env i saged . O b v i o u s l y at this stage urban-rural d i s t inc t ions shou ld d isappear . A recent assessment of census opera t ions and approaches in U.S.A d o e s suggest that urban-rural d is t inc t ions are b e c o m i n g min ima l , if no t d i sappear ing in U.S.A. (Lang. 1986) The nexus b e t w e e n industr ia l izat ion and urban iza t ion is o b v i o u s in the c o n t e x t of this de f in i t i on . G i ven the a s sumpt ion that industr ia l izat ion is a fundamenta l m e c h a n i s m of d e v e l o p m e n t , u rban iza t ion , o r the urban t rans i t ion, in d e v e l o p m e n t theory and th ink ing b e c a m e an ind ica tor of, and st imul i for , d e v e l o p m e n t . In the last f ew decades studies of u rban iza t ion of d e v e l o p i n g count r i es have h o w e v e r s h o w n that u rban iza t ion had o c c u r r e d w i t h o u t p r o n o u n c e d industr ia l izat ion. The causes and c o n s e q u e n c e s of such urban iza t ion are many and n e e d no t be e x a m i n e d here. Suff ice to state that these f ind ings q u e s t i o n the basic l inkage b e t w e e n urban izat ion and industr ia l izat ion. N o n e t h e l e s s u rban iza t ion ; urban centres as g r o w t h po l e s ; urban o r rural bias in po l i c y and p l ann ing ; p r o b l e m s spec i f i c to u rban or rural l oca t ions , part icularly in h o u s i n g and t ranspor ta t ion ; c o n t i n u e t o be s igni f icant in d e v e l o p m e n t theory . The c o n c e p t s of urban and rural have thus r ema ined impor tant . But as M o o r e obse rves : W h a t is fo r everyday pu rposes a very conven i en t e c o n o m y in vocabu la r y may howeve r p o s e cons ide rab le p r o b l e m s for scholar ly analysis. N o t on l y is o n e virtually f o r c e d to use the same terms t o desc r ibe very d i f ferent ent i t ies , bu t o n e is also d i s c o u r a g e d f r om ask ing whe the r the basic d i c h o t o m y b e t w e e n urban and rural is always appropr ia te . A d m i t t e d l y terms l ike ' sub-urban ' and 'per i-urban' permit s o m e ca tegor iza t ion of u rbanness , and in any part icular c i r cumstance o n e can class t owns by s ize . But for any genera l c o n c e p t u a l d i scuss ions vocabu lary d o e s no t permi t any alternative to the rural-urban d i c h o t o m y w i thou t recourse t o n e o l o g i s m s or specia l is ts ' j a rgon . ( M o o r e 1984. p6) Desako t a as d e v e l o p e d by M c C e e is a n e o l o g i s m . M c C e e ' s use of the te rm desako ta was to d e v e l o p a th i rd ca tegory of space for a theore t i ca l unders tand ing of As ian spatial p h e n o m e n o n . Be fore w e deal w i th M c C e e ' s desako ta hypothes i s , it is usefu l to br ief ly d iscuss s o m e of the impl ic i t approaches to the s tudy of soc io-spat ia l p h e n o m e n o n or the the urban-rural d i c h o t o m y . The classical e c o n o m i s t s ' v i ew, particularly r e i n fo r ced by Marx , was t o the see urban as a dist inct e c o n o m i c , pol i t i ca l and i deo log i ca l con f i gu ra t i on . A Webe r i an app roach was similar, but saw urban as part of a w ide r soc ia l p rocess a n d no t spec i f i c to urban areas. F rom this pos i t i on , a neo-Weber i an p e r c e p t i o n that emerges , part icular ly in the c o n t e x t of s o m e of the urban-rural d i s t inc t ions d i sappear ing in the coun t r i e s w i th advanced e c o n o m i e s . This is the deva lu ing of the soc ia l re levance of the urban-rural cons t ruc t . Saunders ' exp re s s i on of this v i ew has b e e n s u m m a r i z e d by Bassett and Short as f o l l o w s . Saunders lists f ou r a t tempts ove r the past 70 years to ident i fy part icular soc ia l p rocesses w i th the d ist inct spatial f o r m of the city. These at tempts have f o u n d express ions in the v i ew of the city as an e c o l o g i c a l c o m m u n i t y ( C h i c a g o Schoo l ) , as a cultural unit (Louis Wi r th ) , as s ys tem of resource a l loca t ion (Pahl) and as a unit of co l l ec t i ve c o n s u m p t i o n (Castel ls ) . A l l these a t tempts , Saunders argues, have fa i led. H e c o n c l u d e s by re legat ing m u c h of the t radi t ional c o n c e r n w i t h the in f luence of space o n soc ia l re lat ions to a m i n o r ca tegory o f inquiry - 'spatial s o c i o l o g y ' . The major t h e m e s of soc ia l inquiry are reserved fo r 'u rban po l i t i ca l e c o n o m y ' (the s ign i f i cance of urban space for capita l a ccumu la t ion ) o r for 'non-spatial s o c i o l o g y ' ( the s tudy of soc ia l c o n s u m p t i o n p rocesses , c o m p e t i t i v e struggles and loca l po l i t i cs ) . (Bassett a n d Short 1989 . p191) . This cr i t i c ism poses the q u e s t i o n of the ro le o f space in soc ia l re lat ions and structures, in the con t ex t of the advanced e c o n o m i e s Harvey 's wr i t ings have addressed this issue a m o n g o the r matters. In M c C e e ' s desako ta hypothes i s t o o the ro le of space emerges w h e n he refers to t ime-space co l l apse as a factor in the e m e r g e n c e of desakota . W e wi l l exam ine in this chapter h o w Harvey and M c G e e address this i ssue , after set t ing ou t in s o m e detai l the desako ta hypothes i s o f M c G e e . The desako t a hypothes i s The main characteristics As ind ica ted earlier, desako ta is a n e o l o g i s m . M c G e e ' s w o r k o n As ian u rban iza t ion , part icularly in Indones ia and Taiwan, ( M c G e e 1984, 1987) l ed h im to the desako t a hypothes i s . It is an effort to f lex concep tua l l y and theoret ica l ly the urban-rural d i c h o t o m y t o make the As ian socio-spat ia l p h e n o m e n o n inte l l ig ib le . Wha t makes M c G e e ' s concep tua l i z a t i on di f ferent f r om earl ier a t tempts w i th c o n c e p t s such as per i-urban, rurban, etc was that he h y p o t h e s i z e d that desako ta reg ions have dynamics of their o w n , they are no t a " d e p e n d e n t var iab le " , as the te rm peri-urban by its very nomenc l a tu re and semant i cs suggests . The appropr ia teness of rurban and o the r sugges t ed terms wi l l be e x a m i n e d o n c e the basic o r ma in character ist ics of desako ta are set ou t . The main character ist ics of desako ta as de l i nea ted by M c C e e (1991a. p i 6-17) are 1. A large and dense p o p u l a t i o n engaged in sma l lho lde r cu l t ivat ion of mos t l y rice w h o in the pre-Wor ld Wa r II p e r i od had cons ide rab l e in teract ion t h r o u g h access ib le t ranspor ta t ion routes . 2. A n increase in non-agricultural activit ies in areas w h i c h have b e e n prev ious ly largely agr icultural , o f t en b r ing ing about a mix ture o f e c o n o m i c activit ies by m e m b e r s of the same h o u s e h o l d . This s i tuat ion creates e c o n o m i c l inkages w i th in the desako ta r eg ion w h i c h may be as impor tan t as the d o m i n a n c e of a central urban system o n its per iphery 3. Extreme f lu idi ty and mob i l i t y of the p o p u l a t i o n w i th in the r eg ion , as we l l as to centres ou t s i de , faci l i tated by easy transport . 4. Intensive use of land w i th agr icul ture, co t t age industry o r d o m e s t i c p r o d u c t i o n and o the r uses ex is t ing s ide by s ide . 5. Increased part ic ipat ion by w o m e n in non-agr icul tura l l abour assoc ia ted w i t h greater industr ia l activity l inked to the chang ing patterns of agr icultural p r o d u c t i o n . 6. They are " g r e y z o n e s " w h e r e statutory urban regu la t ions cannot be app l i ed , thus a l low ing in formal and ' i l legal ' activities t o g r o w up . In e x p a n d i n g the hypothes i s , M c G e e l inks it to what he descr ibes as reg ion-based u rban iza t ion , as o p p o s e d t o city based u rban iza t i on . Rather than draw ing a p o p u l a t i o n f r om rural areas to a city, this p rocess of reg ion based urban iza t ion is ut i l iz ing an in-situ p o p u l a t i o n . This spatial ly e x t e n d e d urban izat ion w h i c h is n a m e d as e x t e n d e d me t ropo l i t an reg ions (EMRs), i nco rpora te w i th in t h e m desakota . ( M c G e e and G r e e n b e r g 1991 . p3) . Hav ing s u m m a r i z e d the character ist ics of desako ta and its pos i t i on w i th in EMRs as set ou t by M c C e e , let us turn t o s o m e issues that are impor tant in exam in ing the val idity and re levance of the desako ta hypo thes i s and t e rm ino logy . Rurban, an inappropriate term. Rurban is an English t e rm, and its very n o m e n c l a t u r e suggest a f u s i on of rural and urban and w o u l d s e e m to be the appropr ia te t e rm. But rurban has had shifts in m e a n i n g . ^ The te rm rurban was first used in A m e r i c a n rural s o c i o l o g y by Ga lp in to desc r ibe the i n t e rdependen t nature of rural and urban space . (1922. p64) Later the t e rm rurban acqu i red a sl ight ly d i f ferent mean ing . It referred to the pe r iphe ry of a city, whe re the city in f luences l ed the area t o exhib i t a mixture of b o t h urban and rural character ist ics. ( So rok in , Z i m m e r m a n and Ga lp in . 1932 . p 6 4 2 ; Berge l 1955 p i 35). It has a lso b e e n used to desc r ibe the pers i s tence of rural features in an urban set t ing. In the Indian con tex t Fox has used the te rm rurban to desc r ibe the p r e s e n c e of m u d for t ressed enc laves^ of l ineage elite in a rural se t t ing , part icularly of the Rajputs in what was 4. The term ruralization, as distinguished from rurbanization, has been used recently in India to describe the process of some old colonial towns or parts of it, some of them old civil lines or cantonment areas, in urban decay becoming rural in character. This is particularly on the economic dimension. The low income residents living in blocked out portions of old colonial bungalows and compounds in decay, resort to vegetable patch gardening, poultry keeping, cattle rearing and other livestock keeping, for a survival livelihood. This it is argued had led to the process of ruralization. (Misra 1983) 5. Such enclaves were called Kotta or Kotte, the word kotta or kotte meaning fort in many Indian languages. As historically many towns were enclosed within forts in most parts of India, this term acquired synonymous usage with the word town. "In Vedic literature the word pura, the modern Sanskrit synonym of town, was used in the sense of a fort or stronghold" (Berry and Spodek 1971. p267). Sometimes it is used as a suffix to a place the O u d h reg ion in N o r t h Ind ia . " These were semi-urban in character and s t o o d , Fox argues , in te rmedia te b e t w e e n the v i l lage and the pre-industr ial city. He used it to desc r ibe their l o w o rde r urban character relative t o the pre-colonia l Indian cit ies that were cour t , t rade or t e m p l e centres . (Fox 1970. p i 80) Fox argues that his use o f t e rm rurban stems f rom the early m e a n i n g g iven to it by Ga lp in . He states that Ga lp in ' s n o t i o n of the integrat ion of rural and urban sectors is present in the l ineage m u d forts. This is no t in the sense of their b e i n g in the geograph i ca l pe r iphery of a city. But rather because of their c o m b i n a t i o n of a rural k insh ip base w i th a po l i t i ca l emu la t ion of larger urban cent res . ( Ibid, p i 81) The d i f fer ing mean ings at t r ibuted by d i f ferent scholars to the te rm rurban has n o w rende red it of l o o s e def in i t ive mean ing and s o inadequate to desc r ibe the rural-urban fus ion or mix occu r r i ng in As i a that M c G e e is c o n c e r n e d w i th . M c G e e makes this c lear w h e n he was d e v e l o p i n g the desako t a hypothes i s . name to denote it was a forlressed town or community. Obviously the Bahasa Indonesia term kota for urban or town is of Indian origin. Kota in the Indian languages is more a colloquial term for town, the formal term being pura, puram, nagar, nagara, nagaram or pattinam. These terms also denote a higher order urban character. It would appear from a reading of Tamil epics that pattinam referred to port cities, while nagar, nagaram referred to court and temple cities in South India. (Ramanujan 1970) Geertz recognizes the Indian origin of some of these terms used in Indonesia. Negara (nagara, nagari, negeri), a Sanskrit loan word originally meaning "town", is used in Indonesian languages to mean, more or less simultaneously and interchangeably, "palace", "capital", "state", "realm". It is, in its broadest sense, the word for (classical) civilization, for the world of the traditional city, the high culture that the city supported, and the system of superordinate political authority centred there. Its opposite is desa-also a Sanskrit loan word - meaning, with similar flexibility of reference, "countryside", "region", "village", "place", and sometimes even "dependency" or "governed area"....(Geertz 1980.p4) When the author was in India and had occasion to talk of the concept of desakota, or kotadesai as first termed by McGee, some Indian academics said it would make sense in India, as a term denoting a mix of urban and rural characteristics. Desa or desam in Indian languages refer to country, land or nation and makes sense as rural. The formal term for rural in the Indian languages is grama, gramam, kiramam, ur etc 6. Fox states: In terms of morphology, military and protective functions, market activities, caste leadership and determination of caste rank, and role as craft and sumptuary centers, such lineage locales stood much above and beyond the rural villages which surrounded them, even though they hardly duplicated quantitatively the pre-industrial cities at the state level. (1970. pi 80) Kotadesas i is a c o i n e d w o r d j o in ing kota ( town) and desa (village) to make up a w o r d w h i c h carries the c o n c e p t of urban a n d rural activity o c cu r r i ng in the same g e o g r a p h i c terr i tory. This is no t the same as " r u r b a n i z a t i o n " , a t e rm never prec ise in its m e a n i n g , w h i c h has genera l l y meant s o m e pers is tence of rural t radi t ions and va lues in urban sett ings. ( M c G e e 1987 p3-4; 1989 p93-94) The use of an Asian vernacular neologism M c G e e ' s c o i n i n g of the term desako ta^ is a fresh init iative for a c learer concep tua l i za t i on of the urban-rural mix seen in the As ian con tex t . The c o i n i n g of the w o r d w i th Bahasa Indones ia terms fo r rural and urban is d i c t a t ed , as M c G e e a c k n o w l e d g e s , by the n e e d for the soc ia l sc iences t o be sensit ive to As ian vernacu lar pe r cep t i ons and t e rm ino logy .^ G in sbu rg h o w e v e r observes : Kotadesas i was g ree ted w i th m i x e d fee l ings o n t w o g r o u n d s : First, b e i ng de r i ved f r o m a fo re ign language not we l l k n o w n to m o s t readers, its use might o b s c u r e m o r e than reveal ; s e c o n d , it was a rgued that the c o m p o n e n t s of the te rm be rearranged so as to f o r m the w o r d d e s a k o t a for the se t t l ement and desakotas i for the p rocess . The debate remains un reso l ved H o w e v e r the n e e d for an Engl ish-language te rm remains (G insburg et al 1991 . p-xvii) Desako ta is the term n o w in use and kotadesas i has b e e n d r o p p e d . This resolves the s e c o n d issue referred to by G i n s b u r g . It is diff icult t o c o n c e d e to the o the r o b j e c t i o n of desako ta be i ng de r i ved f r om a fo re ign language and t o the n e e d to have an Engl ish-language t e rm. The English language had a b s o r b e d many f o r e i gn w o r d s in the c o u r s e of its con tac t w i t h many cul tures du r ing the p e r i o d of the imper ia l e x p a n s i o n of the British Empi re .^ Sou th As ian 7. See footnote 3 on page 3 for change from Kotedesasi to desakota. 8. "The use of Indonesian terms to describe these processes is deliberately adopted. The language and concepts of Western Social Science have dominated the analysis of Third World societies leading to a form of 'knowledge imperialism'. There is a need to develop terms and concepts in the language of the Third World which more accurately reflect the conditions of their societies. It is natural that these terms should be borrowed and utilized by Western Social Science". (McGee 1987. p46 f1) 9. A classic example of such incorporation into the English language, in the field of social space, is bungalow and compound. Bungalow is derived from the Bengali word bungaloo for a Bengal house type characterized by a verandah running round the house to keep it cool in summer. (King. 1984 p18-30) Compound is derived from the Malay word kampong. academic pub l i ca t ions are substant ia l ly in Engl ish and in the p rocess have i n co rpo ra t ed many vernacular w o r d s in to use in the English l anguage publications.^® M c G e e ' s a rgument that wes te rn soc ia l sc iences s h o u l d be sensit ive t o vernacular terms that bet ter ref lect loca l c o n d i t i o n s was in a sense v ind i ca ted by c o i n i n g of a te rm in Malaya lam by a Kerala scholar t o desc r ibe the reg ions of urban-rural fus ion in Kerala. Issac (1986. p i 21) wr i t ing in Ma laya lam, c o i n e d the phrase gragaram, c o m b i n i n g " g r a " f r om gramam (rural) and " g a r a m " f r om nagaram (urban), to desc r ibe the m i x e d urban-rural character of mos t of Kerala's habi ta ted reg ions . The c o i n i n g of the te rm was a lmos t ident ica l to the manner M c G e e c o i n e d the w o r d desako ta . This was i n d e p e n d e n t l y and un in f l uenced by M c G e e ' s wr i t ings. It was also c o i n e d at a b o u t same t ime that M c G e e was d e v e l o p i n g this te rm. Issac h o w e v e r used the te rm gragaram t o desc r ibe a con t ex t w h e r e farm famil ies had access t o non-agr icul tura l i n c o m e d u e t o the gragaram character of the i r local i t ies . T h o u g h the mod i f i c a t i on of the urban-rural d i c h o t o m y is i m p l i e d in Issac c o i n i n g of the t e rm, his c o n c e p t u a l focus was no t o n the socio-spat ia l character of Kerala but o n the agrarian issues and the impo r t ance of non-farm i n c o m e . Issac also fails t o d e v e l o p the gragram t e rm in his w o r k o n the co i r industry . It wi l l b e d e m o n s t r a t e d in this s tudy that the character of the co i r and o the r agro-process ing industr ies are an impor t an t factor in the p resence of desako ta in Kerala. 10. Vernacular words incorporated to the English language by the south Asian academia are raj, dalit, harijan, gherao etc. 11. Issac's influential work and publications on the coir industry pre-date the publication where he coins the word gragaram. This perhaps explains the absence of the gragaram concept in his work on the coir industry. The po in t b e i n g made here is that a soc ia l sc ient ist wr i t ing in a vernacular As ian language had d e v e l o p e d a t e rm to desc r ibe a loca l c o n d i t i o n . j h e r e is an e l e m e n t of an organ ic inte l lectual character abou t this usage . O r g a n i c inte l lectual here refers to the c o n c e p t u sed by G ramsc i , (Gramsc i 1983 . p5) and a lso in its e x t e n d e d use w i th a var iat ion by Petras. (Petras 1989 . p719) .^3 M c G e e t o o had pe r ce i v ed and d e v e l o p e d a vernacular t e rm. This reflects his keen sensit iv i ty and ability t o d e v e l o p a t e rm in the organ ic inte l lectua l c l imate and m o d e o f the r eg ion he has been research ing o n , v iz southeast As ia . A l l this suggests the appropr ia teness o f the te rm desako ta t o desc r i be the urban-rural f u s ion or mix o b s e r v e d in s o m e parts of As ia . The dispersed metropolis as an alternate term G i n s b u r g a lso examines the suitabi l i ty of the te rm d i spe rsed me t ropo l i s first u sed to descr ibe" the case of O k a y a m a in Japan. It s ough t to desc r ibe a mult i-nodal sys tem, w i th a n u m b e r of cent res j o i n e d in to an opera t iona l ent i ty, " separa ted f r o m each o the r by cons ide rab le a m o u n t of non-urban space , and in fact w i t h o u t an urban cent re , in o t h e r w o r d s . 12. It is interesting and pertinent to note that the Japanese have used the term konjuka to refer to landscapes that have a mix of small holdings, industry and residences. These are rural in character but with the presence of non-agricultural activities. (Oshima 1986. Cited by McGee 1991a. p8) 13. Gramsci's concept of organic intellectuals has to be read along with his concept of traditional intellectuals. According to Gramsci, "Every social group, coming into existence on the original terrain of an essential function in the world of economic production creates together with itself, organically, one or more strata of intellectuals which give homogeneity and awareness of its own function not only in the economic but also in the social and political fields". (Gramsci 1983, p5) These were organic intellectuals whom Gramsci distinguished from traditional intellectuals. They are organic because they are organically allied with the common people, in ideology and practice. In contrast the important characteristic of the traditional intellectuals is that they "experience through an esprit de corp their uninterrupted historical continuity and their special qualification, they thus put themselves forward as autonomous and independent of the dominant social group" (Gramsci 1983, p7) An example of traditional intellectuals are the medieval European ecclesiastics and in the Indian context the Brahmins. (See Kameshwar Choudhary (1990) for a discussion of these concepts and examples). Petras uses the term organic intellectual retaining the essence of Gramsci's use but contrasting it with intellectuals who are conditioned (and funded) by a Western agenda. "Two diametrically opposed intellectual types serve as the model of Latin America's new generation of the 1990s -the organic intellectuals of the 1960s and the institutional intellectuals of the 1980s". (Petras 1989. p719) Torri uses the Gramsci concept in his study of the "Westernized Middle Class, Intellectuals and Society in Late Colonial India". (Torri 1990. pPE6) Also see Kannan (1990. p311-12) and Kameshwar Choudhary (1990). a m e t r o p o l i s w i t hou t a c o r e " . (G i n sbu rg 1991 . p32) S o m e of these features are present in the overal l Kerala spatial con tex t , and d o warrant an examina t ion of the suitabi l i ty o f the te rm for the Kerala con tex t . Later in this s tudy (chapter four) the spatial o rde r of Kerala wi l l be dealt w i th at l ength . S o m e of the sal ient feature are the absence of pr imacy and the l ink ing of a n u m b e r of cit ies, ( none of t h e m w i th m o r e than abou t half m i l l i on popu l a t i on ) , and towns w i th a substant ia l in terven ing non-urban space . These features are very suggest i ve of the desc r i p t i on g iven of the d i spe rsed me t ropo l i s . The non-urban space in Kerala h o w e v e r is desako ta . In the d i spe rsed se t t l ement desc r i p t i on the non-urban space is left o p e n e n d e d , it is no t c lear whe the r it is rural o r a m ix of rural and urban . D i spe r sed m e t r o p o l i s appears inappropr ia te for the Kerala con tex t fo r another reason as we l l - the i n c o r p o r a t i o n of the w o r d me t ropo l i s in the te rm. In the Kerala c o n t e x t as this s tudy wi l l strive to s h o w the urban sec tor is no t pr imate . A n apt desc r ip t ion of Kerala se t t lements , " s a n s " its h igh land r e g i o n , is that the w h o l e State is a desako ta reg ion , encapsu la t ing a ne twork of c o m m e r c i a l cent res and bazaars. The desako ta and the urban n o d e s are in symbios i s , ne i ther subord ina te t o the other . This b e i n g the case the w o r d m e t r o p o l i s w i th in the t e rm d i spe r sed m e t r o p o l i s appears inappropr ia te for it suggests an urban d o m i n a n c e or an overal l urban character . Megalopolis, dispersed metropolis and desakota There is s o m e similarity b e t w e e n the d i spe rsed m e t r o p o l i s and m e g a l o p o l i s (Go t tman 1961) concep tua l i za t i ons . In the Bos-Wash co r r i do r of the nor theas te rn m e g a l o p o l i s of the U.S.A. there is n o o n e urban co re . There is also in te rven ing non-urban space . The d i spe r sed m e t r o p o l i s it may then be a rgued is a l o w e r o rde r ve r s ion of the m e g a l o p o l i s . It is s ignif icant in this con tex t that M c C e e in d e v e l o p i n g the desako ta hypothes i s re fer red t o G o t t m a n n ' s c o n c e p t of mega lopo l i s in northeast U.S.A.. O n e of the features that the m e g a l o p o l i s c o n c e p t b r o u g h t out , a m o n g others , was the increas ing d i sappearance o f the rural-urban d iv ide in advanced capital ist soc ie t ies , and its p r o b a b l e rep l i ca t ion in o the r r eg ions o f the w o r l d . The symbios i s of urban and rural in m e g a l o p o l i s , c reat ing n e w and interest ing patterns of mu l t ip l e-purpose land use ove r large areas gives t o this r eg ion a rather u n i q u e character. Like the d o w n t o w n bus iness districts w i th p o w e r f u l skyl ines, this aspect o f the m e g a l o p o l i s wi l l p robab l y be repea ted in s l ight ly di f ferent but not t o o diss imi lar vers ions in many o the r reg ions of the rapidly u rban iz ing w o r l d . ( C o t t m a n 1961 . p257) M c C e e (1987) in pu t t ing fo rward the hypothes i s of desako ta relates it to C o t t m a n ' s p r ed i c t i on . But he later caut ions that there are s o m e d is t inct facets of the p h e n o m e n o n in the As ian con t ex t w h i c h reflect the di f ferent patterns of d e v e l o p m e n t and i n co rpo ra t i on of these count r i es in to the internat ional sys tem ( M c G e e 1989 p93) The co re of the desako ta hypothes i s is the mix of agricultural and non-agricultural activity w i th in the desako ta r eg ion . M c G e e argues that du r ing the last twen t y years many count r i es in As ia , wh i l e exh ib i t i ng an increase in urban izat ion levels, have also been charac ter ized by a g r o w i n g n u m b e r of reg ions in w h i c h agricultural and non-agricultural activity o c c u r s ide by s ide , a n d there is an in tense in teract ion of c o m m o d i t i e s and p e o p l e . ( M c G e e 1991a p16-17) A n int r igu ing ques t i on is w h e t h e r desako ta has o c c u r r e d in parts of the w o r i d o the r than As ia . O n the face of the a rguments that M c G e e makes as the e c o l o g i c a l p re-cond i t ions for desako ta , the sugges t i on is that it can o c c u r on l y in As ia . S o m e of the features of the M c G e e desako ta hypothes i s i n c l ude e l emen ts that are dist inct ive ly As ian . C h i e f a m o n g t h e m are h igh rural p o p u l a t i o n dens i t i es ; rice cu l t ivat ion w i th agricultural l abourers in n e e d of non-farm w o r k in the off season and/or l abour s h e d d i n g by g reen revo lu t ion ef fects . M c G e e d i d r e c o g n i z e that wh i l e desako ta may c o m m o n l y o c c u r in rice b o w l reg ions , it can also o c c u r in o the r eco log i ca l l y d e n s e habitat of non-rice c r o p s toge the r w i th h igh rural p o p u l a t i o n dens i t ies . Kerala in fact is o n e such r e g i o n , for t h o u g h rice is an impor tan t c r o p , the reg ion canno t be d e s c r i b e d as a rice b o w l . Part I of this s tudy addresses this issue. This feature of Kerala suggests that unti l research is d o n e o n this ques t ion in non-rice g r o w i n g reg ions w i th h igh rural p o p u l a t i o n dens i t ies , such as W e s t Afr ica , n o def in i t ive s ta tement is poss ib l e . But it has to be e m p h a s i z e d at the same t ime that the p resence of desako ta is not based on l y o n visual impress ions , and that the mix of agr iculture and non-agr icul ture in desako ta is no t mere l y in land use. O f central impor t ance is the mix o f agricultural and non-agr icul tura l activity, i nd i ca ted in te rms of w o r k fo rce , gross d o m e s t i c p r o d u c t etc. This suggests that it is unl ikely t o o c c u r in the indust r ia l ized count r i es , e ven t h o u g h s o m e count r i es and reg ions such as Ne the r l ands and parts of Italy may visually, in terms of land use patterns exh ib i t a mix of agr icul ture and non-agr icul ture. The reason is that in Nether lands on l y 5.5 percen t o f the wo rk fo rce are in agr icul ture (Wo r l d Bank 1991 . p422-3) and in Italy on l y 10.4 percent . (ISTAT 1988. p45) Such l o w agricultural w o r k fo rce activity makes it ex t reme ly un l ike ly fo r even pocke t s of areas w i t h desako ta character ist ics t o o c c u r in these count r i es . The urban rat io, o r urban p o p u l a t i o n of these t w o count r i es are also h igh . O f their respect ive nat iona l popu l a t i ons 88.5 percen t in Ne the r l ands and 68.4 percen t in Italy are urban popu l a t i ons . (Wo r l d Bank 1991 . p334-5) ' '^ The expanding desakota hypothesis and shifts in emphasis It is impor tan t to r e c o g n i z e that M c C e e in his early wr i t ings o n desako t a (1984, 1987 and 1989) d i d no t desc r ibe the rural-urban fus ion in desako ta as pure ly a semi-urban p h e n o m e n o n . M c G e e r e c o g n i z e d that the desako ta r e g i o n unl ike the m e g a l o p o l i s r eg ion is no t always d o m i n a t e d by the activit ies of a central urban sys tem. ( M c G e e 1986. p 3 , 1987 p4)) 14. In the case of Italy, since there are regional variations the national averages may not be a reliable guide. But even regionally disaggregated data, on labour force by activity and population size and density, were examined. (See Appendix 1.01). They suggest that desakota is unlikely to be present in any region. Only in four of the twenty two administrative regions, namely Molise, Basilicata, Puglia and Calabria, did agriculture work force as a percent of total work force show a significant deviation from the national average of 10.4. percent. But even in these regions the percent of work force in agriculture to the total work force was not high or comparable to Asia. The population densities were also low unlike desakota regions in Asia. In his m o r e recent wr i t ings , ( M c G e e 1991a, M c G e e and G r e e n b e r g 1991 , M c G e e and M a c L e o d 1992), e x p a n d i n g o n the desai<ota hypo thes i s , M c G e e has b e e n pay ing less emphas i s t o i n d e p e n d e n t internal dynamics of desako ta . By inco rpora t ing desako ta wi th in the mega-urban o r EMRs, desako ta is seen to be part of, o r d e p e n d e n t o n a urban system o r c o m p l e x . The i n d e p e n d e n t and internal socia l and e c o n o m i c dynamics of desako ta has b e c o m e a less s ignif icant feature. M c G e e d o e s r e c o g n i z e that desako ta can o c c u r ou t s ide EMRs. The examp les sugges ted are Kerala, Jogjakarta r eg i on in Java, Bang ladesh and S ichuan basin in C h i n a . ( M c G e e 1991a. p9) Sri Lanka's s o u t h , speci f ica l ly Gal le and Mata ra distr icts w h i c h are ou t s ide the per iphery of C o l o m b o , t h o u g h no t l is ted by M c G e e may also be i n c l u d e d in this g r o u p . There is little t o d i spu te in the character izat ion of this g r o u p as reg ions c lose on l y to se conda r y urban cent res . They also share a c c o r d i n g to M c G e e the characterist ics of s l o w e c o n o m i c g row th , a labour surp lus e c o n o m y , l o w product i v i t y and h igh p o p u l a t i o n densi ty . But in contrast to M c G e e ' s emphas i s o n e o f the s ignif icant features of these reg ions is that the desako ta is not a d e p e n d e n t variable of an urban sys tem. This is pe rhaps mos t c lear in Kerala and o n e of the object ives of this s tudy is t o demons t r a t e this. Kerala de sako t a reg ion is also a large r e g i o n . For these reasons the C e n s u s ca tegory of rural in Kerala State, w h i c h inc ludes desako ta reg ions , has the h ighest non-agr icul tura l w o r k fo r ce a m o n g the Indian States, surpass ing the rural areas of Maharashtra , W e s t Benga l and Tami lnadu . This is in sp i te of these States i nco rpora t ing rural and/or desako t a reg ions w i th in o r o n the immed ia te per iphery of the mega-urban or e x t e n d e d m e t r o p o l i s e s of Bombay , Ca l cu t t a and Madras respect ive ly . It must be n o t e d here that t h r o u g h o u t this s tudy in ident i fy ing non-agr icu l ture , 15. High population density seems a more appropriate description, than high population growth as given by McGee, (1991a p9) in view of the fertility decline observed in Kerala and Sri Lanka since the mid 1970s. (Zachariah 1984. p xxiii) agriculture has b e e n de f i ned in its b roades t sense . In te rms of census ca tegor ies this means that agr icul ture inc ludes cul t ivators, agr icultural l abourers , and all t hose e n g a g e d in forestry, l i vestock fa rming, p lantat ion and/or o r cha rd agr icu l ture , f i sh ing , hun t i ng , and unspec i f i ed or casual work . TABLE 1.1 N o n - a g r i c u l t u r a l work f o r c e as a percent of t o t a l work f o r c e in the f i r s t f i v e S t a t e s ranked on t h i s b a s i s of non-a g r i c u l t u r a l work f o r c e to t o t a l work f o r c e - 1961 to 1981 St a t e s Rank Rur a l p l u s Urban Ru r a l Only 1961 1971 1981 1961 1971 1981 K e r a l a 1 44.5 44.5 47.7 39.5 38.0 40.9 West Bengal 2 42.2 38.6 40.7 23.2 18.2 21.8 Punjab 3 33.3 36.4 38.4 21 .5 20.5 21.0 Tamilnadu 4 36.5 35.6 35.2 24.5 19.1 18.5 Maharashtra 5 27.7 33.5 33.8 1 1.3 12.7 13.5 INDIA - 27. 1 27.9 29.4 17.3 15.2 15.8 Source: Table 3.13 i n Chapter Three. The cr i t i c ism that may be raised w h e n d e s a k o t a fo rma t ion is increas ing ly e m p h a s i z e d in its fo rmat ion w i th in o r o n the per ipher ies o f EMRs , is that the d i s t i nc t i on o f d e s a k o t a f r o m peri-urban b e c o m e b lu r red . The d i s t inc t ion b e t w e e n m e g a l o p o l i s a n d EMRs w i t h d e s a k o t a a lso b e c o m e s less clear. Desako ta , concep tua l l y has t o be is d i s t ingu i shed f r o m per i-urban. Peri-urban is a geograph i ca l c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n in a m o r p h o l o g i c a l sense . D e s a k o t a is m o r e than this, it br ings in the geograph i ca l s ign i f i cance of space a n d e c o n o m y . T e c h n o l o g i c a l advances in c o m m u n i c a t i o n and transport and af fordable ve rs ions of it b e c o m i n g avai lable in the As ian con tex t br ings about what M c G e e art iculated as a t ime-space co l l apse . ( M c G e e 1991a .p4) The cons ide rab le advances in t ranspor ta t ion t e c h n o l o g y , part icular ly in relatively cheap in termedia te t ranspor ta t ion t e c h n o l o g y such as two-s t roke mo to rb i ke s , greatly facilitate the c i rcu la t ion of c o m m o d i t i e s , p e o p l e and capital in such reg ions , c reat ing in turn large m e g a urban reg ions . ( M c G e e 1991a. p5) The geograph i ca l f r i c t ion of d is tance is r e d u c e d . This is an impor tant fac tor in desakota . But are on l y t ransport and c o m m u n i c a t i o n t e c h n o l o g y and its impact o n e c o n o m i c activity the on l y crit ical factors ? D e s a k o t a in Kerala sugges ts the impor t ance of the po l i t i ca l e c o n o m y ^ ^ as we l l in the mix of factors that con t r i bu t e t o desakota . W e d iscuss these issues in the next s ec t i on . Space , pol i t i ca l e c o n o m y and d e s a k o t a Geographical perspectives of McGee, Harvey and Massey. Geographe r s ( Ph i lb rook 1957 ; Janelle 1968 , 1969) for s o m e t ime have r e c o g n i z e d the impor tance of t e chno log i c a l advances in t ranspor ta t ion fo r r educ t i on in the f r i c t ion of d is tance 16. Political economy in here used in its contemporary meaning. For the uninformed this may be described in short hand as the linkages between the economy and politics in the public domain and/or civil society. An extended discussion of the concept would take us to the work of Adam Smith, and his concept of an autonomous, self-regulating economy described as civil society. In arguing that individuals, in pursuing their self-interest, indirectly and unintentionally promoted the collective interest, Adam Smith developed the concept of civil society as a self-regulating and beneficial arrangement. But Hegel saw a contradiction between civil society as the sphere of selfish interest and political society as a sphere of public interest. In criticizing Hegel's theory, Marx counter-posed universal franchise, the proletariat and democracy as the triad which, unlike Hegel's could supersede the contradictions of civil society by ushering in communism. Thus Marx called his work the critique of political economy because he showed its basic categories were historical and not universal. In the social production of their existence, men inevitably enter into definite relations, which are independent of their will, namely relations of production appropriate to a definite stage of development of their material productive forces.... At a certain stage of development, material productive forces of society come into conflict with existing relations of productions, or - this merely expresses the same thing in legal terms - with the property relations within the framework of which they have operated hitherto. From forms of development of the productive forces these relations turn into their fetters. Then begins an epoch of social revolution. (Marx 1859. p20/21) Marx's views influenced the viewing of social change as resulting from interaction between classes of people grouped according to their relationship to the means of production. Keynesian economics also questioned the equation of individual good and public good and argued for state intervention. Thus the contemporary meaning of political economy may be broadly defined as a theory of civil society, taking into account the interplay between economic and political factors. or the aggregate t ime-expend i ture (cost and/or effort ) o n transport . (Janelle 1969 p349) . But it is in Harvey 's recent wo rk that there is an effort t o br ing toge the r advances in t ranspor ta t ion and c o m m u n i c a t i o n t e c h n o l o g y and chang ing e c o n o m i c c o n d i t i o n s ove r space . T o examine this w e n e e d to rev iew brief ly his theo ry of a c cumu la t i on . A c c o r d i n g t o Harvey the p rocess of a c cumu la t i on of capital is no t mere ly t empora l but geograph i ca l as we l l . This g e o g r a p h y for Harvey has t w o c o m p o n e n t s : a f o cus o n p lace w h i c h is static and resistant to change and a focus o n space w h i c h is dynamic and in cons tant t rans format ion . (Harvey 1985a . Chap te r 2; 1988. p122-127) Places f unc t i on as cent res of a c cumu la t i on and p r o d u c t i o n . He re Harvey emphas izes the d i f ferent ia t ion t e n d e n c y of capi ta l ism that seeks t o make dist inct p laces w h i c h are dif ferent f rom o n e another . To facil itate e x p a n s i o n and r e p r o d u c t i o n capi ta l ism requires large urban centres as w o r k s h o p s of cap i ta l i sm. The infrastructural and manufac tu r ing features of urban centres represent massive inves tments of f ixed capita l . (Harvey 1988. p i 15-127) In a capital ist e c o n o m y , p r o d u c t i o n is always fo r prof i t . This is rea l ized w h e n the p roduc t o r serv ice is s o l d . If the tu rnover t ime b e t w e e n the inves tment of capital and the sale of the f in i shed p r o d u c t is s h o r t e n e d greater prof i ts o r surp lus value can be o b t a i n e d because for a g iven p e r i o d of t ime the same a m o u n t of capital can be used m o r e f requent ly . But a major obs tac l e to r educ i ng tu rnover t ime is space , f o r examp le the t ime taken t o transport g o o d s f r o m po in t of p r o d u c t i o n t o po in t of sale. T o o v e r c o m e space o r the f r ic t ion of d is tance capital a t tempts to "ann ih i la te space t h rough t i m e " . (Harvey 1985b . p28 ) Place and space coex i s t but there is t ens i on . Harvey descr ibes this re la t ionsh ip as b o t h creative and dest ruct ive o r "c reat ive ly des t ruc t i ve " . Barnes and Hayter obse r ve : A l t h o u g h the re la t ionsh ip Harvey d e v e l o p s in his earl ier wo rk b e t w e e n space and p lace is c o m p l e x , there are gaps in his a c coun t . First it is no t c lear wha t enables a rat ional l andscape to be rat ional fo r s o l ong g iven the powe r fu l forces o f d i s so lu t i on . S e c o n d , the prec i se mechan i sms that t r igger the annih i la t ion of space is left vague . Th i rd , Harvey 's no t i ons of space and place remain f o r the mos t part u n d e r t h e o r i z e d , physical ist c o n c e p t i o n s . Space is o f t en equ iva lent t o phys ica l d i s tance , and p lace the physica l depos i t of f ixed capita l . Finally, the spec i f i c geograph i ca l var iat ions in creative des t ruc t i on are o f t en left u n e x p l o r e d . (Hayter and Barnes 1991 . p6-7) Barnes a n d Hayter c o n c e d e that Harvey in his recent writ ings has addressed s o m e of these issues. W h a t is impor tant for this s tudy is Harvey 's m o r e expl ic i t s ta tement in his recent wr i t ings about the mechan i sms that a l low the annih i la t ion o f space t h rough t ime . For the m o s t part they are a series of t e chno log i c a l advancemen t and use in t ranspor ta t ion and c o m m u n i c a t i o n s . (Harvey 1 9 8 8 . p i 22) Harvey fo r t ime-space c o m p r e s s i o n or ann ih i l a t ion of space and M c G e e for t ime-space co l l apse are b o t h referr ing to the inc reased use of t e chno log i c a l advances in transport and c o m m u n i c a t i o n s . But they are at d i f ferent scales, levels and cost . Harvey refers to advances in use in the advanced e c o n o m i e s a n d M c G e e to what he terms as "re lat ively cheap intermediate t ranspor ta t ion t e c h n o l o g y " increas ingly u s e d in parts of As ia . But b o t h refer to mechan i sms that enab le capital to use space t o its advantage. This is of impor t ance in this s tudy. C a p i t a l ' s ^ u s e of space makes desako t a in te l l ig ib le in Kerala. H o w e v e r in Kerala, capital 's use of space was t r iggered no t mere l y by the mob i l i t y made poss ib l e by recent d e v e l o p m e n t s in t ransport and histor ica l geog raph i ca l features of waterways t ranspor ta t ion . The pol i t ica l e c o n o m y o f capita l- labour conf l i c t in Kerala was an 17. The use of the term 'capital' in this study is in the customary social science usage, and is not reified. To clarify this usage here it may be appropriate to cite Bhaduri: Capitalists are capitalists because a particular set of production relations bestows on them the right to own 'capital' and the economy is capitalist because it operates on the basis of the rules set by 'capital'. How do we define 'capital' then ? ....'Capital' is not just produced means of production. For, produced means of production is a universal concept applicable to all forms of society; the self-employed artisan under simple commodity production uses his implements as a means of production and so does a slave. 'Capital', therefore, has to be a concept more specifically related to the production relations under capitalism. Means of production become 'capital' only when (a) they are separated from wage labourers who work with them, and (b) they provide income namely profits to those who own the means of production, entirely by virtue of that ownership right In other words, 'capital' is also a social relation specifically embedded in capitalist relations of production. (Bhaduri 1986. p9) important factor as we l l . Bo th Harvey and M c G e e neg lec t o r u n d e r e m p h a s i z e the pol i t i ca l e c o n o m i c factors. Harvey d o e s r e c o g n i z e , that o r g a n i z e d l abour is under attack; the rise of neo-consen/at ism; pr ivat izat ion; and pressure against State in te rvent ion . But in his t heo r i za t i on , the emphas is o n capital a c cumu la t i on leaves l abour i m m o b i l i z e d and appears o f little c o n s e q u e n c e . At the same t ime the d i r ec t ion of M c G e e ' s w o r k o n desako ta and e x t e n d e d me t ropo l i t an reg ions in southeast and east As ia suggests an increas ing a t tent ion t o the pure ly t e chno log i c a l and e c o n o m i c factors. There is an inadequate t reatment of the imp l i ca t ions for spatial s tructures by the nature of capi ta l , its industr ia l o r f inancial c o m p o n e n t s , and the re la t ionship b e t w e e n these t w o c o m p o n e n t s . A n d little a t tent ion is pa id to capita l- labour re la t ionship and its impl i ca t ions fo r spatial structures. These features o f the pol i t ica l e c o n o m y are not addressed . The under emphas i s o n the pol i t i ca l e c o n o m y is apparent in a recent paper ( M c G e e and M a c L e o d 1992) o n the " g r o w t h t r i ang le " of S ingapore , J ohor and Riau as an e x t e n d e d me t ropo l i t an r eg ion . Cap i ta l is undi f ferent ia ted w i t h n o a t ten t ion pa id t o the d i f ferent fo rms in w h i c h it is inves ted . But the data p resen ted in this pape r b y M c G e e and M a c l e o d s t rong ly suggests an interplay b e t w e e n f inancial and industr ia l capi ta l . There is a lso a h o m o g e n i z i n g of "Ove r seas C h i n e s e " capital suggest ive of a W e s t e r n perspec t i ve . In the S ingapore c o n t e x t it may have b e e n m o r e usefu l t o ident i fy in terms of S ingapore C h i n e s e (national) cap i ta l , and the internat ional c o m p o n e n t s of H o n g K o n g C h i n e s e capital and if relevant Malays ian , Indones ian and Thai C h i n e s e capita l . W e also hear n o t h i n g o f the ro le Japanese capital plays, t h o u g h w e are t o l d of the Japanese p lay ing o n the go l f courses . The neg lec t of the pol i t i ca l e c o n o m y also r educes o u r unde r s t and ing of the forces that seek t o sanit ize S ingapore and attract prost i tutes t o Batam and industr ies in search of female labour t o Johor. (Ibid). W h a t is the r e sponse of w o m e n , feminists and N G O activists to these t rends . If there is n o n e , what is pol i t i ca l e c o n o m y that den ies t h e m a r e s p o n s e , a vo i ce . As w e n o t e d earl ier M c G e e in c o i n i n g the te rm desako t a in Bahasa Indones ia i n t e n d e d to sens i t ize socia l sc iences to vernacular pe r cep t i ons and k n o w l e d g e . This task a lso incorpora tes a n e e d to unders tand the loca l po l i t i ca l e c o n o m y . The p rocess of change in these urban reg ions u n d o u b t e d l y poses many research cha l l enges , part icularly the impo r t ance of i n co rpo ra t i ng the local-global d ia lec t i c in to a n e w reg iona l geography . Recent feminis t wr i t ings (Eg: bel l h o o k s 1984, 1990 ; and Spivak 1990) , have a rgued that W e s t e r n mainst ream academic wr i t ings are p r o n e to a W e s t e r n and/or wh i t e male pe r cep t i ons . M a s s e y (1991) has a lso c r i t i c i zed Harvey 's and Soja's recent pub l i c a t i ons as be ing a male v iew. A l l this is part of larger deba te that involves g e n d e r bias, cultural po l i t i c s , imper ia l k n o w l e d g e systems, post-co lon ia l cr i t ics , o rgan i c and tradi t ional inte l lectuals . M c G e e has b e e n sensi t ive to these issues (1985, 1991) and as d i s cussed the use of an As ian vernacular l anguage t o c o i n the n e o l o g i s m desako t a is part an effort to address these issues. W h a t is be i ng a rgued here is that a sensit iv ity t o the po l i t i ca l e c o n o m y and cultural po l i t i c s w i th in it, is d e m a n d e d in any effort t o i n co rpo ra te non-wes te rn , non-sexist unders tand ings of the ob jec ts of s tudy. S o m e of these issues wi l l be taken up in the c o n c l u d i n g chapter . In exam in ing the interface b e t w e e n the po l i t i ca l e c o n o m y and d e s a k o t a in spatial f o rma t ions it may be useful to d raw o n ins ights in the w o r k of ano ther g e o g r a p h e r , D o r e e n Massey . The p r imacy of space , p r o d u c t i o n and po l i t i ca l e c o n o m y and the u n d e r p i n n i n g of h is tor ica l geograph i ca l and cultural factors is e m p h a s i z e d in Massey ' s a p p r o a c h t o examine spatial fo rmat ions , spatial structures and spatial change in Britain. (Massey 1984, 1989) The use of Massey ' s w o r k fo r this s tudy may be c r i t i c i zed as the mechan i ca l app l i ca t ion of m o d e l s d e v e l o p e d in the s tudy of a wes te rn soc i e t y to an As ian con tex t . Desako t a as ind i ca ted earl ier is in part an effort t o m o v e away f r o m s u c h analysis. The character of capital and the labour p rocesses ; the re la t ionsh ip b e t w e e n the t w o ; occupa t iona l structures, cu l ture and reg iona l class and the pr ior histor ica l use of space o r the geo log i ca l layer ing of eadier p r o d u c t i o n sys tems; are e l ements that Massey sees as c o m i n g toge ther in part icular spaces t o in f luence spatial structures. (Ibid) As w e shall see in this s tudy the same e l ements , t h o u g h w i th dif ferent ia l c on t en t , b o t h in e c o n o m i c and cultural te rms , are impor tant features in the reg iona l geog raphy of Kerala that in f luence desako ta in Kerala. The re levance of Massey ' s w o r k for examin ing the spatial structure of Kerala is largely because of its sensit ivity to cul ture and po l i t i cs . For instance Massey s h o w s the impor t ance o f the w o r k i n g class character and po l i t i cs of the coa l f ie ld areas in Britain t o unders tand the spatial structures and change occu r r i ng in these areas. (Massey 1984. p i 95-223) In Kerala pro le tar ian izat ion a n d w o r k i n g class po l i t i cs are impor tan t features of the reg ion and n e e d t o be taken in to a c c o u n t in examin ing spatial structures. This is no t to c la im universa l iz ing l og i c of pol i t i ca l e c o n o m y . It is impor tant t o r e c o g n i z e the d e v e l o p m e n t of w o r k i n g class c o n s c i o u s n e s s be i ng i n f l uenced by local cultural t radi t ions and the p rocess of change in such tradi t ions. This is i n d e e d impor tant in Kerala as we l l . W e shall see for instance in this s tudy the in f luence of the caste re fo rm m o v e m e n t , and caste c o n s c i o u s n e s s o n class c o n s c i o u s n e s s . At the same t ime the labour intensive character of s o m e sec tors of the Kerala e c o n o m y , and the e m e r g e n c e of o r g a n i z e d l abour has c rea ted local i t ies w i t h m o r e h ighly d e v e l o p e d occupa t i ona l a n d w o r k i n g class cu l ture and c o n s c i o u s n e s s . This w i l l be seen in chapters e ight and n ine w h e n w e e x a m i n e the co i r industry in A i l e p p e y Distr ict and b e e d i industry in C a n n a n o r e distr ict . Massey ' s app roach is thus m o r e relevant than it w o u l d appear at first. 18. Peter Sahlins reviewing Dipesh Chakrabarty book on the jute-mill workers of Calcutta, Rethinking Working-class History: Bengal 1890 - 1940, says it is "perhaps the most important monograph since E.P.Thompson's The Making of the English Working Class." (Sahlin 1991. p i 79) There is in this statement an implicit recognition that there are universalizing elements in working class history. Massey has l is ted six under l y ing pr inc ip les in the spatial d i v i s ion of l abour app roach in d e v e l o p i n g her m o d e l of the reg iona l and industr ia l g e o g r a p h y of U.K. First, the l inks b e t w e e n reg iona l and loca l d e v e l o p m e n t w i th w ide r p rocesses at the nat ional and internat ional levels. S e c o n d , she stresses no t just the e c o n o m i c factors but a cons te l l a t ion of t echn ica l , soc ia l and cultural factors . Th i rd , the i nadequacy of the conven t i ona l ' l o ca t i on factors ' of e c o n o m i c geog raphy o n the o n e hand and the enr i ch ing and e labora t ion of l abour as a l oca t i on factor. Fourth , the active ro le g e o g r a p h y and geograph i ca l var iat ions play w i th in w i d e r e c o n o m i c and soc ia l changes . Fifth, the un iqueness of the l o ca t i on , in re f lec t ing success ive layers of inves tment and as a part of a w i d e r sys tem of i n t e r d e p e n d e n c e . A n d lastly the s u p e r i m p o s i t i o n of di f ferent spatial d iv is ions of l abour , creat ing patterns of reg iona l g e o g r a p h y and unevenness as we l l as pe r i od i c changes . (Massey and M e e g a n 1989. p245-46) Massey sees capital a c cumu la t i on to be an impor tant e l emen t in exp la in ing spatial change . She argues that r ounds of capital a c cumu la t i on in a s ingle coun t r y , can p r o d u c e spatially uneven effects as a result of histor ical ly p r io r use of space . (Massey 1984. p i 94-5) M a s s e y also stresses the three strategies of capital in its ques t fo r increas ing prof i ts , namely , rat ional izat ion, techn ica l i nnova t i on and centra l izat ion of capita l . (Ibid p26) These strategies are e x a m i n e d by her in the con tex t of the restructur ing that is g o i n g o n the advanced e c o n o m i e s , and speci f ica l ly Britain. But at the same t ime in Massey ' s v i e w di f ferent func t iona l levels of a f irm o r industry requi re d i f ferent qual i t ies of labour . (Massey 1984. p25-27) As W a r d e observes : The log ic of Massey ' s a c coun t is that capital has c o m e t o use spatial d i f fe rent ia t ion as a resource in the c o m p e t i t i v e search for prof i t . There is a search for spatial advantage. Such advantage is m o s t readily o b t a i n e d by d i sc r iminat ing b e t w e e n avai lable l abour fo rces . (Warde 1985 . p i 96) In ana lyz ing l abour fo rces , Massey , f o l l o w i n g Ag l i e t ta (1979), ident i f ies four phases in the d e v e l o p m e n t of the l abour p rocesses in capital ist soc ie t i es . The first, manufac ture , cons is ts main ly of the ga ther ing t oge the r of prev ious ly i n d e p e n d e n t worke r s in to a factory sys tem. In the s e c o n d , mach ino fac tu re , mechan i za t i on is i n t r o d u c e d and the d i v i s ion of l abour w i t h i n p r o d u c t i o n d e v e l o p e d . W i t h sc ient i f i c m a n a g e m e n t and Ford ism job-f ragmentat ion is further inc reased , part icularly a long the l ines of separat ing o f c o n c e p t i o n f r om e x e c u t i o n , and the ' f low-l ine ' p r inc ip le , a id ing these changes , is i n t r o d u c e d . In the latest phase , w i th the i n t r oduc t i on of neo-Ford i sm, f ragmenta t ion and desk i l l ing of the direct w o r k fo rce (particularly t h r o u g h the remova l of cont ro l ) can be p u s h e d further w i th the use of e l e c t ron i c in fo rmat ion systems. Each phase represents a di f ferent way of c o m b i n i n g capital a n d l abour in the p r o d u c t i o n p rocess , a di f ferent way of o rgan i z i ng the l abour fo rce , and a dif ferent k i nd of strat i f icat ion and d i f fe rent ia t ion wi th in that l abour fo rce . (Massey 1984. p23) The rest ructur ing and spatial change that M a s s e y is examin ing in the con t ex t o f Britain is o c cu r r i ng in the th i rd and four th phases. T h e s e c o n d phase as the g e o l o g i c a l layer pr io r to the last t w o is a lso o f ' s o m e re levance in Massey ' s m a p p i n g of the spatial change a n d the reg iona l g e o g r a p h y of industr ia l s tructures in Britain. The first phase is o f little s ign i f i cance to Massey for spatial change and structures b e c a u s e in the regional e c o n o m i c g e o g r a p h y of Britain this stage has b e e n passed over in the 19th century or even earl ier. This is a s imp l i f i ed interpretat ion of Massey ' s examina t ion of the phases of l abour p rocesses . The transi t ions are not neat and as M a s s e y po in ts ut a mix of m o r e than o n e labour p rocess d o e s o c c u r at any o n e po in t of t ime . M a s s e y in exam in ing spatial change and rest ructur ing of the reg iona l e c o n o m i c g e o g r a p h y of Britain a lso f inds the d i f fe rent ia t ion o f capita l , in to industr ia l and f inancia l , cruc ia l . ( Ibid p14-21) A n d so is the re la t ionsh ip b e t w e e n capital and l abour p rocesses . ( Ibid p25) The me tapho r that Massey uses to unders tand changes ove r t ime is g e o l o g i c a l : success ive rounds of capital a c cumu la t i on d e p o s i t layers of industr ia l s e d i m e n t in geograph i ca l space . She also emphas i zes the pol i t ica l ef fects of industr ia l change o n o c c u p a t i o n a l s t ructure and reg iona l class structure. Massey has b e e n c r i t i c ized for i so lat ing class structure and exc lud ing o the r spatial ef fects ; h istor ica l changes in loca t ion pat tern ; po l i t i ca l c o m b i n a t i o n of classes; r e p r o d u c t i o n of l abour p o w e r ; and local cu l tures that are no t i n d e p e n d e n t of class structures but n o r r educ ib l e to class st ructure . (Warde 1985 . p i 97-201) W a r d e r e cogn i zes in Massey ' s m e t a p h o r the t ight embrace of the cr i t ique of o r t h o d o x geography ' s ' fe t i sh izat ion of space ' . Wa rde c o n c e d e s that space is no first cause but it s h o u l d not be d i s m i s s e d f r o m analysis. He argues. M e t a p h o r i c a l loca l surfaces are b l e m i s h e d by past local pol i t ica l pract ices , h o u s e h o l d o rgan iza t i on , soc ia l p ro tes t m o v e m e n t s and loca l cus toms , as we l l as industr ia l h istor ies . Cumula t i ve loca l , cultural effects cannot be o m i t t e d . (Warde 1985 . p201) W h i l e m i n d f u l of the cr i t ic isms of Massey , w h i c h as w e shall later obse rve are per t inent in the Kerala con tex t , her w o r k is d i s cussed here pr imari ly for its usefulness in re lat ing the pol i t ica l e c o n o m y t o spatial change and spatial s t ructures . O n e of the cues f r o m Massey ' s w o r k w e can f o l l o w is to ident i fy the character o f the loca l o r reg iona l cap i ta l i sm. This is to draw o n her m e t h o d o l o g y and insights rather than rep l icat ing her m o d e l . Character of capital in Kerala Massey argues (Ibid p i 6) that it is impor t an t to examine the spec i f i c character of capi ta l ism in a coun t r y or r eg ion unde r study. The p r e d o m i n a n t character of capi ta l inves ted in the Kerala r eg i on is merchant . In co lon i a l e x p o r t e c o n o m i e s w h i c h we re pr imar i ly based o n agr icul ture, r e source ext rac t ion and their m in ima l p roces s i ng the d o m i n a n t e c o n o m i c powe r s we re the mercant i l e interests. For mercant i le capita l any p r o d u c t i o n in the f o r m of agro-p roces s i ng o r minera l d ress ing if it o c c u r r e d se rved mere ly as an accessory rather than an i n d e p e n d e n t ob jec t i ve va lued for its o w n sake. The d i f ferent ia t ion of merchan t capital f r o m industr ia l capital d o e s no t who l l y c o r r e s p o n d to that b e t w e e n c i rcu la t ing and f ixed capita l . M e r c h a n t s ' investment in wa rehouses , t ranspor ta t ion faci l i t ies represents f ixed capita l , and the w o r k i n g capital of industr ies are a k i nd of c i rcu lat ing capi ta l . The m o r e fundamenta l and d i s t ingu i sh ing character of merchant capital lay w i th in the rent ier nature of the merchant ' s inves tments , i nc lud ing o ther bases of his wea l th , such as usury, l i cences etc. The merchant ' s search fo r prof i ts was in the exchange relat ions or p rocess and no t in the p r o d u c t i o n process . The s t imulus g iven by merchant capital to c o m m o d i t y p r o d u c t i o n is t h r o u g h a w i d e n i n g of markets and a territorial d iv i s ion of labour , rather than t h r o u g h a d e e p e n i n g of markets by a sp l i t t ing up of the p r o d u c t i o n p rocess into a greater n u m b e r of d is t inct and spec ia l p r o d u c t s o r opera t ions . M e r c h a n t capital is external to the p r o d u c t i o n p rocess . It may increase the mass of p roduc t s that enter trade in its search for prof i ts but it d o e s no t seek l owe r ing the cos t s of p r o d u c t i o n by increase in product iv i ty . M e r c h a n t capital had n o c o m p u l s i o n to app ly capi ta l in d e p t h so l o n g as n e w l ines of trade c o u l d be o p e n e d up and inves tment oppo r tun i t i e s ex i s ted ou ts ide the sphere of p r o d u c t i o n . In contrast t o merchant capita l , as Marx states: Industrial capital is the on l y m o d e of ex i s tence o f capita l , in w h i c h no t on l y the appropr i a t ion of surplus-value o r surp lus-product , but s imu l t aneous l y its c reat ion is a func t i on of capi ta l . There fore w i th it the capital ist character of p r o d u c t i o n is a necessi ty . (Marx 1867. 1967 (Ed) p55) Thus the fundamenta l character ist ics of industr ia l capital that d i s t ingu i shes it f r om merchant capital are th ree fo ld . First, wh i l e merchant capital seeks prof i t in the exchange relat ions industr ia l capital appropr ia tes surplus value and/or profits in the p r o d u c t i o n process or re lat ions. S e c o n d , f o l l o w i n g this character ist ic , industr ia l capital ists str ive to increase product i v i t y so that they can enhance the surp lus value. Rat ional izat ion and techn ica l i nnova t ion that Massey refers to as strategies that capita l uses in its c o m p e t i t i v e search for prof i ts are part of this p rocess t o enhance product i v i t y . The stages o f l abour p rocesses referred to by M a s s e y also f o r m part of this strive t o increase product iv i ty , t o increase surplus value and ob ta in greater prof i ts . M e r c h a n t capital in contrast , s ince it f inds its prof i t in e x c h a n g e re lat ions, d o e s no t seek t o increase product i v i t y . Increasing prof i ts is by e x p a n s i o n of t rade ; faster tu rnover of capital a n d s tocks ; and pay ing less t o the p r o d u c e r . Thirdly , this inherent str iv ing of industr ia l capital to increase p roduc t i v i t y and prof i ts leads t o a c cumu la t i on of capi ta l . The accumu la t i on of capital is the crit ical d i f fe rence e m p h a s i z e d by Marx . A d i f fe rence that is a lso crit ical to the t rans format ion of merchant capi ta l ism t o industr ia l capi ta l ism. This is of impor t ance in theor ies of d e v e l o p m e n t or u n d e r d e v e l o p m e n t . The tradi t ional v i ew sough t to exp la in the non-occu r rence o f the t ransformat ion of merchant capi ta l ism to industna l capi ta l ism was in terms o f internal c o n d i t i o n s such as ' factor scarc i t ies ' and cultural l imi tat ions. A radical c r i t ique of this v i ew by the depend i s t s was in terms of the impact of the external forces o f co lon i a l i sm and surplus ext rac t ion . This in turn was c r i t i c ized as a mi r ror image of the t radi t ional " m o d e r n i z a t i o n " v iew. There e m e r g e d the th i rd v i e w f o c u s i n g o n the impact of the external o n the internal , the t w o seen in terms of d i f ferent m o d e s of p r o d u c t i o n and their unequa l in teract ion . Be t te lhe im's ' conserva t ion-d i sso lu t ion ' p rocess o r t h e m e (1972. p297 ) expresses this re la t ionsh ip . A r m s t r o n g and M c C e e (1985. p52-55) examin ing the mechan i sms of conserva t ion-d isso lu t ion and the u rban iza t ion p rocess in d e v e l o p i n g soc ie t i es obse r ve : it is clearly in the interests of the loca l ru l ing classes and internat ional capital t o a l low these non-capital ists systems to c o n t i n u e , at least in the shor t t e rm, so as t o avo id s o m e of the m o r e ex t reme structural con t rad i c t i ons w h i c h are e m e r g i n g f r om the unequa l al l iance b e t w e e n transnat ional and loca l capi ta l . ( Ibid p54) The character of merchant capita l inves ted in the agro-process ing industr ies of Kerala was a c o m b i n a t i o n of Eu ropean , ( largely British), Indian non-Kerala, and Kerala. The last ca tegory had a marginal and subord ina te ro le . The de ta i l ed impl i ca t ions o f s u c h capital and c o m b i n a t i o n are d i s cussed in chapters seven , e ight and n ine . Suff ice to state here that the character ist ic unequa l al l iance was present and m a d e m o r e c o m p l e x by three levels of part ic ipat ion and c o m b i n a t i o n , the fo re ign , the nat ional (Indian) and loca l (Kerala). It is impor tan t to bear in m i n d that s o m e of these features were s t rong ly present in late co lon i a l Kerala. There have b e e n impor tant changes occu r r i ng in the nature of capital f o rma t ion and d e p l o y m e n t in the last f ew decades . Fore ign capital has virtually d i sappea red in the agro-process ing industr ies mak ing way for an al l iance b e t w e e n nat ional and loca l capital.^® A n o t h e r aspect of the c o m p l e x i t y of the i nh ib i t ed t ransformat ion of merchant capital to industr ial capital in the Kerala con t ex t was the character of the c o m m o d i t y c o m p o s i t i o n and the agro-industr ial p roduc t s . The inabil i ty of the expo r t and d o m e s t i c markets to abso rb the p r o d u c t s ; the l o w d e m a n d elasticit ies of m o s t of these p roduc t s ; secular dec l i ne in terms of trade of such c o m m o d i t y e x p o r t i n g count r i es and reg ions ; have made the market fo r mos t of these p roduc t s uncer ta in and f luc tuat ing . The Kerala e c o n o m y is largely an agrarian c u m c o m m o d i t y expor t e c o n o m y . The latter be i ng p lantat ion p r o d u c e and agro-based p roduc t s . It was in these sectors that merchant capi ta ! p layed a d o m i n a n t ro le . As wi l l be d e m o n s t r a t e d in chapter seven , twe lve industr ies make up m o r e than 75 percen t of the manufac tur ing w o r k force in Kerala. O f this twe lve 19. It is important in this context to note that in the last two decades considerable numbers of skilled and technical personnel from Kerala have gone as labour migrants to the Middle East. This has resulted in inward remittances and accumulation of savings within Kerala. A good part of .this have been invested in housing and conspicuous consumption of household assets. Housing investment in turn caused a construction boom. But interestingly foreign remittances and savings has also triggered a lot of activity in the Cochin Stock Exchange, vaulting it to rank fourth among the stock exchanges in lndia.(Mohan and Raman 1990. p i 7; Paul 1990 p576) Through the Cochin Stock Exchange investment is being made or funded outside Kerala. The aversion to investment in Kerala, is the perception by investors that the presence of organized labour in Kerala is not conducive to industrial peace and profits. (Subramaniam and Pillai 1986 p588; Oommen 1981 p78-82; Anil Kumar 1990. p379; Paul 1990b p2808) We shall shortly discuss the genesis and character of organized labour in Kerala. industr ies e ight are agro-process ing industr ies . The character of capital is p redominan t l y merchant capita l . T h o u g h there had b e e n s o m e po l i c y initiatives f r o m the late co lon i a l p e r i od t o t ransform merchan t capital to industr ia l capital o r attract industr ia l capi ta l , there has b e e n a min ima l t rend in this d i r ec t ion . Particularly in the agro-process ing industr ies the t ransformat ion has b e e n ex t reme ly l im i ted . In the text i le industry t o o as w e wi l l no te in chapter seven , the f ixed capital inves tment is min ima l , un l ike in many o the r parts of India. In a great n u m b e r of cases capital i nves tment is l im i ted t o the manual ly ope ra ted l o o m s and the bu i ld ings that h o u s e t h e m . In s o m e instances the l o o m s are o w n e d by the workers w h o have c o m e toge the r to f o r m a co-operat ive to enab le t h e m t o market their p roduc t s t h r o u g h State a ided c o -opera t i ve marke t ing federat ions . These features of the Kerala e c o n o m y , t o g e t h e r w i th its c o m m o d i t y c o m p o s i t i o n , mark it as industr ia l ly backward even in the Indian con tex t . As wi l l be d i scussed in chapte r seven , the t roughs and peaks of the market for di f ferent c o m m o d i t i e s s o m e t i m e s c u s h i o n e d or e v e n e d out the adverse effects . Labour s o m e t i m e s m o v e d f r om o n e c o m m o d i t y p r o d u c t i o n t o another , and/or t o o k o n seconda ry work.2^ C h a p t e r seven , wi l l i l lustrate the features of such m o v e m e n t and w o r k . O n e aspect of this c o m m o d i t y character was that it e n c o u r a g e d merchan t capital inves tment . Industrial capital inves ted in capital assets w o u l d have r ema ined id le o r underu t i l i zed in p e r i o d s of c o m m o d i t y s l u m p , l o ck i ng u p capital and g i v ing p o o r returns o n capital . O n the o the r hand l abour intens ive p r o d u c t i o n was ideal ly su i t ed for such a c o m m o d i t y market . Lay offs we re no t easy in the con t ex t o f o r g a n i z e d labour . But as chapters seven , e ight and nine wi l l demons t r a t e , in the c o n t e x t of capital-labour conf l i c t , capital d o w n s i z e d large p r o d u c t i o n units in urban areas and m o v e d t h e m t o the count rys ide . The labour intens ive , l o w t e c h n o l o g y meant in s o m e instances a near regress ion to the stage of i n d e p e n d e n t h o u s e h o l d p r o d u c t i o n . The h o u s e h o l d and smal l p roduce r s w e r e l inked t o the expor te rs by a ne two rk o f traders. The 20. This is while a person's primary occupation was in one industry or agriculture, there was subsidiary work, often by household manufacture, in another industry. nature of trade re la t ionships in such ne tworks faci l i tated the expor ters and traders to use the ne tworks on l y w h e n market c o n d i t i o n s d e m a n d e d it. L abour intensive p r o d u c t i o n , the trade ne tworks , and capital 's use of space by m o v i n g the f r agmen ted units to the coun t r y s i de were thus l inked to the character of the c o m m o d i t y market and capita l . In such con tex t s the merchant can also take o n the ro le of supp l y ing the raw materials t o the p r o d u c e r t o be t u rned in to f in i shed g o o d s . If the f in i shed p r o d u c t is pu r chased at a l owe r than market pr ice because of the supp l y of raw mater ia l , the merchant may in turn sell at a l o w e r pr ice fo r the sake of a qu i cke r turnover , o r captur ing a market. The merchan t by in te rpos ing h imsel f b e t w e e n the p r o d u c e r and the market , b o t h for f in i shed g o o d s and for raw mater ia l , and t h r o u g h usury subjects the p r o d u c e r to a re lat ion s o m e t i m e s of a lmost persona l b o n d a g e . In the Sou th As ian agrarian con tex t , the merchant i n t e rpos ing b e t w e e n the peasant p r o d u c e r and the market has b e e n c o n c e p t u a l i z e d by Bhaduri (1983 & 1986a) as f o r c ed c o m m e r c e . This p o s i t i o n i n g of mercant i le capital is of re levance in e x a m i n i n g the agro-p rocess ing industr ies in Kerala and there impact o n desako ta . Forced Commerce Bhadur i d e v e l o p e d the c o n c e p t of f o r c e d c o m m e r c e in the c o n t e x t o f backward agr icul ture in Sou th As ia . H e a rgued that the ex t rac t ion of surplus va lue f r o m peasant agricultural p r o d u c e r s occu r s t h r o u g h the t rad ing m e c h a n i s m and/or s ys tem. Peasant c o n s u m e r and agricultural p r o d u c t i o n input needs are me t by vi l lage level t raders, v is ib le as owne r s of g roce r y stores , r ice p r o c e s s i n g mil ls etc . The peasant p r o d u c t i o n and c o n s u m e r needs are invariably met o n a credi t basis as the peasant p roduce r s hardly have l i qu id cash or conver t ib l e assets to pay in cash . The credi t and interest are re turned o n l y w h e n the agricultural p r o d u c e b e c o m e s avai lable. The peasants abil ity to sell the ir p r o d u c e in the o p e n market are ex t reme ly l imi ted . Socia l and e c o n o m i c pressures c o m p e l t h e m to sel l it t o their c red i tor , the v i l lage trader. Some t imes the pressures e x t e n d to the phys ica l , the v i l lage trader o r agent is o n the thresh ing f loor to co l l ec t the dues in k ind . W h a t the peasant is left w i th fo r subs i s tence is no t adequate to carry the peasant family t h r o u g h till the next harvest. So be fore l o n g , the peasant is back to the trader fo r c o n s u m e r loans and needs and by the t ime of s o w i n g fo r s e e d paddy and other p r o d u c t i o n inputs o n credi t . The cyc le is r epea ted and pe rpe tua ted , and the peasant never ceases t o be a deb to r . This is a s impl i f i ed desc r ip t i on . The real life s i tuat ion is far m o r e c o m p l e x . But the central p rocess w h e r e b y the peasant is f o r c e d t o ente r in to commerc i a l t ransact ions w i th vi l lage trader, the e n d n o d e at the vi l lage level of w i d e r t rad ing ne tworks , is an impor tant feature o f the vi l lage agrarian e c o n o m y . This Bhadur i concep tua l i z e s as f o r ced c o m m e r c e . W e shall e m p l o y the term f o r c e d c o m m e r c e essent ia l ly to desc r ibe the nexus of involuntary market i nvo l vement by the smal l peasants in var ious f o rms and arrangements unde r the c o m p u l s i o n of debt . (Bhadur i 1983 p9) The po in t that Bhadur i emphas i zes is trade as a ins t rument of appropr i a t i ng part of the peasant agricultural surplus v a l u e . T h i s is part icular ly s ignif icant in parts o f s o u t h As ia whe re peasant smal l ho ld ings p r e d o m i n a t e and large h o l d i n g s and l and lo rd i sm are min ima l . In such reg ions f o r c e d c o m m e r c e b e c o m e s the key ins t rument o f appropr i a t i on o f agricultural surplus value. Bhadur i c o n c e p t u a l f r amework expresses the merchant capital ist exp lo i t a t i on of the smal l peasant. The exp lo i t a t ion is h o w e v e r tak ing p lace in the market p lace and no t in p r o d u c t i o n re lat ions. This is in k e e p i n g w i t h the character of merchant capita l . 21. This may not be acceptable to Marxian economists who argue that surplus extraction occurs only in production relations. It is not proposed in this study to examine forced commerce in the context of this debate. For Bhaduri's arguments why surplus extraction can occur in exchange relations see Bhaduri 1983, Chapter one. Also see Bardhan (1985) and Ashok Mitra (1985) for a discussion of Rosa Luxemberg's views within the Marxist ideology and Bhaduri's concept of forced commerce. A n o t h e r issue raised by Bhadur i ' s s chema ta is that any a c cumu la t i on of capital is inves ted no t in p r o d u c t i o n but in t rade. Thus p roduc t i v e accumu la t i on l ead ing to increases in p r o d u c t i o n and produc t i v i t y d o e s no t o ccu r . If in the rural e c o n o m y the d o m i n a n t soc ia l class we r e the traders, t oge the r w i th the p r e sence of smal l ho lders of cu l t ivated land then the t empta t i on to exp lo i t commerc i a l l y the smal l ho lde r s and pet ty p roduce r s are great. The fo rces of t e c h n o l o g i c a l change and p r o d u c t i v e a c c u m u l a t i o n are in a d i sadvantaged pos i t i on in such a s i tuat ion. As Bardhan obse rves : Bhadur i (1983) has e m p h a s i z e d h o w surp lus ext rac t ion by rentier, merchan t or m o n e y l e n d i n g interests may dr ive p o o r peasants t o exchange re lat ions, raising the index of commerc i a l i z a t i on of the e c o n o m y w i t hou t any necessary pos i t i ve effects o n accumu la t i on . This is re lated t o Ma rx ' s idea in Capital, Vol III, of t w o alternative histor ica l paths that may be taken by. merchant capi ta l , in d e v e l o p i n g or retarding the g r o w t h of industr ia l capi ta l ism. (Bardhan 1985 . p551) T h o u g h Bhadur i ' s concep tua l i z a t i on of f o r c e d c o m m e r c e was d e v e l o p e d in the c o n t e x t of backward agr icul ture in Sou th As ia , it is present in pet ty manufac tur ing o r c o m m o d i t y p r o d u c t i o n in India, i n c l ud ing Kerala. This wi l l be d e m o n s t r a t e d in chapters seven and e ight . The impor t ance of Bhadur i ' s f o r c e d c o m m e r c e is that it he lps t o make inte l l ig ib le the c o n t e x t that faci l i tated desako t a in Kerala. First, as ind i ca ted the p r e sence of f o r c e d c o m m e r c e p rov ides in part an exp lana t ion for the absence of capital a c cumu la t i on and the lack o f g r o w t h of industr ia l cap i ta l i sm in the c o n t e x t of the agro-process ing industr ies in Kerala. It is per t inent here to d raw o n an obse r va t i on A s h o k M i t r a made o n this aspect of f o r c e d c o m m e r c e in r ev i ew ing Bhadur i ' s wo rk . D e p e n d i n g o n certain h is tor ica l c i r cumstances , f o r c e d c o m m e r c e c o u l d give way to p roduc t i ve a c cumu l a t i on , o r it c o u l d be the o the r way r o u n d Wha teve r the initial c o n d i t i o n s , if t h r o u g h a series of acc idents , s o m e t e c h n o l o g i c a l i nnova t ions or o the r pe rco la te in to the sys tem and there fore lead to a sharp increase in farm ou tpu t , t h o s e in con t ro l of m o n e y may then be pe r suaded t o g o the w h o l e h o g and o p t fo r massive p roduc t i ve a c cumu la t i on . If, o n the o the r hand , res istance to soc ia l and t e chno log i c a l change is d e e p r o o t e d , the bias in favour of f o r c e d c o m m e r c e c o u l d c o n t i n u e indef in i te ly . (Ashok M i t ra 1985 . p285) As w e wi l l no te short ly, d u e to a mix of l abour i sm and resistance t o desk i l l ing in the l abour intensive agro-process ing industr ies in Kerala, there d e v e l o p e d a s t rong res istance to mechan i za t i on . This then may have a d d e d t o con t i nua t i on of f o r c e d c o m m e r c e and further i nh ib i t ed the entry o f industr ia l capi ta l ism t o the agro-process ing industr ies . There is a lso the neoc lass ica l v iew, that in a con tex t of h igh p o p u l a t i o n dens i t ies and a reserve army o f labour , t e chno log i c a l advances are less l ikely. S e c o n d , and of impor tance for this s tudy, is the spatial o rde r that a c c o m p a n i e s f o r c ed c o m m e r c e , part icular ly in its l inkage t o the pet ty and smal l p roduce r s . The apex and s o m e of the h igher n o d e s of the t rading ne twork are invariably u rban , - por t c i t ies, por t t o w n s and bazaar t owns . The rest of the t rad ing ne twork , l ink ing the pet ty p roduce r s and smal l scale p r o d u c t i o n units , is non-urban . This is an impor tan t part of the mix of factors in Kerala that p r o d u c e s a desako ta s i tuat ion. The sheer numbers i nvo l ved in this vast trade ne twork augments the non-agricultural sec to r in non-urban areas. Th i rd , it p r o v i d e d a cultural e c o n o m i c inst i tut ional sys tem for capital to l ink up a d i spe r sed army o f pet ty and smal l scale p roduce r s . As w e shall short ly n o t e capital u sed space t o c o n t e n d w i th o r g a n i z e d labour , by d o w n s i z i n g , decen t ra l i z ing and d i spe rs ing the agro-p rocess ing units. In this capital had a ready cultural e c o n o m i c inst i tut ion t o link the d i spe r sed p roduce r s . In capita l- labour re la t ionsh ip the l abour p rocess was crucia l factor . W e turn to examine this in the next s ec t i on . Labour process and the capital-labour conflict in Kerala The l abour p rocess in m o s t agro-process ing industr ies in Kerala was what has been charac ter ized by Ma rx as s imple co-ope ra t i on , whe re worke r s are b rough t t oge the r as wage labourers at a s ingle centre but c o n t i n u e by and large t o w o r k i ndependen t l y of each other . This is the first of the four phases of l abour p rocesses referred to by Massey . But in these centres or factor ies e m e r g e d a capita l- labour conf l i c t re la t ionsh ip and l ed t o l abour b e g i n n i n g to be o rgan ized by the late 1920s. By the late 1930s l abour in mos t o c c u p a t i o n s in Kerala had b e c o m e trade u n i o n i z e d . The e m e r g e n c e and g r o w t h of o rgan i zed l abour i n f l uenced capital-l abour re la t ionship and had cons ide rab l e impac t o n the pol i t i ca l e c o n o m y of Kerala s ince the 1930s. It is a rgued in this study that this po l i t i ca l e c o n o m y and the strategies u s e d by capital to c o n t e n d w i th o rgan i zed l abour has i n f l uenced spatial fo rmat ions and structures in Kerala. Chapte rs e ight and n ine w h i c h present case s tud ies of co i r and b e e d i industr ies deal in d e p t h w i th the factors that l ed t o the e m e r g e n c e of o rgan i zed l abou r and capital-labour conf l i c t . They wi l l a lso demons t r a t e h o w capita l 's use of space a m o n g its strategies t o c o m b a t l abour i n f luenced spatial structures in Kerala, i nc lud ing desako ta . The task n o w is to br ief ly c o m m e n t o n the m o r e impor tan t of the factors that c o n t r i b u t e d to l abour b e c o m i n g o r g a n i z e d ; the manner in w h i c h capita l u s e d space a m o n g its strategies to c o n t e n d w i th o r g a n i z e d labour , and h o w this i n f l uenced desako ta . The factors that i n f luenced l abour to b e c o m e o r g a n i z e d in Kerala may be put d o w n as f o l l ows : [1] Low wages and poor working conditions The p o o r w o r k i n g c o n d i t i o n s and l o w wages in the agro-process ing sec to r f o m e n t e d l abour dissat isfact ion and unrest. This act ivated l abour mob i l i z a t i on and o rgan iza t ion of trade un ions . The l o w pr ices o f f e r ed by the merchants fo r the f in i shed p roduc t s in contex t of the l abour intensive character of the industr ies m a d e it imperat ive to keep wages low . [2] Labour concentration and capital's use of space. As the case studies of co i r and b e e d i in chapte rs e ight and n ine , as we l l as the ske tches of a f ew o the r industr ies in chapte r seven wi l l demons t ra te , many of the agro-p rocess ing industr ies e x p a n d e d in r esponse to c h a n g i n g market d e m a n d s , b o t h nat ional and internat ional , f r o m the late 19th century onwards . This was largely c o n s e q u e n t to the c o m b i n e d effects of the W e s t e r n wor ld ' s industr ia l a n d imper ia l expans i on . In the initial phase of the expans ion of the agro-process ing industr ies the p r o d u c t i o n o rgan iza t ion was typical ly the "ga the r ing t oge the r of p rev ious ly i n d e p e n d e n t w o r k e r s in to a fac tory " , the first of the four phases of l abour p rocess w e n o t e d be fore . A n d these we re l o ca t ed in the port t owns of Kerala. (Eg, co i r in A l l eppey , b e e d i in C a n n a n o r e , c a s h e w p rocess ing in Q u i l o n ) . This concen t r a t i on of worke rs initially in the urban centres and their face to face con tac t genera ted l abour mo b i l i z a t i on and o rgan i za t i on . Cap i ta l to prevent and p r e e m p t l abour mob i l i z a t i on , d o w n s i z e d , decen t ra l i zed and d i s p e r s e d the factor ies t o areas ou t s ide the urban centres . He re was capita l 's use of space in its strategies to c o n t e n d w i th o r g a n i z e d labour . This h o w e v e r in Kerala fa i led t o stall l abour f r o m b e c o m i n g o r g a n i z e d . In fact it had the o p p o s i t e ef fect of o r g a n i z e d l abour sp read ing t o non-urban areas and to many o the r o c c u p a t i o n s , i n c l ud ing even rural agricultural worke r s in r ice cul t ivat ion as early as 1939. S o m e of worke r s in the factor ies of the urban cent res we re rural migrants , and s o they w e n t w i th the d o w n s i z e d factor ies that we re d i s p e r s e d to n e w rural l oca t ions . But these wo rke r s t o o k w i th t h e m the seeds of l abour o rgan iza t ion capabi l i ty . They had learnt that o r g a n i z e d l abour is a w e a p o n t o f ight l o w wages and p o o r w o r k i n g c o n d i t i o n s . So in a short wh i l e trade un ions e m e r g e d in the n e w loca t ions . A n d worke rs in u n i o n i z e d industr ies i n f l uenced o the r m e m b e r s of their h o u s e h o l d in o the r o c c u p a t i o n s to trade u n i o n i z e . Thus capital 's use of space tu rned out to be a p rocess that e n a b l e d , a m o n g o the r factors , l abour t o b e c o m e o r g a n i z e d count r y w ide . This c o n t r i b u t e d to the g rowth of w o r k i n g class c o n s c i o u s n e s s and po l i t i ca l iza t ion . This as wi l l b e a rgued in this s tudy is impor tan t in unde r s t and ing the pol i t i ca l e c o n o m y of Kerala. In short g e o g r a p h y matters in exam in ing the pol i t i ca l e c o n o m y of Kerala, just as the pol i t i ca l e c o n o m y is impor tan t in unde r s t and ing the spatial structures in Kerala. [3] Literacy levels and labour The h igh rate of l iteracy a m o n g the w o r k fo r ce faci l i tated trade u n i o n i z a t i o n . The relatively h igh l iteracy rate in the Kerala p o p u l a t i o n is a t t r ibuted a m o n g o t h e r reasons to i nd igenous systems of educa t i on be i ng no t d i smant l ed du r ing the co lon i a l p e r i o d . (Tharakan 1984 ; Jeffrey 1987b) Part I of this s tudy wi l l brief ly d i scuss this. W h a t is impor tan t t o r e cogn i ze n o w is that l i teracy in Kerala means m o r e than the abil ity to scrawl one ' s s ignature . Literacy in Kerala as Jeffrey (1987) s h o w s is func t iona l l iteracy. Kerala, of cou r se has b e e n the m o s t literate r e g i o n of India t h r o u g h o u t the 20th century . But a f lour ish ing vernacular press requires more than s imp l e l iteracy. Areas w i th l iteracy f igures as h igh as Kerala's d o not necessar i ly genera te a dai ly newspape r cu l ture . Tha i land in 1967 had a l iteracy rate of 70 pe rcen t , a p o p u l a t i o n nearly tw i ce as great as Kerala 's, yet a dai ly n e w s p a p e r p r o d u c t i o n o f on l y 350 ,000 . Kerala at that t ime pr in ted m o r e than 750 ,000 c o p i e s a day. (p607) Kerala in 1981 had o n e vernacular (Malayalam) n e w s p a p e r daily fo r every 19 persons . This ratio was s e c o n d on l y to the English dai l ies in India, w h i c h we re o n e fo r every four pe r sons l iterate in Engl ish in India. (Ibid p607) Jeffrey has s o m e v ignet tes o f the extent of l iteracy. A aged female f ish sel ler of the in formal s e c to r p i ck i ng up a flyer t o read,(Jeffrey 1987 p467 ) ; an aged p o o r w o m e n o n a ve randah , seen f r o m a bus , read ing a newspaper. ( Jef frey 1987 p447) The s ign i f i cance of a l iterate w o r k fo r ce in a id ing w o r k i n g class a n d pol i t i ca l c onsc i ousnes s may be inferred f r om the obse r va t i on of B r o w n an Engl ish miss ionary . H e records that in the 1940s the ferry boat he travel led in was f i l led w i th p e o p l e o n their way to w o r k and reading cop i e s of a Malaya lam translat ion of the C o m m u n i s t Man i f e s to . ( B rown 1981 p12) [4] Impact of the caste reform movement Kerala w i tnessed dur ing the first f ew decades of this century a s t rong caste re fo rm m o v e m e n t . This was no t a mode ra t e re fo rmism ini t iated by the savarna^'^ o r pr i v i l eged castes. This, as wi l l be s h o w n in Part I, d is t ingu ishes it f r o m the k ind of caste re fo rmat ion f r o m wi th in pr i v i l eged caste structures that o c c u r r e d in co lon i a l India. The caste r e fo rm m o v e m e n t in Kerala was an attack, ideo log i ca l l y and social ly , by the avarna o r suba l tern castes and minor i t y re l ig ious g roups , l ed by the Ezhava caste. (Issac and Tharakan 1986a) This was occu r r i ng at a t ime of soc ia l change w h e n the d o m i n a n t caste o f Kerala, the Nayars we r e o n the dec l i ne . (Jeffrey 1976) The mos t v is ib le aspect o f the caste r e fo rm m o v e m e n t , w h i c h i n c l u d e d the d e m a n d fo r equa l c iv ic r ights, was the s t ruggle fo r H i n d u s of any caste to have the right t o enter t e m p l e fo r w o r s h i p . H i ther to the avarna castes had b e e n d e n i e d this right. A p ro t rac ted satyagraha c ampa ign ou t s ide s o m e of the t emp les l ed to t emp les be i ng o p e n e d to all H i n d u castes. The e thos of sol idar i ty and leg i t imacy of equ i t ab le c iv ic rights d i d no t d i sappear w i th the t emp les o p e n i n g the d o o r s t o all H indus . There was a k ind of pos i t i ve t ransference of the e thos f r o m the protes t barr icades a round the t emp les to o the r s i tuat ions pe r ce i v ed as in iqu i tous . A m o n g this was the p o o r wages and w o r k i n g cond i t i ons o f wo rke r s in agro-22. The varna principle in the traditional caste system divides the castes into four broad groups or varnas (colours). They are the Brahmins, the priestly caste, the kshastriyas, the ruling castes, the vaishnavas, the trading castes and the sudras, the agricultural castes. These are the savarna castes, the high castes. There are a number of castes that fall outside the four varna castes, they are the middle and lower castes and known as the avarna castes. p r o c e s s i n g industr ies . There was thus a transfer of the e thos of sol idar i ty and protest against soc ia l inequi t ies f r o m the t emp l e f l oo r to the s h o p f loor . As s tated, the caste r e fo rm m o v e m e n t was l ed by the Ezhavas, w h o s e tradit ional o c c u p a t i o n was regarded t o be the mak ing of t o d d y o r c o c o n u t pa lm w i n e . They we re also e n g a g e d in smal l h o l d e r c o c o n u t cu l t i va t ion, and c o c o n u t based industr ies such as coir . The caste re fo rm m o v e m e n t in fused the o c cupa t i ona l and caste cu l ture of the Ezhavas w i th a pol i t i ca l and soc ia l awareness. This was carr ied in to the co i r industry w o r k i n g class cu l ture . The co i r industry was also regional ly concen t r a t ed in A i l e p p e y distr ict . C h a p t e r e ight , the case s tudy o n the co i r industry wi l l p rov ide a descr ip t i ve analysis of these features and o the r radica l iz ing in f luences , such as the Russian r evo lu t i on , the rise of the Labou r party in Britain, anti-imperial ist s t ruggles in India etc. Suff ice it to state here that the co i r industry and A i l e p p e y distr ict p l ayed a p i o n e e r i n g , catalyst and centra l ro le in trade u n i o n i z a t i o n in Kerala. A n d in this as wi l l be m a d e clear in chapte r e ight the reg iona l , o c c u p a t i o n a l , and caste cul ture and caste re fo rm expe r i ence we re impor tan t . Issac's emphas i s o n the t rans fo rmat ion of caste consc i ousnes s to class consc i ousness in his w o r k o n the co i r indust ry in Kerala, expl ic i t ly r e cogn i ze s this. (Issac 1985) He re w e see, t h o u g h in a very d i f ferent cu l tura l and e c o n o m i c con tex t the va l idat ion of Massey ' s v i e w that reg iona l o r loca l l abou r market area's o c c u p a t i o n a l and class sub-cultures in f luence the manne r in w h i c h capital makes use of p o o l s of l abour . He r analysis of C o r n w a l l and the coa l f i e lds areas in Britain t h o u g h r e m o v e d in space and t ime p rov ide insights. (Massey 1984. p i 95-223) Labour process, deskilling and organized labour The l abour p rocess in the agro-processs ing industr ies w e n o t e d r ema ined in the first stage of the four stage t y p o l o g y des c r i bed by Massey . But trade u n i o n i z a t i o n o c c u r r e d whi le the l abour p rocess was at this stage. Mi l i tant , po l i t i ca l i zed trade un i ons at this stage is not c o m m o n . Desk i l l ing has been seen as o n e of capital 's strategy to alter the c o n t r o l l abour has ove r the labour p rocess . (Baverman 1979) It occurs w h e n mach ino fac tu re is i n t r o d u c e d in to the l abour p rocess . The e m e r g e n c e of trade un ions p r io r t o mach ino fac tu re can impact o n the capaci ty and capabi l i ty of l abour to resist desk i l l ing . This is seen in the agro-process ing industr ies in Kerala. O n l y in t w o agro-process ing industr ies d i d mechan i za t i on occu r . They we r e excep t i ons that p rove the rule. O n e was in r i ce-process ing whe re m e c h a n i z e d hu l l ing and mi l l ing had b e e n i n t r o d u c e d be fo r e trade un i ons e m e r g e d in Kerala. The o the r was is c o c o n u t o i l manufacture w h e r e m e c h a n i z e d p rocess ing r ep l a ced tradi t ional t e c h n o l o g y us ing animal (bu l lock ) p o w e r w i th little or n o d i sp lacement o f h u m a n labour . Trade u n i o n i s m at this "f irst s t age " of the l abour p rocess in capital ist soc ie t i es can also create a t e n d e n c y to l abour i sm, t h o u g h this was in the Kerala con tex t c o n t a i n e d t o s o m e extent by the po l i t i ca l izat ion of the trade un ions . A n o u t c o m e of the l abou r i sm t endency , t oge the r w i th the workers res istance t o desk i l l ing and fear of j ob loss , was the host i l i ty o r ant ipathy to mechan i za t i on . This l ed even as late as in the 1970s, to l udd i t e des t ruc t i on of mach ines i n t r o d u c e d for de f ib r ing of c o c o n u t husks i n to co i r strands. Thus e ven c l o se to the last quarter of the 20th century there we re forces that c o n t r i b u t e d to the pe rs i s tence of rural o r non-urban ; d i spe r sed ; l o w t e c h n o l o g y ; l abour in tens ive ; merchant capital fac i l i ta ted; agro-p roces s i ng industr ies . The impl i ca t ions fo r desako ta are clear, the a u g m e n t i n g of non-agricultural activit ies in non-urban areas. Organized labour and State power O r g a n i z e d l abour was a ided in its conf l i c t w i th capital by its partial capture of state p o w e r at the loca l level of the Kerala State. The capture of State p o w e r is d e e m e d partial for t w o reasons. First, the overal l character of the Indian State and e c o n o m y r e m a i n e d capital ist. Wi th in the federa l sys tem of such a nat ion state, the e l ec t ion of a C o m m u n i s t Party G o v e r n m e n t at the Kerala state level gives l abour o n l y a partial access t o state power . S e c o n d , the p rocess of l abour access to state p o w e r was th rough par l iamentary e lec t ions , not a revo lut ionary change . This meant pe r i od i c changes we re poss ib le and d i d in fact take p lace . The C o m m u n i s t Party was e l e c t ed to p o w e r fo r the first t ime in 1957 and in three of the subsequen t seven e l ec t ions he ld t o date , the last b e i n g in 1987 . F rom the late 1950s there e m e r g e d in Kerala a t w o party pol i t i ca l sys tem. O n e was the C o m m u n i s t Party led coa l i t i on , the Left D e m o c r a t i c Front and the o the r a r ight-wing C o n g r e s s Party l ed coa l i t i on , the U n i t e d D e m o c r a t i c Front. The t w o coa l i t ions have he ld o f f i ce a lmost alternately f r o m 1957 onwards , in te rspersed by U n i o n G o v e r n m e n t rule that the Indian cons t i tu t ion provides. '^^ This meant that l abour ' s access t o state p o w e r was no t c o m p l e t e . But none the l e s s the C o m m u n i s t Party was an impor tant ac tor in Kerala mainst ream pol i t i cs and pol i t i ca l e c o n o m y . This s t r eng thened l abour in its conf l i c t w i t h capita l . W h e n the b e e d i industry was co-opera t i v i zed , the C o m m u n i s t Party was in p o w e r . The Kerala State at this juncture s u p p o r t e d and g u i d e d the l abour init iat ive to f o rm b e e d i manufac tur ing c o -operat ives . F o l l o w i n g the ludd i te smash ing of co i r de f i b r i ng mach ines , s tatutory p roh ib i t i on of mechan i za t i on , up t o certain stages of co i r p r o c e s s i n g , was leg is la ted. Such State act ions suggest l abour access to state p o w e r , even t h o u g h part ia l , was an impor tan t factor. This may have, a l o n g w i t h o the r factors d i s cussed earlier, i nh ib i t ed capital inves tment . It is per t inent and impor tant to po in t ou t here that the rise of the C o m m u n i s t Party in Kerala was c o n s e q u e n t t o the s t rength and s ize of o r g a n i z e d labour and its radica l izat ion in 23. The Indian federal system concentrates power in the centre compared to most federal systems. The centre can dismiss a State government on a number of grounds and run the State for an interim period until fresh elections are held. This has happened in the case of Kerala on a few occasions. It is alleged that this occurred due to the political maneuvering of the Congress Party, the principal opponent of the Communist Party in Kerala, which was in power at the Union Government level. the p rocess of its c o n t i n u e d conf l i c t w i th capital s ince the late 1920s. There was a symb io t i c l inkage b e t w e e n o r g a n i z e d l abour and the e m e r g e n c e and g r o w t h of the C o m m u n i s t Party in Kerala. A n d in this, desako ta and the spatial spread o f the industr ies we re an impor t an t factor. W e n o t e d the sp read of trade un i on i sm t o the coun t r y s i de w i th decent ra l i zed industr ies . This l eavened the coun t r y s ide wi th radical po l i t i ca l iza t ion . It is s o m e t i m e s c l a imed that the soc ia l d e v e l o p m e n t of Kerala, ind i ca ted by the health and e d u c a t i o n levels of the p o p u l a t i o n , are c o n s e q u e n t to the C o m m u n i s t Party led g o v e r n m e n t s in Kerala. It is substant ia l ly cor rec t that the C o m m u n i s t Party w i th its egalitarian i d e o l o g y e n c o u r a g e d many pos i t i ve and egalitarian features. But this was no t a t o p d o w n s i tuat ion , w i th the benef i ts f l o w i n g f r om C o m m u n i s t Party l ed gove rnments . In the socia l analysis of the C o m m u n i s t Party's powe r , the ro le of o r g a n i z e d labour is centra l . A n d in this the co i r industry p layed a catalyst ro le . C h a p t e r e ight , a case s tudy of the co i r industry , is in effect a h is tory of the e m e r g e n c e of o r g a n i z e d l abour and the rise to p o w e r of the C o m m u n i s t Party. Hav ing said this it is impor tan t t o r e c o g n i z e that Kerala's a ch i e vemen t in soc ia l ind icators is not pure ly the result of State p o l i c y initiatives. The ro le o f the human agency in d e m a n d i n g and ut i l iz ing civ ic r ights, co l l ec t i ve c o n s u m p t i o n is equa l l y impor tan t in Kerala. Mobility in Kerala M o b i l i t y was not con t a i ned in Kerala. Even in pre-co lon ia l t imes mob i l i t y was made poss ib l e by waterways , b o t h internal by the backwaters and c o n n e c t i n g canals and by coasta l sea t ranspor ta t ion . W i t h the advent of railways and road t ransportat ion in the c o l o n i a l p e r i o d mob i l i t y was greatly advanced by a coasta l road and rail ne twork . Today Kerala has the h ighest road dens i t y in India, (Mut t iah 1987. p i 10) and a f fo rdab le m o t o r i z e d t ransport has increased in the last t w o decades as wi l l be s h o w n in chapte r four . It may be useful to r e c o g n i z e that h igh p o p u l a t i o n densi t ies no t on ly d e m a n d e d dense t ransportat ion ne tworks but also p r o v i d e d e c o n o m i e s of scale for t ransport systems. The po in t be i ng made here is that w i th in the low lands and mid lands of Kerala, spatial mob i l i t y was comparat i ve ly easy and increas ingly so in recent decades . The impl ica t ions fo r t ime-space c o m p r e s s i o n and t ime-space co l l apse are apparent . In effect it was another fac tor faci l i tat ing desako ta in Kerala. M o b i l i t y also c o n t r i b u t e d to min ima l d i f ferent ia t ion. Minimal differentiation Harvey w e n o t e d e m p h a s i z e d the d i f ferent ia t ion t endency of capi ta l ism and h o w it seeks to make dist inct places. A n d in this p rocess urban centres are m a d e d ist inct , w i th massive inves tment of f ixed capital in infrastructural and manufac tur ing features. T h o u g h there are urban centres in Kerala, the urban-rural d i s t inc t ions are relatively m in ima l . This is in part an express ion of min ima l d i f ferent ia t ion in Kerala. There are many geograph ica l a n d soc io-po l i t i ca l factors con t r ibu t ing t o this effect . First, industr ies in Kerala be i ng largely l abour intens ive , very little f ixed capital in plant and mach inery we re requ i red . The l o o m s of the co i r and c o t t o n weav i ng indust r ies ; the roast ing barrels of the cashew p roces s i ng industr ies ; we r e s imple f ixtures that c o u l d be r e m o v e d and set up at ano ther p lace . Ti le manufac tu r ing and saw mills had s o m e e q u i p m e n t , land and bu i ld ings that c o m p r i s e d the f i xed capita l , but were no t very expens i ve and m o r e impor tant l y not concen t r a t ed in urban loca t ions . They we re o f t en c lose t o waterways and o the r t ransport routes or near raw material sources . B eed i d i d no t n e e d any f i xed capita l at all. In chapte r seven w h e n manufac tur ing in Kerala is e x a m i n e d these features w i l l be clear. It was on l y in the por t t o w n s , w i th w a r e h o u s e facil it ies that had a measure of infrastructural c oncen t r a t i on of f i xed capital in land and bu i ld ings . H e r e t o o the ease of wa te r transport m a d e such facil it ies less concen t r a t ed and less r equ i red . S e c o n d , is the min ima l phys ica l geograph i ca l and e co log i c a l d i f ferent ia t ion w i th in each of the three natural z o n e s of l ow lands , m id lands and h igh lands that run nor th-south , parallel t o each other , for the ent ire l ength of 550 k i lomet res of the Kerala State. There was also n o o n e major river sys tem l ike Ganges , Kr ishna, Godava r i , Kaveri o r Na ramada e l sewhere in India, cent ra l iz ing reg iona l e c o n o m i c activit ies a n d p o p u l a t i o n . There we re forty t w o smal l rivers that rose in the Wes t e rn Ghats or h igh lands and f l o w e d east wes t t o the Arab ian Sea. A m o n g the str ing of ports a long the coast , n o n e had a natural super ior i ty ove r the o thers , excep t C o c h i n t o a s l ight extent . The rise and dec l i ne of o n e port o ve r the others in the h is tory of the reg ion was due to pol i t ica l factors. As wi l l be a rgued in chapte r f o u r the histor ica l g e o g r a p h y of Kerala a lso suggests that the por t t owns we re on l y ports of t rade, no t just o n the geograph i ca l pe r iphery of Kerala, but a lso o n the soc ia l and e c o n o m i c marg ins of the r eg ion . D u r i n g the British raj, the t ransformat ion of s o m e of these por t t o w n s as typical co lon i a l por t c i t ies and administrat ive t o w n s began t o change this feature. The initial c oncen t r a t i on w e n o t e d of s o m e the agro-p r o c e s s i n g industr ies in the por t t o w n s , w e r e part of this change . But the capita l- labour con f l i c t and as w e n o t e d capital 's use of space as a strategy t o c o n t e n d w i t h o r g a n i z e d l abour partially reversed this t r end . There was in this c h a n g i n g ro le of urban centres a conf l i c t b e t w e e n the earlier ro le of the c i t ies and the n e w ro le . But it may be a rgued that the conf l i c t was in part con t a i ned o r reso l ved by desako ta . A n o t h e r factor is the co lon i a l d e v e l o p m e n t of India b e i n g c en t r ed a r o u n d the p ivots o f Ca l cu t ta , B o m b a y and Madras . Kerala o r Ma labar coas t por t c i t ies, o n c e impor tan t in the Indian o c e a n mar i t ime trade and history, d e c l i n e d and b e c a m e marg ina l i zed as the per iphery o f Madras , and for s o m e c o m m o d i t y t ransact ions (eg: c o c o n u t oi l ) , as the per iphery of B o m b a y . This t o o inh ib i ted the g r o w t h o f the Kerala port t o w n s and c i t ies in to the typical co lon i a l po r t cit ies. These issues wi l l b e d i s cussed m o r e fully in chapte r four . Thi rd , and of impor tant s ign i f i cance to this study, is the min ima l d e m o g r a p h i c d i f ferent iat ions caused by the h igh rural p o p u l a t i o n dens i t ies ranging f r o m abou t 650 t o 1100 persons per square k i l omet re in the low lands and midlands.^** The urban dens i t ies are n o d o u b t h igher , t h o u g h there had b e e n instances, as w e wi l l no te in chapte r three , w h e n rural densi t ies we re h ighe r than s o m e of the towns . C h a p t e r three also d iscusses s o m e of the factors con t r i bu t i ng to the h igh p o p u l a t i o n dens i ty of Kerala. Wha t is impor tan t fo r this s tudy is that w h e n capital was in n e e d of labour , it's search was no t necessar i ly c o n f i n e d to the urban areas. Spatially, l abour c o u l d be f o u n d anywhere in the low lands o r mid lands , t h o u g h in pract ice non-spatial factors such as gender , class and caste may have in te rvened . Rural densi t ies then d i d no t l imit capital 's use o f space t o urban areas in its efforts t o c o n t e n d w i th o rgan ized labour . A n d in the r e p r o d u c t i o n of l abour t o o urban-rural d i s t inc t ions we re min ima l . This takes us o n to the next factor , i n f luenc ing desako ta , co l l ec t i ve c o n s u m p t i o n . This is c lose ly l i nked t o and in f luences min ima l d i f fe rent ia t ion . Collective consumption. W e n o t e d that Caste l ls (1976) a rgued that o n e of the d i s t ingu ish ing features of urban set t lements in capital ist soc ie t ies is that they are s t ruc tured in a c c o r d a n c e w i th the l og i c of co l lec t i ve c o n s u m p t i o n . C i t ies are the cent res fo r the p rov i s i on o f serv ices fo r the r e p r o d u c t i o n of l abour and so m in im iz i ng the costs to capital of t ransport , hea l th care, educa t i on and h o u s i n g as such serv ices are partly o r w h o l l y f i nanced by the state. The urban system is seen as a repos i to ry of l abour p o w e r w h e r e i n the state subs id i zes its r e p r o d u c t i o n . In Kerala the co l l ec t i ve c o n s u m p t i o n services that are avai lable, part icular ly those p r o v i d e d by 24. Kerala has recorded the highest population density among the States in India in censuses of the 20th century, except for 1901, 1911 and 1941 when West Bengal had a slightly higher population density. (See Chapter three. Table 3.07) Kerala's rural population density is among the highest in the world. the state in heal th care, educa t i on and transport are relatively less concen t r a t ed in the urban areas than is usual ly the case. This is seen in M i c h a e l Up ton ' s (1977) r e cogn i t i on of Kerala as o n e of the f ew pos t-co lon ia l soc ie t ies w h e r e urban bias is min imal l y present . T w o factors con t r i bu t ed to this and wil l be e l abora ted in Part I. T o no te t h e m brief ly n o w . First, an egal itar ian i d e o l o g y , part icularly in spatial te rms of urban-rural, charac ter ized state in te rvent ion in p rov id ing the services that make up co l l ec t i ve c o n s u m p t i o n . The beg inn ings of such i d e o l o g y may be seen in the pr ince ly o r native state g o v e r n m e n t of Travancore p rov id i ng s o m e of these s e r v i c e s . T h i s i deo log i ca l thrust and pract ice was acce le ra ted in the post-co lon ia l p e r i od by pol i t i ca l and ideo log i ca l factors , part icularly as w e n o t e d earlier, w i th the entry of the C o m m u n i s t Party of India as o n e of the mainstream pol i t ica l parties in Kerala. S e c o n d , the rural p o p u l a t i o n dens i t ies no t on l y necess i ta ted and c l a imed co l l ec t i ve c o n s u m p t i o n services, part icularly t ransport , e d u c a t i o n and heal th care, but the very p o p u l a t i o n s ize and dens i ty faci l i tated e c o n o m i e s of scale. (Bhat and Rajan 1990). This then enab l ed capital t o use space to c o m b a t labour , because co l l ec t i ve c o n s u m p t i o n facil ities was no t spatially u n e v e n and concen t r a t ed on l y in urban areas. Summing up space, political economy and desakota. Cumu l a t i v e ef fect of this mix or cons te l l a t ion o f factors was the increas ing impor t ance of capital-labour con f l i c t in the po l i t i ca l e c o n o m y o f Kerala. The mercant i l e character of capital inves ted in the agro-process ing industr ies and the g r o w t h of trade u n i o n i s m and labour i sm c o m b i n e d t o k e e p these industr ies l abour intens ive . Cap i ta l at the same t ime sough t t o c o m b a t and out f lank l abour by the use of space . The agro-process ing factor ies we re d o w n s i z e d , decen t r a l i zed and d i spe r sed t o the coun t r ys ide . This led to the g r o w t h of l abour 25. As will be explained in chapter two, Travancore was one of the three politico-adminstrative units under the British raj that coalesced to form Kerala State soon after Indian independence intens ive small-scale and petty p r o d u c t i o n in agro-process ing in the coun t r ys ide . The labour p rocess no t on l y r ema ined in many industr ies in the first stage - "ga the r ing t oge the r of p rev ious ly i n d e p e n d e n t worke r s in to a factory s y s t e m " , but regressed to s o m e extent in s o m e industr ies t o the stage of i n d e p e n d e n t worke rs . Trade un i on i sm and pol i t ica l awareness l ed in s o m e industr ies to p r o d u c t i o n and/or marke t ing co-operat ives . In s o m e cases the pet ty p r o d u c e r s w i th their pr ior t rade u n i o n e x p e r i e n c e as wage earn ing wo rke r s f o r m e d assoc ia t ions t o negot ia te for bet ter pr ices . The spatial effect was that the d e v e l o p m e n t of the typica l co l on i a l urban system of port and administ rat ive cit ies and towns , was i m p e d e d . The character ist ics of desako ta in the M c G e e hypo thes i s and in Kerala This s tudy wi l l demons t ra te that m o s t of the character ist ics de l i nea ted by the M c G e e hypo thes i s are present in Kerala subject to a f e w but s ignif icant variat ions. Briefly, f o l l o w i n g the summary of characterist ics of desako ta p r e s e n t e d o n pages 10-11, these obse rva t ions may be made . First, there is in Kerala a large p o p u l a t i o n e n g a g e d in smal l h o l d e r agr icu l ture w i th cons ide rab l e in teract ion t h rough access ib le t ranspor ta t ion routes . The s igni f icant var iat ion f r o m the M c G e e m o d e l in Kerala, is that no t all of such agr iculture is rice cu l t i va t ion . W h i l e r ice remains an impor tant c r o p there is a c o n s i d e r a b l e a m o u n t of cash c rops , m o s t o f t h e m non-grain c rops . L ivestock farming is a lso s igni f icant a n d increas ing in recent t imes . S e c o n d , desako ta in Kerala is no t l i nked t o any large pr imate ci ty, but occu r s in assoc ia t ion w i th s e conda r y cit ies. Such desako ta is far less d e p e n d e n t o r l i nked t o any centra l urban sys tem than desako ta in an e x t e n d e d me t ropo l i t an r eg ion . W h i l e M c C e e (1991a) has r e c o g n i z e d that desako ta d o e s o c c u r in assoc ia t ion w i t h secondary cit ies in s o m e parts of Asia , i i is m o r e recent wr i t ings (1991b, 1992) w i th the emphas i s o n e x t e n d e d me t ropo l i t an reg ions t e n d to o ve r l ook this t ype of desakota . Th i rd , the impor t ance of intra-desakota dynamics , in desako ta that is not l i nked t o a pr imate city or a centra l urban sys tem, like in Kerala, intra-desakota dynamics are s igni f icant . O n c e again this is rece iv ing increas ingly less a t ten t ion in M c C e e ' s c o n c e p t u a l and analytical t reatment of e x t e n d e d me t ropo l i t an reg ions and desako ta . Fourth, f lu idity and mob i l i t y of p o p u l a t i o n and c o m m o d i t i e s as we l l as intens ive use of land and agr iculture and h o u s e h o l d p r o d u c t i o n ex is t ing s ide by s ide as l is ted by the M c G e e hypo thes i s is observab le in Kerala. Kerala also has a s ignif icant p resence of smal l scale industr ies , o r 'non-factory , n o n - h o u s e h o l d indust r ies ' as it is s o m e t i m e s d e s c r i b e d in India. C h a p t e r seven demons t ra tes and d iscusses this feature of Kerala industr ies . Fifth, M c G e e ' s recent wr i t ings (1991b, 1992) o n e x t e n d e d me t ropo l i t an reg ions and desako t a is increas ingly assoc ia ted w i th the rapid e c o n o m i c g rowth that is tak ing p lace in s o m e of the southeas t As ian count r i es . D e s a k o t a in Kerala in a sense blurs this type of desako ta . It is no t assoc ia ted w i th rapid e c o n o m i c g r o w t h , n o r is it a recent p h e n o m e n o n . Rural h o u s e h o l d industr ies that character ize pre-capital ist and pre-colonia l manufac tu r ing , d i d no t total ly cease to opera te in Kerala. S o m e activit ies l ike manua l rice p r o c e s s i n g d e c l i n e d , wh i l e a f ew others such as t o d d y manufacture , jewe l le ry mak ing , basket and mat weav ing c o n t i n u e d and we re as be fo re non-urban based . In co i r , an impor tant industry in Kerala, co i r yarn sp inn ing c o n t i n u e d to be a h o u s e h o l d industry . But w i th increas ing d e m a n d there e m e r g e d the "ga the r ing toge the r of p rev ious ly i n d e p e n d e n t workers in to a factory s y s t e m " . The factor ies we re n o m o r e than ' o p e n air' g r o u p activity, near lakes and o the r in land waters w h e r e c o c o n u t husks whe re ret ted to make the co i r yarn. They rema ined non-urban and us ing l abour intens ive l o w t e c h n o l o g y . It was this s e c t i o n of the co i r industry that saw ludd i te res istance t o mechan i za t i on . But a n e w value a d d e d co i r sector , us ing l o w l abour intensive, but none the less new , t e c h n o l o g y was the mak ing of co i r carpets, mats and matt ings wi th the spun yarn. It was this n e w e c o n o m i c activity and the market for its f i n i shed g o o d s that p u s h e d the d e m a n d for co i r yarn. The co i r mats and mat t ing sec tor was initially u rban , but due to the capital-labour conf l i c t and capital 's use of space t o c o n t e n d w i th the conf l i c t , b e c a m e non-urban in l o ca t i on . A similar path is seen in beed i , c a shew p r o c e s s i n g and in sec t ions o f the c o t t o n texti le industry. S o m e n e w industr ies such as br ick and t i le, w o o d based industr ies and s ea food p roces s i ng , we re non-urban and largely l abour intens ive , d u e to the compara t i ve advantage of raw material and the availability of labour , co l lec t i ve c o n s u m p t i o n and t ranspor t facil it ies for f in i shed p roduc t s . The p resence of these non-urban manufac ture , t o g e t h e r w i t h the large n u m b e r of e m p l o y e e s in the co l l ec t i ve c o n s u m p t i o n and transport serv ices , trade and c o m m e r c e , part icularly by the p resence of f o r c e d c o m m e r c e , created a large non-urban , non-agricultural w o r k fo rce . N e w market d e m a n d s , nat iona l and internat iona l ; h i g h rural popu l a t i on dens i t ies ; pressure fo r e m p l o y m e n t oppo r tun i t i e s ; o r g a n i z e d labour ; r e p r o d u c t i o n of past soc ia l relat ions of p r o d u c t i o n s , f o r m a c o m p l e x con t ex t that underp ins the p r e s e n c e of non-agricultural activity in non-urban areas of Kerala. S ixth , w o m e n ' s par t ic ipat ion in the w o r k fo rce had , overal l d e c l i n e d in Kerala, in terms of census data. S o m e n e w industr ies such as c a shew p rocess ing used fema le l abour . But due to the dec l i ne of s o m e tradit ional h o u s e h o l d industr ies , (Eg: manual rice p rocess ing ) , w h i c h had h igh w o m e n ' s par t ic ipat ion rates, the net effect had b e e n an overal l d e c l i n e of w o m e n ' s par t i c ipat ion in the Kerala labour fo r ce . The measu remen t of this is of cou r se a f fec ted by the nature of census opera t ions , census de f in i t ion of work , under-enumera t ion of w o m e n ' s wo rk etc . I n fo rmed s tud ies of Kerala e c o n o m y and l abour agree that w o m e n ' s par t i c ipa t ion in the w o r k fo rce had d e c l i n e d in the 20th century in certa in k inds of e c o n o m i c activity. ( U . N . 1975. p74) The overal l rate of dec l i ne may not b e e n rel iably es tab l i shed or agreed u p o n g iven the weakness of census data. This is in contrast to M c G e e ' s obse rva t ion of increas ing female par t i c ipat ion in desako t a reg ions e l sewhere in As ia . Seventh , it has b e e n sugges t ed in the M c G e e hypothes i s (1991a p i 2) that l abour s h e d d i n g a c c o m p a n y i n g the g reen revo lu t ion may have c o n t r i b u t e d to the e m e r g e n c e of desako ta by the search , by the d i sp l aced o r u n d e r e m p l o y e d labour , s eek ing alternate e m p l o y m e n t oppo r tun i t i e s in the non-agricultural sec tor . The increas ing par t ic ipat ion of w o m e n in the non-agricultural w o r k fo rce is also seen as re lated to g reen r evo lu t i on l abour s h e d d i n g . This l ink ing to the g reen revo lu t ion o n c e again suggests that desako ta is a recent p h e n o m e n o n , occu r r i ng du r ing the last t w o to three decades . Desako t a is seen as part of the n e w industr ia l ism and agr icul ture in As ia . W h i l e this may be so e l sewhere in As ia , it is no t the case in Kerala. Kerala agr icul ture is not regarded as a g reen revo lu t ion " s u c c e s s " story. In fact it is agricultural s tagnat ion in Kerala that has d rawn a t tent ion . (Kannan and Pushpangadan 1989. p i 067 , 1990. p i 991) Thus desako ta in Kerala d o e s no t have any re la t ionsh ip to g reen revo lu t ions and l abour s h e d d i n g . But in Kerala as sugges t ed in the M c G e e hypothes i s a mixture of agr icul ture and non-agr icul ture occu r s w i th in a s ingle h o u s e h o l d . This is d u e t o the p resence of non-agricultural activity in n o n urban areas fo r reasons d i s cussed be fo re . E ighth, and perhaps the mos t s ignif icant o f this study 's f i nd ings is the impo r t ance of the pol i t i ca l e c o n o m y in mak ing desako ta inte l l ig ib le . A un ique mix o f factors in Kerala make the po l i t i ca l e c o n o m y centra l to an unde rs t and ing o f desako ta in Kerala. U n d o u b t e d l y the spec i f ic i ty of the Kerala c o n t e x t makes the po l i t i ca l e c o n o m y impor tan t . N o n e t h e l e s s this s tudy raises an impor tant c r i t ique of M c G e e ' s w o r k o n e x t e n d e d me t ropo l i t an reg ions and desakota . There is an increas ing emphas i s in his recent wr i t ings o n the t e c h n o l o g i c a l and e c o n o m i c base of e x t e n d e d me t ropo l i t an reg ions and desako ta and the po l i t i ca l e c o n o m y is seen as less impor tant . Lastly, an impor tan t o u t c o m e of the M c G e e desako t a hypothes i s is that it cha l l enges the conven t i ona l v i ew of the urban t rans i t ion, and the under l y ing a s sumpt i on that urban-rural d is t inc t ions wi l l persist as urban iza t ion advances. M c G e e f inds the conven t i ona l v i ew of the urban transi t ion inadequate fo r three reasons. First, it is t o o nar row in its v i ew that the w ide l y a c c e p t e d spatial separa t ion of rural and urban activities wi l l persist as u rban iza t ion con t inues . S e c o n d , it is inadequate in its a s sumpt ion that the u rban iza t ion transi t ion wi l l b e inev i table because of the " a g g l o m e r a t i o n e c o n o m i e s " and compara t i ve advantage, w h i c h are said t o facilitate the concen t r a t i on o f the p o p u l a t i o n in l i nked urban areas Th i rd , the W e s t e r n parad igm of the urban t rans i t ion, w h i c h draws its rat ionale f r o m the histor ica l expe r i ence of u rban iza t ion as it has o c c u r r e d in W e s t e r n Europe and N o r t h A m e r i c a in the n ine t een th and twent i e th centur ies , is clearly no t neatly transferable to the d e v e l o p i n g count r i es ' u rban iza t ion p r o c e s s . ( M c G e e 1991a. p4-5) Desako ta in Kerala is a s t rong and expl ic i t d e m o n s t r a t i o n of M c G e e ' s a rgument of the inadequacy of the urban transi t ion m o d e l . The r e c o g n i t i o n of this and the p r e sence of desako ta in Kerala, he lps t o make inte l l ig ible the pat tern of u rban iza t ion in Kerala. Kerala urban iza t ion as w e wi l l d iscuss in chapte r five was s e e n by many scho lars as a p r o b l e m a t i c variant in the urban iza t ion t rends in India. This was in part due to such s tud ies b e i n g u n d e r p i n n e d by an urban transi t ion m o d e l of analysis. Ob jec t i v es of this s tudy The basic ob jec t i ve or centra l mot i f of this s tudy is s imp le . This is t o establ ish that desako ta , as de l i nea ted in the M c G e e ' s hypothes is is present in Kerala, subjec t t o s o m e qual i f i cat ions , and t o make this p resence of desako ta inte l l ig ib le . To re-phrase it, the urban-rural fus ion that is o b s e r v e d in Kerala, is t o be p r e s e n t e d in a macro-descr ipt ive analysis us ing a mix of quant i tat ive and qual itat ive data. In the p rocess a reg iona l geograph i ca l analysis is pu t fo rward to make the urban-rural fus ion inte l l ig ib le . This analysis is c en t r ed in the use o f the desako ta hypothes i s , w i th s o m e re f inements and re-emphasis . This centra l mot i f in the object ives of this s tudy has a c luster of subo rd ina te object ives . They may be desc r i bed as fo l l ows . First, the p resence of desako ta at the m a c r o level has to be es tab l i shed . This is nearly the ent ire Kerala State, 'sans' its h igh land r e g i o n , c o m m e r c i a l centres , bazaars and o the r def in i t ive urban areas. This impl ies that s o m e of the areas d e e m e d fo r census pu rpose as urban or rural may inc lude s o m e areas m o r e appropr ia te l y desc r i bed as desako ta . What is be ing a rgued in this s tudy is that the ent ire l ow l ands and mid lands of Kerala is desako ta and it is in a s ymb io t i c embrace w i th the c o m m e r c i a l cent res and bazaar n o d e s . The p resence of desako ta has t o be primari ly es tab l i shed o n the e c o n o m i c d i m e n s i o n , for th is , as w e d i scussed earlier, is central t o the de f in i t ion of the urban-rural d i c h o t o m y . O t h e r d i m e n s i o n s of the urban-rural d i c h o t o m y wi l l a lso be add ressed in the effort to estab l i sh the p resence of desako ta in Kerala. The n e e d to establ ish desako t a o n the basis of e c o n o m i c activity, at the Kerala State level and d i saggregated by distr ic ts , partly dictates the n e e d fo r a macro quant i tat ive m e t h o d o l o g y and data. S econd l y , as d i s cussed earlier, d e sako t a is no t a recent p h e n o m e n o n in Kerala. This necess i tates an histor ica l geograph i ca l ob jec t i ve . This is largely c o n f i n e d to exam in ing 20th century Kerala for the features of desako ta . But s o m e of the histor ica l geog raph i ca l analysis p r e sen ted in this s tudy br ing in g l impses o f 19th and 18th century Kerala, t o facil itate unde rs t and ing 20th century events and t rends . A recent t h e m e in Indian h i s to r iog raphy (Bayly 1988) is that an unders tand ing of co lon i a l and pos t-co lon ia l India c anno t be l im i ted to the rise of the Brit ish raj and its af termath. It has b e e n a rgued that many of the soc ia l and pol i t i ca l conf igura t ions of 19th and 20th century India are r o o t e d in the character and e m e r g e n c e of the successo r states du r ing the dec l i ne of the M u g h a l emp i re . The Kera la r eg i on in the sou thwes t co rne r o f the sub-cont inent was never part of the M u g h a l e m p i r e . But none the less the rise o f Travancore in the 18th century a m o n g the pr inc ipal i t ies of the Ma l aba r coas t and its f unc t i on i ng as a pr ince ly state w i th in the British raj is of i m m e n s e impor tance in unders tand ing co lon i a l and c o n t e m p o r a r y Kerala. This wi l l be m a d e clear in chapter o n e . The mix of an e c o n o m i c and histor ica l geograph i ca l app roach br ings in a s t rong e c o n o m i c historical perspec t i ve . Th i rd , there is the objec t i ve w i th in the c o h e r e n t f r amework of the d e s a k o t a hypothes is and e c o n o m i c , h is tor ica l , and geograph i ca l analysis to present a reg iona l g e o g r a p h y ^ ^ of Kerala. The n e e d is t o be sensit ive t o the mix of env i ronmenta l , e c o l o g i c a l ^ ^ and human factors that p r o d u c e the spec i f ic i ty and un iqueness of a reg ion . This ob jec t i ve , t h o u g h i n f o r m e d by the V ida l de la B lache v i s ion of a mix of milieu, genre de vie a n d circulation, d o e s no t seek a determin is t i c soc ie ty and env i r onmen t re la t ionship . It is m o r e a v is ion of sensi t ive ly c o m p o s i n g the parts so that the total i ty of r eg ion as a spec i f i c a n d un ique place emerges . The four th ob jec t i ve of this s tudy is to exp la in the central ity of the po l i t i ca l e c o n o m y and its s ymb io t i c re la t ionship to the spatial e c o n o m y fo r an unde rs t and ing o f Kerala and desako ta in Kerala. This has b e e n d i s cussed earl ier and its central i m p o r t a n c e in making desako t a inte l l ig ib le has b e e n s t ressed . It is r epea ted here briefly t o e m p h a s i z e that an ob jec t i ve of this s tudy is to demons t r a t e the re la t ionsh ip b e t w e e n the po l i t i ca l e c o n o m y and space e c o n o m y , and that this re la t ionsh ip is of fundamenta l s ign i f i cance in unde rs t and ing desako ta , and Kerala as a un ique r eg ion in the subcon t i nen t . 26. Regional geography means the study of the geography of regions, that seek to document and clarify the specific character of a particular locality. In this effort the interactions of the human and physical domains are analyzed and their fusion in the landscape is viewed as text. 27. Ecology is used here to mean the interaction between human culture and the physical environment. A fifth ob jec t i ve that eme rges in the effort to make desako ta in Kerala inte l l ig ib le is the synthesis and re-interpretat ion f r o m a geograph i ca l perspec t i ve the l iterature o n the e c o n o m i c history and pol i t ica l e c o n o m y of Kerala. A n u m b e r of scholar ly e c o n o m i c histor ica l s tudies (Issac 1982 , 1983a, 1983b , 1984, & 1985 ; Kannan 1983 , 1988 ; Raghavan 1986 ; Beevi 1978; Rajagopalan 1986 ; and M a t h e w 1986) of Kerala con ta in in fo rmat ion of spatial s ign i f icance. But n o n e of the s tudies draw ou t in c o n c e p t u a l and analytical terms the geograph i ca l issues. The c losest to a r e cogn i t i on of the impor t ance of space is by Issac: Decent ra l i za t ion of p r o d u c t i o n has to be seen as a strategy of capital t o by -pass the soc ia l l imits i m p o s e d by o r g a n i z e d w o r k i n g class to capital ist exp lo i t a t i on in the large-scale manufactor ies . (Issac 1982 . p PE13) The present s tudy wi l l seek t o draw out , synthes ize and interpret the spatial s igni f icance in s o m e of this l i terature o n Kerala. Lastly, an ob jec t i ve of this s tudy is to demyst i fy Kerala's u rban iza t ion as an aberrant variat ion in the con tex t of nat ional and o the r reg iona l patterns of u rban iza t ion . In chapter five it wi l l be s h o w n that many s tud ies of urban izat ion in India leave Kerala ou t , as it is p rob lemat i c to fit it w i th in the w ide r Indian pattern of u rban iza t ion . It is a rgued in this s tudy that o n c e Kerala spatial o rde r is seen w i th in the c o n c e p t u a l f r amework o f the d e s a k o t a hypothes i s , it ceases to be unexp l a ined dev iancy . Presentat ion of the Study. This s tudy is p resen ted in three parts. Part I t i t led "Towa rds an unders tand ing of Kera la " is a histor ica l geograph i ca l i n t roduc t i on to Kerala as a r eg ion in India o r sou th As ia . Part II is a mac ro descr ipt ive analysis of e c o n o m i c activity in Kerala, as d e p i c t e d by census and other quant i tat ive data o n the o c c u p a t i o n a l character of the Kerala w o r k fo rce in the 20th century. Part III p resents case studies of t w o industr ies in Kerala. They wi l l a t tempt to make expl ic i t the po l i t i ca l e c o n o m y of labour-capital conf l i c t and the re la t ionsh ip b e t w e e n the pol i t i ca l e c o n o m y and spatial s t ructures . The case s tud ies a lso seek to ba lance the quantitat ive thrust of Part 11 and act as a cor rec t i ve t o s o m e of the inherent weakness of census data. There w i l l be a c o n c l u d i n g chapter d raw ing ou t the ma in f ind ings of this study. Part I cons is ts of chapters t w o to f ive. C h a p t e r t w o is a h istor ica l geograph ica l i n t r oduc t i on to Kerala, as a cultural-l inguist ic r eg i on in the mosa i c of such reg ions in the subcon t i nen t . A t h e m e d e v e l o p e d at the e n d of the chapte r is that a m o n g such a mosa ic of reg ions o n the basis of cultural-l inguist ic d i s t inc t ions , Kerala has c la ims to a dist inct s o c i o e c o n o m i c character , as d i s t i ngu i shed f r om cultural-l inguist ic character ist ics . Chap te r three addresses this q u e s t i o n . A m o n g the d ist inct features of Kerala is its un ique spatial order . C h a p t e r four g o e s o n to deal w i th this at l eng th . It is, as w o u l d be apparent n o w , an impor tan t feature of Kerala fo r this s tudy of de sako t a in Kerala. C h a p t e r five reviews the l iterature that had addressed the spatial o rde r of Kerala, in part icular its u rban iza t ion pattern and t rends. It a lso emphas i zes the re levance of the desako t a hypothes i s fo r an unders tand ing of Kerala's spatial o rder . Part II cons is ts of chapters six and seven . T o g e t h e r they seek t o address the macro e c o n o m i c ob jec t i ves of this s tudy and t o d e m o n s t r a t e the p r e sence of desako ta by es tab l i sh ing the substant ia l n u m b e r s of the w o r k f o r ce e n g a g e d in non-agricultural o c c u p a t i o n s . It mus t be s t ressed again here that for these pu rposes , agr icu l ture is taken in its b roades t sense a n d inc ludes apart f r o m cu l t i va t ion and agricultural l abour , all t hose e n g a g e d in l i vestock, forestry, f i sh ing , hun t ing , p lantat ions , o rchards and al l ied activity. C h a p t e r six beg ins w i th a cr i t ical rev iew of the twe lve decenn i a l census of India f r o m 1871 t o 1981 and then goes o n to use the censuses f r o m 1901 , w h i c h are relatively m o r e rel iable. The ef fort is to first cons t ruc t the t w o b road sectors of agr icul ture and non-agr icu l ture in Kerala d i saggrega ted by the rural-urban ent i t ies. The in tent ion is t o demons t r a t e the substant ia l p r esence of non-agricultural activity in the non-urban areas. This it is a rgued is due to m o s t of the rural o r non-urban areas be ing desakota . Chap te r seven d isaggregates the non-agricultural w o r k fo rce o n a sectora l basis and rural-urban basis w i th a v i e w t o ident i fy ing the sectors that con t r i bu te to the s ignif icant non-agr icul tura l activity in non-urban areas. The manufac tur ing and serv ice sectors are d i saggregated further to ident i fy spec i f i c industr ies and services that are p resent in the non-urban areas. The data u s e d for these t w o chapters is pr imari ly census data. S o m e use of the Annua l Survey of Industries data, and State d o m e s t i c p r o d u c t data is made for the p e r i o d such data are available, v iz 1961 to 1981 . Chap te r s six and seven also rev iew and use s e conda r y sou rce material , (apart f r o m the census and o the r pr imary quant i tat ive data), of re levance for the e c o n o m i c history of in Kerala. S o m e studies of smal l and h o u s e h o l d manufac ture in 20th century India but ou t s ide Kerala are a lso u s e d . This enab les the teas ing ou t of s o m e of the issues present in the smal l and h o u s e h o l d industr ies in Kerala. A m o n g the industr ies ident i f i ed as impor tan t for the p resence of rural non-agr icul tura l activity, co i r and b e e d i have b e e n se l e c t ed for in d e p t h case studies as chapters e ight and n ine . The reasons fo r se lec t ing these t w o industr ies wi l l be deta i led in the t w o case s tud ies . Chap te r s e ight and n ine make up Part III of this s tudy. The ob jec t i ve of the case s tud ies is no t mere ly to f lesh the dry b o n e s of the quant i tat ive data of Part II w i th qual i tat ive data. Part III is m o r e than this. It was a rgued that the character of the pol i t ica l e c o n o m y of 20 th century Kerala is of f undamenta l impor t ance for the s tudy of desako ta in Kerala. The e m e r g e n c e of o rgan i zed l abour a n d the conf l i c t b e t w e e n l abour and capital is seen as impor tan t t o an unde rs t and ing of the pol i t i ca l e c o n o m y of Kerala. The t w o case studies of co i r and b e e d i wi l l i l lustrate the factors and process by w h i c h the capita l- labour conf l i c t b e c a m e an impor t an t feature of the pol i t i ca l e c o n o m y of Kerala. Capi ta l ' s use of space is e x p l o r e d in these case s tud ies . This also makes the non-urban o r desako ta l oca t i on of the t w o industr ies inte l l ig ib le . The co i r industry, is however , the m o r e impor tant . It was o n e of the major industr ies in Kerala and was also a catalyst in the e m e r g e n c e and spread of o rgan i zed l abour a m o n g many o c c u p a t i o n a l g r o u p s in Kerala. A case s tudy of the co i r indust ry is thus an impor tan t read ing of the history and character of the po l i t i ca l e c o n o m y of 20th century Kerala. The c h o i c e of case studies of industr ies as qual i tat ive data over the m o r e c o m m o n a cadem i c c h o i c e of an th ropo log i c a l material needs to be brief ly exp l a ined . W h i l e an th ropo log i c a l material may have e l i c i ted p rocesses at w o r k at the loca l level in o u r search for an unde rs t and ing of desako ta in Kerala, the t ime-space s w e e p so impor tant to make Kerala de sako t a inte l l ig ib le may be m i ssed in an an th ropo log i ca l snapshot . A n d s ince desako ta is l i nked to the non-urban loca t i on of Kerala industr ies, case s tud ies of t w o industr ies in Kerala was m e t h o d o l o g i c a l l y m o r e appropr ia te . Finally the c o n c l u s i o n d iscusses the re levance of the c o n c e p t of de sako t a towards an unders tand ing of the spatial character of the Kerala r e g i o n , and the s ign i f i cance of this s tudy, as an empir ica l ly i n f o r m e d examina t i on , of the desako ta hypothes i s . C H A P T E R T W O REGION A N D SOCIAL C H A N G E IN KERALA EcoloRV a n d ReRJon Kerala State o c c u p i e s a na r row strip of land a l ong the sou th wes te rn coas t of India, e n d i n g 50 k i lomet res nor th of Kanya Kumar i , ( Cape C o m o r i n ) , the sou the rn t ip of the s u b -con t inen t . The land area of Kerala covers 38,855 square k i lomet res . It has an e l o n g a t e d shape , w i t h the w i d t h n o w h e r e ove r 100 k i lomet res and averaging 60 k i lomet res . This shape gives it a l o n g coast l ine of nearly 550 k i lomet res . Such a coas t l ine , w i th its h istor ica l g e o g r a p h y and e c o s y s t e m , as w e shall s o o n obse rve , has had an impact o n the space e c o n o m y of Kerala. The coast l ine and e l o n g a t e d shape results in n ine^ of the twe lve administrat ive districts of Kerala in 1981 , be i ng coasta l distr icts. (See M a p s 2.01 and 2.02) Kerala's land mass inc ludes the W e s t e r n Ghats and the s lopes wes t of it, fal l ing t o the low lands by the sea. This area i n c l ud ing the W e s t e r n Ghats , has three e c o l o g i c a l z o n e s , the h igh lands , the mid lands and the low lands . ( M a p 2.03). O n the wes te rn f r inge are the low lands w h i c h stretch a l o n g the coasta l pla in and are in te rspersed w i th ex tens ive backwaters , l agoons and canals. The so i l is sandy and the pr inc ipa l c r o p is c o c o n u t . T h o u g h the lowlands o c c u p y on l y 10.2 pe rcen t of the land area of Kerala, they con ta in 25.8 pe rcen t of its p o p u l a t i o n . The low lands thus have the typical Kerala l andscape of d e n s e p o p u l a t i o n amidst backwaters and canals f l anked by c o c o n u t groves . The mid lands are an undula t ing 1. Including Kottayam District, which adjoins Lake Vembanad and so has access to the sea via this lake. (See Map 2.01) Map 2.01 Position of Kerala in India, 1981 Source: Censtis of India 1981, Series 10: Kerala, Part II-A. Map 2.02 Source: Census of India. Series 10: Kerala, 1981. MAP 2.0 3 Source; Chattopadhyay 1985. p221 Note: T h i s map shows the K e r a l a h i g h l a n d r e g i o n by v e g e t a t i o n types. The b a l a n c e a r e a of K e r a l a (white s p a c e s ) , correspond with the lowland and midland r e g i o n s of K e r a l a . terrain, s e l d o m reach ing m o r e than 1000 metres in he ight , w i th latérite soi l and r ich in agricultural p r o d u c e . Rice, c o c o n u t , t ap ioca , sp ices and c a s h e w are s o m e of the ma in c r o p s of this r eg i on . It o c c u p i e s 41 .8 percen t of the land area and conta ins 59.1 pe r cen t of the p o p u l a t i o n . The low lands and mid lands toge the r o c c u p y a little more than half the area of the State, bu t conta in nearly 85 percen t of its p o p u l a t i o n . They also cons t i tu te the major po r t i on of the land area of the n ine coasta l distr icts, it is w i t h i n the socio-spatial labyr inth of the low lands and mid lands and its pol i t i ca l e c o n o m y that de sako t a occurs . The Wes t e rn Ghats range a long the eastern b o r d e r of Kerala and separate Kerala f r om Tami lnadu in the east and Karnataka in the northeast . It is the W e s t e r n Ghats that f o rm the h igh land reg ion of Kerala. It is most l y a m o u n t a i n o u s and rocky terrain rang ing in e levat ion f rom abou t 1000 to 3000 metres . The h ighest peak A n a m u d i w h i c h is c l o se to 3000 metres is the h ighest po in t in India, sou th of the Himalayas. The h igh land r eg ion is th ick ly fo res ted in the u p p e r ranges, wh i l e in the l owe r ranges the forests are in te rspersed w i th tea, co f fee and rubber p lantat ions. Sp ices , g r o w i n g w i l d , c o n s e r v e d o r p lanted are a lso f o u n d in this r eg ion . The h igh lands cons t i tu te 48 .0 pe rcen t of Kerala's land area but on l y 15.0 percen t of the p o p u l a t i o n reside in the r eg ion . The h igh lands o r W e s t e r n Ghats are impor t an t for t w o reasons . First, the h igh m o u n t a i n o u s wal l of the Ghats and its c lose p rox im i t y t o the sea results in heavy and regular rainfall in all reg ions of Kerala.^ The f lora and fauna of Kerala are i n f l uenced by this rainfall and the topograph i ca l features of the natural reg ions . The r ich forest a n d sp i ce g r o w t h and plantat ion c rops in the h igh lands are a g o o d examp l e . The dense c o c o n u t g roves in the low lands are another . These agro-cl imatic features and resultant land use patterns have impor tan t impl i ca t ions fo r the d e m o g r a p h y and space e c o n o m y of Kerala. W e shall examine 2. Kerala, together with coastal Karnataka and coastal Maharashtra, has the highest rainfall in India averaging around 3000 millimetres a year. (Muttiah 1987.p60) this later. S e c o n d , the W e s t e r n Ghats f o r m a ramparts o n Kerala's eastern flank. The Palghat gap abou t twenty mi les w i d e is the on l y s igni f icant break in the W e s t e r n Ghats . This together w i th the m u c h nar rower Shenko t tah and A r a m b o l i passes further s o u t h , p rov ide restr icted access to and f r om the s o u t h eastern plains and the D e c c a n plateau in centra l pen insu la India. This meant that Kerala was relatively i so la ted f r om the rest of pen insu l a India. W i th the c o m i n g of railways and roads in the late 19th century this i so la t ion was r e m o v e d . But in the pre-colonia l p e r i od , the i so la t ion i m p o s e d by the W e s t e r n Ghats in tens i f ied the e x p o s u r e of the l o n g Kerala coast t o Indian o c e a n trade and nav igat ion . Even w i t h o u t the iso lat ion i m p o s e d by the Wes t e rn Ghats the wes te rn l ittoral f r om Surat to Kanya Kumar i had socia l geograph i ca l s ign i f icance. The recurrent appearance o n the Indian l ittoral, the wes te rn o n e in particular, of c o n d i t i o n s that are d i s t i ngu i shed f r o m those preva i l ing in the no r th o r trunk of India, may be seen as the c o n s e q u e n c e of an o f f s ide l oca t i on relative to the histor ica l f l o w of cu l ture . The l ittoral 's cultural d is t inct iveness and its per iphera l i ty in re lat ion to the larger pan-Indian w o r l d are unde r l i ned by a metaphor i ca l tu rn ing away t o face the sea, w h e t h e r in a mere l y loca l exp lo i t a t ion of the st rand 's resources o r in es tab l i sh ing mercant i le c o n n e c t i o n s across the waters. ( Sopher 1980. p316-7) It is this l ittoral con t ex t that gives greater s ign i f i cance to the i so la t ion of Kerala, i m p o s e d by the W e s t e r n Ghats . O n e c o n s e q u e n c e of this was the p resence , in Kerala's na r row littoral str ip, of the cultural and e c o n o m i c ef fects of e x p o s u r e to s eabo rne trade and contac ts . A n o t h e r was the imp l i c a t i on fo r the spatial o rder . The m o r e v is ib le cultural results of this e x p o s u r e are the p resence of f o r e i gn e thn i c c o m m u n i t i e s l ike the Jews; the Saurashtra t rad ing Brahmins ; and the e m e r g e n c e of e thno-re l ig ious g roups like the Syrian Chr ist ians and M o p a l a h M u s l i m s . This is no t t o argue that Kerala was a p i c tu resque backwate r d o m a i n t u c k e d away b e h i n d the Wes t e rn Ghats , u n t o u c h e d by the fo rces at w o r k e l sewhe re in India, unti l the co lon i a l p e r i od o p e n e d u p internal c o m m u n i c a t i o n s . That w o u l d be to give a s o m e w h a t static, de te rmin i s t i c cast to the soc io- spatial o rde r and fail to r e c o g n i z e the dynamics of internal c i rcu la t ion over many centur ies , in spi te of the t o p o g r a p h i c a l const ra ints . For instance. Malaya lam, the language native to Kerala, was a 9th cen tury A . D . o f f shoo t of Tami l , (Davies 1959 .p84 ; Sastri 1 9 6 4 . p i ) the language of southeas t India. So, t h o u g h the topograph i ca l i so la t ion of Kerala and its e x p o s u r e t o Indian o c e a n t rade con t r i bu ted t o the spec i f ic i ty of Kerala's reg iona l ident i ty , in terac t ion w i th a h inter land was present and had its impact . This i n co rpo ra t ed Kerala in to the b roade r s o u t h As ian o r Indian cultural ident i ty , and in particular w i th sou th India as a cultural r eg ion . Thus in Kerala, as e l sewhe re in India: A n u n d e d y i n g o rde r is first d i scern ib le in the pervasive " I nd i anness " of the p h e n o m e n a o b s e r v e d , h o w e v e r d iverse that may be . ( Sopher 1980. p289) The reg iona l ident i ty : A histor ical ske t ch . The first available e v idence of a reg iona l ident i ty of Kerala^ in pol i t i ca l te rms is in the Sangam pe r i od of s o u t h India, app rox ima t ing to the first f ive centur ies of the Chr is t ian era. C h e r a was o n e o f the three k i n g d o m s in sou thwes t India. (Sreedhara M e n o n . 1 9 8 4 . p54) Little is k n o w n of the r eg ion after this, unt i l the 9th cen tury A . D . w h e n C h e r a b e c o m e s the d o m i n a n t p o w e r o f the r eg ion . It c o n t i n u e d to be so unti l the 12th century . This pe r i od is referred to as the s e c o n d C h e r a dynasty. It is pe rhaps du r ing this p e r i o d that a cultural-l inguist ic ident i ty as a reg ion e m e r g e d , w i th Ma laya lam as the reg iona l l anguage and a s y m b o l of the reg iona l cultural-l inguist ic ident i ty . (Ibid p32,49) D u r i n g the p e r i o d 13th t o 17th A . D . the reg ion pol i t i ca l ly d is in tegrated in to warr ing m i n o r pr inc ipa l i t ies . But the cultural-l inguist ic ident i ty as r eg ion c o n t i n u e d and lent a f irm popu l a r c o n s c i o u s n e s s of r eg ion . It was in K o z h i k o d e (Cal icut ) , o n e of the major por t cit ies of this p e r i o d o n the Kerala o r Ma labar coast , as it was o f t en k n o w n then , that V a s c o de C a m a a n c h o r e d in 1498, after his h is tor ic voyage r o u n d the C a p e of G o o d H o p e . K o z h i k o d e was the seat of the Z a m o r i n of K o z h i k o d e , the 3. Many explanations have been offered for the name Kerala. One is that Kerala means the land of Kera, the Malayalam word for the coconut palm. Another is that Kerala was originally Cheralam, the land of the Cheras. Cher can also mean "added" in Malayalam. This would give the meaning - the land that was added. The origin myth of Kerala is that Parasurama, a god of the Hindu pantheon, flung his battle axe far into the sea and the waters receded and the land of Kerala emerged. ruler of the pr inc ipa l i ty of K o z h i k o d e . W i t h this began the entry of the European mar i t ime powers and their t rad ing c o m p a n i e s to the g e o p o l i t i c s of the reg ion . Dur ing this p e r i o d , a m o n g the many pr incipal i t ies of the sou thwes t coast , there we re three or four m o r e impor tant than the others . These we r e Ko la thunad , and K o z h i k o d e in the no r th and Venad in the s o u t h . They we re ru led by the dynast ies o f the Kolatt ir i Rajas, the Zamor in s and the Tiruvadis respect ive ly . C o c h i n c ame into p r o m i n e n c e in the cou rse of the 16th century . (Dale 1980 . p i 2-14) (See M a p 2.04) Beg inn ing in 1729 V e n a d a n n e x e d a n u m b e r of ad jo in ing pr incipal i t ies t o c o v e r the sou thern half of the Kerala r eg i on and r enamed itself as Travancore State. In the no r th , Ko la thunad ru led by the Kolatt ir is and K o z h i k o d e by the Zamor in s rema ined s u p r e m e . S a n d w i c h e d b e t w e e n K o z h i k o d e and Travancore was the smal l pr inc ipa l i ty of C o c h i n . It was left a lone due the p resence of a D u t c h factory o n its shores . In the s e c o n d half of the 18th century a dec i s i ve tu rn ing po in t was b rough t abou t by the expans ion and c o n s o l i d a t i o n in pen insu lar India, in the nor th east of the Ma labar coast , o f the D e c c a n k i n g d o m of M y s o r e by Ha idar A l i and later T ipu Sultan. They des i red to c o n t r o l the r ich trade of the Ma laba r coast , as we l l as t h rough s u c h trade further their c o m m e r c i a l l inks w i th M u s l i m wes t As ia . (C.A.Bayly 1988 . p62) W i t h this in v i ew they a n n e x e d Ko la thunad and K o z h i k o d e . The s e c o n d half of the 18th cen tu ry a lso saw the British ga in ing c o n t r o l and conso l i da t i ng the i r pos i t i on in India. ( Ibid.p8) In s o u t h India the major cha l l enge to the British was put up by M y s o r e . Eventually, after the na r row defeat of T ipu Sultan in the th i rd M y s o r e Wa r (1791), the British ga ined c o n t r o l of the r e g i o n . ( Ibid.p62) W h a t was fo rmer l y K o z h i k o d e and Ko l a thunad , were c e d e d to the Brit ish in 1792, and b r o u g h t u n d e r d i rect British rule as the Ma labar Distr ict of the Mad ras Pres idency . Travancore and C o c h i n c o n t i n u e d to have their separate po l i t i ca l ex i s tence , but as native o r p r ince l y states w i th in the British raj in India. They a c c e p t e d British suzera inty . C o c h i n in 1791 and Travancore in 1795 . (Map 2.05) MAP 2.0 4 THE FOUR MAJOR PRINCIPALITIES OF KERALA C i r c a 16th C e n t u r y Kasaragodr Oharmadam Pantatayini Kollam' TO Parapoananqadi?»Sr^--.-—^ ] . / > "Z. 0 20 4 0 6 0 8 0 km « ' ' ' • 2 0 AO 6 0 mi les Source: Dale (1980) p 25. Note the r i v e r b a s i n c h a r a c t e r of the p r i n c i p a l i t i e s - There were o t h e r minor p r i n c i a l i t i e s on the many r i v e r b a s i n s t h a t were annexed by Venad i n the I8th c e n t u r y . MAP 2.05 BRITISH EXPANSION: SOUTH INDIA 1750 - 1820 Source: Bayly (1988) p88. In 1947, w i th the depar ture of the Brit ish, Travancore and C o c h i n were jo ined toge the r to f o rm the Travancore-Coch in State of the Indian U n i o n . In 1956 w h e n the States of the Indian U n i o n we re r eo rgan ized o n a l inguist ic basis Ma l aba r distr ict was taken away f rom Madras State, the ers twhi le Madras Pres idency, and j o i n e d t o T ravancore-Coch in to f o rm Kerala State. T w o taluks of Sou th Kanara distr ict, (north o f Ma laba r district), of Madras State, the majority of w h o s e inhabitants we r e Ma laya lam speak ing , we r e a d d e d to Kerala State. Four taluks at the sou the rn t ip of Travancore , w h o s e res idents we r e Tami l speak ing , were c e d e d by T ravancore-Coch in t o Tami lnadu , a state carved ou t of Madras State. Thus eventual ly after abou t seven centur ies of pol i t ica l f r agmenta t ion , the Ma laya lam speak ing l inguist ic-cultural r eg ion was o n c e again un i f i ed under o n e pol i t ica l author i ty as Kerala State. ( M a p 2.06)'* Cu l tura l inst i tut ions, change and c o n s e q u e n c e s T h o u g h Kerala has this histor ical and cultural-l inguist ic ident i ty , this is no t un ique in the sub-cont inent . M o s t reg ions of India have such ident i t ies . India is a mosa i c of such reg ions w i th in an overal l s o u t h As ian ident i ty . The divers i ty of the cultural-l inguist ic reg ions of India, w i th in a b roade r c o m m o n ident i ty , is compa rab l e to that of Europe . The reg ions of India h o w e v e r even lack a c o m m o n scr ipt , that Europe possesses in the Latin scr ipt . G i ven this diversity, w i th in the pervasive " I nd ianesss " in all reg ions , Kerala is n o more spec i f i c o r un ique than any o the r cultural-l inguist ic r eg ion of India. 4. Kerala will be used throughout this study to refer to the Malayalam linguistic and cultural area and the modern Indian state of Kerala. Malabar coast will designate the Kerala coastline during the pre-colonial and the British raj period. Malabar district will signify that part of northern Kerala which was termed Malabar district and was part of Madras Presidency during the British raj. Travancore and Cochin princely or native states will be referred to as Travancore and Cochin respectively. Cochin city and part of the city that was directly under the British and called British Cochin, will be distinguished as such when required. The term "the three political-administrative units" will be used when there is a need to refer to Travancore, Cochin and Malabar district collectively. Map 2.06 Travancore, Cochin, Malabar and South Canara Source: Census of India. Series 10: Kerala, 1981. N o n e t h e l e s s Kerala has attracted a t tent ion for a n u m b e r of characterist ics that are un ique t o Kerala. A m o n g western scholars and academics , t hose w h o were repeated ly d rawn to s tudy aspects of Kerala soc ie ty we re an th ropo log i s t s . They sought to s tudy the marumakkatayam sys tem of matr i l ineal inher i tance and joint-famil ies. M a n y numer ica l l y and socia l ly impor tan t castes of Kerala f o l l o w e d this sys tem. (Thurston 1909 , V o l 2 p 6 9 , p 4 1 0 ; V o l 3 p i 39 ; V o l 7 p 7 7 and C e n s u s o f India 1901 , V o l XXVI Pt I, A p p e n d i x piii-iv). A n t h r o p o l o g i c a l interests h o w e v e r cen t red o n the Nayars, the d o m i n a n t caste of Kerala.^ A brief des c r i p t i on of of s o m e the features of marumakkatayam sys tem is ca l led for as a b a c k g r o u n d t o soc ia l change and re fo rm in 20th century Kerala. These changes had impl i ca t ions fo r the pol i t i ca l e c o n o m y of 20th century Kerala. The matr i l ineal joint-family o f the Nayars we r e ca l led taravads. A taravad was c o m p r i s e d of the matri l ineal descendants o f a c o m m o n ancestress, and usual ly c o n t a i n e d a set of sisters a n d brothers , their m o t h e r (if alive), and the sister 's ch i ld ren and sister 's daughters ' ch i l d ren . They all res ided toge the r , invariabaly in a nalukettu h o u s e . (A spac ious four s e c t i o n e d h o u s e that e n c l o s e d an inner courtyard) Nayar w o m e n en te red in to sambandhams, (wh ich in translat ion rough l y means re la t ionships , i n c lud ing and mos t impor tant l y sex) , w i th o n e or m o r e m e n of Nayar o r h igher caste ou t s ide their taravad. Sambandhams d i d no t result in co-res idence , the w o m a n and man c o n t i n u e d t o live in their natal taravads, a n d the man on ly v is i t ing the w o m a n in her taravad. The ch i ld ren b e l o n g e d to the their m o t h e r ' s taravad. The sambandhams d i d no t permi t o r mean sexual f r e e d o m . They we re ins t i tu t iona l ized po l yandrous re la t ionships . The m o s t impor tant male f igure fo r a ch i l d we re his o r he r mo the r ' s brother . M a n a g e m e n t of taravad lands we r e ves ted in the e ldes t male. Ances t ra l p rope r t y was inher i ted t h r o u g h the female l ine. A l l taravad m e m b e r s had an 5. Dominant caste is an anthropological concept that denotes a caste that is economically, socially and numerically important in a region. It need not necessarily be the first caste in the caste hierarchy, though often it is one of the higher castes. (Sirinivas 1968 plO). in the Kerala caste hierarchy the Nambudhri Brahmins are on top, followed by the Nayars. The Nayars are regarded as the dominant caste of Kerala. equa l right to ma in tenance , but n o n e had the right to c la im his share of assets and separate f r o m the taravad. Part it ion of assets c o u l d be a f fec ted on l y by the c o n s e n t of all m e m b e r s of a taravad. ( C o u g h 1959, 1961 , 1965 ; Rao 1957 ; Fuller 1976 ; Jeffrey 1976 ; and Agarwal 1988. p549-552) The marumakkatayam sys tem and soc i e t y was obv i ous l y matr i l ineal but no t matr iarchal . But none the less the matri l ineal systems of inher i tance and the m e m b e r s h i p pattern of the taravad gave w o m e n a bet ter p o s i t i o n in soc ie ty than in B rahmin ic patr iarchy, w h i c h was the n o r m in w i d e r Indian soc ie ty . (Agarwal 1988. p570-571) i n d e e d Jeffrey (1987.p471) argues that Kerala's cu l ture gave w o m e n a remarkable i n d e p e n d e n c e and such w o m e n had con t r i bu t ed t o Kerala's remarkable literacy.® T h o u g h the legal systems of native states and British India c o n t i n u e d to r e cogn i ze the marumakkatayam s ys tem and laws, soc ia l , cul tura l and e c o n o m i c changes in the w i d e r 19th cen tury co lon i a l soc i e t y of India cons t ra ined the c o n t i n u e d ex i s tence of the marumakkatayam sys tem and in part icular the taravads. (Jeffrey 1976) By the beg in i ng of the 20th century the taravads we re o n the dec l i ne . In 1912 legis lat ion was passed in Travancore r e c o g n i z i n g legal m o n o g a m o u s marr iage a m o n g the Nayars, w h i c h i m p l i e d the f r e e d o m t o set up con juga l nuc lear famil ies as h o u s e h o l d and/or res ident ia l units. (A similar act for Ma labar distr ict was no t passed unt i l 1933.) (Jeffrey 1978 .p81 ) W i ves a n d ch i l d ren we re a lso g iven legal r ights to the se l f-acquired assets of the h u s b a n d and fathers. Later m e m b e r s of the taravad w e r e pe rmi t t ed t o c la im pe r capi ta shares of the taravad wea l th . By the 1920s and 1930s the s o c i o - e c o n o m i c and legal changes has l ed t o the virtual d i sappearance of the taravads and the nuc lear con juga l fami ly had b e c o m e the norm-6. The position of women in Kerala may have had implications for the relatively high literacy rate in Kerala. Neighbouring Sri Lanka also has as a high literacy rate as Kerala for both males and females but with the absence of a matrilineal system. A more likely common ground for the high literacy rates of Kerala and Sri Lanka may lie in the incorporation of indigenous vernacular schools of pre-colonial times into the colonial educational system This occurred both in Kerala and Sri Lanka. A n t h r o p o l o g i s t s we re attracted to s tudy the taravads and the sambandham re la t ionships w i th the v i e w to ident i fy ing w h e t h e r it fel l w i th in the de f in i t i on of marriage. (Fuller 1976 ; C o u g h 1959, 1 9 6 1 ; M c L e n n a n 1970 ; M e n c h e r 1965 ; M o o r e 1 9 8 5 ; M o r g a n 1964 and Rao 1972) The Nayars we re warrior-agricultural ists by o c c u p a t i o n . Mart ia l su ic ides in t imes of war prac t i ced by Nayars in pre-co lon ia l t imes has also attracted histor ica l an th ropo log i ca l inquiry. (Spores 1988. p11-20)7 The caste sys tem in Kerala in the 19th century was seen as o n e o f the mos t intricate and r ig id express ions of the caste sys tem in India. (Jeffrey 1978a. p 8 2 ; Susan Bayly 1984. p i 77 ; Kannan 1988 . p25) .^ D i s tance p o l l u t i o n , that is a h igh caste pe r son , ( N a m b u d h r i Brahmin or Nayar), b e i n g ritually p o l l u t e d by the s ight o r app roach of a m i d d l e or l o w e r caste p e r s o n was strictly adhe red to in Kerala. Such pe r sons had keep a spec i f i ed d is tance f r o m a N a m b u d h r i Brahmin o r a Nayar. For instance a Nayad i ,who o c c u p i e d the lowes t r u n g o n the caste hierarchy, was no t pe rm i t t ed wi th in 72 feet of the h igher castes. The late entry of Brahmin ism to Kerala, after it had crysta l ized in its i deo log i c a l and ntual fo rms e l sewhe re in India is seen as con t r ibu t ing to the r igidity of the caste sys tem in Kerala. (Issac and Tharakan 1986a p6). There is an under l y ing a s sumpt i on that the late entry was because Kerala was iso la ted by the W e s t e r n Ghats . In the case of the marumakkatayam sys tem there is little e v i d e n c e to suggest that the iso la t ion was a con t r i bu t i ng factor. It may have b e e n t e m p t i n g t o v i ew t h e m as residual cultural features of the first p e o p l e s o r earl ier inhabitants of the s o u t h surv iv ing the 7. Nayars who were ritually committed to performing martial suicides in times of war were called amoucos, amokos, amocchi etc. Spores draws some parallel between the martial suicides of the Nayars and running amok in the Malay world. The similarity between the Malay word amok and the Malayalam words amoucos, amokos etc are striking. The English phrase "running amok" is derived from the Malay word amok. The matrilocal, matrilineal joint-family taravads may have had some relationship to the elite-warrior occupational character of the Nayar men, such as their having to be away from home, and the higher mortality rates as warriors. 8. Swami Vivekananda travelling through Kerala in the late 19th century described Kerala as "a veritable lunatic ayslum" because of the extreme caste rules. (Kooiman 1984. pi 536) changes b rough t by the migrat ing o r invad ing Aryan speai<ing peop l es . But there is little e v idence t o sugges t that the marumakkatayam system was present in Kerala f r o m early t imes. They are be l i e ved t o have e m e r g e d s o m e t i m e after the 11th century A . D . The ob jec t i ve in referr ing to these cultural p h e n o m e n a is not to enumera t e the un ique and the esote r i c features of Kerala. As w e shall exam ine later in this chapter a n d in the next chapter as we l l , changes in the soc ia l and cultural make up of the Kerala soc i e t y in the early 20th century l ed t o a n e w o rde r and pol i t i ca l e c o n o m y . This in part f l o w e d f rom the impl i ca t ions the changes had for soc ia l r e fo rm. In turn the re forms and changes t r iggered caste c o n s c i o u s n e s s w i th impl i ca t ions for class c o n s c i o u s n e s s . The character, t h e n , of s o m e the cultural features just d e s c r i b e d , their very st ructure , and even rigidity, are thus of re levance to this study. Jeffrey has a rgued that the decay of the marumakkatayam sys tem in the early 20th century p r o d u c e d a genera t ion of déracine Nayars and this con t r i bu ted t o the e m e r g e n c e of radical ism in Kerala mainst ream po l i t i cs . The decay of the matr i l ineal joint-family p r o d u c e d l i t igat ion and in t r igue in a b u n d a n c e , and the genera t ion of Nayars b o r n a b o u t 1905 f o u n d itself in a crue l d i l e m m a . These m e n and w o m e n genera l ly had nei ther p rope r t y in their o w n right n o r a father o r maternal unc le ready t o take respons ib i l i t y f o r t h e m . There was n o p lace for t h e m in the co l l aps ing soc i e t y of their fo rebears , yet n e w fo rms of soc ia l o rgan iza t ion had scarcely b e g u n to evo lve . (Jeffrey 1978. p81) Jeffrey c i tes many examp les of C o m m u n i s t Party leaders be ing d r a w n f rom this genera t ion o f Nayars. The a n o m i e c reated by the d is in tegra t ion of s o m e the cultural inst i tut ions may have b e e n a con t r i bu t i ng factor, a m o n g o thers , to e m e r g e n c e of radical ism in Kerala. It may have p r o v i d e d a cadre o f C o m m u n i s t Party Leaders, p r o n e t o ascet i c life sty les^ 9. Jeffrey found many Kerala Communists were either bachelors or married late, in their 40s. This was partly due to the lag between the decay of the sambandham institution and growth of monogamous marriage and nuclear families. (Jeffrey 1978, p81 n i l ) and draw ing t h e m to a c o m m i t t e d pol i t i ca l cause that may have f i l led their o therw ise e m p t i e d and unmot i v a t ed lives. But the radica l izat ion of ma ins t ream pol i t i cs in Kerala is a c o m p l e x p h e n o m e n o n and cannot be subject to neat s imp le exp lanat ions . W h e n w e examine the re la t ionsh ip b e t w e e n the po l i t i ca l and space e c o n o m i e s of Kerala in later chapters w e shall obse rve s o m e of the c o m p l e x issues invo l ved in the e m e r g e n c e of radical po l i t i cs and h e g e m o n y in Kerala. The pol i t i ca l radica l ism of Kerala is another character ist ic of the r eg ion that has attracted academic and popu l a r a t tent ion , in recent d e c a d e s . M a n y studies s ince the 1950s have a t t empted to examine w h y and h o w Kerala b e c a m e a s t r o n g h o l d of the C o m m u n i s t Party of India. This f o l l o w e d the h o l d i n g of the first genera l e l ec t ions to the Kerala State A s s e m b l y in 1957 , w h e n the C o m m u n i s t Party was r e tu rned t o p o w e r . It d r e w g loba l m e d i a a t tent ion as it was the first t ime that a C o m m u n i s t party had b e e n v o t e d in to p o w e r in a mu l t i -party e lectora l sys tem. Late pre-colonia l p e r i od in the mak ing of co lon i a l and c o n t e m p o r a r y Kerala The changes that o c c u r r e d in Kerala f r o m the early 20th century are of impor t ance fo r this s tudy. But this d o e s no t mean that pre-colonia l Kerala was a static and stagnant soc ie ty 10. See among others, R.Velayudhan, Kerala: The Red Rain Land. (New Delhi: Indian Institute of Social Affairs 1958); Jitendra Singh, Communist Rule In Kerala. (New Delhi: Diwan Chand Indian Information Centre. 1959); Taya Zinkin, Reporting India. (London. Chatto & Windus. 1962); D.R.Mankekar, The Red Riddle of Kerala. (Bombay. Manaktalas. 1965); R.Ramakrishna Nair, How the Communists came to power in Kerala. (Trivandrum. Kerala Academy of Political Science. 1965); Kathleen Cough, Communist Rural Councillors in Kerala, in Journal of Asian and African Studies, March 1968; Manfred Turlach, Kerala. (Wiesbaden. Otto Harrasswitz. 1970); Victor M.Fic, Kerala: The Yenan of India. (Bombay. Nachiketa Publications. 1970); Robert L.Hardgrave, Jr., The Kerala Communists: Contradictions of Power, in Radical Politics in South Asia (Ed) Paul Brass and Marcus Franda. (Cambridge. Harvard University Press. 1973); Robin Jeffrey, Matriliny, Marxism and the Birth of the Communist party in Kerala, in Journal of Asian Studies, November 1978; T.J.Nossiter, Communism in Kerala: A Study in Political Adaptation. (Bombay. Oxford University Press 1982); E.M.S.Namboodiripad Kerala Society and Politics: An Historical Survey. (Delhi. National Book Centre. 1984. A revised version of Kerala: Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow. 1967) T.V.Sathyamurthy, India since Independence: Studies in the Development of the Power of the State. Vol I: Centre-State Relations: The Case of Kerala. (Delhi. Ajanta. 1985). and the first catalyst of change was the co lon i a l expe r i ence . Jeffrey has b e e n cr i t i c ized for tak ing such a v iew. Susan Bayly (1984. p i ) sees this perspec t i ve expl ic i t in this s ta tement of Jeffrey: In the last half of the 19th century a soc i e t y w h i c h had surv ived fundamenta l l y u n c h a n g e d for 700 years c a m e u n h i n g e d . A m o v e m e n t f r om inher i ted to ach ieved status began , a m o v e m e n t f r o m the i n t e r d e p e n d e n c e of castes to the c o m p e t i t i o n of indiv iduals , f r o m tradit ional author i ty to m o d e r n bureaucracy . (Jeffrey 1976. p265) Jeffrey's c o m m e n t n o d o u b t is c en t r ed o n the marumakkatayam sys tem, w h i c h had in fact e m e r g e d a m o n g s o m e soc ia l g r o u p s , part icularly the Nayars, abou t the 12th century A . D . and was n o w , 700 years later, d i sappear ing . Little is k n o w n of what p rocesses and changes the marumakkatayam system w e n t t h r o u g h in the centur ies pr ior to the n ine teenth . The b r e a k d o w n of the marumakkatayam sys tem in late 19th and early 20th cen tury is a major catalyst of o the r changes in Kerala soc ie ty , changes that we re impor tant ingred ients in the mak ing of co lon i a l soc ie ty in Kerala, as we l l as m o d e r n Kerala. Jeffrey is cor rec t in emphas i z i ng it as an o v e r w h e l m i n g and d o m i n a t i n g change . A n d it is I be l ieve e r roneous t o read in this emphas i s any u n i n t e n d e d nuances of the Eu ropean , part icularly British or iental ist , perspec t i ve of the h i s to r iography of India. This was a h i s to r iograph ica l perspec t i ve that e m e r g e d in the 19th century , a perspec t i ve that f o u n d little d ia lect ica l change in Indian h is tory and saw Indian soc ie ty as static in character. (Thapar 1982. p389-90; p394 ) In the last t w o decades histor ians, b o t h w i th in and ou ts ide India, us ing a variety of sources , i n c lud ing an th ropo log i c a l , a r chaeo log i ca l , l inguist ic material and vernacular sou r ces , have v igo rous l y deba t ed Indian h is tory f r o m a n u m b e r of n e w perspec t i ves . A n exce l l en t synthesis of s o m e of the m o r e impor tan t of these perspect i ves , t hemes and w o r k per ta in ing to the late pre-co lon ia l and 19th century India heis b e e n p re sen ted by C.A.Bay ly . (1988).^^ A n d in this wo rk he observes : 11. Braudel too recognizes the importance of these new perspectives. "Specialists on China, India, Japan or Islam are showing more interest than in the past in these countries' societies or political and economic structures. There are even some sociologists who think like historians These historians are the toilers in the vineyard of the new history and its harvest is begining to appear in their books and a number of excellent journals....There is so much of material that time is not ripe for an overall view. I have nevertheless tried. Certa in ly , s o m e of the m o r e r ig id or iental ist in terpretat ions w h i c h e m p h a s i z e d the un ique and i ncomparab l e features of the Indian soc ia l s cene appear less c o n v i n c i n g n o w . Cas te , fo r instance, was no t an immutab l e ' g i ven ' of Indian soc ie ty . Castes we r e constant l y in the p rocess of f o rma t i on and change , notab ly in pe r iods such as the e igh teen th century w h e n pol i t i ca l author i ty was f lu id . (C.A.Bay ly 1988. p11-12) Susan Bayly's w o r k (1984), w h i c h b e l o n g s to the c o r p u s of n e w perspec t i ves o n the history of India, br ings ou t the f lu id character of the the re lat ionships a m o n g soc ia l g roups , i n c lud ing the Nayars, as we l l as b e t w e e n the state and the soc ia l g roups in 18th and 19th century Kerala. Jeffrey's w o r k (1976) o n the d is in tegra t ion of Nayar inst i tut ions in the early part of this century still remains a semina l con t r i bu t i on t o the unders tand ing of Kerala soc iety . But the imp l i ed immutab i l i t y of Kerala caste inst i tut ions in the centur ies that w e n t be fo re are less conv i n c i ng . N e w perspec t i ves in the h is tor iography of India a lso see the 18th cen tury as a signif icant stage in the fo rmat ion o f the soc ia l o rde r of m o d e r n India. (C .A.Bay ly 1988 . p11) . Important features in the s ign i f i cance of the 18th cen tury for m o d e r n India we r e the m e t a m o r p h o s i s of s o m e of the M u g h a l p rov inces as successo r a u t o n o m o u s states (C.A.Bay ly 1988 p i 8); mil itary con tac t and conf l i c t w i th European powe r s and increas ing use of European mil i tary systems and w e a p o n s (Ibid p 21); increas ing c o m m e r c i a l i z a t i o n and m o n e t i z a t i o n of the e c o n o m y a n d contac t w i th internat iona l trade and f inance ( Ibid p11) ; c o m m e r c i a l c o m m u n i t i e s increas ing their p o w e r and at the same t ime many o f the features of the l anded class o f the 19th century be i ng c o n s o l i d a t e d in the 18th century . {Ibid p i 0,11) rashly perhaps, to convey through one example, some idea both of the scope and novelty of the problems which are now coming to light. The example I have chosen is India. There are now several fundamental studies in English, and the work of an outstanding team of Indian historians is now available, since they too have fortunately published in English." Braudel 1984. Vol III. p497. MAP 2.0 7 INDIA UNDER THE LATER MUGHALS Himalayas F s n i p a t ^ l f|ROHILKHAND\ Jaiour^^y^^a.^^Agra^ Lucknéw "^-^ TIBET "•• \ *^®Aio<ihya ; / MALWA L/fthmedabad Allahabad I ': Baroda GUJAfU-: • Shopai o V ^ a n T ^ ^ - ^ ©El ichpur •-.Aurangabad - DECCAN Benares"'-'' BIHAR .. ^ Mur3h<dabad]p> Ç j ^ ^ ^ j MBENGALJ Bombay Arabian Sea Goa «-^ [Poal \« ' COORGS Vijayanagar Bay Of Bengal _ ..-.-Nellore Tirupati ; \ o • '-A g. «Madras [Br] nagar, ><• g. • Maaras ibrj \ , Arcot/ \Mysore ^ -^Pondicherr/(Fr] <•'•• " J S Î Ï : ! ^ Nagore (Dutch] 100 200 Calicut ^ Cochins (Dutch! TRAVANCORS~«7, ^—^ 3CC miles Nagapatam • O Provincial (subah) headquarters Main roads and caravan routes Approximate boundaries of Mughal Empire, c. 1707 Source: Bayly (1988) p l 7 . The e m e r g e n c e of Travancore as an impor tant state in sou thwes t India in the 18th century is a c c o m p a n i e d by many of these features even t h o u g h it was never part of the M u g h a l emp i re and thus strictly no t a successo r state w i th in the M u g h a l r e a l m . ( M a p 2.07) The use of Eu ropean mercenar ies^^ t o train and equ ip the army was an impor tan t factor in the Raja of V e n a d , Ma r t anda Varma's annexa t ion of ad jo in ing pr incipal i t ies du r ing the pe r i od 1729 t o 1758 t o f o r m Travancore State. Trade, c o m m e r c e and m o n e t i z e d t ransact ions were present in the sou thwes t coast for a l ong t ime c o n s e q u e n t to the i nvo l vement in Indian o c e a n trade for a n u m b e r of centur ies . Travancore c o n s o l i d a t e d and advanced such transact ions in the 18th century. There we re state m o n o p o l i e s in s o m e c o m m o d i t i e s , i n c l ud ing p e p p e r an impor tant p r o d u c e of the reg ion . State m o n o p o l i e s , tax o n trade and s h i p p i n g and absence o r min ima l land taxes we re a feature of the sou thwes t coast pr incipal i t ies and states for l o n g t ime.^ '* Travancore state m o n o p o l i e s may have inh ib i ted the g r o w t h of p o w e r of c o m m e r c i a l 12. The claim is made that "unlike the rest of Kerala, Travancore was not subjugated by any foreign power Travancore is one of the very few remaining specimens of pure Hindu Government, its institutions not affected by Mohammedan conquests." (Travancore Land Revenue Manual.1916. Vol IV p2) 13. Eustaius D'Lannoy, a Fleming formerly in the service of the Dutch came play an important role in the military strategies and success of Travancore. (Tharakan 1984 p1961; Menon 1984 p234) 14. The nature of the pre-colonial state in southwest India has begun to attract the attention of scholars. (Subrahmanyam 1986). If attention went south of the glittering Mughal Empire, (which was not too often), it was only to the southeast. The state in Mughal region, or north India has been characterized as patrimonial-bureaucratic while the south, "sans" the southwest, following the work of Stein, Ludden and others as segmentary, diffuse and decentralized. (Ibid p359). Both types related to large kingdoms, leaving out the small river basin principalities of the southwest. (Of the 44 rivers originating in the Western Ghats, 42 run westward). One interpretation was to characterize these States or principalities as feudaL the chieftains with their Nayar warriors rendered military service to their overlords, but were otherwise free to administer the regions under their control. (Sreedhara Menon 1967. p254-55) Subrahmanyam sees similarities between the southwest and the Indonesian kingdoms of the period, such as Aceh, Banten, Makassar and Johor. (1986. p361) Dale is more emphatic - "Certain aspects of the history and political organization of Kerala are more intelligible when the area is thought of as one of the Hinduized states of South-East Asia rather than as an integral part of the South Asian subcontinent".(1980. p11) He sees parallels in ecology, transport systems, cash-crops, commerce and that it shares most of the characteristics of what Fisher (1965. p5) identified as "The South-East Asian Personality" (Dale 1980.p11) Subrahmanyam is more cautious, stating that important parallels between state formation in parts of India and Indonesia in the late pre-colonial period exist and are worth exploring. He argues that state structures should not be seen as either purely mercantile or wholly agrarian. In South India upto the 17th century he sees an expansion of both agrarian and manufacturing economy and that it is worth investigating whether a middle ground existed populated by individuals who were not easily classified as merchants or agrarian/feudal elite. (1986. p372-77) Sindhu and Wheatley (1983. p1-7) see elements of Indianization of the southeast Asian states and cities in the pre-lslamic period of southeast Asia. commun i t i e s . Sub rahmanyam (1986. p370) no tes the absence of por t fo l io capita l ists^^ in the southwes t coast . State trade m o n o p o l i e s may have had an inh ib i t ing effect . But at the same t ime expo r t sales of state m o n o p o l y c o m m o d i t i e s we r e o f t en r ou t ed t h r o u g h merchants , as sub-agents. M e r c h a n t c o m m u n i t i e s we re e n c o u r a g e d t o sett le d o w n in po r t t o w n s and cites of the Ma labar coast . As w e shall obse rve in chapte r four , Travancore was k e e n in b u i l d i n g up A i l eppey as a por t city and so e n c o u r a g e d and fac i l i tated merchant c o m m u n i t i e s to settle d o w n in A i l eppey . M a t h u Tharakan, a Syrian Chr i s t i an , (Susan Bayly 1984. p i 88 Tharakan 1984. p i 961), and mi l l iona i re Jewish merchants of the Ma l aba r coast like Ezech ie l Rahabi , Issac Surgun and Ban ichery Ismael (Ash in Das G u p t a 1967 p1-2;p104-8;130) had c o m m e r c i a l careers, po l i t i ca l impor t ance , p o w e r and in f luence that carry many of the features of po r t f o l i o capital ists. Overa l l t hen Travancore exhib i ts the internal dynamics that was d is t inct ive t o 18th century India. The crisis of e igh teen th century India n o w appears to have three d is t inct aspects . First, there we re cumula t i ve i n d i g e n o u s changes re f lec t ing c o m m e r c i a l i z a t i o n , the fo rmat ion of soc ia l g r o u p s and pol i t ica l t rans format ion w i th in the subcon t i nen t itself. Second l y , there was the w ide r crisis o f wes t and sou th As ia w h i c h was s igna l led by the dec l i n e of the great Islamic emp i res , the Mugha l s and their con tempora r i e s the O t t o m a n and the Safavids. Thirdly, there was the massive expans ion of European p r o d u c t i o n and trade. . . (C.A.Bayly 1988.p3) There is then a commonality between Kerala and southeast Asia, whether this is seen in terms of an "southeast Asian personality" or a "Indianization" of a common ecological terrain. A common high rainfall ecology and exposure to Indian ocean trade are some of the common features of both Kerala and southeast Asia, underpined by some common "Indianized" traits. The ecology also sustained a high population density in both regions. That desakota has emerged in both regions is significant and may be related to a mix of these factors. 15. Subrahmanyam and C.A.Bayly (1988. p418) argue that "from the late sixteenth century on, the portfolio capitalist - an entrepreneur who farmed revenue, engaged in local agricultural trade, commanded military resources (war animals, arms and human labour), as well as on more than odd occasion had a flutter in the great game of Indian Ocean commerce - was a characteristic feature of Indian political economy". The focus of this thesis is o n s o m e o f the p rocesses at w o r k in 20th century Kerala, w i t h a v i ew to mak ing the p resence of desako t a in Kerala more inte l l ig ib le . But it is necessary t o a c k n o w l e d g e that many of c o n t e m p o r a r y Kerala's u n i q u e character ist ics appear r o o t e d in 18th century Travancore . Perhaps a histor ica l geograph i ca l examina t ion of Kerala f r o m the 18th century w o u l d give us bet ter unde r s t and ing o f c o n t e m p o r a r y Kerala. Such an examina t ion is b e y o n d the s c o p e of this study. But at same t ime the we igh t of recent t hemes and perspec t i ves suggests the n e e d to l o o k at the late pre-co lon ia l h is tory t o unders tand the m a k i n g of co lon ia l and m o d e r n India. C o l o n i a l i s m is n o t t o be e n d o w e d w i t h the status of a deus ex machina, the sou rce o f a radical break w i th the static and revers ible past, and the po in t at w h i c h irreversible change beg ins . (Perl in 1983 . p32) This is so in the case of Kerala, and a f ew features of 18th century Kerala that th read the i r imp l i ca t ions u p t o the 20th century n e e d to be briefly e x a m i n e d . Venad ' s annexat ion of all but o n e of the ad jo in ing pr inc ipal i t ies t o b e c o m e the larger Travancore State o c c u r r e d mos t l y b e t w e e n 1729 a n d 1758, u n d e r the rule o f Maharaja M a r t h a n d a Varma. His successo r Maharaja Rama V a r m a a n n e x e d A l angad in 1762 . In the p rocess o f this expans ion , lands b e l o n g i n g t o the chiefta ins of the c o n q u e r e d pr inc ipa l i t ies , the ir famil ies and allies we re taken over by the Travancore State and m a d e state o w n e d o r sirkar lands. This was a measure o f conso l i d a t i ng state p o w e r and a lso e l iminat ing any res idual p o w e r s of the chief ta ins ' famil ies that we re left after the conques t s . But in the p rocess , of the 0.7 m i l l i on acres o f cu l t ivated land in Travancore , near ly half b e c a m e sirkar lands. (Varghese 1970 .p30 ) In add i t i on , C o l o n e l M u n r o , Brit ish Res ident-cum-Dewan of Travancore , in 1812 for po l i t i ca l reasons ves t ed in the State, lands b e l o n g i n g t o 378 impor tan t a n d wea l thy t emp l e s . Thus at the beg in i ng of the 19th cen tury nearly t w o th i rds of the cu l t i va ted land in Travancore 16. Immediately folowing an anti-British uprising led by Velu Tampi the former Diwan to the Maharajah. (Varghese 1970 p31) were sirkar lands. The tenants in these sirkar lands had permanent tenancy as per c u s t o m of the sou thwes t r eg i on . In contrast , because of the d i rect admin is t ra t ion of Ma labar distr ict , the British were anx ious to secure the pol i t ica l s u p p o r t of chiefta ins and landlords , ca l led j enmies . The jenmies no t on l y c o n t i n u e d to h o l d o n to their l and , bu t the British in te rpre ted j enmies ' rights as p rope r t y rights unde r English Law. This gave the j enmies the leverage t o evict tenants, v io la t ing cus tomary law of the sou thwes t coast pr inc ipal i t ies . Tenants and their heirs, under the cus tomary law had permanent o c c u p a n c y p r o v i d e d they pa id the cus tomary dues . A j enmie d o e s not derive his title to lands f r o m sirkar. (State). H is tit le to j enmam is i n h e r e n t He is so far as his j e n m a m lands are c o n c e r n e d , a little territorial sove re ign in a l imi ted sense. . . (Travancore State Land Revenue M a n u a l . 1916. V o l IV. p7) It is this c o n c e p t that gave the prerogat ive for the c o n q u e r i n g Travancore state to take ove r the lands as its o w n sirkar lands. Pe rmanent t enancy is also e m b e d d e d in this c o n c e p t , as jenmies d i d no t have rights of abso lu te o w n e r s h i p ove r land. In Travancore , the Maharajahs, as native mona rchs familiar w i th cus tomary laws, adhe red to the pr inc ip le o f pe rmanen t t enancy in the sirkar lands and e n f o r c e d it in the j enmie lands as we l l . The Maharajahs were a lso pol i t ica l ly mot i va ted to conso l i da t e their rule at the b r o a d based leve l of peasant cul t ivators. The a l legedly non-Kshastr iya o r ig in of the Travancore Maharajah family, and V e n a d the or ig ina l pr inc ipal i ty of this family be i ng o n the f r inge of Malaya lam speak ing r eg ion w i th a n u m b e r of Tami l speak ing p e o p l e and their cul tura l ins t i tu t ions ,^^ in tens i f i ed the Maharajahs ' 17. A major portion of what was Venad territory is currently in Tamilnadu being part of the four Tamil speaking taluks in the southern tip of Travancore that were ceded to Tamilnadu in 1956. Even today, what was southern Travancore, including Trivandrum is viewed by Malayalees (Malayalam speaking persons) as infiltrated with Tamil speaking peoples and culture. It is Travancore north that seen as Malayalam heartland. n e e d to leg i t imize their rule,^** of a Ma laya lam K i n g d o m , if no t w i th the jenmies and earlier el i tes, at least w i th the peasants. O n the o the r h a n d , Travancore a c cep t i ng British suzera inty and b e c o m i n g a pr ince ly state w i th in the Brit ish raj, i n f l uenced , a m o n g the Travancore j enmies and the judic iary w h e n l i t igat ion was resor ted t o , a t e n d e n c y t o fall in l ine w i th the Ma laba r in terpreta t ion of jenmie rights. In 1829, f o l l o w i n g v io la t ions of the cus tomary right of tenants in j enmie lands, the Maharajah issued ins t ruct ions t o the cour ts no t to permit e v i c t i on of tenants. This was re issued as a Royal P roc l amat ion in 1867. (Velu Pillai 1933 . A p p e n d i x A & B; Varghese 1970. p65-66; Tharakan 1984. p i 960). Travancore land po l i c i es of the 18th and 19th centur ies and their imp l i ca t i ons These events and under l y ing po l i t i ca l mot i va t ions , t o g e t h e r w i t h a succes s i on of Engl ish educa t ed Maharajahs and D iwans (C.A.Bay ly 1988. p i 9 7 ) c rea ted in the Travancore ru l ing family an e thos and pol i t i ca l i d e o l o g y o r i e n t e d to suppo r t o r be i ng sensit ive to the needs of the b roade r base of Travancore p o p u l a t i o n . Such or ien ta t ions h o w e v e r d i d no t a im to t ranscend the caste structures and caste inequal i t ies c o n t i n u e d t o be present . N o n e t h e l e s s 18. The Rajas of Travancore adopting the ceremonies of kingship representing the highest Brahminical aspirations, (C.A.Bayly 1988. p41), may be interpreted as part of this legitimization process. 19. The edict said "These tenants spend their labour and capital on such properties; reclaim such portions as are waste, marshy or otherwise defective; in gardens build houses, dig wells and plant productive trees such as coconut, jack, etc pay to the jenmis proper rent....The tenants also get their documents renewed by the jenmies at the end of the 12 years, and also when a change of parties by death etc occurs, and they pay on such renewal, certain fees. The jenmies are in the habit of receiving those due and of allowing the tenants to go undisturbed Such is the custom established and this custom is ancient....Latterly it appears that the jenmies are suing the tenants for the recovery of lands which have been improved by their labour and capital and on which the tenants have been punctually paying their dues to the jenmies; and that the courts decree the restoration of lands on repayment by the jenmies of the amount of tenants lien-lands His Highness.....directs that the Courts maintain the established usage in the country. (Cited by The Report of the Jenmie Kudiyan Committee. 1916. Appendix I) s o m e of the po l i c ies that f l o w e d f r o m such pol i t ica l mot i va t ions and i deo log i e s , t oge the r w i th e c o n o m i c mot i ves w h i c h w e shall d iscuss short ly , d i d t r igger at the latent level soc ia l changes w i th c o n s e q u e n c e s for the caste structure. W e shall examine s o m e of these later in this chapter . The c o n t i n u i n g unde rp inn ings of this po l i t i ca l i d e o l o g y and mot i va t ions of the Travancore rul ing h o u s e may be seen in these obse rva t ions of Maharajah Rama Va rma Ay i l yam Tirunal (1860-1880) o n the ro le of the judiciary. The g lo r ious uncerta int ies of the law are p roverb ia l and have never b e e n m o r e p rominen t l y i l lustrated than in the cases apper ta in ing to jenmie and tenant r ights. C o n f u s i o n was a d d e d to c o n f u s i o n a n d con t rad i c t i on to con t r ad i c t i on till the w h o l e ' judge-made law' b e c a m e a t ang l ed mess of chaos . Ignorance, care lessness and a de f i c i ency of the sense of respons ib i l i t y o n the part of the judges might in themse lves have p r o d u c e d this result. But t o these we r e a d d e d a far m o r e p o w e r f u l mot i ve - self interest . I d o not mean self interest w h i c h is the result of actual co r rup t i on , bu t the specia l self-interest ar is ing f r om the fact of these judic ia l funct ionar ies b e i n g e i ther large j enmie land lords o r large tenants . For ins tance , Parameswaran N a m b u r i , w h o was Ch i e f Justice for ten years, was himsel f a j enmie and had largely purchased j e n m o n rights f r om o the r jenmies . N o s ing le man has perhaps con t r i bu t ed a larger share than this gen t l eman t o make c o n f u s i o n m o r e c o n f u s e d , and it was ch ief ly o n a ccoun t of s o m e of his dec i s ions that the j enmies p ropens i t y to ous t the tenant at ta ined its c l imax. (C i ted in The Repor t of the Jenmie Kud iyan C o m m i t t e e . 1916. p i 14-5) W h i l e these d i sputes and l i t igat ions we re o c c u r r i n g , the rul ing h o u s e of Travancore b rough t about a series of changes in land regulat ions and po l i c y that faci l i tated the g r o w t h of a smal l ho lde r peasant p ropr i e to r o w n e r s h i p and cu l t i va t ion of land. These changes a lso had the effect of e x t e n d i n g land o w n e r s h i p ou t s ide the tradit ional l and lo rd and warrior-agricultural ists, the N a m b u d h r i Brahmins and Nayars respect ive ly . In 1818 c o n v e r s i o n of waste and a b a n d o n e d lands in to agricultural opera t iona l ho l d i ngs was pe rm i t t ed and e n c o u r a g e d . Tax e x e m p t i o n s w e r e a l l o w e d for the first ten years. These measures we re part ly mot i va t ed by the n e e d to increase p r o d u c t i o n a n d State i n c o m e , c o n s e q u e n t to the n e e d t o pay t r ibute to the Brit ish, (issac and Tharakan 1986b . p3) A n impor tan t c o n s e q u e n c e of these measures was that Syrian Chr ist ians and Ezhavas we r e able to acqu i re land. This was p rev ious l y di f f icul t , as caste factors had a cons ide rab l e e f fec t o n the d i s t r ibu t ion of ho ld ings . (Varghese 1970 . p35-36) These measures pe rm i t t ed the Syrian Chr is t ians and Ezhavas t o acqui re land. In 1865 by royal p roc l amat ion full o w n e r s h i p was ves t ed in all tenants of the sirkar lands. This re fo rm m a d e in the con tex t of l i t igat ion and in terpre ta t ion o f jenmies and tenants r ights, and the effect it had in m a k i n g land a freely marketab le c o m m o d i t y , has p r o m p t e d it be i ng even c o m p a r e d t o the land re forms o f the Me i j i Res tora t ion . (K.N.Raj 1970. p-xi). These re forms w e r e f o l l o w e d by the Travancore j enmie and Kud iyan Regulat ion of 1896 . The effect o f all these was secur i ty of t enure , inc reas ing l and sales and purchase and g r o w t h of smal l ho ld ings . (Varghese 1970. p 6 5 ; Tharakan 1984. p i 959-60). C o c h i n o c c u p i e d an in te rmed ia te p o s i t i o n in land po l i cy . A t t e m p t s to s u b d u e the chiefs we re present bu t no t t o the same ex tent as Travancore . As a result on l y o n e third of all cu l t ivated land we re sirkar lands, a cons ide rab l e p o r t i o n of w h i c h was the private p rope r t y of the Raja o f C o c h i n . O w n e r s h i p rights t e n d e d t o be m o r e akin to t hose that d e v e l o p e d in Malabar . (Varghese 1970 . p32-33) C o c h i n was a smal l pr ince ly state, its l and area b e i n g less than o n e fifth of Travancore State a n d o n e fou r th of Ma labar distr ict . Thus the overal l pattern TABLE 2.01 D i s t r i b u t i o n (Percent) of number and land area of h o l d i n g s i n Travancore-Cochin area and Malabar D i s t r i c t i n 1959 Category Travancore-Cochin Malabar D i s t r i c t i n No of Land No of Land Acres H o l d i n g s Area Holdings Area 1.0 and l e s s 66.7 16.5 28.9 2.4 1.0 to 2.5 19.8 20.5 22.6 6.8 2.5 to 5.0 8.4 20. 1 18.0 9.5 5.0 to 10.0 3.5 16.3 14.2 14.6 10.0 to 20.0 1 .2 10.2 10.1 20.3 20.0 and above 0.4 16.4 6.1 47.4 T o t a l 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Source: NCAER 1962 . Table 7, p273. of land ho ld ings of Kerala was d e t e r m i n e d by the d i f fer ing pol i t i ca l e c o n o m y of Travancore and Ma labar in the 18th and 19th centur ies . Rel iable data o n land ho ld ings by s ize of these t w o reg ions is avai lable o n l y by 1959. This data, t o o , wh i l e avai lable separate ly fo r Mcilabar, is fo r the ama lgamated Travancore-C o c h i n reg ion only . Even as late as this da te and w i th the C o c h i n data a d d e d o n t o Travancore the d i f fer ing c o n s e q u e n c e s o f the land po l i c i e s of Travancore and Ma labar o f the p rev ious t w o centur ies are apparent . (Table 2.01). The percen tage shares of the d i f fe rent ca tegor ies of the agricultural p o p u l a t i o n of the Travancore , C o c h i n and Ma labar areas in 1911 and 1951 p r e s e n t e d in Tab le 2.02 are also indicat ive o f the impact of the d i f fer ing l and po l i c i e s TABLE 2.02 A g r i c u l t u r a l P o p u l a t i o n by r e l a t i o n s h i p t o l a n d Travancore Cochin Malabar D: Category 1911 1951 1911 1951 1911 1951 C u l t i v a t i n g Landowner 75.3 53.3 15.7 19.0 7.7 12.7 Tenants 6.8 10.2 44.6 28.1 44.9 39.3 A g r i c u l t u r a l Labourer 12.6 34.6 36.0 48.9 41.6 44.0 Rent Re c e i v e r s 5.3 1.9 3.7 4.0 5.5 4.0 T o t a l 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Source: U.N. 1975. Table 23, p57. d i s cussed above . Even as late as 1951 , in sp i te of d e m o g r a p h i c pressures , tenants r ema ined on l y 10.2 percent in Travancore . Agr i cu l tu ra l l abour had inc reased . In chap te r f ive w e shall d iscuss the occupa t i ona l mob i l i t y of the landless labourers b e t w e e n agricultural and non-agricultural work , w h i c h is impor tan t to an unde r s t and ing of desako ta . This land po l i c y of Travancore had t w o c o n s e q u e n c e s of s ign i f i cance fo r the space e c o n o m y . First, it e n c o u r a g e d the g r o w t h of smal l ho lde r s in rice and cash c r o p cu l t i va t ion. This had imp l i ca t ion for the character of ag ro-process ing industry and trade. W e shall examine this in chapter seven w i t h a case s tudy of the co i r indus t ry in the space e c o n o m y of Kerala. It may be useful to po in t ou t here , that s u b s e q u e n t to 1956 w h e n the three co l on i a l pol i t ical-administrat ive units of Travancore , C o c h i n and Ma labar , we r e un i f i ed as Kerala State, many of the progress ive po l i c i es and features of Travancore w e r e e x t e n d e d to C o c h i n and Malabar . I n t roduc t ion of universal f ranchise, a par l iamentary f o r m o f g o v e r n m e n t t oge the r w i th radical po l i t i c iza t ion faci l i tated s u c h e x t e n s i o n . W e shal l e x a m i n e s o m e of these p rocesses at w o r k a n d the re la t ionship b e t w e e n the pol i t i ca l e c o n o m y a n d the space e c o n o m y in Part III, c se s tud ies of the co i r and b e e d i industr ies . Suff ice t o state here the land re form measures of the 1960s no t on ly e x t e n d e d the bet ter features o f Travancore to C o c h i n and Ma labar but ove r all r e d u c e d the large ho ld i ngs and inc reased smal l h o l d i n g s . (Sankaranarayanan and Karunakaran 1985.p117) This is d e m o n s t r a t e d in Table 2.03 TABLE 2.03 K e r a l a : O p e r a t i o n a l h o l d i n g s and area c u l t i v a t e d c l a s s i f i e d by s i z e - c l a s s . (Percent Only) O p e r a t i o n a l O p e r a t i o n a l Area Average s i z e Holdings H o l d i n g U n i t s C u l t i v a t e d of Holdings S i z e - C l a s s 1953 1959 1970 1953 1959 1970 1953 1959 1970 % % % % % % Acre Acre Acre Ma r g i n a l 55.6 59.4 67.0 8.1 11.3 17.3 0.43 0.43 0.31 Small 32.4 31.7 27.3 24.7 30.4 47.5 2.29 2.14 2.12 Medium 6.5 5.1 3.6 14.9 15.7 20. 1 6.93 6.89 6.75 Large 5.5 3.8 1.2 52.3 42.5 15.1 39.50 25.60 15.00 A l l 100 100 100 100 100 100 2.99 2.24 1.22 Source: Sankaranarayanan and Karunakaran 1985. Table 5.20, pi 16. S e c o n d , the Travancore land po l i c ies resu l ted in land sales. This was fur ther e n h a n c e d in the early 20th century by the legis lat ion that pe rm i t t ed the part i t ion of taravad o r joint-family p roper t i es . The overal l ef fect was the transfer of s o m e the p roper t i e s f r o m the tradi t ional l and o w n i n g famil ies a m o n g the N a m b u d h u r i s and Nayars t o Syrian Chr ist ians, M o p a l a h M u s l i m s a n d Ezhavas.^® Cas te , educa t i on and soc ia l change Syrian Chr is t ians are the descendan t s of Chr i s t i an W e s t As ian merchan ts and their conver ts .^^ M o p a l a h M u s l i m s are the descendan t s A rab merchants w h o set t led in the Kerala coast and marr ied w o m e n of the r eg ion . Ezhavas are a avarna caste g r o u p of Kerala. T h o u g h their t radi t ional o c c u p a t i o n is t o d d y t app ing , they w e r e in many of the c o c o n u t based industr ies ; agr icu l ture , particularly c o c o n u t cu l t i va t ion ; a n d even in o c c u p a t i o n s l ike texti le weav ing . They w e r e a numer ica l ly impor tan t caste in Kerala. It is impor tan t t o ident i fy the numer i ca l s ize o f these caste and re l ig ious g roups in Kerala. As wi l l be demons t r a t ed in this s tudy they p layed a role in the po l i t i ca l e c o n o m y of Kerala, and their numer i ca l s t rength was a factor . Tab le 2.04 presents this data de r i ved f r om the C e n s u s of India, 1901 , the first census t o have rel iable data o n caste a n d re l ig ious p o p u l a t i o n . 20. This is a generalization at the macro level. For instance the Nayars had 72 sub-castes, some of them in poor economic circumstances and often tenants. So in some localities the transfers were from the Nambudhuri to tenant Nayars or big landlord Nayars to tenant Nayars. 21. The Syrian Christians have been present on the southwest coast from as early as 6th century A.D. for the traveller Cosmas Indicopleustes makes reference to them. (Susan Bayly 1984. p178-179). The Syrian Christians' own foundation account asserts that they are descended from Nambudhri Brahmins converted to Christianity by St Thomas the Apostle. T A B L E 2.04 K e r a l a P o p u l a t i o n by Caste and R e l i g i o u s Groups i n 1901 Travancore Cochin Malabar Ke r a l a tjroups ^000 % ^000 % '000 % '000 % Hi ndu Cast es Nambudhri 10 0.3 6 0. 8 18 0.6 34 0.5 Nayars 521 17.6 1 12 13. 8 391 14.0 1024 15.6 Ezhavas 492 16.7 185 22. 7 661 23.7 1338 20.4 Shanan 156 5.3 - - - - 1 56 2.4 Kammalan 67 2.3 20 2. 4 101 3.6 188 2.9 Pulayas 207 7.0 60 7. 4 - - 266 4.1 Cherumans - - - - 1 18 4.2 118 1 .8 Paraiyans 70 2.4 9 1 . 1 17 0.6 96 1 .5 Others 514 17.4 163 20. 1 598 21 .4 1276 19.5 S u b - t o t a l 2036 69.0 554 68. 3 1904 68.2 4494 68.6 Ot her s S y r i a n Chr: 697 23.6 198 24. 4 52 1 .8 947 14.5 Mopalah Mus: 191 6.5 55 6. 7 833 29.9 1078 16.4 Others 29 1 .0 5 0. 6 1 0.1 35 0.5 T o t a l 2952 100.0 812 100. 0 2790 100.0 6554 100.0 Source: Census of I n d i a 1901 Travancore - V o l XXVI-A, P a r t I I , Table X I I I , p147-l87. Cochin - V o l XX-A, P a r t I I , Table X I I I , p38-39. Malabar - V o l XV-A, Part I I , Table X I I I , pi 55-205. Apart f r o m the Nayars, Ezhavas, Syrian Chr is t ians and M o p a i a h s , the o the r numer i ca l l y s ignif icant caste g roups we re the Pulayas, C h e r u m a n s and Paraiyans, all agrest ic slave castes. W i t h the legal a b o l i s h m e n t o f slavery in the m i d 19th century they b e c a m e agricultural and/or casual l abourers . Pulayas a n d C h e r u m a n s are Malaya lam speak ing . Paraiyans are Tami l speak ing and mainly d o m i c i l e d in s o u t h Travancore and in Ma labar p lantat ions as migrant labour f r o m Madras P res idency . The Kammalans are artisan castes w o r k i n g in h o u s e h o l d metal industries."^-^ Shanans we re a Tami l speak ing caste g r o u p in s o u t h 22. Textile weaving castes were numerically not important in Kerala- The three textile weaving castes were the Saliyans, (population in 1901-37742), Kaikolans (pop: 1901-12560) and Devanga (pop: 1901-4008). Unlike Coramandel coast the Malabar coast was not renowned for household textile manufacture in the pre-colonial period. (Ramaswamy 1985.p7) Indeed the Saliyans are the weaver caste of Telugu speaking regions, (contemporary Andhra Pradesh), Kaikolans the weaver caste of Tamil speaking region (contemporary Travancore . M a n y of t h e m we re conver ts to Protestant Chr ist ianity in the 19th century . Their t radi t ional o c c u p a t i o n was t o d d y t app ing but w e r e occupat iona l l y and socia l ly upward ly m o b i l e in the 19th and 20th centur ies . ( Koo iman 1984) Be ing Tami l speak ing , and d o m i c i l e d in the sou thern Travancore taluks that we re c e d e d to Tami lnadu in 1956, they are of marginal interest in the mak ing of c o n t e m p o r a r y Kerala. The cent re stage of the soc ia l and e c o n o m i c t ransformat ions of 19th and early 20th century Kerala we re he ld by the Ezhavas, Syrian Chr is t ians, M o p a l a h M u s l i m s , Nayars and N a m b u d h r i Brahmins. S o m e of these changes t o u c h e d the Pulayas, C h e r u m a n s and Paraiyans, but they r ema ined o p p r e s s e d p e o p l e s unti l neaHy the m i d 20th century.23 T h o u g h s ince then a g o o d many have b e e n upward ly m o b i l e s o m e still remain soc ia l ly and e c o n o m i c a l l y d i sadvantaged . The N a m b u d h r i Brahmins, o n t o p o f the caste h ierarchy and b ig landlords we r e socia l ly and economi ca l l y impor tant , t h o u g h numer ica l l y ins ignif icant . W e shal l d iscuss on l y those aspects of the t ransformat ions or change that are relevant for this s tudy and as a necessary b a c k d r o p fo r the co i r case s tudy in C h a p t e r s even . In the co i r case s tudy w e wi l l obse rve s o m e of the caste r e fo rm i sm and c o n s c i o u s n e s s that d e v e l o p e d in the eaHy 20th century t ransforming in to class consc i ousnes s Before w e d iscuss s o m e of the soc ia l changes of late 19th and eariy 20th cen tury it is impor tant t o po in t o u t that o n c e the Travancore ru l ing h o u s e d e v e l o p e d a land po l i c y that was w e i g h t e d in favour of the cult ivator, wha teve r the pol i t i ca l or ig ins , mot i va t i on and e c o n o m i c gains, it may have i n f l u e n c e d o the r Tamilnadu) and Devanga the weaver caste of Kannada speaking regions, (contemporary Karnataka). These castes probably migrated to Kerala in pre-colonial times to meet local weaving needs. In the 19th and early 20th century however cotton textile weaving became an important household industry attracting many Ezhavas to this occupation. (See Chapter seven) 23. The Pulayas threw up a remarkable leader, Ayankali (1863-1941) who led their struggles for the right to walk on public roads and enter schools. (Saradamoni 1980) po l i c ies to lean in the d i rec t ion of a b roade r base than the elites. This is sugges t ed in the health and e d u c a t i o n po l i c i es of the Travancore admin is t ra t ion . The early lead of Travancore in p o p u l a t i o n g r o w t h appears to have b e e n d u e mainly t o the cons ide rab le a t ten t ion g iven t o med i ca l and p u b l i c hea l th services in the state in the latter half of the n ine teen th century. As w i t h r e fo rm of land tenures , the rulers of the state f o l l o w e d po l i c ies in m e d i c i n e and pub l i c heal th w h i c h we re m u c h ahead of the t imes. Apart f r o m start ing a separate D e p a r t m e n t of Vacc ina t ion in 1865/66, the G o v e r n m e n t set u p a large n u m b e r o f hospi ta ls and d ispensar ies and i n t r o d u c e d a sys tem of grants to suppor t pr ivate med ica l inst i tut ions . It is measure of the progress made by Travancore in the f o l l ow ing four de cades that, 1903/04, the n u m b e r of b e d s in hospi ta ls and d ispensar ies in the state was nearly 60 per 100.000 p o p u l a t i o n , a level r eached in India as a w h o l e six de cades later. ( U . N . 1975. p73-74) The U .N .s tudy in a f o o t n o t e adds : This appears t o have b e e n in part fo r tu i tous , the result of the in tense pe rsona l interest in wes te rn m e d i c i n e and surgery of Maharajah M a r t e n d a Va rma Uthram Thi runa l w h o ru led Travancore f r om 1847 to 1860. ( Foo tno te 2, p73) In the sphere of e d u c a t i o n there is less e v i dence of the Travancore Maharajahs ' persona l interest or i deo log i c a l bent in f luenc ing a po l i c y a i m e d at a b roader sec t i on o f the soc ie ty than the el ites. But such a po l i c y d i d e m e r g e in the 19th cen tury due t o a c o m b i n a t i o n of factors. A pr imary fac tor was that in Travancore the i n d i g e n o u s s c h o o l s f r om pre-co lon ia l t imes we re no t d i s rup ted by the n e w s c h o o l sys tem of the co l on i a l soc ie ty . As Jeffrey obse r ves : In this con t ex t , it is wo r th c o m p a r i n g Kerala w i t h o the r areas of India, fo r they, t o o , had v i l lage s choo l s be fo re the i m p o s i t i o n of a British sys tem of e d u c a t i o n . The crucia l d i f fe rences s e e m to be that in Kerala these vi l lage s c h o o l s we re m o r e d e e p l y e m b e d d e d in soc ie ty than e l sewhere , and that in Travancore the g o v e r n m e n t c o - o p t e d t h e m . (Jeffrey 1987b . p459 ) Indeed w h e n the Travancore g o v e r n m e n t set up its o w n s choo l s , there was resistance f r o m the i n d i g e n o u s s c h o o l teachers . But the g o v e r n m e n t r e s p o n d e d by a p p o i n t i n g the o l d teachers to the g o v e r n m e n t s c h o o l s and pe rmi t t ing the o l d cur r i cu lum t o co-exist w i th what the g o v e r n m e n t w a n t e d i n t r o d u c e d . (Travancore Admin is t ra t i ve Report 1872-73. p i 28-29) This was innovat ive, fo r the genera l pat tern in 19th cen tury British India, was t o i n t roduce a m o d e r n cur r i cu lum o n l y in English m e d i u m s choo l s . (Jeffrey 1987b . p452) Jeffrey also credi ts M a d h a v a Rao, the D e w a n of Travancore , (1858-1872) w i th hav ing g u i d e d this e d u c a t i o n po l i cy . ( Ibid p449) M a d h a v a Rao, " tha t m o s t remarkable of n ine teen th century admin is t ra tors " ( ib id p449 ) is a lso seen as hav ing i n f l uenced the Maharajahs o n land po l i cy . Travancore admin is t ra t ion dur ing the earl ier re ign of Maharajah Swati Tirunal (1829 -1847) was ineff ic ient . A l l ega t ions of c o r r u p t i o n and ma ladmin is t ra t ion p r o m p t e d Lord Da lhous i e t o warn that un less there we re " t ime l y a n d j ud i c i ous r e f o rms " , annexat ion of Travancore under d irect Brit ish rule was a d is t inct poss ib i l i ty . (Nagam A iya 1906. V o l IV, p 5 1 3 ; Jeffrey 1978a p i 4 0 : Tharakan 1 9 8 4 . p i 960) M a d h a v a Rao's tenure as D e w a n , his po l i c ies e tc we re thus also d e s i g n e d to restore the Brit ish c o n f i d e n c e in Travancore , (Jeffrey 1978a p i 4 0 ) t h o u g h in the con t ex t of the events of 1857 in India, the threat of annexa t i on may have f aded . Tharakan (1984) in exam in ing e d u c a t i o n in 19th cen tury Travancore emphas i zes that the i nd igenous s c h o o l sys tem p r o v i d e d the base u p o n w h i c h the m o d e r n sys tem was e rec t ed . H e also attr ibutes its d e v e l o p m e n t to the d e m a n d fo r e d u c a t i o n , to m e e t the infrastructural needs o f the g r o w i n g commerc i a l i z a t i on of agr icul ture a n d as an avenue t o ob t a i n posts in the state bureaucracy . (Tharakan 1984. p i 963-4) The latter we re pos i t i ons of soc ia l prest ige and p o w e r . T h o u g h such posts we r e small in n u m b e r , the c l a m o u r t o ob t a i n t h e m made many seek e d u c a t i o n . The y o u n g Nayars we re part icularly at t racted to the state bureaucracy. E n c u m b e r e d in the 19th century by the marumakka tayam sys tem w i th its restr ic t ions o n the sale of p roper t y and inh ib i t ions o n indiv idua l init iat ive, Nayar y o u t h fa i led t o make headway in the oppor tun i t i e s o f f e r ed by the increas ing c o m m e r c i a l i z a t i o n of agr icu l ture . ( Ibid p i 962) Prest ig ious posts in the state bureaucracy we re a s t rong c o m p e n s a t i n g m e c h a n i s m . The p rocess by w h i c h this b e c a m e o p e n to all Nayars^'* was set in m o t i o n in the 18th century. 24. As indicated earlier there were 72 sub-castes among the Nayars and not all of them were economically and/or socially powerful and important. This is another criticism made of Jeffrey (1976), in that his analysis of the Nayar decline in the 19th and early 20th century he tended to treat the Nayars as one homogeneous group and was not adequately sensitive to the social and economic divisions within the Nayars and explicit in the sub-caste system. (Personal communication, Michael Tharakan.) . . . . tradit ional ly, gove rnmen t serv ice was the exc lus ive preserve of certa in h igher castes ; and even a m o n g t h e m (for sensi t ive jobs) of certain p r i v i l eged famil ies. The exc lus iveness of the civil serv ice was already d i lu ted in the e igh teen th century by M a r t h a n d a Varma . In his efforts t o institute a cen t ra l i zed monarch i ca l reg ime he supp res sed the l anded ba ronage cons i s t ing of var ious title ho lde rs l ike madampimar, pillamar and karyakar, w h o s e fami l ies tradit ional ly m o n o p o l i z e d pos i t i ons of p o w e r and prest ige assoc ia ted w i th gove rnance of the state. (Tharakan 1984 p 1961) This shift meant the recru i tment of non-ar istocrat ic Nayars as we l l as Brahmins f rom ou t s ide the State, mainly Tami l Brahmins, o n the basis of pe rsona l c o m p e t e n c e and loyalty to the Maharajah. As the 19th century p rog re s sed ind iv idua l mer i t and educa t iona l a t ta inment b e c a m e the criter ia. This is the t ime that Nayar y o u t h s o u g h t these posts . In t ime Syrian Chr ist ians and Ezhavas also sough t entry t o state serv ice . The Ezhavas d i d no t f ind entry easy, the D e w a n felt, because of their caste status, they w i l l no t c o m m a n d the respect and author i ty that the jobs r equ i red . (Ibid p i 961-62) By the turn of the century , these c o n c e r n s we r e n o l onge r enter ta ined and as a k ind of aff irmative ac t i on the g o v e r n m e n t r equ i red Heads of Depa r tmen t s t o give spec ia l cons ide ra t i on t o Ezhavas, M u s l i m s etc. (Ibid p. 1962) This increased the d e m a n d for educa t i on and many caste and re l ig ious b o d i e s and caste interest g roups set up s choo l s , increas ing the already ex i s t ing faci l i t ies for pr imary and secondary educat ion.2^ 25. In Kerala as a consequence of these factors and trends there was a greater provision of primary and secondary schooling and comparatively less emphasis on post-secondary education during the colonial period. This is in contrast to the educational system that developed in the wider Indian colonial society with a disproportionate weightage to post-secondary education, obviously to cater to elitist needs. This may be observed in the educational systems that developed in and around Calcutta, Bombay and Madras and later a pattern of the other urban centres of India. Partly as a result of this structure, Malayalees in need of post-secondary education in the 19th and early 20th century had to seek such facilities in Madras. (Lewandowski 1980) C o m m e r c i a l i z a t i o n of agr icul ture, Tharakan (1984. p i 963) argues, l ed to an increas ing d e m a n d fo r basic educa t i on that c o u l d e q u i p p e o p l e to handle a ccoun t s , mor tgages , contracts , ag reements , etc. C h a n g e s that o c c u r r e d in the Travancore e c o n o m y , b e g i n n i n g in the m i d d l e of the 19th century , have b e e n c o n c e p t u a l i z e d by many scholars as the commerc i a l i z a t i on of agr icul ture, o r the e c o n o m y itself. (Issacs and Tharakan 1986 . p3) .2^ C a s h c rops for expo r t had been an impor tan t i t em in India's par t i c ipat ion in Indian ocean trade for " cen tu r i es o n e n d " (Braudel 1984. p 4 8 4 a n d 502) A n d a m o n g the reg ions of India part ic ipat ing in Indian o c e a n trade, that of the s o u t h w e s t coast has b e e n espec ia l l y r epu ted for agrarian p r o d u c e , part icularly p e p p e r and o the r sp i ces . Wha t is c o n c e p t u a l i z e d as the commerc i a l i z a t i on of agriculture and/or e c o n o m y in Travancore , b e g i n n i n g in the m i d 19th century , is the increase in v o l u m e of agricultural p r o d u c e for cash sales and/or expo r t s ; and the increased par t ic ipat ion of the p o p u l a t i o n in the cul t ivat ion, p r o d u c t i o n , p roces s i ng , t rad ing and expo r t o f such agricultural p r o d u c e . Cash-c rops became increas ingly impor tan t in agr icul ture. This, as wi l l be subsequen t l y a rgued , had impor tant imp l i ca t ions for the space e c o n o m y . There are a n u m b e r reasons fo r the inc reased e c o n o m i c activit ies in cash c rops , b o t h cu l t ivat ion and expor t s , in Travancore b e g i n i n g in the m i d 19th century. First, sirkar m o n o p o l y ove r 165 i tems of fo re ign trade we re r e m o v e d in 1860s. (Issacs and Tharakan 1986b .p6 ) . S e c o n d , the ves t ing of sirkar lands in the tenants , and the land po l i c y init iatives of the 19th century , l ed to inc reased product i v i t y , f r e e d o m t o change c rops , free sale and purchase of land and agr icul ture as an area of investment . Th i rd , was the entry of Brit ish merchan t capita l . This was main ly in p lantat ion agr icul ture. But p r o c e s s i n g and expor t t rade of agricultural 26. See Raj (1985) for a discussion of the concept of commercialization of agriculture in the Indian context. p r o d u c e , such as co i r and co i r p r o d u c t s , was ano ther area of activity for British merchant capita l . Four th , the increased o r n e w internat ional d e m a n d for s o m e agricultural p r o d u c e o r agro-based p roduc t s . C o i r o n c e again is an examp le . C h a p t e r e ight , the case s tudy of the co i r industry and t rade, wi l l i l lustrate h o w these o c c u r r e d , as we l l as the entry of British capital in co i r p rocess ing and expor t t rade. Fifth, the sou thwes t coast w i th its backwaters , n u m e r o u s rivers and coastal s h i p p i n g had a g o o d waterways t ransport sys tem. This was a u g m e n t e d in the 19th century by the advent and g r o w t h o f railway and road t ransport systems. British capital d o m i n a t e d the increas ing cash-crop agr icul ture o f the n e w p lantat ion c rops . . By the e n d of the 1930s there was about 75,000 acres in tea and 100,000 acres in rubber . 85 percent of the tea acreage was o w n e d by the Brit ish. In r ubbe r there was greater i n d i g e n o u s capital par t i c ipat ion , but British ho ld ings we re in the majority. (Issacs and Tharakan 1986b . p i 0) British capital p r esence was d o m i n a n t ou ts ide the p lanta t ion sec to r t o o . European coasta l t rad ing f irms such as P ierce, Leslie & C o , W i l l i am C o o d a c r e & C o , Asp inwa l l & C o , B o m b a y C o , Vo lkar t Bros, Darragh, Smal l & C o etc rose in to p r o m i n e n c e . They virtually m o n o p o l i z e d the expor t o f p lanta t ion p roduc t s as we l l as impor ts for the p lanta t ion sec to r t h r o u g h in te r lock ing of the d i rec torsh ips and manag ing agenc ies . They also c o n t r o l l e d the sh ipp ing and forward ing bus iness as we l l as insurance bus iness . Similarly their con t ro l o ve r impor t of text i les , meta l p roduc t s and minera l oi ls we re tota l . (Issacs and Tharakan 1986b . p7) Wh i l e the m o r e lucrat ive and h igher e c h e l o n s of capital ist agr icu l ture , agro-process ing a n d import-expor t t rade we re the preserve of the Brit ish, there was cons ide rab l e par t i c ipat ion in the m idd l e and l o w e r rungs by Indian ent repreneurs . N o t all o f t h e m w e r e f r om Travancore o r the Kerala r eg ion . S o m e of the b igge r investors we r e f r o m o u t s i d e Kerala. But a cons ide rab l e n u m b e r at the m i d d l e level and a lmost exc lus ive ly at the l o w e r level we r e native en t repreneurs of Travancore and ad jo in ing reg ions . W e shall exam ine in chapters e ight and n ine the structure of capital inves tment a n d par t i c ipa t ion , f r o m the level o f the pet ty p r o d u c e r t o b ig capital ists, as we l l as the ne twork of dealers , agents e tc in the t w o il lustrative case studies of the co i r and b e e d i industr ies in Kerala. The focus of the case s tud ies is to unders tand the dynamics of change ; the nature of capital investment ; the n e e d for labour ; l abour mob i l i z a t i on and m o v e m e n t s ; con f l i c t and con f ron t a t i on b e t w e e n capital ists and labour ; and the impact of all this o n the chang ing pol i t i ca l e c o n o m y of late 19th and 20th century Kerala. As ou t l i ned in the last chapter the pol i t i ca l and space e c o n o m y have s ymb io t i c nexus . The case studies of co i r and beed i w i l l make this expl ic i t . They wi l l a lso il lustrate the impl i ca t ions for desako ta , capita ls ' use of space in its con f ron ta t i on wi th l abour . W h a t is impor t an t t o n o t e in this chapter are s o m e of the soc io-cul tura l features, and c o n s e q u e n c e s of the native capital ist par t ic ipat ion in the chang ing e c o n o m y of Travancore of the late 19th and 20th century . In the n e w o p e n i n g s in the cash-crop e c o n o m y of this p e r i o d , there was cons ide rab l e par t ic ipat ion by Syrian Chr is t ians , M o p a l a h M u s l i m s and Ezhavas. O n the o the r hand the par t i c ipat ion of the Nayars was min ima l . The N a m b u d h r i Brahmins, numer ica l ly ins igni f icant , but b ig land lords we re c o n t e n t t o live o n the rent d u e f rom their tenants. As the t radi t ional literati of the soc ie ty , s o m e of t h e m had u s e d educa t i on as an access t o the p ro fess ions and pos ts in the State bureaucracy . Al l N a m b u d h u r i Brahmins we r e h o w e v e r cultural ly d i s inc l i ned , if no t t a b o o e d , to part ic ipate in trade or o the r entrepreneur ia l activity. The impor tan t c o n s e q u e n c e of this t rend was that the new l y a cqu i r ed e c o n o m i c p o w e r and pr iv i lege o f the Syrian Chr is t ians , M o p a l a h M u s l i m s and the Ezhavas we re in con t r ad i c t i on w i th their soc ia l pos i t i on in t radi t ional Kerala soc iety . (Issacs 1985 . pPE-5 Issacs and Tharakan 1986a p 8 1986b p 9 & 28). The Syrian Chr is t ians had in the 18th century had a soc ia l pos i t i on o n par w i th o r c l ose to the Nayars. (Susan Bayly 1984. p 180-6) In the 19th century their pos i t i on o n the soc ia l l adder had d e c l i n e d . Thei r d i sp l a cemen t f r o m the Indian o c e a n trade c o n s e q u e n t to the d o m i n a t i n g pos i t i on of the Brit ish; the t ransference of the p o o r , if no t negat ive , soc ia l image in s o u t h India of the H indus w h o we re p rose l y t i zed as Chr ist ians by 19th cen tury British and o the r miss ionar ies ; and the l eg i t im iz ing of the soc ia l and e c o n o m i c i m p o r t a n c e of the Nayars by the Br i t ish, part icular ly in Malabar , in the i r des i re no t t o al ienate the d o m i n a n t caste ; may have b e e n c o n t r i b u t i n g factors. Susan Bayly argues that the Kerala Rajas bui l t u p and s tab i l ized co rpo ra te l eadersh ip a m o n g the Syrian Chr is t ians and it was in the n ine teen th century that the g r o u p unde rwen t a p rocess of what might be ca l l ed 'd i s- incorpora t ion ' o r d i s in tegra t ion as the es tab l i shment of Brit ish mil i tary and po l i t i ca l sup remacy in the r eg ion b rough t abou t the co l l apse o f the e igh teen th century po l i t i ca l o rder . (1984.p180) W h i l e the soc ia l pos i t i on of the Syrian Chr is t ians had dec l i ned in the 19th century , their e c o n o m i c p o s i t i o n was o n the rise by the latter part of the same century . The Syrian Chr ist ians hav ing b e e n a t rad ing c o m m u n i t y w e r e o b v i o u s l y qu ick to take up the n e w e c o n o m i c oppo r tun i t i e s . The M o p a l a h M u s l i m s we re of three b r o a d g r o u p s . First the merchants in the coasta l t owns . S e c o n d the tenant cult ivators in in land Malabar . (C.A.Bayly 1988. p i 7 6 ) . Th i rd the f isher fo lk of coasta l areas. (Mathur 1978.p2) The peasant tenant cul t ivators we re the protagon is ts of the M o p a l a h revolts of Ma labar in the 19th and early 20th centur ies . (Dale 1980. p180;227-232) They we r e soc ia l p rotes ts against the chang ing tenur ia l relat ions translated in to mi l i tant ac t ion by a re l ig ious f e r vour and identity. (C .A.Bay ly 1988 .p175-6 ; Pannikar 1989. p i 99). These revolts , s ignif icant in the peasant upris ings in c o l o n i a l India, are howeve r of less s ign i f i cance in the po l i t i ca l e c o n o m y o f 20th century Kerala. S ince the f o cus in this s tudy is o n the latter, and its re la t ionship t o the space e c o n o m y , the M o p a l a h peasant revolts are of m in ima l c o n c e r n here. It was the merchan t M o p a l a h M u s l i m s w h o p rog re s sed e c o n o m i c a l l y w i th the g r o w i n g impor tance of cash c r o p s and al l ied p r o c e s s i n g and trading activity. The con t r ad i c t i on was even m o r e sharp in the case of the Ezhavas. They we re an avarna^^ caste w h o u p t o the early 20th century, we r e d e e m e d as caus ing d is tance po l l u t i on to the savarna castes; were no t pe rm i t t ed to enter m o s t H i n d u temples in Kerala, e v e n t h o u g h they we re H indus , as their p resence in t emp les we r e c o n s i d e r e d po l lu t ing ; w e r e no t g iven posts in State serv ices fo r reasons exp la ined earlier. But w i th their t radi t ional o c cupa t i ona l i n vo l vement in c o c o n u t cu l t ivat ion and industr ies , they bene f i t ed f r om the g r o w i n g cash-crop e c o n o m y . C o c o n u t next to tea and rubber was an impor tan t cash c r o p . The structure of c o c o n u t cu l t ivat ion and h o w the Ezhavas bene f i t ed f r o m c o c o n u t cu l t ivat ion and industr ies wi l l be e x a m i n e d in C h a p t e r e ight . Syrian Chr is t ians, M u s l i m s , and Ezhavas, thus e n c o u n t e r e d a con t r ad i c t i on b e t w e e n their t radi t ional soc ia l pos i t i on and the upward e c o n o m i c mob i l i t y . This was the c o n t e x t w h i c h gene ra ted soc ia l r e fo rm m o v e m e n t s a m o n g the Chr i s t i an , M u s l i m and Ezhava c o m m u n i t i e s . The soc ia l re form m o v e m e n t was spea rheaded by the Ezhavas. As re f lec ted in Table 2.04 they we re numer ica l l y the mos t s ignif icant g r o u p in the w h o l e of Kerala and present in all three pol i t ical-administrat ive units, namely Travancore , C o c h i n and Malabar . The on l y o the r g r o u p numer ica l l y s ignif icant and equal ly present in the three units we re the Nayars. The Syrian Chr is t ians we re c o n c e n t r a t e d in Travancore and C o c h i n , wh i l e the M o p a l a h M u s l i m s were in Malabar . Syrian Chr is t ians and M o p a l a h M u s l i m s wh i l e tak ing i n d e p e n d e n t initiatives t o advance the i r soc ia l and pol i t i ca l pos i t i on to k e e p pace w i th their increas ing e c o n o m i c p o s i t i o n , also j o i n e d t oge the r w i t h the Ezhavas in the agi tat ion fo r soc ia l and pol i t i ca l r e fo rm. This was in sp i te of the re l ig ious d i f fe rences and the efforts t o use these to d i v ide t h e m . (Issacs and Tharakan 1986a . p i 7-19) The n o m i n a t e d Travancore Legislat ive A s s e m b l y inst i tuted in 1888 , 27. Please see footnote 17. had n o Ezhava representat ives in spi te of their numer i ca l impor tance . The l im i t ed e lectora l representa t ion that was i n t r o d u c e d in 1919 was o n a restr ic ted franchise that kep t ou t any Ezhava representa t ion and unde r r ep re sen t ed the Chr is t ians and M u s l i m s . This is s y m b o l i c of the l imi ted soc ia l and pol i t ica l p o w e r these c o m m u n i t i e s w i e l d e d and their ag i ta t ion t o redress this in the con t ex t of their g r o w i n g e c o n o m i c p o s i t i o n . These c o m m u n i t i e s we re also aggr ieved that State bureaucracy in Travancore was d o m i n a t e d by the Nayars. In soc ia l d i sc r im ina t ion , such as access to t emp les , pub l i c roads e tc the Ezhavas suf fered m o r e because in spi te of be ing H indus , they we re d e n i e d these pr iv i leges o n the basis of caste. It was this con tex t that m a d e the Ezhavas play the central ro le in soc ia l r e fo rm. This soc ia l con tex t , p regnant wi th con t rad i c t i ons and rest ructur ing, p r o d u c e d the char ismat ic f igure of Sri Narayana G u r u , (1854-1928) a H i n d u ph i losopher-ascet i c , and Ezhava by b i r th . British scholar-administrators and miss ionar ies to justify a n d leg i t imize co l on i a l i sm had to perce ive and present it as a valiant " c i v i l i z ing m i s s i o n " . A m o n g the o b n o x i o u s features of H i n d u soc ie ty that lent itself readi ly to such rat ional izat ion of co lon i a l i sm we re sati, the p o s i t i o n of w o m e n and caste o p p r e s s i o n . The Indian r e sponse was m i x e d . But a p r e d o m i n a n t r e s p o n s e readi ly a s sumed the role of counter-players. T o e laborate , they b o r r o w e d their fundamenta l values f r om the wes te rn w o r l d v i e w a n d , in sp i te of their image as o r t h o d o x revivalists, we r e ruthlessly critical of the H i n d u s . They a lso t o o k the p o s i t i o n that the H i n d u s had b e e n great in anc ien t t imes and had fal len o n bad days because of their loss of con tac t w i t h textua l Brahmanism. . . (Ashish N a n d y 1983 . p24) Sri Narayana Guru ' s p h i l o s o p h y and act iv ism is part of this b road gen re of r e fo rmism that e m e r g e d in India, in the late 19th and early 20th century. It was h o w e v e r l ike s o m e others c o n d i t i o n e d by the regional con t ex t to a loca l speci f ic i ty . The Ezhava Soc ia l Re fo rm M o v e m e n t o r Sri Narayana M o v e m e n t , a s it is s o m e t i m e s ca l l ed , (Issacs and Tharakan 1986a 28. It was also sometimes referred to as the S.N.D.P. movement after the Sri Narayana Dharma Paripalana Yogam (The Society for the Protection of Sri Narayana Doctrine or Teachings) p i ) , had t w o facets. First, it s o u g h t and p e r s u a d e d , the Ezhavas to shed s o m e of their caste c u s t o m s and bel ie fs . This i n c l u d e d s o m e aspects of the marumakkatayam sys tem, such as the tali kettu c e r e m o n y , inher i tance patterns, e tc as we l l as o the r caste rituals. These efforts had e lements of sanskr i t izat ion^S and as we l l as m o v i n g towards the nuc lear con juga l family that was b e c o m i n g the n o r m in Kerala. S e c o n d , was t o agitate for the r emova l of overt d i sc r imina t ion of Ezhavas o n the basis of caste, such as the l im i ted use of pub l i c roads , access to t emples , entry t o the State bureaucracy etc. This was b o t h by referral to Brahmanica l texts as a l eg i t im iz ing author i ty fo r the inappropr ia teness of these restr ict ions, as we l l by a soc ia l m o v e m e n t i n c l ud ing satyagraha at t e m p l e ent rances , caste assoc ia t ion as a l o b b y and pressure g r o u p etc . In the f o rmer the char i sma and learn ing of Sri Narayana G u r u was i n voked . By his active par t i c ipat ion in the re fo rm m o v e m e n t , he gave a mora l and textua l author i ty to the cha l l eng ing s logan of " o n e caste, o n e G o d and o n e r e l i g i o n " . (Ibid p 9 ; Rao 1972 p i 25-30) A key f igure in the soc ia l m o v e m e n t and its organ izat iona l aspects was D r Pa lpu, a wes te rn med i ca l p ro fess iona l , w h o was d e n i e d entry to Travancore Hea l th Serv ices because he was an Ezhava. The detai ls of the Sri Narayana o r Ezhava Socia l M o v e m e n t activit ies and success are not requ i red for this study. W h a t is impor tan t to no te is the imp l i ca t ions fo r the pol i t ica l e c o n o m y of Kerala. First as Issacs and Tharakan state; Un l i ke the earl ier soc ia l r e fo rm m o v e m e n t s o f o the r avarna castes, as fo r examp le the we l l k n o w n breast c l o th ag i ta t ion in sou the rn Travancore , the Ezhava Socia l Re fo rm M o v e m e n t was l ed by the b o u r g e o i s e l emen t s that e m e r g e d f r o m a m o n g s t the avarnas themse lves . The d e m a n d s ra ised by t h e m were in s o m e sense the d e m a n d s of the w h o l e Ezhava caste, e ven if on l y a sec t ion of the Ezhava c o m m u n i t y s t o o d t o benef i t mos t f r o m the gains. Primarily because of the s logans ra ised, the Ezhava Soc ia l Re fo rm M o v e m e n t c o u l d b r ing in to ac t ion a lmost the w h o l e Ezhava masses and b e c o m e the m o s t s w e e p i n g mass m o v e m e n t that Travancore had k n o w n . (1986a p2) 29. Sanskritization is an anthropological concept that refers to a process by which castes attempt to move up the caste hierarchy by emulating the behaviour practices of the Brahmins. (Srinivas 1968. pi-45) 30. Literally meaning "truth grasping" which could be manifest as "sit ins". S e c o n d , it was an ant i-Hindu es tab l i shment m o v e m e n t f r om w i th in the H i n d u c o m m u n i t y , and no t led or o rches t ra ted by miss ionar ies . It may have i m b i b e d o r cathetera ted wes te rn values, i n c l ud ing bou rgeo i s rad ica l i sm, and/or organ iza t iona l m e t h o d s and fo rms . But the bou rgeo i s radica l ism was not that of a elitist caste as e l sewhere in India, c o n c e r n e d w i th the image and/or mora l leg i t imacy of H i n d u i s m in the face of co lon i ze r s c r i t i c i sm. It was the asser t ion, of civi l and soc ia l rights e m e r g i n g f r o m the l ived expe r i ence of a d i sadvantaged g r o u p , in con tex t o f chang ing e c o n o m i c and soc ia l fo rces . Thi rd , the egalitarian i d e o l o g y expl ic i t in Sri Narayana Guru ' s teach ings , faci l i tated the pe r co l a t i on of radical po l i t i ca l i d e o l o g y and an e thos of the mora l leg i t imacy and author i ty for any d isadvantaged g r o u p to assert their rights and cha l l enge the oppresso rs . There we r e t w o strands in Sri Narayana Guru ' s reformist i d e o l o g y . O n e was sanskr i t izat ion, and the o the r an attack o n the H i n d u es tab l i shment , f r om the great t radi t ion of vedanta ph i l o sophy . Egalitarian i d e o l o g y e m b e d d e d in his teach ings was also later to fert i l ize pol i t i ca l radica l ism. The ant i-Hindu es tab l i shment e thos is impor tant . It p reven ted revivalist nat iona l i sm. This is b rough t ou t if he is c o m p a r e d w i th Anagar ika Dharmapa la , the Sri Lankan Buddh is t reformist , a c o n t e m p o r a r y of Sri Narayana G u r u a n d also a " c o u n t e r p layer " in the sou th As ian co lon i a l con tex t . Anagar ika Dharmapa la l ed a Buddh is t revivalist m o v e m e n t no t d i r e c t ed at r e fo rming i nd igenous inst i tut ions but co lon i a l inst i tut ions. H e was crit ical of the Sri Lankan w e s t e r n i z e d elitist minor i ty , d o m i n a t e d by Chr is t ians , and their f a voured pos i t i on and life styles in co lon i a l Sri Lanka.^^ But in the p rocess his r e fo rm i sm fos te red revival ism and eventua l ly c o n t r i b u t e d t o S inhalese-Buddhist atavism and/or chauv in i sm. (Obeyaseke ra 1972 p68-73; 1975 p248-255 ; 1976). In contrast Sri Narayana Gu ru ' s r e fo rm ism, w i th its ant i-Hindu es tab l i shment s tance , had a l iberat ing in f luence and was no t nativist. This had imp l i ca t ions f o r the po l i t i ca l e c o n o m y , i n c lud ing the e m e r g e n c e of a radical h e g e m o n y . W e shall obse rve the 31. For a very readable, witty and literary presentation, that provides a glimpse of a voluptuous strand in the westernized Sri Lankan elite life styles circa 1920s, see Michael Ondaatje, Running in the Family. (1982) work ings of these fo rces in the pol i t i ca l e c o n o m y and its imp l i ca t ions for the space e c o n o m y in later chapters . Socia l changes and the reg ion S o m e of the features d i s cussed in this chap te r as an i n t roduc t i on to Kerala, are obv i ous l y spec i f i c t o Travancore, part icularly nor th Travancore . S o m e of these features, a m o n g others , con t r i bu t ed to this sub-reg ion b e c o m i n g a hear t land of Kerala. Wha t o c c u r r e d in Travancore by a p rocess of o s m o s i s and/or as catalyst i n f l uenced the rest of what is c o n t e m p o r a r y Kerala. O n e reason w h y this o c c u r r e d is because of the three pol i t ica l-administrat ive units of Travancore , C o c h i n and Ma labar b e i n g o n e cultural-l inguist ic r eg i on . The c o m m o n language , t oge the r w i t h the inc reas ing l i teracy and mass m e d i a t o o k the messages across w h o l e the Ma laya lam speak ing r eg ion . Cu l tura l s imilar it ies, such as the p resence of the same caste g roups we re another . O n c e po l i t i ca l un i f i ca t ion o c c u r r e d du r ing the p e r i o d 1947 t o 1956, the po l i c i es and pressures of Travancore we re e x t e n d e d , o r its pe r co l a t i on acce le ra ted , to the o the r t w o . W e shall obse r ve h o w s o m e of these o c cu r r ed in chapters e ight and n ine . C h a p t e r e ight is a case s tudy of the beed i industry , concen t r a t ed in C a n n a n o r e distr ict , part of Ma labar Distr ict of the co lon i a l p e r i o d . O n e reason for the se l ec t i on of b e e d i as a case s tudy is to demons t r a t e h o w s o m e of the features of the pol i t i ca l e c o n o m y that d e v e l o p e d in Travancore spread to wha t was former ly Ma laba r distr ict. But it was no t total ly a one-way p rocess . Ma laba r be i ng part of Brit ish India e x p e r i e n c e d the typical nat ional ist s t ruggle w i th in British India as l ed by the Indian Na t iona l C o n g r e s s . It was med i a t ed in C o c h i n and Travancore by the character o f these t w o pr ince ly States. But s o m e of the f issures that d e v e l o p e d in the Ma labar nat ional ist m o v e m e n t had their in f luence o n Travancore . W e shall in chapte r e ight obse rve h o w the C o n g r e s s Social ist Party of Malabar , a break-away g r o u p of the Indian Nat iona l C o n g r e s s was an impor tant fo r ce in the l abour m o v e m e n t of the co i r workers of Travancore , and eventua l ly o n the pol i t ica l e c o n o m y of Travancore, and Kerala as we l l . This chap te r has des c r i bed s o m e features that are spec i f i c o r un ique to Kerala. But as stated earlier, in the cultural geog raphy o f India, every r eg ion has its o w n spec i f i c and un ique character ist ics. Kerala then is n o m o r e o r less un ique than any o the r r eg ion . The next chapte r howeve r wi l l a t t empt t o demons t r a t e h o w s o m e of these un ique soc io-cul tura l features of Kerala, in c o m b i n a t i o n w i th s o m e un ique s o c i o - e c o n o m i c character ist ics, have made Kerala emerge as a d is t inct soc ie ty in India. A d is t inct soc i e t y in the sense that it is d i f ferent f r om the rest of India, in a m a n n e r that f ew o the r reg ions o f India have d e v e l o p e d to be . C H A P T E R THREE KERALA A DISTINCT SOCIETY IN INDIA In the mosa i c of reg ions of India, what makes Kerala stand apart is not so m u c h its e c o l o g i c a l and cultural features, bu t s o m e of its s o c i o - e c o n o m i c and spatial character ist ics. The m o r e impor tant a m o n g t h e m are: land use patterns; d e m o g r a p h i c t rends ; phys ica l qual ity of life and a reasonably equ i tab le access t o soc ia l infrastructure, u n m a t c h e d even by the e c o n o m i c a l l y m o r e advanced States in India; the substant ia l p r esence of non-agricultural e c o n o m i c activity in rural areas; and urban iza t ion and set t lement patterns. S o m e of these character ist ics f l ow f r o m the e c o l o g i c a l and cultural features des c r i bed in the last chapter . W e shall examine in this chapter these character ist ics that c o m b i n e to make Kerala a dist inct soc i e t y in India. The p resence of desako ta is part of this mix , the cons te l l a t i on , and f inds exp re s s i on a m o n g others , in the deg ree of non-agricultural activity in rural areas. Land use patterns In chapter t w o w e o b s e r v e d the in f luence o f the po l i t i ca l e c o n o m y o n land po l i c y in b o t h Travancore and Malabar . This t oge the r w i th the histor ical g e o g r a p h y of the Kerala coast , b o t h the e c o l o g y that i n f l uenced a cash c r o p e c o n o m y , and the active ro le of the por t cit ies of this r eg ion in Indian ocean nav igat ion , trade and c o m m e r c e , are impor tan t ingred ients that have a bear ing o n 20th century Kerala's land use patterns.^ This pattern is d is t inct ive in the Indian con tex t . 1. The Kerala ports were important and necessary stops in pre-steamer navigation, when sailing vessels used the monsoon winds to travel across the Arabian Sea to India. (Curtin 1984. p99) Land use: Kerala and other States The land use patterns o f twenty-one states, c o v e r i n g 96.8 pe rcen t of the land area and 99.6 pe rcen t of cu l t i va ted area of India, are tabu la ted in Tab le 3.01. Four teen states had f o o d grains, (cereals and pulses) , cu l t ivated in m o r e than 75 pe r cen t of the tota l cu l t ivated area. If oi l seeds , ( g roundnu ts , sesame, l inseed and castor) , are a d d e d to this ( c o l u m n 7), seven teen states have m o r e than 75 percen t of the cu l t i va ted area w i t h f o o d grains and o i l seeds . O f the rema in ing four Gujarat and Karnataka have 69.6 pe rcen t and 69.3 pe rcen t respect ive ly of the tota l cu l t ivated land used for f o o d grains and o i l seeds . The o the r t w o states are Megha l a ya and Kerala w i th 59.5 percen t and 29.8 percen t respect i ve ly of cu l t ivated land b e i n g used for f o o d grains and o i l seeds cu l t i va t ion. T h e l o w pe rcen t of land used f o r f o o d grains and oi l seeds cu l t ivat ion in Kerala is in sharp contrast t o the rest o f India. This is true even if on l y the f o o d grains are c o n s i d e r e d . ( C o l u m n 5) O n l y Gujarat has 45 .7 pe r cen t of its cu l t ivated area u sed fo r f o o d grains w h i c h is m u c h h igher than Kerala's 28 .7 percent . The significance of coconut It may be a rgued that c o c o n u t is an o i l s e e d , even t h o u g h the Indian off ic ia l pub l i ca t ions and statistical data d o no t classify c o c o n u t as an o i l seed. '^ The impor t ance here is not h o w an " o f f i c i a l " list ca tegor izes but the func t iona l impor t ance of a c r o p in te rms of land use , and m o r e impor tan t l y for this s tudy the character o f the e m p l o y m e n t it generates . F rom the t ime o f S t rabo 's wr i t ings^ in the first cen tury B.C. the c o c o n u t pa lm is k n o w n in wr i t ten g e o g r a p h y fo r its many p roduc t s . In chap te r e ight , the case s tudy o n co i r , w e wi l l have 2. The Indian Statistical Abstracts do not include coconut under oil seeds in the data on land use in India. (Govt of India 1987. Statistical Abstracts 1986 p49-50). The National Industrial Classification (NIC) used by the Census of India 1981 does not list coconut under oil seeds but under plantations. (Census of India 1981. Series 10 Kerala. Part III A & B [i], p49. See two digit code 01 and three digit code 017) The census definition of agricultural labour limits such work to those working in the cultivation of cereals, pulses and oil seeds. Coconut is not listed under oil seeds, but included with the excluded crops such as tea, rubber etc (Ibid page 21-23) 3. Cited in the 16th century Portuguese publication "The Narratives of Joseph the Indian". See English translation from Italian, Latin and Dutch versions by Antony Vallavanthara, 1984. p190-191. TABLE 3.01 Land use by food g r a i n s and o i l seeds as a percent of t o t a l cropped area i n Indi a , c l a s s i f i e d by States i n 1982 S t a t e s 1^ 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 Andhra Pradesh 29. 0 00 . 1 29. .9 10 .7 69. 7 14. 4 84. 1 15. 9 100 .0 Assam 68. 2 03 . 1 00, .8 03 .5 7 5. 6 00. 7 76. 3 23. 7 100 .0 Bih a r 48. 0 15 .3 1 1 , .3 12 .0 86. 6 01 . 1 87. 7 12. 3 100 .0 G u j a r a t 04. 8 06 .8 27, .7 06 .4 45. 7 23. 9 69. 6 30. 4 100 .0 Harayana 09. 2 28 .3 21 , . 1 20 .0 78. 6 00. 2 78. 8 21 . 2 100 .0 Himachal Prd 09. 8 37 .9 37. .9 05 .8 91. 4 01 . 6 93. 0 07. 0 100 .0 Jamm:& Kashmir 26. 7 20 .0 32. .6 04 .8 84. 1 01 . 0 85. 1 14. 9 100 .0 Karnataka 10. 2 03 . 1 34. .0 1 3 .0 60. 3 09. 0 69. 3 30. 7 100 .0 Ke r al a 27. 3 00 . 0 00. 2 01 . 2 28. 7 01. 1 29. 8 70. 2 100 . 0 Madhya Pradesh 23. 0 15 . 1 21 . 8 21 .4 81. 3 04. 9 86. 2 13. 8 100 .0 Maharashtra 07. 6 05 .6 44. .4 1 3 .9 71. 6 06. 3 77. 9 22. 1 100 .0 Manipura 78. 9 00 .0 02. .8 01 .9 83. 6 00. 5 84. 1 15. 9 100 .0 Meghalaya 47. 5 01 .3 09. .0 01 .3 59. 1 00. 4 59. 5 40. 5 100 .0 Nagaland 70. 7 00 .0 12. .0 04 .0 86. 7 00. 7 87. 4 12. 6 100 .0 O r i s s a 52. 0 00 .8 08. .9 21 .3 83. 0 05. 8 88. 8 1 1 . 2 100 .0 Punjab 19. 2 44 .0 07. .4 04 .8 75. 4 01 . 7 77. 1 22. 9 100 .0 Rajasthan 00. 8 10 . 1 41 . 9 21 .5 7 4. 3 03. 9 78. 2 21 . 8 100 .0 TamiInadu 32. 1 00 .0 20. .2 09 .6 61. 9 17. 0 78. 9 21 . 1 100 .0 T r i p u r a 77. 7 01 .0 00. .0 01 .3 80. 0 00. 8 80. 8 19. 2 100 .0 U t t a r Pradesh 21 . 8 32 .3 16. .7 12 .8 83. 6 06. 8 90. 4 09. 6 100 .0 West Bengal Others ° 66. 1 02 .7 01 . .4 06 .4 76. 6 02, 1 78. 7 21 . 3 100 .0 34. 0 06 .3 12. .7 02 .4 55. 4 00. 7 56. 1 43. 9 100 .0 INDIA 23. 4 12 .7 23. .8 13 .6 7 3. 5 07. 0 80. 5 19. 5 100 .0 Source: Govt of I n d i a , C e n t r a l S t a t i s t i c a l O r g a n i z a t i o n . S t a t i s t i c a l A b s t r a c t 1982. New S e r i e s 26 p41-48. Notes : [a] Column t i t l e s are as f o l l o w s : 1. Rice 6. O i l seeds ° 2. Wheat 7. Total of food grains and 3. Other c e r e a l s ^ oil seeds (Columns 1 t o 6) 4. Pulses 8. Other crops 5. Total food grains 9. T o t a l c u l t i v a t e d area [b] Others comprise Andaman and Nicobar I s l a n d s , Dadra and Nagar H a v e l i , D e l h i , Goa, Daman & Diu, Lakshadeep, Mizoran, P o n d i c h e r r y , Arnunachal Pradesh and Sikkim. In t o t a l they comprise 3.2 of In d i a ' s land area and 0.4 of the c u l t i v a t e d a r e a . (See Appendix 4) Most of them are a d m i n i s t e r e d by the Union ( F e d e r a l ) Government. [c] Other c e r e a l s are b a j r a , b a r l e y , jowar, maize, m i l l e t and r a g i . [d] O i l seeds are groundnuts, sesamum, l i n s e e d and c a s t o r seed. o c c a s i o n to d iscuss s o m e of t i ie many p roduc t s of the c o c o n u t pa lm in 20th century Kerala, and the a m o u n t of e c o n o m i c activity gene ra ted in manufac tu r ing , p rocess ing and t rad ing of such p roduc t s . Briefly, the kerne l of the nut is used as an ingred ient in curry ing vegetab les , f ish and meat , fo r the ext rac t ion of o i l and/or mak ing des i c ca ted c o c o n u t . The shel l of the nut is used for mak ing utensi ls , (eg: w o o d e n s p o o n s and ladles) , and fo r mak ing charcoa l . The husk of the c o c o n u t is used to make co i r yarn, w h i c h in turn , as w e wi l l see in chapter e ight , is a base for a n u m b e r o the r p roduc t s , such as r o p e , mats, carpets , mattress and c u s h i o n f i l l ings e tc . F rom the spathe of the c o c o n u t pa lm an extract is t a p p e d to make sweet t o d d y (mi ld ly f e rmen ted pa lm wine ) , t o d d y ( fe rmented pa lm wine ) , arrack (palm w i n e conve r t ed in to spirits by dist i l lat ion) , v inegar and pa lm sugar in syrup and/or crystal f o r m . F rom the pa lm leaves are w o v e n cadjan, a r o o f i n g material very m u c h u s e d in Kerala and Sou th India. The sp ine of the f ronds of the pa lm leaves is used to make b r o o m s (ekel b r o o m s ) and w o o d e n skewers as a c o o k i n g a id . The pa lm f ronds are u sed to weave baskets and mats. A n d the t runk of a fe l led tree y ie lds exce l l en t t imber fo r rafters. So wh i l e the coconut pe r se may be c lass i f ied as an oi l s e e d , it is d i f f icul t t o ca tegor i ze the c o c o n u t palm cu l t i vat ion in a s ingular sense of o i l s e e d cu l t i va t ion . The kerne l of the nut may be g iven s o m e pr imacy , as the c o r e of the fruit of the pa lm , in a literal and metaphor i ca l sense . But f r o m e m p l o y m e n t gene ra t i on pe rspec t i ve it d o e s no t warrant any pr imacy . For c o o k i n g pu rposes the kerne l is g ra ted by the user o r c o n s u m e r and so n o e m p l o y m e n t is gene ra t ed in p roces s i ng it fo r the market . It is just s o l d as a nut . In manufac tur ing o i l , t radi t ional m e t h o d s u s e d animal p o w e r and a l im i ted use o f labour . It was no t as l abour intens ive as the co i r industry , weav i ng of cadjans, mak ing of baskets and mats etc . As w e n o t e d in chapte r o n e , c o c o n u t o i l p r o c e s s i n g is o n e of the f e w industr ies in Kerala w h e r e t radi t ional p rocess ing m e t h o d s we re r ep l a ced by m e c h a n i z e d m e t h o d s . Qua l i t y needs and the r ep l a cemen t of animal p o w e r by e lectr ic p o w e r , and the min ima l use of labour, we re factors fo r this t ransi t ion to occu r , w h i c h is o the rw i se not c o m m o n in Kerala. So the kernel of the c o c o n u t d o e s no t generate e m p l o y m e n t as m u c h as the p roces s i ng and manufac tur ing of o the r p roduc t s of the pa lm. The cu l t ivat ion of the c o c o n u t pa lm is also no t l abour intensive. Indeed a m o n g plantat ions and smal l h o l d e r cash c rops it is k n o w n for its l o w labour inputs o r abso rp t i on capaci ty . (Nagam A i ya 1906 , V 3, p i 89; Ti lakaratne et al 1981 . p 10; Cas inade r et al 1987. p3^0)^ It may be n o t e d in pass ing that t h o u g h c o c o n u t kerne l is a f o o d i t em , it is no t a staple f o o d i t em. It is an ingred ient in the Kerala cu is ine bu t a pe r son in Kerala c anno t live by c o c o n u t a lone . It is not , as is t ap ioca , a subst i tute fo r r ice. Indeed in Kerala b o t h i nd igenous and wes t e rn m e d i c i n e advoca te against excess ive use o f the kerne l . The f o r m e r are of the o p i n i o n that excess ive use causes ind iges t ion and the latter because of its h igh cho l es te ro l con ten t . It is a lso impor tant to n o t e in this con tex t , that Kerala is the major supp l i e r of c o c o n u t o i l and c o p r a (sun d r i ed o r ki ln dr ied kernels ) fo r the Indian d o m e s t i c market ou ts ide Kerala. Land use and desakota. Land use in Kerala is b e i n g e x a m i n e d here no t mere l y because its features are d ist inct in the Indian con t ex t , but also to unders tand the e m p l o y m e n t patterns it genera tes and shapes . This is impor tan t for unders tand ing the p re sence of desakota . D o e s the land use pattern and re lated agro-process ing in f luence the character and mix of agr icul tura l and non-agricultural activity and o c c u p a t i o n s in non-urban areas. M c G e e has a rgued that the r ice b o w l e c o l o g y a n d the cyc l ica l nature of l abour inputs in r ice cul t ivat ion have imp l i ca t ions for 4. Coconut cultivation requires 0.25 persons per hectare, (i.e. one person for four hectares), compared to 3.1 persons per hectare of tea and 1.0 persons per hectare of rubber. (Tilakaratne et al 1981. plO; Casinader et al 1987. p310) desakota . D raw ing o n the w o r k of O s h i m a , (1986), C e e r t z (1963) and Bray (1986), M c G e e c o n c l u d e s : Thus it is poss ib l e to argue that the l abour fo rce of these r ice b o w l areas was " cu l tu ra l l y " p repared to c o m m i t its l abour to var ious fo rms of " n e w " non-agricultural activity. ( 1 9 9 1 . p i 5) M c G e e f o u n d particularly appropr ia te the f o l l o w i n g observa t ion of Bray. The o rgan iza t ion of resources typica l of a "sk i l l o r i e n t e d " t e c h n o l o g y such as intens ive r ice farming doveta i ls very neat ly w i th petty c o m m o d i t y p r o d u c t i o n , w h i c h requires very little capital to set u p a family enterpr ise and absorbs surplus l abour w i thou t depr i v ing the farm of worke rs at t imes of peak d e m a n d . It can be e x p a n d e d , d ivers i f ied o r con t rac ted a c co rd ing to market d e m a n d s , but the c o m b i n a t i o n w i th the rice farm guarantees the fami ly subs i s tence . (Bray 1986 .p135 ) Rice is an impor tant c r o p in Kerala as w o u l d be apparent f r o m Table 3.01. But Kerala, as the e c o l o g y des c r i bed in the last chap te r w o u l d suggest , is not a r ice b o w l in the sense the river basins and de l t a of Kaveri and Kr ishna in southeast India or the G a n g e s in northeast India are rice b o w l e c o l o g i e s . It is t hen impor tan t in examin ing the land use pattern of Kerala t o unders tand if and h o w the e c o l o g y cont r ibu tes t o a mix of agr icultural and non-agr icul tura l activit ies. C o c o n u t cul t ivat ion w e n o t e d is no t l abour intensive. But the p r o c e s s i n g a n d manufac tur ing of the many p roduc t s o f the c o c o n u t pa lm yie lds a d e m a n d for non-agr icul tura l l abour . It can then be a rgued that the c o m b i n e d ef fects of rice and c o c o n u t cu l t ivat ion have impl i ca t ions for non-agricultural activity and thus for desako ta as we l l . This was a u g m e n t e d by the non-agricultural activity in the p r o c e s s i n g of forest based p r o d u c t s and agro-process ing such as c a shew nut p rocess ing , sea f o o d p roces s i ng etc. The detai ls of such activity wi l l b e d i s cussed in chapte r seven in the c o n t e x t of what const i tu tes the manufac tu r ing sec to r in Kerala. W h a t is impor tan t t o e m p h a s i z e n o w as d is t inc t i ve in the Kerala land use pa t t em is the p r e d o m i n a n c e of p lanta t ion and/or cash c r o p s and the c o m b i n a t i o n of r ice and c o c o n u t cu l t i va t ion. The latter d i s t i n c t i on , un ique to Kerala , is b rough t ou t in the fact that of the 1.1 mi l l i on hectares o f c o c o n u t cu l t i va t ion in India, 0.67 mi l l i on hectares (61.4 percent ) are in Kerala. (Gov t of India 1982 . Statistical Abst rac ts . p48 ) C l ima te , t o p o g r a p h y and the e x p o s u r e to , and oppo r tun i t i e s in , mar i t ime t rad ing had histor ical ly i n f l uenced this t r end in land use pat tern . W a r d and C o n n o r o f the Madras Surveyor-General 's O f f i c e , in the i r " G e o g r a p h i c a l and Statistical Survey of the Travancore and C o c h i n States" in 1815-16 r e c o r d the land use pat tern in Travancore at that t ime. This is p r e s e n t e d in Table 3.02. C o c o n u t was half as m u c h as the area cu l t ivated w i th rice at that date . Sp ices were part o f the forest g r o w t h . This pat tern was further advanced by the e x p a n s i o n in the TABLE 3.02 Travancore Land Use P a t t e r n i n 1815-16 T o t a l Area C u l t i : ^ Category Area Sq.M Hect° % % Rice 741 191919 11.0 61.9 Coconut 357 92463 5.3 29.4 Palmyra 115 29785 1 .7 9.5 Fallo w land 1000 259000 14.9 Pasture land 1961 507899 29.1 F o r e s t s 2379 616162 35.3 Lakes, r i v e r s & tanks 158 40922 2.4 B u i l t up areas 20 5180 0.3 T o t a l 6731 1743330 100.0 100.0 Sou rce : W a r d and C o n n o r 1863 . P 3 N o t e s : [a] Cu l t i va ted A rea [b] Da ta is g iven in Square mi les in sou r ce a n d is c o n v e r t e d at o n e hectare equa ls 0 .00386101 square mi le cu l t i va t ion, p rocess ing and trade o f cash c rops b e g i n n i n g in the m i d 19th century for reasons d i s cussed in the last chapter . By 1906 , Travancore State Manua l of the same year states; Even in the case of p a d d y t he p r o d u c e of the State is insuf f ic ient to m e e t the w h o l e d e m a n d and its i m p o r t as we l l as that o f rice c o m e s t o a b o u t 25 lakhs of rupees w o r t h a year. It m igh t s e e m strange that a coun t r y w i th amp le rainfall and large i r r igat ion faci l i t ies s h o u l d no t be able t o p r o d u c e its o w n requ i rement of paddy . But it mus t be r e m e m b e r e d that the Travancore ryot (peasant) takes m o r e k ind ly t o rear c o c o n u t and o the r t rees than t o cult ivate rice f ie lds, for they y ie ld be t te r prof i t and are less l iable to be a f fec ted by unfavourab le seasons . A n d w h e n to this is a d d e d the fact that gardens entai l compara t i ve l y less t r o u b l e a n d cos t and that there is an ever increas ing d e m a n d for their p r o d u c e , w e can we l l unders tand the ryot 's partiality for t h e m , a c i r cumstance w h i c h also accoun ts fo r the very large expo r t o f the p r o d u c e of the c o c o n u t t ree . (Nagam A i ya 1906 . V o l 3. p i 89) TABLE 3.03 Area under p r i n c i p a l crops : Travancore 1816 to 1978 1816 1918 1948 1978 1978 Crops Hect Hect Hect Hect Hect "000 "000 "000 "000 % Rice 191 .9 258.2 210.4 205.7 18.0 Tapioca [a] 157.4 196.7 181 .0 15.9 Coconut 92.5 186. 1 210.8 284.5 24.9 Rubber [a] 19.0 41.7 118.7 10.4 Tea [a] 20.6 31.5 29.4 2.6 Coffee [a] [a] 3.2 6.0^ 0.5 Others [a] [a] [a] 315.7»^ 27.7 T o t a l 1141.0 100.0 Sources : Tab le 3.02 of this chapte r fo r 1816 data . Panikar, Kr ishnan and Krishnaji 1978 . Tab le 2A1 fo r 1918 and 1948 data G o v t o f Kerala, (State Land U s e Board) 1980a. p i 25-6, fo r 1978 data. N o t e s : [a] Data no t available. [ b l e t h e r s in 1978 inc lude 46831 hectares (4 .1% ) of p e p p e r , 4 6 3 3 3 hectares (4.1 %) of c a r d a m o m , 24774 hectares (2.2 %) of banana , 21036 hectares (1.8 %) of cashew , 15972 hectares (1.4 %) of arecanuts , 6314 hectares (0.6 %) of sugar cane and 5742 hectares (0.5 %) of g inger . [c] For 1978, Travancore is e q u a t e d w i th the distr icts of Tr i vandrum, Q u i l o n , A i l e p p e y , Kot tayam and Idukki f o l l o w i n g the U N (1975) pract ice . Idukki was no t a separate distr ict in 1975 , but was largely part of Kot tayam distr ict . (Census of India 1981 . Part II A p i 9) This t rend c o n t i n u e d as Table 3.03 sugges ts . Unfor tuna te l y such t ime d e p t h data is on ly available for Travancore , and this t o o d o e s no t inc lude impor tan t c rops like peppe r , c a rdamoms , arecanuts etc pr io r to 1978. C o m p r e h e n s i v e data is avai lable on l y for the recent pe r i od fo r newly f o r m e d o r ama lgamated reg ion of Kerala. This makes it di f f icult to chart the trends ove r t ime. But the available data suggests the c o n t i n u e d increase in the area p lan ted w i th expor tab l e cash c rops . The significance of tapioca O t h e r than r ice, t ap ioca (cassava) is the o n l y s igni f icant f o o d c r o p for Kerala d o m e s t i c c o n s u m p t i o n and/or market . Its s igni f icance in te rms of hectareage is s h o w n in Table 3.03 W e n e e d t o r e c o g n i z e here o n many f ronts the s ign i f i cance of tap ioca . First, it is an impor tant f o o d s u p p l e m e n t . It is o f ten a rice subst i tute for l o w i n c o m e h o u s e h o l d s . ( U . N . 1975 . p 48-49. Kannan and Pushpangadan 1990. p i 996) It is a lso u sed as breakfast f o o d a m o n g m i d d l e and h igher i n c o m e g r o u p s . It had b e e n part of the Kerala diet and cuis ine fo r cons ide rab l e p e r i o d of t ime as a 16th century narrative suggests its cu l t i va t ion and c o n s u m p t i o n . (Vallavanthara 1984. p i 89 ,243 and 289 f o o t n o t e 137) Kerala e c o l o g y may have fac i l i tated the g r o w t h and c o n s u m p t i o n of this c r o p . Hi l l (1983. p536) obse rves the cul t ivat ion of tubers and roots in Southeast As ia and terms it as a pre-rice cu l ture c r o p . W e n o t e d earl ier the compa rab l e e c o l o g y of Kerala and southeast As ia . O n e has h o w e v e r t o be caut ious no t to overstate the use of t ap ioca as a main mea l i t em and/or as subst i tute for r ice. Kannan and Pushpangadan f o u n d its cu l t ivat ion re lated or sensi t ive to the pr ice of r ice. (1990. p i 996) D u r i n g m y stay in Kerala I f o u n d that a m o n g the cafes and restaurants in Tr ivandrum serv ing c h e a p meals on l y one served t ap ioca , and that t o o restr ic ted at restr ic ted t imes .^ Restaurants serv ing thosa i , a 5. This is served ironically with neymeen, (seer fish or Spanish mackerel) an expensive fish in South Asia. cheap sou th Indian d i sh , we re m o r e c o m m o n . T a p i o c a was o f ten a side d ish in many h o m e s and a subst i tute fo r rice on l y in hard t imes .^ S e c o n d , the extent of land cul t ivated w i th t a p i o c a as s h o w n in Table 3.3 is cons ide rab le . But as Kannan and Pushpangadan obse r ve it is o f t en an inter-crop in h o m e gardens . (Ibid, p i 996) As w e wi l l obse rve in the next chap te r the Kerala se t t l ement pattern is to have the h o m e s t e a d s u r r o u n d e d by the cul t ivat ing land , o the r than s o m e t i m e s paddy lands. A n d this cul t ivat ing land or " h o m e g a r d e n " is a ver i table jungle of c rops . There is intense in ter-cropp ing , part icularly w i th c o c o n u t . The extent of t ap ioca cu l t ivated has t o be u n d e r s t o o d in this con tex t of cu l t ivat ion pract ices. Th i rd , t ap i o ca cu l t ivat ion is no t l abour intensive. It needs l abour on l y at the t ime of p lant ing a n d u p r o o t i n g to get the tubers . There is n o p roces s i ng invo l ved , the u p r o o t e d tubers be i ng sent d i rect to the market o r the k i t chen if it is fo r h o m e c o n s u m p t i o n . So like c o c o n u t cu l t i va t ion , t ap i o ca d o e s no t genera te a great deal of agr icultural e m p l o y m e n t . The po in t be i ng e m p h a s i z e d is that the t ap i o ca b e i n g an seasonal inter-crop, invariably w i th c o c o n u t , a n d w i th l o w labour needs , makes its cu l t i va ted extent have less than os tens ib le impact in te rms o f its hectarage. This is in terms of land use and m o r e impor tant l y e m p l o y m e n t genera t ion . Toge the r w i th a rguments l ed in the case of c o c o n u t as requ i r ing little agricultural l abour it can be s u m m e d u p that t h o u g h in quant i tat ive terms the tota l hectarage of paddy , c o c o n u t and tap ioca may be substant ia l , agr icultural e m p l o y m e n t gene ra ted is 6. The locality we lived in had a mix of middle and low income households. As tapioca is cultivated and consumed in Sri Lanka we were interested in Kerala tapioca cookery. Many of our neighbours gave us tapioca cooking demonstrations and it was always as a side dish or breakfast food. It is particularly appropriate to have it with curried neymeen. It was never a substitute for rice at lunch or dinner. This may have not been disclosed because it is prestigious to have rice for lunch and dinner. But as we were known as Sri Lankans who consume tapioca, the barriers of pretence were considerably broken down. We did find on, the other hand, in homes, as well as in cheap eating out places of middle and lower income persons, many rice flour dishes substituted with wheat flour. (Eg pittu, stringhoppers). This was particularly for dinner. We were familiar with such substitution as this has occurred in Sri Lanka as well. largely c o n f i n e d to paddy . It w o u l d be e r r o n e o u s to then c o n c l u d e that s ince these three c r o p s total to abou t 60 percen t , (wh i ch is overs ta ted by the extent of in ter-cropping) , the land use pattern is c l ose t o the o the r Indian States in terms of agricultural e m p l o y m e n t genera t ion . Wha t is b e i n g a rgued here is that Kerala is d ist inct f r om o the r Indian States in that its land use pattern has largely c o n f i n e d agricultural e m p l o y m e n t t o p a d d y . ^ So Kerala is no t " cu l tu ra l l y " p r epa red , as M c G e e states, by its r ice cu l t ivat ion to fo rms of non-agricultural activity, but it is " e c o l o g i c a l l y " p repa red by its tree c rops , part icularly c o c o n u t , and to s o m e extent cashew and forestry t o genera te non-agricultural e m p l o y m e n t in agro-process ing . There is b o t h a cultural and e c o l o g i c a l fix by the land use pattern to in f luence the genera t ion of non-agricultural activity in non-urban areas. In this sense Kerala land use pat tern is d ist inct in the Indian con tex t . Size of operational holdings India w i t h its large peasant p o p u l a t i o n has a l o w average s ize of opera t iona l land ho ld ings . But w i th in India, Kerala has the lowest average size of opera t iona l ho ld ings . (Table 3.04) This is in sp i te of, o n the o n e hand , hav ing tea, r ubbe r and co f f ee p lantat ions , w h i c h are general ly large ho ld i ngs , and o n the o the r a relat ively l o w extent of gra in c rops , w h i c h are tradit ional peasant smal l ho ld ings . Except for t ea and t o a less extent rubbe r and co f f ee , all c rops , i n c lud ing c o c o n u t , are smal l ho ld ings in Kerala. In chapte r t w o w e n o t e d that the land po l i c y of the Kerala r eg ion progress ive ly b rough t a b o u t an increase in smal l ho ld i ngs . The d e m o g r a p h i c pressures o n land and f ragmenta t ion of ho ld i ngs to c i r cumvent ce i l i ng o n land 7. See Table 3.01. The ratio of rice to total of food grains and oil seeds (27.3 to 28.7) is highest in Kerala. Only West Bengal and the small states northeast India (Assam, Manipura, Meghalaya and Nagaland) have high rice to total of food grains and oil seeds, though they are not as high as the Kerala ratio. 8. See Appendix 3.01 for 1981 census data on agricultural workforce in Kerala disaggregated by cereals, pulses, oil seeds, plantations, livestock, forestry, fishing etc. An overwhelming section of this workforce are in cereals, pulses and oil seeds. This as indicated by Table 3.01 is dominated by rice. leg is lat ion may have also c o n t r i b u t e d t o this t r end . The p r e d o m i n a n c e o f smal l ho ld ings is thus another feature of the land use pattern of Kerala that is dist inct e ven in the Indian con tex t . TABLE 3.04 Average s i z e of O p e r a t i o n a l Holdings by S t a t e s : I n d i a 1971 Ave:Size Ave:Size S t a t e s of Op:Hd S t a t e s of Op:Hd Hectares Hectares Ra jasthan 5.46 Himachal Pradesh 1 .53 Maharastra 4.28 Bihar 1 .52 Madhya Pradesh 4.00 Assam 1 .47 Gujarat 4.1 1 Tamilnadu 1 .45 Harayana 3.70 West Bengal 1 .20 Karnataka 3.20 U t t a r a Pradesh 1.16 Punjab 2.89 Jammu & Kashmir 0.94 Andhra Pradesh 2.51 Kerala 0.70 O r i s s a 1 .89 I n d i a 2.30 Source: M i n i s t r y of A g r i c u l t u r e & I r r i g a t i o n , Govt of I n d i a . 1976. Table 4.4 p71. Summing up Overa l l su ch a l and use pat tern , b o t h the nature of c rops , the character of e m p l o y m e n t gene ra ted , the s ize o f ho ld ings , w h e n c o m b i n e d w i th the re lated agro-p r o c e s s i n g industr ies , and the e x p o r t and in tema l t rade in the agro-processed c o m m o d i t i e s , has impl i ca t ions for the space e c o n o m y . Primarily the c r o p s invo l ved agro-process ing a n d s o genera ted b o t h agr icul tural a n d non-agr icul tura l activity. S e cond l y the smal l ho ld ings dove ta i l ed w i th smal l scale and pet ty p r o d u c t i o n and p rocess ing . Avai labi l i ty of labour , co l l ec t i ve c o n s u m p t i o n infrastructure, and transport faci l i t ies, pe rmi t t ed the non-urban areas t o part ic ipate in agro-process ing act iv i t ies. The compara t i ve advantage of raw mater ia ls , c h e a p land and bu i ld ings were also factors. A n d as w e wi l l n o t e in chapter seven and eight , t he t w o case s tudies , a c o n g r e g a t i o n of wo rke r s in urban cent res in labour intens ive industr ies p r o v e d dys func t iona l fo r capi ta l . It faci l i tated l abour m o b i l i z a t i o n and organ iza t ion . Cap i ta l ' s r e sponse was t o use space in an a t tempt to d i sperse l abour by d o w n s i z i n g and loca t ing the p r o d u c t i o n units in non-urban areas. A l l this faci l i tated the p re sence and mix of agricultural and non-agricultural activity in non-urban areas and makes inte l l ig ib le the p resence of desako ta . D e m o g r a p h i c features Population growth The d e m o g r a p h i c pressures o n land we re b r o u g h t about by t w o processes . First, the land-person rat io, and s e c o n d the rate of g r o w t h o f the p o p u l a t i o n . T h o u g h there had b e e n s o m e censuses in the 19th century , w h i c h w e wi l l examine short ly , reasonab ly rel iable p o p u l a t i o n f igures are those of 1901 and s u b s e q u e n t decenn i a l censuses .^ Table 3.5 presents in brief s o m e of the salient d e m o g r a p h i c features o f 20th century Kerala o the r than p o p u l a t i o n dens i ty w h i c h w e wi l l dea l w i th separately. India is we l l k n o w n for an adverse fema le sex ratio. But this progress ive ly improves o n a nor th-south c o n t i n u u m of the con t inen t . In Kerala it reaches its peak w i t h a favourable ratio o f females . This is d u e to the l o n g life e x p e c t a n c y of females (Bhat and Rajan. 1990. p i 959 ) ' ' ^ 9. A detailed discussion of the Censuses of India, from 1871 to 1981, as source material, is presented in chapter six. 10. Bhat and Rajan have argued that, contrary to what is often believed, the Indian cultural preference for sons is present in Kerala too. (1990. p1977) But they concede that the position of women in Kerala, is relatively better than is generally the case in India. This is consequent to earlier matrilineal inheritance, joint family systems and current absence of patrilocal residence after marriage and subjection to the authority of the mother-in-law, (a feature in many other parts of India). The relatively better position of women in Kerala they argue may have contributed to the health and nutrition of females in Kerala and longer life expectancy than elsewhere in India. (Ibid. p1961, 1973) The intercensai g r o w t h rate is broi<en d o w n by net migra t ion and natural increase. The net in-migrat ion u p to 1931 is c a u s e d largely by l abour migrants for p lantat ion w o r k in the Ma labar h igh lands f r o m Tami lnadu . The net out-migra t ion s ince 1941 is caused by Malaya lees TABLE 3.05 Some Demographic F e a t u r e s of K e r a l a : 1901 to 1981 Pop: Sex Pop: Net Rate of N a t u r a l Increase Year i n R a t i o Growth Migr '000 [M/F%] Rate Rate K e r a l a I n d i a D i f f : 1901 6396 99.6 — — - — — 191 1 7148 99.2 1.11 0.03 1 .08 0.60 0.48 1921 7802 98.9 0.88 0.04 0.84 0.00 0.83 1931 9507 97.9 1 .98 0.12 1 .86 1 .07 0.78 1941 1 1032 97.4 1 .49 -0.01 1 .49 1.31 0.18 1951 13549 97.3 2.06 -0.11 2.16 1 .24 0.93 1961 16904 97.9 2.21 -0.20 2.41 1 .88 0.53 1971 21347 98.4 2.31 -0.16 2.47 2.19 0.28 1981 25403 96.7 1 .75 -0.22 1 .97 2.26 -0.29 Source : Bhat a n d Rajan 1990. Table 1, p i 957. s eek ing e m p l o y m e n t in Madras , B o m b a y and o t h e r u rban centres . Popu l a t i on pressures and greater l i teracy a n d e d u c a t i o n that m a d e t h e m e m p l o y a b l e may have c o n t r i b u t e d t o this t r end . The peak in the 1971-81 p e r i o d is c a u s e d by ma le l a b o u r migrants f r o m Kerala t o the M i d d l e East. This partly a c coun t s for the d r o p in the sex ratio t o its l owes t in 1981 . The natural increase o f Kerala is cons i s ten t l y h ighe r than that of India. This has b e e n main ly at t r ibuted to the pub l i c hea l th a n d m e d i c a l serv ices es tab l i shed by the Travancore and C o c h i n rulers in the late 19th century . ( U N 1975 . p73-74; Bhat and Rajan 1990. p i 963) It needs to be e m p h a s i z e d here that p u b l i c hea l th care o r prevent ive m e d i c i n e was equal ly impor tan t as the curative med i ca l serv ices in the dec l i ne of mortal i ty rates, and the c o n s e q u e n t rise in the rate of natural increase. ' H i g h p o p u l a t i o n dens i t y has also faci l i tated, t h r o u g h the ope ra t i on of e c o n o m y of scale, the spread , p rov i s i on and r e d u c e d pe r capi ta costs of heal th care. (Bhat and Rajan 1990. p i 963) Literacy has a lso in f luenced the d e m a n d , access and ut i l izat ion of med i ca l serv ices. Ut i l i za t ion of med i ca l services has b e e n p r o n o u n c e d l y greater in Kerala. (Nag 1989) Cu l tura l a t tent ion t o pe rsona l hyg iene , d r ink ing of b o i l e d water are also be l i eved t o have c o n t r i b u t e d to the bet ter health of the Kerala p o p u l a t i o n . Bhat and Rajan (1990. p i 963) d i s coun t this in v i e w of h igh morb id i t y rates in Kerala. But they i gnore the fact that greater ut i l izat ion of med i ca l serv ices may have inf lated morb id i t y rates. The d i spe r sed se t t l ement pattern c h e c k i n g d isease t ransmiss ion is also a d d u c e d as a poss ib l e con t r i bu to r y factor . ( Ib id .p i 963) In brief, these features sugges t the greater p o p u l a t i o n g r o w t h rate in Kerala than the nat ional average is c aused b o t h by a t ime lag in the morta l i ty rates and historical-cultural factors. Bhat and Rajan r e cogn ize this: Even be fore the present dec l ine b e g a n in the early part of this cen tury , Kerala had substant ia l ly l owe r morta l i ty rate than India as a w h o l e . It p robab l y re f lec ted a relatively pe rmanen t d i f fe rence in the histor ica l equ i l i b r i um than s imp ly a t ime lag in t rans i t ion. ( Ibid p i 979) The c o m p a r i s o n of Kerala p o p u l a t i o n g r o w t h rates w i th the nat iona l average t h o u g h usefu l in br ing ing ou t s o m e issues a f fect ing the d e m o g r a p h i c features of Kerala, can h o w e v e r be m is l ead ing because it ignores o the r p o c k e t s of h igh p o p u l a t i o n dens i t y and g r o w t h w i th in India. T o rectify this w e shall short ly c o m p a r e Thanjavur distr ict o f Tami lnadu , a c lassic rice b o w l h igh p o p u l a t i o n dens i ty r eg ion of s o u t h India w i t h Kerala as w h o l e , as we l l as its 11. A feature that one observes while travelling in south Asia is the tendency for people to use the "bush" as a toilet. (In some cities such as Madras it is even common in the disadvantaged areas for children to use the sidewalks and drains for defecating purposes). But this is conspicuously absent in Kerala and Sri Lanka. This is partly due to the public health policy and advocacy. House construction regulation included toilets to be constructed, spaced from wells if the toilet was not to have a water sealed septic tank system etc. This was partly motivated to control the spread of water borne and bowel related diseases and did prove very successful. See Meegama (1968) for some observations on the Sri Lankan experience. disaggregated pol i t ica l-administrat ive units in the co lon i a l and post-co lon ia l pe r iods . Be fo re w e set abou t this task it is necessary t o d iscuss the p o p u l a t i o n dens i ty features of Kerala. It is also necessary to establ ish that at the sub-reg iona l level w i th in Kerala, Travancore and C o c h i n had h igher p o p u l a t i o n g r o w t h d u e to the rulers of these pr ince ly TABLE 3.06 K e r a l a and I n d i a : P o p u l a t i o n Growth 1901 - 1971 P e r i o d T r ' c o r e Cochin Malabar K e r a l a I n d i a 1901 - 1911 1 .48 1 .25 0.72 1.11 0.56 1911 - 1931 2.19 1 .44 0.81 1 .44 0.51 1931 - 1951 2.03 1 .82 1 .53 1 .79 1 .30 1951 - 1971 2.25 2.16 2.42 2.30 2.1 1 1901 - 1971 2.04 1 .73 1 .47 1 .74 1 .20 Source : U . N . 1975 . Tab le 30. p 7 4 . N o t e s : For the p e r i o d 1951 t o 1971 the distr icts of Kot tayam, A l l eppey , Q u i l o n and Tr ivandrum have b e e n taken t o c o r r e s p o n d b road l y t o Travancore ; Ernakulam a n d Tr i chur distr icts for C o c h i n a n d C a n n a n o r e , K o z h i k o d e , M a l a p p u r a m and Palghat distr icts for Ma labar of the co lon i a l p e r i o d . ( U . N . 1975 . p 7 3 , f1) states init iating bet ter hea l th and m e d i c a l serv ices . Tab le 3.06 s h o w s the p o p u l a t i o n g r o w t h o f the three pol i t ical-administrat ive un i ts , Kerala a n d India for the p e r i o d 1901 t o 1981 . Al l three units have had a sus ta ined h ighe r g r o w t h than the nat iona l average. The h ighest g rowth a m o n g the three units is in T ravancore . The early lead of Travancore in the rate of natural increase, is a t t r ibuted t o the m e d i c a l serv ices and pub l i c hea l th po l i c i e s and p rog r amme initiatives t aken in the latter half of the 19th century . ( U . N . 1975 . p73) The b road con tex t in w h i c h these o c c u r r e d w e r e n o t e d in the last chapter . The first phase of the d e m o g r a p h i c t rans i t ion, w h e n morta l i ty rates d r o p and c rude birth rates rema in cons tan t , was obv ious l y beg inn ing to o c c u r in Travancore in the early de cades of the 20th century . Population density Apart f r o m p o p u l a t i o n g row th , the land-person ratio of the reg ion also c o n t r i b u t e d to the d e m o g r a p h i c pressure. Kerala o c c u p i e s 1.18 percen t of the tota l land area of India, but in 1981 its p o p u l a t i o n was 3.71 percen t of the nat ional p o p u l a t i o n . This results in Kerala hav ing the h ighest p o p u l a t i o n dens i ty a m o n g the states in India.^^ C e n s u s data f r o m 1901 s h o w that t h r o u g h o u t the p e r i o d 1901 to 1981 Kerala had a h igh p o p u l a t i o n density. (Table 3.07) F rom 1921 to 1981 , w i t h the e x c e p t i o n of 1941 Kerala had the h ighest p o p u l a t i o n dens i ty in India. The on l y o the r r eg ion in India w h i c h has had a similar h igh dens i ty t h r o u g h o u t the pe r i od is W e s t Benga l . The h igh p o p u l a t i o n dens i ty of Kerala and W e s t Bengal are present in b o t h urban and rural areas. In W e s t Bengal h igh rural p o p u l a t i o n densi t ies are largely in the districts a r o u n d Ca l cu t ta and in the Ca l cu t ta-Mursh idabad cor r idor . In Kerala rural dens i t ies are in the coasta l distr icts. (Table 3.08) The Ca l cu t ta-Mursh idabad co r r i do r wh i l e b e i n g a ferti le river basin and a r ice b o w l area, is also a t ransport co r r i do r t o Ca lcu t ta , a major Indian me t ropo l i s . M o r e than half of this co r r i do r is w i th in 100 k i lomet res of Ca lcu t ta . This co r r i do r m o r e o r less fits the desc r ip t ion as the mega-urban r eg ion ( M c C e e 1991a. p 7 ; G i n s b e r g 1991 . p36) of Ca l cu t t a . The Kerala h igh p o p u l a t i o n dens i ty coasta l r eg i on has n o n e of these character ist ics. It is no t part of any mega-urban r eg ion . As n o t e d in the last chapte r Kerala may be v i e w e d as a str ing of min i river basins, but as a rgued earl ier the w h o l e r eg ion c anno t be charac te r ized as a r ice b o w l e co l ogy . 12. It also has one of the highest non-urban population densities in the world. P o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t y of Indian S t a t e s per sq k i l o m e t r e S t a t e s 1901 1911 1921 1931 1941 1951 1961 1971 1981 Andhra Pradesh 69 78 78 88 99 1 13 131 1 58 195 Assam 42 49 59 71 85 1 02 1 38 186 254 Bihar 157 163 162 180 202 223 267 324 402 G u j a r a t 46 50 52 59 70 83 105 136 174 Haryana 105 94 96 103 1 19 128 172 227 292 Himachal Pr 35 34 35 37 41 43 51 62 77 Jammnu & Kashmir - - - - - - - - 59 Karnataka 68 71 70 76 85 101 123 1 53 194 Ke r ala 165 184 201 245 284 349 435 549 655 Madhya Pradesh 38 44 43 48 54 59 73 94 1 18 Maharashtra 63 70 68 78 87 1 04 1 29 164 204 Manipur 13 16 17 20 23 26 35 48 64 Meghalaya 15 18 19 21 25 27 34 45 60 Nagaland 6 9 10 1 1 1 1 13 22 31 47 O r i s s a 66 73 72 80 88 94 1 13 141 169 Punjab 150 134 142 159 191 182 221 269 333 Rajasthan 30 32 30 34 41 47 59 75 100 Sikkim 8 12 12 15 17 19 23 30 45 Tamilnadu 148 161 166 180 202 232 259 317 372 T r i p u r a 17 22 29 36 49 61 109 148 196 U t t a r Pradesh 165 164 159 169 192 215 251 300 377 West Bengal 191 203 197 213 292 296 394 499 615 INDIA 77 82 81 90 103 117 142 177 216 Source: Census [ i ] . Statement of I n d i a , 4. 1981; S e r i e s 1 I n d i a , P a r t II : Note: Census of I n d i a J 981 (Statement 4) p r o v i d e s the p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t i e s , f o r Census y e a r s 1901 to 1981, of the areas c o r r e s p o n d i n g to the contemporary twenty two S t a t e s of I n d i a . The cit ies o n the Kerala coas t are a lso smal l by Indian standards, n o n e o f t h e m hav ing a p o p u l a t i o n of m o r e than about half a m i l l i on . The coas t may be charac te r ized as a t ransport co r r ido r . There we re coasta l s h i p p i n g and internal waterways f r o m pre-co lon ia l t imes . This was a u g m e n t e d w i th rail and road t ransport f r o m late 19th century . But the t ranspor t c o r r i d o r is no t part of a t ransport artery in India. (Berry 1966 . S chwa r t zbe rg 1978. Plate X I . E l , [ South As ia E c o n o m y 1961] p i 30) It tapers off in the no r th , a little ou t s ide Kerala at M a n g a l o r e in Kamataka State and in the sou th at Naga rko i l in Tam i l nadu , w h i c h was p r i o r t o 1956 part of Travancore. Kerala's land t ransport l ink to the rest o f India is by road and rail, v ia the Palghat gap in the Wes te rn Cha ts , that c o n n e c t s Palghat t o w n in Kerala to C o i m b a t o r e in Tami lnadu . The Kerala coastal t ransport c o r r i d o r dynamics are thus sel f-generated and no t as a s e g m e n t of l onge r coasta l arterial sys tem. TABLE 3.08 K e r a l a : P o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t y per Sq Kilometre by d i s t r i c t s and u r b a n - r u r a l areas i n 1981 D i s t r i c t s Urban R u r a l T o t a l Coast al Cannanore 2236 460 565 Kozhikode 3821 748 957 Malappuram 1579 648 677 T r i c h u r 2392 683 805 Ernakulam 2656 755 1053 Kottayam 2962 715 770 Al l e p p e y 2856 1 128 1248 Qu i l o n 3156 543 609 Trivandrum 3961 957 1 184 Non-coastal Wyanad - 260 260 Palghat 2186 419 456 Idukki 662 186 192 Ke r a l a 2669 558 655 West Bengal 5467 466 615 INDIA 2998 172 215 Source : C e n s u s of India, Series 10 Kerala , Tab le A-1 C e n s u s of India, Series 1 India, Table A-1 It is a rgued in this s tudy , that the coasta l t ransport co r r i do r and the por t cit ies and t o w n s , and bazaar t owns that make the n o d e s o f the transport sys tem are encapsu la ted w i th in a desako ta r eg ion , the l ow l ands and mid l ands o f Kerala. Bo th are in symb ios i s , ne i ther the t ransport and urban sys tem or t he desako t a r e g i o n b e i n g a d e p e n d e n t var iable. W e shall return o n c e again t o these issues w h e n w e d iscuss u rban iza t ion in Kerala and non-agricultural e c o n o m i c activities in non-urban areas. Suff ice to state here that the non-urban p o p u l a t i o n dens i t ies of Kerala are not the sp in offs of a r i ce-bowl river-basin scenar io and/or as the h inter land of a mega-urban reg ion in the sub cont inent . There is then , a lso an apparent lack of a st imul i fo r a h igh rural p o p u l a t i o n densi ty . This may s eem to mystify the d e m o g r a p h i c character o f Kerala. H o w and w h y d i d h igh rural p o p u l a t i o n dens i t ies o c c u r in Kerala ? A re such dens i t ies of Kerala on l y a late 19th and 20th cen tury p h e n o m e n o n or was it h istor ica l present ? Is it a facet o f co lon i a l and m o d e r n Kerala that was s t ruc tured by the pol i t i ca l e c o n o m y and soc ia l d e v e l o p m e n t set in m o t i o n by the events b e g i n n i n g in the 18th century ? There are n o c lear answers , but histor ica l d e m o g r a p h y may p rov ide s o m e unders tand ing . Historical demography W e n o t e d earlier the obse r va t i on of Bhat and Rajan (1990. p i 979) that Kerala histor ical ly had a l ower morta l i ty rate than the rest of India. It was also be l i e ved that this may have had s o m e re la t ionship to the d i spe r sed se t t lement pat tern , cultural n o r m s of persona l hyg i ene etc . M o r e impor tant l y b e g i n n i n g in the late 19th cen tury i m p r o v e d heal th and med i ca l faci l i t ies, g r o w i n g literacy, part icularly in Travancore and C o c h i n , we r e seen to have l o w e r e d fur ther the morta l i ty rates. But there is a m e t h o d o l o g i c a l weakness is c o m p a r i n g Kerala to the rest of India, as this f lattens ou t the variat ions w i th in the nat iona l average w h i c h may be c o m p a r a b l e t o Kerala in s o m e aspects . T o o v e r c o m e this weakness an effort is m a d e in this s e c t i on t o c o m p a r e Kerala w i th a h igh p o p u l a t i o n dens i ty r ice b o w l r eg ion . Thanjavur distr ict , w h i c h incorpora tes the Kaveri basin and de l ta , is a g o o d c h o i c e . S ince it is in Tami lnadu , it is in the same cultural realm of s o u t h India as Kerala, a n d m o r e important ly , l ike Kerala not i n f l uenced by, or part of, any mega-urban r eg ion . Interest in h is tor ica l d e m o g r a p h y is recent in India. (Lardinois 1985. p 454) His tor ica l d e m o g r a p h y of sou thwes t India is cons t r a ined by the absence of data pr ior to the 19th century. -^^ Even the 19th century data is no t total ly re l iable. The imper ia l decenn ia l census of India c o m m e n c e d in 1872 . In Travancore and C o c h i n this was he ld on l y in 1875, the s e c o n d o n e howeve r be i ng h e l d in 1881 to fall in l ine w i th o the r reg ions of India. Prior t o 1871/75 there we re censuses carr ied ou t in the p e r i o d 1816 t o 1822 ; in 1836 ; and qu inquenn i a l returns of p o p u l a t i o n c o m m e n c i n g in 1851/52. These we r e carr ied ou t in var ious parts of s o u t h India, i n c lud ing Travancore and C o c h i n pr ince ly states and Ma laba r distr ict . These censuses we re not always rel iable. The Travancore censuses in part icular s h o w e d w i d e intercensai p o p u l a t i o n var iat ion, i n c lud ing decreases . The C o m m i s s i o n e r of C e n s u s , Travancore , in 1875 , rev iews the earl ier censuses , and examines the decrease in p o p u l a t i o n b e t w e e n 1836 and 1854. H e observes that there we r e n o adverse weather , d rough t s or e p i d e m i c s in Travancore du r ing this intercensai p e r i o d to exp la in such a dec rease . (Census o f Travancore 1875 . p 103) .He was crit ical of the accuracy o f the eadier Travancore censuses and c o n c l u d e s : V i e w e d in any l ight wha tsoeve r , it is di f f icult t o d e f e n d the character of the o l d statistics. ( Ibid p i 09) The intercensa i p o p u l a t i o n variat ions of C o c h i n and Ma labar are less erratic. The censuses for the p e r i o d 1871/75 t o 1891 are r ega rded as relatively m o r e re l iable, than the o n e s pr ior to t h e m . But even a m o n g t h e m the 1881 C e n s u s of C o c h i n is r ega rded as an under-enumera t ion . (Census of C o c h i n 1891.Ft I, p2) . In sp i te of their i nadequac ies they d o serve as a k ind o f c rude est imate . A n d if the census years of k n o w n unde r e n u m e r a t i o n and unexp l a ined dec l ines are i g n o r e d the data may be a little bet ter than c rude est imates . Such 13. The only historical demographic study of southwest India (Gopinath 1987) examines the linkages between demographic and agrarian phenomenon in Malabar district between 1871 and 1921. The study found a sympathetic movement in population size, per acre productivity and total output, supporting Boserup's (1965) thesis that population pressure in a agrarian context leads to higher agricultural productivity. Gopinath however cautions that other variables, notably replacement of tied labour with free labour and increase in cultivating landlords as opposed to non-cultivating landlords, possibly also influenced productivity.dbid p PE-36) data may be usefu l for l imi ted compara t i ve pu rposes , that may he lp towards unde rs t and ing the d e m o g r a p h i c character of the Kerala r eg ion . The c o m p a r i s o n dur ing the co lon ia l p e r i o d is b e t w e e n the three pol i t i ca l administrat ive units of the Kerala r eg i on and Thanjavur distr ict . As Thanjavur is a large distr ict the c o m p a r i s o n is leg i t imate in terms of s ize. (See Table 3.08) In the pos t i n d e p e n d e n c e pe r i od the c o m p a r i s o n is b e t w e e n the distr icts of Kerala and Thanjavur distr ict . (Table 3.09) The p u r p o s e of this exerc ise is t o examine whe the r the l ow lands and mid lands of Kerala have h igher p o p u l a t i o n dens i t ies than the typica l rice b o w l . Thanjavur distr ict lies in the ferti le basin of the river Kaveri and is a classic e x a m p l e of a rice b o w l in the s o u t h Indian con tex t . It was the de l ta in w h i c h rose the Tami l C h o l a K i n g d o m , in the th i rd cen tury B.C.. ( C o u g h 1981 . p6). It had the assoc ia ted feature of susta in ing a h igh dens i ty p o p u l a t i o n fo r a n u m b e r of centur ies , part icular ly du r ing the heyday of the C h o l a Empire f r om the 9th t o the 13th cen tu ry A . D , as we l l as subsequent l y . The late 18th century saw a s teep dec l i ne in Thanjavur 's p o p u l a t i o n f o l l o w i n g the M y s o r e a n invas ions and c o n s e q u e n t unse t t l ed cond i t i ons . ( l b i d p 118) The early 19 th century p o p u l a t i o n may have thus b e e n at a l o w e b b . A n d as stated be fo re Thanjavur is a lso in the s o u t h Indian cultural rea lm, and unl ike the M u r i s h a b a d - Ca l cu t t a co r r i do r and river basin it no t part of a mega-urban reg ion of India. Thanjavur distr ict lies abou t 250 k i lomet res sou th-southwes t of Madras , and s o is we l l ou t s i de even the immed i a t e per iphery of the Madras mega-urban r eg ion . Thanjavur thus shares three features w i th Kerala. First be ing in the sou th Indian cul tura l z o n e . S e c o n d no t b e i n g part of the per iphery of a mega-urban r e g i o n . Th i rd its h igh p o p u l a t i o n densi ty . These similar it ies Table 3.09 Demographic data of the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y p e r t a i n i n g to Travancore, Cochin, Malabar and Thanjavur. State or D i s t r i c t Travancore Area 19749 Sq.km. Cochin Area 3833 Sq.Km. Malabar Area 15006 Sq.km. Thanjavur Area 9692 Sq.km. De n s i t y Year P o p u l a t i o n per Sq. km 1816 906587 46 1836 1280668 65 1854 1262647 64 1875 2311379 117 1881 2401158 122 1891 2557736 129 1901 2952157 . 146 1820 223003 58 1836 288176 75 1858 399056 104 1875 601114 157 1881 600278 157 1891 722906 188 1901 812025 212 1821 907575 60 1836 1165791 78 1856 1602014 107 1871 2261250 151 1881 2365035 158 1891 2652565 177 1901 2795738 186 1821 901353 93 1836 1128730 116 1856 1657285 171 1871 1973731 204 1881 2131019 220 1891 2228114 230 1901 2245029 232 I n t e r c e n s a i i n c r e a s e percentage 41 , - 1 83. 3, 6 15, 29.2 38.5 50.6 - 0.1 20.4 12.3 28.5 37.4 41.2 4.6 12.2 5.4 25.2 46.8 19.1 8.0 4.6 0.8 Sources : For C o c h i n data 1820-1858, C e n s u s o f C o c h i n 1 8 7 5 , p2-3; fo r Ma l aba r a n d Thanjavur data 1821-1855, census of madras P res idency 1 8 7 1 , V o l 1, p8-9; For Travancore data 1816-1854, C e n s u s of Travancore 1875 , p i 03 . For all o t h e r da ta the sources w e r e the respect ive C e n s u s e s , excep t fo r C o c h i n 1881 data w h i c h was o b t a i n e d f r o m the C o c h i n C e n s u s of 1891 . N o t e : The 1901 p o p u l a t i o n g i ven a b o v e is fo r the respect ive states/districts as pe r the boundar i es in 1901 . This may sl ight ly d i f fer f r o m the data for 1901 in Tab le 3.9 as the latter is the 1901 p o p u l a t i o n of the areas c o r r e s p o n d i n g t o current area o f ju r i sd ic t ion of these states/districts. prov ide s o m e c o n t r o l t o c o m p a r e the d e m o g r a p h i c t rends of Kerala, a non-r ice b o w l r eg ion , w i th Thanjavur, a r ice b o w l r eg ion . The compara t i ve data for Kerala and Thanjavur fo r the 19th cen tury is p resen ted in Table 3.09. In spi te of the unevenness in the qual i ty of the data, it is c lear that Thanjavur t h r o u g h o u t the 19th cen tury had a h igher dens i t y than Travancore, C o c h i n and Malabar . C o c h i n is a smal l state and its terr i tory was w i th in the lowlands and mid l ands of the Kerala r eg ion . The p o p u l a t i o n concen t r a t i on was, w e n o t e d in the last chapter , in the lowlands and mid lands . But even C o c h i n , in spi te of its terr i tory be ing c o n f i n e d to the lowlands and mid lands , its p o p u l a t i o n dens i ty was always b e l o w that of Thanjavur. The differentia ls howeve r t e n d to progress ive ly na r row w i th t ime. Thanjavur a lso records a substant ia l increase fo r the intercensal p e r i o d 1836 to 1856. There is reason to be l ieve that 1836 C e n s u s of the Mad ras Pres idency, of w h i c h Thanjavur was a part, was an unde r enumera t i on . (Census of Madras Pres idency , 1871 . V o l I p2-8)^^ But unti l 1836 the British n e g l e c t e d Thanjavur 's i r r igat ion wo rks , and the s i l ted Kaveri th rea tened to ove r f l ow . G o v e r n m e n t wo rks started in 1836 , saved a n d e x p a n d e d the area o f de l ta i rr igat ion. ( G o u g h 1981 . p i 20) This might have had s o m e impac t o n Thanjavur d e m o g r a p h y , by way of internal migra t ion and even e n h a n c e d natural increase. Towards the last quar te r of the 19th cen tu ry Thanjavur's increases are relatively m u t e d . The censuses of the last quarter are more rel iable and poss ib l y the increases are c lose r t o reality. But it is a lso l ikely that Thanjavur was reach ing o n c e again a susta inable agrarian p o p u l a t i o n and dramat ic increases we r e n o l onge r 14. The Report of the 1871 Census of the Madras Presidency, the first of the decennial Imperial Censuses, reviewed the earlier censuses in the Madras Presidency. The sharp increase in population in the Presidency as a whole between 1836 and 1956 was interpreted as an under enumeration in 1836. Omission of zemindary estates were speculated as a possible cause of under enumeration. Malabar and Thanjavur districts do not figure as having such estates. (Census of Madras Presidency, 1871. Vol I p2-8) This suggests that under enumeration may not have occurred in Thanjavur and Malabar on the scale it occurred in districts with zemindary estates. poss ib l e g iven 19th century fertil ity and morta l i ty or rates. This may partly exp la in the nar rowing of the dens i ty dif ferentia ls b e t w e e n Thanjavur and Travancore , C o c h i n and Malabar . It is a lso poss ib l e that bet ter heal th and med i ca l po l i c i es and facil it ies in Travancore , and later C o c h i n , we re b e g i n n i n g t o affect d e m o g r a p h i c t rends . It must be r e m e m b e r e d in this con t ex t that t h o u g h the Kerala r eg i on may no t be character ized as a r ice b o w l , as a rgued in the last chapter , its c l imate and e c o l o g y p r o v i d e d the oppo r tun i t y for the c reat ion of a fertile area. The 1921 C e n s u s of the Madras P res idency observes : Further sou th in the east coast s o u t h d iv i s ion the prosper i t y is still m o r e ev ident in the th ick ly p o p u l a t e d deltas of the Cauve ry (Kaveri) a n d Tambrapann i as we l l as in the rich c o t t o n f ie lds of M a d u r a and T innevel ly . But the weal th iest d i v i s ion of the P res idency is b e y o n d d o u b t the wes t coast whe re w i th an abundant rainfall, nature p r o d u c e s f r o m the so i l suf f ic ient wea l th to suppo r t a t e e m i n g p o p u l a t i o n w i th hardly any exe r t i on o n their part. (Census of India 1921 . V o l XIII, Pt I p8) But these favourable cond i t i ons d i d no t lead to a r ice based agrarian e c o n o m y . Even in Malabar , w h i c h had m o r e paddy lands than Travancore or C o c h i n , and agricultural p roduct i v i t y increased in the p e r i o d 1871 to 1921 , it was still i nadequa te to m e e t the distr icts rice requ i rements . (Gop ina th 1987. p PE-30) Table 3.10 ex tends the compara t i ve d e m o g r a p h i c data to the p e r i o d 1901 to 1981 . For this p e r i o d census data is m o r e rel iable. A l s o the censuses s ince 1961 p rov i de the p o p u l a t i o n at the re t rospec t i ve census years f r om 1901 onwa rds for the current area of jur i sd ic t ion of the c o n t e m p o r a r y States and distr icts. Table 3.10 uses such data, p r o v i d e d in P o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t y per square k i l o m e t r e of Ke r a l a d i s t r i c t s , s e l e c t e d Tamilnadu d i s t r i c t s and the s t a t e s of K e r a l a , Tamilnadu and West Bengal f o r the p e r i o d 1901 to 1981 Area P o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t y D i s t r i c t s Sq ' Km 1901 1911 1921 1931 1941 1951 1961 1971 1981 Ker a l a c o a s t a l Cananore T 4958 1 53 164 169 195 219 265 341 451 565 R 4665 151 160 166 191 215 255 298 410 460 K'kode T 2345 260 279 289 340 380 476 598 777 957 R 2185 1 18 1 27 130 1 53 162 201 232 287 370 Malapura T 3548 192 21 1 215 247 275 324 391 523 677 R 3435 97 105 106 120 132 1 54 185 247 315 T r i c h u r T 3032 225 254 268 328 381 463 557 702 805 R 2817 231 259 271 321 367 440 534 667 683 Er'kulam T 2408 268 305 328 408 487 579 706 899 1053 R 2030 282 319 341 410. 484 558 642 753 755 Kottayam T 2204 205 221 265 352 428 514 596 698 770 R 2150 99 107 126 1 64 200 229 268 31 1 358 Ai l e p p e y T 1883 354 406 482 699 674 806 959 1 129 1248 R 1752 363 414 467 575 644 739 853 1008 1 128 Quilon T 4620 1 14 131 1 55 198 248 320 421 522 609 R 4503 1 13 130 150 190 237 296 400 494 543 Tri'drum T 2192 221 260 304 391 463 606 796 1003 1184 R 2026 21 1 250 278 357 413 504 640 803 958 Ke r a l a non--c o a s t a l Wayanad T 21 32 35 39 40 43 50 79 129 194 260 R 2132 35 39 40 43 50 79 129 194 260 Palghat T 4480 171 183 191 - 210 229 271 306 376 456 R 4385 161 172 179 198 21 1 243 278 335 419 Idukki T 5061 9 20 22 37 48 66 1 15 151 192 R 4993 10 20 22 37 48 64 1 16 1 48 186 KERALA T 38863 165 184 201 245 284 349 435 549 655 R 37075 160 179 192 232 265 316 387 482 558 S e l e c t e d Tamilnadu d i s t r i c t s Thanja T 8290 253 267 262 269 289 335 364 429 491 vur R 7955 219 231 225 230 247 277 298 349 393 Kanya T 1684 213 251 293 346 402 490 592 726 845 Kumari R 1641 203 239 254 294 338 372 516 620 718 Chengalpattu ^ E x c l : T 7863 168 180 189 206 227 244 273 356 460 Madras R 7214 165 178 185 202 221 224 241 263 306 I n c l : T 8033 235 250 261 296 335 420 489 663 858 Madras R 7214 165 178 185 202 221 224 241 263 306 TAMIL T 130058 148 161 166 180 202 232 259 317 372 NADU R 124197 1 33 143 147 155 170 183 199 231 261 WEST T 88752 191 203 197 213 262 296 394 499 615 BENGAL R 86106 1 73 182 174 186 215 232 306 387 466 S o u r c e s : D e r i v e d from Census of I n d i a 1981: S e r i e s 1 I n d i a , Part I I - A , p54-55, 182-183 & 581. S e r i e s 10 K e r a l a , Part I I - A , p34-47 & 70-71. S e r i e s 20 Tamilnadu, Part I I - A , p21-22, 27-50 & 101-104. Notes: [a] For the contemporary area of j u r i s d i c t i o n of these s t a t e s and d i s t r i c t s , the p o p u l a t i o n at the r e t r o s p e c t i v e census y e a r s are given i n the above sources. The p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t i e s are d e r i v e d from these data. [b] T = T o t a l and R = R u r a l [c] Madras C i t y C o r p o r a t i o n i s l o c a t e d w i t h i n Chengalpattu d i s t r i c t . There are two s e t s ( t o t a l and r u r a l ) of d e n s i t i e s g i v e n . One f o r the whole d i s t r i c t i n c l u d i n g Madras and the other e x c l u d i n g Madras. [d] Population growth rates over the period examined in this table for various districts are as follows: Kerala Districts Tamilnadu Districts Cannanore 1 1 .5 A l l e p p e y 10.4 Thanjavur 6 .8 Kozhikode 1 1 .6 Q u i l o n 13.1 Kanyakumari 1 1 .3 Malapuram 1 1 .0 Trivandrum 13.1 Chenglpattu T r i c h u r 1 1 . 1 Wayanad 15.6 I n c l Madras 1 1 .3 Ernakulam 1 1 .5 Palghat 9.1 E x c l Madras 9 .0 Kottayam 1 1 .2 Idukki 16.7 K e r a l a 1 1 .7 Tamilnadu 8.7 West Bengal 10 .9 the 1981 C e n s u s , to present the p o p u l a t i o n and dens i t y of Kerala by distr ic ts , t oge the r w i th that for the distr icts of Tanjore, Kanyakumar i and C h e n g a l p a t t u of Tami lnadu . Kanyakumar i distr ict was the Tamil speak ing sou the rn tip of Travancore that was c e d e d to Tami lnadu in 1956 w h e n the States were r eo rgan i zed o n a l inguis t ic basis. Chenga lpa t tu is the distr ict that encapsu la tes Madras city, and may be rega rded as the Mega-urban r eg ion of Madras . Table 3.10 by present ing the p o p u l a t i o n dens i t i es by districts he lps us to ident i fy the p o p u l a t i o n concen t r a t i on w i th in Kerala. It is a lso mean ing fu l to c o m p a r e such areas o f p o p u l a t i o n concen t r a t i on w i th Thanjavur. Read ing Tab le 3.10 toge the r w i t h M a p 3.01 a h igh p o p u l a t i o n dens i ty bel t in Kerala may be ident i f i ed a l o n g the coast , s t re tch ing sou th f r om Tr ichur , t h r o u g h Ernakulam, Kot tayam, t o A l l eppey . T r i vandrum further s o u t h is a lso a h igh dens i t y distr ict . It w o u l d appear as t h o u g h a break in the h igh dens i ty be l t o c cu r s at Q u i l o n . But this is false. Q u i l o n is a large distr ict , (up to 1984) , s t re tch ing f r om the low lands by the sea to the h igh lands in the Wes t e rn Cha ts . If the t w o Map 3.01 Population Density in Kerala, 1981 LAKSHADWEEP T r i c h A l l e p p c Boundaries District ~— Taluk Persons per Sq. Km. 2.000 - 2499 ÎJ50Q - i,m iflOO - i.499 500-999 Below $00 Source: Census of India. Series 10. Kerala. 1981. Part II A. pp. 32-33. Note: Only the names of Districts/Taluks referred to in text (p. 125) are shown in map. h igh land taluks of Pathanamthi t ta a n d Pathanapuram are left ou t , the p o p u l a t i o n dens i ty of Q u i l o n rises. The low lands and mid lands of Q u i l o n distr ict are thus part o f the h igh densi ty bel t .^^ Indeed this bel t stretches t o Kanya Kumar i distr ict , just sou th o f Kerala in Tami lnadu, w h i c h was unti l 1956 part of Travancore . This bel t , t oge the r w i th the sparsely p o p u l a t e d Idukki distr ict , and the taluks Pathanamtit ta and Pathanapuram, c o r r e s p o n d to the terr itories of Travancore and C o c h i n States. Idukki and the taluks of Pathanamtit ta and Pathanapuram are h igh land reg ions . This means that the ent i re l ow lands and mid lands , w h i c h was largely the inhab i ted area of Travancore and C o c h i n , f o r m the h igh dens i ty belt . N o r t h of this belt the on l y distr ict w i t h a h igh p o p u l a t i o n dens i t y is K o z h i k o d e . K o z h i k o d e is an por t city and was the capita l of Ma laba r distr ict du r ing the British raj, and the seat of the Z a m o r i n of K o z h i k o d e pr ior t o it. It is the urban dens i t y o f K o z h i k o d e that con t r ibu tes to its overa l l (total) dens i ty b e i n g s o m e w h a t h igh , for its rural dens i t y is l ow . O n the o the r hand the h igh dens i ty bel t f r o m Tr ichur t o Kanyakumar i is c a u s e d by h igh rural dens i t ies . I ndeed a scrut iny of Table 3.10 reveals that Tr ichur, Ernakulam and A l l e p p e y had, du r ing the first f ew decades of this century , h ighe r rural dens i t ies than overa l l (total) densi t ies . This meant that, in these distr icts, the urban dens i t ies we r e l o w e r than the rural densi t ies in the early decades of this century . ' '^ The urban ratio of the h igh p o p u l a t i o n dens i ty belt d istr icts , f r o m Tr ichur to Tr ivandrum was a lso l ow . A l l e p p e y w h i c h ranks n u m b e r o n e in terms of p o p u l a t i o n densi ty , t h rough ou t the p e r i o d 1901 t o 1981 , had an u rban ratio of on l y 4.6 pe rcen t in 1901 . This had by 1981 r eached on l y 15.8 percent . W e shall d i scuss the addi t iona l s ign i f i cances of such urban ratios w h e n w e e x a m i n e the urban iza t ion pattern and urban system of Kerala in the next chapter . It is suff ic ient t o r e c o g n i z e here that it was the rural densit ies 15. These two taluks were in 1984 separated from Quilon district to form a new district called Pathanamtitta. 16. Higher rural densities than urban densities were found in Alleppey in 1901 and 1911; in Ernakulam in 1901. 1911, 1921 and 1931; and in Trichur in 1901, 1911, and 1921. Quilon's rural densities were almost the same as urban densities in 1901 and 1911. (See Table 3.09) that make u p the h igh dens i ty belt , an area that virtually covers Travancore and C o c h i n , excep t for their h igh land r eg ion . Examinat ion of the dens i t ies of the se l ec ted Tami lnadu districts reveal s ignif icant d i f ferences . Thanjavur, the rice b o w l distr ict , o c c u p i e s s ixth p lace in rank o rde r of all the districts in Table 3.10, o n the basis of rural p o p u l a t i o n dens i t ies . There is a progress ive dec l ine in its rank o rde r ove r the years. Even rural Chenga lpa t tu , w h i c h encapsulates Madras city, o c c u p i e s rank o rde r seven in 1901 and d r o p s further d o w n subsequent l y . I ndeed , a m o n g the c o n t e m p o r a r y distr icts of Tami lnadu , the distr ict w i th h ighest rural dens i ty re t rospect ive ly f rom 1901 to 1981 , is Kanya Kumar i , fo rmer ly of the Travancore State. These f igures demons t ra te that the low lands and mid lands of Travancore and C o c h i n had h igher p o p u l a t i o n densi t ies than the rice b o w l distr ict of Thanjavur and/or Chenga lpa t t u distr ict , w h i c h approx imates w i th mega-urban Madras . This was because of h igh rural dens i t i es of these distr icts. This p h e n o m e n o n c o n t i n u e d th rough-out the 20th century . It is l ikely that the t rend of h igh rural densi t ies c o m m e n c e d earlier, in the late 19th century . Unfor tunate l y , re l iable data, d i saggregated by the Kerala distr icts is no t available f o r the 19th century , t o e x a m i n e such a poss ib le t r end . The g r o w t h rates g iven in no te [d] t o the table are also revea l ing. Thanjavur has a l o w g r o w t h rate (6.8) c o m p a r e d to the Kerala distr icts. (Average 11.7) The h igh rates o f Idukki and Wayanad in the h igh lands are d u e t o the l o w basel ine p o p u l a t i o n and also ref lects the recent migra t ion and de fo res ta t ion that is b e g i n n i n g to o c c u r in the Kerala h igh lands . The rates of p o p u l a t i o n g r o w t h of Travancore are re f l ec ted in Table 3.06. The h igh dens i ty belt co i n c i des w i th the terr i tor ies of Travancore and C o c h i n . The increas ing densi t ies ove r the years seen in Table 3.09. A l l this suppor t s the obse rva t ion that the hea l th po l i c i es of Travancore had i n f l uenced the g r o w t h of p o p u l a t i o n dens i t ies . ( U . N . 1975 . p73 ) C o c h i n a smal l pr ince ly state, adjacent to Travancore , and w i th the same Malaya lam-speaking p o p u l a t i o n and cu l ture as Travancore , f o l l o w e d t h r o u g h w i th many of Travancore 's po l i c ies . Malabar , be ing part of the British admin i s te red Madras P res idency w i th British administrators at the h e l m , had di f ferent po l i c y initiatives and d i rec t ion . The similarity of the d e m o g r a p h i c t rends of Travancore and C o c h i n and the sl ight ly di f ferent path of Ma labar may f l o w f r o m these d i f fe rences in po l i t i ca l admin is t ra t ion and e c o n o m y . A l l e p p e y and Ernakulam^'^ have had h igh dens i t ies f r o m 1901 , and poss ib l y even be fo re . A l l e p p e y was the main por t of Travancore but its urban character by Indian standards we r e very smal l . O n the o the r hand A l l e p p e y distr ict as a w h o l e e p i t o m i z e s the Kerala l andscape in terms o f physica l l andscape , rural p o p u l a t i o n dens i t ies , and space e c o n o m y . C h a p t e r e ight is a case s tudy of the co i r , an industry , concen t r a t ed in A l l eppey . This case s tudy wi l l prise o p e n the character of A l l eppey , the e p i t o m e of Kerala l andscape . W h a t is a rgued in this s tudy is that the Kerala r eg ion had , in spi te of no t be i ng a classic rice b o w l r eg ion , a capac i ty to sustain a h igh dens i ty p o p u l a t i o n . A s the C e n s u s o f India 1921 , q u o t e d a little eariier, impl ies , the Kerala r eg ion was e n d o w e d w i th a c l imate and terrain for a luxuriant and dense vege ta t ion . A n e c o l o g y " t o suppo r t a t e e m i n g p o p u l a t i o n w i th hardly any exer t ion o n their par t " (Census of India 1921 , V o l XIII, Pt I p8 ) It is partly this e c o l o g y and the con tex tua l cu l ture that emerges that appears l ike the graft ing of " sou theas t As ian persona l i t y " (Dale 1980 p i 1-12) to the sou thwes t of India, an issue d i s cussed in chapte r t w o . 18 19 The fo lk lo re of the r eg ion sees the e c o l o g y as a natural e n d o w m e n t , an env i r onmen t that sustains, whe re n o b o d y g o e s hungry fo r there is always, at least, an u n p l u c k e d jak fruit at hand to p rov ide a mea l . The seeds of the fruit o n c e ea ten , are t o s sed away, but they take root 17. Cochin city is in Ernakulam district. 18. The only other region in south Asia that has this character is the southwest quarter of Sri Lanka. 19. See footnote 14 of chapter two. and g r o w u n t e n d e d in the evergreen forest c l imate and eco logy . A n d so the cycle of sus tenance con t i nues . The fo lk lo re may romant i c i ze the survival strategies of the p o o r . A U .N . s tudy (1975) makes more real w o r l d and usefu l obse rva t ions examin ing the f o o d basket in Kerala. It f o u n d cereals intake is smal ler in Kerala than in the remainder o f India. A m o n g the cereals, howeve r , r ice domina tes . Pulses intake was insignif icant . O n the o the r hand c o c o n u t and roo t c rops , part icularly t ap ioca , as d i s cussed earlier, p layed a far m o r e impor tant part in the d ie t of Kerala, than e l sewhere in India. The s tudy f inds the dietary pattern of Kerala re f lec t ing the land use pattern, w h i c h in turn is seen as largely i n f l uenced by the c l imate and topog raph i ca l pecul iar i t ies. ( U .N . 1975 . p25) The U . N . s tudy observes : It may be p r e s u m e d that , by and large, the increase in the p r o d u c t i o n of t a p i o c a has made a greater impact o n the diet of the l o w e r i n c o m e h o u s e h o l d s . There is a l inger ing pre jud ice against t ap ioca a m o n g m e m b e r s of the uppe r strata of soc ie ty ; t ap i o ca is no t genera l ly acceptab le t o t h e m fo r reasons of taste or, m o r e o f t en , of prest ige . There fore , the greater part of inc reased ou tpu t has f o u n d its way into the k i tchens of the l o w e r strata of soc ie ty . This has offset the adverse effects of o the r recent d e v e l o p m e n t s o n the f o o d f ront in Kerala, effects w h i c h w o u l d o the rw i se have aggravated the inequal i t ies in the d is t r ibut ion of f o o d and nut r i t ion . ( Ibid p 2 9 - 3 0 ) ^ O b v i o u s l y there are l inkages a m o n g the e c o l o g y , land use patterns, f o o d intake habits and aspects of Kerala's d e m o g r a p h y . O n e may c o n c l u d e that Kerala was histor ica l ly a reg ion of h igh p o p u l a t i o n dens i ty , and the heal th and med i ca l po l i c i e s and faci l i t ies set in m o t i o n in Travancore in the m i d 19th cen tury acce le ra ted p o p u l a t i o n g r o w t h and dens i ty . D i d this t rend c o n t i n u e o r d i d the s e c o n d phase of the d e m o g r a p h i c t rans i t ion , w h e n c r u d e birth rates fall t o levels c l o se r to the already l o w e r e d morta l i ty rates, beg in to o c c u r ? In the c o n t e x t of Kerala's industr ia l backwardness , w h i c h w e shall d iscuss short ly , it was feared that t he s e c o n d phase o f the d e m o g r a p h i c transi t ion might be de l ayed . But it d i d beg in to o c c u r in the 1970s , but no t 20. Tapioca cultivation since the early 1970s has declined. (Kannan and Pushpangadan 1990. p i 996) fo r reasons usual ly assoc ia ted w i th such dec l ines . This aspec t of the d e m o g r a p h i c features of Kerala o n c e again cont r ibu tes to Kerala be i ng a dist inct soc ie ty in India. Fertility decline in Kerala Kerala's early entry, in the Indian con tex t , in to the d e m o g r a p h i c t rans i t ion by the fall of its morta l i ty rates d o e s no t necessar i ly mean that the fall in birth rates, t o o , s h o u l d o c c u r at an eady stage. Indeed , in the c o n t e x t of o the r s o c i o - e c o n o m i c features o f Kerala, the fertil ity dec l i ne that d i d o c c u r has b e e n seen by s o m e d e m o g r a p h e r s as an anomaly . The relatively l o w fertil ity level in Kerala p resents a p u z z l e because it appears to be ou t of l ine w i th wha t was e x p e c t e d o n the basis of o b s e r v e d patterns of the d e m o g r a p h i c t ransi t ion in d e v e l o p e d coun t r i e s , as we l l as in a n u m b e r of d e v e l o p i n g count r ies w h i c h have ach ieved ferti l ity dec l i ne in recent d e c a d e s . Genera l l y the dec l ine in ferti l ity (as we l l as in mortal i ty) in these coun t r i e s have b e e n p r e c e d e d by i m p r o v e m e n t in i n c o m e , industr ia l izat ion and u rban iza t ion . Yet in India there are many states ( inc lud ing W e s t Bengal ) w h i c h are r icher (in terms of pe r capi ta i n c o m e ) , m o r e indust r ia l ized and u rban ized than Kerala, bu t have ferti l ity levels h ighe r than Kerala. (Nag 1984. p33) The c rude birth rate of Kerala w h i c h was 37.4 in 1965/66 had fal len t o 26 .9 in 1974. (Kr ishnan 1976 . p i 203) In 1978, the c rude birth rate was 25.2 for Kerala. 28.4 fo r W e s t Bengal and 33.3 fo r India. (Nag 1984. p33 ) . Kr ishnan's s tudy of the d e m o g r a p h i c t rans i t ion in Kerala up to 1974, f o u n d that in that year the rural birth rate was 26.9 and the urban rate 26.4 The na r row urban-rural disparity was unusua l and str ik ing. The rural rate was the l owes t in India and l ed t o the overal l rate for Kerala b e i n g the lowes t as we l l , in sp i te of the urban rates of s o m e the o the r Indian States b e i n g l o w e r than Kerala's. (Kr ishnan 1976 . Table 2, p i 205) The urban-rural differentials in the ferti l ity rate a lso s h o w a progress i ve na r row ing in Kerala and was the lowes t in India. (See Table 3.11) F e r t i l i t y Rates by S t a t e s i n I n d i a , 1972, 1978. Urban S t a t e s 1972 1978 Andhra Pradesh 4.5 2.7 Assam 3.7 2.8 Bihar 3.9 3.4 Gujarat 4.5 3.6 Haryana 4.7 3.2 Jammnu & Kashmir 3.1 2.8 Karnataka 3.5 3.0 Kerala 5. 6 2. 3 Madhya Pradesh 4.4 3.8 Maharashtra 3.8 2.9 O r i s s a 4.0 3.5 Punjab 4.1 3.2 Rajasthan 5.4 3.9 Tamilnadu 3.0 2.9 U t t a r Pradesh 4.8 4.1 West Bengal 3.6 2.5 R u r a l Combined 1972 1978 1972 1978 4.8 4. 1 4.7 3.8 5.3 4.0 5.2 3.9 5.1 4.2 5.0 4.1 6.0 4.6 5.6 4.3 7.0 4.6 6.6 4.3 5.2 4.8 4.8 4.4 4.5 3.7 4.3 3.5 4. 2 2. 8 4. 1 2. 7 6.2 5.3 5.9 5.0 4.8 3.9 4.5 3.5 4.7 4.3 4.6 4.2 5.7 4.1 5.3 3.9 6.4 5.5 6.2 5.2 4.4 3.5 4.0 3.3 6.9 5.9 6.6 5.6 4.5 3.5 4.3 3.2 Sou r ce : Zachar iah a n d Patel . W o r l d Bank 1984. Tab le 4. p 9 . N o t e : O n l y States w i t h a p o p u l a t i o n o f five m i l l i o n o r m o r e in 1981 are i n c l u d e d in this Tab le . Kr ishnan's s tudy also revea led that the bi r th rates we r e even l o w e r in the distr icts of Kerala that c o r r e s p o n d e d w i th the f o r m e r Travancore and C o c h i n States. (Kr ishnan 1976. p i 209) The rates o f this r eg i on w e r e no t a ch i eved anywhere in the d e v e l o p i n g w o r l d e x c e p t Ta iwan. In one distr ict , v iz Ko t t ayam, of this r eg i on the birth rate was as l o w as 20.8 in 1974, w h i c h Krishnan remarks was o n l y 2.2 a b o v e the Japanese rate fo r the same year. ( Ibid, p i 209) The abil ity to ach ieve a ferti l i ty d e c l i n e no tw i ths t and ing a l o w e c o n o m i c g r o w t h , an ach ievement shared on l y by Sri Lanka in the d e v e l o p i n g w o r l d w i th market e c o n o m i e s , attracted the a t tent ion of U . N . agenc i es c o n c e r n e d w i th soc ia l d e v e l o p m e n t l ike U N F P A , W H O , UN ICEF etc . Thei r interest was to unde r s t and the Kerala e x p e r i e n c e and repl icate it, if feas ib le , in o the r d e v e l o p i n g coun t r i e s , w i th l o w e c o n o m i c g r o w t h . ^ A W o r i d Bank s tudy of 21. Another region in India where fertility decline has been observed is Karnataka State, though the decline is less remarkable than in Kerala. The World Bank has carried out complementary studies of fertility decline in what s o m e d e m o g r a p h e r s see as the anoma ly of the Kerala fertility dec l i ne w i t h o u t structural changes in the e c o n o m y , and its de te rminants , was carr ied out in this con t ex t . Its f ind ings are o f interest for this s tudy, for it br ings ou t a mix and s e q u e n c e of soc ia l d e v e l o p m e n t and pol i t ica l e c o n o m y . A t h e m e runn ing t h r o u g h this s tudy is the un ique mix o r cons te l l a t ion of factors in Kerala and desakota be i ng an organ ic part o f this symb io t i c m ix . The W o r l d Bank s tudy observes : Educat iona l d e v e l o p m e n t s and i m p r o v e m e n t s in heal th successfu l ly a l tered the cost-benef i t ratio of ch i ld ren . Fall ing morta l i ty rates increased the n u m b e r of ch i ld ren surv iv ing to s c h o o l age. Rapid p o p u l a t i o n g rowth , resu l t ing mos t l y f r om the morta l i ty dec l ine , l o w e r e d further an already very l o w land-man ratio in the State, f o r c ing more and m o r e youngs te r s t o seek a l iving away f r o m the farms. The i n t roduc t i on of e d u c a t i o n as a c r i te r ion fo r admi t t ance t o non-agricultural o c cupa t i ons e n h a n c e d the va lue o f educa t i on and ra ised parents ' aspirat ions a b o u t their ch i ld ren ' s e d u c a t i o n . T h e increase in the n u m b e r of surv iv ing ch i l d ren , toge the r w i th the pe r ce i v ed necessary level of e d u c a t i o n raised the cos t of b r ing ing u p ch i l d ren . A s m o s t Kerala famil ies d i d no t have the necessary i n c o m e to mee t this inc reased cos t , they rea l ized that the so lu t i on t o their d i l e m m a was to o p t for a smal ler family. (Zachariah 1984. p-xxvi) . Fertility dec l i ne is also at t r ibuted in part to a rise in the average age of marr iage.22 M o r e years of s c h o o l i n g and post-secondary e d u c a t i o n by females ; w o m e n prefer r ing to wait rather than marry s o m e o n e w h o is u n e m p l o y e d ; d o w r y d e m a n d s a n d p r o b l e m s , (causing delays), such as the cos t of educa t ing a b o y and f i nd ing a j o b increases, w e r e s o m e of the factors in f luenc ing the rise in the average age of marr iage. (Zachariah 1984. pxxv) The s tudy also f o u n d the off ic ia l family p lann ing p r o g r a m m e m o r e ef fect ive in Kerala than in o the r Indian States because o f the spin-off ef fects b e t w e e n the p r o g r a m m e a n d s o c i o - e c o n o m i c d e v e l o p m e n t s , part icularly health and e d u c a t i o n . But the s e q u e n c e was f o u n d impor tan t , in Zachar iah 's v iew. Kerala, Karnataka and Sri Lanka with the objective of understanding the determinants of fertility decline in low-income populations.(RPO 671-70) (Zachariah. 1984. p-xxiii) 22. Demographers are not agreed though in quantifying the impact of the rise in the age of marriage on the fertility decline: Zachariah has estimated it at 30 percent, (1984. p- xxv) while Bhat and Rajan put it at 15 percent.(1990. pi967, p i 970 and p i 979) O n e lesson f rom this is that the s e q u e n c e in w h i c h po l i c ies af fect ing the dete rminants of fertil ity are i m p l e m e n t e d are important as the po l i c ies themse l ves . In Kerala, the steps came in the r ight o rde r - a r educ t i on in infant and ch i l d mortal i ty , a c c o m p a n i e d o r f o l l o w e d by an increase in female e d u c a t i o n , f o l l o w e d by redistr ibut ive po l i c i es and finally by the off ic ial fami ly p l ann ing p rog ram. (Ibid, p-xxvii) Bhat and Rajan stress female l iteracy as centra l to the fertil ity dec l i ne in Kerala. They f ind fertil ity dec l i ne related t o the k n o w l e d g e o f c o n t r a c e p t i o n b e c o m i n g w i d e s p r e a d and changes in the p e r c e p t i o n about ch i ldren 's cos t and benef i t s . Bo th these they argue, based o n a compara t i ve s tudy of fertil ity dec l i ne in the distr icts o f Kerala w i th distr icts ad jo in ing Kerala in Tami lnadu and Karnataka states, are the effects of fema le l iteracy. This in turn they c o n t e n d is due to the p r o m o t i o n of mass e d u c a t i o n by the Maharajahs of Travancore and C o c h i n and the e l e c t ed g o v e r n m e n t s s ince i n d e p e n d e n c e ; the h igh p r o p o r t i o n of Chr is t ians in Kerala; and h igh p o p u l a t i o n dens i ty that increases the access ib i l i ty to s c h o o l s . (1990. p i 979) They are crit ical of the structural ist in terpretat ion of fertil ity t rans i t ion.^3 They argue that e x c e p t fo r a substant ia l rise in adult female l i teracy, in the last 30 years o r s o there have b e e n very little structural change in the e c o n o m y o r soc ie ty that c o u l d have t r i pped the histor ica l ba lance in the f l o w of 'wea l th ' b e t w e e n genera t ions . (Ibid, p i 979) They f ind the d i f fus ion hypothes i s appropr ia te t o exp la in ing the fertil ity dec l i ne in Kerala. In this hypo thes i s the spread of bir th c o n t r o l t e c h n o l o g y is the key to the fertil ity dec l ine . A n d in this d i f f us ion , the role o f such factors s u c h as the pe r ce i ved advantages of n e w t e c h n o l o g y , its compat ib i l i t y w i th mora l values and soc ia l no rms , approva l by o p i n i o n leaders, soc ia l ne tworks , means of c o m m u n i c a t i o n a n d in fo rmat ion 23. Bhat and Rajan see the structuralist interpretation as a traditional view, according to which fertility transition is the consequence of the shifts in the balance of economic costs and benefits that child bearing entails to parents. It is contended that during the course of economic or social development, having a large family becomes disadvantages to parents because the shift from the familial to capitalistic mode of production and the spread of mass education reduce the labour utility of children. (1990. p1971) d i ssemina t ion are c o n s i d e r e d impor tant . The d i f fus ion can o c c u r spon taneous l y or it can be e n c o u r a g e d t h r o u g h g o v e r n m e n t po l i c i es and p rog rammes . (Ibid, p i 971) Bhat and Rajan see fema le l i teracy as centra l to the d i f fus ion of cont racept i ve t e c h n o l o g y in Kerala and the c o n s e q u e n t ferti l ity dec l i ne . Bhat and Rajan d o no t expla in the rise in female l iteracy in Kerala in terms of cultural factors . It is not , as Jeffrey has put fo rward , due to the pos i t i on and status of w o m e n in Kerala, f o l l o w i n g the matr i l ineal inher i tance, jo int fami ly sys tem and cul ture that was histor ica l ly preva lent in Kerala. Bhat and Rajan put forward an alternate hypothes i s that h igh female l iteracy is d u e to h igh male l i teracy levels in the past. This leads t o sex differentials in l i teracy w h i c h are l ikely to g r o w unti l large n u m b e r of literate males b e c o m e fathers w h o might d e c i d e to send the i r daughters a lso t o s c h o o l . This may also be c o n s e q u e n t o n the d e m a n d a m o n g l iterate m e n fo r literate br ides .^4 ( ib id , p i 975) Summing up the demographic features. The dist inct ive d e m o g r a p h i c features of Kerala in the Indian c o n t e x t may be s u m m e d up as fo l l ows . First, the r eg ion had h igh rural p o p u l a t i o n dens i t ies . This was n o t caused by b e i n g adjacent t o any mega-urban r eg ion o r hav ing river basin rice cu l t i va t ion w i t h a n e e d for heavy seasona l l abour and an abi l i ty t o sustain a d e n s e p o p u l a t i o n . S e c o n d , there is e v idence t o sugges t that p o p u l a t i o n dens i t ies had b e e n histor ical ly we l l e s tab l i shed because of the e c o l o g y of the r eg ion wi th its f o o d , fruit and roo t c rops and mar i t ime trade in cash c rops , susta in ing such p o p u l a t i o n dens i t i es . The available e v idence sugges ts that s u c h histor ica l dens i t i es t h o u g h h igh , were less than t h o s e f o u n d in r ice b o w l reg ions . Th i rd , h istor ical ly d u e 24. Bhat and Rajan hypothesis is applicable to Sri Lanka where the same combination of high female literacy, rise in age of marriage, increasing use of contraceptives and decline in fertility rates are observed. This needs however to be statistically tested as Bhat and Rajan have done for Kerala. On the other hand as indicated in footnote 6 of chapter two (p 93) the Jeffrey hypothesis fails to explain the Sri Lankan high female literacy rate in the historical absence of a matrilineal inheritance and joint family system among the Sinhalese. Jeffrey's hypothesis is that the matrilineal system and position of women in Kerala, among other factors, contributed to higher female literacy. (Jeffrey 1987 p462-67) to cultural and e c o l o g i c a l factors Kerala had l owe r morta l i ty rates than the rest of India. Fourth , the reg ion s h o w e d an early lead in p o p u l a t i o n g r o w t h , because of the bet ter heal th and med ica l facil it ies i n t r o d u c e d in s o m e parts of the r eg ion . ( U N 1975. p73-74) Such g r o w t h acce lera ted rural p o p u l a t i o n dens i t ies , resu l t ing in the rural areas b e c o m i n g o n e of the mos t dense l y p o p u l a t e d reg ions in India, if no t the w o r l d . W i t h i n India the rural dens i t ies e x c e e d e d those of river-basin r ice-bowls and/or rural areas adjacent to mega-urban reg ions . Fifth, a fertil ity dec l i ne o r the s e c o n d phase of the d e m o g r a p h i c transit ion began to o c c u r in the 1970s. This was seen as an anoma l y by s o m e d e m o g r a p h e r s , as the usual ly assoc ia ted features of this phase of the d e m o g r a p h i c t rans i t ion s u c h as urban iza t ion , industr ia l advancement , e c o n o m i c g r o w t h and d e v e l o p m e n t we r e absent o r on l y min imal ly present . Bhat and Rajan h o w e v e r see the d i f fus ion hypothes i s as m o r e appropr ia te t o unde rs t and ing the fertil ity dec l ine in Kerala, and h igh female l iteracy as b e i n g crit ical for the d i f fus ion of con t racep t i ve t e chno logy . Non-agr icul tura l e c o n o m i c activity in rural areas. A n o t h e r facet of the d ist inct soc i e t y of Kerala is the h igh level of non-agr icul tura l activity and e m p l o y m e n t in rural areas. In chap te r o n e , the mix of agr icultural and non-agricultural activit ies was de l i nea ted as o n e of the ma in characterist ics of desako ta . The h igher o c c u r r e n c e o f non-agricultural activit ies a l o n g w i th agr icul tural activit ies in rural Kerala, than in o the r parts o f rural India is then of centra l impo r t ance in this study. Parts t w o a n d three of this s tudy dea l w i th the mix of agr icultural and non-agr icul tura l activity in the c o n t e x t o f Kerala. W h a t is be i ng a t t empted in this sec t i on is t o es tab l i sh that there is relat ively a h igh level of rural non-agricultural activity in Kerala c o m p a r e d t o the o the r states in India. This w i l l s uppo r t the thesis that desako ta is o c cu r r i ng in Kerala at a leve l not obse r ved e l sewhe re in India, apart f r om establ ish ing a facet of Kerala as a d is t inct soc i e t y in India. This wi l l be a t t empted in t w o stages. First, w i th the aid of Table 3.12, it wi l l be es tab l i shed that Kerala had du r i ng the pe r i od 1901 t o 1981 , a h igher pe r cen tage of non-agricultural w o r k f o r c e than the rest of India. S e c o n d , w i th Table 3.13 it wi l l be demons t r a t ed that in the Indian w o r k f o r c e for the pe r i od 1961 t o 1981 , d i saggregated by the 14 major Indian States and rural-urban sec tors , Kerala had the h ighest pe rcen t of non-agricultural w o r k f o r c e in the rural sec tor . O b v i o u s l y the first set of data is m e t h o d o l o g i c a l l y weak. The data o n India at the nat ional level t e n d to f latten ou t reg iona l variat ions that may have b e e n compa rab l e to Kerala and also d o e s no t d is t ingu ish b e t w e e n the urban and rural sectors . There are reasons w h y in Table 3.12 these inadequac ies are diff icult to cor rec t . First, the administrat ive reg ions of India du r i ng the British raj we r e t o o n u m e r o u s and c o m p l e x t o a t tempt a reg iona l analysis of the w o r k f o r c e data. For instance, in 1901 there we re twe lve large areas of p res idenc ies , agenc ies and p rov inces direct ly admin i s te red by the Brit ish, t oge the r w i th ano the r 201 pr ince ly or native states of varying s izes. ( Indian C e n s u s Cen tena ry At las. 1974. p8) The c o m p l e x i t y c o n t i n u e d unti l the 1951 census a little after i n d e p e n d e n c e in 1947. Reg iona l states o n a l inguist ic basis, i n co rpo ra t i ng w i th in t h e m b o t h the areas unde r British admin is t ra t ion and the f o rmer pr ince ly states, was yet t o be w o r k e d out . This was d o n e largely in the 1950s and by 1961 there we re fou r t een major states cove r i ng 83 pe rcen t of the land area and 95 pe rcen t of the p o p u l a t i o n of India. S e c o n d , the de f in i t i on of urban was no t o n a un i f o rm basis in a reg iona l sense in the var ious administrat ive r eg ions of the British raj and pr ince ly states. In a t empora l sense t o o it was no t un i f o rm over the p e r i o d 1901 t o 1951 . The ques t i on that may be n o w raised is w h y i nc lude such data ? The p u r p o s e is t o examine , even w i th def i c ient data, whe the r Kerala p r io r to the W o r l d Wa r II had a s ignif icant non-agricultural sec to r and its s ize relative to the nat iona l average. W e n o t e d in chapte r o n e , that M c G e e ' s de sako t a hypothes i s suggests that de sako t a is a recent p h e n o m e n o n in As ia . This is no t the case w i t h desako ta in Kerala. The later chapters wi l l address this issue, but it is Workforce c l a s s i f i e d by a g r i c u l t u r e , c a s u a l labour and non-a g r i c u l t u r e s e c t o r s i n I n d i a and K e r a l a : 1901 to 1981 I ndia K e r a l a Males Females T o t a l Males Females T o t a l 1901 A g r i c u l t u r e 45.8 20.2 65.9 35.0. 18.3 53.3 Casual 4.0 2.8 6.9 6.3 4.2 10.5 Non-agric: 19.2 8.0 27.2 22.6 13.5 36.2 T o t a l 69.0 31 .0 100.0 64.0 36.0 100. 1931 A g r i c u l t u r e 55.4 15.0 70.4 35.3 13.2 48.5 Casual 3.6 1 .9 5.5 10.5 5.6 16.1 Non-agric: 18.9 5.2 24.1 25.6 9.8 35.4 T o t a l 77.9 22. 1 100.0 71.4 28.6 100.0 1961 A g r i c u l t u r e 46.9 26.0 72.9 38.7 16.9 55.6 Casual 2.8 1 .3 4.1 3.7 1 .3 5.0 Non-agric: 18.7 4.3 23.0 27.8 11.6 39.4 T o t a l 68.4 31 .6 100.0 70.2 29.8 100.0 1971 A g r i c u l t u r e 57.7 14.4 72. 1 41 .7 13.8 55.5 Casual 0.8 0.1 0.9 1 .4 0.3 1.7 Non-agric: 24.1 2.9 27.0 33.5 9.3 42.8 T o t a l 82.6 17.4 100.0 76.6 23.4 100.0 1981 A g r i c u l t u r e 46.7 21 .9 70.6 36.9 15.6 52.5 Casual 0.8 0.2 1 .0 1 .2 0.3 1 . Non-agric: 24.5 3.9 28.4 34.3 1 1.7 46.0 T o t a l 74.0 26.0 100.0 72.4 27.6 100.0 Sou r ce : De r i v ed f r o m the C e n s u s of India 1 9 0 1 , 1 9 3 1 , 1 9 6 1 , 1971 and 1981 . N o t e s : [a] 1981 data is ma in p lus margina l w o r k e r s . [b] 1971 data d o e s no t i nc lude s e c o n d a r y w o r k e r s . [c] 0.5 mi l l i on wo rke r s we re t ransferred f r o m casual l abou r t o agricultural l abour in the 1961 data f o l l o w i n g the co r r e c t i on s u g g e s t e d in the U N s tudy . [1975. p 8 0 f o o t n o t e 16] usefu l w i th the avai lable da ta to es tab l i sh the ex ten t o f non-agricultural activity in the w o r k f o r c e relative t o the nat ional average fo r the p e r i o d p r io r to w o r l d war II. Table 3.12 presents the w o r k f o r c e of India a n d Kerala c lassif ied by agricultural a n d non-agricultural sec tors and casual w o r k e r s . A g r i c u l t u r e for this p u r p o s e cons is ts of the census ca tegor ies of cult ivators, agricultural l abourers , l ivestock, forestry, f i sh ing , hunt ing , p lantat ions, o rchards and al l ied activity worke rs . The data is p resen ted at thirty years interval fo r 1901 , 1931 and 1961 and then fo r 1971 and 1981 as we l l . This tab le shows that t h r o u g h o u t the p e r i o d Kerala had a h igher pe rcen t of non-agricultural activity and lower pe rcen t o f agr icultural activity, than India as w h o l e . The same t rend is seen in the male and female pe rcen tages as we l l . Casua l l abour is cons i s ten t l y h igher in Kerala, t h o u g h in 1971 and 1981 w h e n casual l abour is a neg l ig ib l e pe r cen tage in bo th India and Kerala, the d i f fe rence t o o had na r rowed d o w n . Table 3.12 also s h o w s that non-agr icul tura l activity in India had b e e n d r o p p i n g f r om 27.2 pe rcen t in 1901 to 24.1 in 1931 and then 23.0 in 1961 . S ince then it c l i m b e d up t o 27.0 percen t in 1971 and 28.4 percent in 1 9 8 1 . Kerala o n the o ther hand s h o w s a s lowly increas ing t rend f r o m 36.2 in 1901 to 46 .0 in 1981 . Agr i cu l tu re in Kerala has b e e n f luctuat ing a r o u n d 52.0 pe r cen t w i th a d ip of 48.5 in 1931 and a peak of 55.6 in 1961 . Table 3.13 presents the non-agricultural w o r k f o r c e as a percent of the tota l wo rk fo r c e c lass i f ied by the fou r t een major states. The seven smal ler states and u n i o n (federal) terr itories as d e s c r i b e d in n o t e [b] to the table are g r o u p e d unde r " o t h e r s " . The non-agr icul ture pe rcen tages are p r e sen ted in terms of tota l pe r sons , (total of males and fema les in rural and urban areas taken together ) , rural pe r sons , (males and females) , total males ( rural and urban) and rural males on ly . 25. Casual workers are those who have no regular work, and seek work on a daily basis. Such work can be either agricultural or non-agricultural. Since the nature of their work cannot be identified, they classed as an intermediary category between agriculture and non-agriculture. A detailed discussion of such workers from 1901 to 1981 is made in chapter six. Agricultural labourers also have only seasonal and no regular work. However the nature of their work has been identified in census enumeration as agricultural. Census definitions and concepts of such workers, workforce etc over the period 1901 to 1981 is discussed in chapter six. N o n - a g r i c u l t u r a l ^ workforce as a percent ot t o t a l workforce c l a s s i f i e d by major s t a t e s , sex and r u r a l a reas: 1961 - 1981 R u r a l and Urban Rural Only S t a t e s ' 1961 1971 1981 1961 1971 1981 Persons Andhra Pradesh 26. 7 26. 6 27 .0 19. 2 17. 3 16. 5 Bi h a r 20. 4 16. 8 19 . 1 15. 6 10. 4 12. 0 Gu j a r a t 28. 0 32. 4 33 .4 14. 3 14. 1 15. 3 Haryana [b] 22. 5 34 .9 [b] 21 . 5 21 . 5 Karnataka 25. 1 29. 2 29 .4 14. 2 15. 5 14. 5 Kerala 44. 5 44. 5 47 . 7 59. 5 38. 0 40. 9 Madhya Pradesh 18. 1 18. 9 20 .6 10. 9 09. 4 10. 4 Maharashtra 27. 7 33. 5 33 .8 1 1 . 3 12. 7 13. 5 O r i s s a 23. 8 20. 4 21 .3 20. 1 14. 9 14. 9 Punjab 33. 3 36. 4 38 .4 21 . 5 20. 5 21 . 0 Rajasthan 18. 1 23. 2 24 .2 10. 5 12. 5 12. 9 Tamilnadu 36. 5 35. 6 35 .2 24. 5 19. 1 18. 5 U t t a r Pradesh 23. 1 22. 0 24 .2 15. 3 12. 3 12. 9 West Bengal 42. 2 38. 6 40 .7 23. 2 18. 2 21 . 8 Others ^ 27. 9 34. 0 41 .8 16. 8 18. 0 19. 9 INDIA 27. 1 27. 9 29 .4 17. 3 15. 2 15. 8 Mai es ont y Andhra Pradesh 30. 6 30. 7 33 .4 21 . 0 19. 7 19. 9 Bi h a r 23. 4 18. 1 21 .6 17. 3 1 1 . 2 13. 6 Gu j a r a t 35. 3 35. 3 40 .9 18. 1 15. 7 19. 4 Haryana [b] 33. 2 38 .6 [b] 21 . 5 24. 1 Karnataka 29. 3 30. 7 34 .2 15. 8 15. 9 16. 4 K e r a l a 45. 0 45. 6 49 .2 39. 4 38. 9 42. 0 Madhya Prades 23. 1 21 . 9 26 .0 13. 2 10. 8 12. 8 Maharashtra 38. 0 40. 4 44 .8 15. 9 16. 1 19. 4 O r i s s a 22. 6 25. 6 23 .5 18. 0 14. 1 16. 0 Punjab 36. 9 35. 5 39 .4 23. 6 20. 0 21 . 9 Rajasthan 23. 3 24. 9 30 . 1 13. 1 13. 5 16. 4 TamiInadu 40. 4 38. 8 42 . 1 25. 7 20. 9 22. 5 U t t a r Pradesh 25. 6 23. 1 25 .7 16. 5 12. 9 13. 6 West Bengal 43. 6 39. 2 41 .7 23. 0 18. 4 21 . 8 Others ^ 32. 4 36. 7 52 .0 17. 6 19. 6 26. 9 INDIA 31 . 4 30. 2 34 . 1 19. 1 16. 3 18. 2 Sources : De r i ved f r om the C e n s u s of India 1961 , 1971 & 1981 . N o t e s : [a] Non-agr icu l tura l w o r k f o r c e cons i s t s of all w o r k e r s o the r than cul t ivators, agricultural l abourers and those e n g a g e d in l i ves tock , forestry, f i sh ing , hun t i ng , p lantat ions , orchards and al l ied activit ies. [b] Haryana was cons t i t u t ed after 1961 f r o m ex is t ing major states, mainly Punjab. [c] The fou r t een major states i n c l u d e d in this table cons t i tu te nearly 83 percent of the land area of India and 95 percen t of the p o p u l a t i o n . The smal ler states no t i n c l u d e d in this table are A s s a m , H imacha l Pradesh, J ammnu and Kashmir , Man ipu r , Megha l aya , Naga land and Tr ipura. " O t h e r s " in this inc lude these smal ler states and U n i o n (Federal) admin i s te red terr i tor ies of De lh i , Chand iga rh , Pond icher ry , G o a , D a m a n & D i u , A runacha i Pradesh, Dadra & Nagar Have l i and A n d a m a n , N i coba r , Laccadive , M i n i c o y and Amind i v i Islands. [d] 1971 data e x c l u d e seconda ry worke rs . [e] 1981 data is based o n main p lus margina l worke rs . [f] For Kerala 0.5 m workers we r e transferred f r om casual to agricultural l abour in the 1961 data, f o l l o w i n g the co r rec t i on sugges t ed in the U N s tudy (1975. p80 f o o t n o t e 15) T h r o u g h o u t the p e r i o d 1951 t o 1981 Kerala has the h ighest pe rcen tage of total pe rsons in non-agricultural activity. Even Maharashtra , W e s t Bengal and Tami lnadu , industrial ly m o r e advanced states than Kerala, and w i th the urban agg lomera t ions of Bombay , Ca l cu t ta and Madras respect ive ly have l owe r non-agricultural act iv ity than K e r a l a . T h e overal l state non-agricultural activity is b r o u g h t d o w n in these three states because of the l o w pe rcen tage of non-agricultural activity in rural areas. This is seen w h e n w e examine the c o l u m n s o f rural pe r sons in non-agr icul tura l activity fo r 1961 , 1971 and 1981 . Kerala has the highest pe r cen tage at 39.5 in 1961 , 38.0 1961 and 40.9 in 1981 . These are substant ia l ly h igher than the pe rcen tages of the next h ighes t state, w h i c h was Tami lnadu in 1961 at 24 .5 , Harayana in 1971 at 21.5 and Wes t Bengal at 21.8 in 1981 . In the case of W e s t Benga l and Maharashtra the d ispar i ty in the percentages b e t w e e n the rural pe r sons and tota l pe r sons in non-agricultural activity is substant ia l . This is indicat ive of the concen t r a t i on of non-agricultural activit ies in the urban areas of these States, p robab l y Ca l cu t ta and B o m b a y mega-urban reg ions . This is a lso o b s e r v e d in the case of " O t h e r s " , w h i c h inc ludes a m o n g o thers De lh i .^7 For reasons that w i l l be d i s cussed in chap te r six, under-enumera t ion o f female worke r s is be l i e ved t o o c c u r in the Indian censuses . H e n c e male par t ic ipat ion in the w o r k f o r c e is 26. Delhi, the other major urban agglomeration in India is a Union (Federal) territory and so not part of any State. (See footnote 27 of this chapter) 27. A major share in terms of population of "Others" are the Union (Federal) territories of Delhi, (the federal capital), Chandigarh, (held federally as it in dispute whether it is to be ceded to Haryana or Punjab), and the former Portuguese and French enclaves of Goa, Daman, Diu and Pondicherry. All these territories are predominantly urban in character and hence reflect a high percent of non-agricultural activity in the columns of total persons and total males. regarded as m o r e rel iable data. For this reason Tab le 3.13 shows total male w o r k e r s and rural male workers . These data t o o con f i rm that Kerala has a h igher non-agricultural w o r k f o r c e . The e n i g m a of industr ia l backwardness , l o w e c o n o m i c g rowth and remarkab le soc ia l d e v e l o p m e n t of Kerala Economic backwardness The c o m p o n e n t s of non-agricultural activity in Kerala wil l be e x a m i n e d in detai l in chapter seven . H o w e v e r it is necessary at this stage to po in t out that a major share of non-agricultural activity in Kerala is in the tertiary sector . (Table 3.14). A n o v e r d e t e r m i n e d and/or en la rged tertiary sec to r is no t unusual in u n d e r d e v e l o p e d o r d e v e l o p i n g e c o n o m i e s where there is a l abour surp lus e c o n o m y . This seems t o be a fac tor in the case of Kerala. But it is a lso partly the re f lec t ion of the g r o w t h of b road-based heal th and educa t iona l serv ices . The e m e r g e n c e of s u c h services we re d i scussed in this and the prev ious chapter . A n equal ly impor tant con t r i bu t i ng serv ice is trade and c o m m e r c e . Smal l ho ld i ng cash c r o p s gene ra ted a host of m i d d l e m e n and traders. This was perhaps increased by the p r e s e n c e o f f o r c ed c o m m e r c e . This wi l l be i l lustrated by the co i r industry case s tudy in chapter seven . T h e se conda r y sec to r is a lso s igni f icant and is largely c o m p r i s e d of l abour intensive agro-process ing industr ies . A very s ignif icant n u m b e r of industr ies are ne i ther h o u s e h o l d indust r ies , no r factory t ype industr ies , but the in termediate c t ego r y of non-fctory, n o n - h o u s e h o l d o r smal l scale industr ies . It is m o r e appropr ia te to examine these structural features in Part II (chapters six and seven) , w h e n w e examine the ana tomy of the oc cupa t i ona l structure of Kerala . But it is impor tan t t o r e c o g n i z e n o w , the l o w produc t i v i t y of the secondary s e c t o r in Kerala, c o n s e q u e n t to its be ing largely c o m p r i s e d of smal l sca le , l o w t e c h n o l o g y , l a b o u r intensive agro-process ing industr ies . S e c t o r a l s t a t e domestic product, workforce and r e l a t i v e s e c t o r a l product per worker in K e r a l a i n 1961, 1971 and 1981 Share (Percent) R e l a t i v e S e c t o r a l of S.D.P. i n Share (Percent) Product per S e c t o r s T o t a l Output of Workforce Worker 1 961 1 971 1981 1961 1 971 1981 1961 1971 1981 Primary Secondary T e r t i a r y 56.0 15.2 28.8 49.4 16.3 34.2 38.9 21 .2 39.9 56.0 18.0 26.0 56.0 15.8 28.2 53.3 16.5 30.2 1 .00 .84 1.10 .88 1 .03 1.21 .73 1 .28 1 .32 T o t a l 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 1 .00 1 .00 1 .00 Sou rce : G o v t o f Kerala, 1 9 8 0 b . Tab le 6.6 p.71 fo r C o l 1. G o v t o f Kerala, 1985 . Table 6, p.23 C o l s 2 and 3. C e n s u s e s of India, 1 9 6 1 , 1971 and 1981 for C o l s 4-7. N o t e s : [a] S.D.P f o r 1961 is at 1961 pr i ces and fo r 1971 and 1981 at 1970/71 cons tan t pr ices . [b] Relative sec tora l p r o d u c t pe r w o r k e r is the sec tora l share of the S.D.P. d i v ided by the respec t i ve sec tora l share of the w o r k f o r c e Tab le 3.14 gives the sec tora l pe r cen tage of the state d o m e s t i c p r o d u c t , the sectora l pe r cen tage of the w o r k f o r c e and the relative sec tora l p r o d u c t per w o r k e r . In deve l op ing e c o n o m i e s the pe rcen tage share of the pr imary sec to r w o r k f o r c e is usual ly larger than its pe r cen tage share o f tota l o u t p u t o f the e c o n o m y . The reverse is the case in the secondary a n d tertiary sectors . The pr imary sec to r ' s relative sec tora l p r o d u c t pe r w o r k e r is thus usually m u c h l o w e r than that o f the o t h e r t w o sec tors . The dispar i t ies na r row on l y w h e n t e c h n o l o g i c a l advances in agr icu l ture lead to l abour s h e d d i n g , and the redundant labour d rawn towards the g r o w i n g s e c o n d a r y a n d tertiary sec tors . The relative sectora l p r o d u c t pe r w o r k e r of the three sec tors in Kerala, however , exh ib i t a na r row range. O v e r the p e r i o d 1961 to 1981 the s e c o n d a r y and tertiary sectors ' relative p r o d u c t per w o r k e r inc reased marginal ly and that of the pr imary sec tor dec l i ned sl ightly. This t rend is in the d i rec t ion of a s i tuat ion typica l of u n d e r d e v e l o p e d e c o n o m i e s , whe re the g r o w t h of the tertiary sec to r is pr io r t o , and greater than, the seconda r y sector . No tw i th s t and ing this t r end , overal l the Kerala relative sectora l p r o d u c t pe r w o r k e r is w i th in a nar row range. This is excep t i ona l in the Indian con tex t . But this has o c c u r r e d , no t because of an advanc ing character of the Kerala agrarian e c o n o m y . O n the contrary it is an exp ress i on of the backward character of the Kerala e c o n o m y , part icularly its secondary s e c t o r . T h e l abour intens ive , l o w t e c h n o l o g y character of manufac tu r ing , w i t h a large w o r k f o r c e and l o w product i v i t y , results in the unusual ly l o w relative sectora l p r o d u c t per w o r k e r fo r the secondary sector . There is a relative i m p r o v e m e n t in the secondary sec tor ' s pe r f o rmance over the p e r i o d 1961 t o 1 9 8 1 . ^ ^ But overa l l the seconda ry sec to r remains backward . S o m e of the factors that have c o n t r i b u t e d t o the industr ia l ly backward character of the Kerala e c o n o m y wi l l be d i s cussed in chapters seven , e ight and n ine , w h e n w e dea l w i th the manufac tu r ing sec tor and case studies of t w o industr ies . C o n s e q u e n t t o the l o w produc t i v i t y of the manufac tu r ing sec to r and the f o o d grains agricultural s ec to r (Gov t of India, P lann ing C o m m i s s i o n , 1983 . p24) the per cap i ta State N.D.P . of Kerala is a m o n g the b o t t o m five of the fou r t een major Indian States. It is also b e l o w the nat ional m e a n du r i ng the p e r i o d 1961 t o 1981 . 28. It may be argued, that in Kerala plantation agriculture has contributed to the primary sector's high productivity relative to the other two sectors. It has possibly also off set, within the primary sector, the low productivity of the food grains sector. Kerala has the lowest productivity in the food grains sector among all the States in India. Such productivity is high in Punjab, and to a less extent in Haryana, (Govt of India. Planning Commission. 1983. p24), two States where the green revolution occurred. What is important to recognize is that the narrow range of the relative sectoral product per worker among the three sectors in Kerala, is largely due to the low productivity of the secondary sector, following its labour intensive, low technology characteristics. 29. This may partly due to the decline of the highly labour intensive coir industry in the 1970s. (See chapter four). The 1970s also saw the grovrth of a few factory type industries in the Cochin-Alwaye corridor. (George 1984 p2161) Per C a p i t a S t a t e Domestic Product Per C a p i t a State N.D.P. Rank St a t e s 1961 1971 1981 1 Punjab 760 1067 1308 2 Haryana 627 932 1029 3 Maharashtra 7 69 811 1008 4 Gujarat 697 845 884 5 West Bengal 758 729 765 6 Karnataka 559 675 723 7 Tamilnadu 571 616 682 8 Andhra Pradesh 518 586 678 9 Rajasthan 500 629 591 10 Kerala 471 636 569 1 1 U t t a r Pradesh 457 493 524 1 2 O r i s s a 392 541 514 13 Madhya Pradesh 472 489 463 14 Bihar 390 418 438 Mean 558 676 727 Sou rce : G o v t of India, P lanning C o m m i s s i o n . 1983 . Tab l e 2.9 p 2 3 Social development But in spi te of the industr ial backwardness a n d l o w e c o n o m i c g r o w t h that Kerala has e x h i b i t e d relative t o the o the r Indian States, and e ven d e v e l o p i n g e c o n o m i e s ou ts ide India, it has ach ieved spectacu lar levels of soc ia l d e v e l o p m e n t . J ohn Ratcl i f fe 's (1978) observa t ions o n Kerala are a succ inc t s ta tement o n the e n i g m a o f Kerala 's soc ia l d e v e l o p m e n t amidst l o w e c o n o m i c g row th . It is a p o o r state even by Indian standards. Its p e r cap i t a i n c o m e o f US $ 80/= lies we l l b e l o w the all-India average o f U S $ 120 , a n d it suffers f r o m the lowest per capi ta ca lor ie intake in India. Neve r t he l e s s , Kerala has m a n a g e d t o achieve the d e m o g r a p h i c t ransi t ion f r om h i g h ( p r e - m o d e m ) to l o w ( m o d e m ) birth rates - s o m e t h i n g n o o the r Indian State has b e e n able to attain. Indeed the magn i tude of Kerala's fertility dec l i ne - the b i r th rate fel l f r om 39 in 1961 to 26.5 in 1974, has never b e e n o b s e r v e d in a na t i on of compa rab l e levels of i n c o m e and undernut r i t ion . O t h e r ind i ces o f Kerala 's soc ia l d e v e l o p m e n t are equal ly surpr is ing: levels of l iteracy, life e x p e c t a n c y , f ema le e d u c a t i o n , and age at marriage are the h ighest in India, wh i le morta l i ty rates, i n c lud ing infant and ch i ld mortal i ty , are the lowes t a m o n g Indian States. ( Ibid p 123)^^ The use o f s o m e e c o n o m i c ind icators by Ratcliffe carries w i th it the hazard of the inadequate sensit iv ity of these a c c o u n t i n g artifacts t o soc ia l d e v e l o p m e n t . In a sense Ratcliffe's s ta tement makes this po in t . W h i l e it is usefu l to be aware of the de f i c i enc ies o f e c o n o m i c yardst icks, it is no t impor tan t to d issec t this issue fo r this study. W h a t is impor tant to r e cogn i ze is that the Kerala m o d e l , as it s o m e t i m e s ca l l ed , is a path to soc ia l d e v e l o p m e n t w i t hou t capital intens ive industr ia l izat ion. It is an un ique m o d e l w i th in a market e c o n o m y f ramework that Kerala shares w i th Sri Lanka in the d e v e l o p i n g wor ld .31 in Kerala s o m e of the ach ievements of soc ia l d e v e l o p m e n t f l o w f r o m the soc ia l changes and the hea l th , educa t i on and land tenure po l i c i e s that we re set in m o t i o n in the 19th century or earlier. W e d i scussed in the last chapter the po l i t i ca l e c o n o m y w i th in w h i c h these po l i c i es e m e r g e d and the con tex t of the soc ia l changes . W h a t is impor tan t to r e c o g n i z e is that soc ia l d e v e l o p m e n t w i t hou t capital intensive industr ia l izat ion o r a g r een revo lu t ion is un ique t o Kerala in the Indian con t ex t and cont r ibu tes to its c la im as a d ist inct soc i e t y in India. 30. Ratcliffe taking note of the U.N. study (1975) later recognizes: "There exists some evidence that the national study which claimed that 90 percent of Kerala's citizens were malnourished in 1961-62 may systematically have eliminated tapioca (cassava) in-take among the poorer classes. There also exists substantial evidence to indicate that nutritional levels have improved since that time." (Ratcliffe 1978. p134) 31. There is an tendency for some social scientists to glow over the model and to even romanticize it. But there is a need to be sensitive to whether the peoples of this region are satisfied with this model or seek to move on to improving employment opportunities and income, while retaining the benefits of the model. Bhat and Rajan raise an important question in this context. Kerala had achieved the transition in fertility without a structural change in economy. They turn this around and state that large declines in fertility have not had a desired effect on the Kerala economy. (This also has implications for a western world media perception, often legitimized by its academia, that the doom and gloom of the post colonial can be turned around by population control and/or fall in fertility). So is the 'Kerala model' of "little use in bringing about economic transformation or is it simply that falling fertility helped to maintain the status quo in a deteriorating economy ?" (1990. p i 978) The merit of the Kerala - Sri Lanka model is the relatively equitable distribution of available social and economic wealth, as an end in itself rather than a path. This is enhanced by the failure of the trickle down effect to work as satisfactorily as it was claimed to be. Higher wages in Kerala O n e o f the reasons for the con t inu i t y and acce le ra t ion in the m i d 20th century of the soc ia l d e v e l o p m e n t that was c o m m e n c e d in the late 19th century was the radical h e g e m o n y that e m e r g e d and conso l i da t ed w i th in the Kerala po l i t i ca l e c o n o m y d u r i n g the 1930s and 1940s. In chapte r e ight the radica l izat ion of the po l i t i ca l e c o n o m y wi l l be m a d e expl ic i t , w h e n labour m o b i l i z a t i o n and trade un ion i za t i on of the co i r worke r s are d i s c u s s e d . Suff ice to no te here that the e m e r g e n c e of a s t rong l abour m o v e m e n t l ed t o , a m o n g o the r c o n s e q u e n c e s , bet ter wages in Kerala. ( U . N . 1975. p90-91) W a g e rates are also extraordinar i ly h igh in Kerala, ranking s e c o n d o n l y to Punjab in all of India; and the rate of increase of the wage rate (238 pe r cen t in 1971-72 ove r 1956-57) was h igher than any o the r state, i n c lud ing Punjab. The as ton i sh ing rise in wages results, ev ident ly , f r o m a c o m b i n a t i o n of factors . Tenant farmers have b e c o m e less d e p e n d e n t o n wage labour to eke ou t their i n c o m e ; there fore landless labourers en joy an i m p r o v e d barga in ing p o w e r . Act iv i ty in the industr ial and service sec to rs , relative to o the r Indian states, appears t o be m o r e l abour intensive than capital intensive in nature. It is the re fo re l ikely that a greater p r o p o r t i o n o f the labour force is par t i c ipat ing act ively and produc t i ve l y in the e c o n o m y - and there fore shar ing in the overa l l d i s t r ibu t ion of i n c o m e - than w o u l d o the rw i se be the case. Stated ano the r way, unl ike the s i tuat ion in the rest o f India, the per w o r k e r p r o d u c t in the serv ice and industr ia l sectors in Kerala d o e s no t differ m u c h f r o m that o f agr icu l ture . The lack of inter-sectoral mob i l i t y ev ident in the rest of India has n o t con t r i bu t ed to i n c o m e inequal i ty in Kera la ,where there has b e e n a substant ia l inter-sectoral shift of workers . (Ratc l i f fe 1978. p128) Kerala a lso has at 53 percen t the h ighest pe r cen t of workers d e p e n d e n t o n wages or salaries, c o m p a r e d to the nat ional average of 38 pe rcen t . (Bhat and Rajan 1990 . p i 971)^2 The U . N . s tudy f ind ings (1975. p87-95) o n the w a g e rates, o n w h i c h Ratcl iffe 's obse r va t i ons are based , w e r e in terms of real wages , a n d are thus va l id in a con tex t o f interstate c o n s u m e r pr ice di f ferent ia ls . A s tudy (Baby 1986) t h o u g h l im i t ed t o agricultural s ec to r wages , ind icate that Kera la con t i nues to be a m o n g the Indian states whe re h igher wages ob t a i n . F rom a market e c o n o m y perspec t i ve , Kerala's d e m o g r a p h i c features makes it a l abour surplus 32. Bhat and Rajan are the view that 53 percent indicated by the National Sample Survey is an underestimate. They are of the view that 65 percent suggested by a Govt of Kerala, Dept of Statistics survey, is more accurate. (1990. p1979, footnote 9) e c o n o m y . That w i th in such an e c o n o m y h igher wages ob t a i n is part of the Kerala e n i g m a and cont rad ic ts the cus tomary thesis that l o w wages are unavo idab le in a l abour surp lus e c o n o m y . (Lewis ?) The po l i t i ca l e c o n o m y of Kerala, i n c lud ing the radical h e g e m o n y of the last four to five decades , and o rgan ized l abour have n o d o u b t m a d e Kerala dif fer f r o m the e x p e c t e d pat tern . ( L ip ton 1976 . p 3 1 9 , 333 & 363 n32) Political economy and spatial order Ratcliffe t o o argues that the ind ices of soc ia l d e v e l o p m e n t are no t the result of d i rect state in te rvent ion d e s i g n e d to ach ieve these targets. They are rather, in his v i ew , the b road soc ia l r e sponse t o structural re forms in the pol i t i ca l e c o n o m y of Kerala. (1978. p i 23) The pol i t i ca l e c o n o m y of Kerala is crucia l in seek ing an unders tand ing of the Kerala m o d e l of d e v e l o p m e n t . Implicit in mos t scholar ly s tudies of Kerala and/or its d e v e l o p m e n t pattern is the impo r t ance of its pol i t ica l e c o n o m y . This s tudy t o o p laces the pol i t i ca l e c o n o m y as central to unde rs t and ing Kerala. But it is a rgued in this s tudy that it is equal ly impor tan t to examine the re la t ionsh ip b e t w e e n the space e c o n o m y and the po l i t i ca l e c o n o m y . This emphas is o n exam in ing the re la t ionship b e t w e e n the pol i t i ca l and space e c o n o m y is of centra l impor t ance to this study. For o n e of the aims of this s tudy is to b r i ng ou t the i m p o r t a n c e of a h istor ica l geograph i ca l unders tand ing of the po l i t i ca l e c o n o m y of Kerala. The ob jec t i ve is also t o eventual ly demyst i f y and decons t ruc t the spatial o rde r in Kerala. It is a spatial o rde r w i th min ima l urban-rural d ispar i t ies ; an u rban iza t ion pattern and urban sys tem at var iance w i th the rest of India; a n d the d o m i n a t i n g p r e sence o f desakota . It is here that the concep tua l re levance of desakota , t o make Kerala and its spat ia l o rde r a little m o r e inte l l ig ib le , emerges . D e s a k o t a is an o rgan i c part of the en igmat i c , s ymb io t i c and synergist ic mix o f factors that make Kerala no t on l y u n i q u e , but dist inct in Indian soc ie ty . The fertil ity dec l ine was an i l lustrat ion of the synergist ic impac t of a cons te l l a t i on of factors. A n d then the fertility dec l ine in turn b e c o m e s part of the dynamic synerg is t ic fo rces , the mix , the cons te l l a t ion . The spatial o rde r and space e c o n o m y of Kerala have attracted little a cademic a t tent ion. Thei r d ist inct ive character in the Indian con tex t was a p rob lemat i c feature in m a p p i n g t rends o n the scale of the nat ional leve l . Rakesh M o h a n repor t ing o n the reg iona l patterns of urban g r o w t h and e c o n o m i c d e v e l o p m e n t in the 1980s in India, e x c l u d e d Kera la . . .because it p o s e d part icular p r o b l e m s in the de f in i t ion of u rban areas. ( M o h a n 1983 . p i 579) The def in i t iona l p rob l ema t i c is because the c o n c e p t u a l baggage of urban and rural as t ight c o m p a r t m e n t s is carr ied ove r f r o m another t ime and place. The answer is not t o s w e e p Kerala unde r the carpet , but to re-work the concep tua l i z a t i on . It here that the re levance and pe r t inence of desako ta emerges . In w o r k i n g towards such an ob jec t i ve , it is impor tant to first p resent a descr ipt ive analysis of the spatial o rde r of Kerala. This is the focus of the next chapter . T o s u m u p , this chapte r sough t t o p resent features of Kerala soc i e t y and e c o n o m y that laid a c la im to Kerala be i ng a d is t inct soc ie ty in the sub-cont inent . But an unde rp i nn i ng t h e m e was that these features make a mix , a cons te l l a t i on that p r o f o u n d l y in f luences Kerala desakota . First, this chapter in exam in ing the land use pat tern sough t t o establ ish a re la t ionship b e t w e e n land use and the mix o f agr icultural and non-agr icul tura l act iv i t ies. S e c o n d , the d e m o g r a p h i c features of Kerala, its h istor ica l d e m o g r a p h y ; the h igh p o p u l a t i o n dens i ty ; p o p u l a t i o n g r o w t h due to l o w and dec l i n i ng morta l i ty rates; ferti l ity dec l i ne in the past t w o decades and their de te rm inan ts ; we re d i s cussed . M c G e e ' s desako ta hypothes i s lays emphas i s o n large a n d dense p o p u l a t i o n s as a key character is t ic of desakota . The d i s cuss ion of Kerala's d e m o g r a p h i c features s h o w s that these key features are present . In particular it was a rgued that Kerala's d e m o g r a p h i c features were no t ent irely gene ra ted by a rice b o w l e c o l o g y or mega-urban features. But o the r e co log i ca l and histor ica l factors had con t r i bu ted to its h igh popu l a t i on dens i t y character . Th i rd , this chapter also es tab l i shed that t h o u g h Kerala was no t as industr ial ly advanced as Maharashtra , W e s t Bengal and Tami lnadu , and d i d no t possess a mega-urban r eg ion like Bombay , Ca l cu t t a o r Madras , a greater share of its w o r k f o r c e was in non-agr icu l ture than in these three States. Such activity was also p r edominan t l y in non-urban areas. This its was argued was because of the desako ta character of the non-urban space in Kerala. Four th , this chapter sough t t o present the Kerala m o d e l of soc ia l d e v e l o p m e n t in a con tex t of l o w e c o n o m i c g rowth . O r g a n i z e d l abour and its gains in wages and w o r k i n g cond i t i ons we re part of this scenar io . This b r o u g h t up again the centra l t h e m e of this s tudy, the re la t ionship o f the pol i t ica l e c o n o m y t o space . In w o r k i n g towards an unde r s t and ing of this re lat ionship, w e m o v e to the next chapte r t o examine the spatial o rde r of Kerala. C H A P T E R F O U R THE SPATIAL ORDER IN KERALA This chapte r wi l l seek to p r o v i d e a descr ipt ive analysis of the spatial o rde r in Kerala by first p resen t ing the rural se t t l ement pat tern in Kerala, and then g o i n g o n t o d iscuss the urban order , and the t ransport and c o m m u n i c a t i o n f lows in Kerala. Bo th the u rban and rural aspects of the spatial o rde r , and the c o m m u n i c a t i o n f l ows , as wi l l be a rgued in this chapter , have impl i ca t ions for , o r are u n d e r p i n e d by the presence of desako ta . The unde rs t and ing of the spatial o r d e r is crucia l to the analysis of desakota . The rural se t t l ement pattern The isolated rural homesteads A study of the spatial forms of Indian vi l lages by the A n t h r o p o l o g i c a l Survey of India, ident i f i ed four types of se t t lements . These we re shapeless c luster , l inear c luster, square o r rectangular c luster and lastly i so la ted homes teads . In the last ca tegory , a n u m b e r o f h o m e s t e a d s are t reated toge the r as a vi l lage for c o n v e n i e n c e of c o l l e c t i o n of rent o r taxes. (Nand i and Tyagi 1 9 6 1 . p i ) The p r e d o m i n a n t se t t l ement pattern in Kerala is i so la ted h o m e s t e a d s . It is a lso referred t o as the d i spe rsed se t t l ement pattern. A neat desc r i p t i on of this se t t l ement pat tern as a d ist inct feature of Kerala that strikes m o s t v is i tors was m a d e as early as the 14th cen tury by the Arab travel ler Ibn Battuta. A l o n g this road . . . .no space is uncu l t i va ted . Every o n e has his o w n separate garden w i th his o w n h o u s e in the m idd l e , s u r r o u n d e d by a w o o d e n fence it is the same th rough ou t the ent i re journey of t w o mon ths . (Ibn Battuta. Tr: G i b b s 1929. 1969 Ed p231/2) This se t t l ement pa t t em is no t exc lus ive t o Kerala. It is f o u n d , a c c o r d i n g to the A n t h r o p o l o g i c a l Survey of India, in the moun t a i n ranges o f Kashmir and Uttar P radesh , as we l l as in the f l o o d e d distr icts of eastern Uttar Pradesh and Bihar. (Nandi and Tyagi 1961 .p3 ) But in assoc ia t ion wi th the p o p u l a t i o n dens i t y of the Kerala r e g i o n the se t t l ement pat tern imparts to the landscape a d is t inct iveness no t c o m m o n l y e n c o u n t e r e d e l sewhere in India. W h a t is of part icular interest fo r this study, is its similarity to s o m e features of the urban l andscape that has e vo l v ed in co lon i a l India. This has impl i ca t ions fo r d e s a k o t a as w e shall e x a m i n e shortly. It has a lso impl i ca t ions for the unit of se t t l ement in de f i n i ng urban and rural in India. Before w e examine these issues w e n e e d to d iscuss s o m e detai ls o f the d i spersed se t t l ement pat tern and h o w un ique it is to Kerala. Joan M e n c h e r , an an th ropo log i s t , in a compara t i ve s tudy (1966) of the e c o l o g y and soc ia l structure of Kerala and Madras ( n o w Tamil Nadu ) , ident i f ies certain features o f e c o l o g y and soc ia l structure in Kerala. o w i n g t o e co log i ca l factors the se t t l ement pat tern was of a d i spe r sed t ype . A typical dwe l l i ng unit was p l a ced in its o w n ga rden set off f r o m n e i g h b o u r i n g houses . M i d d l e and u p p e r class houses had their o w n bath ing p o o l a n d w e l l , vegetab le ga rden , and fruit t rees, all w i th in the c o m p o u n d itself, w h i c h a lso served as the arena fo r dai ly in terac t ion . For p o o r e r p e o p l e the basic unit fo r dai ly in teract ion was the local i ty, and the f o c u s o f their activity was the power fu l family of their local i ty ( M e n c h e r 1966 .p163 ) The absence of a vi l lage co re , and lack of a soc ia l c o g n i z a n c e and ident i ty o f a vi l lage itself has been c o m m e n t e d u p o n by a n u m b e r of wr i ters . M e n o n (1953) desc r i bes a Kerala se t t l ement as hav ing .... n o d is t inct co re , n o r is there any res ident ia l area o r s h o p p i n g street He re and there is a smal l hut , usual ly a one-s tor ied bu i l d ing w i t h a f ront ya rd . There is an occas iona l large h o u s e w i th a ga rden gate-house and ou t-houses p robab l y b e l o n g i n g t o an impor tan t l and lo rd . In s o m e cases there is a s h o p w h i c h supp l i es sweetmeats , lengths of c l o t h , p rov i s i ons , etc . It m igh t a lso be a tea-shop whe re s o m e of the m e n m igh t meet . There may be a t e m p l e , v i l lage tank, o r cour t of just ice but n o n e of these f o r m the co re of the v i l lage w h i c h is a l toge ther rather loose l y k n i t . ( M e n o n 1953.p46) Kuriyan (1938) states: The w h o l e reg ion a l ong the coast is f r o m o n e e n d to the o the r l ike a ga rden city w h e r e o n e can hardly walk a fu r long w i t hou t see ing s o m e h o u s e s The vi l lages in Kerala have no marked nodal i ty . (Kur iyan 1938.p141-142) As M e n c h e r states, it was t hen i m p o s s i b l e for an ord inary Malaya lee v is i tor t o k n o w w h e n he has c o m e t o the e n d of o n e vi l lage o r en te red ano ther There is little geog raph i c l o g i c in the d e c i s i o n to cons ide r o n e area part of o n e vi l lage o r another Admin i s t ra to rs , lawyers , judges, legis lators, and an th ropo log i s t s have o f ten deba t ed what cons t i tu tes a vi l lage in Kera la . (Mencher 1966.p142-143) Tradi t ional ly in Kerala there was n o c o n c e p t of a vi l lage or a local space pe r ce i v ed as a v i l lage. The c o n c e p t of a vi l lage was i n t r o d u c e d by the British for administrat ive and revenue p u r p o s e s . In a sense it was an administrat ive f i c t i on , fo r loca l inhabitants d i d n o t pe rce i ve it as a loca l space w i t h a socia l ident i ty . Tradit ional ly , kara o r tara was loca l space in Kerala. It c anno t be e q u a t e d w i th vi l lage. There is n o c lear desc r i p t i on of a kara. It was territorial ly d i f fused and a p p r o x i m a t e d to a ne twork o f h o u s e h o l d s , s o m e t i m e s l imi ted t o the h o u s e h o l d of o n e s o w n caste. Even the d i f fused terr i tory was m u c h smal ler than a r evenue vi l lage. A n u m b e r of karas cons t i tu ted a v i l lage. The 1971 C e n s u s lists 1268 vi l lages in Kerala m a d e up by 5972 karas. (Census 1971 Series 9, Pt II-A p64 , p72 ) . W h a t e m e r g e s f r o m all this is that the se t t l ement pattern is non-nuc lea ted and dist inct f r om the nuc l ea t ed or c luster f o rm w h i c h was the d o m i n a n t se t t lement pattern in India. This is c lear ly es tab l i shed by Nath . (1962. p142-43) For a de f in i t i on o f the te rm " v i l l a g e " fo r the l im i ted p u r p o s e s o f ident i fy ing the basic unit t o be d e e m e d rural o r urban w e mus t g o to the Indian census , w h i c h says: "It s h o u l d be bo rne in m i n d that the c o n c e p t of a vi l lage is no t d e m o g r a p h i c bu t administrat ive. As a genera l rule, it represents a parcel of l and , the bounda r i e s of w h i c h are d e f i n e d and se t t l ed by a Revenue Survey o r by a Cadestra l Survey. It may be , bu t n e e d no t always necessar i ly be a s ing le h o u s e c luster w i th a local name, mark ing its d is t inc t iveness as a resident ia l loca l i t y " . (Census of India 1951 . V o l I, Pt ll-A p 2)1 It wi l l be clear f r om the a b o v e de f in i t ion that the te rm " v i l l age " str ict ly speak ing , d o e s no t s tand for a soc ia l o r a se t t l ement unit. It is a te rm used t o express what is pr imari ly a revenue-administrat ion unit. It is t rue that in mos t parts of India this is also a unit of se t t l ement o r hab i ta t ion . The vi l lage in these parts c o n f o r m s to the popu l a r p ic ture of a c lus ter of houses s i tuated amid its cul t ivated f ie lds w h i c h def ine its bounda r i e s , and separate it f r o m o the r similar units, and give it a dist inct ident i ty . A c c o r d i n g t o N a t h : The ident i ty b e t w e e n the r evenue vi l lage and the unit of se t t lement is c loses t in nor thwes te rn India and in the " d r y " areas of the count ry genera l ly . Eg., Punjab, Rajasthan, W e s t e r n Uttara P radesh, B o m b a y , M y s o r e and parts of M a d h y a Pradesh. In these areas, the vi l lage is a t ight ly nuc l ea ted unit of se t t l ement , d ist inct ly ma rked f r o m o the r s imilar units. . . .But, as w e m o v e away f rom these areas, there is a t rend towards a m o r e d i spersed se t t l ement pattern, w i th the vi l lage b e i n g c o m p o s e d of a " m a i n v i l l age" , w h i c h is usual ly inhab i ted by the l a n d h o l d i n g castes, and o n e , t w o o r more " h a m l e t s " . In the Gange t i c p la in , this pattern is already we l l es tab l i shed in central Ut tara Pradesh and b e c o m e s m o r e marked as w e m o v e east. Thus ove r large parts of eastern India (Bihar, Or i ssa and W e s t Bengal ) the revenue vi l lage cons is ts of the main vi l lage and a n u m b e r of smal l c lusters of h o u s e h o l d s (thollas), each s i tuated w i th in its o w n grove of trees hav ing its o w n sou r ce of water supp l y , and separated f r o m the others by s o m e distance. . . . A s o m e w h a t di f ferent s i tuat ion is f o u n d in Madras and parts of A n d h r a P radesh . Here the pat te rn of se t t l ement is general ly s imi lar to what w o u l d be ca l led the t ight ly nuc l e a t ed vi l lage type , i.e., a dist inct c lus te r of houses s u r r o u n d e d by cu l t i va ted f ie lds . But these " c l u s t e r s " are not ca l l ed vi l lages, but " h a m l e t s " . The revenue vi l lages in these areas cons is ts of a n u m b e r of such hamle ts and general ly has a large p o p u l a t i o n , up t o 10,000 o r 15 ,000 . The ex t reme depar tures f r om the pat tern of the t ight ly nuc l e a t ed vi l lage are f o u n d at the t w o extremit ies of the count r y , Kerala and H i m a c h a l Pradesh. In Kerala the unit of se t t lement is the ind iv idua l h o m e s t e a d s i tuated w i th in its o w n c o m p o u n d a n d agricultural lands. These homes teads e x t e n d in 1. This Census concept of village continues to be operative, though there is a more guarded acknowledgement of it being only an administrative concept and not a demograaphic concept. "In India the smallest area of rural habitation is the village. It generally follows the limits of a revenue village that is recognized by the district administration. The revenue village need not necessarily be a single agglomeration of habitations. It may have one or more hamlets. But the revenue village has a definite surveyed boundary and each village is a separate administrative unit with separate village accounts." (Census of India 1971 Series 1, Pt ll-A (i) p3) "The basic unit for rural areas is the revenue village which has definite surveyed boundaries. The revenue village may comprise several hamlets but the entire village has been treated as one unit for presentation of data." (Census of India 1981, Series 1 Pt Il-A (i), p13) a lmost u n b r o k e n l ines a l ong the roads and in o the r areas sui table for se t t l ement . The " v i l l age " here is pure ly an artificial unit c rea ted by the revenue admin is t ra t ion and has n o ex i s t ence o n the g round . . . i n H imacha l Pradesh, w h e r e the p o p u l a t i o n is very sparse , the typical unit of se t t l ement is the " h a m l e t " , cons i s t i ng of a very f e w houses , s o m e t i m e s no t m o r e than t w o o r three. . . .and true " v i l l ages " beg in t o appear on l y in the valleys and o the r areas o f mo re concen t r a t ed p o p u l a t i o n . (Nath 1962. p142-143) It is c lear f r om Nath 's s tudy that the nuc lea ted or c luster f o r m was the dominan t se t t l ement pattern in India. The s u p p o s e d l y self suf f ic ient v i l lage repub l i cs of India, r oman t i c i zed by 19th century i ndo log i s t s , bu t less c red ib l e to histor ians n o w , (Thapar 1982) certainly d i d no t exist in Kerala. W h a t is the re levance of the non-nuc lea ted set t lement pattern fo r this s tudy ? First, soc ia l e c o l o g y and administ rat ive history have i n f l uenced the s ize of revenue vi l lages. F rom Nath 's s tudy it appears Brit ish admin is t ra t ion in no r thwes te rn and northeastern India,^ w i th the e x c e p t i o n of wha t is n o w H imacha l Pradesh, was p r o n e t o make the nuc lea ted soc io-eco log i ca l vi l lage the r evenue vi l lage. In southeas te rn India, (Tami lnadu and parts of A n d h r a Pradesh, i.e fo rmer ly Mad ras Pres idency) , the soc i o-eco log i c a l c lusters had a small p o p u l a t i o n and this l ed t o f e w of t h e m be i ng g r o u p e d to f o r m a revenue vi l lage. W i th the histor ica l cont inu i t ies , these v i l lages by the 1950s had the mean p o p u l a t i o n b e t w e e n 10,000 and 15 ,000 that Nath refers t o . It is impor tan t to n o t e that T ravancore C e n s u s administ rators u s e d the tara and/or kara as the basic unit of data co l l e c t i on and c lass i f icat ion. (Census of Travancore 1 8 9 1 . Pt 1 p215 , p288-290; C e n s u s of India 1901 . V o l XXVI, Pt I, A p p e n d i x pii ) . They w e r e very m u c h aware of the cul tura l and soc io-eco log i ca l d i s t inc t ions f r o m the "east c o a s t " and c o n v i n c e d the Census author i t ies in Madras of the kara as the appropr i a te bas ic res ident ia l uni t . C o c h i n hav ing used 2. These were the British India governing regions of Bombay Presidency, Bengal, United Provinces, Central Provinces, Punjab etc, together with the princely states of the region which had to fall in line with British administration policies for census taking etc. kara as the basic res ident ia l unit for C e n s u s tak ing unti l 1 9 0 1 , fell in l ine f r o m 1911 w i th o the r reg ions of India in us ing the revenue vi l lage as the bas ic res ident ia l unit. Ma labar distr ict , e ven t h o u g h part of Madras Pres idency, d i d no t use the revenue vi l lage but the smal ler unit ca l led desam. (Census o f India 1961 , V o l VII Pt II-A, p31) In 1961 the revenue v i l lage b e c a m e the basic unit and " v i l l a g e " fo r pu rposes C e n s u s data c o l l e c t i o n and def in i t ions . (Ibid) This was the first Census after the three pol i t ico-administrat ive units we r e un i f i ed as Kerala State. There was a n e e d for un i formi ty . At the same t ime there was pressure t o fall in l ine w i th the rest of India in C e n s u s data c o l l e c t i o n and def in i t ions . The imp l i ca t i on is that in Sou th India, in the c o n t e x t of its soc ia l e c o l o g y and co l on i a l admin is t ra t ion , o n e of the c o n t e m p o r a r y criteria of u rban , v iz , the p o p u l a t i o n s ize of the se t t l ement be i ng a m i n i m u m of 5000, (and se t t l ement fo r census pu rposes b e i n g the revenue vi l lage), is easily met . W e shall return to this issue w h e n w e d iscuss the Indian de f in i t ion of urban short ly. S e c o n d , Kerala d o e s no t possess a typical Indian, or for that mat ter a popu l a r g l oba l c o n c e p t i o n of a l andscape assoc ia ted w i th a rural se t t lement . The cus tomary l andscape assoc ia ted w i th rural se t t l ement , albeit an idyl l ic p e r c e p t i o n , was a c luster o f tha t ched h o u s e s s u r r o u n d e d by r ice f ie lds and in the cent re of all this a vi l lage bazaar and/or t emp le , v i l lage ba th ing spo t in a river, stream o r tank. The Kerala rural l andscape was no t on l y d e v o i d of all these e x p e c t e d features of a rural se t t l ement but para l le led in many ways c o n t e m p o r a r y urban res ident ia l l andscape o r se t t l ement in India. Newly emerging urban residential landscape in India The t radi t ional urban resident ia l l andscape in India, i nc lud ing Kerala c i t ies , were street houses . They abu t t ed each o the r and the street in f ront . They had a backyard and/or inner cour tya rd . D u r i n g the British Raj, the o lde r cit ies and o l d quarters of co lon i a l c it ies c o n t i n u e d to have this res ident ia l pat tern. But in the co lon i a l c it ies a n d n e w resident ia l areas of o l d c i t ies, a n e w type of urban dwe l l i ngs e m e r g e d and b e c a m e the n o r m . As A n t h o n y K ing (1976) argues, the m o d e l was set by the Brit ish administrators and bus iness el i te. The British res idents away f r o m their h o m e coun t r y w a n t e d to recreate a l ittle bit of the British Isles in their res ident ia l c o m m u n i t i e s . But in d o i n g s o , the Brit ishers b e i n g mos t l y of m idd l e class o r ig ins , to keep u p w i th their n e w f o u n d imper ia l p o m p and s p l e n d o u r , m a d e the m o d e l the m a n o r houses of the British l anded gentry. (K ing 1976. p i 34) L im i ted urban space and f inances l ed to the res idences b e i n g smal ler vers ions of the manor ia l h o u s e s of Britain. But the m o d e l of the house s tand ing in the cent re of the g r o u n d s was clear. This eventual ly e vo l ved t o be the ' b u n g a l o w and c o m p o u n d , ' the typical urban res idence of the British in India. K ing also argues that 19th century med i ca l s c i ence was suppor t i ve of this m o d e l . The British army in India had h igh morta l i ty by d isease . N i n e t e e n t h century med i ca l s c i ence ' s 'aerial ' theory of d isease, c ame u p w i th the v i e w that s o m e of the diseases c o u l d be p reven ted if a c lear "a i r s p a c e " ex i s ted b e t w e e n the c a n t o n m e n t areas and the native quarters. ' M e d i c a l ' theor ies requ i red that c o m p o u n d s s h o u l d p rov ide o p t i m u m a m o u n t s of ' f resh air', the gene rous spatial d is tances ac t ing as phys ica l barriers b e t w e e n m e m b e r s of the c o m m u n i t y and part icularly, against representat ives of the i nd igenous soc ie ty . (King 1976 . p i 34) The p rov i s ion of esp lanades , a n d the spac i ng pat tern of c a n t o n m e n t s e m e r g e d f r o m such med i ca l s c i ence prescr ip t ions . There we re also perhaps military reasons t o k e e p o p e n spaces such as esp lanades a round the c a n t o n m e n t . The tw in city character, the o l d c i ty and the c a n t o n m e n t area, character ist ic of many Indian ci t ies and t o w n s o f the Brit ish raj p e r i o d , are c o n s e q u e n t t o such p l ann ing , c o m p o u n d e d w i th po l i t i ca l , soc ia l and cultural factors of a ru l ing el i te in a co lon i a l env i ronmen t . (K ing 1976. p i 08-115). Por tuguese co lon i a l h o u s i n g patterns, such as verandahs, and e l emen ts o f i nd igenous h o u s i n g styles, a lso i n f l uenced the b u n g a l o w - c o m p o u n d c o m p l e x . The der i va t ion of the w o r d b u n g a l o w f r o m the Bengal i w o r d b u n g a l o o , fo r a Benga l i rural house type w i t h a narrow ve randah all r o u n d , and c o m p o u n d f rom the Ma lay w o r d K a m p o n g , ref lect the co lon ia l cultural or ig ins of the b u n g a l o w - c o m p o u n d c o m p l e x . Pe rpetua t ion of the res ident ia l no rms of the gentry of the me t ropo l i t an soc i e t y in the b u n g a l o w - c o m p o u n d c o m p l e x p reven ted the a d o p t i o n of s o m e of the c l imat ic con t ro l s in i n d i g e n o u s h o u s i n g such as inner courtyards etc. Each b u n g a l o w had thus to p rov ide p r o t e c t i o n f r o m the sun and glare by b r o a d e r verandahs r o u n d the h o u s e , max im iz ing the c o m p o u n d , and extens ive tree p lant ing. (K ing 1976 . p i 35) The new ly e m e r g i n g native urban m i d d l e and u p p e r m idd l e classes f o l l o w e d the imper ia l el ite 's urban resident ia l styles. S o o n in m o s t Indian cit ies a n e w native resident ia l quarter e m e r g e d h o u s i n g the g r o w i n g m i d d l e and u p p e r m i d d l e c lasses.^ T h o s e of the more wea l thy u p p e r m i d d l e class r e s e m b l e d the British res ident ia l space , wh i l e t h o s e o n the lower rung of u p p e r and m i d d l e classes we re similar, but far r e d u c e d in s ize and soc ia l s ymbo ls . W h a t e v o l v e d eventua l ly as the n o r m of the n e w urban resident ia l spatial o r d e r in India was the b u n g a l o w s u r r o u n d e d by a c o m p o u n d . The s ize o f b o t h the b u n g a l o w a n d c o m p o u n d var ied w i t h the class and i n c o m e character of the m i d d l e class n e i g h b o u r h o o d s . But there was a de f in i te shift in mos t Indian cit ies in the urban res ident ia l l andscape f r o m street houses to the b u n g a l o w and c o m p o u n d type .^ (See A p p e n d i x 4.01) N e w w o r k i n g class n e i g h b o u r h o o d s 3. See Duncan and Duncan (1976a and 1976b) for studies of the different housing and lifestyles of old and new native urban elites and symbolic social meanings attached to housing and in the use of domestic space. Kings study (1976) focuses on the political, social and cultural context in which the cantonment, hill station, and the 'bungalow and compound' evolved as the residential and domestic space of the British in India. Duncans' paper is a comparative study of the social meaning of housing for the old and new indigenous urban elite in Hyderabad City. The housing styles of the new elite described by the Duncans, supports the argument made in this study, that it is modelled on the residential landscape of the British in India. 4. In the post independence period, there has been some return to courtyard houses in cities. This was influenced by cultural revivalism; the post-modernist movement in architecture; and the increasing cost and less availability of urban land space. The courtyard houses need less space than the typical bungalow and compound type. But the new courtyard houses were the preference of the professional and intellectual elites, most middle class persons and the nouveau riche still preferring the colonial model. had t e n e m e n t h o u s i n g , w h i c h was no t very di f ferent f r o m street houses , t h o u g h less spac ious and w i t hou t inner courtyards. They we r e p robab l y m o d e l l e d o n or repl icas of l o w i n c o m e res idences in Eu ropean cit ies.^ S o m e of the o l d street h o u s e s we r e also d i v i ded u p and the o l d res ident ia l areas gradual ly b e c o m i n g the less pres t ig ious , l o w i n c o m e areas, in urban decay . The implications of the settlement patterns for desakota The s ign i f i cance of the n e w urban resident ia l l andscape in the Kerala c o n t e x t was that it is similar to the iso la ted h o m e s t e a d of rural se t t lements des c r i bed earlier. The p o p u l a t i o n g r o w t h in Kerala, and the d is integrat ion of the joint fami ly taravads into nuc lear h o u s e h o l d s d i s cussed in chapte r t w o , f r agmented the rural homes t eads into smal ler units o f homes t e ads and cu l t ivated land a round t h e m . There was thus a mul t ip l i ca t ion of rural h o m e s t e a d s and a r e d u c t i o n of their s izes. G i ven the coasta l dens i ty of Kerala and the absence of n o d a l v i l lages, the resultant l andscape of the low lands and s o m e of the m id l and reg ions was no t very d i f ferent f r o m the n e w urban landscape . A n Eng l i shman, as private secretary, a c c o m p a n y i n g the Maharajah of Ba roda (Gaekwar of Baroda) o n a t ou r of Sou th India in 1915 wr i tes of the Kerala r eg ion : Yet in a sense the w h o l e coun t r y is a v i l lage; the p e o p l e of Ma labar a n d the s o u t h coun t r y must have privacy and their taravads give it to t h e m regard less of space the success ion of taravads makes the app roach to T r i vandrum decep t i ve , makes it diff icult to d is t ingu ish t o w n f rom count ry . (C larke 1915 . p72) 5. This observation is based on the housing provided in Colombo to house the labour required for packaging and warehousing of plantation produce prior to export. These were tenement houses, a row of housing units abutting each other with common back yards and front yards. In some cases they fronted the road. They had common toilet facilities. Similar housing were also provided in the British plantations in Sri Lanka. From C a n n a n o r e in nor th Kerala to Tr i vandrum in the s o u t h the coasta l area was o n e c o n t i n u o u s non-nuc lea ted se t t l ement , pock-marked w i th the many city c o m m e r c i a l centres and bazaars. The res ident ia l areas o f the c i t ies are ind is t ingu ishab le f r om the su r round ing coun t r ys ide , if they c o u l d be t e r m e d count rys ide at al l . It may be more appropr ia te to call t h e m non-urban or desakota . Even as late as the early 1930s , Hes t e r l ow , a pub l i c health off ic ia l obse rves of Ma labar distr ict: There are to all intents and pu rposes n o real t o w n s o r v i l lages. Such f e w t o w n s as there are b e i n g mere co l l e c t i ons of bazaars or t rad ing stat ions; and e ven these t o w n s cons is t very largely of i so la ted h o u s e s in m o r e or less extens ive g r o u n d s of their o w n . There are n o rows of houses or streets and there fore there is no c o n g e s t i o n of p o p u l a t i o n d u e to this cause. The p o p u l a t i o n is thus m o r e un i fo rmly d i s t r ibu ted than in o the r distr icts. (Hes t e r l ow 1932. p i 79) A n d as c i t ed earlier, even a nat ive Malaya lee v is i tor d i d no t k n o w w h e r e o n e " v i l l age " c ea sed and another b e g a n . It was this s i tuat ion that p r o m p t e d Pol ly H i l l , a v is i t ing an th ropo log i s t to state: I was o f ten qu i te literally unab le to locate myself . This unfor tunate t opog raph i ca l b e w i l d e r m e n t was c o m p o u n d e d by many p e o p l e ' s inabil i ty to d is t ingu ish n a m e d vi l lage panchayat areas f r o m n a m e d ( revenue) v i l lages. Because , as is we l l k n o w n , m o s t of the rural p o p u l a t i o n l ives d ispersed ly , no t in c o m p a c t v i l lages as in Sou th India general ly , 'v i l lage ' has little m e a n i n g . (Hi l l 1986 p780) M i n i m a l urban-rural d ispar i t ies o c c u r o n a n u m b e r of d i m e n s i o n s in Kerala, and s o m e of t h e m wi l l b e d i s cussed in the next s ec t i on . Such min ima l urban-rural dispar i t ies are an exp ress i on of desakota . The rural se t t l ement pat tern and the dens i t y of h o m e s t e a d s in Kerala in the con tex t of the n e w n o r m of urban res ident ia l l andscape , v isual ly m i n i m i z e urban-rural d i s t inc t ions . This c anno t be in te rp re ted as an exp re s s i on of desako ta , o r the surface p h e n o m e n a of d e e p e r issues in the spatial o rder . It is m o r e a c o i n c i d e n c e that rural se t t l ement patterns of Kerala w h i c h had ex i s t ed for a n u m b e r of centur ies r e semb le the new ly e m e r g i n g urban resident ia l l andscape of 19th and 20th century India. But m in ima l l andscape d is t inc t ions b e t w e e n rural and urban reg ions may be in f luenc ing p e o p l e ' s p e r c e p t i o n of space and the spatial order . U rban space in Kerala as w e shall obse r ve shor t ly was also not m o n u m e n t a l . Pe r cep t ion and c o g n i z a n c e o f urban and rural space as not be ing dist inct ive ly di f ferent and a l oose ident i ty w i th a local i ty may have imp l i ca t ions fo r desakota . W e shall draw this ou t later in this study. The U rban O r d e r Urban ratio The urban p o p u l a t i o n as a pe r cen t of the tota l p o p u l a t i o n , o r urban ratio as it is o f t en Cal led, is l o w in India. In exam in ing the c o n c e p t a n d de f in i t i on of urban in chapter o n e w e d i s cussed the re la t ionsh ip b e t w e e n industr ia l izat ion a n d urban iza t ion . India is no t as indust r ia l ized as the wes t e rn w o r l d and its urban rat io is l ow . Kerala's ratio is even lower , t h o u g h l ike the nat iona l t rend it has inc reased o v e r the p e r i o d 1901 t o 1981 . TABLE 4.01 Urban R a t i o s of I n d i a and K e r a l a 1901 to 1981 Years 1901 1911 1921 1931 1941 1951 1961 1971 1981 K e r a l a 7.1 7.3 8.7 9.6 10.8 13.5 15.1 16.2 18.7 In d i a 11.0 10.4 11.3 12.2 14.1 17.6 18.3 20.3 23.7 Sou rce : C e n s u s of India, 1 9 8 1 . Series 10, Kerala. Part II-A. S ta tements 3 & 8, p 28 & 32. G o v e r n m e n t of India. P lann ing C o m m i s s i o n 1983. p l O . Table 4.02 p rov ides the urban ratio of the fou r t een major states in India for 1901 and 1981 and their rank o r d e r o n the basis of the urban ratios in 1981. It may be obse r ved that Kerala and five o the r states that make the b o t t o m six are a lso the b o t t o m six in terms S.D.P in Table 3.14.^ This may sugges t a re la t ionsh ip b e t w e e n urban iza t ion and the e c o n o m i c character 6. See chapter three. of these states as measu red by e c o n o m i c cr i ter ia s u c h as S.D.P. This may even be in te rpre ted to ref lect the re levance of the wes te rn m o d e l o f urban transi t ion in the Indian con tex t . But the fact that Punjab, w h o s e e c o n o m i c g r o w t h is m o r e d u e to agricultural p roduct i v i t y than industr ia l , is a m o n g the states w i th relat ively h igh and increas ing urban ratio suggests that there is n o neat exp lana t ion for the p a t t e m of u rban ratios a m o n g the Indian states. O b v i o u s l y there are factors spec i f i c t o each of these states that n e e d t o be e x a m i n e d t o unders tand the pattern. This is b e y o n d the s c o p e of th is s tudy. TABLE 4.02 Urban R a t i o s i n I n d i a by S t a t e s - 1901 and 1981 1901 1981 R a t i o Rank R a t i o Rank Maharashtra 16.6 2 35.0 1 Tamilnadu 14.2 4 33.0 2 Gujarat 22.3 1 31.1 3 Karnataka 12.6 5 28.9 4 Punjab 12.4 6 27.7 5 West Bengal 12.2 8 26.5 6 Andhra Pradesh 9.6 10 23.3 7 Haryana 12.4 6 21 .9 8 Rajasthan 15.1 3 21 .0 9 Madhya Pradesh 8.6 1 1 20.3 10 K e r a l a 7.1 12 18.7 1 1 U t t a r Pradesh 11.1 9 17.9 12 Bihar 4.0 13 12.5 13 O r i s s a 2.5 14 11.8 14 INDIA 10.8 23.7 Source : De r i ved f r o m C e n s u s of India 1981 . Series 1, India. Part II-A [i] S ta tement 5, p. 34-37 and Table A-1 p. 72-81. Wha t is a rgued here is that in Kerala, the l o w urban ratio is c o n s e q u e n t t o the p resence of desakota . It was p o i n t e d ou t in chapte r o n e , that de sako t a in Kerala is an exp ress i on of the wes te rn m o d e l o f urban t rans i t ion no t o c c u m n g in Kerala. This is the pos i t i on taken by the M c G e e desako ta hypo thes i s as we l l , as w e n o t e d in chapte r o n e . It was also s h o w n in the last chapte r that Kerala h a d the h ighest percent of non-agr icul tura l w o r k f o r c e a m o n g the Indian states. Yet its urban ratio is low. This s t rong ly suppor t s the case no t on l y for the p resence of de sako t a in Kerala, but desako ta as the exp lanatory variable for a l o w urban ratio in the con t ex t o f relatively h igh non-agricultural w o r k f o r c e . It is on l y in a desako ta s i tuat ion that a l o w urban ratio can o c c u r a l o n g wi th a s ignif icant pe r cen tage of non-agricultural activity. It a lso suppo r t s the a rgument that the wes te rn m o d e l of u rban transi t ion is no t o c cu r r i ng and desako ta is an alternate path . The w h o l e issue here, e x e m p l i f i e d in Kerala's relatively h igh non-agricultural w o r k f o r c e but l o w urban ratio, is l inked to the off ic ia l de f in i t ion of urban in the Indian con tex t . W e turn to examine this in the next s ec t i on . Definition of urban in India and its significance in Kerala Prior to 1951 t h o u g h there we re s o m e d i f fe rences in the de f in i t i on of urban in d i f ferent census years and a m o n g the pol i t ica l-administrat ive units of India, (Census of India 1981 , Series 1 India, Part II-A [i] p22-25) basical ly urban areas i n c l u d e d all munic ipa l i t ies of wha teve r p o p u l a t i o n and every o the r c o n t i n u o u s c o l l e c t i o n of h o u s e s , pe rmanent l y i nhab i t ed by no t less than 5000 pe rsons , w h i c h the C e n s u s Super in tendent , hav ing regard t o the character and relative dens i t y of its p o p u l a t i o n , the i m p o r t a n c e of the p lace as a centre of t rade and its h is tor ic assoc ia t ions , m ight d e c i d e t o treat as a t o w n . (Census of India 1 9 8 1 , Series 10 Kerala, Part II-A Cene r a l Popu l a t i on Tables, p 21) In 1961 a s tandard de f in i t ion of u rban for use t h r o u g h o u t India was a d o p t e d a n d this was : [1] A l l p laces w i th a city c o r p o r a t i o n , munic ipa l i t y , c a n t o n m e n t b o a r d o r no t i f i ed t o w n area c o m m i t t e e . [2] A l l p laces w h i c h sat isf ied the f o l l o w i n g cr i ter ia: [a] a m i n i m u m p o p u l a t i o n o f 5000 [b] a dens i ty of p o p u l a t i o n o f not less than 400 pe r sons pe r sq k m , [c] at least three-fourths of the male p o p u l a t i o n e n g a g e d in n o n -agricultural activity. (Census o f India 1981 , Series 1 India, Part II-A [i] p20-21) This de f in i t i on c o n t i n u e d to be used in 1971 excep t that it was n o w expl ic i t ly stated that it was three fourths of the male working p o p u l a t i o n that s h o u l d be e n g a g e d in non-agricultural activity. In 1981 ano the r ambigu i ty was r e m o v e d w h e n agr icul ture was speci f ica l ly d e f i n e d to inc lude not mere l y cult ivators and agricultural l abourers , but worke r s in l ivestock, forestry, l ogg ing , f i sh ing , hun t i ng , t rapp ing , p lantat ions, o rchards and all ied activit ies as we l l . The Indian C e n s u s de f in i t i on was thus i nco rpo ra t i ng the d e m o g r a p h i c , e c o n o m i c and pol i t ical-administrat ive c o m p o n e n t s of the de f in i t i on of urban as d i s cussed in chapter o n e . There is n o off ic ial exp lana t ion for restr ict ing the e c o n o m i c cr i ter ia to male worke rs . Poss ib ly the unde r enumera t i on of female worke r s that is be l i e ved to be occu r r i ng in the Indian censuses , (Nayar 1987 , Kr ishnamurty 1985 , Bhattacharya 1985 , Cu la t i 1975, Krishnaraj 1990 , M i t r a et al 1979, 1980) may have p r o m p t e d the use of the m o r e rel iable e c o n o m i c ind ica tor of the male w o r k f o r c e . It is impor tant to r e cogn ize in the c o n t e x t of Kerala, and the de f in i t i on o f urban s ince 1961 , that if rural non-agricultural activity had t e n d e d to be c o n c e n t r a t e d in peri-urban reg ions of Kerala, (or for that matter any o the r non-urban loca t ion ) , and thus cause the male non-agricultural w o r k i n g p o p u l a t i o n of such areas t o e x c e e d e d 75 percen t , ipso facto such reg ions b e c o m e urban. This is because g i ven the p o p u l a t i o n dens i ty a n d s ize o f revenue vi l lages, for reasons exp la ined earlier, the o the r t w o criteria for an area t o be d e f i n e d as urban w o u l d have b e e n easily met .^ The crit ical variable for be i ng d e f i n e d urban in Kerala t hen was the extent of non-agricultural activity. Kerala had a l o w urban ratio, but def in i t iona l l y it was c lose to hav ing the ent ire coasta l r eg i on be i ng d e f i n e d as urban . I ndeed Rakesh M o h a n , 7. In 1981 of the 1219 revenue villages in Kerala, 905 had a population of 10,000 and above and another 222 villages a population between 5000 and 9999. Thus 1127 villages comprising 92.5 percent had a population above 5000. The average population density of rural Kerala in 1981, as indicated in Table 3.7, was above 400 in all coastal districts and in one of the interior districts. Only in the remaining two interior districts was it less than 400. (Census of India 1981, Series 10 Kerala, Part ll-A, p34 and 78-79) Thus the whole of the coastal region of Kerala meets with all the requirements to be deemed urban, except for the criteria of 75 percent of the male workforce being in non-agricultural activity. repor t ing o n the reg iona l patterns of urban g r o w t h a n d e c o n o m i c d e v e l o p m e n t in India in the early 1980s , e x c l u d e d Kerala, . . .because it p o s e d part icular p r o b l e m s in the de f in i t i on of urban areas. For o n e th ing , its overal l p o p u l a t i o n dens i ty was a b o u t 550 per sq k m in 1971 , the rural dens i ty itself b e i n g abou t 480 . Second l y , o ve r 95 percen t o f the rural p o p u l a t i o n in Kerala lives in vi l lages of ove r 5 0 0 0 p e o p l e . H e n c e a lmos t all the set t lements in Kerala w o u l d qual ify for c lass i f icat ion as urban se t t l ements , we r e it no t fo r the add i t iona l r equ i r ement of 75 pe r cen t of the male l abour fo rce be ing in non-agr icu l ture . ( M o h a n 1983 . p i 9) But in spi te of a s ignif icant percent of rural non-agr icul tura l activity be ing present , as re f lec ted in Table 3.12,^ the urban ratio remains l ow . W h a t this s ignif ies is that rural non-agricultural activity is no t concen t r a t ed in rural p o c k e t s and/or peri-urban reg ions but scat tered t h rough ou t the rural coasta l areas. This is a clear a n d unequ i voca l d e m o n s t r a t i o n of the p resence of desako ta in Kerala. It a lso demons t ra tes the sp read of non-agricultural activity and the mix of agricultural and non-agricultural activity that is o c cu r r i ng in Kerala, a co re characterist ic of desako ta . For in the Kerala c o n t e x t any concen t r a t i on of non-agricultural activity in any non-urban se t t l ement that c o u l d t ip the ba lance at 75 pe r cen t of the ma le wo rk fo r c e b e c o m e s instantly urban ! It is a lso a rgued here that this is indicat ive of desako t a no t be ing a d e p e n d e n t var iable of the urban system in Kerala. This was a t h e m e put fo rward in chapter o n e , o f desako t a and the urban sys tem b e i n g in symbios i s . This symb ios i s has in f l uenced , a m o n g o the r factors , the character of the urban sys tem, the urban ratio and the urban transi t ion in Kerala. Let us n o w examine the urban sys tem, m e a n i n g the ne two rk of urban centres in Kerala a n d the factors i n f l uenc ing it. Historical geography of the urban system in Kerala T h o u g h Kerala had a p o p u l a t i o n of 25.4 mi l l i on in 1981 , in an area o f 38,863 s q . k m , its cit ies are no t b ig by Indian standards. It has n o city w i th a p o p u l a t i o n o f a mi l l i on o r m o r e . In 1981 it had on l y six cit ies w i th a p o p u l a t i o n ove r 100 ,000 . 8. See chapter three. K e r a l a c i t i e s with a p o p u l a t i o n of 100,000 and above i n 1981 Source : Census of India 1981 . Series 10 Kerala No te s : [1] Former ly capital o f C o c h i n State [2] Former ly capital of Travancore , and present l y of Kerala . [3] Former ly the administrat ive cent re o f Ma l aba r distr ict in the Madras Pres idency, a n d ead ier the seat of the Z a m o r i n of K o z h i k o d e . Indian mar i t ime history r e c o g n i z e s fou r c o r e r eg ions o f the sub-cont inent in the Indian o c e a n trading sys tem. They we re Gujarat in the no r thwes t , Bengal in the nor theas t , C o r o m a n d e l in the southeas t and M a l a b a r in the s o u t h w e s t . (Arasaratnam 1989. p i 01-2) In three o f these r eg ions , co lon i a l po r t c i t ies that rose t o p r o m i n e n c e in the 18th a n d 19th centur ies , d i sp laced the sup remacy o f the pr imate po r t c i ty o f the reg ions in the late pre-co lon i a l p e r i od . Thus in the Gujarat r e g i o n Surat was d i s p l a c e d by Bombay , in C o r o m a n d e l , Musu l ipa tanam by Mad ra s , and in Benga l , M u r s h i d a b a d , H u g l i and C h i t t a g o n g by Ca l cu t t a . In the Ma labar r eg ion , t owa rds the e n d o f the late p re-co lon ia l p e r i o d . C o c h i n was b e g i n n i n g to o v e r s h a d o w K o z h i k o d e , the o l d e r and m o r e impor tan t por t c i ty of the reg ion in the late pre-co lon ia l period.® (Ashin Das G u p t a 1 9 6 7 p i 1-12). But it d i d n o t by the late 19th cen tu r y rise 9. Historically as argued in chapter one no one port city had remained supreme on the Malabar coast. There was a kind of shifting moon among stars in different epochs. Muziris, identified with contemporary Kodungallur (Cranganore), was the principal port during the period of trade with the Romans. (Thomas 1932. p230) The anonymous author of the Greek work The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea wrote that Muziris "abounds with cargo sent from Arabia and by the Greeks". (Ibid) In later centuries the focus of maritime trade shifted south to Quilon, (or Kollam in Malayalam), with Jews and Syrian Christians as principal merchants. (Ibn Battuta. Tr Cibbs 1929. 1969 Ed p238; Das Gupta 1967, p5) Quilon continued to be important until the 13th century, when Kozhikode and to less extent Cannanore in north Kerala emerged as important ports, dominated by Arab and/or Muslim traders. By the end of the 16th century there was a shift to Cochin in central Kerala. (Das Gupta 19G7, p11-12) In the 18th century the Travancore Rajahs created the port of C i t y Populat ion Cochin - Ernakulam [Note 1] Trivandrum [Note 2] Kozhikode [Note 3] Ai l e p p e y Q u i l o n Palghat 551,567 499,531 394,447 169,940 167,598 1 17,986 to the stature o f a Ca lcut ta , B o m b a y o r Madras . The roo ts of British p o w e r a n d the birth and g r o w t h of Indian co lon i a l soc ie ty and e c o n o m y are e m b e d d e d in Ca l cu t t a , B o m b a y and Madras . (Bayly 1988 . p68-75) The Brit ish we r e d rawn in to the geo-pol i t i cs of sou thwes t India on l y in the late 18th century c o n s e q u e n t t o their wars w i th M y s o r e . Their t rade interests in the sou thwes t pr io r to this date we re h a n d l e d by the A n j e n g o factory of the East India C o m p a n y . In the late 18th century part of C o c h i n C i t y and ha rbou r w h i c h were he ld by the D u t c h as a factory we re c e d e d to the Br i t ish.^ ' ' But for a n u m b e r of reasons C o c h i n d i d no t e m e r g e dur ing the British raj as a key por t c i ty in the sub-cont inent and was no t even distant ly compa rab l e to Ca l cu t t a , B o m b a y o r Madras . First, the mul t ip l i c i ty of pr inc ipa l i t ies o n the sou thwes t coast in the late pre-colonia l p e r i o d and the p resence of three pol i t ica l-administrat ive units dur ing the Brit ish raj l ed to a n u m b e r of por t t owns c o m p e t i n g w i t h o n e ano the r and all p lay ing m ino r , bu t none the l ess regional ly impor tan t ro les. Thus A l l e p p e y and Q u i l o n we re impor tant por t t o w n s of Travancore , and C o c h i n city of C o c h i n State. Further nor th K o z h i k o d e , a por t c i ty, fo rmer l y the seat of the Z a m o r i n and C a n n a n o r e the pr inc ipa l po r t of the Kolatt ir is ' w e r e all impor tan t reg iona l por t t o w n s . In add i t ion Brit ish C o c h i n , the A n j e n g o factory and por t , (c lose to Tr ivandrum) and Tangasseri factory a n d por t , ( c lose t o Q u i l o n ) we re British enc laves o n the coast , w i th in the terr i tor ies of Travancore and C o c h i n . So was M a h e a F rench enc lave in the Ma laba r distr ict . Thus n o o n e port c i ty o r t o w n rose even to the pos i t i on o f a pr imate city of the r eg ion . A s a rgued earlier (chapter one ) this was in part because n o o n e por t had a p r o n o u n c e d geograph i ca l super ior i ty o ve r the o the rs , t h o u g h C o c h i n had a sl ight e d g e , Alleppey, in close proximity to Cochin, to rival and compete with Cochin. (Das Gupta. 1967 p73; Schenk 1986. p31-34) Even though one port gained prominence in a period others continued to function. In addition to these important ports there were a number small ports and/or open roadsteads on the Kerala coast, including one at Trivandrum. 10. The Cochin harbour area was retained under the direct administration of the Madras Presidency, and known as British Cochin, until 1947. beg inn ing in the late 19th century , ove r the others by its ha rbour and railway l inkages. Even in the last three decades s ince Indian i n d e p e n d e n c e , w i t h the uni f icat ion of all the pol i t i ca l units as Kerala, there has b e e n the dual g row th o f T r i vandrum as the administrat ive centre and C o c h i n as the c o m m e r c i a l centre . S e c o n d , g i ven the geograph i ca l shape of the Indian pen insu la and the d e v e l o p m e n t of rail and road t ranspor ta t ion in the 19th century , l l the sou thwes t coas t c ame unde r the d o m i n a n c e or as the h inter land o f Madras . In the no r th the b road expanse of the land mass a l l owed the h inter lands of Ca l cu t t a and B o m b a y t o remain separate. In the s o u t h then geog raphy cons t ra ined the histor ica l con t inu i t y of the Ma labar coast as a t rad ing co re reg ion w i th its o w n m e t r o p o l i s c o m p a r a b l e to the Ca l cu t t a , B o m b a y and Madras axes. The p resence of t w o pr ince ly States, Travancore and C o c h i n , w i t h s o m e i n d e p e n d e n t t h o u g h l imi ted powe r s , fur ther c o n t a i n e d the e m e r g e n c e of a major co lon i a l port c i ty o n the Ma labar o r sou thwes t coast . S tudies o n c o m m u n i c a t i o n and c o m m o d i t y f lows in India have demons t r a t ed the po ly-nuc lear izat ion of the Indian urban sys tem, w i t h pr imacy o f o n e c i ty in the reg iona l e c o n o m i e s of Ca lcu t ta , Bombay , Madras and De lh i . (Berry 1966. p 2 3 7 , 2 5 8 ; Reed 1970. p 1 1 6 ; Prakash Rao 1980. p i 08-9; A l am and Reddy 1987. p33-36) The e m e r g e n c e of a four th reg iona l e c o n o m y w i th the pr imacy of De lh i is a p o s t - i n d e p e n d e n c e p h e n o m e n o n . j j^g la^g e m e r g e n c e of De lh i is in part a re f lec t ion of the typ ica l d o m i n a n c e of the por t cit ies in the co lon i a l p e r i o d and e c o n o m y . 11. It is argued by Ibrahim (1978) that roads and railway were initially laid to Malabar district, as part of the Madras Presidency, for troop movements consequent to the Mopalah uprisings and then for movement of goods and plantation produce.(p36-37) 12. The British moved the capital of India from Calcutta to Delhi in 1911, andbegan the construction of the planned city of New Delhi. This was at the height of British global and imperial power. It was a symbolic display of making Delhi the prestigious imperial capital for the eighth time in Indian history as the seat of British power in India. (Irving 1981. p2) (The correct count is believed to be more than fifteen. Ibid). It remained a ceremonial and administrative city until 1947. Since then it has emerged as an axis for a cluster of industrial towns, among which Faridabad and Meerut are prominent. This together with centralizing power of the Union government in the Indian federal system has led Delhi to emerge as the fourth regional economy with the primacy of Delhi. Th i rd , the Brit ish d e v e l o p e d C o l o m b o , s o u t h of the Ma labar coast in Sri Lanka, as a major t ranssh ipment a n d serv ice por t of the Indian o c e a n , t oge the r w i th S ingapore . This was in the late 19th century , f o l l ow ing the increas ing s teamer traffic and the n e e d fo r a por t as a coa l i ng s t a t i o n . ( D h a r m a s e n a 1989 p i 61-165) There was on ly a sl ight loca t iona l advantage that C o l o m b o p o s s e s s e d over the Ma labar coast por ts . C o l o m b o was a little m o r e central ly p l a ced than C o c h i n f o r Indian o c e a n sea traffic, and o n w a r d sea traffic to southeas t As i a and Ch ina . Poss ib ly there we r e geopo l i t i c a l reasons as we l l . Sri Lanka, ( then C e y l o n ) was a c r o w n c o l o n y d i rect ly u n d e r Wh i t eha l l admin is t ra t ion and was no t part of the British raj c o m p l e x in India. This may have p r o m p t e d the British fo r strategic reasons to d e v e l o p C o l o m b o as a t ranssh ipment and serv ice port . Four th , t h o u g h the rails and roads of the late 19th century f ractured the massif o f the W e s t e r n Ghats , this was poss ib l e on l y at t w o passes, the Palghat Pass and the Shenco t t ah Pass. The Wes t e rn Ghats thus c o n t i n u e d to isolate the Kerala r eg ion . This cons t r a ined the o p e n i n g up of the land east of the W e s t e r n Ghats w i th mu l t ip le and easy access w h i c h w o u l d 13. Dharmasena supports his argument with the following data of 1910.(1989 p167). 1 . 2. 3. 4. 5. New York London Antwerp Hamburg Hong Kong 6. Rotterdam T o t a l tonnage of v e s s e l s using the port 12,154.780 11,605,698 1 1 ,005,761 10,944,909 10,085,595 8,600,496 7. Colombo 8. L i v e r p o o l 9. M a r s e i l l e s 10. Singapore 11. Montevideo 12. C a r d i f f T o t a l tonnage of v e s s e l s u s i n g the p o r t 8,091,123 7,749,994 7,187,638 7.045,193 6,936,983 5,771,475 Among the Sri Lankan ports, throughout the period of sailing vessels Galle was the more important port. The higher costs of building a breakwater at Galle, due to the presence of sunken rocks etc, Colombo was developed by the British in the late 19th century to handle big steam ships. (Ibid p161-5) Colombo declined in importance since the 1950s. This may be partly related to the departure of the British from south Asia; declining use of coal by steamers; and the increasing use of air transport for global passenger travel. make t h e m a h in ter land of any Ma labar coast por t city. Dale argues that this was a factor that histor ical ly l imi ted the expans ion of the Kerala pr inc ipal i t ies eastwards. C o m m e r c e was especia l ly impor tan t to the Malayal i mona rchs because their o the r resources we re s o l im i ted . This was partially a d ictate of geography , fo r the barrier of the Wes t e rn Ghats sharply restr ic ted the poss ib l e territorial base of any Malayal i state. (Dale 1980.p15) Fifth, h istor ica l ly the port cit ies of Kerala we r e beachheads of t rad ing activity. They we r e no t a co re w i th a h inter land or a po l i t i ca l and e c o n o m i c axis. The port cit ies we re residential ly, but no t pol i t ical ly , enc laves o f merchants . The merchants we r e largely Arabs, Jews, M o p a l a h s , Syrian Chr ist ians, Gujarati and C o r o m a n d e l merchants . The Kerala r eg ion rajahs we r e very c o n c e r n e d w i th the por t cit ies and the fo re ign trade that passed t h rough these cit ies. They we r e an impor tant sou rce o f revenue . The merchants we re e n c o u r a g e d to sett le d o w n and g iven all faci l it ies. But the por t cit ies and their res idents r ema ined cultural enc laves , un in tegra ted w i th the h inter land. The soc ia l and e c o n o m i c p o s i t i o n and role of the cit ies is suggest i ve of Karl Polyani 's a rgument that the ports of trade in early state fo rmat ion we re no t just o n the geograph i ca l pe r iphe ry of the state, w h e r e t rad ing comp lemen ta r i t i e s we re m a x i m i z e d , bu t also o n the soc ia l and e c o n o m i c margins o f the state. ( D o d g s h o n 1987 . p i 95) 14. The evidence that there was little or no land tax is admittedly fragmentary. Dale while conceding this, cites a 16th century Arab historian who records that among the privileges of the Muslims was the non-payment of land tax. The Zamorin of Kozhikode papers cited by Dale indicate that the Nayars were exempt from land tax. The Nayars, being warrior-agriculturalists, a skirmishing infantry, completely dominated the military. The state or monarchs had far from absolute control and their sovereignty was limited by the necessity to act with and through the powerful warrior-agriculturalists, (Logan 1887. 1981 Edition. p114; p160-161) and the dominant caste of the region, the Nayars. In this context, the Kerala rajah's failure or inability to tax their land. Dale argues, itself explains why they were eager to encourage the growth of commerce. Early British officials have also observed the absence of accountants or revenue officials in the village hierarchy (Dale 1980.p16-19) Ecological factors are relevant, for Mencher observes: "The lack of necessity for constructing irrigation works and roads requiring public expenditure may be correlated with the fact that until the Mysorean invasions no land revenue was collected in Kerala". (1966. p i 44) Such states a l l o w e d traders and taxed their act iv i t ies. In the Kerala c o n t e x t p r o d u c e such as p e p p e r we r e m a d e state m o n o p o l i e s and on l y the state c o u l d sel l t h e m to the merchants in the por t c i t ies. Po lyani a rgued that the early state was c o n c e r n e d that trade, if u n c h e c k e d , might threaten tradi t ional va lues. O n e of the dev ices used by the early state rulers to externa l ize trade t ransact ions was by c o n f i n i n g t h e m t o a strictly demarca t ed , pol i t ica l ly neutral site o n the e d g e of the state sys tem, usual ly at the break-point b e t w e e n land a n d sea, bes ides a major river o r at po in t of con tac t b e t w e e n ecosys tems . Po lyan i l abe l led these sites as ports of trade and saw t h e m as a universal ins t i tu t ion of overseas t r a d e . ( D o d g s h o n 1987 . p i 94-197) ' '^ The Kerala cit ies we re also marked by the absence of any m o n u m e n t a l archi tecture (Gov t o f India, A r c h a e o l o g i c a l Survey of India, 1978. p54) in contrast t o the s p l e n d o u r of the M o g h u l and o the r cour t cit ies of nor th India, o r c lose r to Kerala, in Tami lnadu of the cour t and t emp l e cit ies of the Pandyans at M a d u r a i and the C h o l a s at Thanjavur. Kerala t e m p l e and palace archi tecture t h o u g h un ique and p leas ing was no t m o n u m e n t a l . The palace-admin is t ra t ion c o m p l e x e s we re also no t l o ca t ed in por t t o w n s o r cit ies. The Tiruvadis, the ru l ing h o u s e of Travancore , had their pa lace-administrat ion c o m p l e x at P admanabhapu ram, 180 k m f r o m A l l e p p e y and 110 k m f rom Q u i l o n the t w o main por ts of Travancore . In the late 18th cen tury the palace-administrat ion c o m p l e x was sh i f ted to Tr i vandrum a n d b e c a m e a pa lace-administ rat ion-temple c o m p l e x . Tr i vandrum was a lso d i s tanced f r o m the t w o ma in por ts of Travancore . (60 k m f r o m Q u i l o n and 130 k m f r o m A l l eppey ) . The tradi t ional Kerala el i te, the N a m b u d h r i Brahmins and Nayars, we r e also not urban based . Logan obse rves ; The H i n d u Malaya l i is no t a lover o f t owns a n d vi l lages. His austere habits o f caste pur i ty and impur i ty made h im in f o rmer days f lee f rom p laces w h e r e po l l u t i on in the shape of m e n and w o m e n of l o w caste met h i m in every 15. Poiyani's discussion of both ports of trade and early regulated markets, form part of a wider analysis in which he maintained that market dominated societies were a much later phenomenon. (Dodgshon 1987. p194-197) Michael Tharakan sees the relevance of Poiyani's wider analysis for an understanding of Kerala's economic history. (Personal communication) My argument for the relevance of Poiyani's work is limited to the understanding of the urban phenomenon and/or spatial order in Kerala corne r ; and even n o w the fee l ing is s t rong u p o n h im and he loves not t o dwe l l in cit ies. (Logan. 1887 . 1981 Ed. p i 07) A n d after q u o t i n g extens ive ly f r om the Report of the 1871 C e n s u s o n the life style of the N a m b u d h r i Brahmins Logan observes again: It may be ga thered f r om the above desc r ip t ions that qu ie t and re t i rement are what the Malayal i l o o k s t o in se lec t ing a site for his dwe l l i ng , and that t owns and t o w n life are not congen i a l to his tastes. ( Ibid, p i l l ) W h a t may be a rgued t hen is that histor ical ly the character of the se t t l ement and soc i e t y in Kerala made urban and urban ism un impor tan t . Even today if o n e w e r e to l o o k for a centre of Malayal i arts and letters, o r a Kerala cul tura l cent re , the c h o i c e w o u l d be Trichur, a t o w n of 13.5 sq . km and a p o p u l a t i o n of 80 ,000. (1981) , and no t any o n e of the por t cities and/or capitals of the three pol i t ical-administrat ive units of the co lon ia l era. The p resence of a s imp le but e legant t emp l e and stag ing of an annual pageant at this t e m p l e has l ed in part to Tr ichur acqu i r ing the reputa t ion as a cultural and arts cent re . D u r i n g the British Raj w i th the fo rma t ion of a co lon i a l soc ie ty and e c o n o m y in India, the Kerala por t cit ies d e v e l o p e d many features typica l of co lon i a l po r t c i t ies , i n c lud ing the e m e r g e n c e of native urban u p p e r and m i d d l e c lasses. Yet there may have b e e n s o m e cont inu i t y f r om earl ier t imes, for uppe r and m i d d l e class urban ism in Kerala is not a pres t ig ious t rend setter, nor cultural ly and pol i t ica l ly impor tan t o r d o m i n a n t . In the pres t ig ious res ident ia l areas of N e w De lh i , Bombay , Ca l cu t t a and Madras is an u p p e r and u p p e r m i d d l e class el i te w i th an urbane life style that sets the t o n e for the aff luent s ide o f the urban ism of these c i t ies. Such a cultural d o m i n a n t is absent in the Kerala cit ies e x c e p t perhaps for a s e m b l a n c e of it in C o c h i n . This may be partly d u e to the p resence of a s igni f icant non-Malaya lee u p p e r m idd l e class c o m m u n i t y m a d e up of sen ior naval p e r s o n n e l and bus iness 16. It is also the centre for some of the literary and art associations in Kerala. execut i ves of sh ipp ing and expor t c o m p a n i e s and the i r famil ies. These features of Kerala soc ie ty have impl i ca t ions for desakota . W e shall c o m m e n t o n t h e m later in this s tudy . The absence or min ima l p resence of a cultural ly d o m i n a n t urban ism in Kerala, shou ld no t be seen o r in te rpre ted as counte r-urban ism. It is no t a reactive c o n d i t i o n s u c h as the counter-urban ism that has e m e r g e d as a soc ia l p h e n o m e n o n in s o m e parts o f the wes te rn w o r l d . In Kerala it is a cont inu i t y o r pers i s tence of a non-urban life style that was cultural ly pre fer red and pres t ig ious . U rban life was margina l , soc ia l ly and geograph ica l l y , and str ikingly similar to Poiyani 's character izat ion n o t e d earlier. Contemporary urban system A c c o r d i n g t o the C e n s u s of 1981 there are 106 cit ies and towns in Kerala. Their d i s t r ibu t ion in terms of p o p u l a t i o n s ize is p r e sen ted in Table 4 .04. S ince 1971 the Indian census i n t r o d u c e d the c o n c e p t s of U rban A g g l o m e r a t i o n (UA) and Standard U r b a n Areas (SUA) . U rban agg lomera t i on represents a c o n t i g u o u s urban spread cons t i tu t ing a t o w n and its ad jo in ing urban o u t g r o w t h s o r t w o o r m o r e phys ica l ly c o n t i g u o u s t owns t oge the r w i th c o n t i g u o u s we l l r e c o g n i z e d urban o u t g r o w t h s , w h i c h may fall w i th in the revenue l imits of a v i l lage o r vi l lages. These ' u rban i zed ' v i l lages o r o u t g r o w t h s dese rved to be r e c k o n e d a l o n g w i th the t o w n in c o n f o r m i t y w i t h the c o n t i n u o u s urban sp read . The urban agg lomera t i on represents a spatial u rban spread at a g iven t ime. The Standard U rban A r e a was d e f i n e d as the p ro j ec t ed g r o w t h area of a city o r t o w n as it w o u l d be in 1991 tak ing in to accoun t no t on l y the t o w n s and vi l lages w h i c h wi l l get m e r g e d in to it bu t also the in te rven ing rural area w h i c h are potent ia l l y urban The s tandard urban area wi l l thus be a larger areal unit w h i c h wi l l e x t e n d b e y o n d the main city o r t o w n and w o u l d con ta in all l ikely d e v e l o p m e n t s up to 1991 . The character ist ic features of a s tandard urban area are that: i) it s h o u l d have co re t o w n of a m i n i m u m p o p u l a t i o n of 50 ,000 . 17. Cochin is the seat of the Southern Naval Command of the Indian Navy. ii) c o n t i g u o u s areas m a d e up of o the r urban we l l as rural administrat ive units s h o u l d have c lose mutua l s o c i o - e c o n o m i c l inkages w i th the c o r e t o w n ; and iii) the probab i l i t y is that the ent ire area w i l l get u rban i zed w i th in a p e r i o d of t w o to three decades . (Census of India 1 9 8 1 , Series 10 Kerala, Part ll-A p i 6 9 ) In Kerala there are 9 U.As a n d 76 towns . This means that 30 of the 106 cit ies and t o w n s have m e r g e d to f o r m the n ine U .As . Eight of these U.As w i t h a tota l of 27 cit ies o r towns , i n c l ud ing the co re city o r t o w n , a l ong w i th ano the r 16 t o w n s in c lose prox imi ty , cind t o g e t h e r w i th ad jo in ing and in te rven ing non-urban space f o r m 8 S .U.As . A n o t h e r 6 towns , 2 of t h e m in p rox im i t y to o n e ano the r make ano the r 5 S .U.As mak ing a g rand tota l of 13 S.U.As. Detai ls of the co re c i t ies, the U.As and the S.U.As are p r o v i d e d in A p p e n d i x 4.02. The 13 S U As c o v e r 1421 sq k m of w h i c h 879 sq k m are urban areas a n d 542 sq k m are rural areas. The p o p u l a t i o n of the urban areas is 3.3 m and the rural areas .8 m. ( Ibid p i 85) E c o n o m i c activity data is n o t g i ven by S.U.As but by c i t ies, t o w n s and U.As. The urban sec to r in the census data o n e c o n o m i c activity is a lso l im i t ed t o the 106 cit ies and t o w n s . The rural areas caught u p in the S U A s are thus i n c l u d e d in the rural s e c to r data o f the censuses . The S .U.As cannot thus be used fo r any mean ing fu l quant i tat ive analysis in te rms o f e c o n o m i c TABLE 4.04 Number of C i t i e s and Towns i n K e r a l a by p o p u l a t i o n s i z e 1981 S i z e of P o p u l a t i o n Number No % P o p u l a t i o n "000 % D e n s i t y Sq.Km 500,000 and above 1 .9 551 11.5 4508 100,000 - 499,999 5 4.7 1350 28.3 4077 50,000 - 99,999 8 7.5 512 10.7 2606 20,000 - 49,999 64 60.4 2022 42.4 1864 10,000 - 19,999 21 19.8 283 5.9 1720 5,000 - 9,999 6 5.7 49 1.0 772 4,999 and l e s s 1 .9 4 . 1 T o t a l 106 99.9 4771 99.9 3737 Source : C e n s u s of India 1981 . Series 10. Part ll-A p126-127 , p184 and 188. activity. The size-class character ist ics of the Kerala cit ies and t owns are s u m m a r i z e d in Table 4.04. The 14 ci t ies and t owns w i th a p o p u l a t i o n of 50 ,000 and above make the co re cit ies and t owns of the U.As and S.U.As. A n o t h e r 38 t o w n s have c lus te red w i th co re c i t ies, leaving 54 smal l t o w n s ou t s ide the c lusters. M a p 4.01 s h o w s the 106 cit ies and t o w n s . The co re cit ies and t owns that f o r m the 9 U.As a n d the 13 S.U.As are demarca ted o n this map . Examinat ion of the m a p reveals t w o urban ne tworks . O n e o n the nor th o n the C a n n a n o r e - K o z h i k o d e (Cal icut) axis and the o ther a l o n g s t re tch f r o m Tr ichur in central Kerala t o Tr ivandrum in d e e p sou th . The d i s tance f rom Tr ichur t o Tr ivandrum is approx imate l y 270 k i lomet res . It can be seen f r om the m a p that there is a c lus te r ing of t owns a round C a n n a n o r e , T r i chur and a little ( approx imate ly 25 k i lometres ) no r th of C o c h i n . The C o c h i n t o Tr i vandrum s e g m e n t in sou the rn Kerala has a relat ively sparse c lus te r ing of t owns . This as the prev ious chapters have s h o w n is virtually the coasta l area of what was fo rmer l y C o c h i n and Travancore states. This r eg ion it was a rgued is typ ica l Kerala count r y o r l andscape , in s o c i o - e c o n o m i c and spatial terms. The t o w n s are relatively sparse in this r eg i on . This is partly because of the spread of smal l industr ies . C o n c e n t r a t i o n of industr ies may have l ed to s o m e set t lements reach ing the cr it ical 75 pe rcen t of the male w o r k fo rce in non-agr icul ture t o be d e e m e d u rban . T h e spread of industr ies and o the r non-agricultural activit ies make this r eg ion desakota . The ci t ies and t o w n s , may be seen as a str ing of c o m m e r c i a l areas and bazaars encapsu l a t ed by a desako ta r eg ion . The urban system o r ne twork is a l inear m o d e l a long the coast , and the transport-c o m m u n i c a t i o n l ines. The t r anspo r t-commun i ca t i on l ines also run a l ong the coast , a n d fork ou t at T r i chur and Shoranur t o link up , v ia Palghat, w i th C o i m b a t o r e in Tami lnadu . The dev ia t ion f r o m the l inear pattern , w h e n it o c c u r s , is a long rivers. Overa l l the l inear pattern MAP 4.01 184 K E R A L A LOCATION OF TOWNS 1981 ipo ip IP SOUNOARtes-. STATe/u.T. DISTRICT lo ao 30 KÔTHAMANCA,l.AM C' /••^THOOUPUIHA / v'^ ' - r "* - - ^ ClDUKKI SIZE OF POPULATION CLASS 1 iOOfiOO AND ABOVE. CLASS II ^ 50/300 9«.9«« CLASS III @ 2O/30O 4«,»9« CLASS IV ® lO/JOO l«,9»» CLASS V SPOO «,99» U A . unsAN ACCLOMtRATION T R I V A N O B U W O.A> S o u r c e : C e n s u s o f I n d i a 1981, S e r i e s 10 P a r t I I A, p l 3 6 domina t e s , w i th 75 of the 105 t o w n s b e i n g w i th in 20 k i lomet res of the coast . (Cha t topadyay 1988 . p i 5) The desako t a r eg ion is no t a p r o d u c t o r a d e p e n d e n t variable of the urban system o r the t r anspor t-commun ica t i on l ines. The urban centres and the desako ta r eg ion are in a s ymb io t i c mix. The C a n n a n o r e - K o z h i k o d e ne twork in no r the rn Kerala many be seen as another such symb io t i c co r r idor , t h o u g h desako t a may be relatively less present . The c luster ing of t o w n s at Tr ichur and C a n n a n o r e can be in te rpre ted as desako ta c ross ing the crit ical l ine of hav ing m o r e than 75 pe rcen t of the male w o r k f o r c e in non-agricultural activity. If a concen t r a t i on of s o m e non-agr icul tura l activity occu r s in a f ew local i t ies then such areas b e c o m e urban . W e saw earlier that in Kerala all l o w l a n d and m id l and se t t l ements have met all the census cr i ter ia to be d e e m e d u rban , excep t the e c o n o m i c criteria o f hav ing 75 percent of the male w o r k i n g p o p u l a t i o n in non-agr icul tura l activity. T h o s e that have such w o r k i n g p o p u l a t i o n b e c o m e urban. But there are t w o issues here . First, it must be r e c o g n i z e d that the spatial unit of ca lcu la t ion for census ca tegor ies is the revenue vi l lage. As d i s cussed earlier, there is n o " v i l l age " in Kerala. The revenue v i l lage was a spatial unit of administrat ive c o n v e n i e n c e fo r revenue c o l l e c t i o n . Their bounda r i e s are arbitrary, if at all o n e can talk of bounda r i e s in Kerala, o the r then the boundar i es of the h o m e s t e a d s and/or the b u n g a l o w and c o m p o u n d ! S e c o n d , the e c o n o m i c c r i te r ion for urban is g e n d e r spec i f i c . Female l abour par t i c ipat ion in non-agricultural activity is i gno red . W h a t d i s to r t ions this causes is di f f icult t o unravel . W h a t are census ca tegor ies of urban and rural d e p i c t i n g , if s o m e of the agro-process ing industr ies have a g e n d e r spec i f i c w o r k force ? W e shall examine this issue in chapters six and seven w h e n census data o n e c o n o m i c activity are p r e sen t ed . But t o br ief ly make the po in t n o w , the industry, a male w o r k fo rce d o m i n a t e d b e e d i industry c o n c e n t r a t e d in C a n n a n o r e distr ict , has 18. As we will note in the next chapter, other than for Chakrabort/s (1991. p305) passing observation, this issue has not been recognized in the literature on Kerala urbanization, and for that matter on Indian urbanization. obv ious l y had s o m e impl i ca t ions for the c luster of t owns in this distr ict . The c o n c e r n here is to sensit ively unders tand and use census ca tegor ies , w i th a k ind o f anthro-geographica l g u i d e d unde rs t and ing , imag inat ion or qual i tat ive perception.^® There is a lso the n e e d to be aware of the semant ics of urban, rural, v i l lage, etc, and the def in i t iona l issues o f the urban-rural d i c h o t o m y . S o m e of these conce rns w e r e addressed in chapte r o n e . This d o e s not mean that w e d iscard census data, l ike the proverb ia l baby w i th the bath water . At the mac ro level , census data remain an u n m a t c h e d sou r ce t o d e c i p h e r the spatial o rder , if u sed w i th caut ion and insight. O n the o the r o n e s h o u l d avo id excess ive analysis of statistical data, such as the change in the c o m p o s i t i o n of the size-class t owns over the census years. There is then the danger of census ca tegor ies subst i tu t ing fo r reality in the academic w o r l d of papers , seminars and dissertat ions. The conce rns exp ressed here raise many issues. O n e o f these was ob l i que l y raised by Rakesh M o h a n , ( 1 9 8 3 . p i 9) but not p u r s u e d . This was the sugges t i on that the w h o l e of Kerala 2^ is u rban . A census de f in i t ion as such is p r e ven t ed on l y because the e c o n o m i c criteria are no t met . Cha t t opadhyay (1988. p22) is m o r e expl ic i t stat ing that the ent ire state may be referred t o as an urban centre . H e sees the e c o n o m i c criteria, in any case in Kerala, as p rob l ema t i c because the unit of ca lcu la t ion used is the vi l lage, w h i c h itself appears t o be non-exis tent fo r all pract ical pu rposes . ( l b i d p30) W e wi l l return to these obse rva t ions of Rakesh M o h a n and Cha t t opadyay w h e n w e rev iew the l iterature o n Kerala urban iza t ion in the next chapter . This t h e n is the issue raised earl ier of revenue vi l lages as census b l o cks be i ng arbitrary. As M e n c h e r s tated, 19. This was one of the rewards of the one year's field work, or more simply put, the 'lived experience', of the author in Kerala. See chapter one. 20. In effect referring to the lowlands and midlands of Kerala, the more habitated areas of the State. an th ropo log i s t s , administ rators , jurists etc canno t d e c i p h e r the " v i l l age " in Kerala. It may be m o r e mean ingfu l to treat the entire coasta l r eg i on as iso la ted h o m e s t e a d se t t l ements w i th n o d e s of bazaars and/or commerc i a l centres o f c i t i e s . I b n Battutta, w h o s e 14th century desc r ip t i on was q u o t e d earlier, is c lose t o r e c o g n i z i n g this a n d still s eems relevant ! M e n c h e r observes : The N a m b o o d i r i Brahmins, h igher g r o u p s of Nayar, a n d even ord inary midd le-class Nayar have hardly any n e e d t o m o v e ou t of the i r res ident ia l c o m p o u n d s to meet the i r dai ly requ i rements . . . . they have w i th in their c o m p o u n d their o w n bath ing p o n d , snake pit , smal l de i ty for dai ly w o r s h i p , garden c rops and even c remat ion g r o u n d s . V e n d o r s make their usual rounds . . . .Thus there was and is even today little oppo r tun i t y for indiv iduals to have the expe r i ence of non-familial pr imary g r o u p life w h i c h character izes the nuc l ea ted v i l l ages . . .Among the Chr is t ians, M u s l i m s , Tarakans and even the wea l th ie r Brahmins f r om the east coast , many famil ies live in their o w n substant ia l h o u s e in a spac ious c o m p o u n d . (1966. p145-6) C lus te r ing o f res idences of a s ing le caste, o f t e n seen in o the r parts of India, was absent in Kerala. W i t h par t i t ion ing of taravad lands, s o m e caste c lus te r ing d i d occu r . But even in such instances, each h o u s e is still set o n its o w n p lo t of l and , and o f t en o n e canno t see o n e ' s ne i ghbou r s ' h o u s e s o w i n g to the d e n s e vege ta t ion . ( Ibid, p i 4 6 ) . M e n c h e r a lso notes that tradit ional ly a Nayar is m o r e l ikely to refer to his taravad than to his vi l lage ( Ibid, p i 56) to establ ish his/her soc ia l ident i ty . W i l l i am Logan , w h o a m o n g the Brit ish adminis t rators had the mos t pe rcep t i ve and int imate k n o w l e d g e o f the Kerala r e g i o n , ^ ^ wr i tes of the Ma l aba r distr ict : 21. "I am going to the city" in the Kerala context is equivalent to "I am going to down town" in the western world. Sometimes the exact bazaar or commercial centre is referred to by name, for example in Trivandrum, Chalai bazaar, Palayam market, Statue junction. Bakery junction etc 22. William Logan, (1841-1914) of the Indian Civil Service was the Collector of the Malabar District for a good part of the latter half of the 19th century. His description of the Malabar District in two volumes published in 1887, is a standard reference on the Malabar District of the 19th century. He was the first British administrator to perceive the Mopalah peasant uprisings not as expressions of Islamic fervour and friction with the Hindus, but as tenants protesting against a changing tenurial system that was advantageous to the Nayar landlords. The Mopalah peasants being Muslims and the Nayar landlords Hindus, had introduced a religious element overshadowing the fundamental economic or agrarian character of the protests. (Kurup 1981; Gurukkal 1989) A n d the fact is that the coast tracts are so dense l y popu l a t ed that it is di f f icult to say w h e r e o n e mun i c ipa l t o w n beg ins and w h e r e another ends . F rom e n d to e n d of the distr ict o n the l o w ly ing lands near the sea there is an u n b r o k e n belt of c o c o n u t pa lm orchards , and the desc r i p t i on that Shaikh Ibn Battuta gave of the count ry in the 14th century is equa l ly appl icab le n o w The fact w h i c h o n the Ma labar coast indicates the ex is tence of a t o w n is the o c c u r r e n c e of o n e o r m o r e streets of s h o p s - bazaars - l onge r and bus ie r than those t o be met e l sewhere in the distr ict . ( Logan . 1887. 1981 Ed p i 11-2) The c o n t i n u i n g t h e m e of indis t inct urban-rural res ident ia l l andscape is present f r o m Ibn Battuta (14th century) , Logan (1887), C la rke (1915), Kuriyan (1938), M e n o n (1953), M e n c h e r (1966), C h a t t o p a d h a y (1988) Acharaya (1987). A l l this is suggests that it may be m o r e appropr ia te t o mere ly desc r ibe the spatial o rde r of Kerala low lands and m id l ands as o n e c o n t i n u o u s d i spe r sed se t t l ement , w i th pocke t s of bazaars and/or c o m m e r c i a l centres , and administrat ive serv ice centres . The emphas i s is repea ted ly o n the bazaars and c o m m e r c i a l centres of t owns and cit ies, and no t o n the ent i rety of a city, because there is hardly any d i f fe rence b e t w e e n the res ident ia l areas fal l ing w i th in off ic ia l city l imits and t hose ou t s ide it. O n l y the bazaars and c o m m e r c i a l centres have a d is t inct urban landscape. It may also be a rgued that parts of areas des igna ted urban are desako ta . The p resence of paddy a n d c o c o n u t lands, and agricultural w o r k f o r c e , (Sankaranarayan. 1977 . p7,11) , w i th in urban areas suppor t this a rgument . M i c h a e l L ip ton sees Kerala as o n e of the t w o reg ions , the o the r b e i n g Sri Lanka's sou thwes t , whe re the c i ty-country l ine is b lur red . In this con t ex t he desc r ibes Kera la as "areas o f a lmost c o n t i n u o u s rural se t t l ement w i th many markets and administrat ive cen t r es . " (1977.p57) This des c r i p t i on o f Kerala is no t very d i f ferent f r o m what I am argu ing here , excep t that L ip ton character izes the se t t l ements as rural, wh i l e I see t h e m as desako ta se t t l ements o r r e g i o n . In ano ther con t ex t in the same b o o k L ip ton desc r ibes the dense l y p o p u l a t e d reg ions of Kerala as " b i g vi l lages or quasi-urban s e t t l emen t s " ( Ibid p 3 6 3 n32) This des c r i p t i on has an impl i c i t r e cogn i t i on o f the desako ta character of the se t t l ements o r r eg ion . Al l this may sugges t that it may be even appropr ia te to d i sca rd the c o n c e p t u a l baggage of urban and rural. But as d i s cussed in chapte r o n e , the p r o b l e m lies in the d i c h o t o m y of urban and rural, and the n e e d to f lex it. In this con tex t , desako ta b e c o m e s a mean ing fu l and cor rec t i ve in ject ion t o the urban-rural c o n c e p t u a l baggage . The desako ta c o n c e p t articulates the mix of urban a n d rural character ist ics , and presents desako ta as a r eg ion w i t h its o w n dynamics and no t as a peri-urban r eg ion or a rurban iza t ion p h e n o m e n o n . This makes sense in the Kerala con tex t . Wh i l e Kerala's spatial o rde r can be d e s c r i b e d in spec i f i cs , of a d i spe rsed set t lement w i t h pocke t s of bazaars etc, the use o f desako ta as a c o n c e p t u a l h o o k o r frame has advantages. It makes poss ib l e cross cultural c o m p a r i s o n s and w h e t h e r the similarit ies in dif ferent cul tura l con tex ts are a mani fes ta t ion of a c o m m o n factor at d e e p e r levels. M c G e e ' s (1987, 1989 and 1990a) w o r k o n desako ta seeks t o br ing about such unde r s t and ing . This s tudy seeks to con t r i bu te t o this unde rs t and ing by e x a m i n i n g the Kerala con tex t . This is no t to suggest that the bu i l d i ng up of the desako ta hypo thes i s is a s ta tement of an As ian c o h e r e n c e . The desako ta hypothes i s is seek ing to theo r i ze a b o u t an As ian e x p e r i e n c e in spatial o rde r ing tak ing in to a c coun t the e c o l o g i c a l , cu l tura l , e c o n o m i c and histor ica l con tex t , w h i c h inc ludes the manne r of i n co rpo ra t i on and f unc t i on i ng w i th in a g loba l e c o n o m y . If the f ragments in the As ian s cene have a c o m m o n a l t y , it n e e d s to be e x p l o r e d . It makes sense to examine the recurr ing pat tern , and no t just stack t h e m w i th fet ish host i l i ty to avo id b e i n g b r anded ' to ta l iz ing ' w i th the conven t i ona l amb i t i ons of soc ia l s c i ences . This is no t to sugges t that the As ian soc ie ty is a c o h e r e n t sys tem w i th its o w n supero rd ina te l og i c . The a im of this chapter was to present data that e m p h a s i z e d the se t t l ement pat tern and the internal , i n d e p e n d e n t dynamics of a desako ta r eg ion as an impor tan t character ist ic of desako ta . M c G e e ' s early wr i t ings (1987 p4-5; 1989 p94) o n desako ta e m p h a s i z e d the internal dynamics as impor tant . His m o r e recent wr i t ing (1991a) w h i c h inco rpora tes mega-urban reg ions as part of the desako ta p h e n o m e n o n , di lutes the issue of internal dynamics . The Kerala spec i f i cs or p h e n o m e n o n b e c o m e s a sub-mode l . The impor t ance o f desako ta be ing no t a d e p e n d e n t variable of a centra l urban system is less empha t i c in M c G e e ' s recent wr i t ings. (Ibid p i 5-17) This issue was raised in chapte r o n e . It is re i terated here in the contex tua l th i cken ing of data. Kerala de sako t a br ings up f ront the n e e d to k e e p in perspec t i ve the internal dynamics of desako ta a n d the non-subord ina t i on a n d n o n - d e p e n d e n c e of desako ta to an urban sys tem. To briefly return to o u r d i s cuss ion of the c o n t e m p o r a r y urban sys tem in Kerala.The nor thern o r C a n n a n o r e - K o z h i k o d e urban ne twork , w i th its ex tens ion t o Man je r i , neatly falls in to what was the Ma laba r distr ict of the Madras P res idency . The o the r sou the rn ne twork f r om Tr ichur to Tr ivandrum falls in to the low lands - m id lands of wha t was the t w o pr ince ly states of C o c h i n and Travancore. It was a rgued in the earl ier chapters that many of the po l i c i e s and soc ia l changes that e m e r g e d in Travancore by a p rocess of o s m o s i s was e x t e n d e d to C o c h i n . Travancore and C o c h i n thus f o r m e d a spatial func t iona l unit . S o m e of the features w e have d i s cussed s o far as c o n d i t i o n i n g the p resence of de sako t a we r e relatively m o r e present in the l ow l and - m id l and r eg ion of these t w o states. The urban ne twork , w i th relatively sparse smal l t o w n s , sugges t ing the greater p r e sence of desako ta in the r e g i o n , thus makes sense . Cha t topadhyay (1988) has m a p p e d ou t the z o n e o f in te rac t ion , of wha t in the Indian censuses is t e rmed C lass I t o w n s , ( popu l a t i on of 100 ,000 and above ) , and Class II t o w n s , ( popu l a t i on b e t w e e n 50 ,000 and 99,999) . This m a p is r e p r o d u c e d as M a p 4 .02. A radius of 20 and 30 k i lometres is d e p i c t e d by Cha t topadhyay . Such d is tances are easi ly c o m m u t a b l e for any t ransact ion, and the c o m m u t e r can return to base the same day. W e referred just n o w to Kerala desako ta hav ing its o w n internal dynamics a n d is no t a k ind of peri-urban r eg ion , d e p e n d e n t o n an urban co re as a s t imulus for its e c o n o m i c activit ies. The z o n e s o f in teract ion g iven in M a p 4.02 suppo r t this obse r va t i on . Map 4.02 191 Interaction Zones Around Urban Centres in Kerala Source: Chattopadhyay 1988, p i 3. This mai<es even m o r e sense w h e n w e later d o c u m e n t the reg iona l spec ia l iza t ion and/or concen t r a t i on of s o m e industr ies . Chap te r s six to n ine wi l l dea l w i th such concen t r a t i on by quantitat ive analysis and case s tud ies . Briefly, these chapters wi l l demons t ra te that b e e d i manufac ture is concen t r a t ed in C a n n a n o r e distr ict , co i r in A l l e p p e y distr ict , c a shew p roces s i ng and sh r imp p r o c e s s i n g in Q u i l o n distr ict , c o t t o n text i les in C a n n a n o r e and Tr ivandrum distr icts, brick and tiles in C o c h i n and K o z h i k o d e distr icts, jewe l le ry in Tr ichur distr ict etc . Compa ra t i v e advantage in raw materials and e c o n o m i e s of reg iona l spec ia l iza t ion may have i n f l uenced reg ion spec i f i c industr ies . This again is in the desako t a reg ions . U rban centres func t i on on l y as t ransport out le ts and cent res fo r a ne twork of traders and f o r c e d c o m m e r c e , espec ia l l y if the final p r o d u c t is for expo r t o r the larger Indian market . Kerala urban system as a variant from the Indian norm, and the significance of minimal urban-rural disparities. A repea ted t heme in s tudies o f Kerala u rban iza t ion and/or sys tems, w h i c h w e wi l l rev iew in detai l in the next chapter , is its s ignif icant var iat ion f r om the pat tern o f urban izat ion e l sewhere in India. (Sankaranarayanan 1977 , M o h a n 1983 , Cha t topadyay 1988 , Acha rya 1988). The d i f ferences may be s u m m e d as f o l l ows : 1. H is tor ica l e vo l u t i on of the urban pat tern in Kerala is d i f ferent f r o m the rest of India. 2. U rban hierarchy is less p r o n o u n c e d in Kerala. 3. T o w n s are m o r e spread ou t and even ly d i s t r ibu ted w i th in Kerala than in the rest of India, in spi te of the t w o clusters a r o u n d C a n n a n o r e and Tr ichur. 4. E c o n o m i c base of the urban areas in Kerala have d i f fe rences f r om those in m o s t parts of India. 5. The absence of a sharp break in e c o n o m i c s t ructure w h e n o n e m o v e s f r o m urban to rural areas. 6. The ratio of urban to total dens i ty in Kerala is less than in o the r areas of India. 7. Relative t o the o the r reg ions of India, min ima l urban-rural disparit ies. 8. Intra-urban cent res d is t inct ions are min ima l in Kerala. The prev ious t w o sec t ions in this chapte r have p r e sen ted a f e w of the factors that make inte l l ig ib le s o m e of these variant features. Ove ra l l it may be a rgued that the p resence of desako ta reg ions play an impor tant ro le in the Kerala urban sys tem be i ng d i f fe rent f r o m the rest of India. S o m e of the features s u m m e d up a b o v e are also s ymptomat i c of the presence of desakota . M i n i m a l urban-rural d ispar i t ies is an e x p r e s s i o n of the rural reg ions b e i n g in effect desako ta reg ions . W e saw in the case of fertil ity dec l i ne , the d i f ferences b e t w e e n urban and rural c rude birth rates we re na r row in Kerala. This was in contrast to the o the r states in India. Sunny 's s tudy of c o n s u m e r behav iou r in Kerala d u r i n g the pe r i od 1966 to 1983 , shows very nar row d i f fe rences in c o n s u m e r expend i tu re patterns b e t w e e n urban and rural res idents . This o n c e again is in contrast to the rest of India. M i n i m a l urban-rural disparit ies that Kerala is n o t e d for, is the access to socia l infrastructure, part icularly hea l th and educa t i ona l serv ices . The prev ious chapters exp l a ined , in part, the pol i t i ca l e c o n o m y that l ed to educa t iona l and heal th po l i c ies ensur ing a reasonably equ i tab le access t o b o t h urban and rural res idents . M o r e than 97 percen t of res idents in Kerala have a pr imary and m i d d l e s c h o o l w i th in t w o k i lomet res and a h igh s c h o o l w i th in five k i lometres . In p rov id i ng such access Kerala ranks n u m b e r o n e a m o n g the states in India. (Table 4 .05 , c o l u m n s 7 and 9) Physical p rox im i t y d o e s no t always ensure soc ia l access . But l iteracy and s c h o o l en ro l lmen t rates sugges t that there is reasonable soc ia l access as we l l . In health faci l i t ies, 90 pe rcen t of the res idents have a d ispensary w i th in t w o k i l omet res , and 78 percen t a hosp i ta l w i th in five k i lomet res . Kerala o n c e again ranks 23. I am indebted to K.P.Sunny for this information. This was revealed in his research on 'Consumer Behaviour in Kerala, 1966-1983' for the M.Phil dissertation Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi. See Appendix 4.03 for details. TABLE 4.05 India : Basic Amenities in Villages classified by States P E H C E X T A G E O F V 1 U L A G E 3 H A V W C A PAKUCWXH A.HEMmf L O C A T E D VTTHIW A S P E O F I E D DUTA^NCE BY S T A T E 3 Number of Rju]w»7 S u . Mtulled Btu S<op Pott Office Prlmirr of Middle Hiih/Hi»her D(ipeTU«i7 Health Cm- PertfllwT No Vin»r3 for lion (irlthln Rû«d (within (»<thJn (within it a u k School (with-• Secondary (w<thin Ire (wHihJn (wjihln Dcpo< (w<ti>-WMch D«u 5 km) 2 ka) 2 km) 2 km School (with-• In 2 km) School (iril.'i- 2 km) 2 km) 3 km) in 3 km) Were Prt>- in 2 km) In 3 km) ectwd (0) (I) 0) (3) (5) (S) (7) (D (9) 00) 01) 02) 03) ( 1) M.33 00) 61J9 ( 6) 41.15 ( 7) 68.73 ( 3) 90.02 03) 39J6 (13) 54J8 (12) 24.11 (16) 7.17 07) 31.36 01) 23.73 05) ( 2) 27.61 ( 2) 32J4 0«) 47.70 ( 9) 30.91 03) 93.70 ( 9) 33.90 ( 6) 70.42 ( 3) 23.90 01) 1303 ( 8) 3342 ( 2) 29.« Of) { 3) Bihir U.OJ ( 7) 43JI 02) 34-29 a<n 57.22 00) 9X02 01) 33.S<S ( 3) 6XÎ7( 7) 23-32 0 2) 31.04 ( 2) 43.93 ( 6) 3X« 03) ( •O Cuj int 1HI5S 27.44 ( 3) 5M0 ( 7) 71.18 ( 3) 63.41 ( Î) 93.n ( 6) 23.71 (20) 20.21 (22) 26.96 ( 9) 7.34 06) 20.12 0 7) •*0J<5 03) ( Î) Hiryiai 66«1 25.62 ( 5) 92-ii ( 3) 6706 ( 5) 66J5 ( 4) 98.88 ( 3) 36.92 ( 3) 79.43 ( 4) 34.22 ( S) 17.02 ( 5) 3106 02) 39.A1 ( T) ( 6) Himichrl Pndah 1S27Î 6JS 0«) H.U 09) 45J9 01) . 32.05 o n 83.73 09) 44J7 (12) 35.07 (10) 27.19 ( I) é.68 05) 14.^: (2C5 64.73 ( 31 ( 7) Jjmmu ind lOuhmir 64V 4.23 07) 59J1 ( 7) 41.00 ( I) 47J1 (15) 90..29 03) 33.00 ( 7) 61J9 ( 8) 40J2( 4) 130J( 7) 40.93 ( 7) W.43 ( 7) ( D 270M 13.15 at) 7X23( 5) 59.17 ( 6) 64.05 ( 5) 94.t6 ( 8) 5X99 ( 8) 5U9 03) 26J2 (10) 10.34 02) 31.78 ( 3) 330* ( T) i 9) >74 23.00 ( D « j 3 ( n 77S3 ( I) 99M ( 1) 99.69 ( 1) 9tJH 1) 96.11 X 1) 90J<{ 1) M.71 ( I) 7»vO( 1) n o 3 ( I) (101 70S25 9.69 0<) 27 JO (20) 26.69 (17) 30.14 (20) J5.76 0«) 30.42 (18) 27JI {IT) 13.04 (20) 3.64 (21) 20.36 (13) 3IJ1 Of) (11) a n 03) 44JI o n 46.40 00) 4<5.20 07) 93.23 0 0) 38.62 06) 31.76 07) 22JI 08) 7.08 08) 24.01 03) 36J! O'O (12) Minipur 20M 0.05 a i ) 34.72 (15) 31.M 03) 34J9 (19) n.77 (17) 46.86 01) 39.89 0 3) 19 J8 09) IIOOOO) 11.74 (21) 1900(2ff) • (13) OJ i (20) 2X16 (22) 19.94 a i ) 11.57 (22) 83.63 (20) 24.68 (21) 13.85 (20) 8.66 (22) • 3.81 (20) 9J l (22) 7J9 C21) (U) N«|tUod • 9<U 2.49 0<) 26jr7 a i ) 17JM (Z2) 20J5 (21) 98J4 ( 4) 39J6 (22) 21.40 a i ) 36.43 ( 3) 8J0 03) 16.72 (19) 6.13 (22) OriuA 41l&2« Ï.65 (15) 29.14 0») 26.43 (18) 50.73 (14) 88JJ9 (16) 49.40 0 0) 54.63 0 0 13.92 (21) 7.80 (13) 23 J7 0*) •n j j CI!) (161 Punjjb 12162 33JL2 ( I) 94.66 ( 2) 70.32 ( 4) 64.30 ( 7) 98.96 { 2) 63.67 ( 2)- 84.07 ( 2) 41J1 ( 3) UJ8 ( 3) 30J0 ( 4) 66.61 ( 3) (17) RjjistKtn 32i30 13J9 (12) 31.40 (17) 41J2 03) 46.23 06) 81J3 (22) 33.01 (17) 34.99 06) 23.83 (17) 3.60 (22) 31.79 (10) JO.IJ 07) (1«) Sikiim 215 — 42.79 03) 26.06 (19) 44,65 (IS) 90.14 (14) 30.00 (19) 25.70 (19) 29.44 ( 7) 16.82 ( 6) 17.76 OS) 60.93 ( 0 (19) T^mil N«du 22.43 ( 9) 71.69 ( 4) 72J» ( 2) 73.94 ( 2) 93.09 ( 7) 36.61 ( 4) 66.87 ( 6) 24.16 (13) 7.90 (14) 3903 ( 1) «502 ( 4) CO) Tripun 163 2.20 09) 39J2 (14) 26.0S (20) 51.36 (12) 82.74 (21) 39.63 (14) 41.13 (U) 24.43 ( 4) 11.93 ( 9) 20.40 (16) 5U3 00) CD Ui i i/ Pndah n25-<7 2 .^39 ( « ) 46.r7 (10) 31.26 0 6) 37.80 ( 9) 90.79 0 2) 41.40 03) 38J2 ( 9) 24J2 03) 10.70 0 0 46.31 ( 3) . i J J ! ( f) C2) Wot BcnpU 3*227 23.63 ( 4) 57.91 ( t) 4 .^79 (12) 64.72 ( 6) • 96.60 ( 3). 30.37 ( 9) 79.93 ( 3) 41.69 ( 2) 17.42 ( 4) 36.09 ( 9) 47.66 (i:t) All Irxil» 55S3I9 1I-J4 45.76 4026 33J4 90.12 43.76 20.92 24J9 11.98 35.48 43J9 carried over to next page carried over from previous page Number of Scaù Store Atn P\uip Stonic uui Vcterintry Credit 0>. E4nJc (with- 0«ily MuïA Hit (withia P P Shop toe EJtclridty ' Drlaki&i No Stuc Vau^ M for (withia Xeptit (with- Wirthouiini Ditp<nury opentivts In 5 km) (withia 2 km) Orocery Wita withia Which D«U 5 1cm) la 5 lim) (within (withia (within 2 km) (within Were Pro- 5 km) 5 km) 5 km) 2 km) ceued (Û) (1) (2) (H) (15) (16) (17) (IS) (19) (20) (21) (22) (23) • (24) ( 1) 257« 11.70 (19) 15.72 (13) 23.61 (10) 49.19 ( 9) 62.1S (12) 36.70 (10) 10.02 06) 19.11 (10) 22.12 (16) 51.13 ( 7) 91.47 (13) ( 2) 23082 • 2é.42 (17) a73 (16) 13.91 (15) 43.16 (13) 45.05 (16) 29M (16) 32.19 ( 2) 40.43 ( 3) 60J2 ( 3) 9.15 an 9534 ( 6) ( 3) Bihrf 62404 29:a (15) 19.65 (11) 20.47 (U) 40.67 (15) 67.71 (11) 35J2 (12) 17.16 ( 9) 37.91 ( 6) 49.11 ( 5) 17.41 (17) 92J9 (11) ( Cujtrxl mit 35.63 (10) 21.34 ( 9) 25.70 ( 9) 31.71 (11) 74.71 ( 6) 50.17 { 5) 20.76 ( 5) '13.45 (11) 51.67 ( 4) 37.42 (10) 9Î.09 (lO)' ( S) 45.13 ( 7) 31J12 ( 5) 19.00 (12) 71J1 ( 3) »4J6( 3) 19.41 { 2) 9.01 (11) — 41J5 ( 7) 99.71 ( 1) 9.0< ( 2) >< " HLinjurhjJ Pradab I627J 51.36 ( 6). 3U7 ( 4) • 6.69 q9) 47.17 (11) 69M (10) 36.40 (11) 14J6 (10) 11.05 (12) 26.43 (14) 50.71 ( 1) &*.r9 (21) '( 7) Jicunu Lnd ICuhfflir «r? 64.94 ( 1) 49J3 ( 2) 35.61 ( 2) 51.62 ( 6) 73.91 ( 7) 44.47 ( 1) 9J3 (17) — 20.60 07) 42.92 ( 9) • ( I) 27(X36 35J9 (11) 16J3 (12) 33.11 ( 4) 53.47 ( 4) 69.90 ( 1) 47J4( 7) 1.34 (20) \SJ2 (15) 29.66 (12) 66.^ 5 ( 5) 92.37 (12) ( 9) «2.94 ( 2) «4J9( 1) 33.61 ( 3) . 1 U 2 ( 1) 95.90 ( 1) 96.09 ( 1) 36.06 ( 1) SUi ( 1) 91.77 ( I) 96.92 ( 3) 96.22 ( 3) (10) Midhym Pndoh 70JZ3 23J 8 (IS) 1.72 (It) 10.24(16) • 37.41 (16) 34Ji (IS) 33 J6 (14) 1.94 (19) 17.17 (13) 19J4 01) 20.14 (14) 94.91 ( 1) (11) 35744 37.73 ( 9) 14.77 (14) 29.96 ( 6) 45J4 (12) 79.71 ( 5) 34.97 (13) 7.44 (22) 19.û« (11) 66.67 ( 2) 53.56 ( 6) 96.45 ( 4) (12) Minipur 2061 15.00 (20) 5.95 (19) 1.23 (17) 36.12 (17) 22JÏ1 (20) 16.03 (19) 17.71 ( 7) 2r t0 ( 1) 11.13 (21) 9.31 (20) 13.01 (11) (13) MejtuUyi 4i99 1.02 at) l U (22) o i an 17.92 (21) 19J3 (21) 7J9 (21) 11.91 (14) 34.11 ( 7) 37.61 ( 1) 4.67 (22) 17.62 (16) (U) N i t ' l ^ d 963 6.54 (22) 5.19 (2i) 66.45 ( 1) 23J1 (20) 7.17 (22) 6.13 (22) 7.61 ai) 6.44 (19) 10.17 (22) 27.13 (1J> 79J53 (19) (li) Oriu* 41i]6 30.94 (14) 5.16 (20) 1.09 (IS) 50.43 ( 1) 51.08 (14) 24.24 (11) 10.72 (13) 19.14 ( 9) 16.M (20) 11.41 (16) M J 6 (17) (16) 12I&2 35.11 (12) 46.10 ( 3) 34.56 ( 3) 77.10 ( 2) 1194 ( 2) 63J2 ( 3) 13.00 (13) — 37i51 (10) 91.11 ( 2) 99J9 ( 1) (17) 32430 21.66 (16) llJt7(17) 16.24 (14) 17 JO (22) 54.93 (15) 27J1 (17) 13.98 (11) 15.99 (14) 24X0 05) 11.71 (15) 96.76 ( 3) (U) Sikkim 215 59.35 ( 3) 23.01 ( 1) 3JS (22) 29.11 (19) 32.63 (19) 14.63 (20) 17.61 ( 1) 13.49 (17) 11.76 09) 20.9) (13) 73.34 (20) (19) Ttmil Nadu UJ75 42.30 ( 1) 29.47 ( 6) 26.46 ( 1) 50.51 ( 7) 11.16 ( 4) 44.09 ( 9) 13.43 (12) 15.15 (16) 26.69 (13) 94.53 ( 4) 93.12 ( 7) (20) Tlipur» 16} 57.11. ( 4) 13.20 (15) 5.91 (20) 48.31 (10) 43.M (17) 29.90 (15) 25.14 ( 3) 31.68 ( 2) 41.71 ( 6) 14.60 (19) 90.93 (U) (21) Utitf Pr»d<»h 112547 55.64 ( 5) 26.14 ( 7) 27.67 ( 7) 53.35 ( 5) «1.19 (13) 48.96 ( 6) 11.94 ( 6) 31.14 ( 5) 35.11 (11) 30.91 (11) 94.33 ( 9) (22) 31227 )J.13 (13) 20.15 (10) 11.31 (13) 44.49 (14) 69.69 ( 9) 50.19 ( 4) 21.11 ( 4) 39.19 ( 4) 37.61 ( 9) 160t (11) 19.«1 ( 5) All India 551519 40.33 " 13.76 20.72 45.19 60.75 39.13 14.JI 26.Î4 35.03 33.36 9161 Source: Special Statistics, Economic an(d Political Weekly, Vol XX No 14, April 6th 1985, p615-616. en n u m b e r o n e a m o n g the a m o n g the states in India. (Table 4.05. C o l u m n s 10 and 12). Ut i l i za t ion of heal th facil it ies have also b e e n h igh in K e r a l a . T h e r e are a n u m b e r o the r inst i tut ional serv ices in Kerala that are w i th in easy reach of mos t res idents , Kerala ranking n u m b e r o n e a m o n g the Indian states in such access . (See Tab le 4.05) In part a h igh dens i ty p o p u l a t i o n generates s u c h p rov i s ion of services and also p rov ides e c o n o m i e s of scale. In Kerala this was a u g m e n t e d by a pol i t ica l e c o n o m y that pr ior i t ized equ i tab le or egalitarian d i s t r ibu t ion of serv ices. This d o e s not mean that urban bias is absent in Kerala. Relative to o the r states, and mos t parts of the d e v e l o p i n g w o r l d , urban bias may be less in Kerala, but it is no t absent . U rban bias was de f i ned by L ip ton in terms of the no rms of e f f i c iency and equity . (1977. p56) It is no t necessary to d iscuss in detai l the c o n c e p t of urban bias for pu rposes of this study. But in the con tex t of ease of access to many services to the vast majority of Kerala res idents , there is a n e e d t o examine w h e t h e r this e l iminates o r r educes urban bias. It may be a rgued that urban bias is not s imp ly a matter of d i sc r imina t ion of whe re services and inst i tut ions are physical ly l o ca ted . It is a lso bui l t in to the very organ izat iona l structure o f e d u c a t i o n , heal th serv ices, etc. Each of these are o rgan i zed hierarchical ly w i th spec ia l inst i tut ions at the t o p be ing in urban loca t ions . This is observab le in Kerala. Inst itut ions of h igher e d u c a t i o n , hospi ta ls w i th spec i a l i zed exper t i ze and e q u i p m e n t are in o r near urban loca t ions . In terms of phys ica l l o ca t i on and built e n v i r o n m e n t there is a c o n g r e g a t i o n of these inst i tut ions. For e x a m p l e in Tr i vandrum such a c o n g r e g a t i o n can be obse r ved . But as p resen ted earl ier s u c h cong rega t i on of service inst i tut ions , bazaars and/or c o m m e r c i a l cent res 24. Krishnan's data of 1968 shows that the number treated in hospitals as percentage of total population was 115 percent in Kerala. The next highest percentage among the Indian states was Rajasthan at 53 percent. (1976.p1217) Nag's comparative studies of Kerala and West Bengal in terms of accessibility of health services; mortality rates; fertility differentials etc also emphasize the high utilization of health services in Kerala. (Nag 1983, 1984 and 1989) are p o c k e t s in a w h o l e reg ion of c o n t i n u o u s se t t l ement . The congrega t i on of services d o e s no t appear as the infrastructure of an res ident ia l enc lave , that can be t e r m e d urban and is dist inct geograph ica l l y and socia l ly f r o m those ou t s i de it. The c o n g r e g a t i o n of services is at t ransport n o d e s , o r more l ikely t ransport systems d e v e l o p e d to br ing p e o p l e to these cent res . W i t h i n the five k i lometres of s c h o o l s and hospi ta ls , o r m o r e in the case of spec i a l i zed inst i tut ions , t h o s e in c lose p rox im i t y are at an advantage. But t h o s e in c lose p rox im i t y are no t the socia l ly advantaged o r an elitist n e i g h b o u r h o o d . I ndeed it is diff icult to locate pres t ig ious o r elitist urban n e i g h b o u r h o o d s in Kerala, such as the " G o l f L inks " of N e w D e l h i , ^ ^ Adayar o f Madras , o r C i n n a m o n Gardens of C o l o m b o . In this con tex t , urban bias t h o u g h present , is less of a " c o n s p i r a c y " of the urban el i te. M i n i m a l urban-rural disparit ies and the relative ease of physica l access t o serv ices in b o t h urban and rural areas, l ed us to examine urban bias in Kerala. It is no t of centra l impo r t ance in this study. W h a t is impor tan t is to r e c o g n i z e that co l lec t i ve c o n s u m p t i o n , as de f i ned and d i s cussed in chapter o n e , is no t an urban pr iv i lege in Kerala. This has c o n s e q u e n c e s fo r the loca t ion of industr ia l activity. The spatial spread o f serv ice inst i tut ions also increases the tertiary sec to r in the non-urban areas. Non-agr icu l tura l activity in non-urban areasis partly a c o n s e q u e n c e of the sp read and dens i ty of the se iv i ce sector . Rural p o p u l a t i o n dens i t ies a lso increase the service sec to r in the rural areas. Service caste cont inu i t i es have also c o n t r i b u t e d in s o m e measure to the tertiary sec to r in the non-urban areas. W e shal l exam ine these in chapter seven . 25. In a sense the whole of New Delhi is the residential enclave of the socially privileged or advantaged. It is often said in India that you need a passport to get into New Delhi, because it so different from the rest of India and looks so "foreign". But within New Delhi, (ignoring areas of bureaucrats official residences or civil lines), among the privatized residential areas, "Golf Links" may be termed a prestigious enclave. Transport , c o m m u n i c a t i o n s and the spatial o rder . Kerala w e n o t e d in chapter t w o has an e l onga t ed shape . The t o p o g r a p h y further concent ra tes its p o p u l a t i o n a l ong t he coast in the l ow lands and mid lands , w i t h a sparsely p o p u l a t e d h igh lands . Histor ica l ly the space o f the low lands and mid lands was shrunk by a mob i l i t y p r o v i d e d by the sea and in land waterways . A n u m b e r of por ts and o p e n roadsteads made poss ib l e coasta l travel and transport . In add i t i on , it was poss ib l e at s o m e p laces o n the Kerala coast to f ind m o o r i n g s in areas of ca lm waters d u e to the fo rma t ion of m u d banks. (Jean D e l o c h e 1983 . p443) 26 Inland waterways we re bo th by coasta l lakes, l agoons and backwaters , paral lel to the sea, as we l l as vert ical to the sea by the 42 rivers that f l o w e d f r o m the W e s t e r n Ghats t h r o u g h Kerala t o the Arab ian Sea. W a r d and C o n n e r in their survey of Travancore and C o c h i n in 1815 r e c o r d the d is tances that the rivers w e r e be i ng nav igated. (Ward and C o n n e r 1863 p27) G i ven the t o p o g r a p h y and the s ize of the rivers, the d is tances we re no t great. But g iven the concen t r a t i on of the p o p u l a t i o n in l ow lands and mid lands the in land waterways and coasta l s h i p p i n g served t o co l l apse the space of this r eg i on . In the W e s t lies m o r e disparate and c o m p a r t m e n t a l i z e d strip of land. H e r e the backwaters of Kerala have se rved t o b r ing t o po in t s near the river m o u t h the traffic and trade of the h in te r land . (Jean D e l o c h e 1983 . p439) 26. "I should also mention a curious phenomenon, well known to old sailors. At certain places on the Kerala coast it is possible to find moorings in areas of calm water which depend upon the formation of mud banks. It has been observed that marine deposits of fine sized particles of green and black mud have been found near certain ports between Pantalayini and Quilon, (which is about 300 kilometres distance from each other) Many of the ancient settlements owe their prominence partly to this phenomenon which allows vessels to throw their anchors safely and of discharging cargo even at the height of the monsoon...ln 1775-76, Stavorinus, talking of the mud banks at the mouth of the river at Koduganallur (Cranganore), north of Cochin, and at Porcad, stated that vessels could moor there in 20 feet of water, without anchor or cables, perfectly secure, during the southwest monsoon". (Deloche 1983. p443) A n d even t h o u g h the rivers we re no t b ig , the i nd igenous t e chno log i c a l cu l ture assoc ia ted w i th waterways had p r o d u c e d crafts that c o u l d navigate the small sha l l ow rivers. Pearson c i t ing a 16th century Po r tuguese source makes these observa t ions : The o the r route , by sea to Gujarat, ....was nav igated in smal l , l ight, oa r ed craft ca l led paroes, w h i c h c o u l d escape up the n u m e r o u s rivers of the wes t coast if they we re seen by the Por tuguese . The Por tuguese ships we re usual ly t o o large to f o l l o w t h e m , These traders in fact in the 1520s felt themse lves s o secure that they w o u l d sail up nor th to Gujarat and o n the way take m o c k i n g p o t shots at the Po r tuguese coasta l forts . They even sai led tantal iz ingly c l ose t o the c u m b e r s o m e warsh ips of the d r e a d e d Vasco da G a m a , w h e n he was back in India as v i ce roy in 1524, k e e p i n g just ou t of range and s h o w i n g c o m p l e t e c o n t e m p t fo r his armada. D a G a m a , w h o had a t e n d e n c y to cho l e r at any t ime , and was certainly m o r e used to massacr ing Malabar is than b e i n g l aughed at by t h e m "was scanda l i zed at such d i s r espec t " . (Pearson 1981 . p30-31)27 The in land waterways and the coasta l sea and the n u m e r o u s types of crafts that p l i ed t h e m c o n t i n u e d t o be used in Kerala e ven u p t o c o n t e m p o r a r y t imes . A 20th century British adminis t rator observes , after referr ing t o the usefu lness of the anchorage p r o v i d e d by the m u d banks du r i ng the m o n s o o n s : O f equa l impor tance and s ign i f i cance was the vast backwater sys tem This w o n d e r f u l area of nav igable waters , w i th m i n o r streams and canals s t re tch ing in land l ike tentac les f r o m the main b o d y , pe rm i t t ed and p r o m o t e d the use of every k ind of native craft, f r o m the toy-like c a n o e w i th its t iny mast and its sail n o larger than a tea c l o t h , t o the o c e a n g o i n g 'patt imas ' w i t h masts raking fo rward , their crafty l o o k i n g l ines, and p i c tu resque crews in the i r r ed turbans. Nex t in o rde r b e l o w the 'pat t imas ' c ame the t ransport l ighters, vary ing in size f r o m abou t thirty to o n e h u n d r e d tons b u r d e n . (Br is tow 1959. p51-52) In chapte r e ight w e wi l l have o c ca s i on t o see the role of the in land waterways and native crafts in the space e c o n o m y of the co i r industry. Histor ica l g e o g r a p h y of the reg ion o n c e again c o m e s in to play, p rov i d i ng a water t ransport sys tem and a mob i l i t y that co l l apses 27. There were a category of naval marines or naval guerrillas on the Malabar coast. Most of them were Muslims, though Nayar warriors were known to have joined them on board in times of naval warfare. The more notable of these naval guerrillas, or corsairs (pirates) as the Portuguese chose to call them,were Kunjalis who served the Zamorin of Kozhikode. (Pearson 1981, Nambiar 1963). the space . This may have faci l i tated the d i spe r sed se t t lement pat tern that was desc r i bed earlier. A d i spe rsed se t t l ement pattern n e e d e d m o r e means of access . The water t ransport sys tem was a u g m e n t e d in the latter half of the 19th century by road and rail t ransport . These we r e first i n t r o d u c e d in Ma labar distr ict . Indeed in the first half of the 19th century the British e x t e n d e d the canal sys tem. This c o i n c i d e d w i th the M o p a l a h upr is ings and is in te rp re ted as d o n e t o facil itate t r o o p m o v e m e n t s . ( Ibrahim 1978. p36) W i t h these ex tens ions , t o g e t h e r w i th t hose made in Travancore , there was a c o n t i n u o u s in land waterway system f r o m C a n n a n o r e in the nor th t o Tr i vandrum in the s o u t h . The first railway l ine, la id b e t w e e n Beypo re and Tirur, was in 1861 . (Ibid p37) Later it was e x t e n d e d s o u t h to Shoranur and t h e n eastwards eventual ly t o l ink u p to Madras v ia C o i m b a t o r e , in Tami lnadu, ( then Madras Pres idency) . In the nor th it was e x t e n d e d to K o z h i k o d e , C a n n a n o r e and eventual ly to M a n g a l o r e in South Canara distr ict . T h o u g h the initial railways may have had a partial ob jec t i ve of faci l i tat ing t r o o p m o v e m e n t s , as they d e v e l o p e d they ul t imately se rved the m o v e m e n t of p lanta t ion p r o d u c e and to d raw the wes t coast distr icts , (Malabar and Sou th Canara) , of the Madras P res idency w i th in the orb i t and d o m a i n of Madras . C o c h i n and Travancore d e v e l o p e d railways a l ong the coast t o link up w i th Shoranur . There was link u p of Q u i l o n eastwards a lso t h r o u g h the Shenco t tah Pass to Tirunelve l i in Tami lnadu, ( then Madras Pres idency) . The t w o pr ince ly states we r e also d rawn in to the Madras d o m a i n . This suppor t s the earl ier a rgument w h y n o n e of the Ma labar coast cit ies e m e r g e d as a b ig me t ropo l i s . Roads sui table fo r w h e e l e d traffic we re virtually non-existent in Kerala unt i l the latter half of the 19th century . M o s t the roads unti l this t ime we re t hose bui l t by T i p p u Sultan for mil itary pu rposes . ( l b id 35-36) The p resence of waterways in the l ow lands and the diff icult terrain fo r bu l lock carts in the h ighe r reg ions may have cons t ra ined the d e v e l o p m e n t of roads . A n y land t ransportat ion o f ca rgo that c o u l d no t be h a n d l e d manual ly may have b e e n d o n e 28. tewandowskl's (1980) work on Kerala migrants in Madras city, suggests the centre-periphery character of Madras and the southwest India during the British raj. wi th the aid of pack-bul ls . The latter half of the 19th century saw the g r o w t h of roads , mainly to l ink the areas of p lantat ion agr icul ture t o the por ts and railway. Travancore l ed in the b u i l d i n g of roads. F rom a mere 52 mi les in 1862, it rose 900 by 1880 and 3000 in 1900. (Ibid p39) S imi lar t rends ob t a i ned in C o c h i n and Malabar . W i t h the advent of m o t o r i z e d pub l i c and private t ransport by the e n d of the first quar ter of the 20th century, there was pressure for m o r e roads and road t ransport . Du r i ng the last four to five decades road t ransport has b e e n the mos t heavi ly used sys tem, f o l l o w e d by rai lways and then waterways. Inland waterways sys tems h o w e v e r c o n t i n u e t o be used , and are still impor tant in s o m e distr icts l ike A i l e p p e y and Kot tayam. (Tharmamangalam 1981 . p i 7) The thrust t o have soc ia l infrastructure access ib le to mos t res idents of Kerala, and the t ransport needs of the dense l y p o p u l a t i o n rural r eg ions , has led Kerala to have a h igh road dens i ty in India. In 1961 , excep t fo r a f ew p o c k e t s in the h igh lands , all res idents of Kerala had road access ib i l i ty w i th in 0 to 8 mi les of their r es idence . (See A p p e n d i x 4.04) By 1977 , 98 pe r cen t of Kerala res idents had a bus s top and/or a me ta l ed road w i th in t w o k i lomet res of their r es idence . Kerala ranked n u m b e r o n e in the p rov i s i on of such services in India. (See c o l u m n 4 and 5 in Table 4.05) By the 1980s Kerala had the h ighest road dens i ty a m o n g the States in India at 2.74 km of road l eng th per square k i l omet re . The next we r e way b e l o w , w i th Tami lnadu at 1.0 k m and Punjab at 0.92 k m of road l eng th per square k i l omet re . A c c e s s to rai lway was less, on l y 23 percen t of the p o p u l a t i o n we re w i th in five k i lomet res o f a railway s ta t ion . (See c o l u m n 3 of Table 4.05 and A p p e n d i x 4.05) Overa l l roads and railways have b r o u g h t about increased mob i l i t y and h e i g h t e n e d the space co l l apse already present in Kerala w i th the in land waterways. This has b e e n fur ther in tens i f i ed dur ing the last f e w d e c a d e s by the increase in the n u m b e r of m o t o r veh ic les , part icularly by the entry of t w o and three w h e e l e r m o t o r i z e d transport . (See Tab le 4.06) R e g i s t e r e d motor V e h i c l e s i n K e r a l a Number s 1960 1970 1 982 Per ce nt Nos % Nos % Nos % Goods V e h i c l e s Trucks & L o r r i e s 5476 22.4 13162 15. 3 25626 1 1 . 6Three Wheelers Not Known Not Known 2038' 0. 9 Passenger V e h i c l e s Buses 3511 14.3 6563 7. 6 1 1030 5. 0 Cars 11611 47.4 33294 38. 6 60412 27.4 Ta x i Cabs 1485 6.1 8848 10. 3 21569 9. 8 Two Wheelers 2064 8.4 15117 17. 5 70498 31 . 9 Auto Rickshaws 100 0.4 1062 1. 2 12727 5. 8 Jeeps Not Known 4828 5. 6 9030 4. 1 Others 223 0.9 3360 3. 9 7803 3. 5 TOTAL 24470 100.0 86234 100. 0 220733 100. 0 Int er-per iod - 1960-1970 1970-1982 1960-1982 i ncr ease Percent Percent Percent Goods V e h i c l e s Trucks & V e h i c l e s 1 40.4 94.7 368 .0 Passenger V e h i c l e s Buses 86.9 68.1 214 .2 Cars 186.7 81 .5 420 .3 Taxi cabs 495.8 143.8 1352 .5 Two Wheelers 632.4 366.3 3315 .6 Auto Rickshaws 962.0 1098.4 12627 .0 Others 1406.7 132.2 3399 . 1 TOTAL 252.4 156.0 802 . 1 Sources : G o v e r n m e n t of India 1969. Tab le 63 . p 2 4 6 , f o r 1 9 6 0 data . G o v e m m e n t of Kerala 1984. p i 0 5 , fo r 1 9 7 0 data . G o v e r n m e n t o f Kerala 1984. p33 a n d p i 05 f o r 1 9 8 2 da ta . M c G e e observes in fo rmu la t ing the d e s a k o t a hypo thes i s . The availability of relat ively c h e a p t ranspor t s u c h as t w o s t roke m o t o r b i k e s , buses and trucks has fac i l i ta ted relat ively q u i c k m o v e m e n t o v e r l onge r d istances than c o u l d be c o v e r e d prev ious ly . ( M c G e e 1991a p i 7) In India a f fordable transport o the r than p u b l i c t ransport we re the use of t w o whee l e r s as persona l o r o w n e d vehic les and three w h e e l e r taxis ca l led auto-r ickshaws. Table 4.06 demonst ra tes the g r o w t h in the use of s u c h m o t o r i z e d t ransport in Kerala. These t rends are in the d i rec t ion of t ime-space co l l apse in Kerala. But o n e has to be caut ious in st ress ing the t ime e lement . The s ize of roads and the t ime taken fo r travel by pub l i c t ransport o r t w o and three whee le rs have to b e kept in m i n d . Equal ly relevant is the pace of life, and cos t e l ement of t ime. The latter is no t h igh , g iven the availabil ity of labour . There is thus n o rush to save t ime. The presenta t ion of the spatial o rde r in Kerala in this chapter , t oge the r w i th the prev ious chapters t w o and three, c o m p l e t e s a descr ip t i ve analysis of the back-drop or soc io-spatial mi l ieu o f Kerala. In chapte r o n e it was a rgued that the desako ta hypothes i s as put fo rward by M c G e e was relevant to unde r s t and ing the spatial o rde r of Kerala, part icularly the urban-rural fus ion . In this and in the prev ious chapte r this was raised w h e n e v e r it was appropr ia te to d o s o . W e are n o w in a pos i t i on to examine w i th in this socio-spat ia l mi l i eu or labyr inth, the hard co re e c o n o m i c character of desako ta , the mix of agricultural and non-agricultural activity. But be fore w e d o so it is necessary to rev iew the ex is t ing l iterature o n Kerala u rban iza t ion . It is particularly necessary t o examine w h e t h e r these s tud ies t o o r e cogn i ze an urban-rural f u s i on and if so what analytical and theore t i ca l perspec t i ves have b e e n taken in any ef fort t o make it inte l l ig ib le . This is the subject of the next chapter . C H A P T E R FIVE KERALA URBANIZATION: A LITERATURE REVIEW There are reasons w h y it is necessary t o rev iew the literature o n Kerala u rban iza t ion . First, as stated, t o examine if and h o w the urban-rural f u s i on observab le in Kerala is dealt w i th in the l iterature. S e c o n d , to demons t r a t e s o m e of the inadequac ies of the c o n c e p t u a l in terpretat ion of Kerala u rban iza t ion . Th i rd t o s h o w h o w the desako t a c o n c e p t he lps t o demyst i fy what is f requent ly por t rayed in Indian urban s tud ies as the aberrant urban iza t ion pattern of Kerala in the nat ional con t ex t . This rev iew is p resen ted in three parts. First a rev iew of the l iterature o n urban iza t ion t rends at the nat ional level that have s o m e observa t ions o n Kerala u rban iza t ion . S e c o n d , spec i f i c s tudies of urban iza t ion in Kerala, as we l l as compara t i ve s tudies o f Kerala u rban iza t ion w i th ano the r r eg ion or state in India. Th i rd , an ove r v i ew of s tudies in urban a n t h r o p o l o g y , urban h is tory and reg iona l g e o g r a p h y in the Indian c o n t e x t and their usefu lness fo r examin ing desako ta in Kerala. Kerala in the urban izat ion t rends in India There has been a g r o w i n g l i terature o n urban iza t ion in India d u r i n g the last three decades . N o t all of t hem are relevant fo r this s tudy. This rev iew is l im i t ed t o those whe re Kerala f igures in the reg iona l t rends o r is re fer red to fo r s o m e spec i f i c feature. This task is made easy because f ew studies o f nat iona l u rban iza t ion t rends have spec i f i c , o r even a pass ing, c o m p a r i s o n , c o m m e n t s o r analysis of Kerala u rban iza t ion . This is largely d u e to Kerala urban iza t ion be i ng seen as a marked variant f r o m the nat ional and o the r reg iona l t rends. This makes it diff icult t o fit Kerala w i th in nat ional and/or reg iona l t rends, a n d so it is left ou t even in the inf luent ia l w o r k of Rakash M o h a n o n Indian urban iza t ion . W e shall exam ine this w h e n w e rev iew M o h a n ' s wo rk . There is n o re ference t o Kerala, as dep i c t i ng o r part of any reg iona l t r end , or fo r that matter in any con tex t , in the f requent ly c i t ed s tud ies of Indian urban iza t ion of Sovani (1966), Fox (1970a), Bose (1973. 1975) , o r N o b l e and Dut t (1977). The papers o n Indian urban izat ion by D e s h p a n d e and Bhat in the v o l u m e ed i t ed by Rona ld Jones (1975) ; and by S ingh and S ingh in the v o l u m e e d i t e d by M i c h a e l C o n z e n (1986) a lso have n o re ference to Kerala. These t w o pub l i ca t ions are a co l l e c t i on of coun t r y s tudies of u rban iza t ion . C r o o k and Dyson ' s (1982) brief analysis of u rban iza t ion in India, based o n the 1981 C e n s u s has n o re fe rence to Kerala. It may be n o t e d that all Kerala cit ies fall ou t s i de the twenty largest c i t ies in India c o m p i l e d by C r o o k and D y s o n . (Ibid, p i 53) The recent t w o v o l u m e s of s tudies o n urban izat ion in As ia ed i t ed by C o s t a , Dut t , M a and N o b l e (1988 and 1989) have a n u m b e r of articles o n Indian urban iza t ion , but n o n e of t h e m have any re ference to Kerala. The c o l l e c t i o n of urban studies ed i t ed by Turner (1962) i nc ludes a paper by Nath (p141-153) t i t led " T h e V i l lage and the C o m m u n i t y " . This s tudy examines the vi l lage in India as a se t t l ement unit , soc ia l unit and as a c o m m u n i t y . Kerala, a l ong w i t h parts of H imacha l P radesh, is seen as an ex t r eme depar ture f r o m the t ight nuc lea ted vi l lage se t t l ement type. Nath 's w o r k was referred t o in detai l in the last chapter . There is a lso a pass ing re ference to Kerala in a paper o n c i ty-hintedand re la t ionships by El lefsen (p94-115) in the Turner v o l u m e . N o n e of the cit ies in the El lefsen s tudy are f r o m Kerala, but there is re fe rence to Kerala as an e x c e p t i o n to the dec l ine in l iteracy rates in popu l a t i ons o n a city h in ter land c o n t i n u u m in India, ( p i 08) It is on l y in the w o r k of Rakesh M o h a n and Pant (1982), Rakesh M o h a n (1983, 1985), Buch (1983) M a n z o o r A l a m and Reddy (1987), Chak r abo r t y (1987, 1990) and A m i t a b h K u n d u (1987) that there is s o m e re ference t o Kerala urban patterns and trends. K u n d u f o u n d Kerala, a long w i th Punjab, had a h igh concen t r a t i on of s l o w g r o w i n g and stagnat ing t o w n s t oge the r w i th fast g r o w i n g t o w n s in c l o se prox imi ty , sugges t i ng s o m e t owns g r o w i n g at the cos t of o thers . (1987.p169) H e also obse r ves in Kerala a dec l i ne in the n u m b e r of t owns in the 1970s and an increase in the 1980s, s o m e of t h e m c lus ter ing near Tr ichur , Ernakulam and C a n n a n o r e . ( Ibid.p170-171) H e a lso refers to Kerala, Tami lnadu and A n d h r a Pradesh, t oge the r w i th Bihar and W e s t Bengal as hav ing large vi l lages w i th m o r e than 5000 p o p u l a t i o n . ( Ibid, p i 7 6 ) This con f i rms the obse rva t ions of Na th (1962), referred t o in the last chapter , o n the reg iona l variat ions in the s ize of se t t l ements . This as s h o w n in the last chapte r has impl i ca t ions fo r u rban iza t ion , because o n e o f the cr i ter ia for a se t t l ement t o be d e e m e d urban is a p o p u l a t i o n of 5000 o r more . Chak rabor t y (1987) f o u n d that the dec l i ne of h o u s e h o l d industr ies in urban areas in the 1960s in all Indian states, reversed in the 1980s , e x c e p t in Kerala and Or i ssa . (1987.p137) As w e wi l l no te in the next chapter , non-factory n o n - h o u s e h o l d or smal l scale rural industr ies are a d o m i n a n t feature of Kerala and exp la in the t r end o b s e r v e d by Chakrabor ty . Chak rabor t y was also the on l y pe r son s o far to d raw a t ten t ion , t h o u g h o n l y in pass ing , t o the g e n d e r bias in the de f in i t ion of urban in India, hav ing w o r k e d against Kerala w h i c h has a relat ively a h igh i n c idence of females in the work fo r ce . (1990 . p305 ) This issue was d i s cussed in the last chapter . A l am and Reddy (1987) classify the urban systems o f the Indian states in to three types , the pr imate city d i s t r ibu t ion , the log-normal city d i s t r ibu t ion and the decen t r a l i z ed o r mu l t i -nuc lea ted d i s t r ibu t ion . Kerala falls in to the last ca tegory a l o n g w i th M a d h y a Pradesh, Bihar, Or issa and Punjab. (1987.p51) This is the absence of p r imacy in Kerala and was d i s cussed at length in the last chapter . Buch (1983) in an article t i t led " E m e r g i n g Reg iona l Pat terns" in the journa l Urban India^ has on l y this obse rva t ion to make o n Kerala: Kerala is a class by itself. Its t o p o g r a p h y concen t ra tes its popu l a t i on a l o n g the coast . The main foca l po in ts of d e v e l o p m e n t are C o c h i n , T r i vandrum, Ca l i cu t and Q u i l o n . This is prec ise ly wha t the con f igu ra t i on of the state d ictates. There is n o part icular l esson to be d rawn f r o m this, e x c e p t that the ent ire K o n k a n coast w o u l d present a similar p ic ture . (1983. p9)2 A n i n f o r m e d analysis of urban iza t ion in India in terms of census d e m o g r a p h i c material has b e e n in the w o r k of Rakesh M o h a n (1983, 1985) and Rakesh M o h a n and Pant (1982). This i n c l u d e d an a t tempt to m a p ou t the State-wise pattern of urban g rowth . ( M o h a n and Pant. 1982 p i 579-1581) In their effort t o dea l w i th state t rends , they f o u n d the Kerala urban features p rob l emat i c . This l ed t h e m to leave Kerala ou t of their analysis. W e had o c c a s i o n to refer to this earl ier in this study. But s ince their reasons fo r e x c l u d i n g Kerala are i l luminat ing and also of centra l impor t ance in this l iterature rev iew it needs to be q u o t e d in fu l l . Kerala poses part icular p r o b l e m s in the de f in i t i on of urban areas. Its overa l l p o p u l a t i o n dens i ty was abou t 550 p e o p l e per sq k m in 1971 , the rural dens i t y itself b e i ng abou t 480 . Further abou t 80 percen t of the rural p o p u l a t i o n l i ved in vi l lages of ove r 10 ,000 p o p u l a t i o n and another 15 percen t in vi l lages in the range of 5,000 to 10,000 p o p u l a t i o n . H e n c e a lmost all the set t lements w o u l d qual i fy f o r c lassi f icat ion as urban se t t l ements we r e it no t for the add i t iona l r equ i r ement of 75 percen t of the male l abour fo r ce be i ng in non-agr icu l ture . W i t h such h igh overal l dens i t ies , it is a lso no t easy to d e c i d e o n the bounda r i e s of set t lements . It is p resumab l y because of these p r o b l e m s that there appear t o have b e e n major def in i t iona l changes in the 1981 census . M a n y t o w n s in the class IV, V and VI range f r o m the 1971 census d o no t appear in this census , and many n e w towns have b e e n a d d e d . Kerala has, there fore , b e e n o m i t t e d in this state-wise analysis because of all these def in i t iona l p r o b l e m s . ( M o h a n and Pant 1982. p i 579) 1. This is the journal of the National Institute of Urban Affairs, New Delhi. 2. The Konkan coast is the coastal region north of Goa and stretches up to Bombay. South of Goa, down to Kanya Kumari (Cape Comorin) is the malabar coast. (Schwartzberg 1978. p3;p140) S o m e of the f ew references t o Kerala in the l i terature rev iewed s o far, and in part icular the deta i led c o m m e n t of M o h a n and Pant, c o n f i r m the d ist inct var iat ion of Kerala urban izat ion patterns and t rends f r om o the r reg ions of India. Kerala urban izat ion n o d o u b t requires examina t ion in d e p t h , w h i c h is w h y perhaps it is dif f icult t o a c c o m m o d a t e in studies that a im at the breadth of the nat ional canvas. But M o h a n and Pant may have r e c o g n i z e d in their e x e m p t i o n c lause fo r Kerala s o m e of the under l y ing factors for the 'part icular p r o b l e m s in the de f in i t ion of urban areas'. A m o n g these the m o r e impor tan t are, first, the se t t l ement pattern w h i c h def ies natural boundar ies . S e c o n d , the c h o p p i n g up of the c o n t i n u o u s d i spe r sed set t lements in to p o p u l a t i o n b locks of 10 .000 t o 15,000 as revenue v i l lages. These t w o factors, t oge the r w i th p o p u l a t i o n densi t ies and s ize of se t t l ement w h i c h M o h a n and Pant r e c o g n i z e , make the e c o n o m i c criteria the on l y crit ical variable fo r any set t lement t o be d e e m e d urban . This was d i s cussed in detai l in the last chapter . It is b rought up here to argue that, wha t M o h a n a n d Pant are e n c o u n t e r i n g as p rob l ema t i c in Kerala, is in fact the p resence of desakota . The cr it ical variable w e n o t e d is the e c o n o m i c criteria, v iz , 75 pe r cen t of the male w o r k f o r c e t o be in non-agricultural activit ies. In a desako ta con tex t of a m ix of agricultural and non-agricultural activity, this can make s o m e se t t l ements that have non-agr icul tura l male w o r k f o r c e osc i l l a t ing a round 75 pe r cen t to be c lass i f ied and dec lass i f ied as urban in d i f ferent censuses . This has b e e n c o n c e p t u a l i z e d as the instabi l i ty of the urban p rocess by Nagaraj (1985). W e shall shor t ly return to this issue w h e n w e rev iew Nagaraj's w o r k . The osc i l l a t ion by s o m e se t t l ements is happen ing in sp i te of the g e n d e r bias. Indeed as i nd i ca ted earlier, it is the concen t r a t i on o f the male w o r k f o r c e d o m i n a t e d industr ies l ike b e e d i in the C a n n a n o r e and Tr ichur districts that are t i pp ing the scales and con t r i bu t i ng to the c luster of t owns in these distr icts. To s u m up , the urban p rob l ema t i c of Kerala d isappears , o n c e the desako t a hypothes i s is u s e d t o concep tua l i ze the spatial o rde r of the non-urban reg ions o f Kerala. This shall b e c o m e m o r e clear o n c e w e crit ical ly rev iew the s tud ies dea l ing wi th Kerala u rban iza t ion , as a spec i f i c case s tudy and/or a compara t i ve study. Kerala as a case and compara t i ve s tudy in urban iza t ion . There are f ew case studies of urban izat ion in Kerala, or in c o m p a r i s o n w i t h another state in India, and thus are l imi ted t o the w o r k o f Janaki (1954) , Sankaranarayanan (1977), Nagaraj (1985), Cha t topadhyay (1988) and S reeKumar (1990). S o m e aspects of Kerala u rban iza t ion are also dealt in the v o l u m e o n India in the Habi tat As ia Series dea l ing w i th se t t l ement and shel ter issues, po l i c i es etc ( Bhooshan and M i s r a 1979). There are also s o m e observa t ions o n Kerala urban iza t ion in a s tudy of Kerala u rban land for hous i ng (Acharya 1988). Janaki's w o r k t i t led " Func t i ona l c lass i f icat ion of u rban se t t l emen t " p u b l i s h e d in 1954 bears the s tamp of the pe r i od . The stated a im of the s tudy was to examine the impac t of phys ica l and e c o n o m i c factors o n the func t ions of t o w n s in Kerala and of the re la t ionsh ip b e t w e e n the func t ions and sizes of t o w n s . The s tudy is h o w e v e r largely a d e s c r i p t i o n and g r o u p i n g of t o w n s u n d e r the ca tegor ies c o m m e r c i a l and industr ia l t owns , agr icul tural market t o w n s , t emp l e t o w n s and p lanta t ion t o w n s . It is in format ive of Kerala t o w n s in t he 1950s but its analytical value is neg l ig ib l e . Sankaranarayanan (1977) m a d e a compara t i ve s tudy of Kerala a n d Tami lnadu urban iza t ion .3 It was a p i o n e e r i n g s tudy to prise o p e n the dist inct ive features of Kerala u rban iza t ion in the Indian con tex t . W h i l e there was s o m e c o m p a r i s o n of the Kerala urban t rends w i th the nat ional mean , the focus was o n c o m p a r i n g Kerala w i th Tami lnadu . The p u r p o s e of the c o m p a r i s o n was to b r ing o u t the dist inct ive features of Kerala u rban iza t i on , the 3. It was Sankaranarayanan's study that first stimulated my interest in Kerala urbanization, particularly because the pattern of urbanization had many similarities to Sri Lanka. author assert ing that the urban iza t ion pattern in Tami lnadu was typical o f India. ( Ibid, p i ) In the l ight of recent s tudies of urban iza t ion in India s o m e may have reservat ions o n this asser t ion. But in spi te of this poss ib l e m e t h o d o l o g i c a l weakness , Sankaranarayan was success fu l in his ob jec t i ve of de t e c t i ng and presen t ing the d is t inct ive features of Kerala u rban iza t ion . S u m m i n g t h e m up he s ta ted : The d i s t ingu ish ing features of Kerala's urban pattern are that (a) the city d o m i n a n c e is c o n s p i c u o u s l y absent ; (b) the urban inf luence is m o r e w ide l y d i f fused , and (c) rural-urban d i s t inc t ion is b lu r red . These d i f fe rences are d u e no t so m u c h to de l iberate po l i c y of p l anned urban g row th , as to d e m o g r a p h i c and e c o l o g i c a l factors pecu l ia r to Kerala, ( ib id. p26 ) These factors we re p o p u l a t i o n densi ty , b ig vi l lages, absence of pr imacy, se t t lement pat tern , c o c o n u t and ga rden cash c rops , agro-process ing smal l scale industr ies , d ivers i f ied e c o n o m y of t owns and vi l lages, i n c l ud ing agricultural activit ies in urban areas, etc. The last feature he n o t e d l ed to the dec lass i f i ca t ion of many t o w n s f r om urban t o rural w i th the 1961 census , c o n s e q u e n t to the i n t roduc t i on of e c o n o m i c criteria of 75 pe rcen t of the male w o r k i n g p o p u l a t i o n having to be in non-agr icul ture for urban status. M o s t of these features can be in terpre ted as occu r r i ng o r assoc ia ted w i th the p resence of desako ta . In ef fect , if the urban rural d i c h o t o m y is f l exed t o inc lude the intermediary desako ta , the dist inct ive or aberrant features of the Kerala " u r b a n pa t te rns " cease to be p rob l ema t i c and b e c o m e mean ing fu l o r make sense . Nagaraj 's (1985)^ s tudy is in fact a compara t i ve s tudy of u rban iza t ion in the states of Tami lnadu , Karnataka and A n d h r a Pradesh. If Kerala had b e e n i n c l u d e d the s tudy w o u l d have c o v e r e d the w h o l e of sou th India. Nagaraj , c o n s c i o u s o f the o m i s s i o n , exp la ins : 4. An abridged version of this study was published in 'Perspectives on urbanization and migration: India and USSR' Edited by Manzoor Alam and Fatima Alikhan. (1987. p303-370) The review here is of the larger version published as Working Paper No 54 (pp315) of the Madras Institute of Development Studies. (1985) The pecul iar i t ies of the pattern of u rban iza t ion in Kerala - and the def in i t iona l . p r o b l e m s attendant o n these - p o s e a n u m b e r of p r o b l e m s in c o m p a r i n g Kerala w i t h o the r states, sou the rn or no r the rn , in India; and Kerala is o f t en left ou t in a d i saggrega ted s tudy of u rban iza t ion . A n d o u r s tudy is n o e x c e p t i o n . (1985. p8) Nagaraj a lso cites M o h a n and Pant (1982), w h i c h w e q u o t e d earlier, and the reasons g iven by t h e m fo r e x c l u d i n g Kerala. But Nagaraj in a f o o t n o t e states: It may be n o t e d here that the Daksh inna Kannada distr ict ( former iy k n o w n as South Kanara distr ict) in Karnataka, w h i c h displays s o m e str ik ing similarit ies w i th Kerala, b o t h w i th respect to its pattern o f urban iza t ion and the genera l nature of its e c o n o m y , poses similar p r o b l e m s in the s tudy of u rban iza t ion . W e be l ieve that the m e t h o d w e have a d o p t e d in this s tudy has enab l ed us to capture the essentia l features of urban iza t ion in Daksh inna Kannada distr ict , and also to p rov ide s o m e b road hypo theses regard ing the factors unde r l y ing the p rocesses of urban izat ion in the distr ict . So w i th h ind s ight w e c o u l d say that after all , w e c o u l d have i n c l u d e d Kerala in this study. ( Ibid. F o o t n o t e 7, p8) Daksh inna Kannada distr ict is a long the Arab ian Sea and immed ia te l y no r th of Kerala. H is tor ica l ly it was part of the Ma labar coast . The transport co r r ido r that runs a l ong the Kerala coast , ends up in M a n g a l o r e , the administrat ive and main urban cent re of Daksh inna Kannada. The coasta l r eg ion of this district is a literal taper ing no r the rn e n d o f the Kerala socio-spat ia l and e c o l o g i c a l features.^ Nagaraj 's h ypo theses about this distr ict are thus of interest for this s tudy o f desako ta in Kerala. His efforts to unde r s t and urban iza t ion and the urban systems w i th in the three states in the con tex t of the reg iona l e c o n o m i e s was a lso a w e l c o m e depar ture f r o m the pre-occupa t ion of many s tud ies of Indian u rban iza t ion w i t h mere d e m o g r a p h i c features. Eg: size-class of t o w n s e tc . In a sense Nagaraj takes his cue f r o m the M o h a n and Pant (1982) s tudy in a t t empt ing to m a p ou t the m o r p h o l o g y of urban izat ion t rends . Like M o h a n a n d Pant he l o o k s at sub-reg ions w i th in the states, bu t g o i n g d o w n t o the l o w e r o rde r of distr icts o r c o m b i n a t i o n of 5. Along with Malabar district. South Canara district, now Dakshinna Kannada, were the two west coast districts of the Madras Presidency during the British raj. distr icts. His examina t ion of the reg iona l e c o n o m i e s is a lso at greater dep th than M o h a n and Pant. M o h a n and Pant's s tudy a i m e d at breadth , the w h o l e o f India, except Kerala. Nagaraj 's s tudy of three states pe rm i t t ed greater d e p t h and sub-reg iona l iza t ion at l owe r orders . Nagaraj a lso deve lops and def ines M o h a n and Pant's c o n c e p t o f the stabil ity of urban se t t l ements in India w i th greater p rec i s ion and makes it the central t h e m e o r p r o b l e m of his s tudy. M o h a n and Pant saw in Indian urban izat ion a stable se t t l ement structure, w h e r e there has b e e n a progress ive acc re t ion to ex is t ing se t t l ements of all s izes w h i c h are we l l sp read ou t spatially. (1982. p i 584) Nagaraj de f ines , the stabi l i ty of urban se t t l ement patterns as the stabil ity of the spatial con f igu ra t i on of urban se t t l ements (i.e., t owns ) in a geograph i ca l area, (like say, a state, o r a distr ict) . (1985. p11) But he also d e v e l o p s the inverse, instabil i ty - i.e. a s ignif icant deg ree of e m e r g e n c e and/or d i sappearance of t owns - in an area w o u l d imp ly a s igni f icant d e g r e e of mob i l i t y o r f o o t l o o s e n e s s of p o p u l a t i o n , spatial ly as we l l as occupa t iona l l y . ( Ibid p11) It may n o t e d here that the Indian censuses s ince 1961 no t on l y classify a se t t l ement as u rban , if it mee ts the census cr i ter ia fo r urban, (d i s cussed in the last chapter ) , but also declassi f ies an urban se t t l ement to the rural ca tegory if at a s u b s e q u e n t census it falls shor t of any of the urban de f in i t i on criteria. The census thus d o c u m e n t s de-urban izat ion , if it o ccu r s . It is this that leads t o the e m e r g e n c e and d i sappearance of t o w n s . Nagaraj uses the c o n c e p t o f instabi l i ty to interpret what he sees as the comp lex i t i e s that under l i e the urban iza t ion p rocess in Daksh inna Kannada . This urban iza t ion p rocess or pattern of Daksh inna Kannada as d e s c r i b e d by Nagaraj may be s u m m a r i z e d as f o l l ows . L o w degree of u rban iza t ion ; a c o n t i n u o u s urban spread by the d ispersa l of t owns a l o n g the nar row coasta l s t re tch , t h o u g h a concen t r a t i on of half of the distr ict 's urban p o p u l a t i o n in Manga lo re o c cu r s ; m in ima l urban-rural d is t inc t ions a long the coast ; instabi l i ty of urban se t t l ements ; and the l im i ted urban g rowth was by e m e r g e n c e of n e w towns and extens ions to ex is t ing ones rather than by increase in p o p u l a t i o n w i th in ex is t ing t o w n s . ( Ibid. p237-38) This he links to the reg iona l e c o n o m y of the district. This may be s u m m a r i z e d as a backward rice e c o n o m y , in soc ia l and t e chno log i c a l te rms, co-exis t ing w i th highly c o m m e r c i a l i z e d cash c r o p s ; extens ive p resence of pr imary p rocess ing industr ies geograph ica l l y d i spe r sed particularly in the coasta l r eg i on ; a d e v e l o p e d tertiary sec to r and an exce l lent t ransport sys tem; and soc ia l d e v e l o p m e n t w i th a relatively h igh level of l i teracy.^ Overa l l there was a backwa rd inter ior r eg ion and a d e v e l o p e d coasta l r eg ion w i th a h igh p o p u l a t i o n densi ty , and d i spe rsed se t t lement pattern and ind is t ingu ishab le and elusive vi l lage bounda r i e s . (Ibid p240-244) Nagaraj sees the urban p rocess i n f luenced and shaped by the reg iona l e c o n o m y . The coasta l t o w n s be i ng p rocess ing and market ing ou t l e t s ; the min ima l urban-rural d i s t inc t ions , d i spe r sed se t t l ement pat tern , h igh densi ty , scatter of pr imary p rocess ing uni ts , all con t r i bu t i ng to a c o n t i n u o u s urban spread . But what he sees as centra l is the mob i l i t y o f the p o p u l a t i o n , i n c l ud ing a push for internal migra t ion made by the backward rice e c o n o m y . A l l the factors n o t e d so far can lead to : a) a large scale migra t ion b o t h l o n g d is tance , pe rmanen t and short d is tance, seasona l and b) a h igh p r o p o r t i o n of ' f loa t ing p o p u l a t i o n ' w i th in the distr ict w i th a large n u m b e r of p e o p l e c o m m u t i n g to w o r k p lace o r travel l ing for bus iness pu rposes , everyday (a h ighly d e v e l o p e d tertiary sec tor , the t ransport sys tem in part icular, ensures this). Thus the distr ict has the character ist ic of what may be t e r m e d a ' m o b i l e soc ie ty ' , and this is part icularly so of the coasta l belt . It appears as if this mob i l i t y is a lmost a pe rmanen t feature o f the e c o n o m y , w i th the very nature o f the e c o n o m y p rov id i ng the basis fo r such an a lmost c o n t i n u o u s and cons tan t m o v e m e n t o f p o p u l a t i o n . Need l e s s to a d d , this h igh d e g r e e of mob i l i t y prevalent in the distr ict s h o u l d exp la in , to a cons ide rab le d e g r e e , the 6. This description appears in part to be in relative terms to the other sub-regions in the three states. very h igh deg ree of instabil i ty of the settlennent pattern in the distr ict . ( Ibid. p246) There are a n u m b e r of po in t s of interest in Nagaraj 's analysis of Daksh inna Kannada for this s tudy of desako ta in Kerala. First, the parallels b e t w e e n the socio-spat ia l structure of Kerala and Daksh inna Kannada are apparent . The d e s c r i p t i o n of its u rban iza t ion , urban system and reg iona l e c o n o m y reads like a summary of Kerala. Daksh inna Kannada is the taper ing nor thern e n d of the Kerala socio-spat ia l s ys tem, a min ia ture Kerala, t h o u g h there are s o m e po in t s of d i f fe rence . For instance it may be dif f icult to desc r ibe the rice e c o n o m y of Kerala as backward , t h o u g h its l o w product i v i t y in the Indian con t ex t is r e c o g n i z e d . S e c o n d , the ' m o b i l e soc ie ty ' of Daksh inna Kannada is remin iscent of concep tua l i za t i ons of c ircular m igra t ion in Java ( H u g o 1978 p i 06-115) and of the l iving pe r imete r in Taiwan (Tsai 1984). O n c e again there are many parallels, part icular ly the e c o l o g y and p o p u l a t i o n densi ty , and the sort of ' b e h i n d the s c e n e ' e c o n o m i e s of scale for t ransport , c o m m u n i c a t i o n and o the r soc ia l infrastructure that a dense l y p o p u l a t e d and cash c r o p vege ta ted reg ion facil itates. But all these concep tua l i z a t i ons suffer f r o m the weakness of w o r k i n g w i th in the parameter of the urban-rural d i c h o t o m y . It was M c G e e ' s desako ta hypothes i s that was able to break ou t of the d i c h o t o m y f ixat ion and see a th i rd fo r ce , in a se t t l ement pattern w i th a m i x of urban and rural features. Desako t a is a th i rd space , no t as an in termediary in spatial and/or m o r p h o l o g i c a l t e rms o f a per i-urban, bu t an in termediary in c o n c e p t u a l terms. Desako t a is a mix of urban and rural w i th its o w n dynamics , us ing the urban n o d e s , in the Daksh inna Kannada scenar io the market t o w n s , and co-ex is t ing w i th t h e m in symb ios i s . It is this central c o n c e p t u a l gr ip that is b e i n g l o o s e n e d , as d i s c u s s e d earlier, w i th the i n co rpo ra t i on of desako ta i n to the mega-urban concep tua l i z a t i on , in M c G e e ' s recent wr i t ings . Thi rd , Nagaraj 's desc r i p t i on of the ' m o b i l e soc i e t y ' is a desc r ip t i on of a central character ist ic of desakota , succ inc t l y put by M c C e e as the ex t reme f luidity and mob i l i t y of the p o p u l a t i o n w i th in a r e g i o n , as we l l as to o u t s i d e cent res , faci l i tated by easy t ransport . (1991a. p i 6-17). Nagaraj is no t exp l i c i t abou t this, but it is the advent and d e v e l o p m e n t of m o t o r i z e d pub l i c t ransport in the Indian con tex t , i n c l ud ing the three whee l e r taxis, that have e n h a n c e d the mob i l i t y earlier p r o v i d e d by the waterways and railways. W e have dealt w i th this, the t ime-space co l l apse that M c G e e refers to , in the sec t i on o n t ransport and c o m m u n i c a t i o n in the last chapter . Fourth, the instabi l i ty that Nagaraj sees in Daksh inna Kannada is the mani fes ta t ion of desakota . The p o p u l a t i o n densi ty , se t t lement pat tern and s ize of se t t lements make on l y the e c o n o m i c cr i ter ia a crit ical variable for a se t t l ement t o be d e e m e d urban in Daksh inna Kannada. This is the same issue w e e x a m i n e d in the c o n t e x t of Kerala in the last chapter . The g e o g r a p h i c d ispersa l of pr imary p r o c e s s i n g industr ies in the coasta l r eg ion that Nagaraj refers to obv i ous l y leads t o desako ta i za t ion . O n c e again, as referred t o in the Kerala con tex t , the osc i l l a t ion of the scale a r o u n d the 75 pe rcen t male w o r k f o r c e in non-agr icu l ture , in the desako ta reg ion br ings abou t the appearance and d i sappearance of t owns . This is the instabi l i ty of the urban con f i gu ra t i on that Nagaraj sees in Daksh inna Kannada. Nagaraj has u sed the tw in c o n c e p t s of agg lomer i za t i on and instabi l i ty to analyze and unders tand the spatial con f igura t ions of sub-regions of the three s o u t h Indian states. (1985. p274) Instability a c c o r d i n g to his s tudy occu r s in three con tex t s . First, in the d e v e l o p m e n t of heavy industr ies in a backward r e g i o n , s e c o n d in a r e g i o n of agrarian distress i n d u c i n g short t e rm migra t ion and th i rd in the ' m o b i l e soc ie ty ' w h i c h he f inds un ique to Daksh inna Kannada a m o n g the sub-reg ions of the three states. ( Ibid. p249-250) It is ou t s ide the s c o p e and re levance of this s tudy to examine all the con tex t s in w h i c h instabi l i ty o c cu r s in thethree Sou th Indian States e x a m i n e d by Nagara. O n l y the Daksh inna Kannada m o d e l is relevant, and as Nagaraj t o o r e c o g n i z e s , the reg ion is s imilar t o Kerala. The po in t that n e e d s to be made is that the desako ta hypo thes i s captures all the features, the f lu id i ty of the p o p u l a t i o n and c o m m o d i t i e s , the p o p u l a t i o n dens i t ies , the mix of urban-rural features, the internal dynamics etc . The instabil i ty c o n c e p t not on l y concen t ra tes o n the osc i l l a t ion b e t w e e n rural and urban, bu t by its very nomenc l a tu r e and a p p r o a c h , negat iv izes it. D e s a k o t a is neutra l in its nomenc l a tu re . But it has u n d e r p i n n i n g pos i t i ve po l i c y impl i ca t ions . The r e c o g n i t i o n and enab l ing of desako ta is benef i c i a l . It r educes pressures o n the urban cent res in terms of rural-urban migra t ions fo r e m p l o y m e n t , infrastructural and co l l ec t i ve c o n s u m p t i o n needs etc. Indeed relative to o the r Indian cit ies the min ima l p resence o f squatter h o u s i n g in Kerala cit ies may be re lated to the p resence of desakota . So wh i l e Nagaraj 's r i gou rous d e v e l o p m e n t of the M o h a n and Pant stabi l i ty c o n c e p t is t o be w e l c o m e d , the m a n n e r of its use to unders tand the spatial con f igu ra t i on in Daksh inna Kannada is inappropr ia te . There is also in the instabi l i ty c o n c e p t , an imp l i ed sugges t i on of the census ca tegor ies of urban and rural b e i ng a c c o r d e d an impo r t ance , whe re they beg in t o be subs t i tu ted for the reality. This is no t t o sugges t the d i s ca rd ing of census ca tegor ies and data. This s tudy uses, and has a rgued for re levance of census data. It is impor tant to k e e p a h o l d o n the real w o r l d a n d no t treat census ca tegor ies as sac red , and no t to be t a m p e r e d w i th . Fifth, in spi te of the insights, d e p t h of analysis, a s w e e p that c o v e r e d three of the four s o u t h Indian states, and the central i ty o f the c o n c e p t s of agg lomera t i on and instabil i ty, Nagaraj 's s tudy d o e s no t centra l ize the Dakk ina Kannada issues. It appears m o r e as an after t h o u g h t , l iterally a f o o t n o t e to the ob jec t i ves of his s tudy. A n d here t o o in his o w n w o r d s , " o n l y t o p rov i de s o m e b road hypo theses regard ing the factors under l y ing the p rocess of u rban iza t ion in the d is t r i c t " . ( Ibid. p8 , f o o t n o t e 7). A central hypo thes i s p rov ides a c o h e r e n c e , and facil itates cross cultural and cross reg iona l compa r i sons . This is o n e of the advantages of the M c C e e desako ta hypothes i s in that it p rov ides for compara t i ve studies w i th in As ia . In the p rocess , re f inements of the hypo thes i s may w o r k towards the d e v e l o p m e n t of a theory . This weakness in Nagaraj 's s tudy also sugges ts the usefu lness of a hypothes i s for a d i s cou rse that t ranscends nat ional bounda r i e s . This is no t t o suggest , to the chagr in of pos t -mode rn i s t geographers , the search for an ove ra r ch ing o r to ta l iz ing exp lana t ion , o r t o i m p o s e a c o h e r e n c e w h i c h is not there . S ixth, Nagaraj's s tudy of Daksh inna Kannada suggests that the desako ta r eg ion in sou thwes t India beg ins w i th Daksh inna Kannada and g o e s sou th e n c o m p a s s i n g the entire l ow lands and m id l and areas of Kerala and ove r f l ows s o u t h of the Kerala b o r d e r in to Kanya Kumar i distr ict of Tami lnadu . W e n o t e d earl ier that Kanya kumar i district was f o r m e d y part of Travancore and was c e d e d to Tami lnadu in 1956. Like Daksh inna Kannada it shares all the features of Kerala, and its urban iza t ion pattern is s imilar to Kerala 's.^ (Kur ien and James. 1979. p i 80)^ A n d it is in terest ing t o no te that the desako t a r eg ion con t inues across the Palk Strait a l ong the s o u t h wes te rn coast of Sri Lanka. Thus f r o m M a n g a l o r e in Kannada State t o Matara in the d e e p s o u t h of Sri Lanka is a coasta l bel t of near ly a 1000 k i lometres o r m o r e of desako ta count ry , p o c k marked w i th a str ing of t o w n s and cit ies, across the l inguis t ic reg ions o f Kannada , Te lu (Daksh inna Kannada), Ma laya lam (Kerala), Tami l (Kanya Kumari ) , and Sinhalese ( southwes t Sri Lanka). ^ 7. Kanaya Kumari district does not figure in the sub-regions developed by Nagaraj. It was possibly left out for the same reasons that Kerala was left out of his study. 8. The work of Kurien and James (1979) is on 'Economic Change in Tamilnadu, 1960 - 1970' and does not include a discussion of urbanization in Kanya Kumari. There is only passing comment to urbanization in Kanaya Kumari being similar to Kerala and referenced to an earlier, uncited, work of the authors. In the absence of a bibliography in this publication it was not possible to trace this study. 9. This region has also been noted as one of three models of development in south Asia by Timberg.(1981) He calls it "the Kerala/Sri Lanka model where high investment (sic) leads to moderately high growth in incomes and consumption but priority to social expenditure leads to very high health and education levels".(p644) The other two models are: "(1) Punjab (India and Pakistan) model of high productive investment , but low initial social investment, resulting first in higher income and consumption, then in better health and education levels and a heightened Cha t topadhyay (1988) is the first p u b l i s h e d case s tudy d e v o t e d so le ly to urban izat ion in Kerala. Its s t rength is its geograph i ca l perspec t i ve and sensit ivity, t h o u g h Cha t topadhyay pays inadequate a t tent ion t o p l ac ing this w i th in the relevant l iterature o n India and/or the d e v e l o p i n g count r i es . It is also in format ive o n the urban geog raphy of Kerala. The in f luence of the authors ' t ra in ing and skills in g e o g r a p h y and access t o geograph i ca l data is seen in this s tudy, and as ind i ca ted its s t rength . As may have b e e n n o t i c e d , 1 have d rawn o n this work , a m o n g others and my o w n observa t ions and invest igat ions, to present the c o n t e m p o r a r y urban system of Kerala in the last chapter . A g o o d part of Cha t topadhyay ' s s tudy is a descr ip t i ve analysis, in terms of urban history ; d e m o g r a p h i c , loca t iona l and func t iona l features of the urban cent res ; soc ia l infrastructural , c o m m e r c i a l and industr ia l features and func t ions of the urban cent res ; migrat ion patterns and what Cha t topadyay terms as the rural-urban c o n t i n u u m . In the last t w o , the author makes s o m e observa t ions that are of s ign i f i cance , part icu iady for this study. M i g r a t i o n in the light of Cha t topadyay ' s observa t ions appears no t uni-direct ional but a mix o f intra-state, rural to rural, urban t o urban, urban t o rural and rural to urban. The last b e i n g l o w to the b igger c i t ies. ( Ibid. p21) The net migra t ion ef fect is no t clear, but Cha t topadyay ' s obse rva t ion sugges t a cons tant f lux o r m o v e m e n t o f p e o p l e s . In the i n t roduc to r y n o t e t o the rural-urban c o n t i n u u m the author states: " t he pattern of u rban iza t ion in Kerala clearly indicates the ex i s tence of s ymb io t i c re la t ionship b e t w e e n the rural and urban areas t o a cons ide rab l e e x t e n t " (Ibid. p22) level of consciousness. (2) the Bihar/Bangladesh model, where low investments leads to persisting low levels of income, consumption, education and health". (Timberg 1981. p644) My reading of Timberg is that he presents three types of development models in south Asia, but not in the sense of these three models exhausting all development patterns in south Asia. It is my view that the Kerala/Sri Lanka model was in part financially facilitated by the surplus extraction from the plantation workers and petty producers in cash crop cultivation and processing. This is suppor t i ve of a t h e m e in this s tudy that the desako ta and u rban system are in symb ios i s . There is a lso an effort by Cha t t opadhyay to articulate the re la t ionsh ip be tween the d i spe r sed se t t l ement pattern and urban iza t ion in Kerala. This pattern of se t t l ement d e v e l o p m e n t has sp i l l ed ove r f r o m the coas t l and to the ent ire l o w and mid lands . In fact, v i l lage to t o w n boundary , v i l lage to vi l lage b o u n d a r y and t o w n t o t o w n bounda r y appear to be m o r e imaginary than real. O n e of the ma in reasons for Kerala's apparent ly l o w u rban iza t i on is re lated w i th this pattern of se t t l ement d i s t r ibu t ion . Regard ing dens i t y and p o p u l a t i o n s ize , a lmost all v i l lages in Kerala satisfy the cr i ter ia a d o p t e d by the census . . . .Regard ing parameter that 75 pe rcen t of the w o r k i n g p o p u l a t i o n (sic) s h o u l d be non-agricultural fo r de f in ing an urban area, the p r o b l e m arises because the unit of ca lcu la t ion used is a v i l lage, w h i c h itself appears t o be non-existent for all pract ical pu rposes . (Ibid p22) This expl ic i t c r i t ique of the census measu remen t of urban in Kerala reflects his sensit iv i ty to soc ia l reality. I ndeed this is further e v i d e n c e d in his virtual r e j ec t ion of census ca tegor i za t ion . The ent i re state may poss ib l y be referred to as an urban area hav ing a n u m b e r noda l po in ts a lmost un i fo rmly d i s t r ibu ted . (Ibid p 22) This obse rva t ion is also suppor t i ve of the a rgument in this study, that there are hardly any urban-rural res ident ia l d i s t inc t ions . W h a t o n e obse rves is the n o d e s of bazaars and city c o m m e r c i a l cent res . The Cha t t opadhyay s tudy thus p rov ides s o m e penet ra t ing observa t ions , that are suppor t i ve of s o m e of the ma in a rguments and observa t ions in this s tudy . S reeKumar (1990) has a p r o m i s i n g tit le - " N e i t h e r Rural n o r U rban : Spatial fo rmat ion and D e v e l o p m e n t P rocess " , but the text fails to de l i ver the p rom i se . The re is l itt le that this s tudy adds by w a y of obse r va t i on , empi r i ca l data, analysis o r c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n that the ex is t ing l iterature has not p r o v i d e d . The s tudy beg ins w i th a d i s cuss ion of the re levance of m o d e r n i z a t i o n and d e p e n d e n c y theor ies f o r an unde r s t and ing of spatial ca tegor i es and socia l p rocesses of the d e v e l o p i n g w o r l d . By imp l i ca t i on the m o r e recent pa rad igm shifts of m o d e of p r o d u c t i o n , wor ld-sys tems, and in ternat iona l iza t ion of capital are no t relevant. The latter t w o . in v i ew of Sreekumar 's later a rgument of Kerala's in tegrat ion in to the w o r l d sys tem having impl i ca t ions for its u rban iza t ion , appear relevant. Af ter the brief d i s cuss ion o n the m o d e r n i z a t i o n and d e p e n d e n c y theor ies , the s tudy g o e s o n to give a brief a c coun t of the urban history of Kerala f r o m the 15th century , and the ro le of co lon ia l i sm in the p rocess of urban iza t ion in Kerala. This is f o l l o w e d by an examina t i on of Kerala's urban sys tem in terms of wha t the author calls " i t s hierarchical fabr ica t ion , func t iona l structure, s tab i l i ty . " (sic) (Ibid. p1983 )10 "H ie ra rch i ca l f ab r i c a t i on " appears to be a mix of pr imacy and size-class character of the urban centres . Examinat ion of funct iona l s t ructure , i n c l uded a rev iew of Janaki's wo rk (1954), the 1971 census c lass i f icat ion of t o w n s in to mono- func t i ona l , b i-funct ional and mul t i -f unc t i ona l , and the resource base of the t o w n s . This is f o l l o w e d by analysis of Kerala u rban iza t ion in terms of stabi l i ty and instabi l i ty as concep tua l l y d e v e l o p e d by Nagaraj . (1985) The author then in tends t o p rov ide " a sca f fo ld o f exp lanat ions for the spec i f ic i t ies re lated to the p rocess of spatial f o rma t i on in Kera la " . ( Ibid, p i 986) This beg ins w i th a d i s cus s i on of the i n co rpo ra t i on of Kerala in to the w o r l d sys tem of cap i ta l i sm, and the g r o w t h o f p lantat ion c o m p a n i e s and c rops . The author argues that the cus tomary agg lomera t i on of p o p u l a t i o n and p r o d u c t i v e forces in p laces of loca t ion advantage d i d no t o c c u r because of the transport faci l i t ies in Kerala. This is reasonab le to accept , and d o e s not n e e d m u c h c o n v i n c i n g in the Kerala con tex t . The g r o w t h of mos t co lon i a l p lanta t ion e c o n o m i e s were a c c o m p a n i e d by the d e v e l o p m e n t of railways and roads. The e x c e p t i o n a l c i r cumstances in Kerala we r e the waterways , t h o u g h this is less u sed in recent t imes , and the p o p u l a t i o n dens i t y w h i c h as c o m m e n t e d eadier fac i l i tated e c o n o m i e s of scale in t ransport and c o m m u n i c a t i o n . (Bhat and 10. The author has an inclination to use pedantic phrases. Primacy is called the "dominant mode" (SreeKumar 1990. pi 985). Urbanization for instance is seen as having "two positive components and one negative component", these being further classified into "incremental component", "extensional component", and "décrémentai component". (Ibid. p1983). These are what have been customarily referred to, in simple terms, as the natural increase, migration and reclassification, in urban population growth, including by Mohan and Pant (1982. p1534-5) in the Indian context. Rajan 1990. p 1963). The author r ecogn izes the impo r t ance of waterways but fails to r e c o g n i z e the p o p u l a t i o n dens i ty factor. The author argues that in the absence of agg lomera t i on , smal l t owns d e v e l o p e d . H e h o w e v e r d o e s no t exp la in w h y in aggregat ion the smal l t o w n s d id no t c o u n t e r the l o w deg ree of urban izat ion in Kerala. Later he r ecogn izes that there we re l imits t o the g rowth of smal l t owns due to compara t i ve advantage , (cal led "natura l r esource e n d o w m e n t " by the author) , of loca t ing agro-process ing industr ies in rural areas, and the " t e n d e n c y a m o n g s o m e of the major industr ies l ike b e e d i , co i r , cashew, h a n d l o o m e tc t o perco la te (sic) d o w n to smal l scale p r o d u c t i o n and then t o h o u s e h o l d p r o d u c t i o n " . (S reeKumar 1990. p i 986) . H e cites the w o r k of Issacs (1985), Pyarelal (1986), Rajagopalan (1986) and Kannan (1988). But the au thor d o e s no t pursue the po l i t i ca l e c o n o m y of l abour that b r o u g h t about this spread w h i c h is made abundant ly c lear in these studies he cites. The n e e d to fuse the e c o n o m i c histor ica l s tudies and perspect i ves w i th the spatial was not pe r ce i v ed by Sreekumar. S reekumar then relates the se t t lement pat tern as a factor fo r the Kerala urban sys tem. But he tells us remarkably little abou t ways in w h i c h the se t t l ement pat tern articulates w i th \the urban sys tem. H e r e cogn izes the arbitrary bounda r i e s of v i l lages, the large p o p u l a t i o n s ize of the vi l lages, and even the p resence of non-agr icul tura l activit ies, but d o e s no t see the mix of agr icul ture a n d non-agr icul ture in the non-urban areas and the f lu id i ty of p e o p l e s and c o m m o d i t i e s , the ' m o b i l e soc ie ty ' of Nagaraj. If he had drawn o n and s yn thes i zed o n the Issac's gragaram c o n c e p t and Nagaraj 's analysis o f Daksh inna Kannada , he m igh t have r e c o g n i z e d the impor t ance of the mix of agr icul ture and non-agr icul ture. In the last paragraph S reekumar tells us: The var ious histor ica l p rocess had u l t imate ly c reated a s i tuat ion w h e r e the e m e r g i n g spatial f o rm is ne i ther rural no r u rban . They can be e i ther ca l l ed ' rurban ' o r semi-urban. But it must be b o r n e in m i n d that it is u n d e r d e v e l o p m e n t and depr iva t ion rather than e c o n o m i c d e v e l o p m e n t w h i c h l ed t o this un ique spatial o rde r ing . (Ibid, p i 989) But w e are no t t o ld h o w the h is tor ica l p rocesses , wha teve r that may be , eventual ly art iculate a spatial f o r m that is ne i ther u rban n o r rural. N o r is a c lear re la t ionsh ip es tab l i shed or d e v e l o p e d w i th all the a rguments and analysis that made the b o d y of his paper , w i th this c o n c l u d i n g s ta tement about Kerala spatial f o r m be i ng ne i ther rural o r u rban . It stands as an assert ion in i so la t ion . H e d o e s real ize that the o the r s ide of the c o i n , of b e i n g "ne i t he r rural n o r u r b a n " is b e i n g b o t h rural and urban at the same t ime , and suggests the w o r d rurban o r semi-urban. It is myst i fy ing w h y he c h o s e n o t t o refer to Issac's ins ightfu l gragaram c o n c e p t . P robab ly he pre fe r red a n e o l o g i s m in Engl ish, and was also unaware that the te rm rurban had b e e n used in so many dif ferent con tex t s that its m e a n i n g has b e c o m e imprec i se . In effect, if w e ignore the semant i cs , Sree Kumar is sugges t i ng the p resence of desako ta in Kerala. S reekumar is of the v i ew that unde r-deve l opmen t and depr i va t ion rather than e c o n o m i c d e v e l o p m e n t has led t o this u n i q u e spatial o rde r i ng in Kerala. O n the face of this asser t ion o n e then w o n d e r s w h y desako ta has not o c c u r r e d in all the d e v e l o p i n g count r i es of the w o r l d . P robab ly wha t he is sugges t i ng is that in Kerala, in spi te of all the o the r at tendant con t r i bu t i ng factors, a critical cause of d e s a k o t a is Kerala's industr ia l backwardness . A similar, but bet ter f o rmu l a t ed ques t i on has b e e n r e c o g n i z e d by M c G e e (1991 p i 9) in the con t ex t of Speare , Liu aand Tsay's (1988) w o r k o n the rural-urban transi t ion in Ta iwan. The q u e s t i o n that M c G e e raises is w h e t h e r desako ta is of short-term pers i s tence (up to fifty years), o r is it s imply a transitory p h e n o m e n o n . In the l ight of the rural-urban transi t ion tak ing p lace in the Taipei-Kaosh iung co r r i do r in Taiwan, M c G e e c o n c e d e s that the pers i s tence of de sako t a is ques t i onab l e . It is then to be c o n c e d e d that if Kerala advances industr ial ly, d e sako t a may b e c o m e less present . But there are s o m e caveats. First, there are similar it ies and d is t inc t ions b e t w e e n Kerala and Taiwan, all of w h i c h cannot be g o n e in to here . For ou r pu rposes it is impor tant t o no te that b o t h have a geograph i ca l s ize , an e x t e n d e d coas t l ine, and a p o p u l a t i o n and p o p u l a t i o n dens i ty that are remarkably c lose . Ta iwan is d o m i n a t e d by the pr imacy of Taipei and the transport co r r i do r f r om Taipe i in the nor thwes t to Kao-hs iung in the sou thwes t . Kao-hs iung the s e c o n d largest city, is exact ly half the p o p u l a t i o n s ize of Ta ipe i , thus c o n f o r m i n g to the p r i m a c y c o n c e p t that the s e c o n d largest c i ty wi l l be half the p o p u l a t i o n s ize o f the first. Kerala has a nor th sou th t ransport co r r i do r but n o pr imacy . The urban system o f Taiwan leads to a systemat ic urban acc re t ion or crystal l izat ion a r o u n d these t w o cit ies. The urban system of Kerala is less l ikely to lead to such acc re t ion . S e c o n d , if such acc re t ion we re to o c c u r in the con t ex t of a marked industr ia l advancement , it l ikely a r o u n d C o c h i n , o r the Coch in-A lwaye co r r i do r a l o n g the nat ional h ighway ( N H 47) and railway. This r eg ion is e m e r g i n g as a pre fer red l o ca t i on for large factory based industr ia l activity. I ndeed , as w e wi l l have o c c a s i o n to no te in the next t w o chapters , the co r r i do r of industr ial d e v e l o p m e n t is l ikely t o e x t e n d f r om C o c h i n to Tr ichur , v ia , A lwaye a l ong the N H 47/railway cor r idor . The t w o S U A s ^ ^ of C o c h i n , (which i nc ludes A lwaye at its nor the rn end) , and Tr ichur (wh ich inc ludes Edakkunny o n its sou the rn end ) , are separated by little less than 40 k m o n this co r r idor . But C o c h i n is no t a Ta ipe i , n o r is it l ikely t o be . The C o c h i n S U A is the largest in terms of area and p o p u l a t i o n w i th in Kerala, but still d o e s no t measure up to pr imacy. (See A p p e n d i x 4.02) Bo th urban and rural areas w i th in the C o c h i n S U A in terms of l andscape features are p r edominan t l y desakota . Un fo r tuna te l y e c o n o m i c activity data at the d i saggrega ted level of revenue v i l lages, (bo th t hose d e e m e d urban by the 11. Taiwan has a land area of 36000 sq km with a population of 18.1 m in 1981. (Density of 504 per sq Km). Kerala has a land area of 38000 sq km with a population of 25 m in 1981. (Density of 655 per sq km). (Republic of China (Taiwan) Statistical Yearbook 1984 and Government of Kerala 1987) 12. Standard Urban Areas. Please see chapter four for definition. census and others left as rural), t ownsh ips , munic ipa l i t ies , co rpo ra t i ons that compr i se the C o c h i n S U A , are no t available t o examine and establ ish this in terms of the mix of agriculture and non-agr icul ture. But a desc r i p t i on of a vi l lage o n the N H 47 , in a s tudy of l ivestock fa rming s t rong ly suggests a desako ta l andscape . M u t t a m lies a l ong the st retch of Nat iona l H ighway 47 that runs b e t w e e n the city of C o c h i n and the t o w n of A lwaye . The vi l lage is 13 k i lomet res f r o m the city and five k i lomet res f r o m the t o w n . A k i lomet re away f r o m M u t t a m is Kalamassery, a smal l y o u n g t o w n s p a w n e d by the es tab l i shment a n d activities of a n u m b e r of heavy industr ies in the area, i n c lud ing H indus t an M a c h i n e Too l s , Ferti l izers and C h e m i c a l s Travancore , and Indian A l u m i n i u m , as we l l as a text i le mil l and smal ler enterpr ises h o u s e d o n t w o industr ia l estates. M u t t a m ' s mant le of rice f ie lds and c o c o n u t g roves is there fore sp read against an i n c o n g r u o u s b a c k g r o u n d of industr ia l t owers and ch imneys . It is conce i vab l e that in f ew decades M u t t a m wi l l be n o l onge r a vi l lage but a res ident ia l suburb of Kalamassery. Br ing t o m o r r o w what it w i l l , t oday M u t t a m v i l lage covers quarter of a square k i l omet re be fo re it merges in to the n e i g h b o u r i n g vi l lage of Ambat tukava o n the o n e s ide and the hamlet of Thaikkavu o n the other . (Shanti G e o r g e 1984. p2161 ) The t ransformat ion o f a " v i l l a g e " to an urban suburb is s o m e t h i n g that rarely occurs in the Kerala socio-spat ia l mi l i eu . The c o m m e n t that in a f ew decades M u t t a m may u n d e r g o such t rans format ion , is m o r e a re f l ec t ion of the author , (with an a cademic interest in l ivestock and diary farming) , s t e reo typ ing M u t t a m w i th the suburban iza t ion of u rban fr inge vi l lages e l sewhere in India. The desc r i p t i on of current M u t t a m , o n the o the r h a n d , is very suggest ive of desakota . W h e n I v is i ted M u t t a m in 1988, it was still the same as Shant i G e o r g e desc r i bed it in 1984. W h a t is be ing a rgued is that in the con t ex t of its histor ical g e o g r a p h i c a l , eco-cul tura l , and soc ia l infra-structural features, such as a m o n g others , the d i s p e r s e d availability of co l l ec t i ve c o n s u m p t i o n , t ransport faci l i t ies, p re fe rence fo r non-urban s ing le dwe l l i ng h o u s i n g etc , Kerala may retain its de sako t a features e ven in the con t ex t of industr ia l advancement . The Coch in-A lwaye co r r ido r is a g o o d case study. W h a t is referred t o as " m o d e r n industr ies in A lwaye-Kalamassery-Cochin b e l t " (Cha t topadyay 1988. p i 9), o r as " a n area o f rapid industr ial d e v e l o p m e n t " (Shanti G e o r g e 1984. p2161 ) , is the re fe rence t o the phys ica l f l ank ing of the N H 47 by factor ies. O n e d o e s no t k n o w w h e r e the w o r k e r s in these factor ies res ide . W i th h igh p o p u l a t i o n dens i t ies and a spread of co l l ec t i ve c o n s u m p t i o n infrastructural facil it ies t h r o u g h o u t the low lands and mid lands of Kerala, this c o u l d be f r om anywhere w i th in daily c o m m u t i n g d is tance . This in the con tex t of Goch in-A lwaye NH47/Rai lway co r r i do r can be even up t o Tr ichur. For o the r roads and pub l i c t ransport ne two rks in the reg ion , it can b e less, but certainly u p to a radius of 30 k m wi th ease. It may be a lso n o t e d that in the wes t a n d nor th of the C o c h i n S U A are waterways of the V e m b a n a d lake and Periyar river. They p rov ide u n c o n g e s t e d t ransport access routes , t h o u g h admi t ted ly the tradit ional craft are n o t fast. The po in t to be r e c o g n i z e d is that concen t r a t i on of factor ies o n the A l w a y e - C o c h i n co r r ido r is m o r e for m o v e m e n t o f c o m m o d i t i e s , and access t o the f inancia l inst i tut ions and the port of C o c h i n c o r e city. The worke rs can be d rawn f rom a w i d e r ca t chment area. It can be a rgued then that Kerala in the con tex t of industr ia l d e v e l o p m e n t may still retain its d e s a k o t a features, as the manne r of Coch in-A lwaye co r r i do r d e v e l o p m e n t suggests . W e wi l l return t o this issue in the f inal chapter . T o return to a rev iew of S reekumar ' s wo rk he is no t expl ic i t h o w the d e p e n d e n c y theory he lps to unders tand urban izat ion in Kerala. The many cr i t ic isms of d e p e n d e n c y theory in the 1970s, part icularly Laclau's (1971) c r i t ique of d e p e n d e n c y theory , m a d e it less inf luent ia l and l ed t o the e m e r g e n c e of the m o d e of p r o d u c t i o n approach in d e v e l o p m e n t studies . (Rucc io and S i m o n 1986) The d e p e n d e n c y theo ry a lso lost the fo rce it carr ied by the appropr i a teness of the parad igm in the g loba l po l i t i ca l c l imate of the 1960s . D e p e n d e n c y theo ry none the l ess remains a usefu l pa rad igm w h e n exam in ing the d e v e l o p i n g w o H d . But it appears s ingulaHy inappropr ia te to unders tand the urban p h e n o m e n o n in Kerala. D e p e n d e n c y theor is ts a rgued , a m o n g o the r issues, that the unequa l re la t ionsh ip b e t w e e n the me t ropo l i t an count r i es and the per iphery is r epea ted in the c i ty-hinter iand re la t ionships in d e v e l o p i n g soc ie t i es . Kerala, ( a long w i th Sri Lanka), b e i n g n o t e d as excep t i ons t o urban bias, (M i chae l L ip ton 1977) suggests the absence of an exp lo i ta t i ve c i ty-hinter land re la t ionsh ip . T o s u m up this rev iew of S reekumar 's pub l i c a t i on , its con t r i bu t i on t o ou r unde rs t and ing of Kerala's spatial f o rmat ions is m in ima l . A n d t h o u g h there is s o m e beat ing a b o u t the b u s h , S reekumar seems in the last paragraph t o c o m e t o a gragram p e r c e p t i o n of Kerala spatial o rder . S reekumar ' s s tudy also p r o v i d e d a lever t o tease ou t s o m e issues of impor t ance to this s tudy, part icuiady the issue of w h e t h e r Kerala can retain the desako ta f o rma t i on , in a c o n t e x t of industr ia l advancement . B h o o s h a n and M i s r a (1979) deal w i th Kerala as o n e of three case s tud ies in the qual ity of life in rural se t t lements in India. The c h o i c e of Kerala ( Ibid, p i 2 5 ) was because ; of its un ique se t t l ement patterns; better c o n d i t i o n of she l ter a n d serv ices relative to o the r Indian states; and the rural areas of Kerala w h i c h are m o r e than rural c o m p a r e d to o the r parts of India; maybe w e can call t h e m rurban. ( Ibid, p i 25) A desc r i p t i on o f the d i spe rsed se t t l ement pat tern of Kerala is then p r o v i d e d . They po in t ou t that this is pervasive in b o t h rural and urban areas, and a m o n g all i n c o m e g roups and castes. They relate the p resence of d i spe r sed se t t l ement to soc ia l , cul tura l a n d e c o l o g i c a l factors , i n c l ud ing the availabil ity of fresh water ( Ibid, p i 2 6 - 7 ) They also c o m m e n t o n the l o w urban ratio in Kerala. ( Ibid, p i 2 9 ) Fo l l ow ing this they n o t e : The d i spe rsed matr ix of se t t lements in Kerala the re fo re , takes the f o r m of a c o n t i n u u m , p u n c t u a t e d by semi-urban, semi-nuc lea ted n o d a l po in ts at regular intervals, w i th scarcely any d i sce rn ib le d i f f e rence to mark the b o u n d a r y of urban or rural areas The fo rma t ion of semi-urban, semi-nuc lea ted n o d e s at regular intervals has b e e n necess i ta ted by the d e m a n d for serv ice and ameni t ies by the inhabitants of sca t te red se t t l ements . The rural-urban kno t is the un ique p h e n o m e n o n w h i c h character izes these serv ice cent res , l ike ' n e i g h b o u r h o o d cent res ' . The knots w h i c h take the f o r m of nuc l ea t ed n o n -res ident ia l activit ies are urban in character , and are usually l o ca t ed 8 t o 10 kms apart. M a n y of these knots h o u s e services like banks , s h o p p i n g , markets , serv ice industr ies and even p laces of h igher educa t i on , ( ib id p i 26/129) The n o d e s or knots are similar to what 1 have referred t o as bazaars and commerc i a l cent res . The impor tance is that there is hardly any d i s t inc t ion b e t w e e n urban and rural res ident ia l areas. To the bazaar n o d e s b e i n g necess i ta ted by the scat tered se t t l ements is ove rs imp l i f y ing the issue in terms of se t t l ements and space . D e m o g r a p h y , pol i t i ca l e c o n o m y , pet ty p r o d u c t i o n , f o r c e d c o m m e r c e and smal l h o l d i n g cash c r o p agr icul ture are a lso impor tant actors in the e m e r g e n c e of these " K n o t s " , but are not m e n t i o n e d by the authors . But in their emphas i s o n the spatial they capture features, w h i c h are s t rong ly desakota . The ex is tence of these knots , w h i c h are urban in character, conveys the impress i on of advanced urban in f luence in the rural areas of Kerala. S imul taneous ly , the c o n t i n u e d ex i s tence of d i spe rsed dwe l l ings in extens ive p lo t s t oge the r w i th the i n c i dence of agricultural lands in urban areas, t ends to portray an apparent ly rural character t o the urban areas. ( Ibid, p i 29-30) The s tudy also observes the min ima l u rban rural d is t inc t ions in h o u s i n g and shelter . The re is no t m u c h of a d i f fe rence b e t w e e n an urban and rural h o u s e in the a r rangement of r o o m s , use o f material o r the p r o d u c t i o n t e chn iques . D i f fe rences exist on l y b e t w e e n c lasses, in urban areas as we l l as rural areas. ( Ibid, p i 30) In m y observa t ion of h o u s i n g styles in Kerala t o o I f o u n d a mix of vernacular , co lon ia l m i d d l e class, and nouveau r iche os tenta t ious architectural styles. There was a lso a mix of sizes o b v i o u s l y d i c ta ted by the i n c o m e of the dwel le rs . This mix in terms of styles and s izes is seen in b o t h urban and rural areas. There is n o d ist inct urban o r rural h o u s i n g style or pattern. There is a lso little n e i g h b o u r h o o d soc ia l ident i ty by h o u s i n g styles, as d e s c r i b e d by Duncan and D u n c a n (1976a; 1976b) of the o l d and n e w urban elite n e i g h b o u r h o o d s in Hyderabad . D u r i n g m y stay in Kerala, the little e v i dence of h o u s i n g as soc ia l ident i ty that I c a m e across are the street houses of the Jewish quarter in Mat tanchery , C o c h i n and s o m e of the aghraham dwe l l i ngs of Tami l Brahmins c lose to a f ew t emp les in Tr i vandrum. Bo th we re architectural ly street houses w i th inner cour tyards , a t radi t ional u rban h o u s i n g style in India. Bo th we re symbo l s of non-Malaya lee n e i g h b o u r h o o d o r soc ia l ident i ty . The p r o b l e m s of shel ter that B h o o s h a n and M i s r a no te in Kerala are: l imi tat ion to access roads d u e to the d i spe r sed se t t l ements ; u n e c o n o m i c a l land use c o m p a r e d t o o the r cit ies in India, w i th a h igh pe rcen t fo r res ident ia l use, again d u e t o the h o m e s t e a d w i th c o m p o u n d p re fe rence by all sec t ions of the p o p u l a t i o n ; conve r s i on o f agr icultural lands for h o u s i n g ; and r i b b o n d e v e l o p m e n t . In the con t ex t of the last they obse r ve : It is di f f icult t o f ind m o r e than half a k i l omet re at a stretch of e v en nat iona l h ighway w h i c h is free f r o m r i b b o n d e v e l o p m e n t . Even bypasses p l a n n e d t o a vo id p o p u l a t i o n concen t r a t i ons face a similar fate. ( Bhooshan and M i s r a p i 4 0 ) B h o o s h a n and Misra 's s tudy is f o c u s e d o n shel ter and serv ices. But in the desc r i p t i on is clearly s een the desako ta features. The u n e c o n o m i c a l use of land w i th in res ident ia l areas fal l ing w i th in wha t C e n s u s d e e m s as urban in Kerala, is a lso o b s e r v e d by Acharya . (1988) Acharya ' s s tudy is of p lo t recons t i tu t ing b e i n g tr ied in s o m e areas of Kerala, as a statutory m e c h a n i s m available to c o p e w i th excess ive f ragmenta t ion and/or jo int o w n e r s h i p of land. H e dea ls w i th the Tr ichur expe r i ence as a case study, w i th s o m e genera l observa t ions o n urban land p l ann ing and d e v e l o p m e n t issues. N o t all of this is d i rect ly re levant for a s tudy of d e s a k o t a in Kerala. But s o m e of Acharya 's f ind ings and observa t ions are usefu l . Acharya 's s tudy t o o reiterates the un ique features of Kerala u rban iza t ion , se t t l ement pattern w i th min ima l d i s t inc t ions o n a rural-urban c o n t i n u u m , spread of basic faci l i t ies, r i b b o n d e v e l o p m e n t etc. ( Ibid. p80-81) It is his observa t ions o n the land use pat tern that are of interest. H e observes : The scat tered and d i spe r sed se t t l ement pattern has resul ted in l o w dens i t y res ident ia l d e v e l o p m e n t espec ia l ly in the urban fr inge areas. This has b e e n e n c o u r a g e d largely d u e to a relatively h igher ce i l ing o n land h o l d i n g . The Kerala Land Reforms Ac t , 1963 , app l i cab le to b o t h urban as we l l as rural areas. f ixes a ce i l i ng o n land h o l d i n g t o the tune o f 2 ha fo r an ind iv idua l adult , but for a family the ce i l ing varies f r o m 4 ha to 8 ha d e p e n d i n g o n the s ize of the family. Thus large tracts of vacant land are a lmos t non-existent , but ind iv idua l res ident ia l p lots are large e n o u g h for private sub-d iv i s ion , a l though they are u n e c o n o m i c a l for infrastructural p rov i s ion . (Ibid, p 87) Acharaya 's obse rva t ion sugges t greater res ident ia l dens i t y w i th in u rban areas, and at the same t ime the pers is tence of s ingle h o u s e dwe l l ings u p to the urban f r inge. But mo re impor tant l y it suggests the absence of statutory d i s t inc t ions b e t w e e n urban and rural areas. This suggests that Kerala desako ta is no t a "g rey z o n e " w h e r e statutory urban regulat ions cannot be app l i ed , o n e of character ist ics of desakota de l i nea ted by M c G e e . (1990. p i 6) But this needs t o be researched in o the r spheres of s tatutory con t ro l and it w o u l d be inappropr ia te to genera l ize o n o n e sub jec t of statutory c o n t r o l . At the same t ime Acharaya makes an obse r va t i on that is impor tan t to r e cogn ize . The highly literate Keratites are m o r e c o n s c i o u s t o p ro tec t their interests, and the res istance to c o m p u l s o r y acqu is i t ion of land c o m e s ou t in the o p e n street in the f o r m of a s logan march or protest in f ront of g o v e r n m e n t p remises . If this app roach fails, the p e o p l e o f t en approach the g o v e r n m e n t t o ob ta in a stay o rde r ( Ibid. p87) Soc ia l and pol i t ica l c o n s c i o u s n e s s and the po l i t i ca l e c o n o m y may make Kerala desako ta less of a grey z o n e . O t h e r l iterature o f re levance fo r Kerala urban iza t ion . This sec t i on is a brief r e c o u n t i n g of the efforts t o trace any s tudies o r re fe rence relat ing to Kerala in the f ie ld of urban a n t h r o p o l o g y , u rban h is tory and reg iona l geog raphy . It was f o u n d that there are n o p u b l i s h e d urban an th ropo log i c a l s tudies o r m o n o g r a p h s of urban h is tory relat ing t o Kerala. Sir Rober t Br is tow's " C o c h i n S aga " (1959) is the c loses t t o a m o n o g r a p h , t h o u g h it is m o r e in the genre of r em in i s cence and m e m o i r s o f the Brit ish administrators du r i ng the Raj. There was a s tudy of T r i vandrum be i ng carr ied ou t by Aha l ya Sukumar of the C e n t r e for Earth Sc iences , T r i vandrum, w h e n 1 was in Kerala, bu t so far it has no t b e e n p u b l i s h e d for unrest r ic ted c i r cu la t ion . L ewandowk i ' s (1980) s tudy of Kerala migrants in Madras , is an impor tan t con t r i bu t i on t o urban migra t ion and ethnic i ty s tud ies in India, but her focus is o n Madras , and tells us little abou t urban Kerala. He r s tudy h o w e v e r s t rongly suppor t s the a rgument made in the last chapte r that Kerala as a reg ion du r ing the Raj was w i th in the orb i t of Madras ' s h in tedand . S p o d e k ' s (1980) p i o n e e r i n g and exce l l en t b ib l iograph ic rev iew t i t l ed " S t u d y i n g the history of u rban iza t ion in Ind ia " , d o e s not list any pub l i ca t ion o n Kerala o r its cit ies, con f i rm ing the absence of any urban h is tory of Kerala c i t ies p u b l i s h e d up to 1980. Just as s tud ies o n the late pre-co lon ia l India are d o m i n a t e d by the d e s p o t i c p resence of the gl i t ter ing M u g h a l empi re and say l itt le of the reg ion s o u t h of the D e c c a n , (Peri in 1983 p55) so are gener i c studies o n sou th Indian u rban iza t ion d o m i n a t e d by Tami lnadu and have little o r n o t h i n g to say of the land wes t of the Wes t e rn Cha ts . This is very ev ident in the pub l i ca t ions of Champaka l akshmi (1987) a n d H e i t z m a n (1987), the fo rmer t i t l ed , " U r b a n i z a t i o n in South India: Role of Ideo logy and Po l i t y " and the latter " T e m p l e U r b a n i s m in M e d i e v a l Sou th Ind ia" . A n t h r o p o l o g i c a l and soc io l og i c a l d i s courses o n the urban-rural d i c h o t o m y and/or c o n t i n u u m in India, (Srinivas 1959, P o c o c k 1960, Cha t t e rgee 1968 , C o t t a m 1980 and G u p t a 1988)^^ have little t o of fer in unde rs t and ing the spatial character of large sec t i ons of Kerala 13. All these publications are titled drawing attention to the urban-rural dichotomy in India: Social Anthropology and the Study of Rural and Urban Societies (Srnivas 1959); Sociologies: Urban and Rural (Pocock 1960); The town-village dichotomy in India. (Chattergee 1968); City, Town and Village: The continuum Reconsidered. (Cottam 1980) and Country-Town Nexus and Agrarian Mobilization. (Gupta 1988) Spodek's (1976) study of urban-rural integration was not reviewed here as it is specific to Saurashtra. And moreover its core theme is the inter-relationships between cities and the countryside. (Ibid pi) K.N.Chaudhuri's "Some Reflections on the Town and Country in Mughal India" (1978) was also not reviewed as Kerala was never part of the Mughal realm. Karunanayake's (1990) study of the Colombo Metropolitan region is also not reviewed here as it pertains to Sri Lanka. But given his effort to relate some of McGee's conceptualizations and the fact that it is whe re a fus ion of urban and rural occu r s . Srinivas (1959) l o o k s at, in the con t ex t of the 1950s, the soc ia l an th ropo log i s t s ' e x p a n d i n g terr i tory f r o m " p r i m i t i v e " soc iet ies to vi l lage and urban soc ie t ies . C o t t a m (1980) and G u p t a (1988) e x a m i n e the var ious forms and mot i va t i ng factors of supra-local l inkages of peasants, v i l lages and smal l t o w n s . P o c o c k ' s (1960) c o n c e r n is w i th what he terms the a tomiza t ion o f soc ia l s tud ies in India. H e reviews the efforts at urban and rural s o c i o l o g i e s o f India be ing wr i t ten in the 1950s . H e takes the W e b e r i a n p o s i t i o n that the city and the vi l lage are e lements of the same c iv i l i za t ion , cu l ture and soc ie ty and has to be s tud ied as such and is crit ical of an academic d i c h o t o m y . ( Ibid. p81). Cha t t e rgee (1968) , t o o , argues that the d i c h o t o m y can be e x a m i n e d on l y w i th in the con tex t of Indian soc i e t y and cul ture . Bo th P o c o c k and Cha t t e rgee are crit ical of d raw ing o n the expe r i ence of the W e s t to unders tand any urban-rural d i v ide in India. N o n e of these studies s e e m t o relate to or envisage a spatial o rder , w i th in the Indian con tex t , and may be w i th s o m e roo t s in pre-co lon ia l India, that was b o t h urban and rural at the same t ime . It is per t inent here to refer t o what M o o r e (1984) lists as o n e of the cr i t ic isms of L ipton 's c o n c e p t of urban bias. L ip ton ' s w o r k is ' Indian' in the sense that it arises f r o m , and con t r ibu tes t o , an es tab l i shed Indian t radi t ion of see ing the urban-rural d i v ide as a centra l feature of soc ia l o rgan iza t ion . ( Ibid p i 8) M o o r e cites Kothar i (1970. p351-2) in s u p p o r t o f this v iew. But it is a w r o n g read ing of Kothar i , t o present the urban-rural d i v ide as part o f " a n es tab l i shed Indian t r a d i t i o n " sugges t ing that it is r o o t e d in its c iv i l izat ion and cu l ture . Kothar i was clear in p resen t i ng the in the same socio-ecological region of southwest south Asia it may have been useful to review his work. But Karunanayake's focus is on Colombo Metropolitan region (western province) and urban-regional linkages. And this in the context of the dominance of Colombo's primacy is different from spatial order of Kerala. Karunayake does not bring under the scope of his study the rest of the Sri Lankan southwest quarter. In particular, the deep south or southern province with Galle and Matara districts, away from the immediate dominance of Colombo have many parallels to Kerala. The non-inclusion of this region thus also made a review of Karunanayake's study less important. Admittedly a comparative study of Kerala and Sri Lankan desakota is a useful exercise, but outside the scope of this study. urban-rural d iv ide as part of the new ly emerg ing po l i t i ca l e c o n o m y and i d e o l o g y of 20th century India. The str ik ing po in t about the Indian c o n c e r n w i th issues of d is t r ibut ion is its concen t r a t i on o n a s ingle focus o f a t tent ion : the urban-rural d i m e n s i o n . M o s t o the r issues s e e m to be t rea ted under this larger rubric of " s e c t o r a l " re lat ionships. . . .The i d e o l o g y that d o m i n a t e d the nat ional ist m o v e m e n t , and has s ince b e e n expressed in the d i rect ive pr inc ip les of the C o n s t i t u t i o n , the reso lu t ions of the C o n g r e s s Party, and the plans themse lves , is largely w e i g h t e d in favour of rural d e v e l o p m e n t and the " a w a k e n i n g of v i l l ages " (Kothari 1970. p351-2) Kothar i was clearly desc r ib ing a 20th century p h e n o m e n o n and to read t h e m as " an es tab l i shed Indian t r a d i t i o n " is inappropr ia te . A later c o m m e n t of M o o r e (1984 p i 8) is m o r e pe rcep t i ve , w h e n he relates what he calls the Indian o b s e s s i o n w i th the rural-urban d iv ide to the in f luence of Marx is t ideas, w h i c h perpetuate the British pol i t ica l e c o n o m y tradi t ion of assuming a clear rural-urban d iv ide . A n d this in part, as M o o r e a c k n o w l e d g e s ' expla ins h o w the p r o p o n e n t s of b o t h urban bias (L ip ton 1977) and rural bias (Mi t ra 1977) f ind the Indian expe r i ence i l luminat ing for their m o d e l s ! But M o o r e misses the s ign i f i cance of Indian pol i t ica l e c o n o m y itself for the 20th century o b s e s s i o n w i th the rural-urban d iv ide . W i t h the history o f a mass nat ional ist m o v e m e n t fo r i n d e p e n d e n c e , and a susta in ing pad iamentary d e m o c r a c y u n d e r an e lectora l sys tem in a coun t r y whe re 80 pe rcen t res ide in rural areas, the d e v e l o p m e n t of such an i d e o l o g y is t o b e e x p e c t e d and perhaps leg i t imate . It was also part of the mora l i d e o l o g y of the C o n g r e s s Party. The mora l d i m e n s i o n is u n d e r p i n n e d in part by the a l ienated w e s t e r n i z e d urban m i d d l e class inte l l igents ia of s o u t h As ia psycho log i ca l l y see ing a supe r i o r w o r t h of the relatively cultural ly r o o t e d " c o m m o n m a n " and/or the p e a s a n t . T o s o m e extent the impor t ance o f the rural was also i n f l uenced by cultural nat iona l i sm and 14. This has in part been aided by a naive utopianism of some Western scholars and intellectuals working on south Asia. See for instance Andre Beteille's (1984) critical review of Ronald Herrings work and critique of land reform in south Asia. (1983) Herring's study is underpinned with a vision of a classical peasant society where there are no landlords or landless labourers. (Beteille 1984. p130-32) The re-birth or re-incarnation of the idyllic village republics of 19th century European indologists ! t rends w i th in it that ha rped o n the grandeur of the past e n c o u r a g i n g atavistic and revivalist o u t l o o k . It is usefu l t o recall in this c o n t e x t that there is a lso a b o d y of w o r k o n sou th India, (Beck 1972 , M i n e s 1984, Ramasamy 1985 and Arasaratnam 1986) that have d rawn at tent ion t o the tradit ional d i v i s ion of the sou th Indian soc ia l c o s m o s in to left-hand and r ight-hand castes, w i th inter and intra-village l inkages, the f o rmer b e i n g non-agricultural castes and the latter agr icultural castes. E m b e d d e d in this is an i n d i g e n o u s p e r c e p t i o n of space , no t in terms of terr i tory but ne tworks . There are also n o recent studies o n the reg iona l geog raphy of K e r a l a . T h e journal of the Madras GeoRraph i ca l Soc ie ty had in 1932 a spec ia l issue o n Ma laba r distr ict . The co l l e c t i on of articles is in format ive a b o u t issues of that t ime , and n o w of histor ical geograph i ca l value. S o m e of this i n fo rmat ion has b e e n used in this s tudy in the c o n t e x t of the d i scuss ions o n set t lement patterns, absence of d is t inc t ions b e t w e e n u rban a n d non-urban resident ia l areas, pub l i c health po l i c ies and p r o g r a m m e s etc . The references to , and the l iterature o n , the d i spe rsed se t t l ement pat tern of Kerala have b e e n extens ive ly used in this s tudy and a rev iew is unnecessary . In c o m b i n a t i o n w i th the p o p u l a t i o n dens i ty its un iqueness in Kerala o r sou thwes t India in the Indian c o n t e x t was a 15. The only regional geopgraphical studies of Kerala are Cotton (1927) and Kuriyan (1942). These studies are in the regional geographical tradition of the period they were published. They are descriptive, with uncertain ecological models and gazzetteer-like listing and mapping of economic activities etc. See Sopher (1973) and also chapter seven, footnote 5. 16. The only other region in south Asia that has this unique combination of population density and dispersed settlement is southwest Sri Lanka. Compare the following description of a homestead in southwest Sri Lanka by Moore (1985) with that provided by Mencher (1966. p163) of the homestead in Kerala and quoted in chapter four for striking parallels. Obviously it is a characteristic of the desakota country that stretched from Mangalore to Matara. Apart from the house (or adjacent family houses) a homestead includes a good number of coconut, jak and other trees, to serve the kitchen a vegetable garden, a compound round recurrent theme f r o m the t ime of Ibn Battuta narrative. (Ibn Battuta. 14th Century . Tr G i b b s 1929. 1969 Ed, p231-2; J oseph , 1507. 1984, p 1 5 3 ; Logan 1887 . 1981 Ed p 111 ; C la rke 1916. p 7 2 ; Ke lman 1923 p 2 6 ; Dann 1932. p 1 6 4 ; H e s t e r i o w 1932 . p179 ; Kuriyan 1938 . p141-2; M e n o n 1953 , p 4 6 ; Na th 1962. p i 4 3 - 1 4 4 ; M e n c h e r 1966 ; and B h o o s h a n and M i s r a 1979 . p125-29; and Hi l l 1986 p780 ) . M e n c h e r ' s s tudy remains a semina l con t r i bu t i on o n this subject . S u m m i n g u p T o s u m u p this rev iew of l i terature, there are a f ew issues of impor t ance . First, this rev iew s h o u l d c o n v i n c e even the skept i cs that Kerala is a d is t inct soc ie ty in the Indian con tex t , at least in the sphere of urban iza t ion , a n d in terms of spatial order . This is true even to the extent w h e r e it is academica l l y d i p l oma t i c t o leave Kerala ou t of studies of reg iona l patterns of urban iza t ion . In this con tex t there was also o v e r w h e l m i n g ev idence that the d i spe rsed se t t lement pattern of Kerala is un ique in the Indian con tex t . T h o u g h there are o the r pocke t s whe re this occu r s , part icularly in H imacha l Pradesh, the mix o f this pat tern w i th p o p u l a t i o n dens i ty in Kerala makes it un ique in the Indian con tex t . S e c o n d , the s tud ies that e x a m i n e d in d e p t h Kerala u rban iza t ion , o r that of socia l ly and territorially a l l ied reg ions such as Daksh inna Kannada , u n c o v e r e d many character ist ics that are desako ta as d e s c r i b e d in the M c G e e hypo thes i s . This was seen in the w o r k of Nagaraj, Cha t topadhyay and Sankaranarayan. It was less exp l i c i t in SreeKumar 's s tudy , but benea th the pedantry and c i r c u m l o c u t i o n , there was a con f i rma t i on of the p resence o f desako ta . the house which is kept swept and a toilet standing clear of the house. Half an acre at least is required to realize this preference on a decent manner. An acre is better and more does not come amiss. Rural settlement is thus dispersed. (Moore 1985. p123) Thi rd , many of the observa t ions made in this s tudy are c o n f i r m e d in the literature rev i ewed . For e x a m p l e , the observa t ion that the w h o l e coasta l r eg ion is a de sako t a reg ion encapsu la t ing a l inear ne twork of bazaars and city cent res was c o n f i r m e d in the w o r k of B h o o s h a n and M i s r a , Cha t t opadhyay etc. Fourth , this l i terature rev iew sur faced the usefu lness o f the desako ta hypothes i s for a cohe ren t unde rs t and ing of the Kerala spatial o rder . This was at many levels. (a) It p r o v i d e d a cent ra l iz ing , log ica l and c o h e r e n t s ta tement w h i c h he lps to make inte l l ig ib le and relevant what was pe rce i ved as the aberrant and recalcitrant urban izat ion pattern of Kerala. (b) The desako t a hypothes i s be i ng f ramed w i th in the theoret ica l f r amework of the urban-rural spatial o rde r , and in the larger spatial con t ex t o f As ia , gave the Kerala expe r i ence a mean ing , bo th in theore t i ca l te rms and as part of a w i d e r As ian expe r i ence . This expe r i ence fo rmu la ted as the desako ta hypothes i s , ques t i ons the un id i rec t iona l log i c o f the urban transi t ion o n the wes t e rn m o d e l . (c) The s ign i f i cance of the l inks b e t w e e n space and e c o n o m y is b rough t in to focus by the desako ta hypo thes i s . This is part icularly impor tant in the Kerala con tex t . This a lso l ed us t o the w o r k o f Harvey and Massey . Harvey 's w o r k was impor tan t for it b r o u g h t toge the r advances in t ransport and c o m m u n i c a t i o n t e c h n o l o g y and c h a n g i n g e c o n o m i c c o n d i t i o n s over space . Capi ta l ' s use of space in its pursuit of prof i ts was m a d e expl ic i t in the c o n t e x t of the advanced e c o n o m i e s by Harvey 's theor i za t ion . Even t h o u g h no t d irect ly re levant t o Kerala soc ie ty and e c o n o m y , it h e l p e d to make desako ta in Kerala m o r e inte l l ig ib le . But all this made sense on l y w h e n e x a m i n e d in the c o n t e x t of the po l i t i ca l e c o n o m y o f Kerala. A n d for such examina t ion Massey ' s wo rk p r o v i d e d insights. The studies of Kerala u rban iza t ion rev i ewed in this chapter see the t ime-space co l lapse in terms of m o b i l e soc ie ty etc. But they fail to unders tand the role of the po l i t i ca l e c o n o m y in the spatial o rde r especia l ly in con t r i bu t i ng to the p r e s e n c e of non-agricultural activity in non-urban areas. The studies have sough t t o exp la in the spatial o rder in te rms of spatial factors such as compara t i ve advantage, agg lomera t i on , mob i l i t y etc . O n the o the r hand as w e wi l l see in the next t w o chapters e c o n o m i c histor ians we re b e g i n n i n g to see the i m p o r t a n c e of the pol i t i ca l e c o n o m y in Kerala indust r ia l i sm, but fa i led t o l ink it to the spatial o rde r . The b r idg ing is fac i l i tated by the desako ta hypo thes i s . As ind i ca ted earlier one of the ob jec t i ves of this s tudy is to make expl ic i t the re la t ionsh ip b e t w e e n the pol i t i ca l e c o n o m y and spatial order . In d o i n g this the desako ta hypo thes i s was in ef fect express ing wha t M a s s e y ca l led the inadequacy of the conven t iona l loca t iona l factors and the enr i ch ing and e l abora t ing of l abour as a l o ca t i on factor . (Massey and M e e g a n 1989 , p245 ) The desako ta hypo thes i s p r o v i d e d a f r amework w i th in w h i c h w e c o u l d b r ing toge the r w o r k of M c G e e , M a s s e y a n d Harvey to examine a spec i f i c spatial o rde r and f o rma t i on . This br ings to a c l ose Part I of this s tudy w h i c h sough t t o i n t r oduce Kerala; demons t r a t e s o m e of its d ist inct ive features in the Indian con tex t ; p resen t its spatial o rder , w h i c h is the f o cus of this s tudy ; and rev iew the ex i s t ing literature o n u rban iza t i on Kerala. At the same t ime it was argued that the desako t a hypo thes i s is relevant f o r an unde rs t and ing of the Kerala spat ia l . The task n o w is to p resent s o m e empi r i ca l data o n the mix of agricultural and non-agr icul tura l activity in the non-urban areas, a n d ways in w h i c h the po l i t i ca l e c o n o m y art iculates the spatial order , in part icular the p r e sence of non-agricultural act iv i ty in non-urban areas. This as stated eadier is the hard c o r e of Kerala desakota . This wi l l b e a t t e m p t e d in Parts II and III. Part II cons is t ing o f chapters six and seven wi l l present s o m e quant i tat ive data, i n c l ud ing an eva luat ion of the census as sou r ce mater ia l and a brief r ev i ew of l i terature that facil itates an e c o n o m i c historical unde r s t and ing of Kerala. Part III c o m p r i s i n g chapters e ight and nine are case s tud ies of co i r and b e e d i industr ies , p resent ing qualitat ive data t o f lesh the quantitat ive data p resen ted in Part II, and m o r e impor tant l y to demons t r a t e the re la t ionsh ip b e t w e e n the po l i t i ca l e c o n o m y and the spatial o rder . C H A P T E R SIX SECTORAL PROFILE OF E C O N O M I C ACTIVITY IN KERALA: 1901 - 1981 The rat ionale for the use of census data to examine Kerala desako ta . In chapter three , as part of the dist inct ive character of Kerala w i th in India, it was d e m o n s t r a t e d that Kerala had the h ighest pe rcen t of non-agricultural activity a m o n g the states in India. Non-agr icul tura l activity surpassed even the relatively industr ia l ly advanced states in the Indian con tex t , of Maharastra , W e s t Bengal and Tami lnadu . A n d this was in spite of the mega-urban reg ions of Bombay , Ca l cu t ta and Madras be i ng w i th in these respect ive states. It was a lso d e m o n s t r a t e d in chapter three that non-agricultural activity in Kerala was in non-urban areas, in contrast t o the m o r e industr ia l ly advanced states in India, whe re they we re concen t r a t ed in the urban areas and their env i rons . It was a lso a rgued in chapte r f ou r that the non-agricultural activity in Kerala was no t in urban fr inge areas, but d i spe r sed t h r o u g h ou t the non-urban areas of the low lands and mid lands of Kerala, o c cu r r i ng in a mix w i th agricultural activity. The task o f Part II o f this s tudy is t o examine this mix o f agr icultural and non-agricul tural activity in the non-urban areas in greater deta i l . For as i nd i ca ted in chapte r o n e , the mix o f agricultural and non-agricultural activity is central t o the desako t a hypo thes i s . This chapte r w i l l a t tempt to de l ineate in quant i tat ive terms the sec tora l prof i le o f e c o n o m i c activity in Kerala, and h o w agr icul ture and non-agr icul ture are s t ruc tu red w i th in it and m i x e d in spatial te rms. The next chapte r wi l l l o o k at the c o m p o n e n t s of non-agr icul tura l activity, and examine in greater detai l what may be d e s c r i b e d as Kerala industr ia l i sm, the l abour intens ive , l o w t e c h n o l o g y , agro-process ing . There wi l l be an effort here to also examine the re la t ionship b e t w e e n the pol i t i ca l e c o n o m y and the space e c o n o m y . The ways in w h i c h the pol i t i ca l e c o n o m y bear o n the space e c o n o m y and spatial o rde r wi l l be m a d e m o r e expl ic i t in the il lustrative case s tud ies of t w o industr ies in chapters e ight and n ine . The case studies wi l l a lso p rov ide a qual i tat ive balance to the quant i tat ive data p resen ted in this and the next chapter . The ob jec t i ve of the present chapte r is to ske tch the Kerala e c o n o m i c sectora l prof i le , o r structure in b road ca tegor ies , us ing the decenn ia l censuses f r o m 1901 to 1 9 8 1 . The use of census data is n o d o u b t fraught w i th dangers . C o m p a r e d t o a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l data and invest igat ions, census data can be less re l iable, less r igorous , less c l o se t o reality and p rov ide min ima l insight i n to processes . But o n the o the r hand an th ropo log i c a l invest igat ions d o no t y ie ld data of the k ind that can be readi ly c o m p a r e d ove r space and t ime . The study of desako ta by its very spatial character makes a spatial c o m p a r i s o n and unders tand ing imperat ive . A n d Kerala desakota , as i nd i ca ted eariier, is no t a pos t-co lon ia l d e v e l o p m e n t a l con f igu ra t i on . This then makes the t ime d i m e n s i o n equal ly imperat ive . This s tudy makes a very c o n s c i o u s effort to cons t ruc t a mac ro t ime-space unde rs t and ing of Kerala desakota . As w i l l be d i s cussed in the final chapter , a compara t i ve s tudy of Kerala de sako t a w i th desako ta in o the r As ian reg ions o r a m i c r o level s tudy w i th in Kerala, us ing an th ropo log i c a l m e t h o d o l o g y , of de sako t a p rocess and o p e r a t i o n is feas ib le . But Kerala desako ta by its c o n t i n u o u s and c o n t i g u o u s spatial s t retch in the l ow lands a n d mid lands and d e p t h in t ime dictates a m a c r o t ime-space app roach and unde r s t and ing . Compa ra t i v e and/or m i c r o s tud ies wi l l b e c o m e usefu l as supp l emen ta r y tasks o r s tud ies t o a prerequ is i te mac ro t ime-space study. This makes it necessary t o span the examina t i on of non-urban , non-agricultural activity ove r the w h o l e o f the 20th century , and in spatial t e rms the w h o l e of Kerala state. There may be g o o d reasons t o con f i ne the examina t ion to the relat ively m o r e de ta i l ed and conven i en t Indian census data of 1961 to 1981 . But a t heme in this s tudy is that Kerala desako ta has no t e m e r g e d out of the matr ices of pos t-co lon ia l d e m o g r a p h i c , e c o n o m i c , t ransport and c o m m u n i c a t i o n fo rmat ions and con f igura t ions , it was present d u r i n g the co lon i a l p e r i o d and as w e wi l l see in the co i r case study, the impl i ca t ions of the po l i t i ca l e c o n o m y for the spatial o rde r was b e g i n n i n g be seen in the 1930s. The set t lement pat tern and t ransport facil it ies w h i c h play a ro le in Kerala desako ta we re present historical ly. So there is a n e e d to l ook b e y o n d the c o n v e n i e n t slab of 1961-81 census data. It is a lso di f f icul t in a study such as this to i gnore the pre-1961 census data. N o t many count r ies have census data that span twe lve decades that may at a m i n i m u m p rov ide a r o u g h es t imat ion of the e c o n o m i c sectora l character of a r eg i on . The censuses in i t ia ted by the British were largely mot i va t ed by the n e e d t o co l l ec t d e m o g r a p h i c , e c o n o m i c and e thnog raph i c data for co lon i a l rule and admin is t ra t ion . They we r e also in fused w i th w e s t e r n c o n c e p t u a l pe r cep t i ons , and the d i v i s ion of the spatial o rde r in the censuses into u rban and rural is a c lassic e x a m p l e . A m o n g o the r factors the universa l izat ion of a urban-rural p e r c e p t i o n of space was p r o p a g a t e d by census opera t ions and i deo logy . A subt le t h e m e that underp ins this s tudy and the desako ta hypo thes i s itself is the inappl icabi l i ty of the urban-rural d i c h o t o m y as universal ist ic . There is an imp l i c i t effort t o ques t i on the census c o n c e p t s and ca tegor iza t ion of urban and rural. This was present in the overt use of the t e rm non-urban in p lace of rural in this s tudy, w h e n referr ing t o the Kerala con tex t . This is because the census ca tegory of rural i nc ludes bo th desako t a a n d rural. The census ca tegor i za t i on of urban-rural was also q u e s t i o n e d in the con tex t of the impl i ca t ions of the g e n d e r bias o f the Indian census de f in i t ion of u rban , and the se t t l ement pattern a n d histor ica l s ize of the revenue vi l lages in the Kerala con tex t . A n d n o w the ef fort is to take the C e n s u s ' s o w n e c o n o m i c data and examine the appropr ia teness of the urban-rural d i c h o t o m y in Kerala. It is also impor tant t o no te that what is b e i n g sough t in this chapter is b road ca tegor iza t ion of e c o n o m i c and o c c u p a t i o n a l activity in to agr icul ture and non-agr icul ture. W h a t was d e e m e d to be agr icul ture in 1901 may no t be minute l y ident i ca l w i th what it was in 1981 , but it was not very d i f ferent e i ther. W h e n , fo r instance, as in the next chapter , w e c o m p a r e the c o t t o n text i le industry as a ca tegory in the 1901 census w i t h a similarly n a m e d ca tegory in the 1981 census , care has to be taken t o f ind out w h e t h e r they relate as compa rab l e ca tegor ies . In s u m , to demons t r a t e that the non-urban areas of the l ow lands and mid lands of Kerala are desakota , it is impor tant t o establ ish ove r a p e r i o d of t ime , a m o n g o the r factors , a s ignif icant mix of agricultural and non-agr icul tura l activity in what the C e n s u s des ignates as rural areas. In o the r w o r d s it is impor tan t to m a p ou t the space-t ime character of the Kerala sectora l s tructure. The decenn ia l c ensuses as a register of i n fo rma t i on , t h o u g h s o m e t i m e s mis l ead ing and diff icult to hand le , yet remain as an impor tant pr imary s o u r c e of data o n the sectora l structure of the Kerala w o r k f o r c e o n a space-t ime d i m e n s i o n . De ta i l ed examina t ion of m inu te segments of census data have b e e n m a d e , t o ske tch in this chapter , the b road sectora l s t ructure o r prof i le of the Kerala w o r k f o r c e in the 20th century . The analysis justif ies the c o n c l u s i o n that the census l abour f o r ce data has analytical value w h e n p l a ced w i th in the s e q u e n c e of a n u m b e r of decenn ia l censuses . The i r val idity is e n h a n c e d w h e n p l a ced in s u c h t empora l con tex t . T w o pre l iminary tasks are ca l l ed for be fo re w e examine the census data for the p resence of non-agricultural activity in rural areas. First, an examina t ion o f de f in i t ions and c o n c e p t s used in the Indian censuses . S e c o n d , a r e c o g n i t i o n o f a f loa t ing p o o l of l abour that mix and seasonal ly shift b e t w e e n agr icul ture and non-agr icu l ture . N o t o n l y n e e d d o w e have to unders tand h o w the censuses c o p e and dep i c t this grey z o n e of the w o r k f o r c e , but w e have to take c o g n i z a n c e of this sec t i on of the w o r k f o r c e as an express ion of desako ta , as the mix of agncul tura l and non-agricultural w o r k in the l ives of desakotavazhis .^ C e n s u s data, de f in i t ions and c o n c e p t s . Nineteenth century censuses The censuses u sed as source material for this chapte r and the next are those of Travancore and C o c h i n pr ince ly states and the data re lat ing to the Ma l aba r distr ict as appear ing in the censuses of the Madras Pres idency. This is for the p e r i o d 1901 to 1941 . For 1951 the census o f the ama lgamated r eg ion of T ravancore-Coch in and Ma laba r distr ict of the Madras State are used . F rom 1961 onwa rds Kerala State census data are used . It is useful at the outse t t o exp la in the reasons for c o n f i n i n g the p e r i o d of examina t ion to 1901 - 1981 , leaving ou t the 19th century censuses . In chapte r three it was es tab l i shed that the censuses of the eady and m i d n ine teen th century are usefu l for l imi ted pu rposes o f mak ing c rude est imates of p o p u l a t i o n . The decenn i a l censuses c o m m e n c i n g in 1871 were f o u n d relatively m o r e rel iable for genera l p o p u l a t i o n data. Un fo r tuna te l y fo r the occupa t i ona l character of the w o r k i n g p o p u l a t i o n they remain inadequa te . In 1871 on l y the male w o r k i n g p o p u l a t i o n is r e c o r d e d . In the 1891 censuses of Travancore and Ma laba r the w o r k i n g p o p u l a t i o n and their d e p e n d e n t s are p resen ted as o n e aggrega ted f igure . This leaves on l y the 1881 census as a sou rce f o r 19th century , t h o u g h s o m e marg ina l use of the 1871 and 1891 censuses may be made f o r l imi ted pu rposes . The c o m m e n t s in the Repor t of the C o m m i s s i o n e r of C e n s u s of Travancore fo r 1891 , o n the censuses o f 1875 , 1881 and 1891 are usefu l in this con tex t . In the C e n s u s of Travancore (1875) the o c c u p a t i o n entr ies we r e s e c u r e d o n l y fo r male adults . I then remarked in m y report:- " W o m e n and ch i l d ren have no t b e e n en te red u n d e r it, t h o u g h in many instances they d o f o l l o w s o m e o n e o c c u p a t i o n o r o the r as a means o f l i v e l i hood . In the nor the rn ta luqs the 1. Vazhi means a resident or dweller in Malayalam, Tamil and Sinhalese. w o m e n are most l y e n g a g e d in the c lean ing of 'shacar i ' ( c o c o n u t husk) , the first of the co i r mak ing ope ra t i ons . Several hund reds of t h e m , especia l ly of the Elava caste, are e m p l o y e d as coo l i e s in the Pub l i c W o r k s Depar tment . The little boys u n d e r 12 years of age w h o are re turned as ch i ld ren in the fo rms are general ly engaged in the o c c u p a t i o n of their parents or guard ians ; of cou r se the h igher and more en l i gh t ened classes d o not c o m e unde r this category . The 1881 C e n s u s was a s tep in advance . This c o l u m n , (referring to the o c c u p a t i o n c o l u m n in the census return), app l i ed t o all, whe the r fo r m e n , w o m e n o r ch i ld ren , the s tandard be ing that the pe rsons i n c l u d e d s h o u l d actually d o w o r k con t r i bu t i ng t o the family i n c o m e . The present census (1891) is fuller, but takes a s l ight ly dif ferent v i e w of o c c u p a t i o n s . W e have a d o p t e d o n this o c c a s i o n the means of subs i s tence of every man , w o m a n or ch i l d , in the K i n g d o m as the standard. S u p p o s e a man is re tu rned as a Kurnam (village accountant ) , his w i fe and four ch i l d ren and himself , six in all , w i l l be s h o w n as subs is t ing by G o v e r n m e n t e m p l o y m e n t , they themse lves hav ing n o o the r w o r k to subsist by. The rule was: " F o r y o u n g ch i ld ren and w o m e n w h o d o n o work , en te r the o c c u p a t i o n of those by w h o m they are s u p p o r t e d , but d o no t leave this c o l u m n blank fo r anyone . The G o v e r n m e n t of India d i r ec ted the add i t i on of the w o r d " d e p e n d e n t " in such cases. If the w o m e n and ch i ld ren had i n d e p e n d e n t means of subs i s tence , they we r e of course s h o w n unde r their respect ive o c cupa t i ons . (Census of Travancore 1891. V o l 1. Report . V . N a g a m Aiya . D e w a n Peishcar & C e n s u s C o m m i s s i o n e r p561-2) The C e n s u s C o m m i s s i o n e r was aware that the aggrega t ion of wo rke r s and d e p e n d e n t s had d isadvantages. It is pity that the present sys tem d id not a l l ow of o u r f i nd ing ou t f r o m the table the actual w o r k i n g males and females as d i s t i ngu i shed f r o m those w h o d o not wo rk . I d o no t think that the result of the entry is an i m p r o v e m e n t u p o n the C e n s u s of 1881 . ( Ibid p567) For these reasons, excep t t o present a b road d iv i s ion of agr icul ture and non-agricul ture sectors in Table 6 .1 , the censuses of 1871 and 1891 have no t b e e n u s e d . The use of 1881 census was r ende red diff icult by the non-availabil i ty of 1881 C e n s u s of C o c h i n . ^ Twentieth century census definitions and concepts. From 1901 t o 1951 the o c c u p a t i o n or to be prec i se the means of l i v e l i hood of a p e r s o n was r e c o r d e d if the p e r s o n r epo r t ed his usual status as o n e of earn ing o r assist ing in 2. The entire Indian Censuses from 1871 to 1951 have been made available on micro-fiche by the Inter-Documentation Co, Zurich. These were used for this study. Unfortunately the Census of Cochin, 1881 is not available in this collection. the earn ing of a l i v e l i hood . T h o s e w h o d id no t repor t such a status we r e r e co rded as d e p e n d e n t s . The tabulat ions d i s t i ngu i shed worke r s o r earners f r o m d e p e n d e n t s . The nomenc l a tu re m a k i n g this d i s t inc t ion and the r e c o g n i t i o n of an in te rmed ia te ca tegory o f partial d e p e n d e n t d i f fe red f r om census year to year. Persons w i th a means of l i v e l i hood we re des c r i bed as " w o r k e r s " and the rest o f the h o u s e h o l d as " d e p e n d e n t s " in the censuses f r om 1901 t o 1921. In 1931 the rubr ics we r e c h a n g e d t o " e a rne r s " , " w o r k i n g d e p e n d e n t s " and " n o n - w o r k i n g d e p e n d e n t s " . " W o r k i n g d e p e n d a n t s " w e r e pe rsons w h o a d d e d to the h o u s e h o l d i n c o m e by their work . The 1941 census was c o n d u c t e d on l y in s o m e parts of India d u e to the W o H d W a r II. A m o n g the places it was c o n d u c t e d we re Travancore and C o c h i n Pr incely States.In these censuses the ca tegor ies we re t h o s e w i th the pr inc ipa l means of l i v e l i hood , (with or w i t hou t subs id iary means of l i ve l i hood ) , "par t ly d e p e n d e n t s " and " to ta l d e p e n d e n t s " . The similarit ies to the 1931 c lass i f icat ion are apparent , t h o u g h the 1941 C e n s u s Report of Travancore states that in the case of the w o r k i n g d e p e n d e n t s of 1931 " the i r earn ings re in fo rced on l y the fami ly means of l iv ing wh i l e in the case of partly d e p e n d e n t s (of 1941) the earnings con t r i bu te t o their pe r sona l i n c o m e w h i c h is s u p p l e m e n t e d by wha t they der ive f r o m the i r serv ices as d e p e n d a n t s of s o m e o the r p e r s o n " . ( C e n s u s of India 1941 , V o l XXV Travancore , Part I Report , p64. ) In 1951 the ca tegor ies b e c a m e " se l f-suppor t ing p e r s o n s " , " e a rn i ng d e p e n d e n t s " and "non-earn ing d e p e n d e n t s " . The app roach of the censuses f r om 1901 t o 1951 , was to v i e w o c c u p a t i o n s as " s o m e gainful activity by w h i c h a p e r s o n makes an ind iv idua l c o n t r i b u t i o n to the u p k e e p of a h o u s e h o l d . " ( l b i d p 6 3 , S inha 1972 p 2 0 2 and S inha 1982 p i 9 5 ) . S ince 1961 the census app roach t o enumera t i ng the e c o n o m i c activity of the p o p u l a t i o n is based o n the l abour fo r ce c o n c e p t . This app roach classif ies pe r sons in to wo rke r s and non-workers o n the basis of their e c o n o m i c activity status du r ing a spec i f i ed re ference p e r i o d . The use o f a re fe rence p e r i o d is a signif icant depar ture f r om the censuses of 1901 t o 1951 w h i c h was based o n the r epo r t ed usual status of earn ing or assist ing in the earn ing of l i ve l ihood. (S inha 1972 p 2 0 2 and S inha 1982 p195) . G i ven these changes in a p p r o a c h , the c o m p a r i s o n of census data o n e c o n o m i c activity over the last e igh ty years is not a neat exerc i se . Even w i th in the t w o b road pe r i ods f rom 1901 to 1951 a n d 1961 to 1981 w h e n there was a similarity of a p p r o a c h , data c o l l e c t i o n and c lass i f icat ion have no t been un i fo rm. S o m e of the d i f ferences in the censuses b e t w e e n 1901 and 1951 have already b e e n obse r ved . There are a lso d i f fe rences a m o n g the censuses of 1961 , 1971 and 1 9 8 1 . These centre o n the use and de f in i t ion of the re ference p e r i o d . The 1961 census has a dual re ference p e r i o d . In the case of regular e m p l o y m e n t it is f i f teen days p r e c e d i n g the day of enumera t i on , wh i l e f o r seasona l e m p l o y m e n t the w h o l e w o r k i n g season . .... in the case of seasonal w o r k l ike cu l t i va t ion , l i vestock, da i ry ing, h o u s e h o l d industry, e t c the basis of w o r k is taken t o be satisf ied if the p e r s o n has s o m e regular w o r k at least for m o r e than o n e h o u r a day t h r o u g h o u t the greater part of the w o r k i n g season . (Census of India 1961 , V o l VII Kerala, Part ll-B (i) Genera l E c o n o m i c Tables, p vii) The 1971 census a lso uses a dual re ference p e r i o d . The re ference pe r i od is o n e w e e k pr io r t o the date of enumera t i on in the case of regular w o r k in trade, p ro f e s s i on o r bus iness . In respect of seasona l w o r k a pe r son ' s ma in activity was ascer ta ined w i th re ference to such w o r k in the last o n e year e ven if he was no t e c o n o m i c a l l y active in the w e e k pr io r t o the enumera t i on . (Census of India 1971 , Series 9 Kerala, Part II-B (i) E c o n o m i c Tables, p3) In the 1971 census : The " m a i n act iv i ty" of a p e r s o n was ascer ta ined a c c o r d i n g to the t ime he spen t i.e. h o w he e n g a g e d h imsel f most l y . A w o r k e r was d e f i n e d as a p e r s o n w h o s e ma in activity was par t i c ipat ion in any e c o n o m i c a l l y p roduc t i v e w o r k by his phys ica l o r menta l activity A man o r w o m a n w h o was e n g a g e d pr imari ly in h o u s e h o l d dut ies o r a b o y o r giri w h o was primari ly a s tudent , even if such a p e r s o n h e l p e d in the family e c o n o m i c activity but not as a full t ime w o r k e r he o r she was no t t reated as a w o r k e r f o r the main activity. O n the o the r hand if a p e r s o n was primari ly e n g a g e d in s o m e e c o n o m i c activity bu t at the same t ime d id a lso at tend to s o m e h o u s e h o l d cho res or a t tend a n ight s c h o o l etc he or she was t reated as a w o r k e r for the ma in activity and ca t ego r i zed accord ing ly . (Ibid p3) The 1981 census sorts ou t wo rke r s f r o m non-workers in the first instance and then seeks to ascertain w h e t h e r the worke rs w o r k e d fo r m o r e than 183 days in the year p r e c e d i n g day of enumera t i on . If they had , they are c lassed as ma in worke rs , wh i l e t hose w h o had w o r k e d less than 183 days are margina l wo rke r s . The re fe rence pe r i od thus varies f r o m o n e census to another . But S inha observes : H o w e v e r , analysis of Nat iona l Samp le Survey data o n w o r k par t ic ipat ion rates ob ta i ned o n var ious rounds w i t h d i f ferent re fe rence pe r iods shows that the f luc tuat ions are m i n o r and d o no t bear any cons i s t en t re la t ionship w i t h the length of re ference pe r i od . (S inha 1982 p i 96) In Sinha's v i e w the main sou r ce of d i f fe rence in the three censuses s ince 1961 lies in the criteria used fo r classifying wo rke r s and non-workers . H e f inds the 1961 and 1981 censuses ' de f in i t ion of worke rs l iberal and the 1971 census de f in i t ion restrict ive. The 1981 census de f in i t ion of w o r k e r is l iberal b e c a u s e a pe r son is e n u m e r a t e d as a w o r k e r e ven if he w o r k s for a f ew days du r i ng the year p r e c e d i n g the day of enumera t ion . ( S inha 1982 p i 96) This de f in i t i on inc ludes b o t h main workers , w h o w o r k e d for m o r e than 183 days in the p r e c e d i n g year, and marginal worke r s w h o w o r k e d less than 183 days but m o r e than a f ew days. The 1961 census is l iberal because of its t rea tment of seasona l workers . Even if a seasona l w o r k e r had w o r k e d for o n e hou r a day for a greater part of the w o r k i n g season he o r she b e c o m e s a worke r . The qua l i f i ca t ion that this s h o u l d be for a greater part of the w o r k i n g season makes the 1961 de f in i t ion less l iberal than the 1981 census . The 1971 census is restr ict ive s ince a p e r s o n w o u l d be a w o r k e r on l y if his o r her p roduc t i v e w o r k is r e c o g n i z e d as his o r her ma in activity. If a pe r son ' s main activity was be i ng a s tuden t o r housew i f e the p e r s o n was c a t ego r i zed as a n o n - w o r k e r W h e r e such a p e r s o n m a d e a marginal con t r i bu t i on t o wo rk , that w o r k was r e c o r d e d as secondary work . O n e m e t h o d of m a k i n g the 1971 census less restr ict ive and c lose r to the nnore l iberal de f in i t i on of w o r k of the 1961 and 1981 censuses is t o add to the 1971 data o n worke r s the s e conda r y workers . It may be usefu l at this stage t o refer to the c o n c e p t of s e conda r y worke r s in the Indian censuses . This in fo rmat ion is r e c o r d e d f r o m as eady as the 1891 census . The enumera t i on of secondary w o r k is part of the overal l e f fort in the Indian censuses to be sensit ive to the nature and character of the Indian e c o n o m y . Even in the use o f the labour fo rce c o n c e p t s ince 1961 , a l iberal a p p r o a c h , was in r e cogn i t i on of this n e e d to be sensit ive to the character o f the Indian e c o n o m y . As S inha succ inc t l y puts it: A c c o r d i n g t o the s tandard l abour fo rce app roach , a p e r s o n is c lass i f ied as a w o r k e r if he part ic ipates in ga infu l wo rk du r ing a shor t re ference p e r i o d , say a week . The a d o p t i o n of this a p p r o a c h in the Indian e c o n o m y w h i c h has a dual ist ic s t ructure presents d i f f icu l t p rob l ems . Barely ten percent of w o r k e r s in India are in the o rgan i zed sec to r . Agr icu l ture and seasona l industr ies a c c o u n t for by far the major part of the worke rs in the u n o r g a n i z e d sec to r a n d mos t of t hem are e n g a g e d in family enterpr ises . They m o v e in and ou t of the l abour fo r ce , change f rom o n e j ob t o ano ther and c o m b i n e h o u s e h o l d w o r k w i th e c o n o m i c a l l y p roduc t i ve w o r k in varying p r o p o r t i o n s . Thus , many pe r sons part ic ipate in p roduc t i ve w o r k but they d o no t f o r m the pure ca tego ry of workers . It is to cove r this g r o u p that each census s ince 1961 has e x p e r i m e n t e d w i th changes in c o n c e p t s and de f in i t ions . (Sinha 1982. p 195) The c o m b i n a t i o n o r dove ta i l i ng o f agr icul ture off- season w o r k w i t h seasonal h o u s e h o l d or d o m e s t i c manufacture and service o c c u p a t i o n a l castes w h o s e serv ices were s o m e t i m e s pa id w i th grants of agr icul tural tenancy meant that s o m e pe r sons had m o r e than o n e o c c u p a t i o n at the same t ime d u r i n g a yeariy cyc le o f agricultural seasons . The mix of agr icultural and non-agricultural activity was part icuiady ev ident . The censuses s ince 1891 m a d e efforts to capture at least s o m e o f this m i x e d and f lu id o c c u p a t i o n a l character , t h o u g h they d o no t appear t o be exhaust ive o r cons is tent . W e w i l l d iscuss these issues in the next sec t i on . Suff ice to state n o w that s econda ry w o r k data may be useful to d e c i p h e r the f lu id and m i x e d character of the w o r k f o r c e . It can also be used t o inflate the w o r k f o r c e , if there is reason t o be l ieve that the w o r k f o r c e is unders ta ted or restr ic ted as in the case of the 1971 census . There are a lso o the r cor rec t i ve measures that he lp to put censuses ove r a t ime pe r i od in to a c o m p a r a b l e f ramework . A cor rec t i ve measure that may make the 1901 t o 1951 census data o n w o r k f o r c e more c o m p a r a b l e to the 1961 to 1981 wo rk fo r ce data is to e l iminate all unp roduc t i v e w o r k and/or pe r sons w i t h unea rned i n c o m e f r o m the w o r k f o r c e in the p e r i o d 1901 to 1951 . The means of l i v e l i hood app roach f r o m 1901 to 1951 permi ts the inc lus ion of those w i th i n c o m e f rom p e n s i o n , r en ted proper ty , inves tments etc. H o w e v e r this ca tegory of pe rsons can be ident i f i ed in the tables and their n u m b e r s e l iminated f r o m the tota l . These cor rec t i ve measures have b e e n a t t empted in the preparat ion of the tables in this study. But this is no t un i fo rm ly poss ib l e as data o n secondary worke r s is not always p resen ted at the same level of d i saggrega t ion , (three dig i t codes ) , as the ma in workers . This d i s cuss ion of the census c o n c e p t s and de f in i t ions are a necessary p re lude to the use of census da ta in this chapte r t o analyze the oc cupa t i ona l s t ructure of the Kerala w o r k f o r c e . A s Schwar tzbe rg suggests o n e must read no t on l y the tables, but a lso the f ine print that g o e s w i th t h e m in the p rose census reports and at t imes the so ca l led " f l y l eaves " that are a p p e n d e d to the tables. T h o u g h the exp lana t ions of census c o n c e p t s are typica l ly as exc i t ing as t hose relat ing to average insurance po l i c y , t imely consu l t a t i on of e i ther can y i e ld s ignif icant d i v idends . ( Schwar tzberg 1981 , p 57) But excess ive c o n c e r n w i th c o n c e p t s and de f in i t ions may also no t be imperat ive . As A s h o k M i t r a states: It is impor tan t to r e m e m b e r that even if in pr int the c o n c e p t s a n d def in i t ions and the de ta i l ed inst ruct ions o n such ques t ions dif fer f r om o n e census to another , in actual w o r k i n g , that is, in canvass ing the ques t ionna i re f r o m d o o r t o d o o r , the f iner d is t inc t ions t e n d to get b lur red - b o t h o w i n g [a] to the smal l a m o u n t of t ime that the canvasser can actual ly d e v o t e t o each h o u s e h o l d ; [b] t o the fact that i n fo rmat ion is most l y o b t a i n e d for o the r m e m b e r s o f the h o u s e h o l d f r o m the head of the h o u s e h o l d a lone : and [c] to the o the r fact that ne i ther the enumera to rs no r the r e s p o n d e n t s , by v ir tue of their l im i ted educa t i on and their inabil i ty t o interpret un i fo rmly the f iner nuances of inst ruct ions in their o w n language, are capab le of n i ce d i s t inc t ions and all that they unders tand and fee l impe l l ed to answer is w h e t h e r a part icular p e r s o n has w o r k e d fo r his k e e p i n g o r con t r i bu t ed t o k e e p i n g the h o m e fires burn ing , and what is the k ind of w o r k f r o m the earnings or p r o c e e d s of w h i c h the h o m e fires we re kept bu rn ing . So wh i l e c o n c e p t s and de f in i t ions have c h a n g e d f r om o n e census to another , there s h o u l d be a basic un i fo rmi ty in c o m p r e h e n s i o n in the e l ementa l s i tuat ion of India. The census return s h o w w o r k part ic ipat ion w i th in the l imits of wha t w o r k o r l i v e l i hood b road l y means in vi l lage par iance and h o w it is pe r ce i v ed in the con tex t of each h o u s e h o l d e c o n o m y . " (Mi t ra et al 1980. p i 8) The w o r k f o r c e that mix , and shift b e t w e e n , non-agr icul tura l and agricultural work . A preliminary broad categorization of the workforce W e shall first p resent the sectora l prof i le at the Kerala State level in the b road categor ies of agr icul ture & f ish ing o n the o n e hand and non-agr icu l ture o n the o ther . This is p resen ted in Table 6.01 for the census years 1871 to 1 9 8 1 . Unt i l 1941 the three pol i t ica l-administrat ive units of Travancore Pr incely State, C o c h i n Pr incely State and the Ma labar Distr ict of the Madras P res idency had separate censuses . As exp l a ined in chapte r t w o , w i th i n d e p e n d e n c e in 1947 , Travancore and C o c h i n we r e ama lgamated , and so had a c o m m o n census in 1951 . But Ma labar c o n t i n u e d to be separate unt i l f o rmat ion of the Kerala State in 1956. For Table 6.01 T ravancore-Coch in and Ma laba r data have b e e n aggrega ted . N o adjustments have b e e n m a d e in the data u p t o 1951 fo r the areas transferred t o and f r om Tami lnadu t o c o r r e s p o n d w i th the Kerala State terr i tory as d e c r e e d in 1956. S ince 1961 Kerala State census is p u b l i s h e d separate ly at the State level and is p resen ted as such in Tab le 6 .01 . The census c o n c e p t s , de f in i t ions , c lass i f icat ion, tabu la t ions and even table n u m b e r i n g had a un i formi ty t h rough ou t India. This was d e c i d e d u p o n by the Imperial C o m m i s s i o n e r of C e n s u s unti l 1941 and f rom 1951 to the present by the C e n s u s C o m m i s s i o n e r of India at N e w De lh i . The aggregate o f separate censuses in Tab le 6.1 thus s h o u l d no t p o s e a p r o b l e m . TABLE 6.01 Ke r a l a a g r i c u l t u r a l , c a s u a l and n o n - a g r i c u l t u r a l workforce as percent of t o t a l workforce: 1871 to 1981 M F T M F T M F T 1871 1881 1891 Agr 29.4 [a] [a] 29.4 1 1 .9 41 .3 24.8 24.0 48.9 C.L 35.7 [a] [a] 10.9 6.4 17.3 8.5 9.0 17.5 Non-A 34.9 [a] [a] 26.5 14.9 41 .4 16.6 17.0 33.6 100.0 [a] [a] 66.8 33.2 100.0 50.0 50.0 100.0 1901 191 1 1921 Agr 35.0 18.3 53.3 38.0 16.9 54.9 37.6 15.9 53.5 C.L 6.3 4.2 10.5 4.5 4.0 8.6 4.0 4.1 8.1 Non-A 22.6 13.5 36.2 23.3 13.3 36.6 26.1 12.3 38.4 64.0 36.0 100.0 65.8 34.2 100.0 67.7 32.3 100.0 1931 1941 1951 Agr 35.3 13.2 48.5 44.2 8.5 52.7 44.2 13.9 58. 1 C.L 10.5 5.6 16.1 5.9 1 .4 7.3 2.7 1 . 1 3.8 Non-A 25.6 9.8 35.4 31 .1 8.9 40.0 30.8 7.2 38.1 71.4 28.6 100.0 81 .2 18.8 100.0 77.7 22.3 100.0 1961 1971 1981 Agr 38.7 16.9 55.6 41 .7 13.8 55.5 36.8 15.6 52.5 C.L 3.7 1.3 5.0 1 .4 0.3 1.7 1.2 0.3 1.5 Non-A 27.8 11.6 39.4 33.5 9.3 42.8 34.4 1 1.7 46.0 70.2 29.8 100.0 76.6 23.4 100.0 72.4 27.6 100.0 Sources : Der i ved f r o m the C e n s u s of India 1891 t o 1 9 8 1 , C e n s u s o f C o c h i n 1875 a n d 1 8 9 1 , C e n s u s of Travancore 1875 , 1881 and 1891 and C e n s u s o f Madras P res idency 1871 a n d 1881 . N o t e s : [a] Data no t available [b] Agr i cu l tu re cons is ts of cult ivators, agr icu l ture l abour f i sh ing , forestry, l i ves tock and p lanta t ion w o r k e r s . [c] The 1871 data d o e s no t i nc lude f i sh ing as this was no t p r o v i d e d in the C e n s u s data . [d] 0.5 mi l l ion worke r s were t ransferred f r o m casual l abour to agricultural l abour in 1961 f o l l o w i n g the c o r r e c t i o n sugges t ed by the U .N .S tudy (1975. p 8 0 . f o o t n o t e 16.) [e] 1971 data is w i t h o u t s e conda r y worke r s . [f] 1981 data is the tota l of main and margina l worke rs . [g] Data up to 1951 has no t b e e n ad justed for changes in Kerala State bounda r y in 1956 . [h] 1981 data is based o n Travancore and Ma laba r on ly . 1941 data is based o n Travancore and C o c h i n only . Al l o the r data f r om 1871 to 1931 is the aggregate of Travancore , C o c h i n and Malabar . 1951 data is the aggregate of T ravanco re-Coch in and Ma labar data. 1961 t o 1981 data is the Kerala State data Cr i t i c i sm h o w e v e r has b e e n made that t h o u g h the British Raj con t inuous l y a t t e m p t e d t o make the census f ind ings usefu l , c once rns var ied w i th t ime and reg ion . It is p o i n t e d ou t that c o n c e p t s and def in i t ions f i l tered t h r o u g h a census bureaucracy w h i c h was reg ion specif ic. (Barr ier 1981 p-viii) Kerala du r i ng the British Raj t h o u g h cons t i tu ted of three pol i t ical-administrat ive r eg ions none the less had , as a rgued in the chapte r two , a h o m o g e n e i t y of be ing a Ma laya lam speak ing r eg ion . This gave a c o m m o n a l t y t o the reg ion spec i f i c c o n c e r n s of the three units. It was a c o m m o n a l t y that e m e r g e d f r om the use of o n e language and a historical m e m o r y of be i ng o n e l inguist ic-cultural r eg ion . Casual labour and its significance The in ten t ion in fo rmula t ing Table 6.01 was to make expl ic i t the agr icul tura l and non-agncultural c o m p o n e n t s of the w o r k f o r c e . But the Table presents a third ca tegory of casual labour. It is p r e sen ted as such because it is no t poss ib l e to ident i fy w h e t h e r the casual l abour was e n g a g e d in agr icul ture or non-agr icu l ture . The censuses t o o had to c o p e w i t h the same issue of w h e t h e r the l i v e l i hood of these pe rsons was to be enumera t ed as agr icu l ture or s o m e o the r o c c u p a t i o n for they are l ikely to have e n g a g e d in casual manua l w o r k o f d i f fer ing nature at d i f ferent t imes of the year. S o m e of this may have been in agr icu l ture wh i l e others may have b e e n in non-agr icul ture. Casua l l abour in Census da ta as an inde te rmina te ca tegory b e t w e e n agr icu l ture and non-agr icul ture to a cons ide rab le extent ref lects a reality. It is a f loat ing and f lu id l abou r that is con t i nuous l y m o v i n g b e t w e e n and m i x i n g agr icul ture a n d non-agr icul ture wo rk . It may be a rgued that in pre-colonia l t imes, t h o u g h s o m e m o v e m e n t b e t w e e n agr icu l ture and non-agr icul ture was present in South India, massive p e r i o d i c o c cupa t i ona l mob i l i t y was unl ikely . Caste structures cons t ra ined such mob i l i t y . But s o m e o f the soc ia l and e c o n o m i c changes of the 19th century l o o s e n e d s o m e of these inh ib i t ing s t ructures . First, agrest ic slave castes t i ed t o the land were re leased f r om such b o n d a g e w i th the abo l i t i on of slavery in the m i d 19th century . (Tharmamanga lam 1981 . p39) . Tab le 2.04, (see chapte r two ) , s h o w s that in 1901 these castes, (Pulaya, C h e r u m a n and Paraiyan), n u m b e r e d c lose to half a m i l l i on , and were a b o u t 7.4 percen t of the Kerala p o p u l a t i o n . W h e n re leased occupat iona l l y , t h o u g h the majority r ema ined in agr icul tural work , large n u m b e r s may have sough t w o r k ou t s ide agr icul ture, swe l l i ng the ca tegory o f casual worke rs . S e c o n d , the p o p u l a t i o n g rowth wi th land fo r agr icultural use l im i t ed , resu l ted in u n e m p l o y m e n t and u n d e r e m p l o y m e n t . This inf lated the f loa t ing p o o l of casual w o r k e r s always in search of work . Th i rd the expans ion of the agro-process ing indust r ies b e g i n n i n g in the mid-19th century , w i th its anci l lary services, a n d its peaks and t r oughs in the market , gene ra t ed in part the f loa t ing p o o l o f labour . This was a reserve army o f l abour that industr ies c o u l d d i p in to w h e n and if in n e e d of labour. Four th , s o m e of the soc ia l changes , part icuiady the rise of the Ezhavas and the dec l i n e of the Nayars had their imp l i ca t i ons . S o m e of the Ezhavas, w h o s e tradi t ional o c c u p a t i o n was t o d d y t a p p i n g and al l ied c o c o n u t cu l t i va t ion and/or c o c o n u t based activit ies m o v e d ou t to such o c c u p a t i o n s such as h a n d l o o m c o t t o n text i les . (Census o f l nd i a 1901 , V o l XV Pt II p359-360; V o l XX Pt II p76-78; V o l XXVI Pt II p368-370) But s o m e w h o c o u l d no t make it in the new ly e x p a n d i n g industr ies , fel l i n to the f loa t ing casual l abou r category . S o m e of the t radi t ional ly less p r i v i l eged Nayar sub-castes may have w i th the intra-Nayar caste d e p e n d e n c i e s b reak ing d o w n , b e e n f o r c e d in to casual l abour . In the c o n t e x t of the censuses h o w the casual l abour are eventual ly enumera t ed d e p e n d s o n the in terpre ta t ion g i ven by the census staff a n d perhaps m o r e impor tan t l y the date of census and w h e t h e r it fails w i th in the agricultural cu l t i va t ion season or ou t s i de it. This might partly exp la in the varying pe rcen tages of casual l abour ove r the pe r i od c o v e r e d by Table 6.01 as we l l as a m o n g the three pol i t ica l-administrat ive units Kerala dur ing the Brit ish Raj. A p p e n d i x 6.01, f r o m w h i c h Table 6.01 is c o m p i l e d ^ presents agriculture & f i sh ing , casual l abour and non-agr icul ture d i saggrega ted by the three pol i t ical-administrat ive uni ts . Overa l l at the state level Tab le 6.01 reflects a dec l i n i ng t rend for casual l abour f rom abou t 17 percen t in the late 19th cen tury t o 1.5 pe rcen t in 1981 . The dev ia t ion is unders tandab ly in the d e p r e s s i o n census year of 1931 . The ove r all l o n g t e rm t r end may be re f lec t ing the improv i ng census enumera t i on over the decades . C e n s u s enumera to r s may have b e e n able to track d o w n o c c u p a t i o n of the worke rs be t te r than be fo re . O n the o the r hand it may be the result of census enumera to rs m o r e readi ly p i g e o n h o l i n g wo rke r s into o c cupa t i ona l ca tegor ies by a set of bureaucrat ic rules and insensit ive to the m i x e d oc cupa t i ona l character of s o m e of the worke rs . At the d i saggrega ted level o f the three pol i t ical-administrat ive units casual l abour is particulariy h igh for Travancore . It is in the range of 27 to 32 percen t in the 19th cen tury and gradual ly dec l i nes to about 7 to 8 pe r cen t by the 1931-1941 p e r i o d . C o c h i n t o o records h igh pe rcen tages in 1871 (60.3 %) and 1891 (31.5 %) and then stabi l izes approx imate l y b e t w e e n 5 and 8 pe r cen t du r ing the ent ire p e r i o d o f 1901 to 1941 . Ma labar hav ing had a h igh percen t of 47 .9 in 1871 d rops t o a l o w range of 1 t o 8 pe r cen t dur ing the pe r i od 1891 to 1921 and then peaks again at 30.9 pe rcen t in 1931 . For the pos t - i ndependence Kerala State it was 3.8 in 1951 and d r o p p e d t o 1.7 and 1.5 in 1971 and 1981 respect ive ly . It was a freak 13.8 in 1961 . The U .N . s tudy (1975. p 8 0 f16) of Kerala after c lose examina t ion of the 1961 C e n s u s Tab les was of the v i e w that neariy 0.5 mi l l i on agricultural worke r s we r e e r roneous l y c lass i f ied as casual wo rke r s . (In census 3. Appendix 6.01 complies the basic data for the period 1871 to 1941. Table 6.01 is derived from this data and the census data from 1951 to 1981. There is no need to aggregate 1961 to 1981 data as there was one census for the whole of Kerala during this period. For 1951 the data of Travancore-Cochin and Malabar district are aggregated. t e r m i n o l o g y as " u n s p e c i f i e d and inadequate ly d e s c r i b e d " ) . The 1961 f igure has b e e n co r r e c t ed , f o l l o w i n g this f ind ing of the U N study, by transferr ing 0.5 mi l l ion worke r s f r om casual t o agricultural work . The percentages s h o w n for 1961 in Table 6.01 are after this co r r e c t i on . These d i f fe rences are suggest ive of d i f fer ing interpretat ion by the census bureaucracy of d i f ferent years and of the three di f ferent pol i t ical-administrat ive units unti l 1941 . But at the same t ime the d i f fer ing percentages of the three units may to s o m e extent ref lect d i f fer ing realities. Ma laba r relative to Travancore and C o c h i n had a greater concen t r a t i on of rice g r o w i n g areas as we l l as p lantat ion agr icul ture. This may have led t o a greater d e m a n d for agricultural labourers . Travancore, o n the o the r hand , as w e obse r ved in chapte r three in the con tex t of l and use pattern, had a greater p r e sence of seasonal agro-process ing industr ies t oge the r w i th rice cu l t i va t ion, p lantat ion agr iculture and sp ice p r o d u c t i o n . A greater f loa t ing casual l abour p o p u l a t i o n is then to be e x p e c t e d in Travancore . The h igh pe r cen tage of casual l abour in 1871 in Ma labar and C o c h i n may be d u e to the uncerta inty in the first decenn ia l census of dea l ing w i th a l abour fo r ce that was a t tached t o more than o n e o c c u p a t i o n . The h igh pe r cen tage in 1931 for Ma laba r may be d u e t o pe rsons seek ing any k i nd of work , i n c l ud ing casual w o r k c o n s e q u e n t to the dep re s s i on . Census classification and the floating labour It usefu l in the con tex t of this d i s cuss ion o n casual worke rs to q u o t e a brief summary of industr ia l and o c c u p a t i o n a l c lass i f icat ion in the censuses . The industr ia l c lassi f icat ion a d o p t e d in the p o p u l a t i o n censuses vary f r o m census t o census . Till the 1951 C e n s u s the c lassi f icat ion was genera l l y an ama lgam of industr ia l and o c cupa t i ona l features In the 1961 C e n s u s , fo r the first t ime in census history the e c o n o m i c data we r e co l l e c t ed and tabu la ted separately unde r " i ndus t r i a l " and " o c c u p a t i o n a l " c lass i f icat ion. For this p u r p o s e the te rm " i n d u s t r y " d e n o t e d the sec to r of e c o n o m i c activity in w h i c h the w o r k e r was e n g a g e d wh i l e the te rm " o c c u p a t i o n " c o v e r e d the exact f unc t i on or w o r k that an indiv idua l p e r f o r m e d in that sec to r . The Standard Industrial C lass i f icat ion a d o p t e d in the 1961 C e n s u s was d i v i ded in to 9 d iv is ions , 45 major g roups and 343 m i n o r g roups . (Census of India 1971 , Series 9 Kerala, Part Il-B (i) E c o n o m i c Tables. p83-84) In this study, the census tables of 1961 and s u b s e q u e n t years that are used are largely c o n f i n e d to those us ing the standard industr ia l c lass i f icat ion, as d i s t ingu i shed f r om occupa t i ona l classif ication.** The Indian Standard Industrial C lass i f i ca t ion f o l l o w e d the International Standard Industrial C lass i f i ca t ion r e c o m m e n d e d and u s e d by the U n i t e d Na t ions . (Census of India 1961 . V o l VII Part Il-B (i) Fly leaf to Tab le B-1V. p 81) This was rev ised and m a d e in to the Nat iona l Industrial C lass i f i ca t ion . (N . I .C .1970) This cons is ts o f 10 d iv is ions (at the first digit level) , 66 major g r o u p s (at the s e c o n d dig i t level) and 386 m i n o r g r o u p s (at the th i rd digit level ) . (Census of India 1971 , Series 9 Kerala, Part Il-B (i) E c o n o m i c Tables. p84 ) This c lassi f icat ion was used at the 1971 and 1981 C e n s u s e s . W i t h regard to casual l abour the 1961 C e n s u s observes : unde r m i n o r g r o u p 900 - activit ies unspec i f i ed a n d no t adequate ly d e s c r i b e d -are cons ide rab l y large in b o t h rural and urban areas of all distr icts. M o s t of these entr ies relate t o t h o s e re turn ing the i r nature of w o r k as "gene ra l c o o l i e s " o r "gene ra l l abou re r s " and the nature o f industry as " n o f i xed p lace of w o r k . " (Census of India 1961 , V o l VII Pt Il-B, Fly leaf to Table B-IV, p81) It is c lear that t h o u g h a m o r e systemat ic and n g o r o u s c lass i f icat ion has been i n t r o d u c e d s ince 1961 the f loat ing and f lu id l abour c o u l d n o t be w i s h e d away and c o n t i n u e d , e ven as d im in i shed percentages in 1971 and 1981 , t o p o s e a p r o b l e m for the census enumera tors . In 1961 as w e o b s e r v e d eariier 0.5 mi l l i on wo rke r s we re incor rec t l y c lass i f ied. The d i s t inc t ion b e t w e e n agricultural and casual worke r s is di f f icul t t o mainta in cons is tent l y , for a w o r k e r can be b o t h at the same t ime or a agricultural w o r k e r du r i ng the cu l t ivat ion peak season and a casual w o r k e r dur ing the off season . This p r o b l e m is no t pecu l i a r to 1961 and is 4."Occupational" classification in the census of 1961 and subsequent years gives the professional group categories such as engineers, technicians, nurses, teachers, masons, etc. But these categories group together workers of the same occupation in different industrial categories. For example engineers would include engineers in the agricultural, manufacturing, mining, transport, communication and service sectors. present t h roughou t the earlier censuses as we l l . O n e way out of this is t o l u m p the agricultural worke rs and the casual wo rke r s toge ther . But this d o e s no t he lp in ou r quest to sift the agricultural worke rs f rom non-agncul tura l worke rs .^ But it d o e s po in t t o a segment of the w o r k f o r c e that is m ix ing agricultural and non-agricultural wo rk , if no t at the same t ime, du r ing the yearly cyc le of agricultural seasons . Taken t oge the r the agricultural and casual worke r s of Travancore , C o c h i n and Ma laba r unt i l 1951 and of Kerala du r ing the p e r i o d 1961 to 1981 make up a th i rd of the total w o r k f o r c e . There is a remarkable cons i s t ency ove r a pe r i od of e ight de cades wi th the pe r cen tage l owes t at 28.8 in 1921 and the h ighest at 34.1 in 1901 . (See A p p e n d i x 6.02). Even in the last three decades , w i th the re f i nement of census c o n c e p t s and ope ra t i ons , the pe rcen tage has rema ined w i th in this range. It was 31 .1 , 32.4 and 31.1 pe rcen t in 1961 , 1971 and 1981 respect ive ly . 1941 is out o f s tep w i th this t r end because the pe r cen tage is d i s tor ted by the absence of Ma labar data.^ W h a t is equa l ly s ignif icant is that female par t ic ipat ion in agricultural l abour a n d casual l abour has been cons is tent ly h igh t h r o u g h o u t the e ight decades peak ing at 50.4 percen t in 1971 and a t r ough of 39.5 percent in 1961 . For all the o the r years it had f luc tua ted b e t w e e n 43.3 and 45.8 percent . In a con t ex t of an overal l d e c l i n i ng female par t i c ipa t ion rate this is remarkable . As the U . N . s tudy o b s e r v e d Signif icant ly, the percen tage of agr icultural labourers in the tota l f ema le p o p u l a t i o n has s h o w n n o c lear d e c l i n i n g t r end ove r this p e r i o d , (1901 t o 1971) , h e n c e agricultural l abourers a c c o u n t e d fo r neariy o n e half of the tota l 5. But nonetheless In Appendix 6.02 is presented for the period 1901 to 1981 the decennial census enumeration of agricultural labourers and casual labourers; the total of these two categories; total workforce; and agricultural and casual workers jointly as a percent of total workforce. This compilation demonstrates the size of the agricultural and casual labourers, jointly and severally. 6. There was only a population count, and no detailed census of economic activity etc in the Madras Presidency in 1941 on account of the World War II. Thus Malabar district data are not available for 1941. female w o r k i n g fo rce in 1971 c o m p a r e d t o less than o n e third in 1901 . (U .N .1975 .p75 ) This suggests the m o v e m e n t of w o m e n f r o m h o u s e h o l d pet ty p r o d u c t i o n to agricultural work . There may be an e l ement of desk i l l i ng here. This is no t to suggest that agricultural l abour is unsk i l l ed . W o m e n ' s w o r k in agricultural p r o d u c t i o n , part icuiady in rice t ransplant ing, has b e e n s h o w n to be o n e of the m o r e exac t ing tasks carr ied ou t by o n e of the m o r e e x p l o i t e d w o r k f o r c e s in South India. ( M e n c h e r and Saradamoni 1982) N o r is to suggest that h o u s e h o l d industr ies are necessar i ly " s k i l l e d ' . But w o m e n in Kerala have b e e n e d g e d in to exac t ing agricultural w o r k f r o m petty h o u s e h o l d p r o d u c t i o n , whe the r sk i l l ed or unsk i l l ed . The increas ing entry, in abso lu te numbers , into agr icul ture by w o m e n manifests in a way a reverse p rocess of l abour s h e d d i n g e n c o u n t e r e d in recent decades in the c o n t e x t of the g reen revo lu t ion e l sewhere in As ia . The fall in female w o r k f o r c e has t w o aspects . First, there is a fall in the ratio of female to male worke rs . (See c o l u m n s 10 and 11 o f A p p e n d i x 6.02) S e c o n d , there is a fall in abso lu te n u m b e r s in 1921 , 1931 and 1 9 5 1 . ^ The sl ight d r o p in 1921 is caused by the dec l i ne of h o u s e h o l d industr ies w h i c h had h igh female par t i c ipa t ion rates. 1931 was the peak of the d e p r e s s i o n and poss ib l y m e n were tak ing ove r s o m e of the jobs d o n e by w o m e n . Female wo rke r s in abso lu te n u m b e r s c o n t i n u e d to dec l i n e in 1951 . There are t w o factors in f luenc ing this dec l i ne . First, as S inha obse rves , because the rece ipt of regular i n c o m e was the cr i te r ion of e c o n o m i c activity, unpa id fami ly worke rs are l ikely t o have b e e n o m i t t e d . (Sinha 1982. p i 97) W o m e n const i tu te a major share o f family l abour , and h e n c e the dec l i ne in w o m e n worke r s in abso lu te numbers in 1951 may be a c o n s e q u e n c e o f the census de f in i t ion of a worke r . S e c o n d , w i th increas ing p o p u l a t i o n and 7. 1941 data is distorted as Malabar is not included. In the 1941 Census in Malabar there was no enumeration of economic or occupational activity. greater numbers in search of e m p l o y m e n t , w o m e n may have b e e n e d g e d ou t males. The rise in female workers in 1961 a n d 1981 is l ikely d u e t o the l iberal de f in i t i on of a w o r k e r in these t w o years, and the u p s w i n g in the market and p r o d u c t i o n of s o m e agro-process ing industr ies . 1971 records a sl ight d r o p relative to 1961 , w h i c h is poss ib l y d u e to the restrictive de f in i t ion of a w o r k e r in 1971 . Agncu l tu ra l worke r s and casual worke rs t o g e t h e r represent in the Kerala con t ex t a mass l abour fo r ce , landless excep t for their res ident ia l houses and a small ga rden or c o m p o u n d su r round ing it. They e x c l u d e the regular wage earners, in p lantat ions , in agro-p rocess ing industr ies e tc . They also e x c l u d e casual manua l wo rke r s (N . l .C . 1970 C o d e 706) in the t ransport sec tor , less euphemis t i ca l l y referred to in Engl ish usage in Kerala as " H e a d Loade r s " , because they d o , or o n c e u p o n a t ime d i d , t ransport the g o o d s in baskets p l aced o n their heads ! ^ This e n o r m o u s f loat ing proletar iat , u n d e r e m p l o y e d and in search of w o r k is the b o t t o m bu lge of t w o bu lges of p e o p l e in search o f work . The o the r is the e d u c a t e d u n e m p l o y e d y o u t h , s o m e of t h e m the ch i ld ren of the f loat ing proletar iat , w h o hav ing used the educa t iona l faci l it ies p r o v i d e d by the state as a soc ia l mob i l i t y avenue are n o w caught in the bo t t l e neck of f i nd ing e m p l o y m e n t ma tch ing the i r educa t iona l a ch i evement . Agricultural labourers It is usefu l at this stage to br ief ly d iscuss the ro le of agr icultural wo rke r s . The censuses s ince 1961 def ine agricultural labourers as fo l l ows . 8. The informal urban manual transport workers numbered 51588 (1971) in Kerala. (Vijayasankar 1986 p17). Vijayasankar examines trade unionism among these workers and the efforts by the trade union to restrict entry to the occupation, to prevent wages from falling. (Ibid p21) A p e r s o n w h o works in ano the r pe r son ' s land fo r wages in nnoney, k ind or share s h o u l d be regarded as an agricultural l abourer . He or she has n o risk in the cu l t ivat ion but he/she mere ly w o r k s in ano the r pe rson ' s land f o r wages . A n agricultural l abourer has n o right of lease o r cont rac t on land o n w h i c h he/she wo rks . (Census of India 1 9 8 1 , Series 10 Kerala, Part Hi A&B [i], p21) As ind i ca ted in chapter three on l y w o r k i n vo l ved in the cu l t ivat ion of cereals and spec i f i ed o i l seeds is d e f i n e d as agr icu l ture . O t h e r s d o i n g cul t ivat ion w o r k for wages are t reated as p lantat ion workers . In India agricultural l abourers have b e e n and still are an impor tan t and integral part of the agrarian s cene . This has s t rong l inkages to the caste system and its o c c u p a t i o n a l character ist ics. Kerala was n o e x c e p t i o n . The agrarian castes of Kerala we re the N a m b u d r i Brahmins, the Nayars, the Pulayas, the Che rumans and the Paraiyans.® The N a m b u d r i Brahmins we re a l and lo rd agricultural ist caste. Cas te rules d i d no t permi t t h e m to d o manua l w o r k and so their rice f ie lds we re fo rmer i y w o r k e d by the agrest ic slave caste of Pulayas, (or C h e r u m a n s as they we r e ca l led in Ma l aba r district) , and the Paraiyans. T h o u g h legal sanc t ions o r state l eg i t imiza t ion of an agrest ic slave re lat ionship we r e no t present in the 19th a n d 20th centur ies the Pulayas c o n t i n u e d to serve as agricultural l abourers . The Nayars were a warrior-agricultural ist caste and we re also the d o m i n a n t caste of K e r a l a . M o s t of t h e m w e r e owner-cul t ivators o r tenant-cult ivators but us ing agricultural l abourers du r ing peak cul t ivat ing seasons . S o m e o f t h e m by a p rocess of s a n s k r i t i z a t i o n h ^ ^ e ceased to be 9. There are few other agricultural castes which are sub-region (district) specific and numerically not significant. 10. Pulayas, Cherumans and Paraiyans are untouchable, harijan or scheduled castes of Kerala. "Untouchable" is a Brahminic perception but was used by British administrators and scholars to describe castes whose members would be ritually polluting for a Brahmin to come into physical contact or within a prescribed distance. Harijans, meaning "children of God " is a name given to such caste groups by Gandhi in an effort to remove the social discrimination and stigma that the caste group members suffered. Scheduled Castes is often used in recent decades by administrators and academics as these castes are listed in official schedules that make them eligible for affirmative action. In recent years members of these caste groups along with tribal peoples, (aboriginal peoples of the sub-continent, an another socially and economically disadvantaged group,) have called themselves "dalits", meaning the "oppressed". Other agricultural labour castes of Kerala are Kannakans and Paniyans who are not numerically significant. 11. See chapter two, footnote 7, for a definition of the concept dominant caste. 12. See chapter two, footnote 9, for a definition of the concept sanskritization. manual ly invo lved in the cu l t ivat ion of their r ice f ie lds and engage agricultural l abourers to d o so . Apart f r o m these castes assoc ia ted w i th r ice cul t ivat ion there are o the r semi-agricultural ist castes l ike the Ezhavas w h o s e t radi t ional o c c u p a t i o n was t o d d y t app ing and o the r al l ied c o c o n u t based activit ies. The significance of tlie floating labour pool. This d i s cuss ion o n casual l abour and agricultural l abour was necessary fo r a n u m b e r of reasons. First it m a d e expl ic i t that casual l abour o c c u p i e d a grey area b e t w e e n agr icul ture and non-agr icul ture. A n d this is a mani fes ta t ion of desako ta . The oppor tun i t i e s fo r non-agricultural w o r k create c o n d i t i o n s for the e m e r g e n c e of casual worke rs . If the irregular w o r k the u n d e r e m p l o y e d f o u n d was in agr icu l ture , they w o u l d have b e e n d e s c r i b e d as agricultural worke rs . The indist inct character o f the irregular w o r k indicates the p r e sence of bo th agricultural and non-agricultural w o r k oppo r tun i t i e s , a desako ta e c o n o m y o f a mix of agr icul ture and non-agr icul ture. S e cond l y it was p o i n t e d ou t that casual l abou r t o g e t h e r w i th agr icultural l abour f o r m e d a substant ia l part of the w o r k f o r c e . Thirdly the d i s c u s s i o n h e l p e d t o d i s ce rn that a large sec t i on of the agricultural and casual l abour are in fact u n d e r e m p l o y e d . Fourth ly it br ings ou t s o m e of the structural features of the Kerala w o r k f o r c e , features that are o b v i o u s l y i n f l uenced by p o p u l a t i o n g r o w t h and increas ing p o p u l a t i o n dens i ty . A l l this he lp to desc r ibe the scenar io w i th in w h i c h occurs Kerala desako ta . The mix of agricultural and non-agricultural activity Hav ing dealt w i t h census c o n c e p t s and de f in i t i ons , and the i m p o r t a n c e of casual wo rk f r o m the perspec t i ve of this s tudy of Kerala desako ta , w e may n o w turn to a more fundamenta l p u r p o s e in this chapter . This is to measure the extent to w h i c h the non-urban w o r k f o r c e of Kerala is e n g a g e d in a mix o f agr icultural a n d non-agricultural activity. Table 3.13, (chapter three) , d e m o n s t r a t e d that a s igni f icant pe r cen t age of the rural w o r k f o r c e is in non-agricultural activity, and this is h igher than in all o the r states of India. Table 6.01 p resen ted the b road sectora l prof i le of Kerala w o r k f o r c e fo r the p e r i o d 1871 to 1981 , but the textual c o m m e n t s and d i s cuss i on we re c o n f i n e d t o casual l abour and agricultural l abour . T o br ing out the mix of agr icul ture and non-agr icul ture the data in Table 6.01 is n o w diagrammat ica l ly p resen ted in Fig 6 .01. The 1871 data is left ou t as the census data o n o c c u p a t i o n s of that year is c o n f i n e d on l y t o males. As Table 6.01 was c o m p i l e d by aggregat ing the census data of Travancore , C o c h i n and Malabar , the data be fo re aggrega t ion (p resented in A p p e n d i x 6.01) has b e e n p l o t t ed o n a graph in Fig 6.02. It reveals a remarkab le cons i s tency , subject to a f ew var iat ions, in all three pol i t ical-administrat ive units up to 1941 . This cons i s t en t t rend con t i nues even m o r e remarkably in and after 1951 in the Kerala State data. The on l y variat ions are a s l ight d ip of Travancore in 1891 and relative t o the cons i s t en t pattern f r o m 1881 to 1981 all three pol i t ical-administrat ive units s h o w a l o w b e g i n n i n g in 1871 . There was n o enumera t i on of the female w o r k f o r c e in the first decenn i a l census of 1871 . The percentages o f 1871 is thus based o n l y o n the male w o r k f o r c e . This may be caus ing a d i s to r t i on . Table 6.01 shows that m o r e females w e r e e n g a g e d in non-agr icul tura l activity than in agricultural activity in Travancore in 1881 , 1901 , 1911 and 1921 a n d in C o c h i n in 1891. The subsequen t change to h igher female par t i c ipat ion in agr icul ture is re la ted to the overal l dec l i ne in the female par t i c ipat ion rate in the w o r k f o r c e . This as was d i s cussed eariier in this Figura 6.01 Agriculture, C a s u a i and Non-agriculturs Workforce: Kerala 1881 - I98i 120 10O 8 0 8 0 4 0 2 0 0 Peroant 1881 laSI 1S01 1311 1321 1031 1941 1961 1961 1971 1981 Afirloutture ITTYTI Cuuai r J Norragric^lture S o u r o a Tabie 6.01 1871 is Jeît out as only mate w ^ r k t e r o B data lu available. Figure ©.02 Non-Agricuitural Workforce "5801-1981 Tïâvanoore, Gochin, Malabar â Kerala. Paroent o u 1881 1891 1901 1911 1921 1931 1941 1961 1961 1971 19S1 Coohin Travanoore Malabar Ksrala S o u r c e : Appandlx 8.01 and Tabis 6.01 Agrioulture Includsii oa«ual labour. chapter was partly d u e t o the dec l ine of s o m e t radi t ional h o u s e h o l d o r d o m e s t i c industr ies w h i c h had h igh fema le par t i c ipat ion . In 1871 , be fo re the dec l i ne in female part ic ipat ion rates t o o k p lace , the percentages based on l y o n males may then no t be a re l iable measure of non-agricultural wo rk . A weakness of this data is that it relates to the w h o l e o f Kerala State and d o e s no t d is t ingu ish b e t w e e n urban and rural. G i ven the l o w urban ratio of Kerala f o r the pe r i od c o v e r e d in Table 6.01 it d o e s mean that agr icul ture and non-agr icul ture w o r k f o r c e mix must be present in the non-urban areas as we l l . But w e n e e d t o exp lo r e the spec i f i c mix in the non-urban areas. Un fo r tuna te l y census o c cupa t i ona l data c lass i f ied by census urban-rural areas in a systemat ic manner is available on l y f r om 1951 . Prior t o this date for s o m e years Travancore and C o c h i n censuses p rov ide o c cupa t i ona l data by urban-rural areas but in the case of Ma labar such data is p r o v i d e d on l y for K o z h i k o d e (Cal icut ) c i ty and no t for all urban areas in Malabar . Wha teve r c lassi f icat ion by urban-rural areas that can be de r i ved f r o m the censuses is p resen ted in A p p e n d i x 6.03 It cleariy demons t ra tes the p resence of non-agr icul tura l activity in rural areas. It s h o w s that 91.0 percen t to 97.8 pe rcen t of the tota l w o r k f o r c e we r e in rural areas of Travancore , C o c h i n and Ma laba r distr ict , du r ing the p e r i o d 1901 t o 1931 , s u p p o r t i n g the observa t ion m a d e eari ier that the l o w urban ratio o f Kerala w o u l d m e a n that a substant ia l s e c t i on of its w o r k f o r c e w o u l d be non-urban . In the mix of agr icul ture and non-agr icu l ture , the non-agricultural c o m p o n e n t ranged f r o m of 29.8 pe r cen t ( lowest ) in Ma l aba r distr ict in 1931 to 38.5 percen t (highest) in 1881 also in Ma labar distr ict , for the p e r i o d 1881 to 1941 . B e t w e e n 1951 and 1981 non-agricultural c o m p o n e n t had inc reased f r om 38.1 pe r cen t to 46.1 percent . This is s h o w n in Table 6.02, c lass i f ied by urban a n d rural areas, w h i c h are m o r e clearly d e f i n e d and p re sen ted in these census years. Table 6.02 br ings ou t c lear ly the substant ia l mix of agricultural and non-agricultural activity in rural o r non-urban Kerala f r o m 1951 to 1981 . The ratio of the mix of non-agriculture to agr iculture in rural areas a p p r o x i m a t e d 3:5 for the ent ire p e r i o d 1951 to 1981 . The mix is even s l ight ly present in the u rban areas, the ratio be i ng 3:1 for 1951 and 1961 , and 4:1 for 1971 and 1981. The d o m i n a n c e o f agr icul tural activity is t o be e x p e c t e d in rural areas. W h a t is s ignif icant in the Kerala rural c o n t e x t is TABLE 6.02 A g r i c u l t u r e and N o n - a g r i c u l t u r e workforce by urban and r u r a l areas K e r a l a : 1951 - 1981 Year Sector A g r i c u l t u r e C.L Non: A g r i c T o t a l % R a t i o % % R a t i o % 1951 Urban Ru r a l 3.7 54.4 [1] [5] 0,1 3.7 10.1 28.0 [3] [3] 14.0 86.0 T o t a l 58. 1 [6] 3.8 38. 1 [4] 100.0 1961 Urban Rural 2.3 53.3 [1] [5] 0.6 4.4 10.4 29.0 [3] [3] 13.3 86.7 T o t a l 55.6 [5.5] 5.0 39.4 [4] 100.0 1971 Urban Rural 2.8 52.7 [1] [5] 0.9 0.8 1 1 .3 31 .5 [4] [3] 15.0 85.0 T o t a l 55.5 [5.5] 1 .7 42.8 [4.3] 100.0 1981 Urban Ru r a l 3.1 49.4 [1] [5] 0.4 1 .1 13.3 32.7 [4] [3] 16.8 83.2 T o t a l 52.5 [5.3] 1 .5 46.0 [4.6] 100.0 Source : C e n s u s of India 1951 , 1 9 6 1 , 1971 & 1981 N o t e s : a) C .L refers to casual l abour or w o r k e r s b) Non-agr icul ture refers to worke r s o the r than cul t ivators , agricultural l abourers , forestry, l i vestock, p lantat ion, f i sh ing , hun t i ng and casual wo rke r s . c) Ratios are app rox ima te . that the agricultural w o r k f o r c e is just on l y a little m o r e than half of the tota l w o r k f o r c e . This is main ly made up of cult ivators and agricultural l abour . G i ven this s tudy 's ob jec t i ves , o u t l i n e d in chapte r o n e , what is impor tant t o demons t r a t e is the mix of agricultural and non-agricultural activity. There is little n e e d t o d isaggregate and scrut in ize the agricultural c o m p o n e n t by the nature of the activity, such as fami ly and/or self e m p l o y e d l abour (cult ivators) o r wage labour (agricultural workers ) . N o r is it impor tan t to analyze it by c rops . The land use pattern e x a m i n e d in chapter three adequate ly d e s c r i b e d fo r p u r p o s e of this s tudy the character of agr icul ture in Kerala. Suff ice to recal l that rice is the mos t impor tant c r o p but w i th a substant ia l p r esence of c o c o n u t . But Kerala d o e s no t possess a rice b o w l agrarian e c o n o m y . C o c o n u t cu l t ivat ion was also n o t e d fo r its l ow l abour abso rp t i on capacity , and so is poss ib l y con t r ibu t ing to the relatively r e d u c e d agricultural w o r k f o r c e o r l abour par t ic ipat ion in agr icul ture. But o n the hand there is a n e e d to prise o p e n the character of non-agricultural w o r k f o r c e t o unders tand its substant ia l p r esence in the non-urban o r rural areas. This is of i m p o r t a n c e to this s tudy of Kerala desakota . The next chapte r deals w i th this in d e p t h . But it is usefu l to have an ove r v i ew at this stage by brief ly examin ing the urban and rural c o m p o n e n t s of the non-agr icul tura l sector . This is p resen ted in Table 6.03. This table classif ies the non-agricultural w o r k f o r c e of the pe r i od 1951 t o 1981 by sex and urban-rural areas. It s h o w s that wh i l e the urban c o m p o n e n t of the total of Kerala State non-agricultural w o r k f o r c e had inc reased f r o m 25.5 percen t in 1951 to 28.9 pe rcen t in 1981 , the rural s ec to r c o n t i n u e s to retain the substant ia l share. It was 74.5 pe rcen t in 1951 , r is ing to 75.6 percen t in 1961 and then dec l i n i ng sl ight ly t o 71.1 pe rcen t by 1981 . Even the m o s t rel iable of Indian C e n s u s data, the male w o r k f o r c e of the census years 1961 and 1981 ref lect the substant ia l p r e s e n c e of non-agr icul ture in the rural areas. N o n - a g r i c u l t u r a l workforce by urban and r u r a l areas K e r a l a : 1951 - 1981 Sector 1951 1 961 1971 1981 % % % % Urban Males Females 21.6 3.9 19.0 5.4 21 .9 5.2 22.7 6.2 T o t a l 25.5 24.4 27. 1 28.9 R u r a l Males Females 59.3 15.1 51.5 24. 1 56.5 16.4 51 .8 19.3 T o t a l 74.5 75.6 72.9 71 . 1 Grand T o t a l 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Source : De r i v ed f r o m C e n s u s of India 1 9 5 1 , 1961 , 1971 & 1981 N o t e s : Non-agr icu l ture refers t o worke r s o the r than cul t ivators , agricultural l abourers , forestry, l i vestock, p lanta t ion , f i sh ing , hun t i ng a n d casual wo rke r s . It s h o u l d b e n o t e d in this con t ex t , that the urban rat io, o r the urban share o f the tota l p o p u l a t i o n , is l o w in Kerala and fo l l ows the nat iona l t r end . (See Table 4.01 in chap te r four ) . In such a s i tuat ion a large non-agr icul tura l w o r k f o r c e has t o be partly rural in character . It was also d e m o n s t r a t e d in chap te r four , that non-agncul tura l act iv ity was no t in per i-urban reg ions o r concen t r a t ed in pocke t s . If this was s o it was a rgued s u c h areas w o u l d have qua l i f i ed t o be d e e m e d urban , as d i d h a p p e n in the s o m e se t t l ements a r o u n d C a n n a n o r e . In Kerala all se t t l ements m e e t all the criteria t o b e d e e m e d urban excep t the e c o n o m i c o r w o r k f o r c e criteria. If concen t r a t i ons of rural non-agricultural act iv i t ies o c c u r , this c r i te r ion t o o wi l l be met . This issue raised in chapte r four and n o w be i ng re-emphas ized is that rural non-agr icul tura l activity is no t concen t r a t ed in mega-urban o r peri-urban reg ions in Kerala but sca t te red in the rural areas of l o w l a n d and m i d l a n d Kerala. What has b e e n clearly d e m o n s t r a t e d by the quantitat ive data p r e sen ted is the p resence of non-agricultural activity in the rural o r non-urban areas. A n d this it was argued was no t concen t r a t ed in peri-urban areas or pocke t s , but spread out in the rural areas of the low lands and mid lands f o rm ing a mix o f agr iculture and non-agr icul ture. This is the co re character ist ic of desakota , and so establ ishes b e y o n d reasonable d o u b t the presence of desako t a in Kerala. Before w e turn t o examine in d e p t h in the next chapte r the nature of the non-agricultural activity, and the factors that in f luence its p resence in the non-urban areas, it is usefu l to present a sectoral o ve r v i ew of the Kerala w o r k f o r c e i nc lud ing agr icul ture and non-agr icul ture by its ma in sub-sectors. Sectora l ove rv i ew of the Kerala w o r k f o r c e Table 6.04 presents a sec tora l ove r v i ew of the Kerala w o r k f o r c e f o r the pe r i od 1901 t o 1981 . 1871 to 1891 has b e e n left ou t because the data is inadequa te to ca tegor ize by de ta i l ed s e c t o r s . A g r i c u l t u r e f luc tua ted b e t w e e n 52.5 percent and 58.1 pe rcen t over the e ight decades f r o m 1901 , e x c e p t in 1931 w h e n it d r o p p e d t o 48.5 pe rcen t . This is a fairly na r row range of var iat ion for a span of e ight decades , in spite o f census de f in i t iona l changes . W i t h i n agr icu l ture , if w e ignore the d e p r e s s i o n year of 1931 , and 1941 w h i c h is d i s to r ted by the absence o f Ma labar distr ict data, there is a remarkable cons i s t ency o f the percentage of cult ivators and agricultural l abour unti l 1951 . The dec l i ne in 1961 o f the percen tage of cult ivators may be d u e to the m o r e restr ict ive de f in i t ion of cult ivators i n t r o d u c e d in that year and in use in the subsequen t years as we l l . S ince 1961 there is a dec l i ne in cult ivators. There is a th in l ine separat ing the marg ina l o w n e r and tenant cult ivators f r o m agricultural labour . S o m e of t h e m indu lge in b o t h types of activity. Poss ib ly w i th f ragmenta t ion and increas ing pressure o n land there is a d o w n w a r d mob i l i t y of s o m e of the marginal o w n e r cult ivators and 13. Moreover for 1871 only the male workers were enumerated. For 1881, Cochin Census data is not available and 1891 tabulates only the aggregate of workers and dependents. S e c t o r a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of K e r a l a workforce: 1901 - 1981 1901 1911 1 921 1 931 1941 1951 1 961 1 971 1981 % % % % % % % % % Agr C u l t v 24,4 26.3 26.3 22.0 25.6 27. 1 20.9 17.8 13.7 Ag:Lb 24. 1 22.4 20.8 16.8 15.7 24.7 26.3 30.7 29.6 Other 4.8 6.2 6.5 9.8 11.5 6.2 9.4 7.0 9.2 53.3 54.9 53.5 48.5 52.7 58. 1 55.6 55.5 52.5 Non-Ag Mines 0.1 0.0 0.1 0.1 0.2 0.5 0.4 0.5 0.8 Mfg 27.3 18.9 18.9 15.9 17.1 15.8 18.0 15.8 16.5 Const [a] [a] [a] [a] [a] 1 .6 1 .3 1 .7 2.9 T & C [a] 8.6 9.8 8.9 10.4 8.6 7.5 9. 1 10.2 T r s p 2.3 2.5 2.3 2.3 2.4 3.3 2.7 3.9 4.9 Serv 6.5 6.5 7.4 8.2 9.9 8.2 9.6 11.8 10.8 36.2 36.6 38.4 35.4 40.0 38. 1 39.4 42.8 46.0 Cas:Lb 10.5 8.6 8.1 16.1 7.3 3.8 5.0 1 .7 1 .5 T o t a l 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 ^000 2925 3059 3072 3185 [b] 3788 5630 6216 7771 Sources : Der i ved f r o m C e n s u s e s o f India 1901 t o 1 9 8 1 . N o t e s [a] C o n s t r u c t i o n is i n c l u d e d in manufac tu r ing a n d serv ices fo r the p e r i o d 1901 to 1941 . Trade and C o m m e r c e is i n c l u d e d in manu fac tu r i ng in 1 9 0 1 . Ident i fy ing and separat ing these ca tegor ies involves d i saggrega t ion at the th ree d ig i t leve l of ove r 300 categor ies and h e n c e no t a t t empted . [b] C e n s u s was no t c o n d u c t e d in 1941 in Ma l aba r . T h e pe r cen t ages perta in to the aggregate of Travancore and C o c h i n w o r k f o r c e on l y . [c] S o m e categor ies at the three d ig i t leve l w e r e r e g r o u p e d t o c o n f o r m to the 1971-81 c lassi f icat ion o f Industrial C r o u p s I t o IX. This i n c l u d e d t he transfer o f hair dress ing, laundry, uti l it ies (water, e lec t r ic i ty and gas) a n d d o m e s t i c serv ices f r o m manufac tu r ing , etc to services and ho te l e tc f r o m serv ices to t rade a n d c o m m e r c e f o r s o m e years d u r i n g 1901 to 1961. [d] O the r s under agr icu l ture inc lude forestry , f i sh ing , l i ves tock , p lanta t ion and hunt ing . [e] N o t e s d , e, f, g , a n d h to Table 6.01 app l y t o Tab le 6.04 tenants into agr icul tural labour . " O t h e r " u n d e r agr icu l ture cons is ts of forestry, f i sh ing, l i vestock and plantat ions. It has inc reased f r o m 4.8 pe r cen t in 1901 to 9.2 percent in 1981. Non-agr icu l ture has risen f r o m 36.2 pe r cen t in 1901 to 46 .0 percen t in 1981. This rise is a steady increase but for the d ip to 35.4 in 1931 a n d a peak ing to 40.0 in 1941. 1931 was the year of the d e p r e s s i o n and 1941 data d o e s no t i nc lude Ma labar . These factors may have i n f l uenced the slight dev ia t ions of these t w o census years. The steady increase appears to be tak ing p lace at the e x p e n s e of casual serv ices or l abour e x c e p t in the last t w o years w h e r e it seems statistically re lated to the dec l i ne of the cul t ivators. W i th in non-agricultural activity manufac tu r ing is the b igges t c o m p o n e n t f o l l o w e d by trade a n d c o m m e r c e and services. Manu fac tu r ing ' s share w o u l d appear t o have d e c l i n e d sl ightly f r o m 18.9 to 16.5 ove r the seven decades f r o m 1 9 1 1 . ^ ^ But this i n c l u d e d cons t ru c t i on worke r s u p to 1941 . If this is ad justed fo r there is pe rhaps little var iat ion excep t in the d e p r e s s i o n year of 1931 and 1941 w h i c h exc l udes Ma laba r data. Trade and c o m m e r c e as we l l as services had b e e n increas ing ove r the decades , serv ices at a faster rate in the pos t - i ndependence decades to b e c o m e the s e c o n d largest c o m p o n e n t of non-agricultural activity in the 1951-1981 p e r i o d . S ince e c o n o m i c activity by urban-rural areas is p r o v i d e d in the censuses f r o m 1951 onwards , Table 6.05 tabulates this i n fo rma t ion t oge the r w i t h sex ratios in the sectora l d i s t r ibut ion of the w o r k fo rce . C o l u m n 2 of Table 6.05 gives the urban c o m p o n e n t of each sectora l w o r k fo r ce g r o u p or ca tegory for the part icular year and similar ly c o l u m n 3 for the male c o m p o n e n t . As the censuses b e g i n n i n g in 1951 p rov ide manufac tu r ing d i saggrega ted by h o u s e h o l d industr ies and n o n - h o u s e h o l d industr ies this i n fo rmat ion is a lso p r o v i d e d in Table 6.05. 14. The 1901 figure for manufacturing is excluded as it is inflated by the inclusion within it of trade and commerce as well. S e c t o r a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of K e r a l a workforce with urban and males component (percent) of each s e c t o r : 1951 to 1981 Wit h i n the Within the Workforce T o t a l S e c t o r % T o t a l S e c t o r % Sect o r s % % Urban Males Urban Males 1951 Agr i c u l t u r e C u l t i v a t o r s 27.1 Agr: Labourers 24.7 Others [d] 6.2 S u b - t o t a l 58.1 No n - a g r i c u l t u r e Mining 0.5 Mfg: Household 7.0 Mfg: Non-household 8.8 C o n s t r u c t i o n 1 .6 Trade & Commerce 8.6 Trp, Storage & Comm: 3.3 S e r v i c e s 8.2 Su b - t o t a l 38.1 Casual S e r v i c e s 3.8 T o t a l - Percent 100.0 - ^000 3788 1971 A g r i c u l t u r e C u l t i v a t o r s 17.8 Agr: Labourers 30.7 Others [a] 7.0 S u b - t o t a l 55.5 No n - a g r i c u l t u r e Mining 0.5 Mfg: Household 4.3 Mfg: Non-household 11.5 C o n s t r u c t i o n 1.7 Trade and Commerce 9.1 Trp, Storage & Comm: 3.9 S e r v i c e s 11.8 Sub-Total 42.8 Casual S e r v i c e s 1.7 T o t a l - Percent 100.0 - ^000 6216 1961 5.6 80.3 20,9 3.1 76.8 5.5 69.8 26.3 6.6 59,9 13.5 82.2 8,4 9.0 80.9 6.4 76. 1 55.6 4,2 68,6 6.1 96.2 0,4 3,7 96,8 14.8 70.6 8,6 9,9 38.2 20.6 76. 1 9,4 25,6 74.2 20.7 94.7 1 ,3 19,6 95.7 30.3 72,8 7.5 29,9 92,6 32.3 95.0 2.7 37,7 95.0 34.3 73.5 9.6 29.7 67.2 25.5 81.0 39.4 24,4 70.5 17.3 71.3 5.0 13.3 74.3 14.1 77.7 100.0 13,4 70. 1 534 2945 5630 755 3947 1981 3.4 93.9 13.7 3.3 84.7 4.9 62.7 29.6 5.4 59.7 10.6 82.0 9.2 11.2 82.5 5. 1 75. 1 52.5 5.9 70.2 9.8 92.3 0.8 7.9 91 .9 12.9 55.5 4.0 14.0 43.0 24.7 74.9 12.5 28.4 68.4 21 . 1 96,0 2.9 28.8 92.5 30.7 94.9 10.2 31 .2 92.2 38.2 94,0 4.9 36.5 91 .5 29.9 69.0 10.8 31 . 1 63. 1 27. 1 78,4 46.0 28.9 74.5 33.6 82.2 1 .5 29.2 80.2 15.0 76,6 100,0 16.8 72.4 935 4765 7771 1308 5264 ContI nued next page Sources : C e n s u s of India 1951 , 1961 , 1971 and 1981 . N o t e s : [a] O the r s u n d e r agr icul ture cons is ts of forestry, f i sh ing , l ivestock, p lanta t ion and hun t ing . [b] I ndependen t worke rs in the C e n s u s c lass i f icat ion of vvorkforce in to e m p l o y e r s , e m p l o y e e s and i n d e p e n d e n t wo rke r s have b e e n t rea ted as the h o u s e h o l d sec to r in manufac tu r ing in 1951 . For 1961 t o 1981 the C e n s u s de f in i t ion of h o u s e h o l d worke rs g iven in the text appl ies . [c] For pu rposes of cons i s t ency and comparab i l i t y , ho te l and restaurant wo rke r s w h o were c lassed unde r services in 1951 and 1961 we re b r o u g h t unde r trade and c o m m e r c e f o l l ow ing C e n s u s c lass i f icat ion of 1971 and 1981 . Similarly uti l i t ies w h i c h was unde r c o n s t r u c t i o n in 1951 was b rough t services f o l l o w i n g C e n s u s c lass i f icat ion of 1961 , 1971 and 1 9 8 1 . [d] N o t e s d , e, f, g, and h to Table 6.01 app ly to Tab le 6.05. Table 6.05 shows that the urban c o m p o n e n t o f the total w o r k fo r ce is at the lowest at 13.4 pe rcen t in 1961 and at its h ighest at 16.8 pe r cen t in 1981 . This is a l o w and na r row range and moreove r , excep t for 1951 these ratios are l o w e r than the urban p o p u l a t i o n ratios for the respect ive years. (See Table 4 .01 , chapte r f ou r page 11). This indicates that there is no concen t r a t i on of the total w o r k fo r ce in urban areas. H o w e v e r as w e examine the urban c o m p o n e n t s by each ca tegory w e f ind that it is relat ively h igher a m o n g the non-agricultural ca tegor ies . This is to be e x p e c t e d and s igni f ies a sl ight urban c o n c e n t r a t i o n of non-agricultural activit ies relative t o the urban share of p o p u l a t i o n and w o r k fo r ce . But at the same t ime the urban c o m p o n e n t is no t a d o m i n a n t o r s igni f icant share exh ib i t i ng a s t rong urban bias in serv ices and manufac tur ing activit ies. W i t h i n non-agricultural act ivit ies the h ighest (34.3) urban c o m p o n e n t in 1951 was in serv ices. But by 1981 b o t h t rade & c o m m e r c e (31.2) and t ransport , trade and c o m m u n i c a t i o n s (36.5) had over taken serv ices (31.1) in the urban c o m p o n e n t of their respect ive w o r k f o r c e . N o n - h o u s e h o l d manufac tur ing a n d c o n s t r u c t i o n had inc reased their urban c o m p o n e n t ove r the three d e c a d e s wh i l e h o u s e h o l d manufac tu r ing has re ta ined the same level w i th a t r ough in 1961-1971. A feature of the Kerala w o r k fo rce in the last three decades that Tab le 6.05 br ings ou t is male d o m i n a n c e . This is pervasive in all ca tegor ies of the work fo r ce , t h o u g h relatively less present in agricultural labour , h o u s e h o l d industr ies and services. D u r i n g the three decades female par t i c ipat ion has increased s igni f icant ly in these three ca tegor ies as we l l as in non-h o u s e h o l d manufacture , that is, tak ing 1951 as the base y e a r . ' ^ To s o m e ex ten t the male d o m i n a n c e in the w o r k fo rce is a re f lec t ion of u n d e r enumera t i on of female par t i c ipa t ion . That female par t ic ipat ion in many sec tors is greater in 1961 and 1 9 8 1 , t w o ' l ibera l ' C e n s u s years in terms of de f in i t ion of work , suppo r t s this v iew. Overa l l , Tables 6.04 and 6.05 demons t r a t e that a s ignif icant share o f the w o r k force is in non-agricultural activit ies. Tab le 6.05 clearly suggests that these non-agr icul tura l activit ies are p redominan t l y carr ied ou t by a rural male w o r k fo rce . It is a lso ev ident f r o m Table 6.04 that there have b e e n no dramat ic o r impor tan t structural changes in the w o r k fo rce ove r the eight decades of the 20th century . The structure and character of the w o r k f o r c e has s h o w n a remarkable pers is tence over the p e r i o d e x a m i n e d . O n the o n e hand this demons t ra tes the stagnant character of the Kerala e c o n o m y ; its industr ia l backwardness and the c o n s e q u e n t absence of, o r min ima l , structural changes in the w o r k fo rce . O n the o the r hand it s h o w s that the p r e sence of non-agr icul tura l activity is no t a recent d e v e l o p m e n t . It is not e m e r g i n g ou t of the dynamics o f pos t i n d e p e n d e n c e decades ' d e v e l o p m e n t a l and p o p u l a t i o n p r o b l e m s , po l i c ies and pushes . For instance it is no t due t o agricultural l abour s h e d d i n g c o n s e q u e n t to a g reen r evo lu t i on o r the socio-spat ia l mani fes ta t ion o f a pos t co lon i a l , expor t- led e c o n o m i c g r o w t h a c c o m p a n i e d by rural and/or swea t shop industr ia l izat ion. It a lso d o e s no t signify the e m e r g e n c e of an industr ia l pu t t ing ou t sys tem and/or an in forma l iza t ion o f manufac tu r ing . In the Indian con tex t w i th the histor ica l p r e sence of h o u s e h o l d industr ies o r d o m e s t i c manufac ture it is inappropr ia te to talk o f in fo rma l iza t ion . Part icuiady in the late co lon i a l p e r i o d d o m e s t i c manufac ture f l ou r i shed c o n s e q u e n t o n the European d e m a n d , a m o n g others , 15. This should not be confused with earlier comments of the decline in female labour participation rate taking 1901 as the base year. espec ia l ly for c o t t o n text i les. (Arasaratnam 1986) In the 19th and 20th d i d d o m e s t i c o r h o u s e h o l d manufac ture con t i nue , survive o r a t rophy ? This ques t i on has b e e n raised in the co lon i a l c o n t e x t a n d the f l o o d of cheap manu fac tu red g o o d s f r om Eu rope and wi th in India the fo rma l i za t ion of s o m e sec t ions of manufac ture , part iculady c o t t o n text i les and yarn. These issues are part of a deba te in Indian e c o n o m i c h i s to r iography .^^ The debate has largely c en t r ed o n the impact of co lon i a l i sm o n d o m e s t i c manufac ture . S o m e scholars argue that co l on i a l i sm and the f l o o d of cheap manufac tu red g o o d s f r o m Europe caused irreparable d a m a g e if not des t ruc t i on o f i n d i g e n o u s d o m e s t i c manufac ture . O the r s have a t t empted to demons t r a t e that d o m e s t i c manufac ture c o n t i n u e d t o exist , if no t thr ive, into the 20th century . It is no t impor tant g iven the ob jec t i ves of this s tudy to ente r this deba te . But it is useful t o d raw f r o m it and argue that it is p rob l ema t i c to talk of in fo rma l i za t ion in the con tex t o f d o m e s t i c o r h o u s e h o l d manufac ture . T h o u g h it is no t certa in w h e t h e r such p resence is a cont inu i t y , survival o r a t rophy. These issues are more c o m p l e x w h e n sectora l , (within d o m e s t i c manufacture ) , and reg iona l , (within India), variat ions are taken in to account . In the Kerala con tex t , in the l ight of the data in Table 6.04, and the impor t ance of h o u s e h o l d manufac ture in late pre-co lon ia l India, it is t e m p t i n g t o argue that historical pers i s tence of such manufacture con t r ibu tes t o the signif icant p resence of non-agricultural w o r k f o r c e in rural areas. A c lose r examina t ion of the manufac tur ing s e c to r h o w e v e r is requ i red t o ident i fy the extent to w h i c h there may be histor ica l pe rs i s t ence w i th in the manufac tu r ing sec tor . This shall be a t t empted in the next chapter , t o g e t h e r wi th an examina t ion of the service sector , and the sub-regiona l concen t r a t i on of the m o r e impor tant industr ies in Kerala. 1G. For important statements in this debate see Daniel and Alice Thorner (1962), Morris et al (1969), Bagchi (1976), Twomey (1983), Simmons (1985) and more recently Harnetty (1991) A CLOSER L O O K AT NON-AGRICULTURAL ACTIVITIES I n t roduc t ion This chapte r examines in m o r e detai l t he three d o m i n a n t c o m p o n e n t s of n o n -agricultural e c o n o m i c activity in Kerala. They are manufac tu r ing , trade and c o m m e r c e , a n d serv ice sectors . (See Table 6.04 in chapter six). T h e ob jec t i ve is to make m o r e expl ic i t the p redominan t l y rural or non-urban character of these sec to rs ; the sub-regiona l concen t r a t i on w i th in Kerala of s o m e industr ies ; and the p r e d o m i n a n t l y l o w t e c h n o l o g y , l abour intens ive character of the manufac tur ing sec to r that may be d e s c r i b e d as Kerala indust r ia l i sm. This w i l l be p re faced by a d i s cuss ion of the nature of the industr ia l r e sponse in Kerala t o the reg iona l , nat ional and g loba l e c o n o m y of the late 19th and 20th century . This r e sponse is set w i th in the Indian con tex t . This wi l l also set the scenar io w i th in w h i c h e m e r g e d a po l i t i ca l e c o n o m y that b e c a m e increas ingly p i vo t ed a r o u n d a capita l- labour c o n f r o n t a t i o n . A n d the ways in w h i c h the pol i t i ca l e c o n o m y art iculated w i th the spatial o rde r w i l l b e brief ly i nd i ca ted . The detai ls of this art iculat ion wi l l b e c o m e clear in the case studies o f c o i r and b e e d i indust ry in chapters e ight and n ine . The present chapter w h e n exam in ing the non-agr icul tura l sec tors , w i l l pay a t tent ion t o three issues of h istor ica l and cultural s ign i f i cance . First, t he histor ica l p r e sence o f h o u s e h o l d o r d o m e s t i c manufac ture in India. D i d this in f luence Kerala industr ia l ism and capita l 's spatial strategies in its con f ron t a t i on w i th l abour in Kerala ? S e c o n d , the p resence of f o r c e d c o m m e r c e . D i d this doveta i l w i th the mercant i le character of capi ta l , and facil itate capital 's strategy t o out-f lank l abour by p r o v i d i n g a cultural ly ins t i tu t iona l ized sys tem of l ink ing the smal l and pet ty p roduce r s w i th the market n o d e s ? A l inkage u n d e r p i n n e d by deb t l inkages t o e n m e s h the small and pet ty p roduce rs , in this p rocess d i d it t ransform at certain stages the capita l- labour conf l i c t in to a m idd lemen-pe t t y p r o d u c e r conf l i c t , as the expe r i ence of the co i r industry , to be d o c u m e n t e d as a case s tudy in the next chapter , s eems to sugges t ? There is a lso a n e e d to unders tand the extent t o w h i c h the p resence of f o r c e d c o m m e r c e and its ne twork of m i d d l e m e n inflate trade and c o m m e r c e , and s o non-agricultural activity. Th i rd , d o caste o c c u p a t i o n cont inu i t i es , part icular ly in the serv ice sector , in f luence the p resence and s ize of non-agricultural activit ies in non-urban areas ? The impact of the spread of health and educa t iona l faci l it ies, w i th min ima l urban-rural dispar i t ies in Kerala, o n non-agricultural activit ies in non-urban areas wi l l a lso be e x a m i n e d . Manu fac tu r i ng Sec to r The nature of the industrial response in colonial and modern Kerala. T h r o u g h o u t the 20th century , up to 1971 , twe lve industr ies make up 80 percen t o r m o r e of the manufac tur ing sec to r in Kerala. In 1981 this p r o p o r t i o n d r o p p e d sl ightly to 75.4 percent . The list of industr ies and their ind iv idua l share of the manufac tu r ing sec to r f r om 1911 t o 1981 are p re sen ted in Table 7.01.^ It is impor tan t t o e m p h a s i z e that changes in ca tegor i za t ion of industr ies in the var ious censuses d o no t permi t a va l id c o m p a r i s o n of each industry ove r the years. The 1971 and 1981 censuses have the same nat iona l industr ial c o d e (NIC) and so p o s e n o p r o b l e m . 1. In the Census of 1901 manufacturing and trade were combined into one major group, viz. Class D • Preparation and supply of material substances. Separating out manufacturing involves disaggregation and reaggregation at the three digit classification level of over 300 categories. [Codes 076 to 391].For this reason 1901 was left out. 1941 Census is incomplete as there was no census of economic activity or means of livelihood in Malabar for that year. Of the other censuses prior to 1951, 1911 and 1931 were selected at 20 years interval for this table. All censuses after from 1951 to 1981 are included in this table. Table 7.01 Manufacturing s e c t o r workforce of K e r a l a c l a s s i f i e d by major i n d u s t r i e s (percent) i n 1911, 1931 and 1951 to 1981 Industry 1911 1931 1951 1961 1 971 1981 Beedi[a] 0.2 0.2 4.8 6.4 9.2 11.0 B r i c k & T i l e s 0.8 1 .2 2.3 2.0 2.5 3.7 Cashewnut P r o c e s s i n g [b] [b] 0.2 1 .7 7.4 2.5 C o i r 28.8 26.2 23.3 24.8 16.2 4.3 Cotton T e x t i l e s 6.7 7.7 10.8 9.8 7.8 16.9 Food P r o c e s s i n g [ c ] 11.0 7.8 1 1 .6 13.7 6.5 7.0 J e w e l l e r y 3.3 3.9 3.9 2.4 3.5 3.2 Seafood P r o c e s s i n g [d] [d] 0.2 0.5 1.0 1 .2 T a i l o r i n g 2.2 2.7 3.4 3.5 5.5 8.0 Toddy 13.4 7.2 4.8 1 .4 3.1 [g] Vegetable O i l s 3.0 3.2 2.1 1 .3 0.9 0.6 Wood Based 15.3 21.8 19.0 17.2 16.8 17.1 S u b - t o t a l 84.9 81 .9 86.4 84.6 80.3 75.4 Others 15. 1 18.1 13.6 15.4 19.7 24.6 T o t a l 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Manufacturing Workers T o t a l '000 579 507 599 1012 978 1078 Urban '000 [ i ] [ i ] 108 180 210 282 Urban % [ i ] [ i ] 18.0 17.8 21 .5 26.1 Sou r ce : Der i ved f r o m C e n s u s of India respec t i ve years. N o t e s : [a] There we re n o separate census c a t ego r y o f b e e d i manufac ture in 1911 & 1 9 3 1 . W h a t is s h o w n for 1911 & 1931 is t o b a c c o . [b] There we re n o separate census ca tego ry fo r c a s h e w n u t p rocess ing in 1911 & 1931 . In 1951 C o d e 2.01 (Cann ing and preservat ion of fruits a n d vegetab les ) and in 1961 C o d e 209 ( P roduc t i on of o the r f o o d p roduc ts ) is t aken as c a shewnu t p rocess ing . In 1962 ca shewnu t p r o c e s s i n g c o m p r i s e d 86 percen t of C o d e 209. (Annua l Survey of Industries 1 9 6 2 . p81 & 129) [c] F o o d p rocess ing fo r the pe r i od 1951-1981 refers to all f o o d p r o c e s s i n g o the r than cashewnu t & s e a f o o d p rocess ing . [d] There is no separate ca tegory of s e a f o o d p r o c e s s i n g in 1911 and 1931 . In 1951 C o d e 2.02 (Cann ing and preservat ion of fish), and in 1961 C o d e 204 (S laughter ing, preserva t ion & c a n n i n g of fish and meat) are taken as s e a f o o d p r o c e s s i n g . [e] Da ta up to 1951 has not b e e n ad jus ted fo r changes in State bounda r y in 1956 . [f] 1971 data d o e s not inc lude seconda ry worke r s . [h] 1981 data relates to ma in workers on l y as three d ig i t c lassi f icat ion has no t b e e n p r o v i d e d fo r marginal workers . [g] The 1981 C e n s u s for an inexp l i cab le r eason d o e s no t r e co rd t o d d y indust ry worke rs . Kannan (1988. p i 50) c i t ing the Annua l Repor t of the T o d d y Tapp ing W o r k e r s We l fa re Boa rd for 1982-83 est imates t o d d y industry w o r k e r s at 4 3 0 4 0 in 1982. This wi l l make 3.8 pe rcen t of the manufac tur ing wo rk fo r ce in 1981 . The 1961 industr ial c o d e t h o u g h no t ident ica l w i th the current nat ional industr ia l c o d e (NIC), is none the less similar and deta i led e n o u g h to be m a t c h e d w i t h the current N IC used in the censuses of 1971 and 1981 .2 The 1 9 1 1 , 1931 and 1951 C e n s u s industr ia l c lass i f icat ion p r e sen ted greater p r o b l e m s , and s o m e assumpt ions had t o be made . These are set ou t as notes t o Table 7.01. They d o make c o m p a r i s o n of each industr ia l ca tegory ove r the years diff icult . This is espec ia l ly so fo r b e e d i , c a shew p r o c e s s i n g , f o o d p roces s i ng , and s e a f o o d p rocess ing for the p e r i o d 1911 to 1951 , as Table 7.1 and its notes wi l l suggest . Even in the case of the o the r industr ies the c o m p a r i s o n of pre-1951 data w i th the 1961-1981 data is no t neat. S o m e of these issues wi l l be addressed later in this chapter . Suff ice to state n o w , that the p u r p o s e of Tab le 7.01 is pr imari ly t o s h o w that in to ta l , the same g r o u p of p redominan t l y agro-based industr ia l w o r k f o r c e , c o m p r i s e d three quarters o r m o r e of the manufac tur ing w o r k f o r c e t h r o u g h o u t the 20th century . The ob jec t i ve is t o s h o w the p redominan t l y agro-based character o f manufac tu r ing in Kerala. For such p u r p o s e s the def in i t ions and data of the censuses appear adequate . As w e shal l obse rve short ly , structural ly, the twe lve industr ies are p redominan t l y smal l scale industr ies . This is ev ident in the last three decades for w h i c h there is m o r e rel iable and comparab l e data. O r m o r e cor rec t l y in te rms of census and statutory de f in i t ions , the twe lve industr ies are p redominan t l y , n o n - h o u s e h o l d , non-factory in organ iza t iona l character . They are all a lso l abour intens ive , l o w t e c h n o l o g y industr ies . These latter t w o character ist ics the smal l scale industr ies share w i th the h o u s e h o l d industr ia l sec to r . They ref lect the roo ts and/or the a d o p t i o n of aspects of h o u s e h o l d o r d o m e s t i c sys tems of p r o d u c t i o n , part iculariy the 2. But it did present a problem, though an isolated one, in the case of cashew processing. It was included under a residual generic code of "Other foods". The 1962 Annual Survey of Industries which used the same coding as the 1961 Census however gave a breakdown of "Other foods", indicating that in Kerala 86 percent of "Other food" workers were in Cashew processing. Cashew workers in 1961 in Table 7.01 have been calculated on the basis that 86 percent of "Other Food" workers are Cashew workers. i nd igenous artisan t e c h n o l o g y and its assoc ia ted l abour intens ive character. A l l these features character ize wha t has b e e n t e rmed in this s tudy as Kerala industr ia l ism. But a shar ing of s o m e character ist ics w i th the h o u s e h o l d sec tor d o e s no t necessar i ly m e a n a s lugg ish con t inu i t y of pre-colonia l manufac tur ing and markets. In chapte r e ight w e shall obse rve h o w a dynam i c co i r industry e m e r g e d in Kerala, in response to market d e m a n d s in the larger w o r i d e c o n o m y in the late 19th century . The availability of raw materials and labour , and the a d o p t i o n and innova t ion of ex is t ing d o m e s t i c manufac tur ing t e c h n o l o g i e s we re centra l to this r esponse . The b o r r o w i n g of the l o o m t e c h n o l o g y f r o m c o t t o n carpet weav ing in Benga l , and the i n t roduc t i on of the ratt w i t h sp ind l e s^ for co i r yarn sp inn ing are examp les of se lect ive a d o p t i o n of n e w t e c h n o l o g i e s , albeit l o w and labour intens ive . This was to cater to new ly e m e r g i n g market oppor tun i t i e s in the larger w o r i d e c o n o m y . M e r c h a n t ent repreneurs , b o t h fo re ign and loca l , we r e crucia l catalysts in this r e sponse of the co i r industry in Kerala t o an internat ional market . In chapte r n ine w e shall obse r ve a similar merchant en t rep reneur response for a new ly e m e r g i n g nat iona l and reg iona l market for beed is . A r e sponse that made use of the availability of l abour and the access t o t ransport routes . In many of the twe lve industr ies l is ted in Tab le 7.01 the same mix of factors is present . These factors are responses to newly e m e r g i n g as we l l as tradi t ional market oppo r tun i t i e s , us ing i n d i g e n o u s labour-intensive t e c h n o l o g y . N o t all of t h e m rema ined t rad i t iona l . But they we r e ex t reme ly se lect ive in mak ing any innova t ion to ex is t ing t e c h n o l o g y , c h o o s i n g on l y t e c h n o l o g i e s c o m p a t i b l e w i th l abour intens ive p r o d u c t i o n . S o m e of the large scale p r o d u c t i o n units that e m e r g e d in certain phases of Kerala indust r ia l i sm, a lso u s e d the same l abour intens ive t e c h n o l o g y , as w e shall obse r ve in the case of co i r and b e e d i in the next t w o 3. The ratt and spindle technology is also probably borrowed from cotton yarn spinning and adapted for coir yarn spinning chapters . The use o f i nd igenous systems of p r o d u c t i o n and l ow t e c h n o l o g y sugges ts s o m e cont inu i t y of d o m e s t i c or h o u s e h o l d manufac tu r ing • systems with sensi t ive a d o p t i o n t o r e s p o n d to n e w market and s o c i o - e c o n o m i c c o n d i t i o n s . This is an issue that is part of the "de- indus t r i a l i za t i on " debate in Indian e c o n o m i c h is tor iography referred to in the last chapter . The scho lars in the two po l a r i zed pos i t i ons taken in this deba te in the 1960s and 1970s we re l abe l l ed "na t iona l i s t s " and " r ev i s i on i s t s " . (Haynes 1986. p i 27) It was the fo rmer w h o a rgued that d o m e s t i c manufacture d e c l i n e d a n d decayed dur ing the co lon i a l p e r i o d and the latter, that it su r v i ved . * The debate p r o m o t e d scholar iy research o n the impac t of co lon ia l i sm o n manufac tu r ing in India. But by imp l i ca t i on the deba te was sugges t ing that whatever industr ial d y n a m i s m that e m e r g e d in co lon ia l India i s sued f r o m large scale capital in tens ive factory type p r o d u c t i o n . There was an under l y ing a s s u m p t i o n that h o u s e h o l d manufac ture dur ing the co l on i a l p e r i o d was thus static and un respons i ve t o changes in the w o r i d and Indian e c o n o m y a n d market . The Kerala expe r i ence d e s c r i b e d in this s tudy d o e s no t sugges t a static and un respons i ve pet ty p roduce r , b o t h h o u s e h o l d and small scale. As Haynes obse rves , o n e by-product o f this p e r c e p t i o n of an un respons i ve h o u s e h o l d industr ia l sec tor , had b e e n the lack o f scholar iy a t ten t ion o n h o u s e h o l d manufac tu re in the late 19th and 20th centur ies . ( Ibid, p i 28) In recent years this l acuna has b e g u n t o b e f i l led by s o m e scholar iy wo rk . A m o n g such wo rk , the m o r e impor tan t in the overal l Indian con t ex t , are C o m m a n d e r (1985) o n the khandsar i ( jaggery o r un re f i ned coarse b r o w n sugar) in no r th India, Haynes (1986) o n jari ( go ld and si lver th read and embro ide r y ) industry in Surat, a n d Harnet ty (1991) o n h a n d l o o m text i le weav ing in the Cent ra l P rov inces . In the Kerala c o n t e x t the w o r k has b e e n carr ied ou t by Issacs (1982, 1983a , 1 9 8 3 b , 1984, and 1985) o n co i r ; Kannan (1983) 4. The de-industrialization debate is now less polarized. Some of the recent work may have contributed to muting the earlier antagonistic and polar interpretations given by the "nationalists" and "revisionists". o n c a s h e w p roces s i ng , (1988) o n b e e d i and t o d d y industr ies ; Raghavan (1986) o n b e e d i ; Emam Beev i (1978) o n cashew p r o c e s s i n g ; Rajagopalan (1986) Tirankar Roy (1988) o n c o t t o n text i les ;^ and M a t h e w (1986) o n prawn p roces s i ng fo r expor t s . These studies present a co rpus of i n f o r m e d analysis of smal l scale and h o u s e h o l d manufac ture in the 19th and 20th century. T h o u g h they dea l w i th the Kerala con tex t , the f ind ings are s igni f icant in the overal l Indian e c o n o m i c history. But they all suffer f r o m an inadequate a t tent ion to the spatial d i m e n s i o n . ^ S o m e features are c o m m o n t o mos t , if no t all o f these smal l scale and/or h o u s e h o l d industr ies that have b e e n e x a m i n e d in these s tudies . A m o n g such features an impor tan t o n e is the p resence of f o r c e d c o m m e r c e in nearly all of the industr ies . N o n e of the s tud ies relate the ro le o f merchants t o f o r c ed c o m m e r c e as c o n c e p t u a l i z e d by Bhadur i . (1983, 1986) But the desc r ip t i on of the structure and o rgan iza t ion of p r o d u c t i o n and marke t ing ind ica te the p resence o f f o r c e d c o m m e r c e . For instance Harnet ty obse rves : M i l l s (or impor te rs of fo re ign yarn) d i d no t sel l d i rect ly t o h a n d l o o m weavers because they ope ra t ed o n the basis o f fo rward contracts w i t h agents and brokers and d id not enter in to smal l t ransact ions w i th ind iv idua ls . The agents in turn dealt w i th yarn merchants w h o s o l d t o retail dealers t h r o u g h w h o m the 5. Tirankar Roy's work is at the broader South India regional level. 6. This perhaps stems from the wider weakness of geography as an academic discipline in India failing to exert the same influence as economics, anthropology, sociology and history have on understanding Indian economy and society. See Romila Thapar (1982) on the influence of anthropology, archeology and linguistics and Srinivas (1959) on the assertive position of economics in India. See Sopher (1973) for a critique that brings out the inadquacies of Indian Geography. Reviewing Chattergee's (1963) "Fifty of Science in India: Progress in Geography," Sopher observes "The pervading impression of banality that a reading of these volumes conveys cannot be entirely blamed on the editor's attempt to summarize in a line or two every article and book he cites" (p121). Sopher reviewing other geographical work goes on to state: "Several large related themes that remain central to the geographic tradition deal with questions which students in other disciplines are continually seeking to answer. Geographers working in South Asia have hitherto either neglected these questions ar given them scant attention" (p129) The influence of Spate's (1954) descriptive regions and landscapes, uncertain ecological models and gazetteer-like location of industrial activities is seen in this tradition. Sopher is also critical of the influence of a Euro-centric geography tradition on South Asian Geography. Sopher thus argues that in such South Asian geography "the dweller is often made stranger by the conventions of the prevailing paradigm" (p126). Sopher's criticisms are no doubt influenced by his cultural geographic perspective, and since his critique nearly two decades ago some new directions in Indian geography have emerged and make Sopher's criticisms less applicable now. Nonetheless the weaknesses pointed out by Sopher still continue to a considerable extent still pervasive in Indian geography. yarn eventual ly r eached the weavers . The latter b o u g h t their yarn o n credit because they had n o ready cash for this p u r p o s e and so we re o b l i g e d t o enter in to s o m e k ind of re la t ionsh ip w i th a retailer o r f inancier o n e i ther a contract o r wage basis. They also n e e d e d advances fo r their pe rsona l ma in tenance wh i l e they p r o d u c e d the c l o th . Thus the dealers came to o c c u p y a central pos i t i on in the h a n d l o o m industry : supp l y ing raw material o n credi t and marke t ing the f in i shed c l o th . The weavers f o u n d themse lves e n m e s h e d in a ne twork of m i d d l e m e n w h o s e prof i ts increased their costs of p r o d u c t i o n and l o w e r e d their prof i ts . They we r e also e x p o s e d to var ious malprac t i ces , such as dealers pass ing off l o w e r c o u n t s of yarn as h igher coun t s o r se l l ing short we igh ts . (Harnetty 1991 p479-80) S i m o n C o m m a n d e r notes in the case of the Khandsar i industry in no r th India: The w i d e s p r e a d use of d e b t l inkages was cleariy an impor tan t fac tor in susta in ing a h igh level of cane p roduc t i on . . .As a receiver of rents a n d a crucia l f igure in the nexus of local con t ro l s , the zamindar-cum-khandsar i was in a part icuiady g o o d pos i t i on to m a x i m i z e his prof i ts . . . . the zam inda r a i m e d less to raise the level of rents than t o eng ineer , t h r o u g h a f o r m of deb t p e o n a g e , a s i tuat ion in w h i c h the supp l y of raab or rus was assured i r respect ive of pr ice f luc tuat ions and the pul l of externa l d e m a n d . ( C o m m a n d e r 1985 . p508) '^ The khandsar i industry was an agro-process ing industry and there was obv ious l y a c o m p l e x and unequa l re la t ionship b e t w e e n the land lord-ent repreneur and peasant-petty p roduce r . In the case of jari manufac ture , Haynes sees the merchant- pet ty p r o d u c e r re la t ionsh ip as a b e n i g n o n e , bu t none the l e s s the desc r ip t ion is very sugges t i ve of f o r c e d c o m m e r c e . Akhadedars (master-craftsmen) o f t en es tab l i shed e n d u r i n g persona l re la t ionsh ip w i th the merchants . . . the cra f tsmen ob t a i ned raw materials f r om a jari merchant and p r o c e s s e d these materials for the same merchan t o n a c o m m i s s i o n bas is . . . .most (craftsmen) had runn ing a ccoun t s w i t h a s ingle merchant , and d r e w u p o n these accoun ts w h e n they n e e d e d m o n e y fo r their w o r k and subs is tence . . . they genera l ly fel l i n to arrears and b e c a m e a lmost pe rmanent l y i n d e b t e d to the merchant. . . . In enter ing such d e p e n d e n t ties w i th the merchants , the akhadedars bar tered i n d e p e n d e n t pos i t i ons in the market for greater security. . . .At the same t ime , the preva i l ing p r o d u c t i o n re lat ions certainly se rved the interests o f the merchant-manufacturer qu i te wel l . . . . there was s ignif icant ly less risks i nvo l ved in hav ing jari manufac tu red o n c o m m i s s i o n than in invest ing in m o r e capital-intensive fo rms of p roduc t i on . . . . i n a bus iness env i r onmen t subject to s u d d e n expans ions and cont rac t ions . . . M o s t traders c h o s e to possess little f ixed capita l yet w i th s izeab le n u m b e r of artisan 7. The raab and rus are processed cane juice, which go through further processing to reach the stage of Khandsari. (Commander 1985. p507) c l ients , they c o u l d still qu i ck l y r e s p o n d to s u d d e n upsw ings in the jari market w i thou t heavy n e w investments . (Haynes 1 9 8 6 . p i 35-7) Haynes 's des c r i p t i on and observa t ions br ings ou t ano ther impor tan t feature of d o m e s t i c manufacture o r petty p r o d u c t i o n , part icularly in industr ies o the r than text i le weav ing . If the c o m m o d i t y had an unstab le market it had a p r o f o u n d effect o n the structure of the industry. It r ende red pet ty p roduce r s vu lnerab le t o merchants w i th a be t te r k n o w l e d g e of market c o n d i t i o n s , and at the same t ime h e i g h t e n e d the merchant ' s fear t o invest in capital intensive fo rms of p r o d u c t i o n . Avai labi l i ty of l abour a lso pe rm i t t ed w a g e rates to remain low, and pet ty o r small-scale p r o d u c t i o n to be cos t ef fect ive relative to capital in tens ive large scale p r o d u c t i o n . ^ A classic examp le of this p h e n o m e n o n is d e m o n s t r a t e d by the inabil i ty of the forma l , capital intens ive , large scale sugar industry in nor th India to remain compe t i t i v e wi th the in forma l , l abour intensive, smal l scale khandsar i industry. Der i v ing its initial s t imulus f r o m the g r o w t h of reg iona l markets and the d e v e l o p m e n t of m o d e r n t ranspor ta t ion ne tworks pos t 1860, the khandsar i industry d r e w u p o n the amp le reservoir of cheap , u n o r g a n i z e d l abour and money- l end ing deb t l inkages t o genera te s igni f icant ly h igh prof i t margins. . . Desp i t e d i sapprova l by b o t h co lon i a l a n d i n d i g e n o u s g o v e r n m e n t s the in formal sec tor ' s resi l ient compet i t i veness . . . e f fec t i ve l y subve r t ing the c o n s o l i d a t i o n of a m o d e r n mi l l industry. In this regard, o n e imp l i ca t i on of this part icular h is tory c o u l d be that even w i th in a co l on i a l structure it is qu i te poss ib l e fo r a u t o n o m o u s capital ist d e v e l o p m e n t t o o c c u r f r o m b e l o w . For in this instance it m ight we l l appear that the rural in formal sec tor w i l l s u c c e e d in out l i v ing its ' l og i ca l ' successo r . ( C o m m a n d e r 1985 . p514 ) C o n s u m e r pre fe rences , and l o w purchas ing p o w e r of the mass c o n s u m e r market in India, e ven t h o u g h large in s ize , have a lso i n f l uenced the success of the khandsar i industry. But it s h o w s that there was a cap i ta l i sm f r o m b e l o w , r e s p o n d i n g to market o p p o r t u n i t i e s . This d i s cuss ion he lps us t o unders tand the nature and character o f the industr ia l r e sponse in co lon i a l and m o d e r n Kerala. The needs and d e m a n d s of the in ternat iona l , nat ional 8. In chapter one we noted that it had been argued that merchant capital, in contrast to industrial capital, is inherently reluctant to engage in capital intensification as a means of maximizing profits. It prefers to keep its profit margins constant by squeezing labour. and reg iona l e c o n o m y fash ioned an industr ia l r e sponse that was t ex tu red by the loca l con tex t . The availabil ity of raw materials, abundance of l abour , ex is tence of t radi t ional and n e w t ranspor ta t ion systems, i nd igenous l abour intens ive t e c h n o l o g y , m e r c h a n d i z i n g systems that l i nked pet ty and smal l scale p r o d u c t i o n to d o m e s t i c a n d internat ional markets are all impor tant ingred ients . It was the unequa l e x c h a n g e in the re la t ionsh ip b e t w e e n the pet ty p r o d u c e r and merchants that m a d e the m e r c h a n d i z i n g sys tem, f o r c e d c o m m e r c e . The instabil i ty of the c o m m o d i t y markets gave an e d g e t o the merchants , o ve r the large scale fo rmal sector . These merchants of cou r se con t ro l l ed the pet ty and smal l scale p roduce r s , invariably w i th f o r ced c o m m e r c e . There was a re luctance to invest in capital intensive t e c h n o l o g i e s , w i th capital l o c k e d in idle mach ine ry and e q u i p m e n t dur ing s l u m p pe r i ods or even lost if d e m a n d for the c o m m o d i t y wears away or is subs t i tu ted by another . These features character ize s o m e of the twe lve industr ies that domina te the industr ia l s cene in Kerala in the 20th century . They are the ingred ients of Kerala industr ia l ism. But present in the twe lve industr ies are s o m e features that are no t c o m m o n l y seen ou t s ide Kerala, in comparab l e smal l scale and/or pet ty p r o d u c t i o n . First, is the p resence , b e g i n n i n g s o m e w h e r e a round the 1930s, of o r g a n i z e d l abour in the industr ies o f Kerala. Today o r g a n i z e d l abour is a c o m m o n feature in all sec to rs of the e c o n o m y in Kerala. The co i r industry p layed a centra l ro le in the e m e r g e n c e o f o r g a n i z e d l abour in Kerala. The case study of the co i r industry in the next chapte r is in ef fect a po l i t i ca l h istory of the l abou r m o v e m e n t in Kerala. The case s tudy wi l l a lso i l luminate the impo r t ance of the po l i t i ca l e c o n o m y in Kerala. This case study, t oge the r w i th that of b e e d i in chap te r n ine , lays ou t the re la t ionsh ip b e t w e e n the po l i t i ca l and space e c o n o m y in Kerala. This takes us to the s e c o n d feature of the Kerala industr ia l s c ene . This is its spatial character . The twe lve industr ies we re p redominan t l y non-urban in character . Haynes s tudy of jari manufac ture in Surat, and Harnetty 's of text i le weav ing in the Cen t r a l P rov inces suggest that these t w o industr ies we r e urban based . C o m m a n d e r ' s s tudy of khandsar i shows that it is rural. This largely f l ows f r o m its agro-process ing character . A n o t h e r reason is the availabil ity of cheap and off-season agricultural l abour in the ferti le and dense l y p o p u l a t e d co r r i do r that f lanks the river G a n g e s f r o m nor th centra l India t o its de l ta in Benga l . The spatial character of these industr ies was no t of central c o n c e r n in these s tudies . But in Kerala the spatial character of the industr ies is impor tan t , as it is part of the dynamics of the industry, the pol i t i ca l e c o n o m y and desako ta . In add i t i on the p resence of f o r c ed c o m m e r c e , w i th its many levels and ne twork l ink ing the smal l scale units and pet ty p roduce r s of the rural areas w i th merchants and dealers at var ious levels, inflates the trade and c o m m e r c e sector . This further e n h a n c e d the non-agr icul tura l s ec to r in non-urban Kerala and accen tua ted desako ta . S tudies of the industr ies in Kerala referred to just n o w t h o u g h contex tua l l y th ick and e m p h a s i z i n g the po l i t i ca l a n d e c o n o m i s t i c in terpretat ion have no t adequate ly e x p l o r e d the spatial issues. This has b e e n c o m m e n t e d u p o n in chapter o n e and eari ier in this chap te r as we l l . This s tudy in its synthes is and re-interpretative efforts seeks to br ing abou t this emphas i s . It is also obv i ous l y of i m p o r t a n c e in mak ing desako ta in Kerala inte l l ig ib le . Th i rd , the organ iza t iona l character of the twe lve industr ies , as i nd i ca ted eariier, is p r edominan t l y n o n - h o u s e h o l d , non-factory, o r smal l sca le . This type o f p r o d u c t i o n units was referred to eari ier as we l l . It is impor tan t t o unde r s t and what is meant by n o n - h o u s e h o l d , non-factory industr ies . For this it is necessary to first spe l l ou t the census de f in i t i on of h o u s e h o l d industry . H o u s e h o l d industry is d e f i n e d as an indust ry c o n d u c t e d by the head o f the h o u s e h o l d himself/herself and/or by the m e m b e r s of the h o u s e h o l d at h o m e o r w i th in the vi l lage in rural areas and o n l y w i th in the prec incts of the h o u s e w h e r e the h o u s e h o l d lives in u rban areas. The larger p r o p o r t i o n of wo rke r s in a h o u s e h o l d industry s h o u l d cons i s t of m e m b e r s o f the h o u s e h o l d i n c l ud ing the h e a d . The industry s h o u l d no t be run o n the scale of a reg is tered fac tory w h i c h w o u l d qual ify o r has t o be reg is tered u n d e r the Indian Factories Ac t A h o u s e h o l d industry s h o u l d relate to p r o d u c t i o n , p roces s i ng , repai r ing o r mak ing and sel l ing (but no t mere l y sel l ing) of g o o d s . It d o e s no t i nc lude pro fess ions such as a p leader o r d o c t o r o r barber , mus i c i an , dancer , wa te rman , d h o b i (washerman) , as t ro loger e tc o r mere l y a trade o r bus iness ,even if such trade or services are run at h o m e by m e m b e r s of the h o u s e h o l d . (Census o f India 1981 , Series 10 Kerala, Part III-A&B [i], p23) . The worke rs ou ts ide this de f in i t i on of h o u s e h o l d manufac tu r ing worke rs are o f t e n ca l led the n o n - h o u s e h o l d manufac tu r ing workers . But it is incor rec t t o assume that they are factory workers . There is a clear de f in i t i on of factor ies u n d e r the Indian Factory Ac t . O n l y t hose industr ial es tab l i shments that e m p l o y m o r e than 10 workers and use p o w e r f o r p r o d u c t i o n or e m p l o y m o r e than 20 worke r s w i t hou t the use of p o w e r are d e e m e d to be a factory and regis tered as such unde r the Indian Factory Act.® This de f in i t i on of a factory is no t g o i n g t o e n c o m p a s s all industr ia l activity ou t s ide the census de f in i t ion of h o u s e h o l d industry . There w i l l be many p r o d u c t i o n centres that shall be n o n - h o u s e h o l d by census de f in i t i on but no t qual i fy to be des igna ted a factory in terms of Indian Factory Ac t . It is this ca t ego ry o f industr ies that is ca l led non-factory, n o n - h o u s e h o l d industry. O b v i o u s l y this ca tegory refers t o small scale industr ies . It is poss ib l e t o ident i fy the n u m b e r of wo rke r s in this ca t ego ry by d e d u c t i n g f r om the census n o n - h o u s e h o l d manufac tur ing sec tor wo rke r s , the n u m b e r o f factory worke rs as g iven in the Annua l Survey of Industries. W e shall shor t l y d e m o n s t r a t e this quant i tat ive ly fo r the twe lve impor tan t industr ies in Kerala. S ignif icant ly, recent t rends at the Indian nat ional level suggest the g r o w t h of the smal l scale o r n o n - h o u s e h o l d , non-factory sec tor . S o m e o f this may be, the f igures sugges t , at the e x p e n s e of the h o u s e h o l d sector . A t the nat iona l level the n o n - h o u s e h o l d sec to r ' s share of manufac tu r ing inc reased f r o m 45 pe r cen t in 1961 t o 68 pe rcen t in 1981 . But the larger share o f the increase and faster g r o w t h was in the n o n - h o u s e h o l d , non-factory c o m p o n e n t o f this 9. The Census definition maices reference to the Indian Factories Act and later on goes to state that in the case of a joint family with 20 or more members, and where power is used, 10 or more members, engages in some industrial activity it should hot be treated as a household industry even though only household members participate in production. (Census of India 1981, Series 10 Kerala, Part III-A&B [i] p23) sector . The rate of g r o w t h of the n o n - h o u s e h o i d , non-factory sub-sector was 154 percent , wh i l e the factory sec to r was 97 percen t . The h o u s e h o l d sec to r d e c l i n e d by 12.6 percent . O f the abso lu te increase of about 9 mi l l i on worke r s in manufac tur ing b e t w e e n 1961 and 1981 , about 3.4 mi l l ion we r e a b s o r b e d in factor ies wh i l e a lmost 7 mi l l ion f o u n d w o r k in the non-h o u s e h o l d , non-factory sub-sector . T h o s e e m p l o y e d in h o u s e h o l d industr ies d e c l i n e d by o n e mi l l i on . (Eapen 1984. p1455) The exorb i tan t cos t of set t ing u p capital in tens ive industr ies in recent years, l imits such ventures to the es tab l i shed and aff luent co rpo ra t e sec to r and super-rich famil ies in India. C o m m a n d e r obse rves that f ixed capita l i nves tment of a large Khandsari^** plant m igh t not e x c e e d Rs 100 ,000 . A n d by contrast a m o d e r n sugar mi l l requires o n average a f i xed capital investment of b e t w e e n 25 and 30 mi l l i on rupees . The techn ica l soph i s t i ca t ion o f the m o d e r n mil l improves the ju ice ext rac t ion f r o m the sugar cane to 90 percent . It is abou t 60/65 percen t in a khandsar i plant. But the scale of inves tment can negate the e n h a n c e d results. ( C o m m a n d e r 1985 . p512) The pr ice of re f ined sugar has t o re-coup the interest o n investment and the deprec i a t i on of the f ixed assets of a m o d e r n mi l l . But the pr i ce l imits the mass market of re f ined sugar to a s e c t i on of the p o p u l a t i o n in a coun t r y l ike India w i t h p o o r buy ing p o w e r p o s s e s s e d by a majority of its p o p u l a t i o n . The availabil ity of l abour fo r a three-shift l abour intensive Khandsar i p lant , and the cultural ly a t tuned cu is ine fo r the use of khandsar i , e ven a m o n g the urban dwe l l e rs , are a lso impor tan t . They are con t r i bu to r y factors , a long w i th the l eap ing costs o f capital in tens i f i ca t ion , for the ass imi lat ion o f khandsar i industry w i th "non-capi ta l is t fea tures " in the w i d e r Indian t rend towards a m o r e d e f i n e d capita l ist ic f r amework of p r o d u c t i o n , b e g i n n i n g in the 19th century . 10. This does not belong to the non-household, non-factory type of industry, because the number of workers is certainly going to be more than twenty. It will belong to the factory category, but not a capital intensive modern factory. This examp le may in part may be il lustrative of the factors con t r i bu t i ng to the surge fo rward of the n o n - h o u s e h o l d , non-factory type of industr ies that Eapen's (1984) analysis suggests . But factors may be industry spec i f i c , and less present , if no t absent , in s o m e industr ies such as stee l , i ron and meta l w o r k industr ies . Recent increases in energy costs for a coun t r y l ike India w i th l imi ted i n d i g e n o u s energy resources , o the r than hydro-power , may be further c o m p l i c a t i n g the g r o w t h of capital intens ive , energy c o n s u m i n g industr ia l izat ion. These factors may be con t r i bu t i ng t o desako ta fo rma t ion in parts of India, part icularly in the belt of dense l y p o p u l a t e d states that m o r e or less encapsu la te the river Ganges f r o m nor th central India to the Bengal de l ta : Punjab, Haryana, Uttara Pradesh, Bihar and W e s t Bengal . This suggests the n e e d for desako ta t o be researched in these reg ions of India, part icuiady in the c o n t e x t of the t rends spo t l i gh t ed by Eapen's (1984) study. In this s e c t i on w e e x a m i n e d the nature of the industr ial r e sponse in Kerala, and s o m e of the features that a c c o m p a n y this r e sponse . T o g e t h e r they shape Kerala industr ia l i sm. W e n o t e d that Kerala industr ia l ism shared s o m e o f its features w i th smal l scale and h o u s e h o l d manufac tur ing e l sewhere in India. A t the same t ime there we re o the r features, w h i c h if no t un ique to Kerala, we r e less p resent in c o m p a r a b l e industr ia l s tructures e l sewhere in India. It is the tota l i ty of all these features that makes appropr ia te the desc r i p t i on "Kera la indus t r i a l i sm" . The m o r e impor tan t of the d is t inct ive features are, as ind i ca ted eadier , the e m e r g e n c e of o r g a n i z e d labour , the p redominan t l y non-urban character of manufac tur ing a n d the marked character of mos t p r o d u c t i o n units t o be n o n - h o u s e h o l d , non-factory. These features are impor tan t aspects of the dynamics of desako ta in Kerala. W e shall n o w briefly examine these three features. 11. Table 3.06 in chapter three shows that these five states, together with Kerala and Tamilnadu in the southern cone were the most densely populated states in India in 1901 and continue to be so to date. Organized labour, a feature of Kerala industrialism. The co i r industry was central to the e m e r g e n c e and g r o w t h of o r g a n i z e d l abour in Kerala. The industry itself was par exce l l ence a Kerala industry . The numbers e m p l o y e d in the industry ; the l abour intensive, l o w and eco log i ca l l y ' ' ^ fac i l i tated t e c h n o l o g y ; the agro-based nature of the industry o n c o c o n u t , a major c r o p in Kerala, and little cu l t ivated e l sewhere in India; the pervasive p resence of the industry in the Kerala l ow l ands ; the cent re of the industry in A i l e p p e y distr ict , a distr ict w i th the typica l Kerala l andscape of backwaters and c o c o n u t groves , and its p rox im i t y to C o c h i n , the V e m b a n a d Lake, the Kut tanad rice cu l t ivat ion systems; all con t r ibu te t o the industry 's s t rong Kerala character . The beg inn ings of o r g a n i z e d l abour may be seen in the 1920s in the co i r industry. Its mani fes ta t ion initially was as wel fare organ iza t ion for the co i r industry l abour in A i l eppey . ( C o v i n d a n 1986 p14-27) The detai ls of the e m e r g e n c e and d e v e l o p m e n t of o rgan i zed l abour in the co i r industry, w i th catalyt ic c o n s e q u e n c e s for labour , po l i t i cs and the pol i t ica l e c o n o m y of Kerala is dealt w i th in the next chapter , the case s tudy of the co i r industry. The g r o w t h o f o rgan i zed l abour is so contex tua l l y i n t e rwoven and thick w i th the co i r industry, that it w o u l d be inappropr ia te , if n o t diff icult , t o desc r ibe and examine it o u t s i d e a case s tudy of the industry. The se l ec t ion o f the co i r industry for a case study, in a sense was just i f ied, no t o n l y because it was the major industry in Kerala, but also for its ro le in Kerala's po l i t i ca l e c o n o m y . W h a t w o u l d be appropr ia te n o w is to make a f ew genera l observa t ions o n the nature of o r g a n i z e d l abour in Kerala. 12. This refers, apart from being agro-based on coconut, to the use of the backwaters for the retting of coconut husks, a process in the manufacture of coir yarn to be described more fully in the next chapter. In a broader sense the use of labour intensive technology in a densely populated region was also appropriate.in terms of social ecology. Non-urban Aileppey is the most densely populated non-urban region in Kerala. (See Table 3.08 in chapter three) First, o r g a n i z e d l abour b e c a m e a pervasive feature in Kerala, not on l y a m o n g its industr ies , but in the o the r sectors as we l l . W e had oc ca s i on t o refer to agricultural l abour be i ng o r g a n i z e d in to trade un ions b e g i n n i n g as eady as 1939. W e also referred to the organ iza t ion o f the in formal sec tor manua l t ransport workers , k n o w n in English translat ion as the " H e a d Loaders U n i o n " . If worke r s in the informal sec to r of the e c o n o m y , such as agricultural labourers and manual t ransport wo rke r s in the bazaar areas, b e c a m e o rgan i zed and trade u n i o n i z e d , it is no t diff icult to unde r s t and the trade un ion i za t i on of virtually every formal sec to r o c c u p a t i o n in Kerala. The p rocess t o o k abou t t w o decades o r so s ince the 1920s and was m o r e o r less c o m p l e t e by the eady fift ies. There is a c o m p l e x i t y of factors , in synergist ic and symb io t i c c o m b i n a t i o n that i n f l uenced this p rocess . These may b e c o m e clear in the t w o case studies of co i r and beed i industr ies . As ind i ca ted eariier, the l i teracy; vi l lage library m o v e m e n t s ; l abour intensive t e c h n o l o g i e s that b rough t about c o n c e n t r a t i o n of worke rs in s o m e local i t ies ; statutory p rov i s ions , perhaps i n f l uenced by the M a c D o n a l d Labour g o v e r n m e n t of Britain; the impact of the Russian r e vo lu t i on ; p o o r wages and w o r k i n g c o n d i t i o n s in the eady phases of Kerala indust r ia l i sm; we re s o m e of the factors. But a centra l factor was the e thos of the mora l l eg i t imacy of equ i tab le rights, and co l l ec t i ve ac t ion t o assert and obta in t h e m , and resist o p p r e s s i o n of all fo rms , e c o n o m i c and soc ia l . This was a legacy o f the caste r e fo rm m o v e m e n t in Kerala. Co l l e c t i v e consc i ousnes s that fac i l i tated the o rgan iza t ion of l abour had its initial impetus f r o m caste c o n s c i o u s n e s s and ident i ty , a c o n s c i o u s n e s s and ident i ty that was in fe rment in the caste r e fo rm m o v e m e n t . C o v i n d a n ' s m e m o i r s as a trade un ion is t sugges t that the caste so l idar i ty and ident i ty i n f l uenced the set t ing up and w o r k i n g of the welfar ist Travancore Labour A s s o c i a t i o n in the 13. Lipton also observes that was no 'labour aristocracy' in Kerala, organized labour being not limited to the public service and modern urban industry as in many developing countries. (1977. p35, p363 132) 1920s, the fo re runner of trade u n i o n i s m . (Ibid p14-15) It w o r k e d to suppor t the co i r workers , p redominan t l y of the Ezhava caste, in the n e w su r round ings of urban A i l eppey . W e n o t e d in eadier chapters h o w Sn Narayana G u r u reformist i d e o l o g y us ing the H i n d u text , cha l l enged caste d i sc r im ina t ion and Brahmanic o r t h o d o x y . The n e e d and capaci ty to cha l l enge H i n d u o r t h o d o x y l iberated the Sri Narayana Guru ' s m o v e m e n t f r o m infus ing revivalist and atavistic t rends, and as n o t e d eadier d i s t ingu ish ing it f r om many o the r reformist and revivalist m o v e m e n t s in co l on i a l sou th As ia . The 1920s and 1930s we re also the p e r i o d of a mass nat ional ist u p s w i n g in India, s u p p o r t i n g the Indian Nat iona l Gong re s s d e m a n d fo r i n d e p e n d e n c e . In Kerala du r i ng the 1920s and early 1930s there e m e r g e d a tr iangular in terac t ion a m o n g the caste, class and nat ional ist m o v e m e n t s and consc i ousness . W h a t eventual ly c ame to d o m i n a t e was class consc i ousness . W e wi l l obse rve in the case s tud ies of co i r and b e e d i h o w labour in its conf l i c t w i th capital initially tr ied to use caste ident i t ies , aff i l iat ions and c o n s c i o u s n e s s but s o o n rea l ized that it f r agmen ted their s t rength . Learning f r o m these mistakes, as Issacs (1985) argues, caste c o n s c i o u s n e s s b e c a m e t r ans fo rmed t o class c o n s c i o u s n e s s . Nat ional is t i d e o l o g y in Kerala had a radical w i n g w h i c h b e c a m e the Indian Social ist C o n g r e s s and eventua l ly the C o m m u n i s t Party o f Kerala. This p rocess was i n f l uenced by its c lose in teract ion w i t h o r g a n i z e d l abour and par t i c ipat ion in latters s t ruggles w i th capi ta l . The po in t be i ng a rgued is that there was an in te rac t ion a m o n g the three fo rces or c o n s c i o u s n e s s of caste, class and na t ion , and the eventua l d o m i n a n c e of class c o n s c i o u s n e s s in Kerala. But it is impor tant t o real ize that the w o r k i n g class m o v e m e n t d r e w s t reng th f r o m caste reformist co l l ec t i ve ac t ion expe r i ences and the mass character o f the nat ional ist m o v e m e n t , to m o b i l i z e the worke r s in the var ious industr ies and o c c u p a t i o n s . W h a t Kannan refers t o as h istor ica l con jec tures (1988 p322-7), I be l ieve , partly refers to this. But it is m o r e than a c h r o n o l o g i c a l con jec tu re . There was an interact ive p rocess a m o n g the th ree soc ia l m o v e m e n t s , and the e m e r g e n c e o r assert ion of the mora l leg i t imacy of protest by the social ly and e c o n o m i c a l l y d i sadvantaged , and the w e a p o n of co l l ec t i ve ac t ion , not a w e a p o n of the weak , but a w e a p o n of s t rength in its numbers , sol idar i ty and in its mora l and pol i t ica l cor rec tness . There appears in this interact ive p rocess m o r e of a chemis t ry than h is tor ica l t im ing b e t w e e n the expe r i ences that f l o w e d f r o m caste r e fo rm , and a con t ex t o f g r o w i n g labour intens ive industr ies and a concen t r a t i on of worke rs in local i t ies w i th p o o r w o r k i n g cond i t i ons and wages . The expe r i ences that f l o w e d f rom caste r e fo rm i n c l u d e d art icu lat ion of the mora l ind igna t ion over soc ia l inequal i t ies , the right to pub l i c l y protes t , o rgan ize and w o r k towards d i smant l ing these inequal i t ies and the st rength of so l idar i ty and co l l ec t i ve a c t i on . A k ind of pos i t i ve t ransference appears t o have o c c u r r e d f r o m a co l l ec t i ve ac t ion m o v e m e n t that fough t and sough t for equ i ty o n the t e m p l e floor^^* b e t w e e n all castes to the s t ruggles fo r equ i t y o n the s h o p f loor b e t w e e n capital and labour . This contex tua l chemis t ry was u n d e r p i n n e d by g r o w i n g l iteracy, v i l lage library m o v e m e n t s , and an inte l l igents ia that s o u g h t t o translate and in fo rm the l iterate Malaya lee p o p u l a t i o n of w i d e r events and th ink ing such as the Russian r e vo lu t i on , Marx is t l i terature, the success of the Labour Party in Britain, e t c A l l this he lps t o unde r s t and the nature and extent of the mob i l i z a t i on and o rgan iza t i on o f l abour i n to t rade u n i o n i s m and po l i t i ca l i za t ion in Kerala, as part of a w ide r p h e n o m e n o n of soc ia l and pol i t i ca l c o n s c i o u s n e s s at w o r k . The t w o case studies wi l l he lp to unde r s t and the symb ios i s of the var ious e l emen t s in the chemis t ry of the con tex t of the 1920s t o 1940s, and the e m e r g e n c e , g r o w t h and c o n s o l i d a t i o n of o r g a n i z e d labour in Kerala. 14. A most visible aspect of the caste reform movement was the struggle for right of entry to all temples for all castes. Satyagraha at the doors of the temple that had restricted entry to higher castes was a form of collective action brought by castes denied entry. At Vaikom this went on for many months and influenced the workers in the coir industry in the region. (See Jeffrey 1978b, p148-164 for details of the temple entry movement). The non-urban character of manufacturing in Kerala. Tables 7.02 and 7.03 present da ta o n the sex rat ios, urban-rural l o ca t i on and the scale of ope ra t i on , (viz, h o u s e h o l d and n o n - h o u s e h o l d ) , of the manufac tur ing sec to r in Kerala. This is c o n f i n e d to the pe r i od 1951-1981 as the C e n s u s e s pr ior to it d o no t d isaggregate manufac tur ing by urban-rural and h o u s e h o l d and n o n - h o u s e h o l d sectors . Tab le 7.02 presents this data fo r the manufac tur ing as a w h o l e and Tab le 7.03 fo r the twe lve major industr ies . TABLE 7.02 K e r a l a manufacturing workforce c l a s s i f i e d by u r b a n - r u r a l , sex and household and non-household c a t e g o r i e s 1951 to 1981 Household Non-household T o t a l M F T M F T M F T % % % % % % % % % 1951 Urban 5.2 1 .4 6.6 9.7 1 .8 1 1 .5 14.9 3.1 18.0 R u r a l 26.2 1 1 .7 37.9 32.6 1 1.5 44. 1 58.8 23.2 82.0 T o t a l 31 .4 13.1 44.5 42.3 13.3 55.5 73.7 26.3 100.0 1961 Urban 1.9 2.7 4.6 11.1 2.3 13.4 12.9 5.0 17.9 R u r a l 16.3 26.8 43. 1 27.7 1 1 .2 38.9 44.1 38.9 82.1 T o t a l 18.2 29.5 47.7 38.8 13.5 52.3 57.0 43.0 100.0 1971 Urban 2.2 1.3 3.5 15.0 3.0 18.0 17.2 4.3 21.5 Rural 12.9 10.8 23.7 39.5 15.3 54.8 52.4 26. 1 78.5 T o t a l 15.1 12.1 27.2 54.5 18.3 72.8 69.6 30.4 100.0 1981 Urban 1.9 1 .5 3.4 17.3 4.2 21.5 19. 1 5.8 24.9 R u r a l 8.6 12.4 21 .0 34.4 19.7 54.1 43. 1 32.0 75. 1 T o t a l 10.5 13.9 24.4 51 .7 23.9 75.6 62.2 37.8 100.0 Source : De r i ved f r o m C e n s u s of India 1 9 5 1 , 1961 , 1971 & 1981 N o t e s : [a] 1951 data is the aggregate of T ravanco re-Coch in and Ma laba r and no t ad jus ted for State bounda r y changes in 1956. [b] 1971 data d o e s no t inc lude s e c o n d a r y worke rs . [c] 1981 data is main plus margina l wo rke r s . What b o t h tables br ing ou t c lear ly is the d o m i n a n t p o s i t i o n of the rural manufac tur ing w o r k f o r c e . T h o u g h ove r the last t w o decades there has b e e n a dec l ine in the rural share of the manufac tur ing w o r k f o r c e f r o m 82.1 pe r cen t in 1961 to 75.1 percen t in 1981 , it still means that three quarters of the manufac tu r ing w o r k f o r c e remain non-urban o r rural. The d o m i n a n c e of the rural manufac tu r ing w o r k f o r c e is s een in all sub-categor ies of h o u s e h o l d . TABLE 7.03 K e r a l a manufacturing workforce c l a s s i f i e d by major i n d u s t r i e s and component percentage of urban, males and household workers i n each i n d u s t r y : 1961 - 1981. Urban Percent Males Percent Household Ind: Industry i n 1961 I n d u s t r y 1971 1981 i n 1961 I n d u s t r y 1971 1981 % i n I n d u s t r y 1961 1971 1981 Beedi 24. 9 20. 5 25. 4 97. 9 87. 4 65. 3 18 . 1 20 .6 9. 1 Br & T i l e s 27. 8 20. 5 19. 3 79. 3 74. 9 72. 6 4 .8 3 .6 6. 0 Cashew Pr 25. 0 1 1 . 2 14. 3 48. 0 9. 4 19. 3 87 .2 19 .3 0. 4 C o i r 9. 1 13. 8 19. 0 21 . 6 31 . 2 47. 5 79 .0 40 .3 17. 7 Cotton Tex 26. 1 19. 0 22. 2 62. 1 74. 3 40. 2 61 .4 39 .0 43. 6 Food Pr 13. 7 23. 1 24. 6 35. 1 80. 5 81 . 0 26 .8 27 .5 28. 9 J e w e l l e r y 24. 7 25. 2 29. 1 98. 4 99. 2 97. 4 43 .3 36 .9 29. 5 Seafood Pr 27. 5 44. 8 26. 7 64. 0 49. 3 39. 4 38 .9 6 .4 4. 1 T a i l o r i n g 26. 2 25. 1 23. 7 92. 7 83. 9 73. 9 14 .7 20 . 1 13. 7 Toddy 1 . 3 3. 1 [d i ] 99. 3 99. 6 [d ] 4 .6 3 . 1 [d I] Veg: O i l s 26. 7 25. 7 35. 0 78. 7 93. 4 94. 7 55 .2 24 .2 18. 5 Wood Based 12. 8 15. 7 18. 4 67. 3 77. 0 80. 7 44 .6 41 .9 34. 7 Sub-Average 15. 9 17. 6 22. 1 52. 9 64. 0 64. 5 49 .9 28 .9 25. 9 Others 29. 1 37. 1 38. 6 79. 8 89. 3 83. 7 35 .6 20 .4 15. 1 T o t a l Ave: 17. 9 21 . 5 26. 1 57. 0 69. 6 69. 2 47 .7 27 .2 23. 2 Sources : De r i v ed f r o m C e n s u s o f India 1 9 6 1 , 1971 and 1981 . N o t e s : [a] In 1961 C o d e 209 ( P r o d u c t i o n of o the r f o o d p r o d u c t s ) is t aken as c ashewnu t p r o c e s s i n g . In 1982 cashewnut p roces s i ng c o m p r i s e d 86 pe rcen t of C o d e 209 . [b] See Table 7 .01, N o t e (c]. [c] C o d e 204 (S laughter ing o f animals , preservat ion and cann ing of fish and meat) is t aken as s e a f o o d p rocess ing for 1961 . W o r k e r s in the meat indust ry are neg l ig ib le . [d] See no te [e] to Tab le 7.01 [e] 1951 is no t i n c l u d e d because three dig i t c lass i f icat ion of u rban and h o u s e h o l d indust ry is no t available. [f] 1971 data d o e s no t i nc lude s e c o n d a r y worke rs . [g] 1981 data is on l y ma in wo rke r s as three digit c lass i f icat ion is not available fo r marg ina l workers . For this reason pe rcen tages in respec t of 1981 total wi l l no t agree w i th those in Table 7.02 n o n - h o u s e h o i d , male and female . W e shall d iscuss s o m e of the issues perta in ing t o the h o u s e h o l d and n o n - h o u s e h o l d in the next s ec t i on . The p r edominan t l y male character of the w o r k f o r c e needs s o m e c o m m e n t s . First, o n e of the character ist ics of desako ta as de l i nea ted by M c G e e (1990. p i 6-17) is the increas ing par t ic ipat ion by w o m e n in non-agricultural activity l i nked t o chang ing agricultural p r o d u c t i o n . This d o e s no t o c c u r in Kerala. Indeed as n o t e d in chapte r one there has b e e n a dec l i n e in w o m e n ' s par t i c ipa t ion in the labour fo rce over the decades of this century. In terms of data p r e sen ted in Tab le 7.02 fo r the p e r i o d 1951-1981, female par t i c ipat ion in the l abour fo r ce has b e e n f luc tuat ing . This takes us t o the s e c o n d c o n c e r n regard ing the g e n d e r rates in the manufac tur ing l abour fo r ce . Increasing a t tent ion has b e e n d rawn to the under-enumera t ion of w o m e n in the Indian C e n s u s e s . (Culat i 1975 ; Nayar 1987; M i t r a et al 1979, 1980 ; Bhattacharya 1985 ; Krishnaraj 1990). Female part ic ipat ion in the manufac tur ing w o r k fo r ce is cons i s ten t l y l owe r than male par t i c ipa t ion , and particularly so in 1951 and 1971 . C e n s u s data co l l e c t i on in India had sys temic bias that under-enumerate w o m e n ' s w o r k fo r ce par t i c ipa t ion . In spi te wo rk b e i n g d e f i n e d fo r C e n s u s pu rposes the enumera to r ' s p e r c e p t i o n affects data co l l e c t i on fo r such pe r cep t i ons s o m e t i m e s v i ew s o m e activit ies o f w o m e n as no t " w o r k " . The fact that the in fo rmant o f a h o u s e h o l d fo r C e n s u s p u r p o s e is l ikely t o be a male , w h o may s o m e t i m e s f ind w o m e n ' s wo rk invis ible adds to the under-enumera t ion of w o m e n . But m o r e impor tant l y the sys temic under-enumera t ion o f seasona l , in formal and h o u s e h o l d industr ies activity, part icular iy affects female par t i c ipat ion rates, fo r w o m e n t e n d to be concen t r a t ed in these ca tegor ies of wo rk . In the prev ious chapte r w e d i s cussed the ef forts o f the Indian census administ rators to o v e r c o m e such under-enumera t ion and in the p rocess w e d r e w a t tent ion to the dif ferent ia l app roaches of the censuses . The 1961 and 1981 censuses we re m o r e l iberal wh i l e those of 1951 and 1971 w e r e relatively restr ict ive. These d i s t inc t ions have imp l i ca t ions fo r the f igures in Tables 7.02 and 7.03. For instance fema le par t ic ipat ion is h igher in 1961 and 1981 than in the o the r t w o census years. In Table 7.02 fo r 1981 margina l worke rs are i n c l uded but they had t o be left ou t of Tab le 7.03 as the three-digit c lass i f icat ion necessary to ident i fy spec i f i c industr ies is no t p r o v i d e d fo r marginal workers . In Table 7.02 male par t ic ipat ion at the tota l level is 62.2 pe r cen t but in Tab le 7.03 w i t hou t margina l worke r s this increases to 69.2 percent . O b v i o u s l y "marg ina l w o r k e r s " , t hose w h o w o r k e d less than 183 days in the year p n o r to the census date , br ings more fema le worke r s in to the census coun t . Female worke rs in h o u s e h o l d and in formal sec tor are n o d o u b t the mos t vu lnerab le to census u n d e r c o u n t . The marked l y d i f ferent male : female ratios in h o u s e h o l d manufac tur ing worke rs b e t w e e n the C e n s u s e s of 1951 and 1971 o n the o n e hand and the 1961 and 1981 C e n s u s e s o n the o ther , s h o w s h o w d i f ferent the ratios can be b e t w e e n " res t r i c t i ve " (1951 and 1971 Censuses ) and " l i b e r a l " (1961 and 1981 Censuses ) de f in i t ions of work . W h i l e it is impor tant to be sensi t ive to the de f i c i enc ies of the census data, the pr imary p u r p o s e o f this chapte r is to demons t r a t e the c o n t i n u i n g p resence of non-agricultural activity in the non-urban o r rural areas of Kerala. For this p u r p o s e in sp i te of its de f i c i enc i es the census data is adequa te , for it amply demons t ra tes the p resence of non-agr icul tura l activity in rural areas. M i n o r variat ions d o not alter the e v i dence of the data s h o w i n g non-agr icul tura l manufac tu r ing activity in rural areas. The po in t that has to be n o t e d in regard t o female par t i c ipa t ion in the labour fo rce is that unl ike in desako ta reg ions e l sewhere in As ia , there has no t b e e n an increase in recent years in Kerala. But female par t i c ipat ion has b e e n present and in s o m e industr ies l ike co i r and c a shew p r o c e s s i n g it represents the d o m i n a n t share, wh i l e in c o t t o n text i les and s e a f o o d p roces s i ng it has b e e n increas ing in recent years. Even in b e e d i industry, w i th a s t rong ly male d o m i n a t e d w o r k fo rce , f ema le part ic ipat ion has m a d e substantial inroads. (See Table 7.03)^^ F rom the overal l p u r p o s e o f demons t r a t i ng the non-urban character o f manufac tur ing , the data o n male worke rs of 1961 and 1981 , (main a n d margina l workers ) , are fairiy rel iable. There is less u n d e r c o u n t a m o n g males and in add i t i on the censuses o f 1961 a n d 1981 are " l i b e r a l " . Table 7.02 indicates that in 1961 44.1 pe r cen t of the 57.0 percen t male worke rs (i.e 77.3 percent ) we r e in rural areas and in 1981 43.1 pe rcen t of 62.2 male wo rke r s worke rs (i.e 69.7 percent ) we re rural. These f igures suggest a d e c l i n i n g t rend . W h i l e in part this may represent a g r o w t h of urban industr ies , the dec l i ne is m o r e a re f lec t ion of the t roughs and peaks of agro-process ing industr ies cater ing t o a vu lnerab le c o m m o d i t y market . C o i r is a g o o d examp le . As Table 7.01 ind ica tes , co i r w o r k f o r c e n u m b e r s are o n a steady dec l i ne f r o m 1961 . This is caused by a fal l ing market and dec l i n i ng e m p l o y m e n t oppor tun i t i e s in the co i r industry. A s Table 7.03 s h o w s , co i r in 1961 was a heavi ly rural based industry w i th on l y 9.1 percent of the worke rs be i ng u rban . As wi l l be set ou t in l ength in chapter e ight , it was a l abour intens ive industry w i t h a b o u t a quarter m i l l i on worke r s in 1961 wi th nearly 80 .0 percen t of t h e m be i ng females . The dec l i n e of such an indust ry has an impact o n the overal l female par t ic ipat ion in , and the rural c o m p o n e n t of, manufac ture . But the t roughs of o n e indust ry are s o m e t i m e s c o m p e n s a t e d by the peaks of another . Thus c a shew p roces s i ng , w h i c h had abou t 17 ,000 worke r s in 1961 , e x p a n d e d in the 1960s to have a w o r k f o r c e o f 72,000 in 1971 but suf fered a dec l i ne t o 26 ,000 in 1 9 8 1 . C o t t o n text i les , w i th the f luctuat ions of a w o r k f o r c e of 65 ,000 in 1951 , 99 ,000 in 1961 , 76 ,000 in 1971 and 182,000 in 1981 mi t iga ted against the adverse impac t o f the dec l i ne of the co i r and cashew 15. Table 7.03, Columns 4,5 and 6 give the male share of the work force for 1961, 1971 and 1981 respectively. Where it is low or declining, it represents greater or increasing female participation in the workforce. industr ies in 1981 . This was no t mere l y in terms o f statistics but in terms of the human c o m p o n e n t at real life level . C o t t o n text i les w i th a p r o t e c t e d d o m e s t i c market and a state s p o n s o r e d and subs id i zed co-operat ive sec tor that guaranteed a f l oo r pr ice and supp ly of yarn had a s p o n g e e f f e c t . I t a b s o r b e d s o m e of the d i sp l a ced wo rke r s and c u s h i o n e d to s o m e extent the distress of the laid off wo rke r s and their famil ies. G i ven the regional spec ia l i za t ion o r concen t r a t i on of s o m e of the industr ies w i th in Kerala w h i c h w e shall examine later in this chapter , the shifts of d i sp l a ced worke rs f r om o n e industry to ano ther are l imi ted . But even w i th such constra ints , w h e n the n e e d arises shifts can o c c u r as in the case of d i sp l aced c o i r worke rs in A l l e p p e y distr ict m o v i n g to h a n d l o o m c o t t o n text i les weav ing . W e shall exam ine this shift later in this chapter . Household and non-household sectors in manufacturing The h o u s e h o l d industr ies ' share of the manufac tu r ing sec to r has d e c l i n e d f r o m 44.5 percen t in 1951 t o 24.4 in 1981 . (Table 7.02) The sharp dec l i ne even b e t w e e n t w o comparab le " l i b e r a l " censuses , f r om 47 .7 in 1961 to 24.4 in 1981 , suggests that this dec l ine is no t a d i s to r t ion caused by different ia l de f in i t i on of w o r k b e t w e e n t w o censuses . The exp lana t ion for the dec l i ne lies largely in the dec l i ne o f the co i r industry. As Table 7.03 s h o w s , 79.0 percen t o f the co i r w o r k f o r c e in 1961 we re h o u s e h o l d based and a dec l ine of the co i r industry was b o u n d to affect the overal l p o s i t i o n of the h o u s e h o l d industry in the 16. Mattison Mines finds similar evidence in his study of the weaver caste and the cotton textile industry in Tamilnadu. (1984 p137) In the post-independence period there were efforts by State and Union (Federal) governments to revive and/or sustain the cotton textile industry. (Harnetty 1991 p505; Mines 1984 p122). This in some States was through a State sponsored and subsidized co-operative sector. Mattison found that textile workers used the co-operative sector orsystem with a floor price as a cushion particularly in times of falling prices and to ensure yarn supplies. (Ibid p137). Kerala data suggests that workers in industries affected by adverse market conditions shift to textile manufacturing as a survival strategy becauseofthe protective features ofthe co-operative system that has emerged in the industry. manufac tu r ing sector . In add i t i on , as w e shal l n o t e later in this chapter , c a s h e w p rocess ing in the 1960s t r ans fo rmed itself f r o m a h o u s e h o l d industry t o a n o n - h o u s e h o l d industry. Overa l l , n o n - h o u s e h o l d manufac tu r ing t h r o u g h the p e r i o d 1951-1981 has inc reased its share of the manufac tu r ing w o r k f o r c e , f r o m 55.5 pe rcen t in 1951 to 75.6 in 1981 . In the 1951 C e n s u s there was n o de f in i t i on of h o u s e h o l d industry . The def in i t ion of h o u s e h o l d industr ies q u o t e d eari ier was in use on l y f r o m the 1961 C e n s u s . The 1951 C e n s u s h o w e v e r p r o v i d e d a c lass i f icat ion of industr ia l worke rs by emp loye r s , e m p l o y e e s and i n d e p e n d e n t worke rs . (Census of India 1951 , V o l XIII Part II Tables, p126 and C e n s u s of India 1951 , C e n s u s H a n d b o o k - M a l a b a r Distr ict , p33) I ndependen t worke rs are t rea ted as h o u s e h o l d wo rke r s in Table 7.2. But the 1951 C e n s u s d i d no t p rov ide this c lass i f icat ion at the three digit level and it is partly fo r this reason that 1951 is left ou t of Table 7.03 a n d on l y p r o v i d e d for Table 7.02 T h e impor tan t issue here is t o examine the character o f the n o n - h o u s e h o l d segment , for a key character o f Kerala industr ia l ism lies w i th in this sec tor . As d i s c u s s e d eariier it is no t co r rec t t o assume that all n o n - h o u s e h o l d worke r s are factory workers . A s stated eariier the Annua l Survey of Industries p rov ides the n u m b e r of factory wo rke r s by the N IC c o d e . By d e d u c t i n g this f r o m the C e n s u s n o n - h o u s e h o l d industry wo rke r s , the " n o n -h o u s e h o l d , non-fac tory " ca tegory o f worke r s can be iden t i f i ed . Table 7.04 presents the non-h o u s e h o l d non-factory sec to r fo r ten of the twe lve major industr ies and fo r the manufac tur ing sec to r as w h o l e in Kera la .^* It is p r e sen ted fo r the p e r i o d 1961 t o 1981.^® 17. The other reason why 1951 is left out of Table 7.03 is that Travancore-Cochin data, (at three digit level), does not distinguish between urban and rural sectors. 18. Vegetable oils and food processing, (other than vegetable oils, cashewnut and sea food processing) have been left out as there were some problems in matching the two industries in the Census data with that of the Annual Survey of Industries. 19. The Annual Survey of Industries is not available for 1951. Three digit classified census data are also not available for 1951. D i s t r i b u t i o n of workers i n the major i n d u s t r i e s by household, non-household n o n - f a c t o r y , and f a c t o r y s e c t o r s 1961 to 1981. No of Workers Percentages Industry/Category 1961 1971 1981 1 961 1971 1981 '000 '000 '000 % % % Beedi Household 12 19 1 1 18 . 1 20. 6 9. 1 Non-household, non-- f a c t o r y 50 [a] 97 78 .5 [a 3 81 . 5 F a c t o r y 2 [a] 1 1 3 .5 [a ] 9. 4 T o t a l 64 90 119 100 .0 100. 0 100. 0 B r i c k & T i l e s Household 1 1 2 4 .8 3. 6 6. 0 Non-household, non-- f a c t o r y 5 13 26 25 .0 52. 0 65. 7 F a c t o r y 14 1 1 1 1 70 .2 44. 4 28. 2 T o t a l 20 25 39 100 .0 100. 0 100. 0 Cashew P r o c e s s i n g Household [b] 0 0 [b] 0. 5 0. 4 Non-household, non-- f a c t o r y [b] 0 0 [b] 0. 0 0. 0 F a c t o r y [b] 72 27 [b] 99. 5 99. 6 T o t a l [b] 72 27 [b] 100. 0 100. 0 C o i r Household 198 64 8 79 .0 40. 3 17. 7 Non-household, non-- f a c t o r y 48 91 37 19 .0 57. 1 77. 2 F a c t o r y 5 4 2 2 .0 2. 6 5. 1 T o t a l 251 159 46 100 .0 100. 0 100. 0 Cotton T e x t i l e s Household 61 30 80 61 .4 39. 0 49. 6 Non-household, non-- f a c t o r y 29 31 88 29 .2 40. 9 48. 4 F a c t o r y 9 15 15 9 .4 20. 1 8. 0 T o t a l 99 76 182 100 .0 100. 0 100. 0 J e w e l l e r y Household 1 1 13 10 43 .3 36. 9 29. 5 Non-household, non-- f a c t o r y 14 21 24 56 .7 63. 1 70. 5 F a c t o r y 0 0 0 0 .0 0. 0 0. 0 T o t a l 25 34 34 100 .0 100. 0 100. 0 Seafood P r o c e s s i n g Household 2 1 1 38 .9 6. 4 4. 1 Non-household, non-- f a c t o r y 3 7 1 1 48 .4 71 . 7 86. 2 F a c t o r y 1 2 1 1 2 .7 21 . 9 9. 7 T o t a l 5 10 13 100 .0 100. 0 100. 0 T a i l o r i n g Household 5 1 1 12 1 4 .7 20. 1 13. 7 Non-household, non-- f a c t o r y 30 43 74 85 .3 79. 9 86. 3 F a c t o r y 0 0 0 0 .0 0. 0 0. 0 T o t a l 35 54 86 100 .0 100. 0 100. 0 Continued next page. Table 7.4 continued from previous page. No of Workers Percentages Industry/Category 1961 1971 1981 1961 1971 1981 ^000 ^000 ^000 % % % Toddy Household 1 1 [b] 4. 6 3 . 1 [b] Non-household, non- f a c t o r y 1 3 29 [b] 95. 4 96 .9' [b] F a c t o r y 0 0 [b] 0. 0 0 .0 [b] T o t a l 1 4 30 [b] 100. 0 100 .0 [b] Wood Based Household 78 69 64 44. 6 41 .9 34.7 Non-household, non- f a c t o r y 91 84 109 51 . 9 51 .5 59.2 F a c t o r y 6 1 1 1 1 3. 5 6 .7 6.1 T o t a l 175 164 185 100. 0 100 .0 100.0 A l l I n d u s t r i e s Household 483 266 251 47. 7 27 .2 23,2 Non-household, non- f a c t o r y 357 520 602 35. 2 53 .2 55.8 F a c t o r y 173 192 226 17. 1 19 .6 20.9 T o t a l 1012 978 1079 100. 0 100 .0 100.0 Sources: D e r i v e d from [ i ] Census of I n d i a 1961, V o l VII K e r a l a , Part II-B ( i ) General Economic T a b l e s , T a b l e B IV Part C, pl29-131. [ i i ] Census of I n d i a 1971, S e r i e s 9 K e r a l a , Part II-B ( i ) General Economic T a b l e s , Table B IV Part A Appendix, P140-145 [ i i i ] Census of I n d i a 1981, S e r i e s 10 K e r a l a , Pt III A&B [ i ] General Economic T a b l e s , T a b l e s B-12 & B-17, p606-6l1 & 951-952. [ i v ] Report on the Annual Survey of I n d u s t r i e s , K e r a l a . 1962. p80-85 & P129-282 [v] Report on the Annual Survey of I n d u s t r i e s , K e r a l a . 1971. p4-9. [ v i ] Annual Survey of I n d u s t r i e s 1979-80. K e r a l a . p30-32 Notes: [a] The number of workers i n the t o t a l manufacturing s e c t o r and the household manufacturing s e c t o r are o b t a i n e d from the Censuses. The number of f a c t o r y workers are from the Annual Survey of I n d u s t r i e s . F a c t o r y workers are deducted from the Census non-household manufacturing s e c t o r workers t o a r r i v e at the non-household, n o n - f a c t o r y workers. For 1981 c o m p i l a t i o n the number of f a c t o r y workers are of 1979-80. [b] Data not a v a i l a b l e . [c] Notes c, f and g to T a b l e 7.3 apply to t h i s t a b l e too. This is an impor tant Tab le because it br ings ou t a major feature of industr ia l activity in Kerala. The str ik ing feature of the Kerala manufac tu r ing sec to r is the substant ia l non-h o u s e h o l d non-factory sector . W i t h the e x c e p t i o n of cashewnut p r o c e s s i n g the d o m i n a n c e of the n o n - h o u s e h o l d non-factory sec to r is present in all the industr ies . This d o m i n a n c e h o w e v e r is no t un i fo rmly present in all industr ies fo r 1961 . The data thus suggests an increas ing d o m i n a n c e over the 1960s and 1970s. W e n o t e d eariier Eapen 's f ind ings that at the nat iona l level in India there is a g r o w t h of the n o n - h o u s e h o l d , non-factory sec to r be tween 1961 and 1981 . In Kerala the n o n - h o u s e h o l d non-factory sec to r is m o r e d o m i n a n t than at the nat iona l level . A n d this was p r o b a b l y so in the p e r i o d pr ior to 1961 , t h o u g h w e have no data pr io r to 1961 , to he lp us break d o w n manufac tu r ing w o r k f o r c e by the three c o m p o n e n t p r o d u c t i o n systems, namely, h o u s e h o l d , n o n - h o u s e h o l d non-factory, and factory workers . Let us h o w e v e r for the p e r i o d 1961 t o 1981 brief ly n o t e in the twe l ve major industr ies of Kerala the shifts a m o n g the three c o m p o n e n t p r o d u c t i o n systems. In the case of co i r the fall in the market has adversely a f fec ted the h o u s e h o l d sec to r m o r e than the o the r t w o . But there is h o u s e h o l d p r o d u c t i o n in co i r as s e conda r y o c c u p a t i o n that is m i s s e d ou t in the census d a t a . I n brick and t i le , t h o u g h there is a m i ld dec l i ne of the fac tory sec tor , it is the g r o w t h in the n o n - h o u s e h o l d non-factory sec to r that has caused the shift. In c o t t o n text i les all three sub-sectors had g r o w n ove r the t w o decades , w i th the h o u s e h o l d s e c to r register ing a d ip in 1971 and the factory s e c to r s tagnant in the 1971-1981 p e r i o d . But g r o w t h has been greatest in n o n - h o u s e h o l d , non-factory . This in part is a re f lec t ion of the g r o w t h of the c o -opera t i ve sec to r w i th in c o t t o n text i les . In jewel lery the n o n - h o u s e h o l d s e c t o r had g r o w n . The h o u s e h o l d sec to r in abso lu te n u m b e r s has rema ined m o r e o r less cons tan t , t h o u g h its pe r cen tage share of manufac tur ing has b e e n d r o p p i n g . There is a tota l a b s e n c e o f the factory 20. Secondary production explains the lack of fit of a declining coir workforce with the quantity of exports of coir, which though substantially reduced were yet at levels that could not be produced by the Census enumerated or documented coir workforce. (Issac and Mukergee. 1986) sec tor in jewel lery t h r o u g h o u t the pe r i od unde r s tudy. This indicates the artisan-craftsman character of jewel lery manufac ture . In s e a f o o d p roces s i ng there has b e e n a dec l i ne of the h o u s e h o l d sector , a g r o w t h of the n o n - h o u s e h o l d non-factory sec tor and a f luc tuat ing factory sector . In the o the r industr ies there had b e e n n o major shifts. A l l this suggests that the mac ro scenar io o f manufac tur ing is p r edominan t l y rural, e m p l o y i n g a majority of males , and in recent years b e c o m i n g m o r e n o n - h o u s e h o l d , non-factory than be fo re . The pervas iveness of rural manufac tu r ing , and g o o d share of it in non-h o u s e h o l d , non-factory p r o d u c t i o n are re f lec ted in the quant i tat ive data p r e sen ted . It is an express ion of the p resence of desako ta in Kerala. As a rgued in chapter four , the w h o l e of the low lands and mid lands of Kerala f o rm a desako ta r eg ion , encapsu la t ing the bazaars and c o m m e r c i a l centres of the t o w n s and cit ies that f u n c t i o n as t ranspor ta t ion and spec ia l i zed service n o d e s . The pervas iveness of rural o r non-urban manufac tu r ing takes o n sub-regiona l concen t ra t ions in s o m e of the twe lve industr ies . In the nex t chapter w e wi l l examine the concen t r a t i on o f co i r in A i l e p p e y distr ict , as we l l as in the be l t f r om Ernakulam to Tr i vandrum. In chapter nine w e wi l l examine the concen t r a t i on of b e e d i in C a n n a n o r e . W e wi l l n o w briefly ske tch the sub-regional concen t r a t i on of a f e w o the r impor tant industr ies a m o n g the twe lve key industr ies . The p u r p o s e is no t mere ly t o present the g e o l o g i c a l m o r p h o l o g y of Kerala industr ia l ism in terms o f sub-regions and concen t r a t i ons of spec i f i c industr ies . The m o r e impor tant p u r p o s e is to demons t r a t e the pervas iveness o f desako ta character o f all the major industr ies in Kerala. These presenta t ions wi l l a lso e x p a n d o u r e c o n o m i c histor ica l unders tand ing of Kerala industr ia l ism and make its de sako t a character a little m o r e inte l l ig ib le . Bricks and tiles manufacturing. The availabil ity of sui table clay in Kerala was impor tan t in the e m e r g e n c e of the br ick and ti le industry. O f these t w o indust r ies , due to nature of the market d e m a n d s ; p r o d u c t innovat ions and t e chno log i c a l i m p r o v e m e n t s ; it was the tile industry that s t reaked ahead in the eady 20th century. But mos t manufac tu r ing units p r o d u c e d b o t h , br icks and ti les. For instance, of the 338 brick and tile manufac tur ing units in 1961 , 250 (73.9 percent ) p r o d u c e d b o t h brick and t i le, 79 (23.4 percent ) br ick on l y and 9 (2.7 percent ) tiles on ly . (Census of India 1961 . V o l VII Kerala. Part IV-B p29) The s t imulus fo r the tile industry was the nat iona l , reg iona l and later the Indian O c e a n rim count r ies market . These markets we re m a d e access ib le by the in land waterways and o c e a n g o i n g t ranspor ta t ion that Kerala was heir to . Later, rail and road t ranspor ta t ion we re also used for the reg iona l market . W e shall a lso il lustrate the dynamics and impl i ca t ions of t ranspor ta t ion for loca l , regional and the Indian O c e a n reg iona l market in the case s tudy o n b e e d i . The p r o d u c t innova t ion in t i les was made poss ib l e by the activit ies of the Basel M i ss iona ry Soc iety , a Swiss-German miss ionary soc i e t y w i th s t rong Calv in ist and Pietist i d e o l o g y . It started miss ionary w o r k in Madras P res idency in 1834 and was part iculariy active in Sou th Canara and Ma labar distr icts. Its miss ionary i d e o l o g y w e n t b e y o n d o r a et labora. It be l i e ved that " p r ay ing was w o r k i n g , a n d w o r k i n g was p r a y i ng " , and that t ra in ing and par t i c ipat ion in industr ia l activity was part o f its " c i v i l i z i ng m i s s i o n " . (Raghaviah 1986 . p14-22) G e o r g e Plebst, of the Industrial C o m m i s s i o n of the Basel M i s s i o n , ^ ^ and a mechan i ca l 21. The Industrial Commission was of central importance, the missionaries themselves describing it as the "centre and crown" of their work. (Raghaviah 1986. p22) For an examination of Basel Mission industrial activities and proselytization and their social and economic impact, see Jaiprakash Raghaviah's unpublished M.Phil Thesis (Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi) "Basel Mission Industries in Malabar and South Canara, 1834-1914: A Study of its Social and Economic Impact" 1986. The Basel Missionary Society operated in Ghana, Borneo and China but their industrial activities and success were strongest in Malabar and South Canara.fRaghaviah 1986. p107) The Basel Missionary Society being of Swiss-German origin and most missionaries being German speaking, its activities came under the surveillance of the British Government during the First World War. In spite of the Swiss Government's intervention, by 1920 the industrial and trading activities were taken over and run by the Commonwealth Trust eng inee r by pro fess iona l t ra in ing, f o u n d that the tradi t ional tiles of Kerala m a d e by the po t te r artisan we re d e s i g n e d to be used w i th a lot o f rafters o r r o o f i n g w o o d w o r k . H e d e s i g n e d a ti le that n e e d e d less w o o d w o r k . The manufac tu r ing p rocess was also s imp l i f i ed and m a d e m o r e ef f ic ient by the use of a m o u l d , that c o u l d be o p e r a t e d by animal p o w e r o r manual ly . Later s team p o w e r was i n t r o d u c e d . The first t i le factory us ing these p r o d u c t i o n t e chn iques was set up in 1865 in M a n g a l o r e , and the s e c o n d in 1873 in K o z h i k o d e . Subsequen t l y b e t w e e n 1882 and 1905 the Basel M i s s i o n set up four m o r e factor ies . O n e of t h e m was in South Canara distr ict and the o the r three in Ma labar distr ict at C o d a c a l , Palghat and Feroke. (Ibid. p52-53) Feroke was on l y abou t 5 k i lomet res a long the Beyapore river to Beyapore ha rbour and by land abou t 12 k i lomet res f r o m K o z h i k o d e . The tile factor ies at K o z h i k o d e and Feroke had a t ranspor ta t ion access that h e l p e d the industry to d e v e l o p an Indian O c e a n market. Be ing a bu lky and heavy i t em, sea transport was particulariy sui table and the p rox im i t y of the factor ies to the por ts was an impor tan t factor. Exports we re main ly t o the Brit ish possess ions of the p e r i o d in the Indian O c e a n s u c h as East Afr ica , A d e n , Basra, Sri Lanka, Federated Straits of Ma laya , and even Austra l ia . Ti les we r e also e x p o r t e d t o Sumatra and the G e r m a n c o l o n i e s in East Af r i ca . ( Ibid. p54) In Sri Lanka these tiles came to be k n o w n as Ca l i cu t ti les as they we r e s h i p p e d f r om K o z h i k o d e (Cal icut ) . The industr ia l activit ies of the Basel M i s s i o n , part iculariy ti le manufac tu r ing , and text i le weav ing as w e shall obse rve short ly , had spread ef fects . A n u m b e r of ti le manufac tu r ing units , us ing the same t echn iques and p r o d u c t m ix , c ame up in Ma labar distr ict and spread t o C o c h i n and Travancore as we l l . The main raw mater ia l , clay, as we l l as the f in i shed p r o d u c t s we r e Ltd, formed in London specifically for this purpose. The Madras Chamber of Commerce strongly lobbied for the take over. The fast growth of the industrial and trading activities of the Basel Mission were obviously seen as a challenge by some of the British trading interests in Madras Presidency. (Ibid. p59-61) easily t ranspor ted by waterways and many tile manufac tu r ing units are o n the banks of waterways. W h e n o n e travels by waterways in Kerala the c h i m n e y stack of the ti le factory kiln is a ub iqu i t ous part of the landscape , in 1986 on l y f ou r of the seven ti le factor ies set by the Basel M i s s i o n we re still run by the C o m m o n w e a l t h Trust Ltd.22 ( ib id. p61) But the n u m b e r of tile factor ies in 1961 was 259. This demons t ra tes the sp read effects. A p p e n d i x 7.01 presents s o m e data o n br ick and tile manufac tur ing units in 1961 . Basel M i s s i o n had i n t r o d u c e d s team as eariy as the 1880s fo r m i x i n g of clay. But in 1961 194 (57.4 percent ) of the 338 br ick and ti le manufac tu r ing units had not a d o p t e d the use of powe r . (See A p p e n d i x 7.01) They we re poss ib l y us ing bu l l o ck and/or manua l p o w e r . Except for a few, these we re the smal ler units e m p l o y i n g less than 20 persons and fa l l ing in to the ca tegory of n o n - h o u s e h o l d , non-factory manufac tu r ing units . O b v i o u s l y in the spread effects, there was a se lect ive s c reen ing and on l y features c o m p a t i b l e w i th their s ize a n d character were a d o p t e d . M a c h i n e m ix ing of clay; presses or m o u l d s rep lac ing the po t te r ' s w h e e l ; use of a con t i nuous l y f i r ing ki ln we re s o m e t e c h n o l o g i c a l i m p r o v e m e n t s i n t r o d u c e d by the Basel Miss ion. (Raghav iah 1986 . p96-97) M o s t of these t e c h n o l o g i c a l changes we r e a d o p t e d but no t the use o f p o w e r for the clay m i x i n g mach ines , presses and the k i ln . Bu l lock a n d manua l p o w e r and use of w o o d fuel we r e pre fer red by the smal ler units. Major i ty of the uni ts , (73.1 percent ) , we re rural based , and this b e i n g h igh e ven a m o n g the units us ing p o w e r . This is an examp le o f tak ing advantage of the spread of the serv ices sec to r and co l l ec t i ve c o n s u m p t i o n facilities.23 The brick a n d ti le industry w o r k f o r c e is c o n c e n t r a t e d in rural areas (79.1 pe rcen t ) . It is also p r edominan t l y (72.5 percent ) male . (See A p p e n d i x 7.02) The eariy c o n c e n t r a t i o n in nor th 22. See previous footnote. 23. See Table 4.05 in chapter four for the availability of electricity in 96.9 percent of Kerala villages in 1977. Malabar , c o r r e s p o n d i n g w i th the 1981 districts of C a n n a n o r e and K o z h i k o d e , was d i f fused sou thwards w i th the spread ef fects . A c ce s s to raw materials and markets v ia water, rail and road t ranspor ta t ion routes appear t o have in f luenced the l o ca t i on . Cotton textiles C o t t o n text i le manufac tur ing in Kerala is p r edominan t l y h a n d l o o m weav ing and al l ied activit ies w i thou t the use of p o w e r o r p o w e r i o o m s . A c c o r d i n g to the C e n s u s of 1961 of the 99 ,000 worke rs in c o t t o n text i le manufac tu r ing , 88.8 pe rcen t were in n o n - p o w e r ope ra ted manufac tu r ing . Major i ty (65.9 percent ) we re in h a n d l o o m weav ing . In 1981 of the 182,000 worke r s in c o t t o n text i le manufac tu r ing 89.8 pe rcen t we re in non-powe r opera t ing manufac tu r ing . (See A p p e n d i x 7.03) The censuses pr ior to 1961 d o no t d isaggregate c o t t o n text i le manufac tur ing by sub-categor ies to ident i fy worke r s in p o w e r o p e r a t e d sp inn ing mil ls and p o w e r i o o m weav ing factor ies . The desc r ip t i on in the Travancore State Manua l s of 1906 (Nagam A i ya 1906 . p204) and 1940 (Ve lu Pillai 1940 .p643) of industr ia l and artisan activity are usefu l in this con tex t . They sugges t that c o t t o n text i le manufac ture in the reg ion was ove rwhe lm ing l y , if no t comp le t e l y , of h a n d l o o m manufac ture in the late 19th and first four d e c a d e s of the 20th century . W h e t h e r du r i ng this pe r i od c o t t o n text i le manufac ture was o n the dec l i ne o r g r o w i n g , it is di f f icul t t o establ ish, t h o u g h there is s o m e e v i dence c i t ed by Rajagopalan that b y the 1940s there was a greater n u m b e r of h a n d l o o m s than in the late 19th century.24 (Rajagopalan 1986 . p i 8-19) 24. The source cited by Rajagopalan is the Report of the Fact-Finding Committee (Handlooms and Mills), Commerce Dept, Government of India, 1942, p32 and 35. M a p 7.01 Source: Ramaswamy 1985. p7. Histor ica l ly dur ing the med ieva l p e r i o d / ^ Kerala was not a r eg ion of text i le manufac ture in Sou th India. (Ramaswamy 1985. 6-14) M a p 7.01 makes this exp l i c i t .26 T h o u g h this map , r e p r o d u c e d f r om Ramaswamy (Ibid. p7) , is based o n inscnp t iona l e v idence , Ramaswamy f inds that a survey of text i le centres in Tam i l nadu in 1957 s h o w a cont inu i t y of the med ieva l cent res s h o w n in the map . Desp i te the mechan i za t i on that has o c c u r r e d in the industry, Ramaswamy argues that the pr imary cr i ter ia for locat iona l advantages o f the industry, ex cep t for rail l inks, remain the same t h r o u g h o u t the centur ies . They are the availabil ity of raw material , sk i l led labour , t ransport and marke t ing faci l i t ies. ( Ibid. p7) The t e n d e n c y to be p rox ima te t o rivers and port t owns in the med ieva l p e r i o d , are n o w rep laced by the inc l inat ion to be c lose to rail t ransport . Kerala's c l imate and so i l c o n d i t i o n s ' ' ^ w e r e no t su i t ed for c o t t o n cu l t i va t ion . The lack of raw material was obv ious l y a major factor for the absence of c o t t o n text i le manufac ture in Kerala in the pre-co lon ia l p e r i o d . The absence o f an i n d i g e n o u s or Ma laya lee weave r caste suppor t s the v i e w that c o t t o n text i le manufac ture was no t an impor tan t indust ry in pre-co lon ia l Kerala. Cha l iyans or Saliyans, the major weave r caste in Kerala, b e i n g of Te lugu speak ing Saliya caste descent , are o f migrant o r ig in f r o m the r eg ion c o r r e s p o n d i n g t o c o n t e m p o r a r y A n d h r a Pradesh. (Thurstone 1909 , V 2, p i 1-12) Chal iyans are also numer ica l l y ins ignif icant . In 1901 there we re on l y abou t 38 ,000 Cha l i yan m e n , w o m e n and ch i l d r en , w h i c h was 0.6 percen t o f the Kerala p o p u l a t i o n at that date . The t w o o the r weave r castes in Kerala are even m o r e recent migrants, the Kaikolavans f r o m Tami lnadu and the D e v a n g a f r o m Karnataka. They are of even less numer ica l s ign i f i cance than the Cha l iyans . The Kaikolvans 25. The medieval period in Indian History comes up to the 17th century, the end of the pre-colonial period. (Braudel 1984. p497) 26. Braudel also observes the textile industry being poorly represented along the Malabar coast in the pre-colonial period. (1984. p507-8). 27. Black soil or feruginous loam soil is best suited for cotton cultivation in India. (Ramaswamy 1985.p6) The excessive rainfall in Kerala was also a disadvantage for cotton cultivation. n u m b e r i n g about 12,000 and the D e v a n g a about 4 0 0 0 in 1901 . (Census of India 1901 , V o l XV Pt II p i 55-205; V o l XX Pt II p38-39; V o l XXVI Pt II p147-187) The reg iona l concen t ra t i ons o f c o t t o n text i le manufacture w i th in Kerala in the late 19th a n d 20th century are in T r i vandrum and C a n n a n o r e distr icts. Sixty pe r cen t of the l o o m s in Kerala are in these t w o distr icts (Rajagopalan 1986.p11) . The features of c o t t o n text i le industry in these t w o districts are d is t inct ive ly di f ferent . In Tr i vandrum the h o u s e h o l d or u n o r g a n i z e d sec to r p r edomina t e s , and p r o d u c t i o n is o r i en ted pr imari ly towards the d o m e s t i c Kerala market . In contrast , in C a n n a n o r e neariy half the l o o m a g e is in the n o n - h o u s e h o l d o r o r g a n i z e d sec to r and p r o d u c t i o n is o r i en t ed towards expor t s . ( Ibid. p11) T h o u g h Rajagopalan d o e s no t r e c o g n i z e it, the dist inct ly d i f ferent character of c o t t o n text i les b e t w e e n Tr ivandrum a n d C a n n a n o r e makes sense w i th the h istor ica l geog raphy of c o t t o n text i le manufac ture in Sou th India. The p resence of h o u s e h o l d text i le weav ing in T r i vandrum, the sou the rn mos t distr ict of Kerala, is a h istor ica l o v e r f l o w f rom similar text i le weav ing cent res of the sou the rn t ip of what is n o w Tami lnadu . The distr ict of T inneve ly ( Ludden 1985 p 5 6 p 1 5 1 ; Ponn iah 1940 p146) that was part o f this s o u t h e r n t ip of Tami lnadu was a c o t t o n g r o w i n g r eg ion . The na r row coast land b e t w e e n the e n d o f the W e s t e r n Ghats and the sea, p r o v i d e d access for the raw material and d i f fus ion of weav i ng skills to enter the Tr i vandrum distr ict . Indeed text i le industry was m o r e present in the fou r Tami l speak ing taluks of sou the rn Travancore that we r e c e d e d t o Tami lnadu in the 1956 territorial reorgan iza t ion of the Indian States. Even in c o n t e m p o r a r y o r post-1956 Tr i vandrum distr ict , the m o r e r epu ted and impor tan t text i le yveaving cent res of Neyyat t inkara and Ba laramapuram are o n the very sou the rn fr inge of the distr ict, and the Kerala State as we l l . The con t inu i t y of the h istor ica l o v e r f l o w of the c o t t o n text i le indust ry f r o m Tami lnadu to T r i vandrum, d o e s not h o w e v e r m e a n that the indust ry c o n t i n u e d u n c h a n g e d . It was subject to the c o m p e t i t i o n and pressures of the i m p o r t of varieties of c l o th as we l l c o t t o n yarn f r o m Europe. This was later made m o r e acute by the entry of the Indian mil l p r o d u c t i o n of these c o m m o d i t i e s . C o n s e q u e n t l y in Tr ivandrum distr ict c o t t o n yarn hand sp inn ing d e c l i n e d by the e n d of the 19th century , (Rajagopalan 1986 . p i 8); weav ing of coarser varieties of c o t t o n texti les such as m u n d u s , t hundus , t h o r t h u ' S c o n t i n u e d (Ibid p i 9); the silk weavers increas ingly t o o k t o the weav ing of c o t t o n of f ine c o u n t s w i th English s p u n yarn i n t r oduced t o the Indian market in the m i d 19th century , ( ibid p i 7). This p roduc t mix r e sponse , was d ic ta ted by d o m e s t i c market , c o n s u m e r pre fe rences and the abil ity of the p r o d u c t t o c o m p e t e w i th i m p o r t e d and mil l p r o d u c e d items.2® S o m e t e c h n o l o g i c a l changes o c c u r r e d . The mos t impor tan t was the a d o p t i o n of the fly shutt le w i th the Travancore g o v e r n m e n t ' s p l anned e n c o u r a g e m e n t and suppor t . At the e n d of the 19th century the t h r o w shutt le was in substant ia l use. By 1940, 80 pe r cen t of the l o o m s in Travancore had the fly shut t le . ( Ibid. p20) . The structure of the text i le industry in C a n n a n o r e was c o n d i t i o n e d by the work , in f luence and the demons t r a t i on and spread effects of the Basel M i s s i o n . W e e x a m i n e d their miss ionary i d e o l o g y in the con t ex t of the brick and tile industry. The i r interests in c o t t o n h a n d l o o m text i le weav ing pre-dates their ventures in br ick and tiles. In 1844 the Basel M i s s i o n set up a weav ing unit in M a n g a l o r e , in Sou th Canara distr ict. Its success l ed t o the es tab l i shment similar units at C a n n a n o r e in 1852 and K o z h i k o d e in 1859 . By 1913 these units had b e c o m e large es tab l i shments e m p l o y i n g m o r e than 600 workers e a ch . The t e c h n o l o g i c a l changes i n t r o d u c e d by the Basel m i s s i on w e n t b e y o n d the fly shutt le . A s eariy as 1847 the " f r ame l o o m " was i n t r o d u c e d , and in 1872 the jacquard l o o m . T h o u g h s t eam p o w e r was 28. Mundu and thundu are single piece lower body garments worn by Malayalees. Thorthu is a cotton hand or bath towel and sometimes used as a shawl. These are hard wearing garments of everyday use at home and for manual work situations. 29. This response is similar to Harnetty's findings in the Central Provinces where the handloom indutry "retained the advantage in the production of the most artistic and elaborate grments as well as in the most durable fabrics of very coarse cloth." (Harnetty 1991. p464) i n t r o d u c e d in 1895 for the w i n d i n g of threads o n b o b b i n s , weav ing r ema ined a h a n d l o o m ope ra t i on . (Ibid p21-22) G i v e n the Basel M i s s i on ' s i d e o l o g y o f industrial w o r k as prayer, and a prose ly t iza t ion and " c i v i l i z i n g " m e c h a n i s m , it was perhaps log ica l and p ruden t to k e e p t o labour intens ive technologies.^® The Basel M i s s i o n a lso i n t r o d u c e d a p r o d u c t mix that was careful ly o r i en t ed to carve ou t a spec ia l ty n i che in the Indian nat ional market . The M i s s i o n es tab l i shment tu rned ou t table c lo ths , napk ins , handkerch ie fs , c o t t o n check shir t ings, sui t ings, damask l inen (using the jacquard l o o m ) , unde r wea r etc. Later the p r o d u c t mix e x t e n d e d to g i n g h a m , Turkish and h o n e y c o m b towe l s etc. (Ibid p24) They we re careful ly cater ing to the needs of the co lon i a l m idd le and u p p e r c lasses, b o t h native and Brit ish. By a sys tem of v is i t ing agents they c o v e r e d such markets even in distant areas such as the p lantat ion t owns of A s s a m , Bengal e tc . The Basel M i s s i o n ' s endeavours w e r e e m u l a t e d by a n u m b e r of loca l en t repreneurs . By 1940 there were 122 h a n d l o o m factor ies in C a n n a n o r e . ( Ibid p23) There also d e v e l o p e d smal l scale factor ies and h o u s e h o l d weav ing that w e r e l inked t o the b igge r units. In t imes of heavy o rders sub-contract ing was resor ted t o . The Basel M i s s i o n we re thus a catalyst for the e m e r g e n c e of a w h o l e c o m p l e x ne two rk of h a n d l o o m c o t t o n text i le units in C a n n a n o r e distr ict and their f u n c t i o n i n g ove r the last h u n d r e d years o r m o r e . In 1960s C a n n a n o r e H a n d l o o m industr ies en te red the expo r t market . In the 1970s they we re h ighly success fu l in m e e t i n g the d e m a n d f r o m W e s t e r n Europe fo r c o t t o n c repe o r cheese c l o t h . This was a h igh po in t of prof i tabi l i ty bu t a lso e x p o s e d t h e m t o the vulnerabi l i ty of expor t c o m m o d i t y marke t ing . By the e n d of 1970s w h e n fash ions c h a n g e d in Europe, the e x p o r t market fel l . Efforts by the C a n n a n o r e h a n d l o o m c o t t o n text i le industr ies to regain their t radi t ional d o m e s t i c market p r o v e d fut i le . C o n s u m e r s had sh i f ted t o p roduce r s 30. Though the Basel Mission had these ideology aand perspectives, the number of people proselytized was smaM. A number of workers in their industrial establishments remained Hindus. (Raghaviah 1986. p i l l ) . e l sewhere in India. The smal l scale units and h o u s e h o l d p roduce r s o f C a n n a n o r e were adversely a f fec ted. The 1980s have b e e n a diff icult t ime . Co-opera t i v i za t ion has been resor ted t o as survival strategy. As w e n o t e d eadier co-operat ives in the h a n d l o o m weav ing sec tor have State suppo r t and subs id ies , and c u s h i o n the smal l p r o d u c e r m e m b e r in t imes of crisis. In Tr ivandrum district t o o the 1980s have w i t n e s s e d an increase in h a n d l o o m c o -operat ives . Petty p roduce r s marke ted their p roduc t s in the o p e n fairs and/or t h r o u g h ne twork of m i d d l e m e n . This was invariably f o r c e d c o m m e r c e w i t h an unequa l re la t ionsh ip w i th the merchant m i d d l e m e n . ( Ibid.p?) Co-opera t i ves p r o v i d e d a cent ra l i zed marke t ing sys tem t h r o u g h their apex soc ie ty o r u n i o n . S ince co-operat ives had the G o v e r n m e n t ' s f inancial back ing , they we re able to h o l d s tocks t h rough s l u m p per iods . D u r i n g crisis and s lump pe r i ods pet ty p r o d u c e r s j o i n e d co-operat ives as it h e l p e d t h e m t o market their p r o d u c e . Increasing co-operat iv izat ion began t o in f luence the p r o d u c t mix in T r i vandrum. There is t rend to p r o d u c e more h o u s e h o l d l inen e tc . These changes , i n c l u d i n g co-opera t i v iza t ion , have the beg inn ings of a c o n v e r g e n c e in the character of the c o t t o n h a n d l o o m industr ies at C a n n a n o r e and Tr i vandrum f r o m their eari ier d is t inct pos i t i ons . ( Ibid, p i 2 p i 18) T h o u g h s o m e of their ead ier d is t inc t ions remain , b o t h are m o v i n g towards a m i d d l e g r o u n d . A n impor tant feature of the 1970s was the g r o w t h of c o t t o n h a n d l o o m co-operat ive units in the co i r be l t , part icularly in A l l e p p e y distr ict . It was apparent du r ing the t ime spent by the author in the co i r bel t in the A l l e p p e y and Q u i l o n distr ict that a n u m b e r of c o t t o n h a n d l o o m weav ing cent res had c o m e up in recent years. Interviews w i t h s o m e of the weavers revea led that they had eari ier b e e n co i r wo rke r s . S o m e of t h e m c o n t i n u e h o u s e h o l d p r o d u c t i o n of co i r as a secondary o c c u p a t i o n . The shift t o c o t t o n h a n d l o o m weav ing co-operat ives was a survival strategy o f co i r wo rke r s d i sp l aced by the dec l i ne of the co i r indust ry in the late 1970s. This is a g o o d e x a m p l e o f the character ist ic of the Kerala desako ta e c o n o m y c o m m e n t e d u p o n eariier. The peaks a n d t roughs of the var ious agro-process ing industry some t imes inter iock , worke rs sh i f t ing f r o m o n e industry t o another . They p rov ide at the same t ime a c u s h i o n fo r the wo rke r s f r o m ex t reme hardships. A c o m p a r i s o n of the census data of 1961 a n d 1981 o n c o t t o n text i le wo rk fo r c e c lassi f ied by distr icts, (See A p p e n d i x 7.04) s h o w s the remarkab le g rowth of the c o t t o n texti le industry in A i l e p p e y in the 1970s. I ndeed by 1981 it had c l i m b e d to the rank n u m b e r o n e a m o n g all distr icts w i th 22.9 pe rcen t o f c o t t o n text i le w o r k f o r c e of Kerala. The occupa t i ona l shift f r o m co i r to c o t t o n , in the co i r bel t distr icts of A i l eppey , Q u i l o n and Tr i vandrum have made the c o m b i n e d share of these three distr icts j u m p f r o m 24.2 percen t to 51.1 percen t b e t w e e n 1961 a n d 1981. (See A p p e n d i x 7.04) The b e g i n n i n g of the dec l ine o f the C a n n a n o r e c o t t o n text i le industry in the very late 1970s l ed t o a d r o p in abso lu te n u m b e r s of c o t t o n text i le worke rs . This con t r i bu ted to the g r o w i n g c o n c e n t r a t i o n of the c o t t o n text i le industry in the s o u t h . The fema le par t ic ipat ion rate in the c o t t o n text i le industry had inc reased b e t w e e n 1961 and 1981 , obv ious l y i n f l uenced by the inf lux of wo rke r s f rom the co i r indust ry w h i c h had h igh female par t ic ipat ion. (See A p p e n d i x 7.04) The h o u s e h o l d sec to r has d e c l i n e d , (see A p p e n d i x 7.03) poss ib l y d u e to the f o l d i n g up of this sec to r in C a n n a n o r e , f o l l o w i n g the co l l apse o f the c r epe market. Un fo r tuna te l y distr ict level data o n the h o u s e h o l d sec to r is no t available for 1981 to con f i rm this. The 1961 data sugges ts a concen t r a t i on o f the h o u s e h o l d sec to r in the s o u t h . This is in k e e p i n g w i th Rajagopalan 's character izat ion o f the industry in Tr i vandrum at that t ime as largely in formal h o u s e h o l d manufac tu r ing for the reg iona l market . Overa l l in Kerala, the min imal p r e sence of p o w e r i o o m weav ing , as we l l t he l im i t ed use of p o w e r ope ra t ed g inn ing and sp inn ing of yarn, d y e i n g , b l each ing , p r in t ing p rocesses is re f lec ted in the l o w percentage of worke r s in p o w e r o p e r a t e d units. P o w e r o p e r a t e d factor ies may n e e d less worke r s as they are capital in tens ive in character . But the p o w e r o p e r a t e d c o t t o n text i le manufac tu r ing units we re smal l in n u m b e r , but large in s ize by the n u m b e r of worke rs e m p l o y e d . (See A p p e n d i x 7.05) Ernakulam and Tnchu r distr icts have, relative to o the r distr icts, a l o w e r pe rcen tage of worke rs in the h o u s e h o l d sec to r and a h igher pe r cen tage of worke rs in p o w e r o p e r a t e d units . (See A p p e n d i x 7.04). W e obse r ved eari ier in this chapte r that any p resence of capital intens ive industr ies in Kerala is mos t l y in the Coch in-A lwaye t ranspor t cor r idor . This is a s e g m e n t of the l onge r Coch in-Tr i chur road a n d rail co r r ido r . The greater n u m b e r of h o u s e h o l d c o t t o n text i le worke rs in p o w e r o p e r a t e d mil ls in Ernakulam and Tr ichur , than in the o the r distr icts is thus in k e e p i n g w i th industr ia l d e v e l o p m e n t a l character of these t w o distr icts. Wha t is impor tant to n o t e is that such units are no t concen t r a t ed in urban areas. T h o u g h the rural sectora l c o m p o n e n t d e c l i n e d b e t w e e n 1961 and 1981 in these t w o distr icts, it still remains h igh . (76.2 percent and 60.9 pe rcen t in 1981 in Tr ichur and Ernakulam respect ive ly . See A p p e n d i x 7.04). This suppor t s the a rgument made in chapter f ive that Kerala may retain its desako ta character ist ics, e ven in the con tex t o f industr ia l advancemen t . Overa l l this ske tch of the c o t t o n text i le indust ry demons t r a t e s its p r edominan t l y rural character . Even in the case of the large p o w e r us ing units w i th 100 worke rs o r m o r e , seven ou t of the f i f teen units are l o ca ted in rural areas. This o n c e again suppor t s the v i ew that desako ta may pers ist e ven in the c o n t e x t of s o m e industr ia l advancemen t in Kerala. G i ven the nature o f Kerala's spatial o rde r and po l i t i ca l e c o n o m y , u rban concen t r a t i on of non-agricultural activity n e e d not necessar i ly a c c o m p a n y any industr ia l advancement . Transport faci l i t ies, and spread o f soc ia l infrastructure and co l l ec t i ve c o n s u m p t i o n , a m o n g o the r factors , may facil itate con t i nua t i on of desako ta . It is impor tan t to no te that labour-capita l conf l i c t had a min ima l ro le in the spatial character of the c o t t o n text i le industry , in contrast t o co i r and beed i industr ies . Trade u n i o n i s m e m e r g e d in the c o t t o n text i le industry, but a series of co l lec t i ve ag reemen ts led to industr ia l peace and a fair w a g e to the text i le workers . (Rajagopalan 1986. p70 ) T o c o n c l u d e , s o m e of the issues Harnet ty raises in his study of the c o t t o n h a n d l o o m industry in the Cent ra l Prov inces , are usefu l for an unde r s t and ing of the c o t t o n text i le industry in Kerala. C o t t o n h a n d l o o m weavers are no t to be t rea ted as an und i f fe ren t i a ted g roup . (Harnetty 1991 p456 ) The d i s t inc t ions in terms of o rgan iza t iona l character, p r o d u c t mix and marke t ing systems were impor tan t in Kerala. These d is t inc t ions i n f l uenced sub-regional d i f ferent iat ions b e t w e e n C a n n a n o r e and Tr ivandrum. By 1981 A i l e p p e y p r o v i d e d a th i rd type -h a n d l o o m weav ing d o m i n a t e d by co-operat ives . This was a survival strategy o f d i sp laced worke rs f r om the co i r industry in dec l i ne . The c o t t o n text i le industry in Kerala a lso exhib i ts the o c c u r r e n c e of de-industr ia l izat ion and re-industr ia l izat ion, a t h e m e of Harnet ty ' s s tudy of the c o t t o n h a n d l o o m industry in the Cen t ra l Prov inces. (Ibid. p507 ) C a s h e w processing industry The c a shew tree was i n t r o d u c e d to India by the Por tuguese abou t f ou r h u n d r e d years ago . (James 1981.p4) P rocess ing of the cashew nut o n a c o m m e r c i a l basis is of recent o r ig in , b e g i n n i n g in the m i d 1930s. (Kannan 1988. p61) Its g r o w t h to be an impor t an t industry in Kerala was du r i ng the post-war years. W e n o t e d in chapte r five that the p o s t wa r e c o n o m i c g r o w t h and af f luence of the d e v e l o p e d count r ies led t o their d i sca rd ing c o i r as a cheap insulat ing mater ia l . The same af f luence saw at the same t ime the g r o w t h o f e x o t i c cul inary habits and tastes. Kerala c a shed in to p rov ide s o m e of the ingred ients fo r this cu i s ine of n e w a f f luence . This was in the supp l y o f shr imps and c a shew nuts. The p r o c e s s i n g of these c o m m o d i t i e s for expor t b e c o m e s part of the industr ia l e c o n o m i c r esponse a n d dynamics of Kerala and its desako ta reg ions in particular. W e obse rve o n c e again the d r aw ing in of h o u s e h o l d industr ies ' t e c h n o l o g y and p r o d u c t i o n systems in this r esponse . C a s h e w p rocess ing of the nuts by deco r t i c a t i ng the ou te r sk in (shel l ing) and inner sk in (pee l ing) manua l l y after pan roast ing the raw nuts was a h o u s e h o l d industry. There was se lect ive i m p r o v e m e n t of the t e c h n o l o g y w h e n p r o c e s s i n g began to o c c u r o n a c o m m e r c i a l scale. The mos t impor tan t of this was the d i s ca rd ing of the pan roast ing m e t h o d . In its p lace was i n t r o d u c e d the d r u m roast ing m e t h o d and later the o i l bath m e t h o d . These m e t h o d s we re m o r e eff ic ient , u s ing less fue l , faster and , m o s t impor tant l y , hav ing less impur i t ies in the f in i shed p r o d u c t , than in the pan roast ing m e t h o d . W i t h the e m e r g e n c e of an expo r t market and qual i ty con t ro l s t o gain access t o it, the e l im ina t ion of impur i t ies was impor tant . The e q u i p m e n t for d r u m roast ing o r o i l bath m e t h o d was tu rned o u t by local b lacksmi ths and mach in is ts . The costs of such e q u i p m e n t and the s tock of nuts n e e d e d to ob ta in m a x i m u m mach ine ut i l izat ion h o w e v e r m a d e it d i f f icu l t to be ope ra t ed as a h o u s e h o l d industry. The deco r t i c a t i on of the roas ted nuts h o w e v e r c o n t i n u e d to be manua l . A n d this was a major l abour input in the p roces s i ng of c a s h e w nuts. Analysis of the ca tegor ies of wo rke r s in c a shew factor ies revealed that 85 .0 pe rcen t o f the worke r s we r e shel lers and pee lers , 10.2 pe r cen t graders of the p r o c e s s e d nuts , 2.0 pe rcen t roasters and the ba lance 2.8 pe rcen t superv i sory and manager ia l p e r s o n n e l . (Beev i 1978 . Table 2.7 p20) Bo th the o i l bath and d r u m roast ing m e t h o d s , roas ted a barrel o f nuts .The c o n t i n u e d roast ing p rocess meant the n e e d fo r a large n u m b e r of worke rs t o deco r t i c a t e the nuts manual ly . This resu l ted in mos t of the c a shew nut p roces s i ng units hav ing m o r e than twen ty workers and ceas ing to be even smal l scale o r non-factory , n o n - h o u s e h o l d , in te rms of Indian statutory and census de f in i t ions . He re t h e n w e o b s e r v e an e x c e p t i o n t o the genera l pat tern of manufac tur ing o rgan iza t i on . G i ven the qual i ty d e m a n d s of the market it was imperat ive that a roast ing t e c h n o l o g y was a d o p t e d to make the final p r o d u c t free of impur i t i es . The industry a d o p t i n g such roast ing t e c h n o l o g i e s h o w e v e r m a d e it dif f icult fo r the manufac tu r ing units t o remain smal l scale in terms o f n u m b e r of worke r s e m p l o y e d . As ind i ca ted eadier the g r o w t h of c a shew nuts as an expo r t c o m m o d i t y o n a substant ia l scale was in the 1950s, t h o u g h there we r e s o m e expor ts s ince the 1930s. What is s ignif icant is that by 1960 India had c o m m a n d e d 95.8 % of the g r o w i n g w o d d market for c a s h e w nuts. (Nayar 1976 p i 13) Nayar observes : The main reason for this d o m i n a n c e had b e e n the labour skills available t o the Indian c a shew industry. . . . the ext rac t ion of the kernels f r o m the raw nuts requires very spec ia l manua l skil ls. It is in terest ing to no te that mo re than t w o thirds of India's c a s h e w industry is c o n c e n t r a t e d in o n e d is tnc t of Kerala, v iz , Q u i l o n . (Nayar 1976. p112) The pos t war g r o w t h of the c a shew market in the d e v e l o p e d w o d d was e n o r m o u s . T h o u g h Q u i l o n d is tnc t had the l abour skills to p rocess the nuts fo r g r o w i n g w o d d d e m a n d , Indian c r o p p r o d u c t i o n c o u l d no t be increased t o m e e t this d e m a n d . Raw nuts we r e then i m p o r t e d f r om Tanzan ia and M o z a m b i q u e , p r o c e s s e d mainly in Q u i l o n d is tnc t and re -e x p o r t e d . In the 1970s a m e c h a n i z e d m e t h o d of decor t i ca t ing the nuts was d e v e l o p e d internat ional ly . Tanzan ia and M o z a m b i q u e started p r o c e s s i n g their nuts us ing the m e c h a n i z e d m e t h o d s and India's h o l d o n the market d e c l i n e d . It was partly s tab i l ized by the USSR 's entry as a purchaser o n a bi-lateral basis w i th lndia. ( james 1981 .p92 , Nayar 1976 . p i 15) M a n u a l p roces s i ng r ema ined compe t i t i v e as there was a h igher recovery of w h o l e kerne ls in manua l p roces s i ng . There was also m o r e down-grad ing of nuts and h igher capita l a n d dep re c i a t i on cos ts in mechan i ca l p r o c e s s i n g . The g r o w i n g d e m a n d and pr ices in the w o r i d market h o w e v e r m a d e poss ib l e fo r the increased costs and wastage of mechan i ca l p roces s i ng t o be r e cove red . The main p r o b l e m for the Indian c a shew p rocess ing industry was the short s u p p l y o f raw nuts w h e n the East Af r i can count r i es began to p rocess their o w n nuts. (Ramunni M e n o n 1975 . p4-5) C e n s u s data f r o m 1961 to 1981 reveal a h igh female par t i c ipa t ion rate; a majority of the manufac tur ing units and worke rs b e i n g rural based and a concen t r a t i on of the industry in Q u i l o n distr ict . (See A p p e n d i c e s 7.06 and 7.07] The concen t r a t i on in Q u i l o n distr ict , in no rma l c i r cumstances , may have led to a n u m b e r of se t t l ements in the distr ict b e i ng d e e m e d urban . But this d o e s no t h a p p e n because the l abour is p redominan t l y f ema le . The de f in i t ion of u rban , as w e n o t e d in chapte r four , has a g e n d e r bias, and requires 75 pe r cen t of the male w o r k f o r c e of a se t t l ement t o be in non-agr icu l ture H o w and w h y the concen t r a t i on of c a shew p roces s i ng o c c u r r e d in Q u i l o n is not clear. The concen t r a t i on of the cashewnu t p roces s i ng industry in Kerala in the Indian con tex t is largely exp la ined by Kerala hav ing the largest area of cu l t ivat ion and the h ighest y ie ld per hectare of c ashew be i ng in Kerala. (See A p p e n d i x 7.08) The availabil ity of l abour sk i l led in manua l p roces s i ng may be also a factor . But the concen t r a t i on of c a s h e w p roces s i ng units w i th in Kerala in Q u i l o n distr ict is no t exp la ined by any p rox im i t y or the p resence of c a shew cu l t ivat ion in Q u i l o n distr ict. (See A p p e n d i x 7.09) P rocess ing of c a s h e w nuts o n a c o m m e r c i a l scale was started in Q u i l o n by J oseph Periera, an en t repreneur . (Emam Beev i 1978.p2) . It is l ikely that s o m e of the i m p r o v e m e n t s in the p r o c e s s i n g t e c h n o l o g y first o c c u r r e d in Q u i l o n distr ict and this led t o a concen t r a t i on of the industry in the distr ict . A g g l o m e r a t i o n of c a s h e w manufac tur ing units may have l ed t o the g r o w t h o f serv ice infrastructure for p r o c e s s i n g mach inery and t o o l s ; marke t ing ne two rks etc. This o ve r the years may have l ed to a compara t i ve advantage for c a s h e w p r o c e s s i n g in Q u i l o n . In the con tex t of the soc io-po l i t i ca l mi l i eu and o r g a n i z e d l abour in Kerala; the concen t r a t i on of c ashew p roces s i ng units in o n e distr ict ; a n d in manufac tu r ing units hav ing a large n u m b e r of worke r s ; the un i on i za t i on of the worke rs was q u i c k to f o l l o w . D e m a n d fo r bet ter wages and w o r k i n g c o n d i t i o n s s o o n f o l l o w e d . This resu l ted in labour-capita l conf l i c t . (Emam Beev i 1978.p53-62) This b e c a m e a pervasive issue in Kerala indust r ia l i sm, and wi l l be e x a m i n e d in dep t f i in the case s tud ies of co i r and b e e d i in the next t w o chapters . There we re impl i ca t ions for the spatial o rgan iza t ion of the c a shew p roces s i ng industry, as capital sought to def late the p o w e r of the u n i o n i z e d worke rs concen t r a t ed in factor ies in Q u i l o n distr ict. But efforts to decent ra l i ze and d o w n scale the s ize of the factor ies in terms of worke r s was m u t e d by the roast ing t e c h n o l o g y that d i c ta ted e c o n o m i e s of scale. But in the 1960s w h e n m i n i m u m w a g e leg is la t ion was i n t r o d u c e d by the Kerala G o v e r n m e n t c o n s e q u e n t t o trade u n i o n ag i ta t ion , capital s t rugg led to k e e p un ion i za t i on at a m i n i m u m . This b r o u g h t about a r esu rgence of the h o u s e h o l d sector . M u c h of the h o u s e h o l d sec to r activity h o w e v e r was carr ied ou t w i th in the premises o f the factory e i ther by leasing ou t of " c l o s e d " factor ies o r by dec la r ing t h e m " c l o s e d " o n certa in days. This o p e r a t e d o n a pu t t ing ou t sys tem. The raw nuts we r e roas ted by the fac tory owners . They we re then handed ou t o n a put t ing o u t sys tem for manua l decor t i ca t ing . These were strategies t o c i r cumvent m i n i m u m wage leg is la t ion a n d trade un ion i za t i on , but yet retain the use of factory equ ipmen t . ( Emam Beevi 1978 . p14) It suggests that the i m p r o v e d roast ing t e c h n o l o g y c o u l d no t be transferred to the h o u s e h o l d level p robab l y due t o s ize of the e q u i p m e n t , and the capital and sk i l led l abour needs of such e q u i p m e n t . This p o s e d p r o b l e m s fo r the industry in the con t ex t o f labour-capita l con f ron t a t i on . This eventual ly l ed for many of the factor ies to be na t iona l i zed . Trade un ion i za t i on resu l ted in bet ter wages and w o r k i n g c o n d i t i o n s for the worke rs . (See A p p e n d i x 7.10) The other industries M a n y o f the o the r industr ies l is ted in Table 7.01 are in terms of o rgan iza t ion and t e c h n o l o g y no t very d i f ferent f rom the industr ies s k e t c h e d above o r be i ng p r e s e n t e d as case s tud ies in the next t w o chapters . Thei r pet ty and/or smal l scale non-factory, n o n - h o u s e h o l d character of p r o d u c t i o n o rgan iza t ion was s h o w n in Tab le 7.04, and the absence of any concen t r a t i on in urban areas in Table 7.03. S e a f o o d p roces s i ng is largely the c lean ing and deep-f reeze packag ing o f shr imps for the internat ional market , main ly Japanese and N o r t h A m e r i c a n . Its g r o w t h is s ince the 1950s. Jewel lery, vege tab le o i l and w o o d industr ies and p r o d u c t i o n cater to the nat ional and reg iona l market . Vege tab l e o i l manufacture , is a lmost w h o l l y c o c o n u t o i l p r o d u c t i o n . A b o u t 63 percen t of the w o o d industry wo rk fo rce are in the saw ing , p l an ing and treatment of t imber , and the mak ing of w o o d e n furni ture, f ixtures and roo f i ng materials and f ixtures. The ba lance we re in the h o u s e h o l d industr ies of mak ing mats, baskets e tc us ing r eed , rattan, b a m b o o s etc. S o m e of these industr ies have sub-regional (district) c oncen t r a t i on . (See A p p e n d i x 7.11) Tai lor ing is present in all distr icts. Ta i lor ing is no t ga rment manufac tur ing . It is c u s t o m ta i lor ing of men ' s , w o m e n ' s and ch i ld ren ' s c l o thes us ing a s e w i n g mach ine . A tai lor s h o p is a ub iqu i t ous feature in Kerala, b o t h in urban and non-urban areas. It is m o r e l ike a serv ice and is in the grey z o n e b e t w e e n a service and an industry. C e n s u s data h o w e v e r classif ies it as an industry. It is no t a tradit ional o c c u p a t i o n and n o caste is t radi t ional ly assoc ia ted w i t h ta i lor ing as its o c c u p a t i o n . Tradit ional ly m e n w o r e n o u p p e r ga rment o the r than a shawl t o wrap r o u n d the shou lde rs . W o m e n w o r e a settu mundu'^^ o r sari. These we r e all w o v e n c l o thes and the n e e d fo r ta i lor ing services was hardly present . It was o n l y w i th the onse t of the 20th cen tury that c l o th i ng styles began to change w i th m e n wea r ing a shirt o r kurtar as an u p p e r ga rment w i th the d h o t i o r lungi con t i nu i ng as the l o w e r garment . There w e r e a lso s o m e b e g i n n i n g to wear slacks and s c h o o l ch i ld ren wear ing s ewn garments s u c h as shirts, shorts , dresses , e tc The 31. A dhothi, mundu or thundu along with a neryiyathu used as an upper shawl, constitutes a settu mundu. Until the late 19th century only middle middle and upper caste men and women were permitted to wear upper garments. p o p u l a t i o n dens i ty obv ious l y in f luences the n e e d for the ta i lor ing services t o be n u m e r o u s and ub iqu i tous l y present in urban and non-urban areas. The majority of the tai lor s h o p s are a o n e p e r s o n o p e r a t i o n , the p e r s o n o f t en seated o n the front aisle o r verandah of a text i le s h o p . T h e larger o n e s are o w n e d and o p e r a t e d by a master tai lor w i th a f ew assistants and a p p r e n t i c e s . N o n e of t h e m use p o w e r o p e r a t e d s ew ing mach ines . These features make a major i ty of the es tab l i shments fall in to the ca tegory of n o n - h o u s e h o l d , non-factory o rgan iza t ion . (See Table 7.04) Even the o n e p e r s o n ope ra t i on if it was carr ied ou t ou t s ide the h o m e fell ou t s i de the census de f in i t ion of h o u s e h o l d industry in urban areas. A small n u m b e r , rang ing b e t w e e n 14 to 20 percent , we re in the h o u s e h o l d sector . A substant ia l n u m b e r of the h o u s e h o l d sec to r are w o m e n w h o sew ch i ld ren ' s dresses and w o m e n ' s b louses . Ta i lor ing was a male d o m i n a t e d industry and c o n t i n u e s t o be so , t h o u g h there has b e e n a signif icant increase in female par t ic ipat ion in the last t w o decades . The t o d d y industry is the p r o d u c t i o n of a coun t r y l i quor o r w i n e f r o m an extract of the spathe of the c o c o n u t tree. The major part of the l abour input is in the prepara t ion of the spathe ove r a p e r i o d of a f e w w e e k s and subsequen t l y fo r fou r t o six m o n t h s t o dai ly co l l ec t the extract f r o m the spathe. A p o t is ski l l ful ly t i ed u n d e r the spathe , in to w h i c h the extract dr ips . The f e rmen t ing of this extract i n to t o d d y o r l iquor is a natural p rocess that takes p lace ove r a f e w hours . S o m e o f the t o d d y is p r o c e s s e d in to arrack by a sys tem of d is t i l l ing . The ba lance is so ld as t o d d y in taverns f o u n d in u rban and non-urban areas. The Indian censuses i nc lude all wo rke r s in this industry, o the r than the sales worke rs , u n d e r manufac tu r ing . But as the desc r i p t i on o f the w o r k suggests , it lies in the grey z o n e b e t w e e n agro-process ing and 32. Of the 7210 tailoring units in 1961, 63.5 percent were one person operation, 35.3 percent with two to five persons and the balance 1.2 percent with six to none persons. (Census of India 1961, Vol VII Kerala, Part IV-B, Table E-lll, p32-41) 33. Female participation has risen from 7.3 percent in 1961 to 26.1 percent in 1981. (Censuses of 1961 and 1981). plantat ion o r agricultural wo rk . T o d d y t app ing was o n e of the tradit ional caste o c c u p a t i o n s of the Ezhavas. O t h e r f o o d p roces s i ng , (o ther than vege tab le o i l s , c a shew and s e a f o o d process ing ) , i n c l u d e d sugar and jaggery manufac ture , rice p r o c e s s i n g and bakeries. M a n u a l rice p rocess ing , w i th h igh female par t ic ipat ion has d e c l i n e d du r ing the last f ew decades . F r o m abou t 40,000 worke r s in 1951 , it de c l i ned to 1,000 in 1981 . H o u s e h o l d manufacture of jaggery, another industry w i th h igh female par t i c ipa t ion , also d e c l i n e d f r o m 17,000 worke rs in 1951 t o 1,200 worke rs in 1981 . Worke r s in baker ies increased f r om 500 workers in 1951 t o 10 ,700 in 1981. The increase was largely in the rural n o n - h o u s e h o l d sec tor . Some summing up observations There are a n u m b e r of features that are c o m m o n , t h o u g h wi th s l ight var iat ions, to all the industr ies that have been d i s c u s s e d , as we l l as t o the t w o industr ies that are t o be p r e sen ted as case studies in chapters e ight and n ine . These features w e r e h igh l i gh ted at appropr ia te p laces . W e may s u m t h e m up as fo l l ows . First, they were all l a b o u r intensive in character ; s e c o n d , they had roo ts in i n d i g e n o u s pet ty p r o d u c t i o n l o w t e c h n o l o g y , and se lect ive ly a d o p t i n g and/or i m p r o v i n g such t e c h n o l o g y , as l o n g as it d i d no t c h a n g e the labour intens ive and pet ty and/or smal l scale p r o d u c t i o n character of the industr ies ; th i rd , they were and/or b e c a m e p redominan t l y rural b a s e d ; four th , the p r e sence of f o r c ed c o m m e r c e ; f ifth, the e m e r g e n c e of o r g a n i z e d labour , a n d in mos t instances l ead ing to industr ia l unres t and labour-capital conf l i c t ; s ix th , the labour-capita l conf l i c t and the pol i t i ca l e c o n o m y o f l abour having impl i ca t ions fo r organ izat iona l and spatial character of the industr ies ; s e ven th , sub-regional concen t r a t i ons o f spec i f i c industr ies w i th in Kerala o c c u r in the case of mos t o f the industr ies . Al l these character ist ics of Kerala industr ia l ism are part of the late 19th and 20th cen tury industr ial r e sponse in the Kerala r eg ion , to the c h a n g i n g in te rnat iona l , nat ional and reg iona l e c o n o m i e s and markets of the p e r i o d . The character of the Kerala r e g i o n , desc r i bed in chapters t w o to four , part icularly the mix of d e m o g r a p h i c , e c o l o g i c a l , histor ical geograph i ca l and e c o n o m i c h istor ica l factors , i n f l uenced this industr ia l r e sponse . This r e sponse was part of the soc ia l changes o f the p e r i o d d i s cussed in the eari ier chapters . A n integral part o f this mix is a spatial o rde r charac te r ized by the d o m i n a t i n g p resence of desako ta . The dynamics of the desako t a r eg ion i n f l uenced the industr ia l r e s p o n s e and was in turn re in fo rced by the nature of the industr ia l r e sponse , and the e m e r g i n g character ist ics of Kerala industr ia l i sm. As was a rgued eariier o n e needs t o d r o p the c o n c e p t u a l and inte l lec tua l baggage of the rural-urban d i c h o t o m y in unde r s t and ing Kerala. In this thesis the c lass i f icat ion of quantitat ive data as urban and rural is partly because census and o the r sou r ce s p rov ide data c lassi f ied as such . In o the r instances the te rm non-urban has b e e n u s e d , t o d e n o t e that what is no t urban is no t necessar i ly rural. In the Kerala con tex t , it is b o t h desako t a and rural. As wi l l b e e labora ted in the co i r case s tudy, i n d i g e n o u s p e r c e p t i o n of space d o e s no t compar tmen ta l i ze space in terms of territory. Space is s e e n in terms of n e t w o r k s o r circuits rather than as terr i tory. N e t w o r k s and circuits can mix a n d over iap . This t hen is a p e r c e p t i o n that makes desako ta inte l l ig ib le and p laus ib le as a r eg i on o r terr i tory o f m i x e d urban-rural character. M c G e e ' s desako ta hypo thes i s b e c o m e s a key to unde r s t and ing space in Kerala. It d e v e l o p e d a th i rd ca tegory of space fo r a theore t i ca l unde r s t and ing of As ian spatial p h e n o m e n a . It is an effort in the c o n t e x t of certa in features of As ian u rban iza t ion t o concep tua l l y and theoret ica l ly f lex the urban-rural d i c h o t o m y w i th the d e s a k o t a c o n c e p t . Trade and C o m m e r c e The decenn i a l censuses f r o m 1951 t o 1 9 8 1 ^ ^ reveal that on ly 30 percen t of the pe r sonne l in trade and c o m m e r c i a l activity are in urban areas. (See Table 6.05 in chapter six). A h igh pe rcen tage of such activity then be i ng in non-urban areas is d u e t o a n u m b e r of reasons. First, the urban ratio is l o w in Kerala. It was 13.5 pe rcen t in 1951 a n d had risen t o 18.7 in 1981 . (See Table 4.01 in chapter four) . That 30 pe rcen t of trade and c o m m e r c e is in urban areas, in the con t ex t o f the l o w urban ratio, s h o w s the cus tomary c o n c e n t r a t i o n , relative to the p o p u l a t i o n , o f such activity in urban areas. It is h o w e v e r s ignif icant that t h o u g h the urban ratio over the pe r i od e x a m i n e d had risen f r om 13.5 t o 18.7, trade and c o m m e r c e had risen on l y f r o m 30.3 t o 31 .1 . S e c o n d , the rural p o p u l a t i o n dens i t ies may have i n f l uenced the e m e r g e n c e of a mu l t i tude of retail out le ts t o serv ice such a p o p u l a t i o n . Th i rd , the p resence of smal l-holder cult ivators, and pet ty p roduce r s in manufac tur ing may have c rea ted the n e e d fo r a ne twork of m i d d l e m e n traders. This may have b e e n b o t h for the sale of agr icul tural inputs and manufac tur ing raw materials to the pet ty p roduce r s and co l l e c t their p r o d u c e and f in i shed p roduc t s . Four th , the t rad ing sec to r by i nco rpo ra t i ng w i th in it f o r c ed c o m m e r c e , b e c o m e s an e n o r m o u s ne twork of traders at var ious levels. The m a n n e r in w h i c h f o r c e d c o m m e r c e operates and inflates the trade and c o m m e r c e sec to r w i l l be i l lustrated in the co i r case study. It w o u l d thus be m o r e appropr ia te to d iscuss the trade and c o m m e r c e sec to r and its pos i t i on in the non-agr icul tura l sec to r and Kerala desako ta in the co i r case study. 34. The censuses prior to this period do not disaggregate occupational data by urban and rural areas in a systematic manner. Service sec to r In the observa t ions made in chapter six o n Table 6.04 it was n o t e d that the serv ice sec tor ' s share of the w o r k f o r c e inc reased f r o m 6.5 pe rcen t in 1901 to 10.8 pe rcen t in 1981 . It was a s teady increase but fo r a peak in 1941 and a sl ight de c l i n e in 1981 . The peak in 1941 is p robab l y a d i s to r t i on caused by the absence of Ma laba r data for this census year.^S The 1981 dec l i ne is no t in abso lu te terms as the tota l e m p l o y e d in the service s e c to r increased f r om 736 ,000 in 1971 t o 836,000 in 1981 . (See Table 7.05). The service share of the total w o r k f o r c e d e c l i n e d d u e to the faster g r o w t h in o the r non-agricultural sec tors . (See Table 6.04) Table 7.05 presents the serv ice sec to r d i saggrega ted by sub-sectors for the pe r i od 1901 t o 1981 . The sub-sector c lass i f icat ion f o l l o w the 1971 and 1981 C e n s u s e s t w o digit c lass i f icat ion w i th a f ew changes . Electricity, ( c ode 40) , gas and s team, ( code 41) water wo rks and supp ly , ( c ode 42) , and sanitary serv ices ( code 91) have b e e n aggregated and d e s c r i b e d as uti l i t ies. Persona l services have b e e n d i saggrega ted by three digit c lass i f icat ion t o present hairdressers ( code 962) and l aundrymen ( code 961) as separate ca tegor ies . The n e e d to d is t ingu ish t h e m is due to their s ize and the imp l i ca t ions of service caste o c c u p a t i o n a l cont inu i t i es . C o m m u n i t y services f o l l ows the 1971 and 1981 census c lass i f icat ion ( c o d e 94) and cons is ts of pe r sonne l in re l ig ious serv ices, wel fare serv ices o n a non-prof i t basis, l abour o rgan iza t ions and pro fess iona l bod i e s . Internat ional serv ice organ izat ions ( c o d e 98) w h i c h is numer ica l l y ins igni f icant in Kerala has b e e n a d d e d o n to c o m m u n i t y serv ices. Cu l tu ra l serv ices a lso f o l l ows 1971 and 1981 census c lass i f icat ion ( code 95) and refers to pe r sons e n g a g e d in the arts and letters, (wh ich inc ludes mus i c , dance and theatre) , f i lm, T.V. and rad io , ( inc ludes 35. As discussed in chapters two and three, the thrust towards a social infrastructure and welfare package in Kerala first emerged in Travancore. This was soon followed in Cochin. This influenced the growth of public administration, health and education sections of the service sector in Travancore and Cochin. The 1941 peak is due to the inclusion of only Travancore and Cochin data with slightly higher percentages than Malabar. There was no census of economic and occupational activity in 1941 in Malabar. artists, techn ic ians , d is t r ibutors , etc ) , o t h e r recreat iona l services and pe r sonne l in l ibraries, m u s e u m s , botan ica l and z o o l o g i c a l ga rdens , w i l d life sanctuar ies etc. TABLE 7.05 K e r a l a s e r v i c e s e c t o r workforce c l a s s i f i e d (percent) by s u b - s e c t o r s : 1901 - 1981 Sector 1901 191 1 1921 1931 1 941 1951 1961 1971 1981 Pb:Adm 14.6 12.4 14.5 14.6 17.9 17.4 18.1 27.3 21 .8 Educ 7.4 10.0 12.8 15.7 15.9 17.5 24.3 29.9 32.5 H e a l t h 4.6 4.9 6.0 6.3 7.1 7.7 6.8 7.6 9.4 C ty:S 19,7 17.5 19.5 16.5 10.6 15.0 10.1 6.2 7.3 Cul:S 4.7 6.3 7.1 4.2 4.2 0.4 1 .3 1 .5 2.1 Dom:S 16.9 16.2 11.1 20.5 26. 1 22.5 23.9 16.1 15.9 L'dry 20.4 20.6 17.5 13.9 11.5 9.3 7.9 4.3 3.0 Hr:Dr 1 1.7 12.1 11.5 8.3 6.6 6.9 4.7 4.1 3.6 U ' t l s [a] [a] [a] [a] [a] 3.4 3.0 3.2 4.5 T o t a l 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 ^000 T o t a l 188 198 228 261 [b] 312 541 736 836 Urban [ f ] [ f ] [ f ] [ f ] [ f ] 107 161 220 260 Urb % [ f ] [ f ] [ f ] [ f ] [ f ] 34.3 29.7 29.9 31 .1 Sources : Der i ved f r o m C e n s u s o f India 1901 t o 1 9 8 1 . N o t e s : [a] Ut i l i t ies, (electr ic ity, gas and water ) , w e r e n o t a separate census ca tegory unt i l 1 9 5 1 . As these serv ices we r e p r o v i d e d by the state a n d mun i c i pa l g o v e m m e n t s the w o r k f o r c e is p r o b a b l y i n c l u d e d unde r pub l i c admin i s t r a t i on . T h e y are l ikely to have b e e n less than 3.0 pe r cen t in the p e r i o d 1901 to 1 9 4 1 . [b] C e n s u s we re n o t c o n d u c t e d in M a l a b a r in 1 9 4 1 . T h e percentages fo r 1941 per ta in t o the aggregate of Travancore and C o c h i n on l y . [c] Data up t o 1951 has no t b e e n ad jus ted fo r changes in state bounda r y in 1956. [d] 1971 data d o e s no t inc lude s e c o n d a r y w o r k e r s . [e] 1981 data is the tota l of ma in a n d marg ina l wo rke r s . As three dig i t c lass i f i cat ion is no t available for marginal worke rs , pe r sona l serv i ces ( two d ig i t c o d e 96) has b e e n a l loca ted a m o n g d o m e s t i c , hair d ress ing , laundry serv ices e t c o n the ratio of these ca tegor ies a m o n g main worke r s . [f] E c o n o m i c activity o r o c c u p a t i o n a l da ta fo r u rban areas have no t b e e n p r o v i d e d in the censuses in a c o m p r e h e n s i v e m a n n e r unt i l 1 9 5 1 . [g] Abbrev i a t ions u sed in sec to r c o l u m n . Pb :Adm-Pub l i c Admin i s t r a t i on ; Educ-Educat ion Serv ices ; C ' t y : S-Commun i t y Serv ices ; Cu l : S-Cu l tu ra l Serv ices ; D o m : S - D o m e s t i c Serv ices; L'dry-Laundry Services; Hr :Dr-Hair D ress ing ; U ' t ls-Ut i l i t ies The sub-sectors for p u r p o s e s of d i s cuss ion may be g r o u p e d u n d e r t w o b road ca tegor ies . First, pub l i c and soc ia l infrastructure services cons i s t ing of pub l i c admin is t ra t ion , e d u c a t i o n and health services w h i c h t h o u g h present in Kerala f r om pre-co lon ia l t imes e x p a n d e d s ignif icant ly in the 20th century . This may be t e rmed the non-tradi t ional sector . S e c o n d , cultural and pe rsona l serv ices cons i s t i ng of cultural serv ices, d o m e s t i c services, hairdressers and laundry services. These are tradi t ional services and we re histor ica l ly present and c o n t i n u e to be impor tant but have no t e x p a n d e d in abso lute numbers in any s ignif icant manne r excep t for d o m e s t i c services. In fact laundry serv ices had shrunk in abso lu te numbers f r o m 38293 worke r s in 1901 to 24693 worke r s in 1981 . This is di f f icult to unde r s t and in the c o n t e x t of p o p u l a t i o n g r o w t h and greater n e e d for such serv ices. W h i l e d i f f e rences in census de f in i t i on is poss ib l y a factor, o c c u p a t i o n a l mob i l i t y ou t of caste o c c u p a t i o n s that b e c a m e increas ing poss ib l e as the 20th century advanced may be a factor as we l l . C o m m u n i t y services lies b e t w e e n the t w o b road categor ies because it has w i th in it c o m p o n e n t s that are n e w as we l l as t rad i t iona l . Re l ig ious serv ices, a t radi t ional serv ice , that has b e e n constant , wh i le we l fare , l abour o rgan iza t ions and p ro fess iona l b o d i e s , the non-tradit ional c o m p o n e n t s have g r o w n in recent decades . Bo th tradi t ional and non-tradi t ional services have s igni f icance in this chapter ' s efforts to unders tand the impor t ance , b o t h numer ica l l y and o the rw ise , of non-agr icul tura l activity in non-urban Kerala. It is then useful t o present the serv ice sub-sectors by C e n s u s urban-rural c lass i f icat ion and then g o o n t o d iscuss the s ign i f i cance of the t w o b r o a d ca tegor ies of serv ices for the pu rposes of this chapter . This is p r e sen ted in Table 7.06. Un fo r tuna te l y e c o n o m i c and o c cupa t i ona l activity by urban-rural sec tors , as ind ica ted eari ier, is avai lable in a sys temat ic manner on ly f r o m 1951 . K e r a l a s e r v i c e s e c t o r c l a s s i f i e d by su b - s e c t o r s and urban and males component (p e r c e n t ) i n each sub-sector : 1951-1981 1951 1961 1971 1981 Sub S e c t o r s Urban Males Urban Males Urban Males Urbart Males % % % % % % % % Pub:Adm 45.6 96. 1 43. ,4 94. 0 36. 1 91.5 38. .5 85. 7 Education 25.9 73. 3 20. .8 62. 6 21 . 1 58.9 25. .3 50. 4 Hea l t h 32. 1 84. 3 29. .0 76. 0 31 . 1 65. 1 33. .3 54. 8 Comm:Ser: 33.8 91 . 2 25. .6 88. 8 27. 1 90.8 19. .7 83. 9 Cul : S e r : 54.2 97. 5 34. .4 91 . 2 42. 9 91.7 40. .9 92. 8 Dom:Ser: 41 .8 42. 7 35. .2 40. 0 39. 8 34.9 40. .2 36. 8 Laundry 17.4 53. 4 16. .7 38. 1 21 . 5 47.9 22. .0 44. 6 Ha i r Drs 20.3 93. 3 18. .0 95. 4 16. 0 98.2 16. .6 98. 8 U t i l i t i e s 52. 1 71 . 4 40. .9 87. 6 34. 4 92. 1 32. . 1 91 . 0 T o t a l 34.3 73. 5 . 29. 7 67. 2 29. 9 69.0 31 . . 1 63. 1 bources : De r i v ed f r o m tfie C e n s u s o f India 1951 t o 1 9 8 1 . N o t e s : [a] Data fo r 1951 has no t b e e n ad ju s t ed f o r changes in state b o u n d a r y in 1956. [b] 1971 data d o e s n o t i n c l ude s e c o n d a r y w o r k e r s . [c] Same as n o t e [e] to Table 7.05 In chapte r f o u r w e d i s c u s s e d the issue o f urban bias in Kerala. It was a rgued that t h o u g h urban bias m a y be less p r e sen t in Kerala, than e l sewhe re in India, (and for that matter in the d e v e l o p i n g w o d d ) , it was n o t absent . If there was a tota l absence of urban bias the urban pe rcen tages o f each serv i ce sub-sec to r s h o u l d be c l o se t o the u rban ratios of Kerala g iven in Tab le 4 .01 , (page 110) . Th is w a s 13.5 in 1951 a n d inc reased t o 18.7 in 1981 . This is no t the case as revea led by Tab le 7.06 Except fo r hairdressers all o the r s were above the urban ratios. It is unreal ist ic to e x p e c t a to ta l a b s e n c e of urban bias caus ing the urban percentages of the serv ice sub-sectors to c o n v e r g e c l o s e to the urban rat io. But Tab le 7.06 s h o w s that the major share of serv ices is in non-u rban areas. A n d signi f icant ly this has b e e n increas ing over the 1951-1981 p e r i o d in all serv ices e x c e p t laundry , a n d to a sl ight ex ten t in health serv ices. It must a lso be r e c o g n i z e d that in Kerala , as d i s c u s s e d in chapters four and five, it is very o f t en the bazaar n o d e s o n the t ransport sys tem that b e c o m e classi f ied as u rban , w i th a concen t r a t i on of t rade and service faci l i t ies. There is n o d is t inct u rban res ident ia l enc lave . The c luster o f trade and serv ice facil it ies are n o d e s in road and t ransport sys tem that v iv isect the d i spe r sed se t t lements . S o m e of the pe r sonne l in the t rade and services facil ity units res ide in the rear o r in the u p p e r s torey of such units. This b e i n g so there is a obv i ous l y a t e n d e n c y for trade and serv ice sec to r w o r k f o r c e t o be s l ight ly c o n c e n t r a t e d in the urban sec tor . This is perhaps re f lec ted in Table 7.06 But a substant ia l share, as Table 7.06 shows , is non-urban . For instance g iven the British co lon i a l sys tem of administrat ive t o w n s that on l y 45 .6 percen t of pub l i c admin is t ra t ion was urban in 1951 reflects a s igni f icant d ispersa l of pub l i c admin is t ra t ion p e r s o n n e l in rural o r non-urban areas. O b v i o u s l y the native states of Travancore and C o c h i n had no t total ly s u c c u m b e d to the British co l on i a l administrat ive sys tem. A n d in spi te of the g r o w t h of Tr i vandrum as the State capital s ince 1947, and o the r t o w n s as distr ict administrat ive head quarters, the urban c o m p o n e n t of pub l i c admin is t ra t ion had d r o p p e d to 38.5 by 1981. S o m e of the pe r sonne l in pub l i c admin is t ra t ion in urban loca t ions c o m m u t i n g f r o m non-urban areas, partly expla ins this, bu t there is a lso a spread of pub l i c admin is t ra t ion in the non-urban areas. Cu l tura l and persona l serv ices, ( i .e.cultural , d o m e s t i c , laundry serv ices and hairdressers) , are s ignif icant in this chapter ' s ques t t o ident i fy the factors con t r i bu t i ng to the p resence of non-agricultural activity. First, the n u m b e r s are substant ia l . In 1901 they n u m b e r e d abou t 100,000 and cons t i t u t ed 53.7 percen t of the serv ice sector , abou t 11.5 pe r cen t of non-agricultural activity and 4.4 percen t of the tota l w o r k f o r c e . By 1981 their share o f the service sec to r had d r o p p e d t o 24.6 pe rcen t and that of the non-agr icul tura l s ec to r to 5.6 and of the tota l w o r k f o r c e t o 2.6. This ref lects the g r o w t h o f Kerala industr ia l ism a n d s u p p o r t i n g trade and c o m m e r c e sec tors . Yet the cul tura l and pe rsona l serv ice sectors in abso lu te n u m b e r s were m o r e than 200 ,000 . So a no t i ceab le share o f non-agr icul tura l activity is in cultural and persona l serv ices and a s igni f icant p o r t i o n of it in rural areas. This is particularly so for laundry and hair d ress ing services. Examin ing w h y this occurs takes us to another character ist ic of this g r o u p o f serv ices. M a n y of these serv ices are tradit ional o c c u p a t i o n s of spec i f i c c a s t e s . T h i s is so in the case of laundry serv ices, hairdressers and s o m e t e m p l e serv ices such as the p lay ing of mus i c , d r u m m i n g at t e m p l e rituals etc . At the e n d of the 19th cen tury there were n o legal sanc t ions against o c cupa t i ona l mob i l i t y and us ing e d u c a t i o n as an avenue, s o m e in serv ice caste o c c u p a t i o n s m o v e d out t o o the r o c c u p a t i o n s . But t o the majority of pe rsons in these castes there we re many constra ints to m o v e o u t of their caste o c c u p a t i o n s . A t the same t ime pe rsons ou ts ide these castes d i d no t w i sh t o take u p the o c c u p a t i o n s of ha i rdress ing, l aunder ing , p lay ing the nagasurum o r d rums at t emp les e tc as they we re caste assoc ia ted o c c u p a t i o n s . Even if they d i d , entry and tra in ing was dif f icul t . They we r e asc r ibed , heredi tary o c c u p a t i o n s in to w h i c h outs iders had great d i f f icu l ty of entry. The caste sys tem thus p r o v i d e d an o p e n entry, t o the m e m b e r s of a caste w h o were in the e c o n o m i c a l l y active age g r o u p , to their respect i ve caste o c c u p a t i o n s . O n the o the r hand the caste sys tem cons t ra ined access t o t h o s e w h o d i d no t b e l o n g to the part icular caste. Bo th status assoc ia t ion a n d restr ic t ion of entry c o n t r i b u t e d t o this constra int . In a c o n t e x t of c o m p e t i t i o n for l i v e l i hood o r e c o n o m i c oppo r tun i t i e s this c o u l d in f luence cont inu i t i es of caste o c c u p a t i o n to s o m e extent . This partly expla ins the n u m b e r s that we re e n g a g e d in serv ice o c c u p a t i o n s such as hairdress ing and laundry serv ice . It was at the same t ime e c o n o m i c a l l y remunerat ive , as these o c cupa t i ona l serv ices we re in d e m a n d and outs iders had little o r n o ease of entry. The p o p u l a t i o n dens i ty of Kerala has imp l i ca t ions for the d e m a n d for such serv ices. H i n d u life styles en la rged this d e m a n d . It was manda to ry at the turn of this century 36. See Appendix 7.12 for list of castes in Kerala and their traditional occupations. and fo r a f ew decades subsequen t l y for m i d d l e and h ighe r caste H indus t o have their persona l barber visit t h e m daily and shave t h e m . It was ntual ly po l l u t i ng to shave onese l f o r w o r s e still visit a hair d ress ing s a l oon . S imi lady, it was ritually po l l u t i ng to wash o n e ' s dirty c lo thes o r carry t h e m t o the laundry. The w a s h e r m e n a t tached to the family v i s i ted the h o m e , c o l l e c t e d the c lo thes and after wash ing t h e m b rough t t h e m back. Laundr ies and hai rdress ing sa loons v is i ted by persons in n e e d of their services began to appear on l y towards the m i d d l e of the 20th century. These t o o we re initially l o ca t ed , and are still main ly in urban centres . There we r e a lso restr ict ions as to w h o m serv ices c o u l d be p e r f o r m e d by s o m e serv ice castes. Thus the Ve lu t t edan caste w a s h e d c l o thes on l y of N a m b u d r i Brahmins and Nayars. Kavutiyans w e r e barbers on l y t o Tiyans. Yet ano ther feature of this g r o u p of cul tura l a n d persona l serv ice sec to r is that they we r e histor ical ly present as a rural and non-urban o c c u p a t i o n a l and ser^/ice sec to r g r o u p . This character of the cultural and persona l services and the i r cont inu i t ies fo r reasons d i s cussed , con t r ibu tes to its be i ng p r edominan t l y a rural and/or non-urban based serv ice sector . It thus con t r ibu tes to the p resence of non-agr icul tura l activity in rural areas. It may be also n o t e d that non-agr icul tura l castes we r e a substant ia l n u m b e r in the Kerala H i n d u p o p u l a t i o n , ^ ^ and that the Syrian Chr is t ians and M u s l i m s in Kerala had occupa t iona l l y b o t h agr icul tura l and non-agricultural c o m p o n e n t s . 37. About 40 percent of the Hindu population in 1901 were in non-agricultural caste groups. (See Appendix 7.12). This excludes the Ezhavas, whose traditional occupation of toddy tapping was not only in the grey zone between agriculture and non-agriculture, but whose members were by 1901 both in agricultural and non-agricultural occupations such as coir and cotton textile industries. Some of them using education as an avenue of upward social mobility were also beginning to enter the newly emerging professions such as Western medicine, etc. This chapte r in its efforts t o examine the non-agricultural s ec to r of the Kerala w o r k f o r c e has, toge the r w i th what was set ou t in the earl ier chapters , i l l umina ted features that are of s ign i f i cance in mak ing desako ta in Kerala inte l l ig ib le . It s h o w e d that the manufac tur ing sec to r is largely c o m p r i s e d of non-urban , n o n - h o u s e h o l d non-factory p r o d u c t i o n units , us ing l abou r intens ive l o w t e c h n o l o g y . S o m e of its t e c h n o l o g y b o r r o w e d f r o m ind igenous h o u s e h o l d pet ty p r o d u c t i o n t e c h n o l o g y , and se lect ive ly i m p r o v e d u p o n w i t h o u t damag ing the l abour intensive character. The doveta i l ing of this t ype of smal l and pet ty p r o d u c t i o n w i t h the mercant i le character of capital and the p resence of f o r c e d c o m m e r c e was briefly n o t e d . It was a rgued that all this was part of Kerala indust r ia l i sm, a mercant i l e c u m industr ial r e s p o n s e to ex is t ing and e m e r g i n g internat ional , nat ional and reg iona l c o m m o d i t y markets. The l abour intensive character , the sub-regional concen t ra t i ons , p o o r w o r k i n g c o n d i t i o n s and w a g e s , in symbios is w i th soc io-pol i t i ca l mi l i eu of late co lon i a l Kerala was n o t e d as hav ing l ed t o the e m e r g e n c e , g r o w t h and conso l i d a t i on of o r g a n i z e d l abour and its con f l i c t w i th capita l . There was also a c o n v e r g e n c e of the co l l ec t i ve c o n s u m p t i o n n e e d s o f a non-urban, w a g e d , non-agricultural w o r k f o r c e and a reasonably equ i tab le spread o f soc ia l infrastructure, part icular iy in heal th , educa t i on and access to pub l i c t ransport . This was was faci l i tated by a g r o w i n g po l i t i ca l i d e o l o g y o f equ i t y that w o r k e d against u rban bias; a d i s p e r s e d se t t lement pa t te rn ; t ransport faci l i t ies; and the inherent e c o n o m i e s of scale in p r o v i d i n g co l lec t i ve c o n s u m p t i o n for a dense l y p o p u l a t e d r eg ion . The p e r s o n n e l in the non-urban spread of co l l ec t i ve c o n s u m p t i o n services, and the p resence of f o r c e d c o m m e r c e a n d a t rad ing system that m a d e available the raw materials t o , and c o l l e c t e d the f in i shed p r o d u c t s f r o m , the smal l and pet ty p roduce r s , a u g m e n t e d the non-agricultural w o r k f o r c e in the non-urban areas. H o w all these features make Kerala desako ta inte l l ig ib le wi l l be d r awn ou t in the c o n c l u d i n g chapter . W h a t is to be a t t empted n o w is to capture these features in their qual i tat ive and c o n c r e t e con tex t by case s tudies of t w o industr ies , co i r and b e e d i . S o m e of these features, as ind i ca ted be fo re , are appropr ia te fo r qual i tat ive examina t ion . The basis or reason for se lec t ing co i r and b e e d i industr ies as case s tud ies wi l l be exp l a ined in the next t w o chapters , the case s tudies o f the t w o industr ies . THE COIR INDUSTRY, SPACE A N D POLITICAL SPACE E C O N O M Y I n t roduc t ion The co i r industry , an agro-process ing industry us ing the c o c o n u t husk as raw material , was h istoncal ly present in pre-colonia l Kerala as a h o u s e h o l d industry. Beg inn ing in the m id 19th century it e x p a n d e d to cater to a newly e m e r g i n g and increas ing internat ional market . W h i l e sect ions of the industry r ema ined as a h o u s e h o l d industry , there d e v e l o p e d at the same t ime large and smal l scale factory t ype p r o d u c t i o n , bu t us ing l abour intensive t e c h n o l o g y . The industry has passed t h r o u g h many phases ove r the last twe lve t o thir teen decades , bu t has t h r o u g h ou t this p e r i o d c o n t i n u e d to h o l d an impor tan t p lace in the e c o n o m y of Kerala. It is o n e of the largest sources of e m p l o y m e n t and l i v e l i hood in the non-agricultural sec to r , unti l its recent dec l i ne in the late 1970s. A t its peak in 1961 it e m p l o y e d nearly a quar ter mi l l ion workers . (See Table 7.01) This chapter , as a case s tudy, w i l l qual i tat ively trace the g r o w t h and phases of the co i r industry ove r the last h u n d r e d years or m o r e . But m o r e impor tant l y it w i l l h igh l igh t the restructur ing that the industry has g o n e t h rough in its var ious phases, and the imp l i ca t ions of the rest ructur ing fo r the space e c o n o m y of Kerala. S o m e of this restructur ing is cen t r ed a r o u n d the labour-capital conf l i c t that began to e m e r g e in the industry b e g i n n i n g in the 1920s. Here w e wi l l obse rve , a i l lustrat ion of capital 's use of space in its efforts t o k e e p l abour doc i l e and u n o r g a n i z e d . This aspect o f the labour-capital conf l i c t , as a rgued in chap te r o n e , is of centra l impo r t ance for the p r e sence of non-agr icul tura l activity in non-urban areas, and for Kerala desako ta itself. W i t h the sp read of o r g a n i z e d labour , labour-capita l conf l ic t b e g a n to o c c u r in mos t industr ies and o c c u p a t i o n s in Kerala. But the conf l i c t in the co i r industry h a d a histor ica l ro le. The conf l i c t first o c c u r r e d in the co i r industry. The labour-capital conf l i c t in the co i r industry because o f the pos i t i on of the industry in the e c o n o m y , the large n u m b e r s it e m p l o y e d , its spatial spread ove r the entire l ow l ands of sou the rn Kerala, had a catalytic a n d p r o f o u n d impact o n l abour and the pol i t ica l e c o n o m y of Kerala. These features make the co i r industry an imperat ive c h o i c e f o r a case study. T h e co i r industry is a lso an g o o d e x a m p l e to il lustrate the o p e r a t i o n of f o r c e d c o m m e r c e , and its imp l i ca t ions for desakota . The co i r industry has t w o b r o a d sec tors . First t he manufac ture of yarn f r o m the outer f ib rous husk of the c o c o n u t and s e c o n d the weav i ng o f mats and mat t ing w i t h the co i r yarn. The manufac ture of yarn was the indust ry that was histor ica l ly k n o w n in Kera la and was a rural h o u s e h o l d industry . There are t w o t e chn iques of ex t rac t ing the co i r yarn f r o m the husks . O n e m e t h o d is to d i rec t l y de-fibre the husk e i ther manual ly o r by mach ine w h e n the husk is f resh. This is ca l led b r o w n f ibre. The o the r m e t h o d is to rett the husks fo r a p e r i o d of six to e i gh teen m o n t h s in water t o rot the p i th in w h i c h the co i r f ibre is e m b e d d e d . The husk is then bea ten w i t h w o o d e n mallets to r e m o v e the p i th and the f ibre ex t rac ted . Such f ibre is ca l led wh i t e f ibre. It is super io r t o b r o w n f ibre because o f its texture, res i l i ence and s t rength . Kerala w i t h its backwaters and l agoons s t re tch ing all a long the coast had ideal c o n d i t i o n s fo r re t t ing of husks to make wh i t e f ibre. As w e n o t e d in chapte r three , Kerala state has a lso the largest hectarage of c o c o n u t cu l t ivat ion in India. O f the 1.1 m i l l i on hectares of c o c o n u t cul t ivat ion in India 61.4 percent , (668,000 hectares) are in Kerala.^ ( G o v e r n m e n t of India 1982. p48) . A m o n g the c o c o n u t g r o w i n g reg ions of the w o H d only Kerala a n d Sri Lanka have made use of the husk for industr ia l pu rposes o n a commerc i a l s ca l e . (Gove rnment of Kerala. 1981. p9) Kerala p r o d u c t i o n is a lmost ent i re ly wh i te fibre.( Ibid p 11) Sri Lanka p r o d u c e s s o m e wh i te f ibre but the greater part of its p r o d u c t i o n is b r o w n f ibre. C o i r market in the 19th century. Prior to the m i d 19th century the d e m a n d f o r c o i r yarn in Kerala was f o r the mak ing of ropes . Ropes we r e in n e e d for genera l h o u s e h o l d p u r p o s e s , for cons t ruc t i on p u r p o s e s , f ish ing indust ry and navigat ional pu rposes .^ But this d e m a n d d i d not exhaust the po ten t i a l supp ly of co i r yarn and ropes f r om the c o c o n u t husks y i e l d e d in the Kerala coast . Surp lus husks were u s e d for fue l . (Jeffrey 1984. p i 159) Issac d o c u m e n t s the expor ts , the sirkar m o n o p o l i e s and the East India C o m p a n y invo l vement in the co i r t rade in the early 19th century. In 1801 , the tota l expor t ab l e surplus was a r o u n d 4090 candies . Travancore-C o c h i n area a c c o u n t e d for m o r e than half of it, the islands of Laccadives and Ma ld i ves ano ther o n e four th and the rest f r o m Malabar area. T h e is land 1. Only four other States in India have a significant coconut cultivation They have a substantially lower hectarage of area cultivated with coconut compared to Kerala. They are Karnataka (16.0 %), Tamilnadu (10.7%), Andhra Pradesh (4.0 %) and Orissa (2.0 %) (Government of India 1982. p48) 2. Until chain cables were introduced all navigation in the Indian seas were furnished with coir cables. (Census of India 1961, Vol VII, Part Vll-A, p79). Menon, citing Royle, states: The character of coir has long been established in the east and is now well known in Europe as one of the best materials for cables on account of its strength, lightness and elasticity. These cables are further valuable being durable particulariy when wetted with salt water. Numerous instances have been related of ships furnished with this light, buoyant and elastic material riding out a storm in security while stronger made less elastic, ropes of other vessels have snapped into two, and even when chain cables have given away. (Menon 1924. p431) The Arab and Indian navigational needs for coir cables continued until the late 19th century. Kerala with its linkage to the Indian ocean trade and traffic met this need with its white fibre and coir yarn and rope production. p r o d u c e was a m o n o p o l y of the Al i Rajah of C a n n a n o r e , w h i c h was bar tered f r om the islanders at ridiculously l o w terms of t rade. In Travancore , co i r trade was o n e of the sirkar m o n o p o l i e s . W i t h the increase in the d e m a n d fo r co i r by the Admira l ty and the dec l i ne of the sirkar m o n o p o l i e s in Travancore , the East India C o m p a n y began t o d i rec t l y purchase their co i r reca i i rements t h r o u g h m i d d l e m e n to w h o m they advanced m o n e y . (Issac n.d. p3) ^ The fo re ign d e m a n d was no t great, in spite of the Brit ish Admira l ty purchases for nav igat ional pu rposes . But by the m i d d l e of the 19th century a n e w use fo r co i r yarn e m e r g e d . This was the weav ing of mats, mat t ings and carpets w i th co i r yarn. This inc reased the d e m a n d fo r co i r yarn. C o i r yarn began to be e x p o r t e d f r o m Travancore o n a large scale in the 1860s. C o i r mat t ing had b e e n used t o cove r the f l oo r of St G e o r g e ' s Hal l , W i n d s o r , at the bap t i sm of Edward VII in 1842 , and was d i sp layed at the Great Exh ib i t ion of 1851 . By the early 1860s, 600 p e o p l e in L o n d o n we re said to be e m p l o y e d in a co i r weav ing industry w h i c h i m p o r t e d its f ibre f r om all ove r the w o r l d . The p roduc t s we re mats and mat t ing , w h i c h we re increas ingly u sed as f loor cove r ing in lower m i d d l e class h o m e s in Europe , N o r t h A m e r i c a and Austral ia . (Jeffrey 1984. p i 139) Here w e see no t on l y the impe tus for an increas ing d e m a n d for co i r yarn, bu t the bir th of the n e w industry of mat and mat t ing weav ing us ing co i r yarn. A t the same t ime that the co i r mats and mat t ing industry was e m e r g i n g in L o n d o n , an Ir ish-American bus inessman of Ca l cu t t a (Jeffrey 1984. p i 139) was set t ing up a co i r mat and mat t ing factory in A l l eppey , Travancore . The manufac tur ing o f mats and matt ings ou t o f co i r yarn was first i n t r o d u c e d by an European , M r James Darragh, the f o u n d e r of Mess r s Darragh, Smal l & C o , A l l eppey , in 1859-60. M r Darragh, wh i l e c o m i n g f r o m Benga l , is said to have b rough t w i th h im a f ew Bengal is w h o were adept in c o t t o n carpet weav ing and started his o w n factory in A l l eppey , whe re he tr ied the weav ing of mats and mat t ing w i th co i r yarn o n the pattern of c o t t o n carpets . (Census of India 1961 , V o l VII, Part VII, p75 c i t ing Travancore British Empire Exh ib i t ion 1924, p22) 3. This is an unpublished paper. I am indebted to Prof Thomas Issac, Centre for Development Studies, Trivandrum, for the courtesy of allowing me to read and refer to the manuscript copy of this paper. F rom these beg inn ings the co i r mat and mat t ing industry , t oge the r w i th its f eede r co i r yarn industry, for the next twe lve decades , was a s ignif icant part of the e c o n o m i c life of Kerala. For pu rposes of m a p p i n g the spatial o rde r of the industry and its rest ructur ing over t ime it usefu l to pe r i od i ze the twe lve decades . 1. The eariy phase (circa 1860-1918) of g r o w t h and the e m e r g e n c e of a co i r belt . 2. The inter-war years: Expans ion and industr ia l unrest . 3. The 1940s: C o i r in the po l i t i ca l e c o n o m y o n the eve of de-co lon i za t i on . 4. Pos t- independence era: Fo r ced c o m m e r c e c h a l l e n g e d . Be fore w e g o o n to d iscuss these phases it is usefu l to desc r ibe the p r o d u c t i o n p rocesses invo l ved in wh i t e co i r yarn mak ing and wh i t e co i r mats and mat t ing weav ing . The p r o d u c t i o n p rocess T h o u g h strict ly no t w i th in the ambi t o f the p r o d u c t i o n p rocess , husk c o l l e c t i o n is the first s tep in the co i r industry. G r e e n husks are c o l l e c t e d f r om c o c o n u t gardens , cop ra p roduce r s etc . The husks may be s o l d by the husk dea le r or co l l e c to r t o re t ted husk dealers o r re t ted by the husk co l l e c to r h imsel f . Du r i ng the ret t ing p e r i o d , w h i c h varies f r o m six to e igh teen m o n t h s , the husks are kep t s u b m e r g e d in water . At the e n d of the ret t ing p e r i o d the husk are taken ou t and de-f ibred, first by g inn ing and t hen w i n n o w i n g ou t the l o o s e n e d p i th . This is d o n e manual ly . M e c h a n i z e d m e t h o d s have b e e n d e v e l o p e d but we r e u s e d on l y in s o m e parts o f Kerala as w e shall obse r ve later. O n c e the ret ted husks have b e e n de-f ibred , the l onges t and f inest f ibres are s e l e c t ed for sp inn ing . S o m e are t i ed up in b u n d l e s to be e x p o r t e d in c o m p r e s s e d bales o r t r anspor t ed to reg ions w h e r e there is a d e m a n d fo r sp inn ing yarn. The residual f ibre, after se l ec t i on of l o n g strands, is used for m a k i n g brushes , b r o o m s and as mattress f i l l ings. There are a n u m b e r of variet ies of yarn, d e p e n d i n g o n the rett ing p e r i o d , the m e t h o d of ret t ing, the qual i ty o f the g r een husk and the qual i ty of the water in w h i c h it was re t ted . There are t w o types of sp inn ing , hand s p i n n i n g and ratt sp inn ing . H a n d sp inn ing is d o n e manual ly us ing the pa lm of the hands to spin yarn o u t of the f ibre. Ratt sp i nn ing is a lso manua l , but a ratt ro ta ted manual ly and w i t h o n e or m o r e sp ind les is u sed t o sp in the yarn. The ratt was a t e c h n o l o g i c a l i m p r o v e m e n t in the 19th century . This was poss ib l y i n f l uenced by the sp inn ing w h e e l of the c o t t o n yarn industry. A ratt w i t h o n e sp ind le requires three persons to opera te , wh i l e a ratt w i th t w o sp ind les needs five pe r sons . The spun yarn is ro l l ed in the f o r m of hanks and s o l d as such . If e x p o r t e d they are p a c k e d in bales. W i t h the spun co i r yarn, o f ten d y e d in des i r ed co lou r s , mats and matt ings are w o v e n , mainly o n h a n d l o o m s , t h o u g h it is poss ib l e to use p o w e d o o m s . Mat t ings are w o v e n t o the s ize spec i f i ed by the buyers. Carpe ts are similar t o matt ings, excep t that they are shor te r in l ength , w i d e r and have m o r e intricate and co lou r fu l des igns . For mats tufts of f ibre are inser ted wh i l e weav i ng and then sheared to get an even surface. A l l ope ra t i ons are manua l , ex cep t shear ing and c o m b i n g of mats and press ing of matt ings b e t w e e n t w o rol lers. The manua l opera t ions i nc lude dye ing , b e a m i n g , wa rp ing and weav ing . A f ly ing shutt le was u s e d and the l o o m t read led w i th the feet. The early phase of g r o w t h and the e m e r g e n c e of a co i r be l t , c i rca 1860-1918. Coir yarn spinning The co i r yarn sp inn ing , as s tated, was a rural h o u s e h o l d indust ry in pre-colonia l t imes . W i t h the g r o w t h in d e m a n d fo r co i r yarn for w e a v i n g of mats and mat t ing b e g i n n i n g in the m i d 19th century there was an increase in the n u m b e r of rural h o u s e h o l d s i n vo l ved in co i r yarn sp inn ing . But there also e m e r g e d the n o n - h o u s e h o l d non-factory sec tor . As Issac obse rves : A s ignif icant p r o p o r t i o n of yarn p r o d u c t i o n is still in the hand sp inn ing sec to r w h e r e no t e ven rud imentary t oo l s are u sed . It p resents a w i d e s p e c t r u m of pre-manufactory p r o d u c t i o n organ iza t ions such as i n d e p e n d e n t d o m e s t i c produce r s , var ied fo rms of put t ing-out systems, and occas iona l l y the direct use of h i red l abour unde r a c o m m o n s h e d . Even in the sp ind le sp inn ing sec tor of the industry, whe re a c rude s p i n n i n g w h e e l is u sed for sp inn ing yarn, the p r o d u c t i o n p rocess o n the w h o l e t ends to be f r agmented and smal l in scale. H o w e v e r , this sec tor reveals very s ignif icant var iat ions in the d e v e l o p m e n t of capi ta l i sm. There are vi l lages whe re neariy all the workers are h i red workers as we l l as vi l lages whe re mos t wo rke r s are se l f-employed . (Issac 1983a. p37) The e c o s y s t e m of sou th Kerala coas t was su i t ed for co i r manufac ture . There was an e c o l o g y of c o c o n u t groves of smal l h o l d e r cu l t ivat ion a l ong the backwaters . It was also a reg ion of h igh p o p u l a t i o n dens i ty w i th ma rked u n e m p l o y m e n t and unde r e m p l o y m e n t . C o i r yarn p r o d u c t i o n was carr ied ou t p r edominan t l y by w o m e n . W e n o t e d in the last chapter the h igh female par t ic ipat ion rate. H o w this segrega t ion of w o r k by gende r o c c u r r e d is no t clear.^ W o m e n ' s par t ic ipat ion in co i r yarn pet ty p r o d u c t i o n was a typica l exp ress ion of d o u b l e o p p r e s s i o n , for such par t i c ipat ion was in add i t i on t o the d o m e s t i c chores . T h o u g h the co i r p r o d u c t i o n is the main o c c u p a t i o n of the female m e m b e r s , they d o this s ide by s ide w i th their d o m e s t i c dut ies such as c o o k i n g , wash ing , etc . In the early hours of the day, an e lder f ema le m e m b e r g o e s t o the ret t ing f ie ld and procures daily r equ i r ement of re t ted husks, usually o n credi t te rms.She br ings husks h o m e and t w o or three m e m b e r s beat t h e m in to fibre.... In mos t p laces bea t ing and c lean ing is d o n e in the f o r e n o o n , and sp inn ing in the a f t e rnoon , after a t t end ing to d o m e s t i c dut ies fo r t w o o r three hours . Sp inn ing may g o o n du r i ng the late hours of the n ight , in the l ight of the keros ine lamp till 10 o r 11 p .m. Thus each set of wo rke r s have t o s p e n d 9 to 10 hours of the day for this wo rk . (C i t ed f r o m Kunju 1966 . p 4 8 by Issac n.d. p9) In the con tex t of male u n e m p l o y m e n t w o m e n ' s par t i c ipat ion in pet ty p r o d u c t i o n was o f t en a survival strategy. (Cas inader et al 1987.p321) . Per ipheral capi ta l ism has also b e e n o b s e r v e d to create g e n d e r d i v i s ion of l abour in the ext rac t ion of surp lus va lue, for pet ty p r o d u c t i o n by w o m e n a l low the wage , (to the men ) , to be less than the cos t of p r o d u c t i o n 4. Possibly the decline in female participation in traditional household industries, like manual rice processing, led to some of the women taking up to coir yarn production as hired labour or petty producers. Aileppey, the coir producing area and Kuttanad a rice cultivation area were in close proximity and accessible by water transport. and r e p r o d u c t i o n of l abour powe r . (Deere 1976. p 9). Issac's observat ion in this con tex t , o n co i r sp inn ing in Kerala, is very relevant. The supp lementa r y character of the i n c o m e earned by the hand sp inners t e n d e d to l o w e r the wages to a level w h i c h by itself was inadequate f o r e ven the r e p r o d u c t i o n of l abour powe r . T h o u g h n o m i n a l earnings of the wo rke r s inc reased t h r o u g h the present century , it is doub t fu l if there was any i m p r o v e m e n t in the real earnings. C o i r sp inners always rema ined the m o s t swea ted and unde rpa id stratum of worke r s in Kerala. (Issac n.d. p l O ) W h a t eme rges is that t h r o u g h o u t this p e n o d there was an increas ing d e m a n d for co i r yarn and a g r o w t h of h o u s e h o l d p r o d u c t i o n of co i r sp inn ing . But it r ema ined a l o w pa id , exp lo i ta t i ve industry. C o c o n u t cu l t i va t ion, as w e n o t e d in chapter three , had l o w labour abso rp t i on capac i ty and c o c o n u t based industr ies partially c o m p e n s a t e d for this. But in a con t ex t of a g r o w i n g p o p u l a t i o n in the coasta l r eg i on , even this supp lementa r y avenue for l abour abso rp t i on was inadequate . The result was the availabil ity of a typical reserve army of l abour fo r exp lo i ta t i ve w o r k at l o w wages o r as pet ty p roduce r s . Even the g r o w t h of the co i r industry, c o n s e q u e n t to the d e m a n d fo r co i r mats and matt ing, d i d no t al leviate the c o n d i t i o n s of the pet ty p roduce r s and l abour in the co i r yarn industry. Trading networks and coir yarn petty production There was in artisan o r h o u s e h o l d manufac tu re in India a dove ta i l i ng of such petty p r o d u c t i o n w i th an intricate t rad ing sys tem. The t rad ing system was a t i e red hierarchy of m i d d l e m e n w h o l inked the rural d o m e s t i c p r o d u c e r w i th the apex of a cartel o f who lesa le rs w h o d o m i n a t e d the c o m m o d i t y market . This was part iculariy so if the c o m m o d i t y was for e x p o r t o r a larger Indian d o m e s t i c market c h a n n e l e d t h r o u g h the u rban cent res of India. C o t t o n text i les in the late pre-colonia l p e r i o d in s o u t h India w i th an e x p o r t d e m a n d had such a sys tem. (Arasaratnam 1986 p265-271) The m i d d l e m e n traders we re no t o n l y a co l l e c t i ng sys tem for the f in i shed p r o d u c t but a lso a d i s t r ibu t ing sys tem for the raw mater ia ls . Some t imes this was o n credit , as this forces the pet ty p r o d u c e r to sell the f in i shed p r o d u c t , t o set off the credi t , to the same trader or m i d d l e m e n . This c o e r c i o n in to dua l t ransact ion w i th the same trader invariably meant l o w pr ices for the f in i shed p r o d u c t , i r respect ive of the preva i l ing market pr ice. It was this c o e r c i o n , and the leverage it p r o v i d e d traders to pay unremunera t i ve pr ices for the f in i shed p roduc t , that led Bhadur i (1983, 1986) t o concep tua l i z e it as f o r c ed c o m m e r c e . W e n o t e d in chapte r o n e h o w Bhadur i saw it as a m e c h a n i s m to extract the surplus value in peasant pet ty p r o d u c t i o n in agr iculture t h r o u g h the exchange sys tem. Arasaratnam (1986 p268-271) has s h o w n in the case of c o t t o n text i les in the C o r o m a n d e l r eg ion in the late pre-co lon ia l p e r i o d that the weavers had suf f ic ient e c o n o m i c i n d e p e n d e n c e to resist the offers fo r cash or raw material advances . But w h e n they d i d no t possess such e c o n o m i c i n d e p e n d e n c e they s u c c u m b e d to the s t rang leho ld of c red i t and raw material advances of this t rad ing sys tem. W e saw in the w o r k of Haynes (1986), Harnet ty (1991) and C o m m a n d e r (1985) o n h o u s e h o l d or d o m e s t i c manufac ture the p r e s e n c e of f o r c e d c o m m e r c e . C o i r yarn sp inn ing is a c lassic examp le of pet ty p r o d u c t i o n b e i n g t ied t o such a explo i ta t ive t rading sys tem. The fact that the raw husks had t o be ret ted ove r p e r i o d of six to e igh teen m o n t h s year gave the traders an a d d e d leverage. For in spi te of raw husks be i n g a raw material i n d i g e n o u s to Kerala, and a p r o d u c t o f smal l ho ld ings , a f inancia l capac i ty was requ i red to rett t h e m ove r a l o n g p e r i o d of six t o e i gh teen m o n t h s . The pe t ty p r o d u c e r s and the smal l en t repreneurs d i d no t have this f inancial capac i ty . The c o c o n u t smal l h o l d i n g o w n e r s t o o pre fer red , or w e r e f o r c ed by e c o n o m i c c i r cumstances t o conver t to i m m e d i a t e cash the raw husks rather than d o s o after ret t ing. Raw husks had t o be put in wa te r for ret t ing as s o o n as poss ib l e , for o n c e they b e g i n to dry they c a n n o t be ret ted and the i r use va lue is on l y as fue l . This meant that raw husk co l l ec to rs t o o had t o d i s p o s e of the husks as qu i ck l y as poss ib l e . They thus had little leverage and we re d e p e n d e n t o n and vert ical ly in tegrated w i th re t ted husk dealers .They we re o f t en mere agents of the ret ted husk dealers . (Issac n.d. p35) This obse rva t ion is made based o n m o r e recent data. There is little data t o cons t ruc t in detai l the t rad ing sys tem that preva i led in the p e r i o d 1860 t o 1918. But g o i n g by the data for more recent decades , w h i c h shall be p resen ted later in this chapter , f o r c ed c o m m e r c e may have b e e n a feature of the co i r yarn industry in 19th and eady 20th centur ies .^ Let us n o w brief ly trace the g r o w t h of the co i r industry, c i rca 1860 to 1918. The value o f tota l co i r expor t s w h i c h was Rs 0.6 m in 1864-65 had by 1905-06 risen to Rs 4.4 m. In the five years p r e c e d i n g the First W o d d Wa r expor t s of co i r yarn reached Rs 6.0 m per annum and co i r mats and mat t ing 1.0 m per a n n u m . (Jeffrey 1984. p i 159) The expor t s were largely m a d e by British a n d o the r Eu ropean o w n e d f i rms. T h o u g h a f ew Indian ent repreneurs had o b t a i n e d a f o o t h o l d in the co i r e x p o r t trade by the e n d of the 19th century , (Jeffrey 1984, p 1159) , it was d o m i n a t e d by the European f irms unti l s e c o n d d e c a d e of the 20th century. ( lssacs 1983 . p38) . W e n o t e d eari ier that the ratt w i th sp ind les was i n t r o d u c e d as a t e chno log i c a l i m p r o v e m e n t abou t the m i d 19th century .^ A n impor tan t d e v e l o p m e n t by the e n d of the 19th century was the increas ing use of the ratt for sp inn ing co i r yarn, part icular ly in Travancore. It inc reased ou tpu t ove r hand sp inn ing per work-day by four t o six t imes.( Issacs 1988. p5) Ratt 5. The conflict and the confrontation between the petty producers and traders in recent years, which we shall discuss later in this chapter, has surfaced some of the details of the trading system. The post-independence governments of Kerala, some of them Communist Party led coalitions, were for ideological and electoral political reasons concerned with the working and living conditions of the coir industry workers and petty producers. They set up inquiries and commissions on the industry, its minimum wage requirements etc. The reports of these commissions document some of the trading practices. The details of the trading system and the presence within it of forced commerce as conceptualized by Bhaduri (1983 and 1986) are thus best examined when we deal with the post-independence period. 6. Some have credited James Darragh for the introduction of the ratt for coir yarn spinning. Issacs however is of the view that it is more likely an indigenous development. (Issacs 1988. p59) Issacs dates the introduction of the ratt as the late 19th century, (Ibid p5) while Devassy in the Census of India 1961 (Vol VII Pt Vll-A, p89) puts it as the mid 19th century. s p u n yarn had a hard twist relative to hand spun yarn, and increas ing d e m a n d for such yarn, partly con t r i bu t ed to its spread. Coir mats and matting industry The o the r impor tan t t e chno log i c a l i m p r o v e m e n t was the i n t roduc t i on of l o o m s t o weave co i r mats and matt ings . Bo th the ratt and the l o o m were s imp le l o w t e c h n o l o g y , n e e d i n g on l y manua l ope ra t i on . The l o o m s we re largely h a n d l o o m s . These features made it poss ib l e for the ratt and the l o o m to be abso rbed in to h o u s e h o l d industry and occupa t i ona l cu l ture . But this h a p p e n e d on l y in the case of the ratt. W e a v i n g co i r mats and matt ing o n l o o m s began and c o n t i n u e d for a cons ide rab l e p e r i o d of t ime as large scale urban es tab l i shments . In 1901 the co i r mat and mat t ing weav ing factory of Darragh and Small in A i l eppey used h a n d l o o m s and e m p l o y e d 1,100 pe rsons . (Jeffrey 1984. p1159 ) This was no t because the l o o m was t o o soph i s t i ca ted for h o u s e h o l d industr ial o p e r a t i o n . T h e ent repreneurs of co i r mats and mat t ing weav ing were expor te rs of large quant i t ies of co i r yarn and mats etc. Execu t ing such large o rders and hav ing adequa te capital they we re inc l ined to set u p their o w n large weav ing es tab l i shments . W e n o t e d eadier that in the m i d 19th cen tury a co i r mat and mat t ing factory had b e e n es tab l i shed in L o n d o n , Eng land, us ing the raw material f r o m Kerala and Sri Lanka. W i t h the increas ing use of co i r mats and matt ings as f l oo r ings in the l owe r m i d d l e class h o m e s of Eu rope , N o r t h A m e r i c a and Austral ia , (Jeffrey 1984 p i 159) p robab l y m o r e such factor ies we r e b e i n g set up in these user coun t r i e s . Darragh and Smal l & C o , Vo lkar t Brothers and others we re the ma in expor t e r s of the raw material , co i r yarn, for this factory p r o d u c t i o n . They we re obv i ous l y d r i ven towards e x p o r t i n g co i r in a m o r e p r o c e s s e d o r f in i shed p r o d u c t f o rm , us ing the c h e a p l abour and so increase their prof i t margins . Cap i ta l inves tment was m in ima l and availability of c h e a p labour t r iggered the transfer then of s o m e of the p r o c e s s i n g to Kerala. As w e shal l obse r ve later h a n d l o o m p r o d u c t i o n of co i r mats and mat t ing was cos t ef fect ive in relat ion to p o w e r l o o m s , if l abour was cheap . It was in this con tex t that the large scale co i r mat and matt ings factor ies came to be es tab l i shed in and a round A l l e p p e y T o w n . In add i t i on to the expor t of co i r mats and mat t ing , co i r yarn in bales and co i r cables c o n t i n u e d to be e x p o r t e d by these t rad ing f irms. (Census of India 1961 , V o l VII Pt VIl-A. p77) The urban l o ca t i on of the co i r mats and mat t ing factor ies is s ignif icant. It sugges ts that for the n e w industr ies that e m e r g e d in Kerala in the late 19th and early 20th century the initial locat iona l pul l was for the urban por t cent res . It b e g a n as packag ing or min ima l p r o c e s s i n g of co i r yarn to facil itate packag ing . It had character ist ics of a " w a r e h o u s e indust ry " . W h e n co i r began to be e x p o r t e d in the more f in i shed p r o d u c t f o r m of mats and mat t ing , it c o n t i n u e d to be in the urban loca t ions . The " w a r e h o u s e indus t r i e s " b e c a m e large scale factor ies. But this t endency to set up large scale p rocess ing industry was subsequen t l y reversed w h e n the ent repreneurs f o u n d the concen t r a t i on of worke r s dys func t iona l , g iven their ob jec t i ve of runn ing l abour intens ive industr ies w i th c h e a p and doc i l e labour . The c o m i n g toge the r of worke rs in o n e l oca t i on and/or local i ty w i th p o o r w o r k i n g cond i t i ons and wages created a s i tuat ion for mob i l i z a t i on and o rgan iza t ion of wo rke r s . M a n y of the co i r worke rs w e r e of the Ezhava caste. Thei r caste ident i ty and par t ic ipat ion e x p e r i e n c e in caste re form o r S N D P activities faci l i tated co l l ec t i ve th ink ing and o rgan iza t i on . (Gov i ndan 1986 p i 1-19) Such ident i ty and th ink ing had l imi tat ions t o o , fo r it h i n d e r e d w o r k e r so l idar i ty across caste d iv i s ions . But the c o m i n g t o g e t h e r or concen t r a t i on of worke r s in a local i ty p r o v i d e d face t o face contac t , a sense of sol idar i ty in the c o n t e x t of p o o r w o r k i n g c o n d i t i o n s , wages e tc and prec ip i ta ted labour o rgan iza t i on . The b e e d i industry to be e x a m i n e d in the next chapte r p rov ides another e x a m p l e of this t r end . But the m o r e c o m p l e x and impor tan t e x a m p l e is the co i r industry , as the co i r traders w i th their f o r c e d c o m m e r c e we r e a lso drawn into the conf l i c t . It was also m o r e intense and consequen t i a l , as the co i r industry was central t o Kerala e c o n o m y and soc ie ty . W e shall d iscuss the factors and events l ead ing to the rest ructur ing of the co i r industry, w i t h capital 's use of space to f ragment the concen t r a t i ons of worke rs , w h e n w e examine the next phase of the co i r industry. W h a t w e n e e d t o e x a m i n e n o w is the g r o w i n g concen t r a t i on of the co i r mat and mat t ing industry in and a r o u n d A i l e p p e y T o w n , and co i r yarn industry in wha t may be d e s c r i b e d as a co i r belt s t re tch ing f r o m Parur Taluk no r th of C o c h i n , (in con t empora r y Ernakulam district) t o the s o u t h a l ong the sea coast and a l o n g V e m b a n a d Lake t o Tr ivandrum Taluk, (in c o n t e m p o r a r y T r i vandrum distr ict) . (See M a p 8.01). Towards an understanding of the concentration of the coir mat and matting industry in Aileppey Schenk sees n o geograph i ca l l y " c l ea r answer " to w h y the co i r mat t ing industry was l o ca t ed in A i l eppey . W h y has the factory p r o d u c t i o n of co i r p roduc t s b e c o m e urban ? There is n o c lear answer in terms o f the phys ica l and e c o n o m i c geograph i ca l c o n d i t i o n s of A i l eppey . S ince the first stage of co i r ( f rom husk to yarn) is rural and w ide l y d i spe r sed ove r large tracts in l ow l and Travancore , C o c h i n and Malabar , factor ies c o u l d just as conven i en t l y be l oca ted s o m e whe re c lose t o any first stage site of p r o d u c t i o n , wh i l e subsequen t l y the f inal p roduc t s c o u l d be sent to any of the several por ts a l o n g the coast . G i v e n the 'neutral i ty ' of sites in these terms, it is m o r e l ikely that urban sites we re c o n s i d e r e d m o r e conven i en t to ( foreign) en t repreneurs . A i l e p p e y and o the r urban p laces had no t m u c h to o f fe r in terms of faci l i t ies dur ing the late 1800s and early 1900s, never the less they we re in c o m p a n y of a f ew f e l l o w fore igners (the C o m m e r c i a l A g e n t , e .g. in A i l eppey ) there . A n d , as far as A i l e p p e y is c o n c e r n e d the dec i s i on by James Darragh to sett le there and start a factory may have b e e n m a d e by pure chance and may have i n f l uenced o thers , eventual ly l ead ing t o a concen t r a t i on of this n e w f o r m of co i r p roces s i ng in the town . ( Schenk 1986. p53) The soc ia l s c i ences have in recent years b e c o m e m o r e c i r cumspec t abou t their ability t o p rov i de " e x p l a n a t i o n s " or the " w h y " fo r what is obse rvab le . The efforts are m o r e towards mak ing t h e m a little m o r e inte l l ig ib le . There are s o m e factors in the Kerala c o n t e x t that may make the concen t r a t i on of co i r mat t ing industry in A i l e p p e y a little m o r e inte l l ig ib le . Map 8.01 Coir Belt by Taluks (Sub-districts) in Kerala Source: Census of India. First, A i l e p p e y was the mos t impor tant por t and c o m m e r c i a l centre for fo re ign trade in Travancore . W e n o t e d in chapte r t w o the g r o w t h of Travancore in the 18th century and its status as an impor tan t state in sou thwes t India. In this g r o w t h and conso l i da t i on sirkar o r state m o n o p o l y of many c o m m o d i t i e s was an impor tan t issue. To facilitate the expo r t of s o m e of these c o m m o d i t i e s Travancore in 1762 c o n s t r u c t e d a por t at A i l eppey . Travancore 's par t ic ipat ion in c o m m o d i t y trade was a cha l l enge to the D u t c h East India C o and the British East India C o . But the latter we re t o o p r e o c c u p i e d w i th the M y s o r e ruler's pol i t i ca l and military expans ions in the Ma laba r reg ion t o r e s p o n d to Travancore 's cha l l enge and so left Travancore a lone . In dea l ing w i th the D u t c h East India C o , the d e v e l o p m e n t of A i l e p p e y was impor tant . Finally, Travancore cha l l enged and b roke the D u t c h b l o c k a d e of the coast at sea. This was d o n e no t by ano ther naval batt le but by the es tab l i shment of a n e w por t at A i l eppey , a little t o the sou th of C o c h i n , w h i c h the D u t c h we re f o r ced leave a lone . A l l this t o o k s o m e fifty years to a c c o m p l i s h , in this half a century the greatest s ingle act in the bus iness w o H d of Ma laba r was the m o n o p o l y of Travancore . (Das G u p t a 1967. p33) This m o n o p o l y and p o w e r of Travancore d i d no t last t o o l o n g . By the e n d of the 18th century , the British had b e e n able to o v e r p o w e r M y s o r e and have Ma labar came unde r d irect British rule, and C o c h i n and Travancore unde r indi rect Brit ish rule as native o r pr ince ly states. T h e British Res ident in Travancore , w h o ensu red that the overa l l British raj po l i c y and interests we r e ma in ta ined in the native state was p l aced in T r i vandrum, the palace-administrat ion cent re of Travancore. But the British C o m m e r c i a l A g e n t for Travancore res ided at A i l eppey . Thus even t h o u g h Travancore 's i n d e p e n d e n c e and p o w e r we re n o w drastical ly curta i led to that of a native state w i th in the British raj, A i l e p p e y c o n t i n u e d to be an impor tan t c o m m e r c i a l and port t o w n . It c o n t i n u e d to be so unti l the b e g i n n i n g o f the 20th century . O n l y w i t h the d e v e l o p m e n t o f the C o c h i n por t and the ex t ens i on of the railway f r o m Q u i l o n t o C o c h i n a l o n g the east o f V e m b a n a d Lake, (see M a p 8.02) and no t t h r o u g h A i l eppey , was A i l e p p e y marg ina l i zed and d e c l i n e d in impor t ance . (Schenk 1986 . p48) G i ven the impor t ance of MAP 8.0 2 Railway on the E a s t of Lake Vembanad Source: Schenk (1986) p l 9 . A i l e p p e y in 19th century Travancore , Darragh's c h o i c e to locate his co i r mat and matt ing manufac tu r ing and t rading activit ies in A i l e p p e y was no t inappropr ia te o r chance behav iour . TABLE 8.01 C o i r Workers and De a l e r s c l a s s i f i e d by Travancore T a l u k s , Cochin S t a t e and Malabar D i s t r i c t i n 1901. C o i r Workers C o i r D e a l e r s Wkrs & D l r s Area M F T M E T M F T % % % % % % % % % Tr av ancor e Coastal Taluks S h e r t a l a i 4. 9 1 1 . 2 16. 0 7. 3 22 .7 30. 1 5. 2 12 .6 17. 7 Vaikom 4. 5 12. 4 17. 0 0. 5 1 .5 2. 0 4. 1 1 1 . 1 15. 2 K a r u n a g a p a l l i 0. 7 6. 3 7. 0 4. 3 3 .2 7. 5 1 . 1 5 .9 7. 0 K a r t i k a p a l l i 0. 5 4. 6 5. 2 3. 1 2 .3 5. 5 0. 8 4 .4 5. 2 Q u i l o n 1 . 5 2. 2 3. 7 4. 6 5 .6 10. 2 1 . 9 2 .6 4. 5 C h i r a y i n k i l 1 . 5 0. 9 2. 4 5. 5 4 .4 9. 9 2. 0 1 .3 3. 3 Parur 0. 6 2. 0 2. 6 2. 5 1 .4 3. 9 0. 8 1 .9 2. 7 Ettumanur 0. 2 1 . 0 1 . 2 0. 5 2 .0 2. 5 0. 3 1 . 1 1 . 4 Ambalapuzha 0. 3 0. 6 0. 9 0. 3 0 . 1 0. 4 0. 3 0 .5 0. 8 Trivandrum 0. 2 0. 1 0. 4 2. 6 1 .7 4. 3 0. 5 0 .3 0. 9 Ne y a t t i n k a r a 0. 1 0. 0 0. 1 0. 6 0 .0 0. 6 0. 2 0 .0 0. 2 Agastisvaram 0. 0 0. 0 0. 1 0. 1 0 .0 0. 1 0. 0 0 .0 0. 1 E r a n i e l 0. 0 0. 0 0. 0 1. 1 0 . 1 1 . 2 0. 1 0 .0 0. 2 S u b - t o t a l 15. 1 41 . 5 56. 6 33. 3 45 . 1 78. 1 17. 3 41 .9 59. 2 Cochi n St at e 4. 6 13. 8 18. 3 5. 1 1 . 1 6. 2 4. 6 12 .2 16. 9 S u b - t o t a l 19. 7 55. 3 75. 0 38. 1 46 .2 84. 3 22. 0 54 .2 76. 1 Travancore Other Tal uks 0. 4 0. 6 1 . 1 3. 1 4 .0 7. 0 0. 7 1 . 1 1 . 8 Mai abar Di st 2. 5 21 . 5 24. 0 2. 9 5 .8 8. 7 2. 6 19 .5 22. 1 T o t a l - % 22. 6 77. 4 100 4. 1 55.9 ' 100 25. 2 74 .8 100 -^000 140 20 160 Sources : C e n s u s o f India 1901 , V o l Vo lXXV I-B Travancore , Pt III, Tab le XV p451-453 . V o l m-A C o c h i n , Pt i i , table XV p58-59. V o l XV-A Madras , Pt II, Table X V p292-294. S e c o n d , A i l eppey was strategical ly l o ca ted in the co i r bel t s t re tch ing f r o m Parur, (nor th of C o c h i n ) , to the sou th a l o n g the sea coast and the V e m b a n a d Lake, t o Tr i vandrum. The eariiest date w h e n s o m e data o n co i r worke r s d i saggrega ted by taluks is avai lable is the 1901 C e n s u s . Such d isaggregated data is a lso available on l y for Travancore . This da ta t oge the r w i th co i r wori<force data fo r C o c h i n and Ma laba r is p resen ted in Tab le 8.01 The Travancore coastal ta luks are l isted in terms of rank o rde r o n the basis of the s ize of the co i r w o r k f o r c e . The coasta l taluks are iden t i f i ed in M a p 8.01. It wi l l be o b s e r v e d f rom Table 8.01. and M a p 8.01 that the co i r bel t taluks of Travancore e x t e n d a l o n g the coast up f r o m sou th Travancore to C o c h i n State. ( C o c h i n and Kanayannur taluks of C o c h i n State). (See M a p s 2.03-2.05 fo r the boundar ies of Malabar , C o c h i n and Travancore) . Table 8.01 also shows a heavy concen t r a t i on of co i r worke r s in the four taluks of V a i k o m , Shertal lai , Karunagapal l i and Kart ikapal l i .The co i r worke rs in these four taluks tota l neariy 45 percen t of all co i r worke rs in Travancore , C o c h i n and Malabar . It wi l l be seen f r om M a p 8.01 that Karunagapal l i and Kartikapall i taluks are just sou th of A m b a l a p u z h a taluk and V a i k o m and Shertalai taluks are in the immed i a t e nor th of A m b a l a p u z h a taluk. A l l e p p e y is l o ca ted in A m b a l a p u z h a taluk. This makes it a strategic loca t ion for the co i r industry. The data in Tab le 8.01 d o e s n o t h o w e v e r d e m o n s t r a t e a concen t r a t i on of co i r worke r s in A m b a l a p u z h a taluk. Increasing concen t r a t i on of the co i r mat and mat t ing factor ies in a n d a r o u n d A l l e p p e y t o w n o c c u r r e d in the 1920s as w e shal l obse rve later. The data in Table 8.01 is that o f 1901 and also the tota l of co i r worke r s in all sectors of the industry. C o i r yarn makers cons t i tu te more than 90 pe rcen t of the tota l c o i r worke r s (Issac n.d. p i ) and the concen t r a t i on of co i r worke rs in V a i k o m , Shertal lai , Karunagapal l i and Kartikapalli taluks are main ly co i r yarn makers . Th i rd , A l l e p p e y t o w n and por t we r e no t on l y strategical ly l oca ted but we r e easily access ib le by waterways . In the 19th cen tury as d i s cussed eari ier, waterways we re the main means of t ransport . M a p 8.03 and 8.04 demons t r a t e the ease o f access by waterways to ALLEPPEY AND HINTERLAND Source: Schenk (1986) p41. MAP 8.04 ALLEPPEY AND WATERWAYS Source: Schenk 1986. p20 A l l eppey . Br i s tow 's des c r i p t i on of craft su i ted for t ransport of g o o d s in the backwaters expla ins the advantages of water t ranspor t , and of A l l eppey , in the 19th century . The backwater craft we re ca l l ed vallams It was a mos t ef f ic ient and adaptable f o r m of c o n s t r u c t i o n . Heavy loads of five tons or m o r e c o u l d be carr ied , and the smal ler craft, it s e e m e d , c o u l d a lmos t navigate the d i tches of the coun t r ys ide . It was sa i led , o r p o l e d , o r r o w e d ; o r in very sha l l ow water , p u s h e d , the c r ew j u m p i n g o v e r b o a r d for the p u r p o s e . It p r o v i d e d the cheapest f o r m of t ransport in the w o r i d , o r at any rate o n e of the cheapest , w h i c h du r ing the 19th century , was stated to have cos t about the equiva lent of o n e farthing per t o n per mi le . (Br is tow 1959. p52-53) Fourth , the ret t ing of raw husks was mos t l y in the backwaters and V e m b a n a d lake. The manual de f ib r ing by g inn ing and w i n n o w i n g was o f t en o n the banks and the sp inn ing of the f ibre strands in to yarn in the ad jo in ing areas. The backwaters and V e m b a n a d lake we r e also part of the waterway t ransport s ys tem. It was then the o b v i o u s m o d e t o t ransport the f in i shed yarn. The access ib i l i ty of A l l e p p e y by waterways was thus a con t r i bu t i ng factor. C o c h i n t o o had this waterway accessibi l i ty , (see M a p 8.02), bu t the c o m b i n a t i o n of the factors l is ted above led to a g r o w i n g concen t r a t i on of co i r mats and matt ing factor ies in and a round A l l e p p e y t o w n . The inter-war years : Rapid e x p a n s i o n a n d industrial unrest Growth, the depressior) years, and the emergence of rural small scale coir mats and matting factories. The First W o r i d War , w i th the d i s loca t ion of European markets and shor tage of sh ipp ing , resu l ted in the dec l i ne of co i r yarn e x p o i t s . But there was an increase in the mats and matt ing expor ts . (Jeffrey 1984. p i 159) The saving o f sh i pp ing space by t ranspor t ing the f in ished mats and mat t ing , and the d i s rup t ion of w o r k in co i r weav ing factor ies in Europe may have con t r i bu ted to the inc reased mats and mat t ing expor t s . The e n d o f the war and the r e o p e n i n g of Europe b rough t abou t a r e n e w e d g r o w t h , b o t h in co i r yarn and w o v e n co i r g o o d s . In the t en years f o l l o w i n g the e n d of the war there was a 400 percen t increase in the value of mats and mat t ing expor t s . (Ibid p i 159) A rev iew of the indust ry specu la ted that internat ional ly : the l ower buy ing capaci ty of the c o n s u m e r w h i c h had led h im t o take to a cheap f l oo r cove r ing whe re a m o r e expens i ve o n e ....was pu r chased in the pas t . (Gove rnment of T ravancore-Coch in 1953 . p73) This buoyan t market b rough t a b o u t in the 1920s what Jeffrey (1984. p i 159) descr ibes as a un ique d i l e m m a in 20th century Kerala; a shor tage of labour . T h e 1930s and the d e p r e s s i o n saw a swift change in this n e e d for l abour . There we re lay offs in many industr ies and many of t h e m sough t w o r k in the co i r industry . The co i r industry, un l ike many o the r industr ies , c o n t i n u e d t o expand even du r ing the d e p r e s s i o n but at l o w e r i n g wages . The dep ress ion inc reased the internat ional d e m a n d fo r a cheap f l oo r ing l ike co i r , p r o v i d e d the pr ice rema ined l ow . The Kerala co i r industry was ab le to mee t this l o w p r i c e d d e m a n d by a l owe r ing of the wages . Issacs s h o w s that for var ious grades of matt ing the d r o p in p i ece rate m o n e y wages b e t w e e n 1925 and 1937 was as sharp as 42.8 percent t o 60.6 pe rcen t . (1985. pPE-7) A fall in the cos t of l iv ing h o w e v e r made the dec l i ne in real wages marg ina l . In effect the co i r industry was mak ing use of the reserve army o f cheap l abour t o cater t o the n e w internat ional d e m a n d for co i r at l o w pr ices . A d e m a n d that e m e r g e d ou t o f the g loba l con tex t of the dep re s s i on . In the g r o w t h of the industry in the 1920s, the co i r yarn sec to r c o n t i n u e d t o be in the rural areas wh i l e the mats and mat t ing sec to r was increas ingly c o n c e n t r a t e d in and a round A l l e p p e y t o w n . This was the heyday o f the co i r industry, t rade and expo r t s in A l l e p p e y . But a s ignif icant d e v e l o p m e n t in the c o n t i n u e d g r o w t h of the industry in the 1930s was the e m e r g e n c e of smal l scale mats and mat t ing w o r k s h o p s in the rural areas o f A l l e p p e y distr ict . The n e e d t o cater t o a l o w pr ice market meant the n e e d to l o w e r the cos t of p r o d u c t i o n of mats and mat t ing . The pr inc ipa l attract ion for the drift to the distr icts must have b e e n the compara t i ve cheapness of labour , the l o w cos t l and and premises , and the many smal l e c o n o m i e s that c o u l d be e f fec ted in the vi l lages... . l abour is recru i ted a lmos t who l l y f rom the local i ty and the m e n are k n o w n to the p ropr i e to r and are therefore m o r e a c c o m m o d a t i n g and easy of con t ro l than w o r k m e n in the t o w n factor ies. (Gove rnmen t of T ravancore-Coch in 1953 . p79-80) This r e sponse to p r o d u c e mats and mat t ing cheap l y was partly faci l i tated by smal l capital ists, many f r o m wi th in the co i r industry and trade, w h o we re eager to set u p the smal l scale mat and mat t ing rural w o r k s h o p s . A t first they s u p p l i e d the f in i shed p roduc t s to the A i l e p p e y mats and mat t ing factor ies w h o f o u n d their o w n p r o d u c t i o n capaci ty inadequate to meet the increas ing expor t orders . W i t h t ime s o m e of the smal l p roduce r s d e v e l o p e d a familiarity w i th the co i r expor t market t o expor t o n the i r o w n . There were also merchant sh ippers w h o o w n e d n o factor ies but b o u g h t f r om a n u m b e r of smal l count ry w o r k s h o p s , b u l k e d t h e m and exported. ( Issacs 1985. pPE-8) Intense c o m p e t i t i o n and excess l o o m capac i ty a m o n g the small rural p roduce r s e m e r g e d lead ing t o pr ice b i d d i n g a m o n g t h e m . In this pr ice war s o m e small p r o d u c e r s w e n t to the extent to " e x e c u t e o rders b e l o w cost of p r o d u c t i o n " (Gove rnmen t of T ravancore-Coch in 1953. p i 30) W i t h little o r n o ove rhead expend i tu re they we re a lso b e c o m i n g a threat to the large urban p roduce r s . M o s t of the small rural p r o d u c e r s we r e l oca ted in the rural area b e t w e e n A i l e p p e y and Shertalai Towns . (Issacs 1985. pPE8) In the co i r industry a vert ical in tegrat ion was present f r o m husk c o l l e c t i o n , t h r o u g h rett ing in the in land waters , sp inn ing co i r yarn in the backwate r coasta l vi l lages t o the urban co i r mats matt ing factor ies and sh ippers . Such a c o n t i n u u m permi ts o r faci l itates the e m e r g e n c e of in termediar ies in the c o n t i n u u m , l ike the smal l rural mats and mat t ing w o r k s h o p s . Jeffrey r e cogn i ze s the vert ical in tegrat ion : The co i r indust ry was thus d ist inct : large factor ies shad ing off in to rud imentary count ry w o r k s h o p s and finally in to the huts o f thousands of p e o p l e w h o p r o d u c e d co i r yarn. (1984 p i 160) But Jeffrey d o e s no t adequate ly r e c o g n i z e the spatial c o m p o n e n t in the c o n t i n u u m , excep t to qual i fy the rud imentary w o r k s h o p s as " c o u n t r y " . It is impor tant in the unders tand ing of the co i r space e c o n o m y of Kerala to r e cogn i ze that the vert ical in tegrat ion was translated spatial ly o n a rural- u rban c o n t i n u u m . This was spread ove r the co i r belt . But the concen t r a t i on was in the nor the rn half of the belt s t re tch ing f r o m Parur taluk in the nor th t o Karunagapal ly taluk in the s o u t h . Shertalai and A m b a l a p u z h a taluks w e r e central ly l o ca ted in this nor thern half. They also b o r d e r e d V e m b a n a d lake and so we r e easily access ib le by water . These t w o taluks were thus an inner bel t w i th in the co i r belt . A l l e p p e y T o w n was l oca ted in A m b a l a p u z h a taluk. The smal l scale mat and mat t ing w o r k s h o p s that c a m e up in the 1930s we re in the rural areas of this inner belt . The nor the rn half of the larger co i r bel t is part of Kerala heart land w i th a typical Kerala e cosy s t em of h igh dens i t ies of p o p u l a t i o n and vege ta t ion , (p redominant l y c o c o n u t ) and a ne two rk of waterways and in the 20th cen tury increas ing roadways as we l l . M a n y of t he Indian mat and matt ings factor ies at A l l e p p e y we re o w n e d by pe r sons f r om ou ts ide Kerala. Empire C o i r W o r k s , a l ead ing Indian fac tory was o w n e d and ope ra t ed by a Cujarat i merchant . But all the owne r s of the smal l mat and matt ings were f r o m Kerala. A g o o d many of t h e m we re of the Ezhava caste. They rec ru i ted their worke rs f r o m the p o o r e r ranks of their o w n caste. (Issacs 1985.pPE11) This was vert ica l l inkage of a soc io-cul tura l character. The q u o t a t i o n eari ier f r o m the "Repor t of the Board of C o n c i l i a t i o n of Trade D isputes in Ma t s a n d Ma t t i ng Industry" (Gove rnmen t o f T ravancore-Coch in 1953.) referred t o l abour be i ng rec ru i ted w h o l l y f r o m the local i ty, the w o r k e r s b e i n g k n o w n to the p rop r i e to r and there fore m o r e a c c o m m o d a t i n g and easy of c o n t r o l . This was a re ference t o vert ical caste l inkages. Such l inkages apart f r o m patron-cl ient character ist ics we r e s t ructured by a sense o f caste ident i ty and sol idar i ty . This h e l p e d to con ta in any l abou r d i s con ten t in sp i te of p o o r wages and exp lo i ta t i ve cond i t i ons . But, as Issac (1983b, 1985) demons t ra tes , w i th the rise of o rgan i zed labour , trade un ion iza t i on and po l i t i ca l i za t ion of the co i r worke r s there was a transi t ion f r om caste consc i ousnes s to class c o n s c i o u s n e s s , (issac 1985.pPE-6) W h e n w e examine the T.L.A. and the subsequen t e m e r g e n c e of o rgan i zed labour w e shall obse rve this t ransi t ion occu r r i ng in the m i d 1930s. The initial e m e r g e n c e of rural smal l scale co i r mats and mat t ing w o r k s h o p s in the 1930s was no t prec ip i ta ted by trade u n i o n activity . But in later phases of the industry the n e e d to destab i l ize trade un i on i sm was an impor tan t factor in the c o n t i n u e d spatial decent ra l iza t ion and d o w n scal ing of the s ize of factor ies. In these phases trade un i on i sm b e c a m e a powe r fu l and impor tant aspect of the co i r industry. Here w e beg in to see the ways in w h i c h the po l i t i ca l e c o n o m y art iculated a spatial o rde r w i th a g r o w i n g non-urban manufac tur ing activity. The Travancore Labour Association. The beg inn ings of active trade u n i o n i s m in the co i r industry are in the 1930s. But this was p r e c e d e d in the 1920s by a l abour wel fare o rgan iza t ion ca l led the Travancore Labour Assoc i a t i on . (T.L.A). It was f o r m e d in M a r c h 1922 , unde r the leadersh ip of P.K.Bava, a moopan"^ in Empire C o i r W o r k s . ( Cov i ndan .1986 .p14 ) T o P.K.Bava, the fo rmat ion of the Labour Assoc i a t i on was the fu l f i l lment of a l o n g che r i shed d ream. Be ing a steadfast d e v o t e e of Sree Narayana G u r u and an activist in the Ezhava Soc ia l Re forms M o v e m e n t , he was very m u c h d i s tu rbed by the soc ia l p l ight and l o w status a c c o r d e d to worke r s . ( C o v i n d a n 1986 . p14) 7. The Malayalam term for supervisor or foreman. Sometimes the moopan is also a labour contractor. He hires the workers under him and pays them too, with the money he is paid by the factory for all the work done by his group of workers. The moopan is a respected person in the occupational culture of the coir and other industries where he figured. He is also sometimes seen as a tough person. In later years with the emergence of labour-capital conflict a moopan was often seen as an agent of the management. The in f luence o f welfarist and reformist o r ien ta t ions of the caste assoc ia t ions of the p e r i o d , were obv ious l y , in part, a mot i va t ing fo r ce b e h i n d the fo rmat ion of the T.L.A. S ignif icant ly the f o rma t i on of the T.L.A. was s u p p o r t e d by s o m e of the co i r mats and mat t ing factory owne r s in A l l eppey . The T.L.A. had ambiva lent func t ions . It p re-empted trade u n i o n f o rma t i on for s o m e t i m e but the roots of co i r industry trade un i on i sm may also be t raced to it. G i ven the explo i ta t ive features of the co i r industry, w i th l ong hours of wo rk , p o o r w o r k i n g cond i t i ons and l o w wages etc , the co i r o c cupa t i ona l cu l ture was charac ter ized by harshness. In the urban con tex t of A l l e p p e y , in the b ig factor ies w i th a concen t r a t i on of large n u m b e r of male worke r s and an impersona l a tmosphe re the harshness genera ted a mascu l ine t oughness a m o n g the workers , and the n e e d fo r con t ro l s and d isc ip l ine . In the European o w n e d large factor ies wi th relatively bet ter wages and m o r e superv isory staff such cont ro l s and d isc ip l ine we r e sys temat ized . For examp le G o v i n d a n ^ reco l lec ts that in the 1920s: In European C o m p a n i e s there was a f ixed t ime for worke r s to ente r and leave the factor ies . In the native factor ies the worke r s had greater f r e e d o m . (Gov indan 1986. p i 2) In the Indian o w n e d factor ies, in l ieu of the formal o rgan iza t iona l app roach of the European factor ies , an effort was m a d e to p lace soc ia l ob jec t i ves as an incent ive for d i s c ip l i ned work . This was impl ic i t in the p r o m o t i o n of a the T.L.A. by the Indian factory owne r s and their moopans. The mot i ve of the Indian emp loye r s in p r o m o t i n g the T.L.A. b e c o m e s ev ident if o n e examines the g r o w t h of Empire C o i r W o r k s t h r o u g h these measures in active suppo r t of the Assoc i a t i on the m a n a g e m e n t of the Empire C o i r W o r k s was able to w i n the d e e p loyalty of its workers . As a c o n s e q u e n c e the workers b e g a n to cons ide r the jobs in that factory as their o w n and execu t e 8. K.C.Govindan (1899-1986) was a coir industry worker and trade union activist in the 1920s and 1930s in Kerala. His autobiography was documented and published by the Centre for Development Studies, Trivandrum, under the A.D.Neelakantan Endowment. (Govindan 1986). A Endowment facilitating senior activists in trade union, peasant and teacher's movements in Kerala to record their reminiscences and perceptions of the movements and their involvement. (See Introduction by T.N.Krishnan to Govindan 1986) t h e m very s incerely . A l l the merchants we re in agreement that n o p r o d u c t w o u l d c o m p e t e in qual i ty to those of that factory. ( lssac 1985. pPE-7) The T.L.A's i d e o l o g y and ob jec t i ves we re no t that of a trade u n i o n . The T.L.A., it was adv i sed , s h o u l d c o n c e r n itself w i t h the soc ia l status of the workers than their e c o n o m i c c o n d i t i o n s . Soc ia l we l fare activit ies such as the f o rma t i on of a read ing r o o m and library, an e v e n i n g educa t i on cent re , a death benef i t f u n d s c h e m e , an ayurvedic hosp i ta l and a co-operat ive soc i e t y fo r the workers cons t i t u t ed the main b u r d e n of the T.L .A 's f unc t i on i ng in the early years. (Ibid pPE-7) The p r o m o t i o n and s u p p o r t of the T.L.A., as we l fa re soc ie ty fo r co i r wo rke r s , by the Indian co i r factory owne r s was u n d e r p i n e d by several factors . These may be s u m m a r i z e d as f o l l ows : - The rivalry b e t w e e n the European and Indian co i r f i rms or factor ies . The European f irms were no t sympathe t i c or suppor t i ve o f the T.L.A. (Issacs 1985 pPE-7) .On the o the r hand s o m e of the Indian factor ies e m p l o y e d on l y T.L.A. m e m b e r s and/or act ively e n c o u r a g e d wo rke r s to jo in the T.L.A. The T.L.A. s u p p o r t e d the Indian sec tor . The first secretary of the T.L.A. was a moopan in an Indian factory, and the first Pres ident , a manager o f an Indian co i r mat and mat t ing factory. - The fo rmat ion and f u n c t i o n i n g of the T.L.A. was in the 1920s. This was the pe r i od of g r o w i n g nat iona l i sm a n d po l i t i ca l activit ies of the Indian Nat iona l C o n g r e s s w h i c h was eventual ly to lead to Indian i n d e p e n d e n c e . In the f unc t i on i ng o f the T.L.A. national ists sen t iments we r e at play, and u s e d c lever ly by the Indian co i r factory owne r s . It bene f i t ed t h e m in many way as w e shall obse r ve later. The wo rke r s t o o der i ved s o m e benef i ts . But a latent f unc t i on of the T.L.A. seems to have b e e n to p re -e m p t o r d i f fuse conf l i c t b e t w e e n the owne r s and labour . Wha t e ve r host i l i ty that d i d e m e r g e was d i r e c t ed at the European owne r s of co i r factor ies . - The Indian co i r factory owne r s w e r e no t si<illed in large scale fac tory formal o rgan iza t ion and systems. They w e r e used to m o r e tradi t ional , pe r sona l i z ed , but none the l ess explo i ta t ive , patron-cl ient re la t ionships . Such re la t ionsh ips were p rob l ema t i c as the n u m b e r of wo rke r s in a factory b e c a m e large.In this con t ex t the i d e o l o g y and c o m m i t m e n t of the T.L.A. faci l i tated a m o r e c o m m i t t e d w o r k f o r c e in the Indian factor ies . - W e a v i n g o f intr icate des igns requ i red sk i l led weavers in the co i r mat and matt ing industry. There was n e e d to retain the m o r e sk i l led weavers . O f t e n they left o n e factory for another . There was thus the cons tant fear that they w o u l d be lured by ano the r factory. This was part iculady so in the Indian factor ies as they c o u l d not ma tch the wages pa id by the larger Eu ropean factor ies w i t h their b igge r expor t s and prof i ts . The T.L.A. w i th national ist and loyalist i d e o l o g y e m b e d d e d in its we l far i sm, h e l p e d to r educe such l abour turnover . - W e n o t e d in C h a p t e r t w o that caste r e fo rmism led by Ezhavas, and d is in tegrat ion o r decay o f s o m e Nayar caste inst i tut ions charac te r ized early 20th century Kerala. Cas te assoc ia t ions , part o f the paraphernal ia of caste r e fo rmism, b o t h cha l l enged the sup remacy o f the savarna castes a n d e s p o u s e d sanskr i t izat ion. The Ezhava tradi t ional o c c u p a t i o n was t o d d y t app ing , but many Ezhavas f r o m pre-co lon ia l t imes we re e n g a g e d in c o c o n u t cu l t ivat ion and c o c o n u t based industr ies . The S.N.D.P. , the Ezhava caste reformist o rgan iza t i on , w e n o t e d in chapte r t w o was a powe r fu l soc ia l m o v e m e n t in eariy 20th century Kerala. M a n y co i r worke r s we r e m e m b e r s of the S .N.D.P . W e n o t e d eariier that moopan Bawa, the f o u n d e r and secretary of the T.L.A. was a s taunch f o l l o w e r of Sree Narayana G u r u . Cas te reformist i d e o l o g y and sol idar i ty pene t ra ted the wo rk ings of the T.L.A. T e m p e r a n c e was part of Narayana Guru ' s and S .N.D.P . i deo logy . The T.L.A. had a success fu l p r o g r a m to train t o d d y tappers in co i r weav i ng , pay t i i e m a tra inee a l l owance and f ind t h e m jobs in co i r factor ies. (Gov i ndan 1986.p17) T e m p e r a n c e as part o f the ideo log i ca l baggage of the S .N.D.P. is an e x a m p l e of sanskr i t izat ion.^ It s o u g h t t o disassociate the Ezhavas f r o m t o d d y t app ing . A mix o f these factors was to inject re formist , nat ional is t ic and altruistic mot i va t ions a m o n g the workers . The suppor t and part ic ipat ion of the Indian co i r factory owne r s in the T.L.A. also led to the p e r c e p t i o n of the emp loye r s as " b e n e v o l e n t capi ta l is ts " (Issac 1985 . pPE8) The T.L.A. activit ies was a phase , a lmost a h o n e y m o o n , w h e n class e c o n o m i c interests we re s u b m e r g e d . It was in a p e r i o d that was charac ter ized by the fervour of nat iona l i sm and caste r e fo rmism. Basic class e c o n o m i c interests and con t rad i c t i ons c o u l d no t h o w e v e r be subo rd ina t ed for t o o l o n g and they came ou t in to the o p e n in the 1930s. Emergence of organized labour and a radical hegemony. There had b e e n sporad i c and u n o r g a n i z e d l abour protests pr ior t o the 1930s, i n c lud ing a strike in 1928 at W i l l i am G o o d a c r e s & C o , d e c i d e d u p o n by the worke r s in this factory in protest of a wage r educ t i on . The T.L.A. was no t suppor t i ve of this strike but was f o r c e d to take up the worke r s ' cause w h e n the ent ire w o r k f o r c e was d i sm i ssed . (Issacs 1985.pPE-9) This l ed to a change of T.L.A. leadersh ip . The next strike in 1931 at the B o m b a y C o m p a n y was bet ter o r g a n i z e d and s u p p o r t e d by the T.L.A. It a lso b rough t for th fur ther n e w leadersh ip in the T.L.A.. (Ibid pPE-9) The T.L.A. by this t ime began to interact w i th po l i t i ca l o rgan iza t ions l ike the State C o n g r e s s o f Travancore and the C o n g r e s s Social ist Party (C.S.P.) o f Malabar . The latter was a breakaway radical w i n g of the Indian Nat iona l C o n g r e s s in Ma labar . 9. Caste rules do not permit Brahmins to consume liquor. Sanskritization, as explained earlier, is a process by which non-brahminical castes tend to emulate brahminical practices and improve the social status of the caste. Missionary activities may have also had influenced the temperance movement. This was a lso the pe r i od that the Russian revo lu t ion and the pos t revo lut ionary efforts of the Soviet U n i o n were b e c o m i n g m o r e k n o w n in Kerala by translat ions in to Malaya lam. ^® The first Labour G o v e r n m e n t in Britain a lso had an impact o n s o m e w h o were soc ia l reformers and later t o e m e r g e as trade u n i o n leaders. (Gov indan 1986. p i 5) The n u m b e r of co i r worke r s literate was as h igh as 65 pe rcen t in 1938. (Gove rnmen t of T ravanvore-Coch in 1953. p 201) ^2 M a n y of t h e m were also i n f l uenced by the literary renaissance that was occu r r i ng in Malaya lam at this t ime . (Issac 1985 pPE I I , Je f f rey 1984 p i 162) The T.L.A. had its o w n week l y paper " T h o z h i l a l i " . ^ ^ It b e c a m e a veh ic le fo r worke r s to give e x p r e s s i o n , t h rough the m e d i u m of p o e m s , short stor ies, e tc , t o their w o r k exper i ences , o c cupa t i ona l cu l ture , l abour o rgan iza t ion and class consc i ousness . A l l this began to direct the worke r s a n d the T.L.A. towards a radical o r i en ta t ion . The n e w leadersh ip of the T.L.A. we r e also worke rs o r wo rke r o r i en ted and no t f r o m the ranks of m o o p a n s . Cas te reformist and nat ional ist or ienta t ions were still impor tant in the w ide r soc ie ta l con tex t and c o n t i n u e d to in f luence the workers . But radical i d e o l o g y was beg inn ing t o make sense in the con tex t of the w o r k i n g class exper i ence of p o o r wages , w o r k i n g c o n d i t i o n s etc. This is neatly exemp l i f i ed in the H i n d u reformist saying of Sri Narayana G u r u , of " o n e caste, o n e re l ig ion , o n e G o d , " b e i n g recast as a radical w o r k e r s logan of " n o caste, n o re l ig ion and n o G o d " . (Issac 1985. pPE-10) W h i l e all this was h a p p e n i n g the worke r s ' c o n d i t i o n had m a d e n o gains. This was part icular iy so fo r the rural smal l mat and mat t ing factory worke rs w h o s e wages we re half of their u rban counte rpar t s . (Issacs 1985 . p P E I I ) This l ed to the T.L.A. to o rgan ize the workers of 10. Leslie Brown, an English Missionary was surprised to see in the early 1940s, in a Travancore ferry boat, "all over the deck working class folk studying the Communist Manifesto". (Brown 1981. p42) 11. Some of the trade union legislation of the British Raj in 1920s and 1930s were caused by the first Labour Government and the Labour-National Government of MacDonald in Britain. 12. Jeffrey cites one source that estimated coir workers literacy at 75 percent in 1931. (Jeffrey 1984. pi 162 and footnote 56,p1165) 13. In translation, from Malayalam, it reads "Worker". the smal l factor ies. This meant a con f ron ta t i on b e t w e e n the Ezhava smal l capita l ists, w h o ran the smal l rural mat and mat t ing w o r k s h o p s , and the T.L.A.. Class c o n s c i o u s n e s s began to su rmoun t caste loyalt ies and vert ical soc io-cul tura l in tegra t ion . Ezhavas w h o had b e c o m e small capital ists s h e d even their re formist fervour and b e c o m e modera tes t o safeguard their e c o n o m i c interests. To an extent caste reformist ob jec t i ves had been ach ieved by this t ime, and reformist mot i va t i on was o n the dec l i ne a m o n g the smal l Ezhava capital ists and workers . This was a p e r i o d of pr ice war a m o n g the smal l p roduce r s of mats and mat t ings . Price r educ t ions were m a d e at the e x p e n s e of the worke r s by w a g e reduct ions . The re was thus g r o w i n g w o r k e r d i s con ten t . The C o n g r e s s Social ist Party (C.S.P) of Malabar , the breakaway g r o u p of the Indian Nat iona l C o n g r e s s , w i th its increas ing Marxist i deo logy , l ed the w o r k e r d i s con ten t in to radical channe ls . This h a p p e n e d in the p rocess of a g r o w i n g c loser in teract ion b e t w e e n the T.L.A. and C.S.P. (Ibid pPE12) The wage reduct ions and deter iora t ing c o n d i t i o n s of the worke r s l ed the T.L.A. to o rgan ize a genera l strike of all co i r worke r s in Travancore in M a r c h 1938. This was also the p e r i o d that Travancore State C o n g r e s s was agitat ing for " r e s p o n s i b l e g o v e r n m e n t " . S o m e of its leaders were in p r i son hav ing c o u r t e d arrests by satyagraha. There was coa l e sc ing of trade u n i o n and nat ional po l i t i ca l ag i tat ion. There was at the same as the co i r genera l str ike, a b o a t m e n strike c r i pp l i ng waterways transport in Travancore. In this heavi ly cha rged pol i t ica l a tmosphe re demons t r a t i ons by str ik ing co i r worke r s l ed t o con f ron ta t i ons w i th the po l i c e and the deaths o f six workers . W h e n the str ike c a m e t o an e n d in N o v e m b e r 1938, the benef i t to the co i r w o r k e r s was on ly six a n d half pe r cen t increase in wages . But it was a wa te r shed in w o r k i n g class po l i t i cs in Travancore . It c o n t r i b u t e d t o what Issacs (Ibid pPE14) character izes as the e m e r g e n c e o f radical h e g e m o n y in Travancore , and fo r that matter in Kerala. The strike total ly rad ica l ized the T.L.A., and the m o d e r a t e s dr i f ted away. Indeed du r i ng the str ike, po l i t i ca l d e m a n d s b e c a m e more impor tan t than w o r k e r e c o n o m i c d e m a n d s . ( Ibid pPE13) The push for this c ame f r o m the wo rke r ranks. The po l i t i c i z ed struggle of the co i r wo rke r s i n f l uenced the w o r k i n g s of the Travancore State C o n g r e s s and the y o u n g and m o r e radical e l ements w i th in it b r o k e away t o fo rm a radical g r o u p . This g r o u p t oge the r w i th the C.S.P. of Ma labar and T.L.A. leadersh ip t h r o w n up by the 1938 str ike we re t o b e c o m e the co re of the C o m m u n i s t Party of India in Kerala. W h e n the Travancore Trade U n i o n A c t c ame in to effect in 1938, the T.L.A. came t o be reg is tered as the first t rade u n i o n u n d e r the act, w i th a s ignif icant change in name as the Travancore C o i r Factory Worke r s U n i o n . (T.C.F.W.U.) (Tharamangalam 1981 . p68 ) Pol i t ical po la r iza t ion o n a class basis was beg inn ing to take p lace . W e n o t e d h o w the smal l Ezhava capital ists had ach ieved their caste reformist ob jec t i ves in s o m e measure . The 1938 str ike and the po l i t i ca l ag i tat ion that a c c o m p a n i e d it, made t h e m apprehens ive of the g r o w i n g radica l izat ion of the w o r k i n g class. In this pol i t ica l c o n t e x t the smal l Ezhava capital ists, even in the caste reformist f ront , m o v e d f r om con f ron t a t i on to c o m p r o m i s e w i th the es tab l i shment and the State p o w e r that r ep resen ted it. It was in their e c o n o m i c interests to d o s o . Cas te pos i t i on , status and sol idar i ty we r e less impor tant than class interests and pos i t i ons . O n the o the r s ide , wo rke r s s h e d caste c o n s c i o u s n e s s and loyalt ies. Marx is t i d e o l o g y b e c a m e a powe r fu l w e a p o n t o f ight b o t h class and caste o p p r e s s i o n . This d i s cuss ion was to demons t r a t e the intricate re la t ionsh ip b e t w e e n the po l i t i ca l e c o n o m y of Kerala and the co i r industry. H o w this a f fec ted the space e c o n o m y of Kerala wi l l b e c o m e clear as w e p r o c e e d to examine the g r o w t h of the smal l rural w o r k s h o p s . The smal l capital ists and worke rs of this sec to r b e c a m e impor tant actors in the po l i t i ca l e c o n o m y . They we re rep l i ca ted by the larger factor ies in their efforts to decent ra l i ze and d o w n s c a l e their es tab l i shments . They we re also u sed as p r o d u c e r s f r om w h o m we re c o l l e c t e d the f inshed p roduc t s by the b ig f irms t o mee t their expo r t c o m m i t m e n t s . S o m e of this o c c u r r e d in the pos t - i ndependence p e r i o d as the W a r w i t h its imp l i ca t ions for market d e m a n d s , sh i pp ing and p r o d u c t i o n c o n d i t i o n s a l tered temporar i l y the t rends that we re b e g i n n i n g to emerge . But none the less an examina t ion of the 1940s is necessary to unders tand the pos t - i ndependence d e v e l o p m e n t . The 1940s : C o i r in the pol i t ica l e c o n o m y o n the eve of de-co lon i za t i on . The early phase This phase may be s u m m a r i z e d as fo l l ows . First, there was co-opera t ion b e t w e e n the European and Indian large-scale co i r mats and mat t ing manufacturers and expor te rs . The European conce rns had been m e m b e r s of the Travancore C h a m b e r of C o m m e r c e , a European d o m i n a t e d b o d y , wh i l e the Indians we re m e m b e r s of the A l l e p p e y C h a m b e r of C o m m e r c e w h i c h sough t to safeguard and p r o m o t e Indian c o m m e r c i a l interests. S o m e Indians we re m e m b e r s of b o t h bod i e s . (Mahadevan 1988. p i 2) The n e e d for co-opera t ion b e t w e e n the European and Indian large scale co i r mats and mat t ing manufacturers and expor te rs l ed to the fo rma t ion of the Travancore C o i r Ma t s and M a t t i n g Manufac ture rs Assoc i a t i on . ( T . C . M . M . M . A ) . The mot i ve to co-opera te was t o con ta in the c o m p e t i t i o n f r o m the rural smal l scale co i r mats and mat t ing manufacturers and have a c o m m o n front t o g r o w i n g trade u n i o n mi l i tancy. (Issca 1983a. p39) S e c o n d , there was increas ing sub-contrac t ing f r o m the large scale manufacturers to the smal l scale manufacturers . This was due to large and/or bulk orders f r om the British Wa r Suppl ies Dept , w h i c h c o u l d be h a n d l e d on l y by the large scale mats and mat t ing factor ies. Indeed they d i d this by d is t r ibut ing the tota l o rde r by sub-contacts t o a n u m b e r of smal l scale co i r mats and mat t ing factor ies. There was the a d d e d advantage that the cos t o f p r o d u c t i o n in the smal l factor ies was b e c o m i n g even l owe r than be fo re . There was n o such t r end in the large factor ies . Shor tages of f o o d and rising pr ices du r i ng the war, w i t h c o n s e q u e n t d i re n e e d for j obs , l ed to the availability of c h e a p labour . Rural co i r mats and matt ing l abour was also less o rgan ized than its urban counterpar t . ( Ibid p40) W e see in the g rowth of sub-cont rac t ing the beg inn ings of a t rend towards decent ra l i za t ion c o n s e q u e n t to s t rong urban trade un ion iza t i on and l o w e r cos ts . Th i rd , in the 1930s the g rowth o f smal l scale factor ies d i d no t lead t o any r e d u c t i o n in the s ize or n u m b e r of large scale urban factor ies . They c o n t i n u e d t o exist t oge the r . But 1940s saw the decrease in the s ize of the large urban factor ies. ( Ib id p40) This was c o n s e q u e n t to increas ing sub-cont rac t ing . S o m e of the large scale factor ies d i d not manufac ture at all. They d id s o m e of the f in i sh ing p rocesses l ike shear ing etc and b u l k e d the co l l e c t i ons f r o m the smal l factor ies and e x p o r t e d t h e m . They we re virtually expor te rs and sh ippers . Fourth , the g r o w t h of the smal l rural factor ies l ed t o the m o v e m e n t of l abour b e t w e e n the urban and rural sec tors . S o m e t i m e s the same worke r s m o v e d in and ou t o f the urban and rural factor ies and in to the co i r sp i nn ing sec to r as we l l . (Jeffrey 1984. p i 163) Issacs calls this pe r i od i c m ig ra t ion (Issac 1984. p i 65). It has s t rong similar it ies to H u g o ' s d e s c r i p t i o n of c ircular migra t ion in Java, Indonesia . ( H u g o 1978 p i 06-115) and what Nagaraj d e s c r i b e d as the m o b i l e soc iety . This has impl ica t ions fo r the space e c o n o m y and pol i t i ca l e c o n o m y nexus as w e shall observe later. Labour relations Labour re lat ions in the 1940s had t w o phases . The first o n e last ing t h r o u g h o u t the p e r i o d of the war was o n e of industr ial peace . Fo l l ow ing the str ike of 1938 and g r o w i n g trade un ion iza t i on a m o n g the co i r workers : Instead o f a po l i c y of con f ron t a t i on , the capital ists f o l l o w e d a p o l i c y o f i n co rpo ra t i on of the trade u n i o n m o v e m e n t in to co l lec t i ve barga in ing inst i tut ions. The trade u n i o n m o v e m e n t was also w i l l i ng t o co-operate , g i v en its ' p r o d u c t i o n po l i cy ' to he lp the war effort . (Issac 1983a. p39) The T .C . F .W .U as w e n o t e d eadier had c lose in teract ion and invo l vement w i th the C o m m u n i s t Party. In N o v e m b e r 1940 it c ame unde r the w i n g of the party. (Jeffrey 1981 . p i 0 5 ) To the Indian Na t iona l C o n g r e s s the S e c o n d W o r l d Wa r was a war a m o n g the imperia l ists and it saw n o reason to b e suppor t i ve of the British raj war effort in India. The C o m m u n i s t Party o n the o the r hand , w i t h the entry of the Soviet U n i o n to the W o r i d Wa r and the party's l inks to M o s c o w , f o u n d reason to suppo r t the war effort . The T .C .F .W.U. ' s p r o d u c t i o n po l i c y and w i l l ingness to co-opera te w i th the m a n a g e m e n t was in this con tex t . The s e c o n d phase of l abour re lat ions in the 1940s lasted f r om the e n d of the war to the t ime of Indian i n d e p e n d e n c e in A u g u s t 1947 . In contrast to the first phase it was a p e r i o d of u n p r e c e d e n t e d agi tat ion and s t ruggle by the co i r workers . Pe r iod ic or c i rcular migrat ion of the co i r worke rs was in part a catalyst. It c aused a po l i t i ca l l eaven ing of the count rys ide . Literacy, vi l lage l ibraries and read ing r o o m s c o n t r i b u t e d to the pol i t ica l l eaven ing of the Kerala coun t r ys ide . But the geograph ica l l y and occupa t i ona l l y m o b i l e co i r worke r s we re the m o r e impor tan t leaven. O n e result of this g r o w i n g po l i t i c i za t ion was the trade un ion i za t i on of many o c c u p a t i o n s . By the eariy 1940s it was di f f icul t to f ind a co i r factory o r any o the r industr ia l enterpr ise in the t w o taluks of A m b a l a p u z h a and Shertal lai w h e r e a trade un ion had no t b e e n es tab l i shed . U n i o n s had b e e n o r g a n i z e d a m o n g por t workers , tile worke rs , text i le worke rs , c a s h e w worke rs , pape r mi l l worke rs , head-load worke r s , b e e d i wo rke r s , f i she rmen , t o d d y tappers , c o c o n u t t ree c l imbers , and b o a t m a n . (Tharamangalam 1981 . p68) O t h e r than the por t worke r s and " head- loade r s " (urban in fo rma l sec to r manua l t ransport workers ) , all o t he r o c c u p a t i o n s we r e rural based . The trade un ion i za t i on of agr icultural l abourers in 1939/1940 in Kut tanad, the r eg ion ad jo in ing V e m b a n a d Lake and o n the immed ia t e pe r iphe ry o f the co i r bel t , was the first t ime agr icul tural labourers were trade u n i o n i z e d in India, (Tharamangalam 1981 . p70) It is a lso perhaps o n e of the first occu r rences , in a g l oba l con t ex t , of trade un ion i za t i on o f landless agr icul tural labourers in peasant agr icul ture , or agr icul ture o the r than capital ist and/or p lantat ion agr icu l ture . C o i r workers p layed an impor tant ro le . M a n y co i r factory u n i o n activists f r o m A i l e p p e y travel led t h r o u g h o u t Kuttanad m o b i l i z i n g agricultural labourers . T h o s e w h o lost their regular w a g e s o n such occas ions we re s u p p o r t e d by their co-workers in their factor ies w h o con t r i bu ted a share of their daily wages fo r this p u r p o s e . (Tharamangalam 1981 . p70) Equally s ignif icant was that the co i r worke r s were c o n c e r n e d w i th po l i t i ca l d e m a n d s as m u c h as they we re w i th e c o n o m i c d e m a n d s . This was a rude s h o c k and rebuff to the co i r capital ists w h o sough t to channe l the T .C . F .W .U . , us ing the eari ier phase of co l lec t i ve barga in ing and co-opera t ion as leverage, in to mere e c o n o m i c trade u n i o n i s m . They fa i led to real ize that eariier co-opera t ion was pol i t ica l ly mot i va t ed . The suppo r t of the war effort by the co i r worke r s was in part, in the p e r c e p t i o n of these worke r s , t o safeguard the ach ievements of the w o r k i n g class of the Soviet U n i o n . The cessa t ion of the war d i d no t b r i ng the scarcity of f o o d and e c o n o m i c dif f icult ies that the worke r s e n c o u n t e r e d du r ing the war to an e n d . In A u g u s t 1946 the T .C . F .W .U . l aunched a str ike for relief of what was d e s c r i b e d as " f am ine c o n d i t i o n s " and w o n mos t of the d e m a n d s . (Jeffrey 1981 . p i l l ) The armed struggle This was the eve of the par t i t ion of India and the depar ture of the Br i t ish, a p e r i o d of in tense pol i t ica l f lux, t ens ion and d i s con ten t in India. A m i d s t the mut iny of the Royal Indian Navy in Bombay , e thno-re l ig ious v i o l ence in Ca l cu t ta , str ikes, inf lat ion and f o o d shortages in var ious parts of India, three protest m o v e m e n t s are d ist inct in b e i n g the ar t icu lat ion o f the po l i t i ca l d i s con ten t of the subal tern classes of India. They are, first, the res istance o f the peasants of Te langana reg ion of the Hyde r abad pr ince ly state to the l and lo rds and the state g o v e r n m e n t for neariy f ive years c o m m e n c i n g in July 1946 . S e c o n d , in S e p t e m b e r 1946 began the T e b h a g a m o v e m e n t a m o n g the sha rec roppers in Benga l . Th i rd , in O c t o b e r 1946 the b l o o d y upr is ing of the workers of A i l e p p e y distr ict , o f t en ca l led the Punnapra-Vayalar rising. after the two vi l lages w h e r e a rmed encoun te r s t o o k p lace b e t w e e n the worke r s and the military. Indian w o r k i n g classes, t o be sure, have c o n d u c t e d l o n g , b i t ter str ikes, and peasants have s taged susta ined revolts in the coun t r ys ide . But on ly o n c e , it appears, have worke r s in an industry f a sh ioned w e a p o n s , set u p a rmed enclaves and fough t the mil itary in p i t ched , if o n e s i ded , battles. That event, the so ca l l ed Punnapra-Vayalar revolt , n a m e d fo r t w o of the places invo l ved , was led by the C o m m u n i s t Party o f India in O c t o b e r 1946 in the pr ince ly state of Travancore W h y s h o u l d the t o w n of A l l e p p e y and its n e i g h b o u r h o o d have taken u p arms w h e n no o the r proletariat in India had d o n e so ? A small prov inc ia l t o w n in a r emote co rne r of the coun t r y was no t M o s c o w or Pet rograd ; n o r was it B o m b a y o r Calcutta.. . . ( Jeffrey 1981 . p97) Jeffrey g o e s o n to d iscuss many issues that he lp t o unders tand the w i d e r contex t in w h i c h this o c c u r r e d . A l l of t h e m are no t relevant for this case s tudy o n the co i r industry. Suff ice to state that w i th increas ing d e m a n d of the M u s l i m League for the c rea t ion of Pakistan, many pr ince ly states we re m a n o e u v e r i n g t o b e c o m e i n d e p e n d e n t states. The C o m m u n i s t Party of India was c o n c e r n e d that this might lead to a ba lkan izat ion of India. It was not clear to the C o m m u n i s t Party w h e t h e r the Indian Nat iona l C o n g r e s s w o u l d prevent the ba lkan izat ion of India. The nat ional bou rgeo i s i e o r el i te we r e s t rongly b e h i n d the Indian Nat iona l C o n g r e s s and it may no t have b e e n in their interests to a l low the ba lkan izat ion of India. But the C o m m u n i s t Party pe r ce i v ed a British p lo t t o br ing abou t an "a l l iance b e t w e e n the Pr inces, the (Indian Nat ional ) C o n g r e s s and (Mus l im) League l eade rs " Perce iv ing also the cond i t i ons fo r a "mass revo lut ionary u p s u r g e " it saw the n e e d t o l aunch "part ia l s t rugg l e s " in the pr ince ly states t o thwart the pe r ce i v ed consp i racy b e t w e e n the pr inces and b o u r g e o i s leaders. Jeffrey argues that the C o m m u n i s t Party had the right ingred ients in Travancore pr ince l y state to test launch its "part ia l s t r ugg l e " . 14. For a detailed discussion of the Punnapra-Vayalar uprising, see Jeffrey (1981) and Issacs (1984) Chapter IV p165-176. 15. From the August 1946 resolution of the Communist Party of India, cited by Jeffrey (1981. pllO) A n o r g a n i z e d , angry w o r k i n g class a lready ex i s t ed unde r the leadersh ip of ded i c a t ed , wel l-read C o m m u n i s t s seek ing t o capi ta l ize o n post-war instabi l i ty and the i m p e n d i n g departure of the Brit ish. He re was a potent ia l "par t ia l s t r ugg l e " against a pr ince ly state set o n a dea l w i th bou rgeo i s nat ional ists . Eno ugh such partial struggles w o u l d lead to the se izure of p o w e r by the p e o p l e . (Jeffrey 1981 . p i 20) Issac (1983a. p40) sees the Punnapra-Vayalar s t ruggle as ref lect ing the h igh level of po l i t i c i za t ion of the co i r worke rs and their refusal to l imit their s t ruggles to e c o n o m i c d e m a n d s . For pu rposes o f this case s tudy it is no t necessary to rev iew the var ious interpretat ions that have b e e n made of the Punnapra-Vayalar struggle. ^® W h a t is impor tant t o r e c o g n i z e is that the co i r wo rke r s we re the centra l actors in the struggle , a l ong w i th wo rke r s of o the r u n i o n i z e d o c c u p a t i o n s such as f i she rmen , b o a t m e n , etc This expla ins the o c c u r r e n c e , in a smal l prov inc ia l t o w n , A i l e p p e y and its rural h in ter iand, of the singular a r m e d wo rke r s ' s t rugg le in India. A l l eppey ' s co i r worke r s - l i terate, un i ted and w i th twenty years agi tat ional expe r i ence - we re o n e of the truly mass bases of C o m m u n i s t s t rength in India. G i ven what appea red to be e n c o u r a g e m e n t f r o m the central l eadersh ip , Travancore C o m m u n i s t s we re ready t o cha l l enge their gove rnmen t in a way that s e e m e d in a c c o r d w i th the Bo lshev ik t rad i t ion that many of t h e m had di l igent ly i m b i b e d . W o r k e r s wi l l ing ly t h r ew themse l ves in to that cha l l enge , b o t h because of loca l c o n d i t i o n s and their o w n accep tance of Marx is t ideas. (Jeffrey 1981 . p i 00) The Punnapra-Vayalar upr i s ing d i d no t ach ieve its ob jec t i ve of o v e r t h r o w i n g the Travancore gove rnmen t . It d i d no t b e c o m e "Ba t t l esh ip P o t o m k i n " o r make Kerala the Y u n a n of India. But it was a wa te r shed in Kerala po l i t i cs , and a i ded in the c o n s o l i d a t i o n o f the mass base suppo r t for the C o m m u n i s t Party in Kerala and the party 's pos i t i on in ma ins t ream pol i t i cs in Kerala in the decades to c o m e . The 400 workers w h o d i e d in the struggle b e c a m e martyrs and the st ruggle a l e g e n d . 16. For a discussion of some of the interpretations see Jeffrey (1981) p98-100. 17. The Communist Party of India's documentation of the struggle published in 1975 is titled "Immortal Punnapra-Vayalar" See George (1975). The Punnapra-Vayalar s t ruggle is s ignif icant for t w o reasons for this study. First, the loca le of the s t ruggle was the non-urban o r rural h in t edand of A l l e p p e y town . l t is in fact n a m e d after t w o vi l lages, emphas i z i ng the rural loca le of an a rmed worke r s upr i s ing . In 20th century India for the s ingular a rmed industr ia l worke r s upr i s ing to take p lace in a rural loca le is impor tant and s ignif icant. It is a re f lec t ion of the space e c o n o m y of Kerala. T h e rural loca le is c o n s e q u e n t to the spread of the co i r mat and mat t ing industry to the rural areas; c ircular or pe r i od i c migra t ion of co i r worke rs ; t rade un ion i za t i on of rural wage worke rs in co i r and o the r rural o c c u p a t i o n s . It is a lso then a s ta tement o f the c l o se re la t ionsh ip b e t w e e n the space e c o n o m y and the pol i t i ca l e c o n o m y in Kerala. S e c o n d , l abour intensive industr ies and their w o r k f o r c e are impor tan t e l emen ts in the pol i t i ca l e c o n o m y of Kerala. The p resence of l abour intens ive industr ies in t o w n s l ed t o a cong rega t i on of worke r s and eventua l t rade u n i o n i z a t i o n . In the labour-capita l con f l i c t that f o l l o w e d , capitals ' strategy was the use of space . D o w n s i z e d p r o d u c t i o n units we r e set up , spatially spread ou t in the non-urban areas. Popu l a t i on dens i t ies m a d e avai lable c h e a p non-urban labour . The spread of co l lec t i ve c o n s u m p t i o n , t ransport facil it ies and cultural e c o n o m i c inst i tut ion of a t rad ing system and f o r c e d c o m m e r c e that link smal l and pet ty p r o d u c t i o n to nat ional and internat ional markets fac i l i tated capi ta ls ' strategy. This e m p h a s i z e s the c o n s e q u e n c e s of l abour intensive industr ies a n d a h is tor ica l geograph i ca l c o n t e x t fo r the pol i t ica l e c o n o m y . But of fundamenta l i m p o r t a n c e t o this s tudy is that it he lps make the co re character ist ic of Kerala desakota , the p resence of non-urban non-agr icul tura l activit ies inte l l ig ib le . O n e of the central issues in this s tudy exam in ing Kerala de sako t a and its h istor ica l g e o g r a p h y is the s ymb io t i c re lat ionship a m o n g land use, phys ica l geog raphy , t ranspor t , l abour intens ive agro-process ing industr ies, po l i t i cs , space and cu l ture . D e s a k o t a is an o rgan i c part of this mix . Examinat ion of the Punnapra-Vayalar s t ruggle he lps to bare this m ix . Pos t- independence era: Fo rced c o m m e r c e cha l l enged Coir mats and mattings sector in the initial p o s t - i n d e p e n d e n c e p e r i o d , there was a reversal of the dec l ine of urban large scale factor ies that w e o b s e r v e d du r i ng the war years. This was c o n s e q u e n t to a sharp rise in rural wages du r ing the post-war revo lut ionary upsu rge ; d i s rup t ion of rural factor ies o n a c coun t of the a rmed upr i s ing and the af termath of r ep ress ion ; and the return of s o m e tradi t ional buyers after the war fo r co i r p roduc t s that we re spec i f i c to large scale factor ies.But the war years b o o m c o n d i t i o n s and sub-cont rac t ing had created a rural l o o m capac i ty that was in excess w h e n the war came t o an e n d . The return to large scale urban manufac tur ing aggravated this s i tuat ion . There was n o w id le l o o m capac i ty in the rural areas. In human terms this meant m o r e rural u n e m p l o y m e n t and u n d e r e m p l o y m e n t . This amidst f o o d scarcit ies m a d e the s i tuat ion even m o r e dif f icult . Fo l l ow ing the Punnapra-Vayalar upr i s ing , the T .C . F .W .U . and the C o m m u n i s t party had b e e n b a n n e d and had t o w o r k u n d e r g r o u n d du r ing the p e r i o d 1946 t o 1951. (Tharamangalam 1981 . p72) The total impac t o f all these c i r cumstances was the e r o s i o n of the rural co i r t rade un ions . (Issac 1983a. p40) . A n o t h e r c o n s e q u e n c e of this con tex t , part icular iy w i th the dec l i ne of rural t rade un ions , was the s tagnat ion of rural wages . This meant that there were increas ing disparit ies in the rural and urban cos t of weav ing mats and matt ings . By the eariy 1950s there was s tagnat ion and f luctuat ions in the internat ional co i r market . The ex i s tence of a cheap sou r ce of co i r mats and mat t ing p r o d u c t i o n in the rural areas p r o m p t e d n e w entrants to the co i r expo r t t rade. P o o r market c o n d i t i o n s e n a b l e d t h e m to enter the expo r t trade w i th l o w p r i c ed co i r p r o d u c t s manu fac tu red in the rural smal l scale factor ies . A trade war f o l l o w e d and the urban large scale manufacturers w e r e o n c e again c o m p e l l e d to sub-contract to k e e p u p w i th the c o m p e t i t i o n . (Issac 1983a . p41) Eventual ly they ceased to manufacture and b e c a m e expo r t merchant f irms purchas ing f rom o r sub-contract ing their expor t requ i rements to the smal l rural mats and mat t ing factor ies. Issacs reports that by 1965 there was a "virtual e l im ina t ion of the b ig manu fac to r i e s " (1982. pPE19). This meant that ove r the late 1950s and early 1960s there were lay offs of worke rs in the urban large scale factor ies . W i t h the l i ft ing of the ban o n the C o m m u n i s t Party and the T .C . F .W .U . , trade u n i o n i s m b e c a m e active again. But Issacs observes that the trade u n i o n fa i led t o reduce urban-rural wage dif ferent ia ls , prevent sub-cont rac t ing and the c o n s e q u e n t lay offs of worke rs in urban large scale factor ies . (1983a. p41) They we r e p robab l y organizat iona l ly weak after be i ng dr iven u n d e r g r o u n d and the con t ex t pol i t ica l ly premature t o take s t rong and c o n c e r t e d trade u n i o n ac t ion t o prevent these occu r r i ng . S o m e statutory p rov i s ions in the Industrial D i spu tes Ac t of 1953 were also used by the emp loye r s to their advantage to lay off worke r s . (Issacs 1982. pPE18). The laid off worke rs f o u n d w o r k in the increas ing n u m b e r of smal l factor ies that we re again c o m i n g up in the rural areas. This urban-rural shift of worke rs b rough t a b o u t a revival of t rade un ions in the rural areas. W e n o t e d in chapte r t w o that in the 1 9 5 7 Kerala State A s s e m b l y e lec t ions the C o m m u n i s t party was v o t e d in to power . T h o u g h it d i d no t remain in p o w e r for l o n g , ^ ^ the pol i t i ca l c l imate was n o w appropr ia te for the co i r t rade un ions to agitate for bet ter wages and cond i t i ons . T h r o u g h a series of str ikes in the late 1950s and 18. Between 1957 and 1987 there were nine general elections for the Kerala State Assembly. The Communist Party was voted into power in four of these elections, the first being in 1957 and the last in 1987. The Kerala State government was held almost alternately by a Communist Party-led left wing coalition called the Left Democratic Front (L.D.F) and Indian Congress Party-led right wing coalition known as the United Democratic Front (U.D.F). The Communist Party of India split in 1964 on some ideological issues. One faction continued to have links with Moscow and is known as Communist Party of India (C.P.I) and the other which took an independent stand is known as Communist Party (Marxist) (C.P.M). It is the C.P.M. that has led the L.D.F. in Kerala since 1964. The C.P.M. has been voted into power in two other states in post independent India, namely West Bengal and Tripura. The Communist Party's victory in the Kerala 1957 elections however was its first electoral victory. It drew global media attention as the first time a Communist Party had been voted into power by the ballot in a multi-party electoral system. 1960s the worke rs we re ab le obta in a m i n i m u m w a g e for mats and matt ing weav ing , and o ther fr inge benef i ts . But it was p rob l ema t i c fo r the smal l scale factor ies to pay the m i n i m u m wages and fr inge benef i ts and sel l at the l o w pr ice the expor t merchants were w i l l ing t o pay. Wha t began t o e m e r g e ou t o f this crisis was the break up of the smal l mats and mat t ing factor ies in to even smal ler uni ts . This was , first, t o avo id be i ng d e e m e d a factory and be subject to statutory requ i rements of m i n i m u m wages etc. S e c o n d , t o prevent trade un ion i za t i on . The so le propr ie tors of these smal ler units we r e the superv isors , s o m e t i m e s even w o r k i n g o n the l o o m s . The c lose pe r sona l i zed re la t ionships they d e v e l o p e d in a smal l g roup s i tuat ion was u s e d t o in f luence the worke r s against j o in ing a trade u n i o n . A g o o d many of these increas ingly smal ler units we r e eventua l ly h o u s e h o l d o r d o m e s t i c manufac tu r ing units. Issac f o u n d that a unit w h i c h had five or less n u m b e r of l o o m s c o u l d ope ra t e w i th family l abour . (1982. p-PE19) In t imes of peak d e m a n d h i red l abour s u p p l e m e n t e d fami ly labour . Indeed in t imes of slack d e m a n d the family l abour w o u l d w o r k in agr icul ture o r w i th another h o u s e h o l d w i th co i r l o o m s . This is if the latter h o u s e h o l d had b e e n for tunate t o get an " o r d e r " to weave s o m e mats w i th in a spec i f i ed t ime a n d was in n e e d of h i red l abour to c o m p l e t e it. S o m e of the w o r k i n g opera t ions are remin i scen t of smal l ho lde r peasant cul t ivators, hav ing inadequate land fo r ful l e m p l o y m e n t a lso w o r k i n g as agricultural l abourers . The author spent a w e e k in 1988 at M u h a m m a , a v i l lage in the inner co i r bel t . This was t o get a qual i tat ive sense of the co i r industry and a l ived e x p e r i e n c e in the inner co i r bel t . Interviews and observa t ions at this t ime suggest that h o u s e h o l d p r o d u c t i o n of co i r mats and matt ings was o n e of many i n c o m e genera t ing activit ies. If there was a d e m a n d fo r co i r p r o d u c t s it b e c a m e a full t ime o c c u p a t i o n . If no t it was a part t ime o c c u p a t i o n a l ong w i th agr icul tural w o r k o r as a h i red hand in co i r weav i ng o r any o the r e c o n o m i c activity. The break up of smal ler units in to even smal ler ones began t o o c c u r in the late 1960s. This p rocess by the m i d 1970s had l ed t o the rapid increase of h o u s e h o l d o r d o m e s t i c manufac tur ing units of co i r mats and mat t ing . Issac's analysis of the co i r weav ing units in 1980 by their year of es tab l i shment is p r e sen ted as Table 8.02 TABLE 8.02. C o i r weaving u n i t s and looms i n 1980 i n A l l e p p e y D i s t r i c t c l a s s i f i e d by year of e s t a b l i s h m e n t U n i t s Looms Years Number Percent Number Percent < 1947 44 1.2 581 3.5 1948-58 139 4.0 861 5.2 1959-65 346 9.9 2254 13.7 1966-70 363 10.3 1804 10.9 1971-76 1883 53.7 8127 49.7 1977-80 732 20.9 2813 17.1 T o t a l 3507 100.0 16440 100.0 Sou rce : Issac 1982. Table 14. pPE21 . It c leady indicates that 53.7 pe r cen t of the units we r e set u p dur ing the p e r i o d 1971-76. Un fo r tuna te l y a break up of these units by the size-class of the n u m b e r o f l o o m s o p e r a t e d is no t g i ven to de te rm ine h o w many o f these we r e smal l units. But Issac d o e s p r o v i d e the n u m b e r of co i r weav ing units es tab l i shed pr io r to 1970 and surv iv ing in 1976 b y size-class of the n u m b e r of l o o m s ope ra t ed . This data is p r e sen ted in Table 8.03. It is clear f rom this table that 70.5 pe rcen t of the units had six l o o m s o r less. Such units c o u l d be w o r k e d w i th family labour. A n o t h e r 26.8 percent had seven to n ine teen l o o m s . This c o m p r i s e d the non-factory n o n - h o u s e h o l d sector . O n l y t hose w i th m o r e than 20 l o o m s wi l l n e e d m o r e than 20 hands to opera te and so fall unde r the fac tory sec tor . As w e o b s e r v e d eadier, on l y t hose es tab l i shments w i th 20 worke r s , w i t hou t us ing p o w e r , and 10 workers , if us ing p o w e r , are statutor i ly r e c o g n i z e d cis factor ies . TABLE 8.03 C o i r weaving u n i t s i n 1976 i n A i l e p p e y D i s t r i c t e s t a b l i s h e d p r i o r to 1970 and c l a s s i f i e d by s i z e - c l a s s of number of looms Looms U n i t s U n i t s S i z e - C l a s s Number Percent 01-02 119 8.6 03-04 440 31 .8 05-06 417 30.1 Sub-total 976 70.5 07-09 264 19.1 10-19 106 7.7 Sub-total 1346 97.3 20-49 25 1 .8 50 + 13 .9 Tot al 1384 100.0 Source : Issac 1982. Tab le 12. p PE20 The g rowth o f h o u s e h o l d p r o d u c t i o n m e a n t the n e e d fo r a n e t w o r k o f co i r t raders to link the b r o a d base o f pet ty h o u s e h o l d p r o d u c e r s w i t h the apex of merchan t expor te rs . It was most l y the vi l lage level merchants of re t ted husks and c o i r yarn w h o m o v e d in t o f o r m this ne twork b y e x t e n d i n g their t rad ing activit ies to w o v e n co i r mats and mat t ing . These rural co i r merchants b e c a m e the e n d agents of a cha in of m i d d l e m e n w h o kept the merchant expor te r s s u p p l i e d w i t h their e x p o r t r equ i r ements . (Issac 1 9 8 2 . pPE23) . The g r o w t h of smal ler a n d smal ler co i r weav i ng units and a h o u s e h o l d sec to r d i d no t br ing abou t the co l l apse of the c o i r trade u n i o n m o v e m e n t . The trade u n i o n m o v e m e n t had b e c o m e s u c h a pervasive fo rce in Kerala that as w e n o t e d be fo r e even agr icul tural l abourers and in formal sec to r serv ice o c c u p a t i o n s had b e e n trade u n i o n i z e d . In such a po l i t i ca l e c o n o m y , particularly in A l l eppey distr ict , the cent re of the co i r industry, there was n o h o l d i n g back of trade un ion i za t i on and w o r k e r mi l i tancy. The trade u n i o n m o v e m e n t f o l l o w e d t h r o u g h to un ion i ze the h i red worke rs in the smal l units and even the h o u s e h o l d sector . N o t on l y we re the hjred worke rs in the smal l scale estab l ishments u n i o n i z e d , but even the se l f-employed worke rs o the r than the legal p ropr i e to rs in the d o m e s t i c weav ing units we re canvassed for u n i o n m e m b e r s h i p . (Issac 1982. pPE20) The smal l scale units and the pet ty h o u s e h o l d p roduce r s w e r e uncomfo r t ab l y j ux t aposed b e t w e e n the u n i o n i z e d l abour d e m a n d i n g m o r e wages and benef i t s and a t rading ne two rk refus ing to pay an adequate pr ice. Their f r agmented character w e a k e n e d t h e m . A g o o d many of the pet ty p roduce r s had b e e n co i r worke r s in the urban large scale factor ies . W i t h their trade u n i o n expe r i ence they we re aware o f co l lec t ive s t rength . T o m o b i l i z e this they f o r m e d the A l l Kerala Small Scale C o i r Factories ]oint Assoc i a t i on . (AKSSCF jA ) Initially it was f o r m e d to con f ron t the trade un ions . But the AKSSCF JA f o u n d it f o rm idab l e to con ta in the trade u n i o n m o v e m e n t . A n d this in turn led to further decent ra l i za t ion to avo id trade un ion i za t i on . This meant less m e d i u m and smal l scale co i r weav i ng es tab l i shments . O n e c o n s e q u e n c e of this was the dec l i n i ng impor t ance o f smal l and m e d i u m factor ies in the AKSSCFJA . There was o n the o the r hand the increas ing d o m i n a n c e of the pet ty h o u s e h o l d p r o d u c e r s in the AKSSCFJA. In f luenced by this chang ing character , the AKSSCF JA tu rned t o con f ron t the merchant expor te r s to get bet ter pr ices to m e e t the rising cost of wages and materials.( Issac 1982.pPE22) The co i r trade un ions we re suppor t i ve of the AKSSCF JA d e m a n d fo r bet ter pr ices . Road b locks we r e used t o prevent the m o v e m e n t of co i r . The agi tat ion by the AKSSCF JA led t o Kerala G o v e r n m e n t in tervent ion to regulate the market fo r co i r p r o d u c t s a n d fix remunerat i ve pr ices fo r the manufacturers . ( lssac 1983a.p41) The merchant-expor ters t r ied to c i r cumven t the regu la ted pr ice sys tem by a black market ope ra t i on . But the v o l u m e of expor t s and the uncerta inty of a b lack market supp ly t o ensure punctua l execu t i on of expor t o rders made black market ope ra t i ons p rob l ema t i c fo r the merchant expor te rs . (Issac 1982.pPE23) . The success of the AKSSCF JA in get t ing bet ter pr ices led to a s l ight increase in the n u m b e r of smal l scale factor ies in the latter half of 1970s. (Ibid) The bet ter pr ices fo r their p roduc t s made it poss ib l e for t h e m to pay statutory wages and benef i ts t o u n i o n i z e d labour . The merchant expor te rs , the b ig co i r capitalists and traders we r e unhappy wi th regulated pr ice sys tem and statutory wages and benef i ts . It r e d u c e d their prof i t margins. They c o u l d no longer t h r o u g h the c rea t ion of a decen t ra l i zed p r o d u c t i o n structure manipulate the pr ices and wages , prevent trade u n i o n i s m and max imize their prof i ts . The al l iance of workers , pet ty p roduce rs and smal l p roduce r s was t o o fo rmidab le fo r the merchant capital ists to o v e r c o m e . In the early 1980s, eventual ly , the merchant capital ists t u rned t o mechan iza t i on . They i n t r oduced p o w e r i o o m s to weave co i r mats and matt ings. The worke r s , pet ty p roduce r s and small p roduce r s v e he me n t l y o p p o s e d these efforts. The Kerala G o v e r n m e n t feared the increase of u n e m p l o y m e n t , and s o was a lso o p p o s e d t o mechan i za t i on . W h e n the Left D e m o c r a t i c Front was in power , it was , a lso fo r i deo log i ca l reasons , suppo r t i v e of the worke rs s tand . A few merchant expor te rs a t t e m p t e d to get ove r this o p p o s i t i o n by set t ing up p o w e r i o o m co i r factor ies in the ad jo in ing state of Tami lnadu . Restr ic t ions i m p o s e d by the Kerala G o v e r n m e n t o n the m o v e m e n t o f raw material f o i l ed the g r o w t h o f such factor ies . The 1980s saw a dec l i n i ng g loba l c o m m o d i t y market for co i r . The co i r indust ry in Kerala suf fered as result and many smal l scale p r o d u c e r s and pet ty p roduce r s c ea sed to f unc t i on . S o m e pet ty p r o d u c t i o n o c c u r r e d on l y as a supp l emen ta r y source of i n c o m e and the main i n c o m e earn ing activity was sh i f ted to o the r e c o n o m i c activity. As s h o w n in the last chap te r c o t t o n texti le weav ing was a f requent c h o i c e . C o i r yarn sec tor Little had b e e n said o n the co i r yarn sp inn ing sec to r in o u r d i s cuss ion of the inter-war p e r i o d and the 1940s. This is partly because there are hard ly any sources that tell us what was g o i n g o n in the co i r yarn sp inn ing sec to r du r ing these pe r i ods . But there is a lso reason to be l ieve that hardly any changes o c c u r r e d in the co i r yarn sp inn ing sector . Ratt sp i nn ing may have c o n t i n u e d to e x p a n d at the e x p e n s e of hand sp inn ing . But in the eariy 1950s hand sp inn ing was still in ex i s tence . Bo th hand a n d ratt s p i n n i n g c o n t i n u e d to be p redominan t l y h o u s e h o l d industr ies. But sp inn ing by h i red l abour in sheds c o n t i n u e d to be present . In 1960 67.2 percen t of wo rke r s in ratt sp inn ing we re h i red worke rs . (Gove rnmen t of Kerala 1960. p61) . This may suggest that " n o n - h o u s e h o l d non-fac tory " sp inn ing in sheds was present in a substant ia l manner at least by the late 1950s. But a ratt w i th a s ingle sp ind le needs three pe rsons to opera te , and if it had t w o sp ind les five pe rsons . So the use of ratts in h o u s e h o l d p r o d u c t i o n may have i nvo l ved h i red labour. A n d this is l ikely the case if there was m o r e than o n e ratt used in h o u s e h o l d p r o d u c t i o n . Issac in a samp le survey of co i r yarn worke r s of o n e vi l lage in 1978 f o u n d that e ven in h o u s e h o l d s w i th o n e ratt, on l y 53 percen t of the l abour u sed was family labour , the balance be i ng h i red labour, (n .d. p14) As the n u m b e r of ratts inc reased he f o u n d that the pe rcen tage of fami ly l abour d r o p p e d . W h e n it r eached four to five ratts, fami ly l abour was a lmost neg l ig ib l e , and w h e n it was m o r e than six ratts, there was n o family labour . Four to five ratts then meant that the p r o d u c t i o n units c eased to be h o u s e h o l d p r o d u c t i o n and b e c a m e " n o n -h o u s e h o l d non-fac tory " category . W i t h six ratts it was reach ing a " f a c t o r y " scale of opera t ions . If s o m e of the six ratts had t w o sp ind les then the l abour requ i rements w o u l d have b e e n m o r e than twenty pe rsons . This certainly puts such a p r o d u c t i o n unit in to a factory ca tegory in terms o f statutory de f in i t i on . Wha t this pattern of p r o d u c t i o n o rgan iza t ions ref lects is the shad ing off of h o u s e h o l d p r o d u c t i o n in to " n o n - h o u s e h o l d non-factory t y p e " and then in to a factory category. W e n o t e d w h e n w e d i scussed the 19th and eady 20th century co i r yarn p r o d u c t i o n o rgan iza t ion , that it was a rural hand sp inn ing h o u s e h o l d industry and of the i n t roduc t i on of the ratt t e c h n o l o g y in to such p r o d u c t i o n . W i t h the increase in d e m a n d for co i r yarn there had e m e r g e d the " n o n - h o u s e h o l d and non-fac tory " types and eventual ly the factory level t o o . Un l i ke in co i r mats and mat t ing the beg inn ings we re no t as large scale urban p r o d u c t i o n units. W i t h the e m e r g e n c e of " n o n - h o u s e h o l d non-fac tory " and h o u s e h o l d co i r yarn p r o d u c t i o n units, what was the d i s t r ibu t ion of p r o d u c t i o n units by size-class of ratts ? in Issac's sample survey of 35 ratt sp i nn ing units in o n e vi l lage in 1978, 8 (22.9 percent ) had o n e ratt; 9 (25.7 percent ) t w o to three ratts; 7 (20.0 percent ) had four t o five ratts; and 11 (31.4 percent ) had m o r e than six ratts. It is not k n o w n h o w universal Issac's sample survey f ind ings are in the co i r belt , and h o w far back in t ime such organizat iona l fo rms had b e e n present . But it d o e s s e e m that h o u s e h o l d co i r yarn p r o d u c t i o n units had b e e n increas ing the n u m b e r o f ratts, and increasingly e m p l o y i n g h i red labour. G i ven the po l i t i ca l e c o n o m y , d e s c r i b e d eadier , of the co i r industry and the co i r bel t , f rom the 1930s, the p r e sence of h i red labour w o u l d have l ed to trade un ion iza t ion and agi tat ion for bet ter wages , etc . But this s eems to have o c c u r r e d on l y in the eariy 1950s. O n e can argue then , that the inc reas ing n u m b e r of ratts used in o n e p r o d u c t i o n unit, and the increas ing n u m b e r of h i red l abour , o c c u r r e d in the late 1940s at the eariiest. The co i r yarn sp inn ing industry, b o t h hand sp inn ing and ratt sp i nn ing , was o n e of the mos t explo i ta t ive industr ies , of the w o r k e r and/or pet ty p roduce r . The Repor t of the C o i r M i n i m u m Wages C o m m i t t e e of 1953 observes : For a l o n g t ime the worke rs had no t b e e n able t o ob ta in a g o o d meal o n any day excep t o n festival days Even that was m a d e poss ib l e on l y by starvation o n s u b s e q u e n t days. Usual ly they take a little " b l a ck t e a " eady in the m o r n i n g and g o t o the w o r k spots . In the n o o n intervals they are able to take a little dry t ap ioca and g r o u n d nut cakes w h i c h they s u p p l e m e n t by d u n k i n g water. Af ter re turn ing late in the n ight , they prepare " k a n j i " (nee gruel ) and dnnk the watery p o r t i o n g iv ing the res idue, (the th icker por t ions ) , to the m e n and ch i ld ren in the family. M o s t of the worke r s w e r e f o u n d to be wear ing on l y rags in the w o r k i n g spots Cir is b e t w e e n 16 to 20 years of age were dwar fed o n a c c o u n t of insuff ic ient nou r i shmen t . W o m e n b e t w e e n 25 and 30 years we r e so w o r n ou t by w o r k and starvat ion that they l o o k e d 40 to 50 years of age. The worke rs w h o are sp inn ing co i r c anno t as a rule w o r k m o r e than fou r to five days a week . Genera l l y they start w o r k at 3.00 or 4.00 o ' c l o ck in the m o r n i n g and con t i nue their w o r k up to 5.30 or 6.00 or even 7.00 p.m., w i t h a short interval in the a f t e rnoon . This craze of eariy w o r k is the o u t c o m e of their des i re to earn as m u c h as they c o u l d by tu rn ing ou t m o r e w o r k o n a p i e ce rate sys tem A t this rate the w o r k e r is able to get Rs 1/- to Rs 1/40 pe r day. (C i t ed by Issac n.d. p 23-25). The p i e ce rate wages d o e s no t necessar i ly m e a n the worke r s we r e h i red hands . A d iv i s ion of l abour in co i r yarn sp inn ing had b e e n i n t r o d u c e d by the rett ing dealers. The re t ted husks we re de-f ibred and then g iven ou t by the dealers t o h o u s e h o l d s to sp in into yarn o n a p i e ce rate basis. (Ibid p6) This q u o t a t i o n br ings ou t the abject soc ia l cond i t i ons c o n s e q u e n t to the p o o r wages of the h i red worke r s and l o w pr ices pa id to the h o u s e h o l d petty p r o d u c e r s . The Report of the C o i r M i n i m u m W a g e s C o m m i t t e e h o w e v e r n o t e d : W h e r e v e r l abour was o r g a n i z e d u n d e r trade un ions the c o n d i t i o n s of l abour are compara t i ve l y bet ter . . . . (C i ted by Issac n.d. p23 ) It was on l y in the eariy 1950s that the co i r yarn s p i n n i n g sec to r seems to have b e e n adequate ly trade u n i o n i z e d for the mass b o d y of the worke r s in this sec to r to agitate for bet ter wages etc . This l ed to con f ron t a t i on and capita l 's strategy of m o r e contract o r pu t t ing o u t sys tem to the h o u s e h o l d sec to r to sp in co i r yarns f r o m de-f ibred re t ted husks. In fact, the m o s t in tense and f ierce s t rugg le in the hand sp inn ing sec to r t o o k p lace in 1956 and was c en t r ed a r o u n d the issue of the large scale retters efforts t o c l ose their yards and cont rac t ou t the i r work . (Issac n.d. p11) Like the co i r mats and matt ing workers , it t o o k a lmos t a d e c a d e of s t ruggles for the co i r yarn worke r s to ach ieve the i n t r oduc t i on of a s tatutory m i n i m u m w a g e in 1963 , spec i f i c to yarn workers . A c o n s e q u e n c e of this was the c l o s i ng d o w n of the large co i r sp inn ing yards and sheds run by the ret ted husks merchants , ad jo in ing their rett ing g r o u n d s . De-f ibred husks we r e g iven out o n a put t ing ou t sys tem fo r the sp inn ing of yarn to the h o u s e h o l d and small scale sectors . De f ib r ing of the ret ted husks h o w e v e r n e e d e d labour. Ret ted husks, be fo re de f ib r ing but after hav ing been in water for six t o e i gh t een mon ths are w e t and heavy and no t very conven i en t to transport for a pu t t ing ou t sys tem. Dealers thus had t o de-fibre the ret ted husks and then give the f ibre strands t o sp in co i r yarn o n a put t ing ou t sys tem. The f ibre industry e x a m i n e d in this case study is the o n e c o n c e n t r a t e d in the co i r bel t s t re tch ing f r o m C o c h i n to Tr ivandrum. N o r t h of C o c h i n , in the Ma labar r e g i o n , t o o , c o c o n u t was an extens ive c rop . Raw husks was thus available ou t s i de the co i r bel t . Ma labar was also a c o p r a p r o d u c i n g r eg ion and raw husks we re a by-produc t , w h e n u n h u s k e d c o c o n u t was pu r chased by c o p r a merchants and large scale c o p r a p roduce r s . S o m e o f these merchants e x t e n d e d their activities to ret t ing. The ret ted husks w e r e de-f ibred and the f ibre strands in shanks t ranspor ted to the co i r be l t in T ravancore-Coch in for further p r o c e s s i n g as yarn o r ba led and e x p o r t e d as shanks. Initially the Ma labar merchants e m p l o y e d l abour to de-fibre the re t ted husks by manual m e t h o d s . Later they o p t e d fo r m e c h a n i z e d de f ib r ing of husks. The ret ted husks merchants of the co i r belt in s o u t h Kerala w h e n f aced w i th l abour un ion i za t i on and mi l i tancy in the m i d 1950s began to set up m e c h a n i z e d de f ib r ing mil ls as d o n e in Malabar . O v e r the years this inc reased . In 1955 there were on l y 8 de f i b r i ng mil ls , but by 1973 this increased to 400. (Issac n.d. p28) This t o g e t h e r w i th the pu t t i ng ou t sys tem of 19. The de-fibring machine was a motor operated fast revolving nail-barbed drum to which husks were fed through two closely pressed rollers. The nails on the drum shredded the pressed and thus loosened husk into fibres. Malabar region did not have extensive backwaters and lakes as the coir belt in south Kerala to rett husks. It is likely that the defibring machines were used initially to produce brown fibre by feeding raw husks without retting. This was the system in the mills of the northwestern province of Sri Lanka. Since the demand for, and the expertize in south Kerala, was for white fibre, Malabar merchants may have used the de-fibring machine for retted husks as well. Artificial retting pits may have been constructed close to the many rivers in north Kerala. co i r yarn sp inn ing w o u l d have re l ieved the large ret ted husks dealers of hav ing to e m p l o y a large labour fo rce . But the u n i o n i z e d l abour were v e h e m e n t l y o p p o s e d to mechan i ze d d e f i b n n g that th rea tened t h e m w i th u n e m p l o y m e n t . It was es t imated that c o m p l e t e m e c h a n i z e d d e f i b n n g w o u l d d isp lace abou t 80 ,000. ( G o v e r n m e n t of Kerala 1973 . p49-50) The savings in the cos t of p r o d u c t i o n we re no t substant ia l in the shift f r om manua l to mechan ica l de f ib r ing of husks. (Issac n.d. p68) The qual i ty of mechan ica l l y de-f ibred co i r strands was also infer ior to manual ly de-f ibred p r o d u c t . Issacs argues that the advantage t o the ret ted husks merchants was the r e d u c t i o n in l abour requirements. ( Issac n.d. p29) The un ions and worke rs h o w e v e r res isted the t rend towards mechan i za t i on w i th Ludd i te fervour. The large scale d i sp l a cement o f wo rke r s c reated w i d e s p r e a d rural unrest in the co i r belt . V io l en t m o b s in s o m e cases b roke up the mach ine ry and th r ew them into the backwaters . This s t ruggle against de f ib r ing mil ls reached its zen i th in 1972. Cases of starvation deaths a m o n g the u n e m p l o y e d husk beaters we re r epor t ed . Thousands of worke r s we re arrested, hund reds of vo lun teers to r tured and o n e w o r k e r was k i l l ed in the po l i c e f i r ing. In S e p t e m b e r 1973 , the G o v e r n m e n t was f o r c e d t o ban the husk bea t ing mach ines f r om ope ra t i ng in the sou the rn distr icts. (Issac n.d. p31 ) Coir trading networks. The examina t i on of the events l ead ing to the effort to m e c h a n i z e de f ib r ing by the re t ted husk dealers br ings in to f o cus the p ivota l role of the merchants a n d t rad ing capital in the co i r industry. The dealers in re t ted husks are o n the o n e hand l inked to the vi l lage raw husk dealers and co l l ec to rs . The latter are virtually the agents of the fo rmer . O n the o the r hand the dealers in ret ted husks p rov ide the pet ty p roduce r s w i t h the de-f ibred husks to sp in yarn. O n c e again they co l l ec t the yarn and p rov i de it to the pet ty and smal l scale mats and mat t ing p roduce r s as raw material . A n d they enter as actors o n c e m o r e as co l l e c t i ng agents of f i n i shed mats a n d mat t ing to k e e p the e x p o r t merchants s u p p l i e d t h r o u g h a m i d d l e m e n cha in . W e d i s cussed h o w the snnaii scale co i r mats and matt ing p r o d u c t i o n o rgan iza t ion and trade came in to ope r a t i on w h e n w e e x a m i n e d the co i r mats and matt ing sec to r in the pos t i n d e p e n d e n c e p e n o d . The co i r merchants thus play mul t ip le t rading ro les w i th in the industry . They are not h o w e v e r o n e m o n o l i t h i c t rad ing g r o u p . There are gradat ions f r o m the vi l lage level dealer , t h r o u g h reg iona l , bazaar to expo r t level merchants . W e n o t e d h o w intr icately they are invo l ved in the vanous d iv is ions of the co i r trade, f r o m raw husks t h rough ret ted husks, de-f ib red husks , s p u n co i r yarn, t o w o v e n mats and mat t ings . A n d at each stage they are invo lved w i th pet ty p roduce r s and smal l scale manufacturers e i ther o n a put t ing ou t sys tem and/or as buyers and sel lers u n d e r c o n d i t i o n s of f o r ced c o m m e r c e . N o r are they c o n f i n e d to co i r t rad ing activity a lone . The co i r t rad ing ne twork is l i nked to o the r sectors of c o c o n u t trade such as c o p r a . Raw husks are by- p roduc t s of c o p r a mak ing . C o p r a itself is a stage in the c o c o n u t oi l p r o c e s s i n g industry. A l l this is l inked t o the c o c o n u t s trade and c o c o n u t cu l t i va t ion. The t rad ing and ent repreneur ia l l inkages are a very c o m p l e x p h e n o m e n o n and ne twork . For e x a m p l e large c o c o n u t land o w n e r can at the same t ime be large rural husk dealer , smal l re t ted husk p r o d u c e r and a large rural c o p r a merchant and p r o d u c e r as we l l . The c o m b i n a t i o n of many t rad ing and s o m e smal l scale manufac tu r ing func t ions in o n e p e r s o n o r fami ly occurs very f requent ly . W h a t w e have d i s cussed is a lso c o n f i n e d t o on l y s o m e sec t ions of the c o c o n u t based industry and trade. It d o e s no t dea l w i t h t o d d y t a p p i n g and trade; p r o c e s s i n g o f arrack; jaggery ( c o c o n u t pa lm sugar) mak ing and trade; weav ing o f c o c o n u t leaves in to tha t ched r o o f i n g material and its sales; c o c o n u t shel l charcoa l mak ing and trade e tc . The vi l lage level merchants are a lso no t c o n f i n e d t o c o c o n u t and c o c o n u t based p roduc t s but dea l in many c o n s u m e r and agricultural g o o d s and serv ices. The coir tradirig networks as forced commerce The t rad ing ne twork br ings ou t an impor tan t feature of the co i r industry w i th impl i ca t ions for desako ta . This is the p resence merchant capital and f o r c e d c o m m e r c e . W e n o t e d in chapte r three that sou th Kerala had p r edominan t l y smal l ho ld ings in agr icul ture. It is ou ts ide the s c o p e and objec t i ves of this thesis to examine the p resence o r absence of f o r c e d c o m m e r c e in agr icul ture in Kerala. But a t rad ing sys tem ex is ted in the rural areas t o service agriculture and this c o a l e s c e d w i th those serv ing pet ty p r o d u c t i o n of agro-based industr ies like coir . Issac's f ind ings in the con tex t of co i r is suppor t i ve of this a rgument As a rule the co i r yarn exporters d id no t dea l d i rect ly w i th the p roduce r s o r smal l dealers in the count rys ide . The ef forts m a d e in the e n d of the 1920s t o bypass the es tab l i shed ne twork of m i d d l e m e n was f o u n d unremunera t i ve and g iven up . The pet ty m i d d l e m e n and their t radi t ional m e t h o d s of exp lo i t a t ion we re f o u n d to be cheaper means of p r o c u r e m e n t even after their mark ups and man ipu la t ions . The lowes t in the cha in o f intermediar ies was the vi l lage pet ty dealers . They carr ied o n their co i r bus iness a l ong w i th o the r o c c u p a t i o n s such as p rov i s ion stores, agr iculture etc . (Issac n.d. p39) Fo rced c o m m e r c e in the con tex t of pet ty p r o d u c t i o n of agr icul ture and agro-based industr ia l p r o d u c t s , as in Kerala, has impl i ca t ions fo r desako ta . A t rad ing ne twork inflates the trade and c o m m e r c e sec to r w h i c h is part of the non-agr icul tura l w o r k f o r c e . This is part iculariy so w h e n the t rad ing ne twork distr ibutes and p rov ides the raw material and serv ice requ i rements of a host of pet ty p roduce r s ; and a lso co l l ec t s the f in i shed p roduc t s f r o m such petty p roduce r s for t ransmiss ion t h r o u g h the t i e red ne two rk to who lesa le rs and/or expor te rs . T h o u g h Issac d o e s no t take c o g n i z a n c e of f o r c e d c o m m e r c e , as c o n c e p t u a l i z e d by Bhadur i , (1983 and 1985) in the co i r industry, his empi r i ca l data o n the co i r sp inn ing sec to r is clearly indicat ive of the p resence o f f o r c ed c o m m e r c e . The " i n d e p e n d e n c e " of the self e m p l o y e d d o m e s t i c worke r s was m o r e i l lusory than real. A cursory survey of the var ious reports are e n o u g h t o reveal the i r c o m p l e t e subserv ience to the merchants . They are d e p e n d e n t o n the raw husk dealers ' credi t for their raw material and co i r yarn dealers for the sale of the i r p roduc t s , w h o in mos t cases were the same. The payment in k ind was the d o m i n a n t m o d e of purchase of the s h o p k e e p e r s . The pet ty p roduce r had little barga in ing p o w e r w i t h the merchants assessment of the grades, mo is tu re con ten t and the pr ice , g i ven the fact mos t o f t h e m were i ndeb t ed to the merchants t h r o u g h c o n s u m p t i o n loans. The pe t ty p r o d u c e r was left w i th no t e ven a bare subs i s tence earn ings. Thus , the pr i ce pa id by the se l f-employed d o m e s t i c worke r s for their a l l eged " i n d e p e n d e n c e " was qui te startl ing - their earnings we r e half t hose of the h i red d o m e s t i c worke rs in the eady sixt ies. (Issac n.d. p 8) Inst i tut ional ized in cultural e c o n o m i c terms, is s e e n a t rad ing system that dove ta i l ed to link pet ty and smal l p roduce r s w i th w ide r markets at r eg iona l , nat ional and internat ional levels. A n d as w e n o t e d earlier, c i t ing Arasaratnam's w o r k o n the C o r o m a n d e l r eg ion , w h e n pet ty p roduce r s are e c o n o m i c a l l y s t rong and i n d e p e n d e n t , the t rad ing system d o e s no t c o n v o l u t e to f o r c e d c o m m e r c e . But i r respect ive of w h e t h e r the t rad ing system convo lu tes in to f o r c e d c o m m e r c e o r no t , it has a major ro le to play in pet ty and smal l scale p r o d u c t i o n . A n d it suggests that h is tonca l ly present soc ia l re lat ions of p r o d u c t i o n and c o m m e r c e r e p r o d u c e d themse lves in a c h a n g i n g e c o n o m i c and t e c h n o l o g i c a l con tex t . It was also n o t e d in the last chapte r that it was incor rec t to assume that there was n o e c o n o m i c d y n a m i s m in co lon i a l India ou t s ide the fo rma l , capital intensive manufac tur ing sector . The g r o w t h and pe r f o rmance of the co i r industry ove r the last twe lve decades o r m o r e suggests that smal l scale and d o m e s t i c o r h o u s e h o l d manufac ture industr ies have no t b e e n stagnant o r un respons i ve to changes in the larger e c o n o m i c w o r l d . Haynes (1986. p i 26) has a rgued that in the d o m e s t i c manufac ture of jari in Surat, c i r ca 1900-1947, such a r e sponse was present . His s tudy as w e n o t e d in the last chapte r was also a cr i t ique of the lack of scholar iy a t ten t ion t o d o m e s t i c p r o d u c t i o n in co lon i a l India and e c o n o m i c h is tor ians ' a s sumpt i on that industr ia l d y n a m i s m i ssued ent i re ly f r o m large scale p roduc t ion . ( I b id , p i 26) The case of the co i r industry in Kerala is suppor t i v e of Haynes ' a rgument , but there is a caveat. As the co i r indust ry and trade in Kerala, as we l l as we l l as Haynes ' desc r i p t i on of jari manufac ture and t rade in Surat, demons t r a t e it was the merchan t capital ists w h o r e s p o n d e d to the chang ing d e m a n d s of the larger e c o n o m i c w o d d . A n d in d o i n g this they used pre-exist ing systems of d o m e s t i c p r o d u c t i o n and f o r c e d c o m m e r c e . the prevai l ing p r o d u c t i o n re lat ions certainly served the interests o f merchant-manufacturers qu i te we l l . S ince c ra f tsmen w i th substant ia l deb ts had little barga in ing p o w e r and genera l ly a c c e p t e d l o w c o m m i s s i o n s , merchants we r e usual ly able to retain h ighly sk i l led l abour at costs far b e l o w those o f e m p l o y i n g w a g e l abour in a factory of their o w n . Second l y , there was s ignif icant ly less risk invo l ved in hav ing jari manufac tu red o n c o m m i s s i o n than in invest ing in more capital intens ive fo rms of p r o d u c t i o n . The merchan t w h o c o m m i t t e d himsel f to con t ro l l i ng all the p rocesses of p r o d u c t i o n d i rect ly c o u l d easily o ve r ex t end himself in a bus iness env i r onmen t subject to s u d d e n expans ions and cont rac t ions . M o s t traders c h o s e to possess little f i xed capi ta l , excep t perhaps smal l amoun t s inves ted in a s ing le w o r k s h o p of of their o w n . Yet, w i th s izeable n u m b e r of artisan c l ients, they c o u l d still r e s p o n d qu i ck l y t o s u d d e n upsw ings in the jari market w i thou t heavy n e w inves tments . G i v e n the advantages of the ex is t ing sys tem, there was little incent ive for merchants t o p r o m o t e large scale factor ies. . . . (Haynes 1986. p i36-137 ) . The observa t ions that Haynes makes are very m u c h appl i cab le t o the co i r industry and trade in Kerala. Petty h o u s e h o l d p r o d u c e r s earn ing less than wage worke r s is ident ica l to Issacs' observa t ions o n the co i r industry. S o m e of the o the r similarit ies may be s u m m e d up as f o l l ows . First, m in ima l capital inves tment by the merchant capital ists. S e c o n d , a f luc tuat ing market , an army of pet ty p roduce r s w h o mee t the upsw ings and abso rb the shocks of a fall. W h e n the latter occurs , the merchants are re l ieved of the costs and p r o b l e m s of idle e q u i p m e n t and o the r capital inves tment ; the p r o b l e m s of lay offs and/or k e e p i n g a redundant l abour fo r ce e tc . Th i rd , the d e p e n d e n c e of the pet ty p roduce r s o n the merchan ts for raw materials, sale o f f in ished p roduc t s and c o n s u m e r loans. Indeed Issac e c h o e s Haynes ' s observa t ions w h e n he says of the co i r yarn sec tor : In short , g iven the market ing and p r o d u c t i o n cond i t i ons trade activity has a p r e m i u m . Capi ta l can remain in the t rad ing sphere , leave the p r o d u c t i o n t o the pet ty p roduce r s f r om w h o m the w h o l e surplus, s o m e t i m e s even the necessary labour , can be s q u e e z e d ou t t h r o u g h manipu la t ions in the market . Petty p r o d u c t i o n not on l y survives but t ends to get a ccen tua ted . (Issac n.d. p21-22) A n d of the mats and matt ing sec tor : The earnings of the family wo rke r s must have b e e n h igher than h i red workers , because they we r e able t o ensure fo r themse lves greater regularity and v o l u m e of wo rk . H o w e v e r it is un l ike ly that there c o u l d have b e e n any surp lus acc ru ing to t h e m . They we r e w h o l l y d e p e n d e n t o n the traders. The key p r o d u c t i o n dec i s ions , such as what to p r o d u c e , w h e n to p r o d u c e , and at what pr ice t o sel l , e tc were all t aken by the trader. The sh ippers , espec ia l ly the larger ones , d i d no t d i rect ly dea l w i th the smal l p roduce r s but p l a ced their orders for g o o d s w i th de ta i l ed p r o d u c t and pr ice spec i f i ca t ions ; w i th the owne r s of rural co i r d e p o t s . These intermediar ies , w h o k n e w the local c o n d i t i o n s int imately, d i s t r ibu ted the orders a m o n g the smal l p roduce r s at the best advantage to themse lves .The smal l p roduce r , w i th meagre w o r k i n g capital and little access t o inst i tut ional credi t f aced w i th severe u n e m p l o y m e n t and o f t en fai l ing t o pay the w o r k e r s in t ime, had little barga in ing p o w e r vis-a-vis the t r ade r (Issac 1982. pPE22) The d o m i n a t i n g p resence of f o r c e d c o m m e r c e is o b v i o u s . Bo th Haynes and Issac's desc r ip t i on of the industry and trade of jari and co i r respect ive ly , cleariy ind icate the p resence of f o r c ed c o m m e r c e as c o n c e p t u a l i z e d by Badhur i . Bhadur i ' s concep tua l i z a t i on is a m o d e l of exp lo i t a t ion p rocess in the agrarian sec to r . The exp lo i t a t ion of the peasant by the merchant capital ist. But it is cleariy app l i cab le t o smal l and petty p r o d u c t i o n in manufac ture . In bo th con tex t s h o w e v e r the appropr i a t ion of surp lus va lue is tak ing p lace in the market p lace and not in the p r o d u c t i o n process . The conf l i c t b e t w e e n capital and l abour l ed to capita l 's use of space t o d isperse labour , in its efforts to weaken labour . T h o u g h contrary t o capital 's e x p e c t a t i o n , l abour c o n t i n u e d t o m o b i l i z e and o rgan ize itself in its d i spe r sed f o r m in the coun t r y s ide , and even leaven the coun t r ys ide w i th po l i t i ca l radica l ism. Exist ing ins t i tu t iona l ized fo rms of trade ne tworks and f o r c e d c o m m e r c e h e l p e d capital t o instal and serv ice such a de-cent ra l ized and d o w n s i z e d manufac tur ing system. Bo th the dispersal of manufac ture , and the n e e d and p resence of f o r c e d c o m m e r c e , c o n t r i b u t e d in a large measure to the p resence o f non-agricultural activit ies in the count rys ide , and thus to its de sako t a character. What this chap te r has e m p h a s i z e d is the spatial aspects of the strategy used by capital in its conf l i c t w i th l abour . Apart f r o m f o r c e d c o m m e r c e , the o the r faci l i tat ing features for capita l 's strategy n o t e d in chapter o n e also emphas i ze the ro le of space . A n d this is c lear f r om the co i r industry expe r i ence . They we re the min ima l d i f ferent ia t ion and phys ica l mobi l i t y . M i n i m a l d i f ferent ia t ion, part iculariy in the availability of l abour and co l l ec t i ve c o n s u m p t i o n , m a d e it poss ib l e for capital to f ragment and m o v e the co i r mats and mat t ing factor ies. The character of the t e c h n o l o g y and f i xed capita l in f ixtures, the l o o m s that c o u l d be d i smant l ed and taken away to be w o r k e d by a few, fur ther a ided this p rocess . In co i r yarn this was even easier as the ratts are never f ixed and can be m o v e d about . The role of space in the Kerala pol i t i ca l e c o n o m y , is re lated t o the t h e m e s of t ime-space co l l apse ( M c G e e ) and t ime-space c o m p r e s s i o n (Harvey ) as ind i ca ted in chapte r o n e . Wha t needs to be raised n o w in the c o n t e x t of the ways in w h i c h t rad ing ne tworks and f o r c e d c o m m e r c e opera te , and the ro le of space , is whe the r there lies w i th in this an i n d i g e n o u s p e r c e p t i o n of space . Artisan - merchant networl<s and the perception of space. Arasaratnam's (1986) w o r k o n c o m m e r c e in the C o r o m a n d e l r eg i on shows , in the case of the text i le industry , that decen t ra l i zed p r o d u c t i o n ex is ted f r o m the late pre-co lon ia l pe r i od , if no t eariier. The text i le industry and trade we re impor tant e c o n o m i c activit ies A s they g rew in impor t ance the art isan-merchant o rgan iza t ions and o c cupa t i ona l castes m o v e d away f r o m the author i ty of the agricultural ists and s o u g h t parity of status w i th agrarian castes. (M ines 1984 .p37 ) This separa t ion was a f fected t h r o u g h the d iv i s ion of all castes b e l o w the Brahmins i n to t w o vert ical d i v i s ions of vadakai (left hand) artisan castes and idakai (right hand) agricultural ist castes. The o rgan iza t ion of left and right hand castes was supra-local . This caste c lass i f icat ion, un ique to Sou th India, d o e s no t associate right-hand and left-hand caste g roups w i t h territory. It is a ne two rk l ink ing the rural local i ty t h rough a h ierarchy o f levels to a reg iona l leve l . The obse r va t i on that can be m a d e is that the agricultural and non-agricultural o c cupa t i ona l castes we re perce i ved as t w o ne tworks , co-ex is t ing in a r eg ion . The i nd igenous p e r c e p t i o n of space o n e may argue was in terms of ne tworks and not in terms of territory. The wes te rn c o n c e p t s of urban and rural are in terms of terr itory. They are r o o t e d in the wo rks of the classical e c o n o m i s t s as d i s cussed in chapte r o n e . Factory based non-agricultural p r o d u c t i o n was an impor tant character ist ic of urban areas. It w o u l d appear then that the spatial o rde r of the Indian expe r i ence of f o r c e d c o m m e r c e and non-agricultural petty p r o d u c t i o n , d o e s no t have a neat fit w i th the wes te rn concep tua l i z a t i on of u rban and rural space . O n e may argue that M c C e e ' s concep tua l i z a t i on of desako ta is a re f lec t ion of this p r o b l e m . H e beg ins w i th the premise of a territorial urban and rural spaces and then moves o n to a descr ipt ive analysis of a space o r r eg i on that is b o t h urban and rural at the same t ime. It may be a rgued that this is the p resence of t w o ne tworks , o n c e cultural ly c o n c e p t u a l i z e d in sou th India as left-hand and right-hand castes. M c C e e , (1991 p i 4 - 1 5 ) c i t ing Bray, observes a dove ta i l ing of off season excess l abour in to pet ty p r o d u c t i o n in the rice basins of As ia . H e p laces s o m e impo r t ance , fo r the e m e r g e n c e of desako ta , o n the h is tor ic assoc ia t ion b e t w e e n the rice b o w l areas and popu l a t i on dens i t ies . Kerala, as this s tudy has a rgued , d o e s no t fit this m o d e l , t h o u g h desako ta is present . It is no t a rice b o w l area. M c C e e (1991 p25 f 23) d o e s r e cogn i ze ' m i x e d c r o p s ' systems d e v e l o p i n g p o p u l a t i o n dens i t ies s imilar t o rice g r o w i n g reg ions . Kerala may fall in to this category. It is uncer ta in , even in rice b o w l r eg ions of India l ike the Kaveri bas in in the C o r o m a n d e l r e g i o n , the extent to w h i c h dove ta i l i ng of rice cu l t i va t ion off season l abour w i th non-agricultural w o r k occurs . The wo rk of M i n e s (1984), Arasaratnam (1986) and Ramasamy (1985) o n the text i le industry in the C o r o m a n d e l coast f r om pre-co lon ia l t imes suggests the contrary. Agr icul tural ists were mainly, t h o u g h no t exc lus ive ly , the Brahmin (as land lords ) . Vel la la (as o w n e r and tenant cult ivators) , Paraiyan and Pallan (as agrest ic slaves and/or agncul tura l labourers ) castes. The text i le weavers we r e the kaikolavan and salayan castes. O n e d o e s r e cogn i ze that the caste sys tem pe rmi t t ed s o m e deg ree of occupa t iona l mob i l i t y and was no t as occupa t i ona l l y ng id as it is o f t en be l i e ved to have b e e n in pre-colonia l t imes . M a n y artisan castes, i n c l ud ing the weaver castes, had agricultural pursui ts . (Arasaratnam 1986 p267) But this d o e s no t m e a n that a mass of agricultural l abourers and tenant cult ivators in the off s eason t o o k up text i le weav ing o r s o m e o the r h o u s e h o l d industry. Caste rules, entry t o and acqu i r ing of artisan skills d id no t permi t such o c c u p a t i o n a l mobi l i t y . C o u g h ' s (1981) w o r k o n the Kaveri bas in Thanjavur, also d o e s no t d o c u m e n t any p e r i o d i c occupa t i ona l mob i l i t y , o n a large scale, in the pre-co lon ia l p e r i o d . Arasaratnam (Ibid p207) sees weav ing , text i le t rad ing or fa rming as so le o c c u p a t i o n s . H e also argues that the m o v e m e n t into and out o f weav ing re f l ec ted the d e m a n d fo r l abour in weav ing f r o m the d e m a n d for w o v e n g o o d s , b o t h d o m e s t i c and expor t s . There is n o ind i ca t ion that the m o v e m e n t s we re l inked t o the agricultural cyc les of w o r k . The p u r p o s e o f this chapter was to con tex tua l l y i l lustrate the e m e r g e n c e of o r g a n i z e d l abour in Kerala industr ies and the g r o w i n g centra l i ty of labour-capital conf l i c t in the po l i t i ca l e c o n o m y of Kerala. T h e role of space in this was s t ressed , and so was its s ign i f i cance fo r desako ta . O r g a n i z e d l abour h o w e v e r was not c o n f i n e d to the co i r industry. It was present in neariy all industr ies a n d o c c u p a t i o n s in Kerala. In this con tex t , in industr ies that t e n d e d to concen t r a t e in a local i ty , whe the r urban o r no t , capita l s ough t to br ing abou t a spatial d ispersa l as part of its efforts t o c o u n t e r o r g a n i z e d labour . The use of space by capi ta l was thus no t c o n f i n e d t o the co i r industry. As w e n o t e d in the last chapter , even in industr ies l ike c a s h e w p roces s i ng , w h e r e s o m e stages of p r o c e s s i n g d i d no t permi t d o w n s i z i n g and s o m a d e spatial d ispersal p rob l ema t i c , a m o d i f i e d strategy o f a pu t t i ng ou t sys tem was t r ied ou t . W e shall in the next chapte r examine the labour-capital conf l i c t , and capital 's use of space in the con t ex t of the beed i industry. The p u r p o s e is no t mere l y to demons t r a t e the rep l i ca t ion of what h a p p e n e d in the co i r industry. There are n u m b e r of reasons w h y a case s tudy of the b e e d i industry is a c o m p l e m e n t a r y to the co i r case study. They wi l l be set ou t in the next chapter . C H A P T E R N INE THE BEEDI INDUSTRY: A COMPLEMENTARY STUDY I n t roduc t ion This chapte r presents a case s tudy of the b e e d i industry in Kerala. There are a n u m b e r of reasons why in add i t i on t o the co i r case study a qual itat ive examina t i on of the beed i industry takes us further towards an unde r s t and ing of Kerala desakota . First, the central i ty of labour-capital conf l i c t and capital 's use o f space to con ta in o rgan i zed l abour is re i terated w h e n w e examine the histor ica l geog raphy of b e e d i industry in Kerala. S e c o n d , the b e e d i industry is c o n c e n t r a t e d in C a n n a n o r e distr ict , w h i c h is nor th of even K o z h i k o d e and a lmost o n the nor the rn per iphery of Kerala. C a n n a n o r e distr ict was part of Ma labar distr ict of the Madras P res idency (1792-1947), and Madras State (1947-1956) . So in examin ing the b e e d i industry w e n o t e the dynamics o f the labour-capital con f l i c t tak ing p lace in a distr ict w h i c h is fairiy d i s t anced f r o m the Travancore-Coch in be l t , w h i c h has b e e n des c r i bed as the heart land of Kerala. There is thus f o r this s tudy a loca t iona l impor t ance in the b e e d i industry 's concen t r a t i on the nor the rn per iphery . It demons t r a t e s that the pol i t ica l e c o n o m y of labour-capital conf l i c t , t h o u g h it had f ew cent res in the Kerala heart l and ac t ing as st imul i , was not c o n f i n e d to a f ew spec i f i c industr ies and p laces , bu t o c c u r r e d in , and leavened , the ent ire Ma laya lam speak ing r e g i o n , w h i c h was to b e c o m e Kera la State in 1956. Thi rd , an examina t i on of the b e e d i industry pr ises o p e n the issue of wages in the pol i t i ca l and space e c o n o m y of Kerala. The availabil ity of s o m e data o n wages , in part, makes this poss ib l e . It s h o w s h o w the b e e d i industry, w i th raw materials not i n d i g e n o u s to Kerala, t o o k roo t and e x p a n d e d in C a n n a n o r e distr ict . It was in part attracted by cheap labour . Fourth, the b e e d i industry caters substant ia l ly t o a d o m e s t i c market and at certain phases to an Indian o c e a n reg iona l market . So the case s tudy of b e e d i industry c o m p l e m e n t s the case study of the co i r industry w h i c h had a p redominan t l y internat iona l market . Fifth, the b e e d i industry s h o w s w i th in the dynamics of the manufac ture of an i n d i g e n o u s p r o d u c t , for a p redominan t l y d o m e s t i c market , the d o m i n a n t p resence and character of Indian capita l . These features contrast w i th the co i r p roduc t s manufac ture , w h i c h was no t on l y for an expo r t market , but was d o m i n a t e d fo r a cons ide rab l e p e r i o d of t ime by fo re ign capita l . S ixth, the b e e d i industry emphas i zes the spatial factor in Kerala. W i t h o u t any compara t i ve advantage in raw mater ia l , the attract ion was no t mere ly the c h e a p labour but ease of the m o v e m e n t and mob i l i t y of c o m m o d i t i e s and p e o p l e in Kerala. The impor t ance of the access to t ransport and trade routes b o t h w i th in the r eg ion and in the Indian ocean can be seen in the b e e d i industry. The s ign i f i cance of the e c o n o m i c geog raphy of Kerala in terms of l abour and t ransport is m a d e exp l i c i t in the b e e d i industry . Seventh, b e e d i manufac tur ing , un l ike co i r o ccu r s in a n u m b e r of states in India. W i t h the he lp of C e n s u s data it is poss ib l e to demons t r a t e t w o character ist ics d ist inct to b e e d i manufac tu r ing in Kerala. These are, first, its b e i n g p redominan t l y n o n - h o u s e h o l d un l ike b e e d i manufac tu r ing in mos t o the r Indian states. The n o n - h o u s e h o l d sec to r is, as s h o w n in chapte r seven , smal l scale, that is, n o n - h o u s e h o l d , non-factory. S e c o n d , in Kerala, in contrast to neariy all the o the r Indian States, b e e d i manufac tur ing was non-urban . These character ist ics are l inked to Kerala desakota . Bo th co i r and b e e d i , l ike many o the r industr ies in Kerala, we re l abour intensive, l o w t e c h n o l o g y and agro-process ing in character . These we r e the co re features of Kerala industr ia l i sm. The b e e d i industry worke rs , t o o , l ike their counterpar ts in the Malayalam speak ing r eg ion , that cove r ed the three co lon i a l pol i t ica l-administrat ive units of Travancore, C o c h i n and Malabar , o rgan ized themse l ves to con tes t the w o r k i n g c o n d i t i o n s and p o o r wages . The beed i industry 's beg inn ings in Kerala are o b s c u r e . In the 1930s and 1940s it appears to have b e e n present b o t h as an u n o r g a n i z e d h o u s e h o l d industry as we l l as urban manufac tur ing units. (Census of India 1941 , V o l XXV Pt I p i 02) The latter units e m p l o y e d p i ece rate wage labour in numbers ranging f r o m three to abou t forty worke rs pe r unit . But what is s ignif icant is that the urban units after a pe r i od of e x p a n s i o n in s ize and n u m b e r s b roke up in to smal ler units and we re loca ted in non-urban areas. A sec t i on of this rural smal l scale industry even b e c a m e , t h rough a put t ing-out sys tem, h o u s e h o l d industry fo r a p e r i o d of t ime. A l l this h a p p e n e d ove r a pe r i od of five decades s t re tch ing f r o m the 1930s to the 1970s. It is impor tant t o map this happen ing as it o n c e again i l lustrates capital 's use of space t o d o w n s i z e and d i sperse the manufac tur ing units in its efforts t o con ta in l abour mob i l i z a t i on and o rgan iza t i on . T o unders tand this organ iza t iona l d o w n s i z i n g of the p r o d u c t i o n units it is necessary t o desc r ibe the p roduc t and the p r o d u c t i o n p rocess . The p r o d u c t and p r o d u c t i o n p rocess Beed i is an i nd igenous Indian c igarette and has b e e n re fer red to as a " c o u n t r y c iga re t te " and a c h e a p subst i tute for the real o n e . (Kannan 1988 . p i 93) The t o b a c c o is no t ro l l ed in paper but in t endu leaves. It is s l ightly con i c a l in shape and shor te r in l eng th than the cus tomary paper ro l l ed cigarette. Tradi t ional s m o k i n g in India u sed the h o o k a h and che roo t . The latter is a c igar w i th bo th ends o p e n . The or ig ins of the b e e d i are o b s c u r e but appears a variant of the che roo t . It is a s lender , shor te r ve rs ion abou t 5 to 6 cen t imet res l o n g w i th o n e e n d c l o s e d and the o the r taper ing to near c losure . It is a lso ro l l ed in t e n d u leaves wh i l e the c h e r o o t is ro l l ed in t o b a c c o leaves. The t o b a c c o used fo r b e e d i is also dif ferent f r o m the k ind used fo r che roo t . In eadier t imes b e e d i appears to have b e e n ro l led by the s m o k e r o r by the t obaccon i s t . But b e g i n n i n g in the late 19th century it gradual ly b e c a m e a manu fac tu red p roduc t .The o ldes t b e e d i mak ing f i rm in the Madras Pres idency was es tab l i shed in 1887 . (Gove rnmen t o f Madras 1947.p9) The manufac tu r ing process is l abour intens ive and mechan i za t i on is tota l ly absent . In the s imp le l abour intens ive t e c h n o l o g y the o n l y e q u i p m e n t requ i red is a pair of sc issors and a b a m b o o tray. The on l y d iv i s ion of l abour is the prepara t ion of the t o b a c c o , to be f o l l o w e d by the cu t t ing of the t e n d u leaves and ro l l ing the p repa red t o b a c c o . The prepara t ion of t o b a c c o invo lves p o w d e r i n g the lumps , r emov ing impur i t ies and sun dry ing to e l iminate mo is tu re . W i t h the e vo lu t i on of manufac tured beed i s , b rand names d e v e l o p e d and s o m e b l e n d i n g of t o b a c c o began to o c c u r t o character ize brands and retain brand loyalt ies a m o n g consumers . A n y such b l e n d i n g was part of the prepara t ion of the t o b a c c o . S u c h prepara t ion was in bu lk t h o u g h sun dry ing w e n t o n in batches du r i ng the ro l l ing p rocess . The greater part of the l abour con t en t in b e e d i manufac tur ing was in the ro l l ing p rocess . The w o r k e r sits o n a mat o n the f l oo r o r o n a b e n c h w i th the b a m b o o tray o n his o r her lap. The t e n d u leaves are m o i s t e n e d to prevent d a m a g e and then cut w i t h the pair of sc issors in to wrappers . Skill is r equ i red t o get the m a x i m u m n u m b e r of wrappers pe r leaf. W h i l e cu t t ing the wrappers the th ick ve ins are r e m o v e d t o give a s m o o t h f in ish t o the b e e d i . O n c e a suff ic ient quant i ty of wrappers is ready the ro l l ing beg ins . The wrappe r is h e l d o n the pa lm and the t o b a c c o spread o n it. Then w i t h a neat qu i ck m o v e m e n t of the f ingers it is ro l l ed i n to a s l ender c o n i c a l shape . The b roade r e n d of the b e e d i is c l o s e d and the o t h e r e n d t i ed w i th a th read . S o m e t i m e s he lpers , o f t en ch i l d r en , are e m p l o y e d to d o the c l o s i n g u p of o n e e n d and ty ing up the other . The ro l l ed beed i s are t i ed in to bund les and d n e d in the sun o r s m o k e chambers . They are then labe l l ed a n d ready for the market . Kannan (Ibid p i 93) observes that b e e d i mak ing is perhaps o n e of the ex t r eme cases of the s ingle-person-job and thus offers n o r o o m for any e c o n o m i e s of scale . There is thus n o d is t inc t ion in the manufac tur ing p rocess ob ta in ing in the h o u s e h o l d and n o n - h o u s e h o l d sec tors of the industry. Raghavan (1986.p5) sees the b e e d i manufac tur ing p rocess in the non-h o u s e h o l d sec tor as an examp le of capital ist o rgan iza t ion that has b e e n charac ter ized by Marx as s imp le co-opera t ion , whe re worke r s are b rough t t o g e t h e r as wage labourers at a s ingle cent re but c o n t i n u e by and large t o w o r k i n d e p e n d e n t l y of each other . The nature of capital ist con t ro l and managemen t has b e e n desc r i bed as mercant i le . (Kannan 1988 . p i 94). The b e e d i mak ing w o r k f o r c e in India and Kerala G i ven the pr ice compe t i t i v eness of the b e e d i w i th the c igarette and the l imi ted pu rchas ing p o w e r of a greater s e c t i on of the mass c o n s u m e r market in India the s ize of the d o m e s t i c market fo r b e e d i is very large. ^ Such a market in a large coun t r y l ike India t oge the r w i t h the l abour intens ive character of manufacture suppor t s a large w o r k f o r c e . The census data for 1981 puts the n u m b e r o f b e e d i worke rs at 1.6 mi l l i on . O f this .9 mi l l i on we re in the h o u s e h o l d industr ies sector . But the actual n u m b e r is s u s p e c t e d t o be h igher , as many wo rke r s in the u n o r g a n i z e d sector , for w h o m b e e d i mak ing is a seconda ry o r supp lementa r y s o u r c e of i n c o m e , are l ikely to have b e e n left ou t . 1. Raghavan cites a newspaper report estimate of 200 to 250 million beedi smokers in India. Of the 700 grms of tobacco consumed per capita adult per year, 300 grms is beedi tobacco and cigarette tobacco is only 200 grms. (1986 p i , p16 f1) The balance is in the form tobacco chewed with betel leaves, cigar smoking etc. Beedi manufacturing workforce i n I n d i a by major beedi manufacturing S t a t e s , sex and household and urban s e c t o r s as a percent of each State by sex: 1961 - 1981 Each S t a t e Household as % Urban as % workforce as % of each ( l i n e ) of e a c h ' ( l i n e ) S t a t e s of T o t a l - I n d i a c a t e g o r y category 1961 1971 1981 1961 1971 1981 1961 1971 1981 Andhra Prd: Males 2.6 3.2 2.5 Females 5.9 8.7 11.4 T o t a l 8.5 11.9 13.9 Bihar Males 7.8 6.4 4,8 Females 1 .6 0.9 1 .4 T o t a l 9.4 7.3 6.1 Karnataka Males 4.0 4.3 3.5 Females 3.2 7.4 12,3 T o t a l 7. 1 11.7 15.8 K e r a l a Males 7.1 8.1 4.8 Females 0.1 1 . 1 2,6 T o t a l 7.2 9.2 7,4 Madhya Prd: Males 10.4 9.0 9,0 Females 8.7 5.8 8.0 T o t a l 19. 1 14.8 17,0 Maharashtra Males 6.8 5.9 2.6 Females 9.4 9. 1 6,0 T o t a l 16.2 15.0 8.6 Tamil Nadu Males 5.5 5.5 4,5 Females 4.7 4.0 6.7 T o t a l 10.3 9.6 1 1 .2 West Bengal Males 9.4 8.7 7.6 Females 2.3 1 .7 4.3 T o t a l 11.6 10.5 11,9 Other St a t e s Males 8.5 7.7 5.1 Females 2.1 2.3 3,0 T o t a l 10.6 10.0 8.1 T o t a l - I n d i a Males % 62.0 58.9 44.4 Females % 38.0 41.1 55.6 T o t a l % 100 1 00 100 56. 5 41 , 9 49. 5 50.2 42.0 40 ,8 65. 4 57. 6 74. 9 39.7 24.2 25 .9 62. 7 53, 4 70. 3 42.9 29.0 28 ,6 63. 8 54. 8 28. 6 27. 1 32.6 28 .0 85. 7 77, 8 32. 5 17.1 15.8 1 2 ,0 67. 5 57. 7 37. 3 25.4 30.5 24 .5 40. 0 59, 5 38. 1 53.6 47, 1 44 .2 60. 7 77. 8 61 . 9 41 .5 33.2 33 ,8 49. 2 71 . 1 56. 6 48.2 38,3 36 . 1 17. 5 16. 5 10. 6 24.5 18.8 32 , 1 43. 7 54. 5 6. 1 45.0 32,2 12 .9 18. 1 21 . 1 9. 1 24.9 20.5 25 ,4 84. 8 72. 7 77. 1 33.6 42.6 34 , 1 94. 8 87. 5 86. 3 35.6 39.4 32 ,6 89. 3 78. 5 81 . 4 34.5 41 .4 33 ,4 60. 0 61 . 4 54. 3 37.6 29.3 32 ,2 95. 2 64. 0 56. 0 46.6 37.4 47 ,9 67. 1 63. 0 55. 5 42.8 34.3 43 ,2 30. 6 25. 9 52. 4 66.8 66.9 53 ,3 90. 5 87. 2 89. 2 42.3 39.5 32 ,6 58. 2 51 . 6 74. 5 55.6 55.5 40 .8 39.8 56. 5 32. 4 38.6 32.8 25 .5 85, 0 82. 4 34. 4 18.5 21 .5 18 .3 48. 5 60. 8 33. 1 34.8 30.9 22 .9 52, 0 42. 7 37. 5 48.7 47.2 50 .0 71 . 4 54. 5 53. 8 44.8 40.5 48 .9 57, 4 45. 4 43. 5 47.9 45.7 49 .6 51 , 5 48. 5 45. 1 39.9 38.7 36 .6 79. 5 71 . 0 64. 8 39. 1 33.3 31 ,5 62, 1 57. 8 56. 1 39.6 36,5 33 .7 Cont inued next page Continued from previous page T o t a l -- I n d i a Household--India Urban -- India 1961 1971 1981 1961 1971 1981 1961 1971 1981 T o t a l - I n d i a Males '000 549 573 713 Females'OOO 336 400 894 T o t a l '000 885 973 1607 283 278 322 21 9 22-2 261 267 284 579 131 133 282 550 562 902 350 355 542 Sources: D e r i v e d from: Census of In d i a 1961, V o l I I n d i a , Part II-B ( i ) General Economic Table B-IV Part C, p432-433.[Code 220] Census of I n d i a 1971, S e r i e s 1 I n d i a , Part II-B ( i i i ) G eneral Economic Tab l e B-IV Part A, p225-401.[Code 226] Census of I n d i a 1981, S e r i e s 1 I n d i a , P a r t I I I - B ( i ) General Economic Tab l e B 12, p499-862. [Code 226] Census of I n d i a 1981, S e r i e s 1 I n d i a , Part III-B ( i i ) General Economic Tab l e B 13, p1-2l3. [Code 226] Table 9.01 presents the 1961 t o 1981 census data--^ Kerala is o n e o f the e ight states that t oge the r a c coun t for abou t 90 pe r cen t of the b e e d i manufac tur ing w o r k f o r c e in India. Kerala's share inc reased f r o m 7.2 pe r cen t in 1961 to 9.2 pe r cen t in 1971 and then d r o p p e d to 7.4 pe rcen t in 1981 . There is a s igni f icant d i f fe rence in the rate of female par t i c ipa t ion a m o n g the states w i t h its be i n g l owes t in Kerala and Bihar. In the case o f Kerala this may be re la ted to the smal l s ize of the d o m e s t i c o r h o u s e h o l d industry s e c t o r in Kerala. It was 18.1 pe r cen t in 1961 , 20.6 pe r cen t in 1971 and d r o p p e d to a l o w of 9.1 pe rcen t in 1981 . In all o t he r states the h o u s e h o l d sec to r is nearly 50 p e r c e n t o r m o r e , e x c e p t in 1981 for Bihar and W e s t Benga l w h e n it d r o p s to 37.3 and 33.1 respect ive ly . In all the states female par t i c ipa t ion is h ighe r in the h o u s e h o l d sec to r than in the n o n - h o u s e h o l d sec tor . This was the case in Kerala t o o unti l 1981 w h e n f ema le par t i c ipat ion in the n o n - h o u s e h o l d s e c to r rose . 2. Decennial census data is confined to the period 19G1 to 1981. There was little information on the beedi manufacturing workforce up to 1931. There was some data on beedi-making in the 1941 and 1951 Censuses, but, due to definitional and other issues discussed in chapter six, the data is not comparable with the 1961 to 1981 census data. T h o u g h b e e d i manu fac tunng in Kerala, relative to the o the r states, is a p r edominan t l y male d o m i n a t e d n o n - h o u s e h o l d industry it is none the less m o r e rural o r non-urban based than in any o the r State. The excep t i ons are Bihar and Wes t Bengal w h e r e urban based b e e d i manu fac tunng was l ow , but no t as l o w as Kerala in 1961 and 1971 . In 1981 h o w e v e r they d r o p to levels c lose to Kerala's. But in Bihar b e e d i mak ing was m o r e d o m e s t i c or h o u s e h o l d based than in Kerala. Even t h o u g h the h o u s e h o l d sec to r in Bihar d r o p p e d in 1981 , it is stil l m u c h h igher than in Kerala. (See Table 9.01). Wha t eme rges then as a s ignif icant character ist ic of the b e e d i mak ing w o r k f o r c e in Kerala is that the majority of the worke r s we re non-urban males in n o n - h o u s e h o l d p r o d u c t i o n . Thei r share of the Kerala b e e d i mak ing wo rk fo r ce has h o w e v e r b e e n dec l i n i ng f r o m 80.8 percen t in 1961 t o 73.4 pe rcen t in 1971 and to 58.4 percen t in 1981 . The increas ing female par t i c ipat ion has also b e e n in rural n o n - h o u s e h o l d p r o d u c t i o n , part icular iy in 1981 . Table 9.02 presents this data.These facts br ing ou t a recurrent character ist ic of Kerala space e c o n o m y ; the p resence of a w a g e earn ing proletar iat in non-agricultural act iv ity in rural o r non-urban areas. A n d this in an industry w h e r e the raw materials, b o t h t o b a c c o and the t e n d u leaf wrappers , are no t i n d i g e n o u s t o Kerala and have to be g o t d o w n f r o m centra l India. It is the ma le d o m i n a n c e in the b e e d i industry that has l ed to C a n n a n o r e distr ict hav ing m o r e urban centres than any o the r distr ict in Kerala. In chapte r f ou r it was d e m o n s t r a t e d that in Kerala the critical fac tor for a revenue vi l lage to be d e e m e d urban , was the e c o n o m i c c r i te r ion of 75 percent of the male w o r k i n g p o p u l a t i o n b e i n g in non-agr icul tura l activity. This c r i te r ion be ing g e n d e r spec i f i c results in C a n n a n o r e distr ict w i t h a male par t ic ipat ion d o m i n a t e d beed i industry hav ing many of its revenue vi l lages d e e m e d urban . In contrast , w e n o t e d in Q u i l o n distr ict w i th a female par t ic ipat ion d o m i n a t e d c a s h e w p r o c e s s i n g industry it is the o the r way about . K e r a l a beedi manufacturing workforce by percent of sex, u r b a n - r u r a l and household & non-household s e c t o r s : 1961-1981 1961 1971 1981 M ] F T M F T M F T Urban Household 1 .0 0.2 1 .2 3.0 1 .8 4.7 0.9 0.3 1 . 1 Non-H'hold 23.0 0.7 23.7 13.4 2.3 15.7 20.0 4.2 24.2 T o t a l 24.0 0.9 24.9 16.4 4.1 20.5 20.9 4.5 25.4 Ru r a l Household 16.2 0.7 16.8 11.0 4.9 15.9 6. 1 1.8 7.9 Non-H'hold 57.7 0.5 58.2 60.0 3.7 63.7 38.4 28.3 66.7 T o t a l 73.9 1.2 75. 1 71.0 8.6 79.5 44.5 30.2 74.6 T o t a l Household 17.1 0.9 18.1 14.0 6.7 20.6 7.0 2.1 9.1 Non-H'hold 80.8 1 .2 81.9 73.4 6.0 79.4 58.4 32.5 90.9 T o t a l - % 97.9 2. 1 100 87.4 1 2.6 100 65.3 34.7 10 -'000 63 1 64 79 1 1 90 78 41 119 Sources: D e r i v e d from, Census of I n d i a 1961, V o l VII Pt II-B, Table B-IV Pt-C p129-l75 1971, S e r i e s 9 Pt II-B, Table B-IV Pt-A Appendix 140-183 1981, S e r i e s 10 Pt I I I , T a b l e s B 12 & 13 p597-716 & 717-727 Examinat ion o f Table 9.02 reveals s o m e changes in 1981 . The rural c o m p o n e n t d o e s no t change , t h o u g h it d r o p s f r om 79.5 pe r cen t in 1971 to 74.6 percen t in 1981 w h i c h is c lose r t o the 1961 level of 75.1 percent . But w i th in the rural c o m p o n e n t h o u s e h o l d manufac ture increases s l ight ly in 1971 and d r o p s in 1981 . This is c aused partly by the character of the increase in fema le par t i c ipat ion . There may be a nexus b e t w e e n these t w o increases but these changes are m u c h m o r e c o m p l e x than the quant i tat ive data suggest . Increase in female par t i c ipat ion and h o u s e h o l d p r o d u c t i o n in 1971 are b o t h l i nked to capi ta l- labour conf l i c t and changes in o rgan iza t i on of p r o d u c t i o n . Beg inn ings of the b e e d i industry in Kerala. These changes as we l l as the d i f fe rences b e t w e e n Kerala and the rest of India may b e c o m e m o r e inte l l ig ib le w i th a qual i tat ive and histor ica l unde r s t and ing of the g r o w t h of the b e e d i industry in Kerala. Un l i ke c o i r p r o c e s s i n g w h i c h was tradi t ional ly k n o w n in Kerala, b e e d i was a n e w indust ry to Kerala w h e n it was i n t r o d u c e d in the first quarter of this century. But n o n e of the censuses up to 1931 reco rd any s igni f icant n u m b e r of b e e d i workers in Kerala. A c c o r d i n g t o the C e n s u s of 1931 there we r e n o b e e d i workers in Ma labar district and on l y 330 in Travancore and 529 in C o c h i n . Ma labar distr ict was part of the Madras Pres idency. It is thus useful t o q u o t e a n o t e o n b e e d i mak ing in the Repor t a t tached t o C e n s u s of 1931 of the Madras Pres idency . " E l sewhere a great increase in the n u m b e r o f pe r sons e n g a g e d in the manufacture and sale of t o b a c c o has b e e n n o t i c e d . This spel ls main ly the popular i t y of the beed i . A genera l g row th in the s m o k i n g habit has b e e n no t i ceab le t o ord inary obse rva t ion dur ing the d e c a d e . The app l i ca t ion of a tariff and the set t ing up of t o b a c c o manufac tu re in or ad jo in ing the Pres idency, (Bangalore is a no tab le centre ) , led to cons ide rab le e n c o u r a g e m e n t of c igarette s m o k i n g . At the e n d of the d e c a d e c a m e the boyco t t of i m p o r t e d c igarettes and the b e e d i came in to its o w n . This is in essence a smal l quant i ty of p o w d e r e d t o b a c c o ro l led in a spec ia l k ind of leaf. (Usual ly i m p o r t e d f r o m B o m b a y Pres idency. ) M u c h b e e d i mak ing is d o n e as a h o u s e h o l d industry , notab ly by M u s l i m w o m e n . It is a m o n g M u s l i m s that b e e d i s m o k i n g seems t o be mos t c o m m o n , a fact b o r n e ou t by the p r o m f n e n c e of t o b a c c o dealers in Ma labar and N o r t h A rco t . Beed is are actually e x p o r t e d f r om Madras to Bu rma and the Ma l ay States. There is great variety in s ize in the manufac tur ing uni ts ; it d e p e n d s ch ie f ly o n the premises available. W h e r e a g o d o w n or s h e d is u sed the e m p l o y e e s may run up to 150 o r 200 ; whe re a h o u s e is used 50 w o u l d be a m a x i m u m a n d 30 an average. There is g o o d dea l o f e m p l o y m e n t of ch i l d ren and l o n g hours . Parents take a smal l advance f r o m the e m p l o y e r of their ch i ld ren a n d so are little d i s p o s e d t o protest undu l y o r to w i thdraw t h e m . The l ight ing and sanitary ar rangements of the es tab l i shments are far f r o m g o o d o r a lmost n i l . Payment is by out turn , general ly abou t 12 annas a t h o u s a n d . The ordinary w o r k m a n ' s pe r fo rmance w o u l d be a b o u t 100 an hour . C h i l d r e n are usually pa id by the week , payment vary ing w i t h capac i ty and age. The Factory A c t d o e s no t app ly to these p laces because n o p o w e r is used . If Sec t ion 2 was e x t e n d e d t o t h e m , it w o u l d be de fea ted by k e e p i n g the numbers b e l o w t en . A t endency towards smal ler units s eems already apparent . No r th A r c o t is o n e of the s t r o n g h o l d s o f beed i m a k i n g w i th 74 factor ies and 1200 worke r s , half of w h o m are ch i l d r en . These factor ies are essent ia l ly f luctuat ing in nature. They may be set u p , c l o s e d or t ransfed w i th equa l ease. It is certain that a g o o d deal of this f o r m of e m p l o y m e n t has no t en te red the census returns. So l o n g as beed i m a k i n g is kept a h o u s e industry there is l ittle to be said against it and it forms a use fu l subsidiary o c c u p a t i o n espec ia l ly fo r M u h a m m a d a n w o m e n w h o d o no t ord inar i ly g o ab road . Its t e n d e n c y wi l l p robab l y be towards s o m e such s c o p e ; it is unl ikely that large-scale quasi-factory opera t ions can be o f l o n g s t a n d i n g . " (Census of India 1931 , V o l XIV Pt I, p 203-204) 3 3. The author of this report is M.W.M.Yeatts, I.C.S., Supdt of Census Operations, Madras. This repor t suggests that b e e d i mak ing had en te red d o m e s t i c h o u s e h o l d manufacture in the 1920s but this very character of the industry l ed it to be unenumera t ed or u n d e r e n u m e r a t e d in the census . N o r t h A r co t Distr ict is m e n t i o n e d as a centre for beed i mak ing . Ma labar Distr ict is n o t e d fo r the n u m b e r of t o b a c c o dealers . The n u m b e r of dealers or traders in t o b a c c o in Ma labar Distr ict of the Madras P res idency in 1931 was 4989 males and 34 females . The males make up 5.8 percen t of all male dea lers o r traders in Ma labar Distr ict . (Census of India 1931 V o l XIV Pt-ll p207) In Travancore dea lers in t o b a c c o we re 3905 males and 1213 females (Census of India 1931 V o l XXVIII Pt-ll p 55) and in C o c h i n 558 males and 11 females . (Census of India 1931 V o l XXI Pt-ll. p38) In Travancore the male dealers made u p 3.5 percen t of all dealers and in C o c h i n this was 1.7 percent . The dealers in t o b a c c o w o u l d have i n c l u d e d t rade in t o b a c c o p roduc t s such as c igarettes, cigars and raw and p r o c e s s e d leaf apart f r o m b e e d i . But the numbers are s igni f icant and sugges t a dea le rs ' (traders and m i d d l e m e n ) ne twork that l inks up h o u s e h o l d manufac ture of b e e d i w i th d o m e s t i c and expo r t markets . This br ings o u t the structural features of pe t ty p r o d u c t i o n and t rad ing and/or f o r c e d c o m m e r c e ne twork that w e d i s cussed in the last chapter . But more impor tan t l y it suggests that there we r e m o r e b e e d i and t o b a c c o industry worke r s than the census had enumera t ed . These da ta a lso sugges t the beg inn ings of t o b a c c o trade and industry in Malabar , a l ong w i th o the r cent res such as N o r t h A r co t . ^ The t o b a c c o trade and industry in Ma labar Distr ict increased in the cou rse of the next d e c a d e o r s o . A t the same t ime w i th in Ma labar Distr ict it b e c a m e heavi ly c o n c e n t r a t e d in C a n n a n o r e and Tel l icherry Towns and their env i rons . The t o b a c c o industry a n d trade in C a n n a n o r e was largely c o n f i n e d t o b e e d i mak ing 4. North Arcot was a district of the Madras Presidency and is now in Tamilnadu. and marke t ing . T o b a c c o trade and industr ies we re also present in Travancore and C o c h i n but wha t was s igni f icant about beed i mak ing in C a n n a n o r e was that its beg inn ings we re as an o r g a n i z e d urban, industry, t h o u g h l abour intensive. It shed s o m e of these character ist ics in later years as w e shal l obse rve short ly. But the initial f o o t h o l d as an o rgan i zed urban industry in C a n n a n o r e and Tel l icherry t owns and the factors that faci l i tated this led by the late 1950s to a heavy concen t r a t i on of the Kerala b e e d i industry in C a n n a n o r e distr ict. Examin ing the concen t r a t i on in C a n n a n o r e Distr ict It is impor tan t to examine the concen t r a t i on of b e e d i manufacture in C a n n a n o r e . C o n t e m p o r a r y N o r t h Kerala is made u p of f o rmer Ma labar Distr ict plus a smal l part of Sou th Kanara Distr ict , b o t h part of the then Madras Pres idency . This reg ion or N o r t h Kerala in 1981 is d i v i ded into the administrat ive distr icts of C a n n a n o r e , W y n a d , K o z h i k o d e , M a l a p p u r a m , and Palghat. The distr icts o the r than W y n a d and Palghat are coastal distr icts w i th h igh p o p u l a t i o n dens i t ies . Beedi manufac ture is concen t r a t ed largely in C a n n a n o r e distr ict and to less ex ten t in K o z h i k o d e , M a l a p p u r a m and Palghat distr icts. C a n n a n o r e distr ict is n amed after the administrat ive centre of the distr ict , C a n n a n o r e T o w n . C a n n a n o r e T o w n g rew a round a por t that f u n c t i o n e d as the main por t of the Kolatt ir i Rajas of the pre-co lon ia l pe r i od . O u t l i n i n g the histor ica l s ign i f i cance of C a n n a n o r e T o w n , the C e n s u s of 1981 states: It was e m p o r i u m of trade fo r g o o d s f r o m Arab ia , the Persian Gul f and sou the rn India. W h e n Vasco d a G a m a passed t h r o u g h Cannano re , it was " a large t o w n of tha tched houses ins ide a bay " . In 1501 , Ped ro A lvarez Cabra i f o u n d e d a factory and four years later D o n Francisco de A l m e i d a c o n s t r u c t e d the C a n n a n o r e Fort, k n o w n as Fort St A n g e l o . This fort was later cap tu red by the D u t c h and finally the East India C o m p a n y t o o k it o ve r in 1790. (Census of India 1981 , Series 10 Kerala, Part II-A, p176) O f the 106 cit ies and t owns of Kerala, 26 are in C a n n a n o r e distnct . O f this n u m b e r , e ight t owns that c lus ter a round C a n n a n o r e T o w n , f o r m toge the r w i th C a n n a n o r e T o w n the U r b a n A g g l o m e r a t i o n and Standard U rban A rea of C a n n a n o r e . Three towns that c luster a r o u n d Tel l icherry T o w n , f o r m toge the r w i t h Tel l icherry T o w n the U rban A g g l o m e r a t i o n and Standard U r b a n A rea of Tel l icherry . (See A p p e n d i x 9.01) The c lusters of t owns in C a n n a n o r e distr ict have b e e n c o m m e n t e d u p o n in chapte r four . As i nd i ca ted eadier it is largely the re f l ec t ion of a male d o m i n a t e d b e e d i industry concen t r a t ed in C a n n a n o r e distr ict . TABLE 9.03 K e r a l a beedi manufacturing workforce by d i s t r i c t s and males as percent i n each d i s t r i c t beedi workforce: 1961 - 1981 Beedi Workforce Males as a percent D i s t r i c t s 1961 1971 1981 1961 1971 1981 Cannanore 28.8 45.2 59.2 96. 1 81 .7 55.4 Wynad [b] [b] 0.0 [b] [b] 0.0 Kozhikode 13.2 3.1 2.3 98.5 99.6 94.6 Malappuram [b] 9.5 4.9 [b] 95.7 89.8 Palghat 12.7 8.3 7.2 97.1 96. 1 95.5 T r i c h u r 7.4 9.4 9.3 95.5 63.6 29.5 Ernakulam 9.9 5.1 2.7 99.7 97.0 89.0 Idukki [b] [b] 0.6 [b] [b] 97.9 Kottayam 5.9 4.3 1.9 99.9 100.0 99.8 A i l e p p e y 8.0 5.6 3.6 99.9 99.6 98.3 Q u i l o n 8.7 6.4 5.5 99.9 99.3 99.0 Trivandrum 5.5 3.6 3.0 99.7 99.7 98.6 KERALA - % 100.0 100.0 100.0 97.9 87.4 65.3 - ^000 64 90 119 63 87 78 Sources : De r i ved f r o m . C e n s u s of India 1961 , V o l VII Pt II-B (i). Table B-IV Pt-C p i 29-175. 1 9 7 1 , Series 9 Pt II-B (i), Table B-IV Pt-A A p p e n d i x 140-83. 1981 , Series 10 Pt III, Tables B 12 p597-716. N o t e s [a] Distr icts are l isted in the nor th to l o ca t i on , f o l l o w i n g C e n s u s of India p rac t i ce . [b] These districts we re created f r o m ex is t ing distr icts after this C e n s u s year Table 9.03 demonst ra tes this concen t r a t i on f r o m the 1960s. H o w and w h y d i d this concen t r a t i on o c c u r ? Kannan observes "The beg inn ings of beed i mak ing and its concen t r a t i on in Ma labar s e e m to be c lose l y re lated to the dec l i ne of the Ma laba r e c o n o m y unde r the British w h i c h cu lm ina ted in the e c o n o m i c cns is of the 1930s. This mean t large scale u n e m p l o y m e n t of the p o o r in many o c cupa t i ons such as those in agr icul ture and tradi t ional industr ies l ike weav ing and t o d d y t app ing w h i c h we re the mos t p redominan t . By t rac ing the o c c u p a t i o n of the parents and grandparents of present-day worke rs , all of t h e m we re f o u n d t o b e l o n g t o the class of rural landless labourers in agr icu l ture , weav ing and t o d d y t app ing . The dec l i ne of agr icul ture, h a n d l o o m weav ing and t o d d y t app ing c reated a large p o o l of u n e m p l o y e d labour . The unusua l p r e d o m i n a n c e of m e n in b e e d i mak ing in C a n n a n o r e , c o m p a r e d w i th the rest of the count ry , c o u l d t hen be a result of t h e m m o v i n g in to this o c c u p a t i o n rather than rema in ing u n e m p l o y e d . " (Kannan 1988 .p195 , 196) Kannan relates the dec l i ne in t o d d y t app ing to the C a n d h i a n P roh ib i t i on M o v e m e n t w h i c h was m o r e v i go rous in British India, w h i c h i n c l u d e d Ma labar as part of the Madras Pres idency , than in the Pr incely States of Travancore and C o c h i n . It is a lso poss ib l y related t o the Ezhavas, w h o s e t radi t ional caste o c c u p a t i o n was t o d d y t app ing m o v i n g ou t of t o d d y t app ing d u e to sanskr i t izat ion e l emen ts in the caste re form m o v e m e n t . (Gov indan 1986 p17-18) O n the o ther hand the C a n d h i a n Swadesh i M o v e m e n t ( M o v e m e n t fo r Self-Reliance) w h i c h advoca t ed boyco t t of fo re ign g o o d s , i n c lud ing c igarettes increased the d e m a n d for beed i . This was n o t e d by Yeatts in the c i ta t ion m a d e eariier, t h o u g h he d o e s no t direct ly a c k n o w l e d g e the po l i t i ca l unde rp inn ings . In sum Kannan argues that dec l i ne of Ma labar Distr ic t e c o n o m y and the dep res s i on of the 1930s caused w i d e s p r e a d u n e m p l o y m e n t and pauper i za t ion . This he f inds attracted mercant i le capita l , e n g a g e d in b e e d i manufac ture in B o m b a y and M a n g a l o r e , to Ma labar distr ict , t o make use of the abundan t and cheap labour . (Kannan 1988. p65 ) . The C e n s u s Report of the Madras P res idency for 1931 note o n the b e e d i industry that was q u o t e d eari ier o b s e r v e d that there was a d o m i n a n c e of M u s l i m s in the Beed i industry a n d trade. The C e n s u s o f 1921 data o n the o w n e r s of industr ia l es tab l i shments classif ied by e thn ic i ty suppor t s this obse rva t ion . There we r e 74 T o b a c c o industr ia l es tab l i shments in Madras Pres idency , 7 of t h e m were reg is tered c o m p a n i e s and the ba lance 67 we re referred to as "pr ivate es tab l i shments " , and were p robab l y so le p ropr ie to rsh ips . O f the owne r s of the 67 es tab l i shments 28 were M u s l i m s . (Census of India 1921 V o l XIII Pt-li p310) . Raghavan (1986. p i 9) d raw ing o n these sources and the concen t r a t i on of M u s l i m s In the p o p u l a t i o n of C a n n a n o r e and Tel l i chery T o w n s in C a n n a n o r e distr ict argues that the entry and g rowth of the b e e d i industry in C a n n a n o r e is l inked t o the marked invo l vement of M u s l i m s in the b e e d i industry and the concen t r a t i on of M u s l i m s in C a n n a n o r e and Tel l icherry t o w n s . W i t h the increase in d e m a n d and the e x p a n s i o n of the b e e d i indust ry the pet ty es tab l i shments g r ew in s ize. The owner-ent repreneurs w i t h d r e w f r o m di rect par t ic ipat ion in the w o r k process and c o n f i n e d themse lves to superv i sory and manager ia l func t ions . S o m e b e c a m e large es tab l i shments w i th h u n d r e d o r m o r e wo rke r s and e m p l o y i n g superv isors . (Raghavan 1986. p23) A factor that appears to have c o n t r i b u t e d to the concen t r a t i on o f the b e e d i industry in C a n a n n o r e was the lower wage rates in C a n n a n o r e . The C e n s u s Repor t of Madras Pres idency of 1931 q u o t e d eari ier gave the g o i n g piece-rate wage fo r ro l l ing a t h o u s a n d beed is at 12 annas. In C a n n a n o r e the rate dur ing the 1920s had b e e n 5 to 6.1/2 annas and there was a t e n d e n c y for the w a g e rate to dec l ine in the 1930s. (Raghavan 1986. p27)S These rates we re l o w e r than in the ad jo in ing South Kanara Distr ict of the Madras Pres idency . "Thus for instance in 1934, wh i l e the w a g e rates in the b e e d i es tab l i shments of C a n n a n o r e var ied b e t w e e n 5 to 5 1/2 annas, in nearby M a n g a l o r e of South Kanara Distr ict the wage rate var ied f r o m 9 t o 10 annas. A large n u m b e r of worke r s f r o m Cannano re used to migrate t o M a n g a l o r e attracted by the h igher w a g e rates . " ( Tobacco W o r k e r s U n i o n , Cannanore , [1984 ] C i t e d by Raghavan 1986. p27) 5. Raghavan cites two T.U.Sources in support of these wage rates. The l o w w a g e rates obv ious l y attracted capita l f r o m outs ide as we l l as w i th in C a n n a n o r e to enter the b e e d i industry. S ince the M u s l i m s had a f o o t h o l d in the Industry in South India there may have b e e n an ease of entry fo r the M u s l i m s concen t r a t ed in C a n n a n o r e Distr ict . M u s l i m en t repreneurs f r om ou t s ide Kerala may a lso have f o u n d it easy t o locate the b e e d i mak ing units in C a n n a n o r e because of the e thn i c ident i t ies and l inkages w i t h i n d i g e n o u s p o p u l a t i o n . The dec l i ne o f the Ma labar e c o n o m y , the g r o w i n g u n e m p l o y m e n t a c c o m p a n y i n g the dep ress ion and d e m o g r a p h i c features of the distr ict may have con t r ibu ted to dep ress i ng the wage in C a n n a n o r e . But these are no t un ique to C a n n a n o r e . These features are present in mos t of the coasta l distr icts of Kerala. A d i f fer ing c o m b i n a t i o n of factors s eems to have attracted di f ferent industr ies to d i f ferent distr icts in Kerala. C o i r was attracted to A i l e p p e y , C a s h e w p rocess ing t o Q u i l o n , Bricks and Tiles t o K o z h i k o d e and Q u i l o n , C o t t o n Text i les t o C a n n a n o r e and T r i vandrum, Beed i t o C a n n a n o r e , j ewe l le ry t o Tr ichur etc . Avai labi l i ty of raw material i n f l uenced the loca t ions in the case of co i r and ti le industr ies. In s o m e o thers l ike cashew p r o c e s s i n g , raw material availability was margina l ly present . It was absent in b e e d i fo r the raw materials of t o b a c c o and t e n d u leaves fo r w r a p p i n g we re bo th o b t a i n e d f r o m ou t s i de Kerala. T o s u m up , the C e n s u s Reports c o m m e n t s and the wo rk of Kannan (1988) and Raghavan (1986) sugges t that the dec l i ne of t radi t ional non-agr icul tura l e c o n o m i c activit ies, the effects o f the d e p r e s s i o n , h igh p o p u l a t i o n dens i ty , c o n s e q u e n t i a l l o w w a g e rates and the e thno-demograph i c features of C a n n a n o r e distr ict all c o n t r i b u t e d t o the concen t r a t i on of the b e e d i industry in C a n n a n o r e . But the e c o n o m i c geograph i ca l impo r t ance o f C a n n a n o r e is left ou t in these exp lanat ions for the concen t r a t i on of b e e d i industry. C a n n a n o r e was a por t t o w n and in c l ose prox imi t y to K o z h i k o d e . W e n o t e d earl ier that K o z h i k o d e was one the impor tan t ports in the p re-modern mar i t ime history of India and the Indian o c e a n . In the typical " t o r c h e s f laring and f a d i n g " por t cit ies of the Ma labar coast , K o z h i k o d e suf fered s tagnat ion and dec l ine c o n s e q u e n t to the g r o w t h of G o a , unde r the Po r tuguese in the 16th and 17th century , and C o c h i n s ince the 18th century. (Das G u p t a 1967. p i 1-12). T h o u g h K o z h i k o d e has lost its o l d g lory it still remains as an important reg iona l por t city of sou thwes t India. Recent s tud ies in Indian mar i t ime history (Arasaratnam 1986, 1989 ; Satish C h a n d r a 1987 ; Pearson 1987 ; and Das G u p t a and Pearson 1987)^ have raised the issue o f the impact of European enterpr ise in the Indian O c e a n o n As ian trade. Wha t emerges f r o m these studies and deba te is that native vessels we re no t s u p e r s e d e d as carriers of c o m m e r c e w i th the appearance of European sh ipp ing . N ine t een th century British sup remacy in the Indian O c e a n and the advent of steamers had their impact but native carriers and trade we re no t e l im ina ted . There was s o m e cont inu i t y particularly in s o m e c o m m o d i t i e s such as rice, p r o c e s s e d sea f o o d , and text i les w h i c h had Indian o c e a n reg iona l c o n s u m e r spec i f ic i t ies . W h e n the count r ies that rimmed the Indian o c e a n e n d e d up by the 19th century as c o l o n i e s of wes te rn European p o w e r s there we re even n e w c o n s u m e r d e m a n d s o n the Indian o c e a n trade. K o z h i k o d e , C o c h i n and s o m e of the o the r smal ler por ts of Kerala, ca te red t o s o m e of the new ly e m e r g i n g d e m a n d s . K o z h i k o d e is particulariy impor tant in the seaborne trade and traffic of the coas t and Indian o c e a n . C o m m o d i t y trade and traffic of a coasta l character e x t e n d e d to the ent i re eastern and wes te rn coast of India. Indian o c e a n c o m m o d i t y trade and sh ipp ing i n c l u d e d t ransact ions w i th Sri Lanka, Burma, Malays ia , East A f r i ca a n d W e s t As ia . 6. With the exception of Arasaratnam, others have emphasized the external trade transactions and neglected the importance of the economic geography of the hinterland, the nature of the economic activities of the hinterland or region and any relationship between such activities and the port. As we n o t e d in chapte r seven the c lassic examp le in this con t ex t is the ti le industry of Kerala, and K o z h i k o d e as the Indian o c e a n reg iona l cent re of this industry and trade. Wha t is impor tant to unders tand in the con t ex t o f the b e e d i industry is that the l o c a t i o n of the industry in C a n a n n o r e in c lose p rox im i t y to K o z h i k o d e faci l i tated the b e e d i indust ry trade and expans ion . Existing t rade and sh ipp ing traffic b e t w e e n K o z h i k o d e and o the r por t c i t ies of coastal d o m e s t i c and Indian ocean trade e n a b l e d the entry of beed i as ano the r c o m m o d i t y . Raghavan's wo rk has ev idence to s u p p o r t this a rgument , t h o u g h Raghavan misses its s igni f icance for the concen t r a t i on of b e e d i mak ing in C a n n a n o r e . "The b e e d i industry came to be f i rmly es tab l i shed in C a n n a n o r e after the First W o H d W a r w h e n the M u s l i m t o b a c c o ent repreneurs ut i l iz ing the i r t rade c o n n e c t i o n s , started expo r t i ng beed i s to C e y l o n a n d later to Burma. The e x p o r t trade e n c o u r a g e d the g rowth of a large n u m b e r of smal l petty es tab l i shments and the ex is t ing estab l i shments g r e w in to c o n c e r n s e m p l o y i n g 20 to 30 w o r k e r s by the m i d d l e of the decade . Beed i en t repreneurs l ike Polachal M o i d u , Khadiar Assan , T. A m u , K. Achu than and A y u b h Khan p r o d u c e d beed i s for the C e y l o n market wh i l e Laxmi Beedis and Wh i t eha l l Beed is we re e x p o r t e d t o B u r m a " (Raghavan 1986 . p20) Cul tura l similarit ies and the p r e sence o f a migrant Indian p o p u l a t i o n in s o m e of the Indian o c e a n rim count r i es like Sri Lanka, Bu rma and Ma lays ia may have m a d e a c o m m o d i t y l ike b e e d i , an Indian cultural p r o d u c t at an a f fordab le pr i ce , f ind an easy entry w i t h little o r n o c o m p e t i t i o n w i th o the r t o b a c c o p r o d u c t s f r o m e l sewhere . M a n y of the Indian o c e a n rim count r i es were part o f the British Empire and s o there w e r e the add i t iona l l inkages of British t rading interests and Indians w h o had migra ted to the Indian ocean rim coun t r i e s as traders. So there is an e c o n o m i c geograph ica l fac tor as we l l in the b e e d i industry b e i n g concen t r a t ed in C a n n a n o r e distr ict . Labour-Capita l con f l i c t and the rest ructur ing of the b e e d i industry. Political economy and restructuring. E c o n o m i c geograph i ca l factors c o n t i n u e d t o be of impor t ance in the b e e d i industry 's expans ion , o rgan iza t ion and loca t iona l shifts. But in the restructur ing of the industry w e o n c e again see the re la t ionsh ip b e t w e e n the pol i t ica l e c o n o m y of labour-capital conf l i c t and the space e c o n o m y . This re la t ionsh ip was in many ways a rep l i ca t ion of what was occu r r i ng e lsewhere . In the last chapte r w e e x a m i n e d this in deta i l in the co i r industry in central Kerala. The happen ings in the co i r industry we r e to s o m e ex tent the catalysis and the fo re runner of the re la t ionship b e t w e e n the pol i t i ca l e c o n o m y and the space e c o n o m y , that was e m e r g i n g in the w h o l e of Kerala. The same e l emen ts that p rec ip i t a ted the initial catalysis in the co i r industry were present in many o the r industr ies and sub-reg ions . They we r e the l abour intens ive character w i th p o o r wages and cond i t i ons c o n c e n t r a t e d in urban loca t ions or a local i ty ; a l iterate w o r k i n g class; c o n t e x t of easy t ransport and c o m m u n i c a t i o n l ines; and the rise of o r g a n i z e d labour . To d e c i p h e r the pos i t i on and role of the b e e d i indust ry in the space and po l i t i ca l e c o n o m y o f Kerala it is necessary t o map s o m e of the changes in the o rgan iza t ion of p r o d u c t i o n and loca t iona l imp l i ca t ions of such changes . Fo l l ow ing Raghavan (1986 p113 & 114) these changes may be p e r i o d i z e d as fo l l ows . Firstly the es tab l i shment and e x p a n s i o n in to large scale manufac tu r ing units in C a n n a n o r e T o w n du r i ng the p e r i o d 1930 t o 1937 . Second l y the decent ra l i za t ion and d o w n s i z i n g o f the large es tab l i shments and scatter ing t h e m in the rural areas a r o u n d C a n n a n o r e . This o c c u r r e d du r ing the p e r i o d 1937 to 1951 The supp ly o f raw materials a n d the c o l l e c t i o n and marke t ing of the f i n i shed p r o d u c t r ema ined in the hands of the owne r s o f o l d large manufac tu r ing conce rns . Third ly b e g i n n i n g in the eariy 1950s there e m e r g e d m i d d l e m e n w h o m a n a g e d a n d o p e r a t e d the smal l scale units but s u p p l i e d the entire f in i shed p r o d u c t to the owne r s of the fo rmer large scale units w h o marke ted t h e m unde r their brand names . Need l e s s to say assistance was p r o v i d e d t o the m i d d l e m e n by the owners of eadier large units by way of credi t and or supp ly of raw materials. This manne r of p r o d u c t i o n , t an tamount to a pu t t ing ou t sys tem, lasted unti l abou t 1968 . A l l these changes were tak ing place in the c o n t e x t of a conf l i c t and con f ron ta t i on b e t w e e n l abour and capita l . The changes we r e efforts towards a r eso lu t ion of the labour-capital conf l i c t . S o m e of t h e m we re man ipu la t ions t o avo id statutory prov is ions enac t ed c o n s e q u e n t to l abour agitat ions and s ince the late 1950s by a Kerala G o v e r n m e n t that was sympathet i c to labour . The labour capital conf l i c t c ame t o a head in 1968 and the last phase of the changes in the o rgan iza t ion of p r o d u c t i o n was ushe red in . This phase has three c o m p o n e n t s . i) The c losu re of a n u m b e r of b e e d i manufac tur ing units and capital m o v i n g to the ad jo in ing Karnataka State in India. ii) The d i sp l a ced worke rs f o r m i n g a co-operat ive w i t h the Kerala G o v e r n m e n t ' s s u p p o r t a n d successfu l ly c o m p e t i n g in the beed i d o m e s t i c market . iii) S o m e of the smal l scale units d i s so l ved t o the level of h o u s e h o l d manufac ture . The f in i shed p roduc t s we re marke ted t h rough a t i e red sys tem of m i d d l e m e n the apex be ing s o m e of the owne r s of the o l d large scale uni ts . In ef fect a pu t t ing ou t sys tem came in to ope ra t i on r e p r o d u c i n g eariier systems o f d o m e s t i c manufac ture . W e n e e d t o discuss the di f ferent phases o u t l i n e d a b o v e in a little m o r e detai l to spe l l ou t features and conf igura t ions that have imp l i ca t ions fo r the Kerala space e c o n o m y and m o r e impor tant l y its s igni f icance for Kerala desakota . Establishment and expansion of large scale units W e n o t e d eadier that w i th the e x p a n s i o n of b e e d i manufac ture and trade in C a n n a n o r e d istnct mercant i l e capital d e v e l o p e d large scale manufac tur ing units similar to the ones des c r i bed in the quo t a t i on f r om the C e n s u s Repor t of Madras [1931].A cong rega t i on of worke r s at such w o r k p laces and a n u m b e r o f large w o r k places in c lose prox imi ty to o n e another is c o n d u c i v e to the d e v e l o p m e n t of w o r k i n g class consc i ousness and mob i l i z a t i on . The b e e d i industry in C a n n a n o r e and Tel l icherry t o w n s in their expans ion is t phase dur ing the early and m idd l e 1930s acqu i r ed this character ist ic for l abour mob i l i za t i on . A majority of b e e d i workers we re e i ther of the Ezhava caste o r Mus l ims. (Raghavan 1986 p29) W e d i s c u s s e d in Chap te r t w o the soc ia l r e fo rm m o v e m e n t of the Ezhavas led by the ph i losopher-asce t i c Sree Narayna G u r u . It l ed t o soc ia l and pol i t i ca l awareness and consc i en t i za t i on part icular iy a m o n g the Ezhavas. W e also d i scussed the impac t of the Russian revo lu t ion o n Kerala a n d in the eariy 1930s the fo rma t i on of the C o n g r e s s Social ist Party in Ma labar in d issat is fact ion w i th the po l i c ies of the Indian Nat iona l C o n g r e s s . Into this c o n t e x t was w o v e n the g r o w i n g concen t r a t i on of b e e d i worke rs in C a n n a n o r e and Te l l i cherry t owns w i th p o o r w o r k i n g c o n d i t i o n s and wages . The Indian Trade U n i o n Ac t passed in 1928 pe rmi t t ed the legal ex i s tence of Trade U n i o n s . ^ The first trade u n i o n of the b e e d i wo rke r s was at M a n g a l o r e in Sou th Kanara Distr ict . In 1934 the Ezhava b e e d i workers in Tel l i cherry f o r m e d the Sri Narayana Beed i Thozh i la l i Sangham. ( Sri Narayana Beed i Wo rke r s U n i o n ) . It was s o o n d rawn i n to a con f ron t a t i on w i th the m a n a g e m e n t of a large b e e d i mak ing f i rm. Be ing a y o u n g and caste-based u n i o n it lost ou t in the s t ruggle , w i th the m e m b e r s l o s i ng the i r j obs as we l l . Efforts t o f o r m a b e e d i co-operat ive by the d i sm i ssed worke r s a lso p r o v e d a fai lure. The workers learnt f r om this expe r i ence that caste based un ions w o u l d no t s u c c e e d a n d greater w o r k e r so l idar i ty was requ i red . (Raghavan 1986) As was 7. As Malabar district was part of the Madras Presidency, the Indian Trade Union Act of 1928 was operative in the district. In the case of Travancore the Trade Union Act was passed only in 1938. exp l a i ned in the last chapter , the C o n g r e s s Social ist Party was also engaged in the task of t rans forming mil i tant and reformist caste c o n s c i o u s n e s s i n to class consc iousness .dssacs 1985 and Raghavan 1986 . p 30). The b e e d i wo rke r s self crit ical of the early at tempts at caste-based un ion iza t i on r e s p o n d e d posi t ive ly . Kannan observes : "The r e sponse of the beed i worke r s perhaps surpr i sed the C o n g r e s s Socia l ist Party activists themse l ves , for the f o rmer t o o k an act ive part in o rgan iz ing peasant un ions in their v i l lages as we l l as f o r m i n g vo lun tee r co rps for pol i t ica l and t rade un ion wo rk . The b e e d i workers f o r m e d their o w n organ iza t ion and ca l led it " N o r t h Kerala Beed i Worke r s U n i o n " t o e n c o m p a s s all the areas in Ma labar . This u n i o n in i t iated st ruggles t o e n d pet ty exact ions s u c h as deduc t i ons for l i gh t ing , l owe r wages fo r n e w workers and the re jec t ion of beed i s in the name of b a d quality. By 1937 b e e d i worke rs had b e c o m e po l i t i ca l i zed and their s t ruggle t o o k the f o rm of c o m b i n i n g their e c o n o m i c d e m a n d s w i t h pol i t i ca l d e m a n d s " (Kannan 1988.p199) W h e n l abour thus began to m o b i l i z e and b e c o m e mil itant as we l l , the beed i ent repreneurs be l i e ved that concen t r a t i on of l abour in large units was caus ing this mob i l i z a t i on and mi l i tancy. The b e e d i ent repreneurs s o u g h t to d o w n s i z e and decen t ra l i ze the manufac tur ing units . It was at the same t ime in 1937 that the Madras G o v e r n m e n t e x t e n d e d the Factories Ac t t o cove r no t on ly es tab l i shments us ing p o w e r and e m p l o y i n g m o r e than ten worke r s but t hose w i t h o u t us ing p o w e r but hav ing m o r e than 20 workers . The b e e d i industry was t o be b r o u g h t u n d e r the Factories Ac t and a Factor ies Inspector v is i ted C a n n a n o r e to ident i fy the factor ies e m p l o y i n g more than 20. Efforts to mis lead the Inspector was f o i l e d by the t rade un ion is ts . Decentralization and downsizing by a branch system. The b e e d i en t repreneurs we re a la rmed. They b r o k e up the larger units in to a n u m b e r of b ranch units a n d l o ca t ed t h e m in non-urban areas. " By the e n d o f 1937 , the large b e e d i es tab l i shments w h i c h d o m i n a t e d the b e e d i industry in C a n n a n o r e began t o d isappear f r om the urban areas whe re they w e r e concen t r a t ed . A t the same t ime there appea red a large n u m b e r of smal le r es tab l i shments w ide l y scat tered ove r ad jo in ing rural areas." (Raghavan 1986. p33 ) By this strategy of d o w n s i z i n g and decen t ra l i z ing the b e e d i p r o d u c t i o n units, the ent repreneurs a v o i d e d the statutory r equ i r ements and d i f fused the g r o w i n g mob i l i z a t i on and mi l i tancy of labour .There were t w o b e e d i trade un ions at this t ime , the ' N o r t h Kerala Beed i Wo rke r s Trade U n i o n ' referred to in the q u o t a t i o n f r om Kannan (1988) eadier and the ' Beed i Thozh i la l i U n i o n C a n n a n o r e ' . The latter was f o r m e d by s o m e activists of the Indian Nat iona l C o n g r e s s , but dissat isf ied that the Indian Na t iona l C o n g r e s s leadersh ip and po l i c i es were not w o r k i n g class o r i en t ed , the un ion had pol i t i ca l ly gravitated towards the C o n g r e s s Social ist Party. Bo th these un ions s t rugg led hard, i n c l ud ing in late 1937 hav ing a strike that wen t o n for 38 days, to prevent the branch system ope ra t i ng . T h o u g h in the cou rse of this struggle they ob t a i ned s o m e benef i ts fo r the beed i wo rke r s they c o u l d no t prevent the b ranch system f rom b e c o m i n g an es tab l i shed f o r m of b e e d i p r o d u c t i o n . . " U n d e r the branch system, each b e e d i f irm had a n u m b e r "of smal l scale es tab l i shments w h e r e beed i ro l l ing was carr ied ou t and a head of f i ce w h i c h c o -ord ina ted the activit ies of the branches and u n d e r t o o k the marke t ing act iv it ies.The p roces s i ng of t o b a c c o and dry ing , labe l l ing and packag ing of beed is was d o n e so le ly in the head of f i ce The branch es tab l i shments a lmos t always e m p l o y e d less than 20 workers so that they c o u l d no t be c o v e r e d by the Factories A c t . " (Ragahvan.1986.p35) The Madras G o v e r n m e n t was o b v i o u s l y no t very c o n c e r n e d w i th b e e d i ent repreneurs c i r cumven t ing the Factories Ac t for no t on l y d i d they no t pursue the issue bu t in 1941 even r e m o v e d the b e e d i industry f r om the pu r v i ew of the Ac t . Pol i t ica l l o b b y i n g a n d pressure by b e e d i ent repreneurs may have i n f l uenced this d e c i s i o n , t h o u g h there is n o d o c u m e n t a r y e v idence t o suppor t this v iew. C o n s e q u e n t t o this dec i s i on the b e e d i m a k i n g branches d id no t strictly adhere to the ce i l ing of 20 worke r s but ne i ther d i d they revert back to the urban cen t r ed large scale b e e d i mak ing units. In fact s o m e of the b e e d i f irms in M a n g a l o r e , in the ad jo in ing district o f Sou th Kanara^ of the Madras Pres idency, o p e n e d u p branches in the rural 8. South Kanara district formeriy part of Madras Presidency is now part of Karanataka State. It is now called Dakshinna Kannada district and referred to in chapter four in reviewing Nagaraj's (1985) work on urbanization in Tamilnadu, Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka. A small part of South Kanara district which was Malayalam areas of C a n n a n o r e distr ict . This was because the w a g e rates of C a n n a n o r e rural areas we re less by 20 to 50 pe rcen t than at Manga l o r e , du r ing the p e r i o d 1939 to 1946 . (Raghavan. 1986 p36) Labour r ece i ved a further set back in 1938 w h e n the Indian Nat iona l C o n g r e s s as we l l the M u s l i m League set u p their o w n Beed i Trade un ions . This w e a k e n e d the labour sol idarity and bargain ing p o w e r . The fo rma t ion of these n e w un ions was orches t ra ted by beed i ent repreneurs w h o w e r e l inked t o the Indian Na t iona l C o n g r e s s or the M u s l i m League. The pol i t i ca l i deo log i e s of these parties we re insp i red respect ive ly by nat iona l i sm and ethno-re l ig ious ident i ty w i t h little o r no radical ism or s u p p o r t fo r the w o r k i n g p o o r . In D e c e m b e r 1939 the C o n g r e s s Social ist Party unan imous l y d e c i d e d to conver t itself in to a branch of the C o m m u n i s t Party of India. The t w o b e e d i worke rs un ions affi l iated to the C o n g r e s s Social ist Party we re impor tan t g roups that s u p p o r t e d this d e c i s i o n . The beed i worke r s were n o w d rawn into the po la r iza t ion that was b e c o m i n g sharper than before in the pol i t i ca l arena o f Ma l aba r distr ict and the larger area that was to b e c o m e Kerala. The entry of the Sov iet U n i o n in to the S e c o n d W o d d Wa r c o m p l i c a t e d this s i tuat ion. A s ind ica ted in the last chapter , the C o m m u n i s t Party w i th its l inks t o M o s c o w and ideo log i ca l c once rns regard ing the internat ional w o r k i n g class b e c a m e suppor t i ve of the Brit ish in the war effort . The st rongly nat ional ist Indian Na t iona l C o n g r e s s saw n o reason t o suppo r t the imper ia l British and this s tand toge the r w i th the satyagraha (non-violent ) c ampa ign fo r i n d e p e n d e n c e saw the Indian Na t iona l C o n g r e s s leaders l ike G a n d h i , N e h r u and others put in jail by the Brit ish. This made t h e m martyrs in the nat iona l cause a n d fue l ed the g r o w i n g mass popu la r i t y of the Indian Nat iona l C o n g r e s s . speaking was taken into Kerala State in 1956. Mangalore Town which was in the Kannada speaking part of South Kanara district is now in Dakshinna Kannada district of Karnataka State. Marxists see the Indian Nat iona l C o n g r e s s as represent ing the Indian bou rgeo i s i e and l and lo rd class. The efforts and tact ics of the Indian Nat iona l C o n g r e s s we r e in terpre ted as strategies to divert a g r o w i n g peasants and worke r s mi l i tancy and mob i l i z a t i on in the late 1930s and 1940s to a mass nat ional p o p u l i s m that w o u l d ensure the r ep l acement of the British by the Indian b o u r g e o i s i e in state power . In the last chapte r w e d i s cussed the in tense pol i t ica l f lux, d i s con ten t and t ens ion in India in the 1940s, a t ime at w h i c h the Punnapra-Vayalar a rmed st ruggle o c cu r r ed in Travancore . The w h o l e of the Ma laya lam speak ing reg ion was act ivated by these events to a po l i t i ca l fe rment . The beed i w o r k e r s we r e caught up in this con t ex t and had an ambiva lent unders tand ing and r esponse to wha t was d e v e l o p i n g a r o u n d t h e m . This is neatly exemp l i f i ed in this p e r c e p t i o n of C a n d h i by a b e e d i worke r . "Candh i j i was man of the masses. H e k n e w t h e m th rough and t h r o u g h . But he also knew that p o w e r canno t be h a n d e d over t o t h e m . H e was the best tact ic ian w h o he lped t o hand over p o w e r to the Indian b o u r g e o i s i e f r o m the Brit ish. In that sense he c o m p r o m i s e d w i th British imper ia l i sm. But I have h igh regards for his style and there is lot to be learned. H is s impl ic i ty , Indian ways of th ink ing and v i ew ing soc io-pol i t i ca l issues go t h im massive f o l l o w i n g . I regard his soc ia l w o r k for harijans as very va luable. Indeed w e have a lot t o learn f r o m h i m . " ( Q u o t e d by Kannan 1988 . p225) The beed i worke r s b e c a m e actively invo lved in the pol i t i cs of the p e r i o d but their con f ron ta t i on w i t h b e e d i capital was m u t e d . For about a d e c a d e after the str ike of late 1937 there was n o o p e n conf l i c t b e t w e e n the beed i un ions and the ent repreneurs . But ne i ther we re the ent repreneurs able to e l iminate the un ions by i n t r o d u c i n g the b ranch sys tem. The mul t ip l i c i ty of un ions was h o w e v e r d isadvantageous to l abour . But in turbu lent 1946, the year of the Punnapra-Vayalar upr i s ing , all the un ions jo int ly d e m a n d e d a 4 anna wage rise and 3 m o n t h s ' wages as b o n u s and w h e n they fa i led to get it, l aunched a str ike. The t w o un ions aff i l iated to the Indian Nat iona l C o n g r e s s and the M u s l i m League w i t h d r e w f rom the strike after a wh i l e but the o the r t w o un ions l i nked to the C o m m u n i s t Party c o n t i n u e d w i th the strike. It lasted for 56 days and w h e n it was a c c o m p a n i e d by v i o l ence the Madras G o v e r n m e n t in te rvened and o r d e r e d the d ispute fo r ad jud i ca t ion . This t o o k six m o n t h s at the e n d of w h i c h the worke r s g o t a w a g e increase of t w o annas and o n e m o n t h ' s wages as bonus .The ent repreneurs c h a l l e n g e d the ad jud icat ion in cour ts and the award was i m p l e m e n t e d on l y in 1952 w h e n the cou r t h e l d the ad jud icat ion leg i t imate . As w e saw in the last chapter there we r e restr ic t ions i m p o s e d o n the activit ies of the C o m m u n i s t Party in 1948. This was by the new ly f o r m e d gove rnmen t of the Indian Nat iona l C o n g r e s s of i n d e p e n d e n t India in 1947. These rest r ic t ions af fected the f unc t i on i ng of the t w o un ions affi l iated to the C o m m u n i s t Party. O n l y after the restr ict ions o n the C o m m u n i s t party we re l i f ted in 1951 we re the un ions able to opera te o p e n l y and freely. The third phase: Small scale factories. The 1950s w i t ne s sed the e m e r g e n c e o f the th i rd phase in the structural changes in b e e d i p r o d u c t i o n in Kerala. The smal l scale b ranches of the beed i firms scat tered in the rural areas b e c a m e i n d e p e n d e n t smal l units. They w e r e eari ier managed d i rect ly by the b ig beed i f irms o r their salar ied b ranch m a n a g e r s . N o w they w e r e ope ra t ed by m i d d l e m e n w h o supp l i ed the ent ire f in i shed p roduc t t o the b e e d i f i rms. M a n y of the m i d d l e m e n w e r e eadier the managers o f wha t was k n o w n as branches . This c h a n g e was act ivated by the b e e d i f irms as they we r e apprehens i ve of many statutory p rov i s ions that we re i n t r o d u c e d t o regulate the wages and w o r k i n g c o n d i t i o n s of the b e e d i industry . " F o l l o w i n g the exc lus i on of the b e e d i indust ry f r om the p rov i s ions of the Factories Ac t in 1941 , the Madras G o v e r n m e n t set u p a C o m m i s s i o n of Enquiry t o s tudy the l abour cond i t i ons in the b e e d i , c igar, snuff, t o b a c c o cu r ing and tann ing industr ies . The C o m m i s s i o n o f Enquiry was t o submi t p roposa l s for n e w leg is la t ion in the b e e d i industry. U n d e r pressure of trade u n i o n ag i ta t ion the repor t was p u b l i s h e d in 1947. The repor t r e c o m m e n d e d the s p e e d y enac tmen t of the Madras N o n Power-Factor ies Bill w h i c h was u n d e r cons ide r a t i on of the Madras Legis lature and to br ing the b e e d i industry u n d e r its purv iew . It a lso s t rong ly a rgued fo r the strict regu la t ion of the e m p l o y m e n t of ch i l d r en . The repor t a lso r e c o m m e n d e d the e n f o r c e m e n t o f the Payment of W a g e s Ac t , the Madras Mate rn i t y Benefits Ac t and the W o r k m a n s ' C o m p e n s a t i o n Ac t . Fo l l ow ing these r e c o m m e n d a t i o n s the b e e d i industry was b rough t the pu rv i ew of the Factories A c t in 1948. The b e e d i industry was a lso b rought the pu r v i ew of the M i n i m u m W a g e s Ac t in 1948.(Raghavan 1986 . p53/54) For the b e e d i ent repreneurs the e m e r g i n g statutory requ i rements had t o be a vo ided . This was their ob jec t i ve in mak ing the b ranch units i n d e p e n d e n t units. W h e n the branches b e c a m e i n d e p e n d e n t units what was e m e r g i n g was a put t ing ou t sys tem. There we re t w o types of pu t t ing ou t that were d e v e l o p i n g . O n e was w h e r e the raw materials we r e s u p p l i e d to the smal l units and w h e n the f in ished p r o d u c t was de l i v e red a c o m m i s s i o n was pa id for the quant i ty de l i ve red . C h e c k s o n the f in i shed p r o d u c t ratio to raw materials s u p p l i e d we r e d o n e t o prevent leakage of raw materials. The o the r was the purchase of raw materials by the small units f r o m the b ig f irms and the sale of the f in i shed p r o d u c t back to the b ig f i rm . This sys tem w o u l d appear t o permi t a leverage to the smal l units as they c o u l d take advantage of the market pr ice of raw materials and or f in i shed p roduc t to increase the prof i t marg in . But f ew of the smal l units had the f inances to s tock either raw materials o r f in ished p r o d u c t t o take advantage of the market . M o r e o v e r the purchase of raw materials and sale of f in i shed p roduc t s we r e mere b o o k entr ies and l iqu id cash transact ions w e r e l im i ted t o the d i f f e rence b e t w e e n the two . So the smal l f irms we re t i ed up and d e p e n d e n t o n the b ig f irms. The b l e n d i n g of t o b a c c o in the raw material supp l i es that had brand name spec i f i c i t ies further t i ed u p and r e in fo r ced the d e p e n d e n t re la t ionsh ip b e t w e e n the b ig and smal l f i rms. Dur ing the eariy 1950s the un ions c h a n g e d names and affi l iations to po l i t i ca l parties a n d a mul t ip l i c i ty of un ions e m e r g e d . This further w e a k e n e d the l abour so l idar i ty a n d s t rength but they c o n t i n u e d to agitate for statutory regu la t ion of the b e e d i industry. In 1957 , as n o t e d in chapte r t w o , the C o m m u n i s t Party was e l e c t e d to p o w e r in Kerala. The n e w g o v e r n m e n t was respons i ve t o the labour d e m a n d s g iven its i d e o l o g i c a l s tand and the w o r k i n g class character of its mass base and suppor t . The shifts of p o w e r b e t w e e n the C o m m u n i s t Party (or Left Democ ra t i c Front) and the Indian C o n g r e s s Party (or U n i t e d D e m o c r a t i c Front) dur ing the p e r i o d 1957 t o 1987 have s u m m a r i z e d eariier. In this pol i t i ca l c l imate fo r a C o m m u n i s t Party w i th radical and revo lut ionary i d e o l o g y t o opera te w i th in a padiamentary democ ra t i c sys tem was b o t h p rob l ema t i c and const ra in ing .Cr i t i c i sm has b e e n leve led at the C o m m u n i s t Party that its eari ier d ynam i sm and fervour has been e r o d e d and d i lu ted by par t ic ipat ion in pad iamentary po l i t i cs . This was made m o r e c o m p l e x by centre-state re la t ionsh ip in the Indian federa l system (Sathyamurthy. 1985). The const i tu t iona l powe r s of the cent re and the pol i t i ca l d o m i n a n c e of the Indian Nat iona l C o n g r e s s at the cent re for four decades s ince 1947, excep t for t w o short pe r iods w h e n coa l i t ions were in p o w e r ( f rom 1977-1979 and 1989-91), made the N e w Delhi-Kerala re lat ionship a di f f icul t o n e . These issues are ou ts ide the s c o p e of this thesis . Suff ice t o state that w e have to unders tand s o m e of the d e v e l o p m e n t s in the beed i indust ry in this n e w con tex t of the pol i t i ca l e c o n o m y of pos t i n d e p e n d e n t India. The C o m m u n i s t Party l ed G o v e r n m e n t of Kerala in the late 1950s e x t e n d e d the M i n i m u m W a g e s Ac t t o c o v e r the b e e d i indust ry in Malabar . It was already in f o r ce in the T ravancore-Coch in areas and the ex t ens i on b e c a m e necessary w i th the amalgamat ion of these areas w i t h Ma laba r to f o rm the Kerala State in 1956 . But Ma labar and particulariy C a n n a n o r e Distr ict had a concen t r a t i on of b e e d i industry because of its l o w wages as w e d i s cussed eariier. The i n t roduc t i on of a statutory m i n i m u m w a g e had o b v i o u s imp l i ca t ions . C a n a n n o r e was ceas ing to be attractive as a l o w wage distr ict fo r b e e d i manufac tu r ing a n d there was a t endency for s o m e of the b e e d i en t repreneurs t o m o v e to M a n g a l o r e in c l o se p rox im i t y but in the ad jo in ing Karanataka State. At the same t ime to c i r cumven t statutory w a g e rates there we re efforts by the ent repreneurs t o i n t r oduce a pu t t i ng ou t sys tem invo l v ing h o u s e h o l d manufacture . Bo th these measures , name ly to m o v e o u t of Kerala and o r have h o u s e h o l d manufacture o n a put t ing ou t sys tem, me t w i th res istance f r om the un ions . As Kannan observes : " A s i tuat ion w h e r e the b e e d i indust ry was spread t h r o u g h o u t India, capita l was more m o b i l e than worke r s and there we r e States w i t hou t any m i n i m u m wage regulat ions , w o r k e d to const ra in the efforts of the Kerala un ions t o bargain effect ively The p r o m i n e n t c o m m u n i s t leader f r o m Malabar , A . K . G o p a l a n , a t t empted t o i n t roduce a private bi l l in the Indian Padiament w h i c h w o u l d p rov ide for certain regulat ions and e n f o r c e m e n t o f s o m e un i fo rm non-wage benef i ts . Wh i l e several a t tempts to i n t r oduce this bi l l fa i led , the G o v e r n m e n t o f India itself c ame ou t o f w i th its o w n bil l so as no t to be b r anded as manifest ly anti-labour. Thus the ' B eed i and C igar W o r k e r s ( C o n d i t i o n s of Emp loyment ) Ac t , 1966 ' was passed by Par l iament. It was h o w e v e r fairly ev ident that the G o v e r n m e n t of India was not ser ious in s u p p o r t i n g this law as the respons ib i l i t y for i m p l e m e n t a t i o n was left t o the State G o v e r n m e n t s . There was n o t ime l imit for such i m p l e m e n t a t i o n and the State G o v e r n m e n t s we r e free t o i m p l e m e n t such schedu les in the act as they f o u n d fit and in such areas in their States as they spec i f i ed and at such t ime as they felt p r o p i t i o u s " (Kannan 1988. p205) In Kerala the un ions agitated for the i m p l e m e n t a t i o n of the ' Beed i a n d C iga r Worke r s ( C o n d i t i o n s of Emp loymen t ) Ac t 1966. W h e n in 1967 the U n i t e d front C o a l i t i o n led by the C o m m u n i s t Party (Marxist) c ame in to p o w e r in Kerala o n c e again the po l i t i ca l c l imate was favourable t o the un ions and they p ressed for the i m p l e m e n t a t i o n of the 1966 Act . There we re s o m e prov i s ions of the act that s o u g h t to e l iminate m i d d l e m e n in the industry by r e c o g n i z i n g the re lat ions b e t w e e n the b e e d i f i rms and the worke r s e n g a g e d indi rect ly t h r o u g h m i d d l e m e n . Such prov i s ions we r e usefu l fo r the un ions in their battle against increas ing h o u s e h o l d manufac tu re by a pu t t i ng ou t sys tem. M i d d l e m e n l inked h o u s e h o l d manufacture w i th the smal l f i rms a n d s o m e t i m e s t h r o u g h a ne twork of m i d d l e m e n to the b i g f i rms. The crisis of 1968 and subsequent trends The n e w g o v e r n m e n t was aware that the imp l emen ta t i on of the 1966 Ac t in Kerala m igh t make the b e e d i en t repreneurs m o v e t o Karnataka or Tami lnadu as these t w o states had not i m p l e m e n t e d the act no r we r e there any pressures to d o so . The g o v e r n m e n t eventual ly t o o k a s tand and in A u g u s t 1958 m o v e d t o i m p l e m e n t the 1966 Act . The b i g f irms r e s p o n d e d by s toppage of w o r k in their f irms and this had a d o m i n o effect o n a n u m b e r of smal l f irms l inked to the b ig . A b o u t 12 ,000 beed i worke r s we re immed ia te l y t h r o w n ou t of e m p l o y m e n t . (Raghavan 1986. p60 ) . There was major con f ron t a t i on and cnsis invo lv ing the un ions , the b ig firms and the Kerala G o v e r n m e n t . The detai ls of this are no t all relevant for o u r pu rposes . The final o u t c o m e was that the d i sp laced worke r s f o r m e d a b e e d i mak ing co-operat ive and c o m m e n c e d p r o d u c t i o n . The de te rm ina t i on and c o m m i t m e n t o f the worke r s and un ions , their po l i t i ca l maturity, the s u p p o r t of the Kerala G o v e r n m e n t and g o o d managemen t enab l ed the b e e d i c o -operat ive to success fu l l y c o m p e t e in the d o m e s t i c market for beed i s . The mass s ympa thy for the d i sp laced wo rke r s con t r i bu t ed t o their ge t t ing an initial f o o t h o l d and carve a n i che in the Kerala d o m e s t i c market . By p r o d u c i n g qual i ty beed i s and g o o d m a n a g e m e n t pract ices in purchas ing , sales etc they built o n this g o o d w i l l and b e c a m e the mos t impor tan t b e e d i manufacturer in Kerala by the late 1970s. They d o m i n a t e the Kerala market and are also in d e m a n d in the ad jo in ing states and have to n o w even c o p e w i th the p r o b l e m o f pet ty p roduce r s p i rat ing the i r b rand label . In 1981 they had about 30 ,000 m e m b e r w o r k e r s ^ w i th an e laborate sys tem of w o r k centres , pr imary soc ie t ies and a central soc ie ty w i th m e m b e r w o r k e r par t i c ipat ion in managemen t at var ious levels. The increase in the b e e d i w o r k f o r c e in Kerala by 1981 is partly due to the success of the b e e d i co-operat ive . The b e e d i co-operat ive has its share of p r o b l e m s as it has t o survive in a compe t i t i v e market in a con tex t of abundant l abour a n d yet be a m o d e l e m p l o y e r as a co-operat ive . But it has in spi te of these p r o b l e m s e m e r g e d éis the mos t successfu l and a m o d e l beed i mak ing co-opera t i ve in India. 9. The 30,000 member workers belonged to the Kerala Dinesh Beedi Workers Central Co-operative Society, the co-operative formed by the displaced workers in 1968. It is the major beedi co-operative in Kerala. Its success led to other beedi co-operatives to be formed in Kerala. The total workforce in all beedi co-operatives is estimated at 48,000. (Government of India. 1981. p 8) The success of the beed i co-operat ive and the shift of s o m e of the b ig beed i firms t o Manga lo r e in Karanataka d i d not mean the disappearance- of the b e e d i wo rke r ou ts ide the c o -operat ive sector . In the late 1950s, even b e f o r e the crisis of the late 1960s, the smal l unit ent repreneurs and/or m i d d l e m e n had a t t e m p t e d to d i smant le the small beed i mak ing units and instal a put t ing-out sys tem wi th h o u s e h o l d manufac ture . This was in r esponse to the chang ing pol i t i ca l c l imate w i th the g r o w i n g impo r t ance of the C o m m u n i s t Party and increas ing d e m a n d s and mi l i tancy of labour. In spi te of the res istance of the un ions a putt ing-out system wi th h o u s e h o l d manufac ture came into pract ice in the late 1950s and early 1960s t h o u g h it d id not b e c o m e the d o m i n a n t pattern of b e e d i mak ing in Kerala. Af ter the events of the late 1960s h o u s e h o l d manufac ture l inked to the b ig and small f irms ou t s ide Kerala as we l l as w i th in Kerala c o n t i n u e d t o exist and even g row. It p e a k e d in 1971 . H o u s e h o l d manufacture l inked t o a pu t t ing ou t sys tem c o n t i n u e d t o be a strategy to avo id statutory p rov i s ions in spite of the p rov i s ions o f the 1966 Ac t that sough t to e l iminate these pract ices. This was a c c o m p a n i e d by the increas ing par t i c ipat ion of w o m e n in h o u s e h o l d manufacture . But examina t ion of census data d o e s no t reveal a d i rect cor re la t ion b e t w e e n the increase in d o m e s t i c manufacture and the increase in female par t i c ipat ion . The success and g rowth of the co-operat ive sec tor in the 1970s l ed to the re-emergence of the n o n - h o u s e h o l d sec tor t o its eadier dominan t p o s i t i o n . The rural s ec to r h o w e v e r c o n t i n u e d to be impor tant and the entry of the co-operat ive sec to r d i d no t result in a return to urban based non-h o u s e h o l d p r o d u c t i o n . Female par t ic ipat ion w h i c h was mere 2.1 percen t in 1961 rose to 12.7 percent in 1971 a n d to an unpara l le led 34.7 in 1981 . S o m e of these changes w e r e c a u s e d by the g r o w t h of the b e e d i w o r k i n g force in Kerala. It g r e w f rom 64,311 in 1961 t o 89 ,834 in 1971 and to 119 ,000 in 1981, register ing a 39 .7 percen t increase b e t w e e n 1961 and 1971 and a 32.5 pe rcen t increase be tween 1971 and 1981 . This meant a 85 .0 pe r cen t increase b e t w e e n 1961 and 1981 . The g rowth was partly d u e to the increas ing d e m a n d b o t h w i th in Kerala and Sou th India for the qual i ty b e e d i manufac tu red by the Kerala D i n e s h Beed i Worke r s Cent ra l Co-opera t i ve Soc ie ty ( K D B W C C S ) . T h i s was the co-operat ive f o r m e d by the l o c k e d ou t w o r k e r s in Cannano re in 1968 . This co-operat ive w h i c h had on l y 3000 workers in 1968 had in 1981 22 ,330 workers and this rose to 30590 by 1984/85. Sales w h i c h we re 1.1 mi l l ion rupees in 1968 g rew to 141.5 mi l l i on rupees in 1981 and had r eached 234.2 mi l l i on rupees in 1984/85 ( K D B W C C S Annua l Reports 1968,1980/81 and 1984/85) C e n s u s data o n rest ructur ing. W e n o t e d eari ier that s ince 1961 the Indian Censuses p rov ide data o n the manufac tur ing w o r k fo rce , c lassi f ied by h o u s e h o l d and n o n - h o u s e h o l d industr ies . C e n s u s urban-rural data o n the w o r k f o r c e we re also m o r e rel iable after 1961 . This makes it poss ib le to use the census data f r o m 1961 to 1981 fo r suppor t i ve analysis of the rest ructur ing desc r i bed in this chapte r f o r the same p e r i o d . Tables 9.04 t o 9.06 capture s o m e of the changes and re lat ionships d e s c r i b e d eariier as o c c u r r i n g b e t w e e n 1961 and 1981 . W e n o t e d eari ier in Table 9.03 that b e e d i mak ing w o r k f o r c e is c o n c e n t r a t e d in C a n n a n o r e distr ict . In 1961 of the tota l beed i mak ing wo rk fo r ce in Kerala 45 .2 percen t were in C a n n a n o r e . This rose to 59.2 pe r cen t in 1971 and d r o p p e d t o 55.4 pe r cen t in 1981 . If w e examine C a n n a n o r e data as p r e s e n t e d in Tab le 9.04 w e f ind that the rural c o m p o n e n t was 55.5 pe r cen t in 1961 . This is the lowest a m o n g the distr icts, all o the r distr icts having a rural c o m p o n e n t ranging f rom 75 to 90 percent . This ref lects the c o n t i n u i n g impor t ance of urban manufac tu re in C a n n a n o r e in sp i te of the decen t ra l i z ing t rends s ince the 1940s. K e r a l a beedi r u r a l manufacturing workforce as a percent of t o t a l workforce and by d i s t r i c t s and sex : 1961 - 1981 Rural workforce as a p e r c e n t of t o t a l workforce [ r u r a l and urban] of each d i s t r i c t . ^ D i s t r i c t s ' 1961 1971 1981 M E T M F T M E T Cannanore 53 .9 01 . 5 55. 5 63. 5 12 .7 76. 1 27. 7 39 .7 67. 4 Wynad [ b] [t .] [t i ] [t .] [ b] [b '] Ni 1 N i l Ni 1 Kozhikode 82 .2 01 . 5 83. 7 69. 5 00 .4 69. 8 73. 9 03 .2 77. 2 Malappuram [. a] [a ] [a ] 86. 0 03 .2 89. 2 81 . 6 09 .9 91 . 5 Palghat 81 .3 02. 8 84. 1 68. 5 03 .3 85. 6 87. 6 08 .4 96. 0 T r i c h u r 79 .9 01 . 6 81 . 4 52. 8 23 .0 75. 8 23. 3 55 .0 78. 3 Ernakulam 77 .5 00. 3 77. 8 72. 5 00 .7 73. 1 58. 4 08 .3 66. 8 Idukki [ b] [b .] [fc i ] [h '] [: b] [b 85. 8 02 . 1 87. 9 Kottayam 87 .5 00. 1 87. 6 88. 7 00 .0 88. 7 90. 2 00 .2 90. 4 A l l e p p e y 80 .8 00. 0 80. 9 78. 9 00 .4 79. 3 83. 0 01 .3 84. 3 Q u i l o n 91 .3 00. 1 91 . 3 91 . 9 00 .7 92. 6 85. 9 01 .0 86. 9 Trivandrum 74 .8 00. 1 75. 0 76. 1 00 .3 76. 4 83. 8 01 .4 85. 2 KERALA 73 .9 01 . 2 75. 1 71 . 0 08 .6 79. 5 44. 5 30 .2 74. 6 Sources: Deriv e d from Census of India 1961, V o l VII Pt II-B ( i ) , p129-175 Census of I n d i a 1971, S e r i e s 9 Pt II-B ( i ) , p140-l83 Census of India 1981, S e r i e s 10 Pt I I I , p597-716 Notes : [a] D i s t r i c t s are l i s t e d a c c o r d i n g to t h e i r n o r t h to south l o c a t i o n f o l l o w i n g Census of I n d i a p r a c t i c e . [b] These d i s t r i c t s were c r e a t e d from e x i s t i n g d i s t r i c t s a f t e r t h i s census year. T h e rural w o r k f o r c e in C a n n a n o r e rose to 76.1 p e r c e n t in 1971 . This demons t r a t e s the decent ra l i za t ion and dispersal to the non-urban areas that o c c u r r e d du r i ng the 1960s . A l l o the r distr icts had e i ther ma inta ined their non-urban o r rural rat ios o r s l ight ly i n c r eased t h e m excep t K o z h i k o d e and Emaku lam. A t K o z h i k o d e the decre2ise o c c u r r e d b e c a u s e a large and p redominan t l y rural and M u s l i m p o p u l a t e d reg ion was c a r v e d o u t to f o r m the n e w distr ict of M a l a p p u r a m . This made the rural rat io in the n e w and r e d u c e d K o z h i k o d e d r o p . Emaku lam conta ins C o c h i n city, the major por t a n d trade centre o f Kerala . The l im i t ed capi ta l intens ive industr ies in Kerala w e n o t e d eariier have g r o w n in a n d a r o u n d C o c h i n c i ty a n d o n the Female p a r t i c i p a t i o n r a t e i n K e r a l a beedi manufacturing c l a s s i f i e d by s e l e c t e d d i s t r i c t s , household non-household and urban & r u r a l : 1961 - 1981 Females D i s t r i c t s Males Grand and Year Household Non- -household Both T o t a l T o t a l Rur Urb Tot Rur Urb Tot Tot Cannanore 1961 0.9 0.5 1 .4 0.6 1 .8 2,5 3,9 96. 1 100,0 1971 8.3 3.5 1 1.9 4.3 2.1 6.5 18.3 81.7 100,0 1981 1 .2 0.2 1 .4 38.5 4.7 43.2 44,6 55.4 100,0 Kozhikode 1961 1 .0 0.0 1 . 1 0.4 0.0 0.4 1 .5 98.5 100.0 1 971 0.0 0.0 0,0 0.4 0.0 0.4 0.4 99.6 100.0 1981 0.9 0.0 0.9 2.3 2.2 4.5 5.4 94.6 100.0 Malapuram 1961 [b] [b] [b] [b] [b] [b] [b] [b] [b] 1 971 1 .2 0.1 1 .3 2.0 1.0 3.0 4.3 95.7 100.0 1981 6.1 0.0 6.1 3.8 0.3 4. 1 10.2 89.8 100.0 Palghat 1961 1 .8 0.0 1.8 1 .0 0.1 1 .2 2.9 97, 1 100.0 1971 1 . 1 0.6 1 .7 2.2 0.1 2.2 3.9 96. 1 100.0 1981 2.2 0.0 2.2 6.2 0.1 6.3 8.5 91,5 100.0 T r i c h u r 1961 0.4 0.9 1 .3 1 .2 2.0 3.2 4.5 95,5 100.0 1971 9.1 1.6 10.8 13.9 11.8 25.6 36.4 63.6 100.0 1981 5.4 1 .3 6.7 49.6 14.2 63.8 70.5 29,5 100.0 Ernakulam 1961 0.2 0.0 0.2 0.1 0.0 0.1 0.3 99.7 100.0 1971 0.4 0.1 0.6 0.2 2.2 2.4 3.0 97,0 100.0 1981 4.8 0.4 5.2 3.5 2.3 5.8 11.0 89.0 100.0 KERALA 1961 0.7 0.2 0.9 0.5 0.7 1 .2 2.1 97,9 100.0 1971 4.9 1 .8 6.7 3.7 2.3 6.0 12.7 87.4 100.0 1981 1.8 0.3 2.1 28.3 4,2 32.5 34.7 65,3 100.0 Sources: D e r i v e d from Census of I n d i a , K e r a l a : 1961 V o l V I I , Pt II-B, Table B-IV Pt C, p129-175. 1971 S e r i e s 9, Pt II-B, Table B-IV Pt A Appendix, p140-l83 1981 S e r i e s 10, Pt I I I , T a b l e s B 12-13 p597-7l6, p729-768. Notes [a] Same as note [a] to Table 9.04 [b] Same as note [b] to Table 9.04 [c] 1981 Census does not p r o v i d e by d i s t r i c t s household and non-household workers by minor ( t h r e e d i g i t ) c a t e g o r i e s . T h i s has been compiled by a p p l y i n g the r a t i o of household to non-household workers i n the major group of tobacco and beverages, (code 22), to the beedi workers (Code 226), Coch in-A lwaye t ransport cor r idor . The c h a n g i n g con f igura t ion appear to have had an impact o n the urban-rural ratio of the beed i mak ing w o r k f o r c e of the distr ict. Cannano re . As wo rke r s ' co-operat ives , the manufac tur ing units we r e no t d i c ta ted by strategies of down-sca l ing , In 1981 C a n n a n o r e ' s rural beed i m a k i n g w o r k f o r c e d r o p p e d to 67.4 percent . By 1981 the co-operat ive sec to r w h i c h began in the late 1960s had s tab i l ized and g r o w n in decent ra l iza t ion and dispersal t o non-urban areas. The increase of the urban beed i sec to r in C a n n a n o r e is due to the g r o w t h of the co-operat ive sec to r in the urban areas.But the rural c o m p o n e n t d i d no t d r o p to the eariier level of 55.5 percen t in 1961 as co-operat ive sec tor was active in the rural areas t o o . Twen t y t w o Primary Wo rke r s Co-opera t i ve Soc ie t ies federate to f o r m the K D B W C C S . Each pr imary co-operat ive had about f i f teen wo rk centres . Thus there was a scatter of mo re than three h u n d r e d co-operat ive w o r k cent res in C a n n a n o r e distr ict l inked t o K D B W C C S . M a n y of these w o r k cent res we re in rural areas. A s igni f icant change re f lec ted in Table 9.04 is the increas ing female par t i c ipa t ion rate. There is n o un i f o rm increase in all distr icts. The increase is dramat ic in C a n n a n o r e and Tr ichur distr icts. It was marginal ly present in the distr icts of K o z h i k o d e , M a l a p p u r a m , Palghat and Ernakulam. (See Table 9.03) Cannano re and Tr i chur t o g e t h e r had in 1961 , 1971 and 1981 , 36.2 percent , 54.6 pe rcen t and 68.5 percent respect i ve ly of the total b e e d i w o r k f o r c e of Kerala. Thus the dramat ic increase in these t w o distr icts is of s ign i f i cance . Tab le 9.05 presents the female par t i c ipa t ion rate in these six distr icts w h e r e a str ik ing o r no t i ceab le increase o c c u r r e d b e t w e e n 1961 and 1 9 8 1 . The rates are c lass i f ied by h o u s e h o l d and n o n - h o u s e h o l d sectors and w i th in t h e m by rural a n d urban. The m o s t dramat ic increase is in Tr ichur distr ict w h e r e the female par t i c ipat ion rate rose f rom 4.5 pe r cen t in 1961 t o 70.5 pe rcen t in 1981 . The greatest con t r i bu t i on t o this increase was f r o m the rural n o n - h o u s e h o l d sec tor w h i c h increased f r om 1.2 pe r cen t 1961 to 49 .6 pe r cen t in 1981. The overal l increase in Kerala f r om 2.1 pe rcen t in 1961 to 34.7 pe r cen t in 1981 was a lso in f luenced by the increase in the rural n o n - h o u s e h o l d sector . This is largely d u e by the pattern of increase in C a n n a n o r e for nearly 60 percen t of the b e e d i w o r k f o r c e of Kerala are concen t ra ted in C a n n a n o r e . In C a n n a n o r e t o o the greatest increase has b e e n in the rural n o n - h o u s e h o l d sector . TABLE 9.06 Household s e c t o r i n K e r a l a beedi manufacturing workforce i n s e l e c t e d d i s t r i c t s by sex and u r b a n - r u r a l : 1961 - 1981. Household Manufacturing Non: D i s t r i c t s House Grand and Year Urban R u r a l Both - h o l d T o t a l M F T M F T T T Cannanore 1961 1 .0 0.5 1.5 5.0 0.9 5.9 7.4 92.6 100.0 1971 3.8 3.5 7.3 5.9 8.3 14.3 21 .5 78.5 100.0 1981 0.3 0.2 0.5 0.3 1 .2 1 .5 2.0 98.0 100.0 Kozhikode 1961 0.8 0.0 0.8 21 .5 1 .0 22.6 23.4 76.6 100.0 1971 4.0 0.0 4.0 14.2 0.0 14.2 18.2 81.8 100.0 1981 2.7 0.0 2.7 9.5 0.9 10.4 13.1 86.9 100.0 Malapuram 1961 [b] [b] [b] [b] [b] [b] [b] [b] [b] 1971 1 .6 0.1 1 .7 16.1 1 .2 17.3 19.0 81.0 100.0 1981 2.3 0.0 2.3 22.4 6.1 28.5 30.8 69.2 100.0 Palghat 1961 0.3 0.0 0.3 20.2 1 .8 22.0 22.4 77.6 100.0 1971 2.8 0.6 3.4 13.8 1 . 1 14.9 18.3 81 .7 100.0 1981 0.3 0.0 0.3 12.2 2.2 14.4 14.7 85.3 100.0 T r i c h u r 1961 1 .6 0.9 2.5 27.7 0.4 28. 1 30.6 69.4 100.0 1 971 2.4 1.6 4.0 15.0 9.1 24.2 28.2 71 .8 100.0 1981 1 .3 1 .3 2.6 4.7 5.4 10.1 12.7 87.3 100.0 Ernakulam 1961 0.7 0.0 0.7 19.1 0.2 19.3 20.0 80.0 100.0 1971 2.9 0.1 3.0 13.0 0.4 13.4 16.4 83.6 100.0 1981 6.8 0.4 7.2 13.0 4.8 17.8 25.0 75.0 1 00.0 KERALA 1961 1 .0 0.2 1 .2 16.2 0.7 16.9 18.1 81.9 100.0 1971 3.0 1.8 4.7 11.0 4.9 15.9 20.6 79.4 100.0 1981 0.9 0.3 1 .2 6. 1 1 .8 7.9 9.1 90.9 100.0 Sources and notes are same as for Tab le 9.05. Table 9.06 presents data o n h o u s e h o l d manufac ture in C a n n a n o r e and five o ther distr icts w h e r e b e e d i manufac ture is of s o m e s igni f icance. C a n n a n o r e is of central impor t ance and h o u s e h o l d manufac ture f r om 7.4 pe r cen t 1961 peaks at 21.5 percent in 1971 and d rops to a l o w 2.0 percen t in 1981 . This is in keep ing w i th the t rends f o l l o w i n g the labour-capital conf l i c t d i s cussed eariier. H o u s e h o l d manufac ture increased in the late 1950s and 1960s w i th capital 's strategies to avo id statutory requ i rements and l abour mi l i tancy. The increas ing impor t ance of wo rke r s ' co-operat ives in the 1970s c h a n g e d this t r end and h o u s e h o l d manufac ture d r o p p e d to 2.0 pe rcen t . W h i l e there was s o m e d r o p in the abso lu te n u m b e r of worke r s in h o u s e h o l d manufacture , the e x p a n s i o n of the b e e d i industry and wo rk fo r ce in the 1970s was in the n o n - h o u s e h o l d sec tor . Tr ichur s o m e w h a t f o l l ows the C a n n a n o r e pattern t h o u g h d o m e s t i c manufacture peaks in 1961 . The o the r four distr icts had no t w i tnessed an e x p a n s i o n of the beed i w o r k f o r c e . I ndeed in Ernakulam, K o z h i k o d e and M a l a p p u r a m there we r e even sl ight d rops in abso lu te numbers . (See Table 9.03) These t rends a f fected the h o u s e h o l d and n o n - h o u s e h o l d ratios in these districts. Towards an unders tand ing of the space e c o n o m y and pol i t i ca l e c o n o m y nexus In chapte r t w o to four w e d i s c u s s e d the cultural and soc io-po l i t i ca l con tex t , and the dynamics of change w i th in it, that ac ted as a soc ia l base for po l i t i ca l consc iousness-ra is ing in Kerala. This con t ex t was also very recept i ve to radical pol i t ica l t h o u g h t as a legi t imate w e a p o n to f ight unjust soc ia l and pol i t i ca l p o w e r . Radical po l i t i c iza t ion f l o w e d f r o m such a c ruc ib le of con tex t . W e shall d iscuss here h o w the b e e d i workers we re no t on l y d r awn into this c ruc ib le bu t we r e a bas ic subs tance in the f o rg i ng of radical po l i t i c iza t ion in Kerala. It is necessary to r e cogn i ze this s ymb io t i c re lat ionship. The b e e d i wo rke r s no t mere ly d r e w sus tenance f r om the e m e r g i n g radical po l i t i ca l c onsc i ousnes s and leadersh ip in the s t rugg le for bet ter and secure w o r k i n g cond i t i ons . They we re at the same t ime, a l ong w i th w o r k e r s of s o m e of o the r o c c u p a t i o n s , at the grass roo t level s u p p o r t i n g and genera t ing radical po l i t i c i za t ion . The i r p o o r w o r k i n g and l iv ing c o n d i t i o n s m o b i l i z e d t h e m to fuel the g r o w i n g radical po l i t i c iza t ion that was occu r r i ng in Kerala. The labour intens ive character of agro-process ing industr ies in Kerala thus p layed an important ro le in the pol i t ica l consc iousness-ra is ing and radica l izat ion in Kerala. It was no t mere ly that radical pol i t ical i d e o l o g y was i n t r o d u c e d to the l abour ing p o o r of Kerala and their recept iv i ty t o it but their w o r k i n g cond i t i ons and class c o n s c i o u s n e s s gene ra ted and s u p p o r t e d such ideo log i ca l perspec t i ves . H o u s e h o l d s w i th o n e o r m o r e worke rs f r om an agro-process ing industry b e c a m e cells for po l i t i c i za t ion . The decent ra l i za t ion and spread of the industry to non-urban areas t o o k this p rocess to the count rys ide . It had as c o m m e n t e d eariier, a leaven ing ef fect and c o n t r i b u t e d to the grass roots po l i t i c iza t ion of Kerala that is no t c o m m o n l y seen in o the r r eg ions of India. W e thus see in many ways a link b e t w e e n the space e c o n o m y and pol i t i ca l e c o n o m y o f labour-capital conf l i c t in Kerala. The at t ract ion of mercant i le capital to Kerala fo r its availabil ity of l abour , t ransport systems that p rov ide access to markets and the labour-capita l con f l i c t that e n s u e d d u e to a part icular mix o f factors had then its c o n s e q u e n c e s . Kerala industr ia l ism b e c a m e an e l ement that f e rmen ted the po l i t i c i za t ion p rocess to leaven the w h o l e of Kerala. W e shall return to these t h e m e s later in the c o n c l u d i n g chapter . Suff ice to state here that the b e e d i industry expe r i ence in Kerala suggests that in the Indian c o n t e x t of the first half of the 20th century mercant i le capita l was m o b i l e . It m o v e d to p laces o f c h e a p l abour for inves tment and trade in l abour intens ive manufac ture p r o v i d e d there was access t o markets. The p o p u l a t i o n dens i ty of Kerala was itself an ingred ien t for a market fo r a c h e a p c o m m o d i t y l ike b e e d i . But m o r e impor tant was the t ransport sys tem of Kerala. This , as d i s c u s s e d in chapte r four , was no t mere ly the internal t ransport sys tem of roads , railway and waterways but the many por ts a l ong Kerala's l o n g coast l ine p rov id i ng an ready access to coas ta l , Indian o c e a n and internat ional trade. This is cleariy ev ident in the case of b e e d i . What was occu r r i ng is similar t o what Frobel et al [1980] des c r i bed as o c cu r r i ng at the g loba l level in the 1960s and 1970s. At the g loba l level what F robe l et al o b s e r v e d was a shift f r om labour impor t to capital expo r t in wes te rn cap i ta l i sm. In the Indian con t ex t of the first half of the 20th century l abour impor t to the urban centres , part iculariy the major centres of Bombay , Ca l cu t ta etc was o c cu r r i ng wh i le at the same t ime mercant i le capital was seek ing cheap labour in rural reg ions for its inves tment and trade in h o u s e h o l d manufac ture . The latter had s o m e cont inu i t y f r o m pre-colonia l t imes . W e d i s cussed in the last t w o chapters the structure and p rocess of the i nvo l vement of mercant i le capital in h o u s e h o l d manufac ture , and the dynamics of cont inu i t y . The d i s cuss ion also s h o w e d the ope ra t i on of f o r c ed c o m m e r c e in Kerala, and the s t rong features of mercant i le capi ta l ism that it e m b o d i e s . In the Kerala con tex t , mercant i le capital d id no t f ind l abour as doc i l e as it w o u l d have w i s h e d it to be and perhaps was in pre-colonia l t imes . The pattern of decent ra l i za t ion and d o w n s i z i n g , to mute l abour m o b i l i z a t i o n , had o c c u r r e d in a n u m b e r of industr ies as this s tudy has demons t r a t ed . This is capital 's use of space in its efforts at r eso lu t ion of the labour-capital conf l i c t . But these strategies of capital fa i led to prevent l abour m o b i l i z a t i o n . They have o b v i o u s but impor tan t impl i ca t ions for desakota . Kannan [1988] argues that this Kerala expe r i ence is no t un ique w i th in the tota l expe r i ence of the Indian e c o n o m y and soc ie ty t h o u g h he r e cogn izes three impor tan t d is t inc t ions in the Kerala con tex t . These are the histor ica l t im ing , the nature of capital penet ra t ion of rural areas and the character of soc ia l change a m o n g the peasants and w o r k i n g class. But Kannan d o e s no t r e c o g n i z e the impl i ca t ions for the space e c o n o m y and spatial o rde r of the non-urban loca t ions o f the agro-p roces s i ng industr ies . O n l y Isaac has g i ven s o m e r e c o g n i t i o n in see ing decent ra l i za t ion as a strategy of capital t o c i r cumvent the soc ia l l imits o n exp lo i t a t i on i m p o s e d by o r g a n i z e d labour (1982. pPE13) a n d in sugges t ing that rural areas o r vi l lages in Kerala, k n o w n as g ramam in Ma laya lam, be n o w ca l led gragaram, as they have a mix of b o t h urban and rural character ist ics. (1986. p121) This is in part a re f lec t ion of the inadequate a t tent ion pa id t o the space e c o n o m y and spatial o rde r in unders tand ing Kerala. The imp l i ca t ions of the capita l- labour con f ron ta t ion fo r the space e c o n o m y have no t b e e n r e c o g n i z e d . The symb ios i s that d e v e l o p e d b e t w e e n the space e c o n o m y and the pol i t ica l e c o n o m y in the c o n t e x t of these imp l i ca t ions has not been taken c o g n i z a n c e of in the g r o w i n g l iterature o n Kerala. Loca l capital of the reg ion and mercant i le capital of the b igger Indian cit ies we re at tracted to Kerala to invest in labour intensive agro-process ing industr ies because of e c o n o m i c geograph i ca l features of the reg ion . These were the h igh p o p u l a t i o n dens i t y and availabil ity of l abour in the coasta l distr icts; the internal t ransport sys tem of roads , railways and waterways ; the n u m b e r of por ts of varying size and facil ities that p r o v i d e d an access to coasta l , Indian o c e a n and internat iona l trade and sh ipp ing traffic; h igh p o p u l a t i o n dens i t ies genera t ing a market for g o o d s and services, e c o n o m i e s of scale for co l l ec t i ve c o n s u m p t i o n facil it ies fo r l abour d e p l o y m e n t and r e p r o d u c t i o n , a n d fairiy evenly p resent in b o t h urban and rural areas; and State po l i c ies o n soc ia l wel fare, espec ia l ly e d u c a t i o n , heal th etc w h i c h faci l i tated equ i t ab le co l lec t ive c o n s u m p t i o n facil it ies in b o t h urban and non-urban areas. But the very nature of the mercant i l e capital pene t ra t i on of the Kerala coun t r y s ide , and its manner of ope r a t i on as f o r ced c o m m e r c e in agro-process ing , cons t r a i ned industr ial advancement . But l abour for reasons w e n o t e d in chap te r o n e was no t d o c i l e and capital-l abour po lar iza t ion and con f ron ta t i on o c c u r r e d . A n d this con f ron t a t i on w h i c h began in the s e c o n d quarter of the 20th century , in a mi l i eu of soc ia l r e fo rm i sm, na t iona l i sm and arrival of radical i d e o l o g y s o o n after the success o f the Russian r evo lu t i on , m a d e the con f ron ta t i on h ighly po l i t i c i zed and mil itant. The vis ibi l i ty of the con f ron t a t i on has n o w made Kerala unattract ive to capital of India. This has aggravated the industr ia l backwardness of Kerala. 10. See earlier discussion on this issue and references. (Mohan and Raman 1990 pi 7; Paul 1990a p576; Subramaniyam and Pillai 1986 p587-588; and Oommen 1981p78-82) This s tudy has by a descr ip t ive analysis p resen ted the mix of factors that have led to the p resence of desako ta in Kerala. The u n d e r p i n n i n g a rgument is that desako ta is an organ ic and symb io t i c part of this mix o r cons te l l a t i on . The central i ty of the pol i t ica l e c o n o m y of capital-labour conf l i c t in this mix and its re la t ionsh ip t o space was also d e m o n s t r a t e d . This chapter , t oge the r w i t h the prev ious chapter , e x a m i n e d these factors in the con t ex t of t w o industr ies , c o n c e n t r a t e d in t w o distr icts o r sub-reg ions of Kerala. Some quant i tat ive data was p r e sen ted in the case of the b e e d i industry in suppor t of the arguments . W e shall in the next chapte r recapi tu late these issues and present their s ign i f i cance in the s tudy of Kerala space and soc ie ty . In the p rocess the character ist ics of Kerala desako ta and the s ign i f i cance of s o m e of its variat ions f r o m the M c C e e desako ta hypo thes i s wi l l be s u m m e d up and enunc i a t ed . C H A P T E R TEN AFFIRMATION OF DESAKOTA IN KERALA The s igni f icance of this s tudy As stated in chapte r o n e , the basic ob jec t i ve of this s tudy was t o e x a m i n e the extent to w h i c h the urban-rural fus ion that was obse rvab le in Kerala was in fact desako ta as de l inea ted in the M c G e e hypothes is . This s tudy reveals that neady all the features of desakota character ized in the M c G e e hypothes i s are present in Kerala. There are s o m e var iat ions, and s o m e of them have s igni f icances that have b e e n c o m m e n t e d u p o n . These wi l l b e s u m m e d up later in this chapter . The term Kerala desako ta has e m e r g e d in this s tudy to d e n o t e desakota as present in Kerala w i th its f ew variat ions f r o m the M c G e e m o d e l , and also t o focus at the same t ime on s o m e of the character ist ics of the M c G e e desakota m o d e l that acquire impor t ance and a d d e d s igni f icance in their Kerala man i fes ta t ion . This s tudy has also a t t empted to make the p re sence of desako ta in Kerala inte l l ig ib le . In d o i n g so it has a v o i d e d put t ing forward a to ta l iz ing exp l ana t i on , o r s impl is t ic " w h y " for the many observab le features of desako ta in Kerala. But at the same t ime it was no t mere ly an a t tempt at c o d i n g observa t ions and data in to the c o n c e p t u a l category of desako ta . There was an effort to unders tand o r make inte l l ig ible the spec i f i c c o n d i t i o n s w h i c h gave rise to what is o b s e r v e d as desakota . A mix o r cons te l l a t ion o f factors , s o m e wi th g e o l o g i c a l d e p t h and synerg ic impact , w e r e seen as relevant t o make desako ta in Kerala inte l l ig ib le . The m o r e impor tant a m o n g t h e m was the pol i t i ca l e c o n o m y of labour-capital con f l i c t and capital 's use of space in this con tex t . This raised an impor tant c r i t ique of the M c C e e desako ta hypothes i s . M c G e e in p resent ing and e x p a n d i n g the desako ta hypothes i s has so far s een little in f luence of the pol i t i ca l e c o n o m y . E c o n o m i c , d e m o g r a p h i c and t e c h n o l o g i c a l factors are the pa ramount factors. Wh i l e the crit ical in f luence of these factors are r e c o g n i z e d , the present s tudy has s h o w n the pol i t ica l e c o n o m y in terven ing in the impact of these factors o n spatial structures. It may be c o n t e n d e d that in the spec i f ic i ty of Kerala, w i th its po l i t i ca l , cultural and class structural con tex t , the po l i t i ca l e c o n o m y b e c o m e s crit ical . Kerala's pol i t i ca l e c o n o m y has ga ined an internat ional v is ibi l i ty because of radical ma ins t ream po l i t i cs , and ach i evements in soc ia l d e v e l o p m e n t in a c o n t e x t of l o w e c o n o m i c g r o w t h . But this d o e s no t make the in te rvent ion of the pol i t ica l e c o n o m y in spatial s t ructures un ique to Kerala. Massey ' s wo rk s h o w e d the impor t ance of the pol i t i ca l e c o n o m y for spatial structures in theoret i ca l te rms and in pract ice in Britain. In the southeas t As ian c o n t e x t one-party and/or authori tar ian reg imes are be l i eved t o have a ided the e f f i c iency of the market forces and the pace of e c o n o m i c g r o w t h . (Castel ls et al 1990. p i 68-70) W h e t h e r they have any imp l i ca t ions fo r spatial s tructures i nc lud ing EMRs and desako ta are yet to be addressed in M c G e e ' s w o r k . The present s tudy then in es tab l i sh ing , exam in ing and a t t empt ing to make inte l l ig ib le , desako ta in Kerala was at the same t ime an empir i ca l l y i n f o r m e d analysis and eva luat ion of the M c G e e desako ta hypothes i s . In d o i n g s o it was in ef fect tes t ing and sharpen ing the exp lanatory p o w e r and viabil ity of the M c G e e desako ta hypo thes i s . Subject to the cr i t ic isms just made the desako ta hypothes i s was f o u n d relevant in unde rs t and ing the spatial structures of Kerala. As ind i ca ted in chapte r o n e , the M c G e e hypothes i s p r o v i d e d a c o n c e p t u a l h o o k to f a t h o m and art iculate the urban-rural f u s ion that was obse rvab l e in Kerala. A p p l y i n g the desako ta hypothes i s t o Kerala p r o v i d e d a cent ra l iz ing , log ica l and c o h e r e n t f r amework of analysis that demys t i f i ed what was seen as the aberrant urban izat ion pat tern of Kerala in the Indian con tex t . This was part iculady made clear in chapte r f ive, whe re a survey of l iterature o n Kerala urban izat ion revea led the p r o b l e m s scholars e n c o u n t e r e d in dea l ing w i t h Kerala urban izat ion and h o w the desako ta hypothes i s he lps t o resolve s o m e of the p r o b l e m s . This a lso br ings ou t the synthesis and re-interpretat ion efforts o f this study. The examina t ion of desako ta in Kerala, as ind i ca ted eariier, was poss ib l e e i ther at a mac ro o r m ic ro level of analysis, o r as a th i rd alternative as a compara t i ve s tudy. It was a rgued that a macro examina t ion and analysis was a pre l iminary n e e d in the case of Kerala desako ta . This also faci l i tated the synthesis and re-interpretat ion of ex is t ing w o r k o n Kerala. It was s h o w n that t h o u g h percept i ve , e c o n o m i c histor ical s tudies of Kerala fa i led t o r e cogn ize the spatial factors. O n the o the r hand , s tud ies of u rban iza t ion d i d no t adequate ly perce ive the ways in w h i c h the space and p r o d u c t i o n art iculated w i th each other . The desako ta hypo thes i s p r o v i d e d a m e d i u m to synthes ize and re-interpret s o m e of the f ind ings of s o m e e c o n o m i c history and urban studies of Kerala. In the p rocess it a lso sough t to establ ish s o m e essent ia l l inks b e t w e e n histor ica l and analytical m e t h o d s . As s h o w n in chapte r f ive, the desako ta hypothes i s p l a ced as it is w i th in the urban-rural theoret i ca l f r amework a n d fo rmu la ted in the c o n t e x t of As ia , gives the Kerala expe r i ence m e a n i n g . This was b o t h in theoret i ca l terms and as part of a w ide r As ian expe r i ence . At the same t ime, the usefu lness of the desako ta hypothes i s to unders tand the spat ial s tructures of Kerala va l idated the c o n c e p t u a l and soc ia l re levance o f the desako ta hypo thes i s in the As ian con tex t . The Kerala de sako t a expe r i ence w i t h its h istor ica l d e p t h also s t rong ly suppor t s the cha l l enge inherent in the desako ta hypothes i s t o the conven t i ona l W e s t e r n m o d e l of urban t rans i t ion. The historical d e p t h means largely the 20th century for w h i c h da ta suppo r t i ng the p r e sence of non-agncul tura l activity in non-urban areas was available and p resen ted in this study. There is a n e e d t o make clear that the histor ica l p r esence of non-agricultural activity in non-urban areas was intens i f ied by the ways in w h i c h capital used space in its conf l i c t w i th labour . W e saw in chapters e ight and n ine that there was s o m e inc ip ient cong rega t i on and concen t r a t i on of the co i r and b e e d i industr ies in the urban local i t ies of A i l e p p e y and C a n n a n o r e respect ive ly . But this very concen t r a t i on of l abour intens ive industr ies toge the r w i t h o the r factors l ed to the e m e r g e n c e of o r g a n i z e d l abour and its eventua l conf l i c t w i th capita l . Perhaps if l abour o rgan iza t ion and the ensu ing labour-capital conf l i c t had no t o c c u r r e d , the s u p e r i m p o s i t i o n of the typica l co lon i a l spatial o rde r of por t c i t ies/towns and administrat ive towns o n the pre-colonia l spatial o rde r of Kerala might have occu r r ed .^ 1. It was outside the scope of this study to examine the character of the pre-colonial spatial order and cities in Kerala. The Sjoberg (1960) model of the pre-industrial city has been used to examine the urban history of some cities in north India. (Tiwari 1989) But as the discussion in chapter four would suggest the Sjoberg model is of little relevance for the Kerala pre-colonial port cities. To mention a few features of the Sjoberg model that are conspicuous by their absence in Kerala: The Kerala pre-colonial elite were non-urban; the artisans were, as was generally the case in pre-colonial India (Chaudhuri 1978. p79) not concentrated in cities; city architecture was not monumental; none of the cities had walls, (Joseph 1507. Vallanvanthara, Trans 1984. pi 53); forts built in or close to port and other cities and towns were an innovation following the entry of the European maritime powers into the geopolitics of the region in the 16th century. Even the temple-palace complex at Trivandrum was a late 18th century development, part of the efforts of the Travancore ruling house to legitimize their "kingship". And the Palace at Padbhanabapuram continued to be important and the Trivandrum temple-palace complex was far from the monumental character of Madurai, the temple-palace capital city of the Pandyans, a neighbouring Kingdom on other side of the Western Ghats. Simple elegance is a key element in the vernacular architecture of Kerala, as this comment on the Padmanabhapuram palace makes clear. Incidentally, the Thekke-kottaram, situated just outside the main building-complex of the Padmanabhapuram palace is made entirely of wood. Like any other secular or religious architecture in Kerala, they have simple, unpretentious exterior, though the interior with mural paintings and fine wood carvings, bears stamp of simplicity but elegance. (Sarkar 1978. p54) An interesting essay by Ramanujan, using Tamil epic poems as source material highlights some of the features of the early south Indian port city of Nagapattinam and its distinction even from the temple-palace cities of the same region. (Ramanujan 1970) A key theme among the distinctions is that the outsider feels fells comfortable and welcome in the port city of Nagapattinam but in the temple-palace city of Madurai he is all the time made conscious of his outsiderness. There is the obvious need in a port city to welcome and encourage the presence of merchants, seamen etc from other lands both as visitors and to reside. This can be turned around and argued that the port city is the city of outsiders, and this is the reason an outsider is comfortable. This is supportive of the Polyani argument that early port cities were on the geographical and social periphery a country and not at its centre. It is important to note that Trivandrum was developed only as As stated in chapter f ou r o n e c o u l d argue that a conf l i c t was perhaps e m e r g i n g b e t w e e n a pre-colonia l spatial o rde r in Kerala, similar t o that desc r i bed by Po lyan i , and a spatial o rde r of por t cit ies and administrat ive t owns typica l of the British raj era. Desako t a was seen in part as a reso lu t ion of this conf l i c t in the Kerala con tex t . Capi ta l ' s use of space faci l i tated this r e so lu t i on by intens i fy ing the loca t ion of manufac tu r ing in non-urban areas. The character ist ics of desako ta in the M c C e e hypothes i s and in Kerala This s tudy has d e m o n s t r a t e d that mos t of the character ist ics of desako ta as de l inea ted in the M c C e e hypo thes i s are present in Kerala w i th a f e w signif icant var iat ions. Briefly, f o l l o w i n g the summary of desako ta characterist ics in chapte r o n e , and what was p resen ted in Parts o n e , t w o and three of this s tudy the f o l l ow ing obse rva t ions can be made . Demographic and agro-economic conditions A l m o s t the w h o l e of Kerala l ow lands and mid lands are dense l y p o p u l a t e d and its agro-e c o n o m y charac ter ized by smal l ho lde r cu l t ivat ion. The dens i t ies of the coasta l distr icts as s h o w n in Table 3.08 are c lose to o n e t h o u s a n d pe rsons pe r square k i l omet re . This is the pr imary c o n d i t i o n l is ted by M c C e e for desako ta to occu r . ( M c C e e 1990. p14) The signif icant var iat ion f r o m the M c G e e desako ta m o d e l in terms of a g r o - e c o n o m y is that no t all of such agr icul ture is rice cu l t ivat ion in Kerala. W h i l e rice remains an impor tant c r o p there is a cons ide r ab l e a m o u n t of cash c rops , m o s t of t h e m non-grain c rops . In chapte r three in the presen ta t ion of land use patterns in Kerala this was m a d e clear. It was also e m p h a s i z e d that a n u m b e r of the cash c rops n e e d e d agro-process ing and so c rea ted a non-agr icul tura l sec tor . This sec to r r ema ined l abour intens ive and l inked t o merchan t capita l . The factors con t r i bu t i ng a temple-palace city. Even though Trivandrum was close to the sea its roadstead port was never developed. It was Alleppey that was developed by the Travancore rulers as a port city. to the absence of industr ia l capital o r con ta in ing the t ransformat ion of merchant capital t o industna l capital were d i s cussed in chapter o n e . The extent to w h i c h non-agr icul tura l activit ies we r e non-urban and b e c a m e increasingly so d u e t o the nature of the po l i t i ca l e c o n o m y o f Kerala was of centra l c o n c e r n in this study and w i l l be s u m m e d u p in s o m e of the s u b -sec t ions that are to f o l l ow . It was s h o w n in chapte r three that Kerala is d is t inct f r om o the r Indian States in that its l and use pattern has largely c o n f i n e d agricultural e m p l o y m e n t to rice. It was then a rgued that Kerala is no t mere ly " cu l tu ra l l y " p repared , as M c C e e terms it, by rice cu l t ivat ion to fo rms of non-agricultural activity, but it is " e c o l o g i c a l l y " p r epa red as we l l by its t ree c rops , part icularly c o c o n u t , and t o s o m e extent c ashew and forestry t o generate non-agricultural e m p l o y m e n t in agro-process ing . There is b o t h a cultural and e c o l o g i c a l fix by the land use pattern to in f luence the genera t ion of non-agricultural activity in non-urban areas. Transport infrastructure and mobility of commodities and people. M c G e e in desc r ib ing the c o n d i t i o n s under i y ing the e m e r g e n c e of de sako t a obse r ves : . .these reg ions are f requent ly charac te r ized by a we l l d e v e l o p e d infrastructure of roads and canals that a l l owed an in tense m o v e m e n t of c o m m o d i t i e s and p e o p l e . (1991a. p15) H e then g o e s o n to emphas ize : The desako ta z o n e s are genera l ly cha rac te r i zed by ex t reme f lu id i ty a n d mob i l i t y of p o p u l a t i o n . The availabil ity of relat ively c h e a p t ransport such as two-stroke m o t o r b ikes , buses and t rucks had faci l i tated relat ively qu i ck m o v e m e n t ove r l onger d istances than c o u l d be c o v e r e d prev ious ly . Thus these z o n e s are character ized no t on l y by c o m m u t i n g t o the larger u rban centres but also by intense m o v e m e n t of p e o p l e s and g o o d s a n d m o v e m e n t w i th in the z o n e s . ( Ibid, p i 7 ) These c o n d i t i o n s we re d e m o n s t r a t e d in this s tudy t o be very m u c h present in Kerala. The waterways, coasta l and in land, we re the t radi t ional system of t ransport in Kerala. Beg inn ing in the 19th century roads and railways a u g m e n t e d , and in a sense supe r seded the waterways. W e n o t e d that Kerala has the h ighest road dens i t y per square k i l omet re in India. In the c o n t e x t of mob i l i t y it is impor tan t t o no te that 98.2 percen t of the p o p u l a t i o n had a meta l l ed road w i th in t w o k i lometres of their r es idence , and 97.9 percent had a bus s top also w i th in t w o k i lometres . (See Table 4.05) Kerala w i th these percentages of access to roads and pub l i c t ransport ranked n u m b e r o n e a m o n g the Indian states o n this sco re . The increase in t w o and three w h e e l e r m o t o r veh ic les in recent d e c a d e s was n o t e d . The mob i l i t y of p e o p l e and c o m m o d i t i e s o n the sou th wes t coasta l r eg ion of India was charac te r ized by Nagaraj (1985) as the " m o b i l e soc i e t y " , as r ev i ewed in chap te r f ive. The p o p u l a t i o n dens i ty creates a n e e d and facil itates such t ransport infrastructure. As n o t e d in the c o n t e x t of services and co l l ec t i ve c o n s u m p t i o n , p o p u l a t i o n dens i t ies a lso p rov i de e c o n o m i e s of scale in the prov i s ion of serv ices , i n c l ud ing pub l i c t ransport . Women's participation in the worl< force In terms of the M c C e e desako ta hypo thes i s there was increas ing w o m e n ' s par t i c ipat ion in non-agricultural activit ies. This has no t o c c u r r e d in Kerala, and certainly not in the m a n n e r env i saged in the M c C e e hypothes i s , w h e r e inc reased w o m e n ' s par t ic ipat ion in non-agr icul tura l activit ies is l i nked to chang ing patterns o f agricultural p r o d u c t i o n . This refers t o l abour s h e d d i n g that has a c c o m p a n i e d the g r een r evo lu t i on in s o m e parts of As ia . Kerala agr icul ture is no t r ega rded as a g reen r evo lu t i on " s u c c e s s " story. In fact it has b e e n charac te r ized as agr icultural s tagnat ion by Kannan and Pushpangadan (1989 p i 067 ; 1990 p1991 ) Kerala desako ta appears to be little assoc ia ted w i th any increase in w o m e n ' s par t i c ipat ion in non-agricultural activit ies. But this has s o m e caveats. First, a n u m b e r of industr ies that d o m i n a t e d Kerala industr ia l i sm, such as coir , cashew p r o c e s s i n g and in recent years b e e d i have increas ingly used female labour . But d u e to the dec l i n e of s o m e tradit ional h o u s e h o l d industr ies , (Eg: manua l rice p rocess ing ) , w h i c h had h igh w o m e n ' s par t ic ipat ion rates, the net e f fect had b e e n overal l a sl ight dec l i ne o r s tagnat ion in w o m e n ' s rate of par t i c ipat ion in non-agricultural activity. S e c o n d , w o m e n ' s par t ic ipat ion rates in the w o r k fo r ce as d i s cussed in chapte r six are a f fec ted by the nature of census ope ra t i ons , census de f in i t i on of wo rk , under-enumera t ion of w o m e n ' s w o r k etc. But mos t s tudies of Kerala e c o n o m y and l abour agree that w o m e n ' s par t ic ipat ion rate in the w o r k fo rce d e c l i n e d in the 20th century . (Eg U . N . 1975) Table 6.1 s h o w e d a f luc tuat ing w o m e n ' s part:icipation rate in non-agricultural activity w i th overal l a sl ight dec l ine , if the recent decades are c o m p a r e d w i th the rate at the turn of this century . But the rate of dec l i ne may no t be rel iably es tab l i shed or ag reed u p o n . In terms of abso lu te numbers h o w e v e r their has b e e n a substant ia l increase in the n u m b e r of w o m e n in the w o r k fo rce . Data of t w o recent and compa rab l e censuses of 1961 and 1981 ref lect a s l ight dec l i ne (2.3 percent , see Table 6.05 in chapter six), ove r the pe r i od . There has h o w e v e r b e e n s o m e gains in w o m e n ' s l abour par t ic ipat ion rates in the serv ice sec to r , no tab l y in pub l i c admins t ra t ion , heal th and e d u c a t i o n . (See Table 6.05 in chapter six a n d Tab le 7.06 in chapte r seven) . These are h o w e v e r p ro fess iona l and wh i t e co l lar jobs and no t the b lue col lar type of w o r k that seems t o character ize the increases that M c C e e observes in Sou theas t As ia . Kerala desakota not a recent phenomenon The increase in non-agricultural activit ies seen in the M c G e e d e s a k o t a m o d e l as a recent o c c u r r e n c e d o e s no t appear to be so in Kerala desakota . Non-agr icu l tura l activities in non-urban areas appear t o have b e e n present in Kerala pr ior t o the s e c o n d w o d d war. There is a sugges t i on in the M c C e e hypothes i s (1991a p i 2) that l abour s h e d d i n g a c c o m p a n y i n g the green revo lu t ion may be con t r ibu t ing t o the e m e r g e n c e of desako ta by the n e e d for the d i sp laced or u n d e r e m p l o y e d agricultural l abour to f ind alternate e m p l o y m e n t in the non-agricultural sec tor . As d i s cussed the increas ing par t ic ipat ion o f w o m e n in the non-agricultural wo rk force t o o was seen as related to this issue. It is in terest ing to no te in this c o n t e x t that w o m e n ' s par t ic ipat ion in the w o r k fo rce as agricultural l abour has b e e n constant and little o r n o dec l i ne had oc cu r r ed ove r the w h o l e of the 20th century. ( U . N . 1975 . p 7 5 ; A l s o see Table 6.01) This suggests that in spi te of the in f luence of radical i deo log i e s and a matr i l ineal past, w o m e n appear t o be e m p l o y e d in substant ia l numbers in p o o r i y pa id occupations.-^ For this study, this reiterates that the m o v e m e n t f r o m agricultural to non-agricultural activity was no t t r iggered in the Kerala case by chang ing p r o d u c t i o n systems and t e c h n o l o g y . Toge the r w i th the l ink ing of s o m e features of the g r e e n revo lu t ion t o d e s a k o t a there is an imp l i ed sugges t i on that de sako t a is part of the n e w industr ia l ism of the new ly industr ia l iz ing count r i es , i n c lud ing Ma lays ia and Tha i land. T h e g r o w t h of fac tory e m p l o y m e n t d i sseminat ing is l i nked to the n e w internat ional d iv i s ion of l abour . Kerala has no t e x p e r i e n c e d a g reen revo lu t ion but none the l ess there are s o m e caveats. Just as m u c h as the agrarian transi t ion and the n e w a g r o - e c o n o m y that is gene ra ted by the g reen r evo lu t i on have impl ica t ions for the space e c o n o m y , it w o u l d appear that the co lon i a l a g r o - e c o n o m y had impl ica t ions for desako ta in Kerala. This was intens i f ied by capita l 's use of space , f o l l o w i n g its 2. It has been observed that the most pernicious task in cashewnut processing of removing the outer skin of the nut, with health hazards for the fingers was very often assigned to the Pulaya women, (Beevi 1978 p21) suggesting a triple oppression of women, in terms class, caste and gender. Though the position of women in Kerala, relative to other regions of India may bé better, gender inequities are apparently present, in spite of the influence of Marxist ideologies and a matrilineal past. con f ron ta t i on w i th labour . This was un ique to the Kerala con tex t . This blurs the prof i le of the desako ta as part of the spatial p h e n o m e n o n a c c o m p a n y i n g the new internat ional d iv i s ion of l abour in the new ly industr ia l iz ing coun t r i e s in Southeast and East Asia. T o e laborate the Kerala expe r i ence , the co l on i a l industr ia l r esponse in Kerala des c r i bed in chapte r seven may be in te rpre ted as a mix of proto- industr ia l i sm and a co lon i a l agro-e c o n o m y tex tured by a loca l c o n t e x t of e co logy , h is tor ica l geog raphy of land owne r sh ip , land use patterns, e x p o s u r e to mar i t ime t rad ing , and t ransport facil it ies. W h i l e p lantat ions and typical co lon i a l Brit ish mercant i le interests were opera t i ve , there was at the same t ime extens ive smal l and pet ty p r o d u c e r par t ic ipat ion b o t h in cash c rop cul t ivat ion and agro-p roces s i ng . There was then a co l on i a l ag ro-economy and an agrarian transi t ion that i n c l u d e d a mix of the typical co lon i a l p lanta t ion e c o n o m y w i th Brit ish capital and migrant l abour in the h igh lands and at the same t ime par t i c ipa t ion by the loca l p o p u l a c e in the cu l t ivat ion of cash c rops a l ong w i th rice, and agro-process ing industr ies in the low lands and mid lands . The capital fo r these activit ies as w e n o t e d in Part II was a mix o f Br i t ish, Indian and loca l (Kerala) but all p r edominan t l y mercant i le in character . These character ist ics o f wha t was t e r m e d as Kerala industr ia l ism are part of the 19th and 20th century industr ia l r e sponse in Kerala t o the c h a n g i n g internat ional , nat ional and reg iona l e c o n o m i e s and markets of the p e r i o d . The character o f Kerala as a r eg ion d e s c r i b e d in Part I, part iculariy the mix of d e m o g r a p h i c , e c o l o g i c a l , h is tor ica l geograph i ca l and e c o n o m i c h istor ica l factors, i n f l uenced this industr ia l r e sponse . This r e sponse was part of the soc ia l changes of the p e r i o d d i s cussed in Part I. A n integral part of this mix is the spatial o rde r charac te r ized by the d o m i n a t i n g p resense of desakota . The dynamics o f the desako ta reg ion i n f l uenced the industr ia l r e sponse a n d was in turn r e i n fo r ced by the nature o f the industr ia l r e sponse , and the e m e r g i n g character ist ics o f Kerala indust r ia l i sm. M c G e e ident i f ies a mix of e c o n o m i c activity w i t f i in the same h o u s e h o l d . T h e nature of the co lon i a l e c o n o m y b rough t about this mix in co lon i a l Kerala, and increas ingly so f rom the 1930s w h e n capita l 's use of space and its conf l i c t w i th labour , intens i f ied non-agncultura l activity in non-urban areas. Indeed in the t w o case s tud ies w e obse r ved the h o u s e h o l d wi th m e m b e r s in a mix of o c cupa t i ons act ing as a cel l for the t ransmiss ion o f i n fo rma t ion and i deo log i e s that faci l i tated the spread of o r g a n i z e d labour , class consc iousness , l abour mi l i tancy etc f r om o n e o c c u p a t i o n a l g r o u p and cu l ture to another . The leavening re fer red t o of the count rys ide or desako ta reg ions w i th po l i t i ca l and soc ia l consc i ousness was in part the result of the ac t ion these "bacter ia l ce l l s " . Mix of agriculture and non-agriculture The intens ive use of land w i th agr icu l ture and h o u s e h o l d industr ies ex i s t ing s ide by s ide as charac te r ized in the M c G e e desako ta hypothes i s was observab le in Kerala desakota . Kerala a lso had var ious small scale industr ies , in f luc tuat ing impor t ance as d e s c r i b e d in Parts II and III. This was part of the character of Kerala industr ia l i sm. The n o n - h o u s e h o l d non-factory type of p r o d u c t i o n units be ing the ma ins t ream of the p r o d u c t i o n sys tem in Kerala was n o t e d in chapte r seven . This d o e s no t alter the fundamenta l character of the mix of agr icu l ture and non-agriculture in Kerala, a feature central t o the desako ta hypothes i s . As d i s cussed in chapter four , in sp i te of a s igni f icant percent of rural non-agr icul tura l activity b e i n g present the urban ratio was l o w . W h a t this s ignif ies is that rural non-agr icul tura l is no t concen t r a t ed in rural pocke t s and/or peri-urban reg ions but scat tered t h r o u g h ou t the rural coasta l o r l o w l a n d and m id l and areas. This is a c lear and unequ i voca l d e m o n s t r a t i o n of the p resence of desako ta in Kerala. It a lso demons t ra tes the even spatial mix a n d spread of agricultural and non-agricultural activity in l o w l a n d and m i d l a n d Kerala. For as a rgued in chapter f ou r any concen t r a t i on of non-agr icul tura l activity in any rural se t t l ement that makes 75 percent the male w o r k f o r c e to be in non-agr icu l ture instantly makes that se t t l ement urban. The o the r criteria of urban in India, dens i t y and s ize b e i n g met in all rural se t t lements of l ow l and and m i d l a n d Kerala. It was a lso a rgued that this spatial spread and even mix was indicat ive o f desako ta in Kerala no t be i ng a d e p e n d e n t variable of the urban sys tem in Kerala. Desako ta and the urban system in Kerala we r e seen as be i ng in symbios is . It is poss ib l e t o specu la te that these features of the Kerala desakota , part iculariy the p r e d o m i n a n c e of n o n - h o u s e h o l d , non-factory p r o d u c t i o n units in non-agricultural activity, may have a capaci ty to abso rb or be a b s o r b e d in to t e chno log i ca l l y advanced industr ia l i sm, if this were t o o c c u r in Kerala. The po in t that is b e i n g sugges t ed is that Kerala desako ta may have a capaci ty to persist e ven in the event o f industr ia l advancement . Desako ta can be v i e w e d by s o m e as a phase , a n d the Taiwan t rends have b e e n used to suppor t this v iew. ( M c G e e 1991a p i 9) Desako ta in Kerala, Java and Sri Lanka has b e e n seen as a c c o m p a n y i n g l o w e c o n o m i c g r o w t h and product i v i t y , particulariy in the industr ial sec tor . This t ype of desako ta in the e m e r g i n g l iterature o n desako ta may earn the character izat ion of backyard desakota , to d is t inguish it f r o m the h igh prof i le de sako t a assoc ia ted w i t h the mega-urban reg ions and the success of e c o n o m i c g r o w t h in many parts of Southeast and East As ia . A n d if w e are to be l ieve the e m e r g i n g research o n desako t a in Southeast As ia , by the t rends p resen ted visual ly in s l ide shows , s o o n desako ta may e x t e n d f r o m a mix o f agr icul ture and non-agr icu l ture to agr icul ture, non-agr icu l ture and gol f cou r ses ! There is in such d o c u m e n t a t i o n an u n c o n s c i o u s use or r e cogn i t i on o f v is ib le e l i t ism as an ind i ca to r of e c o n o m i c g rowth o r d e v e l o p m e n t . ^ 3. This is in contrast to Kerala where I failed to see a single golf course, though I am informed one exists in Trivandrum, and possibly in Cochin too. Being sparse they apparently do not have the visibility that seems to obtain in Southeast Asia. In Sri Lanka a golf course was done away to make room for social housing. It is perhaps a reflection of the relative effectiveness of the democratic political systems in South Asia, particularly in the southwest, that the political leaders were relatively more humanitarian managers of the system. The coro l lary to backyard or b a c k w a r d desako ta is that it may d isappear if and w h e n industr ia l advancement takes p lace . In the Kerala con tex t h o w e v e r this may no t occu r . T h e po in t b e i n g sugges t ed or specu l a t ed here is that the n o n - h o u s e h o l d , non-factory t ype of p r o d u c t i o n units, w h i c h as w e n o t e d in chapter seven is the ma ins t ream manufac tur ing sys tem in Kerala, might facil itate the con t inu i t y of desako ta even in the con tex t of industr ia l advancement . If f lex ib le p r o d u c t i o n or cap i ta l i sm is the wave of the future , Kerala industr ia l ism may have adaptabi l i ty by virtue of the smal l scale o r n o n - h o u s e h o l d , non-factory character of its p r o d u c t i o n sys tem. The v i ew that desako ta in Kerala, Sri Lanka and Java is in part a spatial exp ress ion of the survival strategies of p e o p l e in dense l y p o p u l a t e d reg ions w i th inadequate e c o n o m i c oppor tun i t i e s , is diff icult to d i spute . But an alternate in terpreta t ion , part iculariy appropr ia te t o Kerala and Sri Lanka is that desako ta may also be in part a spatial exp re s s i on o r effects of g r o w t h w i th equity. This in terpretat ion has a sense of fit w i th the i d e o l o g i c a l w o d d v i ew that is ge rmane to Kerala and Sri Lanka, w i th Marx is t radica l ism as part o f ma ins t ream pol i t i cs fo r the last f ive to six decades . * The eari ier v i ew is not on l y u n d e r p i n e d by e c o n o m i s t i c measu remen t tones , but has nuances of a wes te rn w o r i d v i e w that p laces the urban as the g o o d life, the repos i to ry of the material advances of cu l ture and soc ie ty . T h o s e w h o are caught half way are on l y in transit, in a phase that has to pass. The tradit ional Indian v i ew of nagara as a repos i to ry of the great t rad i t ion has shades of the same v iew, but city life is seen m o r e as an opu l en t life than a g o o d life. In M u g h a l India the M u s l i m t rad i t ion e n c o u r a g e d urban e l i t ism and por t rayed it in pos i t i ve terms. The cour t at De lh i b e c a m e a m o d e l fo r 4. Marxian radical politics was textured into parliamentary democracy and multi-party electoral politics in both Kerala and Sri Lanka for a number of decades. (The orthodox Marxists however have been critical of this trend and see it as the abandonment of revolutionary goals by the Marxist Political parties and capitulation to bourgeois politics). The mix of democracy and socialism may be seen as low income developing countries' parallel of the Scandinavian experience. Newspaper literacy and the presence of a strong and robust press in the vernacular languages are an important feature in the functioning of the democracies in this region of south Asia. There has however been an erosion of this in Sri Lanka during the 1980s in the context of the ethno-political violence and the stringent and miltaristic State measures to contain it. pr ince ly states and their capitals and cour ts . ( Spodek 1975 . p421 and p424) . But equal ly impor tant l y Brahmins, the t radi t ional caste el i te as p r edominan t l y rural res idents and a Sanskrit l iterati, we r e c o u n t e r players. A n d there is in the Indian c o n t e x t n o assoc ia ted n o t i o n of the urban transi t ion w h e r e mos t of the rural p o p u l a t i o n w o u l d eventua l l y transit to b e c o m e urban. In add i t i on in the Kerala con tex t as w e n o t e d in chapter f o u r urban was o n the soc ia l and geograph i ca l per iphery . Cultural and ecological factors W i t h i n the ambi t of cultural and e co log i c a l factors there are t w o features that this s tudy revea led as impor tant . First, the d i spe r sed set t lement pat tern as a rgued in chapte r f ou r had s o m e impact o n socia l pe r cep t i ons . It made urban a n d non-urban res ident ia l l andscape indist inct . W e also n o t e d that the e m e r g i n g urban resident ia l l andscape of 20th century India, m o d e l e d o n the British raj b u n g a l o w and c o m p o u n d was no t ve ry di f ferent f r om the d i spersed h o m e s t e a d se t t lement pattern that exists in Kerala. This aga in had s o m e impact o n socia l pe r cep t i ons . W e also n o t e d that d u e to the se t t lement pat tern and p o p u l a t i o n dens i ty there was n o " v i l l age " in Kerala in t e rms of a soc ia l unit, p e r c e i v e d m o r p h o l o g y o r popu l a r c o n c e p t i o n . The vi l lage for data c o l l e c t i o n etc was the r evenue v i l lage, a mere administrat ive entity. S o m e w h a t al l ied to these issues is that Kerala d e s a k o t a appears to be less of a grey z o n e , whe re urban statutory regu la t ions canno t be app l i ed , than sugges t ed in the M c C e e hypothes i s . Dec l i n i ng powers of the M u n i c i p a l author i t ies o n the o n e hand and increas ing p o w e r of the State in f raming a n d i m p l e m e n t i n g regu la t ions may be in f luenc ing this t r end . A literate a n d pol i t ical ly articulate p o p u l a t i o n , as w e n o t e d in r e v i ew ing Acharaya 's (1987) study of land use patterns and regulat ions in Tr ichur , may be also a factor . Second l y w e n o t e d the s igni f icance of the cul tura l e c o n o m i c inst i tu t ion of f o r c ed c o m m e r c e . This c o n t r i b u t e d by its many layers of traders to non-agricultural activity in non-urban areas. But m o r e impor tant l y it faci l i tated the l ink ing o f merchant capita l , pet ty and smal l scale p roducers . This was b o t h in e c o n o m i c and spatial terms. It a lso p r o v i d e d a cultural e c o n o m i c inst i tut ion that faci l i tated capital to use space in its efforts to c o m b a t labour . Integrated and transactive environment The e c o n o m i c l inkages w i th in the desako ta r e g i o n , another character ist ic de l ineated by the M c G e e m o d e l is of cou r se , as e m p h a s i z e d in this s tudy st rongly present in Kerala. W e n o t e d in chapter f o u r the absence of pr imacy and/or a s t r ong central urban sys tem in Kerala. This re in fo rced and inc reased intra-desakota dynamics in Kerala. A cr i t ic ism that this study raised o f the M c G e e desako ta " hypothes i s , is that in the d e v e l o p m e n t of the desakota hypothes i s o ve r the p e r i o d 1984 to 1991 there was a dec l i n i ng emphas is o n the impor t ance of the intra-dynamics of desako ta reg ions . T o g e t h e r w i th M c G e e ' s later e x p a n s i o n of the desako ta hypothes i s to inc lude mega-urban and/or e x t e n d e d met ropo l i t an reg ions , there is the danger of grey areas bu i l d i ng up b e t w e e n the c o n c e p t s of per i-urban, satel l i te t owns etc o n the o n e hand a n d desako ta o n the other . A fundamenta l d i s t inc t ion b e t w e e n the desako t a hypothes i s and c o n c e p t s of peri-urban etc w h i c h was e m p h a s i z e d in chapte r o n e is that wh i l e the latter c o n c e p t s are largely m o r p h o l o g i c a l in character and cons t ruc t , desako ta art iculates the re la t ionship b e t w e e n space and p r o d u c t i o n , space and e c o n o m y . A t t en t i on was d r a w n in chapter o n e , t o this as a c o m m o n theme that runs t h r o u g h M c G e e ' s desako ta hypo thes i s , Harvey 's w o r k o n capital and space and D o r e e n Massey ' s geo log i c a l m o d e l of spatial s tructures and labour . This takes us finally to a co re t h e m e of this s tudy, the s ign i f i cance o f the re lat ionship b e t w e e n space and p r o d u c t i o n . Space and production W e see the impo r t ance of the re la t ionsh ip b e t w e e n space and p r o d u c t i o n in Kerala desakota . W e n o t e d in this s tudy that capital intens i f icat ion o f p r o d u c t i o n as a reso lu t ion of labour-capital conf l i c t was cons t ra ined by a n u m b e r of factors in Kerala, and also p re-empted by o rgan i zed labour , s o m e t i m e s wi th ludd i te feroci ty . But the p r e sence of mob i l i t y and spread of co l l ec t i ve c o n s u m p t i o n facil ities e n a b l e d a l oca l i zed spatial fix w i th in Kerala. The spatial fix led t o the in tens i f i ca t ion o f non-agricultural activity in the non-urban areas, already made less dist inct f r o m the urban by the many d i m e n s i o n s of min ima l d i f ferent ia t ion in the Kerala low lands and m id l ands . This is the Kerala mani fes ta t ion of the t ime-space co l l apse that M c G e e articulates as an impor tan t factor of desakota . Thus capita l 's use of space a m o n g its strategies to de-organ ize l abour e n h a n c e d desako ta in Kerala. This enab l ed us no t on l y to make Kerala de sako t a a little m o r e inte l l ig ib le , but s h o w e d us the o the r s ide of the c o i n , the s ign i f i cance of space in the pol i t i ca l e c o n o m y of Kerala. As a rgued in this s tudy the desako t a hypothes i s by art iculat ing the re la t ionsh ip b e t w e e n space and p r o d u c t i o n laid bare an impor tan t and h i ther to u n d e r e m p h a s i z e d facet of Kerala e c o n o m y and soc ie ty , the re la t ionsh ip b e t w e e n space and po l i t i ca l e c o n o m y . W i t h the m o v e m e n t of p r o d u c t i o n t o the non-urban areas, o r g a n i z e d l abour t o o m o v e d t o the non-urban , t h o u g h this was unant i c ipa ted by capi ta l . This eventual ly l eavened the non-urban areas, and so spread a soc ia l and po l i t i ca l c o n s c i o u s n e s s in such areas. W e a lso saw in this con t ex t that the barr icades o f the caste re fo rm m o v e m e n t we r e no t d i sman t l ed , and its e thos d i s so l v ed , w i th the v ic tory and entry of the avarana castes, the o n c e a l leged ly ritually u n w a s h e d , to the ins ides of the t emp l e s . W e saw that there was a pos i t i ve t ransference of this e thos to the e c o n o m i c theatre. A n d in a true Brecht ian sense the mu l t i t ude had advanced to the foo t l igh ts .^ In the theatre of the po l i t i ca l e c o n o m y of Kerala, l abour , p r o d u c t i o n and space have b e e n impor tant actors , but the impor t ance of space w e n t u n n o t i c e d . This s tudy in examin ing desako ta in Kerala, has s h o w n the impor t ance of space . The desako ta hypothes i s p n s e d o p e n the re la t ionship b e t w e e n space and p r o d u c t i o n . Capi ta l ' s use of space , and the spatial factor in the spread of trade u n i o n i s m and pol i t i ca l consc iousness-ra is ing in the coun t r ys ide , i l luminates the pol i t ica l e c o n o m y of Kerala and iterates that g e o g r a p h y matters in unders tand ing Kerala. This is a con t r i bu t i on that this s tudy makes towards an unde r s t and ing of Kerala e c o n o m y and soc iety , apart f r om the app l i ca t ion of the desako t a hypo thes i s to demyst i f y Kerala spatial o rder , and the examina t i on of Kerala desako ta that he lps t o measure and enhance the re levance and val idity of the desako t a hypothes i s for an unde r s t and ing of As ian space and soc ie ty . 5. One is tempted to portray this metaphorically as the transformation of the rituals of Kerala's traditional Kathakali dance drama to Brechtian theatre, the tearing asunder of the sacred and the profane perceptions and world views and replacing it with holistic secularization. The advancement of the socially and economically underprivileged and disadvantaged to the foot lights, and audience participation in the Brechtian sense, in a sense this was echoed when Sri Narayana Guru's slogan of "one caste, one religion, one God" was transformed by the working class activists to "no caste, no religion, no God." The audience changing the chant of the chorus leader ! The "one caste, one religion, one God" slogan of Sri Narayana Guru has to be contextually understood. It does not include an attempt to make Hinduism monotheist. When Sri Narayana Guru erected a statue of Siva, the Brahmins denounced it as sacrilegious, for they claimed that only Brahmins can erect and sanctify the statue of Siva. Sri Narayana Guru' answer was, "This is a Ezhava Siva"! To this the Brahmins had no reply. From this incident flowed a controversy and in a sense the slogan "one God, one religion, one caste" may seem related. But it had a deeper Hindu philosophical meaning. If the ultimate reality is Brahma, the one beyond all distinctions, the distinctions and ethics of the phenomenal world are relative and can be changed. "One caste, one religion, one God" could then become central to a vedantic world view. And logically, if social barriers constrained one from his true avocation, it was the person's karma to overcome them. And for karma yoga (path of action) one of Sri Narayana Guru's sutra was "Strengthen through organization, liberate through education" (Nataraja Guru 1968; Issac and Tharakan 1986b p8) In the context of the importance of organized labour and literacy in Kerala political economy and society, and the charisma of Sri Narayana Guru, this sutra takes on contextual significance. It also shows that the concept of karma does not necessarily involve a fatalistic world view, the opposite of the Protestant ethos. Such a perception is a Eurocentric understanding seen for example in Myrdal's work. (Myrdal 1968. See Goonetileke [1978] for a critique of Myrdal's Eurocentrism). See Nataraja Guru (1968) for a discussion of the Vedanta philosophical base of Sri Narayana Guru's teachings Geograph i ca l perspect i ves This s tudy wh i l e e m p h a s i z i n g that g e o g r a p h y matters in unders tand ing Kerala had an assoc ia ted mot i f of the geograph i ca l perspec t i ve be i ng sensi t ive to the i n d i g e n o u s p e r c e p t i o n of space . The very use of an As ian vernacular in the n e o l o g i s m of desako ta was for M c G e e d ic ta ted by the n e e d to be sensi t ive to As ian vernacular pe r c ep t i ons and t e rm ino logy . The use of Indones ian terms t o desc r ibe these p rocesses is de l iberate ly a d o p t e d . The language and c o n c e p t s of W e s t e r n Socia l Sc ience have d o m i n a t e d the analysis of Th i rd W o r i d soc ie t i es lead ing to a f o r m of ' k n o w l e d g e imper ia l i sm ' . There is a n e e d t o d e v e l o p terms and c o n c e p t s in the language of the Thi rd W o r i d w h i c h m o r e accurate ly ref lect the c o n d i t i o n s of their soc ie t ies . It is natural that these terms shou ld be b o r r o w e d and ut i l ized by Wes t e rn Socia l Sc i ence . ( M c G e e 1987. p 4 6 f1) It was a rgued in C h a p t e r o n e , that Issac (1986) wr i t ing in Ma laya lam and c o i n i n g the w o r d gragaram in a manner a lmost ident ica l to M c G e e ' s c o i n i n g of desakota , v ind i ca ted M c G e e ' s pos i t i on . Issac d i d this i ndependen t l y , unaware of M c G e e ' s desako ta hypothes i s w h i c h was then yet to appear in pr int . M c G e e ' s call fo r Wes te rn Soc ia l Sc i ences to be sensit ive to non-western pe r cep t i ons and concep tua l i za t i ons and to use vernacular t e rm ino log i e s was thus just i f ied. It is was s u g g e s t e d that there was an o rgan i c inte l lectual character in the concep tua l i z a t i on and use of the t e rm gragaram in a Ma laya lam pub l i c a t i on . It was a lso ind ica ted in chapter o n e of this s tudy, that t h o u g h wi th little c la im t o an ins ider 's v i ew of desako ta this s tudy shall none the l ess be sensi t ive to the p e r c e p t i o n o f soc ia l space that is i n d i g e n o u s to the r eg ion . This was in s o m e ways an u n i n t e n d e d r e sponse to Sopher ' s call neady t w o decades ago . W h a t is m iss ing in the Indian g e o g r a p h i c t rad i t ion is the dwe l l e r ' s p e r c e p t i o n , o n e that is present as an integral e l emen t in h u m a n geog raphy in m u c h o f the Wes t . This n e e d no t be the g e o g r a p h y of p laces as the natives themse l ves conce i v e it, such as s o m e current research is try ing to recover . It s h o u l d be a g e o g r a p h y in w h i c h the popu l a r l andscape s y m b o l s , menta l maps and " s e n s e of p l a c e " of the dwe l le rs , that is the fo lk e c o s y s t e m i c m o d e l s , are m a d e t o interact w i th and b e c o m e i n co rpo ra t ed in the intel lectual cons t ruc ts o f strangers and ou ts ide rs . This is wha t w e s o m e t i m e s f ind in the best reg iona l geograph ies of an eadier Eu ropean genera t ion . ( Sopher 1973 . p i 12) The presc r ip t ion S o p h e r o f f e red was that South As ian g e o g r a p h y s h o u l d b e c o m e m o r e " S o u t h A s i a n " , and cease to see Sou th As ia w i th W e s t e r n eyes. (Ibid p i 33) In a sense M c G e e e c h o e s this in a recent paper , but a lso seems to imply that g e o g r a p h y as a d isc ip l ine has not shed Eurocent r i sm ( M c G e e 1991b) If this is so the quest to i n co rpo ra te loca l k n o w l e d g e and loca l p e r c e p t i o n s in to g e o g r a p h y as a d i sc ip l ine then b e c o m e s a p rob l ema t i c exerc ise . This is in a sense exemp l i f i ed in this study. In sp i te of the r e c o g n i t i o n and effort to be sensit ive t o local o r i nd igenous p e r c e p t i o n s and k n o w l e d g e and us ing a n e o l o g i s m in an As ian vernacular there is little that qual i f ies t o make it a geog raphy that is " S o u t h A s i a n " in the manner that S o p h e r and M c G e e suggest . This is because the basic pa rad igm wi th in w h i c h the vernacular n e o l o g i s m is p l aced , urban-rural d i s t inc t ions , has adap ted W e s t e r n ca tegor ies of soc ia l space. This is not to d e n y that there is n o loca l p e r c e p t i o n o r cons t ruc t of city and count rys ide in the Sou th As i an , Sou th Indian o r Kerala con t ex t . But the m a n n e r in w h i c h the parad igm has b e e n d e v e l o p e d and un iversa l ized is based o n Wes t e rn ca tegor ies of analysis. Sophe r a rgued that in " S o u t h As ian geog raphy , the dwe l l e r is o f t en m a d e stranger by the conven t i ons of the preva i l ing p a r a d i g m . " (1973 p i 26). Is the Kerala dwe l l e r a stranger in the basic parad igm of urban-rural d is t inc t ions ? O r has the desako t a hypothes i s w i th in this basic pa rad igm created a space that is o rgan i c to the Kerala dwe l l e r ? The desako ta hypothes i s has c rea ted a m i d d l e space and a muta t ion o f the urban-rural d i c h o t o m y that is As ian in character. A space that is largely charac ter ized by. the fus ion of urban and rural character ist ics. It also ques t i ons the c o n v e n t i o n a l urban t rans i t ion m o d e l based o n the western expe r i ence w h i c h is part o f the basic urban-rural pa rad igm a n d analysis. But the urban and rural character ist ics that are in fus ion are f r o m the basic pa rad igm of urban-rural d is t inct ions . None the l e ss the desako ta hypothes i s cha l l enges the urban-rural d i c h o t o m y in a more fundamenta l sense than sugges t ing a m o r p h o l o g i c a l elasticity that an urban-rural c o n t i n u u m recogn izes w i th c o n c e p t s such as pen-urban. The As ian vernacular t e rm re inforces the s t rong Asian e v idence for desakota . A n d this e v i dence is p resen ted , fo r instance in this study, in spite of the basic units of data c o l l e c t i o n in Censuses e tc fo r socio-spat ia l ca tegor iza t ion be i ng in terms of the basic urban-rural pa rad igm. But in spi te of these features it is yet di f f icult to c la im that this s tudy has i n co rpo ra t ed a dwel le r ' s or i n d i g e n o u s pe r cep t i on of space and p laces . Sophe r po in ts ou t that " an Indian geog raphe r on h o m e g r o u n d may prefer to play the stranger in his wr i t ing , wh i l e the stranger f r o m abroad seeks to s imulate the dwel le r ' s p e r c e p t i o n s " (Ibid p i 15). But an Indian geographe r has s o m e t i m e s t o traverse l inguist ic , cul tura l and class boundar i e s . The author for instance l ived f r o m c h i l d h o o d a m o n g the S inhalese; s p o k e Sinhalese f luent ly a n d is reasonably literate as we l l ; had many and c lose f r iends and relatives (by marriage) a m o n g the S inhalese. A l l this gave the au thor an int imate awareness, apprec ia t ion of, and a f fec t ion for, the S inhalese-Buddhist cultural space . But yet a m o n g this m i l i eu my o therness remains. A n d this very life a m o n g the S inhalese meant the wear ing away o f the roots in the ethno-cul tura l space of the Tamils and their geograph i ca l doma ins in Sri Lanka and Sou th India. There was a p rocess of a l ienat ion and marg ina l izat ion . A p rocess that in fact began many genera t ions ago . This marg ina l p o s i t i o n was in tens i f ied by a Sri Lankan urban m i d d l e class l ife style w h i c h was shared on l y by a smal l s e c t i on of the p o p u l a t i o n . A n d w i th in this space , w h i c h i n c l u d e d urban m i d d l e class of S inhalese and o the r e thn i c g roups , o n e is des igna ted " C o l o m b o T a m i l " . This ep i thet s ignif ies f r om the gener i c Tami l p e r c e p t i o n , the a l ienated Tamils and in the current pol i t ica l con t ex t w i th u n d e r t o n e s as the co l l abora tors w i th the S inhalese. A n d fo r the S inhalese, the C o l o m b o Tamils are part of the others w h o have carved a n i che in their pr imate city. A n d this g r o u p of C o l o m b o Tamils itself is d i s s e c t ed in to Jaffna Tamils , Batt ica loa Tami ls , C o l o m b o C h e t t y etc. There was eventual ly hardly a space w h e r e my otherness was no t w i th me . This is no t s o m e t h i n g un ique . The n e e d to constant l y bear the cross o f o the rness is s o m e t h i n g that is e x p e r i e n c e d by m e m b e r s of many minor i t y g roups all over the w o r i d . The author 's o the rness is always w i t h h i m . There is no t e ven a ghe t to to retreat in to and lose the o therness in Sou th As i a o r fo r that matter in this planet . A visit wh i l e o n c e in India t o the C o r o m a n d e l po r t t o w n of C u d d a l o r e f r om w h e r e my ancestors are be l i e ved t o have left three centur ies ago for C o l o m b o , fa i led to p r o d u c e the des ide ra tum in cultural space . The Tamil I s p o k e had a mix of r e f inement and archaism that es tab l i shed m e as a stranger. A dwe l le r ' s p e r c e p t i o n , o r an o rgan i c inte l lectua l p o s i t i o n , thus no t c o m e by easily t o all Indian o r Sou th As ian geographe rs , and part icular iy t o d iaspor i c Sou th Asians l ike the author . The n e e d to be r o o t e d in o n e ' s cul tura l space and be bi l ingual is impor tant . The latter in o n e ' s native language and a W e s t e r n l anguage that p rov ides access to the l iterature in geog raphy . There are many w h o are p l a c e d in this p o s i t i o n . T h o m a s Issac is a case in po in t . As a Ma laya lee inte l lectual and pol i t i ca l activist l iv ing in Kerala, o n the facul ty of the C e n t r e for D e v e l o p m e n t S tudies and active in the Peop les Sc i ence M o v e m e n t in Kerala and India, m o v i n g a m o n g trade un ion is ts , worke r s and s tuden ts , and articulate in b o t h Ma laya lam and Engl ish, he was cor rec t l y l o ca t ed to articulate a dwe l l e r ' s and o rgan i c inte l lectual 's p e r c e p t i o n of soc ia l space . S u c h a p e r c e p t i o n is no t facultat ive to the author . The author 's p e r c e p t i o n may o n the o the r hand be i n f l uenced by his marg ina l and a l ienated p o s i t i o n . This may have meant the advantage of b e i n g c lose e n o u g h but yet hav ing an ou ts ide r ' s overv iew. Such a p e r c e p t i o n is no t w i t h o u t merits in a cademic w o r k of an a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l o r geograph i ca l nature. But it is di f f icult t o c la im it as a dwel le r ' s v i ew , o r an o rgan i c inte l lectua l 's p e r c e p t i o n , f r o m the e thno-cultural space of the Malaya lees o r S inhalese. The quest for a South As ian dwe l l e r ' s p e r c e p t i o n in a d i sc ip l ine that a l l eged ly has Eurocent r i c categor ies of analysis in s o m e ways s e e m s t o sugges t that an Indocent r i c p e r c e p t i o n can be a cor rec t i ve in f luence . Dwe l le r ' s p e r c e p t i o n needs to be i n co rpo ra t ed in to the inte l lectual cons t ruc ts in geography . But there is a weakness in ba lanc ing Eurocent r i sm w i th Indocent r i sm, for they are but t w o s ides of the same c o i n , just as a cademic imper ia l i sm and academic chauv in i sm are t w o s ides of the same c o i n . (Gunat i leke 1975) A n d this is related t o the ques t ion of representa t ion . As Spivak states: ...the idea o f the d i senf ranch ised speak ing for themse lves , o r the radical crit ics speak ing fo r t h e m ; this q u e s t i o n of representa t ion , se l f-representat ion, represent ing others , is a p r o b l e m . O n the o the r hand w e canno t put it under the carpet w i th d e m a n d s for authent ic vo i c e s ; w e have to r em ind ourse lves that, as w e d o this, w e might be c o m p o u n d i n g the p r o b l e m even as w e are trying to so lve it. (Spivak 1990. p63) Wha t this s tudy has a t t empted is t o examine the spec i f i c c o n d i t i o n s that gave rise t o desako t a in Kerala. A n d this meant weav i ng t o g e t h e r features of Kerala's po l i t i ca l e c o n o m y , cu l ture and h is tory t o br ing ou t the reg iona l g e o g r a p h y of Kerala that makes desako ta inte l l ig ib le . There may be a conf l i c t b e t w e e n the richness of the spec i f i c i t ies o r contextua l th ickness and the universal i ty that the desako ta hypo thes i s seeks in the As ian con tex t . But it is this ba lanc ing o r tug of war that is impor tan t and no t o n e b e t w e e n Eurocentr ic and Indocent r i c perspec t i ve . A n y emphas i s o n universal i ty o r t heo r i z i ng s h o u l d no t inhibit unders tand ing of the spec i f i cs . For instance the labour-capital conf l i c t is a reality in the po l i t i ca l e c o n o m y o f Kerala. A n y a t tempt to link this t o a m o d e of p r o d u c t i o n theor iza t ion s h o u l d no t inhibi t o u r unders tand ing o f the spec i f i cs of the labour-capital conf l i c t . This s tudy in examin ing desako t a in Kerala was also sensit ive t o the pecul iar i t ies o f t ime in the sense that in s eek ing to make desako ta inte l l ig ib le , it a t t empted t o relate it to h istor ica l spec i f ic i t ies , as it a t t e m p t e d to relate to loca l spécificités. A t the same t ime local spec i f i c i t ies , pe rspec t i ves and p e r c e p t i o n was seen to be integrat ive and no t separatist. As Edward Said observes in his fo rward t o Se l e c t ed Subaltern S tudies ed i t ed by G u h a and Spivak (1988) : For if suba l tern history is c o n s t r u e d to be on l y a separatist enterpr ise - m u c h as eariy femin is t wr i t ing was based o n the n o t i o n that w o m e n had a v o i c e o r r o o m of their o w n , ent irely separate f r om the mascu l ine d o m a i n - then it runs the risk of just be ing a mirror o p p o s i t e the wr i t ing w h o s e tyranny it d i sputes . It is also l ikely to be exclus iv ist , as l imi ted , prov inc ia l and d iscr iminatory in its suppress ions and repress ions as the master d i s coures of co lon i a l i sm and e l i t ism. In fact, as C u b a s h o w s , the subal tern alternative is an integrat ive k n o w l e d g e , for all the gaps, the lapses and ignorances of w h i c h it is so c o n s c i o u s , (p-viii) This s tudy may not qual ify fo r dwe l le r ' s p e r c e p t i o n , or a p e r c e p t i o n that is o rgan i c to the r eg ion . But it has sough t to use k n o w l e d g e that is b o t h local and external to ske t ch a reg iona l geog raphy of Kerala that seeks to make desako ta inte l l ig ib le . It seeks to be also integrat ive in ano the r sense, a m o d e s t effort t o fill in the gap b e t w e e n the s tud ies of urban izat ion of Kerala and its e c o n o m i c h istory ; b e t w e e n s tud ies of Kerala's space and pol i t i ca l e c o n o m y and to i n fo rm that geog raphy matters in unders tand ing Kerala. Acharya , Bal labh Prasad. [1987] : Kerala's e x p e r i e n c e w i th p lo t r econs t i tu t ion . U rban India V o l VIII N o 1, Jan-June 1988. pp74-117 . Agarwa l , Bina. [1988] : W h o sows ? W h o reaps ? W o m e n and land rights in India. The Journal of Peasant S tud ies , V o l 15 N o 4. Ag l ie t ta , M . [1979] : A Theo r y of Capi ta l is t Regu la t ion . L o n d o n : N e w Left Books . A l a m , S. M a n z o o r . and A l i khan , Fatima. [1987] : Perspect ives o n Urban iza t ion and M i g r a t i o n : India and USSR. N e w De lh i : A l l i ed Publ ishers . A l a m , S. M a n z o o r and Reddy , J. G e e t a Ram. [1987] : Process of U rban iza t ion and U rban System in India, in A l a m , S. M a n z o o r . and A l i khan , Fatima. [Ed] : Perspect ives o n Urban iza t ion and M i g r a t i o n : India and USSR. N e w De lh i : A l l i ed Publ ishers . pp19-80. A m i n , A s h [1989] : F lex ib le spec ia l i za t ion and smal l f irms in Italy: My ths and realities. A n t i p o d e V o l 21 N o 1. Arasaratnam, S. [1967] : D u t c h C o m m e r c i a l Po l i cy in C e y l o n and its effects o n the Indo-Cey lon Trade, 1690-1750. Indian E c o n o m i c a n d Socia l H is tory Review, V o l IV N o 2. June 1967. p p 109-130. Arasartanam, S. [1986] : Me r chan t s , C o m p a n i e s and C o m m e r c e o n the C o r o m a n d e l C o a s t , 1650-1740. N e w De lh i : O x f o r d Univers i ty Press. Arasartanam, S. [1989] : C o r o m a n d e l rev is i ted: p r o b l e m s and issues in Indian mar i t ime history. The Indian E c o n o m i c and Soc ia l H i s to ry Review. V o l 26. N o 1, p 101-110. A r m s t r o n g , Warw ick , and M c G e e , T .G . [1985] : Theatres of A c c u l u m a t i o n : Studies in As ian and Latin Amer i c an U rban i za t i on . L o n d o n : M e t h u e n . Baby, A .A . [1986] : T rends in Agr icu l tura l W a g e s in Kerala, 1960-1980. M.Ph i l D isser ta t ion , Jawaharial N e h r u Univers i ty , N e w De lh i . U n p u b l i s h e d . Bagch i , A m i y a Kumar. [1976] : De indus t r i a l i za t ion in India in the 19th century. S o m e theoret i ca l imp l i ca t ions . The Journal of D e v e l o p m e n t Studies. V o l 12 N o 2,p 129-164. Bardhan, Pranab. [1985] : Marx is t Ideas in D e v e l o p m e n t E c o n o m i c s : A Brief Evaluat ion. E c o n o m i c and Pol i t ica l Week l y , V o l XX N o 13, march 30 1985 . pp550-555 . Barnes, Trevor J. and Hayter , R o g e r [1992J : " The Little T o w n that d i d : " F l ex ib l e A c c u m u l a t i o n and C o m m u n i t y Response in C h e m a i n u s , British C o l u m b i a " F o r t h c o m i n g . Reg iona l Studies. Barrier, N .Gera ld . [1981] : I n t roduc t ion in N .Gera ld Barrier (Ed) The C e n s u s in India: N e w Perspect ives. N e w De lh i : M a n o h a r . pp v-xiv. Bassett. Ke i th , and Short . John , [1989] : D e v e l o p m e n t and Divers i ty in U rban G e o g r a p h y , in Derek G rego r y and Rex W a l f o r d (Eds) H o r i z o n s in H u m a n G e o g r a p h y . T o t o w a , N e w Jersey: Barnes and N o b l e Books . Bayly, C.A. [1983] : Ru l e r s ,Townsmen and Bazaars: N o r t h Indian Soc ie ty in the age of Bnt ish Expans ion, 1770 - 1870. C a m b r i d g e Univers i ty Press: C a m b r i d g e Univers i ty Press. Bayly, C.A. [1988] : Indian Soc ie t y and the mak ing of the British Empire. The N e w C a m b r i d g e History of India 11-1. C a m b r i d g e : C a m b r i d g e Univers i ty Press. Bayly, Susan. [1984] : H i n d u K ingsh ip and the O r i g i n of C o m m n i t y : Re l ig ion , State and Soc ie ty in Kerala, 1750-1850. M o d e r n As ian Studies. V o l 18 N o 2. pp 177-213. Bayly, Susan. [1989] : Saints, G o d d e s s e s and Kings: M u s l i m s and Chr ist ians in Sou th Indian Soc iety 1700-1900. C a m b r i d g e : C a m b r i d g e Univers i ty Press. Beck, B renda E. [1972] : Peasant Soc ie ty in K o n k u : A s tudy of the right and left h and subcastes in South India. Vancouve r : Univers i ty of British C o l u m b i a Press. Beev i , A. J .Emam. [1978] : Impact of M i n i m u m W a g e Legis la t ion o n C a s h e w Industry. M.Ph i l D isser tat ion. Jawaharial N e h r u Univers i ty . N e w De lh i . U n p u b l i s h e d . Berge l , Egon E. [1955] : U r b a n S o c i o l o g y . N e w York : M c G r a w - H i l l . Berry, Brian J.L. [1966] : Essays o n C o m m o d i t y F lows and Spatial Structures of the Indian E conomy . C h i c a g o : Univers i ty of C h i c a g o , D e p a r t m e n t of G e o g r a p h y Research Paper N o 111. Berry, Brian j .L. and S p o d e k , H o w a r d [1971] : Compara t i v e Eco log ies of Large Indian C i t i es . E c o n o m i c G e o g r a p h y V o l 47 N o 2, June 1971 . pp266-285 . Betei l le , And re . [1984] : Rev iew of Rona ld J .Her r ing , Land to the Til ler: The Pol i t ica l E c o n o m y of Agrar ian Re fo rm in Sou th As ia . The Indian E c o n o m i c and Socia l H i s to ry Review, V o l 21 N o 1, PP130-32. Be t te lhe im, Char ies . [1972] : Theore t i ca l C o m m e n t s in A. Emmanua l , U n e q u a l Exchange . N e w York: M o n t h l y Rev iew Press Bhadur i , Amit . [1983] : The E c o n o m i c Structure of Backward Agr i cu l tu re . L o n d o n : A c a d e m i c Press. Bhadur i , Amit . [1986a] : Fo r ced C o m m e r c e and Agrar ian G r o w t h W o r i d D e v e l o p m e n t , V o l 14 N o 2, feb 1986. p267-272. Bhadur i , Ami t . [1986b] : M a c r o e c o n o m i c s : The Dynamics of C o m m o d i t y P r o d u c t i o n . L o n d o n : M a c M i l l a n . Bhat, P .N,Mari , and Rajan, S.Irudaya. [1990] : D e m o g r a p h i c Transi t ion in Kerala Rev is ted. E c o n o m i c and Pol i t ica l Week l y , V o l XXV N o 35 & 36, September 1-8 1990. Bhattacharya, S. [1985] : O n the Issue of U n d e r e n u m e r a t i o n of W o m e n ' s W o r k in the Indian Data C o l l e c t i o n Sys tem in D.jain and N.Banerjee (Eds) Tyranny of the H o u s e h o l d . N e w De lh i : Shakti Books , Vikas Pub l i sh ing H o u s e . Bhooshan , B.S. and M is ra , R.P.[1979] : Habitat As ia : Issues and Responses . V o l 1: India. N e w De lh i : C o n c e p t Pub l i sh ing C o m p a n y . Bose , A s h i s h . [1967] : Patterns of Popu l a t i on C h a n g e in India, 1951-1961. Ca l cu t t a : A l l i ed Publ ishers . Bose , Ash i sh . [1970] : U rban i za t i on in India: A n Inventory of Source Mater ia ls . B o m b a y , N e w D e l h i : A c a d e m i c Books . Bose , Ash i sh . [1973] : S tudies in India's U rban iza t i on , 1901-1971. Bombay , N e w De lh i : Tata M c G r a w - H i l l Pub l i sh ing C o Ltd . Bose , Ash i sh . [1975] : U rban iza t i on in India: A D e m o g r a p h i c Perspect ive , in S idney G o l d s t e i n and Dav id F. Sly (Eds) Patterns of U rban iza t i on : Compara t i v e C o u n t r y S tudies . Do lha in , B e l g i um : O r d i n a Edi t ions. Bose , Ash i sh . [1981] : D e m o g r a p h i c t rends : The C e n s u s of 1981 . Urban India V o l I N o 1, p 3-8-Bosrup , Esther. [1965] : C o n d i t i o n s of Agr icu l tura l G r o w t h : The Foundat ions of Agrar ian C h a n g e U n d e r Popu l a t i on C h a n g e . L o n d o n : G e o r g e A l l en and U n w i n . Braudel Fernand [1984] : The Perspect ive of the W o r i d . C iv i l i za t ion and Cap i t a l i sm 15th to 18th Cen tu ry . V o l u m e ML French Pub l i ca t ion 1979. English Ed i t ion 1984 , translated by Sian Reyno lds . N e w York : Harper and R o w Publ ishers. Braverman, H. [1974] : Labour and M o n o p o l y Cap i ta l : The Degrada t i on of W o r k in the Twen t i e th Cen tu ry . N e w York : M o n t h l y Rev iew Press. B rown , Lesl ie. [1981] : Three W o r i d s : O n e W o r d . L o n d o n : Rex Co l l i ngs Bray, F rancesca [1986] : The Rice E c o n o m i e s : T e c h n o l o g y and D e v e l o p m e n t in As ian Soc iet ies . O x f o r d : Basil B lackwel l . Br istow, Sir Robert . [1959] : C o c h i n Saga. L o n d o n Casse l l . Buch , M . N . [1983] : Emerg ing Reg iona l Patterns. U rban India V o l 3 N o 1, M a r c h 1983 . pp 3-27 Butt imer, A n n e [1983] : The pract ice of geography . L o n d o n and N e w York : L o n g m a n . Cas inader , Rex., Fe rnando , S., and C a m a g e , Karuna. , [1987] : W o m e n ' s Issues and M e n ' s ro les : Sri Lankan Vi l lage Exper ience in Janet H . M o m s e n and Janet T o w n s e n d (Eds) G e o g r a p h y and G e n d e r in the Th i rd W o d d . L o n d o n : H u t c h i n s o n Caste l ls , M . [1976] : Theory and Ideo logy in U rban Soc io logy , in C .P i ckvance (Ed) U rban Soc i o l ogy : Cr i t ica l Essays. L o n d o n : Tavistock. Castel ls , M . ; C o h , L.; and Kwok , Ry-W. [1990] : The Shek Kip M e i S y n d r o m e : E c o n o m i c D e v e l o p m e n t and Publ ic H o u s i n g in H o n g K o n g and S ingapore . L o n d o n : P i on L imi ted . Census of C o c h i n 1875 : Report o n the C e n s u s of Nat ive C o c h i n . 1891 : Report o n the C e n s u s of C o c h i n . Parts I & II. C e n s u s of India 1891 V o l XIII. Madras 1901 V o l XV. Madras . Parts I & II. V o l XX. C o c h i n . Parts I & II. V o l XXVI. Travancore . Parts 1 & II. 1911 V o l XII. Madras . Parts I & II. V o l XVIII. C o c h i n . Parts I & II. V o l XXIII. Travancore . Parts I & II. 1921 V o l XIII. Madras . Parts I & II. V o l XIX. C o c h i n . Parts 1 & II. V o l XXV. Travancore . Parts I & II. 1931 V o l XIV. Madras . Parts I & II. V o l XXI. C o c h i n . Parts I & II. V o l XXVIII. Travancore Parts 1 & II. 1941 V o l XIX. C o c h i n . Parts 1 & II. V o l XXV. Travancore . Parts I, II & III 1951 V o l I. India. Part ll-A. D e m o g r a p h i c Tables V o l III. Madras and C o o r g . Parts I & II. V o l X l l l . T r a vanco re-Coch in . Parts I & II. C e n s u s H a n d b o o k . Ma laba r Dis tnct . 1961 V o l VII. Kerala. Part I A.[ i ] . Gene ra l Report . V o l VII. Kerala. Part II A. Genera l Popu l a t i on Tables . V o l VII. Kerala. Part II B. (i) E c o n o m i c Tables. V o l VII. Kerala. Part VIl-A Se l ec ted Crafts of Kerala 1971 Series 1 India. Part II A (i) Gene ra l Popu l a t i on Tables Senes 9 Kerala. Part II A. Genera l Popu l a t i on Tables. Series 9 Kerala. Part II B. (i) E c o n o m i c Tables. 1981 Senes 1 India. Part II A (i) Genera l Popu l a t i on Tables Series 10 Kerala. Part II A . Genera l Popu l a t i on Tables Series 10 Kerala. Part II B. Primary C e n s u s Abst rac t . Series 10 Kerala. Part III. E c o n o m i c Tables. Series 10 Kerala. Paper 5. Final Totals of W o r k e r s and Non-worke rs . Census of the Madras Pres idency . 1871 : Repor t of the C e n s u s . V o l s I & II. 1881 : Report of the C e n s u s . Vo l s I to V. Census of Travancore 1875 : Report of the C e n s u s of Travancore. 1881 : Report of the C e n s u s of Travancore. 1891 : Report of the C e n s u s of Travancore . V o l s I & Ii. Chakrabor ty , Satyesh C . [1987] : U rban iza t ion and its Regiona l O n e n t a t i o n in India, in A l am , S. M a n z o o r . and A l i khan , Fatima. [1987] : Perspect ives o n U rban i za t i on and M i g r a t i o n : India and USSR. N e w De lh i : A l l i ed Publ ishers. pp105-144. Chakrabor ty , Satyesh C. [1991] : Ex tended M e t r o p o l i t a n Areas : A Key to U n d e r s t a n d i n g Urban Processes in India, in N o r t o n G i n s b u r g , Bruce K o p p e l and T . G . M c G e e (Eds) The Ex t ended M e t r o p o l i s : Se t t l ement Transi t ion in As ia . H o n o l u l u : Un ivers i ty of Hawai i Press, p p 299-325. Champaka l a shm i , R. [1987] : U rban i za t i on in Sou th India: Ro le of I deo logy and Polity. Social Scient ist , V o l 15 N o 8-9, Aug-Sept 1987. pp 67-117. Chandra , Satish.[Ed] [1987] : The Indian O c e a n : Explorat ions in H is tory , C o m m e r c e and Pol i t ics . N e w De lh i : Sage Publ ica t ions . Chatter jee , S.P. [1963] : Fifty Years of Sc ience in India: Progress of G e o g r a p h y . Ca l cu t ta : Indian Sc i ence Assoc i a t i on . Chat ter jee , Margare t [1968] : The Town-Vi l lage d i c h o t o m y in India. M a n in India, V o l 48 N o 3, luly-Sept 1968. p p l 93-200. Cha t topadhyay , Sr ikumar. [1985] : De fo res ta t ion in parts of W e s t e r n Cha ts Reg ion (Kerala), India. Journal of Env i ronmenta l M a n a g e m e n t 20, p219-230. Cha t topadhyay , Snkumar . [19881 : U rban iza t ion in Kerala. Geog raph i c a l Rev iew of India, V o l 50 N o 2, June 1988. pp 8-25. C h a u d h u r i , K .N. [1978J : S o m e Ref lect ions o n the T o w n and C o u n t r y in M u g h a l India. M o d e r n As ian S tudies , V o l 12 N o 1, pp . 77-96. C h a u d h u n , K .N. [1985] : Trade and C iv i l i za t ion in the Indian O c e a n . C a m b r i d g e : C a m b r i d g e Univaers i ty Press. Chayanov , A .V . [1966] : The theo ry of peasant e c o n o m y . I l inois: H o m e w o o d . C h o u d h a r y , Kameshwar . [1990] : Gramsc i ' s Intellectuals and Peop le ' s Sc i ence M o v e m e n t . E c o n o m i c and Pol i t ical W e e k l y , V o l XXV N o 14, Apr i l 7 1990. pp743-744 . C h u n g a r a , D o m i t i l a Barrios de , w i th M o e m a V iezze r . [1978] : Let M e Speak: T e s t i m o n y of Domi t i l a , a w o m a n of the Bol iv ian M ines . Translated by V i c to r i a O r t i z . L o n d o n : M o n t h l y Rev iew Press & Stage 1 C larke [1915] : In Kerala: A Reco rd of a Tour of South India w i th their H ighness the Maharajah and Maharan i of Gaekwar . June-July 1915. Publ isher no t g iven . C o m m a n d e r , S i m o n . [1985] : Proto-industr ia l isat ion as a barrier to industr ia l isat ion ? : Case of N o r t h Indian Sugar industry , 1850-1980. E c o n o m i c and Pol i t ical W e e k l y V o l XX N o 12, M a r c h 23 1985. C o n z e n , M i c h a e l P. Ed i ted. [1986] : W o r i d patterns of m o d e r n urban change . C h i c a g o : The Univers i ty of C h i c a g o , Depa r tmen t of G e o g r a p h y Research Paper N o 217-218. C o s t a , Frank J., Dut t , A s h o k K., M a , Laurence J .C., and N o b l e , A l l en C , [1988] As ian U rban i za t i on : P rob l ems and Processes . Beriin and Stuttgart: C e b r u d e r Bornt raeger . C o s t a , Frank )., Dutt , A s h o k K., M a , Laurence J .C. , and N o b l e , A l l en C , [1989] : U rban iza t ion in As ia . H o n o l u l u : Univers i ty of Hawai i Press. C o t t a m , C h n s t i n e . [1980] : C i ty , T o w n and V i l lage : The C o n t i n u u m Recons i de r ed in Kenneth Bal lhatchet and John Har r i son (Eds) The C i t y in Sou th As ia . L o n d o n : C u r z o n C o t t o n , C .W.E . [1927] : Kerala. Journal of the Madras CeoR raph i c a l A s soc i a t i on . V o l 2 N o 3. C r o o k , N ige l and D y s o n , T im. [1982] : U rban iza t i on in India: Results of the 1981 Census . Popu l a t i on and D e v e l o p m e n t Review, V o l 8 N o 1, M a r c h 1982 , p p 145-155. Cu r t i n , Phi l ip D. [1984] : Cross-Cu l tura l Trade in W o d d History . C a m b r i d g e : C a m b r i d g e Univers i ty Press. Da le , S t ephen F. [1980] : Islamic Soc ie ty o n the Sou th As ian Front ier : The Map i l as of Malabar . O x f o r d : C l a r e n d o n Press. Dann , R. [1932] : The U rban G e o g r a p h y of Ma labar . The Journal of the Madras Geog raph i ca l A s soc i a t i on . V o l VI N o s 3 & 4, O c t 1931-]an 1932 , p p 163-170 Das G u p t a , A s h i n . [1967] : Ma labar in As ian Trade. 1740-1800. C a m b r i d g e : C a m b r i d g e Univers i ty Press Das G u p t a , A s h i n . and Pearson , M . N . [1987] : India and the Indian O c e a n 1500-1800. Ca lcut ta : O x f o r d Univers i ty Press. Davies C . C o l l i n . [1959] : A n H is tor ica l Atlas of the Indian Pen insu la . L o n d o n : O x f o r d Univers i ty Press. Dee re , C a r m e n D iana [1976] : Rural W o m e n ' s Subs i s tence P r o d u c t i o n in the Capita l is t Per iphery. The Rev iew of Radical Pol i t ica l E c o n o m i c s , V o l 8 N o 1, Spr ing 1976. pp9-17. D e l o c h e , Jean. [1983] : G e o g r a p h i c a l cons ide ra t ions in the loca l i za t ion of anc ient seaports of India. Indian E c o n o m i c and Socia l H is tory Review. V o l 20. N o 4. p439-448. Dharmasena , K. [1980] : The Port of C o l o m b o , 1860-1939. C o l o m b o : M ins t r y of H ighe r Educa t ion . Dharmasena , K. [1989] : C o l o m b o : Ga teway and O c e a n i c H u b of Sh i pp ing , in Frank B roeze (Ed) Br ides of the Sea: Port C i t ies of As i a f r o m the 16th-20th Cen tu r i e s . Kens i ng ton N S W , Austral ia: N e w Sou th Wa les Univers i ty Press. D o d g s h o n , Rober t A. [1987] : The European Past: Soc ia l Evo lu t ion and Spatial O r d e r . L o n d o n : M a c M i l l a n . D u n c a n , James S. and D u n c a n , N a n c y G. [1976a] : Soc ia l W o r i d s , Status Passage,and Env i ronmenta l Perspect ives , in G . T . M o o r e and R . C . G o l l e d g e (Eds) Env i ronmenta l K n o w i n g : Theor ies , Research and M e t h o d s . S t roudsburg , Pennsy lvania : H u t c h i n s o n and Ross. p p 2 0 6 - 2 1 3 . D u n c a n , James S. and D u n c a n , Nancy G. [1976b l : H o u s i n g as P resenta t ion of Self and the Structure of Soc ia l N e t w o r k s , in G . T . M o o r e and R .C .Go l l edge (Eds) Env i ronmenta l K n o w l e d g e . S t roudsbu rg , Pennsylvania : H u t c h i n s o n and Ross. pp247-253 . El lefsen, Richard A. [1962] : C i ty-Hinter land Re la t ionships in India, in Roy Turn ar, Ed i ted, India's U rban Future. Berke ley and Los Ange l e s : Univers i ty of Ca l i fo rn ia Press, p p 94-116. Eapen, M n d u l . [1984] : Structure of M a n u f a c t u n n g W o r k fo rce : A Prel iminary Analysis of Emerg ing Tendenc i e s , E c o n o m i c and Pol i t ica l Week l y , V o l XIX N o s 31,32 & 3 3 , A u g u s t 1984. PP1454-1456. Fisher, C h a d e s A. [1965] : South-East Asia : A Soc ia l , E c o n o m i c and Pol it ical G e o g r a p h y . L o n d o n : M e t h u e n & C o . S e c o n d Edi t ion. Fotherg i l l , S., K i t son , M . and M o n k , S. [1985] : U rban Industrial C h a n g e . Inner C i t ies Research P rog ramme 11. L o n d o n : H M S O . Fox, Richard G . (Ed) [1970a] : U rban India: Soc iety , Space and Image. D u k e Univers i ty P rog ram in Compa ra t i v e Studies o n Southern As ia . M o n o g r a p h and O c c a s i o n a l Papers Series. M o n o g r a p h N o 10. Fox, R ichard G . [1970b] : Rajput C lans and Rurban Se t t lements in No r the rn India in Richard C . F o x (Ed) U rban India: Soc iety , Space and Image. D u k e Univers i ty Program in Compa ra t i v e Studies o n Southern Asia. M o n o g r a p h and O c c a s i o n a l Papers Series. M o n o g r a p h 10. F robe l , Folker, . He in r i chs , ju rgen . , and Kreye, O t t o . [1980] : The N e w International D i v i s ion of Labour : Structural U n e m p l o y m e n t in Industr ia l ized Coun t r i e s and Industr ia l izat ion in D e v e l o p i n g C o u n t r i e s . Translated by Peter Burgess. C a m b r i d g e : C a m b r i d g e Univers i ty Press. Fuller, [1976] : The Nayars Today : C h a n g i n g Cu l tu res . C a m b r i d g e : C a m b r i d g e Univers i ty Press. Ga lp in , C h a d e s jos iah . [1922] : Rural Life. N e w York: The C e n t u r y C o . Gee r tz , C l i f f o rd . [1980] Negara : Theatre State in N ine teen th-Cen tu ry Bali. P r ince ton : Pr ince Univers i ty Press. G e o r g e , Shanti . [1984] : D i f fus ing A n a n d : Impl icat ions of Establ ishing a Dairy Co-opera t i ve in a Vi l lage in Cent ra l Kerala. Economic and Political Weekly, Vol XIX Nos 52 & 53, December 22-29 1984. pp 2161-2170. G e o r g e , K.C. [1975] : Immorta l Punnapra-Vayalar. N e w De lh i : C o m m u n i s t Party Pub l i ca t ions . G i n s b u r g , N o r t o n . [1991] : The Ex tended M e t r o p o l i t a n Reg ions in As ia : A N e w Spatial Parad igm, in N o r t o n G i n s b u r g , Bruce K o p p e l and T . G . M c G e e (Eds) The Ex tended M e t r o p o l i s : Se t t l ement Transi t ion in As ia . H o n o l u l u : Univers i ty of Hawai i Press. G o o n e t i l e k e , Susantha. [1978] : O u t s i d e r Bias and Ethnocentr ic i ty : The Case of Gunna r M y r d a l . Soc i o l og i c a l Bul let in, V o l 27 NO 1, M a r c h 1978. G o p i n a t h , R. [1987] : Aspec t s of D e m o g r a p h i c C h a n g e and the Ma labar Agrar ian E c o n o m y , 1871-1921. E c o n o m i c and Pol it ical Week l y , V o l XXII N o 5, januan/ 31 1987. pp_ PE30-PE36. G o t t m a n , jean. [1961] : M e g a l o p o l i s : The U rban i zed Nor theas te rn Seaboard of the U n i t e d States, N e w York: The Twent i e th Cen tu ry Fund . C o u g h , Kath leen . [1959] : Nayars and the de f in i t i on of marr iage, journa l o f the Royal A n t h r o p o l o g i c a l Institute. V o l 89 N o ? p23-34. C o u g h , Kath leen . [1961] : Nayar: Cen t ra l Kerala. Nayar: N o r t h Kerala. Tiyyar: N o r t h Kerala. M a p p i l a : N o r t h Kerala. In Ma tn l inea l K insh ip (Eds) D .M . S chne ide r and K a t h l e e n . C o u g h . Berkley: Univers i ty of Ca l i fo rn ia Press. C o u g h , Kath leen , [1965] : A N o t e o n Nayar Ma rnage . M a n , V o l 65 , pp 8-11 C o u g h , Ka th leen , [1968] : Literacy in Kerala in Jack G o o d y (Ed) Literacy in Tradi t ional Soc iet ies . C a m b r i d g e : C a m b r i d g e Univers i ty Press. C o u g h , Kath leen . [1981] : Rural Soc ie ty in Southeas t India. C a m b r i d g e : C a m b r i d g e Univers i ty Press. G o v e r n m e n t of India. [1969] : Reg iona l Transpor t of Survey of Kerala. N e w De lh i : Nat iona l C o u n c i l of A p p l i e d E c o n o m i c Research. G o v e r n m e n t of India. [1974] : C e n s u s of India. Indian C e n s u s Cen tena r y At las. B.K.Roy and A . C h a n d r a Sekhar. (Eds) N e w De lh i : M in i s t r y of H o m e Affairs. G o v e r n m e n t of India. [1976] : Indian Agr i cu l tu re in Brief. N e w De lh i : D i rec tora te of E conomi c s and Statistics, M ins t ry of Agr i cu l tu re and Irr igation. G o v e r n m e n t of India. [1978] : M o n u m e n t s of Kerala by H.Sarkar. N e w De lh i : D i rec to r Genera l , A r chaeo log i c a l Survey of India. G o v e r n m e n t of India [1981] : Report o n W o r k i n g and Living C o n d i t i o n s of W o r k e r s in Beed i Industry. N e w De lh i : Labour Bureau , M ins t r y of Labour E m p l o y m e n t and Rehabi l i tat ion G o v e r n m e n t of India. [1982] : Statistical Abst rac t : India 1982. N e w Series N o 26. N e w De lh i : M ins t ry of P lann ing, Depa r tmen t of Statistics. G o v e r n m e n t of India. [1983] : Task Force o n H o u s i n g and U rban D e v e l o p m e n t . V o l I: P lanning of U rban D e v e l o p m e n t N e w De lh i : P l ann ing C o m m i s s i o n , G o v e r n m e n t of India. G o v e r n m e n t of India. [1984] : Soc ia l and E c o n o m i c At las of Kerala. T r i vandrum: C e n t r e for Earth Sc iences . G o v e r n m e n t of India. [1987] : Statistical Abst rac ts : India 1986. N e w De lh i : D e p a r t m e n t of Statistics, M ins t ry of P lanning. G o v e r n m e n t of Indones ia [1986] : A n Of f i c ia l H a n d b o o k . Jakarata: G o v e r n m e n t of Indones ia . G o v e r n m e n t of Kerala [1960] : Report of the E c o n o m i c and Statistical Survey of C o i r Industry. Ernakulam: C o i r Board . G o v e r n m e n t of Kerala [1962] : Repor t o n the Annua l Survey of Industries. Kerala - 1962. Tr i vandrum: Bureau of E c o n o m i c s and Statistics. G o v e r n m e n t of Kerala [1973] : Report of the Study G r o u p o n M e c h a n i z a t i o n in C o i r Industry in Kerala. Tr ivandrum: State P lann ing Board . G o v e m m e n t of Kerala [1975] : Repor t o n the Annua l Survey of Industries. Kerala - 1971 . T r i vandrum: Bureau of E c o n o m i c s and Statistics. G o v e r n m e n t of Kerala [1978] : Kerala in M a p s . T r i vandrum: Bureau of E c o n o m i c s and Statistics. G o v e r n m e n t of Kerala [1980a] : Land Resources and Land Use in Kerala. Kerala Land Use Series N o 7. T r i vandrum: State Land U s e Boa rd . G o v e r n m e n t of Kerala [1980b] : Statistics for P lann ing 1980. Tr i vandrum: D i rec tora te of E c o n o m i c s and Statistics. G o v e r n m e n t of Kerala [1981] : Report o n Survey of C o i r Wo rke r s . T r i vandrum: D e p a r t m e n t of E c o n o m i c s and Statistics. G o v e r n m e n t of Kerala [1984] : Repor t of the H i g h Level C o m m i t t e e o n Physical Infrastructure and Transport . T r i vandrum: State P lanning Board G o v e r n m e n t of Kerala [1985] ; State I n come and Related Aggrega tes of Kerala, 1983-84. T r i vandrum: Depa r tmen t of E c o n o m i c s and Statistics G o v e r n m e n t of Kerala [1986] : Annua l Survey of Industr ies 1979-80: Kerala State. T r i vandrum: Dep t of E conomi c s and Statistics. G o v e r n m e n t of Kerala [1987] : Kerala E c o n o m y 1987. Tr i vandrum: Depa r tmen t of E c o n o m i c s and Statistics. G o v e r n m e n t of Madras [1947] : Report of the C o u r t of Enquiry in to Labour C o n d i t i o n s in Beed i , C igar , Snuff, T o b a c c o C u r i n g and Tann ing Industries. Madras : G o v e r n m e n t Press G o v e r n m e n t of Sri Lanka [1983] : Statistical Pocke t Book . C o l o m b o : D e p t of C e n s u s and Statistics. G o v e r n m e n t of Taiwan [1984] : Statistical Y e r a b o o k . Ta ipe i : G o v e r n m e n t of Ta iwan. G o v e r n m e n t of T ravancore-Coch in [1953] : Report of the Board of Conc i l i a t i on of Trade D isputes in the Mats and M a t t i n g Industry. T r i vandrum: G o v e r n m e n t Press. G o v i n d a n , K.C. [1986] : M e m o i r s of an Early Trade Un ion i s t . A .D .Nee l akan t an E n d o w m e n t Study 1985. Tr i vandrum: Cen t r e fo r D e v e l o p m e n t Studies. G ramsc i , A n t o n i o . [1983] : Se lec t ions f r o m the Pr ison N o t e b o o k s of A n t o n i o G ramsc i . Edited by Q u i n t i n Hoare and C e o f r e y N o w e l l Smi th . N e w York : Internat ional Publ ishers . G regory , Derek . [1989] : Area l D i f fe rent ia t ion and P o s t - M o d e r n H u m a n G e o g r a p h y , in Derek G rego ry and Rex W a l f o r d (Eds) H o r i z o n s in H u m a n G e o g r a p h y . T o t o w a , N e w Jersey: Barnes & N o b l e Books . G regory , Derek , and W a l f o r d , Rex. (Eds) [1989] : H o r i z o n s in H u m a n G e o g r a p h y . T o t o w a , N e w Jersey: Barnes & N o b l e Books . C u b a , A m a l e n d u [1988] : India and Indian O c e a n Trade: Rev iew of India and the Indian O c e a n 1500-1800. Edi ted A s h i n Das G u p t a and M . N . P e a r s o n . Ca l cu t ta : O x f o r d Univers i ty Press. E c o n o m i c and Pol i t ical Week l y , V o l XXIII N o 37, S e p t e m b e r 10 1988. C u h a , Ranajit. and Spivak, Caya tn Chak ravody . [1988] Se l ec ted Subaltern Studies. Forward by Edward W.Sa id . N e w Yo rk and L o n d o n : O x f o r d Univers i ty Press. Cu la t i , Leeia. [1975] : Female W o r k Part ic ipat ion: E c o n o m i c and Polit ical Week l y , January 1975. Cuna t i l l eke , God f rey . [1975] : A c a d e m i c Impena l i sm and A c a d e m i c Chauv in i sm: The T w o Sides of the C o i n . M a r g a Quar te r l y Journal , V o l 2 N o 4. G u p t a , Dipankar . [1988] : C o u n t r y - T o w n N e x u s and Agrar ian M o b i l i z a t i o n . E c o n o m i c and Pol i t ical Week l y , V o l XXIII V o l XXl l l N o 51 . D e c 17th 1988. pp2688-2696. Gurukka l , Rajan [1989] : Rev iew of K .K .N ,Kurup 'W i l l i am Logan : A Study in the Agrar ian Relat ions of Ma labar ' Ca l i cu t : Sandhya Pub l i ca t ions . Indian E c o n o m i c and Socia l H is tory Review. V o l 26 N o 4. pp 485-6. G u t k i n d , Peter C . W . [1981] : Rev iew of A . D . K i n g - C o l o n i a l u rban d e v e l o p m e n t : Cu l tu re , soc ia l p o w e r and env i ronmen t . L o n d o n : Rou t l edge and Kegan Paul, in International Journal of U rban and Reg iona l Research. V o l 5 N o 2, June 1981 . Hal l , Kenne th R. [1980] : Trade and Statecraft in the A g e of the Co las . N e w De lh i : Abh inav Publ ishers . Hanne rz , Ulf. [1980] : Exp lo r ing the Ci ty : Inquries toward an urban an th ropo logy . N e w York : C o l u m b i a Univers i ty Press. Harnetty , Peter. [1991] : 'De indus t r i a l i za t ion ' Rev is ted: The H a n d l o o m Weavers of the Cent ra l Prov inces of India, c. 1800 - 1947. M o d e r n As ian Studies , V o l 25 Part 3, July 1991 . Harvey, Dav id . [1985a] : The U rban iza t i on of Cap i ta l . Studies in the H is tory and Theory of Capita l ist U rban iza t i on . Ba l t imore: John H o p k i n s Univers i ty Press. Han/ey, Dav id . [1985b] : C o n s c i o u s n e s s and the U rban Exper ience . Studies in the H is tory and Theory of Capita l ist U rban i za t i on . Ba l t imore : John H o p k i n s Univers i ty Press. Harvey, Dav id . [1988] : The G e o g r a p h i c a l and G e o p o l i t i c a l c o n s e q u e n c e s of the Transi t ion f r o m Fordist to F lexible A c c u m u l a t i o n , in G e o r g e Sternl ieb and James W . H u g h e s (Eds) Amer i ca ' s N e w Marke t G e o g r a p h y . Rutgers: The State Univers i ty of N e w Jersey. Haynes , Doug las . [1986] : The dynamics of con t inu i t y in Indian d o m e s t i c industry: Jari manufacture in Surat, 1900-47. The Indian E c o n o m i c and Socia l H is tory Rev iew V o l 23 N o 2. Hayter , Roger , and Barnes, T revor ]. [1992] : " The Little T o w n that d i d : " F l ex ib l e A c c u m u l a t i o n and C o m m u n i t y Response in C h e m a i n u s , British C o l u m b i a " F o r t h c o m i n g . Reg iona l Studies. Hea ley , M i c h a e l J. and l lbery, Brian W . : Industr ia l izat ion of the Coun t r y s i de . N o r w i c h : C e o B o o k s . Regency H o u s e . H e i t z m a n , James. [1987] : T e m p l e U rban i sm in M e d i e v a l Sou th India. The Journal of As ian Studies, V o l 46 N o 4, N o v 1987, p p 791-826. Her r ing , Rona ld J. [1983] : Land to the Til ler: The Pol i t ical E c o n o m y of Agranan Reform in Sou th As ia . N e w Haven : Yale Univers i ty Press. H e s t e d o w , A . M . V . [1932] : Publ ic hea l th in Ma labar in re lat ion to env i ronmen t . The journa l of the Madras Geog raph i ca l A s s o c i a t i o n , V o l VI N o s 3 & 4, O c t 1931-)an 1932, pp179-183. H i l l , Pol ly [1986] : Kerala is di f ferent. M o d e r n As ian Studies. V o l 20. N o 4, p 779-792. H i l l , Rona ld D. [1983] : The H is to ry of Rice Cu l t i va t ion in Me l aka , in Sandhu , Kernial S ingh, and Wheat ley , Paul. Me l aka : The Trans format ion of a Ma lay capital c 1400 -1980. Kuala Lumpur : O x f o r d Univers i ty Press. H u g o , G r aeme J. [1978] : Popu l a t i on M o b i l t y in W e s t Java. Yogyakarta : Gad jah M a d a Univers i ty Press. Ibn Battuta [Tr 1929. Ed 1969] : Travels in As i a and Af r i ca , 1325-1354. Translated ( f rom Arab ic ) and se l ec ted by H.A.R. G i b b , 1929. N e w York : Augus tus M.Ke l ley . 1969 . Ibrahim, P. [1978] : The D e v e l o p m e n t of Transpor t Facilities in Kerala: A H is tor ica l Review. Soc ia l Scientist , V o l N o 8, M a r c h 1978 . pp34-48 . Irving, Rober t Grant. [1981] : Indian Summer : Lutyens, Baker and Imperial De lh i . N e w Haven and L o n d o n : Yale Univers i ty Press. ISTAT [Istituto Cent ra le di Statistica/Central Statistical Institute] [1988] : C o n o s c e r e I ' ltal iaVlntroducing Italy. Roma/Rome: 1988. Issac, T h o m a s . [1982] : Class Struggle and Structural C h a n g e s : C o i r Ma t and Ma t t i ng Industry in Kerala: 1950-1980. E c o n o m i c and Pol i t ica l Week l y , V o l XVII N o 31 , July 31 1982. p p PE13-PE29. Issac, Thomas . [1983a] : Class s t ruggle and transi t ion to speci f ica l ly capital ist fo rms of p r o d u c t i o n : S o m e c o n c l u s i o n s of a s tudy of the co i r industry in Kerala. Soc ia l Scient ist . V o l 11 N o 12, p 35-58. Issac, Thomas . [1983b] ; The Emergence of Radical W o r k i n g Class M o v e m e n t in A l l eppey . W o r k i n g Paper N o 175. T r i vandrum: C e n t r e for D e v e l o p m e n t Studies . Issac, Thomas . [1984] : Class s t ruggle and industr ia l s t ructure: A s tudy of the co i r weav ing industry in Kerala, 1859-1980. Ph .D Thesis Jawaharial N e h r u Univers i ty . N e w De lh i . (Unpub l i shed ) Issac, Thomas . [1985] : F rom caste c o n c i o u s n e s s to class consc i ousnes s : A l l e p p e y co i r wo rke r s du r ing the inter war p e r i o d . E c o n o m i c and Pol i t ical W e e k l y V o l XX N o 4, p PE5-PE18. Issac, Thomas . [1986] : A n i n t r o d u c t i o n t o the s tudy of agrarian re lat ions in Kerala, in G o l d e n Jubi lee Souven i r of the Kerala Karaka Samit iya. [Malayalam Text] . C o c h i n : Kerala Karaka Samitiya. Issac, Thomas . [No Date (n.d)] The Structure of the C o i r Yarn P rocess ing S e c t o r U n p u b l i s h e d . Issac, Thomas and Mukher jee , C h a n d a n . [1986] : A Rev iew of Estimates of P r o d u c t i o n and Emp loymen t in the C o i r Industry. T r i vandrum: C e n t r e for D e v e l o p m e n t Studies . Issac, T h o m a s M . and Tharakan, P .K .M ichae l . [1986a] : Sree Narayana M o v e m e n t in Travancore , 1888-1939: A S tudy of Socia l Basis and Ideo log ica l Rep roduc t i on . W o r k i n g Paper N o 214. T r i vandrum: C e n t r e for D e v e l o p m e n t Studies. Issac, T h o m a s M . and Tharakan, P .K .Michae l . [1986b] : A n enquiry into the h is tonca l roo ts of industr ia l backwardness of Kerala - A S tudy of Travancore Reg ion . W o r k i n g Paper N o 215. T r i vandrum: C e n t r e for D e v e l o p m e n t Studies . Jain, Devak i . and Banerjee, N i rma la (Eds) [1985] Tyranny of the H o u s e h o l d : Investigative Essays o n W o m e n s W o r k . N e w De lh i : Shakti Books . James, Rachel [1981] : Casua l W o r k e r s in the C a s h e w Industry: A Profi le. Interim Repor t N o 10, Indo-Dutch Kerala Research Project . A m s t e r d a m : Cent re for A n t h r o p o l o g i c a l and Soc i o l og i c a l S tud ies . Janaki, V. [1954] : Func t iona l C lass i f i ca t ion of U rban Set t lements in Kerala. Journal of M S Univers i ty of Baroda , V o l 13. pp 81-90. Janelle, D o n a l d C . [1968] : Cent ra l Place D e v e l o p m e n t in a Time-Space Framework . The Profess iona l G e o g r a p h e r , V o l 20 N o l , January 1968. pp5-10. Janelle, D o n a l d G > [1969] : Spatial O r g a n i z a t i o n : A M o d e l and C o n c e p t . A s soc i a t i on of Amer i c an G e o g r a p h e r s . Anna ls . V o l 59. 1969. pp348-364. Jeffrey, Rob in . [1974] : The Socia l O r i g i n s of a Cas te Assoc i a t i on , 1875-1905: The F o u n d i n g s of the S . N . D . P . Y o g a m . Sou th As ia : Journal of South As ian Studies, N o 4 O c t o b e r 1974. PP39-59. Jeffrey, Rob in . [1976a] : Temple-Entry M o v e m e n t in Travancore, 1860-1940. Soc ia l Sc ient ist , V o l 4 N o 8, M a r c h 1976. pp 3-27. Jeffrey, Rob in . [1976b] : The dec l i ne of Nayar d o m i n a n c e : Society and Pol i t ics inTrvancore , 1847-1908. L o n d o n : Sussex Univers i ty Press. Jeffrey, Rob in . [1978a] : Matr i l iny , M a r x i s m , and the Birth of the C o m m u n i s t Party of Kerala. Journal of As ian S tudies V o l XXXVIII N o 1. N o v e m b e r 1978. pp 77-98. Jeffrey, Rob in . [1978b] : Travancore : Status, C lass and the G r o w t h of Radical Pol i t ics, 1860-1940 , in Rob in Jeffrey (Ed) Peop l e , Pr inces and Paramount Power : Soc ie ty and Pol i t ics in the Indian Pr incely States. De l h i : O x f o r d Univers i ty Press, pp 136-169. Jeffrey, Rob in . [1981] : India's W o r k i n g Class Revolt : Punnapra-Vayalar and the C o m m u n i s t " C o n s p i r a c y " of 1946. The Indian E c o n o m i c and Socia l History Review, V o l XVIII N o 2, April-June 1981 . pp 97-122. Jeffrey, Rob in . [1984] : Des t r o y Cap i ta l i sm !': C r o w i n g Solidarity of A l l eppey ' s C o i r W o r k e r s . 1930-40. E c o n o m i c and Pol i t ica l W e e k l y , V o l XIX N o ?, July 21 1984. pp 1159-1164. Jeffrey, Rob in . [1987a] : Cu l tu re of Dai ly N e w s p a p e r s in India: H o w it's C r o w n , W h a t it M e a n s . E c o n o m i c and Pol i t ica l Week l y , V o l XXII N o 14, 1987 pp 607-611 Jeffrey, Rob in . [1987b] : G o v e r n m e n t s and Cu l tu re : H o w W o m e n M a d e Kerala Literate. Pacif ic Affairs, V o l 60 N o 3, Fall 1987. pp 447-472 Jones, Rona ld . [1975] : Essays o n W o r l d U rban iza t i on . L o n d o n : C .Ph i l l ip . Jose, A .V . [1985] : Rev iew of S.B.de Silva The Pol i t ical E c o n o m y of U n d e r d e v e l o p m e n t . L o n d o n : Rout lege and Kegan Paul , in Journal of C o n t e m p o r a r y As ia , V o l 15 N o 1 Joseph the Indian. [1507] The narratives of Joseph the Indian. Translated f r om Italian by A n t h o n y Val lavanthara, 1984. Kot tayam: Or ien ta l Institute for Re l ig ious Studies . Kannan, K.P. [1983] : Evo lu t ion of U n i o n i z a t i o n and C h a n g e s in Labour P rocesses unde r Lower Forms of Capita l is t P r o d u c t i o n : A Case S tudy of the C a s h e w Industry of Kerala, in A .N .Das et al (Eds) The W o r k e r and the W o r k i n g C lass : A Labour Studies A n t h o l o g y . N e w De lh i : Pub l i c Enterpr ise C e n t r e for C o n t i n u i n g Educa t ion . Kannan, K.P. [1988] : O f rural pro le tar ian st ruggles : M o b i l i z a t i o n and o rgan iza t ion of rural workers in south-west India. N e w De lh i : O x f o r d Univers i ty Press. Kannan, K.P. [1990] : Secu lar ism and Peop l e ' s Sc ience M o v e m e n t in India. E c o n o m i c a n d Pol i t ical Week l y , V o l XXV N o 6, February 10 1990. pp 311-313. Kannan, K.P. and Pushpangadan , K. [1988] : Agr icutura l S tagnat ion in Kerala: A n Exploratory Analysis. E c o n o m i c & Pol i t ica l W e e k l y , V o l XXIII N o 39 , Sep tember 24 1988 pp . A120-A 1 2 8 . Kannan, K.P. and Pushpangadan , K. [1989] : Agr icutura l S tagnat ion and Irrigation in Kerala. E c o n o m i c and Pol i t ical W e e k l y , V o l XXIV N o 19, M a y 13 1989. p p l 067-68. Kannan, K.P. and Pushpangadan , K. [1990] : D i s sec t ing agricultural s tagnat ion in Kerala: A n analysis across c rops , seasons and reg ions . E c o n o m i c and Pol i t ica l W e e k l y V o l XXV N o s 35 and 36. S e p t e m b e r 1-8, 1990. p p 1991-2004. Karunanayake, M . M . [1990] : C o l o m b o M e t r o p o l i t a n Reg ion : A S tudy of Emerg ing Urban-Regiona l L inkages. Reg iona l D e v e l o p m e n t D i a l ogue , V o l 11 N o 2, S u m m e r 1990. p p 117-159. K D B W C C S . [1968] : A n n u a l Report , Kerala D i n e s h Beed i Wo rke r s Cent ra l Co-opera t i ve Soc iety . C a n n a n o r e K D B W C C S . [1980/81] : Annua l Report , Kerala D inesh Beed i W o r k e r s Cent ra l Co-opera t i ve Society . C a n n a n o r e K D B W C C S . [1984/85] : Annua l Repor t , Kerala D inesh Beed i W o r k e r s Cent ra l Co-opera t i ve Society . Cannano re Ke lman, Janet Han/ey. [1923] : Labour in India: A Study of the C o n d i t i o n s of Indian W o m e n in M o d e r n Industry. L o n d o n : C e o r g e A l l en & U n w i n Ltd. K ing, A n t h o n y D. [1976] : C o l o n i a l u rban d e v e l o p m e n t : Cu l tu re , soc ia l p o w e r and env i ronment . L o n d o n : Rou t l edge and Paul. K ing, A n t h o n y D. [1984] : The Bunga low . L o n d o n : Rou t l edge & Kegan Paul. K o o i m a n , D ick . [1984] : The G o s p e l of C o f f e e : M i s s i o n , Educat ion and E m p l o y m e n t in 19th C e n t u r y Travancore . E c o n o m i c and Pol i t ical Week l y . V o l XIX N o 35, Sept 1, 1984. pp 1535-1544. K o p p e l , Bruce. [1991] : The Rural-Urban D i c h o t o m y Reexamined : B e y o n d the Erasatz Deba te , in N .G in sbu rg , B .Koppe l and T .G .M .McGee . [ Eds ] The Ex tended M e t r o p o l i s in Asia. H o n o l u l u : Univers i ty of Hawai i Press, pp 47-70. Ko than , Rajni. [1970?] : Pol i t ics in India. N e w De lh i ?: O r i en t L o n g m a n Ltd. Kned te , Peter., M e d i c k , Hans. , S c h l u m b o h m , ju rgen . [1981] : Industna l izat ion be fo re Industna l izat ion : Rural Industry in the Genes is of Cap i ta l i sm. Trans lated f r om Ge rman by Beate S c h e m p p . C a m b r i d g e : C a m b r i d g e Univers i ty Press. Kr ishnamurty , j . [1985] : The Invest igator, the Responden t and the Survey: The P r o b l e m of Ge t t i ng G o o d Da ta o n W o m e n , in D.Jain and N.Banerjee (Eds) Tyranny of the H o u s e h o l d . N e w De lh i ? Kr ishnan, T . N . [1976] : D e m o g r a p h i c Trans i t ion in Kerala: Facts and Figures. E c o n o m i c and Pol i t ical W e e k l y , V o l XI N o s 31 to 33 , (Special Number ) A u g u s t 1976. pp 1203-1234. Krishnaraj, Ma i th rey i [1990] : W o m e n ' s W o r k in Indian Census : Beg inn ings of C h a n g e . E c o n o m i c and Pol i t ical W e e k l y , V o l XXV N o s 48 & 49, D e c e m b e r 1-8 1990. P2_ 2663-2671. Kumar , V An i l . [1990] : Industr ia l izat ion of Kerala E c o n o m i c and Pol i t ica l Week l y . V o l XXV N o s 7 & 8. February 17-24 1990. K u n d u , A m i t a b h . [1987] : U rban iza t i on a n d organ iza t ion of space: The t rends in the Indian e c o n o m y and their imp l i ca t ions fo r p l ann ing , in A l am , S. M a n z o o r . and A l i khan , Fatima. [1987] : Perspect ives o n U rban i za t i on and M ig ra t i on : India and USSR. N e w De lh i : A l l i ed Publ ishers . pp145-184 . K u n d u , A m i t a b h and Sharma, R.K. [1983] : Industr ia lzat ion, U rban iza t ion and E c o n o m i c D e v e l o p m e n t . U rban India V o l 3 N o 1, M a r c h 1983. pp 52-59. Kur ien , C.T. and James, Josef. [1979] : E c o n o m i c C h a n g e in Tami lnadu . N e w De lh i : A l l i ed Publ ishers . Kur iyan, G e o r g e . [1938] : Popu l a t i on and its d is t r ibut ion in Kerala. Journal of the Madras G e o g r a p h i c a l A s soc i a t i on . V o l 13-14, P125-146. Kur iyan, G e o r g e . [1942] : S o m e A s p e c t s of the Regiona l G e o g r a p h y of Kerala. Indian Geog raph i c a l Journal (Madras) , V o l 17 N o 1. Kurup , K .K .N. [1981] : W i l l i am Logan : A S tudy in the Agrar ian Relat ions of Malabar . Ca l i cut : Sandhya Pub l i ca t ions . Laclau, Ernesto[1971] ; Feuda l i sm and Cap i t a l i sm in Latin Amer i ca . N e w Left Rev iew N o 17, May-June, pp 19-37. Lang, Ma r ve l . [1986] : Rede f in ing urban and rural for the U.S. census of p o p u l a t i o n : Assess ing the n e e d and alternative app roaches . U rban Geography . V o l 7. N o 2, pp 118-134. Lardinois, Ro land. Famine, Ep idemics and Mor ta l i t y in Sou th India: A Reappraisal of the D e m o g r a p h i c Cr is is of 1876-1878. E c o n o m i c and Pol i t ical Week l y , V o l XX N o 11, M a r c h 16 1985 . pp454-465 Lewandowsk i , Susan. [1980] : M i g r a t i o n and Ethnicity in U r b a n India: Kerala M ig ran ts inthe C i ty of Madras . 1870-1970. N e w De lh i : M a n o h a r Pub l i ca t ions . L ip ton , M i c h a e l . [1977] : W h y P o o Peop l e Stay Poor : A s tudy of urban bias in w o d d d e v e l o p m e n t . L o n d o n : T e m p l e Smi th . L ipietz, A. [1987] : M i rages and M i rac les . L o n d o n : Ve r so . Logan, W i l l i am. [1887] : Malabar . V o l u m e s I & II. Madras : G o v e r n m e n t of Madras . Repnn ted 1951 . T r i vandrm: Char i th ram Printers. Repnn ted 1981 . Ludden , Dav id . [1985] : Peasant H is tory in South India. P n n c e t o n : P n n c e t o n Univers i ty Press. M a d a n , C.R. [1971] : Soc ia l C h a n g e and P rob lems of D e v e l o p m e n t in India. Ca l cu t ta : A l l i ed Publ ishers. Mahadevan , Raman [1988] : S o m e A s p e c t s of the Pattern of Industrial Investment and Ent reprenuersh ip in Travancore du r ing the 1930s and 1940s. Paper p r e sen ted at the Seminar o n ' Sou th Indian E c o n o m y , c 1914-1945, ' Apr i l 25-27 1988. C e n t r e for D e v e l o p m e n t Studies Marx , Kari. [1859] : A C o n t r i b u t i o n to the Cr i t ique of Pol i t ica l E c o n o m y . Translated by S.W.Ryazanskaya. Ed i ted by Mau r i c e D o b b . N e w York : International Publ ishers . 1970. Marx , Kari. [1867] : Cap i t a l : A C r i t i que of Pol i t ical E c o n o m y . V o l 1 : The Process of Capita l is t P r o d u c t i o n . V o l 11 : The Process of C i r cu la t ion of Cap i ta l . Translated f r o m the Th i rd G e r m a n Edi t ion by Samue l M o o r e and Edward Ave l i ng . Edi ted by Freder ick Engels. N e w York : Internat ional Publ ishers . 1967. Massey , D o r e e n . [1984] : Spatial D iv i s ions of Labour : Soc ia l Structures and the G e o g r a p h y of P roduc t i on . L o n d o n : M a c M i l l a n Massey , D o r e e n . and M e e g a n , R ichard [1989] : Spatial D iv i s ions of Labour in Britain, in Derek G rego ry and Rex W a l f o r d (Eds) H o r i z o n s in H u m a n G e o g r a p h y . T o t o w a , N e w Jersey, Barnes and N o b l e Books , p p 244-257. Ma thew , Sebast ian. [1986] : G r o w t h and C h a n g i n g Structure of the Prawn Export Industry in Kerala, 1953-1983. D isser ta t ion M.Ph i l . Jawaharial N e h r u Univers i ty , N e w De lh i . U n p u b l i s h e d . Mathur , P.R.G. [1978] : The M a p p i l a Fisherfolk of Kerala. T r i vandrum: Kerala H is tor ica l Soc iety . M c C e e , T .G. [1984] : U rban g r o w t h in Indones ia : Its cha l l enge to env i ronmenta l po l i cy . Paper p resen ted at the Indones ia-Canada Env i ronmenta l C o n f e r e n c e . M o n t Saint-Marie, Q u e , Canada . M c C e e , T .G. [1985] : F rom U rban Invo lut ion to Proletar ian T rans fo rmat ion ' : N e w Perspect ives on the G e o g r a p h y of D e v e l o p m e n t in the Thi rd W o d d . Cahiers de Géographie D u Q u e b e c V o l 29 N o 77, S e p t e m b e r 1977. pp295-308 . M c C e e , T .G . [1987] : The U rban Trans i t ion in As ia . The Emergence of N e w Reg ions of E c o n o m i e in te rac t ion in As ia . Paper p resen ted at the O n l y O n e Earth Fo rum, Rene D u b o i s C e n t r e for H u m a n D e v e l o p m e n t . M a y 13-15 1987. N e w York . M c G e e , T .G . [1989] : Urbansas i o r Kotadesas i ? Evolv ing patterns of u rban iza t ion in As ia . Frank J .Cos ta , A s h o k K.Dutt , Lawrence J . C . M a and A l l en G . N o b l e . U rban iza t ion in As ia : Spatial D i m e n s i o n s and Po l icy Issues, p 93-108. H o n o l u l u : Univers i ty of Hawai i Press. M c G e e , T .G . [1991a] : The Emergence of Desako ta Regions in As ia : Expand ing a Hypo thes i s , in N . G i n s b u r g , B .Koppe l and T . G . M c G e e (Eds) The Ex t ended M e t r o p o l i s in As ia . H o n o l u l u : Un i vens t y of Hawai i Press. M c G e e , T .G . [1991b] : E u r o c e n t n s m in Geog raphy : The Case of As ian U rban iza t i on . Past Pres ident ia l A d d r e s s p r e s e n t e d to the Canad ian Assoc i a t i on of Geog raphe r s . (C.A.G. ) 1991 Annua l M e e t i n g and 4 0 t h Anniversary of the C . A . G . Q u e e n s Univers i ty , June 6th 1991 . Canad i an Geographe r/ Le Géographie C a n a d i e n V o l 35 N o 4. pp332-44. M c G e e , T .G . and C r e e n b e r g , C h a d e s [1991] : The Emergence of Ex tended M e t r o p o l i t a n Reg ions in A s e a n : A n Exploratory O u t l i n e . Paper p r e sen ted at the Joint Thai-Canadian S y m p o s i u m he ld at C h u l a l o n g k o r n Universi ty, Dec : 1991 . M c G e e , T .G . and M a c C l e o d , Scott . [1992] : Emerg ing Ex tended M e t r o p o l i t a n Regions in the As ian Pacif ic U r b a n Sys tem: A Case Study of the Singpore-Johor-Riau G r o w t h Tr iangle. Paper p r e sen ted at the W o r k s h o p o n the As ian Pacif ic U rban System: Towards the 21st Cen tu r y , he ld at the C h i n e s e Univers i ty of H o n g K o n g , Feb 11-13, 1992. M c L e n n a n , J.F. [1970] : Pnmit ive marnage . C h i c a g o : Univers i ty Press. M e e g a m a , S.A. [1968] : The dec l i ne in morta l i ty in C e y l o n s ince the e n d of the 19th century , w i th part icular re fe rence to e c o n o m i c and soc ia l d e v e l o p m e n t . Ph .D Thesis . Univers i ty of L o n d o n . M e n c h e r , Joan. [1965] : The Nayars of Sou th Malabar. In Compa ra t i v e fami ly systems. (Ed) M .F .N imko f f . B o s t o n : H o u g h t o n M i f l i n . M e n c h e r , Joan. [1966] : Kerala and Madras : Compara t i v e S tudy of E co l ogy and Socia l Structure. E thno logy V o l . V. N o 2 p135-171. M e n c h e r , Joan, and Sa radamon i , K. [1982] : M u d d y feet . Dirty H a n d s : Rice P r o d u c t i o n and Female Agr icu l tura l Labour. E c o n o m i c and po l i toca l Week l y , V o l XV l l N o 52, D e c e m b e r 25 1982 . p p A149-A167 . M e n o n , A .S reedhara . [1984] : A Survey of Kerala History . Madras : S .V iswanathan Pvt., L td . M e n o n , Ramunni . [1975] A N o t e o n the Present Cris is in the C a s h e w Industry. M i m e o g r a p h . Cen t r e for D e v e l o p m e n t Studies , Tr i vandrum. M e n o n , V.K.J. [1953] : G e o g r a p h i c a l basis for the d i s t r ibu t ion and pat tern of rural se t t l ement in Kerala. Journal of the Maharaja Sayajiroa Univers i ty of Baroda . V o l 2 N o 1 p41-54. M i n e s , Ma t t i son . [1984] : The War r io r Me r chan t s : Text i les, Trade and Terr i tory in Sou th India. C a m b r i d g e : C a m b r i d g e Univers i ty Press. Misra , R.P. and B h o o s i i a n , B.S. [1979] : Habitat As ia : Issues and Responses . N e w De lh i : C o n c e p t Pub l i sh ing H o u s e . M is ra , R.P. [1983] : Rural izat ion of Indian C i t i es . U r b a n India V o l 3 N o 3, S e p t e m b e r 1983. pp 3-12. Mi t ra , A s h o k . [1977] : Terms of Trade and Class Relat ions. L o n d o n : Frank Cass . M i t ra , A s h o k . [1985] : Pol i t ica l E c o n o m y in C o m m a n d . Rev iew of Am i t Bhadun - The E c o n o m i c Structure of Backward Agr i cu l tu re (1983). E c o n o m i c and Pol i t ical Week l y , V o l XX N o 7 February 1985 . pp284-5. Mi t ra , A s h o k . Sr imany, A d h i r K. and Pathak, Lalit P. [1979]: The Status of W o m e n : H o u s e h o l d and N o n - h o u s e h o l d E c o n o m i c Act iv i ty . N e w De lh i : A l l i ed Publ iushers . M i t ra , A s h o k . Pathak, Lalit P. and Mukher j i , Shekhar . [1980] The Status of W o m e n : Shifts in O c c u p a t i o n a l Part ic ipat ion. N e w De lh i : Abh inav Pub l i ca t ions . M o h a n , Rakesh. a n d Pant, Chandrashekhar . [1982] : M o r p h o l o g y of U rban i za t i on in India: S o m e results f r om 1981 Census . E c o n o m i c and Pol i t ical Week l y , V o l XVII N o 38 & 39, Sept 18 & 25 1982. pp1534-1540 & 1579-1588. M o h a n , Rakesh. [1983] : The reg iona l pattern of urban g r o w t h in e c o n o m i c d e v e l o p m e n t , in P lann ing of U rban D e v e l o p e m n t . Task Force o n H o u s i n g and U r b a n D e v e l o p m e n t . V o l I. N e w D e l h i : G o v e r n m e n t of India, p i 9-26. M o h a n , Rakesh. [1985] : U rban iza t ion in India's Future. Popu l a t i on and D e v e l o p m e n t Review, V o l 11 N o 4, D e c e m b e r 1985. p p 619-645. M o h a n , K.T.Ram. and Raman, K.Ravi. [1990] : O f the C o c h i n S tock Exchange and W h a t It M e a n s . E c o n o m i c and Pol i t ical W e e k l y V o l XXV N o 1, January 6 1990. p p l 7-19. M o h a n d a s , M . [1980] : Beed i W o r k e r s in Kerala: C o n d i t i o n s of Life and W o r k . E c o n o m i c and Pol i t ica l W e e k l y V o l XV N o 36, S e p t e m b e r 6 1980. pp 1517-1523. M o o r e , M e l i n d a A . [1985] : A n e w l o o k at the Nayar Taravad. M a n . V o l 20 N o 3. M o o r e , M i c k . [1984] : Pol i t ical e c o n o m y and u rban rural d i v ide 1767-1981. Journal of D e v e l o p m e n t Studies. V o l 20 N o 3. p5-27. pp 5-27. M o o r e , M i c k . [1985] : The State and Peasant Pol i t ics in Sri Lanka. C a m b r i d g e : C a m b r i d g e Univers i ty Press. M o r g a n L.H. [1964] : Anc i en t Soc iety . C a m b r i d g e , Mass : Be lknap Press of Harvard Univers i ty Press. Mor r i s , Mo r r i s D., Ma t su i , Toru . , Chandra , B ip in . and Raychaudhur i , T. [1969] : Indian E c o n o m y in the N ine t een th Cen tu ry : A S y m p o s i u m . De lh i : Indian E c o n o m i c and Soc ia l H is tory A s s o c i a t i o n . De lh i S c h o o l of E c o n o m i c s . Mukher j i , S.K., Gangu ly , S.K., and Mathur , P.R.G. [1961] : O i l s and O i l Presses, in A n t h r o p o l o g i c a l Survey of India. M e m o i r N o 8. p p l 9-24. M u r p h e y , Rhoads . [1972] : C i ty and count rys ide as i d e o l o g i c a l issues: India and Ch ina . C o m p a r a t i v e Studies in Soc ie ty and His tory , V o l 14, p p . 250-267. Mu t t i ah , S. (Ed) [1987] : A Socia l and E c o n o m i c Atlas of India. De lh i : O x f o r d Univers i ty Press. My rda l , G u n n a r [1968] : As ian Drama: A n Inquiry in to the Poverty of Nat ions . H a r m o n d s w o r t h : P engu in . Nag , M o n i . [1983] : Impact o n Soc ia l D e v e l o p m e n t and E c o n o m i c D e v e l o p m e n t o n Morta l i t y : A C o m p a r a t i v e S tudy of Kerala and Wes t Benga l . E c o n o m i c and Pol i t ical Week l y , V o l XVIII N o s 19, 20 & 21 , M a y 1983 . pp 877-900. Nag , M o n i . [1984] : Fertlity Di f ferent ia l in Kerala and W e s t Benga l : Equity-Fertilty Hypo thes i s as Exp lanat ion . E c o n o m i c and Pol i t ica l Week l y , V o l XIX N o 1. Janaury 7 1984. p p 33-41. N a g , M o n i . [1985] : Popu la t i on in As ian Coun t r i e s : T rends , Issues and Strategies. E c o n o m i c and Pol i t ical Week l y , V o l X N o 2. lanaury 12 1985. pp 75-79. N a g , M o n i . [1989] ; Pol i t ical Awareness as a Factor in Access ib i l i t y of Hea l th Services: A C a s e Study of Rural Kerala and W e s t Bengal . E c o n o m i c and Pol it ical Week l y , V o l XXIV N o 8 February 25 1989 pp 417-426. Nagam A iya , V. [1906] : Travancore State Manua l . T r i vandrum: Travancore G o v t Press. In three v o l u m e s . Nagaraj, K. [1985] : T o w n s in Tami lnadu , Karnataka and A n d h a r a Pradesh: A S tudy of Popu l a t i on and Spatial Con f i gu ra t i ons , 1961 to 1981 . W o r k i n g Paper N o 54, Madras Institute of D e v e l o p m e n t Studies . Nagaraj, K. [1987] : U rban iza t ion in Tami lnadu , Karnataka and A n d h r a Pradesh: A Compara t i v e Picture for 1961 - 1981 , in A l a m , S. M a n z o o r . and A l i khan , Fatima. [1987] : Perspect ives o n Urban iza t ion and M ig r a t i on : India and USSR. N e w D e l h i : A l l i ed Publ ishers . pp303-370 . Nambiar [1963] : The Kunjalis: Admira l s of Ca l i cut . Bombay , Ca l cu t ta : As ia Pub l i sh ing H o u s e . Nand i , Sant ibhusan. and Tyagi, D.S. [1961] : Forms of V i l lages, in A n t h r o p o l o g i c a l Survey of India, M e m o i r N o 8. pp 1-6. Nandy , Ash is . [1983] : The int imate e n e m y : Loss andrecove ry of self unde r co l on i a l i sm . De lh i : O x f o r d Univers i ty Press. Nataraja G u r u [1968] : The W o r d of the G u r u : The Life and Teach ings of Sri Narayana G u r u . C o c h i n : Pa ico Publ ish ing H o u s e . Nath , V. [1962] : The Vi l lage and the C o m m n u i t y , in Roy Turner , Ed i ted, India's U rban Future. Berkeley and Los Ange les : Univers i ty of Ca l i f o rn i a Press, p p 141-156. Nayar, Deepak . [1976] : India's expor t s and expor t po l i c i es in the 1960s. C a m b r i d g e : C a m b r i d g e Univers i ty Press. Nayar, Roh in i . [1987] : Female Part ic ipat ion Rates in Rural India. E c o n o m i c and Pol i t ica l W e e k l y V o l XXII N o 51 , D e c e m b e r 19, 1987. pp 2207-2216. N C A E R [1962] : T e c h n o - E c o n o m i e Survey of Kerala. N e w De lh i : Nat iona l C o u n c i l of A p p l i e d E c o n o m i c Research. (NCAER ) N o b l e , A l l en C . and Dutt , A s h o k K., [1977] : Indian U rban iza t i on and P lanning: Veh i c l es of M o d e r n i z a t i o n . N e w De lh i : Tata McGraw-H i l l . O b e y e s e k e r e , Gananath . [1972] : Re l ig ious S y m b o l i s m and Pol i t ical C h a n g e in C e y l o n , in Canana th O b e y e s e k e r e , Frank Reyno lds and Bardwel l Smi th (Eds), The T w o W h e e l s of the D h a m m a : Essays o n the Theravada Trad i t ion in India and C e y l o n . C h a n b e r s b u r g , Pennsy lvania : A m e r i c a n A c a d e m y of Re l ig ion . pp58-78. O b e y e s e k e r e , Gananath . [1975] : S inha lese-Buddhis t Identity in C e y l o n in C e o r g e de V o s and Lo la Romanucc i-Ross (Eds) Ethnic Identity: Cu l tura l Con t i nu i t i e s and C h a n g e . Palo A l t o , Ca l i fo rn ia : May f i e l d Pub l i sh ing C o . pp231-258 . O b e y e s e k e r e , Ganana th . [1976] : Persona l Identity and Cu l tura l Cr is is : The Case of Anagar ika Dharmapa la of Sri Lanka, in Frank Reyno lds and D o n a l d C a p p s (Eds) The B io log ica l P rocess . The Hague : M o u t o n and C o m p a n y , p p 221-52. Ondaa t j e , M i c h a e l . [1982] ; Runn ing in the Family. T o r o n t o : M c C l e l l a n d & Stewart Inc. O o m m e n , M.A . (Ed) [1979] : Kerala E c o n o m y s ince I n d e p e n d e n c e . N e w De lh i : O x f o r d and IBH Pub l i sh ing C o . O o m m e n , M .A . [1981] : M o b i l i t y of Small-Scale Entreprenuers : A Kerala Exper ience . Indian Journal of Industrial Relat ions, V o l 17 N o 1, |uly 1981 , pp65-87 . O s h i m a , Harry T. [1986] : The Trans i t ion f r o m an Agr icu l tura l to an Industrial E c o n o m y in East As ia . E c o n o m i c D e v e l o p m e n t a n d Cu l tura l C h a n g e , V o l 34 N o 4. pp783-809. Panikkar, K .N . [1989] : Aga inst Lo rd and State: Re l ig ion and Peasant Upr i s ings in Malabar ,1836-1921 . De lh i : O x f o r d Univers i ty Press. Panikar, P.G.K. [1984] : Fertility Dec l i ne in Kerala: Soc ia l Justice Hypo thes i s . E c o n o m i c and Pol i t ical Week l y , V o l XIX N o 13, M a r c h 31 1984. pp 571-572. Pannikar P.G.K., Kr ishan, T . N . and Krisnaji, N. [1978] : Popu l a t i on G r o w t h and Agr icul tura l D e v e l o p m e n t : A Case S tudy of Kerala. Paper N o 5 of U N F P A Project. (INT/73/PO). R o m e : F .A.O. Paul, Samue l . [1990a] : C o c h i n ' s S tock Exchange and Kerala's D e v e l o p m e n t . E c o n o m i c and Pol i t ical Week l y , V o l XXV N o 1 1 , M a r c h 17 1990 . p p 5 7 6 Paul, Samue l . [1990b] ; Lessons f r o m Kerala: H o w to D o Less w i t h M o r e . E c o n o m i c and Pol i t ical Week l y . V o l XXV N o 51 , D e c e m b e r 22 1990. pp 2807-8. Pearson, M . N . [1981] : Coas ta l W e s t e r n India: S tudies f r om the Po r tuguese Records . N e w De lh i : C o n c e p t Pub l i sh ing C o . Per i in, Frank. [1983] : P roto- lndust r ia l izat ion and Pre-Colon ia l Sou th As ia . Past and Present 98. February 1983 . p p 30-95. Petras, James. [1989] : M e t a m o r p h o s i s of Latin Amer i ca ' s Intel lectuals. E c o n o m i c and Polit ical W e e k l y V o l XXIV N o 14. Apr i l 8, 1989 . P o c o c k , Dav id F. [1960] : Soc i o l og i e s : U rban and Rural. C o n t r i b u t i o n s to Indian Soc i o l ogy . V o l . IV. PP63-81. Po lyani , K. [1968] : G . D a l t o n (Ed) Pr imit ive, A r cha i c and M o d e r n E conomies . B o s t o n : Beacon Press. Ponn iah , j .S . [1940] : C o t t o n and C o t t o n markets in the T inneve l l y Distr ict : A Study of the Interact ion b e t w e e n Geog raph i ca l and H u m a n Factors. The Journal of the Madras Geog raph i c a l As soc i a t i on , V o l XV N o 2, Apri l-June 1940. Raghavan, Pyaralal [1986] : O rgan i za t i on of P r o d u c t i o n in Beed i Industry: A Study of C a n n a n o r e Distr ict , 1920-1985. U n p u b l i s h e d M.Ph i l Thesis Jawaharial Univers i ty , N e w De lh i . Raghaviah, Jaiprakash [1986] : Basel M i s s i o n Industr ies in Ma labar and Sou th Canara , 1834-1914: A Study of its Social and E c o n o m i c Impact. U n p u b l i s h e d M.Ph i l Thesis . Jawaharial N e h r u Universi ty. N e w De lh i . Raj, K .N . [1970] : Foreward (vii-xiii) to T .C .Va rghese - Agrar ian change and e c o n o m i c c o n s e q u n c e s : Land Tenures in Kerala, 1850 - 1960. Ca l cu t ta : A l l i ed Publ ishers . Raj, K .N. [1985] : A n Int roductory O v e r v i e w of C o m m e r c i a l i z a t i o n of Indian Agr i cu l tu re . W o r k i n g Paper N o 208. T r i vandrum: C e n t r e for D e v e l o p m e n t Studies . Rajagopalan, V. [1986] : The H a n d l o o m Industry in N o r t h and Sou th Kerala: A S tudy of P roduc t i on and Marke t ing Structures. U n p u b l i s h e d M.Ph i l Thesis . Jawaharial N e h r u Univers i ty , N e w De lh i . Ramanujan, A.K. [1970] : Towards an A n t h o l o g y of C i t y Images, in R ichard G .Fox (Ed) Urban India: Soc iety , Space and Image. D u k e Univers i ty M o n o g r a p h and O c c a s i o n a l Papers Series. M o n o g r a p h N o 10. Ramaswamy, Vijaya. [1985] : Texti les and Weavers in M e d i e v a l Sou th India. De l h i : O x f o r d Univers i ty Press. Rao, M.S.A. [1957] : Socia l C h a n g e in Malabar . B o m b a y : Popu la r B o o k D e p o t . Rao, M.S.A. [1972] : Tradi t ion, Rationality and C h a n g e : Essays in S o c i o l o g y of E c o n o m i c D e v e l o p m e n t and Social C h a n g e . B o m b a y : Poplu lar Prakashan. Ratcliffe, John. [1978] : Social justice and the d e m o g r a p h i c t rans i t ion: Lessons f r o m India's Kerala State. International Journal of Hea l th Services. V o l 8. N o 1. p i 23-144. Reed, Wa l lace . [1970] : Admimist rat ive Links and India's U rban Sys tem, in Richard G .Fox (Ed) U rban India: Society , Space and Image. D u k e Univers i ty M o n o g r a p h and O c c a s i o n a l Papers Series. M o n o g r a p h N o 10. Republ i c of C h i n a (Taiwan) [1984] : Statistical Y e a r b o o k . Ta ipe i : Repub l i c of C h i n a . R icardo, D. [1817] : Pr inciples of Pol i t ical E c o n o m y and Taxat ion . 1971 Edi t ion. H a r m o n d s w o r t h : Penguin B o o k s Roy, Tirthankar. [1988] : S ize and Structure of H a n d l o o m W e a v i n g in the Mid-thirt ies. The Indian E c o n o m i c a n d Socia l H i s to ry rev iew. V o l 25 N o l . pp 1-24. Rucc io , Dav id F. and S i m o n , Lawrence H. [1986] : M e t h o d o l o g i c a l Aspec ts of a Marx ian A p p r o a c h to D e v e l o p m e n t : A n Analys is of the M o d e of P roduc t i on S c h o o l . W o d d D e v e l o p m e n t , V o l 14 N o 2, p p 211-222. S andhu , Kernial S ingh, and Whea t l e y , Paul . [1983] : M e l a k a : The t ransformat ion of a Ma lay capital c 1400 -1980. Kuala Lumpur : O x f o r d LIniversity Press. Sankaranarayanan, K.C. and Karunakaran, V. [1985] : Kerala E c o n o m y . N e w De lh i : O x f o r d and IBH Pub l i sh ing H o u s e . Sankaranarayanan, V. [1977] : U rban iza t i on in Kerala a n d Tami lnadu : S o m e contrasts. W o r k i n g Paper N o 57. C e n t r e fo r D e v e l o p m e n t Studies . Tr i vandrum. Sa radamoni , K. [1980] : Eme rgence of a Slave Cas te : Pulayas of Kerala. N e w De lh i : Peop les Pub l i sh ing H o u s e . Sarkar, H., [1978] : M o n u m e n t s of Kerala. N e w D e l h i : A r chaeo log i c a l Survey of India. Sassen-Koob, S. [1980] : Immigrant and M i n o r i t y W o r k e r s in the Organ iza t i on of the Labour Process , journal of Ethnic Studies , V o l 8 N o 1, pp1-34. Sassen-Koob, S. [1984] : N o t e s o n the I nco rpo ra t i on of Th i rd W o d d W o m e n into Wage- labour th rough Immigrat ion and Of f-shore P r o d u c t i o n . International M ig ra t i on Review, V o l 18 N o 4, PP1144-67. Sassen-Koob, S. [1985] : C h a n g i n g C o s m o p o l i t a n and Labour Marke t Locat ions of H ispan ic Immigrants in N e w Y o r k Ci ty , 1960-1980, in J.Borjas and M . T i enda (Eds) H ispanics in the US E conomy . F londa : A c a d e m i c Press. Sastri, Ni lakanta K.A. [1964] : The Cu l tu re and H i s to ry of the Tamils. Ca lcut ta : Firma K . L .Mukhopadhyay Sastri, Ni lakanta K.A. [1966] : A H is tory of Sou th India. Madras : O x f o r d Univers i ty Press. Third Edi t ion. Sathyamurthy, T.V. [1985] : India s ince I n d e p e n d e n c e : Studies in the D e v e l o p m e n t of the Power of the State. V o l I: Centre-State Re lat ions: The Case of Kerala. De lh i : Ajanta. Scammel l , G.V. [1989] : Rev iews of, Indian O c e a n : Explorat ions in History, C o m m e r c e and Pol it ics, Edi ted by Satish Chand ra . N e w D e l h i , L o n d o n : Sage Publ icat ions . 1987; L'Asie du Sad a I ' eponque des Grandes D e c o u v e n e s by Genev ieve B o u c h o n . L o n d o n : Va r io rum Reprints. 1987 ; the N e w C a m b r i d g e H is tory of India: The Po r tuguese in India by M .N .Pea r son . C a m b r i d g e : C a m b r i d g e Univers i ty Press. 1987. M o d e r n As ian Studies, V o l 23 Part 4, O c t o b e r 1989. pp821-825 . Schenk, Hans . [1986] : V i ews o n A l l eppey : Soc io-h is tor ica l and Socio-spatial perspect ives o n an Industrial Port T o w n in Kerala, Sou th India. A m s t e r d a m : Proefschri f t Univers i te i t van A m s t e r d a m . Schwar tzberg , Joseph E. (Ed) [1978] : A H i s t onca l Atlas of Sou th Asia. C h i c a g o and L o n d o n : Univers i ty of C h i c a g o Press. Schwar tzberg , Joseph E. [1981] : Sources and Types of C e n s u s Error in N .Gera ld Barrier (Ed) The Census in British India: N e w Perspect ives . N e w De lh i : Manoha r . pp 41-60. Silva, S.B.D.de [1982] : The Pol i t ical E c o n o m y of U n d e r d e v e l o p m e n t . L o n d o n : R o u t l e d g e and Kegan Paul , in assoc ia t ion w i th the Institute of Southeast As ian Studies , S ingapore . S i m m o n s , C o l i n . [1985] : " D e i n d u s t n a l i z a t i o n , Industr ia l izat ion and the Indian E c o n o m y , c 1850 - 1 9 4 7 " . M o d e r n As ian S tudies . V o l 19. N o 3. p593-622. S ingh , Rana P.B. and S ingh, Ram Lochan . [1986] : U rban C h a n g e s in India, in M i c h e a l P. C o n z e n (Edited) W o d d Patterns of M o d e r n U rban C h a n g e . C h i c a g o : the Un ivers i ty of C h i c a g o Depa r tmen t of G e o g r a p h y Research Paper N o 217-218.pp 175-194. S inha, J .N . [1972] : A rational v i ew of census e c o n o m i c data. Indian Journal of Industrial Relat ions. V o l 8. N o 2. S inha, J .N . [1982] : 1981 C e n s u s data: A no t e . E c o n o m i c and Polit ical W e e k l y V o l XV l l . N o 6. February 6th. S joberg , G . [1960] : The Preindustr ia l C i ty : Past and Present. N e w York : Free Press. Soja, E.W. and Scott , A.J. [1986] : Los A n g e l e s : Cap i ta l of the Late Twent i e th Cen tu r y . Editor ia l . Env i ronment and P lanning D: Soc ie ty and Space, V o l 4. pp 249-254. Sophe r , Dav id E. [1973] : Toward a Red i scove ry of India: Though t s o n S o m e N e g l e c t e d Geog raphy , in Marv in W . M i ke se l l (Ed) G e o g r a p h e r s A b r o a d : Essays o n the P r o b l e m s and Prospects of Research in Fore ign Areas . C h i c a g o : Univers i ty of C h i c a g o , Depa r tmen t of G e o g r a p h y Research Paper N o 152. Sopher , Dav id E. [1980] : The G e o g r a p h i c a l Pat tern ing of Cu l t u r e in India, in Dav id E .Sopher (Ed), A n Explorat ion of India: G e o g r a p h i c a l Perspect ives o n Soc ie ty and Cu l tu re . Ithaca, N e w York : C o r n e l l Un ivers i ty Press. So rok in , Pit ir im A., Z i m m e r m a n , C a d e C , and Ga lp in , Char ies J. [1932] : A Systemat ic Sou r ce B o o k in Rural Soc io logy . N e w York : Russel l and Russel l . Sovani , N.V. [1966] : U rban iza t ion and U r b a n India. N e w York : As ia Pub l i sh ing H o u s e . Spate, O .H .K . and Learmonth , A.T.A. [1967] : India and Pakistan: A Genera l and Reg iona l Geography . L o n d o n : M e t h u e n . Speare , Jr, A l d e n . ; Liu, Paul K.C. and Tsay, Ch ing- lung [1988] : U rban iza t ion and D e v e l o p m e n t : The Rural-Urban Transi t ion in Ta iwan. Bou lde r & L o n d o n : W e s t v i e w Press. Spivak, Gayatri Chakravorty . and G u h a , Ranajit. [1988] Se lec ted Subaltern Studies. Forward by Edward W.Sa id . N e w York and L o n d o n : O x f o r d Univers i ty Press. Spivak, Gayatri Chakravorty . [1990] : The Pos t-Co lon ia l Cr i t i c : Interviews, Strategies, D i a l ogues . Ed i ted by Sarah Harasym. N e w Yo rk and L o n d o n : Rou t l edge . S p o d e k , H o w a r d . [1975] : F rom "Paras i t i c " to " G e n e r a t i v e " : The Trans format ion of Post-C o l o n i a l C i t ies in India. The Journal of Interdiscipl inary History, V o l V N o 3, W i n t e r 1975. Spodek , H o w a r d . [1976] : Urban-Rural Integrat ion in Regiona l D e v e l o p m e n t : C a s e Study of Saurashtra, India, 1800-1960. The Univers i ty of C h i c a g o , Dep t of G e o g r a p h y , Research Paper N o 171 . S p o d e k , H o w a r d . [1980] : S tudy ing the H is to ry of U rban iza t ion in India. Journal of U rban His tory , V o l 6 N o 3, M a y 1980 . p p 251-295. Spores , John C. [1988] : Runn ing A m o k : A n H is tor i ca l Inquiry. O h i o Univers i ty , M o n o g r a p h s in International S tud ies , Southeas t As i a Series, N o 82. Sreekumar , T.T. [1990] : Ne i the r Rural, N o r U r b a n : Spatial Format ion and D e v e l o p m e n t Process . E c o n o m i c and Pol i t ica l Week l y , V o l XXV N o s 35 & 36. pp 1981-1990. Srinivas, M . N . [1959] : Soc ia l A n t h r o p o l o g y and the Study of Rural and U r b a n Soc ie t ies . The E c o n o m i c W e e k l y A n n u a l . V o l 11 . January 1959 . pp 133-140. Srinivas, M . N . [1968] : Soc ia l C h a n g e in M o d e r n India. Berkley and Los A n g e l e s : Un ivers i ty of Ca l i fo rn ia Press. Srinivasan, Amr i t . [1983] : The H i n d u T e m p l e Dance r : Prost i tute or N u n . C a m b r i d g e A n t h r o p o l g y V o l 8 N o 1. p73-99. Steuart, Sir James. [1767] : A n Enquiry in to the Pr inc ip les of Pol i t ical E c o n o m y . Repr in ted 1966. Ed inburgh : O l i v e r and B o y d . Subrahman iam, K.K. and Pillai, P .Mohan , [1986] : Kerala's Industrial Backwardness : Exp lora t ion of A l ternate H y p o t h e s e s . E c o n o m i c and Pol i t ica l Week l y , V o l XXI N o 14. p p 577-592 Subrahmanyam Sanjay [1986] : A spec t s of State Fo rmat ion in South India and Southest As ia , 1500-1650. The Indian E c o n o m i c and Socia l H is tory Review, V o l 23 N o 4. p357-377. Subrahmanyam, Sanjay. and Bayly, C .A . [1988] : Por t fo l io capitalists and the po l i t i ca l e c o n o m y of m o d e r n India. The Indian E c o n o m i c and Soc ia l H is tory Review. V o l 25 N o 4. p401-424. Thapar, Romi la . [1982] : I deo logy and in terpre ta t ion and early Indian history. Rev iew V o l V N o 3.P 389-411. Tharakan, P .K .Michae l . [1984] : S o c i o - e c o n o m i c factors in educat iona l d e v e l o p m e n t : Case of n ine teenth century Travancore . E c o n o m i c and Pol i t ical Week l y . V o l XIX N o s 45 and 46. pp 1913-1928 and 1959-1967. Tharamangalam, Joseph . [1981] : Agrar ian class con f l i c t : The pol i t ica l m o b i l i z a t i o n of agricultural labourers in Kut tanad, Sou th India. Vancouve r : Univers i ty of British C o l u m b i a Press. Thomas , P.J. [1932] : Roman Trade Cen t r e s o n the Ma labar Coas t . The Journal of the Madras Geograph i ca l As soc i a t i on , V o l VI N o s 3 & 4, O c t 1931-Jan 1932, p p 230-240. Thorner , Danie l , and Thorner , A l i ce . [1962] "De indus t r i a l i za t i on in India, 1 8 8 1 - 1 9 3 1 " Land and Labour in India. Bombay : As ia Pub l i sh ing H o u s e . Thurs ton , Edgar [1909] : Cas tes and Tnbes of Southern India. V o l u m e s I to VII. Madras : G o v e r n m e n t Press. Tilakaratna, S., Perera, U .V .H . , & Cas inader , Rex., [1981] : A n E c o n o m i c Study of the C o c o n u t Industry in Sn Lanka. C o l o m b o : Peop les Bank Research M o n o g r a p h . T imberg , Thomas . [1981] : Reg ions in Indian D e v e l o p m e n t . Pacif ic Affairs, V o l 53 N o 4, W i n t e r 1980-81. pp 643-650. T iwan, Ramesh. [1989] : The Pre industr ia l C i t y Reexamined : The Cases of Jaipur and Jaisalmer in Frank J .Costa , A s h o k K.Dutt , Lawrence J . C . M a and A l l en C . N o b l e . U rban iza t ion in Asia : Spatial D i m e n s i o n s and Po l i cy Issues, p 93-108. H o n o l u l u : Univers i ty of Hawai i Press. Torr i , M i c h e l g u g l i e l m o . [1990] : " W e s t e r n i z e d M i d d l e C l a s s " , Intel lectuals and Soc ie ty in Late C o l o n i a l India. E c o n o m i c and Pol i t ical Week l y . V o l XXV N o 4, Jan 27, 1990. Travancore State. [1872] : Admin i s t ra t i ve Report . Travancore State. [1873] : Admin i s t ra t i ve Report . Travancore State. [1906] : T ravancore State Manua l by V . N a g a m A iya , D e w a n Peishcar, Travancore. T r i vandrum: Travancore G o v e r n m e n t Press. 1906 . Travancore State. [1916] : Repor t of the Jenmie Kudiyan C o m m i s s i o n , p i 09. Tr i vandrum: G o v e r n m e n t Press. Travancore State. [1916] : T ravancore Land Revenue M a n u a l . V o l u m e s 1 to IV. T r i vandrum: G o v e r n m e n t Press. Travancore State. [1940] : T ravancore State Manua l Vo l s I to III, by V e l u Pillai. T r i vandrum: G o v e r n m e n t Press. Tsai, H .H . [1984] : U rban G r o w t h and C h a n g e of Spatial Structures in Taiwan. Ta ipe i : Institute of E c o n o m i c G r o w t h . Turner, Roy. (Ed) [1962] : India's U r b a n Future. Berke ley and Los A n g e l e s : Univers i ty of Ca l i fo rn ia Press. T w o m e y , M.J. [1983] : E m p l o y m e n t in 19th Cen tu ry Indian Text i les . Explorat ions in E c o n o m i c Histop/. V o l 20, N o 1. p 37-57. Urry, J. [1984] : Capital ist res t ruc tur ing , r e c o m p o s i t i o n and the reg ions . T o n y Bradley and Phil ip Lowe [Eds] Local i ty and rurality: E c o n o m y and soc i e t y in rural reg ions. N o r w i c h : C e o b o o k s . Un i t ed Nat ions [1975] : Poverty , U n e m p l o y m e n t and D e v e l o p m e n t Pol icy : A Case Study of Se lec ted Issues w i th re fe rence to Kerala. N e w York : U n i t e d Na t ions , Depa r tmen t of E c o n o m i c and Socia l Affairs. Val lavanthara, A n t h o y . [1984] : India 1500 A . D . : The Narratives of J oseph the Indian. Kot tayam: Or ien ta l Institute of Re l ig ious Studies . Varghese , T .C . [1970] : Agrar ian C h a n g e and E c o n o m i e C o n s e q u e n c e s : Land Tenures in Kerala, 1850-1960. Ca l cu t ta : A l l i ed Publ ishers . Varkey, O u s e p h . [1984] : The Rise and Dec l i ne of the Left Democ ra t i c Front in Kerala. John R . W o o d (Ed) State pol i t i cs in c o n t e m p o r a r y India: Cris is or cont inu i t y . Bou lde r and L o n d o n : W e s t v i e w Press. Vijayasankar, P.S. [1986] : The U rban Casua l Ma rke t in Kerala: A Study of the H e a d l o a d Wo rke r s of Tr ichur. U n p u b l i s h e d M.Ph i l Thesis , Jawaharial N e h r u Univers i ty , N e w De lh i . Wa rd and C o n n o r [1863] : G e o g r a p h i c a l and Statistical M e m o i r of the Survey of Travancore and C o c h i n States f r o m July 1816 to the e n d of 1820. Tr i vandrum: Sircar Press. W a t s o n , Ian Bruce. [1980] : Founda t ions for Empire : English Private Trade in India 1659-1760. N e w De lh i : V ikas Pub l i sh ing H o u s e . W o r i d Bank [1991] : W o r l d Tables 1991 . W i r th , Louis . [1938] : U rban i sm as a W a y of Life. Amer i c an Journal of S o c i o l o g y . V o l 44 . p p 1-24. W i r th , Louis . [1964a] : O n Ci t ies and Socia l Life. Ed i ted and w i th an i n t r oduc t i on by A lber t J.Reiss, Jr. C h i c a g o : Un ivers i ty of C h i c a g o Press. W i r th , Louis . [1964b] : Rural-Urban D i f fe rences , in A lber t J.Reiss, jr., (Ed) Louis W i r th o n Ci t ies and Socia l Life. C h i c a g o : C h i c a g o Univers i ty Press. W o r i d Bank [1991] W o r i d Tables 1991 . Ba l t imore and L o n d o n : John H o p k i n s Univers i ty Press. ( Pub l i shed for the W o r i d Bank). Zachar iah, K.C. and Patel , Su lekha. [1984] : Determinants of Fertlity D e c l i n e in India: A n Analys is . W o r l d bank Staff W o r k i n g Paper N o 699 . Popu l a t i on and D e v e l o p m e n t Series N o 24. W a s h i n g t o n : The W o r i d Bank. Zachar iah, K.C. [1984] : The A n o m a l y of the Fertility Dec l i ne in India's Kerala State: A F ie ld Invest igat ion. W o r i d Bank Staff W o r k i n g Papers N o 700. Popu l a t i on and D e v e l o p m e n t Series N o 25 . W a s h i n g t o n : The W o r i d Bank. A p p e n d i x 1 . 0 1 Work force by s e c t o r s and r e g i o n s aand p o p u l a t i o n and pop u l a t i o n d e n s i t y by r e g i o n s : I t a l y 1987 Work Force—Percent Population Reg ions Agr : Ind: Ser : 000 Km'.^: Piemonte S. S 41. 4 49. 9 4377 172 Val l e D'Aosta 10. 4 27. 1 62. 5 114 Lombard i a 3.8 44. 2 52. 0 8886 372 T r e n t i n o A l t o Adige 11.7 25.4 62. 9 882 65 Bolzano - Bozen 15. 1 21.5 63.4 437 59 Trento S. 1 29. 1 62. 2 445 72 Veneto 9.8 39. 0 51. 1 4375 238 F r i u l i Venezia G i u l i a 6. 7 32. 3 61.0 1210 154 Ligur i a 5.7 24. 4 70. 0 1750 E m i l i a Romagna 11.9 3& « ^ 51 . 9 3924 177 Toscana 6.5 37, 3 56. 2 3568 155 Umbr i a 10. 1 31 . 7 57. 8 818 97 Marche 11.9 38. 6 49. 6 1429 147 Laz i o 6. 0 19.4 74. 4 5137 299 Abruzz i 15.3 27.9 56.9 1258 117 Molise 27. 1 24. 6 48. 4 335 75 Campan i a 14.5 23. 1 62.4 5732 422 P u g l i a 20. 0 24.9 55. 2 4043 209 B a s i l i c a t a 22. 9 27.9 49. 3 622 62 Galabr i a 19.8 19.8 60. 3 2147 142 S i c i 1 i a 16.8 20- 7 62.5 5141 200 Sardegna 13. 8 22. 9 C'~^ r - l 1651 69 I T A L Y ' 10.4 32. 3 57. 4 57399 191 Source: ISTAT ( I n s t i t u t o C e n t r a l e i S t a t i s t i c a / C e n t r a l S t a t i s t i c a l I n s i t u t e . Rome 1988. A g r i c u l t u r a l workforce i n K e r a l a by s u b - c a t e g o r i e s : 1981 A g r i c u l t u r a l P r o d u c t i o n by Type Males Females T o t a l and/or Crop Percent Percent Percent C e r e a l s , p u l s e s , o i l seeds, sugar cane & f i b r e c r o p s ^ Cul t i V at or s 22. 1 4.0 26. 1 Agricultural Labourers 33.6 22.7 56.4 S u b - t o t a l 55.8 26.7 82.4 P l a n t a t i o n a g r i c u l t u r e Tea 1 .0 1 .2 2.2 Coffee 0.3 0.1 0.4 Rubber 0.4 0.2 0.5 Fepper 0.2 0.0 0.2 Car damoms 0.4 0.3 0.7 Coconut 1 .7 0.1 1 .9 Ot her s 3.3 0.3 3.6 S u b - t o t a l 8.0 2.5 10.5 Other A g r i c u l t u r e 0.2 0.0 0.2 L i v e s t o c k 0.5 0.2 0.7 A g r i c u l t u r a l S e r v i c e s 1 . 1 0.2 1 .2 F o r e s t r y 0.5 0.0 0.5 F i s h i n g 4.2 0.2 4.4 S u b - t o t a l 6.5 0.5 6.9 T o t a l 70.3 29.7 100.0 T o t a l '000 2863 1213 4076 Source: Census of In d i a 1981, S e r i e s 10 K e r a l a ; Tables B-3, B-7, B-12 Sc B-17; p l 6 0 - l 6 1 , p5l6-517, p599-600 & p951. Notes [a] O i l seeds does not i n c l u d e c oconuts. F i b r e crops are raw c o t t o n , j u t e , mesta, sunhemp, and kindr e d crops ( I b i d p21-22) K e r a l a and s e l e c t e d Tamilnadu d i s t r i c t s i n rank order in terms of r u r a l p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t y : 1901-1981 Rank Order 1901 1911 1 921 1931 1 941 1951 1961 1971 1981 01 A l l e p p e y (K) 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 02 Ernakulam (K) 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 3 3 03 Trivandrum (K) 5 4 3 3 3 3 3 2 2 04 T r i c h u r (K) 3 3 4 4 4 4 4 4 5 05 Kanya Kumari" 6 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 4 06 Thanjavur (T) 4 6 6 6 6 7 7 8 9 07 Q u i l o n (K) 1 1 10 10 10 7 6 6 6 6 08 Chengalpat (T) 7 7 7 7 8 1 1 1 1 12 1 3 09 Cannanore (K) 9 9 9 9 9 8 8 7 7 10 Palghat (K) 8 8 8 8 10 9 9 9 8 1 1 Kottayam (K) 12 12 12 1 1 1 1 10 10 10 1 1 12 Kozhikode (K) 10 1 1 1 1 12 1 2 12 12 1 1 10 13 Malapuram (K) 1 3 13 13 13 13 13 13 13 12 14 Wayanad (K) 14 14 14 14 1 4 14 14 14 1 4 15 Idukki (K) 15 1 5 15 1 5 15 15 15 15 15 Source: Table 3.10 of Chapter Three. Notes [a] K - K e r a l a D i s t r i c t . T - Tamilandu D i s t r i c t . [b] Kanya Kumari was p a r t of Travancore (Kerala) u n t i l 1956. Since 1956 i t a d i s t r i c t i n Tamilnadu. APPENDIX 4.01 4 SOUTH ASIAN INNER COURTYARD/STREET HOUSES (A) AND BUNGALOW (B) TYPE HOUES GROUND PLANS A - Inner Courtyaard Street Houses in the old residential areas of Colombo North. (Jampettah Street, Hill Street, New Chetty Street, Green Street etc) Colombo South. (Ward Place, Horton Place etc) Source: Colombo Town Survey 1905-06. Sri Lanka National Archives Microfilm 84/18. A P P E N D I X 4.02 K e r a l a I'dQl: Standard Urban Areas and Urban Agglomerations Standard Urban Areas Urb Agglomerations Core City/Town : Outer Towns Rural T o t a l Outer Towns To t a l Name ' 000 Nos ' 000 ' 000 1 0 0 0 Nos '000 '000 Cannanor e 61 8 189 N i l 250 5 96 158 Tel 1 i c h e r r y 76 3 77 N i l 153 1 23 99 Badagara 64 N i l N i l 58 122 CbD Cbl Lhl Kozhikode 394 4 152 144 690 4 152 547 Pal ghat 111 1 7 72 190 1 7 1 18 Guruvayur 18 Ca] Ca] Ca3 , CaJ 2 42 59 Tr ichur 80 10 160 10 250 5 90 170 Coc h i n 552 7 216 179 947 3 134 685 Kot t ayam 64 N i l N i l 76 140 Cbl Cbl Cbl A l l e p p e y 170 1 21 10 201 Cb] Cbl Cbl Chan'cherry 52 N i l N i l 21 73 Cbl Cbl Cbl Kayamkulam 61 N i l N i l 19 80 Cbl Cbl Cbl Qu i1 on 138 4 121 104 363 1 30 168 Tr i vandr um 499 1 21 134 653 1 21 520 Source: Census of India 1981. Ser i e s 10 K e r a l a . Part II -A Tables A-4 <;pl37 -142> and A-•5 (;plS4--197 ) Notes Ca3 Not deemed to be a Standard Urban Area by Census. Cbl Not deemed to be an Urban Agglomeration. Cell Cities/Towns are l i s t e d on t h e i r North-South l o c a t i o n . K e r a l a : Consumer Expenditure (Monthly) c l a s s i f i e d by c a t e g o r i e s as percentage of T o t a l Expenditure (Monthly) by Urban and Rural i n d i f f e r e n t y e ars between 1967 and 1983 Rur a l Urban cixpenoirure C a t e g o r i e s 1967 1972 1977 1983 1967 1972 1 977 1983 1 9 6 8 1973 1978 1968 1973 1978 Food It ems C e r e a l s 24.2 23.7 32.0 34.3 19.5 20.2 24.8 26.0 Gram 0.2 0.2 0.1 0.1 0.2 0.3 0 . 1 0.1 C e r e a l Subs 1.6 2.8 5.5 5.8 0.4 1 .3 2.2 2.5 Pulses 1.6 1 .5 1 .3 0.9 1.7 1 .8 1 .8 1 .6 M i l k & Prds 4. 1 4.1 3.6 3.4 5.1 5.3 5.4 5.4 E d i b l e O i l 2.7 2. 1 1 .9 2. 1 2.9 2.5 2.2 2.4 Meat etc [a] 6.2 5.4 4.6 4.5 6.6 5.8 5.2 4.8 Vegetables 2.8 2.3 2.2 2.2 2.8 2.4 2.2 2.2 F r & Nts [b] 5.6 5.2 4.3 4.4 5.5 5.6 4.3 4.6 Sugar 2.0 2.0 2.5 2.8 1 .9 2.2 2.9 3.3 S a l t , Spices 4.6 3.5 3.1 3.1 2.2 3.2 2.5 2.9 Bev: Etc 8.1 8.2 9.5 10.4 10.5 11.3 12.7 15.0 Sub-Total 61 .7 61 .2 70.5 74. 1 59.4 61 .6 66.3 71.0 Non-food It ems Tobacco Etc 3.1 3.4 3.7 4.0 0.2 2.9 3.4 3.1 F l , L t g [c] 5.8 5.9 5.9 5.9 5.8 6.3 5.5 6.1 C l o t h i n g 6.7 7.5 4.2 4.1 8.1 7.0 5.0 3.8 Footwear 0.7 0.4 0.1 0.1 0.9 0.5 0.3 0.2 Mise: Goods 16.4 15.2 13.3 11.8 19.7 14.8 16.8 15.9 Durable Gds 5.9 6.8 2.2 0.0 3.7 7.1 2.8 0.0 Sub-Total 38.3 39.0 29.5 25.9 40.6 38.4 33.7 29.0 T o t a l 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Source: K.P.Sunny's d r a f t M . P h i l D i s s e r t a t i o n (Jawaharial Nehru U n i v e r s i t y ) "Consumer Behaviour i n K e r a l a : 1966-1983" p26. I am indebted to K.P.Sunny f o r the c o u r t e s y of a l l o w i n g me t o use these t a b u l a t i o n s . H i s sources were the N a t i o n a l Sample Survey, Rounds 22nd (1967/68); 27th (1972/73); 32nd (1977/78) and 38th (1983). Notes [a] Meat, Eggs and F i s h [b] F r u i t s and Nuts [c] F u e l and L i g h t i n g T r a v a n c o r e , Cochin and Malabar A g r i c u l t u r a l , C a s u a l and N o n - a g r i c u l t u r a l Workforce as percent of T o t a l Workforce: 1871 - 1941. Travancore Hgr i F i s h C j s u a i Lao Non-.Rar T o t a l Cochin Hgr Se F i s h Casual Lab Non-flgr T o t a l Malabar flgr & F i s h Casual Lab Non-Hgr To t a l M 1871 F 35.2 N.fl. N.fl. 52.Q N.tt. H.R. 32.8 N.H. N . a . 100.Q N.fl. N.H. 19.5 N . n . N.H. 60.2 N.H. N.R. 20.3 N.H. N.H. 100.0 N.H. N.H. 27.S N.H. N.H. 47.9 N.H. N.H. 24.5 N.H. N.H. 100.0 N.H. N . a . M 1B81 F T 26.0 1.3 27.3 20 . 4 12.0 32 .4 25.1 15.2 40.3 71.5 28.5 100.0 N.H. N.H. N.H. N.H, N-fl, N*R« N.H. N.H. N.fl. N.H. N.fl. N.fl. 32.4 20.9 53.3 2.6 1.5 4.2 27.8 14.7 42.5 62.8 37.2 100.0 M 28,8 3.3 17.4 -49.5 1891 F 22.4 20.3 42.7 13.7 14.1 27.8 14.3 15.2 29.5 50.4 49.6 100.0 24.0 3.9 27.1 17.5 14.0 31.5 29.4 11.2 41.4 70,9 29.1 100.0 29.1 57.9 4.5 7.8 16.9 34.3 50.5 100.0 M 38.2 O.S 22.0 60.7 1901 F 32.8 8.1 40.9 12.9 9.2 22.1 22.6 14.4 37.0 68.3 31.7 100.0 31.7 19.9 51.6 4.3 l.Q 5.3 25.0 18.1 43.1 61.0 39.0 IQQ.O 27.8 66.0 0.2 0.7 11.3 33.3 39.3 100.0 M 1911 F M 1921 F Travancore Hg i F i s h Casual Lab Non-Hgr To t a l Cochin Hg i F i s h Casual Lab Non-Hgr Total Malabar flg i F i s h Casual Lab Non-flgr Total 38.3 10.0 48.3 7.5 8.1 15.6 22.1 14.0 36.1 67.9 32.1 100.0 33.4 17.0 50.4 6.0 1,9 7.9 26.7 15.0 41.7 66.1 33.9 ICO.Q 39.0 24.5 63.5 0.8 0.1 0.9 23.5 12.1 33.6 63.3 36.7 100.0 36.6 8.7 45.3 6.4 7.5 13.9 27.0 13.8 40.8 70.0 30.0 100.0 33.2 17.8 51.0 4.0 1.6 S.6 30.3 13.1 43.4 67.5 32.5 100.0 40.4 24.2 64.6 0.9 0.7 1.6 23.5 10.3 33.8 64.8 35.2 100.0 M 42.2 5.9 27.5 75.6 34.4 4,3 28. 1 66.8 27.4 18.3 22.4 68.1 1931 F T 13.5 55.7 1.0 6.9 9.9 37.4 24.4 100.0 19.4 53.8 1.0 5.3 12.8 40.9 33.2 100.0 10.7 38,1 12.6 30.9 8.6 31.0 31.9 100.0 M 46.8 6.5 29.7 83.0 34.9 3.4 34.8 73. 1 N.fl. N.fl. N.fl. N.H. 1941 F T 6.5 53.3 1.4 7.9 9.1 38.8 17.0 100.0 15.8 50.7 1.5 4.9 9.6 44.4 26.9 100.0 N.fl. N.fl. N.fl. N.fl. N.fl. N.fl. N.H. N.H. Source: D e r i v e d from the Censuses of I n d i a 1891 to 1941; Censuses of Cochin 1875 and 1891; Censuses of T r a v a n c o r e 1875, 1881 and 1891; and Censuses of Madras P r e s i d e n c y 1871 and 1881. Notes [a] A b b r e v i a t i o n s used: Agr - A g r i c u l t u r e ; F i s h - F i s h i n g ; Lab - Labour ; and Non-Agr - N o n - a g r i c u l t u r e [b] N.A. means data not a v a i l a b l e . [c] The 1871 data does not i n c l u d e f i s h i n g as t h i s was not p r o v i d e d i n the Census d a t a . [d] The 1881 p e r c e n t a g e s i s based on workers p l u s dependents. Kerala: Agricultural Labour and Casual Labour, 1901 - 1981 1 2 3 4 S 6 7 flqric: Labour Casual Labour Flgr 1 M F T M F T M •QCO •000 •000 '000 " •000 '000 '000 ISOl Tr-avancor» 52 45 97 164 116 2S0 216 Cochin 51 56 107 16 4 20 67 Malabar 223 267 500 6 3 8 239 To ta l 336 363 704 1S6 122 308 522 1911 Travancore 59 133 1Û7 U S 222 181 Cochin 49 48 96 22 7 29 70 Malabar 212 245 457 10 2 12 222 To ta l 334 352 686 139 124 263 473 1921 Tra'jancare 80 29 109 95 111 206 174 Cochin 51 51 102 17 7 23 67 nalaoar 203 224 427 11 8 19 214 Tota l 334 304 638 123 126 248 455 1931 Travancore, 161 63 224 88 15 103 249 Cochin 60 66 126 20 5 25 80 • l iUb-r 52 as 185 «.«.•^ 157 3SS 320 Tot.3l 313 222 535 336 177 513 649 1941 Travancore 187 37 224 103 22 125 290 Cochin SO 41 91 15 7 22 65 halabar » M M M Tota l 237 78 315 118 29 147 355 1951 Trv-Cochin 443 182 625 11 1 12 454 Malabar 212 101 313 93 41 134 305 To ta l 655 283 938 104 42 146 759 1961 Kera la 517 461 978 580 204 784 1097 1971 Kera la U 9 6 712 1908 89 19 108 1285 1991 Kera la 1272 925 2297 96 24 120 1469 c a r r i e d over to next page a 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 b + Cas Lab Tota l Workforce C7 as ca as C9 as F T M F T y. af y. of y. o f '000 '000 «000 '000 •000 CIO e u C12 151 277 365 401 1287 24.2 37.9^- 23.5 60 127 227 145 372 29.5 41.0 34. l 270 508 781 506 1287 30.5 53.0 39.5 490 1012 1873 1052 2926 27.5 45.8 34. 1 174 355 960 453 1413 18.9 38.4 25. 1 55 125 247 126 373 28.3 43.4 33.4 247 469 80S 467 1272 27.6 52.9 36.9 476 949 2012 1046 3058 23.5 45.5 31.0 140 315 1033 442 1475 16.9 31.6 21.3 sa 125 293 136 419 23. a 42.5 29.9 232 446 763 415 1178 29.0 5b. 1 37.9 430 886 2079 993 3072 21.9 43.3 29.8 78 327 1113 359 1472 22.4 21.6 22.2 71 151 310 154 464 26.0 45.9 32.5 2GG 370 951 399 1249 37.6 62. 3 45.7 399 1048 2274 911 3185 28.5 43.9 32.9 59 349 1307 265 1572 22.2 22.4 22.2 47 112 324 113 437 20.0 41.7 25.6 M X M M X 106 461 1631 378 2009 21.7 29.2 23.0 183 637 1996 575 2571 23.8 40.5 31.5 142 447 950 268 1218 32. 1 52.9 36.7 325 1084 2946 843 3789 29.9 44 . 4 33. 1 665 1762 3947 1633 5630 27.5 39.5 31. 1 731 2016 4765 1452 6217 27.0 50.4 32.4 949 2^17 5624 2147 7771 26. 1 44.2 31. 1 1^ (6 c a r r i e d over from previous page Source : De r i ved f r o m the Census o f Tn3iâ7î 901 t o ' 1 9 8 1 . No te s [a] 1981 data is the tota l of main and marginal workers . [b] 1971 data d o e s no t inc lude secondary workers . [c] 1941 data is the tota l of those w i th pr inc ipa l means of l i v e l i hood , w i th and w i thou t subsid iary means of l i v e l i hood . [d] 1941 C e n s u s in Ma labar d i d no t inc lude an enumera t i on of e c o n o m i c o r occupa t iona l activity. [e] As the 1871 t o 1891 Censuses of Travancore , C o c h i n and Ma labar d i d no t deal w i th agricultural l abour in a cons is tent manner Table 6.2 presents data f rom on l y 1901 onwards . The 1871 C e n s u s d o e s no t d ist inguish b e t w e e n agricultural l abour and casual labour. There was o n e ca tegory ca l l ed " L a b o u r e r s " and the Travancore C e n s u s Report states] The largest n u m b e r o f t h e m are engaged in t i l l ing, s o w i n g o r repair ing the rice lands of the coun t r y wh i l e a f ew are e m p l o y e d in the Publ ic W o r k s D e p a r t m e n t as we l l as in numerous private houses as ord inary j ou rneymen l iv ing f rom hand to mou th . (Census of Travancore [1876] p265) . The 1881 C e n s u s of Malabar records 59351 males and 167680 females as agricultural l abour and 29066 males and 18108 females as casual labour . Toge the r they make a 24.7 percent of the w o r k f o r c e of Ma labar in 1881 . In Travancore in the 1881 C e n s u s they had been i n c l uded unde r the gener i c category agr icul tur ists . (Census of Travancore 1881 p246) In 1891 the census tables as d i scussed eariier d id no t d is t inguish b e t w e e n workers and dependen t s , hence the agricultural and casual workers cannot be ident i f i ed . H o w e v e r this d is t inct ion was made by 1891 C e n s u s of C o c h i n and 25655 males and 5983 females we re l isted as agricultural worke rs and another 4 8 1 9 8 males and 38517 females as casual labour . Toge the r they make up 43.0 pe rcen t of the w o r k f o r c e in C o c h i n In 1891 . K e r a l a : A g r i c u l t u r e a n d N o n - a g r i c u l t u r e w o r k f o r c e by urban-and r u r a l a r e a s , 1881 t o 1981 Urban Rural T o t a l Not» flgr Cas Non Tot flgr Cas Nan Tot flgr Cas Non Tot Lab flgr Lab flgr Lab flgr Travancore 1901 0.9 0.8 4.0 5.7 40.0 21.3 33.0 94.3 40.9 22.1 37.0 100.0 1911 1.3 1.0 4.0 6.2 47.0 14.7 32. 1 93.8 48.3 15.7 36.1 100.0 1941 Caj 0.3 0.3 1.8 2.3 53.0 7.7 37.0 97.7 53.3 8.0 38.8 100.0 Cochin 1391 0.7 0.6 4.7 5.9 37.0 22.5 34.5 94.1 37.7 23.1 39.2 100.0 1901 1.3 1.1 6.6 9.0 50.3 4.2 36.5 91.0 51.6 5.3 43.1 100.0 »al^ar 1S81 0.9 0.4 4.0 5.3 52.4 3.7 38.5 94.7 53.3 4.1 42.6 100.0 1901 > thl 0.3 0.0 2.0 2.3 65.7 0.7 31.3 97.7 66.0 0.7 33.3 100.0 1911 Zhl 0.3 0.2 1.9 2 . 4 63.2 0.7 33.7 97.6 63.5 0.9 35.6 100.0 1921 Cb3 0.3 0.3 1.9 2.5 64.3 1.3 31.9 97.5 64.6 1.6 33.8 100.0 1931 thl 0.8 1.0 1.7 3.5 37.4 29.8 29.3 96.5 38.1 30.9 31.0 100.0 K e r a l a 1951 3.7 0.7 9.7 14. 1 54 . 4 3.2 28.3 as. 9 58.1 3.8 38.1 100.0 1961 3.1 0.6 9.7 13 .4 52.5 4.4 29.7 86.6 55.6 5.0 39.4 100.0 1971 2.8 0.6 11.6 15.0 52.7 1.1 31.2 85.0 55.5 1.7 42.8 100.0 1981 3.1 0.4 13.3 16.8 49.4 1.1 32.7 83.2 52.5 1.5 46.0 100.0 Source: D e r i v e d from Census R e p o r t s and T a b l e s . Notes [a] The urban data p e r t a i n s o n l y t o Trivandrum C i t y . Data f o r o t h e r urban a r e a s are not p r o v i d e d i n the Census. [b] The urban data p e r t a i n s o n l y to Kozhikode ( C a l i c u t ) C i t y . Data f o r o t h e r urban a r e a s a r e not p r o v i d e d i n Census da t a f o r Malabar f o r 1901 to 1931. [c] Economic a c t i v i t y or o c c u p a t i o n a l data by u r b a n - r u r a l a r e a s are not p r o v i d e d f o r some census y e a r s f o r Travancore, C o c h i n and Malabar. These y e a r s have been l e f t out of t h i s Appendix [d] The percentages f o r 1891 i s based on the t o t a l of workers p l u s dependents. They were not s e p a r a t e l y p r o v i d e d i n the Census. (See t e x t ) [e] A b b r e v i a t i o n s used. Agr - A g r i c u l t u r e ; Cas Lab - Casual Labour; Non:Agr - N o n - a g r i c u l t u r e ; T o t - T o t a l . [ f ] 1971 data does not i n c l u d e secondary workers. [g] 1081 data i s the t o t a l of main and m a r g i n a l workers. B r i c k and t i l e manufacturing u n i t s i n 1961 c l a s s i f i e d by no of workers, use of power and u r b a n - r u r a l l o c a t i o n S i z e by U n i t s U n i t s T o t a l no of Using power Not u s i n g power U n i t s Workers Rur Urb Tot % Rur Urb Tot % Rur Urb Tot % 02-05 1 1 2 0.6 32 13 45 13. 3 33 1 4 47 13. 9 06-09 3 2 5 1.5 43 10 53 15. 7 46 12 58 17. 2 10-19 8 0 8 2.4 33 24 57 16. 9 41 24 65 19. 2 20-49 46 8 54 16.0 19 5 24 7. 1 65 13 78 23. 1 50-99 38 8 46 13.4 7 3 10 3. 0 45 1 1 56 16. 6 100 + 17 12 29 8.6 0 5 5 1 . 5 17 17 34 10. 1 T o t a l 113 31 144 42.6 134 60 1 94, 57. 4 247 91 338 100. 0 U n i t s by products manufactured B r i c k s ' only manufacturing U n i t s 36 43 79 23. 4 T i l e s " o nly manufacturing U n i t s 4 5 9 2. 7 B r i c k & t i l e s manufacturing U n i t s 207 43 250 73. 9 T o t a l 247 91 338 100. 0 Source: D e r i v e d from Census of I n d i a 1961, V o l VII K e r a l a , Part IV-B Housing and E s t a b l i s h m e n t T a b l e s , Table E-III p29 -178. B r i c k and t i l e workforce by d i s t r i c t s , sex and u r b a n - r u r a l l o c a t i o n i n 1981 Sex L o c a t i o n D i s t r i c t s Male Female T o t a l Urban R u r a l T o t a l Ernakulam 16.9 8.7 25.6 1 .9 23.7 25.6 T r i c h u r 13.7 11.3 25.0 6.7 18.3 25.0 Q u i l o n 11.2 0.9 12.1 1 .5 10.6 12.1 Kozhikode 9.7 0.4 10.1 7.5 2.6 10.1 Trivandrum 6.1 2.4 8.5 1 .8 6.7 8.5 Palghat 4.3 2.2 6.6 0.5 6. 1 6.6 A i l e p p e y 4.2 0.1 4.2 0.1 4. 1 4.2 Cannanore 2.6 0.9 3.5 1 . 1 2.4 3.5 Malappuram 2.2 0.3 2.6 0.0 2.6 2.6 Kottayam 0.9 0.3 1 .2 0.0 1 .2 1 .2 Wynad 0.5 0.0 0.5 O.O 0.5 0.5 Idukki 0.2 0.0 0.3 0.0 0.3 0.3 KERALA: Percent 72.5 27.5 100.0 21 . 1 79. 1 100.0 '000 29 1 1 40 8 32 40 Source: Census of Ind i a 1981, S e r i e s 10 K e r a l a , Part III-A&B [ i ] General Economic T a b l e s , Table B-12 Cotton t e x t i l e manufacturing workers by su b - c a t e g o r i e s and ur b a n - r u r a l l o c a t i o n s and s e c t o r s - K e r a l a 1961 and 1981 Sub-categories 1961 Urb Rur % % Tot 1981 Urb Rur Tot Powerioom f a c t o r i e s & m i l l s Spi nni ng Weaving Mills Powerioom weaving Sub-Total Handlooms and a l l i e d work Spi nni ng Non-mi lis Handl oom weaving Khadl manufacture Unclassified S u b - t o t a l 4.5 6.7 0.0 0.0 11.2 0.0 4.4 0.2 5.3 9.7 0.2 0.4 4.5 6.7 11.2 4.6 5.5 10.1 1.1 6.8 7.9 0.3 2.0 2.3 19.0 46.9 65.9 8.7 17.1 25.8 0.6 5.2 5.8 0.1 1.1 1.2 1.6 7.6 9.2 8.5 52.0 60.5 22.3 66.5 88.8 17.6 72.2 89.8 T o t a l 26.8 73.2 100.0 22.2 77.7 99.9 Numbers '000 26 73 99 41 141 182 Handloom & a l l i e d workers Hous e hoi d sector 11.5 49.9 61 .4 5.1 38.5 43.6 Non-househoi d sector 15.2 23.4 38.6 17.1 39.3 56.4 T o t a l 26.7 73.3 100.0 22.2 77.8 100.0 Source: Census of I n d i a 1961, V o l VII K e r a l a , Part II-B ( i ) . T a b l e B IV Pa r t C. p129-l30. Census of I n d i a 1981, S e r i e s 10 K e r a l a , Part III-A&B [ 1 ] , Table B 13, p717-72l. Notes : [a] A l l powerioom f a c t o r i e s and s p i n n i n g m i l l s are i n the non-household s e c t o r . [b] The dramatic r i s e i n " u n c l a s s i f i e d ' handloom weaving i s d i f f i c u l t to e x p l a i n as there i s no break down of t h i s code (239). The e x p l a n a t i o n that may be o f f e r e d i s th a t workers i n handloom c o - o p e r a t i v e s have been i n c l u d e d under " u n c l a s s i f i e d " Cotton t e x t i l e i n d u s t r y workforce i n K e r a l a c l a s s i f i e d by d i s t r i c t s , and percentage i n each d i s t r i c t that i s r u r a l , male, using power and i n the household s e c t o r - 1961 & 1981 D i s t r i c t s Share of Percentage of each d i s t r i c t workforce [From C . T e x t i l e north Workforce Rural Males Powered Household to south] 1961 1981 1961 1981 1961 1981 1961 1981 1961 1981 Cannanore 35. 8 14, .4 65. 8 41 . ,7 73. 0 81 , .8 7 .5 14, .5 42. 3 [a] Kozhi kode 13. 5 9, .9 69. 4 68. .6 59. 0 44, .3 8 .4 9, .5 72. 7 [a] Malapuram [b] 2. .5 [b] 84. .2 [b] 55, .0 [b] 1 8 , . 1 [b] [a] Palghat 10. 4 4, .2 80. 8 83. ,0 44. 3 71 . .2 0 .0 21 , .5 88. 1 [a] T r i c h u r 9. 2 7, .5 93. 6 76. ,2 48. 0 57. .7 41 .7 26. .8 45. 1 [a] Ernakulam 5. 9 7, .3 80. 8 60. .9 60. 0 50, .9 30 .4 21 , . 1 54. 2 [a] Kottayam 1 . 0 3, . 1 80. 3 96. .5 60. 2 26. .2 0 .0 6, .6 75. 9 [a] A l l e p p e y 3. 1 22, .9 94. 7 90. ,4 37. 8 1 1 . , 1 0 .0 1 , .5 84. 0 [a] Q u i l o n 6. 3 10, .3 90. 5 86. .6 69. 2 29. .5 15 .4 6, .8 72. 9 [a] Trivandrum 14. 8 17, .9 65. 7 92. ,8 61 . 6 29, .0 4 .3 3, .5 80. 7 [a] KERALA Percent 100.0 99.9 73.8 77.8 62.1 40.2 11.2 10.1 61.4 43.6 Nos '000 99 182 73 142 61 73 11 18 61 80 Source: D e r i v e d from: Census of India 1961, V o l VII K e r a l a , Part II-B ( i ) . Table B-IV Part C, p129-175. Census of India 1981, S e r i e s 10 K e r a l a , Part III-A&B [ i ] , Table B-12 & B-13, p597-727 Notes : [a] Census of In d i a 1981, does not p r o v i d e t h i s data at the d i s t r i c t l e v e l . [b] Malapuram d i s t r i c t was c r e a t e d a f t e r 1961,from e x i s t i n g d i s t r i c t s , mainly Kozhikode and P a l g h a t . Cotton t e x t i l e manufacturing u n i t s i n K e r a l a c l a s s i f i e d by r u r a l - u r b a n l o c a t i o n s , use of power i n manufacturing, number of workers and nature of manufacturing o p e r a t i o n s i n 1961 Number of u n i t s D e s c r i p t i o n Without power With power Rur Urt > Tot Rur Urb Tot By manufacturing o p e r a t i o n G i n n i n g , c l e a n i n g etc 3 1 4 1 1 2 S p i n n i n g [Other than i n M i l l s ] 77 15 92 0 0 0 S p i n n i n g i n M i l l s 0 0 0 5 8 13 Dyeing & b l e a c h i n g 1 1 25 36 0 4 4 Weaving on poweriooms 0 0 0 1 5 6 Weaving on handlooms 3310 1 541 4851 0 0 0 Khadi weaving on handlooms 36 2 38 0 0 0 P r i n t i n g of t e x t i l e s 4 1 5 0 0 0 Making of thread,twine etc 0 2 2 1 2 3 T o t a l 3441 1587 5028 8 20 28 By s i z e of u n i t s Workers 01 402 225 627 0 0 0 Workers 02 - 05 1998 853 2851 0 2 2 Workers 06 - 09 564 253 817 0 2 2 Workers 10 - 19 370 137 507 0 3 3 Workers 20 - 49 98 95 193 0 5 5 Workers 50 - 99 6 1 4 20 1 0 1 Workers 100 + 3 10 13 7 8 15 T o t a l 3441 1587 5028 8 20 28 Source: D e r i v e d from Census of I n d i a 1961, V o l VII K e r a l a , Part IV-B Housing and E s t a b l i s h m e n t T a b l e s , T a b l e E III p29-41. Cashew p r o c e s s i n g u n i t s by number of workers, d i s t r i c t and u r b a n - r u r a l l o c a t i o n s i n 1961 No of K e r a l a Q u i l o n D i s t Other D i s t Workers Rur Urb Tot % Rur Urb Tot % Rur Urb Tot % 01-05 6 3 9 4.5 4 3 7 3.5 2 0 2 1.0 06-09 1 2 3 1 .5 1 1 2 1 .0 0 1 1 0.5 10-19 20 4 24 12.0 1 4 4 18 9.0 6 0 6 3.0 20-49 9 6 1 5 7.5 9 5 1 4 7.0 0 1 1 0.5 50-99 15 0 15 7.5 10 0 10 5.0 5 0 5 2.5 100 + 1 1 1 23 134 67.0 96 20 1 16 58.0 1 5 3 18 9.0 T o t a l 162 38 200 100.0 134 33 167 83.5 28 5 33 16.5 Source: Census of India 1961, V o l VII K e r a l a , P a r t IV-B, Housing and E s t a b l i s h m e n t s T a b l e E - I I I , p29-l78. Notes: Only the 1961 Census data on i n d u s t r i a l establishment p r o v i d e s data on cashew p r o c e s s i n g manufacturing u n i t s . Data i s s e p a r a t e l y presented f o r the cashew p r o c e s s i n g u n i t s as a sub-category of "Other foods", u n l i k e f o r the workforce d a t a . The 1971 Census p r o v i d e s data on i n d u s t r i a l e s t a b l i s h m e n t s only at the two d i g i t c l a s s i f i c a t i o n code l e v e l and the 1981 Census does not p r o v i d e any data on i n d u s t r i a l e s t a b l i s h m e n t s . Percentage of Cashew P r o c e s s i n g Workforce by d i s t r i c t s , sex and u r b a n - r u r a l l o c a t i o n i n 1981 Urban R u r a l T o t a l D i s t r i c t s M F 1 T M F T M F T 1 971 Q u i l o n 1 . 7 6. 9 8 .6 6. 7 70 .4 77 . 1 8. 4 77 .3 85 .7 Trivandrum 0. 0 0. 2 0 .2 0. 2 8 .3 8 .5 0. 2 8 .5 8 .7 A i l e p p e y 0. 1 0. 5 0 .5 0. 1 0 .0 0 .2 0. 2 0 .5 0 .7 T r i c h u r 0. 0 0. 1 0 . 1 0. 1 0 .7 0 .8 0. 1 0 .8 0 .9 Cannanore 0. 1 0. 4 0 .5 0. 0 0 .9 0 .9 0. 1 1 .3 1 .4 Kozhikode 0. 2 1 . 2 1 .4 0. 0 0 .2 0 .2 0. 2 1 .4 1 .6 Others 0. 0 0. 0 0 .0 0. 2 0 .8 1 .0 0. 2 0 .8 1 .0 T o t a l 2. 2 9. 1 1 1 .3 7. 2 81 .5 88 .7 9. 4 90 .6 100 .0 Numbers '000 2 7 9 5 58 61 7 65 72 Household - Percent 0. 1 0 .4 0 .5 Non-household — Percent 9. 3 90 .2 99 .5 1981 Q u i l o n 4. 4 6. 2 10 .6 1 1 . 5 53 .0 64 .5 15. 9 59 .2 75 .0 Trivandrum 0. 1 0. 1 .0 .2 1 . 0 10 .6 1 1 .6 1 . 1 10 .7 1 1 .8 A i l e p p e y 0. 2 0. 6 0 .8 1 . 0 5 .7 6 .7 1 . 2 6 .3 7 .5 T r i c h u r 0. 1 0. 3 0 .4 0. 2 1 .7 1 .9 0, 3 2 .0 2 .3 Cannanore 0. 2 1 . 2 1 .4 0. 1 0 .3 0 .4 0. 3 1 .5 1 .8 Kozhikode 0. 2 0. 5 0 .7 0. 1 0 . 1 0 .2 0. 3 0 .6 0 .9 Others 0. 1 0. 1 0 .2 0. 1 0 .3 0 .4 0. 2 0 .4 0 .6 T o t a l 5. 3 9. 0 14 .3 14. 0 71 .7 85 .7 19. 3 80 .7 100 .0 Numbers '000 2 2 4 3 20 23 5 22 27 Household 0. 1 0 .3 0 .4 Non-household 19. 2 80 .4 99 .6 Source; D e r i v e d from: Census of Ind i a 1971, S e r i e s 9 K e r a l a , Part II-B [ i ] Table B-IV Part A Appendix, p ? Census of India 1981, S e r i e s 10 K e r a l a , Part III-B, Table B-12 & B-13, p597-727. Cashew c u l t i v a t i o r 1 and y i e l d i n In d i a by States 1970- •71 1975 -76 1979- -80 S t a t e s Area Tons Area Tons Area Tons Hect per Hect per Hect per '000 Hect '000 Hect '000 Hect K e r a l a 108 1 .07 109 1 .09 148 .57 Tamilnadu 82 .26 97 . 1 1 95 . 1 1 Goa 35 . 16 40 . 1 4 42 .15 Andhra Pradesh 26 .50 31 .41 44 .28 Karnataka 18 .93 36 .43 53 .29 Maharashtra 18 .20 33 .13 23 .34 O r i s s a 5 .23 22 .18 39 .08 Others — — 1 .16 8 .39 Source: Krishnaswamy 1981. Table IV p l O . Notes: [a] Increase i n area p l a n t e d with cashew i n the 1970s i s i n response to the need to i n c r e a s e c r o p p r o d u c t i o n to meet r i s i n g world demand. F a l l i n imports from A f r i c a consequent to emergence of mechanical p r o c e s s i n g i s a l s o a f a c t o r . [b] Recent e x t e n s i o n of cashew c u l t i v a t i o n being in the p r e - b e a r i n g stage and may have c o n t r i b u t e d to the f a l l i n y i e l d per h e c t a r e . (ICAR I976.p3) [c] E s timates of p r o d u c t i o n i n K e r a l a are based on the c r o p - c u t t i n g survey of 1961-62, and a p p l i e d s i n c e then to the area e s t i m a t e s . Area e s t i m a t e s a r e r e v i s e d annually on the b a s i s of annual l a n d u t i l i z a t i o n s u r v e y s . Y i e l d data are thus not as r e l i a b l e as the area d a t a . S t a t e s other than K e r a l a have adopted even l e s s r e l i a b l e p r o d u c t i o n estimates such as "eye e s t i m a t e s " ( I b i d . p2) [d] Recent e x t e n s i o n of cashew c u l t i v a t i o n are l i k e l y to be i n marginal or l e s s p r o d u c t i v e l a n d s . In K e r a l a rubber has been the main c r o p competing f o r areas where cashew c o u l d be grown. Rubber i s an e c o n o m i c a l l y a t t r a c t i v e c r o p and capable of competing away areas under or s u i t a b l e f o r cashew. ( I b i d p8) The use of l e s s p r o d u c t i v e lands may be c o n t r i b u t i n g the f a l l i n p r o d u c t i v i t y . Cashew c u l t i v a t ion i n K e r a l a by d i s t r i c t s 1978-79 D i s t r i c t H e c t a r e s Percent Cannanore 63603 46.5 Malappuram 22221 16.3 Palghat 1 2790 9.4 Q u i l o n 9357 6.8 T r i c h u r 7363 5.4 Tr ivandrum 6130 4.5 Kozhikode 5222 3.8 Ernakulam 4317 3.2 A l l e p p e y 3343 2.4 Kottayam 1183 .9 Idukki 1 023 .7 T o t a l 136552 100.0 Source: Govt of K e r a l a , S t a t e Land Use Board. 1980. p l 2 5 . Appendix 7.10 Average earnings f o r an e i g h t hour s h i f t by c a t e g o r i e s of cashew workers i n the household s e c t o r and f a c t o r y s e c t o r i n K e r a l a and Tamilnadu i n 1976-77. Category Household F a c t o r y F a c t o r y of S e c t o r S e c t o r Cashew K e r a l a K e r a l a Tamilnadu Worker Rs C t s Rs C t s Rs Cts Roaster 7.50 7.70 5.50 S h e l l e r (Outer skin) 3.45 7.06 2.31 P e e l e r - ( I n n e r skin) 4.00 7.57 2.83 Grader 3.90 7.50 2.64 Borma (oven) worker 7.50 8.30 5.50 Others 7.50 8.16 7.83 Source: Emam Beevi 1978. Table 4.3 p45. (Based on a sample survey of wages i n the th r e e s e c t o r s c a r r i e d out by the Centre f o r Development S t u d i e s , Trivandrum, in 1976-77.) D i s t r i b u t i o n of seafood p r o c e s s i n g , t a i l o r i n g , wood based i n d u s t r i e s , j e w e l l e r y and v e g e t a b l e o i l workforce by d i s t r i c t s i n K e r a l a i n 1981. D i s t r i c t s [North to south] Seafood T a i l o r i n g Wood Jew e l l e r y Veg : : O i l % 's % c 1 's c Cannanore 1 , ,9 12. .0 8. 5 12, .2 7. ,6 Kozhi kode 3, .3 8, . 1 7. 9 9, .0 10, .7 Malappuram 1 , .2 6, .8 6. 8 1 1 , . 1 4, .4 Wynad 0, .0 2. .0 0. 9 1 , .0 0. ,0 Palghat 0. .0 8. .8 10. 8 10, .8 3, .2 T r i c h u r 2. .4 12. , 1 16. 4 20, .7 22. . 1 Ernakulam 35. .8 1 1 . .3 15. 5 7, .3 13, .4 Kottayam 2, , 1 6. ,4 6. 8 6. .8 4. .0 Idukki 0, ,0 3. .2 1 . 7 1 , .3 3, .6 Ail e p p e y 45, . 1 9. .2 6. 9 6, . 1 13, . 1 Q u i l o n 7, .7 9. . 1 9. 8 5, .4 9, .4 Trivandrum 0. .0 1 1 . .0 8. 1 8, .2 10, . 1 K e r a l a - % 100. - '000 1 .0 13 100.0 86 100.0 185 100.0 34 100, .0 6 Source: Census of Ind i a 1981. S e r i e s 10 K e r a l a , Part III A&B [ i ] General Economic Tables. P o p u l a t i o n of Travancore, Cochin and Malabar c l a s s i f i e d by Caste^ and R e l i g i o n : 1901 Travancor Cochin Malabar K e r a l a R e l i g i o n / C a s t e •-'000 % '000 % '000 % '000 % Hindus by Castes Agr: Castes C u l t i v a t o r s Nayar 521 17.6 1 1 2 13.8 391 14.0 1024 15.6 Br ahmi n " 45 1 .6 24 3.0 54 1 .9 1 24 1 .8 Veil ala 49 1 .7 8 1 .0 10 0.4 67 1 .0 Pandar am ^ 1 2 0.4 3 0.3 3 0.1 18 0.3 Labourers Pulaya 207 7.0 60 7.4 266 4. 1 Cheruman 246 8.8 246 3.8 Parai y an 70 2.4 9 1 . 1 1 7 0.6 96 1 .5 Pa ni y an 27 1 .0 27 0.4 Vet t uvan 1 0.1 6 0.8 7 0.1 Kannankan 6 0.7 6 0.1 Kolayan " 5 0.2 5 0.1 905 30.6 228 28.0 753 27.0 1886 28.8 F i s h i n g Castes Val an 15 0.5 8 0.9 22 0.3 Mukkuvan 16 0.6 16 0.2 Mar akkan 12 0.4 12 0.2 Ar ayan 4 0.5 3 0.1 7 0.1 26 0.9 1 2 1 .4 19 0.7 57 0.9 Oc c u p a t i o n a l Mix ® Ezhavas 492 16.7 185 22.7 661 23.7 1338 20.4 Shannon 156 5.3 2.4 Tandon 19 0.6 19 0.3 667 22.6 185 22.7 661 23.7 1513 23. 1 Continued next page A r t i s a n Castes Kammal an 67 2. 3 20 2. ,4 101 3. 6 188 2. 9 Chakkan 1 5 0. 5 2 0. ,2 38 1 . 4 55 0. 8 Chai i yan 9 0. 3 2 0. ,2 27 1 . 0 38 0. 6 Kollan 22 0. 8 6 0. .8 29 0. 4 Tat t an 19 0. 6 8 0. ,9 26 0. 4 Va niyan 1 4 0. 5 1 0. .2 1 5 0. 2 Kai kol av an 1 0. 1 4 0. ,4 8 0. 3 13 0. 2 Andur an 9 0. 3 9 0. 1 Kusav an 3 0. 1 3 0. .4 6 0. 1 De vanga 4 0. .4 4 0. 1 Toi kol l an 2 0. 1 2 0. 0 1 49 5. 0 49 6. .0 186 6. 7 383 5. 8 Tradi n g Castes Chet t i 16 0. 6 5 0. .6 22 0. 8 43 0. 7 Muttan 9 0. 3 9 0. 1 Konkani Brahmins 7 0. ,9 7 0. 1 Tar akan 6 0. 2 6 0. 1 16 0. 6 1 2 1 . .5 37 1 . 3 66 1 . 0 Se r v i c e Castes 9 Man nan 31 1 . 1 31 0. 5 Mar an 25 0. 8 25 0. 4 Àmbalavas i 7 0. .9 16 0. 6 24 0. 4 Vel ut l et an 10 0. 3 3 0, ,4 1 1 0. 4 24 0. 4 Âmpattan 18 0. 6 1 0. .2 3 0. 1 22 0. 3 Vel an 12 0. 4 8 0. . 1 20 0. 3 Kani s an 14 0. 5 14 0. 2 Par i an 13 0. 5 13 0. 2 Kur ichan 10 0. 3 10 0. 1 Vel akatt alav an 9 0. 3 9 0. 1 Mar ayan 7 0. 3 7 0. 1 Kavut i yan 5 0. 2 5 0. 1 Eruman 3 0. 1 3 0. 0 Vanan 2 0. 1 2 0. 0 66 2. 2 20 2. .5 122 4. 4 208 3. 2 Other Castes ^ 154 5. 2 49 6, . 1 4 0. 1 207 3. 2 Ab o r i g i n e s 1 .8 Gypsies 120 4.3 120 54 1 . 8 1 0. 1 55 0. 8 T o t a l of Hindus 2036 69. 0 554 68. .3 1904 68. 2 4494 68. 6 S y r i a n C h r i s t i a n s 697 23. 6 198 24, .4 51 1 . 8 947 14. 5 Mopalah.Muslims 191 6. 5 54 6, .7 833 29. 9 1078 16. 4 Others ^ 29 1 . 0 5 0. ,6 1 0. 1 35 0. 5 T o t a l P o p u l a t i o n 2952 100. 812 100. 2790 100. 6554 100. Source : For Travancore - Census of I n d i a 1901, V o l XXVI-A, Part I I , Table X I I I , p147-l87. For Cochin - Census of I n d i a , V o l XX-A, Part I I , Table X I I I , p38-39. For Malabar - Census of I n d i a , V o l XV-A, Part I I , Table X I I I , pi 55-205 Notes [a] Castes are l i s t e d w i t h i n each i n d u s t r i a l category i n order of t h e i r numerical s t r e n g t h and i n terms of any t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l and economic s t a t u s . The i n d u s t r i a l c a t e g o r i e s are l i s t e d i n the u s u a l format of a g r i c u l t u r e f o l l o w e d by manufacturing, trade and s e r v i c e s . [b] Brahmins i n c l u d e a l l Brahmins (Nambudhuri or M a l a y a l i , Tamil e t c ) , other Konkani Brahmins who were t r a d e r s . [c] Pandarams are non-Brahmin p r i e s t s , but were a l s o a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s and so i n c l u d e d under a g r i c u l t u r e . [d] Kolayans are cowherds and are s t r i c t l y not a g r i c u l t u r a l l a b o u r e r s . [e] The t r a d i t i o n a l o c c u p a t i o n a s s o c i a t e d with the Ezhavas ( M a l a y a l i ) , Shannan (Tamil) and Tandan (Tamil) was toddy t a p p i n g . T h i s o c c u p a t i o n i s i n a grey zone between a g r i c u l t u r e and manufacturing. (Census data c l a s s i f i e s toddy t a p p i n g as manufacturing). But more importantly a good many of these c a s t e group members c u l t i v a t e d coconut. Both Ezhavas and Shannans by the end of the 19th century, using e d u c a t i o n as an avenue of s o c i a l c l a s s m o b i l i t y were a l s o e n t e r i n g many white c o l l a r and p r o f e s s i o n a l o c c u p a t i o n s . [ f ] The occupations t r a d i t i o n a l l y a s s o c i a t e d with these c a s t e s are as f o l l o w s i n a l p h a b e t i c a l order: Anduran - Clay Pot Makers ( M a l a y a l i ) ; Chakkan - Vegetable O i l Manufacturers ( M a l a y a l i ) ; C h a l i y a n - T e x t i l e Weavers ( M a l a y a l i ) ; Devanga - T e x t i l e Weavers (Kannada); Kaikolavan T e x t i l e Weavers ( T a m i l ) ; Kammalan - Metal and wood craftsmen; K o l l a n - B l a c k s m i t h s ; Kusavan - Clay Pot Makers ( T a m i l ) ; Tattan - Goldsmiths; and Vaniyan - Vegetable O i l Manufacturers ( T a m i l ) . [g] The occupations t r a d i t i o n a l l y a s s o c i a t e d with these c a s t e s are as f o l l o w s i n a l p h a b e t i c a l order: Ambalavasi -Temple S e r v i c e s ; Eruman - Mason or B r i c k l a y e r ; Kanisan -A s t r o l o g e r ; Kavutiyan - H a i r d r e s s e r s ; Ampattan H a i r d r e s s e r s ; Kurichan - S h i k a r i s . (Game Guides or T r a c k e r s ) ; Mannan - Laundrymen; Maran - Temple S e r v i c e s ; Marayan - H a i r d r e s s e r s ; P a r i a n - Medicinemen ; Vanan Laundrymen; Velan - Laundrymen; V e l u t t e t a n - Laundrymen; and V e l a k a t t a l a v a n - H a i r d r e s s e r s . [h] Other c a s t e s l a r g e l y c o n s i s t of ? [ i ] Mainly made up of Jews, P r o t e s t a n t C h r i s t i a n s and a few Z o r o a s t r i a n s , J a i n s and B u d d h i s t s . [ j ] Source f o r t r a d i t i o n a l c a s t e occupations are the r e l e v a n t Censuses and Thurstone (1909) C o i r workers as a percentage of t o t a l manufacturing workers i n K e r a l a : 1911-1981 Category 1911 1931 1951 1 961 1971 1981 C o i r workers 28.8 26.2 23.3 24.8 16.2 4.3 Others 71 .2 73.8 76.7 75.2 83.8 95.7 T o t a l - P e r c e n t 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 -'000 579 5.7 599 1012 978 1078 Source: Table 6.01 Appendix 9.01 The Towns that c l u s t e r to form the Urban Agglomeration (UA) and Standard Urban Areas (SUA), i n Cannanore D i s t r i c t : 1981 Cannanore Town, UA SUA Tellicherry Town, UA SUA Towns Sq. km Pop Towns Sq. km Pop Cannanore Town 1 1 .03 60904 T e l l i c h e r r y T 15. 35 75561 C h i r a k k a l 13.56 36124 Dharmadom 10. 66 23143 Puzhathi 9.17 26099 P a l l i k u n n u 6.90 22101 Valapattanam 2.04 8080 Cannanore Cant 1 .79 4489 U. A 44.49 157797 U. A 26.01 98704 Azhikode 16.05 37273 K o d i y e r i 1 1 . 44 32590 Edakkad 18.26 29474 E r a n h o l i 10. 08 21521 Elayavoor 1 1 .57 25481 S.U. A 90.37 250025 S.U. A 47. 53 152815 Source: Census of I n d i a 1981, S e r i e s 10 K e r a l a . P a r t II-A Pages 140-141 and 184-185.
Thesis/Dissertation
eng
Geography
Vancouver : University of British Columbia Library
For non-commercial purposes only, such as research, private study and education. Additional conditions apply, see Terms of Use https://open.library.ubc.ca/terms_of_use.
Graduate
Desakota in Kerala: Space and political economy in Southwest India
Text