Arts, Faculty of
English, Department of
DSpace
UBCV
Lakowski, Romauld I.
Doctor of Philosophy - PhD
University of British Columbia
In this study I present an analysis of the structures of four works by Sir Thomas More: The History of Richard III, the 'Dialogue of Counsel' in Book I of Utopia, The Dialogue Concerning Heresies, and The Dialogue of Comfort in Tribulation. My basic thesis is that Thomas More was a superb literary artist and a master of the art of literary dialogue, and that beneath the often apparently rambling and digressive surface of each of these literary works, there is a 'deep structure' that is highly coherent and even tightly organised. I also show that More's use of dialogue in each of the three dialogues is genuinely dialectical—that the individual speakers in the three literary dialogues make a genuine contribution to thedevelopment of the argument—and that the movement from speaker to speaker in the History of Richard III is also genuinely dialectical— anticipating the art of the three later dialogues. To this end I have provided an interpretive reading/analysis of each of the works, focussing on More's "art of dialogue" in the passages of direct and indirect speech in Richard III, and in the dialogues between Hythloday and Persona More in Book I of Utopia, between Chancellor More and the Messenger in the Dialogue Concerning Heresies, and between Vincent and Anthony in the Dialogue of Comfort. The thesis also includes a major bibliographical appendix, consisting of about two thousand items of More scholarship organised according to topic. (The Bibliography is quite comprehensive covering all of More's works and also background studies and biographies.) The appendix is provided both as part of my argument and as a tool for further research.
19789771 bytes
application/pdf
SIR THOMAS MORE AND THE ART OF DIALOGUEbyROMUALD IAN LAKOWSKIA THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OFTHE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OFDOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHYinTHE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIESDepartment ofEnglishWe accept this thesis as conformingto the required standardTHE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIASeptember 993Romuald Ian Lakowski, 1993In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree atThe University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely availablefor reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesisfor scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his or herrepresentatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gainshall not be allowed without my written permission.EnglishThe University of British Columbia2075 Wesbrook PlaceVancouver, CanadaV6T 1W5Date: September 1993ABSTRACTIn this study I present an analysis of the structures of four works by Sir Thomas More:The History of Richard III, the 'Dialogue of Counsel' in Book I of Utopia, The DialogueConcerning Heresies, and The Dialogue of Comfort in Tribulation. My basic thesis is thatThomas More was a superb literary artist and a master of the art of literary dialogue, andthat beneath the often apparently rambling and digressive surface of each of these literaryworks, there is a 'deep structure' that is highly coherent and even tightly organised. I alsoshow that More's use of dialogue in each of the three dialogues is genuinely dialectical—thatthe individual speakers in the three literary dialogues make a genuine contribution to thedevelopment of the argument—and that the movement from speaker to speaker in theHistory of Richard III is also genuinely dialectical— anticipating the art of the three laterdialogues. To this end I have provided an interpretive reading/analysis of each of the works,focussing on More's "art of dialogue" in the passages of direct and indirect speech in RichardIII, and in the dialogues between Hythloday and Persona More in Book I of Utopia, betweenChancellor More and the Messenger in the Dialogue Concerning Heresies, and betweenVincent and Anthony in the Dialogue of Comfort. The thesis also includes a majorbibliographical appendix, consisting of about two thousand items of More scholarshiporganised according to topic. (The Bibliography is quite comprehensive covering all of More'sworks and also background studies and biographies.) The appendix is provided both as partof my argument and as a tool for further research.iiTABLE OF CONTENTSAbstract ^Introduction 11. A Man for All Seasons ^ 51.1. The Art of Dialogue 51.2. Editions: Renaissance and Modern ^ 101.3. Prospectus of the Work^ 151.4. A Part of His Own 181.5. All the World's a Stage 212. The History of Richard III ^ 302.1. The Argument of this Chapter ^ 302.2. Textual History and Authorship 312.3. Genre, Audience, Historical Background and Structure ^ 382.4. Analysis of the Text ^ 442.4.1. Introduction and Death of Edward IV (App. A.1, Sec. I) ^ 442.4.2. The Deposition of Edward V and Flight of the Queen toSanctuary (Sec. II) ^ 452.4.3. The Meeting of the Lords in Council (Sec. III) ^ 472.4.4. The Debate on Sanctuary Between the Queen and theCardinal (Sec. IV) ^ 492.4.5. The Execution of Hastings (Secs. V and VI) ^ 522.4.6. Doctor Shaa's Sermon and Buckingham's Guildhall Speech(Sec. VII) ^ 592.4.7. Richard's Coronation (Sec. VIII) ^ 622.4.8. The Continuation of the English Version (Sec. IX) ^ 642.5. Conclusion ^ 683. The Dialogue in Book I of Utopia^ 773.1. The Argument of This Chapter ^ 773.2. The Textual History of Utopia 793.3. Genre and Structure ^ 813.4. The Prefatory Letters 843.5. The Structure of Book I 893.6. Analysis of the Text ^ 913.6.1. The Introduction to Book I ^ 913.6.2. The Beginning of The 'Dialogue of Counsel' ^ 953.6.3. The Cardinal Morton Episode 973.6.4. The 'Dialogue of Counsel' Proper ^ 1023.6.5. The 'Sermon on Pride' and the Conclusion to Book II ^ 1093.7. Conclusion ^ 1144. The Dialogue Concerning Heresies: Books I and II ^ 1254.1. The Argument of This Chapter ^ 1254.2. Textual History and Background 1284.3. Analysis of Text ^ 131iii4.3.1. Introduction to The Dialogue Concerning Heresies (20/1-37/22) ^1314.3.2. Definitions of Heresy and Orthodoxy and The Image of Love(I: 2) ^ 1454.3.3. On Saints, Images, Miracles and Pilgrimages (I: 3-17) (A 1) ^ 1494.3.4. On Scripture and the Oral Tradition of the Church (I:18-31) (A 2) ...1554.3.5. On the True Church of Christ (II: 1-7) (A 2) ^ 1614.3.6. More on Images, Relics, Saints and Pilgrimages (II: 8-12) (A 1 ) 1634.4. Conclusion ^ 1685. Dialogue Concerning Heresies: Books III and IV^ 1755.1. Introduction ^ 1755.2. Book III:1 As Epilogue to Heresies A 2 ^ 1775.3. Analysis of Heresies B ^ 1825.3.1. Tyndale's Translation of the New Testament (III: 8-15) (B.2) ^ 1835.3.2. Approval for a Vernacular Translation (III: 16) (B.2 cont.) ^ 1865.3.3. The Beginning of Book IV ^ 1915.3.4. The Examination of a Lutheran Preacher (IV: 10-12) (B.3b) ^ 1965.3.5. Faith, Works, and Predestination (IV: 11b-12) (B.3b cont) ^ 2025.4. The Conclusion to The Dialogue Concerning Heresies ^ 2085.5. Conclusion ^ 2116. A Dialogue of Comfort 2176.1. The Argument of This Chapter ^ 2176.2. Textual History ^ 2196.3. Genre, Audience, Background, and Structure ^ 2226.4. The Function of Psalm 90 ^ 2286.5. Analysis of the Text 2336.5.1. Introduction to Book I (I:Preface) ^ 2336.5.2. Comfort in Tribulation (I:14:12) 2346.5.3. On the Necessity of Tribulation (I:13-I:20) ^ 2366.5.4. The Beginning of Book II (II:Preface-II:9) 2396.5.5. Psalm 90 and the First Temptation (II:10-II:16) ^ 2426.5.6. The Second and Third Temptations of Psalm 90 (II:16-II:17) ^ 2456.5.7. The Beginning of Book III (III:Preface-III:1) 2466.5.8. The Fourth Temptation (III:2-111:4) ^ 2476.5.9. The Loss of Outward Things (III:5-111:16) 2496.5.10. Bodily Pain, Captivity and Imprisonment (III:17-11I:22) ^ 2516.5.11. Persecution and Martyrdom (III:23-111:27) ^ 2556.6. Conclusion ^ 259Conclusion ^ 268Appendix: Thomas More Bibliography ^ 274ivLIST OF FIGURESFigure 2.1. Textual Stemma of English Version of Richard III ^ 34Figure 2.2. Textual Stemma of Latin Version of Richard III 37Figure 2.3. The Structure of Richard III^ 44Figure 3.1. The Structure of Utopia 83Figure 3.2. The Parerga to the Utopia 86Figure 3.3. The Episodic Structure of Book I of More's Utopia^ 90Figure 4.1. The Structure of Books III and IV of Heresies 140Figure 4.2. The Structure of Books I and II of Heresies ^ 142Figure 6.1. Dialogue of Comfort: Revised Textual Stemma I 221Figure 6.2. Comfort A: The Book of Comfort^ 225Figure 6.3. Comfort B: The Meditation on Psalm 90 (91): 5-6 ^ 226INTRODUCTIONDespite the monumental labours of the editors of the Yale Edition of The CompleteWorks of St. Thomas More, 1 very little work has yet been done on analysing the structure ofThomas More's major writings. The study I present here is a contribution towards rectifyingthis unjust neglect. Though much has been written about St. Thomas More, an analysis ofthe secondary bibliography in the Bibliographical Appendix indicates clearly that the onlywork of More's that has been extensively analysed is his Utopia, and that even here almostall the articles on Utopia focus exclusively on the famous account of the imaginary island ofUtopia in Book II. While much has been written on More's life and famous martyrdom, verylittle scholarly attention has yet been paid to analysing any of his literary works, apart fromUtopia.At least part of the reason for this past neglect is the lack of good modern criticaleditions of More's works. This situation has been largely rectified by the now almostcomplete critical edition of More's works being published by Yale University Press. Despitethe very extensive textual apparatus to the editions of the various works supplied by theYale editors, there is little in the way of actual "explication de texte" provided in theeditorial apparatus. The time is now ripe for a new generation of textual scholars, buildingon the achievements of the Yale edition, to provide such an in depth analysis.For all the scholarly work that has been done on More in recent years, St. ThomasMore in many ways still remains an extremely enigmatic and elusive author for most of hismodern readers. It is this enigma that I wish to address in this study. I think that thiselusiveness is hardly an accident. For the 'Man For All Seasons' was also a man of manymasks and many voices with an uncanny ability at improvising and acting out a largenumber of different roles in the course of his long and varied life. In this study, I will beanalysing four of Thomas More's most, important literary works, his History of Richard III,1/ 2Book I of his Utopia, and the two English dialogues: the Dialogue Concerning Heresies andthe Dialogue of Comfort in Tribulation.In the case of More's "semi-dialogue" the Utopia, I have deliberately omitted alldiscussion of Book II, mainly because the dialogue in Utopia occurs only in Book I. In thecase of Richard III, I have concentrated on the passages of direct and indirect discourse inthe History, trying to show in my analysis the dialectical movement from speaker to speakerin the text, or what Clarence Miller calls "the ironical cross-lights of Richard III,"2 which hecompares to the give-and-take of the formal dialogues. In the case of the two major Englishdialogues, where the dialogue is sustained throughout the works—in one case over threehundred pages, and in the other over four hundred pages, I have provided in each case abasic analysis of the whole work in question.With the dialogues under consideration here, I think it is fair to say that the "art ofdialogue" in England reached a height that it had never reached before and has neverattained since. Each of the four works under consideration is in its own way unique.My study consists of a basic structural analysis of the four works under consideration,together with an opening chapter, which is designed to frame my discussion of these worksin a manner which I hope is in some small way analogous to the parerga or introductoryframes of the works themselves. In an appendix, I have also added a major bibliography ofMore scholarship, containing about two thousand items, organised according to topics, e.g.,studies of individual works, biographical topics, etc.The basic thesis of this study is that Thomas More was a superb literary artist and amaster of the art of literary dialogue, and that beneath the often seemingly rambling,digressive, and apparently incoherent and chaotic surface of each of the four literary worksunder consideration in this study, there is a 'deep structure' that is highly coherent and eventightly organised. The purpose of this study is to describe and show empirically this deep/ 3structure, both on a macroscopic level (the 'top-down' approach) in the body of the thesis,and on the level of microstructure (the 'bottom-up' approach) in the tables and figuresprovided for each of the four works under discussion. The one hundred and fifty pagebibliography in the Bibliographical Appendix is provided as a tool for scholars, but it too is apart of my argument. Even a casual perusal of the contents of the bibliography indicatesjust how onesided past More scholarship has been—the two main foci of that scholarshipbeing Utopia and More's biography and martyrdom—and how little criticism there is eventoday on any of More's other works apart from Utopia (and even for Book I of that work).Thomas More was an extremely sophisticated writer—nowhere is this more evidentthan in his History of Richard III and in the three literary dialogues: Utopia, Book I, theDialogue Concerning Heresies, and the Dialogue of Comfort. Contrary to the view of manycritics that these works are rambling and incoherent, and lacking in structure, and that theuse of the dialogue form contributes nothing to the argument, I show in this study that theseworks do have a clear and coherent, albeit rather convoluted structure to them, and thatMore's use of dialogue is genuinely dialectical—that the individual speakers in the threeliterary dialogues make a genuine contribution to the development of the argument, andthat the movement from speaker to speaker in the History of Richard III is also genuinelydialectical—anticipating the art of these three later literary dialogues. To this end I haveprovided an interpretive reading/analysis of each of the works, focussing on More's "art ofdialogue," detailing all the major twists and turns in the arguments or discussions betweenthe speakers.Given the great sophistication of these works, I would argue very strongly, at the riskof sounding boring and uncontroversial about an author who has been surrounded bycontroversy in recent years, for the need for a "What Happens in Hamlet" kind of analysisof More's texts. Though the Yale editions of the English version of History of Richard III/ 4(1963) and Utopia (1965) were published over twenty-five years ago, the other editions—theDialogue of Comfort (1976), the Dialogue Concerning Heresies (1981), and the Latin versionof the Historia Ricardi Tertii (1986)—were published much more recently and have not yetattracted much critical attention. No comprehensive study of More's dialogues has evenbeen published—I think the time is ripe now for such a study.NOTES1. The Yale Edition of the Complete Works of St. Thomas More (New Haven: Yale UP, 1963-).Cited herafter as CW.2. CW 14, 769.1. A MAN FOR ALL SEASONS1.1. THE ART OF DIALOGUECentral to the rhetorical culture of Renaissance humanism is what might best be called"the art of dialogue." The post-classical use of the dialogue form has not yet been studied inany detail. This is surprising given the great popularity of this literary form, both in theMiddle Ages and the Renaissance. There is a continuous tradition of the use of the dialogueas a literary form from the time of Plato onwards right down to the sixteenth andseventeenth centuries and beyond. The dialogue form enjoyed a further increase inpopularity in the Renaissance period. Among the earlier practitioners of the art of dialogue,one finds not only Plato, but also Lucian, Cicero and Seneca; many of the Church Fathers,among them Justin Martyr, Jerome and Augustine; several mediaeval theologians includingGregory the Great, Anselm and Abelard; and several Renaissance humanists, includingPetrarch, Valla, and Erasmus.Several of More's most important works are organized in the form of literary dialoguesor include reported dialogues as part of the text. The form of Book I of Utopia (1516-1518)is clearly that of a literary dialogue. 1 Besides the Utopia, the most important uses of thedialogue structure by More are in his two major English dialogues, the Dialogue ConcerningHeresies (1529, 2nd ed. 1531), and the Dialogue of Comfort in Tribulation (written in 1534).Several of More's other works also make extensive use of indirect discourse and of dramaticmonologue. The History of Richard III (1513-1518)— both Latin and Englishversions—includes several orations and reported dialogues, and one long debate. In DeTristitia, More makes extensive use of dramatic monologue in the scenes in which Christ, inthe Garden of Gethsemane, addresses the sleeping apostles. One of More's prison letters,"The Letter of Margaret Roper to Alice Alington," 2 is also arranged in the form of a literarydialogue between More and his daughter Margaret Roper. And the list goes on. 35A Man for All Seasons / 6One of the major difficulties in approaching More's dialogues is that the definitivehistory of the literary dialogue has yet to be written. Until more work has been done oncharting the development and evolution of the dialogue as a literary form, we are on veryuncertain grounds as modern readers in determining the conventions of this genre. Inparticular, because of the almost complete lack of any general studies on the post-classicaldialogue as a literary form,4 it is necessary to proceed inductively. Only when most of themajor practitioners of the art of dialogue in the Renaissance period have been carefullyexamined will it be possible to make any kind of reliable generalizations about the dialogueform as a Renaissance genre. 5 Nor is it sufficient to examine isolated works by individualauthors. Each of the dialogues that More wrote is very different in structure and tone fromthe others. 6 Indeed, More seems to have been one of those authors who never did the samething twice. There is a far greater degree of commonality among the dialogues of Erasmus,whether it be the Anti-Barbari, the Colloquies or the Ciceronianus. More's use of dialogue isin any case quite different from Erasmus's. And both in turn are very different from suchother great practitioners of the 'art of dialogue' as Jean Bodin or Galileo Galilei, whoseDialogue Concerning Two New Sciences is one of the best examples of this genre in theRenaissance period.The situation is further complicated by the unfamiliarity of most modern readers withthe literary and rhetorical conventions underlying Renaissance prose writing. It is notsurprising, then, to find that More's works like those of the other major prose writers of theperiod, have been relatively neglected by comparison with the works of most of theimportant Renaissance poets and dramatists. Indeed, in sharp contrast with much of thebest poetry and drama of the period, Renaissance prose works with rare exceptions haveremained the preserve of a very small group of literary and historical specialists.The Renaissance period, despite all appearances to the contrary, is undoubtedly one ofA Man for All Seasons / 7the most neglected periods in Western intellectual history. We have in many ways a muchclearer understanding of the works of the mediaeval scholastic philosophers than we do ofthe Renaissance humanists. Until very recently what few humanistic texts, such as More'sUtopia or Erasmus's Praise of Folly or Machiavelli's The Prince, were still being read, werealmost always interpreted totally outside their historical contexts.Many of the literary forms or genres employed by Renaissance writers, such as thewriting of literary dialogues, are no longer a part of our modern literary culture. Literarycritics today often make the mistake of imposing peculiarly modern conceptions of genre onmediaeval and Renaissance texts. The cardinal sin here is anachronism; for example, we seethe attempt often made to interpret Renaissance dialogue in general in terms of the latertraditions of the bourgeois novel, or, in particular, that of trying to read More's Utopia fromthe perspective of nineteenth- and twentieth-century socialist and Marxist utopias.Renaissance dialogue is quite clearly neither drama nor novel, and especially not the latter.In the case of More's Utopia, though it gave its name to a genre, it is at best only a veryremote antecedent of modern utopian fiction.It is absurd, for example, to call Utopia a novel, since the genre we know as thebourgeois novel only came into existence in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, thoughit had obvious precedents in the mediaeval and Renaissance romance and the classical epic.Clearly, Utopia owes more than a little to the mediaeval and Renaissance traveller's talesthat were so popular in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Just as clearly it owes asmuch to the whole tradition of the literary dialogue and the genre of classical works ofpolitical and moral philosophy "De Optimo Statu Reipublicae" ("On the Best State of aCommonwealth"), but whatever it is, it is clearly not a novel.Utopia is not the only work of More's to be badly served by modern schemes of genericclassification. In much the same way. all too often More's History of Richard III is dismissedA Man for All Seasons / 8out of hand as an example of historical writing just because it does not fit within theframework of modern so-called scientific canons of historicity. This somewhat begs thequestion since "scientific" historiography did not come into existence before the nineteenthcentury. The crucial question here is what More's humanist contemporaries expected fromhistorical writing and whether the History of Richard III falls within the broad range ofRenaissance historiography. Some modern critics, no doubt influenced by Shakespeare'sTragedy of King Richard III, have persisted in seeing More's work as a "satirical drama" 7rather than a work of historiography. While More's History of Richard III makes extensiveuse of reported speeches and orations it is clearly not a drama in the conventional sense ofthe word or for that matter a formal literary dialogue. However, there are enoughsimilarities in the use of dialogue between the History of Richard III and More's three greatformal dialogues to justify including it in this study.Despite all pretences to the contrary most modern literary critics, especially theso-called literary theorists, show little sensitivity to the historical contexts of the literarytexts that they study. There is no real recognition here of the passage of time. Literarygenres seem to exist for them only in some kind of pseudo-Platonic realm of forms. There isno real acknowledgement of the possibility that literary genres and rhetorical conventionsmay have evolved and developed and changed over time. At most these critics maygrudgingly recognise some kind of rupture or discontinuity with the past in that new genreshave come into use that did not exist before.When confronted by the extraordinary wealth and variety of Renaissance literarygenres, one is forced to recognise the very limited value of modern literary theoreticalapproaches for the understanding of this great mass of material. This is clearest in the caseof Renaissance prose genres. What work has been done on Renaissance prose genres hasbeen mainly on the seventeenth century when such modern prose genres as the essay wereA Man for All Seasons / 9beginning to evolve. When we go back to the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, we are on farless certain grounds.Among the most serious mistakes that modern critics and historians make is either toignore the very serious discontinuities and cultural breaks between the Renaissance,especially the early Renaissance, and the modern period, and to pass off Renaissancehumanists as modern authors, or else to ignore the whole passage of over a thousand yearsof mediaeval culture and civilization and to claim that the Renaissance was nothing morethan a revival of classical culture pure and simple. Both approaches end up being extremelyreductive.When it comes to the dialogue structure itself, the greatest danger facing modernreaders in interpreting these texts, is that of making a naive comparison between More andPlato. To call More's dialogues Platonic is begging the question since Plato essentiallycreated the genre and all subsequent literary dialogues almost inevitably end up beingcompared, usually to their disadvantage, with Plato's dialogues.Thomas More stands out as one of the most important practitioners of Platonic dialoguein the sixteenth century—not only in the Utopia but also in his two great English dialogues:the Dialogue Concerning Heresies and The Dialogue of Comfort in Tribulation. However,More's English dialogues owe at least as much to the whole tradition of patristic dialogue asthey do to Plato. Most of the great Church Fathers of Christian antiquity from the time ofJustin Martyr (-150 A.D.) onwards wrote dialogues, including St. Augustine, and the formwas also adopted by many mediaeval philosophers including St. Anselm and Abelard. Inparticular, More's most important polemical work, the Dialogue Concerning Heresies seemsto be modelled not only on Plato's major dialogues but also on the patristic and mediaevaltradition of Streitdialogen, or conflict-dialogues. 8Given More's extensive reading of patristic texts, we can be fairly certain that he wasA Man for All Seasons / 10familiar with most of these exemplars. These patristic dialogues often seem to have had adecidedly polemical thrust to them, though it would be naive to underestimate the element ofconflict in Platonic dialogues. Since More was clearly familiar with the works of most ofthese earlier practitioners of the 'art of dialogue', it would be a serious mistake to interpretMore's major works solely within the context of the Platonic tradition.1.2. EDITIONS: RENAISSANCE AND MODERNDuring Thomas More's long and extremely varied public career, he never ceased to findtime to write. Even by sixteenth century standards he was extremely prolific (though not asprolific as Erasmus). This becomes all the more remarkable when we consider that Morewas a practising lawyer and politician who only wrote in his spare time (if one ignores thegreat mass of Chancery business with which he had to deal at court). For a man as busy asMore was, the great variety and scope of his literary output is quite astounding. The sheerextent of More's literary corpus, especially of the English works, often seems quite dauntingto modern scholars.Until quite recently, however, most of More's works were not readily available inmodern critical editions. This extraordinary neglect has led to a serious underestimation ofhis importance as a literary writer. This situation has begun to change as a result of thepublication of the various volumes of The Complete Works of St. Thomas More by YaleUniversity Press. However, since most of the energy of the Yale editors has gone intotextual editing and establishing the text, relatively little work has as yet been done onactual interpretation of the texts, especially of the polemical works which make up the bulkof the English folio edition of 1557.Only now are scholars beginning to acknowledge fully the importance of More's Englishprose. The 1557 edition of More's Englysh Workes, edited by William Rastell, 9 constitutesthe first folio edition of any major English author, except Chaucer, preceding the folio of BenA Man for All Seasons 1 11Jonson's Works by almost sixty years, and the Hemynge and Condell folio edition ofShakespeare by sixty-six years. The sheer size of the folio edition (over fifteen hundredpages), and the early date of composition of the individual works (before 1535), alone shouldindicate their importance for the study of the development of English prose. (The only othercomparable earlier English prose work is Caxton's Malory.)When one also takes into consideration More's Latin works, the Translations of Lucian,his Latin Epigrams, the Utopia (the first English translation of which was made by RalphRobinson as late as 1551), the Latin version of the Historia Richardi Tertii, More'santi-Lutheran satire the Responsio ad Lutherum, the Latin letters (some of which werereally essays or tracts for the times), and finally the De Tristitia Christi (his last workwritten in the Tower), then More emerges as an author of major importance. More's LatinWorks were collected together and published in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries inBasle (1563), Louvain (1565), and Frankfurt (1689). 10 Indeed, More's internationalreputation in his own time was based on his Latin works (and not on his English ones),especially on the Utopia, but also his Latin poetry, his joint translations with Erasmus ofLucian, and some of his Latin letters (which were published or circulated in manuscriptform in his own lifetime). More was unique among English writers in being equally eloquentin both Latin and English, his closest rivals being, perhaps, Sir Francis Bacon and JohnMilton. He was also the first major English author to be affected both by RenaissanceHumanism and by the English Reformation, as an outstanding defender of the Catholic side.It is hardly necessary to pay tribute to the indefatigable industry of the Yale editors;their work is well enough known. One has only to examine the individual volumes to seewhat a superb job the Yale editors have done. Often, the scholarly apparatus equals in bulkor even exceeds the lengths of the texts themselves. And More's literary output could hardlybe called slim to begin with. The many handsomely bound volumes (some in two or threeA Man for All Seasons / 12physical parts) are a monument to the endeavours of the Yale editors and of the publishingefforts of Yale University Press.However, one of the paradoxical effects of a major humanistic enterprise like the Yaleedition is that it often leads to a profound re-evaluation and sometimes radical revision ofthe very scholarly judgements and opinions expressed by the editors themselves. This iscertainly true of the Yale edition which has already led to a profound revaluation, arevaluation that is still very much in progress, of More's status in literary and intellectualhistory. Reading through the scholarly apparatus of the various volumes of The CompleteWorks, one cannot help but feel, that, for all their immense erudition, the Yale editors wereonly laying a foundation—a very important foundation, one must admit—for futureresearch. The monumental labours of the Yale editors have raised at least as many newquestions about More—both the man and his works—as they have provided answers. Noone has yet done justice to the complexity and richness, and profundity of More's thought.Work on the Yale edition of The Complete Works of St. Thomas More began just overthirty-five years ago in the late 1950s, 11 though the first volumes to be published, theeditions of Richard III and Utopia, did not appear until 1963 and 1965 respectively. Botheditions represented the very best in contemporary humanistic scholarship and received thehighest praise in reviews published in many academic journals at the time. 12 And yet suchare the vicissitudes of literary scholarship that many an edition is rendered obsolete almostas soon as it is published. I think it is fair to say that after the passage of just overtwenty-five years, both editions would have to be very substantially revised, if notcompletely reedited, if they were to be republished today. The case of Richard III isespecially clear.The editors of the Yale edition have been fortunate over the last twenty to thirty yearsto have made some extraordinary manuscript discoveries and to have uncovered someA Man for All Seasons / 13previously unknown copies of early printed editions of More's works. Undoubtedly, the mostexciting of these finds was the discovery in 1963 in Spain of the autograph manuscript of DeTristitia, More's last major work, written while he was in the Tower of London. It was foundin the cathedral of Valencia, where, completely unknown to English scholars, it had beenvenerated for centuries as a relic of the Catholic martyr. (It was later edited by ClarenceMiller and appeared as Volume 14 of the Yale edition). However, another discovery almostas important was that made by Daniel Kinney of a manuscript in Paris containing a copy ofthe Latin version of Richard III, which, while not the autograph, was clearly superior to anyof the previously known Latin texts that had provided the basis of Sylvester's edition inVolume 2 of the Yale edition in 1963.Faced with this unexpected discovery, the Yale editors could perhaps have chosen toreedit Volume 2. However, there was no good reason to revise the edition of the Englishversion (the Latin and the English versions appear on facing pages in Volume 2). Mostscholarly readers would still agree with Sylvester's original decision to use the 1557 text inthe folio edition of More's English Works as his base text, rather than the earlier butobviously corrupt texts incorporated into the Chronicles of Grafton and Hall. The Yaleeditors made what was perhaps the wisest choice by including a new edition of the Latinversion (together with Daniel Kinney's excellent English translation) in Volume 15 of TheComplete Works in 1986. Kinney also used this opportunity to add additional notes to reflectscholarly developments since 1963. It does mean, however, that any serious student ofMore's Richard III will have to balance and juggle the two volumes in his hands if he wantsto compare the Latin and English versions. Although the English version is the one knownto tradition and provides the basis for Shakespeare's Richard III, no serious More scholarcan afford to ignore the Latin version any longer, especially in light of Kinney's work.While there have been no such dramatic finds in the case of Utopia, the publication ofA Man for All Seasons / 14the Yale edition has had the effect of stimulating quite intense critical debates about thenature of the text. Prior to the publication of the Yale edition of Utopia some Englishprofessors did not even realise that the work was written originally in Latin, and made themistake of taking Ralph Robinson's 1551 English translation for the original. Few scholarswould still make that mistake today. Several studies have appeared in recent years thatanalyse in depth the literary and rhetorical features of the text. As a result, we now have amuch better appreciation of the complex ironies and ambiguities underlying the surface ofthe work. Unfortunately, the text has become more elusive and harder to pin down thanever. We also have a much better understanding of the political and social conditions of theearly sixteenth century. It is much harder now to justify the totally anachronisticmisreadings of Utopia as a precursor of either enlightenment liberalism 13 or of modern-daysocialist and communist political philosophies. 14Given the extensive revaluation of the early sixteenth century historical background ofUtopia in recent years, Hexter's introduction almost certainly would have to be rewritten.(His co-editor Surtz's contribution has better stood the test of time). So much has beenpublished since the Utopia volume came out that it would require an additionalsupplementary volume to bring the commentary up to date. In addition, many moderntranslations of Utopia have also appeared in recent years, including some superior to the oneincorporated into the Yale edition.The two English dialogues, the Dialogue Concerning Heresies and the Dialogue ofComfort in Tribulation stand out among More's later works for their literary sophisticationand technique. More was criticised even by some of his contemporaries for the sheer extentof his English writings, and some of the later English works show signs of carelessness andhurried composition, but the two English dialogues at least are very carefully crafted worksand call for close reading and rereading. The first modern critical edition, based on the earlyA Man for All Seasons / 15printed editions, of the Dialogue Concerning Heresies was published in 1981. And the firstmodern critical edition of The Dialogue Concerning Comfort in Tribulation, was published in1976. It made use not only of the early printed editions but also of two sixteenth centurymanuscripts, one of which, the "Corpus Christi Manuscript," provided the base text for theYale edition. Since the publication of the Yale Edition two more manuscripts have beenfound, though, unlike the "Paris Manuscript" of the Latin version of Richard III, thedifferences are not substantive enough to necessitate re-editing the text. Neither of More'stwo English dialogues has yet attracted much serious critical attention.1.3. PROSPECTUS OF THE WORKFor my study of Richard III, Richard S. Sylvester's edition of the English version inCW 2 and Daniel Kinney's critical edition of the Latin version (together with a moderntranslation), will prove to be indispensable. Kinney's edition, included in CW 15, is based onthe recently discovered Paris Manuscript and represents the first genuinely critical editionof the Latin text, replacing the two earlier Latin texts included by R. S. Sylvester in hisedition of the English version in CW 2. For the first time, it is possible to examine seriouslythe relationships between the two versions. I agree with Kinney's conclusion that the Latinversion is dramatically complete. Many of the differences between the two versions are areflection of the different audiences—one English and the other international—that Morehad in mind when he wrote his history. The two versions, however, do not always agreeeven on basic details: Buckingham, for example, seems to play a much more active role inthe Latin than in the English versions. More obviously felt free in the Latin version to give aslightly different account of events, to add speeches not found in the English, and torearrange the order of the materials. These differences no doubt reflect the basic freedom allRenaissance historians claimed in selecting and interpreting the incidents of history.The vast literature on Utopianism is largely irrelevant to my study. Most so-calledA Man for All Seasons / 16utopias are only really remotely connected to More's "golden little book". More clearly hadno intention of creating a new genre, and we seriously misread his text by viewing it in thelight of the later development and evolution of utopian literature. In fact, there are explicitclues given in the text itself, obvious to More's contemporaries, about the genre (or genres)that the Utopia is modelled on. The double title (De optimo statu reipublicae deque nova insulautopia, "Concerning the best state of a commonwealth and the new island of Utopia" revealsMore's true intentions. The Utopia was evidently meant to be read both as a work of moraland political philosophy, and as a work of fiction, specifically as a travel romance. More'slibellus, his little book, defies easy interpretation. The enormous commentary and the vasterudition of the Yale Edition has only sparked more debate about the meaning of More'sseminal work. I think the real value of the work lies in the questions it forces us to ask aboutour place in society and in the world, and not in the answers it allegedly gives.The Dialogue Concerning Heresies is a neglected classic, yet C. S. Lewis, who wasgenerally rather critical of More, called it the best Platonic dialogue in English. 15 TheDialogue Concerning Heresies relates a series of imaginary debates between ChancellorMore and a Messenger, who represents the Protestant position. It is important to recognisethat there are no straw-men in More's dialogues, though there are, of course, winners andlosers. The Messenger, though himself a Catholic, puts forward a very strong case for theLutheran side, which Chancellor More then rebuts. More was obviously writing for otherCatholics, with the intention of showing them how to answer the Protestant arguments. TheDialogue Concerning Heresies contains some of More's best merry tales, usually put into themouth of the Messenger. Many of them deal, in the best Chaucerian tradition, with thefollies and corruptions of human nature, including the Church. As a Catholic reformer, Moredid not attempt to hide the abuses within the church, but he rejected the revolutionarychanges advocated by Luther and other early Protestants.A Man for All Seasons / 17After More's imprisonment in the Tower, he wrote his last great masterpiece: theDialogue of Comfort. The nominal setting of the Dialogue of Comfort is Hungary, on the eveof the Turkish invasion in 1527. Though the work has been read as an allegory of More'sown personal situation and of the fate of the Catholics in England, he was also genuinelyconcerned about the terrible dangers posed to a theologically-divided Europe by the Turkishinvasions. The Dialogue of Comfort clearly works on more than one level. Among otherthings, it contains what is probably the first serious philosophical and theological treatment,and certainly the first in English, since classical antiquity and the patristic age of theproblems of doubt, despair, suicide and martyrdom. And yet, paradoxically, it is a also workof consolation in the tradition of Boethius's Consolation of Philosophy.As an aid to scholars, I have added a major appendix to the thesis.In the appendix I have compiled a one-hundred-and-fifty-page topical bibliography ofMore Scholarship, containing about two thousand entries, organised according to individualworks (the Utopia section alone has about fifty subsections), and also according to moregeneral topics, e.g. More and the Law, etc. 17 The "Bibliographical Appendix," which has aseparate table of contents, is presented both as a tool for scholars, and as part of myargument. As far as Utopia is concerned I have not included general studies of Utopianliterature, except where they have had a section of at least four or five pages on More'sUtopia. Otherwise, I have tried to be as comprehensive as possible.Even just casually glancing through the items in the bibliography makes it very clearthat there are still giant gaps in modern More scholarship. The two main concentrations ofthe bibliographical items are on More's biography and famous martyrdom, and on theUtopia. Almost half of the bibliography (forty-five percent) on More in the BibliographicalAppendix is devoted to background studies, including biographies, plays, general studies ofhis life and works, etc. While the items on Utopia comprise about twenty-five percent of theA Man for All Seasons / 18total, those on the other three works under consideration in this study comprise a muchsmaller portion of the total. Bibliographical items on Richard III, A Dialogue ConcerningHeresies, and A Dialogue of Comfort comprise five percent, three percent, and three percentrespectively. (The total for all of More's early 'humanistic works'—including Richard III butexcluding Utopia—is 15.5%, while the later polemical and Tower works combined—includingthe two English dialogues—also comprise 15.5% of the total.) Among the items on Utopia,those that deal mainly or exclusively with Book I (the Dialogue of Counsel, and RaphaelHythloday sections) comprise only eight percent of the Utopia bibliography, or about twopercent of the total bibliography. My study is aimed at partly redressing the tremendousimbalance and one-sidedness in modern scholarship that these figures reveal.1.4. A PART OF HIS OWNErasmus once called his good friend Thomas More a "homo omnium horarum," whichwas translated by one of More's English contemporaries as "a man for all seasons," 18 butwhich might be better translated into modern English as "a man for every situation oropportunity." Another of More's friends, John Colet, called him "England's one universalgenius". 19 More, as many of his contemporaries, especially Erasmus, noted, had a geniusfor adapting himself to the situation at hand, and for always playing a part. William Roper,More's son-in-law and his first biographer after Erasmus, records an incident in More'syouth that was to be characteristic of the man throughout his life. When he was onlythirteen or fourteen, More became a page in the household of Cardinal Morton, at the timeArchbishop of Canterbury and Lord Chancellor of England. Roper relates that during hisstay in Cardinal Morton's household:thoughe he was younge of yeares, yeat wold he at Christmas tyde sodenlysometimes steppe in among the players, and neuer studyeng for the matter,make a parte of his owne there presently among them, which made theA Man for All Seasons / 19lookers on more sporte then all the plaiers beside. In whose witt andtowardnes the Cardinall muche delightynge, wold often say of him vnto thenobles that divers tymes dined with him: "This child here wayting at thetable, whosoeuer shall liue to see it, will proue a mervailous man." 2 'More's genius for improvisation and play, even on very serious occasions, a quality in whichhe very much resembled Erasmus, stayed with him all his life even to his very lastmoments on the scaffold.When Erasmus first visited England in 1499, he met Thomas More, who, attwenty-one, was the youngest and most brilliantly precocious member of a small group ofEnglish humanists who were devoting themselves to the study of Greek, and of the newlearning coming out of Italy. However, it was not More's intellectual brilliance that struckErasmus so much as his affability and genius for friendship:I find here a climate at once agreeable and extremely healthy, and such aquantity of intellectual refinement and scholarship, not of the usual pedanticand trivial kind either, but profound and learned and truly classical, in bothLatin and Greek, that I have little longing left for Italy, except for the sakeof visiting it. When I listen to Colet it seems to me that I am listening toPlato himself. Who could fail to be astonished at the universal scope ofGrocyn's accomplishments? Could anything be more clever or profound orsophisticated than Linacre's mind? Did Nature ever create anything kinder,sweeter, or more harmonious than the character of Thomas More? 21More's life spanned approximately the last quarter of the fifteenth and the first third ofthe sixteenth century, from 1477/78 to 1535. When he was born in 1477 or 1478, Englandwas just recovering from a devastating period of civil wars. Indeed, the final episode, whichMore dealt with in part in his own History of Richard III, took place when More was a youngboy of five or six, during the reign of Richard III. When he died, England was going througha very stormy, political and religious revolution—commonly known as the EnglishReformation—a revolution essentially engineered from above by Henry VIII, ThomasCranmer, the Archbishop of Canterbury, and Thomas Cromwell, Henry's secretary. Morewas only the most illustrious of many victims, both Protestant and Catholic, that perished inA Man for All Seasons / 20the eight-year-long bloodbath that followed More's resignation as Lord Chancellor in 1532and essentially ended with the death of Secretary Cromwell in 1540, ironically himself oneof the main architects of the Henrician purges and "witchhunts" of the 1530's.Most of More's major works touch directly or indirectly on the momentous changes thatwere going on in the Western Christendom or Europe of this period. Throughout most of thisperiod, England enjoyed relative peace and prosperity, although not all benefitted from thisstate of affairs. The "enclosures" were only the most dramatic example of the profoundsocial and economic dislocations and hardships experienced by many people at this time.After spending a couple of years as a page in the household of Cardinal Morton, youngMore was sent to study at Oxford where he spent two years from 1492-1494. PerhapsCardinal Morton thought that his brilliant protege might in time make a good churchman;however, his father, John More, had other plans, and in 1494 More was sent first to NewInn in London, and then in 1496 to Lincoln's Inn to study law. Young More obviously foundtime to study Greek and write poetry in both Latin and English while attending lawSchool'. 22 By 1501, More had been admitted to the Bar of London and had begun a long andsuccessful career as a lawyer and politician that would last more than thirty years.During the period 1501-1504, More seems to have boarded at least part of the timewith the main Carthusian monastery in London. Far too much has been made of this bycertain modern biographers and critics of More, especially Richard Marius. 23 William Roperand Nicholas Harpsfield, writing some fifty years after the event, are the main sources forthis account: "After which tyme he gaue himselfe to devotion and prayer in the Charterhouse of London, religiously lyvinge there, without vowe, about lir yeares." 24 During thistime he continued to pursue his law career by lecturing at Furnivall's Inn, another of theInns of Court.There seems to be little doubt that More did consider at one point becoming a priest, butA Man for All Seasons / 21it is quite another matter to suppose that he would necessarily have become a Carthusian,given the criticisms he makes of the monastic life in general later in Utopia and in the Letterto a Monk, addressed to the Carthusian John Batmanson. 25 True, the Carthusians had areputation for austerity and piety, and were generally exempted from the widespreadcriticism of monastic life in the late Middle Ages. Even Erasmus and Colet both regardedthem in a favourable light. But clearly, had More actually become a priest, rather thanjoining a religious order, it is much more likely as Louis Martz suggests, 26 that, being astalented and ambitious as he was, he would have risen in time to the very top of theecclesiastical hierarchy, and become an Archbishop of Canterbury or York, or like his friendCuthbert Tunstall, of London or Durham.1.5. ALL THE WORLD'S A STAGEAs a young man Thomas More wrote plays, though these have been lost to us. 27 One ofhis surviving English poems is a four hundred and fifty line farce written in Skeltonic meter,called A mery gest how a sergeaunt wolde lern to be a frere, 28 which may well have beenpresented at the Christmas Revels at the Inns of Court. The farce is almost Chaucerian inits ribaldry, and shows strong dramatic possibilities, which with a bit more developmentcould have been turned into an interlude of the type written by More's brother-in-law, JohnRastell, or by Rastell's son-in-law, John Heywood. 29 The basic plot of A Mery Gest hassimilarities to Rastell's Johan Johan, 30 and also Heywood's The Play Called the Four PP. 31Though More never did go on to write any interludes, the image of the stage-play is animportant one that runs through his extant works. The basic topos or metaphor is a very oldone, going at least as far back as the second century A.D. Greek satirist Lucian, and indeedit is in More's Latin translation of Lucian's Menippus (1505), that it first finds expression inMore's writings. An English verse translation was made shortly afterwards from More'sLatin. probably by More's brother-in-law John Raste11:32A Man for All Seasons / 22Me thought mannys lyfe wel be lykenid mightTo a stage play wher it fortunyth alwayThat they that be the players shal be that dayAppareiyd in dyvers straunge clothyng...For as I thynk a play ought to beOf all maner of kyndis & of every degreAnd some man in the myddis of the playChangeth his garment not hit happyth not alwayThat in the same aray every manAnd order shal procede as he began...Yet for all that not suffred thereBut a short whyle that garment to wereBut when the play is fynyshed & every manDelyveryng up his apparell thanAlteryng his hye estate and his arayHis is then as he was before they play. 33More make's use of this image again later in Richard III (1513-1518); after describing thefarcical election of Richard as king, stage-managed at every step by the Duke ofBuckingham and Richard himself, the narrator concludes:And in a stage play all the people know right wel, that he that playeth thesowdayne is percase a sowter. Yet if one should can so lyttle good, to sheweout of seasonne what acquaintance he hath with him, and calle him by hisowne name whyle he standeth in his magestie, one of his tormentors mighthap to breake his head, and worthy for marring of the play. And so theysaid that these matters bee Kynges games, as it were stage playes, and forthe more part plaied vpon scafoldes. In which pore men be but ye lokers on.And thei yt wise be, wil medle no farther. For they that sometyme step vpand playe wt them, when they cannot play their partes, they disorder theplay & do themself no good. 34Similarly, at the end of Book I of Utopia (1516), Morus in criticizing Hythloday's"academic" philosophy, cites the example of an actor, who in the middle of a comedy byPlautus comes on stage reciting a passage in Octavia where Seneca is disputing with Nero:"Would it not have been preferable to take a part without words than by reciting somethinginappropriate to make a hodgepodge of comedy and tragedy? You would have spoiled andupset the actual play by bringing in irrelevant matter—even if your contribution would havebeen superior in itself." 35 And certainly, as we know, the historical More was quite capableA Man for All Seasons / 23at different times to both "play a part of his own", and also "a part without words." In TheFour Last Things (1522), in the treatment 'of Pride', he again introduces the image of thestage play:If yU sholdest perceue yt one wer ernestly proud of the wering of a gaygolden gown, while the lorel playth the lord in a stage playe, woldest yU notlaugh at his foly, considering that yU art very sure, yt whan ye play isdone, he shal go walke a knave in his old cote? Now yU thinkest thy selfewyse ynough whyle yU art proude in thy players garment, & forgettest thatwhan thy play is done, yU shalt go forth as pore as he. Nor yU remembrestnot that thy pageant may happen to be done as sone as hys. 6From there More goes on to develop the Platonic metaphor of the world as a prison—atheme that later receives extended development in Book III of the Dialogue of Comfort(1534), written when More was himself in prison. That the "World as Stage/Scaffold",which already has ironic overtones in Richard III, could take on a sinister meaning is clear acouple of pages later in his treatment 'of envy'. The author points out the foolishness ofenvying "a poore soule, for playing the lord one night in an enterlude. And also couldest y Uenuy a perpetual sick man,... a man that is but a prysoner damned to deth, a man that is inye cart alredy carying forward?" 37 He goes on to cite the example of a great Duke 38 whothrew a great wedding party for the marriage of his daughter and asks the reader toimagine himself there:if thou beyng thereat, and at the syght of the rialty and honoure shewedhym of all the country about resorting to hym, whyle they knele & croucheto hym, & at euerye word barehed bigrace him, if thou sholdest sodeinly besurely aduertised, yt for secret treason lately detected to the king he sholdvndoutedly be taken the morow his courte al broken vp, his goodes ceased,his wife put out, his children dysherited, himselfe caste in prison, broughtefurth & arrayned, the matter out of question, & he should be condemned,his cote armour reuersed, his gilt spurres hewen of his heles, himselfhanged drawen and quartered, howe thinkeste thou by thy fayth amydthyne enuy, shouldeste thou not sodaynly chaunge into pity? 3 ')More never had any illusions about the part he was called to play on the world'sstage, 4° and when it came time to take his own stand upon the scaffold, he did it withA Man for All Seasons / 24characteristic poise, aplomb and self-mastery. The early Protestant historian Edward Hallwas perplexed by More's famous death-stand: "I cannot tell whether I should call him afoolishe wyseman, or a wise foolisheman" and after recounting some of More's famous jokeson the scaffold concludes: "thus wt a mocke he ended his life." 41 Roper and Harpsfield alsorecord, in a more sympathetic fashion, some of these jests: "Where, goinge vppe thescaffold, which was so weake that it was ready to fall, he said merilye to masterLeiuetenaunte: 'I pray you, master Leiuetenaunte, see me salf vppe, and for my comingedowne let me shifte for my self. "i42A Man for All Seasons / 25NOTES1. Book II is structured as a declamation, for which the dialogue in Book I serves as anintroductory 'frame.'2. See The Correspondence of Sir Thomas More, ed. E. F. Rogers (Princeton: Princeton UP,1947), #206, pp. 514-32. This letter, written by More's eldest daughter to his step-daughter, reportsa dialogue between Margaret Roper and her father. It is believed by most More scholars to be ajoint composition by Margaret Roper and her father.3. To this list at the very least can be added the voices of the suffering souls in Purgatory inThe Supplication of Souls, and the 'mini-dialogue' of the Wife of Botulph's Wharf in Book VIII of TheConfutation of Tyndale's Answer, CW 8, 883/28-905/23.4. For studies of post-classical dialogue, see S. Lehrer, Boethius and Dialogue (Princeton, NJ:1985); D. Marsh, The Quattrocento Dialogue: Classical Tradition and Humanist Innovation(Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP, 1980); E. Merrill, The Dialogue in English Literature (New York:1911); B. R. Voss, Der Dialog in der friihchristlichen Literatur (Munich: 1970); K. J. Wilson, "TheContinuity of Post-Classical Dialogue," Cithara 21:1 (1981): 23-44 and Incomplete Fictions: TheFormation of English Renaissance Dialogue (Washington, DC: Catholic U of America P, 1985).5. For some recent attempts to define the dialogue as a Renaissance genre, see C. J. R.Armstrong, "The Dialectical Road to Truth: The Dialogue," French Renaissance Studies, 1540-70:Humanism and the Encyclopedia, ed. P. Sharratt (Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP, 1976), 36-57; P.Burke, "The Renaissance Dialogue," RenS 3 (1989): 1-12; V. Cox, The Renaissance Dialogue:Literary Dialogue in its Social and Political Contexts, Castiglione to Galileo (Cambridge: CambridgeUP, 1992); R. Deakins, "The Tudor Prose Dialogue: Genre and Anti-Genre," SEL 20 (1980): 5-23; J.F. Tinkler, "Humanism and Dialogue," Parergon ns 6 (1988): 197-215; and the studies by D. Marshand K. J. Wilson in n.4.6. For general studies of More's 'art of dialogue', see W. M. Gordon, "The PlatonicDramaturgy of Thomas More's Dialogues," JMRS 8 (1978): 193-215; G. Marc'hadour, "Here I Sit:Thomas More's Genius for Dialogue," Thomas More: Essays on the Icon, ed. D. Grace and B. Byron(Melbourne: Dove Publications, 1980), 9-42; and "Thomas More: De la conversation au dialogue," Ledialogue au temps de la Renaissance, ed. M. T. Jones-Davies (Paris: Jean Touzot, 1984), 35-57; R.Pineas, "Thomas More's Use of the Dialogue Form as a Weapon of Religious Controversy," SRen 7(1960): 193-206; N. R. Sodeman, "Rhetoric in More's English Dialogues," Moreana 59/60 (1978):13-18; R. S. Sylvester, "Three Dialogues," Moreana 64 (1980): 65-78; and K. J. Wilson, "ThomasMore: The Transfiguration of Dialogue," Incomplete Fictions, 137-75. For the dialogue in Utopia, seealso D. M. Bevington, "The Dialogue in Utopia: Two Sides of the Question," SP 58 (1961): 496-509;and R. J. Schoeck, "`A Nursery of Correct and Useful Institutions': On Reading More's Utopia asDialogue," Moreana 22 (1969): 19-32, rpt. in Essential Articles for the Study of Thomas More, ed. R.S. Sylvester and G. Marc'hadour (Hamden, CT: Archon, 1977), 281-89,627-30.7. See A. Hanham, "Thomas More's Satirical Drama," Richard III and his Early Historians(Oxford: Clarendon P, 1975), 152-190; and D. Grace, "More's Richard III: A 'Satirical Drama?"'Moreana 57 (1978): 31-38.8. On Streitdialogen, see E. Reiss, "Conflict and its Resolution in Medieval Dialogues," Artsliberaux et philosophie au Moyen Age (Montreal: Institute d'etudes medievales: Paris: J. Vrin, 1969),863-872.9. For William Rastell as editor of the English Works, see D. B. Billingsley, "The EditorialDesign of the 1557 English Works," Moreana 89 (1986): 39-48; A. W. Reed, "William Rastell andMore's English Works," The English Works of Sir Thomas More, ed. W. E. Campbell, and A. W.A Man for All Seasons / 26Reed, 2 vols. (London: Eyre & Spottiswoode; New York: Lincoln MacVeagh, The Dial Press, 1931),Vol. 1: 1-12, rpt. in Essential Articles, 436-46, 663; K. J. Wilson, "Introduction," The Workes of SirThomas More Knyght, sometyme Lord Chancellour of England, wrytten by him in the Englysh tonge(London: J. Cawood, J. Waly, A. R. Tottell, 1557; rpt. Scolar Press Facsimiles. London: Scolar P,1978), 2 vols., with an intro. by K. J. Wilson, [v]-[xiv].10. The Basel 1563 Lucubrationes contained the Utopia and Latin correspondence, More'sEpigrams. and the Translations from Lucian. The 1565 Louvain Opera omnia added the HistoriaRicardii Tertii, the Responsio ad Lutherum and the De tristitia. The Frankfurt 1689 Opera omniaalso included the Letter to Bugenhagen (first published Louvain, 1568). On the differences betweenthe Basel Lucubrationes and the Louvain Opera omnia and their relationship to the English Works,see M. Delcourt, "Recherches sur Thomas More: la tradition continentale et la tradition anglaise,"Humanisme et Renaissance 3 (1936): 22-42; and J. K. McConica, "Appendix II: The RecusantTraditions of Thomas More," English Humanists and Reformation Politics (Oxford: Clarendon P,1965), 286-94 (an earlier version as "The Recusant Reputation of Thomas More," Reports of theCanadian Catholic Historical Association 30 (June 1964): 47-61, rpt. in Essential Articles, 136-49,603-04).11. For the history of the Yale Edition (at various stages), see R. Marius, "Looking Back,"Miscellanea Moreana: Essays for Germain Marc'hadour (Moreana 100), ed. C. M. Murphy, H. Gibaudand M. A. Di Cesare (Binghamton, NY: MRTS 61, 1989), 555-62; R. J. Schoeck, "The Yale Editionof St. Thomas More," Editing Sixteenth Century Texts: Papers Given at the Editorial Conference,October, 1965, ed. R. J. Schoeck (Toronto: U of Toronto P, 1966), 7-10 and "Moreans from Chambersto Marc'hadour: Some Recollections and Reflections," Miscellanea Moreana, 539-46; I. Shenker,"Thomas More: 2 Million Words," New York Times Review of Books 25 Jun. 1975: 3, 40-41; R. S.Sylvester, "Editing Thomas More," British Studies Monitor 3:2 (1973): 4-17 (rev. vers. in Moreana51 (1976): 26-37) and "Editing Thomas More: The Past and the Future," Moreana 58 (1978): 5-12;and D. R. Watkins, "The St. Thomas More Project," Yale University Library Gazette 36 (1961):162-68. Sylvester also published an annual newsletter in Moreana, see the section MoreScholarship: Biographers, Editors and More Scholars in the Bibliographical Appendix.12. For reviews, see The History of Richard III: Editions and Utopia: Reviews of theYale Edition in the Bibliographical Appendix.13. This is Hexter's view in "Thomas More: On the Margins of Modernity," JBS 1:1 (1961):20-37. Hexter also, rather amazingly, argued seriously at one point for seeing Calvin's Geneva as afulfillment of More's Utopian reform program, see "Utopia and Geneva," Action and Conviction inEarly Modern Europe, ed. T. K. Rabb and J. E. Seigel (Princeton, NJ: Princeton UP, 1969), 77-89;rpt. in The Vision of Politics on the Eve of the Reformation: More, Machiavelli, and Seyssel (NewYork: Basic Books; London: Allen Lane, 1973), 107-17.14. See K. Kautsky, Thomas Morus and seine Utopia (Stuttgart: J. W. Dietz, 1888), trans. byH. J. Stenning as Thomas More and His Utopia (London: Black; New York: International Library,1927); and P. Schwartz, "Imagining Socialism: Karl Kautsky and Thomas More," InternationalJournal of Comparative Sociology 30 (1989): 44-56.15. English Literature in the Sixteenth Century, Excluding Drama (Oxford: Oxford UP, 1954),172; rpt. in Essential Articles, 393.16. There are very few summaries available of the four works under question, and none asdetailed as those that I offer in this study. I know of no real summaries of Book I of Utopia, thoughthere is a summary/paraphrase of Book II available in M. L. Berneri, "Sir Thomas More: Utopia,"Journey Through Utopia (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1950), 58-88. The most detailedaccount of the structure of the History of Richard III is that of Alison Hanham: "Sir Thomas More'sSatirical Drama" (see n.7), which attempts to impose a rigid, five-act dramatic structure on More'sHistory. However, I disagree completely with her account of the structure. For the DialogueA Man for All Seasons / 27Concerning Heresies there is a major summary by J. Gairdner in "Appendix: Abstract of More'sDialogue," Lollardry and the Reformation in England, 4 vols. (London: MacMillan, 1908-13; rpt.New York: Burt Franklin, 1974), 1: 543-78. However, Gairdner summarizes mostly by directquotation and deals almost exclusively with Book I of the Dialogue Concerning Heresies. The onlysummary of the Dialogue of Comfort is by Leland Miles in "Appendix A. Synopsis: The Chief Line ofArgument in the Dialogue of Comfort," St. Thomas More: A Dialogue of Comfort Against Tribulation,ed. L. Miles (Bloomington: Indiana UP, 1965), 243-51. However, Miles's summary does not recordthe contributions of the individual speakers to the development of the dialogue.17. There are a number of earlier bibliographies of modern More scholarship, including F.Sullivan, Moreana 1478-1945 (Kansas City: Rockhurst College, 1946); F. and M. P. Sullivan,Moreana: Materials for the Study of St. Thomas More, 7 vols. (Los Angeles: Loyola UP, vols. 1-4 +index: 1964-71, supp. I: 1977?, supp. II: 1985; J. P. Jones, "Recent Studies in More," ELR 9 (1979):442-58 and A. J. Geritz, "Recent Studies in More (1977-1990)," ELR 22 (1992): 112-40; R. W.Gibson, St. Thomas More: A Preliminary Bibliography of His Works and of Moreana to the Year 1750,With a Bibliography of Utopiana by R. W. Gibson and J. Max Patrick (New Haven: Yale UP, 1961).(For other bibliographies see the section Some Bibliographies in the Bibliographical Appendix.)Of the above-mentioned bibliographies, the two Sullivan bibliographies are arranged alphabetically.The first (Moreana 1478-1945) is a checklist, while the second (which I was unable to consult sinceit is not available in the UBC library) includes excerpts from the works listed and also has anindex. Gibson only covers editions of More's works and Moreana up to 1750. The two EnglishLiterary Renaissance bibliographies contain some helpful annotations but also miss most of therecent More scholarship published in nonliterary journals. None of the above bibliographies comesanywhere close to providing the kind of detailed topical analysis of contemporary scholarship that Ioffer below in the Bibliographical Appendix.18. "And as tyme requyreth / a man of merueylous myrth and pastymes / & somtyme of assad grauyte / as who say. a man for all seasons." John Whittington, The Vulgaria of JohnStanbridge and the Vulgaria of Robert Whittinton, ed. B. White, Early English Text Society, 187(London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner & Co., and Humphrey Milford, Oxford UP, 1932), 64/35-37.Whittington was echoing Erasmus's praise of More in the prefatory letter to The Praise of Folly: "itapro incredibili morum suauitate facilitateque cum omnibus omnium horarum hominem agere etpotes et gaudes," Opus epistolarum Des. Erasmi Roterodami, ed. P. S. Allen, H. M. Allen and H. W.Garrod (hereafter Allen), 11 vols. and index (Oxford: Clarendon P, 1906-47, 1958), I: #222,460/20-21; cf. Encomium Moriae, Vol. 4/3 of Opera omnia Desiderii Erasmi Roterodami (hereafterASD), ed. C. H. Miller (Amsterdam-New York: North Holland Co., 1979) 67/18-68/1; ["the incrediblesweetness and gentleness of your character makes you able and willing to be a man for all seasonswith all men," Desiderius Erasmus: The Praise of Folly, trans. C. H. Miller (New Haven: Yale UP,1979), 2]. See also Adagia. I.iii.86, Collected Works of Erasmus (hereafter CWE) (Toronto: U ofToronto P, 1974-), 31: 304-05.19. Quoted by Erasmus: "Ioannes Coletus, vir acris exactique iudicii, in familiaribuscolloquiis subinde dicere solet Brittaniae non nisi vnicum esse ingenium, cum haec insula totegregiis ingeniis floreat" ("John Colet, a sensitive and experienced critic, used to say sometimes inconversation that there was only one able man in the whole of England, though the island is blessedwith so many men of outstanding ability"), Allen, IV, #999 21/267-70; cf. CWE 7: 24/292-95.Erasmus echoed Colet's words himself many years later, on hearing news of More's death, in thePreface [A 3r] to the Ecclesiastes (1535): "cui pectus erat omni nive candidius, ingenium qualeAnglia nec habuit vnquam nec habitura est, alioqui nequaquam infelicium ingeniorum parens"("whose heart was whiter than snow, a genius such as England never had before, nor ever will haveagain, though England be the not unhappy mother of geniuses"), ASD V/4, 32/91-94; cf. Allen, XI,#3036, 192/102-104.20. William Roper, The Lyfe of Sir Thomas Moore, knighte (hereafter Roper), ed. E. V.Hitchcock, Early English Text Society, 197 (London: Humphrey Milford, Oxford UP, 1935), 5/5-14.A Man for All Seasons / 2821. CWE #118, 1: 235/20-236/29: "Coelum turn amoenissimum turn saluberrimum hic offendi;tantum autem humanitatis atque eruditionis, non illius protritae ac triuialis, sed reconditae,exactae, antiquae, Latinae Graecaeque, vt iam Italiam nisi visendi gratia haud multum desyderem.Coletum meum cum audio, Piatonem ipsum mihi videor audire. In Grocino quis ilium absolutumdisciplinarum orbem non miretur? Linacri iudicio quid acutius, quid altius, quid emunctius?Thomae Mori ingenio quid vnquam finxit natura vel mollius, vel dulcius, vel felicius?" Allen I: #118,273/17-274/25.22. The course of studies at the Inns of Court was much broader and much more informalthan at modern law schools, and in many ways the Inns of Court collectively functioned like a third"university" in England (rather than as narrow professional schools in the modern sense). Forbackground on sixteenth century legal education in England and on the continent see—E. W. Ives,"The Common Lawyers in Pre-Reformation England," Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 5ser., 18 (1968): 145-73 and "The Reputation of the Common Lawyers in English Society,1450-1550," University of Birmingham Historical Journal 7 (1959/60): 130-61; R. J. Schoeck,"Canon Law in England on the Eve of the Reformation," Medieval Studies 25 (1963): 125-47; J. W.Bouwsma, "Lawyers and Early Modern Culture," American Historical Review 78 (1983): 303-27.23. Thomas More: A Biography (New York: Vintage Books, 1985), 34-43.24. Roper, 6/9-11; cf. Nicholas Harpsfield, The life and death of Sr Thomas Moore, knight,sometymes Lord high Chancellor of England (hereafter Harpsfield), ed. E. V. Hitchcock, with anintroduction by R. W. Chambers, Early English Text Society 186 (London: Humphrey Milford,Oxford UP, 1932), 17/8-18.25. The monk is not identified in the letter. For the identification of the recipient, see D.Knowles, "Appendix I: Sir Thomas More's Letter 'To a Monk,'" The Religious Orders in England, 3vols. (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1959; rpt. with corrections 1971), III: 469.26. "Thomas More: The Search for the Inner Man," Miscellanea Moreana: Essays for GermainMarc'hadour. Moreana 100: Volume XXVI Mélanges Marc'hadour, ed. C. M. Murphy, H. Gibaud,and M. A. Di Cesare (Binghamton, NY: MRTS 61, 1989), 405-07; rpt. in Sir Thomas More: TheSearch For The Inner Man (New Haven: Yale UP, 1990), 17-18.27. In a letter to the schoolmaster John Holt, probably written in 1501, More wrote, "I havesent you everything you wanted, except the additions I have made to the comedy about Solomon"("Misimus ad to que volabas omnia, praeter eas partes quas in comediam illam que de Salemoneest adiecimus"), St. Thomas More: Selected Letters (hereafter SL), ed. E. F. Rogers, trans. M.Haworth et al., Selected Works of St. Thomas More (New Haven: Yale UP, 1961), 1; TheCorrespondence of St. Thomas More, ed. E. F. Rogers (hereafter Rogers) (Princeton: PrincetonUniversity Press), #3, 2/1-2.28. The Anchor Anthology of Sixteenth Century Verse, ed. R.S. Sylvester (Garden City, NY:Anchor Press/Doubleday, 1974), 105-19.29. John Rastell was married to More's sister Elizabeth; their daughter Winifred, sister ofWilliam Rastell, was married to John Heywood, and one of Winifred's daughters was in turn themother of the English poet, John Donne. For More's relationship with the Rastells and Heywoodssee P. Hogrefe, The Sir Thomas More Circle: A Program of Ideas and Their Impact on SecularDrama (Urbana: U of Illinois P, 1959); H. B. Norlund, "The Role of Drama in More's LiteraryCareer," SCJ 13:4 (1982): 59-75; A. W. Reed, Early Tudor Drama: Medwall. the Rastells, Heywood,and the More Circle (London: Methuen, 1926).30. Medieval Drama, ed. D. Bevington (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1975), 970-89.31. Medieval and Tudor Drama, ed. J. Gassner (New York: Bantam, 1963), 232-62.A Man for All Seasons / 2932. A dialogue of the Poet Lucyan —this work survives in a copy in the private collection ofLord Macclesfield at Shirburn Castle, and in a fragmentary copy in Oxford, Bodleian, Doucefrag.f13 (S.T.C. 16895, University Microfilms 136). Constance Smith in An Updating of R. W.Gibson's St. Thomas More: A Preliminary Bibliography, Sixteenth Century Bibliography 20, (St.Louis: Center for Reformation Research, 1981), 39, also lists a copy in the possession of DulwichCollege. This work remains unedited. More's Latin text and the English translation are printed onfacing pages. The relevant passage dealing with the topos of "All the world's a stage", wasreproduced from Lord Macclesfield's copy in The English Works of Sir Thomas More (hereafter EW1931), ed. W. E. Campbell and A. W. Reed, 2 vols. (London: Eyre & Spottiswoode; New York:Lincoln MacVeagh, The Dial Press, 1931), Volume 1: Early Poems, Pico Della Mirandola. RichardIII, The Four Last Things, I: 209-10, as a footnote to Richard III (see below n.33).33. "Haec igitur spectanti mihi, persimilis hominum uita pompae cuipiam longae uidebatur,cui praesit ac disponat quaeque fortuna, ex his qui pompam agunt, diuersos uariosque cuiquehabitus accommodans.... nam omnigenum, ut opinor, debet esse spectaculum. Quin habitusquorundam plerunque in media quoque pompa demutat, neque perpetuo eodem sinit ordine,cultuque progredi quo prodierant.... Et aliquantisper quidem eo cultu permittit uti, uerum ubi iampompae tempus praeterijt, apparatum quisque restituens, & cum corpore simul exutus amictu,qualis ante fuit efficitur, nihilo a uicino differens." Translations of Lucian, Vol. 3, Part I of The YaleEdition of the Complete Works of St. Thomas More, ed. C. R. Thompson (New Haven: Yale UP, 1974),37/20-23, 27-30, 32-35.34. The Yale Edition of the Complete Works of St. Thomas More, Vol. 2: The History of KingRichard III (hereafter CW 2), ed. R. S. Sylvester (New Haven: Yale UP, 1963), 80/31-81/10.35. "nonne praestiterit egisse mutam personam, quam aliena recitando talem fecissetragicomoediam? Corruperis enim, peruerterisque praesentem fabulam, dum diuersa permisces,etiam si ea quae to affers meliora fuerint." Utopia, Vol. 4 of The Yale Edition of the Complete Worksof St. Thomas More (hereafter CW 4), ed. E. Surtz and J. H. Hexter (New Haven: Yale UP, 1965),98/18-22 and 372-73, note to 98/17. See also J. Crossett, "More and Seneca," Philological Quarterly40 (1961): 577-80 and G. Williamson, "Sir Thomas More's View of Drama," MLN 43 (1928):294-96.36. EW 1931, I: 84, 479.37. EW 1931, I: 85-86.38. Edward Stafford, Duke of Buckingham, executed May 17, 1521. See "Introduction," EW1931, I: 21-23; and B. Harris, "The Trial of the Third Duke of Buckingham—A Revisionist View,"American Journal of Legal History 20 (1976): 15-26.39. EW 1931, I: 86, 482-83.40. Roper records that he once greatly rejoiced at a visit that Henry VIII paid to More's homein Chelsea, to which More replied: "Howbeit, sonne Roper, I may tell thee I haue no cawse to beprowd thereof, for if my head [could] winne him a castle in Fraunce (for than was there warrebetweene vs) it should not faile to goe." Roper, 21/10-13.41. Chronicle (1548), fol. ccxxvi, verso, quoted in Sources of Four Plays Ascribed toShakespeare, ed. G. H. Metz (Columbia, MI: U of Missouri P, 1989), 217.42. Roper, p.102/20-103/4; cf. Harpsfield, p.204/1-5. On the dark undertones of this jest onthe weakness of the scaffold, see P. Grant, "Thomas More's Richard III: Moral Narration andHumanist Method," Renaissance & Reformation ns 7 (1983): 157-82; rpt. in Language and theDiscovery of Method in the English Renaissance (London: Macmillan, 1985), 19-47, 160-67; esp.19-21.2. THE HISTORY OF RICHARD III2.1. THE ARGUMENT OF THIS CHAPTERDespite the tremendous controversy surrounding the figure of Richard III, whose evilreputation, though partly based on historical fact, was largely created by More's History ofRichard III (and largely in turn taken over by Shakespeare in his Tragedy of King RichardIII), very little attention has actually been paid to the text of More's History. What literaryand historical critical attention it has received has been largely focussed on questions ofauthorship and genre, and textual history. And what few attempts there are that have beenmade to analyse the structure of the work are largely vitiated by the attempt to impose arigid four or five act "dramatic" structure on the text of More's History. After discussingbriefly the major problems of textual history, authorship, genre, background and audience,in this chapter I will offer a detailed analysis of the structure of the work. It is the thesis ofthis chapter that, despite first appearances to the contrary, the History of Richard III has avery clear and definite structure, and that the work is in fact coherently organized into anumber of major and minor sections.The History of Richard III survives in two distinct versions, one in Latin and the otherin English. For my study of Richard III, I will make use of R. S. Sylvester's edition (1963) ofthe English version in CW 2, and Daniel Kinney's critical edition (1986) of the Latin version(together with a modern English translation), in CW 15. Kinney's edition, which is based onthe recently discovered Paris Manuscript, represents the first genuinely critical edition ofthe Latin text, and replaces the two earlier Latin texts included by R. S. Sylvester in hisedition of the Latin and English versions in CW 2. With the publication of Kinney's criticaledition of the Latin, it is now possible for the first time to examine seriously therelationships between the two versions.Besides collating the two versions, in this chapter I provide a detailed close reading and30The History of Richard III / 31analysis of the text of Richard III, based on many rereadings of both Latin and Englishversions. As far as possible I have tried to avoid imposing any preconceived structure on thetext, but instead have worked empirically in an inductive fashion, in the way that a scientistwould conduct an experiment, to arrive at my "model" of the structure of the work, letting itemerge out of my reading of the text.All too often More's History of Richard III has been dismissed out of hand as anexample of historical writing just because it does not fit within the framework of the canonsof modern scientific history. This somewhat begs the question since "scientific"historiography did not come into existence before the nineteenth century. The crucialquestion is what More's humanist contemporaries expected from historical writing andwhether Richard III falls within the broad range of Renaissance historiography. It is part ofmy thesis that More's Richard III is basically a work of history, in particular a 'briefhistory' or anatomy of a usurpation, but that it also contains elements of biography,rhetorical declamation and drama. In the peculiar hybrid-nature of its genre it resemblesnothing so much as More's other great humanistic work the Utopia. While More's RichardIII does make extensive use of direct and indirect speech—including several orations andreported dialogues, and one long debate—it is clearly not a drama in any conventional senseof the word, nor for that matter a formal literary dialogue. However, there are enoughsimilarities between the use of dialogue and oration in the History of Richard III and inMore's three great formal literary dialogues to justify including it in this study.2.2. TEXTUAL HISTORY AND AUTHORSHIPA full account of the textual history of Richard III is rather complicated; however, somebasic familiarity with it is necessary in order to fully understand More's text. The History ofRichard III exists in two separate versions, one Latin and one English, neither of which is astraightforward translation of or adaptation from the other. Rather, as first convincinglyThe History of Richard III / 32argued by W. A. G. Doyle-Davidson in The English Works of Sir Thomas More (1931), Vol.1, 1 and reiterated by both Yale editors, R. S. Sylvester and Daniel Kinney, the evidenceclearly indicates that More worked independently on both, sometimes translating andadapting material from the English to the Latin versions, and sometimes vice versa. Thematerial in some sections of the work even follows different arrangements in the twoversions. The speeches in the Latin version tend to be longer, and the Duke of Buckinghamis given more prominence in the Latin. Furthermore, the Latin version concludes withRichard III's coronation, and presents an essentially self-contained account of Richard's suc-cessful usurpation of the throne of England, while the English version continues on, only tobreak off suddenly at the point where the Bishop of Ely, John Morton, is incitingBuckingham to revolt against Richard.The problem of textual interpretation is further complicated by the existence of severaldifferent versions of both Latin and English texts. More seems to have composed both textsin the period from 1513 to 1518, and probably stopped working on them any further in1518 when he entered the service of the King. No editions of either the English or Latintexts were ever published during More's lifetime. The English version was first published,without acknowledgement of More's authorship, by Richard Grafton in 1543, as anappendix to his edition of John Hardyng's verse Chronicle, and again, in 1548, the text wasincorporated verbatim into Grafton's edition of Edward Halle's The Vnion of the two nobleand illustre famelies of Lancastre & Yorke. This time Grafton did acknowledge that More wasthe author. However, William Rastell, More's nephew and the editor of the folio edition ofThe workes of sir Thomas More Knyght, in 1557 published a substantially different version ofthe English text together with the following note:The history of king Richard the thirde (vnfinished) writen by MasterThomas More than one of the vndersheriffis of London: about the yeare ofour Lorde .1513. 2 VVhich worke hath bene before this tyme printed, inThe History of Richard III / 33hardynges Cronicle, and in Hallys Cronicle: but very muche corrupte inmany places, sometyme hauyng lesse, and sometime hauing more, andaltered in wordes and whole sentences: muche varying fro the copie of hisown hand, by which thys is printed. 3Among the most important differences are that the material in the opening pages (CW 2,1-13) follows a substantially different order in the 1557 edition, 4 and that Rastell translatedthree longish passages from the Latin version (all clearly marked as such) and insertedthem at appropriate points into the English version. 5 The 1557 edition became the basis forall later editions of the English text, including the Yale Edition, edited by R. S. Sylvester.Rastell's text was further incorporated verbatim into Grafton's Chronicle (1568), andHolinshed's Chronicles (1587), which in turn provided the main source for Acts I to III ofShakespeare's The Tragedy of King Richard III. (See Figure 2.1 for the relationshipsbetween the different English versions.) 6The Latin text was first published in 1565, in the edition of More's Latin works,published in Louvain. A number of manuscript versions also survive of which the mostimportant are: The College of Arms, MS Arundel 43; British Library, MS Harley 902; andParis, Bibliotheque nationale, MS fr. 4996 (Ancien fonds), MS lat. 8703. The manuscriptversions represented a very different text from the Louvain edition, and Sylvester, who didnot know of the existence of the Paris manuscript, wisely refrained from publishing acritical edition of the Latin text, when Volume 2 of the Yale edition was published in 1963.Instead, Sylvester published the Latin text of the 1565 edition on facing pages with thecritical edition of the English version. In a separate appendix (CW 2, 96-149), he publishedthe text of the version in the Arundel Manuscript, together with the variants from thefragmentary Harley MS. The English text follows the order of the 1557 edition, but notes allthe significant textual variants in the Grafton editions of Hardyng and Halle.One of the most disconcerting features for new readers of Sylvester's edition are the[U][V]H 11543H 2[7]5171 1550\1568Ha[S]1557Figure 2.1: Textual Stemma of English Version of Richard IIITable of Sigla used in Yale EditionsS^Holograph of More's History of Richard III.U,V,I1V Hypothetical intermediate manuscripts.11 1^Hardyng 1543, 1st edition.H 2^Hardyng 1543, 2nd edition.H 1-2 or 1543 Agreement of Grafton's two editions of Hardyng'sChronicle, London, 1543.Ha l or 1548 Grafton's 1st edition of Halle's Chronicle, London, 1548.Hat or 1550 Grafton's 2nd edition of Halle's Chronicle, London, 1550.Ha^Agreement of Grafton's two editions of Halle's Chronicle.1557^Rastell's edition of the History of Richard III contained in theFolio edition of More's English Workes, London, 1557.1568^Grafton's Chronicle, London, 1568.The History of Richard III / 35many blank spaces in both the Latin and English texts. Sylvester did his best totypographically match up the corresponding passages in the two versions, and whereverthere was material in one version that was missing in the other he left some blank space.Where, however, the material in the Latin and the English versions follow different orders,he put cross references in square brackets in the "white spaces" to the correspondingpassages in the other version. ?In 1986 another edition of the Latin version was published by Daniel Kinney as part ofVolume 15 of the Yale Edition. 8 Kinney's discovery of the Paris Manuscript of Richard III,must rank as one of the major manuscript finds of twentieth-century medieval andrenaissance English scholarship, along with the Winchester manuscript of Malory and thediscovery in 1963 in Valencia of the autograph manuscript of More's last major work, theDe Tristitia. Kinney's own editorial remarks in the introduction to Volume 15 are veryappropriate:Despite the invaluable editorial contribution of Richard Sylvester to thestudy of More's Latin history of Richard III, neither of the two Latin textsreproduced in CW 2 constitutes an entirely reliable guide to what Moreactually wrote. On the most rudimentary level both texts are replete withopaque, ungrammatical phrases which give the misleading impression thatMore left his Latin history not merely unpolished but barely half formed....Through an understandable oversight the most valuable textual authorityfor More's Latin history, catalogued as a manuscript in French has goneunnoticed by students of More for the last several centuries. I discoveredthe text quite by accident while searching through a variety of manuscriptcatalogues for additional texts of More's letters.... the new manuscript (P) ispart of MS fr. 4996 (Ancien fonds) of the Bibliotheque nationale in Paris....This new manuscript, an elegant and meticulous fair copy in an early- tomid-sixteenth-century hand, contains a somewhat fuller version of theHistoria Richardi Tertii than either of those reproduced in CW 2.... ThereforeP is not only the least garbled transcript of More's Latin history; it alsoprovides, along with the Harleian fragment, the most final known form of atext which we know More never finished completely. (CW 15, cxxxiii—cxxxvi)For the first time Kinney was able to present a genuinely critical edition of the Latin versionbased on the Paris manuscript. (See Figure 2.2 for the relationships between the differentThe History of Richard III / 36Latin versions.) 9 Kinney's edition also includes a good modern English translation of theLatin, printed on facing pages. Kinney's edition of the Historia Ricardi Tertii supercedesSylvester's edition of the Latin version, and his discussions of the textual stemmata and therelationships between the various versions of the English and Latin texts in the introductionto CW 15 (cxxxiii-cliii) supersede those made by Sylvester in the introduction to CW 2(xxxii-lix). However, Sylvester's critical edition of the History of Richard III still remains thestandard edition of the English version. Both editions are indispensable for a serious studyof More's works. In the analysis that follows in this chapter, I will treat the two editions ofthe HistorylHistoria as being two parts of a composite text.Throughout most of the sixteenth century, More's authorship of both versions of theHistory of Richard III was never in doubt. However, at the end of the sixteenth century in1596, Sir John Harrington first suggested that Cardinal Morton was the author of the Latinversion. This was later taken up by Sir George Buck, the author of a partisan defence ofRichard III (The History of Richard III, 1646), 10 who violently attacked More's account andsought to debunk it by attributing it to the pen of "wily Morton." 11 Doubts about More'sauthorship were revived at the turn of the twentieth century, and for a while criticalhistorical opinion swung in favour of Morton's authorship of the Latin version. However,this scholarly canard was decisively laid to rest by R. W. Chambers' introductory essay,"The Authorship of the History of Richard III," in EW 1931, Vol. 1. 12 Both Yale editorshave strongly confirmed Chambers' arguments for More's authorship. The case is furtherstrengthened by the many interlinear variants in the Paris Manuscript (and the Arundeland Harleian MSS.), which show striking parallels in terms of habits of composition withthose found in the autograph manuscript of More's De Tristitia Christi, so splendidly editedfor the Yale edition by Clarence H. Miller.13[Y111565T2 ^ Y3]A^P H[Z]Figure 2.2: Textual Stemma of Latin Version of Richard III[X]371557LT^1689Table of Sigla used in Yale EditionsX^Holograph of More's Historia Ricardi Tertii.Z Hypothetical intermediate manuscript.Y 1 ,Y2 ,Y3 Different stages of development of hypothetical revisedmanuscript Y.P^BibliotUgue nationale, MS fr. 4996 (Ancien fonds).A The College of Arms, MS Arundel 43.H^British Library, MS Harley 902.T Bodleian Library, MS Tanner 302.1557L^Excerpts translated from Latin in More's History of Richard IIIcontained in the English Workes, London, 1557.1565^Opera omnia, Louvain, 1565.1689^Opera omnia, Frankfurt, 1689.The History of Richard III / 382.3. GENRE, AUDIENCE, HISTORICAL BACKGROUND AND STRUCTUREMore's History of Richard III stands out as one of the great masterpieces ofRenaissance historiography. The extensive use of orations, reported speech and dialogue(almost half the total text) 14 gives the work an inherently dramatic quality, a qualityenhanced in the minds of many modern readers by Shakespeare's use of it as the principalliterary source for The Tragedy of King Richard III. However, the existence ofShakespeare's play has also helped to bedevil criticism of More's History, since many critics,influenced by Shakespeare's play, have tended to dismiss it as 'satirical drama'. 15Renaissance historians, like their medieval and classical forebears, thought nothing ofputting long speeches into the mouths of historical characters. Prior to the twentiethcentury, most historians self-consciously made use of literary and rhetorical techniques inthe writing of history. The placing of composed speeches in historical works in the mouths ofmajor historical personages was taken for granted as being part of the 'rhetoric of history',just as today a modern television mini-series will dramatise an essentially factualreconstruction of historical events with fictitious dialogue. 16The question of the genre of More's Richard III, was first seriously raised by thetwentieth-century historian A. F. Pollard in "The Making of Sir Thomas More's RichardIII." 17 Though Pollard does legitimately point to factual errors and inconsistencies in More'saccount, his characterization of Richard III as "legitimate drama, but illegitimatehistory", 17a is clearly dismissive if not openly tendentious. More, as author, quite clearlyintended to write a work of history, in the broad sense of the word. Twice in the course ofRichard III, the work is referred to as a "history": in the opening section, after a digressionon the deaths of Clarence and Henry VI, the narrator continues "But nowe to returne to thecourse of this hystorye" (CW 2, 9/20; "But to return to the history" CW 15, 328/6), 18 andagain in the 'Continuation' of the English version:The History of Richard III / 39Howbeit concerning yt opinion [that Perkin Warbeck was one of thePrinces], with the occasions mouing either partie, we shal haue place moreat large to entreate, yf we hereafter happen to write the time of the latenoble prince of famous memory king Henry ye seuenth, or parcase thathistory of Perkin in any compendious processe by it selfe. (C417 2,82/30-83/3)When one compares More's History/Historia with other early historical accounts of RichardIII, such as Dominic Mancini's Usurpation of Richard 111, 19 the Second Continuation of theCroyland Chronicle. 29 and Polydore Vergil's Anglica Historia21 the generic and geneticsimilarity is obvious. 22 Pollard was guilty of the cardinal sin of anachronism in judgingMore's text by the canons of modern 'scientific' historiography. There have been manyattempts, by literary and historical critics, since Pollard, to argue for a dramatic structureto Richard 111. 23 However, while no one denies the obvious 'dramatic' features of More'swork, it would be no more accurate to call Richard III a drama, than it would be to callUtopia a novel.Furious debates have raged over the historical accuracy of More's History of KingRichard III. Despite all that the defenders of Richard III (e.g. P. A. Kendall) 24 have broughtforward against More, his account is confirmed in many details by other contemporary`eye-witness' accounts, including Dominic Mancini's Usurpatio and The Second Continuationof the Croyland Chronicle, that More could not possibly have read. 25 There seems little doubtnow that Richard III actually had his nephews put to death in the Tower. 26 WhetherRichard III was quite the villain that More made him out to be is quite another matter. Therecord of events in More's History, if not 'scientific' history in the modern sense of the word,certainly agrees in most details with that given by other Tudor historians such as PolydoreVergi1. 27 What makes More's History so new and so unique among English historical worksof the period is the use to which More puts history. More's 'brief history,' primarily a studyin tyranny and an anatomy of a usurpation, is a masterpiece of character analysis, and aThe History of Richard III / 40summary portrait in action of Machiavelli's prince, with which it is almost exactlycontemporaneous. One has to wait until Francis Bacon's History of Henry VII to findanything remotely comparable. 28 When one compares More's History with the undis-tinguished hackwork of the later Tudor chroniclers Grafton, Hall and Holinshed, then theuniqueness of More's achievement stands out even more clearly.The two different versions of the History/Historia were clearly addressed to two quitedifferent audiences. More's Latin version was written in a language that was both timelessand international: the common intellectual property of all of Europe, of all of LatinChristendom. In the hands of sophisticated humanists like More or Erasmus, it couldbecome an almost infinitely supple and flexible vehicle for conveying complex ideas. TheLatin version was obviously addressed to an international audience of humanist scholarsand statesmen who could be expected to have at least a passing acquaintance with theconventions of classical historiography, but not necessarily with local English history. Atleast some of the additions to the Latin version consist of explanations of English customsand usages that this audience would not have been familiar with.It is significant that two of the four main witnesses to the textual transmission of theLatin version have a continental provenance: the Louvain 1565 edition and the ParisManuscript. Sylvester suggests that either William Rastell or More's secretary John Harris,took the Historia Ricardi Tertii with them to Louvain, where they had both fled to escapereligious persecution under Elizabeth I (CW 2, xlvii-1). D. Kinney gives a brief history of theParis Manuscript after the sixteenth century in a note (CW 15, cxxxiv, n.1); but refuses tospeculate on how it first got to France. I will hazard a guess. It is clear that the ParisManucript, which is obviously a presentation manuscript that was prepared with some care,was destined for a figure of some importance: either royalty, or a senior ecclesiastic or afellow humanist. Given the politically sensitive nature of the material, the first two areThe History of Richard III / 41unlikely. If one further assumes that the manuscript was destined for a continentalrecipient, then one name immediately comes to mind: Erasmus. Erasmus clearly had astrong interest in history and had edited a number of the Roman historians. 29 However, Iwould like to suggest another possible candidate: Guillaume Bude. Bude was himself anhistorian, and a lawyer like More, and held a position at the court of Francis I in Paris. 39More and Bude exchanged letters, and Bude contributed a very important prefatory letter tothe second edition (Paris, 1517) of the Utopia. More was so grateful that he sent him a pairof hunting dogs as a gift. 31 Besides the hunting dogs, I would like to suggest that More mayhave also sent him a copy of the Historia Ricardi Tertii. There were few humanists on theContinent better equiped to appreciate More's intentions in writing Richard III. thanGuillaume Bude, and Bud4 was himself a prime example of the kind of internationalaudience that I believe the Latin version was intended for.The potential audience for the English version is much more problematic. More was apioneer in writing history in the vernacular. With the exception of some local chronicles,Latin was the language of serious historical writing in the Middle Ages and theRenaissance. It is true that by the end of the Middle Ages, serious historical works began toappear in the vernacular. Froissart and Commynes both wrote in French, and Machiavelli'sHistory of Florence was written in Italian. However, one has to go back all the way to theAnglo-Saxon and early Middle English period to the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle and the OldEnglish translation of Bede's Ecclesiastical History to find anything even remotelycomparable in English. There was not really a significant audience for vernacular history.All the ecclesiastics and the English humanists would naturally be expected to read theLatin version. Most of the nobility and courtiers by this point could also read Latin. Those,such as the citizen class in London, who did read the vernacular chronicles, lacked the levelof sophistication that. More's account sometimes expects of its readers.The History of Richard III / 42In many ways, More seems almost to have been attempting to create an audience forvernacular history. (An audience, no doubt, that was meant to include a significant numberof women, given the strong treatment of both the Queen and Mistress Shore shown in thetexts.) More's English style in the History of Richard III seems rather rough and unpolishedby comparison with his Latin. In many ways, More was a pioneer in developing Englishprose into a medium powerful and robust enough for expressing complex philosophical andtheological ideas. On the other hand, More's English is also more colloquial and idiomatic:one can almost hear the good citizens of London speaking through the English text. Indeed,More's style in the English version of Richard III compares favorably with that of the bestof his later English works, especially, the Dialogue Concerning Heresies and the Dialogue ofComfort. 32The structure of More's Richard III can be broken down into eight or nine majorsections (including the 'Continuation' of the English version) of ten to twelve pages each(except the concluding eighth section which is somewhat shorter), 33 each of which can be inturn broken down into two or more subsections (see Figure 2.3). 34 These sections whichmark natural breaks in the text seem to correspond with what we know of More's habits ofcomposition in the De tristitia and elsewhere. 35 In the analysis that follows, I will focusmainly on the passages of direct and indirect speech—how they contribute to the literaryartistry of the work as a whole, and how the dialectical movement from speaker to speakerin the History of Richard III, anticipates the artistry of More's later formal dialogues. 36Of the approximately seventy-five books and articles in the section on the History ofRichard III in the "Bibliography of More Scholarship" in the Appendix, none offers asdetailed an analysis of the structure of the History of Richard III37 as I offer here. Theanalysis offered below is also unique in collating the English and Latin versions, 38 and indrawing on them both to give a fuller sense of More's literary artistry.The History of Richard III / 43I) Introductory Section (CW 2, pp. 3-13 = CW 15, pp. 314-36)1. 3/1-6/8 = 314/1-20/14^Death of Edward IV; Richard is briefly introduced.2. 6/9-9/7 = 320/15-26/18^Deaths of Richard, Duke of York, Clarence, and Henry VI;Character sketch of Richard III.3. 9/7-10/9 = 326/18-28/23^Richard plans to usurp the throne.4. 10/10-13/31 = 328/24-36/23 Edward IV's last illness and death bed speech.II) Edward V deposed and Queen flees to Sanctuary (CW 2, pp. 13-22 = CW 15, pp. 336-54)1. 13/31-17/7 = 336/24-44/5^The Queen's kinsmen escort Edward V from Ludlow to London.2. 17/7-20/17 = 344/6-50/15^Richard and Buckingham detain Edward V at Northampton andarrest the Queen's relatives.3. 20/17-23/1 = 350/16-54/28 The Queen takes sanctuary in Westminster Abbey with heryounger son Richard, duke of York.III) The Meeting of the Lords in Council (CW 2, pp. 23-33 = CW 15, pp. 356-76)1. 23/1-25/17 = 356/1-60/3^^The Lord Chamberlain Hastings addresses the Lords and calmstheir fears. Edward V arrives in London.2. 25/10-28/19 = 360/4-66/5^Richard plots to get the younger son out of sanctuary. TheCardinal Archbishop of Canterbury is sent to persuade the Queen.3. 28/19-33/19 = 366/6-76/17^Buckingham's speech denouncing the abuses of sanctuary.IV) The Debate on Sanctuary (CW 2, pp. 33-42 = CW 15, pp. 376-96)1. 33/20-34/30 = 376/18-78/20 The Lord Cardinal goes to the Queen at Westminster Abbey.2. 34/31-40/8 = 378/21-90/25 The "debate" between the Queen and the Cardinal. The Queendefends her rights as legal guardian.3. 40/9-42/24 = 390/26-96/20 The Queen is forced to hand over her younger son. The two youngPrinces are taken to the Tower of London.V) The Execution of Hastings (CW 2, pp. 42-54 = CW 15, pp. 396-422)1. 42/24-45/5 = 396/21-402/12 How Richard persuaded Buckingham to join him2. 45/6-46/26 = 402/13-06/13^Catesby's treachery and Lord Stanley's mistrust of Richard.3. 46/27-49/24 = 406/14-12/21 The Council meeting in the Tower. Execution of Hastings.4. 49/15-54/14 = 414/1-22/26^Lord Stanley's dream and other portents.VI) Edward IV's Love Life (CW 2, pp. 54-66 = CW 15, pp. 424-448)1. 54/13-57/13 = 424/1-30/14^Richard makes Mistress Shore do public penance.2. 57/14-59/2 = 430/15-36/6^Execution of the Queen's relatives.3. 60/2-66/8 = 436/4-48/16^Edward IV's courtship of Lady Elizabeth Gray (the Queen).VII) Doctor Shaa and Buckingham (CW 2, pp. 66-77 = CW 15, pp. 448-474)1. 66/9-68/34 = 448/17-54/12^Doctor Shaa's sermon alleging the bastardy of Edward IV'schildren by Elizabeth Gray.2. 69/1-74/34 = 454/13-68/14^Buckingham's Guildhall speech denouncing Edward IV's greed,rapacity and sexual libertinism.3. 74/34-77/6 = 468/15-74/2^The stony silence of the citizens of London, and the fake accla-mation of Richard as King.VIII) Richard's Coronation (CW 2, pp. 77-82 = CW 15, pp. 474-484)1. 77/7-81/10 = 474/3-82/24^Richard's stage-managed "election" as King at Baynard Castle.2. 81/11-82/12 = 482/25-84/25 The Coronation at Westminster Hall.IX) The English Continuation (CW 2, pp. 82-93)1. 82/13-87/4^ The murder of the Princes in the Tower.2. 87/4-90/17 Richard becomes paranoid, and falls out with Buckingham.3. 90/17-93/25 John Morton, Bishop of Ely, incites Buckingham to revolt.Figure 2.3. The Structure of Richard IIIThe History of Richard III / 442.4. ANALYSIS OF THE TEXT2.4.1. Introduction and Death of Edward IV (App. A.1, Sec. I)The introduction to More's History of Richard III is, I think, rather confusing to readerswho are encountering it for the first time. 39 It begins not with a description of Richard III,but with the death of Edward IV, Richard's brother, at the end of which Richard is brieflyintroduced (CW 2, 3-6; CW 15,314-20). After giving a brief encomiastic account of the reignof Edward IV, the narrator° then quickly describes the deaths of Richard, Duke of York,and George, Duke of Clarence—the father and brother respectively of both Edward IV andRichard (Duke of Gloucester, before his coronation as Richard III). The narrator implicatesRichard in the death of Clarence, and after giving a brief character sketch of Richard,immediately blames him also for the death of Henry VI (Edward IV's deposed predecessor).The narrator then suggests that, given the tender ages of Edward IV's sons (and Richard'snephews)—Edward, Prince of Wales, and Richard, Duke of York 41 —Richard might havealready been plotting to usurp the throne during Edward IV's lifetime, or else, seeing asuitable opportunity with the death of Edward, he seized it. To that end Richard deliberatelyfostered enmity between the Queen's kindred (including her brothers and her children by aprevious marriage), and the king's relatives and the more powerful nobles. The introductorysection concludes with an account of Edward IV's last illness. One effect of the ratherapparently confusing introductory section (undoubtedly authorial since the Latin versionfollows the same order as the English version) is to set up a very deliberate dichotomybetween the 'good' King Edward IV, "of happy memory", and the 'evil' King Richard III,whose hands are already steeped in blood (Clarence's and Henry VI's), even before he startsplotting his usurpation of the throne. 42The first major speech in Richard III (CW 2, 11-13; CW 15, 330-336) is Edward'sdeathbed speech. More introduces a theme that is to be important, throughout the work.The History of Richard III / 45Edward calls the nobles together and pleads with them to make peace for the sake of hischildren: "Ye se their youthe, of whiche I recken the onely suretie to reste in youre concord.For it suffiseth not that al you loue them, yf eche of you hate other" (CW 2, 11/18-20; cf.CW 15, 330/25-332/2). Edward appeals to them to love each other and stresses the terriblefruits of "debate and dissencion" (CW 2, 12/29), and goes on to warn them "But yf youamong youre selfe in a childes reygne fall at debate, many a good man shal perish andhappely he to, and ye to, ere thys land finde peace again" (CW 2, 13/14-17). In the Latinversion, Edward makes this point even more strongly:but if you fall at variance in the reign of a child, many good and excellentmen are likely to perish, 43 with the prince threatened and you in mostdanger of all, before a nation which has once broken out in internal seditionwill be restored to tranquility and harmony. (CW 15, 336/4-8) 44In Edward's presence they make a pretence of forgiving each other, but the narrator addsthat "their herts, wer far a sonder" (CW 2, 13/30-31).2.4.2. The Deposition of Edward V and Flight of the Queen to Sanctuary (Sec. II)As soon as Edward is dead, Richard starts sowing dissension. He stirs up oppositionbetween the queen's party and the nobles, and stresses the inequality of blood between thequeen's relatives and the nobles (CW 2, 14-15). Richard concludes by undermining thepeace that Edward had tried to establish on his deathbed. Richard is the perfect rhetoricianin More's account, always ready to adopt a persona, and disguise his inner feelings andintentions. Right from the beginning, More characterises him as a "deepe dissimuler"(CW 2, 8/7): 45He could adopt any role, then play it out to perfection, whether cheerful orstern. whether sober or relaxed, just as expediency urged him to sustain orabandon it. There was modesty in his countenance when in his heart therewas arrogance, uncontrollable, boundless, and monstrous. He would speakflatteringly to those whom he inwardly loathed, and would not hesitate toembrace those whom he had decided to kill. (CW 15, 324/10-15; cf. CW 2,8/7-9)46The History of Richard III / 46Richard's powers of persuasion often act indirectly, and their effects are not fully recogniseduntil too late.He causes the queen to be persuaded secretly "by diuers meanes" (CW 2, 16/11) tobring the princes up to London with only a small retinue because "euery lorde loued other,and none other thing studyed vppon, but aboute the Coronacion and honoure of the king"(CW 2, 16/14-15). Richard's duplicity is further shown after the arrest of Lord Rivers, thequeen's brother and of her son by her first marriage, Richard Grey, when he sends a dishfrom his own table to Rivers "prayinge him to bee of good chere, all should be well inough"(CW 2, 20/4-5). But for all Richard's "coumfortable courtesye" (CW 2, 20/10), he has himexecuted at Pontefract shortly afterward.The perversion of language is a recurrent theme in The History of Richard III. LordHastings, who is one of the conspirators, imitates Richard's example by sending amessenger to Rotheringham, the Archbishop of York and also then the Lord Chancellor:"my Lorde sendeth youre Lordeshippe woorde, that there is no feare. For hee assureth youthat all shall bee well. I assure him quod the Archebishoppe bee it as well as it will, it willneuer bee soo well as wee haue seene it" (CW 2, 21/12-15). Despite his misgivings, theArchbishop then hastens to the queen who by this point has taken sanctuary inWestminster Abbey, together with her younger son (by Edward) Richard, the Duke of York.He finds her sitting all alone "on the rishes [rushes] all desolate and dismayde" (CW 2,21/26-27), wringing her hands and lamenting her family's misfortune (CW 15,352/27-28). 47 He rushes to console her with Hastings' promise, but the queen is notdeceived:Ah woo worthe him quod she, for hee is one of them that laboureth todestroye me and my bloode. Madame quod he, be ye of good chere. For Iassure you if thei crowne any other kinge then your sonne, whome theynowe haue with them, we shal on the morowe crowne his brother whomeyou haue here with you. (CW 2, 22/4-8)The History of Richard III / 47Rotheringham then delivers the great Seal to her as a token of his support, though later hesends for it again from her in secret.2.4.3. The Meeting of the Lords in Council (Sec. III)The lords gather in London to await the young king's entry after the Lord ChamberlainHastings (unknown to them one of the conspirators) has persuaded them to believe that theDuke of Gloucester's (Richard's) intentions were honourable: "With these parswasions of theLorde Hastynges, whereof parte hym selfe belieued, of parte he wist the contrarye, thesecommocions were sommewhat appeased" (CW 2, 23/24-27). The conspirators then takesome of the household armour of the queen's party and parade it through the streets,declaring: "loe here bee the barelles of harneys [armour] that this traitours had priuelyeconuayd in theyr carryage to destroye the noble lordes with all" (CW 2, 24/8-10). Thenarrator comments that though wise men saw through this ploy "muche part of the commonpeople were therewith verye well satisfyed, and said it wer almoise [a good deed] to hangethem" (CW 2, 24/14-15).By this trick and by bearing himself "in open sighte so reuerentelye to the Prince, withall semblaunce of lowlinesse" (CW 2, 24/23-24), Richard wins over the council which thenmakes him Protector of the king and, so the narrator adds, "so (that were it destenye orwere it foly) the lamb was betaken to the wolfe to kepe" (CW2, 24/29-25/1). Richard thenpersuades the council that the queen is guilty of "malyce, frowardenesse [perversity], orfoly" (27/13-14) for keeping in sanctuary the young prince, Richard Duke of York,whom hehypocritically describes as "after my soueraygne Lorde hymself, my moste dere Nephewe"(CW 2, 27/2-3). Richard concludes by pretending to be ready to change his will upon the"better aduyses" (CW 2, 27/18) of the council.All the council "affyrmed that the mocion was good and reasonable" (CW 2, 27/19-20)("Virtually all the nobility present approved of this speech" CW 15, 364/16). 48 The LatinThe History of Richard III / 48version adds that the clergy were opposed to the use of violence (cf. CW 15, 364/16-27).Thomas Bourchier, the Archbishop of Canterbury and also Cardinal, is then chosen to go tothe queen and persuade her to hand over her son the Duke of York. In the ensuing debatethe cardinal (the English version mistakenly refers to the Archbishop of York, ThomasRotheringham, instead) 49 insists that the holy place not be violated, and expressesconfidence that the queen will see reason:I truste that shee shall bee with reason contented, and all thynge in goodmaner obtayned. And yf it happen that I brynge it not so to passe, yetshall I towarde it so farrefoorth dooe my beste, that ye shall all wellperceiue, that no lacke of my deuoure [duty], but the mothers drede andwomannishe feare, shall bee the let [hindrance]. Womannishe feare, nayewomannishe frowardenesse (quod the Duke of Buckyngham.) For I daretake it vppon my soule, she well knoweth she needeth no such thyng tofeare, either for her sonne or for her selfe. For as for her, here is nomanne that wil bee at warre with women. Woulde God some of the men ofher kynne, were women too, and then shoulde al bee soone in reste. (CW 2,28/14-25)Buckingham's long response to the cardinal (CW 2, 28-33; CW 15, 366-76) is a masterpieceof casuistry. He sets about duping the council into believing that there is no danger to thequeen, and that the prince has no legitimate reason to seek sanctuary, and that his motherintends to send him out of the realm. He then persuades them that "I wyll rather maugrye[despite] her mynde, fetche hym awaye, then leaue hym ther, til her frowardnes or fondfeare conuay hym awaye. And yet will I breake no Saintuarye therefore" (CW 2,29/33-30/2).Buckingham's attack on the rights of sanctuary begins with a criticism of all the abusesthat the right of sanctuary gave rise to, but goes on to undermine the very practice itself. 50More puts some very powerful arguments into Buckingham's speech without necessarilyindicating any moral approval of Buckingham's position. Buckingham details all the abuses:thieves use the sanctuaries as a base for their operations, debtors flee there with theproperty they owe, wives run off with their husbands' plate to sanctuary. Buckingham The History of Richard III / 49starts by giving a definition of the role of sanctuary:A Sainctuarye serueth alway to defende the bodie of that manne thatstandeth in daunger abrode, not of greate hurte onelye, but also of lawfulhurte. For agaynste vnlawfull harmes, neuer Pope nor Kynge entended topriueledge anye one place. (CW 2, 31/28-32/1)I for one have always supposed that the true and original function ofsanctuaries is to protect the persons of those who would otherwise facesome harm both great and (above all) deserved. For to avoid undeservedharm there is no need to appeal to a privilege belonging exclusively to anyone place. (CW 15, 372/21-25) 51He goes on to argue that the Duke of York does not need sanctuary because he has done nowrong: "And so saintuary as for him, neither none he nedeth, nor also none can haue"(CW 2, 32/11-12). Buckingham continues with some more frivolous examples including thatof the school boy who flees to sanctuary to escape his schoolmaster: "And verelye I haueoften heard of saintuarye menne. But I neuer heard erste of saintuarye chyldren" (CW 2,33/8-9). The final conclusion of Buckingham's speech is the claim that "he that taketh oneoute of saintuary to dooe hym good, I say plainely that he breaketh no saintuary" (CW 2,33/17-19). The lords and the spirituality agree with Buckingham, "thinking none hurterthly ment towarde the younge babe" (CW 2, 33/21-22), that the boy should be taken fromthe sanctuary, though they thought it best to use verbal persuasion rather than force(CW 15, 376/21-22). 522.4.4. The Debate on Sanctuary Between the Queen and the Cardinal (Sec. IV)The cardinal (Bourchier) agrees to go to the queen. He is accompanied by a group oflords who are ready to seize the boy if the queen does not agree to hand him over. Thecardinal addresses the queen and tries to persuade her that the young prince should be withhis brother and that by keeping him in the sanctuary, "that place whiche they reckoned as aprisone" (CW 2, 34/18-19), that she was demeaning his estate. The queen retorts that theking (Edward V) were better off to be with his brother in sanctuary under the custody ofThe History of Richard III / 50their mother. She stresses the sickness of the younger prince. The cardinal begins to getimpatient with the queen and points out that she was content to let her older son out of hercare when he kept household at Ludlow in Wales:Not very well content, quod the Quene: And yet the case is not like: for thetone was then in helthe, and the tother is now sike. In which case Imerueile greatly that my lord protectour is so disirous to haue him in hiskeping where if the child in his sicknes miscaried by nature, yet might herunne into slaunder and suspicion of fraude. (CW 2, 35/32-36/2; cf. CW 15,382/3-9)She then expresses her concern for the fate of her friends whom the protector has hadarrested. The cardinal expresses his opinion that they were not in any real danger and thatthe matter would be cleared up as soon as it was properly examined. However, the queen isnot persuaded and expresses her determination to keep the young duke with her in thesanctuary. The cardinal then threatens her: "Truely madame, quod he, and the farder[more fearful] that you be to delyuer him, the farder [more fearful] 53 bene other men tosuffer you to kepe hym, lest your causeles fere might cause you ferther to conuay him"(CW2, 37/12-14). He stresses that the nobles are ready to fetch the young prince out of thesanctuary.Although by now the writing is on the wall, and it has become obvious that the clergyand the nobles are prepared to let Richard take the prince out of the sanctuary, the queenmakes one last impassioned defence of her son and of her right to keep him in sanctuary:A syr quod the Quene, hath the protectour so tender zele to him, that hefereth nothing but lest he should escape hym. Thinketh he that I wouldsende hym hence, which neyther is in ye plight to sende out, and in whatplace coulde I recken him sure, if he be not sure in this the sentuaryewhereof, was there neuer tiraunt yet so deuelish, that durste presume tobreake. And I trust god as strong now to withstande his aduersaries, aseuer he was. But my sonne can deserve no sentuary, and therefore hecannot haue it. Forsoth he hath founden a goodly glose, by whiche thatplace that may defend a thefe, may not saue an innocent. But he is in noiupardy nor hath no nede therof. Wold god he had not. Troweth theprotector (I pray god he may proue a protectour) troweth he that. I parceiueThe History of Richard III / 51not whereunto his painted processe draweth? (CW 2, 37/21-38/10; cf. CW 15,386/9-29)She goes on to rebut Richard's arguments (as relayed by the cardinal) point by point andstresses her legal rights as the child's guardian, that no one can take the child out ofsanctuary, without violating the rights of sanctuary. In the Latin version, she goes on toremind Bourchier that she had once taken sanctuary there before with her elder son(CW 15, 388/28-390/10; cf. CW 2, 39/7-24). 54 She reiterates her right as guardian to keepthe young prince in sanctuary and gives as her reason:The cause of my fere hath no man to doe to examine. And yet fere I noferther then ye law fereth which as lerned men tell me forbiddeth eueryman the custody of them, by whose death he may inherite lesse lande thena kingdome. (CW 2, 39/30-34; cf. CW 15, 390/13-18)She ends her speech by praying that those who break sanctuary may find themselves inneed of sanctuary but be unable to come to it.The cardinal, perceiving that the queen was becoming more and more worked upagainst the protector, in the end forces the issue by telling her he would no longer disputethe matter and that if she freely turned the young duke over to him he would "lay his ownebody & soule both in pledge" (CW 2, 40/14), but that if she refuses he would depart andleave her to the mercy of the protector's men.Recognising that her hand has been forced, she hands the Duke of York over to thecardinal, but she then turns to the lords present there and warns them not to trust Richard:We haue also had experience yt the desire of a kingdome knoweth nokinred. The brother hath bene the brothers bane. And may the nepheus besure of their vncle? (CW 2, 41/23-27)Furthermore we have learned by experience how easily the detestable thirstfor dominion swallows up any feelings of kinship; when brother slaysbrother and a child forces his way to the throne over his parent's deadbody, will a nephew be safe from his uncle? (CW 15, 394/14-18) 55Then she hands over her son. The narrator presents us with a touching little scene of theThe History of Richard III / 52mother and son weeping as they say goodbye. She begs her son for one last kiss: "let me kisyou ones yet ere you goe, for God knoweth when we shal kis togither agayne" (CW 2,42/9-10). She kisses him and gives him her blessing by making the sign of the cross overhim as she turns away weeping (CW 15, 396/8-10). 56The poignancy of the scene is further reinforced by contrast with the one that follows.Richard, ever the master of appearances, 57 pretends to be overjoyed to see the young duke:the protectour toke him in his armes & kissed him with these wordes: Nowwelcome my lord euen wt al my very hart. (Cm 2, 42/15-17)When the boy was brought to him, the Protector hugged him, lifting him offthe ground in his arms, and said, "My dearest nephew and liege, you are awelcome arrival to everyone, and especially welcome to me." (CW 15,396/13-15)58The English version is pithier, but the Latin's "charissime nepos ac domine" emphasiseseven more strongly Richard's essential duplicity. Richard then escorts the young duke to seehis brother in the Tower "out of which after yt day they neuer came abrode" (CW 2,42/22-23).2.4.5. The Execution of Hastings (Secs. V and VI)In the Latin version there follows a long section giving Buckingham's motives forjoining Richard (CW 15, 396/21-400/20). 59 More's account stresses the initial reluctance ofBuckingham to join Richard and seeks to discount the opinion that Buckingham wasinvolved from the outset." More seeks partly to exonerate Buckingham by suggesting thathe was more or less coerced into joining Richard's party. The narrator states that Richardsent his own men to Buckingham to persuade him: "he was particularly diligent inbroaching the matter to him through astute, diplomatic intermediaries" (CW 15, 398/5-6). 61These intermediaries so played on Buckingham's fears, according to More's account, that:Wearing down the duke's spirit with suggestions like these, they inducedhim to follow out a course he already regretted initiating and to perseverevigorously once he had started. And so, since he believed he could not beatThe History of Richard III / 53the nefarious conspiracy, he joined it as a partner and ally, and decidedthat since he could not remedy the public evil he would turn it as much ashe could to his private advantage. (CW 15, 398/20-400/2) 62Buckingham is both a conspirator and a potential victim. he manages to escape Hastings'fate by joining with Richard and helping him to usurp the kingdom, though in the end, afterhis unsuccessful rebellion, he does indeed fall victim to Richard's vengeance. More seems togive a more prominent role to Buckingham in both the Latin and the English versions, thanany of the other historical accounts, partly as a foil to Richard himself.In contrast to Buckingham's awareness of Richard's duplicity, Hastings is extremelynaive. Though he is himself one of the conspirators against the queen's party, he remainscompletely in the dark about the true intentions of his fellow conspirators. He puts too muchtrust in his factotum Catesby, who had also been secretly recruited by Richard. LordStanley, the Earl of Derby, who was a close friend of Hastings, on the other hand distrustsRichard and criticises him for having two councils:For while we (quod he) talke of one matter in the tone place, litle wote wewherof they talk in ye tother place. My lord (quod the lord Hastinges) onmy life neuer doute you. For while one man is there which is neuer thence,neuer can there be thinge ones minded that should sownde amisse towardme, but it should be in mine eares ere it were well oute of their mouthes.This ment he by Catesby... (CW 2, 45/13-19)Hastings ends up being completely duped by his spy, the double-agent Catesby. Richardsends Catesby to sound Hastings out as to whether he would support Richard's plans tousurp the kingdom: "But Catesby whither he assayed him or assaied him not, reported vntothem, that he founde him so fast [steadfast], and hard him speke so terrible woordes, thathe durst no further breke [reveal]" (CW 2, 46/14-16). Hastings is completely taken in by theremarkable display of feigned friendship that Richard and Buckingham then show towardshim. The narrator comments ironically that: "vndoubtedly the protectour loued him wel, &loth was to haue loste him, sauing for fere lest his life shoulde haue quailed their purpose"The History of Richard III / 54(047 2, 46/10-11).All this is a prelude to the council meeting to plan the coronation of Edward V. More'snarrative begins innocently enough with a little scene made use of later by Shakespeare inhis play. 63 When Richard enters the council chamber, he asks the Bishop of Ely (JohnMorton) for a dish of strawberries:my lord you haue very good strawberies at your gardayne in Holberne, Irequire you let vs haue a messe of them. Gladly my lord, quod he, wouldegod I had some better thing as redy to your pleasure as that. And therwithin al the hast he sent hys seruant for a messe of strauberies (CW 2,47/6-10)."Father, I hear you have some very fine strawberries ripening in yourgarden. I know you will not mind presenting one bowl of them to so manynobles as your contribution to lunch." "I wish I could as easily dosomething bigger as I will be glad to do this much," he answered, and atonce sent a servant to fetch them. (CW 15, 406/18-22) 64Sylvester, for one, 65 points to the rich symbolism of this "symbolum" (token orcontribution). Almost immediately after this Richard exits 'left-stage'. When he returns, hehas undergone a startling transformation. He accuses the council members of plotting hisdestruction: "what were they worthy to haue, that compasse & ymagine the distruccion ofme, being so nere of blood vnto ye king and protectour of his riall person & his realme"(CW 2, 47/21-23). He begins by accusing the queen of sorcery. The narrator comments onHastings' initial relief (cf. 47/32-48/6), though Hastings is uneasy that he has not beenwarned beforehand.The scene that follows, however, is one of those brilliant little vignettes that More'sworks are so full of, like the 'merry tales' in the theological and polemical works. Theprotector repeats the charge of witchcraft, this time including Mistress Shore, one ofEdward's former mistresses, as well as the queen:ye shal al se in what wise that sorceres and that other witch of her counselshoris wife wt their affynite [companions], haue by their sorcery &witchcraft wasted my body. And therwt he plucked vp hys doublet sleue toThe History of Richard III / 55his elbow vpon his left arme, where he shewed a werish [shrivelled]withered arme and small, as it was neuer other. And thereupon euerymannes mind sore misgaue them, well perceiuing that this matter was buta quarel. (CW 2, 48/7-13)"You shall see how this villainess with Shore's wife and other en-chantresses has cast a spell on my body and withered it with their magicpotions," and pulling up his sleeve he exposed an arm which was indeedvery puny—just as it had been from the beginning. But then everyone butthe Protector's accomplices had good reason to be terrified, judging that hewas simply in search of a pretext for wrangling, to start with, and thenopen slaughter. For they knew very well that that arm was puny... (CW 15,408/26-410/5) 66The narrator points to the absurdity of pairing the queen with Mistress Shore "whom of alwomen she most hated" (CW 2, 48/16), and reveals that Hastings had taken Shore's wife tobe his mistress after Edward's death. Unnerved by the mention of his beloved (CW 15,410/10), 67 Hastings answers Richard "certainly my lorde if they haue so heinously done,thei be worthy heinouse punishement" (CW 2, 48/23-4). Richard jumps on him and accuseshim of being a traitor: "What quod the protectour thou seruest me I wene wt iffes & withandes, I tel the thei haue so done, & that I will make good on thy body traitour. And therwtas in a great anger, he clapped his fist vpon ye borde a great rappe" (CW 2, 48/24-27). Thisturns out to be a prearranged signal to be given by Richard. A group of armed men thenbreak in and seize hold of Hastings. What follows is an almost stichomythic exchange: "Andanon the protectour sayd to the lorde Hastinges: I arest the traitour. What me my Lordequod he. Yea the traitour, quod the protectour" (CW 2, 48/30-49/1). Richard then ordersHastings' execution:whom the protectour bade spede & shryue [confess] hym a pace, for bysaynt Poule (quod he) I wil not to dinner til I se thy hed of (CW 2,49/11-13).As for Hastings, the Protector told him to prepare for his death and tohurry if he had any business to do with a priest; "As St. Paul, to whom Ihave a special devotion, is my patron, I will not take another bite of foodbefore seeing you beheaded." (CW 15, 412/5-10) 68After confessing to a priest who happened to be by, Hastings is immediately taken out andThe History of Richard III / 56executed, so that the protector would not be late for dinner. The narrator of the Latinversion comments ironically "pious man, he [Richard] did not want to violate his oath"(CW 15, 412/14). 69Hastings' willful blindness to Richard's plotting is brought out by the section thatfollows. Much of the middle third of Richard III seems to be taken up with apparentflashbacks and digressions that seem to have nothing to do with the main theme ofRichard's usurpation of the throne. More was a master of digression and behind theapparent artlessness and illogicality of the digressions, the author works to reinforce thetheme indirectly.The section on the various dreams and portents that precede Hastings' death (cf. CW 2,49/25-52/22; CW 15, 414/1-420/8) is modelled on a long tradition of classical and mediaevalhistorical writing, in which alleged portents surrounding major historical events arechronicled along with the events themselves. Such portents are partly at least a literaryartefact, and do not imply any necessary belief in their veracity on More's part. WhetherMore invented the account of Stanley's dream or made use of existing rumours or reports isin a way strictly irrelevant. This was part of the craft of history, part of what readersexpected from historical writing. Nonetheless, the portents do serve the purpose ofunderlining the moral blindness of Hastings, both as co-conspirator, and as victim ofRichard's plots. The narrator points to Hastings' false sense of security:But I shall rather let anye thinge passe me, then the vain sureti of mansmind so nere his deth. (CW 2, 51/13-14)But I would rather overlook anything than pass over the human mind'sillusion of security even on the very brink of destruction. (CW 15,416/23-24) 7°The section begins with the report of Lord Stanley's (Derby's) dream. Stanley sends amessenger to Hastings to tell him that:The History of Richard III / 57he had so fereful a dreme, in which him thoughte that a bore with histuskes so raced [slashed] them both bi the heddes, that the blood ranneaboute both their shoulders. And forasmuch as the protectour gaue the borefor his cognisaunce [coat of arms], this dreme made so fereful animpression in his hart, yt he was throughly determined no lenger to tary,but had his horse redy, if ye lord Hastinges wold go wt him to ride so faryet ye same night, that thei shold be out of danger ere dai. (CW 2, 50/1-9;cf. CW 15, 414/7-19)The Latin version adds the detail that Hastings had been killed immediately in the dream,but that Stanley had been left alive but covered in blood from a wound in the head (CW 15,414/12-14). 71 Hastings mocks the messenger's account: "leneth my lord thi master so muchto such trifles, & hath such faith in dremes, which either his own fere fantasieth or do risein ye nightes rest by reson of his daye thoughtes?" (CW 2, 50/10-13; cf. CW 15, 414/19-21).Hastings dismisses such dreams as witchcraft and argues that they will only provokeRichard if they take to flight. He ends up sending the messenger back to Stanley with themessage "pray him be mery & haue no fere" (CW 2, 50/23). More then proceeds to giveanother portent to emphasise Hastings' wilful blindness to his own fate. ("Now this ytfoloweth was no warning, but an enemiouse [hostile] scorne" CW 2, 50/32). On his way tothe Tower to attend the council meeting called to plan Edward V's coronation, he isaccompanied by a knight sent by Richard, who has in reality been sent to hasten him to hisown execution. Hastings stops to talk to a priest on the way and the knight comments:"what my lord I pray you come on, whereto talke you so long wt that priest, you haue nonede of a prist yet: & therwt he laughed vpon him, as though he would say, ye shal hauesone" (CW 2, 51/7-10). On meeting a herald with the same surname, whom he knew,Hastings reminisces with him about a previous occasion on which they had met, and inwhich his life had been in danger when he had been falsely accused to King Edward IV oftreason by the queen's party. He gloats over the fate of his enemies who now awaitexecution at Pontefract Castle:The History of Richard III / 58In faith man quod he, I was neuer so sory, nor neuer stode in so greatdread in my life, as I did when thou and I met here. And lo how ye worldis turned, now stand mine enemies in ye daunger (as thou maist hap[chance] to here more hereafter) & I neuer in my life so mery, nor neuer inso great suerty. 0 good god, the blindnes of our mortall nature, when hemost feared, he was in good suerty: when he rekened him self surest, helost his life, & that wtin two howres after. (CW 2, 52/9-16)The moralizing comments of the narrator only serve to underline the folly of Hastings'scomplete self-deception and unawareness of his own danger.After Hastings's summary execution, Richard has a herald sent with a proclamation tothe citizens of London that Hastings had been planning to seize the young king and takecontrol of the realm. The elaborate nature of the proclamation makes it clear that it wascomposed before Hastings' death (cf. CW 2, 54/3-9; CW 15, 422/13-20). The citizens,however, are not taken in:one yt was scole master of Poules of chaunce standing by, & comparing yeshortnes of ye time wt the length of ye matter, said vnto them yt stodeabout him here is a gay goodly cast [trick], foule cast awai for hast. And amerchant answered hym, yt it was writen by profecy. (CW 2, 54/10-13; cf.CW 15, cxli-cxlii, 422/20-26)In the Latin version, the schoolmaster's comment is a quotation from Terence's Andria(476): "You have not spaced these episodes very well, Davus" (CW 15, 422/25-26). 72 TheLatin is more elegant but makes essentially the same point.After a well-known digression on the character of Mistress Shore," Edward IV'sfavorite mistress (cf. CW 2, 53-57), and a brief mention of the execution of the queen'srelatives at Pontefract (CW 2, 57-58), the narrator describes how Richard and Buckinghampersuaded some of the clergy to lay charges of bastardy both against Edward IV himselfand also against his children.Among those corrupted by Richard's party were the mayor's brother Rafe Shaa,mistakenly called John by More, and a friar called Penker. (The mayor, Edmund Shaa,The History of Richard III / 59himself was one of Richard's fellow conspirators.) The narrator relates that as aconsequence, almost by way of divine retribution:Penker in his sermon so lost his voice that he was faMe to leaue of & comedowne in the middes. Doctour Shaa by his sermon lost his honestie, & soneafter his life, for very shame of the worlde, into which he durst neuer aftercome abrode. But the frere forced [cared] for no shame, & so it harmed himye lesse. (CW 2, 59/2-7)Penker lost his voice and stepped down in the middle of a statement, withhis hearers ascribing this event to the saints as the punishers ofblasphemous adulation. Shaw lost all reputation for honesty and, shortlythereafter, his life, out of weariness with the solitude into which heretreated for shame of being looked at in public; but the friar, who hadwiped out his own sense of shame as he wiped off the spit of his manydisputations, had long been impervious to infamy. (CW 15, 432/27-434/6) 74In order to explain the charges of 'bastardy', the narrator then gives us another longdigression on Edward IV's wooing of Elizabeth Grey (cf. CW 2, 60-66; CW 15, 436-448).2.4.6. Doctor Shaa's Sermon and Buckingham's Guildhall Speech (Sec. VII)After apologizing for the length of the digression (CW 2, 66/9-15), the narrator returnsto Dr. Shaa's sermon, in which the preacher repeats the spurious charges of bastardyagainst Edward's children, and even hints that Richard's brothers, Edward and Clarence,may have been born of adultery. The sermon culminates with an encomium of Richard asthe "verye face of ye noble duke his father" (CW 2, 67/30). At this point Richard is supposedto enter:Nowe was it before deuised, that in ye speaking of these wordes, theprotector should haue comen in among ye people to ye sermonwarde, tothend yt those words meting wt his presence, might haue been taken amongthe hearers, as thoughe ye holye ghost had put them in the preachersmouth, & should haue moued the people euen ther, to crie king Richardking Richard, yt it might haue bene after said, yt he was specially chosenby god & in maner of miracle. (CW 2, 67/34-68/6; cf. CW 15, 452/15-21)However, Richard missed his stage cue and by the time he had entered, the preacher hadgone long past his encomium. On seeing Richard enter, Doctor Shaa repeated, "out of alThe History of Richard III / 60order, & oute of al frame" (CW 2, 68/14), his previous words of praise in honour of Richard.The sermon, however, did not have its intended effect of persuading the people to acclaimRichard king: "the people were so farre fro crying king Richard, yt thei stode as thei hadbene turned into stones, for wonder of this shamefull sermon" (CW 2, 68/24-26; cf. CW 15,454/6-8). The narrator reports that, after this, Doctor Shaa, on hearing from an old friendthat "there was in euery mans mouth spoken of him much shame, it so strake him to yeheart, that wtin fewe daies after he withered & consumed away" (CW 2, 68/32-34).More then reports a speech (CW 2, 69-76; CW 15, 454-72) given to the LondonGuildhall by Buckingham a couple of days later, at which all the prominent citizens werepresent. Despite all the power of Buckingham's eloquence ("he was neither vnlearned, andof nature marueilouslye well spoken" CW 2, 69/8-9), he was unable to persuade the citizensof London to acclaim Richard king. Buckingham's speech is a masterly diatribe against thereign and character of Edward IV. Many of his charges against Edward IV seem to havehad some basis in historical fact, and by placing the oration here, the narrator seems to beseeking to counterbalance the somewhat idealised picture of Edward IV given at thebeginning of the History. Whatever the basis in historical fact, the portrayal of the darker,more predatory side of Edward IV by Buckingham does not sway the good citizens ofLondon in any way to support Richard's usurpation.Buckingham, like Doctor Shaa before him, is taken aback by the stony silence of thecitizens:When the duke had saied, and looked that the people whome he hoped ytthe Mayer had framed before, shoulde after his proposicion made, hauecried king Richarde, king Richard: all was husht and mute, and not oneword aunswered therunto. Wherewith the duke was meruailously abashed,and taking the Maier nerer to him, with other that were about him priueyto the matter, saied vnto them softlye what meaneth this, that this peplebe so stil. Sir quod the Mayer parcase they perceyue you not well. Thatshal we mende (quod he) if that wyll helpe. And by and by somewhatlouder, he rehersed them the same matter againe in other order and otherThe History of Richard III / 61wordes, so wel and ornately, & natheles so euidently and plaine, with voicegesture and countenance so cumly and so conuenient, that euery man muchmeruailed that herd him, and thought that they neuer had in their huesheard so euill a tale so well tolde. (CW 2, 74/34-75/14; cf. CW 15,468/15-470/2)The citizens do not prove to be any more responsive to the new rendition and the mayor,who himself is a bit perturbed by the course of events, suggests that the Recorder, whoaccording to custom was the only one supposed to address the citizens in the Guildhall,should repeat the speech again. 75 However, the recorder "so tempered his tale, that heshewed euery thing as the dukes wordes and no part his owne" (CW 2, 75/29-30). The goodcitizens of London, however, remain as unmoved as ever:But all thys nothing no chaunge made in the people which alway after one,stode as they had ben men amased, wherupon ye duke rowned [whispered]vnto the Mayer and sayd: Thys is a maruelouse obstinate silence... (CW 2,75/30-76/1)But the people's demeanor remained altogether unchanged, keeping silenceas deep as the quiet which generally holds late at night, and with such animpassive expression that they furnished no indication at all of their actualthoughts. But the duke, quite offended to see them receiving his speech withsuch closed ears and minds, turned aside to the mayor and said "Let themfind someone else to put up with their insolent silence..." (CW 15,470/15-20) 76What follows is one of those little scenes that More is such a master at portraying.Buckingham decides to force the issue by telling the citizens that the nobles plan to makeRichard king whether they consent or not, and that it would be to their advantage to agreeto "that thing in which to bee parteners is your weale & honour" (CW 2, 76/7). He thendemands that they give an answer one way or another. The citizens begin whisperingamong themselves secretly, making a noise "neyther loude nor distincke, but as it were thesounde of a swarme of bees" (CW 2, 76/14-15). However, some servants of the duke andsome retainers of Richard who had been planted in the crowd:began sodainelye at mennes backes to crye owte as lowde as their throteswould gyue: king Rycharde kinge Rycharde, and threwe vp their cappes inThe History of Richard III / 62token of ioye. And they that stode before, cast back theyr heddes meruailingthereof, but nothing they sayd. (CW 2, 76/18-22; cf. CW 15, 472/6-14)The duke seizes the opportunity to turn this outburst to his advantage and said "it wasa goodly cry and a ioyfull to here, euery manne with one voice no manne sayeng nay"(CW 2, 76/26-28). Pretending to believe that this outburst constitutes a spontaneousacclamation of Richard as king, he promises to relay the great affection of the citizens toRichard on the following day (cf. CW 15, 472/20-25). The narrator, however, relates that,as soon as Buckingham had left, several of the citizens grieved openly and turned "their faceto the wall, while the doloure of their heart braste oute at theyr eyen" (CW 2, 77/5-6).2.4.7. Richard's Coronation (Sec. VIII)The tragi-comedy continues on the next day when Buckingham, together with thenobles and the mayor and the leading citizens, repairs to Baynard's Castle where Richardwas residing. The narrator's account of the public interview between Richard andBuckingham at times borders on the ludicrous. Richard pretends to be reluctant to assumethe throne and initially to be ignorant of their intentions. Buckingham then pretends tocoerce Richard into accepting the throne by claiming that the people have made up theirminds not to be ruled any longer by Edward's children. And Richard, in turn, 'reluctantly'agrees to accept the crown and his election by the "nobles & comons of this realm" (CW 2,80/3). (The narrator ironically comments that "These wordes muche moued the protectoure,whiche els as euery manne may witte, would neuer of likelyhoode haue inclyned therunto"CW 2, 79/25-27). In the Latin version especially, Richard claims to be relying on the solidconsensus of the people:For my own part, at least, though I know that there is no other to whomthe crown rightly belongs by inheritance, I consider your desires moreimportant than any number of laws, which derive all their efficacy fromyou; and since I see that your solid consensus supports me, lest I shouldseem either timid about laboring for the commonweal or unmindful of yourThe History of Richard III / 63goodwill toward me, here on this day I take upon myself the government ofthe two realms of England and France, the one to protect and extend andthe other to subdue for England, bringing it back into your power andmaking it submit to those it should obey; for I regard only the managementof these realms as my own, but the title and the profit and the ownershipas totally your own—as a genuine commonwealth. And the day I stopthinking this way, I pray heaven to deprive me not only of this realm ofyours, which I would have wickedly tried to subvert, but of my very life,which would no longer be worth the keeping. CW 15, 480/8-23; cf. CW 2,79/29-80/16) 77Unlike the good citizens in the audience at the Guildhall on the previous day, the crowdpresent welcomed Richard's speech: "With this there was a great shout, crying kyngRicharde king Rychard" (CW 2, 80/16-17). Nonetheless, the narrator makes it clear thatthe people were not taken in by the charade that they had just witnessed:But muche they talked and marueiled of the maner of this dealing, that thematter was on both partes made so straunge, as though neither had euercommuned with other thereof before, when that themself wel wist therewas no man so dul that heard them, but he perceiued wel inough, yt all thematter was made betwene them." (CW 2, 80/20-24; cf. CW 15, 482/2-7)The citizens compare Richard's "mockishe eleccion" to the case of the election of a bishopwho three times refuses the seat and pretends to be unwilling to accept the bishopric eventhough he has clearly paid for his bull beforehand. The narrator also points to the element ofplay acting in the scene that he has just described:And in a stage play all the people know right wel, that he that playeth thesowdayne [sultan] is percase a sowter [cobbler]. Yet if one should can[know] so lyttle good, to shewe out of seasonne what acquaintance he hathwith him, and calle him by his owne name whyle he standeth in hismagestie, one of his tormentors might hap to breake his head, and worthyfor marring of the play. And so they said that these matters bee Kyngesgames, as it were stage playes, and for the more part plaied vponscafoldes. In which pore men be but ye lokers on. And thei yt wise be, wilmedle no farther. For they that sometyme step vp and playe wt them,when they cannot play their partes, they disorder the play & do themselfno good. (CW 2, 80/31-81/10; cf. CW 15, 482/15-24)The Latin version ends here with a brief description (CW 15, 482-484) of Richard'sThe History of Richard III / 64formal assumption of power the next day at the court of the King's Bench. Richard's speech,as reported by the narrator, shows his essential hypocrisy and duplicity. He goes out of hisway to flatter the lords and merchants, and artisans and, especially, the lawyers, and toshow his good will pardons an old enemy of his, one Fogg, who had been brought reluctantlyfrom sanctuary shortly before. The narrator concludes by commenting ironically thatRichard's coronation was furnished for the most part with the very provisions that had beenintended for the crowning of his nephew.The Latin version seems essentially complete in the form it has come down to us in. AsDaniel Kinney points out: "Whereas More's English history takes on the appearance at lastof a disjointed and incomplete chronicle, his Latin achieves an unusual compactness byrestricting its scope to the play of mendacious and partisan rhetoric that leads up toRichard's success in usurping the throne" (CW 15, clii). I agree with Kinney that, incontrast with the English version, "the conclusion of the Latin as we have it produces aconsiderable impression of dramatic completeness" (CW 15, clii, n.2).2.4.8. The Continuation of the English Version (Sec. IX)The continuation begins with an account of the death of the princes in the Tower. Thishas been the subject of enormous controversy ever since the sixteenth century. (Acontroversy which is beyond the scope of this chapter even to begin to deal with.) Moreprovides a more detailed account than any other contemporary source—but where thedetails can be checked they seem to be substantially accurate. 78 After mentioning thedoubts held by many as to the final end of the princes, doubts that the pretender PerkinWarbeck played upon during the reign of Henry VII, More goes on to give an extremelycircumstantial account of their murders (CW 2, 83-87). He describes how Richard recruitedSir James Tyrell to murder the princes, after Sir Robert Brackenbury, the Constable of theTower, refused to put them to death. He even records the detail (with obvious symbolicThe History of Richard III / 65import), that Richard was sitting on the privy, when he commissioned Tyrell to do the dirtydeed (CW 2, 84/15-16), and mentions the names of the accomplices that Tyre11 chose to takewith him.After concluding his description of the murder, the narrator then begins to give anaccount (never completed) of the rebellion of Buckingham. But before that he inserts apassage that serves as a "flashback" in which the narrator describes how Buckingham wasfirst recruited by Richard to help him in usurping the throne, and of their later falling outafter Richard's coronation (CW 2, 87-90). A similar but less developed account had alreadyappeared much earlier in the narrative of the Latin text, and had been translated by W.Rastell and inserted into the English version in the corresponding place (CW 15, 396-400,CW 2, 42-44). 79 At this point, the narrator reintroduces into the account Doctor Morton, theBishop of Ely (Cardinal Morton in Utopia), who had been taken prisoner in the Tower at thetime of the arrest and execution of Hastings, and who had been entrusted after that byRichard into the custody of Buckingham. There follows an encomium of Morton (CW 2,90/22-91/21), including a brief description of his later career as Archbishop of Canterburyand Cardinal under Henry VII. 80Morton figures rather prominently in the "Cardinal Morton Episode" in Book I ofUtopia, and it is likely, though it can never be proved, that More wrote the continuation tothe English version at roughly the same time he was composing Book I of Utopia in thespring and summer of 1516. The encomium of Doctor/Cardinal Morton sheds importantlight on the somewhat idealised portrait of Morton as the Platonic philosopher-statesman inUtopia. It is clear that for More, being a Platonic statesman was not incompatible with analmost at times Machiavellian wiliness, for the narrator describes how Morton "waxed wthim [Buckingham] familier. Whose wisedom abused his [Buckingham's] pride to his owndeliueraunce & the dukes destruction" (CW 2, 90/20-22)—though, unlike the case ofThe History of Richard III / 66Richard III, the ends never justify the means. The narrator then describes how Morton ledBuckingham on to revolt against Richard, giving us a masterly example of that indirectapproach that Persona More will advocate in Book I of Utopia:Thys man [Morton] therfore as I was about to tell you, by ye long & oftenalternate proofe, aswel of prosperitie as aduers fortune, hadde gotten bygreat experience ye verye mother & maistres of wisdom, a depe insighte inpolitike worldli driftes. Wherby perceiuing now this duke glad to comen[converse] wt him, fed him wt faire wordes and many pleasaunt praises.And parceiuing by ye processe of their communications, the dukes pridenow & then balke oute [give vent to] a lytle breide [outburst] of enuytoward ye glory of ye king, & therby feling him ethe [easy] to fal out yf thematter were well handled: he craftelye sought ye waies to pricke himforwarde taking alwaies thoccasion of his comming & so keping himselfclose [secret] wtin his bondes, that he rather semed him to folow hym thento lead him. (CW 2, 91/17-92/2)The last two surviving pages of the English version purport to report a conversationbetween Buckingham and Morton. Buckingham begins by praising Richard. Morton repliesby expressing his acceptance of God's will as revealed through the course of events leadingup to Richard's becoming king, but hints that he could have wished it otherwise:Howebeit if ye secrete iudgement of god haue otherwyse prouided: I purposenot to spume againste a prick, nor labor to set vp that god pulleth down.And as for the late protector & now kyng. And euen there he left, sayingthat he had alredy medled to muche with the world, and would fro that daymedle with his boke and his beedes and no farther. (CW 2, 92/12-17)The Duke's interest is piqued and he urges Morton to continue "Then longed the duke sore tohere what he would haue sayd, because he ended with ye king & there so sodeinly stopped,& exhorted him so familiarly betwene them twain, to be bold to say what soeuer hethought" (CW 2 92/17-20). However, Morton replies by suggesting that it is too dangerousto talk openly of princes, and tells Buckingham a pseudo-Aesopian animal fable, about a lionthat ordered all horned beasts to be put to death. 81 A creature with a lump of flesh on itsforehead started to flee the forest. A fox, who was nearby, pointed out that the lump of fleshwas not a horn. The creature replied "But what & [if] he cal it an horn, wher am I then?"The History of Richard III / 67(CW 2, 93/9-10).Buckingham in turn assures Morton that he is safe to speak his mind freely about thematter he had hinted at before. Morton then starts by praising Richard, but goes on tosuggest that the realm would be better off if its ruler possessed some of Buckingham'ssterling qualitiesI was about to wish, that to those good habilities wherof he [Richard] hathalready right many, litle nedyng my prayse: it might yet haue pleasedGodde for the better store, to haue geuen him some of suche otherexcellente vertues mete for the rule of a realm, as our lorde hath planted inthe parsone of youre grace. (CW 2, 93/20-25)The account breaks off here suddenly in mid-speech. This is an explosive and openlysubversive 'ending.' It is not hard to see what the drift of Morton's argument is. This wasalso an extremely daring thing for More as author to put into writing in the sixteenthcentury. It was one thing to give an account of a usurpation, quite another openly todescribe the plotting of a rebellion against an anointed king, however wicked. It is obviousthat the continuation opens a whole new can of worms. The sudden and incomplete nature ofthe ending, together with the fact that it was never published in More's own lifetime raisescomplex and insoluble questions about authorial intention. Though it is obvious that Mortonwas meant to figure prominently in the new and expanded text of the English version, andperhaps also provide the necessary link to an account of the reign of Henry VII, we willnever know why More broke off his account where he did. Perhaps, he thought that the kindof 'brief history' that he had used successfully to describe Richard's usurpation would notwork for the expanded chronicle he now had in mind, or, more likely, he stopped writingbecause he sensed himself getting into extremely dangerous waters.82The History of Richard III / 682.5. CONCLUSIONMore's History of Richard III remains as tantalizingly elusive as when he first wrote it(almost as much so as the Utopia). The tremendous controversy surrounding the figure ofRichard III (perhaps the most written-about English king with the exception of Henry VIII)is, if nothing else, a tribute to the great literary and rhetorical power of More's "briefhistory", of his portrait or anatomy of Richard's usurpation and tyranny, which was in turnlargely taken over by Shakespeare's Tragedy of King Richard III. However, in More'shistory, unlike Shakespeare's play, Richard remains mainly behind the scenes,manipulating the other characters or figures in this historical "drama" or "dramatic"history. A succession of figures come forward to speak for Richard: Hastings andBuckingham addressing the Royal Council, Cardinal Bourchier's debate with the Queen onsanctuary, the sermons preached by Doctor Shaa and Friar Penker to the citizens of Londonalleging the bastardy of Edward's children (and of Edward himself), Buckingham's speechgiven to the citizens of London in the Guildhall, and the "mockishe eleccion" of Richard byBuckingham, and the Mayor and Aldermen of London at Baynard's Castle. But thoughoutthe history, Richard himself actually says little.Like the author, Thomas More, of whom he is in many ways an ironic "self-portrait,"Richard remains almost entirely behind the scenes, contriving and manipulating the variousstages of his own usurpation. (Indeed, we learn about him, unlike Shakespeare's Richard,largely from others.) His various spokesmen and stooges—Lord Hastings, CardinalBourchier, Doctor Shaa and Friar Penker, and the Duke of Buckingham—are used to speakfor him, only (at least in the case of Hastings, Doctor Shaa, and Buckingham) to receivetheir come-uppances, when they have outlived their usefulness to him. The major rhetoricaland dialectical movements between the various speakers and audiences, and between thevarious pairs of protagonists and antagonists, anticipate the dialectical movements of theThe History of Richard III / 69formal literary dialogues to be considered in the chapters that follow where, however, therhetorical and dialectical exchange is sustained in each case throughout by a single pair ofspeakers (except for the brief appearence of Peter Giles in Utopia I), instead of by asuccession of such pairs.More's History of Richard III is quite unique for the Renaissance period (not only inEngland but also on the Continent) in the way in which it combines the conventions ofhistorical and biographical writing on the one hand, with those of drama and rhetoricaldeclamation on the other. Both in its extremely sophisticated use of narrative technique andalso in its extensive use of direct and indirect speech, and in the peculiar hybrid-nature of itsgenre, it anticipates the formal artistry of the Utopia, with which it is nearlycontemporaneous, and of More's two later English Dialogues. Despite the unfinished natureof the work (at least in the English Version), it is worthy to be considered one of More'scrowning achievements as a literary artist.The History of Richard III / 70NOTES1. "The Textual Problems of the History of Richard III," in The English Works of Sir ThomasMore, Volume 1: Early Poems. Pico Della Mirandola, Richard III, The Four Last Things (hereafterEW 1931, I), ed. W. E. Campbell and A. W. Reed (London: Eyre & Spottisvvoode; New York: LincolnMacVeagh, The Dial Press, 1931), 42-53. This edition includes a facsimile reproduction of the blackletter gothic of the 1557 edition, together with a modern-spelling edition.2. Since More resigned as Undersheriff on 23rd July 1518, this would indicate 1518 as theprobable terminus ante quam for the composition of the work.3. The History of Richard III, Vol. 2 of The Yale Edition of the Complete Works of St. ThomasMore (hereafter CW 2), ed. R. S. Sylvester (New Haven: Yale UP, 1963), 1. Significantly, Grafton'sown Chronicle (1568-69) reprints the 1557 edition and not Grafton's own earlier edition included inthe Chronicles of Halle and Hardyng.4. For a description of the main differences, see Sylvester's editorial remarks, CW 2,xxv-xxvi.5. The passages are CW 2, 39/7-24, 42/24-44/18, 81/11-82/12 of the English text. The Latinand the English texts of Sylvester's edition share common page numberings for pages 3-82. Allreferences to CW 2 in this chapter are to the English text.6. For the relationships between the English versions, see CW 2, xx-xxxii and In Defence ofHumanism: Letter to Martin Dorp, Letter to the University of Oxford, Letter to Edward Lee, Letterto a Monk, with a new text and Translation of Historia Richardi Tertii, Vol. 15 of The Yale Edition ofthe Complete Works of St. Thomas More (hereafter CW 15), ed. D. Kinney (New Haven: Yale UP,1986), cxlviii-cxli. The figure is adapted from CW 15, cxlix, and the table of sigla from CW 2, cv,with some modifications.7. For those turning to the History of Richard III for the first time, and who find the layout ofCW 2 intimidating, there are other more readable introductory texts (including one edited bySylvester): The History of King Richard III and Selections from the English and Latin Poems,Selected Works of St. Thomas More, ed. R. S. Sylvester (New Haven: Yale UP, 1976), 1-96; "SirThomas More's Richard III," ed. W. E. Campbell and A. W. Reed, in EW 1931, 1: 397-455; "TheHistory of Richard the Thirde (unfinished)," Tudor Prose, 1513-1570, ed. E. Creeth (Garden City,NY: Anchor Books, 1969), 1-80, 471-74. The first two are modernised spelling editions, and thethird is an original spelling transcription of the 1557 edition.8. See n.6 above. The corresponding pages of the Latin and English versions in CW 2 arecross referenced in the margins of CW 15.9. The figure is adapted from CW 15, cxxxvi (cf. cxlix). The table of sigla is adapted fromCW 15, cliv and CW 2, cv.10. Ed. A. N. Kincaid (Gloucester: A. Sutton, 1979, rev. ed. 1982). For other 'defences' ofRichard III, see the section in the Bibliographical Appendix: Richard III: Cornwallis, Buck andWalpole.11. Cf. Sylvester's discussion of the authorship question, CW 2, lix-lxiii.12. Pp. 24-41. This is a revised version of an earlier paper: "More's History of Richard III,"MLR 23 (1928): 405-23.13. The Complete Works of St. Thomas More, Vol. 14: De Tristitia Christi, 2 vols. (hereafterThe History of Richard III / 71CW 14) (New Haven: Yale UP, 1976). Clarence Miller has an important discussion on More's habitsof composition and Latin style in the De Tristitia, which bears comparison with the Latin style ofthe Utopia (and of Richard III), cf. Miller's introduction, "Habits of Composition," pp. 745-54, and"Visions and Revisions: Patterns of Style and Thought," pp. 754-76.14. Forty-six percent of the lines in the English Version (forty-nine percent without theContinuation) are made up of direct or indirect speech. The figures for the Latin Version arecomparable (47.5%). [For direct speech (oratio recta) alone the figures are thirty-three percent forthe English (thirty-five percent without the Continuation), and 39.5% for the Latin.]15. Shakespeare's The Tragedy of Richard III brilliantly develops More's portrait of RichardIII, but in doing so makes Richard almost attractive as a villain. Only gradually do we see the fulldepths of his cruelty and rapacity. Richmond seems inevitably wooden and stilted and anti-climacticby comparison. The 'historical' Richard was probably not nearly as fascinating as the legendaryfigure created in large part by More and Shakespeare. And yet one must be very careful to resistthe temptation of reading More's History of Richard III retrospectively in the light of Shakespeare'splay. However much Shakespeare's play may have owed to More's text, there are some veryimportant differences. I have dealt with one aspect of the rather complex relationship betweenMore's history and Shakespeare's play in an unpublished paper, "From History to Myth: TheMisogyny of Richard III in More's History of King Richard III and Shakespeare's Tragedy of KingRichard the Third."16. For More's indebtedness to Tacitus, Sallust and Suetonius, who themselves madeextensive use of orations and indirect speech, see Sylvester's introduction, "Genesis and Models,"CW 2, lxxx-xcvii.17. Historical Essays in Honour of James Tait, ed. J. G. Edwards, V. H. Galbraith and E. F.Jacob (Manchester: for the Subscribers, 1933), 223-38; rpt. in Essential Articles for the Study ofThomas More, ed. R. S. Sylvester, and G. Marc'hadour (Hamden, CT: Archon, 1977), 421-31,658-63.17a. Essential Articles, 429.18. Ceterum vt revertar ad hystoriam....19. The Usurpation of Richard the Third: Dominicus Mancinus ad Angelum Catonem deoccupatione regni anglie per Riccardum Tercium libellus, ed. and trans. C. A. J. Armstrong (Oxford:Clarendon P, 1936; 2nd. ed. 1969).20. The Crowland Chronicle Continuations: 1459-1486, ed. N. Pronay, and J. Cox (London:Alan Sutton Publishing for Richard III and Yorkist History Trust, 1986). An older edition isavailable in "Historiae Croylandensis Continuatio," in Rerum Anglicarum Scriptores Veterum, ed.W. Fulman (Oxford: E Theatro Sheldoniano, 1684), I: 549-92; English translation by R. T. Riley,Ingulph's Chronicle of Abbey of Croyland with the Continuations of Peter of Blois and AnonymousWriters (London: Henry G. Bohn, 1854), 453-510.21. Three Books of Polydore Vergil's English History Comprising the Reigns of Henry VI andRichard III from an Early Translation, ed. H. Ellis (London: Camden Society, 1844), 173-227.22. Alison Hanham provides a good overview of the the early historical accounts in RichardIII and His Early Historians (Oxford: Clarendon P, 1975).23. See D. Kinney, "Kings' Tragicomedies: Generic Misrule in More's History of Richard III,"Moreana 86 (1985): 128-50; A. Hanham, "Thomas More's Satirical Drama," Richard III and hisEarly Historians, 152-190 (rev. by D. Grace "More's Richard III: A 'Satirical Drama?'" Moreana 57(1978): 31-38); T. G. Heath, "Another Look at Thomas More's Richard," Moreana 19/20 (1968):The History of Richard III / 7211-19; A. N. Kincaid, "The Dramatic Structure of Sir Thomas More's History of King Richard III,"SEL 12 (1972): 223-42, rpt. in Essential Articles, 375-87, 650-1 (rev. by M.-C. Rousseau, Moreana38 (1973): 95-96); R. M. Warnicke, "More's Richard III and the Mystery Plays," HJ 35 (1992):761-78. Kinney's article is by far the most balanced treatment of 'dramatic' features of More's text,as well as providing the only serious study of the Latin version. For other literary and historicalstudies of Richard III, see the section in the Bibliographical Appendix: Richard III: Literary andHistorical Studies.24. Richard the Third (New York: W. W. Norton, 1956).25. The manuscript of Dominic Mancini's Usurpatio (1483) was only discovered in 1936, andthe account of the Croyland Chronicle (1486) was only published in 1684 (see nn. 19 and 20).26. See Charles Ross, Richard III (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1981), 96-104.27. Polydore Vergil's Anglica Historica (see n.21) was first published in 1534. More andPolydore Vergil were friends, but there is no conclusive evidence that More ever read Polydore'smanuscript.28. F. J. Levy points to the affinities between the two texts: "In a real sense, though, More'sRichard III is the true ancestor of Bacon's Henry the Seventh: separated though they are by almosta century, the two books are very much alike," The History of the Reign of King Henry the Seventh(New York: Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1972), 37. See also M. F. Schuster, "Philosophy of Life and ProseStyle in Thomas More's Richard III and Francis Bacon's Henry VII," PMLA 70 (1955): 474-97.29. See J. Chomarat, "More, Erasme et les historiens latins," Moreana 86 (1985): 71-107.30. For Bude's historical studies, see D. R. Kelley, "Guillaume Rude and the First HistoricalSchool of Roman Law," AHR 72 (1967): 807-34.31. See M.-M. de la Garanderie, "La correspondance de Guillaume Bude et Thomas More,"Moreana 19/20 (1968): 41-68, esp. 50-51.32. I suspect that much of the supposed break or discontinuity, that many modern scholarsfind between More's early humanistic works and his later polemical and devotional works is really,when one comes down to it, a reflection of the differences between More's Latin and his Englishliterary styles. The early English works, such as his English poetry, his translation of the Life ofPico and, of course, the English version of Richard III, show many of the same literary and stylisticstechniques that More was to use so extensively in his later English works. While, on the other hand,More's last major work the De Tristitia, written in the Tower of London, shows that More never,even at the end of his life, lost the ability to compose in good humanistic Latin.33. I am not convinced by any of the attempts made by past critics to impose a four or fiveact structure on the text (see bibliography in n.23). However, as long as one does not push theanalogy too far, the major and minor divisions, which I discern in the text, might be compared tothe "acts" and "scenes" in an eight or nine act drama. For another critic, who divides More's Historyof Richard III into ten sections, see D. Goy-Blanquet, "Portrait a l'huile de minuit," L'Europe de laRenaissance: Cultures et Civilisations. Mélanges offerts a Marie-TherAse Jones-Davies (Paris: JeanTouzot, 1988), 133-34.34. The scheme I present here in Figure 2.3, for the various sections and subsections in thetext, was arrived at in a totally "ad hoc", empirical fashion on the basis of many readings of boththe Latin and English versions. The text of both the English and Latin versions is a seamless wholewithout any breaks or subheadings. The only clues as to possible divisions within the text are givenby the marginal glosses, reproduced in CW 2, added by William Rastell to the 1557 edition of theEnglish Version. I have occasionally found these helpful in making my own analysis.The History of Richard III / 7335. "I would estimate that the De Tristitia (which is almost as long as the Utopia) waswritten in about 25 sittings, averaging some 6 manuscript [or two printed] pages and ranging fromhardly a page to over twenty pages [six printed pages]" (CW 14, p. 752, comments in italics mine).[The De Tristitia which prints the Latin text and English translation face-to-face with a facsimile ofthe autograph manuscript, averages nine lines of Latin per page, whereas the HistorylHistoriaaverages twenty-seven lines for the Latin Version and twenty-nine for the English. So that oneprinted page in the Yale Edition corresponds approximately to just over three manuscript pages.]By comparison (ignoring the English Continuation), the HistorylHistoria (The Latin version of whichis about seventy-five percent the length of Utopia) consists of twenty-five subsections varying inlength from one to seven pages, with an average of three pages.36. I have in mind the kind of dialectical movement that Clarence Miller sees runningthroughout More's works: "On these points, and others, the movement of his thoughts reveals theflux and reflux of a mind considering and reconciling opposite views. Reading the De Tristitiareminds us how pervasively such a dialectic of contrasting viewpoints is woven into the fabric ofMore's writings. The ironical cross-lights of Richard III, the give-and-take of the dialogues (whetherbetween More and Hythlodaeus, More and the Messenger, or Anthony and Vincent), the statementand counter-statement of the polemical works emanated from a mind habitually accustomed todebating both sides of an issue, whether in an academic exercise on tyrannicide or an actual legalcase" (CW 14, p. 769).37. Alison Hanham's analysis (see n.23) comes closest but is vitiated by her attempt toimpose a rigid five-act structure on More's text.38. The only serious recent studies of the Latin version are Daniel Kinney's "Kings'Tragicomedies" (see n.23), and "Introduction: Historia Richard Tertii," CW 15, cxxiii-cliv.39. That this introductory material was also confusing to at least some sixteenth centuryreaders, is clear from Grafton's attempts to rearrange the introductory sections in the Hardyng/Halle versions—for Grafton's changes see CW 2, xxv-xxvi Hardyng/Halle Versions).40. For More's extremely sophisticated use of narrative techniques in the History of RichardIII see W. M. Gordon, "Exemplum Narrative and Thomas More's History of Richard III," Clio 9(1979): 75-88; P. Grant, "Thomas More's Richard III: Moral Narration and Humanist Method,"Ren&Ref ns 7 (1983): 157-82, rpt. in Language and the Discovery of Method in the EnglishRenaissance, (London: Macmillan, 1985), 19-47, 160-67; A. D. Hall, "Early Tudor Prose and CivilHistory in Thomas More's History of King Richard III," Ceremony and Civility in EnglishRenaissance Prose (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State UP, 1991), 53-100, esp. 88-100; J.Jones, Thomas More (Boston: Twayne Publishers, 1979), 46-59. See also my discussion in the nextchapter of the role of Narrator More at the beginning of Book I of Utopia, where More as authorshows a comparable sophistication in narrative technique. For the rhetoric of More's Richard III asinverted panegyric or vituperation of Richard, see E. S. Donno, "Thomas More and Richard III,"RenQ 35 (1982): 401-47; and R. E. Reiter, "On the Genre of Thomas More's Richard III," Moreana25 (1970): 5-16.41. Edward, Prince of Wales, is often known as Edward V, and was recognised as such in thelater English monarchs, although, because of Richard's successfull usurpation, Edward was neverformally crowned. More never refers to him explicitly by this title in his HistorylHistoria, but doesacknowledge him as king: "the young king and his tender brother" (CW 2, 82/18-19). Richard, Dukeof York, was, together with Edward V, the grandson of the other already previously mentionedRichard, Duke of York.42. This dichotomy between the somewhat idealised portrait of the dead Edward IV, and theportrayal right from the outset of Richard III as a villain, is partially undermined by Buckingham'sThe History of Richard III / 74later description of the the darker, more predatory aspects of Edward IV's reign (CW 2, 69-74;CW 15, 454-68), though Buckingham is himself a partisan source.43. The Arundel MS adds here "et pariter ipsi [and you yourselves also]" (CW 15, cxl-cxli)which makes the point even more explicit (cf. the English version already quoted).44. Verum si vos in pueri regno discordia occupet / multi nimirum yin boni atque egregijvidentur ante perituri / nec Principe interim tuto et vobis ipsis imprimis periculo obnoxijs / quampopulus intestina semel seditione seuiens in pacem rursus et concordiam redeat.45. Cf. Polydore Vergil's "apt both to counterfayt and dissemble" (Anglica historica, 227), andMancini's "ad dissimulandum aptior erat" ["being better at concealing his thoughts"] (Usurpatio,62/10).46. Personam quamlibet induere gerereque et tueri gnauiter / hylarem / seueram / grauem /remissam / prout sumere aut ponere suasit commodum. In vultu modestia / in animo fastusimpotens / ingens / immanis / verbis adblandiens his quos intus impense oderat / nec eorumabstinens complexibus quos destinabat occidere.47. ... complicatis digitis suam suorumque fortunam complorantem.48. Huic orationi nobiles fere quotquot aderant suffragabantur.49. See CW 15, cxxxviii, n.1.50. For More's treatment of sanctuary, see W. M. Gordon, "The Religious Edifice and itsSymbolism in the Writings of Erasmus, Colet, and More," Moreana 87/88 (1985): 15-23; forbackground, see P. I. Kaufman, "Henry VII and Sanctuary," Church History 53 (1984): 465-76, andI. D. Thornley, "The Destruction of Sanctuary," Tudor Studies Presented... to Albert FrederickPollard, ed. R. W. Seton-Watson (London: Longmans, Green & Co., 1924), 182-207.51. Ego certe hunt asylorum verum ac natiuum vsum esse semper sum arbitratus / vt eorumcorpora tuerentur quos alioquin maneret malum turn magnum turn imprimis meritum. / Nam vtdeclinetur immeritum / non est cur implores peculiare cuiusuis loci priuilegium.52. Ceterum verbis ante visum est quam vi experiendum.53. Not "further" as glossed by Sylvester (CW 2, 283). See A. Hanham, Richard III and HisEarly Historians, 214-15 and G. Marc'hadour, Anglia 86 (1968): 214; cf. CW 2, 203, note to 37/12,and CW 15, 384/24-27. See also OED, "Feared," 2, which gives as an example More's "A MeryGest, lines 349-51: "Yet was this man, well fearder than, lest he the frier had slaine."54. This is the first of three insertions, where More's nephew William Rastell included atranslation of material taken from the Latin version. Each insertion is marked with a and a 'f",and each with the gloss: "This that is here betwene this marke, S and this marke * was not written byM. More in this history written by him in englishe but is translated oute of this history which he wrotein laten" (CW 2, gloss, 39/6-12).55. Ad hec periculo didicimus quam facile cognationis adfectum omnem execranda regni sitisobimbibet: frater fratrem amolitur / sobolesque per ipsum parentis corpus proruit ad imperium / etnepos de patruo securus est?56. Simul os admouit on / truce eum lustrata auertit sese / lachrimansque a plorantedicessit.57. "0 dissimulation" (C147 2, 42/17) reads the gloss of the 1557 edition at this point.The History of Richard III / 7558. Adductum Protector amplexus atque in vinas e terra subuehans / "aduenisti / charissimenepos" inquit "ac domine / gratus nimirum omnibus / mihi longe profecto gratissimus." See also G.Marc'hadour, Anglia 86 (1968): 213.59. Rastell translated this passage and inserted it in the 1557 edition, cf. CW 2, 42/24-44/18.60. See Mancini's account: Usurpatio, 74/6-12 and n.43.61. ... per homines astutos et tractandarum rerum artifices rem insinuat.62. Talia suggerendo fatigatum Ducis animum eo perpulere vti qua iam ingressum [via]penitebat / eadem pergeret / et quando semel ceperat^gnauiter vsque insisteret. Itaquescelestissimo consilio / quod depelli non posse credebat / fautorem sese sociumque adiunxit /malumque publicum statuit / quando nequiret corrigi / quam maxime posset in suum bonumvertere.63. Richard III, III. iv. 31-34,46-47.64. "Pater" inquit "fragra tibi in hortis audio insignia mitescere. Non grauatim scio ferculumvnum tot nobilibus in prandium velut symbolum tuum conferes." "Vtinam" inquit ille "maiusaliquid tam facile possim quam hoc libenter faciam" simulque ministrum qui adferret emittit.65. See CW 2, 277, notes to 47/6-7 and 47/9, and L. J. Ross, "The Meaning of Strawberries inShakespeare," Studies in the Renaissance 7 (1960): 225-40, and J. Dover Wilson, "A Note onRichard III: The Bishop of Ely's Strawberries," MLR 52 (1957): 563-64.66. "`Videbitis' inquit 'vt hec scelesta mihi cum vxore Shori atque alijs prestigiatricibusfascinatum corpus magicis veneficijs exhauserit.' Simul subducta in cubitum manica brachiumprofert / admodum haud dubie miserum / sed quale tamen ab initio fuerat. Turn vero merito preterconscios cuncti pauescere / reputantes occasionem tantum rixae primum, deinde cedis apertaecaptari./ Nam brachium illud miserum probe nouerant." For Richard's deformities see the sectionRichard III: The Deformity of Richard III in the Bibliographical Appendix.67. Igitur iam Hastyngus amicae commemoratione perculsus (nam earn deamare ferebatur)68. Sed Hastyngum Protector iussit ad mortem vt se accingeret ac si quid cum sacerdotevellet / adproperaret / "Nam ita Diuum" inquit "Paulum / cui peculiariter seruio / propitiumhabeam / vt non ante cibi quicquam gustabo quam tibi caput amputatum videam."69. ... videlicet homo pius ne peieraret.70. Sed quiduis quam humanae mentis vanissimam et exitio iam contiguam securitatempreterierim.71. Hastyngum repente confectum / ipsi viuo sic lancinatum caput vt sanguinis vbertim insinus efflueret....72. "Haud satis commode diuisa sunt temporibus / Daue / hec tibi" inquit.73. More's portrait of Mistress Shore took on a life of its own, apart from Richard III, andinspired numerous ballads and plays, see the section in the Bibliographical Appendix: Richard III:Shore's Wife and Later Influence.74. Pinkerus in medio orationis cursu destitutus voce descendit / auditorio rem in superosreferente velut sacrilegae palpationis vltores. Shaus omnem honesti famam perdidit haud multopost et vitam tedio solitudinis in quam sese pudore publici conspectus abdiderat / at fraterThe History of Richard III / 76perfrictissimae frontis vt e qua sepe inter disputandum sputa deterserat / olim ad infamiamobtorpuerat.75. The Latin version explains the function of the Recorder as follows: "Appellantrecordatorem Londinenses ibi eum qui prefecti assessor est / eruditus patrijs legibus / ne quid inreddendis iudicijs imperitia peccetur [The Londoners use the title 'recorder' for a mayoral assistantwell trained in the laws of his country who prevents any erroneous judgments from being giventhrough ignorance of the law]" (CW 15, 470/7-9).76. Sed nihilo secius durabat idem populi status / non aliter quam sileri concubia nocte soletobticentis / vultuque adeo immobili / nullo vt signo prorsus vllum animi sui sensum pre se ferrent.At Dux / nonnihil offensus quod eius orationem tam aduersis auribus animisque excepissent /auersus in prefectum "Querant" inquit "isti qui ferat silentium istud tam contumax..."77. Certe quod ad me attinet / quanquam alium neminem esse scio cui regnum hereditateiure debeatur / pluris tamen has voluntates vestras quam omnes leges / quarum vis omnis a vobispendet / existimo: quorum quoniam tam solidum in me consensum perspicio / ne vel parum fortisvidear in capescenda republica vel vestram in me beneuolentiam non agnoscere / en hic in mehodierno die moderamen vtriusque regni Angliae Galliaeque suscipio / alterum vt tuear atqueinaugeam / alterum vt illi subijciam atque in ditionem vestram audiens esse quibus parere debetredigam: nempe administrationem eorum duntaxat meam duco / ius vero fructumque acproprietatem vtriusque omnem vestrum haud dubie publicam. Quem ego animum quo die haberedesiero / eo die precor vt superi mihi non regnum hoc vestrum modo / quod improbe conarerauertere / sed vitam quoque ipsam / vt indignam quae retineatur / eripiant.78. See Sylvester's notes in CW 2, 261-66, notes to 82/18 and following.79. Grafton also rearranged the order of this passage in the Hardyng/Halle versions, movingit from here and inserting it in the introduction after the death of Edward IV—see CW 2, xxv-xxvi.80. For More's treatment of Cardinal Morton in Richard III and Utopia, see J. C. Davis,"More, Morton, and the Politics of Accommodation," JBS 9:2 (1970): 27-49. For background onMorton, see C. S. L. Davis, "Bishop John Morton, the Holy See, and the Accession of Henry VII,"EHR 102 (1987): 2-31; and C. Harper-Bill, "The Familia, Administrators and Patronage ofArchbishop Morton," JRH 10 (1978/79): 236-52, esp. pp. 247-48, and "Archbishop John Morton andthe Province of Canterbury, 1486-1500," JEH 29 (1978): 1-21.81. The fable is not found in any existing Aesop collection, see CW 2, 269, note to 93/1-2.More was fond of animal fables, and made use of them in several other of his English works, seeespecially the "Tale of Mother Maud" in the Dialogue of Comfort, Book II, Chap. 14, CW 12, 114-19.82. See A. F. Pollard, Essential Articles, 430; and P. L. Rudnytsky, "More's History of KingRichard III as Uncanny Text," Contending Kingdoms: Historical, Psychological, and FeministApproaches to the Literature of Sixteenth-Century England and France, ed. M.-R. Logan and P. L.Rudnytsky (Detroit: Wayne State UP, 1991), 161-66.3. THE DIALOGUE IN BOOK I OF UTOPIA3.1. THE ARGUMENT OF THIS CHAPTERThe Utopia is an extremely tantalizing, prismatic and elliptical work, that defiessimplistic analysis either as a communist tract, a travel story, or a "utopian" pamphlet,even though it gave its name to a genre. The vast literature on Utopianism is largelyirrelevant to my study. It is part of my contention that More never set out to create a newgenre, and that More's "golden little book" has only superficial resemblances to the typicallater exemplars of this genre, and that we seriously misread his text when we view it in thelight of the later development and evolution of utopian literature. The work can far moreprofitably be analysed within the tradition of literary dialogue.The Utopia presents many problems for modern readers, not the least being thequestion of its structure. It is clear that certain literary conventions underlie the work,including the use of literary dialogue. Though it is true that More does not formally call theUtopia a dialogue, it does follow at least in part a dialogical structure. The dialecticaltensions between Hythloday and Persona More are obvious in Book I, and, even thoughHythloday is the sole speaker in Book II, the narrative of that book must be judged withinthe framework provided by the dialogue of Book I and the conclusion of Book II. The debateof Book I is not as peripheral to the narrative of Book II as many scholars make out.Hythloday in Book II often goes out of his way to contrast the customs of the Utopians andtheir neighbours with those of the European society castigated so strongly by him in Book I.However, in the study presented below I have chosen to deal only with Book I, and havevery deliberately avoided commenting on Book II, partly because Book I has been relativelyneglected by critics of Utopia, but mainly because my focus is on 'dialogue', and the dialoguein Utopia occurs in Book I. Though it is beyond the scope of this chapter even to begin to dealwith Book II in any detail, I would like to very briefly point to the doubly hybrid-nature of77The Dialogue in Book I of Utopia / 78Utopia, both in terms of formal structure and of genre. In terms of formal structure Utopiaconsists of a short "dialogue" in Book I), followed by a longer "oration" in Book II, both ofwhich are in turn framed by a series of introductory letters, maps and commendatoryverses (roughly twenty percent of the total text). In terms of genre and literary tradition,Utopia is partly a travel-romance and partly a tract of moral and political philosophy. Thevery complex interplay between the different literary forms and genres drawn on in thework, as with the History of Richard III, is partly responsible for the tremendous variety ofcritical responses to More's Utopia over the centuries.The Utopia remains for most readers extremely tantalizing and elusive. It is verydifficult to pin the work down, and even when one does so it has a tendency to slip out ofone's hands again. There have been many readers over the last five centuries who havetried to read Utopia as a straightforward program for creating an ideal commonwealth.However, the complex ironies of the work discourage such simple-minded, one-dimensionalreadings of the text. The humanist readers of the early editions were not taken in, sincethey all shared in the same rhetorical culture as the author, and clearly appreciated themultiple layers of the text. The Utopia was not aimed at a mass audience. Unfortunately,many later readers have lacked the humanistic breadth of its author and first readers, andhave ended up debasing the work into a straightforward program.What happens when we take the work as a program is that we miss the element of"make-believe". The Utopia is more than just a jeu d'esprit but it does include a playfulelement. And yet for all that it is a profoundly serious work, a work meant to provokethought and reflection. It is primarily important, I believe, for the questions it forces thereader to ask about himself and his own role in society. Is he an idealistic dreamer likeHythloday or does he take a more pragmatic attitude like Persona More or Peter Giles inBook I? The reader is asked to respond to the questions raised by the book.The Dialogue in Book I of Utopia / 79In this study I do not claim to offer a definitive interpretation of the work, even of BookI, but rather by demonstrating the intricate, multi-layered structure of the work as a whole,and in particular of Book I, I intend to show conclusively More's extremely sophisticatedpractise of the "art of dialogue" in Utopia.3.2. THE TEXTUAL HISTORY OF UTOPIAThe first edition of Utopia was published in December 1516 by Thierry Martens ofLouvain. A second edition was published the following year in August 1517 in Paris byGilles de Gourmont. And a third edition was published in March of 1518 in Basel by JohnFroben. This edition was in turn reissued by Froben with some minor alterations inNovember of 1518. The only other edition published in More's lifetime appeared in Florencein July 1519. It follows the edition of March 1518 closely, except that it omits most of theprefatory material found in the 1518 edition. 1 The editors of the Yale edition dismiss it ashaving "no independent value" (CW 4, p.cxc). There were several other editions published inthe late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, which all follow the readings of theNovember 1518 edition. The Yale editors chose the March 1518 edition as their base text,on the grounds that it was the last edition likely to contain authorial revisions.More entrusted the publication of Utopia to Erasmus, and to Peter Giles, a towncouncillor of the city of Antwerp, whom he visited while he was on a trade mission to theLow Countries in 1515, when he was composing Book II of the Utopia, and who also figuresas a minor character in Book 1. 2 More also addressed the Prefatory Letter of the first editionto Giles, who was particularly involved with the publication of that edition since he alsoworked as a corrector or copy-editor for the press of Thierry Martens.There have been at least six modern editions of the Latin text of the Utopia. The firstwas that of J. H. Lupton in 1895, who published the Latin of the March 1518 edition,together with Ralph Robinson's 1551 English translation. 3 His edition has been criticised forThe Dialogue in Book I of Utopia / 80paying rather more attention to the English of Robinson's translation than to the originaltext (cf. CW 4, cxci). For some strange reason Lupton chose to print the English translationat the top of the page with the Latin text underneath it in smaller type, and with thefootnotes placed beneath the Latin text in even smaller type, thus making the original textrather difficult to read.In the same year, another edition of the Latin was published in Berlin by Victor Michelsand Theobald Ziegler. 4 Michels and Ziegler used the 1516 edition as their base text, butgave variants from other editions, including March 1518. In 1910 a third Latin edition, areprint of the 1516 text, was published by George Sampson and A. Guthkelch as anappendix to their edition of Ralph Robinson's revised 1556 translation. 5 A fourth criticaledition, based on the first three editions, was published by Marie Delcourt in 1936 in Paris. 6The editions of Lupton and Delcourt were superseded by the edition of E. Surtz and J.H. Hexter, which appeared as Volume 4 of the Yale Edition of the Complete Works of St.Thomas More in 1965, which quickly became the standard critical edition cited by mostrecent More scholars. The Yale Edition used the March 1518 edition as its copytext,printing the significant variants from the other editions in the critical apparatus. A. E.Barker in his review of the Yale Edition criticised this choice on the grounds that "theevidence for believing that More had any hand at all in the Froben text of 1518 is in factvery weak." 7 However, since both More and Erasmus expressed dissatisfaction with theeditions of 1516 and 1517, both of which had numerous printing errors, it seems mostreasonable to accept the decision of the Yale editors to use the first 1518 edition, which wasrather carefully printed, as copytext. Barker argues that "there is thus no convincingcollateral evidence for regarding the 1518 text as having any special authorial [More], asdistinct from editorial [Erasmus and Giles], weight." 8 But his arguments are not convincing:More clearly entrusted the work of editing and publishing the Utopia to Erasmus and Giles,The Dialogue in Book I of Utopia / 81though Giles's contribution was limited to the first edition.The sixth modern edition of the Latin text was published by A. Prevost in 1978. Itconsists of a facsimile reproduction of the November 1518 edition, together with a modernFrench translation, and a very extensive commentary, that seems to focus mainly onphilosophical and theological issues. 9The first English translation was not published until 1551 (revised 1556) almosttwenty years after More's death, by Ralph Robinson. It was so popular that it became aminor English classic in its own right. Robinson omitted all the prefatory material of theearly editions, except More's Letter to Giles. As a translation, it was once highly regarded,but in recent years a number of good modern translations of More's Latin text haveappeared. The Yale editors revised one of these modern translations, made by G. C.Richards, 10 for inclusion in their edition. While Richards' translation, as revised by EdwardSurtz, is a definite improvement over Ralph Robinson's, it was seriously criticised when theYale edition was first published. 113.3. GENRE AND STRUCTURELike almost every other feature of More's "golden little book," the genre of More'sUtopia is problematic. In terms of formal structure the Utopia is a hybrid work—partliterary dialogue and part oration or dramatic monologue. The work is divided into twobooks. The form of Book I is that of a Platonic dialogue on the all too real problems ofgovernment in contemporary sixteenth-century Europe, while that of Book II is that of anoratorical declamation on the ideal, imaginary republic of Utopia. I have adapted andmodified Hexter's analysis of the composition of Utopia in the introduction to the YaleEdition (CW 4, xv-xxiii). Unlike Hexter, I distinguish at least four levels within the "body"of Utopia together with a fifth additional layer provided by the parerga, the garland ofcommendatory letters and verses added by Giles and Erasmus to the first three editions.The Dialogue in Book I of Utopia / 82(See Figure 3.1 for an outline of the structure of Utopia—to be explained in the followingparagraphs.)Book II is clearly structured as a formal oration, called by Hexter the "Discourse onUtopia" (CW 4, 110-236). Hythloday's panegyric or encomium of Utopia has many formalsimilarities to Erasmus's Praise of Folly with which it is often compared. Both are deliveredby imaginary speakers, Folly and Hythloday, who show many signs of being unreliablenarrators or orators, and both are given in praise of apparently absurd and nonsensicalthings. However, under the mask of the absurd (Hythloday) and the comic (Folly), bothtexts conceal a profound wisdom and insight into human affairs. This comic mask,represented by Folly and Hythloday, allows both authors to criticise the evils of their societyand also perhaps to suggest possible solutions, though it would be a serious mistake to takeeither text as a program for action.However, the oration of Book II is preceded by the dialogue of Book I, called by Hexterthe "Dialogue of Counsel" (54-108), in which More introduces both himself (Persona More)and Peter Giles, together with Raphael Hythloday, as characters. 13 The dialogue in Book Iand the concluding peroration, the "Sermon on Pride" (236-44), given at the end of Book II,provide a contextual frame for the "Discourse on Utopia" in Book II. The "Dialogue ofCounsel" in Book I focuses on the evils of European society, and deals with the centralquestion, very pertinent to the situation of More the man at the time of writing Utopia, as towhether humanists should become involved with royal politics or rather seek the life ofscholarly retirement, whether in Utopia or elsewhere. The "Dialogue of Counsel" alsocontains a dialogue-within-a-dialogue, the "Cardinal Morton Episode" (58-84), which isnarrated by Hythloday and in which Hythloday is himself a speaker.Just as there is a dialectical exchange in Book I between More and Hythloday on "TheBest State of a Commonwealth," there is also a dialectical comparison set up between theThe Dialogue in Book I of Utopia / 83Author More^Narrator More^Persona More, Gilesand Persona HythlodayNarrator HythlodayPrefatory Letterto Giles (38-44)Book IIntroduction (46-54)Beginning of Dialogue ofCounsel (54-58)Cardinal Morton Episode(58-84)Dialogue of Counsel (84-108)Book IIDiscourse on Utopia(110-236)Sermon on Pride (236-44)(Persona Hythloday)Conclusion (244-46)Second Letterto Giles (248-52)(1517 only)Figure 3.1. The Structure of UtopiaEuropean world of Book I, and the Utopian World of Book II. Sometimes, the comparison ismade explicitly by Hythloday, and at other times only implicitly, though it is at times madeexplicit in the marginal comments.The "Dialogue of Counsel," "Discourse on Utopia," and the "Sermon on Pride" arefurther framed by an introduction at the beginning of Book I (46-54), and a conclusion atthe end of Book II (244-46), to which More added the "Prefatory Letter to Giles" (38-44),and in the 1517 edition a postscript or epilogue in the form of a second letter to Giles(248-52), which, however, was omitted from all later editions. 14 I distinguish the voice,Narrator More, that speaks at the beginning of Book I (and also possibly at the end of BookII), from that of the first person voice of character or persona More in the "Dialogue ofCounsel." I think a strong case can also be made for distinguishing both of these voices fromThe Dialogue in Book I of Utopia / 84the also semi-fictional "authorial" voice, of the Prefatory Letter to Giles and the postscriptto the 1517 edition, who is in turn the subject of much of the conversation of the prefatoryletters (see next section), added by Erasmus and Peter Giles to the early editions.Somewhere behind all this is also lurking More-the-Author, who is not to be identified withany of these three voices or the voice of Hythloday for that matter, and who in some sensewill forever remain elusive and impossible to pin down.Utopia criticism has often been bedevilled in the past by the failure adequately todistinguish between the narrator and speaker in the "Dialogue of Counsel" in Book I, who isidentified by the name "More," from the real, historical author who wrote Utopia. I will use`Persona More,' for the speaker in the dialogue of Book I, 'Narrator More' for the voice thatspeaks at the beginning of Book I (and at the end of Book II), 'Author More' for thesemi-fictional voice that speaks in the two letters to Giles (and the subject of much of thediscussion in the rest of the parerga) and 'More' for the author of the work, Sir ThomasMore. In the discussion that follows I intend, after briefly dealing with the significance of theprefatory letters, to analyse the structure of Book I, and to attempt to elucidate the functionof the "Dialogue of Counsel." I will pay especially close attention to the opening of Book I(and the conclusion of Book II), because I think that the rapid movement from one level ofnarrative or discourse to another, causes special problems in interpreting Book I of Utopia.3.4. THE PREFATORY LETTERSAt More's own request, various commendatory letters and verses were solicited byPeter Giles and Erasmus from the leading humanists of Northern Europe. 15 While the exactnumber of letters varies from edition to edition, they clearly serve as yet anotherinterpretive frame to the text of Utopia itself. In addition, a number of commendatoryverses, some by fictional characters, together with a map and various marginal comments,were added to the text of the first edition. Unfortunately, until the publication of the YaleThe Dialogue in Book I of Utopia / 85edition of Utopia in 1965, almost all the modern editions of Utopia omitted the parerga orprefatory materials. The Yale Edition reproduces a composite of all of the prefatorymaterial of the early editions. However, the order of the parerga of the Yale Edition does notcorrespond exactly to that of any of the early editions. The contents of the parerga of thefirst three editions (1516, 1517 and March 1518) are given in comparison with the YaleEdition in Figure 3.2. 16A number of these prefatory letters, including More's own "Prefatory Letter," extendthe fiction of More's account in Book I and II of Utopia, by referring to Utopia as a real placeand Raphael Hythloday, the narrator of Book II, as a real person. It is clear that Moreintended the "Prefatory Letter to Giles" to serve as an introduction to the Utopia.' ?Certainly, Peter Giles treated it as such, since he added marginal comments to it, as well asto Books I and II, when preparing the first edition for Thierry Martens to publish. Inaddition, Giles was responsible for adding the Utopian alphabet, the Tetrastichon ofHythloday, the Hexastichon of Aemolius, the Letter to Busleyden, and probably the map aswell (cf. CW 4, 22/17-21). All these additions help to perpetuate the fiction of the Utopiaitself, and represent an important, though modest, contribution on Peter Giles's part. As faras we can guess, the idea of the fiction of Utopia grew out of a series of real conversationsbetween More and Giles, and it is this debt that More seems to be acknowledging when heputs Giles into the account itself, admittedly as a minor character, in Book I. It is this devicewhich allows More to continue the fiction of Utopia itself in the "Prefatory Letter to Giles,"and allows Giles also to perpetuate it in his letter to Busleyden. More clearly entrusted thework of publication to Erasmus and Giles. In the prefatory letter, after maintaining for awhile the pretence that he does not wish to have it published, More concludes by advisingGiles:At any rate, my dear Peter, conduct with Hythlodaeus the business which IThe Dialogue in Book I of Utopia / 8615161. Title Pageom.2.1516 Map3. Utopian Alphabetand Tetrastichon4. HexastichonAnemolii15171. Title Pageom.OM.om.2. HexastichonAnemoliiMarch 15181.Title Page2. Erasmus to Frobenom.See no. 6See no. 4Yale Edition1. Title Page (1)2. Erasmus to Froben (2)See no. 4See no. 6See no. 7om. 3. Bude to Lupset 3. Bude to Lupset 3. Bude to Lupset (4-14)See no. 2 om. om. 4.1516 Map (16)om. OM. See no. 5 5.1518 Map by AmbrosiusHolbein (17)See no. 3 om. See no. 6 6. Utopian Alphabet andTetrastichon (18)See no. 4 See no. 2 4. Hexastichon 7. Hexastichon Anemolii (20)AnemoliiSee no. 2 om. 5.1518 Map by Am-brosius HolbeinSee no. 5See no. 3 OM. 6. Utopian Alphabetand TetrastichonSee no. 65. Giles to Busleyden 4. Giles to Busleyden 7. Giles to Busleyden 8. Giles to Busleyden (20-24)6. Desmarais's letter 5. Desmarais's letter om. 9. Desmarais's letter andand poem and poem poem (26-28)7. Poems of Gelden-hauer and SchrijverSee no. 10 See no. 10 10. Poems of Geldenhauerand Schrijver (36)8. Busleyden to More See no. 9 See no. 9 11. Busleyden to More(32-36)9. More to Giles 6. More to Giles 8. More to Giles 12. More to Giles (38-44)10. Books I & II 7. Books I & II 9. Books I & II 13. Books I & 11 (46-246)om. 8. More's SecondLetter to GilesOM. 14. More's Second Letterto Giles (248-52)See no. 8 9. Busleyden to More 10. Busleyden to More See no. 11See no. 7 10. Poems of Gelden-hauer and Schrijver11. Poems of Gelden-hauer and SchrijverSee no. 1011. Errata11. Marten's Device^12. Gourmont's^12. Froben's DeviceDevice^and ColophonFigure 3.2. The Parerga to the UtopiaThe Dialogue in Book I of Utopia / 87mentioned. Afterwards, I shall be fully free to take fresh counsel on thesubject. However, since I have gone through the labor of writing, it is toolate for me to be wise now. Therefore, provided it is done with the consentof Hythlodaeus, in the matter of publishing which remains I shall follow myfriends' advice, and yours first and foremost. (CW 4, 44/21-26) 18Certainly, the addition of the prefatory recommendations and poems had the approval ofMore himself. In 1516, More was relatively unknown; it was the Utopia itself, together withthe commendatory letters, that really made More famous in the international humanistcircles of Northern Europe.The contributors of the prefatory letters and verses, and the names mentioned in theUtopia itself, read like a roll-call of the most important humanists, and their patrons andprinters, in Northern Europe in the early sixteenth century: Guillaume Bude, JeromeBusleyden, Jean Desmarais, Erasmus, John Froben, Thierry Martens, Peter Giles,Cornelius Grapheus, Thomas Lupset, Gerhard Noviomagius, Willibald Pirckheimer, BeatusRhenanus, and Jean Le Sauvage. 19Far from being an afterthought, the prefatory letters are an integral part of the finalwork. The effect of the second frame of the parerga is similar to that of Book I as a frame forBook II. In the round robin of prefatory letters to the Utopia, we in effect overhear a seconddialogue between More and Giles, and their humanist friends. The focus of the conversationis Utopia and Hythloday, and to a lesser extent "Authorial More" (not to be confused withMore-as-Author), and "Editor Giles" (also not to be confused with the real-life Giles, towncouncillor of Antwerp, and friend of More and Erasmus, and corrector at Thierry Marten'spress). The end result of this garland of letters is to distance both the reader and the authorfrom the fiction of the Utopia. The mixing of fact and fiction, and the elaborate claims toverisimilitude are not meant to confuse the educated reader; rather, he is in a sense beinginvited to participate in the dialogue itself, while at the same time being warned by theliterary games of the prefatory letters not to confuse the world of Utopia with that ofThe Dialogue in Book I of Utopia / 88everyday reality.The men who wrote these letters were neither abstract philosophers, nor academicliterary scholars; rather, they were practical men of affairs like More himself, deeplyinvolved in the legal, political, ecclesiastical and educational activities of their age. For themthe study of literature was not separate from life. Those modern critics who treat the Utopiaas being either only a work of fiction, or only a work of moral and political philosophy arecertainly mistaken. As the title of the first edition of 1516 suggests, it was clearly meant tobe taken as both:A truly golden, little book no less beneficial than entertaining, about thebest state of a commonwealth, and about the new island of Utopia, by themost illustrious author Thomas More, citizen and undersheriff of the famouscity of London, edited by M. Peter Giles of Antwerp, printed by ThierryMartens Alust, now for the first time most accurately published by thePresses of the University of Louvain. (CW 4, p.2, apparatus *)20As the prefatory letters emphasise, the reader is meant to accept the ambiguities ofUtopia (whether it is fact or fiction, and whether it is meant to be taken seriously or onlytreated as a literary joke), as a reflection of the ambiguities of life itself. This, I take to bethe meaning of the final comments of Narrator More at the end of Book II. Afteremphasizing the absurdity of Utopian society, Narrator More concludes:Meanwhile, though in other respects he is a man of the most undoubtedlearning as well as of the greatest knowledge of human affairs, I cannotagree with all that he said. But I readily admit that there are very manyfeatures in the Utopian commonwealth which it is easier for me to wish forin our countries than to have any hope of seeing realized. (CW 4,244/30-246/2)21If there are elements of Utopia that are absurd, 22 it is, nonetheless, as Guillaume Bude putsit "a nursery of correct and useful institutions from which every man may introduce andadapt transplanted customs to his own city" (14/20-22).23 This is part of the fundamentalparadox of Utopia as a literary work, as recognised by More's immediate audience, that theThe Dialogue in Book I of Utopia / 89Utopia is both a work of fiction, on the one hand, and a serious work of political and moralphilosophy, on the other.3.5. THE STRUCTURE OF BOOK IRefining the model outlined previously in section 3.3, The structure of Book I of More'sUtopia can be further subdivided, in a manner analogous to the History of Richard III, intoseventeen subsections (see Figure 3.3), varying in length from half a page to four pages inthe Latin, averaging about two pages each. 24 These sections, which have been arrived atempirically, mark natural breaks in the text and seem to correspond with what we know ofMore's habits of composition in the De tristitia and Richard 111. 25 In this chapter I provide aninterpretive close reading/analysis of Book I of the Utopia that emphasizes the contributionsmade by the individual speakers—Persona More, Peter Giles and Raphael Hythloday— tothe unfolding of the dialogue, and also points to the main divisions within the structure ofthe work.There is an enormous secondary literature on Utopia. I have cited almost four hundreditems on Utopia alone in the Bibliographical Appendix—almost twenty-five percent of thetotal number of items. Of these, I would estimate that some eighty to eighty-five percent ofthe studies (ignoring the editions and translations cited) deal exclusively or almostexclusively with Book II, only about five percent with the parerga, and not more than aboutten percent (mainly historical scholarship) deal mainly or exclusively with Book I. However,as far as I know, no one has yet attempted the kind of detailed basic analysis of Book I thatI provide in this chapter.The brilliance of More's literary artistry in Book I has been seriously underestimated.Thomas More, as the author-contriver of the "dialogue" in Book I, is all the timemanipulating the reader and setting him up. Despite its brevity, the basic structure of BookThe Dialogue in Book I of Utopia / 90I) Introductory Section (CW 4, pp. 46-54)1.46/8-48/15^Introduction: Narrator More describes the circumstancesthat led to his visiting Peter Giles in Antwerp2.48/15-54/13^Giles introduces More to Raphael HythlodayII) Beginning of the Dialogue of Counsel (CW 4, pp. 54-58)1.54/13-58/14^Beginning of "The Dialogue of Counsel"III) The Cardinal Morton Episode (CW 2, pp. 58-84)1.58/14-60/132.60/13-64/313.64/31-70/154.70/16-74/175.74/17-80/206.80/20-84/20At the Table of Cardinal MortonHythloday Argues with a LawyerDenunciation of EnclosuresHythloday's Remedy for ThievesThe Republic of the Polylerites (An Example)A Merry Dialogue Between a Friar and a Hanger-onIV) The Dialogue of Counsel Continued (CW 4, pp. 84-108)1.84/20-86/22^On the Platonic ideal of the Philosopher King2.86/22-88/24 At the Court of the King of France3.88/24-90/22^The Example of the Achorians4.90/22-96/12 Another Royal Court with Corrupt Councillors5.96/12-31^The Example of the Macarians6.96/31-102/26 Academic Versus Civic Philosophy7.102/27-106/3^The Example of the Utopians8.106/3-108/31 Conclusion to Book IV) The Concluding Sections of Book II (CW 4, pp. 236-246)1.236/31-244/13^Hythloday's Sermon on Greed and Pride2.244/13-246/2 The `Retractation' or Conclusion to Book IIFigure 3.3. The Episodic Structure of Book I of More's UtopiaThe Dialogue in Book I of Utopia / 91I is actually more complex and multi-layered than that of Book II. The very compactness ofBook I makes it easy to miss much of what is going on in the text. Although the textualmaterial in each of the subsections described in Figure 3.3 is actually very coherently andeven tightly organised, as with Richard 111, 26 the transitions from subsection to subsectionare often very abrupt and even startling in their unexpectedness. (One thinks of the tectonicplates in a geographical fault: the individual plates are quite rigid, but slippage can easilyoccur between the plates.) The effect of the multi-layeredness of the text is somewhatanalogous to opening a series of Russian dolls, all contained within one another. One cannever be quite sure that one has got to the bottom of it. While the abrupt transitions fromsection to section within Book I are meant, I think, to dislocate and disorient the reader (asan exercise in "defamiliarization"), and to prepare him for the "topsy-turvy" world of the"new island of Utopia" in Book II.3.6. ANALYSIS OF THE TEXT3.6.1. The Introduction to Book IBook I of Utopia begins with a brief statement of the circumstances that led to More'svisit to Antwerp, the nominal setting of Book I, in 1515:The most invincible King of England, Henry the Eighth of that name... hadrecently some matters of no slight import in dispute with Charles, the mostserene Prince of Castile, and sent me to Flanders as a spokesman todiscuss and settle them. I was a companion and associate to thatincomparable man Cuthbert Tunstall... (CW 4 4618-14*) 27In fact, More was only a minor member of the diplomatic mission which had been sent inMay 1515 to the Low Countries to the court of Prince Charles of Burgundy, later crownedHoly Roman Emperor in 1519, to negotiate a new treaty governing the export of Englishwool and the sale of English cloth in Flanders. 28 Like many diplomatic missions thenegotiations were inconclusive and dragged on:The Dialogue in Book I of Utopia / 92Those appointed by the Prince to deal with us, all excellent men, met us atBruges, as had been previously arranged... When after one or two meetingsthere were certain points on which we could not agree sufficiently, theybade farewell to us for some days and left for Brussels to seek an officialpronouncement from the Prince. (CW 4, 46/20-22, 27-29''') 29The negotiations broke off on 21st July, and More took no further part in them when theywere later resumed. Finding himself with time on his hands More seems to have first goneto Tournai, to attend to some business on Erasmus's behalf and then to Antwerp, where hestayed until 22nd October when he was recalled to England. Narrator More continues:"Meanwhile, as my business led me, I made my way to Antwerp. While I stayed there,among those who visited me, none was more gracious than Peter Giles, a native ofAntwerp" (46/29-48/3 1'). 30 Peter Giles had been a close friend of Erasmus's since 1504, andhad been notified by him that More and Tunstall were coming to the Low Countries ondiplomatic business. 31Giles obviously went out of his way to make More feel at home. After a briefencomiastic character-sketch of Giles (48/3-10), the narrator concludes that Giles'sdelightful society and charming discourse "greatly alleviated my longing for England, andthe desire to see again my home, wife and children to whom I was exceedingly anxious toget back, for I had then been more than four months away from home" (48/11-15*). 32 Oneday, the account continues, after attending mass at the church of Notre Dame in Antwerp,Narrator More saw Peter Giles talking to a sunburned stranger of advanced years whom hetook for a sea-captain. When Peter Giles saw More, he came up to him and said that he wasjust going to introduce the stranger to him:"Do you see this man?" he said, pointing at once to the person I had seenhim talking with. "I was on the point of taking him straight to you." "Hewould have been very welcome," I said, "for your sake." "No," he said, "forhis own, if you knew him. There is no mortal alive today who can give yousuch an account of unknown peoples and lands, a subject about which Iknow you are always most greedy to hear." "Well, then," I said, "my guesswas not a bad one. The moment I saw him, I was sure he was a ship'sThe Dialogue in Book I of Utopia / 93captain." "But you are quite mistaken," he said, "for his sailing has notbeen like that of Palinurus but that of Ulysses or, rather, of Plato. (CW 4,48/22-31*) 33First appearances are always deceptive in Utopia, and the narrator's failure to recogniseHythloday's true nature, until it has been revealed by Giles, is a warning to the reader notto take too literally what is to follow in the author's work. The significance of the literaryallusions made by Peter Giles would have been obvious to most of More's contemporaries,but seems to have been missed by many modern readers: Palinurus, the helmsman inVirgil's Aeneid, corresponds roughly, in Neo-Platonic terms, to the bodily or physical level ofinterpretation, Ulysses to the metaphorical or psychological level, and Plato to thephilosophical or spiritual leve1. 34Peter goes on to tell Narrator More that the stranger's name is Raphael Hythloday, 35and that he is a Portuguese traveller who "being eager to see the world, joined AmerigoVespucci and was his constant companion in the last three of those four voyages which arenow universally read of" (50/4-6). 36 Ironically, the real, historical traveller Vespucci isbeing assimilated to the fictional pattern ("quae passim iam leguntur") of Palinurus,Ulysses and Plato. Hythloday did not return with Vespucci, but was left with twenty-fourcompanions in a fort at the furthest point reached by Vespucci (in what is now modern dayBrazil). From there he travelled with five companions through many countries until hearrived in Ceylon, 37 and from there went to Calicut 38 (on the Malabar coast in South-WestIndia). 39 After thanking Peter for introducing Raphael, he invites them both home fordinner: "After we had greeted each other and exchanged the civilities which commonly passat the first meeting of strangers, we went off to my house. There in the garden, on a benchcovered with tufts of grass, we sat down to talk together" (50/22-25). 40Hythloday goes on to give a brief account of his travels (50/25-54/13). After leavingVespucci's fort, Hythloday and his companions travelled partly on land by wagon and partlyThe Dialogue in Book I of Utopia / 94on water by rafts,41 until they reached lands containing very populous and well-orderedcommonwealths. 42 Hythloday is vague about the locations of the places he travelled to. Heobviously did not cross any great oceans like the Pacific. 43 He repeats the classical view thatthe torrid or equatorial regions are a barren wasteland, but describes the regions south ofthe equator as being inhabited by civilised peoples:But when you have gone a little farther, the country gradually assumes amilder aspect, the climate is less fierce, the ground is covered with apleasant green herbage, and the nature of living creatures becomes lesswild. At length you reach peoples, cities, and towns which maintain acontinual traffic by sea and land not only with each other and theirneighbors but also with far-off countries. (CW 4, 5217-12) 44There they found that the natives used flat-bottomed boats, and had sails made of papyrusor leather. 45 Later, they found ships made in the western fashion. They earned thegratitude of the local inhabitants by teaching them the use of the compass. Narrator Moreat this point comments that they asked Hythloday eagerly for an account of those subjects:For on these subjects we eagerly inquired of him, and he no less readilydiscoursed; but about stale travelers' wonders we were not curious. Scyllasand greedy Celaenos and folk-devouring Laestrygones and similar frightfulmonsters are common enough, but well and wisely trained citizens are noteverywhere to be found. (CW 4, 52/29-54/1). 46This is a clear warning to the reader not to expect the kind of wondrous, legendary travelaccounts that were so popular in late antiquity and the Middle Ages from the time of Plinyonwards. 47Utopia is clearly located in the Southern hemisphere, and as such is an antipodeanreflection of Europe, and especially of England, as is indicated at one point in Book II: "Butin that new world, which is almost as far removed from ours by the equator as their life andcharacter are different from ours..." (196/29-32). 48 Narrator More now casually mentionsthe Utopians for the first time:The Dialogue in Book I of Utopia / 95To be sure, just as he called attention to many ill-advised customs amongthese new nations, so he rehearsed not a few points from which our owncities, nations, races, and kingdoms may take example for the correction oftheir errors. These instances, as I said, I must mention on another occasion.Now I intend to relate merely what he told us of the manners and customsof the Utopians, first, however, giving the talk which drew and led him onto mention that commonwealth. (CW 4, 5 4 I 1-8) 49The narrator mentions that Hythloday then touched on the faults of both hemispheres, andcompared the wiser measures that were taken in each with the other. 50 From here on itlooks as though Hythloday is going to launch into an account of the Utopians. However,what we get is not the description of Utopia, but the "Dialogue of Counsel"—More theauthor deliberately frustrates our expectations that Utopia will develop into a travelromance, and instead proceeds with a treatment in dialogic form of the problems ofEuropean politics, postponing the description of the Island of Utopia to Book II.3.6.2. The Beginning of The 'Dialogue of Counsel'Peter Giles begins at the outset of the "Dialogue of Counsel" by raising the issue ofroyal service:Why, my dear Raphael, I wonder that you do not attach yourself to someking. I am sure there is none of them to whom you would not be verywelcome because you are capable not only of entertaining a king with thislearning and experience of men and places but also of furnishing him withexamples and of assisting him with counsel. (CW 4, 54113- 17) 51Peter then suggests that by doing so, Hythloday will certainly further his own interests andthose of his family. To which Hythloday retorts that he has already divided his propertyamong his family, and sees no reason why he should enter into servitude to kings for theirsake (cf. 54/24-27). Peter Giles protests that he meant service and not servitude. Hythlodayresponds cynically to this that servitude is only one syllable more than service. 52 Clearly,Hythloday rejects from the outset any crass material motives of self-advancement as beingan inadequate basis for royal service. Peter Giles then suggests more noble, altruisticThe Dialogue in Book I of Utopia / 96motives: 'But my conviction is,' said Peter, 'whatever name you give to this mode of life,that it is the very way by which you can not only profit people both as private individualsand as members of the commonwealth but also render your own condition moreprosperous' (54/29-32*). 53 Raphael does not fall for the bait and replies: " 'Should I,' saidRaphael, 'make it more prosperous by a way which my soul abhors? As it is, I now live as Iplease, which I surely fancy is very seldom the case with your grand courtiers'(54/32-56/2). 54 Obviously, Raphael jealously guards his own freedom and independence.Narrator More now enters the debate, and becomes a persona in his own narrative. PersonaMore interjects:"Well," I then said, "it is plain that you, my dear Raphael, are desirousneither of riches nor of power. Assuredly, I reverence and look up to a manof your mind no whit less than to any of those who are most high andmighty. But it seems to me you will do what is worthy of you and of thisgenerous and truly philosophic spirit of yours if you so order your life as toapply your talent and industry to the public interest, even if it involvessome personal disadvantages to yourself. This you can never do with asgreat profit as if you are councilor to some great monarch and make himfollow, as I am sure you will, straightforward and honorable courses. (CW 4,56/4-11). 55The discussion now moves to a more philosophical level, and remains there for the rest ofBook I.Hythloday is not taken in by Persona More's flattery, and immediately launches into acondemnation of king's councillors and their vices, citing England as an example:"Such proud, ridiculous, and obstinate prejudices I have encountered often inother places and once in England too." "What," I said, "were you ever inour country?" "Yes," he said, "I spent several months there, not long afterthe disastrous end of the insurrection of western Englishmen [Cornishmen]against the king, which was put down with their pitiful slaughter. (CW 4,58/13-18*)56The 'Cardinal Morton Episode' that follows (CW 4, 58-84), takes up almost half of Book I ofUtopia, and adds another level to the dialogue that is already going on in Book I. In theThe Dialogue in Book I of Utopia / 97`Cardinal Morton Episode,' Hythloday, in turn, becomes the narrator of a 'dialogue-within-a-dialogue', as well as one of the personae in that dialogue. The account of the alleged visit ofHythloday to England is supposed to have taken place at the time of the Cornish Rebellionin 1497, during the reign of Henry VII, almost twenty years before. The double indirectionof setting the 'dialogue-within-a-dialogue' back in the recent past, 57 and of havingHythloday report the conversation at Cardinal Morton's table to Persona More, obviouslyserves to detach and insulate More-as-Author even further from his artistic creation. Giventhe intensity of Hythloday's denunciation of the evils of European society that follows in the`Cardinal Morton Episode,' this may have been a precaution to protect the author frompossible incrimination.3.6.3. The Cardinal Morton EpisodeNarrator Hythloday begins by singing the praises of Cardinal Morton as the modelstatesman (cf. 58/18-60/5):He was a man, my dear Peter (for More knows about him and needs noinformation from me), who deserved respect as much for his prudence andvirtue as for his authority. (CW 4, 58/20-22) 58The conversation at Cardinal Morton's table starts with an English lawyer justifying theharsh justice meted out to thieves in which as many as twenty at a time are sent to a singlegallows. 59 Hythloday, who now becomes a persona in his own reported dialogue, respondsby condemning the death penalty as too harsh a punishment for theft (cf. 60/14-25). TheLawyer retorts that they should take up farming or manual crafts instead. Hythlodayreplies "'No,' I said, 'you shall not escape so easily" (60/27 '). 60 He goes on to cite theexamples of those who come back crippled from the wars with France, and of the servantsof nobility who are turned out on the streets to beg when their masters die, as examples ofindigency. After a while no one wants to employ them, and they are forced to becomeThe Dialogue in Book I of Utopia / 98thieves. The lawyer retorts by defending the right of the nobility to keep many retainers:"But this," he said to us, "is just the sort of man we ought to encouragemost. On them, being men of a loftier and nobler spirit than craftsmen andfarmers, depend the strength and sinews of our army when we have towage war." (CW 4, 62/20-23*)61Hythloday condemns the practice of keeping a standing army because the soldiers do moreharm to their own people than the enemy does, and because an army of draftees does notfight any better than an army of craftsmen and farmers. Hythloday condemns the nobilityfor corrupting the strongest men:Consequently there is no danger that those attendants whose bodies, oncestrong and vigorous (for it is only the picked men that gentlemen deign tocorrupt), are now either weakened by idleness or softened by almostwomanish occupations, should become unmanned if trained to earn theirliving in honest trades and exercised in virile labours! (CW 4, 64/21-25) 62Hythloday then enters (CW 4, 64-70) into a bitter denunciation of the policy of enclosing theland of peasant farmers for sheep grazing. English sheep, which are normally so tame, arenow so wild "that they devour human beings themselves and devastate and depopulatefields, houses, and towns" (64/33-66/1). 63 Hythloday goes on to describe the terriblesufferings of those peasant families that were forced off the land by the policy of enclosures,and how out of desperation they were reduced to a life of beggary and theft. He concludes"what else, I ask, do you do but first create thieves and then become the very agents of theirpunishment" (70/11-12). 64The denunciation is profoundly ironic in that the purpose of the diplomatic mission thatled More to Bruges and Antwerp in the first place was to renegotiate the Wool Staple withPrince Charles of Burgundy (later the Hapsburg Emperor Charles V). Many have felt, Ithink quite rightly, that the intensity of Hythloday's denunciation reflects the feelings of theAuthor himself. All throughout his life, More seems to have been deeply concerned about theconditions of the poor and indigent. Even at the end of his life, in Books II and III of theThe Dialogue in Book I of Utopia / 99Dialogue of Comfort, he devoted considerable attention to the plight of beggars andservants. 65After Hythloday has finished, the English lawyer then prepares to respond toHythloday's denunciations of English society. However, Cardinal Morton interrupts him andtells him to hold his peace (cf. 70/22-28). Then he turns to Hythloday and asks him:But now I am eager to have you tell me, my dear Raphael, why you thinkthat theft ought not to be punished with the extreme penalty, or what otherpenalty you yourself would fix, which would be more beneficial to thepublic. (CW 4, 70/28-72/1) 66Hythloday begins his criticism of the English justice system by stating the fundamentalprinciple of equity—that the punishment should fit or be proportional to the severity of thecrime:Certainly,.., most reverend and kind Father, I think it altogether unjustthat a man should suffer the loss of his life for the loss of someone'smoney. In my opinion, not all the goods that fortune can bestow on us canbe set in the scale against a man's life. If they say that this penalty isattached to the offense against justice and the breaking of the laws, hardlyto the money stolen, one may well characterize this extreme justice asextreme wrong. (CW 4, 72/6-11) 67Hythloday points out to Cardinal Morton that God has forbidden us not only to kill a manbut even to take our own lives, and yet we think nothing of executing a man for stealingsome small change. Even the law of Moses only punished a thief with a fine not death.Hythloday then cites the example of the Romans, who sent convicts to the stone quarriesand mines to punish them. Hythloday gives as an example of humane treatment of thieves,the Republic of the Polylerites, the first of several imaginary societies (culminating in theisland of Utopia itself) described in Book I. Hythloday describes the Polylerites as follows:I can find no better system in any country than that which, in the courseof my travels, I observed in Persia among the people commonly called thePolylerites, a nation that is large and well-governed and, except that itpays an annual tribute to the Persian padishah, otherwise free andThe Dialogue in Book I of Utopia / 100autonomous in its laws. They are far from the sea, almost ringed round bymountains, and satisfied with the products of their own land, which is in noway infertile. (CW 4, 74/18-26) 68The location of the Republic of the Polylerites, roughly that of modern Kurdistan, seems tocorrespond also with that of the legendary biblical Garden of Eden, a popular "tourist spot"in many medieval travel romances, including Mandeville's Travels. Like the island of Utopialater on, though surrounded by mountains rather than the sea as in the case of Utopia, it isa more or less self-contained society with limited commerce with the outside world.The Polylerites punish theft by slavery, but their practice is more humane than that ofthe Romans or the Old Testament Jews. In the Republic of the Polylerites, thieves have tomake restitution of stolen property to the original owners rather than to the state. They arethen condemned to hard labour in public works. But apart from being locked up at night intheir sleeping quarters they are not treated any more harshly than other workers. Theyhave to wear special clothes and the tips of their ears are cut off as a mark of theirservitude. They can be hired out as wage labour, but the money they earn goes into thepublic coffers. It is a crime punishable by death for a slave to carry money or arms or toescape to another district. (There are similar restrictions on movement in Utopia.) If theslaves conduct themselves in a responsible way they are eventually set free from slavery.When he has finished his speech, Hythloday suggests that the same method of dealingwith thieves be adopted in England. The lawyer immediately attacks him: "Never could thatsystem be established in England without involving the commonwealth in a very seriouscrisis" (80/4-5). 69 The others present agree. However, the Cardinal is more open-minded,and suggests provisionally trying out Hythloday's ideas:It is not easy to guess whether it would turn out well or ill inasmuch asabsolutely no experiment has been made. If, after pronouncement of thesentence of death, the king were to order the postponement of its executionand, after limitation of the privileges of sanctuary, were to try this system,then, if success proved its usefulness, it would be right to make the systemThe Dialogue in Book I of Utopia / 101law. In case of failure, then and there to put to death those previouslycondemned would be no less for the public good and no more unjust than ifexecution were done here and now. In the meantime no danger can come ofthe experiment. Futhermore, I am sure that vagrants might very well betreated in the same way for, in spite of repeated legislation against them,we have made no progress. (CW 4, 80/8-17) (13After the Cardinal had finished, all those present praised the Cardinal's proposals eventhough they had previously condemned them when Hythloday had first suggested them.Hythloday next relates a comic interlude (80/20-84/20) that took place at CardinalMorton's table, which the glossator describes as "A Merry Dialogue between a Friar and aHanger-On [Festiuus dialogus fratris & morionis]" (80/23-24, gloss). On the surface, thisepisode seems to be irrelevant to the main theme of the Dialogue of Counsel, but it raisesthe important problem of vagrancy, which was closely linked to that of theft and beggary.After Cardinal Morton has finished speaking, one of the guests present comments:Raphael's proposal has made good provision for thieves. The Cardinal hastaken precautions also for vagrants. It only remains now that publicmeasures be devised for persons whom sickness or old age has brought towant and made unable to work for their living. (CW 4, 80/28-33) 71A hanger-on at Cardinal Morton's table with pretensions at being a court jester, thenreplies: "Give me leave,... I shall see that this situation, too, be set right" (80/33-32/1). 72The hanger-on recommends that beggars be distributed among the Benedictine monasteries,that the men be made lay-brothers and the women nuns. The Cardinal was amused by thejest but a certain theologian who was a friar piped in "not even so will you be rid ofmendicants unless you make provision for us friars too" (82/16-17). 73 The hanger-on thenjibes that the Cardinal has already made provision for mendicant friars when he determinedthat tramps be confined and made to work. A furious altercation then develops between thefriar and the hanger-on which has to be brought to a stop by the Cardinal's personalintervention.74The Dialogue in Book I of Utopia / 1023.6.4. The 'Dialogue of Counsel' ProperAfter this episode Hythloday returns to the main frame of the 'Dialogue of Counsel,' byaddressing Persona More as follows:Look, my dear More, with how lengthy a tale I have burdened you. I shouldhave been quite ashamed to protract it if you had not eagerly called for itand seemed to listen as if you did not want any part of the conversation tobe left out. Though I ought to have related this conversation more concisely,still I felt bound to tell it to exhibit the attitude of those who had rejectedwhat I had said first yet who, immediately afterward, when the Cardinaldid not disapprove of it, also gave their approval, flattering him so muchthat they even smiled on and almost allowed in earnest the fancies of thehanger-on, which his master in jest did not reject. From this reaction youmay judge what little regard courtiers would pay to me and my advice.(CW 4, 84120-30) 75Persona More evades Hythloday's criticism by telling him what a pleasure it was to hear ofCardinal Morton again in whose court he had been brought up as a lad. The somewhatidealised portrait of Cardinal Morton in Book I of Utopia is clearly meant as an example ofthe model statesman in action, 76 and the conversation quite naturally at this point turns tothe Platonic doctrine of the Philosopher King, which becomes the focus of much of theremaining discussion of Book 1. 77 Persona More comments "Even now, nevertheless, Icannot change my mind but must needs think that, if you could persuade yourself not toshun the courts of kings, you could do the greatest good to the common weal by your advice"(86/7-9). 78 He goes on to cite "your favorite author" Plato's opinion that commonwealthscan only be happy if philosophers become kings or kings philosophers "What a distantprospect of happiness there will be if philosophers will not condescend even to impart theircounsel to kings!" (86/12-13). 79Hythloday retorts that many philosophers have already given rulers good advice inpublished books only to have it rejected. He cites the example of the machiavellianmachinations of the French king and of his court both in the Italian wars and in theirrelationships with the court of Burgundy and the kingdoms of Navarre and Castille. TheThe Dialogue in Book I of Utopia / 103French even make peace with the English under false pretenses, while at the same timemaking deals with the Scots to attack the English (as happened in 1513) when their backsare turned. (It hardly needs to be pointed out that the same criticisms could have been madeby Hythloday, were it politic to do so, of English policies under Henry VIII and Wolsey.)Hythloday concludes his diatribe against French policies by imagining what would happen ifhe were present at the French council:In such a meeting, I say, when such efforts are being made, when so manydistinguished persons are vying with each other in proposals of a warlikenature, what if an insignificant fellow like myself were to get up and advisegoing on another tack? Suppose I expressed the opinion that Italy should beleft alone. Suppose I argued that we should stay at home because the singlekingdom of France by itself was almost too large to be governed well by asingle man so that the king should not dream of adding other dominionsunder his sway. Suppose, then, I put before them the decisions made by thepeople called the Achorians who live on the mainland to the south-southeastof the island of Utopia. (CW 4, 88/19-26) 80Hythloday then launches into a description of the Achorian customs. Significantly, theAchorians have roughly the same kind of geographical relationship to Utopia that Francehas to England. According to Hythloday, the Achorians had gone to war to win anotherkingdom that their king had laid claim to by virtue of an old marriage tie. (A thinly veiledreference to the French invasion of Italy in 1494, and also possibly to the earlier HundredYears War between England and France.) However, after they had conquered it, theydecided that it would cause so much trouble to keep it that they forced their king to choosewhich of the two kingdoms he wanted to keep. He reluctantly gave the kingdom to a friendwho was driven out soon afterwards. Hythloday then asks Persona More to imagine whatkind of response he would get if he made the same suggestions to the French king: "'Whatreception from my listeners, my dear More, do you think this speech of mine would find?'`To be sure, not a very favorable one,' I said" (90/21-22*). 81He then pictures another imaginary council where the councillors are advising the kingThe Dialogue in Book I of Utopia / 104on all sorts of nefarious schemes (in terms reminiscent of Henry VII) that could be used forsqueezing money out of his subjects. One advisor recommends manipulating the value ofcurrency so that it is worth more whenever the king has to pay a debt, and less wheneveranyone has to pay him anything. Another suggests a make-believe war as a pretext forlevying taxes (a practice common in England). A third advises reviving some old moth-eatenlaws which have not been enforced for a long time, and fining everyone who hastransgressed them. Another recommends punishing with heavy penalties actions that arecontrary to the common good, and that the king only grant dispensations at a greatprice—in that way gaining both the esteem of the common people and also enriching theking both through the fines exacted and the dispensations given. All these abuses werewidely practiced by European monarchs, including Henry VII (and Henry VIII). In fact asearly as 1509, More had dared to criticise the fiscal policies of Henry VII in his coronationode addressed to Henry VIII. 82Hythloday next describes various perversions of justice in this imaginary kingdom.Another councillor advises that the king bind the judges to himself and insist that theyalways judge in his favour, and that important judicial matters should always be debated inthe king's presence (as happened on more than one occasion during the reign of HenryVIII.) 83 Then, in terms that 'prophetically' anticipate the intimidation of both judges andjury by Cromwell and Henry VIII himself in the case of More's own trial, Hythloday goes onto describe how the judges can be won over:There will be no cause of his [the king's] so patently unjust in which one ofthem will not, either from a desire to contradict or from shame at repeatinganother's view or to curry favor, find some loophole whereby the law canbe perverted. When through the opposite opinions of the judges a thing initself as clear as daylight has been made a subject of debate, and whentruth has become a matter of doubt, the king is opportunely furnished ahandle to interpret the law in his own interest. Everyone else will acquiescefrom shame or from fear. Afterwards the decision is boldly pronounced fromthe Bench. Then, too, a pretext can never be wanting for deciding on theThe Dialogue in Book I of Utopia / 105king's side. For such a judge it is enough that either equity be on his sideor the letter of the law or the twisted meaning of the written word or,what finally outweighs all law with conscientious judges, the indisputableroyal prerogative! (CW 4, 92118-30) 84The councillors further advise that the king grind down the common people with poverty tobreak their spirits and make them less likely to rebel.Hythloday then asks Persona More to imagine what would happen if he, Hythloday,himself were present at the council. Hythloday imagines himself getting up and condemningall the above-mentioned counsels as dishonorable and dangerous. He insists that the peoplechoose a king for their own sake, and not his, and that "it belongs to the king to take morecare for the welfare of his people than for his own, just as it is the duty of a shepherd,insofar as he is a shepherd, to feed his sheep rather than himself" (94/13-16). 85 Thepoverty of the people is not a safeguard for peace: nowhere do you find more quarreling thanamong beggars. The true dignity of a king comes from exercising authority over prosperousand happy subjects. In terms that anticipate the discussion of the World as a prison in theDialogue of Comfort, 86 Hythloday asserts that for a single person to enjoy a life of pleasureand self-indulgence amid the groans of his subjects is to be the keeper, not of a kingdom, butof a jail. The king should live on the resources of his own estates and adjust his expenses tohis revenues. He should punish criminals rather than finding out all sorts of legal trickery totax his subjects.Hythloday cites the example of the Macarians, a people who live quite close to Utopia.Their king has to take an oath on assuming office that he will keep in his treasury no morethan a thousand pounds of gold. This amount is enough to put down rebellions and to meethostile invasions, but it is not large enough to tempt the king to seize the property of others.The law also forestalls any shortages of coinage supply needed for daily commerce.Hythloday concludes by asking Persona More to imagine the response his proposals areThe Dialogue in Book I of Utopia / 106likely to get: "To sum it all up, if I tried to obtrude these and like ideas on men stronglyinclined to the opposite way of thinking, to what deaf ears should I tell the tale!"(96/29-31). 87 Persona More replies:Deaf indeed, without doubt,... and, by heaven, I am not surprised. Neither,to tell the truth, do I think that such ideas should be thrust on people, orsuch advice given, as you are positive will never be listened to. What goodcould such novel ideas do, or how could they enter the minds of individualswho are already taken up and possessed by the opposite conviction? In theprivate conversation of close friends this academic philosophy is not withoutits charm, but in the councils of kings, where great matters are debatedwith great authority, there is no room for these notions. (CW 4,96/31-98/8) 88This is a crucial point in Book I. Persona More is pointing to the fatal weakness inHythloday's whole approach—that the message must be adapted to the audience and thesituation at hand. This conflict between Ciceronian rhetoric and Platonic philosophy hasreceived considerable attention from recent historical critics of Book I of More's Utopia. 89Hythloday fails to see what Persona More is getting at, and replies: "That is just what Imeant... by saying there is no room for philosophy with rulers" (98/8-9). 90 Persona Morethen drives the point home:Right... that is true—not for this academic philosophy which thinks thateverything is suitable to every place. But there is another philosophy, morepractical for statesmen, which knows its stage, adapts itself to the play inhand, and performs its role neatly and appropriately. This is the philosophywhich you must employ. (CW 4, 98/9-14)'Persona More then criticizes the Platonic philosophical critique of society, adopting instead aCiceronian humanistic position. He asserts that even if you cannot uproot wrong-headedopinions you should nevertheless not abandon the commonwealth. You cannot force new andstrange ideas on people of contrary opinion. Instead, you should use the indirect approachand strive to handle these matters tactfully to the best of your power: "What you cannotturn to good you must at least make as little bad as you can. For it is impossible that allThe Dialogue in Book I of Utopia / 107should be well unless all men were good, a situation which I do not expect for a great manyyears to come!" (100/1-3). 92 Hythloday strongly rejects this position; he asserts that tofollow Persona More's advice is to share the lunacy of others, not to cure it. He insists thathe will speak the truth as he sees it no matter how unpleasant:Although that speech of mine might perhaps be unwelcome and disagreeableto those councilors, yet I cannot see why it should seem odd even to thepoint of folly. What if I told them the kind of things which Plato creates inhis republic or which the Utopians actually put in practice in theirs? (CW 4,100/7-10) 93Hythloday then casually mentions one of the perennially fascinating aspects of Utopiansociety, that the Utopians, like the inhabitants of Plato's Republic, have all things incommon. However, instead of going on immediately to describe Utopian society, he beginsby defending himself against Persona More's charges, "what did my speech... contain thatwould not be appropriate or obligatory to have propounded everywhere" (100/12-13,16-17), 94 and then launches into a diatribe against European political morality.If everything that seemed odd to the corrupted morals of men were to be criticised, thenwe would have to reject almost all of Christ's teachings. Yet he commanded that histeachings be preached openly for all men to hear. Christian preachers, however, are verygood at adjusting the teachings of Christ to fit the morals of men. Hythloday goes on tocondemn Persona More's "indirect approach":At court there is no room for dissembling, nor may one shut one's eyes tothings. One must openly approve the worst counsels and subscribe to themost ruinous decrees. He would be counted a spy and almost a traitor, whogives only faint praise to evil counsels. Moreover, there is no chance for youto do any good because you are brought among colleagues who would easilycorrupt even the best of men before being reformed themselves. By theirevil companionship, either you will be seduced yourself or, keeping yourown integrity and innocence, you will be made a screen for the wickednessand folly of others. (CW 4 10214-12) 95Plato advocated that philosophers abstain from administration of the commonwealth.The Dialogue in Book I of Utopia / 108Hythloday condemns the ownership of private property: "it appears to me that whereveryou have private property and all men measure all things by cash values, there it isscarcely possible for a commonwealth to have justice or prosperity" (102/21-23). 96 Contrastwith this the wise and holy institutions of the Utopians where all goods are distributedequally and yet there is an abundance of all things. He goes on to praise Plato's advocacy ofcommunism. Where there is private property, most of the wealth is shared by a small groupof people, while the rest live in poverty. The rich are parasites. The poor live simple,well-behaved and industrious lives, while the rich are greedy, unscrupulous and useless.Hythloday- condemns half-measures aimed at controlling the concentration of wealth orlimiting the power of kings, and instead advocates communism as the cure: "There is nohope, however, of a cure and a return to a healthy condition as long as each individual ismaster of his own property" (104/31-32). 97 Persona More rejects Hythloday's position:But... I am of the contrary opinion. Life cannot be satisfactory where allthings are common. How can there be a sufficient supply of goods wheneach withdraws himself from the labor of production? For the individualdoes not have the motive of personal gain and he is rendered slothful bytrusting to the industry of others. (CW 4, 10613-7)98If there is complete equality then the authority of magistrates will be eliminated, and therewill be no way to stop bloodshed and riot. Hythloday's response is once more to cite theexample of the Utopians: "But you should have been with me in Utopia and personally seentheir manners and customs as I did, for I lived there more than five years and would neverhave wished to leave except to make known that new world" (106/13-16). 99At this point, Peter Giles, who has quietly been listening all along to the debate betweenHythloday and Persona More, 100 bursts in: "Yet surely... it would be hard for you toconvince me that a better-ordered people is to be found in that new world than in the oneknown to us" (106/18-20). 101 Hythloday counters by asserting the antiquity of Utopiansociety: "If we must believe them, there were cities among them before there were menThe Dialogue in Book I of Utopia / 109among us" (106/26-27). 102 And he claims that the Utopians have even had contact with theRomans and Egyptians. He cites an incident in which a ship, manned by Roman andEgyptian sailors had been shipwrecked on the coast of Utopia twelve hundred yearsbeforehand. 1°3 The Utopians eagerly mastered everything the Romans and Egyptians hadto teach them. By contrast the Europeans are incapable of learning from others: "And, justas they immediately at one meeting appropriated to themselves every good discovery ofours, so I suppose it will be long before we adopt anything that is better arranged with themthan with us" (108/13-16). 104 Persona More then politely asks Raphael, not that Hythlodayneeds much of an invitation, to give a description of Utopian society: "Do not be brief, butset forth in order the terrain, the rivers, the cities, the inhabitants, the traditions, thecustoms, the laws, and in fact, everything which you think we should like to know"(108/20-23). 105 Hythloday expresses pleasure at the request but warns that it will taketime to fulfill. Persona More then suggests they dine first. After dinner they go back into thegarden again and take up the same seating and settle down to listen to Hythloday'snarration.3.6.5. The 'Sermon on Pride' and the Conclusion to Book IIHythloday's extended 'Discourse on Utopia' in Book II (CW 4, 110-236) can be seenwithin the framework of the dialogue of Book I as one more, albeit enormous, extremelyprolonged exemplum, analogous to the previous brief descriptions of the Polylerites,Achorians and Macarians in Book I. 106 The concluding sections of Book II (CW 4, 236-46)can also be interpreted, not only as providing the peroration to the 'Discourse on Utopia',but also as serving as a continuation and conclusion to the dialogue of Book I. The scholarlycommentary on Book II of Utopia is enormous (see the appropriate sections of the UtopiaBibliography in the Appendix), in comparison with the limited amount of mainly historicalscholarship on Book I. However, until recently very little attention has been paid to theThe Dialogue in Book I of Utopia / 110ending of Book II. 107 Whether Hythloday has proved his case by his extremely long (incomparison to the brevity of Book I) description of Utopian society, is left up to theindividual reader to decide. It is clear from the 'Sermon on Greed and Pride' that forms theperoration to Book II that Hythloday certainly thinks he has.Hythloday concludes the 'Discourse on Utopia' proper, by reminding his audience(Persona More and Peter Giles) of the promise he had made at the end of Book I to describeUtopian society: "Now I have described to you, as exactly as I could, the structure of thatcommonwealth which I judge not merely the best but the only one which can rightly claimthe name of a commonwealth" (236/31-34). 108 He goes on to assert that outside of Utopiathere is no genuine concern for the public welfare, and that men are concerned with theirprivate interests only. In Utopia, where nothing is private, the individual lacks nothing forhis private use—the public granaries are full and everyone is rich. In other countries theindividual has to worry about poverty and looking after his descendants and even arranginghis daughter's dowry. There is not the slightest trace of justice or fairness. Noblemen,bankers and moneylenders grow rich from their idleness, while hardworking labourers andtradesmen lead such harsh and miserable lives, that even the condition of beasts of burdenmight seem preferable. The workers toil all day and earn barely enough to live on. In old ageand sickness they are abandoned and left to die a miserable death. The rich further extortmoney from and exploit the poor in the most ruthless fashion, and then pervert the laws topalm their actions off as justice. Hythloday bitterly denounces the oppression of the poor bythe rich:Consequently, when I consider and turn over in my mind the state of allcommonwealths flourishing anywhere today, so help me God. I can seenothing else but a kind of conspiracy of the rich, who are aiming at theirown interests under the name and title of the commonwealth. (CW 4,240118-22) 1°9Yet even after the rich have divided up the goods of the poor among themselves they are farThe Dialogue in Book I of Utopia / 111from the happiness of Utopian society. In Utopia greed has been abolished because the useof money has been done away with. Hythloday further claims that with the abolition ofmoney a whole host of criminal activities has been rooted up:In Utopia all greed for money was entirely removed with the use of money.What a mass of troubles was then cut away! What a crop of crimes wasthen pulled up by the roots! Who does not know that fraud, theft, rapine,quarrels, disorders, brawls, seditions, murders, treasons, poisonings, whichare avenged rather than restrained by daily executions, die out with thedestruction of money? Who does not know that fear, anxiety, worries, toils,and sleepless nights will also perish at the same time as money? What ismore, poverty, which money alone seemed to make poor, forthwith woulditself dwindle and disappear if money were entirely done away witheverywhere. (C1,17 4, 240/31-242/8) 110He goes on to give as an example of the evils of money the fate of famine victims, and heclaims that if during periods of famine in European society you had opened the granaries ofrich men, you would have found enough grain to feed all the poor people who had been killedoff by starvation and disease. Men everywhere would long ago have adopted the practice ofthe Utopians, either out of self-interest or even on the authority of Christ himself, "had notone single monster, the chief and progenitor of all plagues, striven against it—I mean,Pride" (242/24-26). 111 Pride is too deeply rooted in human nature to be easily eradicated.But, at least in Utopian society, they have been able to remove the causes of ambition anddiscord.There can be little doubt, given the intensity of Hythloday's denunciations of thedepredations of the rich, comparable in many ways to the very strong language used todenounce enclosures in Book I, that this in part reflects the feelings of More himself asauthor—feelings that might have been too dangerous to express in propria persona.However, More as author would hardly have been naive enough to believe that the mereabolition of the use of money would have abolished the vice of Greed. In the end,Hythloday's final analysis of the evils of European society as being attributable to theThe Dialogue in Book I of Utopia / 112workings of Pride and Greed, two of the most important of the Seven Deadly Sins, seemsstrangely naive and inadequate. (This was probably deliberately done by More as author topartially undercut. Hythloday's own position.) Though More himself was later to give afairly traditional treatment of the Seven Deadly Sins in The Four Last Things (1522), hisown career as a public official showed an infinitely more subtle and sophisticatedunderstanding of the roots of political corruption and of the evils in human society.The final conclusion of Utopia (244/13-246/2) is even more problematic thanHythloday's 'Sermon on Pride':When Raphael had finished his story, many things came to my mind whichseemed very absurdly established in the customs and laws of the peopledescribed—not only in their method of waging war, their ceremonies andreligion, as well as their other institutions, but most of all in that featurewhich is the principal foundation of their whole structure. I mean theircommon life and subsistence—without any exchange of money. This latteralone utterly overthrows all the nobility, magnificence, splendor, andmajesty which are, in the estimation of the common people, the true gloriesand ornaments of the commonwealth. (CW 4, 244/13-21) 112To begin with, while the voice, which I will call the 'Concluding Voice', clearly changes atthis point, it is not exactly clear what level(s) within the text the voice is operating at: is itPersona More (the voice of the dialogue in Book I), Narrator More (the voice at thebeginning of Book I), or even Authorial More (the voice of the Prefatory Letter and thesubject, together with Hythloday, of much of the 'conversation' of the parerga), or perhaps,if, as I think, the ambiguity of levels in intentional, a combination of all three (cf. Figure3.1)? Furthermore, the tone of the Concluding Voice is partially ironic, and as such, to use amodern jargon-word, partially 'deconstructs' itself. We know that More the author both inhis later English works, such as the Dialogue of Comfort, and also in his personal life,through his many acts of charity, showed a deep and abiding concern for the plight andsufferings of the poor. The praise of "nobility, magnificence, splendor and majesty" isobviously heavily ironic if not openly sarcastic here (the same tone that one finds in theThe Dialogue in Book I of Utopia / 113`Postscript' or 'Second Letter to Giles' of the 1517 edition), as the "ut publica est opinio [asis the public opinion]" makes abundantly clear. And yet the repudiation of Hythloday'sposition by the Concluding Voice seems genuine enough. It is the same paradoxical tone thatone finds in Chaucer's `Retractation' to The Canterbury Tales and in the conclusion to Troilusand Creseyde, though I think that More's `Retractation' to the Utopia is superior in itssuccinctness to the endings of either of Chaucer's great masterpieces.The Concluding Voice then goes on to express qualified praise of Hythloday'sparadoxical encomium of Utopia. After first indicating that Hythloday would not tolerateany opposition to his views, the Concluding Voice goes on to praise the Utopians' way of lifeand Hythloday's speech, and invites Hythloday in to supper, suggesting they continue theconversation at some other occasion. The final paragraph (which has been quoted earlier) isdeliberately open-ended, praising some aspects of Utopian society and rejecting others:Meanwhile, though in other respects he is a man of the most undoubtedlearning as well as of the greatest knowledge of human affairs, I cannotagree with all that he said. But I readily admit that there are very manyfeatures in the Utopian commonwealth which it is easier for me to wish forin our countries than to have any hope of seeing realized. (CW 4,244/30-246/2) 21The end result of all this is that the reader is left hanging, and we are no further ahead; thetwo voices are just as far apart, after Hythloday's paradoxical praise of the UtopianCommonwealth, as they were at the end of Book I. The deliberately literally open-endednature of the conclusion forces the reader to take a position on the debate in Book I, and onthe possibilities of Utopian society in Book II. Part of the perennial fascination of More'sUtopia has been precisely the polyvalent and multi-layered nature of the work which hassparked such a tremendous variety of responses from readers across the centuries. In bothBooks I and II, we are left with a vision rather than a program—a vision both complex andenigmatic, profoundly serious and playfully ironic, at once passionately committed and yetThe Dialogue in Book I of Utopia / 114philosophically detached.3.7. CONCLUSIONDespite the brevity of Book I (thirty-two pages of Latin text in the Yale Edition,thirty-six pages if one also includes the ending of Book II), compared to the 'Discourse onUtopia' in Book II (CW 4, 110-236: sixty-four pages of Latin), the structure of Book I is inmany ways more complex and problematic than that of Book II. Book II is divided intoseveral sections within the text itself, some of which it is true cover more matters than thetitles indicate. 113 Book I has no clear divisions. The only clues as to structure are suppliedby the possibly-authorial marginal glosses. 114The great danger for modern readers of Utopia is to quickly skip over the 'matter' ofBook I, and plunge straightway into the 'Discourse on Utopia' in Book II. (Indeed, Book II ofUtopia is often anthologised or excerpted by itself without Book I.) I hope I have shown fromthe preceding close reading/analysis that Book I is very carefully constructed and thatwhatever the order of composition of Utopia, Book I is clearly not an afterthought, as somecritics like Hexter have argued, tacked on later after More had already composed Book II.While the main focus of this chapter has been to treat the structure of Book I of Utopiain isolation, it is clear that there are many places in the first Book, especially in theexamples of various imaginary societies that Hythloday gives, that point forward to thematter of Book II. Similarly, though it lies beyond the scope of this chapter, a carefulreading of Book II would undoubtedly reveal many places where the 'Discourse on Utopia' inBook II points back to the 'Dialogue of Counsel' in Book I, especially when Hythlodaycompares Utopian with European customs, usually to the disadvantage of the latter. TheUtopia as it has come down to us is clearly a coherent whole. I think it would have been amuch 'lesser' work if More had only published Book II by itself in some earlier `unrevised'The Dialogue in Book I of Utopia / 115version. Book I does prepare the reader for the 'matter' of Book II, by raising all the crucialissues beforehand. In many ways it is a brilliant 'setup'. If it had been much longer, theauthor's intentions might have become too obvious. The reader is being set up. More'scontemporary humanist audience recognised this, as all the in-jokes of the parerga clearlyreveal.Because the matter of Book I was so intensely topical and relevant to the issues of theday, it is perhaps harder for modern readers to appreciate than Book II. However, More'sfirst readers, as the prefatory letters—especially Bude's, recognised, could see in the debatebetween Hythloday and Persona More the fundamental crisis of contemporary humanismas to whether the new humanist learning could be used effectively to reform society. Thematter of Book II was clearly for them a 'Utopian' dream—fit only for an after-dinnerconversation. But the reality of the world that they had to confront was that of Book I(though Book I is at the same time itself a work of fiction). Not that Book II does not dealwith fundamentally serious issues. However, neither More, nor his humanist contem-poraries, would have made the mistake of nineteenth- and twentieth-century 'utopian'socialists and communists of trying to build the kingdom of God on earth. Every attempt todo so has led to a totalitarian nightmare, and, as the demise of Russian communism hasshown, perhaps it was an impossible dream all along. What remains, then, is a vision,rather than a program—a vision that will no doubt continue at once to tantalise and delight,to elude and frustrate its readers for many generations to come, irrespective of the fate ofmodern day communist regimes. The longing for 'Paradise', in one form or another, is toodeeply planted in the human heart for it ever to be successfully rooted out.The Dialogue in Book I of Utopia / 116NOTES1. See Surtz's discussion of the various editions in Utopia, Vol. 4 of The Yale Edition ofthe Complete Works of St. Thomas More (hereafter CW 4), ed. E. Surtz, and J. H. Hexter (NewHaven: Yale UP, 1965), cxxv-cxciv. All citations of the Yale edition made by page and linenumber, even when quoting the English translation, refer to the Latin text, not to thetranslation, which unlike the translations in later volumes of the Yale Edition has separate linenumbering.2. Written after Book II, according to Erasmus in his 'Letter to Ulrich von Hutten' (1519):"Vtopiam hoc consilio aedidit, vt indicaret quibus rebus fiat vt minus commode habeantrespublicae; sed Britannicam potissimum effinxit, quam habet penitus perspectam cognitamque.Secundum librum prius scripserat per ocium, mox per occasionem primum adiecit ex tempore.Atque hint nonnulla dictionis inaequalitas." Allen, #999, 4: 21/256-61. ["Utopia he publishedwith the purpose of showing the reasons for the shortcomings of a commonwealth; but herepresented the English commonwealth in particular, because he had studied it and knew itbest. The second book he had written earlier, when at leisure; at a later opportunity he addedthe first in the heat of the moment. Hence there is a certain unevenness in the style." CWE 7:23/279-24/284.]3. The Utopia of Sir Thomas More (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1895).4. Lateinische Litteraturdenkmdler des XV. and XVI Jahrhunderts, Vol. XI (Berlin:Weidmann, 1895); cf. CW 4, cxci.5. Utopia (London: Bell, 1910); cf. CW 4, cxci.6. L'Utopie ou le traite de la meilleure forme de gouvernement (Paris: E. Droz, 1936; rpt.Geneva: Librairie Droz, 1983); rev. by A. Prevost, "Une retrospective: Le facsimile de l'Utopieeditee par Marie Delcourt," Moreana 85 (1985): 67-82. The reprint includes Delcourt's 1966French translation.7. "Clavis Moreana: The Yale Edition of Thomas More," JEGP 65 (1966): 318-30; rpt. inEssential Articles, 215-28, 616, esp., 219.8. Essential Articles, 220.9. L'Utopie de Thomas More: Presentation, Texte Original, Apparat Critique, Exegese,Traduction et Notes (Paris: Mame, 1978); rev. by J. Gury, Moreana 61 (1979): 13-18.10. More's Utopia (Oxford: Blackwell, 1923); cf. CW 4, cxciii-cxciv.11. See C. H. Miller, "The English Translation in the Yale Utopia: Some Corrections,"Moreana 9 (1966): 57-64 and ELN 3 (1965/66): 303-09. For more reviews see Utopia: Reviewsof the Yale Edition of Utopia in the Bibliographical Appendix.12. In his discussion of the composition of Utopia (CW 4, xv-xxiii), Hexter makes much ofErasmus's casual remark in his letter to Ulrich von Hutten (quoted in n.2 above) that Morecomposed Book I of Utopia after Book II. At least two of the reviewers of the Yale edition castdoubt on this, see C. H. Miller, ELN 3 (1965/66): 306-07 and M. Delcourt, Latomus 25 (1966):305. Whether composed later or not, Book I is clearly not an afterthought. More could easilyhave had the idea for Book I in mind even as he he was composing Book II. He certainly had agood Platonic precedent for the structure of Utopia (a short 'dialogue' followed by a longer`oration'): namely, the Timaeus.13. Peter Giles speaks only at the beginning (and at the very end) of the Dialogue ofCounsel. I have chosen to signify the voice in the "Dialogue of Counsel" that is identified asThe Dialogue in Book I of Utopia / 117More's by the title "Persona More", one could just have easily identified it as "Character More",by analogy with Character Chaucer in the The Canterbury Tales. See A. Mortimer, "Hythlodaeusand Persona More: The Narrative Voices of Utopia," Cahiers Elisabethains 28 (1985): 25-26. Itgoes without saying that Persona More is as much a fictional character as is CharacterChaucer. The closest comparison is, however, with More's own Dialogue Concerning Heresies,where there are two voices "quod I [I said]" and "quod he [he said]", which I have identified, inmy chapter on this work, as "Chancellor More" and the "Messenger". Similarly, in the Latin ofBook I of Utopia, the change in voices between Persona More and Hythloday is alwayssignalised by "inquam" and "inquit" (with identical meaning to "quod I" and "quod he"respectively). Unfortunately, the Yale translation obscures this by varying the verbs used in thetranslation, see Germain Marc'hadour's criticisms of the Yale edition in "Here I Sit: ThomasMore's Genius for Dialogue," Thomas More: Essays on the Icon, ed. D. Grace and B. Byron(Melbourne: Dove Publications, 1980), 16-17.14. See CW 4, 569, note to 248/2 for possible reasons for this omission.15. See Allen, #467, 2: 346/13-17 and #481, 2: 372/62-70.16. The Yale edition also includes part of Beatus Rhenanus's prefatory letter to theedition of More's Epigrams (252), which was bound in the same volume as the November 1518edition of Utopia. The order of the prefatory materials in the 1516-1518 editions is given inCW 4, clxxxiii-clxxxix. I have also consulted the Scolar Press facsimile of the 1516 edition(Leeds, England: Scolar P, 1966), and the microfilm of the 1518 edition.17. See Allen, #461, 2: 389/1-3; CWE, 4: 66/2-4. For an extensive analysis of the "Pre-fatory Letter to Giles", see E. McCutcheon, My Dear Peter: The Ars Poetica and Hermeneutics forMore's Utopia (Angers: Editions Moreana, 1983).18. Sed tamen mi Petre to illud age quod dixi cum Hythlodaeo. postea tamen integrumerit hac de re consultare denuo. Quanquam si id ipsius uoluntate fiat: quandoquidem scribendilabore defunctus: nunc sero sapio: quod reliquum est de aedendo: sequar amicorum consilium:atque in primis tuum.19. For biographies of the contributors, see P. R. Allen, "Utopia and European Humanism:the Function of the Prefatory Letters and Verse," SRen 10 (1963): 91-107; and Contemporariesof Erasmus: A Biographical Register of the Renaissance and Reformation, ed. P. G. Bietenholz andT. B. Beutscher, 3 vols. (Toronto, U of Toronto P, 1985-87).20. Libellus vere aureus nec minus salutaris quam festiuus de optimo reipublicae statu,deque noua Insula Vtopia authore clarissimo viro Thoma Moro inclytae ciuitatis Londinensisciue & vicecomite cura M. Petri Aegidii Antuerpiensis, & arte Theodorici Martini Alustensis,Typographi almae Louaniensium Academiae nunc primum accuratissime editus. (An asterisk (*)means that I have modified the translation quoted.)21. Interea quemadmodum haud possum omnibus assentiri quae dicta sunt, alioqui abhomine citra controuersiam eruditissimo simul & rerum humanarum peritissimo, ita facileconfiteor permulta esse in Vtopiensium republica, quae in nostris ciuitatibus optarim uerius,quam sperarim.22. See More's "Second Letter to Giles," CW 4, 248/1-252/7.23. elegantium, utiliumque institutorum seminarium, unde translatitios mores in suamquisque ciuitatem importent & accommodent.24. See Chapter 2, n.35, most of which also applies to Utopia. The possibly authorialmarginal glosses of the early editions have been of some help in making my analysis of thesubdivisions.The Dialogue in Book I of Utopia / 11825. See Chapter 2, n.35 above.26. Book I of Utopia is roughly fourty percent the length of the Latin version of RichardIII. In addition, the average length of the subsections is only two pages instead of three. Thishelps to make the effect of the transitions and twist and turns in the argument in Book I ofUtopia even more intense and disorienting than in the History of Richard III.27. "Quum non exigui momenti negocia quaedam inuictissimus Angliae Rex Henricus eiusnominis octauus... cum serenissimo Castellae principe Carolo controuersa nuper habuisset, ad eatractanda, componendaque, oratorem me legauit in Flandriam, comitem & collegam uiriincomparabilis Cuthberti Tunstalli..." Tunstall was a close friend of More and Erasmus and washead of the diplomatic mission.28. See CW 4, 295, note to 46/8. The standard account of More's involvement in thisembassy is by E. Surtz, "St. Thomas More and His Utopian Embassy of 1515," CatholicHistorical Review 39 (1953): 272-93. This is greatly to be preferred to the highly tendentiousaccount by J. H. Hexter, co-editor with Surtz of the Yale Edition, in CW 4, Appendix A: "More'sVisit to Antwerp in 1515," 573-76. See Colin Starnes, Appendix: "On Hexter's account ofMore's Visit to Antwerp in 1515," in The New Republic: A Commentary on Book I of More'sUtopia Showing its Relation to Plato's Republic (Waterloo, Ont.: Wilfrid Laurier UP, 1990),109-11.29. Occurrerunt nobis Brugis (sic enim conuenerat) hi, quibus a principe negociumdemandabatur, egregij uiri omnes... ubi semel atque iterum congressi, quibusdam de rebus nonsatis consentiremus, illi in aliquot dies uale nobis ditto, Bruxellas profecti sunt, principisoraculum sciscitaturi.30. Ego me interim (sic enim res ferebat) Antuerpiam confero. Ibi dum uersor, saepe meinter alios, sed quo non alius gratior, inuisit Petrus Aegidius Antuerpiae natus.31. See CW 4, 299, note to 48/2-3.32. patriae desyderium, ac laris domestici, uxoris, & liberorum, quorum studioreuisendorum nimis quam anxie tenebar (iam tum enim plus quatuor mensibus abfueram domo)magna ex parte mihi... leuauerit.33. uides inquit hunc? (simul designabat eum cum quo loquentem uideram) eum inquitiam hint ad te recta parabam ducere. Venisset inquam pergratus mihi tua causa. Imo, inquitille, si nosses hominem, sua. Nam nemo uiuit hodie mortalium omnium, qui tantam tibihominum, terrarumque incognitarum narrare possit historiam. quarum rerum audiendarum scioauidissimum esse te. Ergo inquam non pessime coniectaui. Nam primo aspectu protinus sensihominem esse nauclerum. Atqui inquit aberrasti longissime: nauigauit quidem non ut Palinurus,sed ut Vlysses: imo uelut Plato.34. See CW 4, 301, note to 48/30-31 and D. Baker-Smith, More's Utopia (London: Harper-CollinsAcademic, 1991), 90-91. On the theme of the Platonic voyage, see D. Baker-Smith,Thomas More and Plato's Voyage: An Inaugural Lecture given on 1st June 1978 at UniversityCollege Cardiff (Cardiff: University College Cardiff Press, 1978). C. Starnes looks at the influenceof Plato's Republic on More's Utopia in The New Republic (see n.29 above). For other studies ofMore's Platonism see the section Utopia: More and Plato in the Bibliographical Appendix.35. The name "Hythloday" is usually explained as "well-learned in nonsense," see CW 4,pp. 301-302, note to 48/31-32; while Raphael is the name of one of the Archangels, and guideto Tobit in the Book of Tobit. This makes Raphael Hythloday into something of an inspirednonsense-speaker, somewhat akin to Moria, or Dame Folly, in the Praise of Folly. In recentyears, much has also been made of Hythloday as an unreliable narrator in Book II. See thesections Utopia: Raphael Hythloday and Utopia: More and Erasmus in the BibliographicalThe Dialogue in Book I of Utopia / 119Appendix.36. orbis terrarum contemplandi studio Americo Vespucio se adiunxit, atque in tribusposterioribus illarum quatuor nauigationum quae passim iam leguntur, perpetuus eius comesfuit.37. More's "Taprobane" (CW 4, 50/17, cf. note on pp. 303-04), was almost certainlyCeylon, but at a later stage in the Renaissance it was identified with Sumatra, see G. W.Whiting, "Milton's Taprobane," RES 13 (1937): 209-12. See also Richard Pace, De fructu qui exdoctrina percipitur: The Benefit of a Liberal Education, ed. and trans. F. Manley and R. S.Sylvester, Renaissance Society of America, Renaissance Texts Series 2 (New York: FrederickUngar Publishing Co. for the Renaissance Society of America, 1967), 108-9, 173-74.38. India and Ceylon provide an important connection between Books I and II of Utopia.Antwerp, the setting of Book I, was one of the greatest mercantile cities of Europe in the earlysixteenth century. It served as the chief centre for the sale of pepper, cinnamon and otherspices that the Portuguese brought back from India and Ceylon and the Far East. It was thebankers of Antwerp who had largely financed the expansion of the Portuguese Empire in theearly sixteenth century and in return Antwerp, through the Portuguese feitoria, the Casa daIndia, that the Portuguese kings maintained there, was made the major centre in Europe forthe Portuguese spice trade. It should be recalled that the destination of Vespucci's FourthVoyage, on which Hythloday sailed, was India. The discovery of Brazil was only made byaccident.39. The whole question of Utopian geography is quite vexed. But one thing needs to bepointed out here: in 1515, neither More nor any of his contemporaries had any idea of how vastthe Pacific Ocean was. More obviously thought Brazil and India were quite close to each other.On the question of More's knowledge of geography, see the section Utopia: Geography andMaps in the Bibliographical Appendix.40. turn ubi nos mutuo salutassemus, atque illa communia dixissemus, quae dici in primohospitum congressu solent, inde domum meam digredimur, ibique in horto considentes in scamnocespitibus herbeis constrato, confabulamur.41. "quod per aquam ratibus, per terram curru peragebant" (CW 4, 50/33).42. "non pessime institutas magna populorum frequentia respublicas" (CW 4, 52/1-2).43. The Pacific Ocean is not indicated as such on the very early sixteenth-century maps,such as Waldseemiiller's. Instead, the new discoveries in the Americas are indicated as acollection of islands off the coast of Asia. If More's knowledge of geography was not purelyclassical, neither was it completely modern. See also the section Utopia: Geography andUtopia in the Bibliographical Appendix.44. Caeterum ubi longius euectus sis, paulatim omnia mansuescere. caelum minusasperum, solum uirore blandum, mitiora animantium ingenia, tandem aperiri populos, urbes,oppida, in his assidua non inter se modo, ac finitimos, sed procul etiam dissitas gentes, terramarique commercia.45. The desciption here is at least vaguely reminiscent of the Arab dhow and the Chinesejunk.46. His enim de rebus & nos auidissime rogabamus, & ille libentissime disserebat, omissainterim inquisitione monstrorum, quibus nihil est minus nouum. Nam Scyllas & Celenosrapaces, & Lestrigonas populiuoros, atque eiuscemodi immania portenta, nusquam fere noninuenias, at sane ac sapienter institutos ciues haud reperias ubilibet.47. In the Middle Ages there was a whole genre of travel literature (The Wonders of theThe Dialogue in Book I of Utopia / 120East') that grew out of the Alexander Romances of the Hellenistic period, such as thePseudo-Callisthenes. The most famous mediaeval travel account, Mandeville's Travels, is part`Pilgrimage to Jerusalem' and part 'Wonders of the East.' Mandeville is a forerunner ofHythloday in that he too circumnavigates the globe. Mandeville even made use of real travelaccounts, such as Marco Polo's. This process of assimilating real contemporary travel accountsto fictional models (of accomodating the new to the old) is also very much at work in Utopia,though More's treatment of Geography is more Classical than Mandeville's.48. "At in illo nouo orbe terrarum, quem circulus aequator uix tam longe ab hoc nostroorbe semouet: quam uita moresque dissident..." It needs to be pointed out that "nouus orbis"was a rather flexible term in the sixteenth century and could include any region strange andunfamiliar to Western Europeans—not only the Americas, but also most of Africa and Asia,and even at times Eastern Europe (Sarmatia [Poland] and Muscovy).49. "Caeterum ut multa apud nouos illos populos adnotauit perperam consulta, sic haudpauca recensuit, unde possint exempla sumi corrigendis harum urbium, nationum, gentium, acregnorum erroribus idonea, alio, ut dixi, loco a me commemoranda. Nunc ea tantum referreanimus est, quae de moribus atque institutis narrabat Vtopiensium, praemisso tamen eosermone, quo uelut tractu quodam ad eius mentionem reipublicae deuentum est." Surely, one ofthe most ironic passages in the whole of Utopia, since the rest of Book I is spent castigatingthe vices of European society, to which the virtues of Utopia society in Book II are held up byNarrator Hythloday as a great counter-example.50. "alia hic, alia illic errata, utrobique certe plurima, turn quae apud nos, quaeue itemsunt apud illos cauta sapientius" (CW 4, 54/10-11).51. Miror profecto mi Raphael, inquit, cur te regi cuipiam non adiungas, quorum neminemesse satis scio, cui tu non sis futurus uehementer gratus, utpote quem hac doctrina, atque haclocorum hominumque peritia non oblectare solum, sed exemplis quoque instruere, atqueadiuuare consilio sis idoneus....52. "Hoc est inquit ille, una syllaba plusquam seruias" (CW 4, 54/27-28).53. At ego sic censeo inquit Petrus, quoquo tu nomine rem appelles, eum tamen ipsamesse uiam, qua non alijs modo & privatim, & publice possis conducere, sed tuam quoque ipsiusconditionem reddere feliciorem.54. Felicioremne inquit Raphael, ea uia facerem, a qua abhorret animus? Atqui nunc sicuiuo ut uolo, quod ego certe suspicor paucissimis purpuratorum contingere.55. Turn ego, perspicuum est inquam te mi Raphael, neque opum est, neque potentiaecupidum, atque ego profecto huius tuae mentis hominem non minus ueneror ac suspicio, quameorum quemuis, qui maxime rerum sunt potentes. Caeterum uideberis plane rem te atque isthocanimo tuo tarn generoso, tam uere philosopho dignam facturus, si to ita compares, ut uel cumaliquo privatim incommodo ingenium tuum atque industriam, publicis rebus accomodes, quodnumquam tanto cum fructu queas, quanto si a consilijs fueris magno alicui principi, eique (quodte facturum certe scio) recta atque honesta persuaseris.56. Itaque in haec superba, absurda, ac morosa iudicia, cum saepe alibi, turn semel inAnglia quoque incidi. Obsecro inquam, fuisti apud nos? Fui inquit, atque aliquot menses ibi sumuersatus, non multo post earn cladem, qua Anglorum occidentalium ciuile aduersus regembellum miseranda ipsorum strage compressum est.57. Similarly in the Dialogue of Comfort, the dialogue supposedly takes place in1527-1528, about seven to eight years before the actual writing of the work.58. uiro mi Petre (nam Moro cognita sum narraturus) non autoritate magis, quamprudentia ac uirtute uenerabili.The Dialogue in Book I of Utopia / 12159. "nonnunquam suspendi uiginti in una truce" (CW 4, 60/10). Cardinal Morton'shousehold consisted mainly of lawyers, see bibliography in Chapter 2, n.80 above.60. At non sic euades inquam.61. Ad haec ille, atqui nobis inquit, hoc hominum genus in primis fovendum est. In hisenim, utpote hominibus animi magis excelsi ac generosioris, quam sunt opifices aut agricolae,consistunt uires ac robur exercitus, si quando sit confligendum bello.62. adeo periculum nullum est, ne quorum ualida & robusta corpora (neque enim nisiselectos dignantur generosi corrumpere) nunc uel elanguescunt ocio, uel negocijs propemuliebribus emolliuntur, ijdem bonis artibus instructi ad uitam, & uirilibus exercitati laboribuseffoeminentur.63. ut homines deuorent ipsos, agros, domos, oppida uastent ac depopulentur.64. quid aliud quaeso quam facitis fures, & ijdem plectitis?65. Book II, chapters 16 and 17 (CW 12, 160-87); and Book III, chapters 5 to 16 (pp.206-44).66. Sed interim abs to mi Raphael perquam libenter audierim, quare to furtum putesultimo supplicio non puniendum quamue aliam poenam ipse statuas, quae magis conducat inpublicum.67. Omnino mihi uidetur inquam pater benignissime homini uitam eripi propter ereptampecuniam prorsus iniquum esse. Siquidem cum humana uita ne omnibus quidem fortunaepossessionibus paria fieri posse arbitror. Quos si laesam iustitiam, si leges uiolatas, hac rependipoena dicant, haud pecuniam: quid ni merito summum illud ius, summa uocetur iniuria?68. nullius institutum gentis magis probo, quam id quod interea dum peregrinabar, inPerside obseruatum apud uulgo dittos Polyleritas adnotaui, populum neque exiguum, nequeimprudenter institutum, & nisi quod tributum quotannis Persarum pendit regi: caetera liberumac suis permissum legibus. Caeterum quoniam longe ab maH, montibus fere circumdati, & suaeterrae nulla in re malignae contenti fructibus...69. Nunquam inquit istud sic stabiliri queat in Anglia, ut non in summum discrimenadducat rempublicam....70. ... non est, inquit, procliue diuinare, commodene an secus res cessura sit, nullo prorsusfacto periculo. Verum si pronuntiata mortis sententia, differri executionem iubeat princeps,atque hunt experiatur morem, cohibitis asylorum priuilegijs. Turn uero si res comprobetureuentu esse utilis, rectum fuerit eam stabiliri. alioqui tunc quoque afficere supplicio eos, quisunt ante damanti, neque minus e republica fuerit, neque magis iniustum, quam si nunc idemfieret, nec ullum interea nasci ex ea re potest periculum. Quin mihi certe uidentur erronesquoque ad eundem posse modum non pessime tractari, in quos hactenus tam multis aeditislegibus, nihil promouimus tamen.71. Is ergo, dicente quodam e conuiuis: Iam meo sermone bene prouisum esse furibus,atque a Cardinale etiam cautum de erronibus, restare nunc uti his praeterea consulereturpublicitus, quos ad egestatem morbus aut senectus impulisset, atque ad labores unde uiuipossit, reddidisset impotes.72. Sine, inquit, me. nam ego & hoc recte ut fiat uidero.73. At ne sic quidem, inquit, extricaberis a mendicis, nisi nobis quoque prospexerisfratribus.The Dialogue in Book I of Utopia / 12274. This episode reflects More the author's own criticisms of the abuses of monastic life,which he makes in a Letter to a Monk and elsewhere, and contrasts with the Buthrescae, thehard working ascetics of Book II of Utopia (CW 4, 224/23-226/19).75. En mi More, quam longo te sermone oneraui, quod tam diu facere plane puduisset me,nisi to & cupide flagitasses, & sic uidereris audire, tanquam nolles quicquam eiusconfabulationis omitti, quae quanquam aliquanto perstrictius, narranda tamen mihi fuit omninopropter eorum iudicium, qui quae me dicente spreuerant, eadem rursus euestigio nonimprobante Cardinale, etiam ipsi comprobarunt, usque adeo assentantes ei, ut parasiti quoqueeius inuentis, quae dominus per iocum non aspernabatur, adblandirentur & serio propemodumadmitterent. Vt hint possis aestimare quanti me ac mea consilia aulici forent aestimaturi.76. For More's treatment of Cardinal Morton in Utopia and Richard III, see bibliographyin Chapter 2, n.80 above.77. See C. Starnes, "More's Criticism of the Platonic Doctrine of the Philosopher/King,"The New Republic, 56-74.78. quin te plane putem, si animum inducas tuum, uti ne ab aulis principum abhorreas,in publicum posse te tuis consilijs plurimum boni conferre.79. quam procul aberit felicitas, si philosophi regibus nec dignentur saltem suum impartiriconsilium?80. Hic, inquam, in tanto rerum molimine, tot egregijs uiris ad bellum sua certatimconsilia conferentibus, si ego homuncio surgam, ac uerti iubeam uela, omittendam Italiamcenseam & domi dicam esse manendum, unum Galliae regnum fere maius esse, quam utcommode possit ab uno administrari, ne sibi putet rex de alijs adijciendis esse cogitandum. Tumsi illis proponerem decreta Achoriorum populi, Vtopiensium insulae ad Euronoton oppositi....81. hanc orationem quibus auribus mi More, putas excipiendam? Profecto non ualde pronisinquam.82. "In suscepti diadematis diem Henrici Octavi," in C. H. Miller, et al., eds., Latin Poems,vol. 3, part II of The Yale Edition of the Complete Works of St. Thomas More (New Haven: YaleUP, 1984), #19, pp. 100-13, especially lines 26-45, 90-127. Henry VIII in fact executed HenryVII's officers, Empson and Dudley, after his coronation.83. For example, the Case of Richard Hunne in 1514, which More dealt with later inBook III of the Dialogue Concerning Heresies,— see Chapter 5, n.11 below for bibliography.84. ita nullam causam eius tam aperte iniquam fore, in qua non aliquis eorum uelcontradicendi studio, uel pudore dicendi eadem, uel quo gratiam ineant, apud eum aliquamreperiant rimam, qua possit intendi calumnia. Sic dum iudicibus diuersa sentientibus, res per seclarissima disputatur, & ueritas in quaestionem uenit, ansam commodum regi dari, pro suocommodo ius interpretandi. caeteros aut pudore accessuros, aut metu, sic intrepide fertur posteapro tribunali sententia. Neque enim deesse praetextus potest pronuncianti pro principe. Nempecui satis est aut aequitatem a sua parte esse, aut uerba legis, aut contortum scripti sensum,aut quae legibus denique omnibus praeponderat, apud religiosos iudices principis indisputabilempraerogativam.85. eoque magis ad principem earn pertinere curam, ut populo bene sit suo, quam ut sibi,non aliter ac pastoris officium est, oues potius quam semet pascere, quatenus opilio est.86. Book III, Chapters 18-20, CW 12, 250-280.87. Haec ergo atque huiusmodi si ingererem apud homines in contrariam partemThe Dialogue in Book I of Utopia / 123uehementer inclinatos, quam surdis essem narraturus fabulam?88. Surdimissimis inquam, haud dubie. neque hercule miror, neque mihi uidentur (ut ueredicam) huiusmodi sermones ingerendi, aut talia danda consilia, quae certus sis nunquamadmissum iri. Quid enim prodesse possit, aut quomodo in illorum pectus influere sermo taminsolens, quorum praeoccupauit animos, atque insedit penitus diuersa persuasio? Apud amiculosin familiari colloquio non insuauis est haec philosophia scholastica. Caeterum in consilijsprincipum, ubi res magnae autoritate aguntur, non est his rebus locus.89. See the sections Utopia: Book One, Europe, the 'Dialogue of Counsel,' andReform in the Bibliographical Appendix.90. Hoc est, inquit ille, quod dicebam non esse apud principes locum philosophiae.91. Imo inquam est uerum, non huic scholasticae, quae quiduis putet ubiuis conuenire, sedest alia philosophia ciuilior, quae suam nouit scenam, eique sese accommodans, in ea fabulaquae in manibus est, suas partes concinne & cum decoro tutatur. Hac utendum est tibi.92. & quod in bonum nequis uertere, efficias saltem, ut sit quam minime malum. Nam utomnia bene sint, fieri non potest, nisi omnes boni sint, quod ad aliquot abhinc annos adhuc nonexpecto.93. Quanquam ille meus sermo ut fuerit ingratus illis , atque molestus, ita non uideo curuideri debeat usque ad ineptias insolens. Quod si aut ea dicerem, quae fingit Plato in suaRepublica aut ea quae faciunt Vtopienses in sua....94. Mea uero oratio... alioquin quid habuit, quod non ubiuis dici, uel conueniat, ueloporteat?95. Quippe non est ibi dissimulandi locus, nec licet conniuere. approbanda sunt apertepessima consilia, & decretis pestilentissimis subscribendum est. Speculatoris uice fuerit, ac peneproditoris, etiam qui improbe consulta maligne laudauerit. Porro nihil occurrit, in quo prodessequicquam possis, in eos delatus collegas, qui uel optimum uirum facilius corruperint, quam ipsicorrigantur, quorum peruersa consuetudine uel deprauaberis, uel ipse integer atque innocens,alienae malitiae, stultitiaeque conuertere....96. mihi uidetur ubicunque privatae sunt possessiones, ubi omnes omnia pecunijsmetiuntur, ibi uix unquam posse fieri, ut cum Republica aut iuste agatur, aut prospere....97. ut sanentur uero atque in bonum redeant habitum, nulla omnino spes est, dum suacuique sunt propria.98. At mihi inquam contra uidetur, ibi nunquam commode uiui posse, ubi omnia sintcommunia. Nam quo pacto suppetat copia rerum, unoquoque ab labore subducente se? utpotequem neque sui quaestus urget ratio, & alienae industriae fiducia reddit segnem.99. Verum si in Vtopia fuisses mecum, moresque eorum atque instituta uidisses praesens,ut ego feci, qui plus annis quinque ibi uixi, neque unquam uoluissem inde discedere, nisi utnouum illem orbem proderem....100. The last speech of Giles is on CW 4, 55/29-32, although Hythloday does address hima little later as "my dear Peter [mi Petrel" (58/20).101. Atqui profecto inquit Petrus Aegidius, aegre persuadeas mihi, melius institutumpopulum in nouo illo, quam in hoc noto nobis orbe reperiri....102. quibus si fides haberi debet, prius apud eos erant urbes, quam homines apud nos.103. For a possible source for the shipwreck incident (which mystified the Yale editors, cf.The Dialogue in Book I of Utopia / 124CW 4, 383, note to 108/3), see J. D. M. Derrett's account of a fourth century A. D. interpolationin the Palladius on the Races of India and the Brahmans in "The Theban Scholasticus andMalabar in c.355-360," Journal of the American Oriental Society 82 (1962): 21-31.104. Et ut illi uno statim congressu quicquid a nobis commode inuentum est, feceruntsuum: Sic diu futurum puto, priusquam nos accipiamus quicquam quod apud illos melius quamnobis est institutum.105. nec uelis esse breuis, sed explices ordine, agros, fiuuios, urbes, homines, mores,instituta, leges, ac denique omnia, quae nos putes uelle cognoscere.106. The are a number of brief descriptions of some of Utopia's neighbours in Book II,which are even more similar in function to the exempla of Book I, e.g. the Anemolians(152/26-156/9), the Nephelogetes and Alaopolitans (200/17-23), and the Zapoletans(206/7-208/13).107. See the sections The Conclusion of Utopia and Utopia: Pleasure and MoralPhilosophy in the Bibliographical Appendix.108. Descripsi uobis quam potui uerissime eius formam Reipublicae quam ego certe nonoptimam tantum, sed solam etiam censeo, quae sibi suo iure possit Reipublicae uendicareuocabulum.109. Itaque omnes has quae hodie usquam florent Respublicas animo intuenti ac uersantimihi, nihil sic me amet deus, occurrit aliud quam quaedam conspiratio diuitum, de suiscommodis Reipublicae nomine, tituloque tractantium.110. e qua cum ipso usu sublata penitus omni auiditate pecuniae, quanta molesmolestiarum recisa, quanta scelarum seges radicitus euulsa est? Quis enim nescit fraudes,furta, rapinas, rixas, tumultus, iurgia, seditiones, caedes, proditiones, ueneficia, cotidianisuindicata potius quam refrenata supplicijs, interempta pecunia commori, ad haec metumsollicitudinem curas, labores, uigilias, eodem momento quo pecunia perituras. quin paupertasipsa, quae sola pecunijs uisa est indigere, pecunia prorsus undique sublata, protinus etiam ipsadecresceret.111. ... nisi una tantum belua, omnium princeps parensque pestium superbia, reluctaretur.112. Haec ubi Raphael recensuit, quanquam haud pauca mihi succurrebant, quae in eiuspopuli moribus, legibusque perquam absurde uidebantur instituta, non solum de belli gerendiratione, & rebus diuinis, ac religione, alijsque insuper eorum institutis, sed in eo quoque ipsomaxime, quod maximum totius institutionis fundamentum est uita scilicet, uictuque communi,sine ullo pecuniae commercio, qua una re funditus euertitur omnis nobilitas, magnificentia,splendor, maiestas, uera ut publica est opinio decora atque ornamenta Reipublicae....113. De urbibus, de magistratibus, de artificiis, de commerciis mutuis, de peregrinationeutopiensium, de servis, de re militari, de religionibus utopiensium. The section 'On UtopianTravel', for example, also deals with their 'hedonistic' moral philosophy.114. On the possible identities of the glossator (More, Peter Giles or Erasmus), and on therole of the glosses as providing yet one more level of 'dialogue', see D. G. McKinnon, "TheMarginal Glosses in More's Utopia: The Character of the Commentator," Renaissance Papers,1970, ed. D. G. Donovan (Columbus, SC: The Southeastern Renaissance Conference: 1971),11-19.4. THE DIALOGUE CONCERNING HERESIES: BOOKS I AND II4.1. THE ARGUMENT OF THIS CHAPTERThe Dialogue Concerning Heresies is generally regarded as the best of More'spolemical works. 1 Rainer Pineas calls it "easily the single most brilliant among More'smany works of religious controversy, "2 and Richard C. Marius describes it in similarterms as More's "first and most brilliant polemical work in English," 3 while for C. S.Lewis the Dialogue Concerning Heresies "is great Platonic dialogue: perhaps the bestspecimen of that form ever produced in English. s 4 At the same time More has oftenbeen accused of formlessness and incoherence in the composition of his polemical works,including the Dialogue Concerning Heresies. G. R. Elton in particular describes More'spolemical works as "diffuse, ill-organized, repetitive and dull— and endless." 5 ThomasLawler, one of the Yale editors, has portrayed the Dialogue Concerning Heresies as a[(polemical maze": 6...the Messenger enters the maze at the first digression in Book One... Thestructure of the Dialogue is the structure of heresy itself, one digression orbypath leading to another, farther and farther from the common way(CW 6, 443).Whatever one thinks of the image of the maze as a metaphor for heresy, it is clearlyinadequate as an explanation of the structure of the Dialogue Concerning Heresies. ? BrendanBradshaw objects to Lawler's image that: "A Dialogue does not present a polemical maze, ashas been suggested. It is not a labyrinth of sidetracks and blind alleys." 8 Louis Martz on theother hand defends More's digressiveness in his polemical works. 9 He argues that theyembody a unity of the kind that one finds in St. Augustine's works, and that the argumentgrows "toward a unity of meaning by repetitition, recapitulation, association, even bydigression." 1° If More often takes us by the scenic route, as Bradshaw points out "the resultis to achieve a novel perspective on the polemical terrain." 11125The Dialogue Concerning Heresies: Books I and II / 126While Martz is undoubtedly right in pointing to the Augustinian "order of the heart" asan important dimension of More's literary artistry in his polemical works, I agree withBrendan Bradshaw 12 and Walter Gordon 13 that the Dialogue Concerning Heresies at leasthas a very definite and clear structure:The Dialogue divides into two main sections: Books One and Two focus onissues related to the images, shrines, and other physical aspects of Catholicworship; Books Three and Four defend the Church's right to try and punishthose preachers who would uproot and overthrow this worship. The entireopus, for all its conversational digression, maintains a consistency ofthought and interest. 14My own analysis of structure offered below in this chapter and the next is essentially arefinement of that offered by Bradshaw and Gordon, though I distinguish three mainsections rather than two in the structure of the Dialogue Concerning Heresies.Besides the question of structure, there is the related question of form. The DialogueConcerning Heresies takes the form of a reported dialogue ("He said—I said") between twovoices, one of whom is usually called the Messenger ("quod he"), and the other whom I willcall Chancellor More ("quod I"). Some critics have taken exception to the form of the work,G. R. Elton, in particular, in reviewing the Yale Edition complains that "the constant use of`quoth I' and `quoth he'... is only just less tedious than one would suppose." 15 Though headmits that the Messenger is a three-dimensional person, he goes on to claim that:More's apparent fairness covered an essentially crude sort of argument.Though the Messenger is seemingly allowed to bring up one difficult matterafter another, making several telling points, discussion is always terminatedat a point chosen by [Chancellor] More and therefore usually without anyproper or conclusive answer.... [Chancellor] More simply ties himself inknots, meeting no point of the opposite argument head-on.... The truth isthat More had no intention to debate anything in the real sense of theword. 16Contrary to the views of Elton and others, I would argue that the "Protestant-Catholic"Messenger (he is not in fact a Lutheran but only reporting their opinions) does in fact put upThe Dialogue Concerning Heresies: Books I and II / 127a rather stiff argument for the "other side," which Chancellor More is rather pressed attimes to answer. Elton in any case shows himself to be rather textually naive in confusingthe first person voice of the dialogue (Chancellor More) with the mind of the author (SirThomas More)—the same mistake that many have made in interpreting Utopia (confusingeither Persona More or Hythloday with More). Elton's mistake is a rather common one—itis not wise in dealing with a writer as sophisticated as More was to take anything forgranted. Even in More's other polemical works, such as the Responsio ad Lutherum or theConfutation of Tyndale's Answer, where the tone is often openly sarcastic and mocking, Morewas quite clearly fashioning for himself a polemical persona.' ? But here where the ironiesare much more subtle and indirect, and where in addition we have to deal with two voices,one needs to be especially careful. More's use of the dialogue form in the DialogueConcerning Heresies is every bit as sophisticated as in Book I of Utopia and in the Dialogue ofComfort. 18It is my intention in this chapter and the next also to prove that, contrary to the viewsof G. R. Elton and others, the Dialogue Concerning Heresies, has in fact, underneath itsapparently rambling and digressive surface, a very intricate, but coherent and carefullyworked out structure. 19My intention in this chapter is to focus on the intricate structure of the dialogue inBooks I and II. Book I is by far the longest of the four books, taking up more than a third(roughly forty percent) of the total length of the Dialogue Concerning Heresies, while Book IIis the shortest at about fifteen percent. The contents of Books I and II deal mainly with thetraditional Lollard attacks on the devotions to images, saints, miracles, pilgrimages and theoral tradition of the Church, as restated with renewed vigour also by the early Englishprotestants, whereas the new Lutheran doctrines do not come in for much discussion untilBook IV, and Tyndale's translation of the New Testament is not discussed until the end ofThe Dialogue Concerning Heresies: Books I and II / 128Book III. I intend also to show in this chapter how the questions and objections raised by theMessenger and responses made by Chancellor More are crucial to the unfolding of More'sargument in defence of the authority of the Catholic Church and of the right relationshipbetween scripture and tradition. The discussion of Tyndale's translation of the NewTestament in Book III, and of treatment of the Lutheran doctrines of 'Justification by FaithAlone' and Predestination in Book IV will be postponed to the next chapter.4.2. TEXTUAL HISTORY AND BACKGROUNDThe textual history of the Dialogue Concerning Heresies is the most straightforward ofthe four texts under consideration. It was published for the first time by More'sbrother-in-law John Rastell in June 1529, and a second edition was published in 1531 byJohn Rastell's son William Rastell. William Rastell supervised its publication again as partof his 1557 Folio Edition of More's English Works. The first modern edition, edited by W. E.Campbell and A. W. Reed, was published in 1927, and was reissued in 1931 as Volume II ofThe English Works of Sir Thomas More. 20 This edition consists of a facsimile of the blackletter text of the 1557 edition, together with a modern-spelling transcription of the 1557edition. The first real critical edition of A Dialogue Concerning Heresies was published in1981 as Volume 6 of The Yale Edition of the Complete Works of St. Thomas More. 21 Incontrast with its simple textual history, the Dialogue Concerning Heresies has the mostcomplicated structure of the four works under consideration here. The structure of the workwill be dealt with in considerable detail later.The Dialogue Concerning Heresies is organised as a formal literary dialogue betweentwo speakers—one of whom is usually indicated by the phrase "quod he" [he said] and theother by "quod [I said]. The introductory letters that frame the beginning of the Dialogueidentify the "quod I" voice as being that of the Master Chancellor, i.e. the "author", SirThomas More, Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster in 1528, when the work was beingThe Dialogue Concerning Heresies: Books I and II / 129written (published 1529), and Chancellor of England in 1531, when the second edition waspublished. In the chapter heads to the individual chapters and in the Table of Contents inthe 1531 and 1557 editions (CW 6, 1-20), which were compiled from the chapter heads, thetwo speakers are referred to as "The Authour" and "The Messenger." Since it wouldinevitably cause confusion to modern readers to refer to one of the two personae of thedialogue, the "quod I" voice, as "the author," I have chosen the title "Chancellor More" todesignate the first person voice, and "More" to refer to the author, Sir Thomas More. Theother voice, the "quod he" voice, will be referred to from now on as the Messenger. The oneexception I have made, in the use of the above titles, is to retain the term "the author" forthe narrative voice that appears in the Preface and in Book I, chapter 1.There is also a third figure who enters indirectly into the work, simply referred to as "aryght worshypfull frende of myne" (CW 6, 21/7) by Chancellor More (whom I shall refer tohereafter as the Friend); he is both a friend of Chancellor More, and the employer of theMessenger, who is the tutor to his children. At the request of the Friend, the Messengerreports to Chancellor More various heretical opinions, both Lollard and Lutheran, that werecirculating in England at the time. The Messenger is a more-or-less orthodox Catholic, buthe is obviously influenced by the heretical arguments that he reports, and has contacts withvarious heterodox elements at the English universities.In addition, in the preface the author claims to have written his work down as a recordof the conversations between himself and the Messenger in order to send it to the Friend.There are times in the Dialogue Concerning Heresies when the "quod I" voice, ChancellorMore, directly addresses the Friend or in speaking to the Messenger refers to "my goodfrende your mayster" (46/19) in a familiar tone. Through this technique the reader is beinginvited in a subtle manner to identify himself with the role of the Friend—the 'postulatedreader' 22 thus becomes a non-speaking character in the Dialogue Concerning Heresies.The Dialogue Concerning Heresies: Books I and II / 130Throughout the dialogue there is a 'homey' kind of atmosphere invoked and, indeed, theactual setting of the dialogue is More's own house at Chelsea.The Dialogue Concerning Heresies is a handbook written for Catholic laymen andlaywomen to show them how to deal with various heretical arguments, both the traditionalLollard and the new-fangled Lutheran ones. It is important to keep in mind that for all hisenthusiasm in defending various heretical opinions, the Messenger is neither a Lollard nor aLutheran, and that the audience that More was primarily writing for was a Catholic one. Itis true that Tyndale, among others, wrote a vigorous response to the Dialogue; 23 however,More's intention, in writing the Dialogue Concerning Heresies, was clearly not to rebutdirectly the arguments of Tyndale and others, but rather to give his lay audience thetheological weapons to counter heretical opinions.The Dialogue Concerning Heresies is the first in a series of several polemical workswritten by More in English during the period 1528-1534. 24 There were also two earlierpolemical works written in Latin. 25 While More did make use of dialogue and reportedspeech in some of the other English polemical works, especially in The Supplication of Souls,and in Book VIII of The Confutation of Tyndale's Answer, 26 he did not attempt to write aformal literary dialogue again until after he was imprisoned in the Tower in April 1534.There he produced what some consider his greatest English work, A Dialogue of ComfortAgainst Tribulation, and also collaborated with his daughter in the composition of a"mini-dialogue" in the form of a letter. 27In his polemical works, More was quite clearly writing for his own contemporaries, andnot for posterity. In the period between 1528 and 1534, he wrote over a million words inearly Tudor English. Tyndale, and other Protestant polemicists also took up the challengeimplicit in the ending of the Dialogue Concerning Heresies, and, though none of them was asvoluminous as "Master More", together they more than matched his literary output. ItThe Dialogue Concerning Heresies: Books I and II / 131would scarcely be an exaggeration to say that in the "Battle of the Books" surrounding thebeginnings of the English Reformation modern English prose was born. No one who isseriously interested in the history of the English Reformation, or for that matter in thebeginnings of modern English prose can afford to ignore these works.More has sometimes been faulted for his prolixity and verbosity. Not all of his polemicalwritings can be considered great literary works, though all contain many flashes of thatcharacteristic Morean wit, and of his equally characteristic use of "merry tales", proverbsand aphorisms. More was in many ways a pioneer in his English works (together with suchother contemporaries as William Tyndale) in shaping modern English prose into a mediumsupple enough and robust enough to express complex philosophical and theological ideas. 28And at least in the case of the Dialogue Concerning Heresies, More also produced a work ofgreat literary power and sophistication.4.3. ANALYSIS OF TEXT4.3.1. Introduction to The Dialogue Concerning Heresies (20/1— 37/22)Like the Utopia the Dialogue Concerning Heresies has an elaborate introduction ofalmost twenty pages (21/1-37/22), consisting of a Preface, 29 two further 'prefatory letters'and an introductory narrative in Chapter 1 and the opening pages of Chapter 2(35/10-37/22), before the dialogue proper begins on page 37/23 in Chapter 2. 30 Thisintroductory material sets up an elaborate fictional frame within which the dialogue properis meant to be read. The Preface begins with the 'author' 31 relating how a "ryghtworshypfull frende of myne" (21/7), hereafter called the Friend, sent a "secrete sure frendeof his" (21/8), referred to hereafter as the Messenger, to the 'author' with a certain`credence', i.e. message of introduction, to be declared to him. From what follows in Chapter1, it is clear that part of this 'credence' was meant to be read from a letter and the restpresented orally.32The Dialogue Concerning Heresies: Books I and II / 132At first the 'author' had thought it enough to reply orally to the matters raised by theMessenger in his 'credence'. After the Messenger had departed, however, the 'author',considering the seriousness of the matters discussed by the Messenger and him and notwishing to trust only in the Messenger's memory, had second thoughts and decided to writethe whole discussion down and send it to the Friend in writing. Since the DialogueConcerning Heresies, which purports to be a record of a series of conversations between theauthor, Chancellor More, and the Messenger, is over four hundred pages long, theMessenger would not only have to have a lot of good will, but also an excellent, even`photographic' memory. Though the 'author' protests his good faith in the Messenger,another reason he gives for writing their conversations down is the fear that the Messengermight be corrupted by the wrong side (i.e. the Lutherans) into misrepresenting theargument. However, the 'author's' rest did not last for long; for soon afterwards, hediscovered that various copies of his 'manuscript' had been made, and some taken over thesea (to Germany). Fearing that his 'manuscript' would fall into English Lutheran hands,and that his words might be corrupted and changed for the worse, he then took upon himselfthe third business of publishing and putting his book into print. 33 Prior to publishing his`manuscript', the 'author' showed it to various learned men, who at his request read itover. 34 This he did for two reasons.The two reasons draw attention to two important stylistic features of the work (onlyone of which is dealt with in this study), to which at least some of More's contemporary (andmodern) readers might be expected to object; namely, the strong language used by theMessenger, and the incorporation of merry tales into the dialogue: 35The one [reason] for the lyberall allegacyons of the messenger for thewronge parte so layde out at large / yt of myselfe I stode halfe in a doubtewhyther it were conuenient to reherse the wordes of any man so homly /and in maner somtyme vnreuerently spoken agaynst goddes holy halowes[saints] / and theyr reuerent memoryes. The other was certayne tales andThe Dialogue Concerning Heresies: Books I and II / 133mery wordes whiche he mengled with his matter / and some suche onmyne owne parte amonge / as occasyon fell in communycacyon.(CW 6, 23/11-18)The 'author' was encouraged in this by the example of the Church Fathers, who in theworks they wrote against heretics, did not hesitate to quote the actual words of theiropponents, even when they were "somtyme of suche maner and sorte as a good man woldenot well bere" (23/25-26). These same authors were also not afraid "to wryte a mery wordein a ryght ernest worke" (23/27). Nonetheless, he consulted the judgement of "othervertuouse & connynge men" (23/31), and followed their advice so that he let "nothyng standin this boke / but such as twayn aduysyd me specyally to let stande / agaynst any one thatany dowte mouyd me to the contrary" (24/10-12). Though the account of the Preface isobviously a fiction, it may reflect part of the actual process by which the real author, SirThomas More, actually prepared the work for publication, and it certainly does serve as adefence of the artistic decorum of the work, of More's deliberate adoption of the 'mixed' or`middle style', combining, like Chaucer's Canterbury Tales, matters of both 'sentence' and`solace'. 36 The Preface ends with a prayer that God will grant those, who read "this rudesymple worke" (24/14), as much profit in the reading "as my pore hart hath mente you andentended in the makynge" (24/16-17).The first chapter of Book I begins with the 'letter of credence' sent by the Friend toChancellor More. The Friend begins by thanking Chancellor More for his good companywhen they were last together and states that he is sending "my specyall secret frend thisberer [of the letter]" (24/32), i.e. the Messenger, to discuss with Chancellor More some ofthe same matters that they had previously discussed—we are never told what thesewere—and some that had arisen since then, that everyone is talking about. The 'letter ofcredence' does not actually specify what these matters are; this is left for the Messengerlater to deliver orally in his 'credence' in face-to-face conversation with Chancellor More,The Dialogue Concerning Heresies: Books I and II / 134perhaps, because they would be too dangerous to put into writing. The Friend is obviouslydisturbed by these matters:For I assure you / some folke here talke very straungely of ye thynges thathe shall moue you / Not onely for suche wordes as they tell / that comefrom thense / but also most especyally thrughe the occasyon of some letterslewdely wrytten hyther out of London by a preest or two / whom they takehere for honest. But what so euer any man tell or wryte / I shall for theconfydence and trust that I haue in you / surely take and tell forth for thevery truth / what so euer ye shall affyrme vnto my frende / whome Isende vnto you.... (CW 6, 25/15-22)The Friend states further that Chancellor More should speak to the Messenger as if he weretalking to the Friend himself. He expresses confidence in the trustworthiness and goodmemory of the Messenger, and praises him as being "more then meanly lerned / with onethyng added / where with ye be wonte well to be contente / a very mery wytte" (25/29-31).The Friend has bidden the Messenger to speak his mind boldly to Chancellor More, and notto strain at any courtesies. The Friend expresses confidence in Chancellor More's ability torise to the challenge in answering the Messenger's questions: "Thus may ye se I am boldeon your goodnes / to put you to labour and busynes / and sende one to face you in your ownehouse. But so moche am I bolder / for that in such chalenges [debates] I know you for a redyand sure defender" (26/2-6). The 'letter of credence' serves two functions. One is to remindthe readers that the discussions that follow in the Dialogue Concerning Heresies are part of amuch larger debate going on throughout England at the time, concerning, as we shall seebelow, the spread of heresy and the new Lutheran doctrines. The Friend obviously feels thatthese are matters of great urgency that need to be handled with some discretion onChancellor More's part. The other is to establish the 'credentials' of the Messenger, bearingas he does the confidence of the Friend, and also to delineate something of the Messenger'scharacter.What follows immediately after this, however, is not the Messenger's 'credence' butThe Dialogue Concerning Heresies: Books I and II / 135"The letter of the author sent with the boke", i.e. the fictional preface to the imaginary`manuscript' sent by Chancellor More to the Friend after the departure of the Messenger(see the Preface). In his 'letter' Chancellor More writes that although he has confidence inthe Messenger, he thought that the Friendwolde rather haue chosyn to haue hard my mynde of myne owne mouththan by the meane of another / I haue synse in these fewe days (in whicheI haue ben at home) put the matter in wryttyng / to the ende / ye may notonely here it by the mouth of your frende / but also (whiche better is /than sodenly ones to here yt of myne owne mouth) rede yt (yf ye lyst)more often at your best leysure aduysedly from myne owne pen.(CW 6, 26/21-27)Chancellor More then states that he went to this trouble not only because many doubted thetruth of the charges made "not onely of [against] that man ye wrote of / but also of Lutherhym selfe" (27/6-7). The man, whom Chancellor More carefully avoids referring to by name(more on this below), is obviously the subject of the letters that the Friend mentions in his`letter of credence'. The whole introduction is a masterpiece of indirection in that onlygradually do the major themes of the Dialogue Concerning Heresies come into focus—verymuch like the beginning of a movie, when the camera zooms in on the opening scene.After this comes the 'credence' of the Messenger, i.e. those matters entrusted by theFriend to the Messenger to be delivered orally to Chancellor More, and to which the Friend's`letter of credence' serves as an introduction. In his 'credence' (27/28-32/24), the Messengermakes four charges on behalf of the Friend that will become the subject matter of debate inwhat follows in the Dialogue Concerning Heresies, though in fact we actually do not get tothese matters until Books III and IV (more on this below). Chancellor More begins byaddressing the Friend:Your frende [i.e. the Messenger] 37 fyrst after your letter redde (whan Idemaunded hym his credence) shewed me that ye had sent hym to me / notfor any doubte that your selfe had in many of those thynges that he sholdemoue vnto me / but for the doubte that ye perceyued in many other / andThe Dialogue Concerning Heresies: Books I and II / 136in some folke playne persuasyon to the contrary.... (CW 6, 27/28-32)The first charge concerns an unnamed priest of whom "it was there not only spoken / butalso thyder wrytten by dyuers honest preestes out of London / that the man ye [i.e. theFriend] wryte of / was of many thynges borne wronge in hande" (28/1-4). The Messenger's`credence' goes on to claim that this priest had been greatly wronged, and falsely accused ofpreaching heresy by the clergy. This priest was almost certainly Thomas Bilney, but Moreas author goes to great lengths, as this remarkable periphrasis indicates, to avoid naminghim. This is a very distinctive and remarkable feature of More's Dialogue ConcerningHeresies. Apart from Luther and Tyndale, and Richard Hunne, who were too well-known toavoid naming, More very carefully avoids giving names. It is true that Bilney was still alivewhen the first two editions of the Dialogue Concerning Heresies were published, but theeffect is clearly to draw attention away from individual heretics to the discussion of heresyitself. Despite the frankness, casualness, and intimacy of the conversations in the DialogueConcerning Heresies, there is a public, impersonal quality to the work, reinforced by the lackof mention of names and of concrete details of setting. It also gives a strangely impersonal,and even at times sinister, quality to More's description or anatomy of the varieties ofheresy— a tone that pervades most of the Dialogue Concerning Heresies.The second matter (28/19-29/16) raised in the Messenger's 'credence' is the burning ofTyndale's 1526 translation of the New Testament at Paul's Cross. The Messenger accusesthe clergy of trying to keep the gospel out of the hands of the common people, and statesthat the cause of this is an ecclesiastical constitution (the Arundel Constitution of 1408),prohibiting the translation of any book of scripture into English. The third charge(29/17-21/6) condemns the clergy's treatment of Luther and his works. The Messengerstates that even if Luther is a heretic there is some good in what he says. The reason thathe was condemned was that he wrote somewhat liberally against the court of Rome and theThe Dialogue Concerning Heresies: Books I and II / 137vices of the clergy. The fourth charge (31/7-32/4) concerns the burning of heretics, and thewars against the Turks. The Messenger charges that the clergy do not show a proper spiritof charity when they burn heretics; and that in the early church, the old holy Fathers usedto dispute with heretics, and tried to win them over by teaching them, and not by faggots.And finally, the Messenger declares that we should convert the pagans, Turks and Saracensby peaceful means, and not by waging wars on them.After the Messenger has declared his "credence" and after protesting his Catholicorthodoxy, he adds one more point of his own, which becomes a very important sub-themerunning throughout Books I and II of the Dialogue Concerning Heresies. He argues that sinceChurch leaders are fallible we can never trust the reliability of their judgements (or thetruthfulness of their teaching): in particular, in the matter of heresy trials, that, since aman may easily be falsely accused, we can always doubt whether any person so condemnedfor heresy was in fact guilty:he thought he sayd (as of hymselfe) yt men myght without any parell ofheresy / for theyr owne parte / notwithstandyng any mannes judgementgyuen / yet well and reasonably doubte therM / For though he thought itheresy / to thynke the oppynyons of any man to be good and catholyque /whiche ben heresyes in dede / yet myght a man he thought without anyparell of heresy / doubte whyther he were an heretyke or no / that were bymannes iudgement condempned for one / syth it myght well happen that heneuer helde those oppynyons that were put vppon hym / but that he waseyther by false deposycyons or wrongefull wytnesse / or by the erroure ormalyce of vniust iudges condempned. (CW 6, 32/36-33/9)He effectively denies to ecclesiastical judges the ability to make binding judgements on theguilt or innocence of heretics. The Messenger, however, continues rather diplomatically byexpressing full confidence and trust in the ability of Chancellor More to answer the pointsmade in his 'credence'. Chancellor More continues his narrative, which throughout the`introduction' (in Chapters 1 and 2) is addressed to the Friend, by asking the Messenger"what maner acquayntaunce was bytwene hym & you [i.e. the Friend]" (33/22). TheThe Dialogue Concerning Heresies: Books I and II / 138Messenger replies that he is the tutor of the Friend's sons. On being asked further "to whatfaculte he had most gyuen his study" (33/24), he replied the study of "the latyn tonge [i.e.grammar]" (33/25). After heaping contempt upon all the other liberal arts apart from(Latin) grammar, he indicates that "he had ben (which I moche commende) studyouse inholy scrypture / whiche was he sayd lernynge ynoughe for a crysten man" (33/35-36). TheMessenger goes on to say that he has laboured to learn many texts of scripture by heart,and that he finds such great sweetness in the text itself that he has no time for theinterpretations of commentators, or for reading any glosses. The best solution to difficultiesin interpreting scripture is to compare one text with another, and to trust that God willreveal to the reader the true meaning of the passage. This introduces yet another majortheme of the Dialogue Concerning Heresies: namely, relationship between scripture and theoral tradition of the Church, and on how scripture is to be interpreted.After hearing this, Chancellor More, pretending lack of leisure, sends the Messengeraway to give himself time to prepare a reply to the Messenger's charges, and requires theMessenger to return the next morning. He explains to the Friend his real reasons:Vpon these wordes and other lyke / whan I consydered that your frende[i.e. the Messenger] was studyous of scrypture / & all thoughe I now hauea very good oppynyon of hym / nor at yt tyme had not all ye contrary /yet to be playne with you and hym bothe / by reason that he set thematter so well and lustely forwarde / he put me somwhat in doubtewhether he were (as yonge scolers be somtyme prone to newe fantasyes)fallen in to luthers secte. And that ye peraduenture somwhat ferynge thesame / dyd of good mynde the rather sende hym to me / with suche amessage / for that ye trusted he sholde be somwhat answered & satysfyedby me. (CW 6, 34/24-33)On the following day, when the Messenger returns, Chancellor More begins byrepeating the charges made in the Messenger's "credence," and promises that he willanswer them in turn:And then I shewed vnto hym / that... I wolde (all superfluousThe Dialogue Concerning Heresies: Books I and II / 139recapytulacyon set aparte) as bryefly as I conuenyently coude shewe hymmy mynde in them all. And fyrst begyn where he bygan at the abiuracyonof the man he spake of [Bilney]. Secondly wolde I touche the condemp-nacyon and burnyng of the new testament / translated by Tyndale. Thyrdlysomwhat wold I speke of Luther and his secte in generall. Fourthly andfynally / the thynge that he touched last / that is to wyt / the warre andfyghtyng agaynst infydels / with the condempnacyon of heretykes vntodethe / whiche two poyntys / hym selfe had combyned and knytte togyther.(CW 6, 35/24-36/4)Anyone reading this passage for the first time would naturally suppose, and everythingwhich we have read up to this point in the elaborate introductory frame would tend toconfirm, that this is a prospectus for the rest of the work that follows. And in fact, ThomasM. C. Lawler attempts to argue precisely this point in the introduction to the Yale edition(CW 6, 552-53). However, we have just reached one of the major cruxes in interpreting theDialogue Concerning Heresies, for what follows immediately in the next two hundred pagesof Books I and II of the Dialogue Concerning Heresies has nothing whatsoever to do with thisprospectus. The prospectus does indeed rather accurately describe the contents of Books IIIand IV (see Figure 4.1 below), but, before we can untangle the web, it is necessary to readon a bit further.The account continues on from this point as if it were going to deal immediately withthe first point. The man referred to here, as having recently abjured his heresies in anecclesiastical court, has been identified by modern scholars as the preacher Thomas Bilney,who though never mentioned by name anywhere in the Dialogue Concerning Heresies, wouldhave been very well known to More's contemporary audience. Bilney, who was later to beburnt at the stake in 1531, has been seen variously as a Lollard, an evangelical Catholic oran early Protestant martyr. 38 In 1527, Bilney had been tried for heresy and had abjured(and was released a year later), but also denied that he had preached the heresies inquestion. It is fairly clear that at least in 1527, the doctrines that Bilney preached weremainly Lollard in inspiration.The Dialogue Concerning Heresies: Books I and II / 140Recapitulates argument of Book 1:18 to Book 11:7 (dialogue-within-a-dialogue between the Messenger and "An Unnamed Critic")"the abiuracyon of the man he spake of [i.e. Bilney] (35/30)"the condempnacyon and burnyng of the new testament /translated by Tyndale" (35/31)On the posthumous heresy trial of Richard Hunne (an importantexample of reported dialogue-within-a-dialogue)]Introduction to Book IV; Chap. 2b contains a further defence ofimages (in 1531 and 1557 editions) (cf. 1:2 and III:1)"somewhat wold I speke of Luther and his secte in generall"(35/32)`On the examination of the English Lutheran preacher' (anextremely important example of dialogue-within-a-dialogue)]"the condempnacyon of heretykes vnto dethe" (36/3)"the warre and fyghtyng agynst infydels" (36/2)The Conclusion to the Dialogue Concerning HeresiesBook IIIChapter 1Heresies B1. Chapters 2-72. Chapters 8-14, 16[2b. Chapter 15Book IVChapters 1, 2b3a. Chapters 2a, 3-9[3b. Chapters 10-124a. Chapters 13, 15-18a4b. Chapter 14Chapter 18bFigure 4.1. The Structure of Books III and IV of HeresiesChancellor More begins by vindicating the integrity of Bilney's ecclesiastical judges(Cuthbert Tunstall and Cardinal Wolsey), and denies the claims of those priests who hadwritten letters out of London (i.e. the letters already referred to in the Friend's 'letter ofcredence') that Bilney had never in fact preached the heresies he had been accused of. Hegoes on to list Bilney's heresies:For the artycles where with he was charged / were that we sholde do noworshyp to any ymages / nor pray to any sayntes / or go onpylgrymagys / whiche thyngys I suppose euery good crysten man wyll agrefor heresyes. And therfore we shall let that poynt passe and so resort tothe seconde / to se whyther it were well prouyd that he preched them orno. (CW 6, 37/16-22)At this point it seems that Chancellor More is just about ready to launch into an account ofBilney's trial (an account that is actually postponed to Book III, Chapter 2), when theMessenger, refusing after all to let the first point pass, interjects "Syr quod your frende / IThe Dialogue Concerning Heresies: Books I and II / 141wolde for my parte well agre them for heresyes / but yet haue I hard som or [before] thisthat wold not do so. And therfore whan we call them heresyes / it were well done to tellwhy" (37/23-25).Here the dialogue proper begins, and in a move for which the reader has been leftcompletely unprepared, Chancellor More drops (or rather postpones) his intendedprospectus, and instead begins a defence of the traditional Catholic teachings on images,saints, miracles and pilgrimages, and other such matters, that takes up the whole of Books Iand II. It is true that the rubric to Chapter 2 has already warned the reader that the`author' intends briefly to declare "his mynde concernynge the confutacyon of thoseperylouse and pernycyouse opynyons" (35/17-18); however, there is no indication that this`brief' excursus will last over two hundred pages!Before throwing up our hands in despair and totally giving up on the introductoryframe (at least as an introduction to Books I and II), there is one last important piece ofevidence, that we have overlooked, namely the title-page. The title in both editions publishedin More's lifetime gives a detailed account of the contents:A dyaloge of syr Thomas More knyghte: one of the counsayll of oursouerayne lorde the kyng and chauncelloure of hys duchy of Lancaster.Wheryn be treatyd dyuers maters / as of the veneracyon & worshyp ofymagys & relyques / prayng to sayntis / & goynge on pylgrymage. Wythmany other thyngys touchyng the pestylent secte of Luther & Tyndale / bythe tone bygone in Saxony / & by the tother laboryd to be brought in toEngland. Newly ouersene by the sayd syr Thomas More chauncellour ofEngland. 1530. (CW 6, 3)We have finally found the indispensable clue—there are not one but actually two "DialoguesConcerning Heresies", which I will call Heresies A and Heresies B to avoid confusion with theformal four-book structure. Heresies A (corresponding roughly to Book I, Chapter 3 to BookIII, Chapter 1) which deals with the veneration of images and relics, praying to saints, andgoing on pilgrimages, and for which 37/16-22, already quoted above, effectively serves as aThe Dialogue Concerning Heresies: Books I and II / 142IntroductionCW 6, pp.1-20CW 6, pp. 21-24Book IChapter la (24/18-26/7)Chapter lb (26/8-27/27)Chapter le (27/28-32/24)Chapter ld (32/25-35/9)Chapter 2a (35/10-37/22)Heresies AChapter 2b (37/23-51/19)1. Chapters 3-172. Chapters 18-31Book II[Chapter la (187/1-189/7)3. Chapters lb-74. Chapters 8-12Table of Contents (in 1531 and 1557 editions). Taken from therubrics of the individual chapter headsUntitled Preface. Contains fictional narrative of the 'publicationhistory' of the workThe letter of credence sent by the Friend to Chancellor MoreThe letter of the authour sent with the boke—i.e. Chancellor More'sprefatory letter sent with the unpublished 'manuscript' of thedialogue to the FriendThe credence of the Messenger presented to Chancellor More orallyafter the reading of the 'letter of credence'. (The 'credence'contains four points or charges that are dealt with in Books IIIand IV)Chancellor More's narrative of his initial interview with theMessenger, after the Messenger has delivered his 'credence'Messenger returns next day. Chancellor More promises to replyto the four points of the Messenger's 'credence'. Begins thediscussion of the first point, the abjuration of Thomas Bilney,which however is then postponed to Book III, Chapter 2. Suddenand unprepared introduction of 'real' subject matter of thediscussion that follows in Books I and IIBeginning of dialogue proper. Definition of heresies, defence ofimages, and discussion of The Image of Love (in 1531 and 1557editions)On saints, images, miracles and pilgrimages (A 1 )On scripture and the oral tradition of the Church (A 2 )Recapitulates argument of Book I (mainly Chapters 18-31)]On the Catholic Church as the true Church of Christ (A 2 )More on images, relics, saints and pilgrimages (A 1 )Figure 4.2. The Structure of Books I and II of Heresiesprospectus; and Heresies B (corresponding roughly to the 'introductory frame' in Book I andBook III, Chaps. 2-16, and Book IV), which has already been outlined for us in the`introductory frame, and for which 35/24-36/4, already quoted above, serves as aprospectus, and which deals mainly with the treatment of Tyndale's translation of the NewTestament into English, and the spread of the Lutheran doctrines in England (and on theContinent).The Dialogue Concerning Heresies: Books I and II / 143But nothing is ever what it seems in dealing with Thomas More, and the actualcontents of Books I and II, can at best only be partially accounted for by this new"prospectus." Books I and II in fact have a "chiasmic" (a-b-b-a) or even quadripartitestructure—like that of Books III and IV. The second half of Book I and the first part of BookII actually deal with the nature of the Church: Book I (Chaps. 18-31) deals with therelationship between the oral tradition and the written scriptures, and Book II (Chaps. 1-7)with the Catholic Church as the true Church of Christ. The first half of Book I (Chaps. 3-17)in fact covers the grounds of the new prospectus of 37/16-22, and this material is taken upagain in the second part of Book II (Chaps. 8-12). 39 See Figure 4.2 for an analysis of thestructure of Books I and II (including the introductory material). The sections of Heresies A(Book I, Chaps. 18-31, and Book II, Chaps. 1-7) that deal with the nature of the Churchand of the relationship between the oral tradition of the Church and the written scripturesfunction almost like a "dialogue-within-a-dialogue" within Heresies A —in a fashion similar tothe 'Cardinal Morton Episode' within the framework of Book I of Utopia. I shall refer to thispart of Heresies A as Heresies A 2 , while the sections of Heresies A that deal with the defenceof images, pilgrimages, saints and miracles, and so on, will be referred to hereafter asHeresies A 1 .Before going on to discuss the argument of Books I and II, I wish to address briefly therelationship between the two halves of the Dialogue Concerning Heresies, which I am nowcalling Heresies A and Heresies B. Heresies A is a general defence of Catholic beliefs—on thedevotion to images and saints, on miracles and pilgrimages, and also on the nature of theChurch and of the relationship between the oral tradition of the Church and the writtenscriptures—against the traditional attacks of the Lollards, as restated with renewed vigourby the early English Protestants; whereas Heresies B is clearly an occasional pieceresponding to the then current issues of the heresy trial of Bilney (1527), and theThe Dialogue Concerning Heresies: Books I and II / 144ecclesiastical prohibition of Tyndale's 1526 English translation of the New Testament.Apart from the discussion of the problems surrounding Tyndale's translation and oftranslations of the Bible in general in the second half of Book III, and possibly the account of"The Examination of the Lutheran Preacher" in Book IV, Chap. 11 which deals with thecentral Lutheran doctrine of justification by faith, the topics of discussion in Heresies B aremainly of historical interest. The material in Heresies B is on the whole much moredisjointed and less organised. And yet it is clear both from the elaborate 'introductory frame'and also from the historical circumstances, that Heresies B in some sense came first.In 1528, More though a layman was commissioned by his good friend and fellowhumanist Cuthbert Tunstall, then bishop of London (and later of Durham), to write indefence of the Catholic faith. 40 No doubt More and Tunstall, as the `semi-fictional' accountof the Preface suggests, discussed what matters More should address in writing in defence ofthe Church. The list was in all probability similar to that presented by the Messenger in his`credence' outlined above, though it may have also included other matters such as thedoctrine of Purgatory that More was to address in his later polemical works. However, Moreseems to have felt the need also to include a general defence of the whole system of Catholicbeliefs then coming under renewed attack from English Lutherans, like Tyndale. Clearly,Heresies A is no afterthought in the way that Hexter has tried to argue in connection withBook I of Utopia. 41 Heresies A is too tightly and coherently organised to be a later addition.It takes up more than half of the Dialogue Concerning Heresies, and makes the discussionthat follows in Heresies B seem almost anticlimactic. More may have already conceived theneed for such a general defence independently of Cuthbert Tunstall's commission and of thematters treated in Heresies B. Far from being an afterthought, More, who in real life wasfond of surprising his friends and playing jokes on them, deliberately set out to surprise hisreaders and catch them offguard by giving them more than they bargained for—as he alsoThe Dialogue Concerning Heresies: Books I and II / 145did with Utopia I.4.3.2. Definitions of Heresy and Orthodoxy and The Image of Love (I: 2)The 'dialogue' proper in the Dialogue Concerning Heresies begins with importantdefinitions of "heresy" and "orthodoxy" that will be crucial for everything that follows. Afteraffirming his own orthodoxy (37/30-34), Chancellor More starts off by defining heresy as "asecte and a syde way (taken by any parte of suche as ben baptysed / and bere the name ofcrysten men) from the comen fayth and byleue of the hole chyrche besyde" (37/35-38/2). Tothis Chancellor More adds an equally important definition of orthodoxy. He appeals to thesensus fidelium, 'the consensus of the faithful', and particularly the writings of the ChurchFathers, as the basis for defining orthodoxy:For this [ie. the common faith and belief of Christ's Church, cf. 37/34] am Ivery sure and perceyue it well / not onely by experyens of myne ownetyme / & ye places where my selfe hath ben / with comen report of otherhonest men / from al other places of crystendom / but by bokes also &remembrauncys left of long tyme with wrytyng of ye olde holy fathers /and now sayntes in heuen / yt from ye appostles tyme hytherto / thismaner hath ben vsed / taught and alowed / and the contrary commonlycondempned / thrughe the hole flocke of all good crysten people.(CW 6, 38/2-10)The definition of heresy given above is crucial for the discussion of Heresies A l andeventually for Heresies B, while the definition of orthodoxy as the sensus fidelium is crucialto Chancellor More's defence of Catholic orthodoxy, and of the equal value (as divineRevelation) to be given both to the oral tradition of the Church and the written scriptures.Chancellor More begins his discussion of heresy by dealing with the contemporaryattack on the veneration of images (Heresies A l starts at this point at 38/11). It was a goodplace to begin since the question of images was central to the earlier Lollard attack on theChurch in the late Middle Ages, 42 and was one of the central issues at the heart of theReformation debate. Indeed, More's work has itself sometimes been referred to as theThe Dialogue Concerning Heresies: Books I and II / 146"Dialogue of Images." 43 Chancellor More starts by arguing that the scriptural passagesquoted by heretics as proof texts to condemn the worship of images 44 actually condemn theworship of pagan idols, and not the veneration of Christian saints. He then cites theexample of various Church Fathers who "vnderstode those textes / as well as dyd thoseheretyques" (38/24-25). 45However, at this point in the second edition of 1531, More made an important additionto the text (39/26-47/22) 46 that results in postponing the real beginning of Heresies A l tothe next chapter. The material added in the 1531 edition becomes in effect a 'prologue' tothe argument that follows, starting in Chapter 3. The addition deals with the attack onimages contained in the mildly heretical The Image of Love, written by the ObservantFranciscan John Ryckes (d. 1532), and first published anonymously in 1525. 47 Followinghis usual custom in his polemical works, More refrains from naming his opponent (althoughhe apparently knew who he was). The discussion of attack on images in The Image of Love,serves as a microcosm of or preparation for the much larger treatment of heresies inHeresies A l and Heresies B.The 1531 addition opens with Chancellor More asking whether "these heretyques",when they mention the name of Jesus, hold it in honour and reverence or not. If they do,then:syth that name of Iesus is nothyng els but a worde / whiche by wrytyng orby voyce representeth vnto the herer the person of our sauyour Chryst /fayne wolde I wytte of these heretyques / yf they gyue honour to ye nameof our lorde / whiche name is but an ymage representynge his person tomannes mynde and ymagynacyon / why and with what reason can theydyspyse a fygure of hym carued or paynted / whiche representeth hym andhis actes / farre more playne and more expressely. (CW 6, 39/32-40/5)More argues, in terms reminiscent of the great mediaeval (Realist vs. Nominalist) debate onthe relationship between res and verba, that an image may be a more accuraterepresentation of a thing than a word. The Messenger replies by criticising the riches spentThe Dialogue Concerning Heresies: Books I and II / 147on making images and statues, and quotes The Image of Love as saying that images arelaymen's books, and that religious men should abandon all such dead images. The author ofThe Image of Love also condemns the cost of church ornaments, and states that the moneyso used were better spent on the poor. Chancellor More replies by declaring that though theauthor of The Image of Love was well-intentioned, he was carried away by his fervour andwrote ill-advisedly. Though holy bishops have sometimes relieved the poor through the saleof church vessels and plate, from earliest times churches have been ornamented withprecious metals and chalices made from gold and silver, and not from wood. When Solomonused gold to furnish the Temple, there were many poor people in Israel and the furnishingsof the Temple were not broken up again and the gold given to the poor. The Messengerreplies by quoting the argument of The Image of Love that all those things in the OldTestament were gross and carnal, and that Christians should leave off worshipping Godwith gold and silver, and serve him instead only with spiritual things.Chancellor More counters the argument that religion is purely spiritual by citing theexample of the Old Testament patriarchs and of Christ himself on the need for outwarddevotion:For as for ye good godly man Moyses / he thought yt to pray not onely inmynde / but with mouth also was a good way. The good kynge Dauydthought it plesaunt to god / not onely to pray with his mouth / but also tosynge & daunce to / to goddes honoure / and blamed his folysshe wyfe /whyche dyd at yt tyme as these folysshe heretyques do nowe / mockyngethat bodyly seruyce. Holy saynt Iohan ye Baptyst not onely / baptysed &preched / but also fasted / watched / prayed and ware here [a hairshirt].Cryst our sauyour hym selfe / not onely prayed in mynd / but also withmouth / which kynde of prayer these holy spyrytuall heretyques nowe calllyppe laboure in mockage. (CW 6, 44/6-17)The Messenger responds that the use of rich ornaments in church and other such bodilyceremonies are, as the Image of Love calls them, shadows of the Old Law. Chancellor Morereplies that the Old Testament prohibition was meant as a condemnation of the idols of theThe Dialogue Concerning Heresies: Books I and II / 148pagans, and that not all images were condemned since the Jews had images of theCherubim in the Temple.After repeating the traditional teaching of the Church on the difference between thereverence offered to an image (dulia) and that offered to God alone (latria), which becomesan important motif running throughout the Dialogue Concerning Heresies, Chancellor Morereturns to the defence of images as "lay mennes bokes":all the wordes that be eyther wrytten or spoken / be but ymagesrepresentyng the thynges that ye wryter or speker conceyueth in hismynde: lykewyse as the fygure of the thynge framed with ymagynacyonand so conceyued in the mynde / is but an ymage representyng the verythyng it selfe that a man thynketh on. (CW 6, 46/14-18)More's view of language is very similar to that put forward by Plato in the Phaedrus, 48except that Chancellor More puts more emphasis on visual imagery. For Plato there areonly the spoken and written words and the "idea", but for More, following Aristotle andAquinas here, 49 there is also the image, which can be a more effectual representation of athing than any word spoken or written:then is the wrytyng not the name it selfe / but an ymage representyng yename. And yet all these names spoken / and all these wordes wrytten / beno naturall sygnes or ymages but onely made by consent and agrement ofmen / to betoken and sygnyfye suche thynge / where as ymages paynted /grauen / or carued / may be so well wrought and so nere to the quycke andto ye trouth / that they shall naturally / and moche more effectuallyrepresent the thynge then shall the name eyther spoken or wrytten. For hethat neuer herde the name of your mayster [the Friend] / shall yf euer hesawe hym be brought in a ryght full remembraunce of hym by his ymagewell wrought and touched to the quycke. And surely sauynge that men cannot do it / els if it myght commodyously be done / there were not in thisworlde so effectuall wrytyng as were to expresse all thyng in ymagery.(CW 6, 46/25-47/3)Chancellor More then goes on to argue that an image of the crucifix is more effective incalling the image of Christ's passion to mind than the words "Christus crucifixus" (47/15),and that the real reason that heretics destroy images is to quench devotion in men's heartsThe Dialogue Concerning Heresies: Books I and II / 149rather than to inflame it. At this point the 1531 addition ends, and Chancellor Moreconcludes Chapter 2 by pointing out that the heretics who condemn the veneration of God'sservants, the saints, and claim that God alone should be venerated, do not hesitate to givehonour to earthly rulers, and even to their servants. Regarding church ornaments, Godhimself has given mankind enough riches both to ornament churches and also to give moneyto the poor.4.3.3. On Saints, Images, Miracles and Pilgrimages (I: 3-17) (A 1 )After reminding Chancellor More that he is repeating the opinions of others, theMessenger goes on to attack pilgrimages: "But ouer this it semeth to smell of ydolatry /whan we go on pylgrymage to this place and that place / As thoughe god were not lykestronge or not lyke present in euery place" (52/10-13). He argues that when we invoke oneimage of Our Lord or Our Lady over another that it is a sure sign that we put more trust inthe image than in Our Lord or Our Lady. Chancellor More responds by arguing that:the flocke of tryst is not so folysshe as those heretyques bere them inhande / that where as there is no dogge so madde / but he knoweth a verycony [rabbit] from a cony carued & paynted / crysten peple yt haue reasonin theyr heddes / & therto the lyght of fayth in theyr soulys / shold wenethat thymages of our lady were our lady her selfe. Nay they be not I trustso madde / but they do reuerence to thymage for the honour of the personwhom it representyth / as euery man delytyth in thymage andremembraunce of his frende. (CW 6, 56/10-18)He goes on to argue that though the Christian believer may have a remembrance of Christ'sPassion in his mind that: "he fyndyth hymselfe more mouyd to pyte and compassyon / vponthe beholdynge of the holy crucyfyxe / than whan he lackyth it" (56/22-24).Chancellor More also replies to the Messenger's attack on pilgrimages that though Godis everywhere, this did not prevent him from choosing to be present in a special way to theIsraelites in the desert under the form of a cloud by day and a pillar of fire by night, andalso to be present in a special way in the Arc of the Covenant and the Temple of Jerusalem.The Dialogue Concerning Heresies: Books I and II / 150When the Messenger objects, quoting the Gospel (cf. John 4:20-24), that "very worshypperssholde worshyp in spyryte / and in truthe / not in the hyll or in Ierusalem / or any othertemple of stone" (57/29-30), Chancellor More replies:I wolde well agre / that no temple of stone was vnto god so pleasaunt / asthe temple of mannes harte / But yet that nothynge letteth orwithstandeth / but that god vvyll / that his crysten people haue in sundryplaces / sundry temples and chyrches / to whiche they sholde besyde theyrpryuat prayers assemble solemply / and resorte in company to worshyphym togyder / such as dwell so nere togyder / that they may conuenyentlyresorte to one place. (CW 6, 57/31-58/2)The Messenger then asks why God would "set more by one place than by another" (60/9).To which Chancellor More replies that, though he did not know why, he was sure that God's"pleasure in some place is / to shewe more his assystence / and to be more specyally soughtvnto / than in some other" (60/17-19).The Messenger asks how he can be so sure of that and Chancellor More replies thatGod "hath proued my parte in dyuers pylgrymages by the workyng of many mo than athousande myracles / one tyme and other" (60/28-29). He goes on to develop the argumentfrom miracles further:But whan so euer our lorde bath in any place wrought a myracle / allthough he nothyng do it for the place / but for the honour of that saynt /whom he wyll haue honoured in that place / or for the fayth that hefindeth with some that prayeth in that place / or for the encrease of fayth /which he fyndeth fallynge and decayed in that place / nedynge the shewe ofsome myracles for the reuyuyng / what so euer the cause be / yet I thynkethe affeccyon is to be commended of men and women / that with gooddeuocyon ronne thyther / where they se or here that our lorde sheweth ademonstracyon of hys specyall assystence. And whan he sheweth many inone place / it is a good token / that he wolde be sought vpon / andworsshypped there. (CW 6, 61/5-16)The Messenger immediately objects to Chancellor More's argument that the force of hisargument depends on the evidence of miracles, and suggests that the miracles may be lies orthe work of the Devil. To which Chancellor More replies that the force of his argumentThe Dialogue Concerning Heresies: Books I and II / 151depends not on miracles, but on the faith of Christ's Church: "by the common consentwherof these matters be decyded & well knowen that ye worshyp of sayntes and ymagesben alowed / approbate / and accustomed for good crysten and merytoryous vertues"(62/18-22).The Messenger counters by raising a new argument that, miracles are contrary to"reason and nature," and that he will not believe the reports of honest men, be they neverso many or so credible "where as reason and nature (of whiche twayne euery one ys alonemore credyble then they all) sheweth me playnly yt theyr tale is vntrew / as it must nedys /yf the matter be impossyble / as it is in all these myracles" (64/18-21). Chancellor Moreresponds that some things are true even though they seem contrary to "nature and reason."For example, if a "man of Inde", i.e. an Ethiopian, 49a had never seen a white man, he mightsuppose that it were contrary to "reason and nature" for man to be white. In such a case"who were in the wronge / he that byleueth his reason and nature / or they yt agaynst hisperswasyon of reason and nature shall tell hym as it is of trouthe?" (65/8-11). He thengives several more examples such as the making of glass from fern roots, or the separatingof gold from silver with a "fair water", or the drawing of a piece of gilted silver into a rodseveral yards long. The Messenger refuses to believe these examples. Chancellor More thenpromises to bring forward ten or twenty witnesses to confirm his report. The Messengerinsists in a typically rationalist fashion on claiming infallible authority for his own subjectivereason:If they were quod he .x. thousande / they were worn out of credence withme / whan they sholde tell me that they sawe the thynge that my selfeknoweth by nature and reason vnpossyble. For whan I knowe it coulde notbe done / I knowe well that they lye all / be they neuer so many that saythet sawe it done. (CW 6, 68/20-24)Chancellor More claims to have seen these other examples himself, and promises to bringthe Messenger the next day to where two trusty witnesses, his own eyes, can confirm theThe Dialogue Concerning Heresies: Books I and II / 152example of the drawing out of the piece of gilt silver.The Messenger replies that, unlike these earlier examples, "reason and nature techethme surely / that myracles be thynges that can not be done" (71/7-8). Chancellor Moredenies this by arguing that, on the contrary, nature and reason show that there is a Godwho is almighty, and who can work miracles that cannot be done by nature. Just asChancellor More and the Messenger have fundamentally different understandings of thenature of "reason" (consensual vs. private), 50 so also do they differ radically in theirunderstanding of the nature of "nature". The Messenger argues further that reason showsus that:god hath set all thynges all redy fro the fyrst creacyon to go forthe in acertayne order and course / whiche order and course men call nature / &that bath he of his infynyte wysdome done so well / and prouyded ytcourse to go forth in suche a maner and fassyon / that it can not bemended. (CW 6, 74/11-15)God will never work anything against the course of nature, which he has already made "inso goodly an order / that it were not possyble to be better / and ye goodnes of god wyll makeno chaunge to ye worse" (74/23-25). Chancellor More argues, on the other hand, thatreason shows that though God has made all things good, it does not prove that they were"wrought to the vtterest poynt of souerayne goodnes" (74/32-33), for infinite perfection isfound only in the Trinity. In working miracles, God does nothing contrary to nature, butdoes "some specyall benefyte aboue nature" (75/16). Being almighty, God can do all things,"& in doing of myracles he doth [them] for ye better" (75/18-19).The Messenger remains unconvinced, however, and stubbornly sticks to his position.He refuses to believe in miracles, "For I spake neuer yet with any man that coulde tell methat euer he sawe any" (75/31-32). Chancellor More replies that among so many reports ofmiracles in every nation, both Christian and heathen, there must be some that are true,especially the ones mentioned in the scripture: "And syth ye be a crysten man and receyueThe Dialogue Concerning Heresies: Books I and II / 153scrypture I myght in this matter quod I / haue choked you longe a go / with the manyfoldemyracles and meruayls that be shewed there" (76/34-36). The Messenger backs down andadmits "that god hath besyde the comen course of nature wrought many myracles"(77/9-10), but goes on to question "all suche as men say now adayes be done at dyuerspylgrymagys by dyuers sayntys or dyuers ymagys" (77/19-20). The Messenger clearlywants to have his cake and eat it too, on the one hand by accepting biblical miracles, but onthe other hand by rejecting miracles done at pilgrimage shrines. 51 Chancellor More repeatshis earlier defence of miracles as being only impossible to nature, but certainly possible toGod. He then goes on to describe some natural miracles such as the "miracle of birth" or theebbing and flowing of the tides. We only take these things for granted because they happenso commonly. In what is possibly an anticipation of modern coronary heart resuscitation, hethen declares that there is no causewhy we sholde of reason more meruayle of the reuyuyng of a dede man /than of the bredynge / bryngynge forth and growynge of a chylde vnto thestate of a man.... And I am sure / yf ye saw dede men as commenly calledagayne by myracle / as ye se men brought forth by nature / ye woldereken it lesse meruayle to bryng the soule agayne into the body / kepyngeyet styli his shappe and his organys not moche perysshyd / than of a lytellseede to make all that gere newe / and make a new soule therto. (CW 6,80/12-21).God does not need our advice on when or where he should work miracles.The Messenger next goes on to argue that the miracles done at pilgrimage shrines areall pious frauds. Chancellor More replies by arguing that though pious frauds sometimes areperpetrated, that God always brings them to light in the end. He then denies that there isany difference between biblical miracles and the miracles done at pilgrimage shrines, andcites the writings of the Church Fathers, who all reported the occurrence of miracles in theirtimes. Chancellor More then concludes:And where ye saye that of myracles many be nowe a dayes fayned / soThe Dialogue Concerning Heresies: Books I and II / 154may it be that some were than also / but neyther than nor nowe neyther /were nor be all fayned. And any beynge trewe all were they ryght fewe /suffysed for our purpose.... (CW 6, 90/19-22)Thus, it is a mistake to condemn all miracles done at pilgrimage shrines just because someare false.The Messenger then returns again to his earlier attack on images (cf. Chap. 2). He firstrepeats the teaching of the Schools on images:And therfore ye scoles as I here saye deuyse a treble dyfference inworshyppyng / callyng the one dulya the reuerence or worshyp that mandoth to man / as ye bonde man to the lorde. The seconde yperdulya that aman doth to a more excellent creature as to aungels or sayntes. The thyrdelatria the veneracyon honoure and adoracyon that creatures dothe onely togod. (CW 6, 97/26-33)He goes on to assert that the veneration offered to images corresponds to the highest form ofworship (latria):For what doo we to god when we do worshyp hym in that fassyon thatthey call latria / but we do the same to sayntes and ymages bothe? yf itstande in knelyng / we knele to sayntes and theyr ymages / yf inprayenge / we pray as bytterly to them as to god. If in sensynge andsettynge vp of candels / we cense them also and set some saynt .vii.candelles agaynst god one. So that what so euer fassyon of worshyppyngelatria be / the same is as largely done to sayntes and ymages as to god.(CW 6, 98/2-9)The Messenger then claims that the common people put their trust in images instead of thesaints themselves or God. At this point Chancellor More postpones any further discussion ofmiracles, and begins an extended discussion of the relationship between the oral tradition ofthe Church and the written scriptures, and of Catholic orthodoxy—this is the matter ofHeresies A 2 , which begins with Book I, Chap. 18 and ends with Book II, Chap. 7. Thedefence of images, pilgrimages, saints, and miracles (Heresies A 1 ) is resumed again in BookII, Chap. 8.The Dialogue Concerning Heresies: Books I and II / 1554.3.4. On Scripture and the Oral Tradition of the Church (E18-31) (A 2 )Chancellor More praises the Messenger for his steadfast defence of his position: "yehaue not fayntly defended your parte" (101/13-14), but have said "moche more than I haueherde of any man els / or coulde haue sayd of my selfe" (101/19-20). However, he puts theMessenger's objections to miracles aside for the time and turns to the twin issues of theauthority of the written scriptures and of the oral tradition of the Church. The Messengergrants that the Church cannot stand without faith and that:no man wyll denye but yt fayth is & alway shalbe in his [Christ's] chyrche.And that his chyrche not in fayth onely and the knowlege of the truthesnecessary to be knowen for our soule helth / but also to ye doynge of goodworkys & auoydyng of euyls / is / hath ben and euer shall be specyallygyded and gouerned by god and the secrete inspyracyon of his holy spyryte.(CW 6, 111/5-10)Chancellor More responds by arguing that if the Church has faith it cannot err either byfailing to believe all that is necessary to believe in order to be saved, or on the other hand bybelieving in false doctrine. He goes on to claim that if the Church accepted the veneration ofsaints as lawful, though it were indeed unpleasant to God, then that would be a form ofidolatry and show a lack of proper faith.Since the Messenger, for all his gusto in reporting various heretical opinions, is aCatholic layman, he accepts that "the chyrche can not erre in the ryght fayth necessary tobe byleued" (112/9-10). Chancellor More concludes that it follows from this that:the chyrche in yt it byleueth sayntes to be prayed vnto / relyques andymages to be worshypped / & pylgrymages to be vysyted & sought / is notdysceyued nor dothe not erre / but that the byleue of the chyrche is trewetherin. And therupon also foloweth that ye wonderfull workes done abouenature / at suche ymages & pylgrymages / at holy relyques by prayersmade vnto sayntes / be not done by ye deuyll to delude the chyrche ofCryst therwith / syth the thynge yt the chyrche doth / is well done & notIdolatry. But by the great honour done vnto sayntes / god hymselfe themore hyghly honoured / in yt his seruauntes haue so moche honoure for hissake. And therof foloweth it / that hym selfe maketh the myracles incomprobacyon therof. (CW 6, 112/13-24)The Dialogue Concerning Heresies: Books I and II / 156Though the Messenger accepts Chancellor More's argument, he raises the objection thatGod is present with the Church mainly in scripture, that God "hath gyuen them and leftewith them the scrypture / in whiche they may suffycyently se / both what they sholdebyleue / and what they sholde do" (113/27-29), and that they may "se all that them nedythyf they wyll loke and labour therM" (113/31-32).The Messenger argues that just as Moses and the Prophets left their books behindthem, so also God is present with his Church in the holy scriptures. To which ChancellorMore replies that if the Messenger is correct then the words of Christ were somewhatstrangely spoken "For Cryst lefte neuer a booke behynde hym of his owne makyng / asMoyses dyd and the prophetes" (114/32-33), and that when Christ spoke these words theNew Testament was not yet written. He adds further:For where our lorde sayth that his wordes shall not passe away / nor oneiote therof be lost / he spake of his promyses made in dede / as his faythand doctryne taught by mouth and inspyracyon. He mente not that of hisholy scrypture in wrytynge there sholde neuer a iote be lost / of whichesome partes be all redy lost / more peraduenture than we call tell of. Andof that we haue the bokes in some parte corrupted with mysse wrytynge.And yet the substaunce of those wordes that he mente ben knowen / wheresome parte of ye wrytynge is vnknowen. (CW 6, 115/18-27)The Holy Spirit has taught many things, such as the perpetual virginity of Our Lady, whichare not contained in scripture: "And thus with secreet helpe and inspyracyon is Cryst withhis chyrche / and wyll be to the worldes ende present and assystent. Not onely spoken of inwrytynge" (116/9-11). The Holy Spirit guides the Church and protects it from error ininterpreting scripture:He sayd not that the holy goste sholde at his commyng wryte them alltrouth / nor tell them all the hole trouth by mouth / but that he shold bysecret inspyracion lede them into all trouth. And therfore surely for a trewconclusyon in suche meanys by god hym selfe / by the helpe of his grace(as your selfe graunteth) ye ryght vnderstandynge of scrypture / is euerpreserued in his chyrche from all suche mystakyng / wherof myght folowany damnable errour concernyng the fayth. (CW 6, 119/14-21)The Dialogue Concerning Heresies: Books I and II / 157After condemning heretical preachers who take the Bible as their sole guide, ChancellorMore reaffirms his own devotion to scripture. Human learning, however, has value as welland is not to be cast away, but is worthy to serve as a handmaid to theology. However, thebest part of theology is contained in scripture.The writings of the Church Fathers have special value for interpreting scripture. Inaddition, reason and faith are two good rules for interpreting doubtful texts. When any textof scripture seems to be contrary to the articles of the faith of the Church, then theinterpreter should follow the rule laid down by St. Augustine:let hym then as saynt Augustyne saythe / make hym selfe very sure ytthere is some fawte eyther in the translatour / or in the wryter / or nowe adayes in the prynter / or fynally that for some one let [hindrance] or otherhe vnderstandeth it not a ryght. And so let hym reuerently knowlege hisignoraunce / lene and cleue to the fayth of the chyrche as to an vndoutydtrouthe / leuynge that texte to be better perceyuyd whan it shall please ourlorde wyth hys lyght to reuele and dysclose it. (CW 6, 127/29-128/2)The Messenger objects that reason is an enemy to faith. Chancellor More replies thatthough God's grace is an important aid in interpreting scripture, God also makes use ofman's reason. Reason in turn needs to be trained and developed: "reason is by study / labourand exercyse of Logyk / Phylosophy and other lyberall artes corroborate and quyckened /and ye iudgement bothe in them and also in oratours / lawes & storyes moche ryped"(132/6-11).For More the word of God is primarily a spoken word. The law of Christ's faith consistsnot only of the words written in the books of the Evangelists, but also the substance of thefaith which Our Lord said he would write in men's hearts. Christ "fyrste without wrytyngereueled those heuenly mysteryes by hys blessyd mouth / thorowe the eres of his appostlesand dyscyples in to theyr holy hartes" (143/12-14). The faith of Christ came to the apostles:fyrste without wrytynge by onely wordes and prechynge / so was it spreddeabrode in the worlde / that his fayth was by the mouthes of his holyThe Dialogue Concerning Heresies: Books I and II / 158messengers put in to mennes eres / & by his holy hande wrytten inmennes hartes or [before] euer any worde therof almost was wrytten in theboke. And so was it conuenyent for the lawe of lyfe / rather to be wryttenin the lyuely myndes of men / than in ye dede skynnes of bestes. And Inothynge doubte / but all had it so ben / that neuer gospell hadde benwrytten / yet sholde the substaunce of this fayth neuer haue fallen out ofcrysten folkes hartes / but the same spyryte that planted it / the samesholde haue watered it / the same shold haue kepte it / ye same shold haueencreased it. (CIV 6, 143/30-144/7)No evangelist or apostle "by wrytynge euer sente the faythe to any nacyon / but yf theywere furste enformyd by worde" (144/26-27). The apostles and evangelists also taughtmany things orally that were not committed to writing. Christ's word "nedeth none otherauthoryte but hym selfe / but is to be byleued and obeyed / be it wrytten or not wrytten"(147/34-35). St. Paul also commanded the Thessalonians to keep the traditions that he hadhanded on to them whether orally or in writing. Chancellor More asks the Messengerwhether the faith of the Church is the Word of God spoken by God to the Church. TheMessenger replies that God speaks to his Church in scripture, to which Chancellor Moreresponds: "And is nothyng goddes wordys quod I but scrypture? The wordes that god spaketo Moyses were they not goddes wordys all / tyll they were wryten? And ye wordes of Crystto his apostles were they not his wordys tyll they were wryten?" (155/4-7). The Messengercontinues to insist, however, that Christ has revealed his will sufficiently in holy scriptures.Chancellor More at this point gets very frustrated with the Messenger's obtuseness,and points out various things, such as the change of the sabbath day to Sunday and theperpetual virginity of Our Lady about which nothing is mentioned in scriptures. He nextraises the issue of the existence of contradictions between various places in scripture, andalso between various interpretations of the same passage. The Messenger suggests prayerand drawing lots as ways of choosing between two interpretations. Chancellor More arguesin turn that since Christ bids us believe and obey his Church:therefore are we bounden not onely to byleue agaynste oure owne reason /The Dialogue Concerning Heresies: Books I and II / 159the poyntes that god sheweth vs in scrypture / but also that god techethhis chyrche without scrypture & agaynst our owne mynde also / to gyuedylygent herynge / ferme credence / and faythfull obedyence to the chyrcheof Cryst / concernynge the sence and vnderstandynge of holy scrypture. Notdoubtyng but syth he hath commaunded his shepe to be fedde / he hatheprouyded for them holesome mete and trewe doctryne. (CW 6, 166/15-23)The Messenger is not convinced and the two of them argue back and forth inconclusively.Chancellor More asserts that "the chyrche alwayes hath and alwayes shall haue theknowledge and byleue of suche thynges as god wyll haue it bounden to byleue" (174/31-33).To which the Messenger replies: "god hath lefte holy scrypture to the chyrche / and thereinis all / and the chyrche byleueth that to be trewe" (174/34-35), and furthermore that in thescriptures the Church has "warnynge and lernyng of goddes pleasure that ye speke of /without whiche it can not endure" (175/1-2).Chancellor More is just about ready to throw his hands up: "Are ye there yet agaynequod I?" (175/3). The argument is clearly going round in circles at this point. He goes on toemphasize the role of the Holy Spirit in guiding the Church, and keeping it free from error:Loo oure lorde sayd not that the holy goost sholde wryte vnto his chyrcheall trouthe / but that he sholde lede them by secrete inspyracyon andinclynacyon of theyr hartes in to all trouthe / in whiche muste nedes beconceyued bothe informacyon and ryghte byleue of euery necessary artycle /and of the ryght and trew sense of holy scrypture / as far as shall berequysyte to conserue ye chyrch from any dampnable errour. (CW 6,178/23-29)More is unusual, as a sixteenth century author, in putting so much emphasis on the role ofthe Holy Spirit. It has not been sufficiently recognised by modern critics just how organicMore's conception of the Church is. Hence, the importance also of consensus, the "commoncorps of Crystendom" of More's English writings. 52 Chancellor More then raises thequestion, which has so disturbed modern Protestant Biblical criticism, of the authenticity ofthe authorship of the books of the New Testament:Whyche gospell telleth you that Cryste was borne of a vyrgyn?^TheThe Dialogue Concerning Heresies: Books I and II / 160gospell of saynt Luke quod he. How knowe you that quod I? For I redeit so quod he in the boke. Ye rede quod I suche a boke. But howe knoweyou that saynt Luke made it? How knowe I quod he other bokys / but bythat they here the names of theyr authors wrytten vppon them? Knoweyou it well therby quod I? Many bokes be there that haue falseinscrypcyons / and are not the bokes of theym that they be named by.(CW 6, 180/1-12)The Messenger responds that even if the Church did mistake the name of the evangelist,that nonetheless the gospel is true. Chancellor More responds by asking him how he knowsthat the scriptures are true. The Messenger is forced to admit that we believe in thescriptures because the Church has always done so. Chancellor More reiterates his point:For were it not for the spyryte of god kepynge the trouthe therof in hischyrche / who coulde be sure whiche were ye very gospels? There weremany that wrote the gospell. And yet hath the chyrche by secrete instinctof god / reiected ye remenaunt & chosen out these foure / for the surevndoubted trewe. (CW 6, 181/12-17)He then proceeds to demolish the Messenger's argument that we should believe nothing thatthe Church teaches unless it can be proved from scripture by pointing out that we could notbelieve the scriptures unless they had been approved by the judgement and tradition of theChurch. The Messenger remains as obtuse and argumentative as ever and refuses to acceptChancellor More's proofs. In frustration, Chancellor More responds by reminding theMessenger of the guidance of the Holy Spirit:haue we so sone forgotten the perpetuall assystence of the trynyte in hischyrche / and the prayour of Cryst to kepe the fayth of his chyrche frofaylynge / and the holy gost sente of purpose to kepe in the chyrche theremembraunce of Crystys wordys and to lede them into all trouthe? (CW 6,182/12-16)Book I ends without any real resolution and with the Messenger still refusing to acceptany of Chancellor More's proofs. He says that he has another argument of his own that"tournyth vs yet in to as moche vncertayntye as we were in before" (185/28-29). WhenChancellor More asks him what it is, the Messenger suggests they dine instead:The Dialogue Concerning Heresies: Books I and II / 161Nay quod he it were better ye dyne fyrste. My lady-53 wyll I wene be angrywith me / that I kepe you so longe therfro. For I holde it nowe welltowarde twelue. And yet more angry wolde waxe with me / yf I sholdemake you syt & muse at your mete / as ye wolde I wote well muse on thematter yf ye wyste what it were. (CW 6, 185/33-186/2)Chancellor More then invites the Messenger to join him for dinner.4.3.5. On the True Church of Christ (II: 1-7) (A2)After the dinner is over they walk in the garden, and Chancellor More asks theMessenger "what thynge myght that be / that made our long forenone processe frustrat /and lefte vs as vncertayne as we beganne" (187/14-15). After summarizing the argument ofBook I, the Messenger raises the objection that is to be central to Book II that a man, who"byleued the worshyp of ymages to be wronge and vnlawfull" (189/11-12), might argue thatthe Church is "the people that byleueth as he byleueth / that is to wytte / all these kyndes ofworshyppe to be wronge / and that byleueth theym whome ye take for the chyrche to byleuewronge" (189/18-20). To which Chancellor More in turn objects: "If he and his companyquod I be the chyrche / he muste tell where his felawes be" (189/21-22). The Messengersuggests that the Church consists of those whom Chancellor More calls heretics. ChancellorMore replies that they cannot all be the Church, because the Church has one belief and onefaith, and that, whereas the faith of the Church has always lasted, the sects of the hereticshave quickly decayed. The Messenger replies that the Church can be found in Bohemia andSaxony, among the Hussites and Lutherans. Chancellor More objects that "amonge all theLutheranes there be as many heddes as many wyttes" (192/10-11), and that in Bohemiathere is:One fayth in the towne / another in the felde. One in prage / another in thenexte towne. And yet in prage it selfe one faythe in one strete / an other inthe nexte. So that yf ye assygne it in Boheme / ye muste tell in whattowne. And yf ye name a towne / yet must ye tell in what strete. (CW 6,192/16-20)The Dialogue Concerning Heresies: Books I and II / 162It is significant that as late as 1528-29, when More was writing the first edition of theDialogue Concerning Heresies, it was still possible to see the new Lutheran movement as yetanother brand of late mediaeval heresy along the lines of the Lollards and the Hussites.The Messenger then suggests the Lutheran position that the Church consists of thosepredestined to be saved, wherever they are scattered. The Messenger goes on to argue thatthe Church is "all suche as byleue a ryght and lyue well where so euer they be / though theworlde knowe them not / and thoughe fewe of them knowe eche other" (198/8-11).Chancellor More replies that:the chyrche of Cryste is a chyrche well knowen. And his pleasure was tohaue it knowen and not hyd. And it is bylded vpon so hygh an hyll of ytholy stone / I meane vpon cryste hym selfe / that it can not be hyd. Nonpotest abscondi ciuitas supra montem posita. The cyte can not be hyd thatis set on an hyll. And he wolde haue his fayth dyuulged & spredde abrodeopenly / not alway whyspered in hukermoker [secrecy]. (CW 6, 202/26-33)He goes on to assert that "The chyrche therfore must nedys be the comen knowenmultytude of crysten men good and bad togyther / whyle the chyrche is here in erth"(205/4-7). Our Lord in "his mystycall body of his churche / caryeth his membres / someseke / some hole / & all sekely" (205/25-26). Though many of the members of the Churchmay be sinners, "ye warmnes of grace goyng thorowe this hole mystycall body of Crysteschyrch myght gete yet & kepe some lyfe in them" (205/32-34). However, on the Day ofJudgement:than shall all these scalde & scabbed peces scale clene of / & ye hole bodyof Crystes holy chyrch remayne pure / clene & gloryous / without wem[spot] / wrincle or spot / which is (& for ye whyle I wene wyl be / as longas she is here) as scabed as euer was Iob / & yet her louyng spouse leuethher not / but contynually goth about by many maner medycynes / somebytter some swete / some easy some greuous / some plesaunt / somepaynfull to cure her. (CW 6, 206/3-10)One sees once again More's essential humaneness and catholicity. More emphasizes thatthe church is at once the "Mystical Body of Christ" and also "as scabed as euer was Iob",The Dialogue Concerning Heresies: Books I and II / 163because of the sins of its members.Chancellor More goes on to define the church as "this company & congregacyon of allthese nacyons / yt without faccyons taken / & precysyon [cutting off] from ye remenaunt /professe ye name & fayth of Cryst" (206/20-23). It is by this Church that we know thescriptures. However numerous the number of heretics: "ye heretykes be they yt be seuered /& ye chyrch ye stok yt all they cam out of" (207/6-7). Only the Church of Christ is "ye vyneyt cryst spake of in ye gospell / which he taketh for his body mystycall" (207/8-9). All thebranches of heretics fallen away fromye vyne of crystes mystycal body / seme they neuer so freshe & grene / beyet in dede but witherlinges that wyther / & shall drye vp / able to seruefor nothyng / but for the fyre. (CW 6, 207/11-14)With this point the discussion of Heresies A 2 is finally brought to a conclusion.4.3.6. More on Images, Relics, Saints and Pilgrimages (II: 8-12) (A 1 )After appealing to the authority of the Ecumenical Councils of the Church whichapproved the worship of images, Chancellor More returns to the matter of Book I, Chapters3-17 (i.e. Heresies A i ), again to defend the veneration of saints. He begins by repeating theattacks made by heretics against honouring the saints:Fyrst they put in doute whyther sayntys can here vs. And yf they do / yetwhyther they can helpe vs. And fynally yf they coulde / yet wolde [wish]they we shold thynke it foly to desyre them / bycause god can do it betterand wyll do it soner hym selfe than they all. (CW 6, 211/17-20)He replies to these charges that since the saints while they were on earth were moved bythe intercessions of others, now that they are in heaven they are hardly likely to show"lesse loue & charyte to men yt nede theyr helpe" (211/24). If while on earth the saintswere free to help others "wene [suppose] we yt in heuen they stande tyed to a post?"(213/8). The Messenger accepts Chancellor More's arguments but objects: "Yet se I quod heThe Dialogue Concerning Heresies: Books I and II / 164no cause or nede why we sholde pray to theym / syth god can as well and wyll as gladly /both here vs and helpe vs / as any saynt in heuen" (214/11-13). Chancellor More replies byasking him what need there is for a doctor in sickness "syth god can here you and helpe youboth / as wel as the best / and loueth you better and can do it soner" (214/15-17). TheMessenger responds, "this is his pleasure quod he / that I shall be holpen by the meane oftheym as his instrumentys" (214/20-21), to which Chancellor More replies "So hath it quodI pleased god in lyke wyse / that we shall aske helpe of his holy sayntes / and praye forhelpe to them" (214/24-25).More's defence of the veneration of the saints is clearly rooted in his two-foldunderstanding of the Church as a community—the Communion of saints of traditionalCatholic theology and the "Common Corps of Christendom". God the Father has given alljudgement to his Son, and Christ delights "to haue his holy sayntes parteners of thathonoure / and at the daye of ludgement to haue theym syt with hym" (214/31-33). Christwas content that his apostles were sometimes "prayed to be intercessours to theyr mayster"(215/8-9) while he was on earth and confirmed it through the miracles they worked:And thynke you than / that he beynge content and gyuynge men occasyonto pray to theym whyle they were wyth hym in erthe / he wyll be angryyf we doo them as moche worshyp whan they be with hym in heuyn?(CW 6, 215/11-14).The saints are God's special friends and it behooves us to make friends with those God hasin his favour.The Messenger objects that some of the relics of the saints are false: "And therfore is itlykely some where a bone worshypped for a relyke of some holy saynt / that was perad-uenture a bone as Chaucer saythe of some holy Iewes shepe" (217/20-23). Chancellor Morereplies that in the matter of the veneration of saints and relics:the grace and ayde of god and his holy spyryte assystynge his chyrcheThe Dialogue Concerning Heresies: Books I and II / 165bath gouerned ye iudgement of his mynysters / and enclyned the myndes ofhis people to suche consent. And that he bath not suffered them to erre ina thynge so nerely touchynge his honour & worshyp. (CW 6, 220/36-221/4)Though some relics may be doubtful and some names forgotten or mistaken, God is "wellcontente that the relyques be had in reuerence / syth he specyally fauoureth theyr persons[through miracles] / and nedeth nothyng theyr names to knowe them by" (223/1-3). Even ifwe mistake animal bones for holy relics it does no harm to those who make the mistake, butGod will not allow such mistaken relics to last and endure in his Church. The assistance ofGod and the guidance of the Holy Spirit keep the Church free from error in matters of faith:For els myght the chyrche be moost easely begyled in the receyuynge ofthe very scrypture / wherin they take outwardely but ye testymonys ofmen from mouth to mouth & hande to hande / without other examynacyon.But yt secret meane yt enclyneth theyr credulyte to consent in ye byleuyngall in one poynt whiche is the secrete instyncte of god / thys is the suremeane that neuer can in any necessary poynte fayle here in Crystyschyrche. For yf it myght / all were quyte at large. And that poynt onestaken away / scrypture and all walketh with it. (CW 6, 223/21-29)Chancellor More's argument is that if the Church, the consensus of the faithful, is ledastray in the matter of the veneration of the saints, then it could just as easily be led astrayin drawing up the canon of scripture. The consensus of the faithful guided by the Holy Spiritplays a crucial role in More's understanding of the Church and in his defence of theveneration of saints in particular:yf the chyrche of Cryste entendynge well / do all agree vpon any one thyngconcernyng goddes honour or mannys soule / it can not be but that thyngmust nedys be true. For goddes holy spyryte that anymateth his chyrcheand gyueth it lyfe / wyll neuer suffer it all consent and agre togyther vponany dampnable errour. (CW 6, 224/11-17)The Holy Spirit would not allow the Church to consent to the worship of saints andveneration of relics if it were "a thynge dampnable false and fayned" (224/20).The Messenger accepts Chancellor More's arguments for the veneration of saints butThe Dialogue Concerning Heresies: Books I and II / 166objects that the saints cannot be pleased with the way that they are worshipped; for weworship them in the same way that we do God and we offer to their images the sameworship that we offer to the saints themselves. Chancellor More replies to the Messenger'scharges by denying that the common people worship the saints with the same honour(latria) that they worship God. If we worshipped Christ with the thought that he was thebest man we could possibly imagine but that he was not God, this would not be latria. Latriadoes not consist of certain outward gestures or rites:For yf ye lowly maner of bodyly obseruaunce were ye thyng yt wolde makelatria / then were we moch in parell of ydolatry in our curtesy vsyd toprynces prelates & popys / to whom we knele as low as to god almyghty /and kysse some theyr handes and some our owne / or [before] euer wepresume to touche them / and in the pope his fote. (CW 6, 230/19-24)The worship of the saints is not idolatrous because no Christian offers them latria. Neitherare the common people so foolish as to confuse the images of the saints with the saintsthemselves. If they prefer one image over another or prefer to go to one place on pilgrimagerather than another "they mene none other but yt our lorde & our lady / or our lorde for ourlady sheweth mo myracles at the one than at the other" (231/7-9). Neither are they sofoolish to take the images of Our Lady at Walsingham or Ipswich for Our Lady herself:take the symplest foole that ye can chose / & she wyll tell you that ourlady her selfe is in heuyn. She wyll also call an ymage an ymage / & shewyll tell you a dyfference bytwene an ymage of an horse and an horse indede. And then appereth it well what so euer her wordys be of herpylgrymage by a commune maner of speche to call the ymage of our ladyour lady / as men say go to the kynges hed for wyne / not meanynge hished in dede but the sygne / so meaneth she none other in that ymage butour ladyes ymage howe so euer she call it. (CW 6, 231/30-232/7)Nor is it superstitious to pray to the saints to satisfy our needs, for example when wepray to Saint Appolina for the toothache or Saint Loy for the health of our horses.Chancellor More cites Matthew, Chap. 6, to show that God cares for our material as well asour spiritual needs. Since in the gospels Christ considered it no breach of the Sabbath to pullThe Dialogue Concerning Heresies: Books I and II / 167a horse out of a pit, it is lawful to pray for a poor man's horse on Saint Loy's day, and if ourteeth ache it is a worthy thing to pray not only to Saint Appolina but also to God himself.Chancellor More argues that the existence of superstitious practises in the worship of thesaints does not invalidate the veneration of the saints themselves. The question is notwhether something can be done badly: "For if it may be well done / then though many woldmysse vse it / yet doth all that nothynge mynyshe ye goodnes of the thynge selfe"(235/28-30). Just because some men commonly go hunting on Good Friday does not meanthat we should cast away Good Friday. Moreover,Crystmas yf we consyder how commonly men abuse it / we may thynkethat they take it for a tyme of lyberty for all maner of lewdnes. And yet isnot Crystmas to be cast away amonge crysten men / but men rathermonysshed to amende theyr maners / & vse them selfe in Crystmas morecrystenly. (CW 6, 236/10-14)Book II ends with a discussion of miracles as a proof of God's guidance of the Church:"To what purpose quod I were myracles specyally wrought by god / was it not to ye ententeto make his messengers knowen and the trouthe of his message?" (239/26-28). Themiracles worked by the saints and Doctors of the Church prove the truth of their message.There are no miracles found among the sects of the heretics which proves that they are notthe true Church of Christ: "Now syth there be so many false sectes & but one chyrch true /& myracles not spoken of in any but one / it is a good token yt the matter & substaunce ofthem is true" (243/4-7), and "it is a good profe that ye same one in whiche onely they bedone / is onely the very trewe chyrche of Cryste to whiche his holy spyryte and meruaylousemaiestye gyueth his specyall assystence" (243/10-13). Chancellor More concludes that thecontinued presence of miracles in the life of the Church proves that "the praynge tosayntes / the worshyp of ymages / reuerencynge of relyques / and goynge in pylgrymages"(245/17-19) are not "dampnable or dyspleasaunt to god / but thynges hyghly to hiscontentacyon and pleasure" (245120-22). The Messenger is satisfied with Chancellor More'sThe Dialogue Concerning Heresies: Books I and II / 168argument and he departs, promising to return another time to discuss the remainingmatters that he brought up in the beginning in his "letter of credence". These matters,which will be dealt with in Books III—IV of the Dialogue Concerning Heresies, i.e. Heresies B,are discussed in the next chapter.4.4. CONCLUSIONThe Dialogue Concerning Heresies is the longest of the four works under consideration inthis study. It also has the most intricate structure. As I have pointed out in this chapter, thefirst half of the Dialogue Concerning Heresies, Books I and II, what I am calling Heresies A,has a structure that is in many ways analogous to the first part, the parerga and Book I, ofUtopia. The elaborate introduction (Preface—Book 1:2, pp. 21-37) shows striking parallels tothe elaborate parerga of the Utopia, briefly described in the previous chapter, and also to thefictive prefatory letters of William Rosseus and Baravellus in More's earlier Latin polemicalwork, the Responsio ad Lutherum. 54 While the (for want of a better word) "chiasmic"(a-b-b-a) four-part structure of Books I and II, where Heresies A l' the first part of Book I(Chapters 3-17) and the second part of Book II (Chapters 8-12), provides a container orenvelope for Heresies A 2 (Books 1:18-2:7), does so in a manner analogous to the way inwhich the 'Dialogue of Counsel' frames the dialogue-within-a-dialogue of the 'CardinalMorton Episode' in Book I of Utopia.The two major divisions of the Dialogue Concerning Heresies (Heresies A and B) haveparallels not only with the two-fold structure of Utopia, Books I and II, but also, as I willshow in my discussion of the work, in the two major divisions of the Dialogue of Comfort intoa "Book of Comfort" (Comfort A: Book I: Preface—II: 8), and an extended meditation onPsalm 90 (91): 5-6 (Comfort B: Books II: 9—III: 27). More's fondness for four-part divisionsof topics, shown clearly in the four topics of Heresies B, already briefly outlined in thischapter (see Figure 4.1), and described in detail in the next, have parallels not only with theThe Dialogue Concerning Heresies: Books I and II / 169four part "chiasmic" (a-b-b-a) structure of Heresies A (see Figure 4.2), but also with the fourmajor temptations of Psalm 90 (91) which, as I will show at the appropriate point, providethe 'architectural' framework for Comfort B.In the next chapter I will deal with two important issues raised in Heresies B, namelyTyndale's translation of the New Testament and the Lutheran doctrines of 'Justification byFaith Alone' and Predestination. The structure of Heresies B is much looser and moreheterogeneous, than that of Heresies A, and the argument does at times appear ratherdisjointed, but Chancellor More does fulfill his promise to deal with those issues (which willbe restated in the next chapter) that were first raised by the Messenger in his 'Credence' atthe beginning of Book I.The Dialogue Concerning Heresies: Books I and II i 170NOTES1. More's 'Polemical Works' consist of a series of controversial works in Latin andEnglish, written in the period 1523-33, dealing with the central issues of the ReformationDebate. The Dialogue Concerning Heresies was the third in order of composition, and the first tobe written in English.2. R. Pineas, rev. of the Dialogue Concerning Heresies, RenQ 35 (1982): 617.3. R. Marius in The Confutation of Tyndale's Answer, vol. 8 of The Yale Edition of theComplete Works of St. Thomas More, (hereafter CW 8), ed. L. A. Schuster, R. C. Marius, J. P.Lusardi, and R. J. Schoeck, 3 vols (New Haven: Yale UP, 1973), 1344.4. English Literature in the Sixteenth Century, Excluding Drama, (Oxford: Oxford UP,1954), 172; rpt. in Essential Articles for the Study of Thomas More, eds. R. S. Sylvester and G.Marc'hadour (Hamden, CT: Archon, 1977), 393.5. Rev. of CW 8, EHR 89 (1974): 385 (rpt. Tudor and Stuart Studies, 3: 447).6. See B. Bradshaw, "The Controversial Sir Thomas More," JEH 36 (1985): 535-69, esp.552.7. See Pineas's review: "Lawler's essay dealing with More's view of heresy in the Dialogueis tendentious, while demonstrating insufficient familiarity with the nature and techniques ofreligious polemics, as well as some of the tenets of literary criticism." RenQ 35 (1982): 618.8. "The Controversial Sir Thomas More," 552.9. See "More as Author: The Virtues of Digression," Moreana 62 (1979): 105-19; rev. vers.as "The Order of the Heart," Thomas More: The Search for the Inner Man (New Haven: YaleUP, 1990), 29-51, 106-07.10. Ibid., 107 (34).11. "The Controversial Sir Thomas More," 552.12. Ibid., 549-551.13. Rev. of the Dialogue Concerning Heresies, Moreana 75/76 (1982): 51-55.14. Ibid., 51-52.15. EHR 98 (1983): 152-55, 153.16. Ibid., 154.17. For studies of More's literary and rhetorical techniques in his polemical works seeRainer Pineas's Thomas More and Tudor Polemics (Bloomington: Indiana UP, 1968); L. A.Schuster, "Thomas More's Polemical Career, 1523-33," CW 8, 1135-268; and D. Birch, EarlyReformation English Polemics, Salzburg Studies in English Literature: Elizabethan andRenaissance Studies 92:7 (Salzburg: Institut fur Anglistik and Amerikanistik, UniversitatSalzburg, 1983). For other studies see Polemical Works: General Studies in theBibliographical Appendix.18. For comparative studies of More's three dialogues, see the bibliography in Chapter 1,n.6.The Dialogue Concerning Heresies: Books I and II / 17119. There is also an extensive summary of Books I—II:1 of the Dialogue ConcerningHeresies in J. Gairdner, "Appendix: Abstract of More's Dialogue," Lollardry and the Reformationin England, 4 vols. (London: MacMillan, 1908-13; rpt. New York: Burt Franklin, 1974), 1•543-67. (Gairdner, however, did not summarize Book II: 2-12.) Gairdner also provided a brief,incomplete summary of Books III and IV, see ibid., 567-78.20. A Dialogue concerning Heresies and Matters of Religion made in 1528 by Sir ThomasMore (London: Eyre and Spottiswoode, 1927); rpt. in The English Works of Sir Thomas More,Volume 2: The Dialogue Concerning Tyndale (London: Eyre & Spottiswoode; New York: LincolnMacVeagh, The Dial Press, 1931).21. Eds. T. M. C. Lawler, G. Marc'hadour, and R. C. Marius, 2 vols. (hereafter CW 6) (NewHaven: Yale UP, 1981).22. See Wayne Booth, The Rhetoric of Fiction (Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1961), 177. Forthe roles of the Messenger and the reader see also D. B. Billingsley, "The Messenger and theReader in Thomas More's Dialogue Concerning Heresies," SEL 24 (1984): 5-22.23. William Tyndale, An Answer to Sir Thomas More's Dialogue, ed. Henry Walter, ParkerSociety 44 (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1850; rpt. New York: Johnson Reprint Corp., 1968).24. The others were The Supplication of Souls and The Letter to Frith (CW 7), TheConfutation of Tyndale's Answer (CW 8), The Apology (CW 9), The Debellation of Salem andBizance (CW 10), and The Answer to a Poisoned Book (CW 11).25. The Responsio ad Lutherum (CW 5), and The Letter to Bugenhagen (CW 7).26. In the account of the 'Wife of Botulph's Wharf,' see CW 8, 883/28-905/23.27. The famous "Letter of Margaret Roper to Alice Alington," Rogers, #206, 514-533.28. R. W. Chambers argues for More's (and Tyndale's) continuity with older traditions ofprose writing in Old and Middle English, especially with the fourteenth century English mystics.I think Chambers somewhat overstates his case—there is much that is also new in More's (andTyndale's) prose. See The Continuity of English Prose from Alfred to More and his School,(London: 1932). Also published as an introduction in Nicholas Harpsfield, The Life and Death ofSr Thomas Moore, knight, sometymes Lord high Chancellor of England, ed. E. L. Hitchcock, withan introduction by R. W. Chambers, EETS 186 (London: Oxford UP 1932), xlv—clxxiv.29. The Preface (21/1-24/17) has no title (the title at the top of CW 6, 21, reads "Thefurst boke"), but since it precedes the first chapter, and is not listed in "The table of the furstboke" on page 1, it is clearly meant to have a prefatory function.30. Since Chapter 2, which deals mainly with the 'The Image of Love', is something of adigression, the main theme of the dialogue in Books I and II, the defence of saints, relics,images, pilgrimages and the oral tradition of the Church, does not actually begin until Chapter3 on page 51, some thirty pages into the work.31. The narrative voice of the Preface (and of Chapter 1), whose function is somewhatanalogous to that of the voice that I am calling Narrator More at the beginning of the Utopia,is never actually identified in the text, but I have chosen the title 'author', which the rubricsactually later apply to the first person voice ("quod I") of the Dialogue (whom I choose to callChancellor More), and also to the author of the second letter in Chapter 1 ("The letter of theauthor sent with the boke"). The 'author' narrator is clearly, like the Thomas More of the`Prefatory Letter to Giles' of the Utopia at least partly a fictional construct.The Dialogue Concerning Heresies: Books I and II / 17232. This was a very common practise in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance. The 'letterof credence' was clearly meant to vouch for the reliability and trustworthiness of the bearer ofthe message. Even today ambassadors present a 'letter of credence' when they take up anembassy. For an example of More himself reading one of Erasmus's letters out loud to theItalian humanist Niccolo Sagundino, see Allen„ III, #590, 592/11-12: "tua elegantissima ab eomihi recitata fuit epistola" ["he read me your most elegant letter" (CWE 4: 389/14-15)].33. This, of course, is an elaborate fiction, like those in the Prefatory Letter to Utopia andin the introduction to Responsio ad Lutherum (CW 5) (1523). Unlike the Dialogue of Comfort orthe History of Richard III, there is no evidence for any independent circulation of themanuscript of the Dialogue Concerning Heresies prior to it's publication in 1529.34. The Yale editors (CW 6, 602, note to 22/33-34) suggest Tunstal and Fisher. Whileplausible, this is pure surmise—Tunstall commissioned More to write against heretics, andFisher had also written anti-Lutheran polemical works—both men would no doubt have had aninterest in the work, but there is no proof of them actually having read it prior to publication.This also is part of the fiction of the Preface.35. More's 'merry tales' are an important part of his literary style in many of his literaryworks, but especially in the two English dialogues. They have been the subject of a number ofliterary studies, see Thomas Lawler's comments in CW 6, 449-50; W. M. Gordon, "In Defense ofMore's Merry Tales," Moreana 38 (1973): 5-12 and "The Argument of Comedy in ThomasMore's Dialogue Concerning Heresies," Ren&Ref ns 4 (1980): 13-32; G. Marc'hadour, "The Deviland the Lombards: Two Merry Tales by Thomas More," Cithara 19:2 (1980): 5-19. See also thesection on Wit and Humour in the Bibliographical Appendix.36. For More's knowledge of Chaucer, see A. Fox, "Thomas More's Dialogue and the Bookof the Tales of Caunterbury: 'Good Mother Wit' and Creative Imitation," Familiar Colloquy:Essays Presented to Arthur Edward Barker, ed. P. Briickmann (Ottawa, Ont.: Oberon Press for Uof Western Ontario, 1978), 15-24 and "Chaucer, More, and English Humanism," Parergon n.s. 6(1988): 63-75.37. It is one of the many sources of possible confusion in the Dialogue ConcerningHeresies, that "frende" sometimes stands, as it does here, for the Messenger (when ChancellorMore is addressing the Friend), and sometimes elsewhere for the Friend as in "my good frendeyour mayster" (CW 6, 46/19).38. See J. F. Davis, "The Trials of Thomas Bylney and The English Reformation," JEH 24(1981): 775-790; E. Gow, "Thomas Bilney and His Relations with Sir Thomas More," NorfolkArchaeology 32 (1958-61): 292-310; E. G. Rupp, "The Recantations of Thomas Bilney," TheLondon Quarterly and Holborn Review 167 (1942): 180-186; G. Walker, "Saint or Schemer? The1527 Heresy Trial of Thomas Bilney Reconsidered," JEH 40 (1989): 219-38; S. Brigden, Londonand the Reformation (Oxford: Clarendon P, 1989), 111-13.39. The actual contents of the argument of Book I, Chaps. 3-31, are summarized by theMessenger at the beginning of Book II, Chap. 1 (187/16-89/6). The argument of Book II, or atleast the second half, is again (but less clearly) summarized at the end of Book II, Chap. 12(245/12-46/6). And the central point of the second half of Book I, the equality of the oraltradition of the Church with the written scriptures as divine revelation, provides the theme ofthe dialogue-within-a-dialogue between the Messenger and the "Unnamed Critic" (my term) inBook III, Chap. 1, discussed in the next chapter.40. For Cuthbert Tunstall's "licence" to More, see Rogers, #160, pp. 386-88, translatedinto English as "Licence for Sir Thomas More to keep and read heretical books, 7 March 1528,"in English Historical Documents, Vol. V: 1485-1558, ed. C. H. Williams (London: Eyre &The Dialogue Concerning Heresies: Books I and II / 173Spottiswoode, 1967), 828-29. More was not the only one commissioned by Tunstall to writeagainst heretics. John Skelton did so as well, see J. Scattergood, "Skelton and Heresy," EarlyTudor England: Proceedings of the 1987 Harlaxton Symposium, ed. D. Williams (Woodbridge,Suffolk: The Boydell Press, 1989), 157-70, esp. 159-61.41. E. J. Devereux has even argued the opposite position that the Dialogue ConcerningHeresies, originally consisted of a draft of Book I by itself, which More then later greatlyexpanded into its present four book form, see "Thomas More's Textual Changes in the DialogueConcerning Heresies," The Library 5 ser., 27 (1972): 233-5; cf. CW 6, 550-52.42. For More's relationship to earlier English defenders of images against Lollard attacks(especially Reginald Pecock), see CW 6, 748-59.43. D. E. Mason and R. J. Schoeck, "On More's Dialogue Concerning Heresies (1529),"Moreana 27/28 (1970): 129-32.44. Ps. 113B:4-8, 1 Tim. 1:17, Jer. 17:5, and Exod. 20:4.45. See CW 6, 606-07, note to 38/22.46. This is the first of three 'major' additions to the 1531 edition. The other two occur at355/28-59/31, and 386/18-388/34. Significantly, the second 'addition' in Book IV:2 also dealswith the question of images, while the third in Book IV:11 refines a point made in the reporteddialogue of "The Examination of the Lutheran Preacher." For the changes More made in the1531 edition, see Thomas Lawler's discussion in CW 6, 556-75.47. London: 1525, by John Rickes. See E. Ruth Harvey, "Appendix A: The Image of Love,"CW 6, 727-59. For More's treatment of The Image of Love, see L. Miles, "Protestant Colet andCatholic More: A Study of Contrasts in the Use of Platonism," ATR 33 (1951): 30-42; P.Stewart, "Heresy and Hypocrisy in the English Reformation" (Ph.D. Diss., U of BritishColumbia, 1992); J. B. Trapp, "Thomas More and the Visual Arts," Saggi sul Rinascimento, ed.S. Rossi (Milan: Edizioni Unicopli, 1984), 47-53; rpt. in Essays on the Renaissance and theClassical Tradition (London: Variorum Reprints, 1990), VIII: 47-53; and S. Brigden, London andthe Reformation, 80-82. G. R. Elton rather surprisingly misses the point of More's discussion ofthe Image of Love. In his review of CW 6, he comments on Harvey's Appendix that she"discusses a devotional pamphlet, The Image of Love, which may have troubled More, who nevermentions it", EHR 98 (1983): 153.48. 274b-78d.49. For the orthodox mediaeval defence of image worship by Aquinas and St. JohnDamascene, see CW 6, 742-48.49a. See CW 6, 618, note to 65/3.50. See Stewart's discussion of the shifting and contradictory meanings given to the words"reason" and "nature" in Book I of the Dialogue Concerning Heresies, in "Heresy andHypocrisy".51. I am indebted for this point to an unpublished paper by Murray Tolmie, "Plato's Lawsand More's Dialogue Concerning Heresies, Book I."52. See B. G. Gogan, The Common Corps of Christendom: Ecclesiological Themes in theWritings of Sir Thomas More (Leiden: Brill, 1982). See also F. Murray, "The Holy Spirit in St.Thomas More's Confutation of Tyndale's Answer," Clergy Review 62 (1977): 388-92; P.Sheldrake, "Authority and Consensus in Thomas More's Doctrine of the Church," HeythropThe Dialogue Concerning Heresies: Books I and II / 174Journal 20 (1976): 146-62 and "Thomas More and Authority," The Month 2nd n.s. 10 (1977):122-5, 134.53. Chancellor More's wife, Dame Alice.54. See the Responsio ad Lutherum, Vol. 5 of The Yale Edition of the Complete Works ofSt. Thomas More, ed. J. M. Headley, trans. S. Scholastica, 2 vols. (New Haven: Yale UP, 1969),1-31, 795-98. For a recent literary study of the Responsio, see R. R. McCutcheon, "TheResponsio ad Lutherum: Thomas More's Inchoate Dialogue with Heresy," SCJ 22 (1991): 77-90.5. DIALOGUE CONCERNING HERESIES: BOOKS III AND IV5.1. INTRODUCTIONThe structure of the second half, Books III and IV, of the Dialogue Concerning Heresies(Heresies B), has already been briefly discussed in the section on the "Introduction toDialogue Concerning Heresies" in the previous chapter (see also Figure 4.1). It is enough torecall that when the Messenger had first been sent by the Friend to visit Chancellor More,he had raised certain issues at the request of the Friend. During the course of his initialinterview with the Messenger, Chancellor More had promised that he would deal with fourmatters that the Messenger had raised in his 'credence.' Chancellor More had promisedthat:I wolde... fyrst [B .1] begyn where he [the Messenger] bygan at theabiuracyon of the man he spake of [Bilney]. Secondly [B.2] wolde I touchethe condempnacyon and burnyng of the new testament / translated byTyndale. Thyrdly [B.3] somwhat wold I speke of Luther and his secte ingenerall. Fourthly [B.4] and fynally / the thynge that he touched last / thatis to wyt / the warre and fyghtyng agaynst infydels / with thecondempnacyon of heretykes vnto dethe / whiche two poyntys / hym selfehad combyned and knytte togyther. (CW 6, 35/27-36/4)However, instead of first dealing with these four matters, Chancellor More had insteadlaunched into a general defence of images, saints, miracles, and pilgrimages, and from thereinto a general discussion on the nature of the Church, and on the relationship between theOral Tradition of the Church and the written Scriptures. These are the matters that aredealt with in the over two hundred pages of Heresies A (Books I: 2b-II: 12; CW 6, 37-246),discussed in the previous chapter. Just as Narrator More had promised at the beginning ofBook I to relate Hythloday's account of the manners and customs of the Utopians (cf. CW 4,54/1-8), but had launched into the 'Dialogue of Counsel' instead, postponing the account ofthe "new island of Utopia" to Book II, so also Chancellor More in Books I and II of theDialogue Concerning Heresies had taken up the matters of Heresies A, postponing his175Dialogue Concerning Heresies: Books III and IV / 176discussion of the points raised by the Messenger at the the beginning of Book I, to Books IIIand IV of the Dialogue Concerning Heresies, in Heresies B, starting in Book III, Chapter 2.The first matter (B.1) of Heresies B, the account of the trial Thomas Bilney (1527), isdealt with in Book III: 2-7 (255-84). To this may be added (B.2b) the account of theposthumous trial of Richard Hunne (1514) in Book III: 15, which covers similar ground. Thesecond matter (B.2) of Heresies B, the discussion of William Tyndale's translation of theNew Testament, which also has obvious connections with the matter of Heresies A 2 , is dealtwith in Book III: 8-16 (284-344). However, the account of the trial of Richard Hunne inChapter 15 (316-30), which contains an important example of reported dialogue or"dialogue-within-a-dialogue," is better dealt with along with the trial of Bilney (in B.1) . Thethird matter (B.3) of Heresies B, on Luther's heresies, is dealt with in Book IV: 2a, 3-9(348-54, 360-76). At this point the schematic outline provided in Book I:2a proves to beinadequate. The middle third of Book IV (B.3b), Chapters 10-12 (376-405), consists of along "dialogue-within-a-dialogue" in Chapter 11, for which Chapters 10 and 12 are prologueand epilogue respectively. Book IV, Chapter 11 supposedly gives an account of theexamination of an English Lutheran preacher. However, the real foci of the reporteddialogue of Chapter 11 are the Lutheran doctrines of Predestination and "Justification byFaith Alone". The fourth matter (B.4) of Heresies B, the justification for heresy trials andthe war against the Turks, is dealt with in Book IV:13-18a (405-30). (This analysis of thestructure of of Books III and IV is summarized in Figure 4.1 in the previous chapter.)However, the introductions to Books III and IV, and the conclusion to Book IV (Chapter18b) call for special treatment. The introductions to Book III and IV contain furtherelaborations of the fictional narrative frame of the dialogue. In Book III, Chapter 1 there isyet another "dialogue-within-a-dialogue" that recapitulates the argument of Heresies A, inparticular the defence of the oral tradition of the Church as an equal part of divineDialogue Concerning Heresies: Books III and IV / 177revelation along with scriptures, that is the central argument of Heresies A 2 . Heresies Bproper does not begin until the following chapter. Book IV, Chapter 1 is morestraight-forward, but Chancellor More's treatment of Luther's heresies is interruptedalmost immediately in Chapter 2 (in an addition to the 1531 and 1557 editions), by anotherreported dialogue that recalls both the theme of Book I: Chapter 2, the treatment of theImage of Love (also an addition to the 1531 and 1557 editions), already described in theprevious chapter; and the setting of the "dialogue-within-a-dialogue" in Book III, Chapter 1,which will be described below. The conclusion to Book IV (430-35) serves as a conclusion notonly to Heresies B, but also to the Dialogue Concerning Heresies as a whole.In my discussion of Heresies B, I have singled out the openings of Books III and IV(III:1 and IV:1-2), and the treatment of Tyndale's translation of the New Testament (B.2),and the 'Examination of a Lutheran Preacher' (B.3b), and the Conclusion of Book IV. Theother sections of Heresies B (B.1, B.2b, B.3a, B.4) have only been briefly summarized at theappropriate points in my discussion. 15.2. BOOK III:1 AS EPILOGUE TO HERESIES A 2Book III takes place a fortnight later after the meeting described in Heresies A, andafter the Messenger has just visited some of his old friends at the university where he hadstudied before becoming the tutor to the children of Chancellor More's Friend: 2 "Aboutfortenyght after your frende [i.e. the Messenger] came agayne in a mornyng new comenfrom the vnyuersyte where he was as ye wote at lernynge ere he came at you" (247/10-12).Chancellor then continues by reporting to the Friend that while at the university, theMessenger had visited some of his old acquaintances, and had repeated to them some of thearguments that he and Chancellor More had previously had:And vpon occasyon rysyng in communycacyon / had agayne repeted withsome of them very fresshe lerned men / good parte of our foremaredysceptacyon & resonyng / had bytwene vs before his departyng. Which asDialogue Concerning Heresies: Books III and IV / 178he sayd they toke great plesure in / & moth wysshed to haue ben presenttherat. (CW 6, 247/13-17)But some of them objected to "the hard handelyng of ye man [Bilney] yt ye [the Friend]wryte of / & the burnyng of ye new testament and the forbedynge of Luthers bokys to beredde" (247/18-20). And finally there were some who thought that the clergy were very farfrom the practise of true charity in the burning of heretics. It was these very charges thathad occasioned the visit of the Messenger to Chancellor More at the Friend's request at thebeginning of Book I, and which Chancellor More had promised to deal with. And they willfinally be taken up starting in the next chapter, when they will become the matter of therest of Books III and IV (Heresies B).Though the last chapter of Book II (Chapter 12), in concluding the discussion ofHeresies A 1 , effectively served as an epilogue to Heresies A as a whole, Chancellor More andthe Messenger return in this chapter one last time to the central issue raised in theirprevious meeting, described in Heresies A 2, the relationship between Scripture andthe Oral Tradition of the Church. Chancellor More begins by saying that he was very gladthat the Messenger happened to be visiting his friends at the university:Not so moche for any thynge that ye haue shewed them of ourcommunycacyon had all redy / concernyng the prayeng of sayntes /worshyppyng of ymages and relyques / and goyng in pylgrymage[Heresies A 1 ]... as for that I thynke that amonge them / beynge as ye sayeso well lerned / ye haue eyther herde somwhat wherby ye be in some parteof these matters (yt we shal speke of [in Heresies B]) all redy satysfyed /wherby our busynes therin maye be the shorter / or els ye be the morestrongly instructed for ye other [Lutheran] parte wherby our dysputacyonshall be the fuller / and the matters the more playnly touched / for themore ample satysfaccyon of such [doubts] as your selfe or your mayster[the Friend] shall hereafter happen to fynde.... (CW 6, 247/25-248/8)The Messenger replies that indeed "somwhat haue they shewed me theyr myndes therin"(248/10-11). Chancellor More then asks "But yet I pray you be playne with me in onethynge. Were they satysfyed and helde them selfe contente in those thynges yt were at lastDialogue Concerning Heresies: Books III and IV / 179with moche worke agreed bytwene vs?" (248/14-17). The Messenger reports "to saye thetrouthe / all were saue one / and he in all thynge saue one" (248/18-19). "I pray you tellme" responds Chancellor More "what one thynge it was / and why he myslyked it." TheMessenger answers "Surely quod he for ought yt I coulde bende vpon hym / he could neueragree that the fayth of the chyrche out of scrypture / sholde be as sure and bynde vs to thebyleue therof / as the wordes of holy scrypture" (248/24-27).What follows is another "dialogue-within-a-dialogue," or reported dialogue, in whichChancellor More advises the Messenger on how he should have answered his opponent,whom I shall call hereafter the 'Unnamed Critic.' 3 Chancellor More reminds the Messengerof their previous discussions: "yf ye remembred well what we sayd / ye had ynoughe toproue hym that" (248/28-29). The Messenger starts off by boasting that he had: "so had Iand so dyd I / and in suche wyse that dyuers wayes I brought hym to the bay / yt he wystnot howe to voyde" (248/30-31). However, he admits that the Unnamed Critic quickly gotthe better of him by countering:Whan you byleue the chyrche / wherfore do you byleue the chyrche? do younot byleue it bycause it sayth trouth? Yes mary quod I [the Messenger]what ellys. And how knowe you quod he [the Unnamed Critic] yt thechyrche sayth trouth? Knowe ye that any other wyse than by scrypture?Nay mary quod I [the Messenger]. But than by playne scrypture I knoweit very well. For the scrypture telleth me that god hath fully taught andtecheth his chyrche and byddeth me byleue his chyrche. (CW 6, 249/9-16)The Unnamed Critic then responded triumphantly to the Messenger: "Ye wolde [have mebelieve]... that ye chyrch was in all necessary poyntys of our faythe / as moche to be byleuedas the scrypture" but now "I haue dryuen you to the wall... and prouyd vnto you that thechyrche is not to be byleued... but for the authoryte of the scrypture" (249/18-26). TheMessenger then rather shame-facedly concludes the account of his discussion with theUnnamed Critic by admitting:Dialogue Concerning Heresies: Books III and IV / 180I was therewith astonyed and sayd I wolde aduyse me further theron. Buthe [the Unnamed Critic] laughed and sayd he wolde lende me this / and notto be hasty on me / for he wolde gyue me respyte of payment tyll I hadspoken with you [Chancellor More] agayne. (249/27-30)Chancellor More now continues his account of his meeting with the Messenger byaddressing the Friend: 4Whan your frende [i.e. the Messenger] had tolde [his tale] / forsoth quod Ihe [the Unnamed Critic] delte with you [the Messenger] lyke a courteyscredytour.... And to say the trouthe ye owe hym not moche. For ye maybere hym his owne agayne and tell hym his money is nought [false].(249/31-250/1)The Messenger then asks "Why quod your frende [the Messenger] what thyng dyd I graunthym that I sholde not?" (250/29-30). Chancellor More responds "no more but all that euerye graunted. For fyrst whan he asked you whyther the cause why we byleue the chyrche benot bycause it is true yt the chyrche telleth you... answered ye not well therto whan yegraunted it" (250/31-251/3). He goes on to explain:For yf a knowen lyar tell you a knowen trewe tale / ye wyll byleue hymbycause he telleth you trouth. But nowe if a knowen true man tell you anvnknowen trouth ye byleue not him / bycause ye thyng is trouth / but yebyleue the thyng to be trouth bycause ye byleue ye man to be true. And sobyleue you the chyrche.... (251/7-11)However, the principal thing that the Messenger should not have granted the UnnamedCritic was that he believed the Church "for none other cause but only bycause the scryptureso sheweth me" (252/5-6).In reply to the objection raised by the Unnamed Critic, Chancellor More asks theMessenger: "what yf neuer scriptur had ben wryten in thys world / shuld there neuer hauebene eny chyrch or congregacyon of faythfull & ryght byleuyng people?" (252/7-9). TheMessenger is nonplussed. Chancellor More then asks him further "were there neuer enyfolke yt byleued in god / & had a true fayth betwene Adam and Noe / of such as neuer herdDialogue Concerning Heresies: Books III and IV / 181god speke them self?" (252/11-13). The Messenger concedes "I suppose ther were some /but yt shold seme ther were very few. For ther were few saued in Noes shyp" (252/14-15).Chancellor More proceeds further: "Was ther also no faythfull folke at all frome Noe toMoyses / nor hym selfe neyther tyll he had the law delyuered hym in wrytyng?" (253/2-4).The Messenger is forced to admit that there were some. He is asked "why dyd eny manthan byleue ye chyrch that ys to wytte the nombre and congregacyon of good and ryghtbyleuynge folke / of whose mouth and tradycyon he herde the true byleue" (253/11-14)against the wrong misbeliefs of the infidels and idolaters, unless they believed that God hadtaught these beliefs to the good men before them. Chancellor More then asks the Messenger:I praye you tell me what scrypture hath taught the chyrch to knowewhyche bookys be the very scrypture / and to reiecte many other that werewriten of the same maters / and that in suche wyse wryten / and in thenamys of suche men as (sauynge for the spyryte of god geuen to hyschyrch) a naturall wyse man had bene lykely ynough / eyther to hauetaken both for holy scrypture / or to haue reiected both as none holyscriptur? (CW 6, 253/21-27)Though we prove the authority of the Church by scripture to those who believe nothing butthe scripture, "yet shold we haue byleued the chyrche yf neuer scrypture had ben wryten /as those good faythfull folke dyd / that byleued well byfore the scripture was wryten"(254/3-5). Scripture itself does not make us believe the scriptures, but the Church makes usknow the scripture: "And god wythout scrypture hath taught hys chyrche the knowledge ofhis very scripture from all counterfete scrypture" (254/7-9). A man may read the scripturesand yet believe never a word of it:yt ys the spyryte of god that wyth our owne towardnesse and goodendeuour / worketh in hys chyrch and in euery good membre therof thecredulyte & bylyef / wherby we byleue as well the chyrch concernyngegoddys wordys taught vs by the chyrch and by god graued in mennyshartys wythout scrypture / as hys holy wordys wryten in hys holyscrypture. (CW 6, 254/13-18)Chancellor More continues that "where ye [the Messenger] graunted hym [the UnnamedDialogue Concerning Heresies: Books III and IV / 182Critic] that so dyd oppose you / that we byleue the chyrche by none other way but by thescrypture" (254/19-20), the Messenger did not answer him well because:For we besyde the scrypture do byleue the chyrch / bycause that god hymselfe by secrete inspyracyon of hys holy spyryte / doth... teche vs to byleuehys chyrche... by the selfe same meane by whych he techeth vs and ledethvs in to the bylyefe of hys holy scrypture. (CW 6, 254/21-26)Chancellor More concludes that "yf ye had answered hym [the Unnamed Critic] thus Ibyleue surely that ye had clerely dysarmed hym & broken his gay sworde in twayn"(254/38-39). To which the Messenger responds "so semeth me now to.... yet I trust he shallwynne no worshippe therof whan we mete agayne" (255/4-6). With this Chancellor Moreand the Messenger finish their discussion of the matters of Heresies A2. They then turn inthe rest of Books III and IV to deal with the four matters of Heresies B, already previouslymentioned above.5.3. ANALYSIS OF HERESIES BChancellor More then turns, starting in the next chapter, to discuss the heresy trial ofThomas Bilney (Chapters 2-7; CW 6, 255-84), the first of the four matters ("the abiuracyonof the man he [the Messenger] spake of" [i.e. Bilney] (35/30)—see Figure 4.1) he hadpromised to deal with at the beginning of Book I. In Chapter 2 Chancellor More deals withthe circumstances surrounding Bilney's trial. Chapter 3 is a vindication of the reliability ofwitnesses in heresy trials, In Chapter 4 Chancellor More answers an objection raised by theMessenger concerning the claims of contrary 'witnesses' who wished to prove Bilney'sinnocence after the fact. In Chapter 5 Chancellor More defends the integrity of Wolsey andCuthbert Tunstal, Bilney's ecclesiastical judges. Chapter 6 deals with Bilney's perjury, andin Chapter 7 Chancellor More, in answer to an objection raised by the Messenger, deniesthat a man on peril of perjury may lawfully forswear himself. Except for a 'digression' onthe posthumous trial (1514) of Richard Hunne for heresy in Chapter 15 (314-30), whichDialogue Concerning Heresies: Books III and IV / 183constitutes yet another example of reported dialogue or "dialogue-within-a-dialogue", therest of Book III (Chapters 8-16; CW 6, 284-344) is taken up with a treatment of the secondof the four matters (see Figure 4.1) raised by the Messenger at the beginning of Book I,namely Tyndale's translation of the New Testament. 55.3.1. Tyndale's Translation of the New Testament (III: 8-15) (B.2)Chancellor More begins his treatment of the second matter of Heresies B, first raised bythe Messenger in Book I ("the condempnacyon and burnyng of the new testament /translated by Tyndale" 35/30-32), by criticizing Tyndale's translation of the NewTestament in no uncertain terms. The Messenger asks Chancellor More what he thinks ofthe burning of Tyndale's translation of the New Testament: 6 Chancellor More responds thatto call it the New Testament would be wrong, it should rather be called Tyndale'sTestament or Luther's Testament, since Tyndale following Luther's counsel has corruptedand changed it so much. He goes on to charge that in the whole book there were over athousand places where the text was falsely translated, and especially three words of greatweight that Tyndale has repeatedly mistranslated:The one is quod I this worde prestys. The other the chyrche. The thyrdecharyte. For prestys where so euer he speketh of the prestes of Crysteschyrche he neuer calleth them prestes but alway senyours / the chyrche hecalleth alway the congregacyon / & charyte he calleth alway loue. (CW 6,285/36-286/4)These words do not express the things meant by them and it is clear from the context thatTyndale had a malicious intention in making these changes. Though in the Greek tonguepriests are called presbyteroi, or "elder men," it is clear from the example of Timothy thatnot all priests were chosen old. The word "senior" is either a French word, meaning "Mylord", usually used in mockery, or else, in its Latin sense, it means only an old man, not apriest. He asks why Tyndale calls the Church the congregation. Though the Church is aDialogue Concerning Heresies: Books III and IV / 184congregation, not every congregation is the Church. In England the congregation ofChristian people has always been called and known by the name of the Church, but theword congregation is common both to a company of Christian men and a company of Turks.Similarly with the word charity, though charity is always love, love is not always charity.Charity signifies in English men's ears, not every common love, but a good, virtuous andwell ordered love.The Messenger, while agreeing with Chancellor More's objections to Tyndale'stranslations, nonetheless protests that he does not see any malicious purpose in Tyndale'stranslations. He does however agree that the translation should not go forth in its presentform. Chancellor More argues that the translation was made by Tyndale, while he was atWittenberg, with the intention of propagating Luther's views. Chancellor More goes on tosuggest that the reason why Tyndale changed the word "church" is obvious. Because Lutherdenies that the Catholic Church is the Church of Christ, but rather claims that the trueChurch of Christ is an unknown congregation of folk scattered about here and there,Tyndale in his New Testament cannot abide the name of the Church, but turns it into thename of congregation. Similarly, because Luther and his followers reject the sacrament ofholy orders, Tyndale deliberately puts away the word priest in the New Testament because"he wolde make it seme that the scrypture dyd neuer speke of any prestos dyfferent fromley men amonge crysten people" (289/29-31). After citing other examples of mistranslatedwords, Chancellor More states that Tyndale has made his translation with the intention notonly of promoting Luther's heresies, but also of suggesting that "the prechers haue all thys.xv. C. yere mysse reported ye gospell and englyshed the scrypture wronge / to lede thepeople purposely out of the ryght way" (290/34-36).The Messenger suggests that Tyndale's translation be amended by some good men andprinted again. Chancellor More replies that it would be less labour to translate the wholeDialogue Concerning Heresies: Books III and IV / 185book anew. The Messenger then blames the English clergy for passing a provincialconstitution (in 1408) 7 forbidding the ownership of English Bibles. The clergy will allowlaymen to have no English Bibles at all. This is contrasted with the situation in othercountries where the Catholic clergy allow the people to have vernacular translations ofscripture. 8 The Messenger attacks the English clergy for leading the people astray withglosses of their own making, and using their provincial constitution as an excuse to takeChrist's Gospel out of the hands of Christian people. The scripture is a nourisher of virtuefor good men and a means of amendment for those who are bad. Therefore, the clergy arewrong in forbidding the scriptures to the laity. Chancellor More denies that they do this andlaunches into a defence of the clergy. While admitting that there are many corrupt priests,he argues that they are no worse than elsewhere. He goes on to suggest (in termsreminiscent of Utopia) 9 that if priests were more carefully selected this would solve many ofthe problems. After a digression in defence of clerical celibacy (303-14), Chancellor Morethen returns again to the question of the provincial constitution. The Messenger asksChancellor More to explain why the clergy have forbidden the making of Englishtranslations of scripture. Chancellor More denies that the constitution actually forbids themaking of translations and goes on to explain that, though the Bible had been translatedbeforehand by virtuous and well-learned men into the English tongue, 10 Wyclif took it uponhimself with a malicious intent to translate it anew. In that translation he used such wordsas might seem to serve as proof of his heretical opinions, which he not only set forth in histranslation, but also in the prologues and glosses he added to it.After it was perceived what harm came through Wyclif's translations, prologues andglosses, and how it helped the spread of Lollardry, a council was held at Oxford to decide onthe matter of vernacular translations. This council forbade the making of any newtranslations or the use of existing Wycliffite versions, until the translation had beenDialogue Concerning Heresies: Books III and IV / 186approved by the diocesan, or if need be by a provincial council. However, the council did notforbid the reading of translations made before Wyclif's time, nor did it forbid the making ofnew translations, provided that the translator did not have a malicious intention, as did bothWyclif and Tyndale.The Messenger then cites the example of Richard Hunne, who was posthumouslycondemned of heresy in 1514, and whose body was burned together with an English Biblethat he had in his possession. After an important digression on the Hunne case (316-330), 11Chancellor More concludes:there were in the prologe of that [Hunne's] byble suche wordys touchyngethe blyssed sacrament / as good crysten men dyd moche abhorre to here /and whyche gaue the reders vndouted occasyon to thynke that the bokewas wryten after wyclyffs copy / and by hym translated into our tonge.(CW 6, 330/18-23)More's defence of the Constitution of Arundel may have been somewhat disingenuousbecause, in practise, most of the vernacular versions of the Bible circulating in latemediaeval England were Lollard or Wycliffite in origin; 12 nonetheless, the constitution didprovide a basis for More himself to argue in the next chapter cautiously in favour of makinga new Catholic translation for the laity.5.3.2. Approval for a Vernacular Translation (III: 16) (B.2 cont.)Chancellor More now turns in the last chapter of Book III to give considered approval tothe project of producing a Catholic translation of the Bible into the English vernacular. TheMessenger begins by indicating that as usual he has not been listening carefully to thearguments of Chancellor More in the previous chapter: he reiterates the charges against theclergy, that Chancellor More has just disproved, namely that the clergy keep the vernaculartranslations of the Bible out of the hands of the laity. Chancellor More replies with a hint ofannoyance, by repeating his earlier claim that only those translations that were condemnedDialogue Concerning Heresies: Books III and IV / 187as wicked, such as Wyclif's and Tyndale's, were so withheld, but the older translations thatwere made before Wyclif's time remain lawful. The Messenger, however, asks why theEnglish Bible is in so few men's hands, when so many would have it. Chancellor Morereplies:howe it hathe happed that in all this whyle god bath eyther not suffered ornot prouyded that any good vertuous [i.e. catholic] man bath had themynde in faythfull wyse to translate it / and thervpon eyther the clergy orat the lest wyse / some one bysshop to approue it / this can I nothyngetell. (CW 6, 331/27-31)He states that the clergy are reluctant to approve English translations of the Bible becausethey see many more of the worse sort calling for it than the better, and so they fear that ifthe Bible were in every man's hand it would do more harm to seditious people than good tohonest folk. Chancellor More then expresses his own disagreement with the position of thearchconservatives, stating that he would not for all the harm it brings to those withmalicious intentions, take away the profit that others might take from it. The Messengerstates his agreement with Chancellor More but immediately goes on to attack the clergy forall the reasons that they give for withholding the scriptures from the people:But of all thynge specyally they say that scrypture is ye fode of the soule.And that the comen people be as infantys that muste be fedde but withmylke and pappe. And yf we haue any stronger mete it must be chammed[chewed] afore by the nurse and so put into the babys mouth. But methynke though they make vs all infantys / they shall fynde many ashrewde brayne among vs / that can perceyue chalke fro chese well ynoughand yf they wolde ones take vs our mete in our owne hande. We be not soeuyll tothed but that within a whyle they shall se vs cham it our selfe aswell as they. For let them call vs yonge babys and [if] they wyll / yet bygod they shall for all that well fynde in some of vs yt an old knaue is nochylde. (CW 6, 333/3-13)Chancellor More rebukes the Messenger by replying that it is precisely the Messenger'sattitude that puts good folk in fear of allowing the Scriptures to be translated into ourEnglish tongue. It is not the reading of scrypture, but the "busy chammyng [chewing]Dialogue Concerning Heresies: Books III and IV^188therof", i.e. interpretation, especially of such parts "as lest wyll agre wyth theyrcapacytees" (333/19-20) that is the main source of trouble. Unlearned men show aninordinate appetite for knowledge when they busy themselves in searching into anddisputing about the great secret mysteries of Scripture, which they are unable tounderstand, even when they read about in their own language. He goes on to cite the opinionof Saint Jerome:the blessyd holy doctour saynt Hierome gretely complayneth and rebukeththat lewde homely maner / that ye comon ley people men and women werein his dayes so bolde in the medlynge / dysputynge / and expownynge ofholy scrypture. And sheweth playnly yt they shall haue euyll prefe therin /that wyll reken them selfe to vnderstande it by themselfe without a reder.(CW 6, 334/8-15)Chancellor More clearly sees the reading of scripture as a communal act: the Holy Spirit soguides the Church that he will have some readers and some hearers, some teachers andsome learners. He condemns the bold presumption of those:that boldely wyll vpon the fyrst redyng bycause he knoweth the wordys /take vpon hym therfore to teche other men the sentence with parell of hisowne soule and other mennys to / by the bryngynge men into maddewayes / sectys / and heresyes / suche as heretyques haue of olde broughtvp and the chyrche hath condempned. (CW 6, 335/16-20)whereas wise men devote many years to the study of scriptures and yet fail to understandmany passages. The scriptures are "so deuysed and endyted by the hyghe wysedome ofgod / that it far excedeth in many platys the capacyte and perceyuyng of man" (335/5-7). Ifthe common people are allowed to "cham" and dispute about scripture:than sholde ye haue the more blynde ye more bolde / the more ignorauntthe more besy / the lesse wyt the more inquysytyfe / the more fole themore talkatyfe of great doutys and hygh questyons of holy scrypture and ofgoddes great and secrete mysteryes / and thys not sobrely of any goodaffeccyon / but presumptuously and vnreuerently at mete and at mele. Andthere whan the wyne were in and the wytte out / wolde they take vpponthem with folyshe wordys and blasphemye to handle holy scrypture in morehomely maner than a songe of Robyn bode. (CW 6, 335/22-31)Dialogue Concerning Heresies: Books III and IV / 189All this busy "chamming" results in the holy scriptures losing all honour and reverence. Onthe other hand, if we will read it devoutly, and, wherever the meaning is plain and evident,endeavour to follow its teachings by the help of God's grace and avoid wrestling withobscure passages, then no one will take harm by this manner of reading. Other matters,however, that the common people cannot understand without learning, they should leaveto theym whose hole study is byset thervpon / and to the prechoursappoynted thervnto / whiche may shewe theym suche thynges in tyme andplace conuenyent with reuerence and authoryte / the sermon so tempered /as may be mete and conuenyent alwaye for the present audyence. (CW 6,336/30-337/1)Chancellor More then goes on to defend vernacular translations. It has never beenforbidden to read the Bible in any vulgar tongue, nor is English too barbarous a language totranslate the scriptures into, but, on the contrary, it is rich enough in words to allow us toexpress our minds on any topic. Nor should the difficulties of translation deter us since it didnot deter those who translated the scriptures either out of Greek into Latin, or out ofHebrew into them both. If some readers take harm from reading the Bible in English, thisarises from their own "lewdness", not from the translation. The scriptures were firstwritten in vulgar tongues: Hebrew, Latin, and Greek were themselves once spoken by thecommon people. There is no passage of scripture so hard that a good virtuous man orwoman cannot find something in it to delight in and to increase their devotion. While thepreacher should use discretion in his preaching, there is no harm in having the wholeaudience read over the passage of scripture that he intends to expound. God the Holy Spirithas so arranged the Holy Scriptures that no man may take harm from it except he that willlean proudly to the folly of his own wit. The profit that one good, devout, unlearned laymantakes from scripture outweighs the harm that a hundred heretics fall into by their ownwilfulness. The provincial constitution previously referred to confirms this point. When thebishops allowed English Bibles to remain in use that had been translated before WyclirsDialogue Concerning Heresies: Books III and IV / 190day, they consequently agreed that to have the Bible in English was not harmful. 13Chancellor More then goes on to suggest the possibility of a new translation beingmade, which would be distributed at the discretion of the bishops. 14 The costs of distributingthe Bible in the diocese are to be absorbed by the bishop. The Messenger objects that thepeople would rather pay for it at the printers than have it free from the bishop. ChancellorMore, however, thinks that most will be content with this arrangement. He then goes on tosuggest how the bishops should regulate the reading of scriptures. Though no part ofscripture should be kept out of honest laymen's hands, it should be withheld from those whowould take harm by being too bold and busy meddling with it. Chancellor More suggests—interms reminiscent of the practise in mediaeval monasteries where different books wereassigned by the abbot to different monks for reading and copying—that the bishop should athis discretion determine which books of the Bible should be given to which readers. At thebishop's discretion he may also take the Bible away again from those who abuse it to theirown harm. More seems to be advocating throughout this passage the extension of themediaeval monastic tradition of lectio divina to the laity, where the bishop takes on the rolealmost of an abbot. He draws a very strong contrast between the devout and meditativereading of scripture (which was at the core of the best of monastic spirituality), with thebusy "chammyng" of the word as practised by the Lollards and the Lutherans. TheReformation, as More so clearly saw, was caused not by private reading of the scriptures,but by private interpretation. Chancellor More ends Book III on a note of cautious optimismabout the matter of biblical translations, commenting that the king "is of his blessyd zele somynded to moue this matter vnto the prelates of the clergye / among whom I haueperceyued some of ye gretest and of the best of theyr owne myndes well inclynable therto allredy" (344/25-28). The Messenger declares that he is fully content and satisfied in all thematters that have been discussed. Chancellor More replies "Well quod I then wyll we toDialogue Concerning Heresies: Books III and IV / 191dyner / and the remenaunt wyll we fynysshe after" (344/34-35). At this point they then gooff to eat.5.3.3. The Beginning of Book IVBook IV of the Dialogue Concerning Heresies opens with a scene reminiscent of theopening of Book I of the Utopia. After they had rested for a little while after dinner,Chancellor More and the Messenger then went aside into the garden, and sat down in anarbour. There the Messenger began again by saying that both in the country and in theuniversity where he had been, there were none that had an evil opinion of Luther, but theythought "that his bokes were by the clergye forboden of malyce and euyll wyll" (345/12-13),because the laymen could read in them the priests' faults, and for that very reason, theysay, Luther's works are condemned. They also object that in Luthers works "though someparte were nought / many thyngys yet [were] well sayd / whereof there was no reason thatmen sholde lese ye profyte for the bad" (345/23-25). Chancellor More replies to thisobjection that if it were now doubtful and ambiguous whether the Church of Christ held theright rule of doctrine or not, then it were very necessary to give good audience to anybodywho would dispute for it or against it. However, the case is far different:But now on the other syde yf it so be as in dede it is / yt Crystys chyrchehath the true doctryne all redy / and the selfe same yt saynt Poule woldnot gyue an aungell of heuen audyence to the contrary / what wysedomwere it nowe therein to shewe oure selfe so mystrustfull and waueryng /that... we sholde gyue herynge not to an aungell of heuen / but to a fondefrere / to an apostate / to an open incestuouse lechour / a playne lymme ofthe deuyll / and a manyfest messenger of hell. (CW 6, 346/5-14)It is not Luther's railing against the clergy that is the cause of his condemnation and thesuppression of his books, for the old holy Fathers did not hesitate to denounce the vices ofthe clergy of their time that were wicked, and their books have endured for a long time, butit is because his heresies are so many and so abominable that his works are very apt toDialogue Concerning Heresies: Books III and IV / 192corrupt and infect the reader. For the proof whereof we need no other example than the`good' that the reading of his books has done in Saxony, where of those who read his books"ye shall scantly fynd twayn / but that they... caste of prayer and fastynge and all suchgodly vertues as holy scrypture commendeth / and the chyrch commaundeth" (348/11-14).Chancellor More then promises to show the Messenger some of Luther's heresieswritten in his own books. The Messenger asks Chancellor More in the meantime to tell himsome orally. Chancellor More then goes on to itemize Luther's heresies (348-355). Amongthe heresies of Luther that Chancellor More itemizes is that "no man sholde praye tosayntys nor sette by any holy relyques nor pylgrymagys / nor do any reuerence to anyymagys" (355/1-2), namely the very heresies that have been the subject matter ofHeresies A 1 . The Messenger replies:By my trouthe quod your frende I hadde forgoten / that whan I was nowein the vnyuersyte in the communycacyon that I had wyth my frendys therein that mater [cf. Book III:1] / one of theym objected agaynst me / that theworshyppe of ymagys hath be ere thys condempned by a greate counsall inGrece. (CW 6, 355/3-7)There was indeed such a council, replies Chancellor More, that was called together by anemperor who was a heretic "whych was after in the eyghteth [seventh] Synode by thegenerall counsayll dampned and adnulled" (355/9-10). 16 This heretical council had no morevalidity than if those in Saxony and Switzerland, who have abandoned the faith, were togather together and call their meeting a general council. At this point in the second edition of1531, More made an important addition to the text (355/28-59/31). 15 This consists of yetanother reported dialogue. Its theme, the defence of images, looks back to the first additionof 1531 in Book 1:2 on the Image of Love, already dealt with in the previous chapter; whilefor its locale More returns to the university setting of Book III:1, and the reported dialoguebetween the Unnamed Critic and the Messenger, where we meet if not the Unnamed Criticagain then certainly another of the same ilk, and no doubt a friend both of the UnnamedDialogue Concerning Heresies: Books III and IV / 193Critic as well as the Messenger.There was one person at their meeting, continues the Messenger, who was learned inthe law, who will be referred to hereafter as the 'Law Student.' At one point when theywere gathered in the Law Student's chamber at the university, the Law Student said that ifhe wished he could show a fair law incorporated into the decrees of the Church "whych laweyf it were layed in theyre lyght that wold take vppon theym the defence of eny worshyppe tobe done to ymagis / wolde make all theyr eyen dase" (355/31-356/1). Those present allasked to see it. Whereupon the Law Student took down a copy of Gratian's Decretum, 17 andshowed them a text in which St. Gregory the Great wrote to a certain bishop that hadbroken the images in his church, and though St. Gregory blamed him for breaking them, yetfor all that he commended him because he would not allow them to be worshipped. 18Chancellor More asks the Messenger:Dyd you quod I rede that law your selfe? In good fayth quod he [theMessenger] I stode by and loked on yt boke whyle he [the Law Student]redde yt. Dyd he quod I or you eyther rede the next law folowyng in theboke [i.e. the Decretum]? Nay veryly quod he / for me thought thys wasynough. (CW 6, 356/13-17)Then Chancellor More responds that if they had read the next law following it in theDecretum, or the gloss on the law itself they would have seen "yt the law whych he [the LawStudent] shewed you made lytle for his purpose" (356/20-21). The Messenger replies thatthey did not look at the following law "for we thought to fynde yt contrary. And yf we shold /then shold we not yet haue wyst which we shold byleue" (356/25-26). To which ChancellorMore responds that the law following it in Gratian's Decretum "ys a law synodal] made inthe .vi. [seventh] Synode / in whyche there is well and playnely shewed that ymagis be to beworshypped among crysten men" (356/28-31). 19 The decrees of this Ecumenical Council,declare that:Dialogue Concerning Heresies: Books III and IV / 194though we do the ymage honour & reuerence / yet for dyuyne honour &seruyce onely done to god / that kynde of worshyppe called latrya weneyther do nor may do / neyther to ymage nor any creature in all the holeworld eyther in heuen or erth. (CW 6, 357/2-6)(These decrees concerning dulia, hyperdulia and latria, it should be recalled, had beenalready treated beforehand in Heresies A 1 in Books 1:17 and II:11, as discussed in theprevious chapter.) The Messenger objects, however, that in the law itself we read that St.Gregory plainly says the contrary. To which Chancellor More responds "in dede ye bokesayth no more but that they shold not be worshypped by thys laten word adorare. Bywhyche word he vnderstode the diuine worshyp called latrya" (357/13-15). Though the lawfollowing also uses the word adorare, it does so of that kind of worship [i.e. hyperdulia], thatmay be offered to images and not of latria. The Messenger objects again that the two lawsappear to be plainly contradictory. To which Chancellor More replies that it would be veryunlikely "yt saynt Gregory were of one mynd and the hole Synode [Ecumenical Council] ofthe contrary" (358/1-2). Chancellor More then promises to show the Messenger that St.Gregory meant the same as the Council:And therwyth I toke downe of a shelfe among my bokes the regystre ofsaynt Gregoryes epystles / and therM turned to the very wordes whych areby Gracyane taken owt of hys secunde epystle ad Serenum episcopumMassilie / and in corporate in the decrees. (CW 6, 358/10-14)By collation of these two texts, Chancellor More showed him that Gratian had taken only apart of that epistle, and that, from the other words of the epistle itself, it became evidentthat St. Gregory spoke only of the divine worship and observance due to God himself, whichas learned men well know is called latria. The decree itself makes this clear when it statedthat images are the books of lay people wherein they read the life of Christ. (It should berecalled that Chancellor More had already made use of this same decree in the treatment ofThe Image of Love in Book 1:2, discussed in the previous chapter.) The Messenger repliesDialogue Concerning Heresies: Books III and IV / 195that he is well satisfied in this. But to return to the matter, responds Chancellor More:neyther the bysshoppe of Massyle that brake the ymagis that they spekeof / nor the counsayle of grece neyther scismatycall as it was / went neueryet so farr as Luther and Tyndall and theyr company do / whych not onelyset at naught ymagis but also leue no saynt vnblasphemed / nor Cristesown mother neyther. (CW 6, 359/27-33)At this point the 1531 addition ends, and Chancellor More returns to itemizing Luther'sheresies. When he is finished, the Messenger replies that it is enough to hear these heresiesrehearsed to make Luther hated by all good people.After finishing his account of the treatment of images in Book IV: 2, Chancellor Morereturns in Chapter 3 to the third matter of Heresies B. Book IV continues with a critique ofLuther's doctrines, and of the spread of the Reformation on the continent (Chapters 3-9;CW 6, 360-76). This is in turn followed in Chapters 10-12 by an account of the examinationof an English Lutheran preacher that focuses on the central Lutheran doctrine ofjustification by faith alone (376-405).Chapter 3 deals with how Luther first fell into heresy, Chapter 4 with Luther'sappearence before the Emperor Charles V at Worms in 1521 and Chapter 5 with Luther'sintransigence and the inconsistency of his opinions. Chapter 6 on Luther's scorn of theChurch Fathers, and rejection of every interpretation of Scripture but his own. In Chapter 7the horrors are described of the Peasant Revolt in Germany (1525), for which Luther isblamed, and of the Sack of Rome (1527) by mainly Lutheran Landsknecht of the HolyRoman Emperor. In Chapter 8, Chancellor More argues that among the Lutherans thedoctrines of their sect itself are the cause of their cruelty and malice. In Chapter 9 Lutherteaches monks and nuns to break their vows of chastity made solemnly to God, and to live inspiritual incest by marrying one another, when even the pagans severely punished thosewho broke vows of chastity made to their false gods.Dialogue Concerning Heresies: Books III and IV / 1965.3.4. The Examination of a Lutheran Preacher (IV: 10-12) (B.3b)The account that follows in Chapter 11 (for which Chapters 10 and 12 serve effectivelyas 'Prologue' and 'Epilogue' respectively) of the trial or examination of an unnamedLutheran preacher is probably the most sustained example of reported dialogue or 'dialogue-within-a-dialogue' in all of More's works, with the possible exception of the 'Cardinal MortonEpisode' in Book I of Utopia. The dialogue that follows, which focusses on the centralProtestant doctrines of 'Justification by Faith alone' and Predestination, is obviously meantto serve as a general analysis of these heresies, and is not necessarily to be taken as therecord of an actual ecclesiastical examination for heresy. 20 The rubric to Chapter 11 of BookIV gives one or two details about the 'Examination' not mentioned in the text:And for profe that how so euer they [the Lutherans] colour theyr wordes /they meane that all dependeth vppon only desteny / he reherseth a certayndyspycyon [disputation] had wyth an heretyque detected to the bysshop 21 &examyned / the author beynge present / where the heretyque beyng lerned& a prechoure / made many shyftys to make yt seme that in hys euyllwordys he ment but well. (CW 6, 378/3-9)As a layman, Chancellor More was presumably present as an observer by invitation of thebishop, and may not have had any active role in the questioning of the heretic. There is noreason to suppose that the next twenty-five pages that follow in Chapter 11, to the extentthat they may be based on a real trial, are necessarily a verbatim transcript of the actualexamination or process; rather their function, as a "dialogue within a dialogue" 22 is toillustrate the labyrinthine ways of heresy and error, and to recapitulate many of the themespreviously discussed by the Messenger and Chancellor More. This account forms the climaxof Heresies B, and as such fittingly focuses on the central Lutheran doctrines of 'Justificationby Faith Alone' and Predestination.The examination is reported as a "dialogue within a dialogue" by Chancellor More whorelates both sides of the argument, 23 while the Messenger once or twice interjects his ownDialogue Concerning Heresies: Books III and IV / 197comments. The responses of the English Lutheran, referred to hereafter as the 'LutheranPreacher', are indicated by such phrases as "To thys he sayde" (381/22) or "To this heanswered" (382/26), while the replies of the ecclesiastical judges are signalized by the use ofimpersonal constructions such as "Than was yt sayde vnto hym" (381/1, 382/3, 383/4), and"Then was yt answered hym" (380/6, 387/12). 24 In the discussion that follows I havepreserved these remarkable periphrastic constructions which are an integral part of thestyle of this passage, but to help clarify the argument I have clearly indicated when it is theLutheran Preacher who is speaking.In Chapter 10, which effectively serves as a 'Prologue' to this section of Heresies B,Chancellor More first introduces the themes of Justification and Predestination. Inconcluding the account of Luther's heresies that was given in Chapters 2-9, he condemnsthe followers of Luther's sect in Germany:as those that wrechedly lay all the weyght and blame of oure synne to thenecessyte and constraynt of goddys ordynaunce / affyrmyng that we do nosynne of oure selfe by eny power of our owne will / but by the compulsyonand handy worke of god / And that we do not the synne our selfe / butthat god dothe the synne in vs hym selfe. (CW 6, 377/1-6)This belief gives these wretches great boldness to follow their foul affections, since theythink that it is vain for them to resist their own sinful appetites. For Luther says that "theythat shall be dampned / shall be dampned he sayth for no deseruynge of theyr owne dedys /but for suche euyll dedys / as god onely forced and constreyned them vnto and wroughte inthem hym selfe" (377/21-24), and that God will damn them finally because it was not hispleasure to choose them as he did his Chosen People.In the next chapter, the Messenger begins by suggesting that perhaps Luther did notintend to do the evils that he is blamed for, and that even if the Lutherans in Germany arewicked, that there are some Lutherans in England, who are honest men, and who are veryfar from Luther's manner of living:25Dialogue Concerning Heresies: Books III and IV / 198yet thought your frend [the Messenger] that such as here fauour & folowhis [Luther's] sect in England / of whom sum seme ryght honest & farrfrom hys maner of lyuyng / do not so take hys wordes nor vnderstandethem that way [i.e. provoking sedition] / but construe them to sum bettersence. (CW 6, 378/15-18)Chancellor More denies this and argues that "ye find few that fall to that sect / but that soneafter they fall in to the contempt of prayer and fastynge and of all other good workys vnderthe name of ceremonyes" (378/25-27). For all their appearances to the contrary, they meanno better than Luther himself. Chancellor More continues that in these matters:I haue had good experyens / and amonge many other thyngys thys that Ishall shewe you. It happed me to be lately present / where as one in theLutheranes bokis depely lerned / and of trouth neyther in holy scrypturenor in seculare lytterature vnlerned (as I perceyue not only by thetestimony of other men and the degrees he hadde taken in thevnyuversyte / but also by hys wordys and hys wrytynge) was in thepresence of ryght honorable vertuous and very cunnyng persons examyned.(CW 6, 378/33-379/6)At first the Lutheran Preacher tried to hide his heretical views unsuccessfully, but at last,seeing that they could not be concealed, he began to confess and declare the opinions of hissect; nonetheless, trying to make it seem that there was nothing strange or contrary to rightbelief in their opinions. Chancellor More starts his account of the Examination proper byreporting that the Lutheran Preacher began by claiming that:whan he came to thopynyon / by whych they holde that onely fayth aloneys suffycyent wythoute good workys / vnto yt he sayd in the begynnyngthat they ment nothyng ellys therby / but that men shold put theyr faythin goddys promyses and hope to be saued therby / and that they shold notput theyr trust in theyr workys / for that wolde turne them to pryde.(CW 6, 379/36-380/5)He was answered that he could not mean so because if this were their meaning, then theymeant no differently than every common preacher had preached before Luther's days. Whatpreacher has not taught them to do well, and taught them that, though God will rewardgood deeds, that they should not put their trust in themselves and their own deeds, but inDialogue Concerning Heresies: Books III and IV / 199God's goodness. These things the Church has always taught against putting too much trustin our own deeds. If the Lutherans meant the same thing as the Church means, then youwould preach as the Church preaches "and not blaspheme ye chyrche in your sermons / asthough ye bygan true prechynge of the gospell / and that the chyrch had hytherto prechedfalse" (380/29-31). Luther says plainly that faith alone without any good works justifies usand suffices for our salvation. Then the Lutheran Preacher replied that "fayth ys suffycyentalone / yf one happen after he haue faythe and baptysme to dye ere he haue tyme to do enygood workys" (380/36-381/1). Then he was answered that he could not mean so for thenwhy should they blame the church, which teaches not the contrary. To this the LutheranPreacher replied that:they thought also that fayth alone doth iustyfye a man wythoute eny goodworkys / not onely in chyldren but also in euery age. For whan so euer aman that hath ben a synner dothe repente and amend in hys mynde wytha full faythe in the promysys of god / he ys iustyfyed ere euer he do enyof these good workys / almoyse / fastyng / or eny such other. (CW 6,381/22-27)Then he was asked whether, if his faith is to be effective, a man should have charity and theintention of doing good works joined with it. The Lutheran Preacher replied "Yes quod hethat he must yf he haue age & dyscrecyon therto" (382/8-9). Then he was answered that:then was all goone that hym self had sayd bifore. For than dyd not faythalone iustyfye the man / but the charyte wyth ye purpose of good workys /must by his owne grauntyng nedys go therwith / or ellys wold hys faythiustyfye nothynge at all. (CW 6, 382/9-14)But then the Lutheran Preacher replied to this that only faith was sufficient and that faithalone justifies because if a man has faith, he must of necessity do good works. For faith cannever be idle, just as the fire must always burn and give heat. Faith always has good hopeand charity combined with it, and can not but work well, no more than fire can be withoutheat. Then he was answered that:Dialogue Concerning Heresies: Books III and IV / 200where ye saye yt fayth hath alway good hope wyth it / that semeth notalway trewe. For he that hopeth that by fayth alone he shall be sauedwythout eny good workys / as Lutheranis do byleue in dede / he hath aneuyll hope & a dampnable." (CW 6, 383/11-14)If it is true that faith alone is sufficient because faith always has charity joined with it, thenwhy do you not preach as well that charity alone is sufficient, which is as near to the truthas the other opinion. Charity is the thing that specially brings forth good works rather thanfaith. Charity is not always joined with faith:Thapostell Poule in many places of his epistles sayth ye contrary therof. Forhe sayth that yf a man haue so grete fayth that he myght by the force ofhis fayth worke myracles / and also such feruent affeccyon to the fayth ythe wolde gyue his body to the fyre for the defence therof / yet yf he lackedcharite / all hys fayth suffysed not. (CW 6, 383/28-34)The Messenger at this point objects that the Lutheran Preacher should have arguedthat St. Paul was just using hyperbole, that he meant only to show the great need that menhave for charity, and that he did not intend to suggest that it were possible for faith to occurwithout charity. Chancellor More replies "Forsoth quod I the man lacked you there / for hefounde not that glose" (384/26-27). He goes on to explain that St. Paul's purpose was toteach the Corinthians that they should not trust that any gift of nature, or gift of God abovenature, or any manner of virtue, alms deeds, faith, or anything else were able to stand themin good stead without charity. Chancellor More then paraphrases the famous passage oncharity in 1 Corinthinas, Chap. 13, and concludes, "ye may se nowe that your glose wold nothaue releued thys man" (385/20-21). St. Paul plainly shows in this passage that:fayth may be wythout cheryte / and that both so grete that yt may suffyseto the doyng of greate wonders / and so feruent that yt may suffre apaynfull deth / and yet for fawte of charyte not suffycyent to saluacyon /and that thys may happe as well in fayth as in almoyse dede / whych theappostle putteth in the same case. (CW 6, 385/29-34)Contrary to the Messenger's argument and the words of the Lutheran Preacher, St. PaulDialogue Concerning Heresies: Books III and IV / 201shows that all the works of faith, seem they never so good, are nothing indeed if they arenot done with charity. He commends only the faith that works by charity, signifying that allother works of faith are not efficacious. Then a further objection was raised against theLutheran Preacher, that St. James says that those who consider faith without good workssufficient for salvation are worse than devils, and that without good works faith is dead.At this point in the 1531 edition Thomas More inserted an addition (386/18-388/34)dealing with the argument of the Epistle of St. James. The Lutheran Preacher cannot objectthat if a man has no good works, he has no faith, because a dead faith is no faith, for St.James "denyeth not but that suche a dede fayth as he calleth dede bycause yt isvnprofytable / ys yet a very fayth in dede / though yt be not quykke in good workys"(386/32-387/1). The Lutheran Preacher then answered that:sum ryght well lerned men were of the mynde / yt wythout a man wroughtgood workys yt was a good profe yt he had no fayth at all / for very faythcould not but worke / and yt the deuyll had no fayth but by equyuocationeof thys word fayth. (CW 6, 387/5-8)Then he was answered that those well-learned men were Luther and Tyndale and theircompanions, but that the apostles St. Paul and St. James taught the contrary. St. Jamesknew much better than Luther and Tyndale what manner of perceiving the devils have inthe articles of our faith, and that when Luther and Tyndale claim that the devil has no faiththey go about to set St. James to school:For they wold we sholde wene that saynt James dyd speke of fayth lykeone that wyste not what fayth ment / but were deceyued by equiuocation ofye word / callyng fayth the thyng yt is not fayth in dede / where as indede saynt Iamys speketh of yt as he sholde / and vseth the word in hysryghte sygnyfycation / and these Lutheranys abuse the word of amalycyouse mynde to deceyue vnlerned people wyth equyuocation. (CW 6,387/32-388/2)Faith signifies the belief which is given not only to such things as God promises, but also toevery truth that he tells his Church, either by writing or without writing, which he wouldDialogue Concerning Heresies: Books III and IV / 202have us bound to believe. The Lutherans seek to blind us with their equivocation by whichtheyabuse the word fayth all to gether / turnyng it slyly from bylyefe in totruste / confidence / & hope / and wolde haue yt seme as though our faythwere no thyng ellys but a sure truste and a faythefull hope that we hauein goddys promises. (CW 6, 388/12-16)The Lutherans would make us believe that our faith were nothing but hope, whereas everyman knows that faith and hope are two distinct virtues, and that hope is not faith butfollows faith in him that has hope. It is possible to have faith without hope, one may as thedevil does, believe in Heaven and know it too, yet be far from all hope thereof. Even hope isnot enough, for hope without charity will but beguile them. Having finished his proof thatfaith alone is insufficient without hope and charity, Chancellor More then turns in thesecond half of Chapter 11 to proving that good works are also necessary for salvation.5.3.5. Faith, Works, and Predestination (IV: 11b-12) (B.3b cont)At this point in his account of the 'Examination of The Lutheran Preacher', ChancellorMore then turns to the topic of the relationship between faith and works, and then after thatto Predestination. The Lutheran Preacher, in response to the arguments of his EcclesiasticalJudges in the previous section, replies that when they say that only faith is sufficient, theymean not a dead faith that is without charity and good works but "a very fayth that isquicke and worketh by charite / & that such fayth he thought was suffycient" (389/1-3).Then he was answered that he could not mean so, for did not Luther say that it isgrete synne and sacrylege to go about to please god by good workes / & notby only faythe? How coud they say that onely fayth suffyseth / yf theyshold meane that without charyte and good workis no fayth suffyseth? Foryt were a mad thyng to saye that fayth alone suffyseth withoute goodworkis / and therwyth to say that wythout good workes fayth suffysethnothynge. (CW 6, 389/8-14)Luther says that nothing can damn a Christian man except lack of belief. Then theDialogue Concerning Heresies: Books III and IV / 203Lutheran Preacher objected that though faith is nothing without good works, yet when it isjoined with good works, all the merit comes from our faith only, and no part thereof fromour works. He was answered that Luther says:yt yt is sacrylege to go about to please god by eny good workis but faythonly. And than why sholde good workes be ioyned to fayth / or why sholdgod exacte good workes of vs? wherof shold they serue yf they be nothyngplesaunt to god? (CW 6, 390/3-6)Then the Lutheran Preacher was asked what moved him to think that when faith andgood works are joined together, the good works are worth nothing, but that all the merit is tobe found in the faith. To which he replied that if our good works should be the cause of oursalvation, then as St. Paul says Christ died for nothing. For he did not need to die for us, ifour own works could have saved us. Nor were we redeemed freely, if we could redeemourselves with the payment of our own works. Then he was answered that, though Christfreely redeemed us "onely of goddys mere [utter] lyberall goodnes" (391/22-23), and though"yt be sayd by the mouth of our sauyour / he that byleueth shall be saued / where henothynge speketh of eny good workys / yet meaneth he not that he yt byleueth shall besaued / wythout good workys yf he Iyue to do theym" (391/27-30). For else it would bepossible to be saved by keeping the commandments without faith since Christ said that ifyou wish to enter into the Kingdom of Heaven you must keep the commandments. At whichtime Christ spoke no words about faith. Christ also says in the holy scriptures:Gyue almoyse / and all is clene in you. Whych wordys yf men sholde aslargely conster [construe] for the preemynence of almoyse dede / as ye thatare of Luthers secte conster the textys that speke of faythe / they myghtetake a false glose and coloure to saye / that wythout faythe or penaunceeyther / or eny other vertue / almoyse dede alone suffyseth for saluacyon /how wretchedly so euer we lede oure lyfe besyde. (CW 6, 392/1-7)To this the Lutheran Preacher replied that none of these texts prove the contrary of hisclaim that when faith and good works are joined together, all the merit comes only from ourDialogue Concerning Heresies: Books III and IV / 204faith and nothing comes from our works. Then he was answered that even if no text ofscripture proved the contrary, yet since there is none that says so, and the whole Churchsays and believes the contrary, what reason, he was asked, do you have to say so?However, there are passages in scripture that are openly to the contrary:Sayth not Cryste of theym that dothe almoyse / A good measure shakentogether / heped and runnyng ouer shall they gyue in to your bosome?Dothe not our lorde shewe that in the day of iugement he wyll geue thekyngdome of heuen to theym that haue done almoyse / in mete / drynke /clothe / and lodgynge / bycause of theyr charite vsed in those dedes? (CW 6392/34-393/4)Although these good deeds will not be rewarded without faith, Christ promised to rewardthose works, and not just faith only. The man, on the other hand, who works wonders byfaith but without good works or charity, "hys fayth shall fayle of heuen" (393/14-15). Thenthe Lutheran Preacher replied that if a man has faith, his faith shall not fail, nor cease tobring forth the fruit of good works. Then he was answered that he had made this pointbefore but that "fayth or byleue ys not contrary to euery synne / but only to infydelyte andlacke of bylyef / so that wyth other synnes it maye stand" (393/22-24). The LutheranPreacher replied that if men believed surely, he thought they would not sin. For who wouldsin if he truly believed that sin should bring him to Hell? Then it was answered that, thoughthis might stop many from sinning, that yet there are many men on the other hand who,though their faith were never so strong, it would still not be strong enough to master theirevil desires. For all his faith, St. Paul was so afraid when he was tempted with "the thorn inthe flesh" (cf. 2. Cor. 12: 7-9), that he prayed three times for God to take the temptationaway. The Patriarchs believed in God and yet they sinned: "I can not se but that Adambyleued the wordys of god / & yet he brake hys commaundement. And I thynke that kyngDauyd fell not from his fayth though he fell fyrst in aduoutry [adultery] and efte [after] inmanslaughter" (394/14-18). Then the Lutheran Preacher further objected that:Dialogue Concerning Heresies: Books III and IV / 205yf our good workys and faythe be ioyned / yet myghte yt well appere byscrypture that all the meryte was in our faythe / and nothynge in mannysworkys. For all the workes of man he sayde be starke nought / as thyngysall spotted wythe synne. (CW 6, 394/31-34)He was answered that he had clearly changed his former opinion. Previously, he had saidthat faith alone was enough, because it brought good works of necessity with it, but that"now ye saye that there be no good workys at all but all oure workys be starke nought"(395/12-14).Then he was answered that though "all suche iustyce of ours as ys onely ours / is allspotted and in effect all one fowle spot / for eny bewtye that yt hath in the glorious eye ofgod" (395/29-32), this does not mean as Luther and his followers would have it seem, thatthe grace of God working among all his people is so feeble and has so little effect, that noman may with the help thereof be able to do one good, virtuous deed. Luther plainly teachesthat no one, even with the help of God's grace, can obey the commandments of God. Whenyou say that we can do no good with the help of God's grace, "than were grace by your talea very voyde thynge" (396/17). The Lutheran Preacher is then asked:Was than all the laboure and the payne that the appostles toke inprechynge / all naught and synfull? all the turmentys that the martyrssuffered in theyr passyon all togyther syn? all the dedys of charyte thatCryste shall (as hym selfe sayth) reward with euerlastynge lyfe at thegenerall iudgement be they synne all togyther? Saynt Poule rekened itotherwyse. For he sayd boldely of hym selfe / bonum certamen certaui /cursum consummaui / et nunc superest mihi corona iusticie / I hauelaboured and stryuen a good stryfe / I haue perfourmed my course / nowelacketh me no more for me but the crowne of iustyce. (CW 6 396/17-27)Of all the foolish words that Luther spoke, he never spoke more foolishly than when heclaimed that God has need of our faith, even though he has no need of our good works:Trouthe is it that he nedeth neyther oure faythe nor our workys. But syththat he hath determyned that he wyll not saue vs without bothe yf we beof dyscrecyon to haue both / therfore haue we nede of bothe. And yetneyther is there the one nor the other nor they bothe togyther bytwenetheym / that be of theyr owne nature worthy the rewarde of heuyn. (CW 6,Dialogue Concerning Heresies: Books III and IV / 206397/19-24)To this the Lutheran Preacher objected that God accepts none of the works of infidelsbecause without faith it is impossible to please God; but that God accepts all the deeds ofthose of his faithful chosen people who believe and trust in him. At this point ChancellorMore comments that:in the rehersynge of the communycacyon had with this man / it maye wellbe that my remembraunce maye partely mysse the order / partelyperaduenture adde or mynysshe in som parte of the matter / yet in thispoynte I assure you faythfully / there is no maner chaunge or varyauncefrom his oppynyon / but that after many shyftes he brought it playnly tothis poynte at laste / that he and hys felowes that were of Luthers secte /were fermely of this oppynyon / yt they byleued that onely god worketh allin euery man good workes and bad. (CW 6 398/18-26)Then the Lutheran Preacher was asked whether St. Peter's denial of Christ or David'sadultery and manslaughter were well approved by God. To which he replied that becausethey were chosen and predestined, therefore those sins were not imputed unto them, andneither were the sins of any other such predestined men, and that all the works of a personpredestined by God to glory, turn to good for him, no matter how evil they are. The finalconclusion of the Lutheran Preacher's argument was that:all thynge hangeth onely vppon desteny / and that the lybertye of mannyswyll sholde serue of ryght nought / nor mennys dedys good or badde madeno dyfference afore god / but that in his chosen people nothynge myslykethhym be it neuer so badde / and in the other sorte nothynge pleaseth hymbe it neuer so good. (CW 6, 400/4-9)Then it was answered him that where he alleged of St. Paul, that there is no damnation tothose that are in Christ Jesus, this saying was meant "of good faythfull folke that lyuevertuously / and therefore where he sayth that there is no dampnacyon to theym that be inCryste Iesu / yt foloweth forthwith in the texte / those that walke not after the flesshe"(400/18-21). If God accepts all the works of the predestined then their sin is no sin, but onlyDialogue Concerning Heresies: Books III and IV / 207those who are not predestined actually sin:And than is it as moche to saye as no man may lawfully be nought / noman lawfully do thefte or aduoutry / nor lawfully be a manquellor / norlawfully forswere hym selfe / but goddes good sonnes and his specyallchosen chyldren. (CW 6, 400/27-30)God does not remit the sin of his chosen people nor does he forbear to impute the blame forsin to them "For he accepteth not folke for theyr persons but for theyr merytys"(401/20-21). God sometimes punishes more severely those who were formerly good in orderthat by punishment they should be called again to grace:God called on Dauyd by the prophete Nathan / and yet punyshed hisoffence. Cryst loked on Peter after he had forsaken and forsworne hym /and Peter therewith toke repentaunce. God loked on Judas and kyssed hymto / and he turned to none amendement. Nowe god frome the begynnyngebefore the worlde was created / foreseynge in hys dyuyne prescyence orrather in the eternyte of hys godhed presently beholdynge / that Peterwolde repent and Judas wolde dyspayre / and that the one wolde take holdeof hys grace and the other wolde reiecte it / accepted and chose the one andnot the other / as he wold haue made the contrary choyce / yf he hadforesene in them the contrary chaunce. (CW 6, 401/29-402/5)In Chapter 12 Chancellor More finally concludes the 'Examination of the LutheranPreacher' by condemning the false opinion of the English Lutheran Preacher—that all whoshall be saved are only saved because God predestined them, and that all their deeds aregood, or if evil yet God imputes no blame to them, and that God has predestined all otherpeople to be damned, and does not accept their good deeds because he has not chosenthem—as the most abominable heresy that ever was. This execrable heresy makes God thecause of all evil, and makes him seem worse than the cruelest tyrant or tormentor. Thosewho believe with Luther that no man does any evil himself, but that it is God himself whodoes it all, will not care what they do, except for fear of the temporal laws of this world. Butif their false faith is strong enough, they will set all human laws at nothing also. Whatpurpose should having laws serve then, and what would become of all good order amongDialogue Concerning Heresies: Books III and IV / 208men if every misguided wretch could claim that his mischievous deeds were the workings ofdestiny? If free will serves for nothing and every man's deeds are his destiny, why do theycomplain about those who punish heretics, since it is their destiny to do so? They seek toturn the world upside down, and defend their foly and heresy by force. And this they call theliberty of the Gospel—to be discharged of all order and all laws, and do whatever they like,whether good or bad, and attribute it all to the works of God wrought in them. But if theirheresies were once accepted, how much suffering would befall before the World were setonce again in order and peace?5.4. THE CONCLUSION TO THE DIALOGUE CONCERNING HERESIESAfter concluding his account of 'The Examination of the Lutheran Preacher',Chancellor More then turns (Book IV, Chapters 13-18a; CW 6, 405-430) to the fourthmatter of Heresies B, the last of the issues raised by the Messenger in his "letter ofcredence" at the beginning of Book I of the Dialogue Concerning Heresies, namely thejustification for heresy trials and the war with the Turks ("the warre and fyghtyng agynstinfydels / with the condempnacyon of heretykes vnto dethe" 36/2-3). Chapter 13 is adefence of heresy trials. In Chapter 14 Chancellor More argues that it is lawful forChristian princes to fight against the Turks and other infidels. In Chapter 15 that Christianprinces are bound to punish heretics. In Chapter 16 Chancellor More describes how simpleunlearned people are often deceived by the learning of heretics, who prey on them likewolves in sheep's clothing, disguising the true intent of their teachings. In Chapter 17Chancellor More argues that though the Lutherans often seem to lead holy lives, they arethe worst heretics that ever sprang out of Christ's Church. In Chapter 18a (428/20-430/28)Chancellor More states that in punishing heretics the Church does no more than the old holydoctors did before. 26After this final matter of Heresies B has been dealt with, Chancellor More "to theDialogue Concerning Heresies: Books III and IV / 209entent that ye shall perceyue it moth the better / and ouer yt byleue your owne eyen and notmy wordys in many thyngys that ye haue herde of my mouth" (430/29-31) gives theMessenger several books to read in which he had marked the relevant passages "redy withryshes bytwene the leuys / and notes marked in the mergentys where the matter istouched" (430/35-36). Among the books which Chancellor More gave the Messenger werecertain works of St. Cyprian, St. Augustine, and other holy doctors, and also "therewythalla worke or twayne of Luther / and as many of Tyndall" (431/3-4). After the Messenger hashad a chance to read over the relevant passages, they meet again on the following evening.The Messenger tells Chancellor More that he has seen in the books that he has been giventhat the clergy do no more at the present for the punishment of heretics, than the old holyfathers did in time past. And further he said that:he had sene of Luthers owne wordys worse than he had euer herderehersed / and in Tyndall worse yet in many thyngys than he sawe inLuther hym selfe. And in Tyndals boke of obedyence 21 he sayd that he hadfounden what thynge Tyndall sayth agaynste myracles and agaynst theprayenge to sayntys. (CW 6, 431/16-20)Chancellor More replies "I wolde it had happed you and me to haue red ouer that boke of hisbefore" (431/22-23), and offers to go through Tyndale's Obedience of a Christian Man withthe Messenger and "peruse ouer his reasons in those poyntys / and consyder what weyght isin them" (431/24-25). To which the Messenger replies contemptuously that his own formerarguments in favour of the Lutheran position were stronger than Tyndale's:Nay by my trouth quod your frende we shall nede nowe to lose no tymetherM. For as for myracles / he sayth nothynge in effect but yt whiche Ilayd agaynst them before / yt the myracles were the workys of ye deuyll.Sauyng that where I sayd yt it myght peraduenture be sayd so / he sayththat in dede it is so / & preueth it yet lesse then I dyd. And therfore as foryt worke of his without better profe is of lytell weyght. (CW 6, 431/26-32)Chancellor More responds that Tyndale's word alone ascribing all miracles to the working ofthe devil ought not, to weigh much among Christian men against the writings of St.Dialogue Concerning Heresies: Books III and IV / 210Augustine, St. Jerome, St. Ambrose, St. Chrysostom, St. Gregory, and many other holydoctors writing in defence of miracles and pilgrimages. The Messenger replies that whatTyndale says against praying to saints is very bare. It must needs be bare unless he avoidsmiracles, continues Chancellor More, of which he will have neither God willing nor the devilable to show any as proof for their part. The Messenger finally dismisses Tyndale'sarguments "as for reasonyng the matter of prayng to sayntes / he is not worth ye redyngenow. For all ye substaunce in effecte yt ye [Chancellor More] proue it by / is by hym clenevntouched" (432/21-23). The arguments that Tyndale brings forth of his own making are sofaint that they are plainly confuted by all the old holy doctors. The Messenger has obviouslybeen completely won over by Chancellor More's arguments and contemptuously concludes"whan I consyder bothe ye partes well / & rede Luthers wordes & Tyndals in some placeswhere ye layde me the rysshes / I can not but wonder yt eyther any Almayne [German]coulde lyke the one / or any englysshe man the other" (432/31-34). Chancellor Moreconcludes with a prayer that God maysende these sedycyous sectes the grace to ceace / & the fauourers of thosefaccyons to amende / & vs the grace yt stoppynge our eres from the falseenchauntementes of all these heretykes / we may by the very fayth ofCrystes catholyke chyrche so walke with charyte in the way of good warkesin this wretched worlde / that we maye be parteners of the heuenly blysse /whiche the blood of goddes owne sonne hath bought vs vnto. (CW 6,435/21-28)He then invites the Messenger to dinner "And this prayer quod I seruynge vs for grace / letvs nowe syt downe to dyner. Which we dyd. And after dyner departed he home towarde you[the Friend] / and I to the courte" (435/28-31).Dialogue Concerning Heresies: Books III and IV / 2115.5. CONCLUSIONWhile the treatment of the topics in Heresies B, which it should be remembered werenot selected by Chancellor More for discussion, but were first raised by the Messenger at thebeginning of Book I, and to which Chancellor More finally only responded in Books III andIV of the Dialogue Concerning Heresies, is more disjointed than the treatment of the topics inHeresies A, nonetheless, it can be seen that even here there is a coherent structure to thecourse of the argument in Heresies B. The treatment of Bilney's trial in the first half of BookIII (B.1), and the general discussion of heresy trials in the second half of Book IV (B.4), in asense provide an outer layer or 'shell' to the core of Heresies B, namely the discussion ofTyndale's translation of the New Testament (B.2), and Luther's heresies (B.3), especially`Justification by Faith Alone' and Predestination (B.3b) in Chapters 10-12 of Book IV—in amanner analogous to the relationship between the 'outer shell' of Book I of Utopia and the`Cardinal Morton Episode', and also the relationship between the two parts of Heresies A,namely Heresies A 1 and Heresies A 2 .The matters that have been omitted from the discussion of this chapter are mainly ofhistorical interest. Although they occasioned the writing of the Dialogue ConcerningHeresies, the real focus of More's argument lies elsewhere. More's criticism of Tyndale'stranslation of the New Testament and his own advocacy of a Catholic translation of theBible, together with his analysis of the Lutheran doctrines of Predestination andJustification in the "dialogue-within-a-dialogue" of the "Examination of the LutheranPreacher" in Book IV, Chapters 10-12, is clearly at the heart of his argument in Heresies B.If the focus of Heresies A is on defending the whole system of traditional Catholic beliefssurrounding the relationship between saints, miracles, images, and pilgrimages; and also onreiterating the orthodox Catholic teaching that the Oral Tradition of the Church is asnecessary as and as much a part of divine revelation as the written Scriptures; then thefocus of Heresies B is to show that the revolutionary changes advocated by the early EnglishProtestants were aimed very clearly and deliberately at subverting and destroying thisDialogue Concerning Heresies: Books III and IV / 212whole system of traditional English Catholic beliefs.In the argument of Heresies B, Chancellor More is opposed to Tyndale's translation(B.2) precisely because it is deliberately subversive. He is clearly not opposed to biblicaltranslation as such, since he advocates having a Catholic translation made. Similarly, inanalysing the Lutheran doctrines of Justification and Predestination (B.3b), ChancellorMore clearly shows that when these doctrines are taken to their logical extreme they lead topolitical revolution and the subversion of both Church and State, as witnessed in the horrorsof the Peasant Revolt in Germany (1523) and the Sack of Rome by German Landsknecht(1527), described in the first part of Book IV (Chapters 3-9 = B.3a). It is against thisbackground that Chancellor More justifies the Trial of Thomas Bilney in the first part ofBook III (B.1) and the Church's traditional treatment of heretics, discussed in the last partof Book IV (B.4).The Dialogue Concerning Heresies was the first of five polemical works dealing with theEnglish Reformation written in English in the period 1528-1533. In these works and in thetwo earlier Latin polemics, More dealt in one way or another with all the crucial issuesraised by the Protestant Reformation, which were to separate Catholics and Protestants forcenturies afterwards. Among the major issues, addressed by More in his polemical works,including the Dialogue Concerning Heresies, are the translation of the Bible, the oraltradition of the Church, the nature of the Eucharist, the role of the Holy Spirit in guiding theconsensus fidelium, the doctine of Purgatory, and devotion to Our Lady and the Saints, etc.More was prophetic right at the very beginning of the English Reformation in pointing outall the crucial issues that were to divide Catholics and Protestants. Many of these sameissues were also to be crucial in the next century in the conflicts between Anglicans andPuritans. Though some of the theological positions held by the High Church party, e.g.acceptance of Royal Supremacy, were quite different, many of the battles were the same.More's polemical works are a veritable theological gold mine for anyone interested in thehistory of the English Reformation, as well as being a literary treasure house for anyoneDialogue Concerning Heresies: Books III and IV / 213who wants to study the beginnings of modern English prose and the evolution of the Englishlanguage in the Early Modern period.Though More's own theological views were impeccably orthodox, many of his emphasesin the polemical works were surprisingly modern. His deep devotion to the Eucharist,unusual in the early sixteenth century, anticipates much that was best inCounter-Reformation, and even High Anglican (e.g. Herbert and Donne) piety. His sense ofthe church, especially in the Dialogue Concerning Heresies and in the Confutation ofTyndale's Answer, as the 'Common Corps [body] of Christendom' is surprisingly organic,anticipating many of the later positions of Vatican II. (In contrast to Fisher's polemicalworks, More has very little to say about the 'hierarchical' Church.) His emphasis, alsodeveloped in the Confutation, on the role of the Holy Spirit in guiding the consensus of thefaith of the Church down through the ages again seems very unusual in the early SixteenthCentury, either among Protestants or Catholics, and also fits in with his own very organicunderstanding, as a lay theologian, of the nature of the Church.More hammered out his own theological positions at white heat in the course of the fivecrucial years 1528-1533 that marked the beginnings of the English Reformation. By theend of this period he had resigned from his position as Lord Chancellor of England, and wasliving in semi-retirement while writing his polemical treatises. A year later in 1534 he wasarrested and imprisoned in the Tower of London. While in prison he returned again to thedialogue form to write the last of the four works under consideration in this study, theDialogue of Comfort, to be taken up in the next chapter. In that work on one level Moreturned inwards away from the conflicts of the polemical works to analyse the nature ofcomfort in tribulation, but on another level in the Dialogue of Comfort he was to offer aprofound and moving extended meditation on the nature of human suffering, persecution forthe faith, and Christian martyrdom that ultimately transcends the limited positions of theReformation conflicts.Dialogue Concerning Heresies: Books III and IV / 214NOTES1. There is a brief, incomplete summary of Books^of the Dialogue ConcerningHeresies in J. Gairdner, "Appendix: Abstract of More's Dialogue," Lollardry and the Reformationin England, 4 vols. (London: MacMillan, 1908-13; rpt. New York: Burt Franklin, 1974), 1:543-78, esp. 567-78. Gairdner briefly summarizes Book III, chaps. 2-5, 8-14; Book IV, chaps. 1,13-14, 17-18.2. More had particularly close connections with Oxford where he studied in 1492-94,before attending the Inns of Court in London. Either Oxford or Cambridge may be intended here.3. The form of this reported dialogue shows certain similarities to the two "dialogues-within-dialogues" in Books 11:16 and 111:14 of the Dialogue of Comfort described in the nextchapter.4. By having Chancellor More address the Friend at this point, in describing theMessenger's "dialogue-within-a-dialogue" with the "Unnamed Critic," More the author is ratherartfully reminding us that the Dialogue Concerning Heresies is itself one long "reporteddialogue."5. There is a brief summary of Heresies B.1 available in J. Gairdner, "Appendix: Abstractof More's Dialogue," 567-69.6. The first edition of Tyndale's New Testament survives only in fragmentary form. SeeThe Beginning of the New Testament. Translated by William Tyndale, 1525. Facsimile of theUnique Fragment of the Uncompleted Cologne Edition, introduction by A. F. Pollard (Oxford:Clarendon Press, 1926). For the 1534 edition see The New Testament. Translated by WilliamTyndale, 1534, ed. N. H. Wallis (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1938).7. See "Appendix C: The Heresy Statutes," in The Apology, Vol. 9 of The Complete Worksof St. Thomas More, ed. J. B. Trapp (New Haven: Yale UP, 1979), 247-60.8. For general background to the history of late Mediaeval vernacular translations, see"The Vernacular Scriptures," The Cambridge History of the Bible: Vol. 2, The West: From theFathers to the Reformation, ed. G. W. H. Lampe (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1969), 362-491.9. See CW 4, 226/19-26.10. See CW 6, 690, note to 314/23-27, and 692, note to 317/11-12. It is possible that Morealso had in mind some of the vernacular biblical paraphrases that were so popular in the lateMiddle Ages, cf. n.8.11. For the Case of Richard Hunne and More's treatment of it in the Dialogue ConcerningHeresies and the Supplication of Souls see J. D. M. Derrett, "Appendix B: The Affair of RichardHunne and Friar Standish," in The Apology, Vol. 9 of The Complete Works of St. Thomas More,ed. J. B. Trapp (New Haven: Yale UP, 1979), 213-46; S. M. Jack, "The Conflict of Common Lawand Canon Law in Early Sixteenth-Century England: Richard Hunne Revisited," Parergon n.s. 3(1985): 131-45; R. J. Schoeck, "Common Law and Canon Law in the Writings of Thomas More:The Affair of Richard Hunne," Proceedings of the Third International Congress of MedievalCanon Law, Strasbourg, 3-6 September 1968, ed. Stephen Kuttner, Monumenta Iuris Canonici,ser. C., subsidia 4 (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1971), 237-54; S. J. Smart,"John Foxe and The Story of Richard Hun, Martyr,"' JEH 37 (1986): 1-14; R. Wunderli,"Pre-Reformation London Summoners and the Murder of Richard Hunne," JEH 33 (1982):Dialogue Concerning Heresies: Books III and IV / 215209-24; S. Brigden, London and the Reformation. 98-103.12. For pre-Wycliffite translations, see G. Shepherd, "English Versions of the ScripturesBefore Wyclif," The Cambridge History of the Bible, 2: 362-87; and for the Wycliffite versions,see H. Hargreaves, "The Wycliffite Versions," ibid., 387-415.13. John Fisher also agreed with More on the matter of vernacular translations, see R.Rex, ed., "St. John Fisher's Treatise on the Authority of the Septuagint," JTS 43 (1992): 68-70,100-101.14. A scheme very much like this was actually later carried out by the English bishopsafter the break with Rome.15. This is the second of three 'major' additions to the 1531 edition. The other two occurat 39/26-47/22 and 386/18-388/34, cf. Chapter 4, n.46.16. The synod of Hiereia in 753 A.D., called by the Emperor Constantine V condemnedthe use of images. Its decrees were in turn condemned by the Second Council of Nicaea (787A.D.), the seventh Ecumenical Council (not the eighth as Chancellor More mistakenly identifiesit)—see CW 6, 703, note to 355/7-10, and E. Ruth Harvey, "Appendix A: The Image of Love,"CW 6, 742-44, where the Eighth Century Iconoclastic Controversy is briefly discussed asbackground to More's treatment of the Image of Love in Book 1:2.17. For Gratian's Decretum, which was one of the most important canonical collections ofMediaeval Canon Law, compiled in the mid-Twelfth Century, see the New Catholic Encyclopedia,17 vols. (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co., 1967), 6: 706-708. For More's own knowledge ofCanon Law, see R. J. Schoeck, "Common Law and Canon Law in Their Relation to ThomasMore," St. Thomas More: Action and Contemplation, ed. R. S. Sylvester (New Haven: Yale UP forSt. John's University, 1972), 17-55 and "Common Law and Canon Law in the Writings ofThomas More: The Affair of Richard Hunne" (cf. n.11).18. For St. Gregory's two letters to Bishop Serenus (Registrum Epistolarum, Books IX: 105and XI: 13), see PL 77, 1027-28, 1128-30; and CW 6, 704, note to 356/5-12. There is anEnglish translation by J. Barmby in A Select Library of Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, Vol. 13:Gregory the Great, Ephraim Syrus, Aphrahat, ed. P. Schaff, and H. Wace (1888?; rpt. GrandRapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans, 1956), 23, 53-54.19. More follows Gratian in mistakenly identifying the synod as the Sixth not the SeventhEcumenical Council, cf. CW 6, p. 704, note to 356/16-357/8. On 355/9-10, already previouslyquoted, the same council was also incorrectly identified as the Eighth Ecumenical Council, seen.17 above.20. For More's treatment of Justification and Predestination in the Dialogue ConcerningHeresies, and his Patristic and Scholastic sources, see G. Kernan, "Saint Thomas MoreTheologian," Thought 17 (1942): 281-302. Though one would have thought that the theme ofBook IV: 10-12 was completely obvious, G. R. Elton for one completely misses the point ofMore's "dialogue-within-a-dialogue." One is amazed to read in his review of CW 6 of More's"total failure to consider the problems of justification and predestination on the level employedby the Lutherans", EHR 98 (1983): 155. He also misses the point of More's discussion of theImage of Love, see Chapter 4, n.47.21. If the examination is supposed to have taken place in London, then the bishop wouldbe Cuthbert Tunstall, the bishop of London in 1528, and a close friend of Sir Thomas More; seealso previous note.Dialogue Concerning Heresies: Books III and IV / 21622. In this case the "dialogue within a dialogue" is clearly a Streitdialoge or conflictdialogue. For patristic and mediaeval examples of streitdialogen, see E. Reiss, "Conflict and itsResolution in Medieval Dialogues," in Arts liberaux et philosophic au Moyen Age (Montreal:Institute d'etudes medievales; Paris: J. Vrin, 1969), 863-872.23. The Yale editors identify this individual (citing Tyndale's Answer) as Dr. RobertForman who was examined for heresy and suspended by Cuthbert Tunstall on March 19, 1528,see CW 6, 714). However, there is no proof that More necessarily had a specific person in mind.In an otherwise fine study, Susan Brigden rather naively assumes that More's account is afactual record of Forman's examination, see London and the Reformation, 113-15.24. The impersonal passive construction here is very similar to the use of the Greekmiddle mood. It is especially reminiscent of such expressions as legetai ("it is said") andgraphetai ("it is written") in the New Testament and elsewhere. I know of no other comparableexample of such usage in English.25. In an earlier section (Book IV: 7; CW 6, 368-72), Chancellor More had blamed theGerman Lutherans for the excesses of the Peasant's Revolt in 1525, and of the Sack of Rome in1527.26. There is a brief summary of Heresies B.4 available in J. Gairdner, "Appendix:Abstract of More's Dialogue," 575-77.27. The obedience of a Christen man and how Christen rulers ought to gouerne, (Antwerp:1528).6. A DIALOGUE OF COMFORT6.1. THE ARGUMENT OF THIS CHAPTERDespite the general recognition that the Dialogue of Comfort is a great spiritualmasterpiece, many have felt that the work is disorganised and rambling, and lacking in anyclear structure. E. E. Reynolds echoes the general view when he states that "any attempt tosummarize the contents of the Dialogue of Comfort would not be helpful; it lacks a carefullydeveloped argument that can be systematically set down." 1 In the same vein, G. R. Elton inreviewing the Yale Edition rather disparagingly remarks "Manley [one of the Yale editors]very nearly succeeds in imposing upon the Dialogue of Comfort the sort of thematic structurethat its author rather signally failed to achieve. i 2 Later in the same review, Elton goes on tosuggest that the pretence of genuine argument between the two friends in the dialoguewears quite thin, and that Vincent, the young man in the dialogue seeking counsel, though"not quite reduced to the 'yea verily, Socrates' of More's Platonic model" too rarelyinterrupts "the flow of his uncle's discourse, and when he does get a longer speech of hisown he tends to continue rather than oppose the older man's line of argument." 3Contrary to the views of E. E. Reynolds and G. R. Elton and many others, I contendthat the Dialogue of Comfort has a very carefully developed (albeit extremely convoluted andlabyrinthine) structure, that can be effectively summarized. To this end I have included inthis chapter a summary of the argument of the dialogue which captures all the major twistsand turns in the dialogue (not argument) between the two speakers, Vincent and Anthony,and clearly indicates that Vincent is not a straw man, that he makes a genuine contribution,through the objections he raises, to the unfolding of the dialogue. 4In the main part of this chapter I provide an interpretive reading of the three books ofthe dialogue that emphasizes the contributions that each speaker makes to the unfolding ofthe dialogue, and also points to the main divisions within the structure of the work. ThoughAnthony, the older man giving counsel in the dialogue, does most of the talking, theobjections raised by Vincent are genuine ones, pace Elton. More the author, like the 217A Dialogue of Comfort / 218Providence of Boethius's Consolation of Philosophy (one of More's models), foresees withoutpredetermining the course of the argument. Anthony cannot proceed until he has effectivelyanswered those objections. Elton is deceived: the Dialogue of Comfort is not a controversialwork in the same vein as the Dialogue Concerning Heresies. The congenial tone of thedialogue, however, does not belie the fact that the anguish felt by Vincent at the prospect ofthe Turkish invasion is very real, and that Anthony is hard pressed to provide Vincent withthe necessary good counsels that will offer Vincent comfort in his tribulation.Part of the problem in dealing with the Dialogue of Comfort is the apparently chaoticand formless nature of More's dialogues. Manley himself admits that:The dialogue form modifies the argument of the book and keeps it frombeing presented as logically and straightforwardly as it might have been ina regular treatise or discourse. The argument disappears at times into thedeliberate garrulity of the dialogue. At other times it is carried forward bythe conversation itself in a kind of crabwise progress through objection.(CW 12, lxxxviii)Manley grants too much, however, to More's critics. Though some like Elton may be takenin by Anthony's garrulity, it would be textually and rhetorically naive to confuse thetalkativeness of the old man in the dialogue with the mind of the author. Anthony is clearlymeant in some ways to be an embodiment of the 'holy fool' or 'wise fool,' like Moria in ThePraise of Folly and Hythloday in Utopia. 5 Louis Martz, Manley's co-editor, comes closest (indiscussing More's 'art of improvisation') to the mark: "The whole movement... ischaracteristic of More's mode of apparently extemporaneous chattering which leads theaudience by irony and indirection into the very heart of the issue" (CW 12, lxiii). Elsewhere,Martz argues that More's use of indirection and exploratory digression in his late works isvery Augustinian. 6 Without in any way minimizing Martz's fundamental insight, I wish topoint out that such a method of improvisational and exploratory digression is notincompatible with having a coherent outline of the whole work already planned in one'smind, before ever putting pen to paper. Underneath the apparently chaotic surface, thework is actually very carefully organised. There are no loose ends, at least none that I canA Dialogue of Comfort / 219find—points are often made, as in real conversations, that are not pursued, but it is alwaysclearly indicated that they are being dropped. In the best Horatian manner, More is nevermore artful in the Dialogue of Comfort than when he appears most artless.6.2. TEXTUAL HISTORYThomas More wrote A Dialogue of Comfort in Tribulation in 1534/35, while he was inthe Tower of London awaiting execution. The final period of More's life lasted from hisimprisonment in the Tower of London in April 17, 1534 until his execution on July 6, 1535.The works that More produced in this period are collectively known as "The Tower Works,"and are published in Volumes 12 to 14 of the Yale Edition. Besides the Dialogue of Comfort,during that short time More managed to compose the De Tristitia, a profound and movingmeditation, written in Latin, on Christ's Agony in the Garden, of which the autographmanuscript survives, ? the English Treatise on the Passion (partly written before More'simprisonment), 8 a short meditation on the Eucharist, A Treatise to Receive the Blessed Body,some prayers and meditations, 9 and More's "Prison Letters." 10 This was an extraordinaryachievement for a man in More's circumstances, and at least in the case of the Dialogue ofComfort, he managed to produce an acknowledged literary and spiritual masterpiece,perhaps the finest of his English works.After More's death the Dialogue of Comfort circulated in manuscript form. The mostimportant surviving manuscripts are the Corpus Christi Manuscript, Bodleian Library, Ms.C.C.C. D.37; and British Library, Ms. Royal 17 D.XIV. There are at least two othersixteenth-century manuscripts in existence, which were overlooked by the editors of therecent Yale Edition: British Library, Harley 1634; and Glasgow University Library, HunterV.2.19. A fifth manuscript was also recently acquired by Yale University Library. " TheDialogue of Comfort was first published in 1553 by Richard Tottel during the reign of QueenMary. Four years later in 1557, it was included by William Rastell in his folio edition ofMore's English Works, and it was published again in Antwerp in 1573 by the EnglishRecusant printer John Fowler. Fowler based his edition on the 1553 and 1557 editions,A Dialogue of Comfort / 220together with some emendations of his own (cf. CW 12, xxii).The first modern edition (based on the 1553 edition) was published by J. Warrington inthe Everyman series, together with the Utopia, in 1910. 12 It was reissued with modernisedspelling in 1951. 13 It was edited again in a slightly abridged and modernised form (omittingabout twenty percent of the text) by Leland Miles in 1963. 14 In 1976, Louis L. Martz andFrank Manley published the first genuinely critical edition of the Dialogue of Comfort asVolume 12 of the Yale Edition of the Complete Works of St. Thomas More. The Yale editionwas based on the Corpus Christi Manuscript, together with variant readings from BritishLibrary, Royal 17 D.XIV, and the 1553, 1557 and 1573 editions. Martz and Manley did notmake use of the Harley or Glasgow University manuscripts; however, the variants in thesemanuscripts are not substantive enough to necessitate re-editing the text. 16It is necessary to describe the Corpus Christi manuscript briefly because of animportant editorial decision made by the Yale editors. The Yale edition is the first modernedition to take seriously into account the manuscript evidence, all previous editions beingbased on the early printed editions. The Yale editors distinguish up to five different hands(CW 12, xxii-xxviii), of which the most important are the basic scribal hand A, described as"a secretarial hand of the first half of the sixteenth century" (CW 12, xix), and hand B, thechief correcting hand, dating from the middle of the sixteenth century, tentatively identifiedby the Yale editors as that of William Rastell (CW 12, xlvi-xlix).In an extensive discussion of the two hands (CW 12, xxviii-xliii), the Yale editors arguefor the priority of the A text over all other versions (including British Library, MS. Royal 17D.XIV, and the early printed editions). This conclusion is not significantly altered by thenew manuscript finds (see Figure 6.1 for Revised Stemma). 16 The manuscript wasextensively revised by hand B (Rastell), probably with an aim to publication. 17 Many of thecorrections made by B are clearly editorial in nature (cf. CW 12, xxxvi); however, it becameobvious to the Yale editors from the many parallels with the other surviving textualwitnesses that B also had another manuscript available to him, possibly even More's15531557- ^B [Y][X]C C1573Figure 6.1: Revised Textual Stemma ITable of Sigla for Yale EditionO Holograph of More's Dialogue of Comfort.X, Y^Hypothetical intermediate manuscripts.CC^Corpus Christi Manuscript, Bodleian Library, Ms. C.C.C. D.37.A^Hand A in the Corpus Christi Manuscript.B Hand B in the Corpus Christi Manuscript.L British Library, Ms. Royal 17 D.XIV.H British Library, Harley 1634 [not used].Glasgow University Library, Hunter V.2.19 [not used].1553^Tottel's edition of A Dialogue of Comfort, London, 1553.1557^Rastell's edition of A Dialogue of Comfort contained in the Folioedition of More's English Workes, London, 1557.1573^John Fowler's edition of A Dialogue of Comfort, Antwerp, 1573.221A Dialogue of Comfort / 222holograph. 18 The Yale editors were then faced with the difficult task of reconciling theclaims of the two hands. They chose to be as conservative as possible in following the Atext. 19 However, they also included the words and phrases added by B in the text, printedwithin half-brackets (cf. CW 12, clxv). (I have used triangular brackets in my quotationsinstead.)6.3. GENRE, AUDIENCE, BACKGROUND, AND STRUCTUREThe form of the work is that of a literary dialogue between two speakers, though,unlike Utopia and A Dialogue Concerning Heresies, there are no prefatory letters and no realintroductory material either. The two speakers are an uncle named Anthony and a nephewnamed Vincent. 20 The Dialogue of Comfort is divided into three books. In the dialogue ofBook I, Vincent visits his uncle to ask him to describe the nature of comfort in tribulation,the central theme of the work. The dialogues in Books II and III take place about a monthlater, supposedly on a single day, with only a break for dinner between Books II and III.In the Dialogue of Comfort More presents us with the vision of a society on the verge ofcollapse. The fictional setting of the dialogue is in Hungary in the years 1527-1528, aboutseven to eight years before the actual time of writing, after the disastrous defeat of theHungarian army by the Turks in 1526 at the Battle of Mohacs, and before the final Turkishinvasion of Hungary by Suleiman the Magnificent in 1529, which led to a permanentTurkish occupation (cf. CW 12, cxx-cxxxv). The fictional setting of the Dialogue of Comfortproves to be integral to the structure of the work. It would be too easy to read the work as amere 'allegory' in the modern sense of the word. While undoubtedly there are clear parallelsbetween Henry VIII and the 'Grand Turk', and between the fate of Hungary at the hands ofthe Turks and that of the Roman Catholic Church in England at the hands of Henry VIII, acareful reading of the work should suggest, as Manley points out, that the dialogue cannotbe read on one level only. 21The Dialogue of Comfort works on several levels: sometimes the 'Grand Turk' is theliteral historical figure of Suleiman the Magnificent, at other times he may represent aA Dialogue of Comfort / 223veiled reference to Henry VIII, and at other times to the Devil himself. 22 In the same waywithout being a formal allegory, the 'Turkish invasion' also can either represent the literalhistorical event, or the chaos caused by the English Reformation and the ensuingpersecution of English Catholics, 23 or, on a larger, more universal scale, all the forces ofchaos, evil and destruction that threaten the Christian here in this life. 24There is clearly a very personal dimension to the work. One has a strong sense inreading through the Dialogue of Comfort of the author struggling to come to a finalacceptance of his own death. His serenity at the time of his execution is well-known. What isnot so well-known is how much it cost him personally to come to that point. Part of More'sgenius was his ability to universalize his own situation and see it sub specie aeternitatis. Bydoing so he was able to objectify his own position and stand apart from it, and becomedetached without giving in to resignation, though, in the course . of the Dialogue of Comfort,More makes it clear that he was no stoic and that martyrdom did not come easily to him.At the same time it is obvious that the Dialogue of Comfort was also meant to be a"Handbook for Christian Martyrs." Though the nominal setting of the Dialogue of Comfortwas Hungary, it is clear that More was partly writing to strengthen and comfort his ownfamily and those of his friends who were to remain faithful to the old religion and who in theprocess would likely suffer imprisonment and torture, exile or death at Henry VIII's hands.More did not offer any false comfort to them by trying to deny the horrors they might face,but rather tried to give them courage and strength to face these horrors.However, the Dialogue of Comfort was clearly not concerned solely with the Englishsituation either. More seems also to have been genuinely, deeply concerned about the tragicfall of Hungary, and the terrible vulnerability of a theologically divided Christendom to theincursions of the Turks. 25 "The Grand Turk" sometimes is clearly identified with the literalOttoman Emperor, sometimes Henry VIII, and at other times with the Devil: in fact, theGrand Turk is a symbol of all the forces of chaos and destruction at work in the world,including tyrannical kings and rulers. 26 In the end, the Dialogue of Comfort deals not justA Dialogue of Comfort / 224with contemporary religious conflicts, but more universally with the problem of sufferingand of how the good or devout man should face this suffering.The Dialogue of Comfort like many of More's other major works also represents ahybrid of several different literary genres. On the one hand it draws heavily on the classicalconsolatio tradition, of which the most famous example is Boethius's Consolation ofPhilosophy. 27 However, the work also has strong connections with the specifically Christiantradition of comfort that found expression in the many popular "books of comfort" that wereproduced in the later Middle Ages. 28 Unlike in the classical consolatio, including Boethius,reason is clearly subordinated to faith in More's Dialogue of Comfort which can perhaps bebest described as a consolation of theology or of the theological virtues, rather than ofphilosophy (cf. CW 12, cxix). More seems to be quite unique in combining the classicaltradition of consolatio with that of the Christian tradition of comfort. This is part of whatgives the work its tremendous resonance. 29Frank Manley, in the introduction to the Yale Edition, on "The Argument of the Book"(CW 12, lxxxvi—cxvii), analyses the threefold division of the Dialogue of Comfort into threebooks in terms of the three Theological Virtues: Faith, Hope, and Charity. However,Manley's analysis does not go far enough. The Dialogue of Comfort Against Tribulation is atreatment not only of the theological virtues, but also of their polar psychological andspiritual opposites: doubt, fear, tribulation, despair, suicide, pride, pusillanimity (timidity),hate, persecution, and martyrdom. The work is an exploration of all the ways in which thetribulations of this life, culminating in persecution for the faith and Christian martyrdom,can undermine the workings of divine grace, and of the remedies provided by the theologicalvirtues of Faith, Hope, and Charity. Thus, paradoxically, More's "Book of Comfort" is inplaces a very dark book—it has as much to do with doubt and fear as with faith; as muchwith pride and despair and excessive scrupulosity as with hope; and as much with hatred,persecution and martyrdom as with love or charity.Alongside the tripartite structure, there is another parallel structure consisting of aA Dialogue of Comfort / 225Book IPreface^ Introduction to Book I3/1-9/16 Vincent comes to seek comfort from his uncle AnthonyComfort in Tribulation (I:14:12)Chapters 1-29/17-14/4Chapters 3-514/5-19/7Chapter 619/8-23/8Chapters 7-1023/10-35/6Chapter 1648/1-56/12Chapters 5-991/1-102/3On the insufficiency of the comforts of ancient moral philosophy,and on the necessity of having the foundation of faithThe first source of comfort in tribulation is the desire to becomforted by GodThe desire to have tribulation taken away is not always sufficient,since God sometimes wills for us to suffer tribulationAnthony then claims that every tribulation1. either comes to us through our own fault2. or is sent by God as punishment for past sins3. or else is sent to increase our patience and our meritTribulation leads not only to the purging of our sins, but also tothe increase of our heavenly rewardof Tribulation (I:13-1:20)Anthony claims that those who never experience tribulation inthis life never experience comfort either. Vincent objects1. the Church prays for the health of princes and prelates2. if health and prosperity are wrong why take medicine3Solomon, Job, and Abraham were all prosperous4. many rich men are good and many poor people are evilAnthony answers Vincent's objections: worldly pleasure is notalways unpleasant to God, nor tribulation always wholesome,but tribulation can take many forms—troubles that grieve themind as well as bodily pains. Even the prosperous canexperience many tribulationsGod often sends tribulation to make us pray to him for helpThe prayers of those suffering tribulation are far more pleasing toGod than the ones of those who are prosperous. Tribulation isa gracious gift from GodIntroduction of Book IIVincent returns again after a monthIt is sometimes permissible to seek worldly comfort in tribulation,for example telling 'merry tales' (many occur in Comfort B)There are three kinds of tribulation:1. those a man willingly takes upon himself (e.g. penance)2. those he willingly suffers (to be the subject of Comfort B)3. those he is unable to avoid (already dealt with in Book I)After dealing briefly with the first kind of tribulation (penance),Anthony subdivides the second kind into two:1. temptation in which the devil tries to trap us (Book II)2. persecution in which the devil fights us openly (Book III)Chapters 11-1235/7-40/13On the NecessityChapters 13-1540/14-47/27Chapters 17-1856/13-63/23Chapters 19-2064/1-77/26Book IIPreface78/1-82/4Chapters 1-278/1-82/4Chapters 3-486/15-90/26Figure 6.2. Comfort A: The Book of ComfortA Dialogue of Comfort / 226Book IIChapters 10-11102/4-106/261. Chapters 12-16107/1-157/22. Chapter 16157/2-166/73. Chapter 17166/8-187/29Book IIIPreface and Chapter 1188/1-199/244. Chapters 2-4200/1-205/26Chapters 5-16206/1-244/21Chapters 17-22244/22-288/17Chapters 23-27288/18-320/28Introduction of Psalm 90, leading up to verses 5-6 (ch.11):... non timebis a timore nocturno / a sagitta volante in die, anegocio perambulante in tenebris, ab incursu & demoniomeridiano:^thow shalt not be aferd of the nightes feare, norof the arrow fleyng in the day, nor of the bysynes walkyngabout in the darknesses / nor of the incursion or invacion of thedevill in the mydde day (105/18-23).The first temptation: "The night's fear"—Of pusillanimity (ch. 13-14)[Mother Maud's Tale (114/14-120/6)]— Of suicide (ch. 15-16)[Vincent and Anthony imagine how they would counsel the"spiritual man" of Cassian's Collations who contemplatedsuicide (129/2-157/2)]The second temptation: "The arrow flying in the day"—Of the temptations of pride and prosperityThe third temptation: "The business walking in the darkness"—Of the temptation to evil business or frantic activity in thepursuit of worldly riches, and on the proper use of wealth[They break for dinner (186/26-187/28)]Introduction to Book III—News of impending Turkish invasion of HungaryThe fourth temptation: "The incursion of the noonday devil"— The distinguishing mark of this temptation is persecution forthe faith—This persecution brings two kinds of tribulations:1. Those that affect the body2. Those that affect the soul (dismissed immediately)— There are two kinds of harm the body can take:1. The loss of outward things (3:5-3:16)2. Harm to the body itself (3:17-3:27)1. The loss of outward things—loss of worldly possessions, offices, positions of authority, andlands[Of the flattery of the great prelate in Germany (Wolsey?)(212/22-218/4)][Vincent play-acts the role of a great lord who feared to losehis possessions (229/10-237/28)]2a. Harm to the body itself—Of bodily pain, hard labour, loss of liberty and imprisonment,and death[On the topos of "The Prison of This Earth" (255/9-270/12)]2b. Harm to the body itself (Continued)— On painful and shameful death, persecution and martyrdomFigure 6.3. Comfort B: The Meditation on Psalm 90(91):5-6.A Dialogue of Comfort / 227more or less traditional "book" of comfort and consolation, comprising all of Book I and thefirst twenty odd pages of Book II, which I will call Comfort A (see Figure 6.2 for a schematicanalysis of the structure of Comfort A),3° followed by an extended meditation on Psalm 90(91), especially verses five and six, that runs through the second two-thirds of the workfrom page 102 onwards to the end of Book III, which I will call Comfort B. 31 After a briefdiscussion of Psalm 90(91): 1-4 in Chapter 10, on page 105 in Book II, Chapter 11,Anthony goes on to quote verses 5 and 6 of the same Psalm:Scuto circumdabit to veritas eius 1 non timebis a timore nocturno r a sagittavolante in die, a negocio perambulante in tenebris, ab incursu & demoniomeridiano: The trouth of god shall compasse the about with a pavice[shield], thow shalt not be aferd of the nightes feare, nor of the arrowfleyng in the day, nor of the bysynes walkyng about in the darknesses /nor of the incursion or invacion of the devill in the mydde day. (CW 12,105/17-23).As Louis Martz points out, "the great central text from Psalm 90... runs like a refrainthrough the rest of Book II and on throughout Book III, forming the basis for a sustained setof considerations on the comfort to be found in "the truth of God". 32 Martz goes on to showhow the four temptations of Psalm 90: 5-6 provide an architectural framework for the restof the Dialogue of Comfort. 33 My own "model" of the structure of Comfort B (see Figure 6.3)is essentially a refinement of that provided by Martz and the somewhat complementaryanalysis of Martz's co-editor Frank Manley (cf. CW 12, xcv-cxvii), though I have not agreedin every detail with their divisions of the text. As Martz and Manley point out (cf. CW 12,lxxiv-v, , ci-civ) the first three temptations of Psalm 90 provide the framework for much ofBook II: the first temptation, "the night's fear," the temptation of fear and despair, is dealtwith in Chapters 12-16 (107-57), and the second and third temptations, "the arrow flyingin the day" and "the business walking in the darkness", the temptations of pride andprosperity, and of the frantic pursuit of worldly goods and wealth respectively, in Chapters16-17 (157-87), while the fourth temptation, "the noonday devil," persecution for the faithA Dialogue of Comfort / 228and the threat of martyrdom, takes up all of Book III.6.4. THE FUNCTION OF PSALM 90Before turning to an analysis of the text of the Dialogue of Comfort, it is necessarybriefly to discuss the main exegetical traditions surrounding Psalm 90 (91): 5-6, since thiswill be crucial for correctly understanding the structure of Comfort B. 34 There are two maintraditions, one, found mainly among the Desert Fathers, which interprets the "noondaydevil" of Psalm 90: 6 as the spirit of acedia or "accidie", and the second, originating with St.Augustine and St. Jerome, which interprets the daemon meridianum as the persecution oftyrants or the seductions of heretics.The clearest statement of the first view is in Cassian's Institutes, Book 10, Chap. 1: 35Our sixth combat is with what the Greeks call acedia, which we may termweariness [taedium] or distress of heart [anxietatem cordis]. This is akin todejection [tristitia], 36 and is especially trying to solitaries, and a dangerousand frequent foe to dwellers in the desert; and especially disturbing to amonk about the sixth hour [i.e. noon], like some fever which seizes him atstated times, bringing the burning heat of its attack on the sick man atusual and regular hours. Lastly, there are some of the elders who declarethat this is the "midday demon" spoken of in the ninetieth Psalm. 37Cassian goes on to describe the effects of "accidie" in the next chapter: the monk afflicted byaccidie becomes disgusted with his cell, and feels disdain and contempt for his monasticbrothers. He becomes lazy and sluggish, and cannot bear to stay in his cell and read, but"often groans because he can do no good while he stays there, and complains and sighsbecause he can bear no spiritual fruit." 38 He imagines that life in other monasteries isbetter, and that he will never be well if he stays in that place, unless he leaves his cell:Then the fifth or sixth hour [i.e. noon] brings him such bodily wearinessand longing for food that he seems to himself worn out and wearied as ifwith a long journey, or some very heavy work,... Then besides this he looksabout anxiously this way and that,... and often goes in and out of his cell,and frequently gazes up at the sun, as if it was too slow in setting, and soA Dialogue of Comfort / 229a kind of unreasonable confusion of mind takes possession of him like somefoul darkness, and makes him idle and useless for every spiritual work.... 39The rest of Book 10 of the Institutes goes on to provide a detailed analysis of "The Spirit ofAccidie" and its remedies. 40 Accidie "in its most complicated and most deadly form, amixture of boredom, sorrow and despair" 41 clearly provides the inspiration, if notframework, for much of the discussion of the "First Temptation" in Book II, culminating inthe "Counselling of the Spiritual Man of Cassian's Collations" (in Book II: 16).This tradition of interpretation of Psalm 90 (91): 5-6, put forward by Cassian and otherDesert Fathers, was in turn later taken up and modified and developed further by St.Bernard and others. St. Bernard commented on Psalm 90 (91) in a series of Lentensermons, the In Psalmum XC, and in Sermon 33 of the Sermons on the Song of Songs. 42While St. Bernard does at one point describe the attacks of the noonday devil in termsstrikingly reminiscent of Cassian's description in the Institutes, 43 he also, unlike Cassian,stresses the element of fear or pusillanimity:Our common experience tells us that it is fear which disturbs us at thebeginning of our conversion, fear of that dismaying picture we form forourselves of the strict life and unwanted austerities we are about toembrace. This is called a nocturnal fear.... Beginners on the way to God,therefore, must in particular watch and pray against this first temptation,or they will be suddenly overcome by pusillanimity of spirit as by a storm,and unfortunately recoil from the good work they have begun. 44St. Bernard's interpretation of the "night's fear" provided the basis for More's treatment ofPusillanimity in Book II, Chapters 13-14, while Cassian's discussion of "accidie" providedthe basis for More's treatment of spiritual despair, and of the desire to commit suicide, inBook II, Chapters 15-16.More's interpretation of the second and third temptations of Psalm 90 (91), in terms ofthe temptations of the "active life," namely temptations of pride and prosperity, and of thefrantic desire to acquire wealth and material possessions, seems also to be derived ratherA Dialogue of Comfort / 230freely from St. Bernard and Nicholas of Lyra. 45 St. Bernard interprets the secondtemptation, "the arrow that flies by day", as vainglory: 46This arrow is none other than vain glory, which is why it does not attackthe wavering [pusillanimes] and the careless. It is those who appear morefervent who must look out for themselves; they must be afraid on thisscore, and be extremely cautious never to leave the invincible shield oftruth [cf. 90:4]... For, unless I am mistaken, a man cannot easily be misledby someone who praises him during his lifetime, and thus become top-lofty,if he carefully examines himself within in the light of truth, Surely if hethinks about his own condition, he will say to himself, 'How can you, whoare but dust and ashes, be proud?' Surely, if he considers his owncorruption, he must necessarily admit that there is no good in him. 47St. Bernard goes on to interpret the third temptation as hypocrisy and ambition: "thepestilence that stalks about in the darkness,... is hypocrisy. For this has its source inambition, its dwelling in darkness."48 In this temptation the tempter says: "He has spurnedvain glory because it is vain. Maybe he will conceive a fondness for more solid food: honors,perhaps, or maybe riches."49 St. Bernard goes on to show how because of this temptation "afoul corruption permeates the whole body of the Church": 59For they even pursue their nefarious quest and the business of darkness inrunning after positions of ecclesiastical dignity, and in this they are seekingnot the salvation of souls, but the extravagance of riches.... Today peoplescrap shamelessly to get archbishoprics and archdeaconries in order todissipate church revenues in wanton waste and vain pursuits. 51Those who, led on by this temptation, seek to become prelates in the Church, attain to thesepositions not "by way of merit, but through this agency that works in the darkness." 52 InBook II, Chapters 16-17 (CW 12, 157-87), More by and large follows St. Bernard, exceptthat as a pious layman, he expands St. Bernard's description of the "Third Temptation" toinclude also the temptations of public office.For his treatment of the "Fourth Temptation," More drew on the second tradition of theinterpretation of Psalm 90 (91): 5-6, mentioned previously. The clearest statement of thissecond tradition is to be found in Cassiodorus's Expositio Psalmorum:53A Dialogue of Comfort / 231The terror of the night, then, is the cloudy persuasion of heretics. The arrowthat flieth by day is open persecution by tyrants. The business in the dark isthe debased study by which the mental eye of right believers is blinded. Thenoonday devil is the massive danger ignited by the heat of persecution, inwhich destruction is often feared and human weakness overcome.... 54Cassiodorus was in turn conflating two earlier traditions of exegesis, going back toAugustine 55 and Jerome56 respectively.For St. Jerome the noon-day devil is the teaching of heretics, philosophers, and Jews.The two sermons that St. Jerome preached on Psalm 90 (91) (Homilies 20 and 68) closelyparallel one another. In the first temptation (Homily 20) the devil lurks in the darkness andshoots at the guileless and the innocent who are his secret target. "You shall not fear theterror of the night" means that "even though you are in the terror of the dark night,nevertheless, you will not be afraid because you are armed with the shield of truth." 57 Thesecond, third and fourth temptations are interpreted (Homily 68):Nor the arrow that flies by day?... is the teaching of the heretics that flieshither and thither throughout the day—throughout all God's law—in theiranxious search to gather testimony against us that they may rob us of alltruth by their interpretation. Not the pestilence that roams in the darkness.He did not say stands, but roams, for the heretics are never constant intheir convictions, but are forever changing their opinions, shifting back andforth. Nor the devastating plague at noon.... No less than the saints, whohave a midday light where they pasture their flocks and give them rest,the devil, transformed into an angel of light, has his servants disguised asfalse ministers of justice.... Some inexperienced and credulous men thinkthat there is a real midday demon that has more power to attack men atthat time; we, however, shall interpret the noonday devils as theheresiarchs who, while simulating angels of light, preach dogmas ofdarkness. 58St. Jerome's interpretation of Psalm 90 (91) provides evidence for reading the attempts ofthe "Great Turk" in Book III of the Dialogue of Comfort to force Christians to renounce theirfaith as an allegory of the English Reformation under Henry VIII. However, St. Jerome'sinterpretation is implicit rather than explicit in Book III of the Dialogue of Comfort. Themain source for More's exegesis of the "Fourth Temptation" of Psalm 90 (91): 5-6 in BookA Dialogue of Comfort / 232III is to be found in St. Augustine's Expositions on the Book of Psalms: "The demon that is inthe noon-day, represents the heat of furious persecution."59 St. Augustine then recalls theearlier persecution of Christians. At first the emperors and kings of the world thought theycould destroy the name of Christ by simple execution; the emperor's decree: "'Whoeverprofesses himself a Christian, let him be beheaded;' was as the arrow that flieth by day.The devil that is in the noonday was not yet abroad, burning with a terrible persecution, andafflicting with great heat even the strong." 60 However, when the emperor saw so manyhastening to martyrdom, and the number of fresh converts increasing in proportion to themartyrs:The sun then began to blaze, and to glow with a terrible heat. Their firstedict had been, Whoever shall confess himself a Christian, let him besmitten. Their second edict was, Whoever shall have confessed himself aChristian, let him be tortured, and tortured even until he deny himself aChristian.... Many therefore who denied not [under the first edict], failedamid the tortures; for they were tortured until they denied. But to thosewho persevered in professing Christ, what could the sword do, by killing thebody at one stroke, and sending the soul to God? This was the result ofprotracted tortures also: yet who could be found able to resist such crueland continued torments? Many failed: those, I believe, who presumed uponthemselves, who dwelt not under the defence of the Most High, and underthe shadow of the God of Heaven [cf. 90:1]; who said not to the Lord,"Thou art my lifter up:" [v.2] who trusted not beneath the shadow of hiswings [v.4], but reposed much confidence in their own strength. They arethrown down by God, to show them that it is He that protects them, Heoverrules their temptations, He allows so much only to befall them, as eachperson can sustain. b1St. Augustine's interpretation of the noonday devil as "symbolizing the stormiest period ofpersecution experienced by the early Church," 62 clearly provides the foundation of Book IIIof More's Dialogue of Comfort. However, More reverses the psychological movement of St.Augustine's sermon: More's analysis of the daemon meridianum in Book III begins with theloss of outward goods, and persecution for the faith, and moves progressively to its innerpsychological and spiritual culmination at the end of Book III in the joys of Christianmartyrdom. A detailed account of the structure of Book III, the subdivisions of the "FourthA Dialogue of Comfort / 23.3Temptation" (see Figure 6.3), is reserved for the appropriate sections of the "Analysis of theText" which follows.6.5. ANALYSIS OF THE TEXT6.5.1. Introduction to Book I (I:Preface)The opening of the dialogue, like so many of More's other works, is very carefullystructured. Unlike several earlier works, there are no prefatory letters, only the brief title.The two speakers are not introduced in any formal way, except by the alternation of thenames in the text. The opening is almost casual, certainly muted and low-key. There is noreal introduction. We hear Vincent, the nephew, speaking immediately:Who wold haue went / 0 my good vnckle / afore a few yeres passed, thatsuch as in this countrey wold visit their frendes lying in desease & siknes,shuld come (as I do now) to seke & fetch comfort of them / or in gevyngcomfort to them, vse the wey that I may well vse to you / For albeit thatthe prestes and freres be wont to call vppon sik men to remember deth /yet we worldly frendes for feare of discomfortyng them, haue euer had agise ir. hungarye / to lyft vp their hartes and put them in hope of lyfe /But now my good vnckle the world is here waxen such / & so gret perillesappere here to fall at hand that me thynketh the gretest comfort that aman can haue, ys when he may see that he shall sone be gone. And wethat are lykely long to lyve here in wrechidnes, haue nede of somecomfortable councell agaynst trybulacion / to be gevyn vs by such as you begood vnckle, that haue so long lyvid vertuously, & are so lernyd in the lawof god, as very few be better in this countrey here.... (CW 12, 3/9-23)Anthony replies with the conventional Christian answer that Vincent must look forcomfort from God and not from him. The young man is not so easily put off by his uncle, andcomments that Anthony's words "make me now fele & perceve, what a mysse of muchcomfort we shall haue, when ye be gone" (5/17-18). Anthony for his part still seems to bereluctant to reply to Vincent's request for comfort, and suggests that God himself will givehim comfort. This time Vincent begs his uncle more urgently for words of good counsel andcomfort:And sith that I now se the lyklyhod, that when ye be gone, we shalbe soreA Dialogue of Comfort / 234destytute of any such other lyke / Therfor thynketh me / that god of dewtiebyndeth me to sew <to> you now good vnckle, in this short tyme that wehaue you, that yt may like you agaynst these grete stormes oftribulacions / with which both I & all myne are sore beten alredy / Andnow vppon the comyng of this cruell Turke, fere to fall in ferre mo / I maylern of you such plentie of good councell & comfort, that I may with thesame layd vp in remembrauns, gouerne and staye the ship of owerkyndred, & kepe yt a flote from perill of spirituall drounnyng. (CW 12,6/5-14)Vincent next describes in gruesome detail the cruelties and atrocities committed by theTurks, during the invasion of Hungary in 1526. After mentioning some of the past victoriesof the Turks, Anthony mentions that there is something worse even than the evilscommitted by the Turks, namely the pains of Hell. However, Anthony is so moved byVincent's words, that he finally agrees to Vincent's request.6.5.2. Comfort in Tribulation (I:14:12)Anthony first defines tribulation as "some kynd of grefe eyther payne of the body orhevynes of <the> mynd" (10/6-7). He then briefly alludes to the classical tradition ofconsolation derived from ancient moral philosophy, only to point out its inadequacy withoutfaith. Faith is the necessary foundation without which comfort is impossible. Vincent thenasks Anthony to proceed further in describing the nature of spiritual comfort. Anthony thendefines the first kind of comfort as the desire and longing to be comforted by God. God bothcan and will give man comfort. Vincent interjects:But <by> this I se wel / that woo may they be, which in tribulacion lakthat mynd, & that desierith not to be comfortid by god / but are eyther ofslouth or impacyence discumfortles / or of foly seke for their cheef ease &cumfort eny where elles. (CW 12, 17/8-11)Anthony replies that the very tribulation itself that God sends serves ordinarily as a meansfor man's amendment.Vincent thinks his uncle's counsel is very good, but asks if the desire to have thetribulation taken away is not also a desire for God's comfort. Anthony responds that "AA Dialogue of Comfort / 235man may many tymes well & without synne, desier of god the tribulacion to be taken fromhym / but neyther may we desier <that> in euery case" (19/26-28). Anthony nextdescribes various kinds of tribulations:trybulacions are / ye wot well / of many sundrye kyndes / some by losse ofgoodes or possessions, & some by the siknes of oure selfe / & some by thelosse of frendes / or by some other payne put vnto our bodies / some by thedrede of the losyng of those thynges that we fayne wold save / vnder whichfeare fall all the same thynges that we haue spoken before.... (CW 12,19/29-20/5)We may pray for relief from hunger, sickness and bodily hurt, but we may not pray for thetaking away of every kind of tribulation. When it comes time for a man to die and depart toGod, he should show himself content to do so. If it is God's will for us to suffer, then we mustpray that God will send us the spiritual comfort to bear it gladly, or the strength to suffer itpatiently. Anthony then claims that:euery tribulacion which any tyme falleth vnto vs / ys eyther sent to bemedicinable yf men will so take yt / or may become medicynable yf menwill so make it / or is better than medicynable but yf we will forsake yt.(CW 12, 23/22-25)Vincent, however, is a bit puzzled Anthony now tries to clarify his earlier position bystating that every tribulation comes either, first, because of our own sinful deeds, or else,secondly, is sent by God to man as a punishment for past sins or to preserve us from fallinginto sin, or, thirdly, to prove our patience or increase our merit.Vincent finds Anthony's arguments somewhat dark and obscure, and asks for furtherclarification. In the first case, Anthony explains, many make a virtue of necessity and turnto God in their tribulations. In the second, the tribulation is medicinable for our past sins, ifaccepted in the right spirit, or as a preservative against sins to come. Vincent asks aboutthe third kind of tribulation and raises the following objection:yet can I not see by what reson a man may in this world, where theA Dialogue of Comfort / 236tribulacion is suffrid, take any more comfort therin, then in any of thetother twayne that are sent a man for his syn / sith he can not <here>know, whether yt be sent hym for synnes before commyttid or sinne thatels shuld fall, or for increase of merite & reward after to come.... (CW 12,30/23-28)Anthony acknowledges Vincent's objection, but points out that some men can justly claim,as Job did, that they did not deserve the sufferings they endured. Their sufferings wereclearly meant to test their patience. Anthony includes in the third group any man who fallsinto tribulation for the sake of justice, or in defence of religion. Their sufferings are betterthan medicinable since they lead to salvation.6.5.3. On the Necessity of Tribulation (1:13-1:20)Anthony then suggests paradoxically the need for tribulation, if we are to find comfort:Cosyn it were to long worke to peruse euery comfort that a man may welltake in tribulacion / for as many comfortes ye wot well may a man taketherof, as there be good comodities therin / and that be there <surely> somany, that it woldbe very long to reherse & treat of them / But me semethwe can not lightly better perceve what profit & comoditie & therby whatcomfort they may take of it that haue yt, than yf we well consider whatharm the lak ys, & therby what discumfort the lak therof shuld be to themthat neuer haue yt.... (CW 12, 40/22-41/3)Anthony declares that man cannot have continual prosperity both in this world and in thenext. Vincent objects that many preachers promise their hearers that they can experiencecontinual happiness in this world and the next. Anthony replies that they do it either forgain or out of fear. Vincent further objects, first, that the Church in its various collects andother liturgical prayers prays for princes and prelates that God grant them perpetual healthand prosperity; secondly, that if prosperity is indeed so perilous, we should not then pray forcontinual health and prosperity; thirdly, some of the Old Testament patriarchs, such asSolomon, Job, and Abraham enjoyed prosperity; fourthly, that there are many good menwho are rich and many of the poor who are as evil as they are wretched. Anthony thenA Dialogue of Comfort / 237clarifies his earlier statement:Eyther I said not Cosyn, orels ment I not to say, that for an vndoutidrule / worldly pleasure were alwey displesaunt to god / or tribulacioneuermore holsome to euery man. For well wote I that our lord giveth in thisworld, vnto euery sort of folke eyther sort of fortune. (CW 12, 48/4-8)God gives both good fortune and sorrow. There are some who in prosperity cannot creepforward to God, but who run quickly to him in tribulation. Anthony defines tribulation aseverything which troubles or grieves a man, either in body or in mind. Significantly, he doesnot minimize the pain of mental anguish:And surely Cosyn the prik that very sore priketh the mynd / as far almostpasseth in payne the grefe that payneth the body / as doth a thorn thatstikketh in the hart, passe and excede in payne the thorn that is thrust inthe hele. (CW 12, 50/21-24)He argues that, if one includes mental anguish, then there are more kinds of tribulationthan had been previously thought, and that "sith euery kynd of tribulacion is an interupcionof welth / prosperitie which is but of welth another name, may be discontynued by mowayes than you wold before haue went" (51/1-3).The fourth objection is dismissed out of hand by Anthony. Anthony then replies to thefirst and third of the previously raised objections, that to pray for perpetual health ischildish, and that it is equivalent to praying that one never experiences any temptations ortrials in this life; and, that Solomon, Job, and Abraham all experienced tribulations of onekind or another, and therefore did not experience continual prosperity. Vincent insists,however, that the second objection still stands. Anthony replies that the same God whoteaches us that tribulation is profitable also teaches us to pray for relief, and that God evensometimes sends tribulation to make us pray to him for help.Vincent accepts Anthony's arguments, but returns to the fourth previously raisedobjection, and reformulates it: that if both tribulation and prosperity are neither good norA Dialogue of Comfort / 238bad in themselves why put a greater value on tribulation than on prosperity? He points outthat:a welthy man well at ease, may pray to god quietly & meryly with alacrite& grete quietnes of mynd / where as he that lieth gronyng in his grefe, cannot endure to pray nor thynk almost vppon nothyng but vppon his payne.(CW 12, 65/3-6)Anthony replies to Vincent's objections by insisting that the two forms of prayer do not haveequal merit:For in tribulacion which commeth you wot well in many sondry kyndes /any man that is not a dull best or a desperat wretch, callith vppon god, nothouerly [lightly] but right hartely, & settith his hart <full> hole vppon hisrequest / so sore he longeth for ease & helpe of his hevynes. (CW 12,65/17-21)He gives the example of the martyrs who made no long prayers aloud: "but one ynch of sucha prayour so prayd in that payne, was worth an hole ell & more evyn of their own prayoursprayd at some other tyme" (66/6-8). The greatest of Christ's own prayers were those hemade "in his grete agony & payne of his bitter passion" (67/2-3).Anthony then denies that the man in prosperity experiences true comfort, whichderives from "the consolacion of good hope, that men take in their hart / of some goodgrowing toward them" (68/13-14), and not the pleasures of the body. Anthony concludesthat we should consider:tribulacion as a graciouse gyfte of god: A gyfte that he specially gaue hisspeciall frendes / the thyng that in scripture is highly commendid &praysid / A thyng wherof the contrary long contynued is perilous / A thyngwhich but yf god send <it,> men haue nede by penaunce to put vpponthem selfe and seke it / A thyng that helpith to purge our synnes passid /A thyng that preserueth vs fro sinne that els wold come / A thyng thatcauseth vs set les by the world, A thyng that excitith vs to draw moretoward god, A thyng that much mynysheth our paynes in purgatory, Athyng that mych encreseth our fynall reward in hevyn, The thyng by whichour saviour entrid his own kyngdome / The thyng with which all hisapostelles folowid hym thether, The thyng which our saviour exortith allmen to / The thyng without which (he sayth) we be not his dicyples, TheA Dialogue of Comfort / 239thyng without which no man can get to hevyn. (CW 12, 75/11-24)After Anthony's comfortable peroration, Vincent apologizes for disturbing him with hisimportunate objections. They agree to meet again. Vincent then prays for Anthony that Godsend him comfort, and Anthony in turn replies by praying for "the same good for you, & forall our other frendes that haue nede of comfort" (77/19-20). With this note of consolationBook I closes, and Vincent goes off to relay Anthony's words of comfort to their relativesand friends.6.5.4. The Beginning of Book II (II:Preface-II:9)Book II takes place about a month after the events of Book I. Vincent returns again tovisit Anthony and half-jokingly apologizes for tiring him out at their first meeting:yet after my departyng from you, remembring how long we taried together,and that we were all that while in talkyng / And all the labour yours intalkyng so long together without interpawsyng betwene / & that of materstudiouse & displesaunt, all of desease & siknes & other payne &tribulation: I was in good fayth very sory & not a litell wroth with myselfe for myn <own> ouer sight, that I had so litell considerid yourpayne.... (CW 12, 78/10-16)Anthony good-humoredly accepts Vincent's apology:Nay nay good Cosyn / to talke myth / except some other payne let me / ysto me litell griefe / A fond old man is often so full of wordes as a woman.It is you wot well / as some poetes paynt vs / all the lust of an old foleslyfe / to sit well & warm with a cupp & a rostid crabb & dryvill & drinke& talke. (CW 12, 78/22-26)He goes on to reassure Vincent that their previous conversation was a great comfort to him,and to assert that the main focus of their previous discussion had been not tribulation itself,but the comfort that can be found in tribulation. Vincent tells Anthony that he has reportedto their mutual friends the counsels that Anthony had imparted to him at their previousmeeting. Vincent in turn asks Anthony to remember his own comfort, and to be ready todismiss him when he (Anthony) wishes to leave. Anthony apologizes for speaking so muchA Dialogue of Comfort / 240at the last meeting:Forsoth Cosyn many wordes yf a man were very weke / spokyn (as yousaid right now) without interpawsyng, wold peradventure at lengthsomwhat wery hym / And therfor wished I the last tyme after you weregone / when I felt my selfe (to sey the trowth) evyn a litell wery / that Ihad not so told you styli a long tale alone / but that we had more oftenenterchaungid wordes / & partid the talke betwene vs, with <ofter>enterparlyng vppon your part / in such maner as lernid men vse betwenethe persons / whom they devise disputyng in their faynid diologes. (CW 12,79/18-26)He promises that he will now let Vincent do more of the talking. Vincent, however, in turnapologizes for having spoken as much as he did, and for having asked so many awkwardquestions. Vincent starts off by defending the desire sometimes to seek worldly comfort intribulation, and gives as an example the telling of 'merry tales,' which refresh the mindagain after it has become tired from too much study. Anthony feels uncomfortable about thetelling of merry tales, but recognises his own weakness for them:And of trouth Cosyn / as you know very well my selfe am of nature evynhalfe a giglot [wanton] & more / I wold I cold as easly mend my faute as Iwell know yt / But scant can I refrayne yt as old a fole as I am / how beitso parciall will I not be to my fawte as to prayse it. (CW 12, 83/3-7)As it turns out Books II and III of the Dialogue of Comfort are full of 'merry tales,' many ofthem animal fables, which do indeed serve the function of refreshing the reader withoutdistracting him too seriously from the course of the argument. 63Anthony returns to the main theme of the previous discussion by reiterating that wemust find our chief comfort in God, but that honest mirth also has its place. He accepts thenecessity of using merry tales as a concession to the weakness of human nature. However,he advises, that these kinds of recreation be as short and be used as seldom as possible.Most people, however, do not need any encouragement to tell idle tales. Our affection forHeaven is so cold that when the preacher speaks of the pains of Hell, his audience prick uptheir ears, but when he preaches of the joys of Heaven they all wander away.A Dialogue of Comfort / 241He continues by subdividing tribulations into three different kinds: firstly, those a manwillingly takes upon himself, such as acts of penance; secondly, those he willingly suffers;and, thirdly, those he is unable to avoid, such as sickness, imprisonment, loss of goods orfriends, or unavoidable bodily harm. Anthony postpones the third kind until later—to bedealt with in Book III. He briefly dismisses the first kind. In this kind of tribulation a manneeds no comfort since he has freely taken it upon himself, and will experience comfort inthe very act of tribulation. The second kind of tribulation will become the matter of the restof Book II. However, before turning to this second kind of tribulation, Vincent bringsforward a couple of objections concerning the first kind. There are some who remain bold intheir sins until the end of their lives, trusting to be saved by deathbed repentance. Anthonyreplies that they risk being rejected by God in the end. And their place in Heaven will belower than if they did penance. Vincent raises the further objection that the Lutherans inGermany dismiss fasting and penance as superstitious practises. Anthony in turn defendsthese practises as justified by scripture and the tradition of the Church.Vincent now asks Anthony to deal with the second kind of tribulation. Anthony thenproceeds to subdivide this kind of tribulation into two: the first being temptation and thesecond such forms of persecution as a man is reluctant to endure but does so to avoid givingdispleasure to God. These two kinds are interrelated: in temptation the Devil persecutes usindirectly, and in persecution the Devil tempts us openly.Anthony argues paradoxically that it is a great comfort for every man to be tested bytemptation, since, if he wrestles with it, it will become the matter of his salvation. Anothergreat source of comfort is that God has promised us in many places in scripture tostrengthen and sustain those who endure temptation.A Dialogue of Comfort / 2426.5.5. Psalm 90 and the First Temptation (II:10-II:16)Anthony goes on in Book II, Chapter 10, to quote from the opening verses of Psalm 90(91) as an example of God's promises: "Qui habitat in adiutorio altissimi, in protectione deiceli comorabitur: who so dwellith in the help of the hiest god, he shall abide in the proteccionor defence of the god of hevyn" (102/26-103/2). Psalm 90 will provide a framework formuch of what follows in the Dialogue of Comfort. After briefly commenting on Psalm 90,Verse 4 (CW 12, 103-104), Anthony goes on in the following chapter, in a passage alreadycited, to quote verses 5 and 6:Scuto circumdabit to veritas eius / non timebis a timore nocturno I a sagittavolante in die, a negocio perambulante in tenebris, ab incursu & demoniomeridiano: The trouth of god shall compasse the about with a pavice[shield], thow shalt not be aferd of the nightes feare, nor of the arrowfleyng in the day, nor of the bysynes walkyng about in the darknesses /nor of the incursion or invacion of the devill in the mydde day. (CW 12,105/17-23).This quotation becomes a sort of leitmotif, or recurring theme, running through the rest ofthe Book. The structure of the 'Book of Comfort' that More the author has been writing untilthis point is abandoned in favour of, or perhaps more accurately not abandoned but rathersubsumed into an extended meditation on Psalm 90: 5-6. The four temptations of Psalm 90then provide the framework for the rest of Book II and all of Book III. Anthony then goes onto explicate the text of the Psalm:here sayth he [the psalmist] farther that the trouth of god shall compasethe with a pavice / that is to wit that as god hath faythfully promisid toprotect & defend those that faythfully will dwell in the trust of his help / sowill he truly perform yt / And the that such one art, will the trouth of hispromise defend, not with a litell round buckeler that scant can couer thehed, but with a long large pavice... (CW 12, 106/3-9)He makes it clear that this "pavice" or shield is Christ himself.Anthony turns next to a consideration of the first temptation of Psalm 90, the night'sfear, which he interprets as consisting of those temptations of the devil, which tempt goodA Dialogue of Comfort / 243men to impatience and anger—the sufferings of Job are a clear example of this kind oftemptation. This temptation is called the night's fear for two reasons: the tribulation is oftendark and unknown, and the dangers of the temptation, like the terrors of the night itself, areoften greatly exaggerated. One form this temptation can take is pusillanimity(faintheartedness); another is an overscrupulous conscience. To illustrate this fear Anthonytells one of More's most famous 'merry tales'— the Tale of Mother Maud— about an ass withan overscrupulous conscience and a wolf whose conscience was too accommodating. 64Anthony then asserts that one of the most serious forms that the temptation of thenight's fear or pusillanimity takes is the desire to kill oneself. Vincent replies that those whoare tempted to kill themselves can never escape the temptation. To which Anthonyresponds:many a good man & woman hath some tyme / ye diuers yeres one afterother continually be temptid therto / & yet haue by grace & good counsaylewell and vertuously withstand yt, & bene in conclucion clerely deliuerid ofhit / & there tribulacion nothyng knowen abrode & therfor nothyng talkydof. (CW 12, 122/23-123/2)Vincent is obviously troubled by the problem of suicide, which becomes one of the majorthemes of Book 11. 65 He is not satisfied with Anthony's claim that the desire to kill oneself isan expression of pusillanimity, and goes on to interject that the desire to kill oneself may bean expression of great courage and boldness, and not fear as Anthony had previouslyclaimed. Anthony does not deny that some are driven by anger or pride to kill themselves,but claims that they do not need comfort. Vincent is puzzled by this claim.After this, Anthony tells a merry tale in which a carpenter's wife taunts her husbandinto chopping her head off. He concludes that "this temptacion in procuring her own deth"was "no tribulacion at all, as far as euer men could perceve / for it liked her well to thynketheron, & she evyn longid therfor" (126/24-27), and goes on to state that she needed to becounselled, not comforted. After telling another merry tale in the same vein, Anthony againA Dialogue of Comfort / 244concludes: "this kynd of temptation to a mans own destruction which requireth counsayle /& is out of tribulacion / was out of our mater that is to treate of comfort in tribulacion"(129/3-5).Vincent and Anthony then discuss (in Chapter 16) the case, taken from Cassian'sCollations Book 11:5, of a monk who thought it was God's will to kill himself. Cassian'sdescription is as follows:Remember the old man Hero who was cast down from the heights to thelowest depths because of a diabolical illusion. I remember how he remainedfifty years in this desert, keeping to the rigors of abstinence with a severitythat was outstanding, loving the secrecy of the solitary life with a fervormarvelously greater than that of any one else dwelling here. After such toilhow and why could he have been fooled by the deceiver?... Surely thereason for it was that he had too little of the virtue of discernment andthat he preferred to be guided by his own ideas rather than to bow to theadvice and conferences of his brethern and to the rules laid down by ourpredecessors.... This presumptuousness led to his being fooled. He showedthe utmost veneration for the angel of Satan, welcoming him as if he wereactually an angel of light. Yielding totally to his bondage he threw himselfheadlong into a well.... He was pulled out half-dead by his brothers, whohad to struggle very hard at it. He would die two days later. Worse, he wasto cling firmly to his illusion, and the very experience of dying could notpersuade him that he had been the sport of devilish skill. Those who pitiedhim his leaving had the greatest difficulty in obtaining the agreement ofabbot Paphnutius that... he should not be classed among the suicides and,hence, be deemed unworthy of the remembrance and prayers offered for thedead. 66This chapter represents, as far as I know, together with More's own earlier brief account ofsuicide in Utopia, 67 the first serious treatment of suicide in English literature, and possiblyone of the first such treatments in Western literature since classical antiquity.Unfortunately, it is beyond the scope of this present study to deal with it. However, I willpoint to one important feature—much of Chapter 16 (CW 12, 129-57) consists of a"dialogue-within-a-dialogue" in which Anthony and Vincent imagine themselves`counselling' the spiritual man of Cassian's Collations, and consider the different kinds ofgood advice, comfort and counsel that could be given under the circumstances.68A Dialogue of Comfort / 2456.5.6. The Second and Third Temptations of Psalm 90 (II:16-11:17)After Anthony ends his lengthy discussion of suicide, Vincent expresses concern that hehas kept him from his dinner. Anthony reassures him that he had already dined beforeVincent came. Anthony then goes on (CW 12, 157-66) to interpret the second temptation ofPsalm 90, "the arrow flying in the day," as:the arrow of pride, with which the devill temptith a man / not in thenight / that is to wit in tribulacion & aduersite / for that tyme is todyscomfortable & to fearefull for pride / but in the day that is to wit inprosperite / for that time is full of lightsome lust & corage. (CW 12,157/20-24)Anthony then suggests that the temptation to pride in prosperity is a source of tribulationfor many good men. This temptation takes the forms of ambitious glory, arrogance,contempt for the poor, oppression and extortion. Many good men in positions of authorityare troubled by these temptations. Anthony advises that such men should stay in theiroffices if possible but should also seek the help of a good confessor. Vincent responds that helikes Anthony's counsels well, and thinks they are very profitable to those in prosperity.Anthony then turns (CW 12, 166-87) to the third temptation of Psalm 90, "thebusiness walking in the darkness":And now will I touch one word or twayn of the third temptacion (wherofthe prophet speketh in these wordes) A negocio perambulante in tenebris:from the besines walkyng in the darknes / & than will we call for ourdener levyng the last temptacion that is to wit / Ab incursu & demoniomeridiano / from the incursion & the devill of the midd day / till afternone / & than shall we therwith god willyng make an end of all this mater.(CW 12, 165/24-30)Anthony interprets the Negotium of Psalm 90: 6 as a devil that tempts men to much evilbusiness or frantic activity in pursuit of worldly goods and pleasures. The great sin here isthe inordinate desire for and attachment to riches. Vincent objects that he cannot see howany rich man can be saved, unless he gives all his riches to the poor. Anthony argues thatA Dialogue of Comfort / 246Christ did not condemn riches as such, but rather inordinate attachment to worldlypossessions. We must be ready to renounce all for Christ's sake. The rich man has hisplace—he can give alms to beggars and serve as an employer to the poor. 69 He should alsouse his riches to care for his family and his own servants, if they are old or sick. AfterAnthony has concluded dealing with the third temptation, dinner is brought in. They saygrace and then sit down to dinner, and Anthony tells Vincent that he needs to sleep for awhile after dinner. Vincent says that he has an errand to run, and will return when it isdone.6.5.7. The Beginning of Book III (III:Preface-III:1)Book III opens on a sombre note with Vincent apologizing for having tarried too long:by reason that I was lettid with one that shewid me a lettre datid atConstantinople / by which lettre it apperith that the greate Turke preparitha mervelouse mighty army / And iet whether he will therwith / that canthere yet no man tell.... (CW 12, 188/7-11)Up till now the fictional setting of the Dialogue in Hungary has only occasionally beenexploited, but from now on it becomes crucial. We are suddenly and forcefully reminded ofthe extreme danger facing both Anthony and Vincent—the virtual certainty of a Turkishinvasion and of the persecution and suffering that is bound to follow. The first two booksnaturally have been leading up to this all along, but the reader has been very cleverlybeguiled and distracted by the merry tales and banter of much of Book II. All this onlyreinforces the horror that confronts us in Book III. In a way that parallels the divisions inUtopia, the first two books of the Dialogue of Comfort prepare us and provide a frameworkfor 'the spectre of the abyss,' that More unfolds for us in Book III.When he hears the news, Anthony does not try to offer Vincent any words of falsecomfort. Vincent is naturally very upset at the imminent prospect of the Turkish invasion.Anthony suggests that the Turk will use cunning, coming with the pretence of giving aid toA Dialogue of Comfort / 247support one Hungarian faction against another. Vincent starts desperately clutching atstraws: "Yet say they vncle that he vseth not to force any man to forsake his fayth"(189/28-29). Anthony reminds Vincent that the Grand Turkmaketh a solempne othe among the ceremonyes of the fest in which he firsttaketh vppon hym his aucthorite / that he shall in all that he possible may,minysh the fayth of Christ, & dilate the fayth of Mahumet.... (CW 12,190/3-6)and goes on to describe the various horrors that the Grand Turk inflicts on Christianpopulations—that he subjects them to heavy taxes, takes away their lands and theirchildren, and carries many of them off into slavery. Vincent expresses the fear that manyChristians will renounce their faith after the Turkish invasion. Anthony offers Vincent nocrumbs of false comfort. The Turkish invasion is a punishment for the evils of Christiansociety, and it is necessary now before it happens to prepare for the worst. It is the duty ofevery faithful Christian to confess his faith even at the risk of being persecuted.6.5.8. The Fourth Temptation (111:2-111:4)Anthony now returns to the fourth temptation of Psalm 90, "the incursion of thenoonday devil," which he says is entirely applicable to their present situation:The fourth temptation Cosyn that the prophet speketh of in the foreremembrid psalme, Qui habitat in adiutorio altissimi &c ys playne openpersecucion / which is touchid in these wordes / Ab incursu et demoniomeridiano I And of all his temptations this is the most perilouse, the mostbittre sharpe, & the most rigorouse... (CW 12, 200/5-9)The distinguishing mark of this temptation of persecution for the faith is that the devil"suffreth hym selfe so playnely be percevid by his fierce maliciouse persecucion agaynst thefaythfull christiens for hatrid of christes trew catholike fayth" (200/19-21). In all othertemptations: "he stelith on like a fox / but in this Turkes persecucion for the fayth, herunnyth on roryng with assawt lyke a rampyng lyon" (200/31-201/2). This form ofA Dialogue of Comfort / 248temptation is the most perilous because the devil uses both "his allectiue [allurement] ofquyete & rest by deliueraunce from deth & payne" and "the terrour & infliccion ofintollerable payne and turment" (201/8-11), as a means to persuade the Christian to giveup his faith. Vincent replies to his uncle:The more perilouse vncle that this temptacion is / as in dede of alltemptacions the most perilouse it is: the more nede haue they that stand inperell therof, to be before with substanciall advise & good counsayle wellarmyd agaynst it / that we may with the comfort & consolacion therof, thebettre bere that tribulacion whan yt commeth, & the bettre withstand thetemptacion. (CW 12, 201/32-202/5)Anthony responds: "that of this tribulacion somewhat you be more ferd than I / and oftrouth somewhat more excusable it is in you than it were in me, myn age considerid / andthe sorow that I haue suffrid al redy" (202/9-11). Vincent does not deny that he is afraid,but expresses concern for their relatives as well. Anthony also expresses concern for theirfate.The framework for most of the rest of Book III is laid out in Chapter 3 (203-205).Anthony begins with the Aristotelian dictum that man is made of both body and sou1, 7° andthat "all the harm that any man may take / it must nedes be in one of these two" (203/7-8).Anthony declares that he will not rehearse any of the harms that may come to the soulexcept for the case that "by some inordinate love & affeccion that the soule here to thebodye / she consent to slyde fro the fayth, & therby doth her harm her selfe" (203/12-14).(This possible harm that may come to the soul is postponed to the end of Book III in thediscussion of Christian Martyrdom in Chapters 23-27.) Anthony asks Vincent to list thevarious forms of harm that can come to the body, starting with "outward thynges." Vincentmentions the loss of "mony / plate / & other moveable substaunce / than offices, authorite, &fynally all the landes of his enheritaunce for euer / that hymselfe & his heires perpetuallymight elles enioy" (203/23-26). These, together with the loss of a good name (not mentionedA Dialogue of Comfort / 249in the above list), become the matter for Chapters 5-16 (206-44). Vincent declares that theloss of these leads to neediness, poverty, and the shame of begging, which causes much griefto good men. As for the body itself "Now for the bodye very few wordes shall serue vs / Fortherin I se none other harme but losse of libertie / labour / imprisonament, paynfull andshamfull deth" (204/8-10). This last list of tribulations—interpreted as deportation intocaptivity and slavery, imprisonment, and being put to a painful and violent death—becomethe matter of the latter part of Book III, from Chapters 17-22 (244-88). The last of these, ashameful and painful death, becomes subsumed into a treatment of being put to death in thecoming persecution for the faith, and of the glories of Christian Martyrdom (288-320), withwhich Book III finally ends. There is thus, in the course of Book III, a clear psychologicaland spiritual movement from the "outward" to the "inward," a progressive stripping awayof all attachments, until the faithful Christian is finally stripped of life itself—and yet theending of the book is a joyful and even glorious one, one of the most magnificent "purplepassages" in all of More's works.6.5.9. The Loss of Outward Things (111:5-111:16)Anthony begins his account of the harms that can come to the body by arguing that thebenefits of worldly possessions have been greatly exaggerated. Often the worst men, suchas the Great Turk and his nobles, have the greatest possessions. It is foolish to put our trustin our money or our possessions, when they can so easily be taken away from us by others.Lands and estates offer no more security, since they frequently change hands. Nor is thepossession of a good name necessarily a great benefit to us. Often a man is flattered to hisface only to be ridiculed behind his back. The possession of great offices and positions ofauthority likewise brings little benefit. The harm we take at the hands of our superiors oftenoutweighs the benefits we receive from those under us. We cannot keep any of ourpossessions for very long: in the end we all must die. If we have sought these possessions forA Dialogue of Comfort / 250worldly reasons, then they will do harm to the soul—puffing a man up with pride andleading him to oppress the innocent.Vincent agrees with Anthony but points out that most men who desire offices andpositions of authority pretend that they do so in order to do some good with them. Anthonydeclares that the Turkish persecution will act like a touchstone separating "faynid"believers who are ready to forsake their faith to keep their goods from "trew myndid" ones,who "shall lese their goodes that will not leve their fayth" (226/26). Vincent expresses hisfear that "we shall find few of such as haue much to lese / that shall fynd in their hartes sosodenly to forsake their good" (228/18-19). At this point Anthony asks Vincent to play-actthe role of one of these rich men:And I pray you Cosyn take his person vppon you / & in this case answerefor hym / what lettith [hinders] you wold I aske... what lettith I say therforyour lordship that you be not gladly content without any deliberacion atall / in this kynd of persecucion / rather than to leve your fayth / to let goall that euer you haue at ones. (CW 12, 229/2-9)What follows is another dialogue-within-a-dialogue similar to the one in Book II, Chapter 16.Vincent agrees to accept the role of the "Great Lord," and replies that what prevents himare the many benefits he derives from his possessions. He also thinks that he can outwardlyprofess belief in the Turk's faith, and still inwardly believe in Christ. Anthony replies "Naynay my lord / Christ hath not so greate nede of your Lordshippe, as rather than to lese yourservice, he wold fall at such covenauntes with you / to take your service at halfes, to servehym & his enymy both" (230/2-5). Such measures will not work with the Great Turk either,since he will force the Christian in the end to renounce Christ completely. Anthony asksVincent-the-Great-Lord how he knows he will keep his wealth. The Great Turk could veryeasily deprive him of his wealth even if he does convert, and even if the Great Turk lets himkeep his wealth, God himself can deprive the Great Lord of his wealth. Vincent replies "Godis graciouse / & though that men offend hym, yet he suffreth them many tymes to live inA Dialogue of Comfort / 251prosperite long after" (235/29-30). Anthony denies this: how can anyone possess theirwealth for long when life itself is short. Though God is patient, he eventually punishes evildoers. God will deprive the Great Lord of his wealth when he least expects it, and will castthe Great Lord's soul into Hell for rejecting his faith. Vincent agrees with Anthony anddeclares that he will stop play-acting the role of the Great Lord, that he wishes "in thismater to play their part no lenger / but I pray god give me the grace to play the contraryparte in dede" (237/24-25).6.5.10. Bodily Pain, Captivity and Imprisonment (III:1 7-111:22)After finishing their discussion of the "outward" harms that can come to the Christian,Anthony and Vincent turn to the harms that can come to the body itself. Vincent begins bystating that even, if the Turks were to deprive him of all his possessions, he would notforsake his faith in Christ. However, he expresses fear at the prospect of physical suffering:"But surely good vncle, whan I bethynke me ferther on the greefe & the payne that maytourne vnto my flesh: here fynd I the feare that forceth myne hart to tremble" (245/13-15).Anthony reminds Vincent that Christ himself expressed fear at his own sufferings in hisPassion. Anthony urges Vincent to meditate on Christ's sufferings. Christ's Passion willthen inspire him with strength to face his own sufferings. Vincent finds himself greatlycomforted by Anthony's words. Anthony then turns to consider the various forms ofphysical suffering that the Turks will inflict (repeating the list of tribulations already givenin Chapter 3):Let vs examyne the weyght & the substaunce of those bodely paynes asthe sorest part of this persecucion which you rehersid before / which wereyf I remember you right / tharldome [slavery] / imprisonment / paynfull &shamfull deth / and first let vs (as reason is) begyn with the tharldome /for that was as I remember the first. (CW 12, 250/16-20)Vincent replies: "me thinketh vncle that captyuite is a mervelouse hevy thing namely whanA Dialogue of Comfort / 252they shall (as they most comonly do) cary vs far from home into a staunge vncouth lande"(250/22-25). Anthony reminds Vincent that God is present everywhere:I am very sure, that whether so euer men convey me / god is no moreverely here than he shalbe there / 711 yf I get (as I may yf I will) the graceto set my hole hart vppon hym / & long for nothyng but hym / yt can thanmake me no greate mater to my mynd / whether they cary me hense orleve me here.... (CW 12, 251/7-12)Anthony goes on to argue that the pains of captivity seem worse "because we take ourformare liberty / for more a great dele than in dede yt was" (252/4-5). He continues bydefining captivity as "the violent restraynt of a man, beyng so subdued vnder the domynyonrule & power of an other / that he must do what the tother lyst to commaund hym, & maynot do at his libertie such thinges as he lyst hym selfe" (252/7-10). He points out that ourliberty is restrained by human laws, and that furthermore every man is under bondage tosin. Since Christ himself took the form of a 'slave' when he became man, we should not beashamed to be slaves for his sake.Anthony then goes on to define imprisonment as "the retaynyng of a mans persoune,within the circute of a certen space narower or larger as shalbe lymyted vnto hym,restraynyng his libertie fro the further goyng into any other place" (257/21-23). Anthonyasks Vincent the seemingly nonsensical question whether he knows of any man "that is atthis day owt of prison" (258/16). Vincent replies: "What one man vncle / mary I knowalmost none other / for surely prisoner am I none acquentid with / that I remember"(258/18-19). More now introduces through the mouth of Anthony the theme of the world asprison that he had earlier on developed in The Four Last Things, 72 a theme that goes back toPlato's Allegory of the Cave in the Republic and Boethius's Consolation of Philosophy:But now sith you can name me none of them that are in prison / I prayyou name some one of all them, that you be as you say / better acquentidwith / men I meane that are out of prison / for I know me thinketh as fewof them as you know of the tother... (CW 12, 259/9-12)A Dialogue of Comfort / 253Vincent interjects: "That were vncle a straunge case / for euery man is vncle out of prison,that may go where he will / though he be the porest begger in the Towne" (259/14-16).Anthony responds with the astonishing assertion that even "the great Turke by whome weso feare to be put in prison [is] in prison all redy hymselfe" (259/25-26), because he may notgo where he will. He goes on to argue that neither a king nor a beggar is free to goeverywhere they wish (i.e., there are always some places they cannot go to):but that yf they wold walke in some place / neyther of them both shuld besuffrid but men wold withstand them / & say them nay / therfor yfimprisonment be (as you graunt yt is) a lak of libertie to go where welyst / I can not se but as I say, the beggar & the prince whom you rekenboth at libertie, be by your own reason <restraynyd> in prison both.(CW 12, 260/12-17)Vincent refuses to accept Anthony's argument and replies:But they may go at the lest wise to euery place that they nede, or that iscommodiouse for them / & therfor they do not will to go but where theymay go / And therfor be they at libertie to go where they will. (CW 12,260/29-261/3)Vincent goes on to reject his uncle's arguments, and replies that the claim that "eueryman is in prison all redye / be but sophisticall fantasies" (262/16-17). Anthony replies:Well fare thyne hart good Cosyn Vincent / There was in good fayth noword that you spake syns we talkyd of these matters, that halfe so wellliked me as this that you speke now / For yf you had assentid in wordes /& in your mynd departyd vnperswadid / than yf the thing be trew that Isay / yet had you lost the frute / & yf it be peradventure false & my selfedecevid therM / than while I shuld wene that yt liked you to / you shuldhaue confyrmyd me in my folye / for in good fayth Cosyn such an old foleam I, that this thing, in the perswadyng wherof vnto you I had went I hadquyt me well / & whan I haue all done apperith to your mynd but atryfle / & a sophisticall fantasye / my selfe haue so many yeres taken forso very substanciall trewth.... (CW 12, 262/20-263/1)Anthony invites Vincent to stand his ground firmly: "And hardely spet well on your handes& take good hold, & give yt not ouer agaynst your own mynd" (263/6-7). They return oncemore to the argument and Vincent challenges his uncle: "By my trowth vncle / these thingesA Dialogue of Comfort / 254wold I fayne se well provid" (263/27).With a masterly stroke, Anthony brings forward the case of a man who is attainted fortreason and condemned to death but who in the time between his attainder and hisexecution is free to have the use of his lands, and is given free access to his family andfriends, but with this one condition that when he is summoned, he must be ready to go to hisexecution. Vincent replies that for all the favours shown him, that the attainted man is stilla prisoner. Anthony then goes on to develop the image of God as divine judge andexecutioner:euery man is here (though he be the greest [greatest] kyng vppon earth)set here by the ordenaunce of god in a place (be it neuer so large) a place Isay yet (and you say the same) out of which no man can escape / but thattherein ys euery man put vnder sure & safe kepyng to be redely fet[fetched] forth whan god tallith for hym, & that than he shall surely dye /And is not than Cosyn by your own grauntyng before, every man a<very> prisoner / whan he is put in a place to be kept to be brote forth /when he wold not, & hym selfe wot [knows] not whyther. (CW 12,267/12-20)Vincent finally accepts the force of his uncle's argument that "euery man is in this world avery prisoner" (270/17-18).Anthony then goes on to further develop the image of God as "chiefe gaylour ouer thiswhole brode prison / the world" (271/21-22). Vincent, however, objects "that poynt most Inedes deny / for I neyther see hym [God] ley any man in the stokkes, or strike fetters on hislegges / or so much as shete hym vpp in a chamber eyther" (274/8-11). Anthony respondsthat unlike other jailers, God uses invisible means to punish man, including disease andsickness, and after enumerating various examples, he concludes: "yf we consider yt well /we shall fynd this generall prison of this whole earth, a place in which the prisoners be assore handlid as they be in the tother [prisons]" (275/8-11). Anthony goes on to cite theexample of Christ as prisoner:A Dialogue of Comfort / 255Fynally Cosyn to finish this piece with, our saviour was hym selfe takenprisoner for our sake, & prisoner was he caried, & prisoner was he kept /& prisoner was he brought forth before Annas, & prisoner from Annascaried vnto Cayphas / < than prisoner was he > caried from Cayphas vntoPilate / & prisoner was he sent from Pilate to kyng herode / prisoner fromherode vnto Pilate agayne / & so kept as prisoner to thend of his passhion /The tyme of his ymprisonment I graunt well was not long / but as for hardhandlyng (which our hartes most aborre) he had as mich in that shortwhile / as many men among them all in mich lenger tyme.... (CW 12,279/26-280/5)6.5.11. Persecution and Martyrdom (111:23-111:27)Vincent now expresses his deepest anxiety and fear that the Turkish invasion, and thesubsequent persecution against the Christian faith, will cause many to renounce their faithout of fear, rather than suffer a shameful death at the hands of the Turks. Anthonyresponds: "how can that deth be shamfull, that is gloryouse / or how can that be butgloriouse to dye for the fayth of christ, yf we dye both for the fayth & in the fayth ioynidwith hope & charite" (288/24-26). He goes on to affirm that any man who suffers for thefaith of Christ, however vile and shameful it seems in the eyes of a few worldly wretches, is"approvid for very preciouse & honourable, in the sight of god / & of all the gloriousecompany of hevyn" (290/5-7). The act of suffering for Christ's faith:that we worldly wrechid folys wene [think] were vilany & shame, theblessid apostles rekenid for greate glory / for they when they were withdespite & shame scourgid, & there apon commaundid to speke no more ofthe name of christ / went ther way fro the councell ioyfull & glad, that godhad vouchsafed to do them the worship [honour], to suffer shamfull despitefor the name of Ihesu.... (CW 12, 290/26-291/3)Even Christ himself "was not so prowde to disdayne for our sakes, the most vylanouse &most shamfull deth after the worldly compt [reckoning] that then was vsid in the world"(291/22-24). Anthony concludes that since Christ said that the servant is not above hismaster, and since he himself endured "so many kyndes of paynfull shame / very prowdbeastes may we well thynke our selfe / yf we disdayne to do as our master did" (292/4-6).A Dialogue of Comfort / 256Vincent objects that shame is one thing that can be mastered, but no one can masterpain in the same way. Anthony replies that while no one can deny the reality of pain,reason combined with faith and the grace of God will make it easier for a man to bear apainful death here on earth for the sake of achieving everlasting life in Heaven. Vincentresponds that though he can find no counter-arguments, nonetheless, he thinks that if theTurks once set upon the Hungarians, they will be so fearful, that many will abandon theirfaith. Anthony replies that God will give us grace to strengthen us in the midst ofpersecution. Vincent objects that every man is naturally afraid of pain. Anthony remindshim that the pains of Hell are greater than anything we can endure here. He also points outto Vincent that a natural death from sickness and disease is often more painful and moreprolonged than a violent one. He who forsakes the faith of Christ out of fear of a violentdeath may not only suffer a natural death that is a thousand times more painful, but willalso be condemned to everlasting pain in Hell. Anyone who considers this will not be afraidto endure the most terrible sufferings the Turks can inflict rather than be cast into the painsof Hell. Vincent agrees that if we often think of these pains of Hell, that point alone will beenough to make many a martyr in Hungary. Anthony goes on to talk of the joys of Heavenand the Passion of Christ:Forsoth Cosyn yf we were such as we shuld be, I wold scant for veryshame, in exortacion to the kepyng of Christes fayth speke of the paynes ofhell / I wold rather put vs in mynd of the Ioyes of heven / the pleasurewherof we shuld be more glad to gete / than we shuld be to flye & escapeall the paynes in hell.... (CW 12, 305/5-9)We should have such a fervent longing for the joys of Heaven: "that we may for attaynyngto them, vtterly set at nought all fleshly delight, all worldly pleasures / all erthly losses, allbodely tourment and payne" (307/1-3). Anthony recommends that we should keep in ourminds by reading, in our ears by hearing, in our mouths by speaking, and in our hearts bymeditation and thinking: "Those ioyfull wordes of holy scripture / by which we lerne howA Dialogue of Comfort / 257wonderfull howge & greate those spirituall hevenly Ioyes are" (308/12-14). Anthony thenparaphrases the words of St. Paul (1 Cor. 2:9):For sewerly for this state of this world, the byes of hevyn are by mansmowth vnspekeable / to mans eares not audible / to mens hartesvncogitable / so farforth excell they all that euer men haue hard of / allthat euer men can speke of / and all that ever any man can by naturallpossibilitie thinke on.... (CW 12, 309/4-8)After describing the joys of Heaven, Anthony moves on to the theme of identification withthe suffering Christ: "Now to this greate glory, can there no man come hedlesse. Our hed isChrist / & therfor to hym must we be Ioynid / & as membres of his must we folow hym / yfwe will come thither" (311/15-17). Christ is our guide and we must walk in the same pathin which Christ walked. Anthony cites the words of Christ to the two disciples on the road toEmmaus (Luke 24:26):knew you not that Christ must suffre passion, & by that way entre into hiskyngdome? Who can for very shame desire to entre into the kyngdom ofChrist with ease, whan hym selfe entrid not into his own without payne.(CW 12, 311/24-28)Anthony then suggests to Vincent that he meditate on Christ's passion: "So say I now /for paynefull deth also, that yf we could & wold with dew compassion, conceyve in ourmyndes a right Imagynacion & remembraunce of Christes byttre paynefull passion"(312/10-13), that this would makes us "not onely content, but also glad & desierouse tosuffre deth for his sake / that so mervelously lovyngly lettid not to sustayne so farrepassyng paynfull deth for <ours> " (313/5-7). Anthony returns once more to the imageryof Psalm 90:And therfor Cosyn, let vs well consider these thynges, & let vs haue surehope in the helpe of god / & than I dowt not, but that we shalbe sure, thatas the prophet sayth, the truth of his promise shall so compace vs with apavise, that of this incursion of this mydday devill / this Turkespersecution / we shall neuer nede to fere / for eyther yf we trust in godwell, & prepare vs therfor / the Turke shall neuer medle with vs / or els yfA Dialogue of Comfort / 258he do, harm shall he none do vs / but in stede of harme inestimable good....(CW 12, 315/30-316/8)Anthony describes the various ways that God strengthens his holy martyrs and points outthat the Turks are only instruments of the devil: "The Turkes are but his tourmentours, forhymselfe doth the dede" (317/16-17). He goes on to quote the words of St. Paul (Eph. 6:12):Our wrestlyng is not agaynst flesh & bloud &c. Thus may we see that insuch persecucions, it is the mydday devill hym selfe that maketh suchincursion vppon vs, by the men that are his ministers to make vs fall forfeare / For till we fall, he can neuer hurt vs. (CW 12, 317/24-27)If the devill threatens us "let vs tell hym that our capten Christ is with vs, & that we shallfight with his strength that hath vainquyshid hym al redy" (318/16-17). When we feelready to faint, we should remember Christ's strength. In our fear we should rememberChrist's bitter agony: "& than nede we neuer to dowt / but that eyther he shall kepe vs fromthe paynfull deth / or shall not fayle so to strength vs in yt, that he shall ioyously bryng vsto hevyn by yt" (318/29-32). Anthony ends his long meditation on the Passion of Christ byreaffirming once more the joys of Heaven:For surely myn own good Cosyn, remembre that yf yt were possible for meand you alone, to suffre as mych trowble as the whole world dothtogether / all that were not worthy of yt selfe, to bryng vs to the ioy whichwe hope to haue euerlastyngly / And therfor I pray you let theconsideracion of that Ioy, put all worldly trowble out of your hart... (CW 12,319/25-320/1)Anthony finally comes to the end of his long discourse: "And evyn thus will I good Cosynwith these wordes, make a sodayne end of myn whole tale, & bid you fare well / For nowbegynne I to fele my selfe somewhat werye" (320/2-4). Vincent thanks his uncle for all hislabours and promises to write down an account of Anthony's "good counsayle." The workends with a prayer by Anthony for its readers:And in the meane tyme, I besech our lord to breth of his holy spirite intothe readers brest, which inwardly may tech hym in hart, without whomeA Dialogue of Comfort / 259litle availeth all that all the mowthes of the world were able to tech inmens eares / And thus good Cosyn fare well, till god bryng vs togetheragayne, eyther here or in hevyn / Amen.(CW 12, 320/23-28)The ending is indeed very sudden in a way that is very characteristic of More— a trait thatsometimes makes it difficult to tell whether some of More's works, e.g. De tristitia, arecomplete or not. However, there is no question here of the work lacking a resolution.6.6. CONCLUSIONThe Dialogue of Comfort has been considered by many modern readers to be More'sgreatest English work. It certainly seems to be one of the most complex and elusive of hiswritings. The back and forth movement of the dialogue is an integral part of the argument.As with so many of More's other works, the Dialogue of Comfort in Tribulation is richlypolysemic and polyphonic. The voices that engage us in dialogue or confront us dialecticallyin More's dialogues call for active engagement on the part of the reader. We are invited,even sometimes manipulated, cajoled and bullied into making a personal response.Vincent comes to Anthony at the beginning of the dialogue, because, naturally, he isafraid of what the Turks will do if they invade. It falls to the part of Anthony to try tocomfort and strengthen him. Anthony does this, paradoxically, by exploring the nature oftribulation, and in particular the kind of tribulation that Vincent is likely to face, and byleading Vincent through a careful examination of all the suffering and distress that he islikely to experience when the Turks invade. As a result, Vincent grows greatly in stature inthe course of the work, especially in Book III, though Anthony has the last word. In thisspiritual masterpiece, More confronts each one of us with the question of how we are to bearup under suffering. There are many who seem virtuous or good but who, when put to thetest, completely crumble. There are many forms of apostacy, many forms of betrayal.The work has a surprisingly powerful impact on an emotional as well as an intellectuallevel. This is not dry, academic philosophy that More is writing. If the Dialogue of Comfort isoften irritating and disturbing, or upsetting in places, though this may seem paradoxical ina work of 'comfort,' the effect, as in More's other great works, is quite deliberate. TheA Dialogue of Comfort / 260comfort that More, the author, offers the reader is hard won. More makes the careful andattentive reader look into his own heart first and confronts him with the 'Abyss,' beforeoffering him any comfort. The comfort paradoxically comes through facing the 'innerdarkness,' the terrors that fly by night of Psalm 90, as well as the dangers of externalpersecution, the 'noon-day devil.' The psychological and spiritual movement of the dialogueis thus quite clear.A Dialogue of Comfort / 261NOTES1. The Field is Won: The Life and Death of Saint Thomas More (London: Burns & Oates,1968), 349 (quoted in The Complete Works of St. Thomas More, Vol. 12: A Dialogue of Comfort,ed. L. L. Martz and F. Manley (hereafter CW 12) (New Haven: Yale UP, 1976), lxxxvii).2. G. R. Elton, EHR 93 (1978): 399-400, rpt. in Tudor and Stuart Studies, Volume 3:Papers and Reviews 1973-1981 (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1983), 454.3. Ibid., 402 (Tudor and Stuart Studies, 3:457). Elton does, however, admit that "Vincentand Anthony, especially the latter, are well realized individuals provided with personal historiesof participation in wars, court acquaintances... and so forth" ibid., 403-04 (459-60).4. The only summary is by L. Miles in A Dialogue of Comfort Against Tribulation. ed. L.Miles (Bloomington: Indiana UP, 1965), 243-251. Miles's summary is too brief and fails to bringout the contributions of the individual speakers. In the Yale Edition, Frank Manley provides adetailed analysis (but not outline) of "The Argument of the Book," CW 12, lxxxvi-cxvii.5. See N. C. Yee, "Thomas More's Moriae Encomium: The Perfect Fool in A Dialogue ofComfort Against Tribulation," Moreana 101/102 (1990): 65-74.6. L. L. Martz, "More as Author: The Virtues of Digression," Moreana 62 (1979): 105-19;rev. vers. as "The Order of the Heart," Thomas More: The Search for the Inner Man (NewHaven: Yale UP, 1990), 29-51, 106-07.7. See The Complete Works of St. Thomas More, Vol. 14: De Tristitia Christi, 2 vols.(hereafter CW 14) (New Haven: Yale UP, 1976).8. See The Complete Works of St. Thomas More, Vol. 13: Treatise upon the Passion, Treatiseon the Blessed Body, Instructions and Prayers, ed. G. E. Haupt (hereafter CW 13) (New Haven:Yale UP, 1976), xxxvii-xliiii, and St. Thomas More: Selected Letters, ed. E. F. Rogers, SelectedWorks of St. Thomas More (New Haven: Yale UP, 1961), #48, pp. 185-88.9. The English Treatise on the Passion, A Treatise to Receive the Blessed Body, and More'sprayers and meditations are all edited in CW 13.10. See Rogers, #200-218, pp. 501-565.11. For a description of the manuscripts, see CW 12, xix-xxi; and R. Hanna III., "TwoNew Texts of More's Dialogue of Comfort," Moreana 74 (1982): 5-11. In a personalcommunication during the Milton Conference held at UBC in August 1991, Louis Martzmentioned, if I have my facts right, that Yale University Library recently acquired a newmanuscript of the Dialogue of Comfort that had been found in a private collection in England.12. J. Warrington, ed., More's Utopia and A Dialogue of Comfort, Everyman's Library 461(London: Dent, 1910; rev. ed. with modernized spelling, 1951).13. For other modernized spelling editions see the items by P. E. Hallett, F. Manley, andM. Stevens in the section The Dialogue of Comfort: Modernizations and Translations inthe Bibliographical Appendix.14. The hardcover edition contains an extensive forty page bibliography and a hundredpage introduction. The paperback edition of the same year omits most of the introduction andbibliography.A Dialogue of Comfort. / 26215. See Hanna, "Two New Texts of More's Dialogue of Comfort," 9.16. Figure 6.1 is based on the first possible stemma (Stemma I) suggested by the Yaleeditors (CW 12, 1v), and on the revised stemma given in Hanna, "Two New Texts of More'sDialogue of Comfort," 9. The 'Table of Sigla' is reproduced from CW 12, clxvii, with somemodifications and omissions.17. "CC looks like a manuscript edited for the purpose of publication" (CW 12, xxxvii). TheYale editors actually go on to argue that the Corpus Christi Manuscript was indeed used as acopytext by William Rastell for the 1557 Folio edition. They suggest that Rastell started usingthe 1553 edition to set the text of 1557, but switched to the CC Manuscript for Books II andIII: "The result is that 1557 represents a conflation of 1553 and CC" (CW 12, lv).18. "... he appears to have compared the A text with another manuscript in order to besure that all of More's authentic words are given" (CW 12, xliii).19. "The basic principle has been to follow the readings of A even when the corrections ofB provide a more grammatical, more polished, or more immediately comprehensible version"(CW 12, clxiv—clxv).20. For the relative ages of Anthony and Vincent, see M. Manzalaoui, "'Syria' in theDialogue of Comfort," Moreana 8 (1965): 21-27, esp. 25-27. Manzalaoui estimates, from internalevidence in the Dialogue of Comfort, that Anthony is over eighty-one and that Vincent is abouttwenty. It is interesting to note that More's father, Sir John More (born c.1451), was about thesame age as Anthony when he died in 1530, and that More's son, also named John More (bornc. 1509), would have been only a little older than Vincent at the time More was writing theDialogue of Comfort. (Manzalaoui points out that Thomas More was intermediate in age betweenAnthony and Vincent, but does not make the connection with More's own family.) Compare alsoG. Marc'hadour's discussion of William Roper (More's son-in-law) as a prototype for theMessenger in the Dialogue Concerning Heresies, and of the prominence of More's own father inthe same dialogue, in CW 6, 481-94.21. See Manley's seminal discussion of the multiple "audiences" in CW 12, cxx—clxiv.22. See CW 12, cxx—cxxxv, and R. J. Schoeck, "Thomas More's Dialogue of Comfort and theProblem of the Real Grand Turk," English Miscellany 20 (1969): 23-37. See also L. Miles,"Allegory: Henry VIII and the Grand Turk," A Dialogue of Comfort, xlii—xliv (xxii—xxiii inPaperback Edition).23. Later English Recusant Catholics would look back to More and Fisher as obviousmodels in their own struggles: for example, the Jesuit martyr St. Robert Southwell's Epistle ofComfort was obviously modelled on More's Dialogue of Comfort.24. See CW 12, cxxxi—cxxxv. At one point More even equates Protestant and Turk, hereticand infidel: "there ys no born Turke so cruel] to christen folke, as is the false christen thatfalleth fro the fayth" (CW 12, 7/8-9).25. See CW 12, cxxviii—cxxix, and Thomas More's Prayer Book: A Facsimile Reproduction ofthe Annotated Pages, ed. L. L. Martz, and R. S. Sylvester, The Elizabethan Club Series 4 (NewHaven: Yale UP for the Elizabethan Club, 1969), xxxiv—xxxvi, 114, 197, where opposite Psalm68: 7-21 More wrote: "in tribulacione dicendum fidelibus a Hu[n]garis inualescentibus turcis etmultis hungarorum in turcarum perfidiam desciscentibus (to be said in [time of] tribulation bythe faithful among the Hungarians when the Turks grow strong and many Hungarians fallaway into the false faith of the Turks)." See also Psalms 16:8 (pp. 44, 191), 79:4 (pp. 134,A Dialogue of Comfort / 263199), 82:2 and 84:2 (pp. 138, 140, 200), and 93:2 (pp. 153, 201).26. See n.22. For an example of More's use of multiple levels of interpretation, see theannotation opposite Psalm 84:2 in Thomas More's Prayer Book, xxxiv-xxxvi, 140, 200: "postuictoriam uel aduersus turcas, uel aduersus demones, in tentatione uel actio graciarum postablatam pestem aut ablatam siccitatem aut pluuiam (after victory, either against the Turks, oragainst the demons in temptation; or a thanksgiving after the plague, or drought, or a spell ofrainy weather have been taken away)."27. See CW 12, cxvii-cxx, and L. Miles, "Boethius and Thomas More's Dialogue ofComfort," ELN 3 (1965/66): 97-101. L. Miles also gives an extensive treatment of More'sClassical, Biblical and Patristic sources in the introduction to the hardcover edition of ADialogue of Comfort: "Sources, Themes, and Traditions," lxvi-xcviii. See also T. Finan, "SomeMore Comforts: More and the Consolatory Tradition," Irish Theological Quarterly 45 (1978):205-16.28. See CW 12, cxix, and D. Gray, "Books of Comfort," Medieval English ReligiousLiterature: Essays in Honour of G. H. Russell, ed. G. Kratzman and J. Simpson (Woodbridge,Suffolk: Boydell and Brewer, 1986), 209-21.29. For the related genre of the ars moriendi, which found its finest expression in the nextcentury in Jeremy Taylor's Holy Living and Holy Dying, see N. L. Beaty, The Craft of Dying: AStudy in the Literary Tradition of the Ars moriendi in England, Yale Studies in English 175(New Haven: Yale UP, 1970).30. For analysis of the structure of Comfort A, see F. Manley, CW 12, lxxxix-ci, and N. C.Yee, "Thomas More: in Defence of Tribulation," Moreana 74 (1982): 13-26.31. For the function of Psalm 90 (91), see L. L. Martz, "The Design of More's Dialogue ofComfort," Moreana 15/16 (1967): 331-46 (rpt. with changes in CW 12, lxv-lxxix), rev. vers. inThomas More: The Search for the Inner Man, 64-82; J. Kuhn, "The Function of Psalm 90 inThomas More's A Dialogue of Comfort," Moreana 22 (1969): 61-67; J. H. Sims, "Psalm 90 andthe Pattern of Temptation in A Dialogue of Comfort and Paradise Regained: From 'Solicitations'to Turiose Force,'" Moreana 74 (1982): 27-37.32. CW 12, lxxiv (rpt. in Thomas More: The Search for the Inner Man, 76).33. Ibid., lxxiv-lxxv (rpt. in Thomas More: The Search for the Inner Man, 77-79).34. See R. Arbesmann, "The Daemonium Meridianum and Greek and Latin PatristicExegesis," Traditio 14 (1958): 17-31; R. Caillois, "Les demons de midi," Revue d'Histoire desReligions 115 (1937): 142-73 + 116 (1937): 54-83, 143-86, esp. 116: 156-72; and P. deLabriolle, "Le demon du midi," Bulletin du Cange 9 (1934): 46-54; Aldous Huxley, "Accidie," Onthe Margin: Notes and Essays (London: Chatto & Windus, 1923, rpt. 1948), 18-25.35. For an edition (and French translation), , see Jean Cassien: Institutions cenobitiques, ed.J.-C. Guy, Sources Chretiennes 109 (Paris, Les Editions du Cerf, 1965). (An earlier edition inMigne, Patrologia Latina, Vol. 49.) There is an English translation in A Select Library of Niceneand Post-Nicene Fathers, Vol. 11: Sulpitius Severus, Vincent of Lerins, John Cassian, ed. P.Schaff, and H. Wace (1888?; rpt. Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans, 1955).36. This definition of acedia also anticipates suggestively the tristitia, taedium, and pauor(=anxietas) of the title of More's last major work De tristitia, tedio, pauore et oratione christiante captionem eius.A Dialogue of Comfort / 26437. "Sextum nobis certamen est, quod Graeci acedian uocant, quam nos taedium siueanxietatem cordis possumus nuncupare. Adfinis haec tristitiae ac solitariis magis experta et inheremo commorantibus infestior hostis ac frequens, maxime circa horam sextam monachuminquietans, ut quaedam febris ingruens tempore praestituto ardentissimos aestus accessionumsuarum solitis ac statutis horis animae inferens aegrotanti. Denique nonnulli senum hunc essepronuntiant meridianum daemonem, qui in psalmo nonagensimo nuncupatur." SourcesChretiennes, 109: 384. (Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, 11: 266.)38. "Nihilque se proficere tanto tempore in eadem commorantem crebrius ingemescit neehabere se fructum aliquem spiritalem,..." Sources Chretiennes, 109: 386. (Nicene and Post-NiceneFathers, 11: 267.)39. "Dein lassitudinem corporis cibique esuriem quinta sextaque hora tantam suscitat, utuelut longo itinere grauissimoque labore confectus sibimet lassusque uideatur,... Turn praetereahuc illucque anxius circumspectat... saepiusque egreditur et ingreditur cellam ac solem uelut adoccasum tardius properantem crebrius intuetur, et ita quadam inrationabili mentis confusioneuelut taetra subpletur caligine omnique actu spiritali redditur otiosus ac uacuus...." SourcesChretiennes, 109: 386. (Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, 11: 267.)40. Sources Chretiennes, 109: 384ff. (Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, 11: 266-75.) Cassianalso refers to Psalm 90 (91): 5-6 in the Collations or Conferences, Book 7, Chapter 30. Thetheme of Book 7 of the Collations, "On Inconstancy of Mind, and Spiritual Wickedness," is alsorelevant to More's exegesis of Psalm 90 (91) in Book II of the Dialogue of Comfort. For anedition (and French translation) of the Collations, see Jean Cassien: Conferences, ed. D. Pichery,Sources Chretiennes, 42, 54, 64 (Paris: Les Editions du Cerf, 1955-59). (An earlier edition inMigne, Patrologia Latina, Vol. 49.) There is an English translation in Nicene and Post-NiceneFathers, Vol. 11.41. Aldous Huxley, "Accidie," 22; cf. R. Caillois, "Les demons de midi," 116: 169-71, andP. de Labriolle, "Le demon du midi," 50-53.42. St. Bernard's commentary on Psalm 90, the Sermones in quadragesima de psalmo 'Quihabitat,' [or In Psalmum XC], can be found in Sancti Bernardi Opera (Rome: EditionesCisterciones, 1957-1978), IV: 383-492, ed. J. Leclercq, C. H. Talbot, and H. M. Rochais. (Anearlier edition in Migne, Patrologia Latina, Vol. 183, cols. 185-254.) There is an Englishtranslation in Bernard of Clairvaux: Sermons on Conversion. On Conversion, A Sermon to Clericsand Lenton Sermons on the Psalm 'He Who Dwells,' trans., M.-B. Said, Cisterian Fathers Series,25 (Kalamazoo, MI: Cistercian Publications, 1981), 81-260, esp. 143-50. Verses 5-6 are dealtwith in Sermon 6 (PL 183: 197-200). St. Bernard also commented on Psalm 90 (91): 5-6 inSermon 33: 8-16 of the Sermons on the Song of Songs, edited in Sancti Bernardi Opera, Vol. 1(and Migne, PL 183, cols. 785-1198). There is an English translation of Sermon 33 in TheWorks of Bernard of Clairvaux, Volume III: On the Song of Songs II, trans., K. Walsh, intro., J.Leclercq, Cisterian Fathers Series, 7 (Kalamazoo, MI: Cistercian Publications, 1976), 144-59.43. See On the Song of Songs, 33: 9-10; PL 183, 955-56. (Cistercian Fathers, 7: 152-54.)44. "Itaque primordia nostrae conversionis, juxta communis quidem experientiae rationem,primus exagitat timor, quem intrantibus statim horror vitae ingerit arctioris, et insuetaeausteritas disciplinae. Atque is timor nocturnus dicitur... Vigilandum proinde et orandum primointrantibus contra hanc primam tentationem, ne subito praeoccupati a pusillanimitate spirituset tempestate, a bono coepto, quod absit resiliant." On the Song of Songs, 33: 11; PL 183, 957.(Cistercian Fathers, 7: 154-55.)45. See Chi' 12, 398, note to 157/17-26, and 400, note to 166/18-167/8. See also F.Manley's comment "More follows Bernard, for example, in interpreting all the temptationsA Dialogue of Comfort / 265itemized in Ps. 90 except the last, where he switches to Augustine" CW 12, cxlvii, n.2.46. See On the Song of Songs, 33: 12 (PL 183. 957; Cistercian Fathers, 7: 155); and OnPsalm 90, 6:3 (PL 183, 198; Cistercian Fathers, 25: 145).47. "Nimirum sagitta haec vana gloria est: non est unde haec impugnet pusillanimes etremissos. Qui ferventiores esse videntur, ipsi paveant, ipsi sibi caveant in hac parte: nihilominusadhuc solliciti non deserere scutum inexpugnabile veritatis... Difficile prorsus, ni fallor, homoverbis laudantium hominem, in vita sua abduci poterit altum sapere, si se intus ad lucemveritatis sollicita consideratione disentiat. Nonne enim si propriam cogitat conditionem, dicturusest sibi: Quid superbis, terra et cinis? (Ecclus, x, 9.) Nonne si propriam consideret corruptionem,fateatur necesse est quoniam non est in eo bonum?" On Psalm 90, 6:3; PL 183, 198. (CistercianFathers, 25: 145).48. "a negotio perambulante in tenebris, quod est hypocrisis. Etenim ista de ambitionedescendit, et in tenebris habitatio ejus" On the Song of Songs, 33: 12; PL 183, 957. (CistercianFathers, 7: 155.)49. "Contempsit vanam gloriam, ait, quoniam vana est: forte solidius aliquid affectaret,forte honores, forte divitias." On Psalm 90, 6:4; PL 183, 198. (Cistercian Fathers, 25: 146).50. "Serpit hodie putida tabes per omne corpus Ecclesiae...." On the Song of Songs, 33: 15;PL 183, 958-59. (Cistercian Fathers, 7: 157.)51. "Ipsa quoque ecclesiasticae dignitatis officia in turpem quaestum et tenebrarumnegotium transiere: nec in his salus animarum, sed luxus quaeritur divitiarum... Proepiscopatibus et archidiaconatibus impudenter hodie decertatur, ut ecclesiarum redditus insuperfluitatis et vanitatis usus dissipentur." On Psalm 90, 6:7; PL 183, 200. (Cistercian Fathers,25: 149). See also the parallel description of ecclesiastical profligacy in On the Song of Songs,33: 15. (PL 183, 959; Cistercian Fathers, 7: 158.)52. "Nec enim haec merito cedunt, sed negotio illi, quod perambulat in tenebris." On theSong of Songs, 33: 15; PL 183, 959. (Cistercian Fathers, 7: 158.)53. Cassiodorus's commentary on Psalm 90 (91) is edited in Magni Aurelii Cassiodori:Expositio Psalmorum, LXXI-CL, Corpus Christianorum, 98 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1958), 829-35.(An earlier edition in Migne, Patrologia Latina, Vol. 70, cols. 650-55.) There is an Englishtranslation in Cassiodorus: Explanation of the Psalms. Vol. II: Psalms 51-100, ed. P. G. Walsh,Ancient Christian Writers, 52 (New York: Paulist Press, 1991), 379-87.54. "Timor itaque nocturnes est haereticorum tenebrosa suasio. Sagitta uolans per diemmanifesta persecutio tyrannorum. Negotium in tenebris, cum prauo studio perquiritur, unde benecredentium cordis oculus obcaecatur. Daemonium meridianum est immane periculum feruorepersecutionis accensum, ubi ruina plerumque metuitur, quando infirmitas humana superatur."Corpus Christianorum, 98: 31-32 [PL 70, 652]. (Ancient Christian Writers, 52: 382.)55. St. Augustine's two homilies on Psalm 90 (91) are edited in Sancti Aurelii Augustini:Enarrationes in Psalmos LI-C, Corpus Christianorum, Series Latina, 39 (Turnhout: Brepols,1956), 1254-78, esp. 1258-61. (An earlier edition in Migne, Patrologia Latina, Vol. 37, cols.1149?-70.) There is an incomplete English translation in A Select Library of Nicene andPost-Nicene Fathers, Vol. 8: Saint Augustin: Expositions on the Book of Psalms, ed. P. Schaff(1888?; rpt. Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans, 1956), 446-52, esp. 447-48.56. St. Jerome's two homilies on Psalm 90 (91) are edited in S. Hieronymi PresbyteriOpera. Pars H: Opera Homiletica, Corpus Christianorum, Series Latina 78 (Turnhout: Brepols,A Dialogue of Comfort / 2661958), 127-133, 420-24. (An earlier edition in Migne, Patrologia Latina, Vol. 26.) The first(Homily #20) is translated in The Homilies of Saint Jerome. Volume 1 (1-59 On The Psalms),trans., M. L. Ewald, The Fathers of The Church, 48 (Washington, DC: Catholic University ofAmerica P, 1964), 156-63; and the second (Homily #68) in The Homilies of Saint Jerome.Volume 2 (Homilies 60-96), trans., M. L. Ewald, The Fathers of The Church, 52 (Washington,DC: Catholic University of America P, 1965), 82-87.57. "Non timebis a timore nocturno. Quod dicit, hoc est: Licet in terrore fueris, quae noxest, tamen non timebis, quia habes scutum ueritatis." Corpus Christianorum, 78: 129/63-66.(Fathers of the Church, 48: 158.)58. "A sagitta uolante per diem?... Doctrina haereticorum est: quae quasi per diem, hocest, legem Dei hue illucque uolitat, dum aduersus nos sollicite inquisita congerunt testimonia,quae interpretationibus suis a ueritate deprauant. Et a negotio perambulante in tenebris. Nondixit, stante, sed perambulante: quia haeretici numquam in sententiis stabiles sunt, sed sempermutantur atque perambulant. Ab incursu et daemonio meridiano.... Ergo quomodo sancti habentmeridiem et lucem ubi pascant et recubent, ita et diabolus transfiguratus in angelum lucishabet ministros suos transfiguratos, uelut ministros iustitiae.... Simplices autem putant essequendam daemonem meridianum, qui meridie magis homines possit incurrere. Nos autemhaereticorum principes interpretabimur daemones meridianos, qui simulantes angelos lucis,dogmata predicant tenebrarum." Corpus Christianorum, 78: 421-422/51-59, 61-64, 68-72.(Fathers of the Church, 52: 84-85.) For a discussion of the parallel treatment of these verses inHomily #20, see Arbesmann, "The Daemonium Meridianum," 24-27 (cf. n.34).59. "Vt intellegatis psalmum, quia daemonium meridianum propter aestum uehementispersecutionis positum est." Corpus Christianorum, 39: 1260/17-19. (Nicene Fathers, 11: 448.) Fora discussion of St. Augustine's treatment of the "noonday devil" in Psalm 90, see Arbesmann,"The Daemonium Meridianum," 20-23.60. "Ergo, quicumque se confessus fuerit christianum, feriatur; quomodo sagitta uolans perdiem fuit. Nondum erat daemonium meridianum, flagrans uehementi persecutione, et faciensmagnos aestus etiam fortibus." Corpus Christianorum, 39: 1260/37-40. (Nicene Fathers, 11: 448.)61. "Coepit feruere sol, coepit feruere aestus. Audite enim quid iusserint; quomodo anteaiusserant: Quicumque confessus se fuerit christianum, feriatur, iusserunt postea: Quicumqueconfessus se fuerit christianum, torqueatur, et tamdiu torqueatur, donee neget se essechristianum.... Multi ergo non negantes, in tormentis deficiebant; tamdiu enim torquebantur,donec negarent. Perseuerantibus autem in non negando Christum, quid facturus erat gladius,uno ictu occidendo corpus, animam ad Deum mittendo? Hoc faciebant et diuturna tormenta; sedquis tandem inueniretur qui duraret aduersus tantos et tam longos cruciatus? Multi defecerunt;et, credo, illi defecerunt qui de se praesumserunt, qui non habitabant in adiutorio Altissimi, etin protectione Dei caeli qui non dixerunt Domino; Susceptor meus es; qui non sub umbra alarumeius sperauerunt, sed uiribus suis multum dederunt. Deiecti sunt a Deo, ut ostenderet illis quiaipse protegit, ipse temperat tentationes, ipse tantum uenire permittit, quantum potest ferre cuiuenit." Corpus Christianorum, 39: 1261/46-50, 56-69. (Nicene Fathers, 11: 448.)62. Arbesmann, "The Daemonium Meridianum," 23.63. See the section on Wit and Humour in the Bibliographical Appendix for studies ofMore's use of "merry tales."64. For the context of this animal fable, see L. L. Martz, "The Art of Improvisation,"CW 12, lx-lxv; rev. vers. in Thomas More: The Search for the Inner Man, 57-64.65. See W. M. Gordon, "Suicide in Thomas More's Dialogue of Comfort," AmericanA Dialogue of Comfort / 267Benedictine Review 29 (1978): 358-70; and P. D. Green, "Suicide, Martyrdom, and ThomasMore," SRen 19 (1972): 135-55.66. "senem videlicet Heronem ante paucos admodum dies illusione diabolica a summis adima dejectum, quem quinquaginta annis in hac eremo commoratum, singulari districtionerigorem continentiae tenuisse meminimus, et solitudinis secreta ultra omnes hic commorantesmiro fervore sectatum. Hic igitur, quo pacto, quave ratione post tantos labores ab insidiatoredelusus,...? Nonne quia minus discretionis virtute possessa, suis definitionibus regi, quamconsiliis vel collationibus fratrum, atque institutis majorum, maluit obedire?... Quapraesumptione deceptus, angelum Satanae velut angelum lucis cum summa venerationesuscipiens, ejusque praeceptis prono obediens famulatu, semetipsum in puteum,... De quo, ingentifratrum labore cum pene jam exsanguis fuisset extractus, vitam die tertia finiturus, quod hisdeterius est, ita in deceptionis suae obstinatione permansit, ut ei ne experimento quidem mortissuae potuerit persuaderi, quod fuisset daemonum calliditate delusus.... ab his qui ejuscompatiebantur exitio, vix a presbytero abbate Paphnutio potuit obtineri, ut non interbiothanatos reputatus, etiam memoria et oblatione pausantium judicaretur indignus." PL 49,529-31. (John Cassian: Conferences, trans. C. Luibheid, intro. 0. Chadwick (New York: PaulistPress, 1985), 64-65.) See also CW 12, 387, note to 129/9-25.67. See CW 4, 186/5-22. Besides the articles noted in n.65, see also S. El-Gabalawy, "TheArs Moriendi in More's Utopia," Mosaic 11:4 (1978): 115-26; C. E. Maxcey, "Justice and Order:Martin Luther and Thomas More on the Death Penalty and Retribution," Moreana 79/80 (1983):17-33; A. B. Samaan, "Death and the Death-Penalty in More's Utopia and Some UtopianNovels." Moreana 90 (1986): 5-15.68. Analogous in structure to the 'Cardinal Morton Episode' in Book I of Utopia, and tothe 'Examination of the Lutheran Preacher,' in Book IV, Chapter 11 of the Dialogue ConcerningHeresies.69. This passage (CW 12, 179/30-180/28) was cited by H. W. Donner, Introduction toUtopia (London: Sidgwick and Jackson, 1945), 66, as "a most emphatic contradiction of the veryprinciple of communism." Paul Turner (who quotes Donner) denies this in Utopia (London:Harmondsworth, 1965), 150-51, and goes on to argue that More never repudiated thecommunism of Utopia, and that Anthony and Vincent are treating poverty here as a moral andreligious problem. I am not convinced by Turner's argument. The Island of Utopia was a`thought experiment.' More would never have thought of taking it as a program for action.However, all throughout his life (both in his writings and in his personal life) More stressed theresponsibility of the rich to care for the poor, especially through giving alms.70. For Aristotle's views as reinterpreted by Aquinas, see CW 6, 745-46.71. Cf. Utopia, "Vndique ad superos tantundem esse uiae [From all places it is the samedistance to heaven]" (CW 4, 50/12).72. EW 1557, sig. fg2v. See also E. McCutcheon, "'This Prison of the Yerth': The Topos ofImmurement in the Writings of St. Thomas More," Cithara 25:1 (1985): 37-46; an earlierversion in Thomas-Morus-Jahrbuch 1984/85, ed. H. Boventer (Dusseldorf: Triltsch, 1985), 127-32.CONCLUSIONIn every age there have been certain individuals, like Thomas More, who have stoodout because they made some special, even unique contribution to the development of humanculture. In doing so they embodied all that was best in the culture and values of the societyof their time. When we pick up their writings, we find ourselves entering into dialogue notonly with an individual author, but also with a whole society. However, such a dialogue onlybecomes possible if we respect the otherness of the individual author. This is especially thecase when we have to deal with an author like Thomas More who was a man of manymasks, of many roles, of many personae. And yet, paradoxically, behind these many masks`More the Man' remains tremendously slippery and elusive, and difficult to pin down. In thisstudy I have been very careful to avoid falling into the 'biographical fallacy' by makingcrude and simplistic onesided comments, either of a hagiographical or a debunking nature,about the character of the author. Such judgements always to my mind reflect a ratherone-dimensional view both of the man and of his age. In this study I have not beenconcerned with the enormous literature on More's biography or on his famous martyrdom.My concern has rather been with trying to understand Thomas More's principal literaryworks rather than dealing directly with the man himself.The work of the literary scholar or historian is a job of reconstruction. The past alwayscomes down to us in fragmentary form. Many of the most important of these fragmentstake the form of literary texts. But even where the literary text comes down to us more orless intact, as when in the ideal case we have the author's autograph manuscript, it comesdown to us almost always shorn of its literary, historical, and cultural contexts. The firsttask, naturally. should be to edit the texts themselves. Though scholarly editors must havesome awareness of the original historical and cultural context in order to carry out theirwork at all, inevitably the main focus of their scholarly endeavours must be on establishing268/ 26 9the text itself. Only when the critical text has more or less stabilized and modern scholarshave come to some kind of collective agreement that the modern critical edition representsthe best possible reconstruction of the literary archetype from which all survivingmanuscripts and/or printed editions are descended, can we then go on with any reliability tothe next step of trying to 'interpret' the text, and to reconstruct its original literary andcultural context. More scholarship has suffered seriously in the past precisely because of thelack of modern critical editions. So much nonsense has been written about More, especiallythe Utopia, precisely because so many critics, for example G. R. Elton, have not bothered toread More's texts carefully enough.Thanks to the monumental labours of the editors of The Yale Edition of the CompleteWorks of St. Thomas More this situation has finally begun to change. However, since thework of preparing critical editions of major authors, such as the Yale Edition of More'sworks, usually spans the lives of at least one generation of scholarly editors and sometimestwo, almost inevitably the burden of reconstructing the literary context falls on theshoulders of a new, younger generation of scholars. Theirs is the job of mining the richmother lode that has been laid bare by the tunneling or excavating of their scholarlypredecessors in the field. And while theirs may seem to be an enviable situation, their .workis not necessarily any easier than that of the textual editors since the past, like theunconscious, never yields up its treasures easily.The first job of the literary scholar or historian, after the actual editing of the text,must be to reconstruct as far as possible the original context of the literary work, and the`meaning' it had for its contemporary readers. But before we can even do this it is necessaryto effectively analyse the contents and structure, genres and literary forms of the works inquestion. One must learn to crawl before one walks, and one must learn to walk before oneruns. First, it is necessary to read the texts carefully and critically, and only then can one/ 270begin to interpret the 'meaning and significance they had for their contemporary readers.And only when one has done an adequate job of reconstructing the original historical andcultural context, can one meaningfully talk about the supposed relevance or irrelevance formodern readers. In this thesis, I have been concerned primarily with the first stage, withlearning to read the texts carefully and critically. In each case I have provided a descriptionof basic the structure of the work, together with an analysis of the text.In my chapter on the History of Richard III, I have shown that, despite firstappearances to the contrary, the work has a very clear and definite structure that can bebroken down into eight or nine major sections (including the 'Continuation' of the Englishversion). In my analysis of the text, I focussed mainly on the passages of direct and indirectspeech to show how they contributed to the literary artistry of the work as a whole, and Ialso showed how the major rhetorical and dialectical movements between the variousspeakers and audiences, and between the various pairs of protagonists and antagonists,anticipate the dialectical movements of the three later, formal literary dialogues underconsideration, where, however, the rhetorical and dialectical exchange is sustained in eachcase throughout by a single pair of speakers, instead of by a succession of such pairs.In my chapter on Utopia, after outlining the multi-layered structure of the workfollowing Hexter (parerga, 'Dialogue of Counsel,' `Discourse on Utopia,' peroration), Ifocussed on the 'Dialogue of Counsel' in Book I and the concluding peroration of Book II,showing how they provide a contextual frame for the 'Discourse on Utopia' in Book II. I alsodiscussed in some detail the 'Cardinal Morton Episode,' the dialogue-within-a-dialoguewithin the 'Dialogue of Counsel.' In my analysis of the text of Book I of Utopia, Idistinguished four 'Mores': 'Persona More.' the speaker in the dialogue of Book I, 'NarratorMore,' the voice that speaks at the beginning of Book I, 'Author More,' the semi-fictionalvoice of the prefatory letter to Giles (and the subject of discussion in the rest of the parerga),271and 'More,' the author of the work, Sir Thomas More. After briefly discussing thesignificance of the prefatory letters, I analysed the structure of Book I, and elucidated thefunction of the 'Dialogue of Counsel,' paying especially close attention to the opening of BookI (and the conclusion of Book II), and showing how the rapid movement from one level ofnarrative or discourse to another, causes special problems in interpreting Book I of Utopia.In my two chapters on the Dialogue Concerning Heresies, the longest of the four worksunder consideration, I have shown that the work can be divided into two major parts: BooksI and II (Heresies A), and Books III and IV (Heresies B). The focus of Heresies A is ondefending the whole system of traditional Catholic beliefs surrounding the relationshipbetween saints, miracles, images, and pilgrimages (Heresies A i ), and also on reiterating theorthodox Catholic teaching that the Oral Tradition of the Church is as necessary as and asmuch a part of divine revelation as the written Scriptures (Heresies A 2); while the focus ofHeresies B is to show that the revolutionary changes advocated by the early EnglishProtestants. In my discussion of Heresies B, I have especially singled out More's criticism ofTyndale's translation of the New Testament in Book 111:8-16, and his analysis of theLutheran doctrines of Predestination and Justification in the "Examination of the LutheranPreacher" in Book IV:10-12. I have further shown how the first half of the DialogueConcerning Heresies, Books I and II (Heresies A), has a structure that is in many waysanalogous to the first part, the parerga and Book I, of Utopia: how the elaborate introduction(Preface—Book 1:2) shows striking parallels to the elaborate parerga of the Utopia, and howthe "chiasmic" four-part structure of Books I and II, where Heresies A l (Book 1:3-17 andBook 11:8-12), provides a container or envelope for Heresies A 2 (Books 1:18-2:7), is alsoanalogous to the way in which the 'Dialogue of Counsel' frames the dialogue-within-a-dialogue of the 'Cardinal Morton Episode' in Book 1 of Utopia.In my chapter on the Dialogue of Comfort, I have shown that, alongside the three book/ 272structure, there is another parallel structure consisting of a more or less traditional "book"of comfort and consolation (Comfort A: Book I:1-II:8), followed by an extended meditation onthe four temptations of Psalm 90 (91): 5-6 (Comfort B: Books II: 9411: 27). Following Martzand Manley, I showed how the four temptations of Psalm 90: 5-6 provide an architecturalframework for Comfort B: how the first three temptations of Psalm 90: 5-6 ("the night'sfear," "the arrow flying in the day" and "the business walking in the darkness") provide theframework for much of Book II; while the fourth temptation, "the noonday devil,"persecution for the faith and the threat of martyrdom, takes up all of Book III. I havefurther shown that the comfort that More, the author, offers the reader is hard won, thatMore makes the careful and attentive reader look into his own heart first and confronts himwith the 'Abyss,' before offering him any comfort, and that this comfort paradoxically isachieved through facing the 'inner darkness,' the terrors that fly by night of Psalm 90, aswell as the dangers of external persecution, the 'noon-day devil.'Lastly, I have made an important contribution to More scholarship in the form of theTopical Analytical Bibliography in the Appendix, which not only shows the sometimes giantgaps in past scholarship, but also points the way (through the careful and considered choiceof bibliographical topics) to areas of scholarship that need further research, and will also, Ihope, in the future provide a valuable tool for scholars in the field.APPENDIX:THOMAS MOREBIBLIOGRAPHY273APPENDIX: THOMAS MORE BIBLIOGRAPHYThe Bibliography is organised into two major sections: A. Studies of More's Worksand B. General Background Studies and Biographies. For each of More's works inSection A, and for the early biographies and the plays in Section B, the bibliography isfurther divided into two or more sections: Editions and Translations (and Selectionswhere appropriate) where the various volumes of the Yale Edition and other editions andtranslations are cited, and Studies, which lists secondary studies of the individual works.For some of the works, such as Utopia and the History of Richard III, the studies are dividedinto subtopics (about fifty in the case of Utopia). The bibliography was compiled from directsearches of selected journals, including the journal of More studies, Moreana (1963-), tracingcitations in the footnotes of articles, serendipitous browsing in library stacks, and, of course,other bibliographies. I have occasionally consulted F. Sullivan's 1946 checklist Moreana,1478-1945 (see item 15 in the Bibliography). I have also made use of the two "RecentStudies on More," by Judith Jones and A. J. Geritz, in English Literary Renaissance (items 6and 8). However, I was unable to consult F. and M. P. Sullivan's Moreana: Materials for theStudy of St. Thomas More (1964-71) (item 16). Besides containing almost two thousandcitations, the bibliography also includes three to four hundred reviews and a similar numberof summaries and abstracts in the annotations to the citations. I have also sometimes addedannotations of my own.The bibliography included in this appendix contains only a third of the totalbibliography (about five to six thousand items) on More, Erasmus, the NorthernRenaissance, and the early English Renaissance and Reformation (to 1580), that I haveaccumulated over the last five years. While I hope to publish at least part of thisbibliography in print, my plan, if I can get funding from the appropriate granting bodies(SSHRC or NEH), would be to make the bibliographies available electronically either viaINTERNET or CD-ROM. The electronic versions of the bibliographies would include, wherepossible, either summaries and/or extracts from reviews, or at least brief annotations. Iwish to express in a special way my gratitude for the patient and very professional help Ihave recieved from the Inter-Library Loan and Circulation divisions of the UBC Library incompiling this bibliography.274Thomas More Bibliography / 275TABLE OF CONTENTS FOR MORE BIBLIOGRAPHYIntroduction^ p. 274Table of Contents for More Bibliography^ p. 275Table of Abbreviations^ p. 279A: STUDIES OF MORE'S WORKS:^Item no.1.Opera OmniaGeneral Editions of Thomas More's Works^ 1Some Bibliographies^ 52.Early WorksGeneral Studies^ 19English Poems 22The Life of Pico 52The Four Last Things^ 76Latin Epigrams 87Reprints, Translations, and Adaptations of More's Latin Epigramsin the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries^ 133More's Translations of Lucian^ 148The History of Richard HIIHistoria Ricardi Tertii:Editions and Translations 154Textual History and Authorship^ 167Literary and Historical Studies 173The Deformity of Richard III 215Shore's Wife and Later Influence^ 218Cornwallis, Buck and Walpole 228Literary Letters^ 234In Defence of Humanism and Poetry: Letters to Dorp, Lee, Batmanson, Oxfordand Germain de Brie^ 2593. Utopiaa. Editions and Translations:Editions^ 278Reviews of the Yale Edition of Utopia^ 285Concordances, Indices, etc.^ 299Bibliographies^ 306Ralph Robynson's English Translation (1551) ^ 311Modern English Translations^ 330French Translations^ 345Other Translations 347b. Studies of Utopia:General Studies^ 351Dialogue, Drama, Satire, Literary and Rhetorical Techniques—Unsorted^ 376Philosophy, Humanism and Theology—Unsorted^ 393More's Utopian Embassy of 1515 and the Composition of Utopia^ 408Prefatory Letters and Parerga^ 411Book I: Europe, the 'Dialogue of Counsel,' and Reform^ 426Raphael Hythloday^ 446The Conclusion of Utopia 458Thomas More Bibliography / 276c. Literary Studies:Dialogue, Dialectic and Drama^ 462Rhetoric, Fiction and Poetics 469Irony, Paradox, Humour and Satire 476Latin Style^ 486Names in Utopia and the Utopian Language^ 492Utopian Chickens, Gold and Chamber Pots 499d. Geography in Utopia:Arcadia, Enclosed Gardens, Cities, and Nature^ 506Geography and Maps^ 514e. Philosophy and Religion:Pleasure and Moral Philosophy^ 528War and Peace in Utopia 536Social and Political Philosophy 543Religion and Theology^ 572Suicide and Death 578f. Classical and Medieval Sources and Analogues:Athens and Sparta^ 584Aristotle, Augustine, and Cicero^ 586Homer, Herodotus, Thucydides, and Tacitus^ 592Utopia and Lucian^ 596Utopia and Plato 599g. Utopia Through the Ages:More, Bacon and Campanella^ 619More, Castiglione and Sidney 626More and Erasmus^ 629More, Machiavelli and Seyssel^ 637Elyot, Milton, Shakespeare, and Webster^ 648More and Rabelais^ 656More and Swift 659More and Vives 666Utopia, Spain, New Spain and America^ 667Utopia in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries^ 695Utopia in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries 701Utopia and Some Modern Utopian Novels^ 705h. Marxism and Literary Theory:Socialist and Marxist Interpretations 709More: Utopia, and Literary Theory^ 715Unpublished Dissertations^ 726Unclassified Articles in German on Utopia 7294. Polemical WorksGeneral Studies^ 737Responsio ad Lutherum^ 773Letter to Bugenhagen 782More vs. Tyndale (1528-1533)^ 787Dialogue Concerning Heresies 801The Supplication of Souls 839Confutation of Tyndale's Answer^ 852Letter to Frith^ 862The Apology of Sir Thomas More Knight^ 868Debellation of Salem and Bizance^ 879Answer to a Poisoned Book 882Thomas More Bibliography / 2775. The Tower WorksGeneral Studies^ 887The Dialogue of Comfort^ 894A Treatise on the Passion and Treatise on the Blessed Body^ 950De Tristitia^ 957Prison Letters and Prayers^ 975Collections of Extracts from More's Works^ 1010B: GENERAL BACKGROUND STUDIES AND BIOGRAPHIES:1. Public LifeThe Young More (1477/78-1515)^ 1019Law and Politics (excluding More's Trial)^ 1024More and the Law: Essays, Appreciations and Public Addresses^ 1072On More's Name, Coat of Arms, etc. 1087More's Signatures, Seals and Official Documents^ 1092More's Diplomatic Missions^ 1094More's Epitaph^ 1097More's Trial, Imprisonment, Execution, and Martyrdom^ 1100More's Head and Burial^ 11412. Literary Studies, Humanism and TheologyGeneral Studies of More's Works^ 1145English Language and Prose Style 1161More and Chaucer^ 1175Literary Dialogue 1177Conscience^ 1185Ecclesiology: More and the Church^ 1192More and the Church Fathers 1200Spirituality^ 1211Thomas More and the Eucharist^ 1231Thomas More and the Bible 1234Thomas More as a Translator 1245Humour and Wit^ 1249More and Humanism 1261Feminism and Education^ 12753. More's Early Biographers, Editors, and IconographersGeneral Studies^ 1288Early Biographers:Erasmus 1295William Roper^ 1304Nicholas Harpsfield 1329Thomas Stapleton 1339Ro. Ba. [Robert Basset?]^ 1350Cresacre More^ 1356Ellis Heywood's II Moro 1359Other Early Biographers and Recusant Reputation^ 1364William Rastell's 1557 Edition and Other Early Editions 1369Iconography, Music, Painting and Mathematics 1377Thomas More Bibliography / 2784. More's FamilyMargaret Roper^ 1405John More 1423Dame Alice More 1427Mary Bassett^ 1439More's Ancestry 1442London, Bucklersberry, Chelsea and More's Manors^ 1447More's Family, Friends and Descendants.Sixteenth Century^ 1458Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries^ 14805. Poems, Novels and Plays about Thomas MorePoems and Epigrams about More:Iohannes Secundus^ 1485Jacobus Balde 1488Poems and Epigrams from the 16th to the 19th Centuries^ 1492Twentieth Century Poems^ 1499Novels About Thomas More and His Family^ 1509Thomas More and Drama:More and Early Tudor Drama^ 1514Shakespeare and the Book of Sir Thomas Moore^ 1517Robert Bolt's A Man For All Seasons: Play and Film 1605Other Plays^ 16046. Modern Biographies, Essays and AddressesModern Biographies^ 1635Brief Biographies (Including Saints Lives)^ 1674More: Essays and Addresses^ 1714Biographers, Editors and Scholars 1719More Scholars: Bibliographies 1737Yearbooks, Festschriften, Article Collections, and Special Issues^ 1746Reports on Conference Papers^ 1756Surveys of Criticism^ 1761Exhibitions and Libraries, etc 17647. Friends and Contemporaries of MoreMore and Bude^ 1773More and Erasmus 1778More and Fisher 1785More and Elyot^ 1794More and Shakespeare^ 1796Moreana in the Sixteenth, Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries^ 1798More and France 1814More and Italy^ 1816More and Spain 1821Unclassified Articles 1825Thomas More Bibliography / 279TABLE OF ABBREVIATIONSabr.Acta Conventus Neo-Latini AmstelodamensisabridgedActa Conventus Neo-Latini Amstelodamensis: Proceedings of the SecondInternational Congress of Neo-Latin Studies, Amsterdam 19-24 August1973. Ed. P. Tuynman, G. G. Kuiper and E. Keller. HumanistischeBibliothek. Reihe I: Abhandlungen: Bd. 26. Munchen: W. Fink, 1979.Acta Conventus Neo-Latini Bononiensis: Proceedings of the Fourth Inter-national Congress of Neo-Latin Studies: Bologna, 26 August to 1September 1979. Ed. R. J. Schoeck. Binghamton, NY: MRTS 37, 1985.Acta Conventus Neo-Latini Guelpherbytani: Proceedings of the Sixth Inter-national Congress of Neo-Latin Studies: Wolfenbuttel, 12 August to 16August 1985. Ed. S. P. Revard, F. Radle and M. A. Di Cesare.Binghamton, NY: MRTS 53, 1988.Acta Conventus Neo-Latini Lovaniensis: Proceedings of the First Inter-national Congress of Neo-Latin Studies, Louvain 23-28 August 1971. Ed.J. IJsewijn and E. Kessler. Humanistische Bibliothek. Reihe I: Abhand-lungen: 20. Miinchen: W. Fink; Leuven/Louvain: Leuven UP, 1973.Acta Conventus Neo-Latini Sanctandreani. Proceedings of the Fifth Inter-national Congress of Neo-Latin Studies: St. Andrews, 24 August to 1September 1982. Ed. I. D. McFarlane. Binghamton, NY: MRTS 38,1986.Acta Conventus Neo-Latini Torontonensis. Proceedings of the Seventh Inter-national Congress of Neo-Latin Studies: Toronto, 8 August to 13 August1988. Ed. A. Dalzell, C. Fantazzi, R. J. Schoeck. Binghamton, NY:MRTS 86, 1991.Acta Conventus Neo-Latini Turonensis: Proceedings of the Third Inter-national Congress of Neo-Latin Studies, Tours 6-10 September 1976. Ed.J.-C. Margolin. De Petrarque a Descartes, 38. 2 vols. Paris: J. Vrin,1980.Actes du Congres Erasme: organise par la Municipalite de Rotterdam soules auspices de l'Academies Royale Neerlandaise des Sciences et SciencesHumaines. Rotterdam 27-29 octobre 1969. Amsterdam-London:North-Holland Publishing Co., 1971.Actes de colloque international Erasme (Tours, 1986). Ed. J. Chomarat, A.Godin and J.-C. Margolin. Travaux d'Humanisme et Renaissance 239.Geneva: Librairie Droz, 1990.Abstracts of English StudiesOpus epistolarum Des. Erasmi Roterodami. Ed. P. S. Allen et al. Oxford:1906-58.American Historical ReviewAlbion: A Quarterly Journal Concerned with British StudiesannotatedAnglia: Zeitschrift far Englische PhilologieAnnals of Scholarship: Metastudies in the Humanities and Social SciencesAmerican Notes and Queries (1962-1986)ANQ: A Quarterly Journal of Short Articles, Notes, and Reviews (ns 1 =1988) (Formerly American Notes and Queries)Archaeologia or Miscellaneous Tracts Relating to Antiquity Published by theSociety of Antiquaries of London (1773-Present)Archie fur das Studium der neueren Sprachen and LiteraturenArchiv fur ReformationsgeschichteOpera omnia Desiderii Erasmi Roterodami. Amsterdam: 1969-.Anglican Theological ReviewActa Conventus Neo-Latini BononiensisActa Conventus Neo-Latini GuelpherbytaniActa Conventus Neo-Latini LovaniensisActa Conventus Neo-Latini SanctandreaniActa Conventus Neo-Latini TorontonensisActa Conventus Neo-Latini TuronensisActes du congresErasmeActes de colloqueErasme (Tours, 1986)AESAllenAHRAlbionan.AngliaAnnals of ScholarshipAN&QANQArchaeologiaArchivARGASDATRThomas More Bibliography / 280A UMLAAUSSBAGBBataillon, Erasme etl'EspagneBHRBHSBIHRBJRLBoundary 2BSHPFBZGACahiers ElisabethainsCatholic LawyerCCHACHRCitharaCJClergyRColloque erasmien deLiegeColloquiumErasmianumColloquia ErasmianaTuronensiaComitatusContemporaries ofErasmusCriticismCMLCWCWEDADAIDownsideRDQRDublinRed., eds.EETSEETS esEHRA.U.M.L.A.: Journal of the Australasian Universities Modern LanguageAssociationAndrews University Seminary StudiesBulletin de lAssociation Guillaume BudeErasme et l'Espagne: Recherches sur l'histoire spirituelle du XVIe siecle. 3rdedition, ed. C. Amiel. Travaux d'Humanisme et Renaissance 250. 3vols. Geneva: Librairie Droz, 1991.Bibliotheque d'Humanisme et Renaissance (1941—) (Continues Humanismeet Renaissance, Vols. 1-7: 1934-40)Bulletin of Hispanic StudiesBulletin of the Institute of Historical ResearchBulletin of the John Rylands University LibraryBoundary 2: A Journal of Post-Modern Literature and CultureBulletin de la Societe de l'histoire du Protestantisme francaisBasler Zeitschrift far Geschichte and AltertumskundeCahiers Elisabethains: etudes sur la pre-renaissance et la renaissanceanglaisesThe Catholic Lawyer [Patron: St. Thomas More]Reports of the Canadian Catholic Historical AssociationCatholic Historical ReviewCithara: Essays in the Judaeo-Christian TraditionClassical JournalThe Clergy ReviewColloque erasmien de Liege: Commemoration du 450e Anniversaire de laMort d'Erasme. Ed. J.-P. Massaut. Bibliotheque de la Faculte dePhilosophie et Lettres de l'Universite de Liege 247. Paris: Les BellesLettres, 1987.Colloquium Erasmianum: Actes du Colloque International reuni a Mons du26 au 29 octobre 1967 a l'occasion du cinquiême centenaire de lanaissance d'Erasme. Mons: Centre Universitaire de l'Etat, 1968.Colloquia Erasmiana Turonensia. Douzieme Stage International d'EtudesHumanistes (Tours 1969). Ed. J. C. Margolin. De Petrarque a Des-cartes 24. 2 vols. Paris: J. Vrin; Toronto: U of Toronto P, 1972.Comitatus: A Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies (PreviouslyComitatus: A Journal of Medieval Literary Studies)Contemporaries of Erasmus: A Biographical Register of the Renaissanceand Reformation. Ed. P. G. Bietenholz, and T. B. Beutscher. 3 vols.Toronto: U of Toronto P, 1985-87.Criticism: A Quarterly for Literature and the ArtsClassical and Modern Literature.The Complete Works of St. Thomas MoreCollected Works of ErasmusDissertation Abstracts (Vols. 1-29: 1940(?)-1968).Dissertation Abstracts International (Continues Dissertation Abstracts. Vols.30 (1969)—Present)Downside ReviewDutch Quarterly Review of Anglo-American LettersDublin Review [Wiseman Review] (1836-1969)edition; editor(s); edited byEarly English Text SocietyEarly English Text Society, extra seriesEnglish Historical ReviewThomas More Bibliography / 281English Literary HistoryEnglish Language NotesEnglish Literary RenaissanceElton, G. R. Studies in Tudor and Stuart Politics and Government. 4 vols.Cambridge: Cambridge UP, Vols. 1-2: 1974; Vol. 3: 1983; Vol. 4: 1992.English: The Magazine of the English AssociationEnglish Studies: A Journal of English Language and LiteratureEOS commentarii societatis philologae Polonorum (Warsaw).Erasmus in English (1970-1988)Erasmus of Rotterdam Society YearbookEssays and Studiesextra seriesEssays on the Works of Erasmus. Ed. R. L. DeMolen. New Haven: Yale UP,1978.Essential Articles for the Study of Thomas More. Ed. R. S. Sylvester and G.Marc'hadour. Hamden, CT: Archon, 1977.Ephemerides theologicae LovaniensesEtudes: revue mensuelle. Fondee en 1856 par des Peres de la Compagnie deJesus.The English Works of Sir Thomas More. Ed. W. E. Campbell, and A. W.Reed. London: Eyre & Spottiswoode; New York: Lincoln MacVeagh, TheDial Press, 1931.2 vols.ELHELNELRElton, Tudor and StuartStudiesEnglishEnglish StudiesEOSErasmusEERSYE&SesEssays on the Works ofErasmusEssential ArticlesETLEtudesEW 1931Futures^Futures: The Journal of Forecasting, Planning and PolicyGazette Thomas More See MoreanaHarpsfield, Life of More The Life and Death of Sr Thomas Moore, knight, sometymes Lord highChancellor of England. by Nicholas Harpsfield. Ed. E. L. Hitchcock.London: Oxford UP (BETS 186), 1932.HeythropJ^Heythrop Journal: A Quarterly Review of Philosophy and TheologyHibbertJ Hibbert Journal (1900-1966)History History: Journal of The Historical AssociationHJ^The Historical Journal (Cambridge)HL Humanistica lovaniensiaHLQ Huntington Library QuarterlyHMPEC^Historical Magazine of the PE ChurchHTR Harvard Theological ReviewHumanism, Reform and Humanism, Reform and the Reformation: The Career of Bishop John Fisher.the Reformation^Ed. B. Bradshaw and E. Duffy. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1989.Infotrac^Infotrac: Expanded Academic Index (1989-)Interpretations^Interpretations: Studies in Language and and Literature (Dept. of English,Memphis State U)intro.^ introduction; introduction byJBS Journal of British StudiesJEGP^Journal of English and Germanic PhilologyJHI Journal of the History of IdeasJHP Journal of the History of PhilosophyJEH^Journal of Ecclesiastical HistoryJMH Journal of Modern HistoryJMRS Journal of Medieval and Renaissance StudiesJRH^Journal of Religious HistoryJTS Journal of Theological StudiesJWCI Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld InstitutesThomas More Bibliography / 282LatomusLBM&HMiscellanea MoreanaMLNMLQMLRMonthMoreanaMPMRTSN&QNAKNorfolk Archaeologyn.p.nsNYRBOSPP&PParergonPBAPBSAPMLAPQpref.QuaerendoQuincentennial EssaysRenaissance PapersRenascenceRen&RefRenNRenQRenSRESrev.Latomus: revue d'etudes latinesErasmus opera omnia. Ed. Jean Leclerc. Leiden: 1703-6.Medievalia et Humanistica: Studies in Medieval & Renaissance CultureMiscellanea Moreana: Essays for Germain Marc'hadour (Moreana 100). Ed.C. M. Murphy, H. Gibaud and M. A. Di Cesare. Binghamton, NY:MRTS 61,1989. [Also referred to as Moreana 100.]Modern Language NotesModern Language QuarterlyModern Language ReviewMonth: The Month and Catholic ReviewMoreana: Bulletin Thomas More (1963-) (From 1979 also includes GazetteThomas More/Thomas More Gazette) Angers: Editions Moreana, 1963-.[NB. Cited by issue number, not volume; Moreana 100 = MiscellaneaMoreana]Modern Philology: A Journal Devoted to Research in Medieval and ModernLiteratureMedieval & Renaissance Texts & Studies. Binghamton, NY: Center forMedieval & Early Renaissance Studies, State University of New Yorkat Binghamton.Notes and Queries [os 199 = ns 1 (1954)]Nederlands Archief voor Kerkgeschiedenis (Formerly Nederlandsch Archiefvor Kerkgeschiedenis)Norfolk Archaeology: or Miscellaneous Tracts Relating to The Antiquities ofthe County of Norfolk Published by the Norfolk and Norwich Archae-ological Society.no place; no publishernew seriesNew York Review of Booksold seriesPressPast and PresentParergon: Bulletin for the Australian and New Zealand Association forMedieval and Renaissance StudiesProceedings of the British AcademyPapers of the Bibliographical Society of AmericaPublications of the Modern Language Association of AmericaPhilological Quarterlypreface; preface byQuaerendo: A Quarterly Journal from the Low Countries Devoted toManuscripts and Printed Books.Quincentennial Essays on St. Thomas More. Ed. M. J. Moore. Boone, NC:Albion, 1978. Also Pub. as Albion 10: Supp. (1978): 1-162.Renaissance Papers. Renaissance Meeting in the Southeastern States.Columbus, SC: 1954-.Renascence: Essays on Values in LiteratureRenaissance and Reformation/Renaissance et Reforme [os 13 = ns 1 (1977)]Renaissance News (1948-1966)Renaissance Quarterly (1966-) (Continues Renaissance News)Renaissance Studies (1987-)Review of English Studiesreview; revisedThomas More Bibliography / 283Review^Review: University of Virginia, CharlottesvilleRHE Revue d'histoire eccasiastiqueRhetorica Rhetorica: A Journal of the History of Rhetoric.RLC^ Revue de litterature compareeRogers The Correspondence of Sir Thomas More. Ed. Elizabeth F. Rogers.Princeton: Princeton UP, 1947.rpt.^ reprintedSAC Studies in the Age of Chaucer: The Yearbook of the New Chaucer SocietySB^ Studies in BibliographySCH Studies in Church History (Oxford: Basil Blackwell)Scrinium Erasmianum Scrinium Erasmianum (Mélanges historiques publies... a l'occasion du V eCentenaire de la naissance dtrasrne). Leiden: Brill, 1969.SCJ^ Sixteenth Century Journalsec. sectionSEL Studies in English Literature: 1500-1900SHR^ Scottish Historical ReviewShS Shakespeare StudiesSN Studia NeophilologicaSLJ^ Scottish Literary JournalSP Studies in PhilologySQ Shakespeare QuarterlySPCK^ Society for Promoting Christian KnowledgeSpiritual Life^Spiritual Life: A Quarterly of Contemporary SporitualitySRen Studies in the Renaissance (1954-74)SSL^ Studies in Scottish LiteratureSStud Shakespeare StudiesSTC A Short-Title Catalogue of Books Printed in England, Scotland and Irelandand of English Books Printed Abroad 1475-1640. Rev. ed. W. A.Jackson, F. S. Ferguson and K. F. Pantzer. 3 vols. London: TheBibliographical Society, 1976, 1986.STS^ Scottish Text SocietyStudies Studies: An Irish Review [Dublin]summ. summary abstractTLS^ Times Literary SupplementThomas More Gazette See MoreanaThomas Morus Jahrbuch Thomas Morus Jahrbuch. Dusseldorf: Triltsch Verlag, 1981—.Thought^Thought: A Review of Culture and Idea (1926-1992)TCBS Transactions of the Cambridge Bibliographical SocietyTLS [London] Times Literary Supplementtrans.^translation; translator; translated byTRHS Transactions of the Royal Historical SocietyTSLL Texas Studies in Language and LiteratureU, UP^University, University PressUTQ University of Toronto Quarterly: A Canadian Journal of the HumanitiesUTSE University of Texas Studies in English (Superceded by Texas Studies inLanguage and Literature)Venerabile^The Venerabile: Magazine of the English College of Romevers. versionViator Viator: Medieval and Renaissance StudiesYES^ Yearbook of English StudiesYLG Yale University Library GazetteThomas More Bibliography / 284A. STUDIES OF MORE'S WORKSA.1. OPERA OMNIAGeneral Editions of Thomas More's Works[1] More, Thomas. The Yale Edition of the Complete Works of St. Thomas More. New Haven: YaleUP. 1963-. Cited as CW.CW 2, The History of King Richard III. Ed. R. S. Sylvester.CW 3, Part 1, Translations of Lucian. Ed. C. R. Thompson.CW 3, Part 2, The Latin Poems. Ed. C. H. Miller, L. Bradner, C. H. Lynch and R. P. Oliver.CW 4: Utopia. Ed. E. L. Surtz and J. H. Hexter.CW 5, Responsio ad Lutherum. Ed. J. M. Headley, trans. Sr. S. Mandeville.CW 6, A Dialogue Concerning Heresies. Ed. T. M. C. Lawler, G. Marc'hadour and R. C.Marius.CW 7, Letter to Bugenhagen, Supplication of Souls, Letter Against Frith. Ed. F. Manley, G.Marc'hadour, R. C. Marius and C. H. Miller.CW 8, The Confutation of Tyndale's Answer. Ed. L. A. Schuster, R. C. Marius, J. P. Lusardiand R. J. Schoeck.CW 9, The Apology. Ed. J. B. Trapp.CW 10, The Debellation of Salem and Bizance. Ed. J. Guy, R. Keen, C. H. Miller and R.McGugan.CW 11, The Answer to a Poisoned Book. Ed. S. M. Foley and C. H. Miller.CW 12, A Dialogue of Comfort. Ed. L. L. Martz and F. Manley.CW 13, Treatise on the Passion. Ed. G. Haupt.CW 14, De Tristitia Christi. Ed. C. H. Miller.CW 15, In Defence of Humanism. Ed. D. Kinney.[2] ^. The Workes of Sir Thomas More Knyght, sometyme Lord Chancellour of England,wrytten by him in the Englysh tonge. London: J. Cawood, J. Waly, A. R. Tottell, 1557. Rpt.with an intro. by K. J. Wilson. Scolar Press Facsimiles. 2 vols. London: Scolar P, 1978.[Rev.: B. Byron, Moreana 67/68 [Thomas More Gazette 2] (1980): 91-2. Cited as "EW" or"EW 1557."][3] ^ . The English Works of Sir Thomas More. Ed. W. E. Campbell and A. W. Reed. 2 vols.London: Eyre & Spottiswoode; New York: Lincoln MacVeagh, The Dial Press, 1931.Volume 1: Early Poems, Pico Della Mirandola, Richard III, The Four Last Things.Volume 2: The Dialogue Concerning Tyndale. [Rev.: H. S. Bennett, RES 8 (1932): 215-17;G. G. Coulton, MLR 27 (1932): 75-77; C. Smyth, Criterion 11 (1931): 152-55. Incomplete.Seven volumes were projected, but only two were actually published. Cited as "EW 1931."][4] ^. Opera omnia latina. Frankfort and Leipzig: C. Gensch, 1689. Rpt. (UnderanderterNachdruck.) Frankfurt: Minerva, 1963. [Rev.: (Ger.) H. H. Herbrtiggen, Archiv 201 Bd., 116Jg. (1964): 208-210. Facsimile reprint. See also Early Biographers: Thomas Stapleton.]Some Bibliographies[5] Beal, P., ed. "Sir Thomas More." Index of English Literary Manuscripts. Vol. I: 1450-1625. 5vols. London: Mansell; New York: R. R. Bowker, 1980. 1/2: 347-54.[6] Geritz, A. J. "Recent Studies in More (1977-1990)." ELR 22 (1992): 112-40. [Continues earlierbibliography by J. P. Jones in ELR.]Thomas More Bibliography / 285[7] Gibson, R. W. St. Thomas More: A Preliminary Bibliography of His Works and of Moreana tothe Year 1750, With a Bibliography of Utopiana by R. W. Gibson and J. Max Patrick. NewHaven: Yale UP, 1961. [Rev.: E. F. Rice, Jr., ARG 54 (1963): 276-77.][8] Jones, J. P. "Recent Studies in More." ELR 9 (1979): 442-58. [Rev.: P. Delendick, Moreana 70(1981): 99-100.][9] Kohl, B. "Humanism in Great Britain." Renaissance Humanism, 1300-1550: A Bibliography ofMaterials in English. New York: Garland, 1985. 241-80. [Many citations for More.][10] Miles, L. "A Dialogue of Comfort Bibliography: Materials for a Further Study of the Work."See Dialogue of Comfort.[11] ^. "Ricardiana in Moreana." See Richard III: Literary and Historical Studies.[12] Rousseau, M.-C., and P. Delendick. "Utopiana in Moreana." See Utopia: Bibliographies.[13] Smith, C. "Additional Locations for Thomas More's Utopia." See Utopia: Bibliographies.[14] ^. An Updating of R. W. Gibson's St. Thomas More: A Preliminary Bibliography.Sixteenth Century Bibliography 20. St. Louis: Center for Reformation Research, 1981.[15]^. "Updating an updating." Moreana 97 (1988): 137-40.[16] Sullivan, F. Moreana, 1478-1945. Kansas City, Rockhurst College, 1946.[17] Sullivan, F., and M. P. Sullivan. Moreana: Materials for the Study of St. Thomas More. 7 vols.Los Angeles: Loyola UP, (Vols. 1-4 + Index) 1964-71, (Supp. I) 1977?, (Supp. II) 1985.[Rev.: R. A. Burke, Moreana 10 (1966): 81-82; J. Feeley, Moreana 5 (1965): 9-106; G.Marc'hadour, Moreana 9 (1966): 107-08 + 13 (1967): 86-88 + 23 (1969): 103-05 + 30(1971): 71-73 + 61 (1979): 100 + 62 (1979): 145 + 67 (1980): 134-36 + 98/99 (1985):133-138; E. E. Reynolds, ("Turning the Pages"), Moreana 51 (1976): 13-22.][18] Zajac, H. "Thomas More in The Catholic Lawyer." Moreana 51 (1976): 81-82.A.2. EARLY WORKSGeneral Studies[19] Doyle-Davidson, W. A. G. "The Earlier English Works of Sir Thomas More." English Studies17 (1935): 49-70. Rpt. in Essential Articles. 356-74, 644-50. [On More's English poetry, theLife of Pico, Richard III, and the Four Last Things.][20] Sylvester, R. S. "A Part of his Own: Thomas More's Literary Personality in His EarlyWorks." Moreana 15/16 (1967): 29-42. [On More's poetry and his Life of Pico.][21] "Thomas More's English Works." TLS 9 July 1931: 533-34, 564, 621, 633.English PoemsEditions[22] Campbell, W. E., ed. "The Early Poems." in EW 1931. 1: 325-44. [Reproduces black lettertext of 1557 edition, together with a modernized version.]Thomas More Bibliography / 286[23] Dyboski, R., ed. "Fortune," and "The Lamentation of Queen Elizabeth." Songs, Carols, andOther Miscellaneous Poems From the Balliol MS 354, Richard Hille's Commonplace-Book.Early English Text Society, es 101. London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Triibner & Co., 1907.72-80, 97-99, 181-85, 165. [Two of More's English poems common-placed by Richard Hillbefore 1536. In the "Appendix: A Chronicle," Richard Hill recorded More's death, p.165.][24] Huth, H., and W. C. Hazlitt, eds. The Book of the Fayre Gentylwoman. Fugitive PoeticalTracts, First Series (1493-1600) 13. London: Privately Printed, 1875. [Edition of More's"Fortune Verses" from a copy in Lambeth Palace Library.][25] O'Connell, J. R., ed. Lyra Martyrum. London: Burns & Oates, 1935. [Rev.: TLS 30 May 1935:349. Reprints Campbell's edition.][26] Sylvester, R. S., ed. "Sir Thomas More, 1477-1535." The Anchor Anthology of SixteenthCentury Verse. Garden City, NJ: Anchor Press (Doubleday), 1974. 105-28, 596-97.[Complete text of "A mery gest," "Pageant Verses," and "A Rueful Lamentacion."][27] . "Selections from the English Poems." St. Thomas More: The History of King RichardIII and Selections from the English and Latin Poems. Selected Works of St. Thomas More.New Haven: Yale UP, 1976. 97-123. [Complete text of "A mery gest," "Pageant Verses,"and "A Rueful Lamentacion," "Lewis the Lost Lover," and "Davey the Dicer."][28] Greene, J. J., and J. P. Dolan, eds. "A Merry Jest: How a Sergaunt Wold Learn to Play theFriar." The Essential Thomas More. New York: Mentor, 1967. 158-68. [Modern spellingversion.]Selections[29] Chambers, E. K., ed. "Sir Thomas More." The Oxford Book of Sixteenth Century Verse. Oxford:Clarendon P, 1932. 15-17. ["A Rueful Lamentation," and "Lewis, the Lost Lover."][30] Gardiner, H. The Faber Book of Religious Verse. London: Faber & Faber, 1972. [Rev.:Moreana 38 (1972): 110. Four stanzas from "The Twelve Properties or Conditions of aLover," and two stanzas from "The Prayer of Pico."][31] Hebel, J. W., and H. H. Hudson, eds. "Sir Thomas More." Poetry of the English Renaissance,1509-1660. New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1929. 9-10, 911. [Selections from "ThePageant Verses," "Lewys the Lost Louer," and "Davy the Dicer."][32] Leslie, S., ed. "Blessed Thomas More (Martyred 1535)." An Anthology of Catholic Poets.London: Burns Oates and Washbourne, 1925. 153-54. [Modernized versions of two stanzasfrom "The Twelue Weapons of Spirituall Battayle," and "Lewys the Lost Louer."][33] Williams, J., ed. English Renaissance Poetry: A Collection of Shorter Poems from Skelton toJonson. Fayetteville, AR: U of Arkansas P, 2nd ed. 1990. 15-24. [Modernized versions of"Pageant Verses," "Thomas More to Them That Seek Fortune," excerpts from "The TwelveWeapons," and "The Twelve Properties."]Studies[34] Bowman, T. M. "A Complete Explication and Critical Analysis of the Ruful Lamentacion ofthe Deth of Quene Elizabeth, by Sir Thomas More." M. A. Diss. Catholic U of America,1969. [Rev.: G. Marc'hadour, Moreana 26 (1970): 93.]Thomas More Bibliography / 287[35] Coogan, R. "Petrarch and More's Concept of Fortune." Italica 46 (1969): 167-75. [On More'sverses on Fortune and Petrarch's De remediis utriusque fortunae.][36] ^. "Petrarch and Thomas More." Moreana 21 (1969): 19-30.[37] Cousins, A. C. "St. Thomas More as English Poet." Thomas More: Essays on the Icon. Ed. D.Grace and B. Byron. Melbourne: Dove Publications, 1980. 43-52. [Summ.: A. J. Geritz, ELR22 (1992): 119.][38] Duffy, R. A. "Thomas More's 'Nine Pageants.'" Moreana 50 (1976): 15-32.[39] Edwards, A. S. G. "Middle English Pageant 'Picture?" N&Q ns 39 (1992): 25-26. [Summ.:Infotrac. A. S. G. Edwards argues that the word 'Pageant' in More's "Pageant Verses"could mean picture not tapestry.][40] ^. "Robert Parkyn's Transcript of More's 'Prayer of Picus Marandula vnto God.'" SeeLife of Pico.[41] Herbruggen, H. S. "Sir Thomas Mores Fortuna-Verse: Ein Beitrag zur Liisung einigerProbleme." Lebende Antike: Symposium fur Rudolf Siihnel. Ed. H. Meller and H.-J.Zimmerman. n.p., 1967. 155-72.[42] Howarth, R. G. "Hopkins and Sir Thomas More." N&Q 192 (1947): 389 + 195 (1950): 438.[On a possible echo of More's english poetry.][43] Khanna, L. C. "Images of Women in Thomas More's Poetry." See Latin Epigrams.[44] McCutcheon, E. "Number Symbolism in St. Thomas More's 'Pageant Verses.'" Moreana 70(1981): 29-31.[45] Meulon, H. "Un poem inedit de Thomas More?" Moreana 23 (1969): 66-68.[46] Pollard, A. F. "The Lamentation of Queen Elizabeth." TLS 7 July 1932: 499. [Pollardidentifies the figures mentioned in More's poem.][47] Pyle, F. "Sir Thomas More's Verse Rhythms." TLS 30 Jan. 1937: 76. Rpt. in EssentialArticles. 432-35. ["A Letter to the Editor."][48] Reed, A. W. "Notes to the Collations: A Supplementary Note," and "Further Collations andNotes Thereon." EW 1931. 1: 223-27, 311-17, esp. 312. [Rpts. some additional verses tothe Book of Fortune not found in the 1557 edition (pp. 223-27) and a latin epigram on thedeath of Queen Margaret, found in a manuscript after More's "Rueful Lamentation"(p.312).][49] Tromly, F. B. "`A Rufull Lamentacion' of Elizabeth: Thomas More's Transformation ofDidactic Lament." Moreana 53 (1977): 45-56. [Summ.: A. J. Geritz, ELR 22 (1992): 119.][50] Willow, M. E. An Analysis of the English Poems of St. Thomas More. Bibliotheca Humanisticaet Reformatorica 8. Nieuwkoop: B. De Graaf, 1974. [Rev.: Th. Bowman, Moreana 43/44(1974): 101-03; R. Mohl, RenQ 28 (1975): 271-73.][51] Zapatka, F. E. "Prose Apothegms into Rime Royal: Thomas More's Translation of Pico dellaMirandola's 'Twelve Rules.'" See Life of Pico.See also Latin Epigrams, and Life of Pico.Thomas More Bibliography / 288The Life of PicoEditions[52] Campbell, W. E., ed. "The Life of Pico, His Three Epistles and His Twelve Rules." in EW1931. 1: 345-96. [Reproduces black letter text of 1557 edition, together with a modernizedversion.][53] Kullnick, M., ed. "Th. Morus, Picus Erle of Mirandula." Archiv ns 121 (1908): 47-75, 316-40+ 122 (1909): 27-50. [Includes Pico's Latin text and More's English translation.][54] More, Sir Thomas, trans. Here is conteyned the lyfe of Johan Picus Erle of Mirandula (writtenby his nephew, G. F. Pico). London: Wynkyn de Worde, (ca. 1525). Rpt. (The EnglishExperience 884) Amsterdam: Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, 1977.[55] Rigg, J. M., ed. Giovanni Pico della Mirandola: His Life by His Nephew Giovanni FrancescoPico ... Translated From the Latin by Sir Thomas More. London: David Nutt (TudorLibrary), 1890.Selections[56] Allen, P. S., and H. M. Allen, eds. "The Life of John Picus, Earl of Mirandula." Sir ThomasMore: Selections from His English Works and from the Lives by Erasmus and Roper. Oxford:Clarendon P, 1924. 36-51. [Substantial excerpt.][57] Nugent, E. M., ed. "Life of John Picus." The Thought and Culture of the English Renaissance:An Anthology of Tudor Prose, 1481-1555. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1956. 51-55.[58] Trapp, J. B., ed. "Sir Thomas More: Life of Pico." The Middle Ages through the EighteenthCentury. Vol. 1 of The Oxford Anthology of English Literature. Ed. J. Hollander and F.Kermode. 2 vols. London: Oxford UP, 1973. 569-70.Studies[59] Bowers, F. "Printing Evidence in Wynkyn de Worde's Edition of The Life of Johan Picus bySt. Thomas More." PBSA 43 (1949): 398-99.[60] Coogan, R. "Petrarch and Thomas More." See English Poems.[61] Edwards, A. S. G. "Robert Parkyn's Transcript of More's 'Prayer of Picus Marandula vntoGod.'" Moreana 101/102 (1990): 133-38. [Gives Parkyn's text with list of variants fromprinted editions.][62] Esmonde, M. P. "'A Patterne of Life': A Critical Analysis of St. Thomas More's Life of JohnPicus." Diss. U of Miami, 1971.[63] Gabrieli, V. "Giovanni Pico and Thomas More." Moreana 15/16 (1967): 43-57.[64] Gilmore, M. P. "More's Translation of Gianfrancesco Pico's Biography." l'Opera e it pensierodi Giovanni Pico Della Mirandola nella storia dell'Umanismo. 2 vols. Florence: Institutenazionale di studi sul Rinascimento, 1965. 2: 301-04.[65] Jones, J. P. "Thy Grace to Set the World at Nought:' The Mystical Element in the Works ofThomas More." See Spirituality.[66] Lehmberg, S. E. "Sir Thomas More's Life of Pico Della Mirandola." SRen 3 (1956): 61-79.Thomas More Bibliography / 289[67] Maskell, D. "Robert Gaguin and Thomas More, Translators of Pico della Mirandola." BHR 37(1975): 63-68.[68] Parks, G. B. "Pico Della Mirandola in Tudor Translation." Philosophy and Humanism:Renaissance Essays in Honor of Paul Oscar Kristeller. Leiden: E. J. Brill; New York:Columbia UP, 1976. 352-69.[69] Rigg, J. M. "Introduction." Giovanni Pico della Mirandola: His Life by His Nephew GiovanniFrancesco Pico. Translated by Sir Thomas More. London: David Nutt (Tudor Library), 1890.v-xl.[70] Schoeck, R. J. "Thomas More and the Italian Heritage of Early Tudor Humanism." ArtsLiberaux et Philosophie au Moyen Age. Montreal: Institute d'etudes medievales; Paris: J.Vrin, 1969. 1191-97.[71] Schtitt, M. "Mores Pico della Mirandola." Die englische Biographik de Tudor-Zeit. Hamburg:Friederichsen, de Gruyter & Co., 1930. 35-37.[72] Stauffer, D. A. English Biography Before 1700. Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP, 1930. Rpt. NewYork: Russell & Russell, 1964. 35-37.[73] Valcke, L. "Jean Pic de la Mirandole lu par Thomas More." Miscellanea Moreana. 77-98.[Summ.: Moreana 98/99 (1988): 155, 249; A. J. Geritz, ELR 22 (1992): 120.][74] Weiss, R. "Pico e l'Inghilterra." l'Opera e it pensiero di Giovanni Pico Della Mirandola nellastoria dell'Umanismo. 2 vols. Florence: Instituto nazionale di studi sul Rinascimento, 1965.1: 143-58.[75] Zapatka, F. E. "Prose Apothegms into Rime Royal: Thomas More's Translation of Pico dellaMirandola's 'Twelve Rules.'" Acta Conventus Neo-Latini Guelpherbytani. 395-400.See also English Poems.The Four Last ThingsEditions and Selections[76] Allen, P. S., and H. M. Allen, eds. "Remember the Last Things." Sir Thomas More: Selectionsfrom His English Works and from the Lives by Erasmus and Roper. Oxford: Clarendon P,1924. 79-89. [Two extracts.][77] Campbell, W. E., ed. "The Four Last Things." in EW 1931. 1: 457-99. [Rev.: H. S. Bennett,RES 8 (1932): 217; C. Smyth, Criterion 11 (1931): 153-55. Reproduces black letter text of1557 edition, together with a modernized version.][78] O'Connor, D., ed. The Four Last Things. London: Paternoster Books (Art and Book Co.), 1903.Rpt. London: Burns Oates and Washbourne, 1935. [Rev.: TLS 29 Aug. 1935: 539-40.][79] Pegis, A., ed. "St. Thomas More: The Four Last Things, Death." The Wisdom of Catholicism.New York: Random House, 1949. 496-518. [Rpts. part of the EW 1931 edition.]Studies[80] Donner, H. W. "St. Thomas More's Treatise on the Four Last Things and the Gothicism ofthe Transalpine Renaissance." English Miscellany 3 (1952): 25-48. Rpt. in EssentialArticles. 343-55, 640-44.Thomas More Bibliography / 290[81] Doyle-Davidson, W. A. G. "The Earlier English Works of Sir Thomas More." See EarlyWorks: General Studies.[82] Gabrieli, V. "Le Quattro cose ultime." La Cultura 10 (1972): 219-35. [Rev.: G. Marc'hadour,Moreana 36 (1972): 116.][83] Hamilton, R. "More's Philosophy of Death." Irish Ecclesiastical Record 17 (1941): 452-60. [OnMore's imaginative treatment of death in the Four Last Things.][84] Jones, J. P. "'Thy Grace to Set the World at Nought:' The Mystical Element in the Works ofThomas More." Studia Mystica 3:2 (1980): 61-71.[85] McCutcheon, E. "'This Prison of the Yerth': The Topos of Immurement in the Writings of St.Thomas More." See Dialogue of Comfort.[86] Wilson, K. J. "More and Holbein: The Imagination of Death." See Iconography, Music,Painting and Mathematics.Latin EpigramsEditions[87] Bradner, L., and C. A. Lynch., eds. The Latin Epigrams of Thomas More. Chicago: U ofChicago P, 1953. [Rev.: N&Q ns 1 (1954): 365; J. V. Landy, Thought 28 (1953): 468; J. A.Naiden, Classical Weekly 47 (1953/54): 12-13. Latin text and English translation. Cited asBL.][88] Miller, C. H., L. Bradner, C. A. Lynch, and R. P. Oliver. eds. Latin Poems. Vol. 3, Part II ofThe Yale Edition of the Complete Works of St. Thomas More. New Haven: Yale UP, 1984.(Hereafter CW 3/2.) [Rev.: J. W. Binns, Moreana 86 (1985): 167-70; A. J. Geritz, ELR 22(1992): 119; L. V. Ryan, RenQ 38 (1985): 743-46. Essentially a revision and augmentationof Bradner and Lynch's edition, with extensive notes and commentary added.]Modern Translations[89] Baumann, U., trans. Thomas Morus, Epigramme. Mtinchen: KOsel-Verlag, 1983. [Rev.:(Germ.) B. Kytzler, Moreana 86 (1985): 171.][90] Greene, J. J., and J. P. Dolan, eds. "Latin Epigrams." The Essential Thomas More. New York:Mentor, 1967. 119-37. [Verse translations of twelve of More's Latin epigrams.][91] Lakowski, R. I., trans. "From The Epigrams of Sir Thomas More." The Eclectic Muse[Vancouver] 2:2 (Easter 1991): 20-22. [Verse translations of twelve of More's shorter Latinepigrams.][92] Pape, I., trans. Thomas Morus (1478-1535), Epigramme. Intro. D. Lederer. Berlin: 1985.[Rev.: U. Baumann, Moreana 94 (1987): 51-52. German verse translation.][93] Sylvester, R. S., ed. "Selections from the Latin Poems." St. Thomas More: The History of KingRichard III and Selections from the English and Latin Poems. Selected Works of St. ThomasMore. New Haven: Yale UP, 1976. 125-62. [Prose translations of fourty-eight epigrams,reprinted from CW 3/2.]Thomas More Bibliography / 291Studies[94] Baumann, U. Die Antike in den Epigrammen und Briefen Sir Thomas Mores. Beitrage zurenglischen und amerikanischen Literatur 1. Paderborn: Schoningh, 1984. [Rev.: R. Keen,Moreana 86 (1985): 172-75; R. J. Schoeck, RenQ 38 (1985): 760-62.][95]^ . "Thomas More and the Classical Tyrant." Moreana 86 (1985): 108-27. [Summ.: A. J.Geritz, ELR 22 (1992): 117.][96] Bek, L. "Thomas More on the Double Portrait of Erasmus and Pierre Gillis: HumanistRhetoric or Renaissance Art Theory?" See Iconography, Music, Painting andMathematics.[97] Bradner, L. "More's Epigrams on Death." Moreana 50 (1976): 33-38.[98] ^ . "The Humanists: Thomas More and His Contemporaries." Musae Anglicanae: AHistory of Anglo-Latin Poetry, 1500-1925. The Modern Language Association of America,General Series 10. New York: Modern Language Association of America; Oxford: OxfordUP, 1940. 14-19.[99] Bradner, L., and C. A. Lynch. "On St. Thomas More, an Epitaph of Uncertain Origin." RenN15 (1962): 1-2.[100] Callahan, V. W. "Uses of the Planudean Anthology: Thomas More and Andrea Alciati."Acta Conuentus Neo-Latini Bononiensis. 399-412. [Summ.: A. J. Geritz, ELR 22 (1992):117.][101] Cameron, A. "Sir Thomas More and the Greek Anthology." Florilegium Columbianum:Essays in Honor of Paul Oskar Kristeller. Ed. K.-L. Selig and R. Somerville. New York:Italica P, 1987. 187-98. [Summ.: A. J. Geritz, ELR 22 (1992): 117. Rev.: C. H. Miller,("More and MS Palatine 23 of the Greek Anthology,") Moreana 98/99 (1988): 263-64.][102] Carlson, D. R. "Reputation and Duplicity: The Texts and Contexts of Thomas More'sEpigram on Bernard Andre." ELH 58 (1991): 261-81.[103] Carpenter, N. C. "Note on Two Epigrams of More." Moreana 50 (1976): 11-12.[104]^ . "St. Thomas More and Music: The Epigrams." RenQ 30 (1977): 24-28.[105] ^ . "Thomas More and Music: Stanyhurst's Translation of the Abyngdon Epitaph."Moreana 62 (1977): 63-68.[106] Doyle, C. C. "On the Neglected Sources of Some Epigrams by Thomas More." Moreana 46(1975): 5-11.[107]^. "The Background of More's Epigrams." Moreana 55/56 (1977): 61-64.[108] ^. "The Popular Aspect of Sir Thomas. More's Latin Epigrams." Southern FolkloreQuarterly 37 (1973): 87-99. [On folklore motifs in More's epigrams and parallels in Englishjestbooks.][109] Dust, P. "A Reference to More in Philemon Holland's Translation of Suetonius's VitaeCaesarum." Moreana 29 (1971): 17-21. [On the sources of the epigram Ad Sabinum(CW 3/2 #205) in Martial, and on an allusion to this epigram by Philemon Holland (1606).]Thomas More Bibliography / 292[110] Fletcher, H. "The Earliest(?) Printing of Sir Thomas More's Two Epigrams to John Holt."Studies in Honor of T. W. Baldwin. Ed. D. W. Cameron. Urbana: U of Illinois P. 1958.53-65.[111] Grace, D. "Subjects or Citizens? Populi and cives in More's Epigrammata." Moreana 97(1988): 133-36.[112]^ . "Thomas More's Epigrammata: Political Theory, in a Poetic Idiom." Parergon ns 3(1985): 115-29. [Summ.: A. J. Geritz, ELR 22 (1992): 120.][113] Holahan, S. "More's Epigrams on Henry Abyngdon." Moreana 17 (1968): 21-26.[114] Hudson, H. H. "The Epigrams of Sir Thomas More." The Epigram in the EnglishRenaissance. Princeton: Princeton UP, 1947. Rpt. New York: Octagon Books, 1966. 23-79.[Rev.: L. Bradner, MLN 63 (1948): 577-78.][115] Hutton, J. "A Speculation on Two Passages in the Latin Poems of Thomas More." Essayson Renaissance Poetry. Ed. R. Guerlac. Ithaca, NY: Cornell UP, 1980. 330-38.[116] Khanna, L. C. "Images of Women in Thomas More's Poetry." Quincentennial Essays. 78-88.[A sensitive analysis of Latin three epigrams (CW 3/2 #265, #263, #143) and of the"Ruefull Lamentation.")[117] Kinney, D. "More's Epigram on Brixius' Plagiarism: One Poem or Two?" Moreana 70(1981): 37-44. [Summ.: A. J. Geritz, ELR 22 (1992): 119-20.][118] Klein, J. W. E. "New Light on the Gouda Erasmiana Manuscripts." Quaerendo 18 (1988):90-91. [Includes a reproduction of 3 epigrams by More: CW 312 #145, #68 and #125.][119] Mann, W. Lateinische Dichtung in England von Ausgang des Friihhumanismus bis zumRegierungsontritt Elizabeths. Halle: 1939. 22-78.[120] Marc'hadour, G. "Croisade triomphale de l'Angleterre." Moreana 35 (1972): 63-68. [Thereactions of Skelton, More and Erasmus to the Battle of Flodden and the Englishcampaigns in France in 1513.][121]^. "La poesie latine de Thomas Morus." Roczniki Humanistyczne [Lublin] 26:3 (1978):35-43.[122] ^. "The Death-Year of Thomas More's Mother." Moreana 64 (1979): 13-16. [Anepigram on the death of More's mother (1497?), not included in the Yale Edition.][123] Marsden, J. Philomorus. London: Longman, Green, Reader, and Dyer, 1878.[124] Mason, H. A. "Bonae Literae and Belles-Lettres: The Relation of More to the Humanists."Humanism and Poetry in the Early Tudor Period. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1959.27-58. [A study of More's epigrams.][125] McCutcheon, E. "'This Prison of the Yerth': The Topos of Immurement in the Writings ofSt. Thomas More." See Dialogue of Comfort.[126] Miller, C. H., et al., eds. "Appendix E: Table of Corresponding Numbers: More's LatinEpigrams (1953), edited by L. Bradner and C. A. Lynch, and the Yale Edition." LatinPoems. Vol. 3, Part II of The Yale Edition of the Complete Works of St. Thomas More. NewHaven: Yale UP, 1984. 745-54.Thomas More Bibliography / 293[127] Nichols, F. J. "More and Martial." Moreana 86 (1985): 61-70. [Summ.: A. J. Geritz, ELR 22(1992): 117.][128] Perry, K. "Blind Saturn: The Astrological Epigrams as Records of More's CulturalConservatism." Moreana 86 (1985): 44-60. [Summ.: A. J. Geritz, ELR 22 (1992): 120.][129] "Qualis Uxor Deligenda." Moreana 26 (1970): 19-32. [Reprints Latin epigram (CW 3/2#143) together with French (M. Ravaze) and English (L. Bradner) translations.][130] Sabol, A. J. "An English Source for One of More's Latin Epigrams." MLN 63 (1948): 542.[On the English source of "In amicam foedifragam iocosum" (CW 3/2 #82).][131] Telle, E. V. "De la ressemblance des enfants aux peres: Thomas More et l'embryologie."Moreana 18 (1968): 21-22. [On the epigram "To Sabinus," (CW 3/2 #205).][132] Walter, R. "Epitre de Beatus Rhenanus dediant a Willibald Pirckheimer les Epigrammes deMore." Moreana 95/96 (1987): 149-58.Reprints, Translations, and Adaptations of More's Epigramsin the Sexteenth and Seventeenth Centuries[133] Atkins, S. H. "Certain of Sir Thomas More's Epigrams Translated by Stanihurst." MLR 26(1931): 338-40.[134] Blanchard, A. "Epigrammes de Thomas More dans une anthologie de 1539." Moreana 50(1976): 66-72.[135] Dean, W. "Kendall's Translation of a Morean Epigram." Moreana 101/102 (1990): 139-45.[One of Kendall's translations of More's epigrams in Flowers of Epigrammes (1577), isactually by James Sanford (1569).][136] Doyle, C. C. "J. V. Cunningham and More's Cuckolded Astrologer." Moreana 75/76 (1982):35-37.[137]^. "Appendix D: Reprints, Translations, and Adaptations of More's Latin Poems in theSixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries." Latin Poems. Vol. 3, Part II of The Yale Edition ofthe Complete Works of St. Thomas More. Ed. C. H. Miller et al. New Haven: Yale UP, 1984.695-744. [A checklist.][138]^ . "Moreana of the Late Seventeenth and Early Eighteenth Centuries." See Moreanain the Sixteenth, Seventeenth and Eighteenh Centuries.[139] ^. "Thomas More and the Epigrams of John Owen: A Reference and an Analog."Moreana 67/68 [Thomas More Gazette 2] (1980): 39-41.[140]^ . "Where I Have No Nose." Folklore Feminists' Communication [Texas] no. 15 (Spring1978): 21-23.[141] Dust, P. "Thomas More's Influence on Erasmus' Epigram Against Julius II." Moreana 65/66(1980): 99-106.[142] Graaf, B. de. "More's `Choriambicum de vita suavi' as a fill-up in a 16th-century StrasburgSchoolbook." Moreana 23 (1969): 53-55.[143]^ . "Thomas More in a German Best-Seller (1600-1643)." Moreana 45 (1975): 29-36.[144] Meijer, M. "Les aventures de deux epigrammes de Thomas More." Moreana 50 (1976): 5-10.Thomas More Bibliography / 294[145] Schoeck, R. J. "Further Adventures of Two Epigrams of Thomas More: A 1573 Translationby Antoine du Verdier." Moreana (1982) 73: 67-68.[146] Smith, C. N. "George Hardinge's Imitation of More's Verse on Quentin Metsys' DoublePortrait of Erasmus and Peter Giles." Moreana 77 (1983): 39-41.[147] Williams, F. B., Jr. "Garlic and Customs Officers." Moreana 15/16 (1967): 209-10. [On anEnglish translation of CW 3/2 #254.]See also Poems and Epigrams about More.More's Translations of LucianEditions[148] Thompson, C. R., ed. Translations of Lucian. Vol. 3, Part I of The Yale Edition of theComplete Works of St. Thomas More. New Haven: Yale UP, 1974. [Rev.: A. Jolidon, Moreana43/44 (1974): 95-100; P. Turner, N&Q ns 23 (1976): 265-66.]Studies[149] Duncan, D. "More." Ben Jonson and the Lucianic Tradition. Cambridge: Cambridge UP,1979. 52-76.[150] Jolidon, A. "Thomas More et Erasme Traducteurs du Tyrannicide' (1506)." Thomas More:1477-1977, Colloque international tenu en novembre 1977. Ed. A. Gerlo. Actes de l'Institutpour l'Etude de la Renaissance 6. Brussels: Editions de l'Universite de Bruxelles, 1980.39-89.[151] Reed, A. W., ed. "[From Necromantia, a dialog of the Poete Lucyan.]" in EW 1931. 1: 208-10.[Two excerpts from a fragmentary copy in the Bodleian of an English verse translation ofMore's Latin translation of Lucian (printed on facing pages) by John Rastell.][152] Rummel, E. "A Friendly Competition: More's and Erasmus' Translations from Lucian."Erasmus as a Translator of the Classics. Erasmus Studies 7. Toronto: U of Toronto P, 1985.49-69, 147-53.[153] Thompson, C. R. The Translations of Lucian by Erasmus and St. Thomas More. Ithaca, NY:Vail-Ballou P, 1940. Also publ. in Revue Belge de philologie et d'histoire 18 (1939): 855-81+ 19 (1940): 5-35.See also Utopia: Utopia and Lucian.The History of Richard IH/Historia Ricardi TertiiEditions[154] Campbell, W. E., et al., eds. "Sir Thomas More's Richard III." in EW 1931. 1: 397-455.[Rev.: A. F. Pollard, History 17 (1933): 317-23. Original black letter text from 1557 edition,and a modernized spelling version in ordinary type.][155] Creeth, E., ed. "The History of Richard the Thirde (unfinished)." Tudor Prose, 1513-1570.Garden City, NY: Anchor Books (Doubleday), 1969. 1-80, 471-74. [Text taken from 1557edition.]Thomas More Bibliography / 295[156] Kinney. D., ed. In Defence of Humanism: Letter to Martin Dorp, Letter to the University ofOxford, Letter to Edward Lee, Letter to a Monk, with a new text and Translation ofHistoria Richardi Tertii. Vol. 15 of The Yale Edition of the Complete Works of St. ThomasMore. New Haven: Yale UP, 1986. cxxxiii-cliv, 313-485, 605-31. (Hereafter CW 15.)[Summ.: A. J. Geritz, ELR 22 (1992): 121. Rev.: See In Defence of Humanism andPoetry for reviews. A new edition of More's Latin version of Richard III, comes with a goodmodern English translation. It supercedes Sylvester's edition of the Latin text in CW 2.][157] Sylvester, R. S., ed. The History of Richard III. Vol. 2 of The Yale Edition of the CompleteWorks of St. Thomas More. New Haven: Yale UP, 1963. (Hereafter CW 2.) [Rev.: F. S.Fussner, AHR 69 (1964): 1112-13; D. Hay, RenN 17 (1965): 230-32; G. Marc'hadour,Anglia 86 (1968): 211-14; H. C. Porter, JTS 16 (1965): 253; R. W. Zandvoort, EnglishStudies 47 (1966): 217-18; W. G. Zeeveld, Moreana 1 (1963): 64-69. See also A. E. Barker's"Clavis Moreana" in Reviews of the Yale Edition of Utopia. Standard edition of theEnglish version. Sylvester's edition of the Latin version is superceded by CW 15.]Modern Spelling Versions and Translations[158] Campbell, W. E., et al., eds. "Sir Thomas More's Richard III." See Editions.[159] Gabrieli, V., ed. The History of King Richard III. By Thomas More, testo inglese etraduzione italiana, con introduzione e note. University di Turino, Pubblicazioni dellaFacoltâ di Magistero 27. Turin: Giappichelli, 1964. [Rev.: G. Bullough, Moreana 10 (1966):74-76. English text and Italian translation. English text follows 1931 edition closely. Notesbased on 1931 and Sylvester editions.][160] Kendall, P. M., ed. Richard III, The Great Debate: Sir Thomas More's History of KingRichard III and Horace Walpole's Historic Doubts on the Life and Reign of King RichardIII. New York: Norton, 1965. 23-112. [Modernized version of 1557? edition.][161] Lumby, J. R., ed. History of Richard III. Pitt Press Series. London: Cambridge UP, 1883.Rpt. 1911, 1924. [Based on 1557 edition. Modern spelling?][162] Sylvester, R. S., ed. The History of King Richard III and Selections from the English andLatin Poems. Selected Works of St. Thomas More. New Haven: Yale UP, 1976. 1-96.[Modernized spelling version of the English text in CW 2.]Selections[163] Allen, P. S., and H. M. Allen, eds. "The History of King Richard the Third." Sir ThomasMore: Selections from His English Works and from the Lives by Erasmus and Roper. Oxford:Clarendon P, 1924. 52-78. [A substantial extract.][164] Greene, J. J., and J. P. Dolan, eds. "The History of Richard III." The Essential Thomas More.New York: Mentor, 1967. 169-96. [A substantial extract.][165] Nugent, E. M., ed. "The History of King Richard the Third." The Thought and Culture of theEnglish Renaissance: An Anthology of Tudor Prose, 1481-1555. Cambridge: Cambridge UP,1956. 518-24.[166] Trapp, J. B., ed. "Sir Thomas More: The History of King Richard III." The Middle Agesthrough the Eighteenth Century. Vol. 1 of The Oxford Anthology of English Literature. Ed. J.Hollander and F. Kermode. 2 vols. London: Oxford UP, 1973. 571-75.Thomas More Bibliography / 296Richard III: Textual History and Authorship[167] Chambers, R. W. "More's History of Richard III." MLR 23 (1928): 405-23. Rpt. withrevisions as "The Authorship of the History of Richard III." in EW 1931. 1: 24-41. [Summ.:H. S. Bennett, RES 8 (1932): 216. Decisively vindicates More's authorship of the History.][168] Doyle-Davidson, W. A. G. "The Textual Problems of the History of Richard III." in EW 1931.1: 42-53. [Argues that More composed the Latin and English versions of Richard III inparallel—that neither is a straight copy of the other. A view accepted by the later Yaleeditors R. S. Sylvester and D. Kinney.][169] Hanham, A. "Appendix: The Texts of More's History of King Richard the Third." Richard IIIand His Early Historians. Oxford: Clarendon P, 1975. 198-219. [Rev.: M. A. Anderegg,Moreana 57 (1978): 39-46. Hanham attempts to argue that Hardyng-Halle was a lateauthorial revision of More's English History. See Anderegg's review for a rebuttal.][170] HUbschmann, 0. More's Geschichte Richard's III. (Leipzig Diss.) Halle: Ehrhardt Karras,1910. Also? publ. as "Textkritische Untersuchungen zu More's Geschichte Richard's III."Anglia 33 (1910): 289-331, 405-39 + 34 (1911): 113-62. [See CW 2, xxi, n.3. On thetextual problems in Richard III. Reprints Lumby's 1884 edition of the History in parallelcolumns with the 1689 edition of the Historia.][171] Kinney, D. "Introduction: Historia Richardi Tertii." In Defence of Humanism: Letter toMartin Dorp, Letter to the University of Oxford, Letter to Edward Lee, Letter to a Monk,with a new text and Translation of Historia Richardi Tertii. Vol. 15 of The Yale Edition ofthe Complete Works of St. Thomas More. Ed. D. Kinney. New Haven: Yale UP, 1986.cxxxiii-cliv.[172] Sylvester, R. S. "Introduction," and "Appendix: Richard Grafton and the Manuscript ofMore's Early English Draft." The History of Richard III. Vol. 2 of The Yale Edition of theComplete Works of St. Thomas More. New Haven: Yale UP, 1963. xvii-cvi, 271-76.Richard III: Literary and Historical Studies[173] Anderson, J. H. "More's Richard III: History and Biography." Biographical Truth: TheRepresentation of Historical Persons in Tudor-Stuart Writing. New Haven: Yale UP, 1984.75-109, 216-20. [Rev.: D. Woolf, Queen's Quarterly 94 (1987): 147-51.][174] Candido, J. "Thomas More, The Tudor Chroniclers, and Shakepeare's Altered Richard."English Studies 68 (1987): 137-41. [On Richard's haste and restless energy in More'saccount. Suggests that the change in Richard's character in Shakespeare's play (after ActIII), is due partly to a switch in underlying sources from More to Hall (following PolydoreVergil.)][175] Chomarat, J. "More, Erasme et les historiens latins." Moreana 86 (1985): 71-107. [Summ.:A. J. Geritz, ELR 22 (1992): 118.][176] Churchill, G. B. Richard the Third up to Shakespeare. Palaestra X. Berlin: Mayer & Muller,1900. Rpt. New York and London: 1970. Rpt. Dunsley, England: Sutton, 1976.[177] Davis, J. C. "More, Morton, and the Politics of Accommodation." JBS 9:2 (1970): 27-49.[More's treatment of Morton in Richard III and the Utopia.][178] Dean, L. F. "Literary Problems in More's Richard III." PMLA 58 (1943): 22-41. Rpt. inEssential Articles. 315-25, 632-40.Thomas More Bibliography / 297[179] Dean, P. "Tudor Humanism and the Roman Past: A Background to Shakespeare." RenQ 41(1988): 84-111. [On attitudes to Roman history in Lydgate, Caxton, Erasmus, PolydoreVergil, More, the Mirror for Magistrates and Shakespeare.][180] Donno, E. S. "Thomas More and Richard III." RenQ 35 (1982): 401-47. [Summ.: A. J.Geritz, ELR 22 (1992): 121.][181] Evans, R. C. "More's Richard III and Jonson's Richard Crookback and Sejanus."Comparative Drama 24 (1990): 97-132. [On Jonson's extensive markings to More's LatinHistoric in the 1565 Opera omnia (possibly used in a lost play Richard Crookback) and onparallels with Jonson's Sejanus. Also contains many valuable comments on the dramaticelements in More's account.][182] Fox, A. "Richard III's Pauline Oath: Shakespeare's Response to Thomas More." Moreana 57(1978): 13-23.[183]^ . "Thomas More and Tudor Historiography: The History of King Richard III." Politicsand Literature in the Reigns of Henry VII and Henry VIII. Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1989.108-127. [Rev.: C. Burrow, Essays in Criticism 41:1 (1991): 55-60.][184] Glunz, H. H. Shakespeare and Morus. Kblner anglistische Arbeiten 32. Bochum-Langendreer:H. POppinghaus, 1938. [cf. CW 2, xxxiv, n.1.][185] Gordon, W. M. "Exemplum Narrative and Thomas More's History of Richard III." Clio 9(1979): 75-88. [Summ.: A. J. Geritz, ELR 22 (1992): 121.][186] ^ . "The Religious Edifice and its Symbolism in the Writings of Erasmus, Colet, andMore." Moreana 87/88 (1985): 15-23. [On Erasmus' colloquy Peregrinatio Religionis Ergo(The character Gratianus Pullus in the colloquy is usually identified as Colet) and onMore's treatment of sanctuary in the History of Richard III.][187] Goy-Blanquet, D. "Portrait a l'huile de minuit." L'Europe de la Renaissance: Cultures etCivilisations. Mélanges offerts d Marie-Ther&se Jones-Davies. Paris: Jean Touzot, 1988.127-40. [On the ironies in More's Richard III.][188] Grace, D. "More's Richard III: A 'Satirical Drama?'" Moreana 57 (1978): 31-38. [Criticismof Alison Hanham's interpretation of Richard III.][189] ^. "On Interpreting St. Thomas More's History of Richard the Third." European Historyand its Historians. Ed. F. McGregor and N. Wright. Adelaide: Adelaide University Union P,1977. 11-22.[190] Gransden, A. "The Humanist Historians: Thomas More and Polyore Vergil." HistoricalWriting in England ii, c. 1307 to the Early Sixteenth Century. London: Routledge & KeganPaul, 1982. 443-53.[191] Grant, P. "Thomas More's Richard III: Moral Narration and Humanist Method." Ren&Refns 7 (1983): 157-82. Rpt. in Language and the Discovery of Method in the EnglishRenaissance. London: Macmillan, 1985. 19-47, 160-67. [Summ.: A. J. Geritz, ELR 22(1992): 121.][192] Hall, A. D. "Early Tudor Prose and Civil History in Thomas More's History of King RichardIII." Ceremony and Civility in English Renaissance Prose. University Park, PA: Pennsyl-vania State UP, 1991. 53-100.Thomas More Bibliography / 298[193] Hanham, A. "Fact and Fantasy: Thomas More as Historian." Thomas More: The Rhetoric ofCharacter. Ed. A. Fox and P. Leech. Dunedin: U of Otago (A University ExtensionPublication), 1979. 65-81, 110-12. [Sum.: P. Leech, ibid.. 11-12; A. J. Geritz, ELR 22(1992): 121.][194] . "Sir Thomas More's Satirical Drama." Richard III and His Early Historians. Oxford:Clarendon P, 1975. 152-190. [Rev.: M. A. Anderegg, Moreana 57 (1978): 39-46. A ratherstrained attempt to see More's History as a five-act drama. See also D. Grace, "More'sRichard III: A 'Satirical Drama?'" for a response to Hanham.][195] Harris, M. S. "Sir Thomas More's History of Richard III as Humanist Historiography." Diss.Columbia U, 1972. [Deals with both Latin and English versions.][196] Heath, T. G. "Another Look at Thomas More's Richard." Moreana 19/20 (1968): 11-19. [OnMore's History as a four part structure and differences with Shakespeare's play, and onthe "Continuation" of the English version.][197] IJsewijn, J. "Textverbesserungen zum Ricardus Tertius des Thomas Morus." WolfenbiittelerRenaissance Mitteilungen 9:1 (1985): 8-10. [Emendations of the Latin text in CW 2.][198] Kelly, H. A. "More's History of Richard III." Divine Providence in the England ofShakespeare's Histories. Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP, 1970. 129-33. [On More's"anti-myth" and on Hall's use of More's History.][199] Kincaid, A. N. "The Dramatic Structure of Sir Thomas More's History of King Richard III."SEL 12 (1972): 223-42. Rpt. in Essential Articles. 375-87, 650-1. [Rev.: M.-C. Rousseau,Moreana 38 (1973): 95-96.][200] Kinney, D. "Kings' Tragicomedies: Generic Misrule in More's History of Richard III."Moreana 86 (1985): 128-50. [Summ.: A. J. Geritz, ELR 22 (1992): 121-22. Study of theLatin version.][201] Krapp, G. P. The Rise of English Literary Prose. New York: Oxford UP, 1915. Rpt. NewYork: Frederick Ungar Publishing Co., 1963. 415-16.[202] Leslau, J. "The Princes in the Tower." Moreana 98/99 (1988): 17-36. [Leslau ratherfancifully argues that the princes were not murdered, but continued to live under assumednames. He further identifies John Clement as Richard, Duke of York.][203] Marc'hadour, G. "Thomas More traduit par lui-meme." See Thomas More as a Trans-lator.[204] Noakes, A. "Fresh Light on More's Sources of Richard III Thrown by the National PortraitGallery's Exhibition." Moreana 39 (1973): 39-41.[205] Pollard, A. F. "The Making of Sir Thomas More's Richard III." Historical Essays in Honourof James Tait. Ed. J. G. Edwards, V. H. Galbraith and E. F. Jacob. Manchester: for theSubscribers, 1933. 223-38. Rpt. in Essential Articles. 421-31, 658-63.[206] Reiter, R. E. "On the Genre of Thomas More's Richard III." Moreana 25 (1970): 5-16.[Richard III as an inverted saint's life.][207] Ross, C. "Introduction: The Historical Reputation of Richard III, Fact and Fiction." RichardIII. Berkeley: U of California P, 1981. xix-liii. [On the early historical accounts ofRichard's reign, including More's (pp. xxvi-xxxii).][208] Rousseau, M.-C. "Ricardiana in Moreana." Moreana 87/88 (1985): 175-76.Thomas More Bibliography / 299[209] Rubio, G. J. "St. Thomas More's Richard III in the Tudor Chronicles." Diss. U of Illinois atUrbana-Champaign, 1971. [Directed by A. E. Barker.][210] Rudnytsky, P. L. "More's History of King Richard III as an Uncanny Text." ContendingKingdoms: Historical, Psychological, and Feminist Approaches to the Literature ofSixteenth-Century England and France. Ed. M.-R. Logan and P. L. Rudnytsky. Detroit:Wayne State UP, 1991. 149-72. [Summ.: ibid., pp. 14-15.][211] Schuster, M. F. "Philosophy of Life and Prose Style in Thomas More's Richard III andFrancis Bacon's Henry VII." PMLA 70 (1955): 474-97.[212] Schutt, M. "Mores Richard III," and "Ober die verfasserschaft der History of Ruchard theThird." Die englische Biographik de Tudor-Zeit. Hamburg: Friederichsen, de Gruyter & Co.,1930. 42-47, 138.[213] Stauffer, D. A. English Biography Before 1700. Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP, 1930. Rpt.New York: Russell & Russell, 1964. 37-42.[214] Warnicke, R. M. "More's Richard III and the Mystery Plays." HJ 35 (1992): 761-78.[Summ.: p.761. On the influence of the Mystery Cycles on the composition of Richard III.]The Deformity of Richard III[215] Aird, C., and R. A. C. McIntosh. "Shakespeare's Richard III and the Ellis-Van CreveldSyndrome." The Practitioner 220 (April 1978): 656-62 + 1 plate. [Identifies Richard'sdeformity with a rare condition first discovered in 1940.][216] Jones, E. W. "Richard III's Disfigurement: A Medical Postscript." Folklore 91 (1980):211-27. [Minimizes the degree of Richard's deformity. On the folklore traditions of natalteeth.][217] Rhodes, P. "Physical Deformity of Richard III." British Medical Journal 24 Dec. 1977:1650-52 + 3 letters by B. Wolman, 0. T. Mansfield, and G. Dale, BMJ 28 Jan. 1978:234-35. [Suggests various possible diagnoses for Richard's condition.]Richard III: Shore's Wife and Later Influence[218] Brown, B. "Sir Thomas More and Thomas Churchyard's Shore's Wife." YES 2 (1972): 41-48.[219] Cross, G. "More's Historie of Kyng Rycharde the Thirde and Lust's Dominion." N&Q ns 4(1957): 198-99. [A scene in Lust's Dominion (first published in 1657) probably derived fromMore's account of Doctor Shaa's sermon alledging the bastardy of Edward IV andClarence.][220] Gresham, S. "The Dramaturgy of Tyranny: More's Richard III and Sackville's Complaint ofBuckingham." Quincentennial Essays. 35-42.[221] Harner, J. L. "Jane Shore in Literature: A Checklist." N&Q ns 28 (1981): 496-507.[222]^ . "The Place of 'Shore's Wife' in More's The History of King Richard III." Moreana 74(1982): 69-76.[223] ^. "'The Wofull Lamentation of Mistris Jane Shore': The Popularity of an ElizabethanBallad." PBSA 71 (1977): 137-49.Thomas More Bibliography / 300[224] Herbruggen, H. S. "Fletcher's Forgotten Play: The Rising to the Crown of Richard III."Miscellanea Moreana. 209-20. [Summ.: M.-C. Rousseau, Moreana 98/99 (1988): 158-59,252.][225] Khanna, L. C. "No Less Real than Ideal: Images of Women in More's Work." Moreana 55/56(1977): 35-51. [On Shore's Wife and Queen Elizabeth in Richard III.][226] Pratt, S. M. "Jane Shore and the Elizabethans: Some Facts and Speculations." TSLL 11(1970): 1293-1306.[227] Rowan, D. F. "Shore's Wife." SEL 6 (1966): 447-64.Richard III: Cornwallis, Buck and Walpole[228] Buck, George, Sir. History of King Richard the Third. Ed. A. N. Kincaid. Gloucester: A.Sutton, 1979. Rev. ed. 1982.[229] Condren, C. "Cornwallis' Paradoxical Defence of Richard III: A Machiavellian Discourse onMorean Mythology?" Moreana 94 (1987): 5-24.[230] Cornwallis, William, Sir The Encomium of Richard III. Ed. A. N. Kincaid. Intro. J. A.Ramsden and A. N. Kincaid. London: Turner & Devereux, 1977.[231] Kincaid, A. F. "Sir Edward Hoby and 'K. Richard': Shakespeare Play or Morton Tract?"N&Q ns 28 (1981): 124-26. [Hoby showed Cecil a manuscript by 'Morton' on Richard III,not a performance of Shakespeare's Richard II. On Hoby's relationships with George Buck,and on Cornwallis' Encomium.][232] Walpole, Horace. "Historic Doubts on the Life and Reign of King Richard III." in Richard III,The Great Debate: Sir Thomas More's History of King Richard III and Horace Walpole'sHistoric Doubts on the Life and Reign of King Richard III. Ed. P. M. Kendall. New York:Norton, 1965.147-239.[233] Zeefeld, W. G. "A Tudor Defense of Richard III." PMLA 55 (1940): 946-57. [Badly writtenanalysis of Cornwallis' Defense and Buc's History. Repeats the old nonsense about Mortonas the author of More's History.]Literary LettersEditions and Translations[234] Fortunato, B., trans. Tommaso Moro: Lettere. Brescia: Morcelliana, 1987. [Rev.: M.-P.Bataille, Moreana 104 (1990): 87-90. Italian translation of 71 of More's letters, including17 'Prison Letters' (45-71).][235] Garanderie, M.-M. de la, trans. "La correspondance de Guillaume Bude et Thomas More."Moreana 19/20 (1968): 41-68. [French translation of Rogers #65-66, #68, #80, #96-97,#102, #154 and #156.][236] Herbriiggen, H. S., ed. Sir Thomas More: Neue Briefe. Mit einer Einfahrung in dieepistolographische Tradition. Neue Beitrage zur englischen Philologie 5. Munster: VerlagAschendorff, 1966. [Rev.: A. Prevost, Moreana 11 (1966): 55-58; E. Sobel, RenQ 20 (1967):488-90; W. Weiss (Germ.), Anglia 85 (1967): 100-01; R. W. Zandvoort, English Studies 47(1966): 220. Cited as "Herbriiggen."]Thomas More Bibliography / 301[237] Herbruggen, H. S., trans. Briefe der Freundschaft mit Erasmus. Munich: Kiisel, 1985. [Rev.:G. Marc'hadour, Moreana 94 (1987): 61-64.][238] Marc'hadour, G., and R. Galibois, trans. Erasme et Thomas More: Correspondance.Sherbrooke: Centre d'Etudes de la Renaissance, 1985. [Rev.: M. Lebel, Moreana 90 (1986):73-75; M. M. Phillips, Moreana 89 (1986): 57-58; A. L. Prescott, ERSY 6 (1986): 156-58.French translation of correspondence between More and Erasmus.][239] Rogers, E. F., ed. The Correspondence of Sir Thomas More. Princeton: Princeton UP, 1947.[Rev.: D. C. Allen, MLN 63 (1948): 291; J. M. Berdan, Saturday Review of Literature, 9 Aug.1947 (rpt. Moreana 15/16 (1967): 224); A. Gewirth, Ethics 58 (1948): 230; P. E. Hallett,MLR 43 (1948): 255-57; P. 0. Kristeller, Journal of Philosophy 46 (1949): 51-52; A. W.Reed, RES 25 (1949): 354-56; M. Padberg Sullivan ("The Now and Future Gold Mine"),Moreana 15/16 (1967): 204-08. Cited as "Rogers." Gives the Latin or English texts of all ofMore's then known surviving correspondence, except those exchanged by More andErasmus, which are included in P. S. Allen's edition of Erasmus' Opus epistolorum. Rogers'edition has been more recently supplemented by Herbruggen's Sir Thomas More: NeueBriefe (1966). Seven of More's longer letters, really tracts, have been also edited for theYale Edition in CW 3/2, App. C, CW 7, and CW 15—see also In Defense of Humanismand Poetry, Letter to Bugenhagen, Letter to Frith and Prison Letters and Prayers.][240] . St. Thomas More: Selected Letters. Trans. M. Haworth et al. Selected Works of St.Thomas More. New Haven: Yale UP, 1961. [Rev.: H. W. Donner, MLR 58 (1963): 400-01;P. A. Duhamel, Boston Pilot 6 Jan. 1962 (rpt. in Moreana 15/16 (1967): 114); G. R. Elton,N&Q ns 10 (1963): 195. Cited as "Selected Letters."]See also In Defense of Humanism and Poetry, Letter to Bugenhagen, Letter toFrith, and Prison Letters and Prayers.Selections[241] Allen, P. S., and H. M. Allen, eds. "Letters." Sir Thomas More: Selections from His EnglishWorks and from the Lives by Erasmus and Roper. Oxford: Clarendon P, 1924. 154-70.[Reprints eight letters, including some of the 'Prison Letters.'][242] Castelli, A., ed. Venti Lettere. Rome: Editrice Studium, 1966. [Rev.: G. Marc'hadour,Moreana 13 (1967): 101-04. Italian translation of twenty letters, including eight 'PrisonLetters.'][243] Clements, R. J., and L. Levant, eds. Renaissance Letters: Revelations of a World Reborn. NewYork: New York UP, 1977. 2, 25-31, 142, 218-21, 395, 427-29. [An anthology ofRenaissance letters; includes five of More's letters.]Studies[244] Blom, N. van der. "La demission de More selon Erasme (d'apres Allen X, lettres 2735, 2750et 2780)." See Law and Politics.[245] Delcourt, M. "L'Amitie d'Erasme et de More entre 1520 et 1535." BAGB no. 50 (1936):7-29. Rev. vers. as "Erasme et Thomas More: Histoire d'une amitie." Erasme. Brussels:Editions Labor, 1986. 63-91.[246] Herbriiggen, H. S. "A Letter of Dr. Johann Eck to Thomas More." Moreana 8 (1965): 51-58.[Herbraggen #142A.]Thomas More Bibliography / 302[247] ^ . "Artes dictandi and erasmische Theorie in More's lateinischen Briefen." ActaConventus Neo-Latini Guelpherbytani. 503-12.[248] ^ . "Ein unbekannter Brief an St. Thomas More." Moreana 15/16 (1967): 241-46.[Herbrtiggen #184B.][249]^ . "Three Additions to More's Correspondence." Moreana 79/80 (1983): 35-42.[250] Marc'hadour, G. "Bude of Paris and More of London." Moreana 19/20 (1968): 157-64.[251]^. "Froben et Thomas More." Moreana 8 (1965): 113-15.[252] Meulon, H. "Lettre de More a John Colet." Moreana 22 (1969): 13-16. [French Translationof Rogers #3.][253] Nelson, W. "The Friendship of Thomas More and John Colet: An Early Document." MLQ 1(1940): 459-60. [On Rogers #3 (1504), and a document in Westminster Abbey in whichMore witnessed Colet's resignation (1502/03) from Goodeaster.][254] Phillips, M. M. "The Correspondence of Erasmus and Thomas More." Thomas More:1477-1977, Colloque international tenu en novembre 1977. Ed. A. Gerlo. Actes de l'Institutpour l'Etude de la Renaissance 6. Brussels: Editions de l'Universite de Bruxelles, 1980.27-37.[255] Rogers, E. F. "A Calendar of the Correspondence of Sir Thomas More." EHR 37 (1922):546-64. [Gives a brief desciption (sender, recipient, incipit, time, place), and sometimes anannotation, of 205 surviving letters to or from More (more letters have been found since.)This calendar led eventually to the publication twenty-five years later of E. F. Rogersedition of The Correspondence of Sir Thomas More (1947).][256] Schoeck, R. J. "On the Letters of Thomas More." Moreana 15/16 (1967): 193-203.[257] Villoslada, P. G. "Tomas Moro en las epistolas de Erasmo." Razon y Fe 109 (1935): 303-24+ 110 (1936): 328-52.[258] White, T. I. "Legend and Reality: The Friendship Between More and Erasmus."Supplementum Festivum: Studies in Honor of Paul Oskar Kristeller. Ed. J. Hankins, J.Monfasani and F. Purnell, Jr. Binghamton, NY: MRTS 49, 1987. 489-504. [On the lettersbetween More and Erasmus in the period 1520-1535.]See also In Defence of Humanism and Poetry, and Prison Letters and Prayers.In Defence of Humanism and Poetry: Letters to Dorp,Lee, Batmanson, Oxford and Germain de BrieEditions and Translations[259] Gibaud, H., ed. "Thomas More: Reponse a un moine anti-erasmien." M. A. Diss. Centred'Etudes Superieures de la Renaissance, Universite de Tours, 1967. [Edition of Latin textand French translation.][260] Gibaud, H., and G. Marc'hadour, trans. "Reponse de Thomas More a un moineanti-erasmien." Moreana 27/28 (1970): 31-83. [Preface (pp. 31-38) and French translation(pp. 39-83).]Thomas More Bibliography / 303[261] Greene, J. J., and J. P. Dolan, eds. The Essential Thomas More. New York: Mentor, 1967.99-109, 137-47. [Excerpts from a letter to Erasmus (Allen #388), The Letter to Oxford, andThe Letter to Dorp.][262] Guerlac, R., ed. "An Appendix of Related Passages by Thomas More." Juan Luis VivesAgainst the Pseudodialecticians: A Humanist Attack on Medieval Logic, by Juan Vives.Texts and Studies in the History of Logic and Philosophy 18. Dordrecht: D. Reidel, 1978.157-95. [Rev.: D. Kinney, Moreana 69 (1981): 67-71. Includes a letter by More to Erasmuson Vives (Allen #1106) and generous excerpts from More's Letter to Dorp.][263] Kinney. D., ed. In Defence of Humanism: Letter to Martin Dorp, Letter to the University ofOxford, Letter to Edward Lee, Letter to a Monk, with a new text and Translation ofHistoria Richardi Tertii. Vol. 15 of The Yale Edition of the Complete Works of St. ThomasMore. New Haven: Yale UP, 1986. xv-cxxxii, 1-311, 496-603. [Rev.: J. Chomarat, Moreana94 (1987): 65-70; G. R. Elton, EHR 105 (1990): 175; A. J. Geritz, ELR 22 (1992): 120; A. L.Prescott, RenQ 41 (1988): 515-17; J. N. Wall, RES ns 40 (1989): 117-19. Contains textsand translations for Letters to Dorp, Lee, Batmanson, and Oxford.][264] . "Appendix C: More's Letter to Brixius." Latin Poems. Vol. 3, Part II of The YaleEdition of the Complete Works of St. Thomas More. Ed. C. H. Miller et al. New Haven: YaleUP, 1984. 549-694. [Text and translation.][265] Marc'hadour, G., trans. "Lettre de Thomas More a Dorp." Saint Thomas More: LettreDorp-La Supplication des Ames. Namur: Le Soleil Levant, 1962. 37-129. [Rev.: P.Mesnard, Moreana 1 (1963): 30-39. French Translation.][266] Rogers, E. F., ed. The Correspondence of Sir Thomas More. Princeton: Princeton UP, 1947.27-74, 111-20, 137-54, 165-206, 212-39. [Latin texts: Rogers #15, #60, #75, #83 and #86.][267] Scott-Craig, T. S. K., trans. "Thomas More's 1518 Letter to the University of Oxford." RenN1 (1948): 17-24. Rpt. in The Thought and Culture of the English Renaissance: An Anthologyof Tudor Prose, 1481-1555. Ed. E. M. Nugent. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1956. 64-72. Rpt.in St. Thomas More: Selected Letters. Ed. E. F. Rogers. Trans. M. Haworth et al. SelectedWorks of St. Thomas More. New Haven: Yale UP, 1961. 95-103.See also Literary Letters.Studies[268] Camporeale, S. I. "Da Lorenzo Valla a Tommaso Moro: lo statuto umanistico dellateologia." Memorie domenicane ns 4 (1973): 9-102. Also published separately. [Rev.: C.Trinkaus, Moreana 50 (1976): 91-95. Rogers #15 and CW 15.][269] Cooper, M. S. "More and the Letter to Martin Dorp." Moreana 6 (1965): 37-44. [Rogers #15and CW 15.][270] Kinney, D. "More's Letter to Dorp: Remapping the Trivium." RenQ 34 (1981): 179-210.[Summ.: A. J. Geritz, ELR 22 (1992): 120. Rev.: H. Gibaud, Moreana 75/76 (1982): 177-78.Rogers #15 and CW 15.][271] Knowles, D. "Appendix I: Sir Thomas More's Letter 'To a Monk.'" The Religious Orders inEngland. 3 vols. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1959. Rpt. with corrections 1971. III: 469.[Knowles identifies the recipient of More's Letter to a Monk (Rogers #83) as JohnBatmanson the Carthusian (d. 1531).]Thomas More Bibliography / 304[272] Lavoie, G. "La fin de la querelle entre Germain de Brie et Thomas More." Moreana 50(1976): 39-44. [Rogers #86 and CW 3/2, App. C, Allen #1087, etc.][273] Marc'hadour, G. "Thomas More convertit Martin Dorp a l'humanisme erasmien?" ThomasMore: 1477-1977, Colloque international tenu en novembre 1977. Ed. A. Gerlo. Actes del'Institut pour l'Etude de la Renaissance 6. Brussels: Editions de l'Universite de Bruxelles,1980. 13-25. [Rogers #15 and CW 15.][274] ^. "Thomas More in Emulation and Defense of Erasmus." Erasmus of Rotterdam: TheMan and the Scholar. Ed J. S. Weiland and W. Th. M. Frijhoff. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1988.203-14. [Rogers #15, #60, #75, #83 and CW 15.][275] Murphy, C. M. "An Epistolary Defence of Erasmus: Thomas More and an EnglishCarthusian." Acta Conventus Neo-Latini Turonensi. 329-47. [Summ.: A. J. Geritz, ELR 22(1992): 120-21. Rogers #83 and CW 15.][276] Silva, A. de. "Sir Thomas More y la Teologia: El Quehacer TeolOgico segiin la Carta aMartin van Dorp" [The Mission of Theology According to More's Letter to Dorp]. Studium17 (1977): 513-27. [Rev.: D. Kinney, Moreana 69 (1981): 71-72. Rogers #15 and CW 15.][277] Sylvester, R. S. "Thomas More: Humanist in Action." Medieval and Renaissance Studies Ed.0. B. Hardison, Jr. Chapel Hill, NC: U of North Carolina P, 1966. 125-37. Rpt. in EssentialArticles. 462-69, 665-66. [Rogers #15, #60, #75, #83 and CW 15; Rogers #86 and CW 312,App. C.]Thomas More Bibliography / 305A.3. UTOPIA3a. Editions and TranslationsUtopia: Editions[278] Delcourt, M., ed. L'Utopie ou le traite de la meilleure forme de gouvernement. Paris: E. Droz,1936. Rpt. Geneva: Droz, 1983. [Rev.: A. Prevost, ("Une retrospective: Le facsimile del'Utopie editee par Marie Delcourt,") Moreana 85 (1985): 67-82; J. Schlumberger, Nouvellerevue frangaise 24 (Jan. 1936): 116-17. Latin text. The reprint includes M. Delcourt's 1966French translation. See also Utopia: French Translations.][279] Lupton, J. H., ed. The Utopia of Sir Thomas More. Oxford: Clarendon P, 1895. [Rev.: J.Gairdner, EHR 11 (1896): 369-71. Prints text of March 1518 Latin edition, together withRalph Robynson's 1551 English translation. Main emphasis is on Robynson's translationwhich is printed at the top of the page in larger print, with the Latin underneath.][280] Michels, V., and T. Ziegler, eds. Utopia. Vol. 11 in Lateinische Litteraturdenkmaler des XV.and XVI Jahrhunderts. Berlin: Weidmann, 1895. [Based on 1516 edition with emendationsfrom March 1518.][281] Prevost, A., ed. L'Utopie de Thomas More: Presentation, Texte Original, Apparat Critique,Exegese, Traduction et Notes. Paris: Mame, 1978. [Rev.: J. Gury, Moreana 61 (1979): 13-18.Facsimile of November 1518 Froben Latin edition with a modern French translation.Extensive notes and commentary (-800 pages).][282] Sampson, G., and A. Guthkelch, eds. Utopia. London: Bell, 1910. [Contains an edition of the1556 revised edition of Robinson's translation, together with the Latin text of the 1516edition in an appendix. Also includes Roper's Life and some Letters.][283] Surtz, E., and J. H. Hexter, eds. Utopia. Vol. 4 of The Yale Edition of the Complete Works ofSt. Thomas More. New Haven: Yale UP, 1965. (Hereafter CW 4.) [For reviews see Reviewsof the Yale Edition of Utopia.][284] Utopia [1516]: A Scolar Press Facsimile. Leeds: Scolar P, 1966. [Facsimile reproduction ofthe first edition of 1516 published by Thierry Maartens in Antwerp.]Reviews of the Yale Edition of Utopia[285] Barker, A. E. "Clavis Moreana: The Yale Edition of Thomas More." JEGP 65 (1966):318-30. Rpt. in Essential Articles. 215-28, 616. [Rev.: G. Marc'hadour, Moreana 11 (1966):94-95. A review article on the Utopia and Richard III.][286] Bush, D. Rev. of Utopia. Moreana 7 (1965): 85-92.[287] Delcourt, M. "Utopiana." Latomus 25 (1966): 305-09.[288] Ferguson, A. F. "Review." JHI 29 (1968): 303-10.[289] Gawlick, G. Rev. (Germ.) of Utopia. Anglia 85 (1967): 95-99.[290] Manuel, F. E. Rev. of Utopia. History and Theory 6 (1967): 127-30. [On Hexter's and Surtz'sintroductions.]Thomas More Bibliography / 306[291] Miller, C. H. Rev. of Utopia. ELN 3 (1965/66): 303-09. [Rev.: G. Marc'hadour, Moreana 11(1966): 100-101.][292]^. "The English Translation in the Yale Utopia: Some Corrections." Moreana 9 (1966):57-64.[293] Sirluck, E. Rev. of Utopia. SEL 6 (1966): 173.[294] Skinner, Q. "More's Utopia." P&P 38 (1967): 154-68.[295] Thomson, P. Rev. of Utopia. N&Q ns 13 (1966): 72-73.[296] Trapp, J. B. Rev. of Utopia. RenN 19 (1966): 373-75.[297] Zandvoort, R. W. Rev. of Utopia. English Studies 47 (1966): 219.[298]^. "On Translating Utopia." Moreana 15/16 (1967): 137-40. [Compares G. C. Richards'translation, used in the Yale edition, unfavorably with Paul Turner's translation in thePenguin Classics. See Utopia: Modern English Translations.]See also E. Surtz, trans., Utopia, Selected Works of St. Thomas More, in Utopia: ModernEnglish Translations.Utopia: Concordances, Indices, etc.[299] Bolchazy, L. J., G. Gichan, and F. Theobald, eds. A Concordance to the Utopia of St. ThomasMore and a Frequency Word List. Alpha-Omega 2. Hildesheim: G. Olms, 1978. [Rev.: W. W.Wooden, Computers and the Humanities 17 (1983): 28-29.][300] Brooks, P. "Notes on Rare Books." New York Review of Books 27 July 1941: 19. [OnTunstall's copy of Utopia.][301] Gee, J. A. "Cuthbert Tunstall's Copy of the First Edition of Utopia." Yale University LibraryGazette 7 (1933): 87-88.[302]^ . "The Second Edition of the Utopia, Paris, 1517." Yale University Library Gazette 15(1941): 77-83.[303] Surtz, E. "Sources, Parallels, and Influences: Supplementary to the Yale Utopia." Moreana9 (1966): 5-11. [Some additions to Surtz's introductory matter in the Yale edition. Suggeststhat Hythloday has some of the features of Erasmus.][304] Surtz, E. "The Illustrations in the Yale Utopia." Moreana 10 (1966): 55-73. [Containsdetailed descriptions of the Plates in the Yale Edition.][305] White, T. I. "An Index Verborum to the Yale Utopia." Moreana 52 (1976): 5-17.Utopia: Bibliographies[306] Kronenberg, M. E. "Some Notes on the First Edition of the Utopia." Moreana 15/16 (1967):134-36. [Lists locations of 22 copies of the First Edition. See also C. Smith "AdditionalLocations for Thomas More's Utopia."][307] Rousseau, M.-C., and P. Delendick. "Utopiana in Moreana." Moreana 31/32 (1971): 301-02+ 69 (1981): 163-65 + 83/84 (1984): 143-44 + 95/96 (1987): 177 + 101/102 (1990): 146.Thomas More Bibliography / 307[308] Samaan, A. B. "Utopias and Utopian Novels: 1516-1949, A Preliminary Bibliography."Moreana 31/32 (1971): 28-93.[309] Sargent, L. T. "Secondary Works on Utopian Literature." British and American UtopianLiterature, 1516-1975: An Annotated Bibliography. Boston, MA: G. K. Hall & Co., 1979.167-290. [Many citations for More's Utopia.][310] Smith, C. "Additional Locations for Thomas More's Utopia." Moreana 31/32 (1971): 261-62.[An "Updating" of R. W. Gibson's St. Thomas More: A Preliminary Bibliography—See SomeBibliographies.]See also Some Bibliographies.Utopia: Editions of Robynson's English Translation (1551)[311] Andrews, C. M., ed. "Sir Thomas More's Utopia." Famous Utopias: Being the Complete Textof Rousseau's Social Contract, More's Utopia, Bacon's New Atlantis and Campanella's Cityof the Sun. New York: Tudor Publishing Co., 1901. 129-232. [Modernization of Robynson?][312] Campbell, M., ed. The Utopia of Sir Thomas More. Toronto and New York: D. VanNostrand, 1947. 3-182. [A modernized version of Robynson's translation.][313] Collins, J. C., ed. Sir Thomas More's Utopia. Oxford: Clarendon P, 1904. Rpt. 1963. [Anedition of Robynson's translation. Includes extensive notes and glossary. See also Lumbyand Lupton.][314] Eliot, W., ed. Utopia. Machiavelli, More, Luther. Vol. 36 of The Harvard Classics. 50 vols.New York: P. F. Collier & Son, 1910. 135-243. [Modern spelling version of Robynson'stranslation. Omits parerga.][315] Gallagher, L., ed. "Utopia by Thomas More." More's Utopia and its Critics. Chicago: Scott,Foresman and Company, 1964. 1-90. [A modernized edition.][316] Goitein, H., ed. Utopia. New York: E. P. Dutton & Co., 1925.[317] Hallett, P. E., ed. Utopia. London: Burns Oates & Washbourne, 1937. [Modern Spellingversion of Robynson's translation.][318] Lumby, J. R., ed. More's Utopia. Cambridge: Cambridge UP (Pitt Press Series), 1879. Rpt.1956. [An edition of Robynson's translation. Includes extensive notes and glossary. See alsoCollins and Lupton.][319] Lupton, J. H., ed. The Utopia of Sir Thomas More. See Utopia: Editions.[320] Milligan, B. A., intro. "Utopia: Sir Thomas More." Three Renaissance Classics: The Prince,Utopia, The Courtier. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1953. 105-239, 620-22. [Areprint of Ralph Robynson's 1551 translation.][321] Morley, H., ed. "Sir Thomas More's Utopia." Ideal Commonwealths: Plutarch's Lycurgus,More's Utopia, Bacon's New Atlantis, Campanella's City of the Sun and a fragment of Hall'sMundus Alter et Idem. London: George Routledge and Sons, 1885. 53-167. Rev. ed. in IdealCommonwealths: More's Utopia, Bacon's New Atlantis, Campanella's City of the Sun andHarrington's Oceana. New York: Colonial P, 1901. 3-99. [Modernization of Robynson.]Thomas More Bibliography / 308[322] Robynson, Ralph, trans. A fruteful and pleasaunt worke of the beste state of a publyque weale,and the newe yle called Utopia. By Sir Thomas More. London: A. Vele, 1551. Rpt. (TheEnglish Experience 108) Amsterdam : Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, 1969. [Reprint of STC18094.][323] Warrington, J., ed. "Utopia." More's Utopia and A Dialogue of Comfort. Everyman's Library461. London: Dent, 1910. Rev. ed. with modernized spelling, 1951. 1-142. [A modernspelling version of Robynson's translation.][324] White, F. R., ed. "Utopia." Famous Utopias of the Renaissance. New York: Packard andCompany, 1946; Rpt. Hendricks House, 1955. 3-117. [Modernization of Robynson'stranslation.]Utopia: Excerpts From Robynson's Translation[325] Harris, M. et al., ed. "Thomas More: Utopia." Introduction to Contemporary Civilization inthe West. 2 vols. New York: Columbia UP, 3rd ed. rev. 1960. I: 647-76. [A substantialexcerpt from Robynson's translation in modernized spelling.][326] Nugent, E. M., ed. "Sir Thomas More: Utopia." in The Thought and Culture of the EnglishRenaissance: An Anthology of Tudor Prose, 1481-1555. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1956.217-25.[327] Mates, J., and E. Cantelupe, eds. "Sir Thomas More: Utopia." Renaissance Culture: A NewSense of Order. New York: George Braziler, 1966. 83-85, 368-72. [Two short excerpts fromRobynson's translation.][328] Negley, G., and J. M. Patrick, eds. "Utopia, 1516: By Sir Thomas More, Lord Chancellor ofEngland, Saint and Martyr." The Quest for Utopia: An Anthology of Imaginary Societies.New York: Henry Schumann, 1952. 261-84. [Modernization of Robynson: a condensation ofBook II.][329] Trapp, J. B., ed. "Sir Thomas More: Utopia." The Middle Ages through the EighteenthCentury. Vol. 1 of The Oxford Anthology of English Literature. Ed. J. Hollander and F.Kermode. 2 vols. London: Oxford UP, 1973. 552-69. [One excerpt from Book I, and twofrom Book II.]Utopia: Modern English Translations[330] Adams, R. M., trans. Utopia: A New Translation, Backgrounds, Criticism. New York: W. W.Norton & Co., 1975; 2nd rev. ed. 1992. [Rev.: W. W. Wooden, College Literature 4 (1977):98-99. A modern translation. The 2nd edition contains a revised translation and severalnew essays. Several items also listed separately. See also edition of G. M. Logan and R. M.Adams, Utopia (1989).][331] Dolan, J. P., trans. "Utopia." The Essential Thomas More. New York: Mentor, 1967. 23-96.[A modern translation. Omits prefatory letter and parerga.][332] Logan, G. M., and R. M. Adams, trans. Utopia. Cambridge Texts in the History of PoliticalThought. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1989. [Rev.: C. M. Murphy, SCJ 22 (1991): 883-85.Revised version of the translation in the Norton edition.][333] Marshall, P. K., trans. Utopia: A New Translation. Intro. J. A. Scott. New York: WashingtonSquare P, 1965. [Rev.: G. Marc'hadour, Moreana 8 (1965): 97-99.]Thomas More Bibliography / 309[334] Ogden, H. V. S., trans. Utopia. New York: Apple-Century-Crofts, 1949. [A moderntranslation, but sometimes follows wording of Robynson's and Burnett's translations. Omitsparerga.][335] Richards, C. G., trans. More's Utopia. Oxford: Blackwell, 1923. [Rev.: TLS 19 Apr. 1923:263. A modern translation—a revised version of which, made by E. Surtz, provided theEnglish text used in the Yale Edition of More's Utopia.][336] Sheehan, J., and J. P. Donnelly, trans. Utopia. Milwaukee: Marquette UP, 1984. [A moderntranslation. Omits parerga.][337] Surtz, E., trans. Utopia. Selected Works of St. Thomas More. New Haven: Yale UP, 1964.[Rev.: A. Prevost, Moreana 4 (1964): 93-97; P. Thomson, N&Q ns 12 (1965): 155-56; R. W.Zandvoort, English Studies 47 (1966): 218-19. Same translation as in CW 4, which in turnis a revised version of C. G. Richard's 1923 translation.][338] ^. "Utopia (abridged): Sir Thomas More." The Great Books Today, 1965. Chicago:Encyclopedia Britannica, 1965. 372-437. ['Additions to the Great Books Library.' Abridgedrpt. of the Yale translation.][339] Turner, P., trans. Utopia. Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1965. [Rev.: G. Marc'hadour and E. E.Reynolds, Moreana 8 (1965): 100-01; R. W. Zandvoort, English Studies 47 (1966): 219-20and Moreana 15/16 (1967): 137-40. A very readable modern translation.][340]^ . Utopia. Lithographs by E. Bawden. London: Folio Society, 1972. [Same translation asPenguin edition.]Utopia: Studies of the English Translations[341] Binder, J. "More's Utopia in English: A Note on Translation." MLN 62 (1947): 370-76. Rpt.in Essential Articles. 229-33, 616. [On Ralph Robinson's 1551 translation.][342] Crossett, J. "An Omission in Robynson's Translation of More's Utopia." N&Q ns 7 (1960):367. [Summ.: J. S. Phillipson, AES 3 (1960): 2671.][343] Itkonen-Kaila, M. "Translating Utopia." Moreana 34 (1972): 39-45.[344] McCutcheon, E. "More's Utopia as Commonplaced in Edward Pudsey's Tooke' (Circa 1600)."See Utopia in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries.Utopia: French Translations[345] Delcourt, M., ed. L'Utopie ou le traite de la meilleure forme de gouvernement. Brussels:Renaissance du Livre, 1966. Rpt. as L'Utopie, ou Le Traite de la meilleure forme degouvernement. Notes by S. Goyard-Fabre. Paris: Flammarion, 1987. [Rev.: A. Prevost,Moreana 94 (1987): 71-73. See also Utopia: Editions.][346] Prevost, A., ed. L'Utopie de Thomas More. See Utopia: Editions.Utopia: Other Translations[347] Alcala, M., trans. La Utopia. Mexico: Porrua, 1975. 5th ed. 1985. [A Spanish translation.See also Utopia: Spain, New Spain and America.]Thomas More Bibliography / 310[348] Itkonen-Kaila, M., trans. Utopia. Helsinki: Porvoo, 1971. [A Finnish translation. See also"Translating Utopia," in Utopia: Studies of the English Translations.][349] Ritter, G., trans. Utopia. Intro. H. Oncken. in Klassiker der Politik. Ed. F. Meinecke and H.Oncken. Berlin: R. Hobbing, 1922. [German translation. It has a famous (or notorious)introduction, which in the aftermath of WW I, sees Utopia as an expression of Englishproto-imperialism and lust for power politics. See Avineri, S., "War and Slavery in More'sUtopia." in War and Peace in Utopia.][350] Samaan, A. B., trans. Utopia. Cairo: Dar el-Maaref, 1974. [Rev.: M. Manzalaoui, Moreana46 (1975): 47-60.]3b. Studies of UtopiaUtopia: General Studies[351] Adams, R. M., ed. "Criticism." Utopia: A New Translation, Backgrounds, Criticism By SirThomas More. New York: W. W. Norton and Co., 1975. 137-238. Rpt. 2nd rev. ed. 1992.137-260. [Contains essays by or excerpts from the works of R. W. Chambers, KarlKautsky, Russell Ames, J. H. Hexter, Robert C. Elliott, Harry Berger, C. S. Lewis,Elizabeth McCutcheon, and others. The 2nd rev. edition reprints some essays from the 1stedition, omits others, and adds five "new" essays. Some items listed separately.][352] Baker-Smith, D. More's Utopia. London: HarperCollinsAcademic, 1991.[353] Berneri, M. L. "Sir Thomas More: Utopia." Journey Through Utopia. London: Routledge &Kegan Paul, 1950. 58-88. [By a young scholar who died at 31. Extensive quotationsillustrating political and social life of Utopia.][354] Brockhaus, H. Die Utopia-Schrift des Thomas Morus. Beitrage zur Kulturgeschichte desMittelalters and der Renaissance 37. Leipzig: B. G. Teubner, 1929.[355] Coles, P. "The Interpretation of More's Utopia." HibbertJ 56 (1958): 365-70. [Summ.: J. 0.Waller, AES 1 (1958): 1773. Literature vs. politics: Coles opts for politics.][356] Donner, H. W. "The Interpretation of Utopia." Studia Neophilologica 15 (1943): 43-48.[357]^ . Introduction to Utopia. London: Sidgwick and Jackson, 1945.[358] Dudok, G. Sir Thomas More and His Utopia. Amsterdam: H. J. Paris, A. J. Kruyt, H. J.Pores, 1923.[359] Dupont, V. "La double Utopie de Thomas More." L'Utopie et le roman utopique dans laLiterature anglaise. Paris-Toulouse: Didier, 1941. 84-123.[360] Duveau, G. "Le Ore de l'utopie, Thomas More." Sociologie de l'utopie et autres 'essais.' Paris:Presses Universitaires de France, 1961. 73-81.[361] Eliav-Feldon, M. Realistic Utopias: The Ideal Imaginary Societies of the Renaissance,1516-1630. Oxford: Oxford UP, 1982. [Rev.: J. Dunn, History 68 (1983): 316.][362] Fox, A. "The Morean Synthesis: Utopia." Thomas More: History and Providence. New Haven:Yale UP, 1983. 50-75. Pp. 53-75 rpt. without most of Fox's notes as "[An Intricate,Intimate Compromise.]" in Utopia: A Revised Translation, Backgrounds, Criticism. Ed. R. M.Adams. New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 2nd rev. ed. 1992. 154-69.Thomas More Bibliography / 311[363] . "In Search of the Real Thomas More: An Approach to Utopia." Thomas More: TheRhetoric of Character. Ed. A. Fox and P. Leech. Dunedin: U of Otago (A UniversityExtension Publication), 1979. 17-34, 103-06. [Sum.: P. Leech, ibid.; A. J. Geritz, ELR 22(1992): 123.][364] Gallagher, L., ed. "Twentieth-Century Opinion." More's Utopia and it's Critics. Chicago:Scott, Foresman and Company, 1964. 91-170. [Contains essays by or excerpts from theworks of Robert Bolt, Karl Kautsky, R. W. Chambers, Edward Surtz, David Bevington,Russell Ames, and others. Some items listed separately.][365] Hertzler, J. 0. "The Utopia of Sir Thomas More." The History of Utopian Thought. NewYork: MacMillan, 1923. Rpt. New York: Cooper Square Publishers, 1965. 127-46. [More asa liberal social reformer.][366] Hexter, J. H. More's Utopia: The Biography of an Idea. Princeton: Princeton UP, 1952. Rpt.with an epilogue. New York: Harper, 1965. Rpt. Westport, CT: Greenwood P, 1976. [Rev.:R. J. Schoeck, CHR 38 (1953): 448-49 and MLN 68 (1953): 498-500.][367] Johnson, R. S. More's Utopia: Ideal and Illusion. New Haven: Yale UP, 1969. [Rev.: W.Allen, Moreana 25 (1970): 95-97; B. W. Beckingsale, N&Q ns 18 (1971): 232-33.][368] Nelson, W., ed. Twentieth Century Interpretations of Utopia. Englewood Cliffs, NJ:Prentice-Hall, 1968. [Contains essays by or excerpts from the works of R. W. Chambers, H.W. Donner, Karl Kautsky, Gerhard Ritter, Russell Ames, J. H. Hexter, C. S. Lewis, EdwardSurtz, David Bevington, T. S. Dorsch, and others. Some items listed separately.][369] Olin, J. C., ed. Interpreting Thomas More's Utopia. New York: Fordham UP, 1989. [Rev.: C.M. Murphy, SCJ 22 (1991): 883-84; A. Rabil, Jr., Church History 61 (1992): 406-07.Articles also listed separately.][370] . "The Idea of Utopia from Hesiod to John Paul II." Interpreting Thomas More'sUtopia. Ed. J. C. Olin. New York: Fordham UP, 1989. 77-98. [Summ.: C. M. Murphy, SCJ22 (1991): 884. A. Rabil, Jr., Church History 61 (1992): 406. A short history of utopianthought tracing its roots from Judaeo-Christian and classical sources.][371] Sanderlin, G. "The Meaning of Thomas More's Utopia." College English 12 (1950/51): 74-77.[Emphasises the literary quality of Utopia.][372] . The Praise of Pleasure: Philosophy, Education and Communism in More's Utopia.Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP, 1957. Pp. 161-74 rpt. as "Humanism and Communism." inUtopia: A Revised Translation, Backgrounds, Criticism. Ed. R. M. Adams. New York: W. W.Norton & Co., 2nd rev. ed. 1992. 169-81. [Rev.: R. P. Adams, RenN 11 (1958): 129-33.][373] Tod, I., and M. Wheeler. "The Renaissance City State: Utopia." Utopia. New York: HarmonyBooks, 1978. 29-34. [An illustrated history of Utopias: contains an extremely superficialtreatment of More's Utopia.][374] Trevor-Roper, H. "The Intellectual World of Sir Thomas More." American Scholar 48(Winter 1978/79): 19-32.[375] ^. "Sir Thomas More and Utopia." Renaissance Essays. London: Secker & Warburg,1985; Rpt. Fontana Books, 1986. 24-58. [Combines two earlier articles: "The IntellectualWorld of Sir Thomas More," and another in Atti dei Convegni Lincei (1980).]Thomas More Bibliography / 312Utopia: Dialogue, Drama, Satire, Literary and Rhetorical Techniques:Unsorted[376] Bertagnoni, M. "Discordia concors: Utopia e it Dialogo del conforto." Moreana 31/32 (1971):183-90.[377] Allen, W. "Speculations on St. Thomas More's Use of Hesychius." PQ 46 (1967): 156-66.[378]^ . "St. John Chrysostom: A Footnote to Utopia." Moreana 78 (1983): 21-22.[379] Blaim, A. "More's Utopia: Persuasion or Polyphony?" Moreana 73 (1982): 5-20.[380] Cavanaugh, J. R. "Utopia: Sound from Somewhere." Moreana 35 (1972): 27-38.[381] Doyle, C. C. "Poggio and the Anemolian Ambassadors." Moreana 58 (1978): 61-63 and59/60 (1978): 90.[382] Elliott, R. C. "The Shape of Utopia." ELH 30 (1964): 317-34. Rpt. in Sir Thomas More:Utopia. Ed. R. M. Adams. New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 1975. 177-92. Rpt. 2nd rev. ed.1992. 181-95.[383]^ . The Shape of Utopia. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1970.[384] Field, P. J. C. "The Emperor Constantine and Pythagoras." Moreana 47/8 (1975): 21-23.[385] Nagel, A. F. "Lies and the Limitable Inane: Contradiction in More's Utopia." RenQ 26(1973): 173-80.[386] Preston, R. "The Macarian King and the Eight Beatitudes." Moreana 50 (1976): 119.[387] Prevost, A. "L'Utopie: le genre litteraire." Moreana 31/32 (1971): 161-68.[388] Stevens, I. N. "Aesthetic Distance in the Utopia." Moreana 43/44 (1974): 13-24.[389] Surtz, E. "Introduction." Utopia. Vol. 4 of The Yale Edition of the Complete Works of St.Thomas More. Ed. J. H. Hexter and E. Surtz. New Haven: Yale UP, 1965. cxxv-cxciv.[Surtz's introduction deals mainly with the literary art and the sources of Utopia.Complements Hexter's historical introduction (xv-cxxiv).][390] Suzuki, Y. "Utopia Reinterpreted." Moreana 67/68 [Thomas More Gazette 2] (1980): 31-34.[391] Wilson, K. "An Affront to Silver and Gold: Tertullian's De cultu feminarum and More'sUtopia." Moreana 73 (1982): 69-74.[392]^ . "Thomas More and Theophrastus—An Idea Put to Work." Moreana 67/68 [ThomasMore Gazette 2] (1980): 35-38.Utopia: Philosophy, Humanism and Theology —Unsorted[393] Evans, J. X. "The Kingdom Within More's Utopia." Moreana 55/56 (1977): 5-21.[394] Gueguen, J. A. "Why is There No University in Utopia?" Moreana 77 (1983): 31-34.[395] Gury, J. "Libre citoyens d'Utopie." Moreana 69 (1981): 119-27.Thomas More Bibliography / 313[396] Herbriiggen, H. S. Utopie und Anti-Utopie. Von der Struckturanalyse zur Strukturtypologie.Beitrage zur englishen Philologie 43. Bochum-Langendreer: 1960. Pp. 16-37 trans. and rev.by author as "More's Utopia as a Paradigm." Rpt. in Essential Articles. 251-62, 620-23.[Rev.: G. Muller-Schwefe, N&Q ns 12 (1965): 239-40.][397] Khanna, L. C. "Utopia: The Case for Open-mindedness in the Commonwealth." Moreana31/32 (1971): 91-105.[398] Kouskoff, G. "IUS, FAS, AEQUUM: analyse de mots-cles." Moreana 73 (1982): 109-10.[399] Manuel, F. E., and F. P. "The Passion of Thomas More." Utopian Thought in the WesternWorld. Cambridge, MA: Belknap P for Harvard UP, 1979. 117-49, 822-25.[400] Peters, R. S. "Utopia and More's Orthodoxy." Moreana 31/32 (1971): 147-55.[401] Sawada, P. A. "Toward the Definition of Utopia." Moreana 31/32 (1971): 135-46.[402] Schoeck, R. J. "The Intellectual Milieu of More's Utopia: Some Notes." Moreana 1 (1963):40-46.[403] Simon, E. P. "Thomas More's Utopia: Creating an Image of the Soul." Moreana 69 (1981):21-40.[404] Surtz, E. "'Like a Fountain Stirred.'" Moreana 77 (1983): 53-65.[405] ^. "Logic in Utopia." PQ 29 (1950): 389-401. Rpt. in The Praise of Pleasure: Philosophy,Education and Communism in More's Utopia. Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP, 1957. 87-101,215-18.[406] ^ . "Thomas More and the Great Books." PQ 32 (1953): 43-57. Rpt. in The Praise ofPleasure: Philosophy, Education and Communism in More's Utopia. Cambridge, MA:Harvard UP, 1957. 135-150, 223-25.[407] Sussmuth, H. Studien zur Utopia des Thomas Morus. Ein Beitrag zur Geistesgeschichte des16. Jahrhunderts. Reformationsgeschichtliche Studien und Texte 95. Munster: Aschendorff,1967. [Rev.: H. W. Donner, Moreana 36 (1972): 87-91. Detailed analysis of classical sourcesand contemporary interpretations of Utopia.]More's Utopian Embassy of 1515 and the Composition of Utopia[408] Hexter, J. H. "Introduction: The Composition of Utopia," and "Appendix A: More's Visit toAntwerp in 1515." Utopia. Vol. 4 of The Yale Edition of the Complete Works of St. ThomasMore. Ed. E. Surtz and J. H. Hexter. New Haven: Yale UP, 1965. xv-xxiii, 571-76. Rpt. asAppendices A and B to Chapter 2: "The Utopian Vision: Thomas More. Utopia and ItsHistorical Milieux." The Vision of Politics on the Eve of the Reformation: More, Machiavelli,and Seyssel. New York: Basic Books; London: Allen Lane, 1973. 138-49.[409] Starnes, C. "Appendix: On Hexter's Account of More's Visit to Antwerp in 1515." The NewRepublic: A Commentary on Book I of More's Utopia Showing Its Relation to Plato'sRepublic. Waterloo, Ont.: Wilfrid Laurier UP, 1990. 109-11.[410] Surtz, E. "St Thomas More and his Utopian Embassy of 1515." CHR 39 (1953/4): 272-97.[The standard account of More's 1515 diplomatic mission.]Thomas More Bibliography / 314Utopia: Prefatory Letters and Parerga[411] Allen, P. R. "Utopia and European Humanism: the Function of the Prefatory Letters andVerses." SRen 10 (1963): 91-107.[412] Astell, A. W. "Rhetorical Strategy and the Fiction of Audience in More's Utopia." SeeUtopia: Rhetoric, Fiction and Poetics.[413] Derrett, J. D. M. "The Utopian Alphabet." Moreana 12 (1966): 61-66.[414] Garanderie, M.-M. de la. "Guillaume Bude lecteur de l'Utopie." Miscellanea Moreana.327-38. [Summ.: Moreana 98/99 (1988): 161, 255-56.][415] McCutcheon, E. "Mendacium Dicere and Mentiri: A Utopian Crux." Acta ConuentusNeo-Latini Sanctandreani. 449-57.[416]^ . My Dear Peter: The Ars Poetica and Hermeneutics for More's Utopia. Angers: EditionsMoreana, 1983. [Rev.: J. Gury, Moreana 77 (1983): 49-51; A. F. Kinney, Moreana 78(1983): 25-28 and RenQ 40 (1987): 121-23.][417] McKinnon, D. G. "The Marginal Glosses in More's Utopia: The Character of theCommentator." Renaissance Papers, 1970. Ed. D. G. Donovan. Columbus, SC: The South-eastern Renaissance Conference: 1971. 11-19.[418] Marc'hadour, G. "More Self-Translator." See Thomas More as a Translator.[419] O'Grady, W. "A Note on Busleyden's Letter to Thomas More." Moreana 11 (1966): 33-38.[420] Rousseau, M.-C. "EX NON INSULA INSULAM file, fil d'Ariane de l'Utopie." Moreana69 (1981): 129-36.[421] Schoeck, R. J. "The Ironic and the Prophetic: Towards Reading More's Utopia as aMultidisciplinary Work." Quincentennial Essays. 124-34. Rev. vers. as "More's Utopia andIntertextuality." Intertextuality and Renaissance Texts. Gratia, Bamberger Schriften zurRenaissanceforschung 12. Bamberg: H. Kaiser-Verlag, 1984. 83-105. [Analyses Bude'sletter to Lupset in the Utopia parerga.][422] Surtz, E. "More's Apologia pro Utopia sua." MLQ 19 (1958): 319-24. [Summ.: J. Webber,AES 2 (1959): 907.][423] Truchet, S. "The Eutopians." Cahiers Elisabethains 28 (1985): 17-22. [On the ChristianHumanist "Eutopian" authors of the Prefatory Letters to Utopia.][424] Wooden, W. W. "A Reconsideration of the Parerga of Thomas More's Utopia." Quin-centennial Essays. 151-60.[425] Wooden, W. W., and J. N. Wall. "Thomas More and the Painter's Eye: Visual Perspectiveand Artistic Purpose in More's Utopia." JMRS 15 (1985): 231-63.Utopia: Book One, Europe, the 'Dialogue of Counsel,' and Reform[426] Bradshaw, B. "More on Utopia." HJ 24 (1981): 1-27.[427] Davis, J. C. "More, Morton, and the Politics of Accommodation." See Richard III: Literaryand Historical Studies.Thomas More Bibliography / 315[428] Fenlon, D. B. "England and Europe: Utopia and its Aftermath." TRHS 5th ser. 25 (1975):115-35. [Utopia as part polls, part family and part monastery.][429] Hammond, E. R. "Nature-Reason-Justice in Utopia and Gulliver's Travels." See Utopia:More and Swift.[430] Hexter, J. H. "Introduction: Utopia and Its Historical Milieu." Utopia. Vol. 4 of The YaleEdition of the Complete Works of St. Thomas More. New Haven: Yale UP, 1965. xxiii-cxxiv.Rpt. as "The Utopian Vision: Thomas More. Utopia and Its Historical Milieux." The Visionof Politics on the Eve of the Reformation: More, Machiavelli. and Seyssel. New York: BasicBooks; London, Allen Lane, 1973. 19-107, 117-37.[431] . "Thomas More and the Problem of Counsel." Quincentennial Essays. 55-66.[432] . "Utopia and Geneva." Action and Conviction in Early Modern Europe. Ed. T. K. Rabband J. E. Seigel. Princeton, NJ: Princeton UP, 1969. 77-89. Rpt. in The Vision of Politics onthe Eve of the Reformation: More, Machiavelli, and Seyssel. New York: Basic Books; London:Allen Lane, 1973. 107-17. [Hexter treats Utopia as a straight-forward program. SeeFenlon "England and Europe: Utopia and its aftermath," for a corrective to Hexter's rathersimpleminded view of Calvin's Geneva as the embodiment of More's utopian reformprogram.][433] Johnson, R. S. "The Argument for Reform in More's Utopia." Moreana 31/32 (1971): 123-34.[434] Jones, E. "Commoners and Kings: Book One of More's Utopia." Medieval Studies for J. A. W.Bennett: Aetatis Suae LXX. Ed. P. L. Heyworth. Oxford, Clarendon P, 1981. 255-72.[Summ.: P. Boitani, SAC 5 (1983): 168-69. Rev.: G. Marc'hadour, Moreana 78 (1983):31-32.][435] Lehmberg, S. E. "English Humanists, the Reformation, and the Problem of Counsel." ARG52 (1961): 74-91. [More, Elyot and Starkey on the problem of counsel.][436] Levine, J. M. "Method in the History of Ideas: More, Machiavelli and Quentin Skinner."Annals of Scholarship 3:4 (1986): 37-60. [Pp. 52-56, 59-60 is a "response" to Skinner'sdiscussion of More in Vol. 1 of Foundations of Political Thought (1978), and Skinner's"review article" on Utopia in Past and Present (1967) (see Reviews of the Yale Editionof Utopia). Skinner has since reversed some of his earlier positions, see "Sir ThomasMore's Utopia and the Language of Renaissance Humanism" (1987).][437] McCutcheon, E. "War Games in Utopia." See War and Peace in Utopia.[438] McLean, A. "Utopian Communism and the State." Humanism and the Rise of Science inEngland. London: Heinemann, 1972. 56-63. [Follows Hexter.][439] Mason, H. A. "More's Utopia: The Vindication of Christian Humanism." Humanism andPoetry in the Early Tudor Period. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1959. 104-40. [Aprofound and truly seminal meditation on More's Utopia as an expression of the ideals ofChristian Humanism. Criticizes Donner's and Chamber's interpretations.][440] Norbrook, D. "The Utopia and Radical Humanism." Poetry and Politics in the EnglishRenaissance. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1984. 18-31, 288-91. [Reflects influence ofPocock and Q. Skinner.][441] Perlette, J. M. "Of Sites and Parasites: The Centrality of the Marginal Anecdote in Book 1of More's Utopia." ELH 54 (1987): 231-52.Thomas More Bibliography / 316[442] Quattrocki, E. "Injustice, not Councilorship: The Theme of Book One of Utopia." Moreana31/32 (1971): 19-28.[443] Skinner, Q. "Utopia and the Critique of Humanism." The Foundations of Modern PoliticalThought. 2 vols. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1978. I: 255-62.[444] ^ . "Sir Thomas More's Utopia and the Language of Renaissance Humanism." TheLanguages of Political Theory in Early-Modern Europe. Ed. A. Pagden. Cambridge:Cambridge UP, 1987. 123-57. [Summ.: A. J. Geritz, ELR 22 (1992): 123. On otium,negotium, true nobility, and `The Best State of a Commonwealth'. A very tightly arguedpaper; retracts some of his earlier statements in Foundations of Modern Political Thoughtand Past and Present (see Reviews of the Yale Edition of Utopia). See also B.Bradshaw, "More on Utopia.")[445] Starnes, C. The New Republic. See Utopia: More and Plato.See also Utopia: Dialogue, Dialectic and Drama and Utopia: Social and PoliticalPhilosophy.Utopia: Raphael Hythloday[446] Allen, W. S. "Hythloday and the Root of all Evil." Moreana 31/32 (1971): 51-60.[447] Coogan, R. "Nunc vivo of uolo." Moreana 31/32 (1971): 29-45.[448] Gury, J. "Raphael Hythlodee et 'sale." Moreana 41 (1974): 107.[449] Hammond, E. R. "Hythloday's Questions: Clues to his Character? Or Provokers ofThought?" Moreana 70 (1981): 25-27.[450] McCutcheon, E. "Thomas More, Raphael Hythlodaeus, and the Angel Raphael." SEL 9(1965): 21-38.[451] Mortimer, A. "Hythlodaeus and Persona More: The Narrative Voices of Utopia." CahiersElisabethains 28 (1985): 23-35.[452] Opanasets, N. "More Platonism." Review of Politics 51 (1989): 412-34. [Summ.: p.412. OnRaphael Hythloday and Socrates.][453] Rudat, W. E. H. "More's Raphael Hythloday: Missing the Point in Utopia Once More."Moreana 69 (1981): 41-64.[454] Seeber, H. U. "Hythloday as Preacher and a Possible Debt to Macrobius." Moreana 31/32(1971): 71-86.[455] Sylvester, R. S. "`Si Hythlodaeo Credimus': Vision and Revision in Thomas More's Utopia."Soundings 51 (1968): 272-89. Rpt. in Essential Articles. 290-301, 630-31.[456] Weiner, A. D. "Raphael's Eutopia and More's Utopia: Christian Humanism and the Limitsof Reason." HLQ 39 (1975): 1-27.[457] Wooden, W. W. "Satiric Strategy in More's Utopia: The Case of Raphael Hythloday." SeeUtopia: Irony, Paradox, Humour and Satire.Thomas More Bibliography / 317The Conclusion of Utopia[458] Allen, W. S. "The Tone of More's Farewell to Utopia: A Reply to J. H. Hexter." Moreana 51(1976): 108-18.[459] Hexter, J. H. "Intention, Words and Meaning: The Case of More's Utopia." New LiteraryHistory 6 (1976) 529-41.[460] Mezciems, J. "Utopia and 'the Thing which is not': More, Swift, and Others LyingIdealists." See Utopia: More and Swift.[461] White, T. I. "Festivitas, Utilitas, et Opes: The Concluding Irony and Philosophical Purpose ofThomas More's Utopia." Quincentennial Essays. 134-50.3c. Literary StudiesUtopia: Dialogue, Dialectic and Drama[462] Bevington, D. M. "The Dialogue in Utopia: Two Sides of the Question." SP 58 (1961):496-509. Rpt. in More's Utopia And it's Critics. Ed. L. Gallagher. Chicago: Scott, Foresmanand Company, 1964. 160-70. Rpt. as "The Divided Mind." Twentieth Century Interpretationsof Utopia. Ed. W. Nelson. Englewood Cliff, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1968. 76-87. [Summ.: W. 0.Harris, AES 5 (1962): 1744.][463] Brtickmann, P. "In familiari colloquio: An Intervention in Utopia." Familiar Colloquy: EssaysPresented to Arthur Edward Barker. Ed. P. Brtickmann. Ottawa, Ont.: Oberon Press (for Uof Western Ontario), 1978. 9-14.[464] Campbell, W. E. "More's Utopia." See Utopia: Social and Political Philosophy.[465] Crossett, J. "More and Seneca." PQ 40 (1961): 577-80. [Summ.: J. B. Shipley, AES 5(1962): 1366.][466] Grace, D. "Utopia: A Dialectical Interpretation." Miscellanea Moreana. 273-302. [Summ.:Moreana 98/99 (1988): 160, 254-55.][467] Schoeck, R. J. "`A Nursery of Correct and Useful Institutions': On Reading More's Utopia asDialogue." Moreana 22 (1969): 19-32. Rpt. in Essential Articles. 281-89, 627-30.[468] Williamson, G. "Sir Thomas More's View of Drama." MLN 43 (1928): 294-96.See also Literary Studies, Humanism and Theology: Literary Dialogue.Utopia: Rhetoric, Fiction and Poetics[469] Altman, J. B. "Propedeutic for Drama: Questions as Fiction." See Utopia: More,Castiglione and Sidney.[470] Astell, A. W. "Rhetorical Strategy and the Fiction of Audience in More's Utopia."Centennial Review 29 (1985): 302-19. [On the parerga and on More's contemporaryhumanist audience.][471] Davis, W. R. "Thomas More's Utopia as Fiction." Centennial Review 24 (1980): 249-68.[Utopia as a humanist fiction: "a new way, a hypothetical way, of thinking about life."]Thomas More Bibliography / 318[472] Kinney, A. F. "Encomium Sapientiae: Thomas More and Utopia." Humanist Poetics:Thought, Rhetoric, and Fiction in Sixteenth-century England. Amherst, MA: U ofMassachusetts P, 1986. 57-88, 461-68.[473] ^ . Rhetoric and Poetic in Thomas More's Utopia. Malibu: Undena, 1979. [Rev.: E.McCutcheon, Moreana 69 (1981): 111-14.][474]^ . "Rhetoric as Poetic: Humanist Fiction in the Renaissance." ELH 43 (1976): 413-43.[On Erasmus' Praise of Folly, More's Utopia and Gasciogne's The Adventures of MasterF. J.][475] New, P. Fiction and Purpose in Utopia, Rasselas, The Mill on the Floss and Women in Love.London: MacMillan, 1985. 12-82, 308-10.Utopia: Irony, Paradox, Humour and Satire[476] Barnes, W. G. "Irony and the English Apprehension of Renewal." Queens Quarterly 73(1966): 357-76. [On irony in More's Utopia and Sidney's Apology.][477] Fox, A. "Paradox Equivocation: The Self-Subversiveness of Thomas More's Utopia." Politicsand Literature in the Reigns of Henry VII and Henry VIII. Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1989.92-107.[478] Heiserman, A. R. "Satire in the Utopia." PMLA 78 (1963): 163-74.[479] Kennedy, W. J. "The Style of Ironic Discourse: More's Utopia." Rhetorical Norms inRenaissance Literature. New Haven: Yale UP, 1978. 94-104, 211-12.[480] Rudat, W. E. H. "Classical Allusion and Dissociating Irony in More's Utopia." The MutualCommerce: Masters of Classical Allusion in English and American Literature. Heidelberg:Winter, 1985. 49-58.[481] Wooden, W. W. "Anti-Scholastic Satire in Sir Thomas More's Utopia." SCJ 8:Supp. (1977):29-45.[482]^ . "Satiric Strategy in More's Utopia: The Case of Raphael Hythloday." RenaissancePapers. 1977: 1-9.[483] ^. "Sir Thomas More, Satirist: A Study of the Utopia as Literary Satire." Diss.Vanderbilt U, Nashville, Tennessee, 1971. [DAI 32/2 (1971): 938A.][484]^ . "The Wit of Thomas More's Utopia." Studies in the Humanities 7:2 (1979): 43-51.[485] ^ . "Thomas More and Lucian: A Study in Satiric Influence and Technique." SeeUtopia and Lucian.Utopia: Latin Style[486] Fyfe, W. H. "Tacitus's Germania and More's Utopia." See Utopia: Homer, Herodotus,Thucydides and Tacitus.[487] McCutcheon, E. "Denying the Contrary: More's Use of Litotes in the Utopia." Moreana 31/32(1971): 107-21. Rpt. in Essential Articles. 263-74, 623-5. Pp. 116-21 rpt. in Sir ThomasMore: Utopia. Ed. R. M. Adams. New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 1975. 224-30. Rpt. 2ndrev. ed. 1992. 224-29.Thomas More Bibliography / 319[488] ^ . "The Language of Utopian Negation: Book II of More's Utopia." Acta ConventusNeo-Latini Bononiensis. 510-19.[489] Monsuez, R. "Le Latin de Thomas More dans Utopia." Annales publiees par la Faculte deslettres et sciences humaines de Toulouse ns 2/1. Caliban 3 (1966): 35-78. [Rev.: G.Marc'hadour, Moreana 11 (1966): 91-92.][490] Surtz, E. "Aspects of More's Latin Style in Utopia." SRen 14 (1967): 93-109.[491]^ . "Appendix B: Vocabulary and Diction in Utopia." Utopia. Vol. 4 of The Yale Editionof the Complete Works of St. Thomas More. Ed. E. Surtz and J. H. Hexter. New Haven: YaleUP, 1965. 577-82.Utopia: Names in Utopia and the Utopian Language[492] Hermann, L. L'Utopien et le Lanternois. Les pseudonymes et les cryptogrammes francais deThomas More et de Francois Rabelais. Paris: Nizet, 1981. [Rev.: E. McCutcheon, Moreana 73(1982): 41-42; J. Voisine, RLC 57 (1983): 113-14.][493] Picton, J. A. et al. "Sir Thomas More's 'Utopia.'" N&Q 77 (1888): 101-02, 229-31, 371.[Argument about the origins of the name 'Utopia': 'Eutopia' vs. 'Outopia'.][494] Pons, E. "Les langues imaginaires dans le voyage utopique. Un precurseur: Thomas Morus."RLC 10 (1930): 589-607.[495] Romm, J. "More's Strategy of Naming in the Utopia." SCJ 20 (1991): 173-83. [Summ.:p.173.][496] Schoeck, R. J. "Levels of Word-Play and Figurative Signification in More's Utopia." N&Q ns1 (1954): 512-13. [On 'Abraxa' and 'Almost an Island: A Suggested AllegoricalInterpretation.'][497] Simmonds, J. D. "More's Use of Names in Book II of Utopia." Die Neueren Sprachen ns 10(1961): 282-84. [Summ.: AES 5 (1962): 364. Repeats (without knowing the original sourcein the "Second Letter to Giles") the derivations given by More himself of the names inBook II of Utopia.][498] Starnes, C. "Preface." The New Republic: A Commentary on Book I of More's UtopiaShowing Its Relation to Plato's Republic. Waterloo, Ont.: Wilfrid Laurier UP, 1990. vii-xiii.[On the origins of the names syphogrant, tranibor and barzanes.]See also On More's Name, Coat of Arms, etc.Utopia: Utopian Chickens, Gold and Chamber Pots[499] Allen, W. "Some Remarks on Gold." Moreana 18 (1968): 5-6.[500] Billingsley, B. B. "A Mare's Nest: Pliny, Mandeville and Hythloday on the Incubation ofEggs." Moreana 67/68 [Thomas More Gazette 2] (1980): 80.[501] Derrett, J. D. M. "The Utopians' Stoic Chamber-Pots." Moreana 73 (1982): 75-76.[502] Doyle, C. C. "The Utopians' Therapeutic Chamber-Pots." Moreana 73 (1982): 75.[503] ^. "Utopia and the Proper Place of Gold: Classical Sources and RenaissanceAnalogues." Moreana 31/32 (1971): 47-49.Thomas More Bibliography / 320[504] Renkle, M. "Did Utopian Chickens Dance?" Moreana 77 (1983): 35-38.[505] Williams, F. B. "Utopia's Chickens Come Home to Roost." Moreana 69 (1982): 77-78.3d. Geography in UtopiaUtopia: Arcadia, Enclosed Gardens, Cities, and Nature[506] Berger, H., Jr. "The Renaissance Imagination: Second World and Green World." CentennialReview 9 (1965): 36-78. Rpt. in Second World and Green World: Studies in RenaissanceFiction-Making. Intro. J. P. Lynch. Berkeley: U of California P, 1988. 3-40. Pp. 63-74 rpt.as "[Utopia: Game, Chart, or Prayer?]" Sir Thomas More: Utopia. Ed. R. M. Adams. NewYork: W. W. Norton & Co., 1975. 203-12.[507] Boewe, C. "Human Nature in More's Utopia." The Personalist 41 (1960): 303-09. [Summ.: C.Bingham, AES 4 (1961): 2216.][508] D'Amico, J. "The Garden of King Utopus: Leisure in Utopia." Midwest Review [Pittsburg,KS] 26 (1985): 499-509. [On leisure, gardens, games and sports in More's Utopia andElyot's Governor.][509] Gury, J. "The Abolition of the Rural World in Utopia." Moreana 43/44 (1974): 67-69.[510] Levin, H. "[Utopia.]" The Myth of The Golden Age in the Renaissance. London: Faber &Faber, 1969. 89-93.[511] Rebhorn, W. A. "Thomas More's Enclosed Garden: Utopia and Renaissance Humanism."ELR 6 (1976): 140-55.[512] Sylvester, R. S. "Images of the City in Thomas More's Utopia." Les Cites au Temps de laRenaissance. Ed. M. T. Jones-Davies. Centre de Recherches Sur La Renaissance. Universitede Paris-Sorbonne: Institut de Recherches Sur Les Civilisations de l'Occident Moderne.Angers: Moreana, 1977. 191-205.[513] Wooden, W. W. "Utopia and Arcadia: An Approach to More's Utopia." College Literature 6(1979): 30-40.Utopia: Geography and Maps[514] Derrett, J. D. M. "Gemistus Plethon, the Essenes, and More's Utopia." BHR 27 (1965):597-606.[515]^ . "More's Utopia and Indians in Europe." Moreana 5 (1965): 17-18.[516] ^ . "Thomas More and Joseph the Indian." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society April,1962: 18-34.[517] Freeman, J. "More's Place in 'No Place': The Self-Fashioning Transaction in Utopia." SeeMore: Utopia, and Literary Theory.[518] ^ . "A Model Territory: Enclosure in More's Utopia." The Territorial Rights of Nationsand Peoples. Ed. J. R. Jacobson. New York: Edwin Mellen Press, 1989. 241-67.Thomas More Bibliography / 321[519] Goodey, B. R. "Mapping Utopia: A Comment on the Geography of Sir Thomas More." TheGeographical Review 60 (1970): 15-30.[520] Liljegren, S. B. Studies on the Origin and Early Tradition of Utopian Fiction. UppsalaInstitute, Essays and Studies on English Language and Literature 23. Uppsala: A.-B.Lundequistska Bokhandeln; Copenhagen: Ejnar Munksgaard, 1961. [See M. A.Manzalaoui's review article: "Reflexions." On the relationship of More's Utopia to thecontemporary European voyages of discovery.][521] Manzalaoui, M. "More's Reference to the Syrians in Utopia, Book I," N&Q ns 10 (1963):290-92. [Summ.: J. S. Phillipson, AES 6 (1963): 2560.][522]^ . "Reflexions on Professor S. B. Liljegren's Studies on the Origin and Early Tradition ofUtopian Fiction." Moreana 2 (1964): 37-50.[523] Margolin, J.-C. "Sur L'insularite d'Utopia: Entre L'erudition et la reverie." MiscellaneaMoreana. 303-21. [Summ.: Moreana 98/99 (1988): 160, 255.][524] Minattur, J. "More's Utopia and Kerala." Moreana 21 (1969): 39-43.[525] Murphy, C. M. "Ottoman Analogs to Utopia." Moreana 69 (1981): 65-75 + 73 (1982): 79.[526] ^. "The Turkish Threat and Thomas More's Utopia." Acta Conventus Neo-LatiniBononiensis. 158-71.[527] Parks, G. B. "More's Utopia and Geography." JEGP 37 (1938): 224-36.3e. Utopia: Philosophy and ReligionUtopia: Pleasure and Moral Philosophy[528] Jones, J. P. "The Philebus and the Philosophy of Pleasure in Thomas More's Utopia."Moreana 31/32 (1971): 61-69.[529] Kenyon, T. A. "The Problem of Freedom and Moral Behavior in Thomas More's Utopia."JHP 21 (1983): 349-73.[530] Lacombe, M.-M. "La sagesse d'Epicure dans l'Utopie de More." Moreana 31/32 (1971):167-82.[531] Marc'hadour, G. "Utopian Epicureanism." Moreana 11 (1966): 69-71. [G. M. comparesdifferent translations of CW 4, 144/20-21.][532] Moulakis, A. "Pride and the Meaning of Utopia." History of Political Thought 11 (1990):241-56.[533] Surtz, E. "The Defense of Pleasure in More's Utopia." SP 46 (1949): 99-112.[534] White, T. I. "Pride and the Public Good: Thomas More's Use of Plato in Utopia." See Utopiaand Plato.[535] ^ . "The Key to Nowhere: Pride and Utopia." Interpreting Thomas More's Utopia. Ed. J.C. Olin. New York: Fordham UP, 1989. 37-60. [Sum.: C. M. Murphy, SCJ 22 (1991): 883;A. Rabil, Jr., Church History 61 (1992): 406. Essentially a reworking of White's earlierpaper "Pride and the Public Good."]Thomas More Bibliography / 322War and Peace in Utopia[536] Adams, R. P. The Better Part of Valor: More, Erasmus, Colet and Vives on Humanism, War,and Peace, 1496-1535. See General Studies of More's Works.[537] Avineri, S. "War and Slavery in More's Utopia." International Review of Social History 7(1962): 260-90. [On twentieth-century views of Utopian warfare: mainly German andneo-Catholic ("dialogic") interpretations.][538] Belgion, M. "'Disarmament' in the Sixteenth Century." DublinR 194 (1934): 1-15.[539] Caspari, F. "Sir Thomas More and Justum Bellum." Ethics 56 (1945/46): 303-08. [A critiqueof Oncken's views on Utopian warfare. See also S. Avineri's article.][540] Dust, P. "Alberico Gentili's Commentaries on Utopian War." Moreana 37 (1973): 31-40. [Onthe comments on Utopian warfare in the De lure Belli of the Protestant, Italo-Anglo jurist,Alberico Gentili (1552-1608).][541]^. Three Renaissance Pacifists: Essays in the Theories of Erasmus, More and Vives. SeeGeneral Studies of More's Works.[542] McCutcheon, E. "War Games in Utopia." The Portrayal of Life Stages in English Literature,1500-1800: Infancy, Youth, Marriage, Aging, Death, Martyrdom. Essays in Honor of WarrenWooden. Ed. J. Watson, and P. McM. Pittman. Studies in British History 10. Lewiston, NY:The Edwin Mellon P, 1989. 29-56. [On warfare in Europe (Book I), and in the De remilitari section of Book II.]Utopia: Social and Political Philosophy[543] Adams, R. P. "The Philosophic Unity of More's Utopia." SP 38 (1941): 45-65.[544] Allen, J. W. "[A Sad and Witty Book.]" A History of Political Thought in the SixteenthCentury. London: Methuen. 153-56. Rpt. in Sir Thomas More: Utopia. Ed. R. M. Adams.New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 1975. 220-24. Rpt. 2nd rev. ed. 1992. 220-23. [Rev.:Criterion 8 (1928/29): 563-64.][545] Ames, R. Citizen More and his Utopia. Princeton, NJ: Princeton UP, 1949.[546] "A Social Optimist." TLS 27 Jul. 1917: 349-50, 369, 381-82, 393, 405. [Leading article +several letters.][547] Bendemann, 0. Studie zur Staats- and Sozialauffassung des Thomas Morus. Berlin: 1929. [Arebuttal of Oncken's interpretation of Utopia.][548] Campbell, M., "Introduction." The Utopia of Sir Thomas More. Toronto and New York: D.Van Nostrand, 1947. vii-xli. [On the historical background to the Utopia.][549] Campbell, W. E. "More's Utopia." DublinR 185 (1929): 194-216. [A Catholic interpretation:Utopia as dialogue. More's Catholic social philosophy. Utopia as an embodiment of thethree 'evangelical counsels', and as an attempt to regulate the desires for pleasure,property and power. See also "More's Utopia." in Erasmus, Tyndale and More. London:Eyre & Spottiswoode, 1949. 79-96.][550] ^ . More's Utopia and His Social Teaching. London: Eyre & Spottiswoode, 1930. [Rev.: H.S. Bennett, RES 7 (1931): 465-66; P. Janelle, History 17 (1930): 265-66. A Catholicinterpretation.]Thomas More Bibliography / 323[551] Caspari, F. "Sir Thomas More." Humanism and the Social Order in Tudor England. NewYork: Teachers College P, 1954. 90-144.[552] Davis, J. C. "The Re-Emergence of Utopia: Sir Thomas More." Utopia and the Ideal Society:A Study of English Utopian Writing, 1516-1700. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1981. 41-61.[Rev.: C. Hill, London Review of Books 3:13 16 July 1981: 9-10. Reads Utopia as astraight-forward program. Misses all the complex ironies and playfulness of More's goldenlittle book.][553] Delcourt, M. "Le pouvoir du roi dans l'Utopie." Mélanges offerts a M. Abel Lefranc ... par sesRaves et ses amis. Paris: Droz, 1936. 101-12.[554] Duhamel, P. A. "Medievalism of More's Utopia." SP 52 (1955): 99-126. Rpt. in EssentialArticles. 234-50, 616-20.[555] Grace, W. J. "The Conception of Society in More's Utopia." Thought 22 (1947): 283-96.[556] Hamilton, R. "More's Utopia: Its Bearing on Present Conditions." HibbertJ 44 (1945):242-47. [Utopia and modern totalitarianism, and the need for decentralization.][557] Hansot, E. "The Utopia of Thomas More." Perfection and Progress: Two Modes of UtopianThought. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 1974. 59-78. [Utopia as a 'thought experiment.'][558] Kenyon, T. "Thomas More's Conception of the Human Condition." and "The Utopia of MoralConduct." Utopian Communism and Political Thought in Early Modern England. London:Pinter Publishers, 1989. 39-117. [Studies More's and Gerrard Winstanley's (b.1609) viewson communism. Analyses More's views on communism in Utopia in relation to More's`theology' as expressed in his polemical works.][559] Logan, G. M. The Meaning of More's Utopia. Princeton: Princeton UP, 1983. [Rev.: A. J.Geritz, ELR 22 (1992): 123; C. H. Miller, CHR 72 (1986): 87-88; A. L. Prescott, RenQ 37(1984): 444-47; A. Prevost, Moreana 83/84 (1984): 145-50. A well-written but rather onedimensional study of More's indebtedness to the tradition of classical and mediaevalpolitical speculation: De optimu statu reipublicae.][560] . "The Argument of Utopia." Interpreting Thomas More's Utopia. Ed. J. C. Olin. NewYork: Fordham UP, 1989. 7-35. [Summ.: A. J. Geritz, ELR 22 (1992): 123; C. M. Murphy,SCJ 22 (1991): 883; A. Rabil, Jr., Church History 61 (1992): 406. On honestas and utilitas:on the conflict between rhetoric and philosophy in Utopia, Book I, and on Utopia as a 'bestcommonwealth exercise' and on Utopian moral philosophy.][561] . "Introduction." Thomas More: Utopia. Ed. G. M. Logan and R. M. Adams. CambridgeTexts in the History of Political Thought. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1989. xi—xxx.[Summ.: C. M. Murphy, SCJ 22 (1991): 884-85. Incorporates material from "The Argumentof Utopia."][562] Mucchielli, R. "L'Utopie de Thomas Morus." Les Utopies a la Renaissance. Brussels: PressesUniversitaires de Bruxelles, 1963. 99-106. [On Utopia and the Ideal City: the dialectic ofutopia.][563] Nendza, J. "Political Idealism in More's Utopia." Review of Politics 46 (1984): 428-51.[Summ.: p.428. On Utopian manners, education, institutions, crafts, family life, andgovernment. On the defects of Utopia, and on More's intention.]Thomas More Bibliography / 324[564] Oncken, H. "Die Utopie des T. Morus und das Machtproblem in der Staatslehre."Sitzungsberichte der Heidelberger Akademie der Wissenschaften Philosophisch-historischeKlasse 13 (1922). 2 Abhandlung.[565] O'Sullivan, R. "Social Life and Theories of St. Thomas More." See Law and Politics.[566] Parker, T. M. "Sir Thomas More's Utopia." Essays in Modern English Church History inMemory of Norman Sykes. Ed. G. V. Bennett and J. D. Walsh. London: Adam & CharlesBlack, 1966. 1-17. [On reason as the basis of law in Utopia and in More's trial.][567] Ritter, G. Machstaat und Utopie. Munich and Berlin: R. Oldenburg, 1940. Trans. by F. W.Pick as The Corrupting Influence of Power. Hadleigh, Essex: Tower Bridge Publications, 6thed. 1952. Pp. 70-89 of trans. rpt. as "Utopia and Power Politics." Twentieth CenturyInterpretations of Utopia. Ed. W. Nelson. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1968. 40-52.[A disciple of H. Oncken. First written when the Nazis were in power. See also Ritter's1922 German translation of Utopia in Utopia: Other Translations.][568] Sargent, L. T. "More's Utopia: An Interpretation of its Social Theory." History of PoliticalThought 5 (1984): 195-210. [A very poorly written paper. Repeats blindly and uncriticallyGreenblatt's diatribe against More.][569] Stevens, R. G. "The New Republic in More's Utopia." Political Science Quarterly 84 (1969):387-411. ['Church' and 'State', and toleration in Utopia: A modern liberal Americaninterpretation.][570] Suzuki, Y. "The Social Ideas of the Younger More." See Law and Politics.[571] Tsukada, T. "Thomas More as a Political Thinker and Actor for Reform." See Law andPolitics.See also Utopia: General Studies, Utopia: More and Plato, Book I: Europe, the`Dialogue of Counsel,' and Reform, and Law and Politics.Utopia: Religion and Theology[572] Beumer, J. "La.Bt sich die Utopia des Thomas More `Okumenisch' deuten?" Theologie undPhilosophie 41 (1966): 75-83.[573] Gleason, J. B. "Sun Worship in More's Utopia." Le Soleil a la Renaissance: sciences etmythes. Travaux de l'Institut pout l'Etude de la Renaissance et de l'Humanisme 2.Brussels: Presses Universitaires de Bruxelles; Paris: Presses Universitaires de France,1965. 433-45. [Rev.: J. Jacques, Moreana 8 (1965): 83-88. On the sources of sun-worship inthe Church Fathers and the Pseudo-Platonic Epinomis, which was accepted as beingPlatonic by almost all Renaissance writers.][574] Halkin, L. "Mithra dans l'Utopie." Moreana 31/32 (1971): 157-60. [On Mithraism and thesupreme god in Utopia.][575] Marc'hadour, G. "Utopia and Martyrdom." Interpreting Thomas More's Utopia. Ed. J. C. Olin.New York: Fordham UP, 1989. 61-76. [Summ.: C. M. Murphy, SCJ 22 (1991): 884; A.Rabil, Jr., Church History 61 (1992): 406. On the Buthrescae, and the spirituality of work.And on 'witness' and martyrdom among Utopians and Christians.][576] Miles, L. "The Platonic Source of Utopia's 'Minimum Religion.'" See Utopia and Plato.Thomas More Bibliography / 325[577] Surtz, E. The Praise of Wisdom: A Commentary on the Religious and Moral Problems andBackgrounds of St. Thomas More's Utopia. Chicago: Loyola UP, 1957. [Rev.: English Studies41 (1957): 331-33; E. F. Rice, Jr., ARG 57 (1960): 112-13; C. R. Thompson, RenN 12(1959): 203-08.]Utopia: Suicide and Death[578] Belliard, P. "Thomas Moore et l'euthanasie." La Table Ronde 127/28 (Jul./Aug. 1958):113-15. [Summ.: R. D. Jameson, AES 1 (1958): 1378.][579] El-Gabalawy, S. "The Ars Moriendi in More's Utopia." Mosaic 11:4 (1978): 115-26.[580] Graziani, R. "Non-Utopian Euthanasia: An Italian Report, c. 1554." RenQ 22 (1969):329-33. [Summ.: G. Marc'hadour, Moreana 26 (1970): 81.][581] Green, P. D. "Suicide, Martyrdom, and Thomas More." See Dialogue of Comfort.[582] Maxcey, C. E. "Justice and Order: Martin Luther and Thomas More on the Death Penaltyand Retribution." Moreana 79/80 (1983): 17-33. [On the Death-Penalty in Luther'swritings, and in the Utopia and Dialogue of Comfort.][583] Samaan, A. B. "Death and the Death-Penalty in More's Utopia and Some Utopian Novels."Moreana 90 (1986): 5-15.3f. Utopia: Classical and Medieval Sources and AnaloguesUtopia: Athens and Sparta[584] Africa, T. W. "Thomas More and the Spartan Image." Historical Reflections 6 (1979):343-52.[585] Schoeck, R. J. "More, Plutarch, and King Agis: Spartan History and the Meaning ofUtopia." PQ 35 (1956): 366-75. Rpt. in Essential Articles. 275-80, 625-27.Utopia: Aristotle, Augustine, and Cicero[586] Marc'hadour, G. "Thomas More entre Aristote et Platon." Platon et Aristote a laRenaissance: XVIe colloque international de Tours. De Petrarque a Descartes 32. Paris: J.Vrin, 1976. 483-91.[587] McCutcheon, E. "More's Utopia and Cicero's Paradoxa Stoicorum." Moreana 86 (1985): 3-22.[Summ.: A. J. Geritz, ELR 22 (1992): 118.][588] Raitiere, M. N. "More's Utopia and The City of God." SRen 20 (1973): 144-69.[589] Wegemer, G. "Ciceronian Humanism in More's Utopia." Moreana 104 (1990): 5-26. [Summ.:(Eng. & Fr.), pp. 25-26; A. J. Geritz, ELR 22 (1992): 118.][590]^ . "The City of God in Thomas More's Utopia." Renascence 44 (1992): 115-35.[591] White, T. I. "Aristotle and Utopia." RenQ 29 (1976): 635-75.Thomas More Bibliography / 326Utopia: Homer, Herodotus, Thucydides, and Tacitus[592] Baumann, U. "Herodotus, Aulus Gellius and Thomas More's Utopia." Moreana 77 (1983):5-10. [Summ.: A. J. Geritz, ELR 22 (1992): 118.][593] Crossett, J. "More and Herodotus." N&Q ns 7 (1960): 366-67. [Summ.: J. S. Phillipson, AES3 (1960): 2671.][594] Dust, P. "Two Allusions to the Iliad in the Utopia." Moreana 98/99 (1988): 213-14.[595] Fyfe, W. H. "Tacitus's Germania and More's Utopia." Transactions of the Royal Society ofCanada 3rd ser. 30 (1936), sec. 2: 57-59.Utopia and Lucian[596] Branham, R. B. "Utopian Laughter: Lucian and Thomas More." Moreana 86 (1986): 23-43.[Summ.: A. J. Geritz, ELR 22 (1992): 118.][597] Dorsch, T. S. "Sir Thomas More and Lucian: An Interpretation of Utopia." Archiv 203(1967): 345-63. Pp. 349-63 rpt. as "A Detestable State." Twentieth Century Interpretationsof Utopia. Ed. W. Nelson. Englewood Cliff, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1968. 88-99.[598] Wooden, W. W. "Thomas More and Lucian: A Study in Satiric Influence and Technique."University of Mississippi: Studies in English 13 (1972): 44-57.See also Translations of Lucian.Utopia and Plato[599] Baker-Smith, D. "The Escape from the Cave: Thomas More and the Vision of Utopia." DQR15 (1985): 148-61. Rpt. in Between Dream and Nature: Essays on Utopia and Dystopia. Ed.D. Baker-Smith and C. C. Barfoot. Costerus, ns 61. Amsterdam: Rodopi (DQR Studies inLiterature 2), 1987. 5-19. [Summ.: A. J. Geritz, ELR 22 (1992): 118. Rev.: Moreana 94(1987): 74. On Plato, Ficino and Pico as background to Utopia.][600]^ . Thomas More and Plato's Voyage: An Inaugural Lecture given on 1st June 1978 atUniversity College Cardiff Cardiff: University College Cardiff P, 1978. [On RenaissancePlatonism and Neo-Platonism as a background to Utopia: Plato, Valla, Pico, Ficino,Savonarola, and Erasmus' Moria.][601] Barker, E. "[Sir Ernest Barker: Utopia and Plato's Republic.]" The Political Thought of Platoand Aristotle. London: Methuen, 1959. 526-29. Rpt. in Twentieth Century Interpretations ofUtopia. Ed. W. Nelson. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1968. 100-02.[602] Berger, L. "Thomas Morus and Plato: ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Humanismus."Zeitschrift fir die gesarnte Staatswissenschaft 35 (1879): 187-216, 405-83.[603] Corrigan, K. "The Function of the Ideal in Plato's Republic and St. Thomas More's Utopia."Moreana 104 (1990): 27-49. [Summ.: (Eng. & Fr.) ibid., p.49; A. J. Geritz, ELR 22 (1992):117. On Utopia, and Plato's Republic, and Erasmus' Praise of Folly (pp. 39-41).][604] Dougherty, J. "Geometries of Perfection: Atlantis, Utopia and the City of the Sun." SeeUtopia: More, Bacon and Campanella.[605] Falke, R. "Thomas More—Imo, velut Plato." BAGB 4th ser. (1956), no. 2: 89-96.Thomas More Bibliography / 327[606] Gleason, J. B. "Sun Worship in More's Utopia." See Utopia: Religion and Theology.[607] Gordon, W. M. "The Platonic Dramaturgy of Thomas More's Dialogues." See LiteraryStudies, Humanism and Theology: Literary Dialogue.[608] Gueguen, J. A. "Reading More's Utopia as a Criticism of Plato." Quincentennial Essays.43-54. [Summ.: A. J. Geritz, ELR 22 (1992): 117-18.][609] Jones, J. P. "The Philebus and the Philosophy of Pleasure in Thomas More's Utopia." SeeUtopia: Pleasure and Moral Philosophy.[610] Marc'hadour, G. "Thomas More entre Aristote et Platon." See Utopia: Aristotle,Augustine, and Cicero.[611] Miles, L. "The Platonic Source of Utopia's 'Minimum Religion.'" RenN 9 (1956): 83-90.[Plato's Laws and Republic as sources for Utopian religious practises.][612] Neumann, H. "On the Platonism of More's Utopia." Social Research 30 (1966): 495-512.['Character-More' speaks for the author.][613] Opanasets, N. "More Platonism." See Utopia: Raphael Hythloday.[614] Schaeffer, J. D. "Socratic Method in More's Utopia." Moreana 69 (1981): 5-20. [Summ.: A.J. Geritz, ELR 22 (1992): 118.][615] Starnes, C. The New Republic: A Commentary on Book I of More's Utopia Showing ItsRelation to Plato's Republic. Waterloo, Ont.: Wilfrid Laurier UP, 1990.[616] Steintrager, J. "Plato and More's Utopia." Social Research 36 (1969): 357-72. [On Plato'sRepublic and More's Utopia.][617] Stevens, R. G. "On the Practicality of More's Utopia." Social Research 33 (1966): 30-46. [Onproperty in Utopia and on Utopian communism.][618] White, T. I. "Pride and the Public Good: Thomas More's Use of Plato in Utopia." JHP 20(1982): 329-54. [Summ.: A. J. Geritz, ELR 22 (1992): 118. Rev.: D. Bradshaw, Moreana83/84 (1984): 51-53.]See also Utopia: Social and Political Philosophy.3g. Utopia Through the AgesUtopia: More, Bacon and Campanella[619] Adams, R. P. "The Social Responsibilities of Science in Utopia, New Atlantis and After."JHI 10 (1949): 374-98. Rpt. in Renaissance Essays from the Journal of the History of Ideas.Ed. P. 0. Kristeller and P. P. Weiner. New York: Harper & Row, 1968. 137-61.[620] Albanese, D. "The New Atlantis and the Uses of Utopia." ELH 57 (1990): 503-28.[621] Bierman, J. "Science and Society in the New Atlantis and Other Renaissance Utopias."PMLA 78 (1963): 492-500. [On Bacon's New Atlantis, compared with More's Utopia,Campanella's City of the Sun, and Andreae's Christianopolis as background.]Thomas More Bibliography / 328[622] Clarke, I. F. "From Space to Time: The Future is Another Place." Futures 22 (1990):752-60 + 2 plates. [Summ.: p.752. On Bacon, Rabelais, and More as inventors of otherworlds.][623] Doeuff, M. Le. "Utopias: Scholarly." Trans. S. Rotenstreich. Social Research 49 (1982):441-66. [On the importance of schools and education in More's Utopia, Bacon's NewAtlantis and Campanella's City of the Sun.][624] Dougherty, J. "Geometries of Perfection: Atlantis, Utopia and the City of the Sun."Soundings 69 (1986): 310-25. [On Campanella's City of the Sun, Plato's Critias and More'sUtopia.][625] Frietzsche, A. H. "The Impact of Applied Science Upon the Utopian Ideal." Brigham YoungUniversity Studies 3:3/4 (Spr./Summ. 1961): 35-42. [Summ.: W. E. Morris, AES 5 (1962):2527.]Utopia: More, Castiglione and Sidney[626] Altman, J. B. "Propedeutic for Drama: Questions as Fiction." The Tudor Play of Mind:Rhetorical Inquiry and the Development of Elizabethan Drama. Berkeley: U of California P,1978. 64-106. [On Castiglione's Courtier, More's Utopia, and Sidney's Arcadia. Drawsheavily on W. Trimpi's "The Quality of Fiction: Rhetorical Transmission of LiteraryTheory," Traditio 30 (1974): 1-118.][627] Barnes, W. G. "Irony and the English Apprehension of Renewal." See Utopia: Irony,Paradox, Humour and Satire.[628] Lanham, R. A. "More, Castiglione, and the Humanist Choice of Utopias." Acts ofInterpretation: The Text in its Contexts, 700-1600. Essays on Medieval and RenaissanceLiterature in Honor of E. Talbot Donaldson. Ed. M. J. Carruthers and E. D. Kirk. Norman,OK: Pilgrim Books, 1982. 427-43. [Summ.: W. F. Pollard, SAC 6 (1984): 185. Naivelyidentifies More with Hythloday throughout. Contrasted briefly with Castiglione (438-43).]Utopia: More and Erasmus[629] Adams, R. P. "Designs by More and Erasmus for a New Social Order." SP 42 (1945):131-45. [On neo-Stoic elements in Erasmus and in More's Utopia.][630] Berger, H., Jr. "Utopian Folly: Erasmus and More on the Perils of Misanthropy." ELR 12(1982): 271-90. Rpt. in Second World and Green World: Studies in RenaissanceFiction-Making. Intro. J. P. Lynch. Berkeley: U of California P, 1988. 229-48. [Summ.: K.Schoening, Comitatus 20 (1989): 91. Folly and Hythloday as misanthropists.][631] Corrigan, K. "The Function of the Ideal in Plato's Republic and St. Thomas More's Utopia."See Utopia and Plato.[632] Crofts, R. A. "Three Renaissance Expressions of Societal Responsibility: Thomas More,Desiderium [sic] Erasmus, and Thomas Mintzer." SCJ 3:2 (1972): 11-24. [More asconservative, Erasmus as liberal, and Mintzer as radical.][633] Kinney, A. F. "Rhetoric as Poetic: Humanist Fiction in the Renaissance." See Utopia:Rhetoric, Fiction and Poetics.[634] Major, J. R. "The Renaissance Monarchy as Seen by Erasmus, More, Seyssel andMachiavelli." See Utopia: More, Machiavelli and Seyssel.Thomas More Bibliography / 329[635] Olin, J. C. "Erasmus' Adagia and More's Utopia: In Memoriam Margaret Mann Phillips."Miscellanea Moreana. 127-36. [Summ.: Moreana 98/99 (1988): 156, 250.][636] Patrides, C. A. "Erasmus and More: Dialogues with Reality." Kenyon Review ns 8 (1986):34-48. Rpt. Figures in a Renaissance Context. Ed. C. J. Summers and T.-L. Pebworth. AnnArbor, MI: U of Michigan P, 1989. 7-27. [Summ.: A. J. Geritz, ELR 22 (1992): 116. On thePraise of Folly and the Utopia.]Utopia: More, Machiavelli and Seyssel[637] Adams, R. M. "The Prince and the Phalanx." Sir Thomas More: Utopia. Ed. R. M. Adams.New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 1975. 192-203.[638] Di scipio, G. "De re militari in Machiavelli's Prince and More's Utopia." Moreana 77 (1983):11-22.[639] Ellinger, G. "Thomas Morus und Machiavelli." Vierteljahrschrift fur Kultur und Literatur derRenaissance 2 (1887). [Cited in CW 4, 430.][640] Harbison, E. H. "Machiavelli's Prince and More's Utopia." Rice Institute Pamphlets 44:3(1957): 1-46. Rpt. in Facets of the Renaissance. Ed. W. H. Werkmeister. Evanston, NY:Harper and Row, 1963. 41-71.[641] Hexter, J. H. "Claude de Seyssel and Normal Politics in the Age of Machiavelli." Art,Science and History in the Renaissance. Ed. C. S. Singleton. Baltimore, MD: John HopkinsP, 1967. 389-415. Rev. vers. as "The Predatory, the Utopian, and the ConstitutionalVision: Machiavelli, More, and Claude de Seyssel. La Monarchie de France and NormalPolitics on the Eve of the Reformation." The Vision of Politics on the Eve of the Reformation:More, Machiavelli, and Seyssel. New York: Basic Books; London, Allen Lane, 1973. 204-30.[642]^ . "The Loom of Language and the Fabric of Imperatives: The Case of Il Principe andUtopia." AHR 69 (1964): 945-68. Rev. vers. as "The Predatory and the Utopian Vision:Machiavelli and More. The Loom of Language and the Fabric of Imperatives: The Case ofIl Principe and Utopia." The Vision of Politics on the Eve of the Reformation: More,Machiavelli, and Seyssel. New York: Basic Books; London: Allen Lane, 1973. 179-202.[643]^. The Vision of Politics on the Eve of the Reformation: More, Machiavelli, and Seyssel.New York: Basic Books; London: Allen Lane, 1973. [Rev.: See A. L. Rowse. Reprintsvarious articles by Hexter, including his introduction to the Yale Edition of More's Utopia.Some chapters also listed separately.][644] Major, J. R. "The Renaissance Monarchy as Seen by Erasmus, More, Seyssel andMachiavelli." Action and Conviction in Early Modern Europe. Ed. T. K. Rabb and J. E.Seigel. Princeton: Princeton UP, 1969. 17-31.[645] Paul, L. "Machiavelli and More." Moreana 15/16 (1967): 141-44. [Thomas Cromwell asMachiavellian; More ultimately more realistic than Machiavelli.][646] Rowse, A. L. "Utopia versus Realism." Discoveries and Reviews: From Renaissance toRestoration. New York: MacMillan P, 1975. 140-44. [A "review" of Hexter's The Vision ofPolitics.][647] Tinkler, J. F. "Praise and Advice: Rhetorical Approaches in More's Utopia and Machiavelli'sThe Prince." SCJ 19 (1988): 187-207. [Rev.: P. A. Marks, Moreana 98/99 (1988): 95-99.]Thomas More Bibliography / 330Utopia: Elyot, Milton, Shakespeare, and Webster[648] Baker, D. "To Divulgate or Set Forth': Humanism and Heresy in Sir Thomas Elyot's TheBook Named The Governor." SP 90 (1993): 46-57. [On The Book Named the Governor andMore's Utopia.][649] D'Amico, J. "The Garden of King Utopus: Leisure in Utopia." See Utopia: Arcadia,Enclosed Gardens, Cities and Nature.[650] Doyle, C. C. "John Webster's Echoes of More." Moreana 70 (1981): 49-52.[651] El-Gabalawy, S. "Christian Communism in Utopia, King Lear and Comas." UTQ 47 (1978):228-38.[652] Evans, J. X. "Utopia on Prospero's Island." Moreana 69 (1981): 81-83.[653] Hibbard, G. R. "Sequestration 'into Atlantick and Eutopian polities': Milton on More."Ren&Ref ns 4 (1980): 209-25. [Mainly on Shakespeare and More.][654] Merriam, T. "Did Shakespeare Model Camillo in The Winter's Tale on Sir Thomas More?"Moreana 75/76 (1982): 91-101.[655] Pineas, R. "Thomas More's Utopia and the 'Tragedy' of Polonius." Moreana 78 (1983):23-24.See also Thomas More and Drama.Utopia: More and Rabelais[656] Clarke, I. F. "From Space to Time: The Future is Another Place." See Utopia: More,Bacon and Campanella.[657] Helgerson, R. "Inventing Noplace, or the Power of Negative Thinking." The Power of Formsin the English Renaissance. Ed. S. Greenblatt. Norman, OK: Pilgrim Books, 1982. 101-21.Also publ. in Genre 15 (1982): 101-21. [Summ.: A. J. Geritz, ELR 22 (1992): 122. Onnegation in More's Utopia and Rabelais' Gargantua and Pantagruel.][658] Hermann, L. L'Utopien et le Lanternois. See Names in Utopia and the UtopianLanguage.Utopia: More and Swift[659] Donnelly, D. F. "Utopia and Gulliver's Travels: Another Perspective." Moreana 97 (1988):115-24. [Gulliver's Travels as anti-utopian literature.][660] Frietzsche, A. H. "The Impact of Applied Science Upon the Utopian Ideal." See Utopia:More, Bacon and Campanella.[661] Hammond, E. R. "Nature—Reason—Justice in Utopia and Gulliver's Travels." SEL 22(1982): 445-68. [See also the same author's "In Praise of Wisdom and the Will of God:Erasmus' Praise of Folly and Swift's A Tale of a Tub." SP 80 (1983): 253-76.][662] Mezciems, J. "The Unity of Swift's 'Voyage to Laputa': Structure as Meaning in UtopianFiction." MLR 72 (1977): 1-21. [Book III of Gulliver's Travels is seen in the tradition ofUtopian literature deriving from Plato, More and Rabelais. It is also a parody of Bacon'sNew Atlantis.]Thomas More Bibliography / 331[663] ^. "Utopia and 'the Thing which is not': More, Swift, and Others Lying Idealists." UTQ52 (1982): 40-62. [Includes a discussion of the conclusions of Utopia and Gulliver's Travels.][664] Nourse, J. T. "The Rational Realms of More and Swift." A Christian Approach to WesternLiterature. Ed. A. A. Norton and J. T. Nourse. Westminster, MA: Newman P, 1961. 217-37.[On Utopia and Book IV of Gulliver's Travels: discusses uses of satiric techniques in bothworks.][665] Traugott, J. "A Voyage to Nowhere with Thomas More and Jonathan Swift: Utopia and TheVoyage to the Houyhnhnms." Sewanee Review 69 (1961): 534-65. Rpt. in Swift: A Collectionof Critical Essays. Ed. E. Tuveson. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1964. 143-69.Utopia: More and Vives[666] Guy, A. "Vives socialiste et l'Utopie de More." Moreana 31/32 (1971): 263-79.Utopia, Spain, New Spain and America[667] Arciniegas, G. "Utopia: Protest and Illusion." America in Europe: A History of the NewWorld in Reverse. Trans. G. Arciniegas and R. V. Arana. San Diego: Harcourt BruceJovanovich, 1986. 49-71, 269-73. [A rather fanciful and scattered essay on the influence ofVespucci's account on More, and on America as "Utopia."][668] Bataillon, M. "Don Vasco de Quiroga utopien." Moreana 15/16 (1967): 385-94.[669] Beuchot, M. "PromociOn humana y Utopia en Don Vasco de Quiroga." Moreana 105 (1991):43-54. [Summ.: M.-C. Rousseau (E./Fr.), p.54.][670] Casas, Bartolome de las. The Spanish Colonie, or briefe chronicle of the acts and gestes of theSpaniardes in the West Indies. Trans. M. M. S. London: T. Dawson for W. Broome, 1583.Rpt. (The English Experience 859) Amsterdam: Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, 1977. [Rpt. ofSTC 4739.][671] Cave, A. A. "Thomas More and the New World." Albion 23 (1991): 209-29.[672] Estrada, F. L. "Las Utopias en el mundo hispanico." Moreana 105 (1991): 55-60. [Summ.:M.-C. Rousseau (E./Fr.), p.60.][673] ^. "La Primera Version espariola de la Utopia de Moro, por Jer&limo Antonio deMedinilla (COrdoba, 1637)." Collected Studies in Honour of Am6rico Castro's Eightieth Year.Ed. M. P. Hornik. The Richard Kronstein Foundation for the Promotion of Jewish andCognate Studies. Oxford: Lincombe Lodge Research Library, 1965. 291-309. [Rev.: G.Marc'hadour, Moreana 10 (1966): 111-13.][674]^. "Santo Tomas Moro en Espana y en la America hispana." Moreana 5 (1965): 27-40.[Summ.: G. Marc'hadour (Fr.), p.40.][675] ^. "Tomas Moro y El Brocense." Moreana 15/16 (1967): 395-400. [Summ.: G.Marc'hadour (Fr.), p.400. On references to More's Latin epigrams and to the Utopia byFrancisco Sanchez de las Brozas (1523-1601).][676] Jevons, H. S. "Contemporary Models of Sir Thomas More: Utopia and the Socialist IncaEmpire." TLS 2 Nov. 1935: 692. [On parallels between Utopia and Peru.]Thomas More Bibliography / 332[677] Hunt, L. "The First Spanish Translation of Utopia (1637)." Moreana 105 (1991): 21-41.[Summ.: M.-C. Rousseau (E./Fr.), p.39. On the translation by Medinilla of Book II only ofthe Utopia.][678] Jones, R. 0. "Some Notes on More's Utopia in Spain." MLR 45 (1950): 478-82. [On the firstSpanish translation of Utopia in 1637, and on the lack of earlier translations.][679] Lietz, P. S. "More's Utopia in America." Catholic Lawyer 2 (1956): 340-49. [On the influenceof More's Utopia on Vasco de Quiroga.][680] Maravell, J. A. Utopia y reformismo en la Espaia de los Austrias. Madrid: Siglo XXI deEspana Editores, 1982. [Rev.: R. L. Kagan, RenQ 36 (1983): 631-32.][681] Marc'hadour, G. "De Michoacan A Salamanque avec Silvio Zavala." Moreana 69 (1981):118. Rpt. in S. Zavala, Recuerdo de Vasco de Quiroga. Mexico: Editorial Porrda, 2nd ed.1987. 267-69.[682] Mechoulan, H. "Pedro Malferit, un detracteur du Confesionario de Las Casas." Moreana 42(1974): 5-15.[683] Mesnard, P. "Bartolome de Las Casas (1474-1566) A. travers son quatrieme centenaire."Moreana 15/16 (1967): 401-30.[684] Morgan, A. E. "[Is Utopia an Account of the Inca Empire?]" Nowhere Was Somewhere: HowHistory makes Utopias and how Utopias make History. Chapel Hill, NC: U of North CarolinaP, 1946. 34-38. Rpt. in Sir Thomas More: Utopia. Ed. R. M. Adams. New York: W. W.Norton & Co., 1975. 230-33.[685] Strosetzki, C. "L'Utopie de Thomas More: Une reponse au debat sur le Nouveau Monde."Moreana 101/102 (1990): 5-24. [Summ.: (E./Fr.) p.23-24.][686] Warren, F. B. Vasco de Quiroga and his Pueblo-Hospitals of Santa Fe. Washington, DC:Academy of American Franciscan History, 1963. [Rev.: M. A. Manzalaoui, Moreana 3(1964): 83-94.][687] Zavala, S. "Aspects de la litterature utopique en Espagne et en Amerique latine."Miscellanea Moreana. 363-73. [Summ.: G. Marc'hadour, Moreana 98/99 (1988): 161, 256.][688]^. "La Utopia de Tomas Moro en la Nueva Espana." in La Utopia de Tomes Moro en laNueva Esparia y otros estudios. Con una IntroducciOn por G. Estrada. Biblioteca HistoricaMexicana de Obras Ineditas 4. Mexico: Antigua Libreri'a Robredo, de J. Porrda e Hijos,1937. v-ix, 1-29. Rev. vers. rpt. in Memoria de El Colegio Nacional [Mexico] 4:4 (1949):49-78. Rpt. in Recuerdo de Vasco de Quiroga. Mexico: Editorial Porrda, 1965. 9-41 + 3plates, 159-65. Rpt. Mexico: Editorial Porrda, 1987. 9-34, 129-33. [Sum.: G. Marc'hadour,Moreana 10 (1966): 87-88.][689] ^. "L'Utopie realisee: Thomas More au Mexique." Annales, Economies. Soci6tes.Civilisations. 3rd ser. (1948): 1-8. Rpt. in Recuerdo de Vasco de Quiroga. Mexico: EditorialPorrda, 1965. 85-97 + 8 plates, 189-92 + 1 plate. Rpt. Mexico: Editorial Porrda, 1987.71-79, 153-55. [Sum.: G. Marc'hadour, Moreana 10 (1966): 88.][690]^. "Nouvelles etudes sur Vasco de Quiroga." Moreana 15/16 (1967): 380-84.Thomas More Bibliography / 333[691] ^. Recuerdo de Vasco de Quiroga. Mexico: Editorial Porrda, 1965. Rev. ed. rpt. Mexico:Editorial Porrda, 1987. [Rev.: G. Marc'hadour, Moreana 10 (1966): 87-89; C. Lemarie,Moreana 101/102 (1990): 195-96. Reprints several articles on More's influence on Vasco deQuiroga. Some items also listed separately.][692]^ . "SolOrzano Pereira (1648) et l'Utopie de More." Moreana 47/48 (1975): 15-20. Rpt. inRecuerdo de Vasco de Quiroga. Mexico: Editorial Porrda, 2nd ed. 1987. 205-210.[693]^. "The American Utopia of the Sixteenth Century." HLQ 10 (1947): 337-47. Rev. vers.as "Sir Thomas More in New Spain: A Utopian Adventure of the Renaissance." Diamante3. London: The Hispanic & Luso-Brazilian Councils, 1955. Rpt. in Recuerdo de Vasco deQuiroga. Mexico: Editorial Porrda, 1965. 99-116. Rpt. (Sepan Cuantos 546) Mexico:Editorial Porrda, 1987. 81-93. Rpt. as "Sir Thomas More in New Spain." in EssentialArticles. 302-11, 631-32. [Sum.: G. Marc'hadour, Moreana 10 (1966): 88. On Vasco deQuiroga's Pueblo-Hospitals.][694] ^ . "Vasco de Quiroga, traducteur de l'Utopia." Moreana 69 (1981): 115-17. Rpt. inRecuerdo de Vasco de Quiroga. Mexico: Editorial Porrtia, 2nd ed. 1987. 261-65.See also More and SpainUtopia in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries[695] Anderegg, M. A. "Utopia and Early More Biography: Another View." See EarlyBiographers: General Studies.[696] Garavaglia, G.-P. "I Livellatori e l'Utopia." Moreana 31/32 (1971): 191-96. [Summ.: (Fr.)p.196. On the Utopian aims of the English Levellers (1640-1660).][697] Greene, J. J. "Utopia and Early More Biography." See Early Biographers: GeneralStudies.[698] McCutcheon, E. "More's Utopia as Commonplaced in Edward Pudsey's Tooke' (Circa 1600)."Moreana 103 (1990): 33-40. [On the emblematic and the sententious in Utopia ascommonplaced by Edward Pudsey (1573-1613). Pudsey used Ralph Robynson's 2nd editionof 1556 as his source.][699] Pineas, R. "Thomas More's Utopia and Protestant Polemics." See Polemical Works:General Studies.[700] Rude, D. W. "Some Unreported Seventeenth Century References to Sir Thomas More andUtopia." Moreana 101/102 (1990): 150-52. [On seventeenth-century references to Utopiaassociating it "with the world of heroic action and romantic love."]See also Moreana in the Sixteenth, Seventeenth, and Eighteenth Centuries.Utopia in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries[701] Dooley, P. K. "More's Utopia and the New World Utopias: Is the Good Life an Easy Life."Thought 60 (1985): 31-48. See also "Theory in Utopia vs. Practice in Utopias—AnInvitation to Thought." Moreana 87/88 (1988): 57-60. [Comparison of More's Utopia andnineteenth-century American communitarian societies.][702] Hornsby, S. "Utopia and Auburn." Moreana 31/32 (1971): 197-98. [On Utopia and OliverGoldsmith's The Deserted Village.]Thomas More Bibliography / 334[703] . "Lord Curzon on the Utopia: The Background Story of a Literary Find—LordCurzon's Arnold Prize Essay of 1884 on Sir Thomas More." Moreana 31/32 (1971): 221-50.[An excerpt from the 242 page 1884 prize winning Arnold essay of the 25 year old GeorgeNathaniel Curzon, future Viceroy of India in 1895-1905. ][704] Reynolds, E. E. "Three Views of Utopia." Moreana 31/32 (1971): 209-14. [Reynolds examinesthe views of Frederick Seebohm (1833-1912) (The Oxford Reformers), John Richard Green(1837-1883) (A Short History of England), and Sir Sidney Lee (1859-1926) (D.N.B.)]Utopia and Some Modern Utopian Novels[705] Bertagnoni, M. "Ironia e pietas: Alcune coincidenze fra Utopia e I Promessi Sposi."Miscellanea Moreana. 235-43. [Summ.: (It./Fr./E.) trans. M.-P. Bataille, Moreana 98/99(1988): 159, 253-54; C. M. M. and M.-P. B., Miscellanea Moreana. 241, 242-43. On someparallels between More and Manzoni.][706] Desroche, H. "De Thomas More a Etienne Cabet." Moreana 31/32 (1971): 215-220. [OnMore's influence on Cabet's Voyage en Icarie.][707] Samaan, A. B. "Death and the Death-Penalty in More's Utopia and Some Utopian Novels."See Utopia: Suicide and Death.[708] Seeber, H. U. "Thomas Morus' Utopia (1516) und Edward Bellamys Looking Backward(1888): Ein funktionsgeschichtlicher Vergleich." Utopieforschung: Interdisziplintire Studienzur neuzeitlichen Utopie. Ed. W. Voflkamp. 3 vols. Stuttgart: J. B. Metzler, 1982. 3: 357-77.3h. Marxism and Literary TheoryUtopia: Socialist and Marxist Interpretations[709] Dennis, N., and A. H. Halsey. "A Practical Utopia: Thomas More (1478-1535)." EnglishEthical Socialism: Thomas More to R. H. Tawney. Oxford: Clarendon P, 1988. 13-25. [Rev.:R. Rendal, Moreana 103 (1990): 85-86.][710] Jameson, F. "Of Islands and Trenches: Naturalization and the Production of UtopianDiscourse." Diacritics 7:2 (1977): 2-21. [Summ.: A. J. Geritz, ELR 22 (1992): 122. A ratherbanal Marxist analysis based on Marin's Utopiques.][711] Kautsky, K. Thomas Morus und seine Utopia. Stuttgart: J. W. Dietz, 1888. Trans. by H. J.Stenning as Thomas More and His Utopia. London: Black; New York: InternationalLibrary, 1927. Rpt. New York: Russell & Russell, 1959. Rpt. London: Lawrence andWishart, 1979. [Rev.: TLS 9 June, 1927: 411.][712] Kendrick, C. "More's Utopia and Uneven Development." Boundary 2 13 (1985): 233-66.[Summ.: A. J. Geritz, ELR 22 (1992): 122-23. A Marxist analysis—tedious and dreary.][713] Marin, L. Utopiques, Jeux d'espaces. See More: Utopia, and Literary Theory.[714] Schwartz, P. "Imagining Socialism: Karl Kautsky and Thomas More." International Journalof Comparative Sociology 30 (1989): 44-56 [Summ.: p.44. On Kautsky's portrayal of Moreas a forerunner of modern socialism (and Hexter's portrayal of More as a proto-Enlightenment liberal.)]See also More: Utopia, and Literary Theory.Thomas More Bibliography / 335More: Utopia, and Literary Theory[715] Bleich, D. "More's Utopia: Confessional Modes." American Imago 28 (1971): 24-52. [Rev.: G.Marc'hadour, Moreana 42 (1974): 97-98. Crude Freudian debunking—shows no realunderstanding either of Freud or of More.][716] Freeman, J. "More's Place in 'No Place': The Self-Fashioning Transaction in Utopia." TSLL34 (1992): 197-217. [Summ.: Infotrac.][717] ^. "A Model Territory: Enclosure in More's Utopia." See Utopia: Geography andMaps.[718] Greenblatt, S. "More, Role-Playing and Utopia." Yale Review ns 67 (1977/78): 517-36. Rev.vers. rpt. in Renaissance Self-Fashioning: From More to Shakespeare. Chicago: U of ChicagoP, 1980. 11-39. [Summ.: A. J. Geritz, ELR 22 (1992): 122-23.][719] Helgerson, R. "Inventing Noplace, or the Power of Negative Thinking." See Utopia: Moreand Rabelais.[720] Hutchinson, S. "Mapping Utopias. SP 85 (1987): 170-85. [Summ.: A. J. Geritz, ELR 22(1992): 122. On the contrast between imaginary utopias and ideal eutopias.][721] Marin, L. "Toward a Semiotic of Utopia: Political and Fictional Discourse in Thomas More'sUtopia." Structure, Consciousness, and Society. Ed. R. H. Brown, and S. M. Lyman.Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1978. 261-82. [Summ.: R. H. Brown and S. M. Lyman, ibid.,261-62; A. J. Geritz, ELR 22 (1992): 122.][722] ^. Utopiques, Jeux d'espaces. Paris: Editions de minuit, 1973. Trans. R. A. Vollrath.Utopics: Spatial Play. Atlantic Highlands, NJ: Humanities Press; London: MacMillan, 1984.[Summ.: A. J. Geritz, ELR 22 (1992): 122.][723] Murphy, C. M. "Un aspect de 'difference' dans FUtopie de More: gangue' du livre I et`parole' du Livre II." Discours et utopie: strategies, litterature, philosophie, architecture. Ed.M. Remy. Autremont Dire 3/4 (1986-87). Nancy: Presses Universitaires de Nancy, 1987.123-33. [A sensitive deconstructionist reading of Utopia by a reputable 'More scholar.'][724] Prevost, A. "Les structures de l'Utopie de Thomas More, instrument d'analyse duphenomene humain." Discours et utopie: strategies, litterature, philosophie, architecture. Ed.M. Remy. Autremont Dire 3/4 (1986-87). Nancy: Presses Universitaires de Nancy, 1987.135-48. [A structuralist? interpretation by an editor and translator of Utopia. Utopia asan initiatic journey: the inner Utopia and the communal Utopia.][725] Reiss, T. "Utopia and Process: Text and Anti-text." Substance 8 (1974): 101-25.See also Utopia: Socialist and Marxist Interpretations.Utopia: Unpublished Dissertations[726] Meerse, P. G. "The Ideal of Order and the Process of Experience in More's Utopia." Diss. Uof Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 1972. [Directed by A. E. Barker.][727] Nichol, J. "The Idea of the Natural Man in More's Utopia." M.A. Diss. U of Toronto, 1951.[Directed by A. E. Barker.][728] Wegemer, G. B. "The Literary and Philosophic Design of Thomas More's Utopia." Diss. U ofNotre Dame, 1986. [DAI 47/3 (1986) 917A.]Thomas More Bibliography / 336Utopia: Unclassified Articles in German[729] Elias, N. "Thomas Morus' Staatskritik." Utopieforschung: Interdisziplinare Studien zurneuzeitlichen Utopie. Ed. W. VoBkamp. 3 vols. Stuttgart: J. B. Metzler, 1982. 2: 101-50.[730] Hexter, J. H. "Das `dritte Moment' der Utopia and seine Bedeutung." Utopieforschung:Interdisziplintire Studien zur neuzeitlichen Utopie. Ed. W. VoBkamp. 3 vols. Stuttgart: J. B.Metzler, 1982. 2: 151-67.[731] Honke, G. "Die Rezeption der Utopia im frilhen 16. Jahrhundert." Utopieforschung:Interdisziplinare Studien zur neuzeitlichen Utopie. Ed. W. Vollkamp. 3 vols. Stuttgart: J. B.Metzler, 1982. 2: 167-82.[732] Kytzler, B. "Zur neulateinischen Utopie." Utopieforschung: Interdisziplinare Studien zurneuzeitlichen Utopie. Ed. W. VoBkamp. 3 vols. Stuttgart: J. B. Metzler, 1982. 2: 197-209.[733] Miilk, U. "Philologische Bemerkungen Zu Thomas Morus' Utopia." Anglia 82 (1964): 309-20.[734] Sieber, M. "Realitat oder Utopie? Gedanken zur Zielsetzung der Kolonisation." DiscordiaConcors: Festgabe far Edgar Bonjour zu seinem siebzigsten Geburtstag an 21. August 1968.2 vols. Basel and Stuttgart: Helbing & Lichtenhahn, 1968. 1: 107-20. [On the Portugueseand Spanish voyages of discovery and conquest as background to Utopia.][735] VoBkamp, W. "Thomas Morus' Utopia: Zur Konstituierung eines gattungsgeschichtlichenPrototyps." Utopieforschung: Interdisziplinare Studien zur neuzeitlichen Utopie. Ed. W.Voakamp. 3 vols. Stuttgart: J. B. Metzler, 1982. 2: 183-96.[736] Wartburg, W. Von, "Die Utopia des Thomas Morus versuch einer Deutung." DiscordiaConcors: Festgabe fur Edgar Bonjour zu seinem siebzigsten Geburtstag an 21. August 1968.2 vols. Basel and Stuttgart: Helbing & Lichtenhahn, 1968. 1: 63-106.Thomas More Bibliography / 337A.4. POLEMICAL WORKSGeneral Studies[737] Birch, D. Early Reformation English Polemics. Salzburg Studies in English Literature:Elizabethan and Renaissance Studies 92:7. Salzburg: Institut fur Anglistik andAmerikanistik, Universitat Salzburg, 1983.[738] Bradshaw, B. "The Controversial Sir Thomas More." JEH 36 (1985): 535-69. [Rev.: J. P.Marmion, Moreana 90 (1986): 57-59. An extremely astute analysis of the revisionist thesisof Elton, Guy and Fox. Began as a review article.][739] Clebsch, W. A. "More's Latin Libelli," and "Thomas More, Defensor Fidei." England'sEarliest Protestants, 1520-1535. New Haven: Yale UP, 1964. 32-36, 277-304. [Rev.: R. C.Marius, Moreana 6 (1965): 69-76. An extremely partisan and tendentious attack on Moreby an episcopalian church historian. See also M. Vertu, "Le chancelier sur la sellette."][740] Elton, G. R. "The Real Thomas More?" Reformation Principle and Practice: Essays inHonour of Arthur Geoffrey Dickens. Ed. P. N. Brooks. London: Scolar P, 1980. 21-31. Rpt. inPsychological Medicine 10 (1980): 611-17. Rpt. in Tudor and Stuart Studies. 3: 344-55. Rpt.in Utopia: A Revised Translation, Backgrounds, Criticism. Ed. R. M. Adams. New York: W.W. Norton & Co., 2nd rev. ed. 1992. 195-204. [Summ.: A. J. Geritz, ELR 22 (1992):112-13. See B. Bradshaw's "The Controversial Sir Thomas More," for an excellentrefutation of Elton's rather tendentious 'portrait' of More.][741] . "[Thomas More.]" Gestalten der Kirchengeschichte, Reformation I. Ed. M. Greschat.Stuttgart: 1981: 89-103. Rpt. in Tudor and Stuart Studies. 3: 355-72. [In German,elaborates on "The Real Thomas More?"][742] Fox, A. "Thomas More's Controversial Writings and His View of the Renaissance." Parergon11 (1975): 41-48. [On More's sense of history in his controversial works and on hisemphasis, unlike Erasmus, on continuity between the Middle Ages and the Renaissance.][743] . "Thomas More's View of English Historical Experience in the ControversialWritings." Diss. U of Western Ontario, 1974. [Directed by A. E. Barker.][744] Gairdner, J. "Sir Thomas More's Writings." Lollardry and the Reformation in England. 4vols. London: MacMillan, 1908-13. Rpt. (Burt Franklin: Research and Source Work Series84) New York: Burt Franklin, 1974. 1: 505-542.[745] Ganss, H. G. "Sir Thomas More and the Persecution of Heretics: An Historical Inquiry."American Catholic Quarterly Review 25 (1900): 531-48. [Still useful. Refutes the charges ofFroude (and Foxe) against More. Details sixteenth-century Catholic and Protestantattitudes towards the punishment of heretics as background.][746] Gogan, B. G. The Common Corps of Christendom: Ecclesiological Themes in the Writings ofSir Thomas More. See Eclesiology: More and the Church.[747] Gregory, T. S. "The Controversies of St. Thomas More." Under God and The Law: PapersRead to The Thomas More Society of London. Ed. R. O'Sullivan. Oxford: Basil Blackwell,1949. 40-58.[748] Hutton, W. H. "The Religious Writings of Sir Thomas More." EHR 4 (1889): 667-83. [Abalanced and fair-minded analysis of More's 'polemical works' by a non-Catholic. Stillworth reading.]Thomas More Bibliography / 338[749] Keen, R. "Thomas More and Geometry." See Iconography, Music, Painting andMathematics.[750] Knox, R. "The Charge of Intolerance." The Fame of Blessed Thomas More, Being AddressesDelivered in his Honour in Chelsea, July 1929. London: Sheed & Ward, 1929. 33-50. [OnMore's attitude to the burning of heretics, and on the conclusion to the DialogueConcerning Heresies.][751] Krapp, G. P. The Rise of English Literary Prose. New York: Oxford UP, 1915. Rpt. NewYork: Frederick Ungar Publishing Co., 1963. 81-102. [Deals mainly with the DialogueConcerning Heresies (83-90), Confutation (91-93), and Apology (94-96).][752] Kronenberg, M. E. "A Printed Letter of the London Hanse Merchants (3 March 1526)."Publications of the Oxford Bibliographical Society ns 1 (1947): 25-32. [On a raid led by SirThomas More on the Hanse Steelyard in London, in search of Lutheran books.][753] McLean, A. M. "`Detestynge Thabomynacyon': William Barlow, Thomas More and theAnglican Episcopacy." Moreana 49 (1976): 67-77.[754] Marius, R. "Henry VIII, Thomas More, and the Bishop of Rome." See Ecclesiology: Moreand the Church.[755] ^. "Thomas More's View of the Church." See Ecclesiology: More and the Church.[756] Pineas, R. "Erasmus and More: Some Contrasting Theological Opinions." RenN 13 (1960):298-300. [Summ.: A. L. Soens, AES 4 (1961): 1683. Contrasts some of More's views onrelics, celibacy, biblical translation, stated in his polemical works, with Erasmus' views.][757] ^. "Thomas More as an Anti-Catholic Weapon in Protestant Polemics." Moreana 70(1980): 45-48. [On the polemical use of More's death by George Joye, John Foxe, John Baleand others.][758]^. "A Response to Alistair Fox's Treatment of Thomas More as a Religious Polemicist."Moreana 82 (1984): 119-25. [A very cogent rebuttal of Fox's crudely psychohistoricalaccount of More's intellectual development.][759]^. Thomas More and Tudor Polemics. Bloomington: Indiana UP, 1968. [Rev.: F. Caspari,RenQ 25 (1972): 350-52; D. P. Harding, Moreana 25 (1970): 53-54; N. H. Sonne, AN&Q 6(1968): 156-57.][760]^ . "Thomas More's Use of Humor as a Weapon of Religious Controversy." See Humourand Wit.[761] Pineas, R. "Thomas More's Use of the Dialogue Form as a Weapon of ReligiousControversy." See Literary Studies, Humanism and Theology: Literary Dialogue.[762] ^. "Thomas More's Utopia and Protestant Polemics." RenN 17 (1964): 197-201.[763] Pollen, J. H. "Johannes Cochlaus an KOnig Heinrich VIII von England and Thomas More."ROmische Quartalschrift 13 (1889): 43-49.[764] Schuster, L. A. "Reformation Polemic and Renaissance Values." Moreana 43/44 (1974):47-54.[765] ^ . "Thomas More's Polemical Career, 1523-33." in CW 8/3, 1135-268.Thomas More Bibliography / 339[766] Seebohm, F. "Sir Thomas More and the Reformation." North British Review 30 (1859)(American Edition [New York: Leonard, Scott and Co., 1859] 25): 54-73. [W. H. Hutten("The Religious Writings of Sir Thomas More") identifies Seebohm as the author. BothHutton and Frank Sullivan Moreana, 1478-1945 give different page numbers. Uses More'scorrespondence and Stapleton and Roper's Lives to trace the development of More'sattitude towards the Reformation: More was a reformer of the "Savonarola type", asopposed to Luther who was a revolutionary.][767] Smelser, M. "The Political Philosophy of Sir Thomas More As Expressed in His TheologicalControversies." St. Louis University Studies in Honor of St. Thomas Aquinas 1 (1943):12-32. [An important summary of More's views on toleration, church-state relations, royalauthority, international relations and the law as expressed in his polemical works.][768] Sylvester, R. S. "Thomas More and 'The Further I Go, The More Behind.'" N&Q ns 9(1962): 370-71. [Summ.: J. S. Phillipson, AES 6 (1963): 139. An English song quoted byMore in the Dialogue Concerning Heresies and the Confutation.][769] Trapp, J. B. London Review of Books 5:21 17 Nov. 1983: 15-17. [A "Review Article" inwhich Trapp sides with Fox and Elton on More as a "hunter of heretics."][770] Tunstall, Cuthbert. "Licence for Sir Thomas More to keep and read heretical books, 7March 1528." English Historical Documents, Vol. V. 1485-1558. Ed. C. H. Williams. London:Eyre & Spottiswoode, 1967. 828-29. [Rogers #160.][771] Vertu, M. "Le chancelier sur la sellette: More accuse par William A. Clebsch." Moreana 5(1965): 107-14. [Trenchant criticism of Clebsch's treatment of More in England's EarliestProtestants.][772] Wooden, W. W. "Thomas More in Hostile Hands: The English Image of More in ProtestantLiterature of the Renaissance." Moreana 75/76 (1982): 77-87.Responsio ad LutherumEditions and Translations[773] Donnelly, G. J., ed. A Translation of St. Thomas More's Responsio ad Lutherum with anIntroduction and Notes. A Dissertation. Washington, DC: Catholic U of America P, 1962.[Rev.: H. H. Herbrtiggen, RenN 18 (1965): 137-39; E. F. Rice, Jr., ARG 55 (1964): 274-75.A translation of Book I only.][774] Headley, J. M., ed. Responsio ad Lutherum. Vol. 5 of The Yale Edition of the Complete Worksof St. Thomas More. Trans. S. Scholastica. 2 vols. New Haven: Yale UP, 1969. [Rev.: G. R.Elton, EHR 87 (1972): 182-83; D. Fenlon, JTS 24 (1973): 610-12; C. Garside, Jr., Moreana33 (1972): 71-75; R. Pineas, RenQ 24 (1971): 85-77; H. C. Porter, N&Q ns 20 (1973):395-76.]Selections[775] Greene, J. J., and J. P. Dolan, eds. "An Answer to Martin Luther." The Essential ThomasMore. New York: Mentor, 1967. 109-19. [An excerpt from Book I, Chapter 8 of theResponsio.]Thomas More Bibliography / 340Studies[776] Baumann, U. "Logische Exempla and ihre Funktion in der Responsio ad Lutherum desThomas Morus." Acta Conventus Neo-Latini Guelpherbytani. 563-72.[777] Headley, J. M. "More Against Luther on Law and the Magistrate." Moreana 15/16 (1967):211-23. Rev. vers. rpt. in Responsio ad Lutherum. Vol. 5 of The Yale Edition of the CompleteWorks of St. Thomas More. Trans. S. Scholastica. 2 vols. New Haven: Yale UP, 1969.748-60. [Includes discussion of Luther's and More's views on equity.][778]^. "Thomas More and Luther's Revolt." ARG 60 (1969): 145-60. [Summ.: (Ger.), p.160.][779]^. "Thomas Murner, Thomas More, and the First Expression of More's Ecclesiology."SRen 14 (1967): 73-92. [On the 'H' gathering in the revised edition of the Responsio adLutherum. Also deals with Rogers #115 and #199.][780] Marc'hadour, G. Rev. of Confrontation at Worms. by De L. Jensen. Moreana 46 (1975):79-84. [Describes the use that More makes of a Lutheran report of the Diet of Worms inthe Responsio and the Dialogue Concerning Heresies.][781] McCutcheon, R. R. "The Responsio ad Lutherum: Thomas More's Inchoate Dialogue withHeresy." SCJ 22 (1991): 77-90. [Summ.: p.77.]Letter to BugenhagenEditions[782] Manley, F., G. Marc'hadour, R. C. Marius, and C. H. Miller, eds. Letter to Bugenhagen,Supplication of Souls, Letter Against Frith. Vol. 7 of The Yale Edition of the Complete Worksof St. Thomas More. New Haven: Yale UP, 1990. xvii-lxiv, clx-clxi, 1-105. [Rev.: A. Rabil,Jr., Church History 61 (1992): 407-08; A. M. Young, SCJ 23 (1992): 630-32. Text andtranslation.][783] Rogers, E. F., ed. The Correspondence of Sir Thomas More. Princeton: Princeton UP, 1947.323-65. [Latin text: Rogers 143.]Studies[784] Bugenhagen, John. "Appendix A, John Bugenhagen's Epistola ad Anglos." Letter toBugenhagen, Supplication of Souls, Letter Against Frith. Vol. 7 of The Yale Edition of theComplete Works of St. Thomas More. Ed. F. Manley et al. New Haven: Yale UP, 1990.393-405. [Text and translation.][785] Crawford, C. W. "Thomas Stapleton and More's Letter to Bugenhagen." Moreana 19/20(1968): 101-07 + 26 (1970): 5-16.[786] Rogers, E. F. "Sir Thomas More's Letter to Bugenhagen." The Modern Churchman 35(1946): 350-60. Rpt. in Essential Articles. 447-54, 663-64.More vs. Tyndale (1528-1533)[787] Chuilleanain, E. A. "The Debate Between Thomas More and William Tyndale, 1528-33:Ideas on Literature and Religion." JEH 39 (1988): 382-411.[788] Clark, J. A. "More and Tyndale as Prose Stylists: Finding Directions in A Dialogue ofComfort." See Dialogue of Comfort.Thomas More Bibliography / 341[789] Egan, W. J. The Rule of Faith in St. Thomas More's Controversy with William Tyndale,1528-1533. Los Angeles: Kellaway-Ide, 1960.[790] Fines, J. "An Unnoticed Tract of the Tyndale-More Dispute?" BIHR 42 (1969): 220-30.[791] Flesseman-van Leer, E. "The Controversy about Scripture and Tradition between ThomasMore and William Tyndale." NAK ns 43 (1959): 143-64. [On the relationship betweenscripture and tradition in More's Dialogue Concerning Heresies and Confutation. and inTyndale's Answer.][792] . "The Controversy about Ecclesiology between Thomas More and William Tyndale."NAK ns 44 (1960): 65-86.[793] Ginsberg, D. "Ploughboys versus Prelates: Tyndale and More and the Politics of BiblicalTranslation." SCJ 19 (1988): 45-61. [A poorly written, vaguely "New Historicist", article.Quotes from More and Tyndale mostly taken from secondary sources. Some citations fromMore are given incorrectly.][794] Hitchcock, J. "More and Tyndale's Controversy Over Revelation: A Test of the McLuhanHypothesis." Journal of the American Academy of Religion 39 (1971): 448-66. [More'semphasis on consensus and oral tradition vs Tyndale's emphasis on the written word ofthe Bible.][795] Holeczek, H. Humanistische Bibelphilologie als Reformproblem bei Erasmus von Rotterdam,Thomas More and William Tyndale. Studies in the History of Christian Thought 9. Leiden:E. J. Brill, 1975. [Rev.: F. L. Borchardt, RenQ 29 (1976): 406-07; G. Marc'hadour, Moreana57 (1978): 47-52.][796] Horacek, B. J. "Thomas More's Concept of the Church in the Debate with WilliamTyndale." Diss. U. of Iowa, 1978. [Rev.: G. Marc'hadour, Moreana 106/107 (1991): 185-88.Supervised by J. C. Spaldin.][797] Marsh, T. N. "Humor and Invective in Early Tudor Polemic Prose." See Humour and Wit.[798] Milward, P. "A Judgement Judged—C. S. Lewis on the More-Tyndale Controversy." Moreana64 (1980): 28-36.[799] Pineas, R. "Tyndale's Accusation of Forgery Against More." AN&Q 3 (1965): 68-69.[Barlow's Dialogue attributed to More by Tyndale.][800]^. "William Tyndale and More's 1529 Dialogue." Moreana 75/76 (1982): 57-58. [Somebrief notes to the Dialogue of Heresies.]Dialogue Concerning HeresiesEditions[801] Campbell, W. E., and A. W. Reed, eds. A Dialogue concerning Heresies and Matters ofReligion made in 1528 by Sir Thomas More. London: Eyre and Spottiswoode, 1927. Rpt. inEW 1931. Volume 2: The Dialogue Concerning Tyndale. [Rev.: R. W. Chambers, MLR 26(1931): 464-66; R. B. McKerrow, RES 4 (1928): 352-54; A. F. Pollard, History 14 (1929):72-74; TLS 1 Mar. 1928: 144. Includes a reproduction of the black letter text of the 1557Folio, plus a modernized spelling version of the text, together with a substantialintroductory essay and notes. Cited as "EW 1931, 2."]Thomas More Bibliography / 342[802] Lawler, T. M. C., G. Marc'hadour, and R. C. Marius, eds. A Dialogue Concerning Heresies.Vol. 6 of The Yale Edition of the Complete Works of St. Thomas More. Part 1: The Text, Part2: Introduction, Commentary, Appendices, Glossary, Index. 2 vols. New Haven: Yale UP,1981. [Rev.: N. Barker, TLS 25 Feb. 1983: 199; G. R. Elton, EHR 98 (1983): 152-55; W. M.Gordon, Moreana 75/76 (1982): 51-55; R. Pineas, RenQ 35 (1982): 617-18; J. B. Trapp,London Review of Books 5:21 17 Nov. 1983: 15-16.][803] More, Sir Thomas. A dyaloge of syr T. More ... wherin be treatyd dyuers maters, as of theveneration & worshyp of ymagys.... London: W. Rastell, 1529. Rpt. (The English Experience752) Amsterdam: Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, 1975. [Reprint of STC 18084.]Selections[804] Allen, P. S., and H. M. Allen, eds. "A Dialogue." Sir Thomas More: Selections from HisEnglish Works and from the Lives by Erasmus and Roper. Oxford: Clarendon P, 1924.90-100. [An excerpt. Also contains short selections from the other English 'PolemicalWorks' (101-13).][805] Greene, J. J., and J. P. Dolan, eds. "The Dialogue Concerning Heresies." The EssentialThomas More. New York: Mentor, 1967. 196-216. [An excerpt.][806] Nugent, E. M., ed. "Dialogue against Luther and Tyndale." in The Thought and Culture ofthe English Renaissance: An Anthology of Tudor Prose, 1481-1555. Cambridge: CambridgeUP, 1956. 433-45.Studies[807] Anderegg, M. A. "Nicholas Harpsfield, Thomas More, and William Roper's Lapse intoHeresy." See Early Biographers: Nicholas Harpsfield.[808] Billingsley, D. B. "The Messenger and the Reader in Thomas More's Dialogue ConcerningHeresies." SEL 24 (1984): 5-22.[809] Campbell, W. E. "More's Dialogue Concerning Tyndale." Erasmus, Tyndale and More.London: Eyre & Spottiswoode, 1949. 124-54. [On the relationship between church andscripture in the Dialogue Concerning Heresies, and on More's attitudes towardsProtestantism.][810]^ . "The Dialogue of Blessed Thomas More." DublinR 179 (1926): 216-35. [Deals mainlywith More's criticisms of Tyndale's translation of the New Testament.][811]^ . "The Spirit and Doctrine of the Dialogue." in EW 1931. 2: [63]-[108].[812] Devereux, E. J. "Thomas More's Textual Changes in the Dialogue Concerning Heresies." TheLibrary 5th ser. 27 (1972): 233-35.[813] Dodds, M. H. "The Book of Proverbs in Literature." N&Q 179 (1940): 34. [Parallels in More,Henryson and Chaucer.][814] Doyle, C. C. "Looking Behind Two Proverbs of More." Moreana 91/92 (1986): 33-35.[815] Fox, A. "Thomas More's Dialogue and the Book of the Tales of Caunterbury: 'Good MotherWit' and Creative Imitation." Familiar Colloquy: Essays Presented to Arthur EdwardBarker. Ed. P. Bruckmann. Ottawa, Ont.: Oberon Press (for U of Western Ontario), 1978.15-24. [Echoes of Chaucer in the Dialogue Concerning Heresies, and the Confutation.]Thomas More Bibliography / 343[816] Gairdner, J. "Appendix: Abstract of More's Dialogue." Lollardry and the Reformation inEngland. 4 vols. London: MacMillan, 1908-13. Rpt. (Burt Franklin: Research and SourceWork Series 84) New York: Burt Franklin, 1974. 1: 543-78.[817] Gordon, W. M. "In Defense of More's Merry Tales." Moreana 38 (1973): 5-12.[818] ^ . "The Argument of Comedy in Thomas More's Dialogue Concerning Heresies."Ren&Ref ns 4 (1980): 13-32.[819] Gow, E. "Thomas Bilney and His Relations with Sir Thomas More." Norfolk Archaeology 32(1958-61): 292-310. [Gow draws on Foxe, Latimer and More's Dialogue ConcerningHeresies for her account of Bilney.][820] Johnson, I. "St. Thomas More and His Scots Friar." Innes Review 5 (1954): 78. [See also M.Sinclair, "Saint Thomas More's 'Good Scottish Frere.'"][821] Kernan, G. "Saint Thomas More Theologian." Thought 17 (1942): 281-302. [On Justificationand Predestination in the Dialogue Concerning Heresies, and on More's Patristic andScholastic sources.][822] Marc'hadour, G. "Fathers and Doctors of the Church." in CW 6/2, 526-535. [Summ.: A. J.Geritz, ELR 22 (1992): 118.][823]^ . "In hac lacrimarum valle: In This Valley of Tears." Moreana 78 (1983): 83-84.[824] ^. "Le miracle de la vie." Moreana 75/76 (1982): 125-32. [Rpts. CW 6, 78ff, with aFrench translation.][825]^. "Le miracle de Saint-Albans selon Thomas More et selon Shakespeare." L'Europe dela Renaissance: Cultures et Civilisations. Mélanges offerts a Marie-Therese Jones-Davies.Paris: Jean Touzot, 1988. 493-509. [On CW 6, 86-87, and 2 Hen VI II. i. 60-129. See alsothe same author's "Une dette de Shakespeare envers le Ore de Thomas More."][826] ^ . "The Devil and the Lombards: Two Merry Tales by Thomas More." Cithara 19:2(1980): 5-19.[827] ^. "Une dette de Shakespeare envers le pere de Thomas More." Moreana 4 (1964):76-87. [On the account of Duke Humphrey and the beggar of Saint Albans (CW 6, 86-87)quoted by Grafton and John Foxe and used by Shakespeare in 2 Hen VI II. i. 60-129. Seealso the same author's "Le miracle de Saint-Albans selon Thomas More et selonShakespeare."][828] Marc'hadour, G., and T. M. C. Lawler. "Scripture in the Dialogue." in CW 6/2, 494-526.[Summ.: A. J. Geritz, ELR 22 (1992): 118.][829] Marius, R. C. "Appendix C: The Sack of Rome." A Dialogue Concerning Heresies. Vol. 6 ofThe Yale Edition of the Complete Works of St. Thomas More. Ed. T. M. C. Lawler, G.Marc'hadour and R. C. Marius. 2 vols. New Haven: Yale UP, 1981. 771-77.[830] Mason, D. E., and R. J. Schoeck, "On More's Dialogue Concerning Heresies (1529)." Moreana27/28 (1970): 129-31.[831] Miles, L. "Protestant Colet and Catholic More: A Study of Contrasts in the Use ofPlatonism." ATR 33 (1951): 30-42. [On Colet's Exposition of Romans and on More'streatment of The Image of Love in the Dialogue Concerning Tyndale.]Thomas More Bibliography / 344[832] Minns, D. P. "Thomas More's Use of Scripture in The Dialogue Concerning Heresies."Thomas More: Essays on the Icon. Ed. D. Grace and B. Byron. Melbourne: DovePublications, 1980. 71-88. [Summ.: A. J. Geritz, ELR 22 (1992): 118-19.][833] Pope, H. "More v. Tyndale." DublinR 182 (1928): 13-31. [Review article of 1927 (rpt. in EW1931, 2) edition of the Dialogue Concerning Heresies edited by Reed and Campbell.Emphasises its apologetic value.][834] Reed, A. W. "Introduction," and "Punctuation, Spellings and Language." in EW 1931. 2:[1]-[10], [44]-[59].[835] Scattergood, J. "Skelton and Heresy." Early Tudor England: Proceedings of the 1987Harlaxton Symposium. Ed. D. Williams. Woodbridge, Suffolk: The Boydell Press, 1989.157-70. [Summ.: B. Lowe, SCJ 23 (1992): 844. On Skelton's last poem A ReplycacionAgaynst Certayne Yong Scolers Abjured of Late and More's Dialogue Concerning Heresies.][836] Reynolds, E. E. "Goodwin Sands: A Footnote to More." Moreana 30 (1971): 33.[837] Sinclair, M. "Saint Thomas More's 'Good Scottish Frere.'" Moreana 55/56 (1977): 53-54.[838] White, B. "The Three Editions of the Dialogue. A Collation." in EW 1931. 2: [11]-[43].See also More vs. Tyndale (1528-1533), and Literary Studies, Humanism andTheology: Literary Dialogue.The Supplication of SoulsEditions and Translations[839] Manley, F., G. Marc'hadour, R. C. Marius, and C. H. Miller, eds. Letter to Bugenhagen,Supplication of Souls, Letter Against Frith. Vol. 7 of The Yale Edition of the Complete Worksof St. Thomas More. New Haven: Yale UP, 1990. lxv-cxvii, clxi-clxviii, 107-228. [Rev.: SeeLetter to Bugenhagen for reviews.][840] Marc'hadour, G., trans. "La Supplication des Ames." Saint Thomas More: Lettre a Dorp—LaSupplication des Ames. Namur: Le Soleil Levant, 1962. 131-274. [Rev.: P. Mesnard,Moreana 1 (1963): 30-39. French translation.][841] More, Sir Thomas. The supplycacyon of soulys, agaynst the supplycacion of beggars. London:W. Rastell, 1529. Rpt. (The English Experience 353) Amsterdam: Theatrum OrbisTerrarum, 1971. [Reprint of STC 18092.][842] Morris, E., ed. The Supplication of Souls by Thomas More. His Reply to the Supplication ofBeggars by Simon Fish. A Transcription from Black Letter. London: Primary Publications,1970. [Rev.: G. Marc'hadour, Moreana 26 (1970): 69-72. An unreliable transcription.][843] Thecla [Smith], Sr. M., ed. Thomas More: The Supplication of Souls. Westminster, MD:Newman P, 1950.Selections[844] Greene, J. J., and J. P. Dolan, eds. "The Supplication of Souls." The Essential Thomas More.New York: Mentor, 1967. 216-20. [An excerpt.]Thomas More Bibliography / 345[845] Nugent, E. M., ed. "The Supplication of Souls." in The Thought and Culture of the EnglishRenaissance: An Anthology of Tudor Prose, 1481-1555. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1956.225-34.Studies[846] Campbell, W. E. "More's Supplication of Souls." DublinR 216 (1945): 1-8. Rev. vers. in "TheSupplication of Souls." Erasmus. Tyndale and More. London: Eyre & Spottiswoode, 1949.155-74. [A good summary.][847] Fleissner, R. F. "Hamlet and The Supplication of Souls Reconvened." N&Q ns 32 (1985):120-21.[848] Gabrieli, V. "Hamlet and The Supplication of Souls." N&Q ns 26 (1979): 120-21.[849] Haas, S. W. "Simon Fish, William Tyndale, and Sir Thomas More's 'Lutheran Conspiracy.'"JEH 23 (1972): 125-36. [Deals with Simon Fish's A Supplication for the Beggars andMore's The Supplication of Souls.][850] Keen, R. "Appendix E: The Printer's Copy for the Supplication of Souls in the 1557 EnglishWorks." Letter to Bugenhagen, Supplication of Souls, Letter Against Frith. Vol. 7 of The YaleEdition of the Complete Works of St. Thomas More. Ed. F. Manley et al. New Haven: YaleUP, 1990. 455-81.[851] Pineas, R. "Thomas More's Controversy with Simon Fish." SEL 7 (1967): 15-28. [On Fish'sSupplication for the Beggars, More's Supplication of Souls and the Richard Hunne Case.]Confutation of Tyndale's AnswerEditions[852] Schuster, L. A., R. C. Marius, J. P. Lusardi, and R. J. Schoeck, eds. The Confutation ofTyndale's Answer. Vol. 8 of The Yale Edition of the Complete Works of St. Thomas More. 3vols. New Haven: Yale UP, 1973. [Rev.: H. W. Donner, Moreana 39 (1973): 51-56; G. R.Elton, EHR 89 (1974): 382-87 (Rpt. in Tudor and Stuart Studies. 3: 444-50); G.Marc'hadour, Studia Neophilologica 47 (1975): 157-68.]Studies[853] Campbell, W. E. "More's Supposed Cruelty to Heretics and His Confutation." Erasmus,Tyndale and More. London: Eyre & Spottiswoode, 1949. 208-26. [Consists mainly ofextracts from the Confutation, plus a brief note on the Apology.][854] . "Sir Thomas More's Longest Book." DublinR 223 (1949): 119-26.[855] Doyle, C. C. "Lenten Fare and the Language of Falsehood: Pig and Pike, Fish and Fowl."Quincentennial Essays. 27-34. [Analysis of More's use of some merry tales in theConfutation.][856] Greene, J. J., and J. P. Dolan, eds. "The Confutation of Tyndale's Answer." The EssentialThomas More. New York: Mentor, 1967. 220-23. [An excerpt.][857] Hardin, R. F. "Caricature in More's Confutation." Moreana 93 (1987): 41-52. [SebastianBrant, Cranach and Thomas Murner as sources or analogues for More's use of caricaturein the Confutation.]Thomas More Bibliography / 346[858] Marius, R. C. "Thomas More and the Early Church Fathers." Traditio 24 (1968): 379-407.Rpt. in Essential Articles. 402-20, 651-58. [On More's use of Patristic sources in theConfutation.][859] ^. "The Pseudonymous Patristic Text in Thomas More's Confutation." Moreana 15/16(1967): 253-66. [On More's use of the Pseudo-Cyprian Sermo de ablutione, thePseudo-Augustine De vera et falsa poenitentia, the Pseudo-Dionysus, the Pseudo-ChrysostomOpus imperfectum and on Origen.][860] Martz, L. L. "More as Author: The Virtues of Digression." Moreana 62 (1979): 105-19. Rev.vers. as "The Order of the Heart." Thomas More: The Search for the Inner Man. NewHaven: Yale UP, 1990. 29-51, 106-07. [On repetition and digression in the Confutation, theTreatise on the Passion, and the De tristitia. Martz sees More's use of indirection andexploratory digressions as very Augustinian.][861] Murray, F. "The Holy Spirit in St. Thomas More's Confutation of Tyndale's Answer."ClergyR 62 (1977): 388-92.See also More vs. Tyndale (1528-1533).Letter to FrithEditions[862] Manley, F., G. Marc'hadour, R. C. Marius, and C. H. Miller, eds. Letter to Bugenhagen,Supplication of Souls, Letter Against Frith. Vol. 7 of The Yale Edition of the Complete Worksof St. Thomas More. New Haven: Yale UP, 1990. cxviii-clix, clxviii-clxx, 229-58. [Rev.: SeeLetter to Bugenhagen for reviews.][863] Rogers, E. F., ed. The Correspondence of Sir Thomas More. Princeton: Princeton UP, 1947.439-64. [Latin text: Rogers #190.]Studies[864] Gordon, W. M. "A Needle in a Meadow: A Missing Reference in the More-FrithControversy." Moreana 52 (1976): 18-22.[865] ^ . "A Scholastic Problem in Thomas More's Controversy with John Frith." HTR 69(1976): 131-49.[866] Schoeck, R. J. "The Chronica Cronicarum of Sir Thomas More and Tudor Historians." BIHR35 (1962): 84-86. [Referred to in the Letter to Frith and the Debellation. Identified as theLiber Cronicarum (1493) of Hatmann Schedel.][867] ^. "The Price of 'A Goodly Auncyent Prynted Boke' in 1556: A Note on the CronicaCronicarum." N&Q ns 7 (1960): 371. [Summ.: J. S. Phillipson, AES 3 (1960): 2675.]ApologyEditions[868] Taft, A. I., ed. The Apologye of Syr Thomas More, Knyght. Early English Text Society 180.London: Humphrey Milford, 1930. [Rev.: H. S. Bennett, RES 7 (1931): 466-67; R. W.Chambers, MLR 26 (1931): 464-67.]Thomas More Bibliography / 347[869] More, Sir Thomas. The apologye of Syr T. More. London: W. Rastell, 1533. Rpt. (The EnglishExperience 228) Amsterdam: Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, 1970. [Rpt. of STC 18078.][870] Trapp, J. B., ed. The Apology. Vol. 9 of The Yale Edition of the Complete Works of St.Thomas More. New Haven: Yale UP, 1979. [Rev.: N. Barker, TLS 25 Feb. 1983: 199; G. R.Elton, EHR 95 (1980): 367-69 (Rpt. in Tudor and Stuart Studies. 3: 450-54); J. M.McConica, RenQ 34 (1981): 262-64; J. Mezciems, N&Q ns 27 (1980): 361-62; A. W.Wright, JTS 31 (1980): 252-53.]Selections[871] Barry. C. J., ed. "Sir Thomas More: The Apology, Easter, 1533." The Reformation and theAbsolute States, 1517-1789. Vol. 2 of Readings in Church History. 3 vols. Westminster, MA:Newman P, 1965. 2: 60-68. [A short excerpt from The Apology.][872] Greene, J. J., and J. P. Dolan, eds. "The Apology of Sir Thomas More." The EssentialThomas More. New York: Mentor, 1967. 223-36. [An excerpt.][873] Nugent, E. M., ed. "The Apology of Sir Thomas More, Knight." in The Thought and Cultureof the English Renaissance: An Anthology of Tudor Prose, 1481-1555. Cambridge:Cambridge UP, 1956. 234-44.Studies[874] Guy, J. A. "Thomas More and Christopher St. Germain: The Battle of the Books." Moreana83/84 (1984): 5-25. Rev. vers. in Reassessing the Henrician Age: Humanism, Politics, andReform 1500-1550. By A. Fox and J. Guy. Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1986. 95-120 [On theApology and the Debellation. For further discussion on More and St. Germain, see the otheressays by John Guy in Reassessing the Henrician Age.][875] Oakley, F. "More, St. German, Gerson and Pseudo-Chrysostom on Matthew xxi, 12." N&Qns 10 (1963): 292-93. [Summ.: J. S. Phillipson, AES 6 (1963): 2561.][876] Pineas, R. "Sir Thomas More's Controversy with Christopher Saint-German." SEL 1 (1961):49-62. [Summ.: M. F. Orth, AES 4 (1961): 990.][877] Schoeck, R. J. "The Meaning of Ex Officio in the Sixteenth Century." N&Q ns 7 (1960):365-66. [Summ.: J. S. Phillipson, AES 3 (1960): 2670. On references to ex officio in More'sApology and Debellation, and in Christopher St. Germain.][878] . "The Use of St. John Chrysostom in Sixteenth Century Controversy: Christopher St.German and Sir Thomas More in 1533." HTR 54 (1961): 21-27. [On More's and St.Germain's use of the Pseudo-Chrysostom Opus imperfectum, via the Catena Aurea andGerson.]Debellation of Salem and BizanceEditions[879] Guy, J., R. Keen, C. Miller, and R. McGugan, eds. The Debellation of Salem and Bizance.Vol. 10 of The Yale Edition of the Complete Works of St. Thomas More. New Haven: YaleUP, 1987. [Rev.: D. G. Danner, Church History 59 (1990): 241-42; A. Fox, CHR 76 (1990):848-50; J. B. Trapp, Moreana 98/99 (1988): 77-83.]Thomas More Bibliography / 348Studies[880] Marc'hadour, G. "From Tudor More, via French, to Modern More." Moreana 11 (1966): 73.[On a mistranslation of a passage in the Debellation (EW 1557, 995C) via French intomodern English.][881] Schoeck, R. J. "The Chronica Cronicarum of Sir Thomas More and Tudor Historians." SeeThe Letter to Frith.See also The Apology.Answer to a Poisoned BookEditions[882] Foley, S. M., and C. H. Miller, ed. The Answer to a Poisoned Book. Vol. 11 of The YaleEdition of the Complete Works of St. Thomas More. New Haven: Yale UP, 1985. [Rev.: R.Pineas, RenQ 40 (1987): 116-18. See also W. M. Gordon's "The Answer to a PoisonedBook."]Studies[883] Foley, S. M., and C. H. Miller. "The Shape of the Eucharistic Controversy." The Answer to aPoisoned Book. Vol. 11 of The Yale Edition of the Complete Works of St. Thomas More. NewHaven: Yale UP, 1985. xvii-lxi. [Summ.: A. J. Geritz, ELR 22 (1992): 115.][884] Gordon, W. M. "The Answer to a Poisoned Book." Moreana 95/96 (1987): 27-37. [Summ.: C.H. Miller, p.37. A "review article." On the patristic roots of More's eucharistic theology inThe Answer.][885] Pineas, R. "George Joye's Controversy with Thomas More." Moreana 38 (1973): 27-36.[886] . "Polemical Technique in Thomas More's The Answere to ... the Poysened Booke."Miscellanea Moreana. 385-93. [Summ.: Moreana 98/99 (1988): 162, 257.]A.5. THE TOWER WORKSGeneral Studies[887] Cavanaugh, J. R. "The Saint Stephen Motif in Saint Thomas More's Thought." Moreana 8(1965): 59-66. [Reference's to St. Stephen in the Dialogue Concerning Heresies, Dialogue ofComfort, and More's 'Prison Letters' and Trial.][888] Haupt, G. E. "The Personal and the Impersonal in the Late Works of Sir Thomas More."Interpretations: Studies in Language and Literature [Memphis] 6 (1974): 14-23. [Animportant but neglected article, touches on an integral aspect of More's character andwriting.][889] Kirchberger, C. "Bodleian Manuscripts Relating to the Spiritual Life, 1500-1750." BodleianLibrary Record 3 (1950/51): 155-64, esp., 161-62. [On three Bodleian manuscriptscontaining works of More.][890] Martz, L. L. "Thomas More: The Tower Works." St. Thomas More: Action andContemplation. Ed. R. S. Sylvester. New Haven: Yale UP (for St. John's University), 1972.59-83.Thomas More Bibliography / 349[891] Miller, C. H. "A Vatican Manuscript Containing Three Brief Works by St. Thomas More."Moreana 26 (1970): 41-44. [More's Epitaph, Letter to Bonvisi, and a short essay from theValencia manuscript of the De tristitia.][892] Schuster, L. A. "The Tower of London: More's Gethsemane." Moreana 74 (1982): 39-45.[893] Thecla [Smith], Sr. M. "S. Thomas More and the Catena Aurea." MLN 61 (1946): 523-29.See also Spirituality.The Dialogue of ComfortEditions[894] Martz, L. L. and F. Manley, eds. A Dialogue of Comfort. Vol. 12 of The Complete Works of St.Thomas More. New Haven: Yale UP, 1976. [Rev.: G. R. Elton, EHR 93 (1978): 399-404(rpt. in Tudor and Stuart Studies. 3: 454-60); D. Fenlon, JTS 30 (1979): 366-71; J. P.Jones, Moreana 55/56 (1977): 123-28; L. Miles, RenQ 31 (1978): 636-40; E. E. Reynolds,Moreana 54 (1977): 63-73.][895] Warrington, J., ed. "A Dialogue of Comfort." More's Utopia and A Dialogue of Comfort.Everyman's Library 461. London: Dent, 1910. Rev. ed. with modernized spelling, 1951.143-423. [Based on the 1553 Tottel Edition.]The Dialogue of Comfort: Modernizations and Translations[896] Castelli, A., trans. II Diologo del Conforto nelle tribulazione. Rome: Editrice Studium, 1970.[Rev.: G. Marc'hadour, Moreana 29 (1971): 83-91. Italian translation.][897] Hallett, P. E., ed. A Dialogue of Comfort Against Tribulation. London: Burns Oaths &Washbourne, 1937. [A modernized version.][898] Manley, F., ed. The Dialogue of Comfort. Selected Works of St. Thomas More. New Haven:Yale UP, 1977. [Rev.: B. Basset, Moreana 61 (1979): 19-20. Modernized spelling version.][899] Miles, L., ed. A Dialogue of Comfort Against Tribulation. Hardcover Edition. Bloomington:Indiana UP, 1965. [Rev.: F. Manley, RenQ 20 (1967): 252-53; R. Pineas, Moreana 11(1966): 52-54. An abridged (omits about twenty percent) and modernized text. Hardcoveredition contains an extensive fourty page bibliography and a hundred page introduction.The paperback edition of the same year omits most of the introduction and bibliography.][900] Stevens, M., ed. Dialogue of Comfort Against Tribulation. London: Sheed & Ward, 1951.[Modernized spelling. Based on Everyman edition.][901] Warrington, J., ed. "A Dialogue of Comfort." See Dialogue of Comfort: Editions.The Dialogue of Comfort: Selections[902] Allen, P. S., and H. M. Allen, eds. "A Dialogue of Comfort Against Tribulation." Sir ThomasMore: Selections from His English Works and from the Lives by Erasmus and Roper. Oxford:Clarendon P, 1924. 114-51. [An substantial series of excerpts.][903] Goudge, E., ed. A Book of Comfort. New York: Coward-McCann, 1964. 237. [Two briefextracts from the De tristitia, and the Dialogue of Comfort.]Thomas More Bibliography / 350[904] Greene, J. J., and J. P. Dolan, eds. "From The Dialogue of Comfort." The Essential ThomasMore. New York: Mentor, 1967. 236-42. [An excerpt.][905] "How the Affections are Implanted." The Way 1 (1961): 231. [A brief excerpt from ADialogue of Comfort, Book 3, Chap.xxi.][906] Nugent, E. M., ed. "Dialogue of Comfort against Tribulation." in The Thought and Culture ofthe English Renaissance: An Anthology of Tudor Prose, 1481-1555. Cambridge: CambridgeUP, 1956. 445-49. [An excerpt from Book III, Chap.xix.]Dialogue of Comfort: Studies[907] Arbesmann, R. "The Concept of Christus Medicus in St. Augustine." Traditio 10 (1954):1-28. [Important background for More's use of medical imagery in the Dialogue of Comfort.][908] ^. "The Daemonium Meridianum and Greek and Latin Patristic Exegesis." Traditio 14(1958): 17-31. [Important background for More's use of Psalm 90 in the Dialogue ofComfort.][909] Bertagnoni, M. "Discordia concors: Utopia e it Dialogo del conforto." Moreana 31/32 (1971):183-90.[910] Billingley, D. B. "'Imagination' in A Dialogue of Comfort." Moreana 74 (1982): 57-63.[911]^ . "'Resources of Kind' in A Dialogue of Comfort." Moreana 74 (1982): 64-68.[912] Byron, B. F. "Through a Needle's Eye: Thomas More the Wealthy Saint." Thomas More:Essays on the Icon. Ed. D. Grace and B. Byron. Melbourne: Dove Publications, 1980. 53-69.[913] Celestine, Sr. "Thomas More and Dialogue." Wisconsin Studies in Literature [WisconsinCouncil of Teachers: Oshkosh] 2 (1965): 1-10. [Summ.: T. H., AES 13 (1969/70): 782.][914] Clark, J. A. "More and Tyndale as Prose Stylists: Finding Directions in A Dialogue ofComfort and The Practise of Prelates." Moreana 82 (1984): 5-17. [Summ.: A. J. Geritz, ELR22 (1992): 116-17.][915] Finan, T. "Some More Comforts: More and the Consolatory Tradition." Irish TheologicalQuarterly 45 (1978): 205-16. [Rev.: G. Marc'hadour, Moreana 74 (1982): 38.][916] Gordon, W. M. "Suicide in Thomas More's Dialogue of Comfort." American BenedictineReview 29 (1978): 358-70.[917] ^ . "The Ominous Play of Children: Thomas More's Adaptation of an Image fromAntiquity." JWCI 47 (1984): 204-05.[918] Gray, D. "Books of Comfort." Medieval English Religious Literature: Essays in Honour of G.H. Russell. Ed. G. Kratzman and J. Simpson. Woodbridge, Suffolk: Boydell and Brewer,1986. 209-21. [On medieval forerunners of More's Dialogue of Comfort.][919] Green, P. D. "Suicide, Martyrdom, and Thomas More." SRen 19 (1972): 135-55. [On theUtopia and the Dialogue of Comfort.][920] Hanna, R. III. "Two New Texts of More's Dialogue of Comfort. Ricardo Sylvester, magistroet amico." Moreana 74 (1982): 5-11. [On MSS. British Library Harley 1634, and GlasgowUniversity Library Hunter V.2.19, both overlooked by the editors of the Yale Edition.][921] Khanna, L. C. "Truth and Fiction in A Dialogue of Comfort." Moreana 65 (1980): 57-66.Thomas More Bibliography / 351[922] Kuhn, J. "The Function of Psalm 90 in Thomas More's A Dialogue of Comfort." Moreana 22(1969): 61-67.[923] McCutcheon, E. "'This Prison of the Yerth': The Topos of Immurement in the Writings ofSt. Thomas More." Cithara 25:1 (1985): 37-46. Earlier vers. in Thomas-Morus-Jahrbuch1984/85. Ed. H. Boventer. Dusseldorf: Triltsch, 1985. 127-32. [Summ.: A. J. Geritz, ELR 22(1992): 114. On epigram CW 3/2 #119, The Four Last Things. and the Dialogue of Comfort.][924] Manzalaoui, M. "'Syria' in the Dialogue of Comfort." Moreana 8 (1965): 21-27.[925] Martz, L. L. "The Design of More's Dialogue of Comfort." Moreana 15/16 (1967): 331-46.Rpt. with changes in A Dialogue of Comfort. Vol. 12 of The Complete Works of St. ThomasMore. Ed. L. L. Martz and F. Manley. New Haven: Yale UP, 1976. lxv-lxxix. Rev. vers. as"Last Letters and A Dialogue of Comfort." Thomas More: The Search for the Inner Man.New Haven: Yale UP, 1990. 64-82, 107-08.[926] Maxcey, C. E. "Justice and Order: Martin Luther and Thomas More on the Death Penaltyand Retribution." See Utopia: Suicide and Death.[927] Meulon, H. "Thomas More et la souffrance." Moreana 37 (1973): 53-60. [On suffering in theDialogue of Comfort and in More's 'Prison Letters.'][928] Miles, L. "A Dialogue of Comfort Bibliography: Materials for a Further Study of the Work."A Dialogue of Comfort Against Tribulation. Ed. L. Miles. Hardcover Edition. Bloomington:Indiana UP, 1965. 261-301. [The paperback edition has "A Selected Dialogue of ComfortBibliography," 261-69.][929]^ . "Boethius and Thomas More's Dialogue of Comfort." ELN 3 (1965/66): 97-101.[930] ^ . "Introduction." A Dialogue of Comfort Against Tribulation. Ed. L. Miles. HardcoverEdition. Bloomington: Indiana UP, 1965. ix-cxi. [The paperback edition omits most of theintroduction.][931]^. "More's Dialogue of Comfort as a First Draft." SP 63 (1966): 126-34.[932]^ . "Patristic Comforters in More's Dialogue of Comfort." Moreana 8 (1965): 9-20.[933] ^. "Persecution and the Dialogue of Comfort: A Fresh Look at the Charges AgainstThomas More." JBS 5:1 (1965): 19-30.[934] ^. "The Dialogue of Comfort and More's Execution: Some Comments on LiteraryPurpose." MLR 61 (1966): 556-60.[935] ^. "The Literary Artistry of Thomas More: The Dialogue of Comfort." SEL 6 (1966):7-33.[936] ^. "Thomas More's Sources." N&Q ns 11 (1964): 388 + ns 12 (1965): 66. [Somequeries.][937] ^ . "With a Coal? The Composition of Thomas More's Dialogue of Comfort." PQ 45(1966): 437-42. [Rev.: G. Marc'hadour, Moreana 13 (1967): 107-08. Marc'hadour's "briefnote" is more in the nature of a response.][938] Mohali, J. "English-Hungarian Connections in the Humanist Circle of Erasmus ofRotterdam." History 32 (1947): 60-62.Thomas More Bibliography / 352[939] Norlund, H. B. "Comfort through Dialogue: More's Response to Tribulation." Moreana 93(1987): 53-66.[940] O'Donnell, A. M. "Cicero, Gregory the Great, and Thomas More: Three Dialogues ofComfort." Miscellanea Moreana. 169-97. [Summ.: Moreana 98/99 (1988): 157-58, 251-52;A. J. Geritz, ELR 22 (1992): 119.][941] Pilecki, G. A. "The Relationship of Nature and Grace in The Dialogue of Comfort AgainstTribulation of St. Thomas More." M.A. Diss. U of Toronto, 1951. [Directed by A. E. Barker.][942] Purcell, M. "Dialogue of Comfort for Whom?" Thomas More: Essays on the Icon. Ed. D.Grace and B. Byron. Melbourne: Dove Publications, 1980. 89-108.[943]^. "The Dialogue of Comfort Against Tribulation." Moreana 67/68 [Thomas More Gazette2] (1980): 43-45.[944] Russell, J. S. "More's Dialogue and the Dynamics of Comfort." Moreana 65 (1980): 41-55.[945] Schoeck, R. J. "Thomas More's Dialogue of Comfort and the Problem of the Real GrandTurk." English Miscellany 20 (1969): 23-37.[946] Sims, J. H. "Psalm 90 and the Pattern of Temptation in A Dialogue of Comfort and ParadiseRegained: From 'Solicitations' to Turiose Force.'" Moreana 74 (1982): 27-37.[947] Wegemer, G. "Thomas More's Dialogue of Comfort: A Platonic Treatment ofStatesmanship." Moreana 101/102 (1990): 55-64.[948] Yee, N. C. "Thomas More: in Defence of Tribulation." Moreana 74 (1982): 13-26.[949] ^ . "Thomas More's Moriae Encomium: The Perfect Fool in A Dialogue of ComfortAgainst Tribulation." Moreana 101/102 (1990): 65-74.See also Utopia: Suicide and Death, and Literary Studies, Humanism and Theology:Literary Dialogue.A Treatise on the Passion and Treatise on the Blessed BodyEditions[950] Hallett, P. E., ed. English Prayers and the Treatise on the Holy Eucharist by St. ThomasMore. London: Burns Oaths & Washbourne, 1938.[951] Haupt, G. E., ed. Treatise upon the Passion, Treatise on the Blessed Body, Instructions andPrayers. Vol. 13 of The Complete Works of St. Thomas More. New Haven: Yale UP, 1976.[Rev.: J. W. Blench, RenQ 31 (1978): 640-41; G. R. Elton, EHR 93 (1978): 399-404 (rpt. inTudor and Stuart Studies. 3: 454-60); D. Fenlon, JTS 30 (1979): 366-71; W. M. Gordon,Moreana 55/56 (1977): 129-36; E. E. Reynolds, Moreana 54 (1977): 63-73.][952] ^. The Tower Works: Devotional Writings. Selected Works of St. Thomas More. NewHaven: Yale UP, 1980. [Rev.: W. S. Allen, Moreana 71/72 (1981): 109-12. Modernizedspelling version.]Selections[953] Allen, P. S., and H. M. Allen, eds. "A Treatise on the Passion." Sir Thomas More: Selectionsfrom His English Works and from the Lives by Erasmus and Roper. Oxford: Clarendon P,1924. 151-53. [A short selection.]Thomas More Bibliography 353[954] Nugent, E. M., ed. "Treatise on the Blessed Body." The Thought and Culture of the EnglishRenaissance: An Anthology of Tudor Prose, 1481-1555. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1956.449-54. [A substantial extract from the Treatise on the Blessed Body.]Studies[955] Byron, B. F. "From Essence to Presence: A Shift in Eucharistic Expression Illustrated fromThe Apologetic of St. Thomas More." Miscellanea Moreana. 429-41. [Summ.: Moreana98/99 (1988): 163-64, 258-59; A. J. Geritz, ELR 22 (1992): 115. An analysis of More'sEucharistic theology in the Treatise on the Passion.][956] Martz, L. L. "Treatises upon the Passion." A Dialogue of Comfort. Vol. 12 of The YaleEdition of the Complete Works of St. Thomas More. Ed. L. L. Martz and F. Manley. NewHaven: Yale UP, 1976. lxxix-lxxxvi. [On the relationship between the brief treatise "Toreceive the Blessed Body of Our Lord," and the Treatise on the Passion and the De Tristitia.See also pp. 300-07 of "Thomas More: The Sacramental Life," in De tristitia: Studies.]De tristitiaEditions and Translations[957] Bassett, Mary, trans. St. Thomas More's History of the Passion. Translated from the Latinby his Grandaughter Mistress Mary Bassett. Ed. P. E. Hallett. London: Burns Oates &Washbourne, 1941. [Rev.: A. W. Reed, MLR 36 (1941): 524-26. Modernization of Englishtranslation of De tristitia by More's grand-daughter.][958] . "Mary Basset's Translation of the De tristitia." Appendix C of De Tristitia Christi.Vol. 14 of The Complete Works of St. Thomas More. Ed. C. H. Miller. 2 vols. New Haven:Yale UP, 1976. 14/2: 1075-165. [English translation of the De tristitia, made by More'sgrand-daughter, reprinted from 1557 edition.][959] Bertagnoni, M. Nell'orto degli ulivi. Milan: 1984. [Italian translation.][960] Gibaud, H., ed. Meditation de Thomas More prisonnier sur l'Agonie de Jesus. Pref. and notesby G. Marc'hadour. Paris: Tequi, 1990. [Rev.: R. Galibois, Moreana 104 (1990): 111-18.Latin text and French translation.][961] Haupt, G. E., ed. The Tower Works: Devotional Writings. See A Treatise on the Passion.[962] Miller, C. H., ed. De Tristitia Christi. Part 1, The Valencia Manuscript: Facsimiles,Transcription, and Translation; Part 2, Introduction, Commentary, Appendices, Index. Vol.14 of The Complete Works of St. Thomas More. 2 vols. New Haven: Yale UP, 1976. [Rev.: D.Bush, Moreana 53 (1977): 125-28; E. J. Devereux, RenQ 30 (1977): 251-53; G. R. Elton,EHR 93 (1978): 399-404 (rpt. in Tudor and Stuart Studies. 3: 454-60); D. Fenlon, JTS 30(1979): 366-71; E. E. Reynolds, Moreana 54 (1977): 63-73.][963] Silva, A. de. La agonia de Cristo. Madrid: 1979. [Spanish translation.]Studies[964] Bullough, G. "More in Valencia: A Holograph Manuscript of the Latin 'Passion.'" The Tablet21 Dec. 1963: 1379-80. [Rev.: G. Marc'hadour, Moreana 2 (1964): 106-08.][965] Hosington, B. "'Quid dormitis?': More's Use of Sleep as a Motif in De Tristitia." MiscellaneaMoreana. 55-69. [Summ.: Moreana 98/99 (1988): 154-55, 248-49.]Thomas More Bibliography / 354[966] Marc'hadour, G. "Au pays de J. L. Vives: La plus noble relique de Thomas More." Moreana9 (1966): 93-96 + 10 (1966): 85-86.[967] Martz, L. L. "More as Author: The Virtues of Digression." See The Confutation.[968] ^. "Thomas More: The Sacramental Life." Thought 52 (1977): 300-18. Rev. vers of pp.307-18 in "De Tristitia: Last Address to the World and to the Self." Thomas More: TheSearch for the Inner Man. New Haven: Yale UP, 1990. 83-102, 108. [On the De tristitiaand The Treatise on the Passion.][969] ^. "Treatises upon the Passion." See A Treatise on the Passion.[970] Miller, C. H. "The Heart of the Final Struggle: More's Commentary on the Agony in theGarden." Quincentennial Essays. 108-23. [On the Valencia autograph manuscript of More'sDe Tristitia and More's revisions to the manuscript.][971] ^. "The Holograph of More's Expositio Passionis: A Brief History." Moreana 15/16(1967): 372-79.[972]^. "Thomas More, A Man For All Seasons: Robert Bolt's Play and the Elizabethan Playof Sir Thomas More." See Robert Bolt's A Man For All Seasons.[973] Santinelli, G. "Thomas More's Expositio Passionis." Trans. by D. B. Billingsley from Studisull'umanesimo europeo. Padua: Editrice Antenore, 1969. 116-28. Rpt. in Essential Articles.455-61, 664-65.[974] Trapp, J. B. "The Holograph of More's Expositio Passionis: A Postscript." Moreana 18(1968): 59-63. Rpt. in Essays on the Renaissance and the Classical Tradition. London:Variorum Reprints, 1990. IX: 59-63 + 'Additions and Corrections': 2.Prison Letters and PrayersEditions[975] Campbell, M., ed. "Letters of More and his Daughter Margaret." The Utopia of Sir ThomasMore. Toronto and New York: D. Van Nostrand, 1947. 283-312. [Reprints seven of the`Prison Letters' with modernized spelling.][976] Campbell, W. E., ed. The Last Letters of Blessed Thomas More. London: Manresa Press; St.Louis: Herder, 1924.[977] Foord, B., ed. Conscience Decides: Letters and Prayers from Prison Written by Sir ThomasMore. Intro. G. Marc'hadour. London: Geoffrey Chapman, 1971. [Rev.: P. Caraman, Moreana35 (1972): 21-24; F. G. Murray, ClergyR 57 (1972): 406.][978] Greene, J. J., and J. P. Dolan, eds. "From The English Letters." The Essential Thomas More.New York: Mentor, 1967. 242-81. [Modernized spelling versions of Rogers #197-198, and ofseveral of the 'Prison Letters'.][979] ^ . English Prayers and the Treatise on the Holy Eucharist by St. Thomas More. SeeTower Works: Modernizations.[980] Haupt, G. E., ed. "Instruction and Prayers." Treatise upon the Passion, Treatise on theBlessed Body, Instructions and Prayers. Vol. 13 of The Yale Edition of the Complete Works ofSt. Thomas More. New Haven: Yale UP, 1976. 205-31, 300-15.Thomas More Bibliography / 355[981] "Letters of Sir Thomas More to and From Margaret More." The Mirrour of Vertue inWorldly Greatnes or the Life of Sir Thomas More Knight. By William Roper. London:Alexander Moring (The De La More Press), 1903. 105-77. [Reprints nine of the 'PrisonLetters,' including Margaret Roper's "Letter to Alice Alington" (Rogers #206).][982] Martz, L. L., and R. S. Sylvester, eds. Thomas More's Prayer Book: A Facsimile Reproductionof the Annotated Pages. The Elizabethan Club Series 4. New Haven: Yale UP (for theElizabethan Club), 1969. [Rev.: J. B. Gest, Catholic Lawyer 16 (1970): 74; G. Marc'hadour,Moreana 23 (1969): 95-102.][983] Silva, A., trans. Santo Tomas More: Un hombre solo. Cartas desde la Torre. 1534-1535.Madrid: Ediciones Rialp, 1988. [Rev.: L. J. Hutton, Moreana 101/102 (1990): 194. Spanishtranslation of More's prison letters and prayers.]Selections[984] Appleton, G., ed. The Oxford Book of Prayer. Oxford: Oxford UP, 1985; rpt. 1988. 96, 111,123, 143, 162. [Several short extracts from More's prayers.][985] Castle, T., ed. The Hodder Book of Christian Prayers. London: Hodder and Stoughton: 1986.Also publ. as The New Book of Christian Prayer. New York: Crossroad, 1986. 121, 162,263.[986] McGinty, G., ed. "Saint John Fisher, Bishop and Saint Thomas More, Martyrs." Today WeCelebrate: The Saint and Their Message for Us. London: Collins, 1986. 159-62. [A prayer ofFisher's and one of More's Letters.][987] Williamson, C., ed. "St. Thomas More, 1478-1535." Letters From the Saints: EarlyRenaissance and Reformation Periods from St. Thomas Aquinas to Bl. Robert Southwell.London: Salisbury Square, n.d. 65-71.Studies[988] Birchenough, E., and G. Marc'hadour. "The Book of Hours." Moreana 6 (1965): 65-68.[989] Bruce, J. "Observations upon Certain Inaccuracies in the Published Letters of Sir ThomasMore." See Early Biographers, Editors and Iconographers: William Rastell's 1557Edition.[990] Castelli, A. "I due '19 Maggio.'" Moreana 15/16 (1967): 347-52. [Rogers #199.][991] Derrett, J. D. M. "Two Dicta of More's and a Correction." Moreana 8 (1965): 67-72. [OnRogers #200, #202, and #208.][992] Dickens, A. G. "A New Prayer of Sir Thomas More." Church Quarterly Review 124 (1937):224-37.[993] Foord, B. "Thomas More and the Rule of Saint Benedict." Moreana 64 (1979): 45-47. [OnMore's marginal annotations in his prayerbook.][994] Gordon, W. M. "Tragic Perspective in Thomas More's Dialogue with Margaret in theTower." Cithara 17:2 (1978): 3-12. [On Margaret Roper's "Letter to Alice Alington."][995] Gruffydd, R. G. "A Prayer of St. Thomas More's in Welsh, 1587." Moreana 13 (1967):45-52. ["Give Me Thy Grace": includes English and Welsh texts.]Thomas More Bibliography / 356[996] Meulon, H. "La docilite chez Thomas More." Moreana 12 (1966): 11-28. [On "obedience" inMore's Prison Letters.][997] Kaufman, P. I. "Absolute Margaret: Margaret More Roper and 'Well Learned' Men." SCJ 20(1989): 443-56. [A rather disorganized and confused 'feminist' reading of Margaret Roper's"Letter to Alice Alington."][998] McCutcheon, E. 'The Apple of my Eye': Thomas More to Antonio Bonvisi—A Reading anda Translation." Moreana 71/72 (1981): 37-56. [Translation and interpretation of Rogers#217.][999] Marc'hadour, G. "A Triple Note About Thomas More's Book of Hours." Moreana 11 (1966):44-46.^[1000] ^ . "More's Book of Hours." Moreana 7 (1965): 75-78 + 9 (1966): 101-06.[1001] ^. "Books of Hours and Donkeys' Saddles." Moreana 12 (1966): 82-83 + 14 (1967):11-13. [On an illustration in More's primer.][1002] Martz, L. L. "The Art of Improvisation." A Dialogue of Comfort. Vol. 12 of The Yale Editionof the Complete Works of St. Thomas More. Ed. L. L. Martz and F. Manley. New Haven: YaleUP, 1976. lvii-lxv. Rev. vers. of lix-lxv in "Last Letters and A Dialogue of Comfort."Thomas More: The Search for the Inner Man. New Haven: Yale UP, 1990. 55-64, 107. [Onthe relationship between A Dialogue of Comfort and Margaret Roper's "Letter to AliceAlington."][1003] Martz, L. L., and R. S. Sylvester. "Introduction." Thomas More's Prayer Book: A FacsimileReproduction of the Annotated Pages. Ed. L. L. Martz and R. S. Sylvester. The ElizabethanClub Series 4. New Haven: Yale UP (for the Elizabethan Club), 1969. xiii-xlv. Also publ.as "Thomas More's Prayer Book." Yale University Library Gazette 43 (1968): 53-80.[1004] Meulon, H. "La pensee du ciel chez Thomas More." Moreana 27/28 (1970): 5-13. [OnMargaret Roper's "Letter to Alice Alington."][1005] ^. "Thomas More et la souffrance." See Dialogue of Comfort.[1006] Miller, C. H. "A Vatican Manuscript Containing Three Brief Works by St. Thomas More."See Tower Works: General Studies.[1007] Sargent, D. "Singularity." Moreana 15/16 (1967): 311-14. [On the Tie-Powder Court'episode in the "Letter to Alice Alington."][1008] Sullivan, F. "The Letter of the Law of a Christian Socrates." Moreana 15/16 (1967):304-10. [Compares More's Prison Letters to Plato's Phaedo and Apology.][1009] Sylvester, R. S. "Conscience and Consciousness: Thomas More." The Author in His Work:Essays on a Problem in Criticism. Ed. L. L. Martz and A. Williams. New Haven: Yale UP,1978. 163-74. [On "conscience" in More's works, especially in the 'Prison Letters.']See also Literary Letters, and Margaret Roper.Collections of Extracts from More's Works[1010] Allen, P. S., and H. M. Allen, eds. Sir Thomas More: Selections from His English Worksand from the Lives by Erasmus and Roper. Oxford: Clarendon P, 1924. [Selections alsolisted separately.]Thomas More Bibliography / 357[1011] Bridgett, T. E., ed. The Wisdom and Wit of Blessed Thomas More. London: Burns Oates &Washbourne, 1892. [See also Humour and Wit.][1012] Elton, G. R., ed. "Sir Thomas More (1478-1535)." Renaissance and Reformation.1300-1648. New York: MacMillan, 1963. 66-74. [Excerpts from Robynson's translation ofUtopia, and from the Confutation, Apology and one of the 'Prison Letters.'][1013] Gabrieli, V., ed. Thomas More: Fancies Sports and Merry Tales. See Humour and Wit.[1014] Gray, D., ed. "Sir Thomas More." The Oxford Book of Late Medieval Verse and Prose.Oxford: Clarendon P, 1985. 407-12. [Excerpts from The Life of Pico, The History of RichardIII, and The Four Last Things.][1015] Greene, J. J., and J. P. Dolan, eds. The Essential Thomas More. New York: Mentor, 1967.[Selections also listed separately.][1016] Nugent, E. M., ed. The Thought and Culture of the English Renaissance: An Anthology ofTudor Prose, 1481-1555. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1956. 51-55, 64-72, 217-44, 428-54,518-24, 547-59. [Selections from More's works, Harpsfield's Life, Bouge's Letter, andMargaret Roper's translation of Erasmus' "Treatise on the Pater Noster." Selections alsolisted separately.][1017] Reynolds, E. E. The Heart of Thomas More: Readings for Every day of the Year. SeeSpirituality.[1018] Shuster, G. N., ed. "St. Thomas More." The World's Great Catholic Literature. 2 vols. (Vol.1 prey. publ. with the same name. New York: Macmillan, 1942.) Wilkes-Barre, Pa:Dimension Books, 1964. 1: 126-31. [Brief excerpts from the Dialogue of Comfort, More'slast letter to his daughter, and from Roper's Life.]See also Utopia: Excerpts from Ralph Robinson's Translation.Thomas More Bibliography / 358B. GENERAL BACKGROUND STUDIES AND BIOGRAPHIESB.1. PUBLIC LIFEThe Young More (1477/78-1515)[1019] Baker, H. "Thomas More at Oxford." Moreana 43/44 (1974): 6-11.[1020] Marc'hadour, G. "Thomas More's Birth: 1477 or 1478?" Moreana 53 (1977): 5-10.[1021] Reed, A. W. "Young More." Under God and the Law: Papers Read to The Thomas MoreSociety of London. Ed. R. O'Sullivan. Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1949. 1-27.[1022] Reynolds, E. R. "St. Anthony's." Moreana 57 (1978): 5-8.[1023] Saffady, W. "The Effects of Childhood Bereavement and Parental Remarriage in Sixteenth-Century England: The Case of Thomas More." History of Childhood Psychology 1 (1973/74):310-36. [A "psychohistorical" paper based on unsubstantiated speculations about the deathof More's mother and of More's subsequent upbringing.]Law and Politics (excluding More's Trial)[1024] Baker-Smith, D. "Thomas More and the Court of Henry VIII." Chaucer and the AlliterativeTradition. Vol. 1/1 of The New Pelican Guide to English Literature. Ed. Boris Ford. 7 vols.Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1982. 1/1: 371-83.[1025] Beck, E. "St. Thomas More and the Law." DublinR 197 (1935): 53-72. [On More's publiccareer and his trial.][1026] Birchenough, E., J. Birchenough, and G. Marc'hadour. "More's Appointment as Chancellorand His Resignation." Moreana 12 (1966): 71-80. [Includes account of More's resignation(and Audley's inauguration) transcribed from the Chancery Close Roll together with anEnglish translation (79-80).][1027] Blom, N. van der. "La demission de More selon Erasme (d'apres Allen X, lettres 2735,2750 et 2780)." Moreana 89 (1986): 29-34. With reactions by J. Chomarat and R. Galibois34-36.[1028] Brabrook, E. W. "On An Unrecorded Event In The Life Of Sir Thomas More." Transactionsof the Royal Society of Literature of the United Kingdom 2nd ser. 12 (1882): 160-72. [OnMore's associations with Doctors' Commons and his diplomatic missions.][1029] Brown, B. F. "St. Thomas More, Lawyer." Fordham Law Review 4 (1935): 375-90.[1030] Butler, B. "Thomas More and the Inns of Court." Catholic Lawyer 17 (1971): 78-87.[1031] Collins, D. G., ed. "Thomas More Among the Lawyers." New York University Law Review38 (1963): 813-34. [The edited transcript of a panel discussion by J. Noonan, Jr., A. H.Garretson, D. G. Collins, and E. Cahn held at the New York University School of Law tocommemorate the publication of E. F. Rogers' edition of St. Thomas More: Selected Letters,(1961)—See Literary Letters.]Thomas More Bibliography / 359[1032] Condren, C., and A. C. Condren. "More and Sokrates: The Limits of Comparison andSymbolic Potency." Thomas More: Essays on the Icon. Ed. D. Grace and B. Byron.Melbourne: Dove Publications, 1980. 109-29. [More and Socrates as public symbols.][1033] Derrett, J. D. M. "Thomas More and the Legislation of the Corporation of London." TheGuildhall Miscellany 2:5 (1963). Rpt. with corrections in Essential Articles. 49-54, 589-91.^[1034] ^ . "Withernam: A Legal Practical Joke of Sir Thomas More." Catholic Lawyer 7(1961): 211-22, 242. [The joke turns on doubts about the legality under Roman Law of thepractise of "Reprisals". This joke has often been misunderstood by later legalcommentators.][1035] ^ . "Withernam: A Postscript." Catholic Lawyer 7 (1963): 124-27, 137. [On More'snegotiations with the Hanse League 1520 and 1521.][1036] Elton, G. R. "Sir Thomas More and the Opposition to Henry VIII." Moreana 15/16 (1967):285-303. Rev. vers. in BIHR 41 (1968): 19-34; Rpt. in Essential Articles. 79-91, 596-99.Rpt. in Tudor and Stuart Studies. 1: 155-72.[1037] ^. "Thomas More: Councillor." St. Thomas More: Action and Contemplation. Ed. R. S.Sylvester. New Haven: Yale UP (for St. John's University), 1972. 86-122. Rpt. in Tudorand Stuart Studies. 1: 129-54.[1038] Fenlon, D. "Thomas More and Tyranny." JEH 32 (1981): 453-76. [Rev.: G. Marc'hadour,Moreana 77 (1983): 47-48.][1039] Guy, J. A. The Public Career of Sir Thomas More. Brighton: The Harvester P; New Haven:Yale UP, 1980. [Summ.: A. J. Geritz, ELR 22 (1992): 113. Rev.: J. R. Lander, RenQ 35(1982): 279-82; E. McCutcheon, Moreana 73 (1982): 43-45.][1040] ^ . "Sir Thomas More and the Heretics." History Today 30:2 (1980): 11-15.[1041] ^. "Thomas More as Successor to Wolsey." Thought 52 (1977): 275-92.[1042] Hastings, M. "Sir Thomas More: Maker of English Law?" Essential Articles. 104-18,601-03.[1043] Headley, J. M. "More Against Luther on Law and the Magistrate." See Responsio adLutherum.[1044] ^ . "The New Debate on More's Political Career." Thought 52 (1977): 269-74.[1045] Hogrefe, P. "Sir Thomas More and Doctors Commons." Moreana 14 (1967): 15-21. [OnMore's membership in this prestigious Civilian "Lawyer's Club."][1046] Kelley, D. R. "The Conscience of the King's 'Good Servant." Thought 52 (1977): 293-99.[1047] McConica, J. "The Patrimony of Thomas More." History and Imagination: Essays inHonour of H. R. Trevor-Roper. Ed. H. Lloyd-Jones, V. Pearl and B. Worden. London:Duckworth, 1981. 56-71. [Summ.: A. J. Geritz, ELR 22 (1992): 113. On More's ancestry,associations with the London Charterhouse, and his public career.][1048] MacNulty, A. S. "Sir Thomas More as Public Health Reformer." Journal of the RoyalInstitute of Public Health (now Community Health) 10 (1947): 7-23. Rpt. in EssentialArticles. 119-35, 603.Thomas More Bibliography / 360[1049] Marc'hadour, G. "Fuitne Thomas Morus in Aulam Pertractus?" Acta Conventus Neo-LatiniSanctandreani. 441-48. [English article.]^[1050] ^ . "Sir Thomas More, Knight." Catholic Theological Review [Australia] 2 (1979): 3-19.[On More's knighthood and the ideals of chivalry.][1051] Massingham, K. R. "Thomas More, laicus', Gent." Moreana 87/88 (1985): 29-35.[1052] Mermel, J. "Preparations for a Politic Life: Sir Thomas More's Entry into the King'sService." JMRS 7 (1977): 53-66.[1053] More, D. "Thomas More as Lawyer." Thomas More: The Rhetoric of Character. Ed. A. Foxand P. Leech. Dunedin: U of Otago (A University Extension Publication), 1979. 83-99,112-15. [Sum.: P. Leech, ibid., 12-14.][1054] O'Connell, J. R. "Saint Thomas More as Citizen." DublinR 197 (1935): 37-52. [On More'sconnections with London both before and after his entry into Royal Service.][1055] O'Sullivan, R. "Sir Thomas More the Lawyer." Law Times 213 (1952): 30-31, 57-59,103-05. Rpt. in The Spirit of the Common Law: A Representative Collection of the Papers ofRichard O'Sullivan. Ed. B. A. Wortley. Tenbury Wells, Worcs.: Fowler Wright Books, 1965.21-39. [Rev.: I. Thomas, Moreana 10 (1966): 83-84; M. T. Rooney, Catholic Lawyer 12(1966): 88-90.][1056] ^. "Social Life and Theories of St. Thomas More." DublinR 199 (1936): 46-62. Rpt. inMore's Utopia And it's Critics. Ed. L. Gallagher. Chicago: Scott, Foresman and Company,1964. 123-34. [More's family life and legal career, especially in relation to Utopia.]^[1057] ^. "St. Thomas More and Lincoln's Inn." Catholic Lawyer 3 (1957): 71-80. Rpt. inEssential Articles. 161-68. 607.[1058] Ormerod, A. H. "The SS Collar." Catholic Lawyer 2 (1956): 123-30. Rpt. ibid. 17 (1971):292-99. [Argues that the "SS Collar" that More wore was originally a collar of livery forthe house of Lancaster.][1059] Ramsey, G. D. "A Saint in the City: Thomas More at Mercer's Hall, London." EHR 97(1982): 269-88. [Rev.: D. Bradshaw, Moreana 79/80 (1980): 103-04. On More's connectionswith the Mercers Guild; also deals with More's ancestry.][1060] Sawada, P. A. "Was More a Utopian or a Realpolitiker?" Moreana 91/92 (1986): 21-29.[1061] Scarisbrick, J. J. "Thomas More: The King's Good Servant." Thought 52 (1977): 249-68.[1062] Schoeck, R. J. "Common Law and Canon Law in Their Relation to Thomas More." St.Thomas More: Action and Contemplation. Ed. R. S. Sylvester. New Haven: Yale UP (for St.John's University), 1972. 17-55. An earlier vers. publ. as "The Two Laws in Thomas More:A Preliminary Reading of the Canon and Common Laws in His Career and Writings."Catholic Lawyer 16 (1970): 277-95.[1063] ^ . "Common Law and Canon Law in the Writings of Thomas More: The Affair ofRichard Hunne." Proceedings of the Third International Congress of Medieval Canon Law,Strasbourg, 3-6 September 1968. Ed. Stephen Kuttner. Monumenta Iuris Canonici, ser. C.,subsidia 4. Vatican: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1971. 237-54.[1064] ^ . "Sir Thomas More and Lincoln's Inn Revels." PQ 29 (1950): 426-29.Thomas More Bibliography / 361^[1065] ^ . "Sir Thomas More, Humanist and Lawyer." UTQ 34 (1964): 1-14. Rpt. in EssentialArticles. 569-79, 674-76.^[1066] ^. "The Place of Sir Thomas More in Legal History and Tradition: A Sketch withSome Observations." Moreana 51 (1976): 83-94.[1067] ^ . "Was Sir Thomas More a 'Roman lawyer?'" N&Q 194 (1949): 203. [A note on T.More and Doctors Commons.][1068] Smelser, M. "The Political Philosophy of Sir Thomas More As Expressed in HisTheological Controversies." See Polemical Works: General Studies.[1069] Suzuki, Y. "Thomas More's View of Politics as a Profession." Moreana 93 (1987): 29-40.[Summ.: A. J. Geritz, ELR 22 (1992): 116.][1070] Suzuki, Y. "The Social Ideas of the Younger More." Moreana 83/84 (1984): 61-71. [Summ.:A. J. Geritz, ELR 22 (1992): 116.][1071] Tsukada, T. "Thomas More as a Political Thinker and Actor for Reform." HitotsubashiJournal of Arts and Sciences 22 (1981): 17-30. [Summ.: A. J. Geritz, ELR 22 (1992):115-16.]More and the Law: Essays, Appreciations and Public Addresses[1072] "A Lawyer Canonized: Lord Chancellor More's Remarkable 'Career."' American BarAssociation Journal 21 (1935): 330.[1073] Bork, R. H. "Law, Morality and Thomas More." Catholic Lawyer 31 (1986): 1-6. [On More,the law and civil disobedience by an American judge. Bork argues that More's refusal totake the oath was not "civil disobedience" but rather an appeal to a higher law.][1074] Brennan, W. J. "Thomas More: Saint and Judge." Catholic Lawyer 4 (1958): 162-66.[1075] Cowen, Sir Z. "Sir Thomas More—Lawyer, Scholar and Statesman." Australian LawJournal 52 (1978): 354-60. [Address by Governor-General of Australia, includes quotesfrom Robert Bolt's play.][1076] Cuomo, M. M. "A Personal Appreciation." Interpreting Thomas More's Utopia. Ed. J. C.Olin. New York: Fordham UP, 1989. 1-5. [Summ.: C. M. Murphy, SCJ 22 (1991): 883. A.Rabil, Jr., Church History 61 (1992): 406-07. More as both a man of action and a mystic.Governor Cuomo's decision to enter politics partly inspired by More.][1077] Glenn, G. "St. Thomas More As Judge and Lawyer." Fordham Law Review 10 (1941):187-95.[1078] Hauerwas, S., and T. L. Shaffer. "Hope Faces Power: Thomas More and the King ofEngland." See Robert Bolt's A Man For All Seasons.[1079] Hogan, E. A., Jr. "St. Thomas More: Inspiration for Lawyers." Catholic Lawyer 3 (1957):269-75. [A brief summary-appreciation of More's career as a Lawyer.][1080] Holden, B. "St. Thomas More, Patron of Puritans." Catholic Lawyer 2 (1956): 50-55, 78.[Compares More's ideas on toleration with those of the Puritans in seventeenth-centuryNew England.]Thomas More Bibliography / 362[1081] Kinsella, W. "Thomas More: A Man for Our Time." Dublin: Privately printed by The St.Thomas More Society, 1982. Rpt. in Catholic Lawyer 29 (1985): 323-43.[1082] McDonald, M. F. "St. Thomas More: Lawyer and Politician." Catholic Lawyer 1 (1955):121-27.[1083] Rawlinson, (Lord) P., (of Ewell). "Thomas More as a Public Figure." Moreana 54 (1977):41-56.[1084] Russell, (Lord) F., (of Killowen). "A Great Lord Chancellor." The Fame of Blessed ThomasMore, Being Addresses Delivered in his Honour in Chelsea, July 1929. London: Sheed &Ward, 1929. 65-79. [On More's public career: an appreciation by a British Lord Justice.][1085] Schoeck, R. J. "A Lawyer with a Conscience." Moreana 39 (1973): 25-32. [Alludes to the`Watergate Affair.'][1086] Vachon, R. A. "The Relevance of St. Thomas More." Catholic Lawyer 13 (1967): 145-48,170.On More's Name, Coat of Arms, etc.[1087] Cole, A. C. "Sir Thomas More's quartering ... and a new 'old grant.'" The Coat of Arms ns1 (1975) 126-31.[1088] Marc'hadour, G. "Thomas More: Les arcanes d'un nom." Moreana 2 (1964): 55-70 + 3(1964): 71-80 + 5 (1965): 73-88. Trans. and rev. by the author as "A Name For AllSeasons." in Essential Articles. 539-62, 667-72.[1089] Schoeck, R. J. "More, Erasmus, and the Devil." N&Q 196 (1951): 313.[1090] Schoeck, R. J. "More, the Devil, and Cardinal Morton: A Note on 16th-Century NameDevices." N&Q ns 1 (1954): 193-94. [On puns and Morton's name-device, and on More'scoat of arms.][1091] "St. Thomas More's Coat of Arms." Catholic Lawyer (inside back cover of every issue).More's Signatures, Seals and Official Documents[1092] Reynolds, E. E., and G. Marc'hadour. "Another Signature." Moreana 12 (1966): 84-86.[The signatures of Wolsey and More on a letter of attorney (1527) to Baron Bergavenny.][1093] Trapp, J. B. "Dame Christian Colet and Thomas More." Moreana 15/16 (1967): 103-13.[Transcriptions of two legal documents concerning Colet's mother, signed by Thomas Moreand Thomas Lupset. Reproduces More's and Lupset's signatures.]More's Diplomatic Missions[1094] Derrett, J. D. M. "Withernam: A Postscript." See Law and Politics.[1095] Marc'hadour, G. "Tournai-Doorbijk comme la vit Thomas More." Moreana 46 (1975):97-101.[1096] Rogers, E. F. "Margaret of Austria's Gifts to Tunstal, More and Hacket After the Ladies'Peace." Moreana 12 (1966): 57-60.Thomas More Bibliography / 363See also Utopia: More's Utopian Embassy of 1515.More's Epitaph[1097] Garanderie, M. M. de la. "Sur la publication de l'epitaphe de Thomas More." Moreana 17(1968): 15-19. [On More's epitaph and his last letters to Erasmus and on Erasmus' Depraeparatione ad mortem.][1098] Hitchcock, E. V., ed. "Appendix IV: The Epitaph on the More Tomb in Chelsea OldChurch." in The life and death of Sr Thomas Moore, knight. sometymes Lord high Chancellorof England. By Nicholas Harpsfield. Early English Texts Society 186. London: HumphreyMilford, Oxford UP, 1932. 277-81. English trans. in EW 1557, 1419-20; and in TheEssential Thomas More. Ed. J. J. Greene and J. P. Dolan. New York: Mentor, 1967. 285-86.[1099] Miller, C. H. "A Vatican Manuscript Containing Three Brief Works by St. Thomas More."See Tower Works: General Studies.More's Trial, Imprisonment, Execution, and MartyrdomDocuments[1100] Bruce, J., ed. "Inedited Documents Relating to the Imprisonment and Condemnation of SirThomas More." Archaeologia 27 (1838): 361-74. [Text of Dame Alice's Petition to HenryVIII (Rogers #212) and of More's Indictment, together with a translation (364-68).Superceded by E. V. Hitchcock's edition in Harpsfield's Life of More.][1101] Derrett, J. D. M., ed. "Neglected Versions of the Contemporary Account of the Trial of SirThomas More." BIHR 33 (1960): 202-23. [A critical edition of the Latin "source" (not theExpositio Fidelis) of the Paris News Letter. (Also includes a reprint of the Paris NewsLetter.) But see E. E. Reynolds, The Trial, 1-21, for a different view of the relationshipsbetween the various accounts of More's execution.][1102] Ellis, H., ed. "An Account of the Charges of Certain Prisoners in the Tower t. Hen. VIII."Archaeologia 18 (1817): 294-97. [Includes More and Fisher, and John Houghton.][1103] Hitchcock, E. V., ed. "Appendix II: The Paris News Letter." in The life and death of SrThomas Moore, knight, sometymes Lord high Chancellor of England. By Nicholas Harpsfield.Early English Texts Society 186. London: Humphrey Milford, Oxford UP, 1932. 255-66.English trans. in The Essential Thomas More. Ed. J. J. Greene and J. P. Dolan. New York:Mentor, 1967. 294-98. [A contemporary French account of More'e execution.][1104] . "Appendix III: Sir Thomas More's Indictment." in The life and death of Sr ThomasMoore, knight, sometymes Lord high Chancellor of England. By Nicholas Harpsfield. EarlyEnglish Texts Society 186. London: Humphrey Milford, Oxford UP, 1932. 267-76. Englishtrans. in English Historical Documents, Vol. V: 1485-1558. Ed. C. H. Williams. London:Eyre and Spottiswoode, 1967. 483-87. [The text of More's indictment.][1105] (Montanus, Philip). "Expositio Fidelis." Opus epistolarum Des. Erasmi Roterodami. Ed. P. S.Allen. Oxford: Clarendon P, 1947. Vol. 11: 368-78. [Includes a Latin translation of theParis News Letter, formerly attributed to Erasmus.]Thomas More Bibliography / 364[1106] Reynolds, E. E., ed. "Conversation between Sir Thomas More and Sir Richard Rich, 12June 1535." The Field is Won. London: Burns and Oates, 1968. 385-86. Differs slightlyfrom an earlier transcription given in The Trial of St. Thomas More. London: Burns &Oates, 1964. 166-67. [P.R.O., S.P. 2/R, fols. 24-25. This document confirms most of thedetails of Rich's perjury as reported by Roper.][1107] Sylvester, R. S., ed. "More's Discussion of Perjury." Moreana 55/56 (1977): 73-77. Rev.vers. rpt. as "Appendix B: More's Discussion of Perjury." A Dialogue Concerning Heresies.Vol. 6 of The Yale Edition of the Complete Works of St. Thomas More. Ed. T. M. C. Lawler,G. Marc'hadour and R. C. Marius. 2 vols. New Haven: Yale UP, 1981. 761-69.[1108] Vocht, H. de, ed. Acta Thomae Mori: A History of the Reports of His Trial and Death withan Unedited Contemporary Narrative. Humanistica Lovaniensia 7. Louvain: Publications ofthe Institute for Economics of the University, 1947. [An edition of the OrdoCondemnationis Thomae Mori, together with a reprint of the Expositio Fidelis. Laterscholars have rejected De Vocht's extravagant claims for the priority of the Ordo. See E. E.Reynolds, The Trial, 11-16.][1109] Wheeler, T. "An Italian Account of Thomas More's Trial and Execution." Moreana 26(1970): 33-39. [Italian text parallels the Expositio Fidelis, and the Paris News Letter.Probably derived from a common source.]Studies[1110] Bell, P. I. "The Trial of Thomas More." Month ns 23 (1960): 325-39. Rpt. in CatholicLawyer 6 (1960): 290-310.[1111] Belloc, H. "The Witness to Abstract Truth." The Fame of Blessed Thomas More, BeingAddresses Delivered in his Honour in Chelsea, July 1929. London: Sheed & Ward, 1929.51-60. [More as a martyr for the 'Papacy.' A sensitive and nuanced treatment of More'sfinal decision to refuse the Oath of Supremacy. See also Brief Biographies.][1112] Byron, B. "The Fourth Count of the Indictment of St. Thomas More." Moreana 10 (1966):33-46.[1113] Conesa, S. H. "Did Thomas More Have a Cervical Disc Lesion?" Moreana 83/84 (1984):27-31.[1114] Derrett, J. D. M. "Juramenta in Legem: St. Thomas More's Crisis of Conscience and the`Good Roman.'" DownsideR 91 (1973): 111-16. [Metellus' opposition to Marius as a modelfor More.]^[1115] ^. "More's Conveyance of His Lands and the Law of 'Fraud." Moreana 5 (1965):19-26.[1116] ^. "More's Silence and his Trial." Moreana 87/88 (1985): 25-27.[1117] ^. "Sir Thomas More and the Nun of Kent." Moreana 15/16 (1967): 267-84.[1118] ^ . "The 'New' Document on Thomas More's Trial." Moreana 3 (1964): 5-18. Withnotes in reply by E. E. Reynolds, 19-22. [A rejoinder to E. E. Reynold's "An UnnoticedDocument.][1119] ^ . "The Trial of Sir Thomas More." EHR 79 (1964): 449-77. Rpt. with addenda inEssential Articles. 55-78, 591-96.Thomas More Bibliography / 365[1120] Devereux, E. J. "More, Fisher and the Attainder Bill." Moreana 62 (1979): 43-50.[1121] Egretier, N.-M. "'Thomas More, Le meilleur des Anglais' (Reginald Pole)." Moreana 3(1964): 23-35.[1122] Flegel, K. M. "Thomas More: Was a Sick Man Beheaded?" Moreana 49 (1976): 15-27.[1123] Gairdner, J. "Martyrs for Rome." Lollardy and the Reformation in England. 4 vols. London:MacMillan, 1908-13. Rpt. (Burt Franklin: Research and Source Work Series 84) New York:Burt Franklin, 1974. 1: 420-504.[1124] Gibaud, H. "Reginald Pole: Le silence de Thomas More." Moreana 78 (1983): 85-89.[1125] Gilman, R. "St. Thomas More." Catholic Lawyer 1 (1955): 44-47.[1126] Herbruggen, H. S. "The Process Against Sir Thomas More." Law Quarterly Review 99(1983): 113-36. [A detailed account of all the surviving sources for More's Trial.][1127] Jarrett, B. "A National Bulwark Against Tyranny." The Fame of Blessed Thomas More,Being Addresses Delivered in his Honour in Chelsea, July 1929. London: Sheed & Ward,1929. 105-16. [More (and Fisher) as the main opposition to Henry VIII.][1128] Knowles, D. "For What So Silently Died More?" The Ampleforth Journal 83:1 (1978):31-36.[1129] Marc'hadour, G. "On Death and Martyrdom: St. Thomas More." The Portrayal of LifeStages in English Literature, 1500-1800: Infancy, Youth, Marriage, Aging, Death,Martyrdom. Essays in Honor of Warren Wooden. Ed. J. Watson and P. McM. Pittman.Studies in British History 10. Lewiston, NY: The Edwin Mellon P, 1989. 203-24.[1130] Parmiter, G. de C. "A Note on Some Aspects of the Royal Supremacy of Henry VIII."Recusant History 10 (1969/70): 183-92.^[1131] ^. "Saint Thomas More and the Oath." DownsideR 78 (1959/60): 1-13.[1132] ^. "The Indictment of Saint Thomas More." DownsideR 75 (1957): 149-66. Rev. vers.in "Tudor Indictments, Illustrated by The Indictment of St. Thomas More." RecusantHistory 6 (1961/62): 141-56.[1133] Rawlinson, (Lord) P. (of Ewell). "Public Duty and Personal Faith—The Example of SirThomas More." Australian Law Journal 53 (1979): 9-18. [An account of More's Trial by aformer British Attorney-General.][1134] Reynolds, E. E. "An Unnoticed Document." Moreana 1 (1963): 12-17.[1135] ^ . "One of Thomas More's Judges." Moreana 54 (1977): 27-29.[1136] ^ . The Trial of St. Thomas More. London: Burns & Oates, 1964. [Rev.: G. Marc'hadour,Moreana 2 (1964): 90-96.][1137] Reynolds, E. E., et al. "More's Cell in the Tower." Moreana 18 (1968): 74 + 19/20 (1968):27-28.[1138] Salmon, Thomas. "The Trial of Sir Thomas More." New Abridgement and Critical Reviewof the State Trials. London: 1737. 10-11. Rpt. in Catholic Lawyer 2 (1956): 68-69.Thomas More Bibliography / 366[1139] "The Trial of Sir Thomas More, Knight: Howell's State Trials, 1816 (1 How. St. Tr. 385)."Rpt. in Catholic Lawyer 1 (1955): 49-56. [A standard "Law book" account. The descriptionin Howell's State Trials has no independent value for modern scholars, being derived mainlyfrom Cresacre More's Life of More, and Lord Herbert of Cherbury's Life of Henry VIII.][1140] Zeeveld, W. G. "Apology for an Execution." Moreana 15/16 (1967): 353-71. Rpt. inEssential Articles. 198-211, 615-16. [Discusses various contemporary "defences" of theexecution by Simon Matthew, Gardiner and Richard Morison.]More's Head and Burial[1141] Albin, H. 0. "Canterbury: More's Head and a More Window." Moreana 37 (1973): 51-52.[1142] . "Opening of the Roper Vault in St Dunstan's Canterbury and Thoughts on theBurial of William and Mary(?) Roper." Moreana 63 (1979): 29-35.[1143] Albin, H. 0., and H. S. Herbriiggen. "Thomas More's Head Revisited." Moreana 78 (1983):47-49.[1144] O'Sullivan, R. "The Old Church of Chelsea." See More's Family: London,Bucklersberry, Chelsea and More's Manors.B.2. LITERARY STUDIES, HUMANISM AND THEOLOGYGeneral Studies of More's Works[1145] Adams, R. P. The Better Part of Valor: More, Erasmus, Colet and Vices on Humanism,War, and Peace, 1496-1535. Seattle: U of Washington P, 1962. [Rev.: E. Surtz, RenN 16(1963): 17-21.][1146] Baumann, U., and H. P. Heinrich. Thomas Morus: Humanistische Schriften. Intro. H. S.Herbruggen. Ertrage der Forschung 243. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft,1986. [Rev.: R. J. Schoeck, RenQ 42 (1989): 854-55.][1147] Chambers, R. W. "The Saga and the Myth of Sir Thomas More." PBA 12 (1926): 179-225.Rpt. London: Milford, 1927. [Rev.: EHR 43 (1928): 645. On the early biographies of Moreand on Utopia. Also includes a very eloquent and soundly argued defence of More againstthe extremely distorted and unfounded claims that More tortured heretics. Still worthreading.][1148] Dust, P. Three Renaissance Pacifists: Essays in the Theories of Erasmus, More and Vices.American University Studies IX. 23. New York: Peter Lang, 1987. [Rev.: J. Mulryan,Cithara 27:1 (1987): 68; T. Wengert, Journal of Religion 71 (1991): 309.][1149] Fleisher, M. Radical Reform and Political Persuasion in the Life and Writings of ThomasMore. Travaux d'humanisme et renaissance 132. Geneva: Droz, 1973. [Rev.: G. Thompson,Ren&Ref os 11 (1975): 63-66.]Thomas More Bibliography / 367[1150] Fox, A. Thomas More: History and Providence. New Haven: Yale UP, 1983. [Summ.: A. J.Geritz, ELR 22 (1992): 114. Rev.: N. Barker, TLS 25 Feb. 1983: 199; G. R. Elton, New YorkReview of Books 30:1 3 Feb. 1983: 3-5; J. A. Guy, History 68 (1983): 316-17; D. Kinney,RenQ 37 (1984): 74-78; G. Marc'hadour, Ren&Ref ns 8 (1984): 138-44; C. Murphy, CHR72 (1986): 85-86; P. Sheldrake, HeythropJ 25 (1984): 225-26; W. Stewart, Moreana 79/80(1983): 79-82; J. B. Trapp, London Review of Books 5:21 17 Nov. 1983: 15-16. See also R.Pineas, "A Response to Alistair Fox," and, especially, B. Bradshaw "The Controversial SirThomas More," both in Polemical Works: General Studies.][1151] Grace, D. The Political Thought of St. Thomas More, 1509-1521. Diss. U of New SouthWales, n.d.[1152] Greenslade, S. L. "The Morean Renaissance: Review Article." JEH 24 (1973): 395-401.[1153] Hexter, J. H. "Thomas More: On the Margins of Modernity." JBS 1:1 (1961): 20-37.[1154] Jones, J. P. Thomas More. Boston, MA: G. K. Hall (Twayne), 1979. [Summ.: A. J. Geritz,ELR 22 (1992): 114. Rev.: J. Mezciems, N&Q ns 28 (1981): 68-69; W. W. Wooden, CollegeLiterature 7 (1980): 76-77.][1155] Kenny, A. Thomas More. Oxford: Oxford UP (Past Masters), 1983. [Summ.: A. J. Geritz,ELR 22 (1992): 113.][1156] Martz, L. L. Thomas More: The Search for the Inner Man. New Haven: Yale UP, 1990.[Summ.: A. J. Geritz, ELR 22 (1992): 113. Rev.: D. Baker-Smith, RenS 6 (1992): 224-26; N.Barker, TLS 16 Aug. 1991: 26; P. C. Dust, Review [Charlottesville] 14 (1992): 225-30; J.Farr, Theological Studies 52 (1991): 590-91; A. Kenny, JEH 43 (1992): 650-51; D. Kinney,Albion 23 (1991): 733-34; A. J. Loomie, Thought 67 (1992): 107-08; A. M. O'Donnell, CHR77 (1991): 607-08; A. Murphy, HeythropJ 33 (1992): 437-38; G. Wegemer, SouthernHumanities Review 26 (1992): 85-86; A. M. Young, SCJ 23 (1992): 162-64. Revised versionsof four previously published articles, also listed separately.][1157] Prevost, A. Thomas More et la crise de la pensee europ&nne. Paris: Mame, 1969. [Rev.: G.Marc'hadour, RenQ 25 (1972): 348-49; H. Meulon, Moreana 25 (1970): 89-90.][1158] Reynolds, E. E. Sir Thomas More. Writers and Their Work 178. London: Pubished for TheBritish Council and the National Book League by Longmans, Green & Co., 1965. [Rev.: R.W. Zandvoort, English Studies 47 (1966): 220. A brief thirty-five page account of More'sliterary achievement.][1159] Schoeck, R. J. The Achievement of Thomas More: Aspects of his Life and Works. EnglishLiterary Studies monograph series 7. Victoria, BC: English Literary Studies, University ofVictoria, 1976.[1160] Seebohm, F. The Oxford Reformers of 1498: Colet, Erasmus, More. London: Longmans,Green & Co., 1867. Rev. ed. as The Oxford Reformers: John Colet, Erasmus, and ThomasMore, Being a History of their Fellow-Work. London: Longmans, Green & Co., 1869, 1887,1911. Rpt. London: Dent & Son (Everyman's Library 665), 1914.English Language and Prose Style[1161] Bennett, J. R. "English Prose Style from Alfred to More: A Bibliography." MediaevalStudies 30 (1968): 248-59. [Annotated.]Thomas More Bibliography / 368[1162] Birch, D. "Statistical Rank and the Freidman Test as an Indication of Significance in thePreliminary Stages of a Multi-Variable Analysis of Literary Texts." Studia Neophilologica55 (1983): 129-41. [Summ.: A. J. Geritz, ELR 22 (1992): 117. A preliminary statisticalanalysis of More's English "Polemical Works."][1163] Cavanaugh, J. "The Use of Proverbs and Sententiae for Rhetorical Amplification in theWritings of Saint Thomas More." Diss. St. Louis U, 1970. [DAI 31/4 (1970): 2336-37A.][1164] Chambers, R. W. The Continuity of English Prose from Alfred to More and his School.London: Oxford UP, 1932. Also publ. as intro. in E. V. Hitchcock's ed. of N. Harpsfield, Lifeof More. xlv-clxxiv. [On the continuity of English prose from Beowulf and Alfred to More.Includes a good discussion of the Fourteenth Century English mystics and also on Moreand Tyndale as translators of the Bible.]^[1165] ^. The Place of St. Thomas More in English Literature and History. London: LongmansGreen & Co., 1937. Rpt. New York: Haskell House, 1964. [Rev.: TLS 13 Nov. 1937: 861; C.Smyth, Criterion 17 (1937/38): 523-32.][1166] Delcourt, J. Essai sur la langue de Sir Thomas More d'apres ses oeuvres anglaises.Montpellier: Roumegous et Dehan, 1913. Rpt. Paris: H. Didier, 1914.[1167] ^ . "Some Aspects of Sir Thomas More's English." E&S 21 (1936): 7-31. Rpt. inEssential Articles. 326-42, 640.[1168] Krapp, G. P. The Rise of English Literary Prose. See Polemical Works: General Studies.[1169] Hallett, P. E. "Blessed Thomas More as an English Prose Writer." DublinR 191 (1932):117-28. [On More's style in his English works.][1170] Lewis, C. S. "[Thomas More.]" English Literature in the Sixteenth Century, ExcludingDrama. Oxford History of English Literature, Vol. 3. Oxford: Oxford UP, 1954. 133,165-81, 191-92. Rpt. in Essential Articles. 388-401, 651.[1171] Miles, L. "Thomas More: Disenchanted Saint." Literature and Society. Ed. B. Slote. Lincoln,NA: U of Nebraska P, 1964. 65-84. [Miles finds More becoming more and more pessimisticabout human nature in his later works.][1172] Sylvester, R. S. "Keynote Address to the Georgetown Symposium." Moreana 62 (1979):94-103. [Summ.: A. J. Geritz, ELR 22 (1992): 116.][1173] Sullivan, M. R. "A Study of the Cursus in the Works of St. Thomas More." Diss. CatholicU of America. Washington, DC: 1943.[1174] Visser, F. T. A Syntax of the English Language of St. Thomas More. The Verb. Parts I-III.Materials for the Study of Old English Drama 19, 24, 26. 3 vols. Louvain: C. Uystpruyst,1946, 1952, 1956. [Summ./Rev.: H. de Vocht, "Materials xix, xxiv, xxvi: F. Visser, a Syntaxof the Language of St. Thomas More." Professor Bang and His Work in English Philology.Materials for the Study of Old English Drama 25. Louvain: C. Uystpruyst, 1958. 200-201.Visser's 950 page study (pages numbered consecutively in the 3 parts) covers only the verbconstructions in More's English Works. The other parts of speech were never completed.]More and Chaucer[1175] Fox, A. "Chaucer, More, and English Humanism." Parergon ns 6 (1988): 63-75. [On More'suse of Chaucer in his English works.]Thomas More Bibliography / 369^[1176] ^. "Thomas More's Dialogue and the Book of the Tales of Caunterbury: 'Good MotherWit' and Creative Imitation." See Dialogue Concerning Heresies.More: Literary Dialogue[1177] Gordon, W. M. "The Platonic Dramaturgy of Thomas More's Dialogues." JMRS 8 (1978):193-215. [Summ.: A. J. Geritz, ELR 22 (1992): 116.][1178] Marc'hadour, G. "Here I Sit: Thomas More's Genius for Dialogue." Thomas More: Essayson the Icon. Ed. D. Grace and B. Byron. Melbourne: Dove Publications, 1980. 9-42. [Summ.:A. J. Geritz, ELR 22 (1992): 116. Discusses More's three dialogues: deals mainly with theDialogue Concerning Heresies.]^[1179] ^ . "Thomas More: De la conversation au dialogue." Le dialogue au temps de laRenaissance. Ed. M. T. Jones-Davies. Paris: Jean Touzot, 1984. 35-57. [Covers similarground to "Here I Sit: Thomas More's Genius for Dialogue."][1180] Marius, R. "Reflections on Writing the Biography of a Saint." See More Scholars,Biographers and Editors.[1181] Pineas, R. "Thomas More's Use of the Dialogue Form as a Weapon of ReligiousControversy." SRen 7 (1960): 193-206. [Summ.: H. G. Zettler, AES 4 (1961): 665.][1182] Sodeman, N. R. "Rhetoric in More's English Dialogues." Moreana 59/60 (1978): 13-18.[1183] Sylvester, R. S. "Three Dialogues." Moreana 64 (1980): 65-78. [Summ.: A. J. Geritz, ELR22 (1992): 116.][1184] Wilson, K. J. "Thomas More: The Transfiguration of Dialogue." Incomplete Fictions: TheFormation of English Renaissance Dialogue. Washington, D.C.: Catholic U of America P,1985. 137-75. [Rev.: G. Marc'hadour, Moreana 91/92 (1986): 189-93. J. M. Mueller, RenQ39 (1986): 336-39; J. Mulryan, Cithara 25:1 (1985): 74-75. Analysis of the DialogueConcerning Heresies and the Dialogue of Comfort.]More: Conscience[1185] Derrett, J. D. M. "Juramenta in Legem: St. Thomas More's Crisis of Conscience and the`Good Roman.'" See The Trial, Imprisonment and Execution.[1186] Gottfried, R. B. "A Conscience Undeflowered: A Lecture on Thomas More." Lunenburg, VT:Privately Printed, 1958. Rpt. in Essential Articles. 520-38.[1187] Kelley, D. R. "The Conscience of the King's 'Good Servant."' See Law and Politics.[1188] Lewis, C. S. "Conscience and Conscious." Studies in Words. Cambridge: Cambridge UP,1960. 181-213. [Important discussion on the meanings of "conscience" in the sixteenthcentury and later. Cites More as example.][1189] Prevost, A. "Valeur supreme de la conscience: le temoin." Thomas More et la crise de lapens& europeenne. Paris: Mame, 1969. 343-54. Trans. and rev. as "Conscience theUltimate Court of Appeal." Essential Articles. 563-68, 672-74.[1190] Schoeck, R. J. "A Lawyer with a Conscience." See More and the Law.[1191] Sylvester, R. S. "Conscience and Consciousness: Thomas More." See Prison Letters andPrayers.Thomas More Bibliography / 370Ecclesiology: More and the Church[1192] Gogan, B. G. The Common Corps of Christendom: Ecclesiological Themes in the Writings ofSir Thomas More. Studies in the History of Christian Thought 26. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1982.[Summ.: A. J. Geritz, ELR 22 (1992): 115. Rev.: A. Godin, Moreana 89 (1986): 81-88; P.Sheldrake, Moreana 82 (1984): 85-88; T. I. White, RenQ 37 (1984): 78-80.][1193] Headley, J. M. "On More and the Papacy." Moreana 41 (1974): 5-10. [A response to R.Marius, "Thomas More's View of the Church." On More's treatment of the Papacy in theResponsio and the Confutation.][1194] Marius, R. "Thomas More's View of the Church." in CW 8/3: 1271-363.^[1195] ^. "Henry VIII, Thomas More, and the Bishop of Rome." Quincentennial Essays.89-107. [Summ.: A. J. Geritz, ELR 22 (1992): 113. On Henry's defence of Papal authorityin the Assertio and the lack therof in More's polemical works. Marius argues that Morewas a Conciliarist at heart.][1196] Oakley, F. "Headley, Marius and the Matter of More's `Conciliarism." Moreana 64 (1980):82-88, with replies by J. Headley and R. Marius, 89-99.[1197] Sheldrake, P. "Authority and Consensus in Thomas More's Doctrine of the Church."HeythropJ 20 (1976): 146-62. [Focuses mainly on the Responsio and the Confutation. Theauthority of General Councils and Popes is based on consensus. More is "no papalist in thestrict sense.")[1198] ^ . "Thomas More and Authority." Month 2nd ns 10 (1977): 122-25, 134. [On GeneralCouncils and Papal primacy in More's theological writings (Responsio, Dialogue ConcerningHeresies, and the Confutation).][1199] Winkler, G. B. "Der Priester bei Thomas More: Vortridentinische Entwtirfe einerAmtsreform." Annarium Historia Conciliorum 8 (1976): 326-45. [On More's treatment ofpriesthood in Utopia, the Responsio, and the Confutation.]More and the Church Fathers[1200] Gordon, W. M. "The Answer to a Poisoned Book." See Answer to a Poisoned Book.[1201] Marc'hadour, G. "An 'Old Holy Father': Gregory of Nyssa." Moreana 35 (1972): 67-70.[1202] . "Fathers and Doctors of the Church." See Dialogue Concerning Heresies.[1203] ^. "Saint JOrOme dans l'oeuvre et dans l'univers de Thomas More." Moreana 101/102(1990): 93-124. [On More's use of St. Jerome in his writings, and on Erasmus' biography ofSt. Jerome and Durer's paintings of Jerome, etc.][1204] Marius, R. C. "Thomas More and the Early Church Fathers." See Confutation ofTyndale's Answer.[1205] ^. "The Pseudonymous Patristic Text in Thomas More's Confutation." SeeConfutation of Tyndale's Answer.[1206] Miles, L. "Patristic Comforters in More's Dialogue of Comfort." See Dialogue of Comfort.Thomas More Bibliography / 371[1207] Oakley, F. "More, St. German, Gerson and Pseudo-Chrysostom on Matthew xxi, 12." SeeApology, and Debellation.[1208] Prevost, A. "Thomas More: Contribution a l'histoire de la pensee religieuse." TheologyDiss. Lille, 1945.[1209] Schoeck, R. J. "The Use of St. John Chrysostom in Sixteenth Century Controversy:Christopher St. German and Sir Thomas More in 1533." See Apology, and Debellation.[1210] Smith, Sr. M.-Th. "St. Augustine's Influence on St. Thomas More's English Works." Diss.Yale U, 1943.More: Spirituality[1211] Bishop, R. J. "Sir Thomas More: The Duty of a Christian." Humanities Association Bulletin(Humanities Association of Canada) 17:1 (1966): 21-32. [The duties of a Christian inMore's letters, the Four Last Things, and the Dialogue Concerning Comfort.][1212] Byron, B. Loyalty in the Spirituality of St. Thomas More. Bibliotheca Humanistica &Reformatorica 4. Nieuwkoop: De Graaf, 1972. [Rev.: (of Diss. Rome, 1966): H. Gibaud,Moreana 13 (1967): 89-94.][1213] Donnelly, D. H. "The 'Size' of More (on His 500th Birthday)." Quincentennial Essays.11-26. [Psychological growth and spiritual conversion in More's life.][1214] Fisher, B. "English Spiritual Writers: St. Thomas More." ClergyR 45 (1960): 1-10. Rpt. inEnglish Spiritual Writers. Ed. C. Davis. London: Burns & Oates; New York: Sheed & Ward,1961. 74-83. Also rpt. in Essential Articles. 513-19. [On More, the London Charterhouse,Walter Hilton and lay spirituality.][1215] Haupt, G. E. "The Personal and the Impersonal in the Late Works of Sir Thomas More."see Tower Works: General Studies.[1216] Jones, J. P. "'Thy Grace to Set the World at Nought:' The Mystical Element in the Worksof Thomas More." Studio Mystica 3:2 (1980): 61-71. [Summ.: A. J. Geritz, ELR 22 (1992):114. On More's Christocentric devotional writing in the Life of Picus, The Four Last Thingsand the 'Tower Works.'][1217] Kung, H. Freiheit in der Welt. Zurich (Einsiedeln): Benziger, 1964. Trans. C. Hastings asFreedom in the World. Theological Meditations Edited by Hans Kling 3. London: Sheed &Ward, 1965. Trans. into Italian as La Liberty del Cristiano. Brescia: Quiriniana, 1967.[Rev.: G. Marc'hadour, Moreana 6 (1965): 95-97. A profound meditation on Thomas Moreas "A Saint in the World." Not in the least bit hagiographical.][1218] Lion, A. "Thomas More, utopiste et chretien." La vie spirituelle 124 (march 1971): 315-26.[1219] Mackay, J. "The Spirituality of Thomas More." Thomas More: The Rhetoric of Character.Ed. A. Fox and P. Leech. Dunedin: U of Otago (A University Extension Publication), 1979.37-63, 106-10. [Sum.: P. Leech, ibid., 8-11; A. J. Geritz, ELR 22 (1992): 115.][1220] McConica, J. "The Patrimony of Thomas More." See Law and Politics.[1221] Marc'hadour, G. "Obedient unto Death: A Key to St. Thomas More." Spiritual Life 7(1961): 205-22.Thomas More Bibliography / 372^[1222] ^ . "St. Thomas More." Month ns 29 (1963): 69-84. Rpt. in Pre-Reformation EnglishSpirituality. Ed. J. Walsh. London: Burns & Oates, 1965. 224-39, 285-86.^[1223] ^. "Sir Thomas More, Knight." See Law and Politics,^[1224] ^ . "Thomas More's Spirituality." St. Thomas More: Action and Contemplation. Ed. R.S. Sylvester. New Haven: Yale UP for St. John's University, 1972. 125-59.[1225] Martz, L. L. "Thomas More: The Search for the Inner Man." Miscellanea Moreana.397-416 + 3 plates. Rev. vers. as "The Search for the Inner Man." Thomas More: TheSearch for the Inner Man. New Haven: Yale UP, 1990. 1-27, 103-06 + 4 plates. [Summ.:Moreana 98/99 (1988): 162-63, 257-58; A. M. 0' Donnell, CHR 77 (1991): 607-08. DefendsMore against the charges of Marius and Elton, and stresses the integrity of More's innerlife. Martz makes some important comments on the vituperative style of More's polemicalworks and on his attitude towards heretics. Also comments on iconography (pp. 6-13),Martz warns against putting too much emphasis on the Frick portrait in judging More'scharacter.][1226] Meulon, H. "La devotion chez Thomas More." Moreana 19/20 (1968): 5-10.[1227] . "La docilite chez Thomas More." See Prison Letters and Prayers.[1228] O'Malley, J. W. "Thomas More's Spirituality Compared." Thought 52 (1977): 319-23.[1229] Reynolds, E. E. The Heart of Thomas More: Readings for Every day of the Year. London:Burns & Oates, 1966. [Rev.: C. W. Crawford, Moreana 12 (1966): 97-99. A collection ofextracts from More's works illustrating his "personality and spirituality."][1230] Schoeck, R. J. "On the Spiritual Life of St. Thomas More." Thought 52 (1977): 324-27.Thomas More and the Eucharist[1231] Byron, B. F. "From Essence to presence: A Shift in Eucharistic Expression Illustrated fromThe Apologetic of St. Thomas More." See A Treatise on the Passion.[1232] Foley, S. M., and C. H. Miller. "The Shape of the Eucharistic Controversy." See TheAnswer to a Poisoned Book.[1233] Gordon, W. M. "The Answer to a Poisoned Book." See The Answer to a Poisoned Book.Thomas More and the Bible[1234] Allen, W. "King James's Translators and Words on the Wing." Miscellanea Moreana.27-38. [Summ.: Moreana 98/99 (1988): 153, 247. Comments (36-37) on the use of the word"wrangle" in the Confutation.][1235] Cavanaugh, J. R. "The Interpretation and Use of Sacred Scripture in the Writings of St.Thomas More." Diss. U of Toronto, 1956. [Directed by A. E. Barker.][1236] Chambers, R. W. "The Continuity of English Prose." See General Studies of More'sWorks.[1237] Hutchinson, F. E. "Sir Thomas More as a Translator of the Bible." RES 17 (1941): 1-10.[Rev.: N&Q 180 (1941): 163.]Thomas More Bibliography / 373[1238] Lubac, H. de, "[Thomas More.]" Exegese medieuale: Les quatre sens de l'Ecriture. 4 vols.Paris: Aubier, Editions Montaigne, 1964. Second Part, II: 477-80.[1239] Marc'hadour, G. Thomas More et la bible. Paris: 1969.^[1240] ^. The Bible in the Works of St. Thomas More: A Repertory. Part I: The Old Testament.Part II: The Four Gospels. Part III: Acts, Epistles, Apocalypse. Part IV: Elements ofSynthesis. Part V: Indexes, Supplements, Concordances. 2 vols. in 5 parts. Nieuwkoop: B. deGraaf, 1969-1972. [Rev.: W. L. Godshalk, RenQ 26 (1973): 210-12; J. P. Marmion, Moreana26 (1970): 59-66.][1241] ^ . "The Latin Vulgate in the Prose of Sixteenth-Century Humanists." Acta conventusNeo-Latini Amstelodamensis. 682-89.[1242] Marc'hadour, G., and T. M. C. Lawler. "Scripture in the Dialogue." See DialogueConcerning Heresies.[1243] Massaut, J.-P. "L'humanisme chretien et la Bible: le cas de Thomas More." RHE 67(1972): 92-112.[1244] Minns, D. P. "Thomas More's Use of Scripture in The Dialogue Concerning Heresies." SeeDialogue Concerning Heresies.See also Polemical Works: More vs. Tyndale (1528-1533).Thomas More as a Translator[1245] Hutchinson, F. E. "Sir Thomas More as a Translator of the Bible." See Thomas Moreand the Bible.[1246] Marc'hadour, G. "More Self-Translator." Moreana 11 (1966): 71-73. [On two passages: onein the Responsio, translated in the Apology, and one in the Utopia, on mentiri vs.mendacium dicere (CW 4, 40/28-29), translated in the Debellation.]^[1247] ^. Rev. of Confrontation at Worms. by De L. Jensen. See Responsio ad Lutherum.^[1248] ^ . "Thomas More traduit par lui-meme." Acta conventus Neo-Latini Turonensis.463-70. [On Richard III and some passages in More's polemical works.]See also Translations of Lucian, and Life of Pico.Humour and Wit[1249] Bridgett, T. E., ed. "Introductory Essay on The Wisdom and Wit of Blessed Thomas[More]." The Wisdom and Wit of Blessed Thomas More. London: Burns Oates &Washbourne, 1892. 1-25. Pp. 11-25 rpt. as "The Wit of Thomas More." in EssentialArticles. 481-88, 666.[1250] Dinnis, E. "Thomas More's Best Joke." Thought 2 (1928): 637-50.[1251] Gabrieli, V. "The Merry Tales of Sir Thomas More." La Cultura 12:1 (1974): 23-46.[1252] Gabrieli, V., ed. Thomas More: Fancies Sports and Merry Tales. Biblioteca Italiana di testiinglesi 22. Bari: Adriatica Editrice, 1974. [Rev.: G. Marc'hadour, Moreana 43/44 (1974):105-09. An anthology of extracts from More's works illustrating his humour.]Thomas More Bibliography / 374[1253] Marsh, T. N. "Humor and Invective in Early Tudor Polemic Prose." Rice Institute Pamphlet44:1 (1957): 79-89. [Summ.: T. Culbert, AES 1 (1958): 901. Humor and polemicaltechnique in More, Tyndale and Fish.][1254] Mason, H. A. "The Discovery of Wit: The Identity of Spirit in More and Erasmus."Humanism and Poetry in the Early Tudor Period. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1959.59-103.[1255] Nedoncelle, M. "L'humour d'Erasme et l'humour de Thomas More." Scrinium Erasmianum.Ed. J. Coppens. 2 vols. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1969. 2: 547-67.[1256] O'Connell, W. E. "The Humor of the Gallows." The Omega Letter [Chicago] 1 (1966):31-32.(?) [Summ.: G. Marc'hadour, Moreana 13 (1967): 108-09. Marc'hador quotes thepassage on More from O'Connell in Moreana.][1257] Pineas, R. "Thomas More's Use of Humor as a Weapon of Religious Controversy." SP 58(1961): 97-114. [Summ.: W. 0. Harris, AES 4 (1961): 2266.][1258] Thecla [Smith?], Sr. M. "S. Thomas More's `Merye Laughing Harvest." If By Your Art:Testament to Percival Hunt. Ed. A. L. Starrett. Pittsburgh: U of Pittsburgh P, 1948. 161-73.[1259] Thompson, C. R. "Erasmus, More, and the Conjuration of Spirits: The Possible Source of aPractical Joke." Moreana 24 (1969): 45-50. [Thompson tentatively identifies two Erasmiancolloquies, the Coniugium and the Exorcismus sive spectrum as anecdotes about More.][1260] Ziemer, P. "Humor and Faith in the Works of St. Thomas More." Moreana 91/92 (1986):31-32.More and Humanism[1261] Brugmans, H. "Thomas More: humaniste europeen." La Revue Nouvelle [Tournai] 44(1966): 3-20. [Summ.: G. Marc'hadour, Moreana Index to Vol. II, p.13.][1262] Bush, D. "Tudor Humanism and Henry VIII." UTQ 7 (1938): 162-77. [Criticizes R. W.Chambers, and J. S. Phillimore on "The Arrest of Humanism."][1263] Fox, A. "Thomas More's Controversial Writings and His View of the Renaissance." SeePolemical Works: General Studies.[1264] ^ . "Chaucer, More, and English Humanism." See More and Chaucer.[1265] Gilmore, P. "The Program of Christian Humanism: Sir Thomas More and his Friends."The World of Humanism, 1453-1517. New York: Harper & Brothers, 1952. 211-15. [OnMore and Colet.][1266] Janelle, P. "Humanisme et unite chretienne: John Fisher et Thomas More." See More andFisher.[1267] Kristeller, P. 0. "Thomas More as a Renaissance Humanist." Moreana 65 (1980): 5-22.[Summ.: A. J. Geritz, ELR 22 (1992): 115.][1268] Kristeller, P. 0., and H. Maier. Thomas Morus als Humanist. Zwei Essays. Gratia,Bamberger Schriften zur Renaissanceforshung 11. Bamberg: H. Kaiser-Verlag, 1982.[1269] Murphy, A. "Thomas More as Humanist Writer." HeythropJ 33 (1992): 437-40. [A reviewarticle.]Thomas More Bibliography / 375[1270] Nelson, W. "Thomas More, Grammarian and Orator." PMLA 58 (1943): 334-52. Rpt. withcorrections in Essential Articles. 150-60, 604-07. [On John Holt and the Latin epigrams toLac Puerorum, and on More's later career as a Public Orator.][1271] Phillimore, J. S. "Blessed Thomas More and the Arrest of Humanism." DublinR 153(1913): 1-26. [On More's humanism and his English Works. Still worth reading. See alsoD. Bush, "Tudor Humanism and Henry VIII."][1272] Schoeck, R. J. "Humanism in England." Humanism Beyond Italy. Vol. 2 of RenaissanceHumanism: Foundations. Forms, and Legacy. Ed. A. Rabil, Jr. 3 vols. Philadelphia, PA: Uof Pennsylvania P, 1988. 2: 5-38. [Mainly on Colet (7-10), Erasmus (10-12) and More(12-25).][1273] Thompson, C. R. "The Humanism of More Reappraised." Thought 52 (1977): 231-48.[Summ.: A. J. Geritz, ELR 22 (1992): 115.][1274] Trinkaus, C. "Thomas More and Humanist Tradition: Martyrdom and Ambiguity." TheScope of Renaissance Humanism. Ann Arbor: U of Michigan P, 1983. 422-36.Feminism and Education[1275] Benson, P. J. "The New Ideal in England: Thomas More, Juan Luis Vives and RichardHyrde." The Invention of the Renaissance Woman: The Challenge of Female Independence inthe Literature and Thought of Italy and England. University Park, PA: Pennsylvania StateUP, 1992. 157-81.[1276] Graham, H. "Saint Thomas More and Christian Education." Thought 11 (1936): 19-33.[1277] Jones, J. P., and S. S. Seibel. "Thomas More's Feminism: To Reform or Re-Form."Quincentennial Essays. 67-77. [A rather crude feminist reading. See L. C. Khanna for amuch more nuanced approach to More's "feminism."][1278] Khanna, L. C. "Images of Women in Thomas More's Poetry." See Latin Epigrams.[1279] —. "No Less Real Than Ideal: Images of Women in More's Work." See Richard III:Shore's Wife.[1280] Marc'hadour, G. "Thomas More and His Foursome of 'Blessed Holy Women.'"Thomas-Morus-Gesellschaft Jahrbuch 1983/84. Ed. H. Boventer. Dusseldorf: Triltsch, 1984.113-30.[1281] McCutcheon, E. "The Education of Thomas More's Daughters: Concepts and Praxis." EastMeets West: Homage to Edgar C. Knowlton, Jr. Eds. R. L. Hadlich and J. D. Ellsworth.Honolulu, HI: Published by the Department of European Languages and Literature,University of Hawaii, 1988. 193-207. [Rev.: J. A. McGoldrick, Moreana 103 (1990): 89-92.][1282] Murphy, C. M. "On the Women in More's Life: Two Recent Works." Moreana 82 (1984):109-17.[1283] Murray, F. G. "Feminine Spirituality in the More Household." Moreana 27/28 (1970):92-102.[1284] Sowards, J. K. "Erasmus and the Education of Women." SCJ 13:4 (1982): 77-89.Thomas More Bibliography / 376^[1285] ^. "On Education: More's Debt to Erasmus" Miscellanea Moreana. 103-23. [Summ.:Moreana 98/99 (1988): 155-56, 249-50.][1286] Warnicke, R. "Women and Humanism in England." Humanism Beyond Italy. Vol. 2 ofRenaissance Humanism: Foundations, Forms, and Legacy. Ed. A. Rabil, Jr. 3 vols.Philadelphia, PA: U of Pennsylvania P, 1988. 2: 39-54. [Corrects earlier exaggeratedclaims by others on the numbers of 'humanistically' educated women in England. She alsodeals with the School of More (39-41, 47-48), and on More's influence on the education ofwomen in England.][1287] Weinberg, C. "Thomas More and the Use of English in Early Tudor Education." Moreana59/60 (1978): 21-30.B.3. MORE'S EARLY BIOGRAPHERS, EDITORS, AND ICONOGRAPHERSGeneral Studies[1288] Anderegg, M. A. "The Tradition of Early More Biography." Essential Articles. 3-25,583-86.[1289] ^. "Utopia and Early More Biography: Another View." Moreana 33 (1972): 23-29. [Areply to J. J. Greene's article.][1290] Burchfield, R. "A Profile of the Grammar of Three Sixteenth-Century Lives of Sir ThomasMore and of an Unrelated 'drab' Prose Work by Anthony Gilby." England and theContinental Renaissance: Essays in Honour of J. B. Trapp. Ed. E. Chaney and P. Mack.Woodbridge, Suffolk: The Boydell P, 1990. 109-24. [Burchfield uses three lives of St.Thomas More: Roper (1558), Hapsfield (1559), Ro. Ba. (1599), and a work of AnthonyGilby's (1585) to illustrate distinctive features of C. S. Lewis' `drab age' prose.][1291] Chambers, R. W. "The Saga and the Myth of Sir Thomas More." See General Studies ofMore's Works.[1292] Derrett, J. D. M. "St. Thomas More and the Would-be Suicide." DownsideR 88 (1970):372-77. [Deals with a couple of incidents from early More biographies and apocrypha.][1293] Greene, J. J. "Utopia and Early More Biography." Moreana 31/32 (1971): 199-208.[1294] Schutt, M. "Die Biographien Sir Thomas Mores," and "Cher die verschiedenenBearbeitungen des More-Stoffes." Die englische Biographik de Tudor-Zeit. Hamburg:Friederichsen, de Gruyter & Co., 1930. 58-77, 138-40. [Some sections also listedseparately.]Biographers: Erasmus (Allan #999)Editions and Translations[1295] Allen, P. S., and H. M. Allen, eds. "Life of Sir Thomas More by Erasmus." Sir ThomasMore: Selections from His English Works and from the Lives by Erasmus and Roper. Oxford:Clarendon P, 1924. 1-9. [English translation.][1296] Buhr-Ohlmeyer, H. William Roper: Das Leben des Thomas Morus. See Early Biographers:William Roper.Thomas More Bibliography / 377[1297] Campbell, M., ed. "Letter of Erasmus to Von Hutton." The Utopia of Sir Thomas More.Toronto and New York: D. Van Nostrand, 1947. 185-204. [Translation.][1298] Greene, J. J., and J. P. Dolan, eds. "Letter of Erasmus to Ulrich von Hutten." The EssentialThomas More. New York: Mentor, 1967. 286-94. [Translation.][1299] Marc'hadour, G., trans. "Thomas More vu par Erasme." Saint Thomas More: LettreDorp—La Supplication des Ames. Namur: Le Soleil Levant, 1962. 3-35. [Rev.: P. Mesnard,Moreana 1 (1963): 30-39. French translation.][1300] ^. Thomas More vu par Erasme. Angers: Editions Moreana, 1969. [Latin text andFrench translation, together with 150 page commentary.][1301] Nichols, F. M., trans. "Erasmus to Ulrich von Hutten." Epistles of Erasmus. 3 vols. London:Longmans, Green and Co., 1901-1918. Rpt. New York: Russell and Russell, 1962. 3:387-99. Rpt. in Utopia: A New Translation, Backgrounds, Criticism. Ed. R. M. Adams. NewYork: W. W. Norton & Co., 1975. 127-33. Rpt. 2nd rev. ed. 1992. 125-33.[1302] Olin, J., ed. Thomas More, 7 February 1477-6 July 1535: A Portrait in Words by hisFriend Erasmus. On the Occasion of the Conference Marking the Quincentennial of theBirth of St. Thomas More, Kt. Held at the University on February 10th and 11th.... NewYork: Fordham UP, 1977. 14 pages + 1 plate. [Adapted from the translation of F. M.Nichols.]Studies[1303] Phillips, M. M. "Erasmus and Biography." UTQ 42 (1971): 185-201. [Sees Erasmus'biography of More as Suetonian in inspiration.]Biographers: William Roper (1496-78)Editions[1304] Campbell, M., ed. "Roper's Life of More." The Utopia of Sir Thomas More. Toronto andNew York: D. Van Nostrand, 1947. 207-80. [Modern spelling version.][1305] Cline, J. M., ed. The Lyfe of Sir Thomas Moore, Knighte. New York: The Swallow Press andWilliam Morrow and Co., 1950. [Rev.: L. Bradner, RenN 3 (1950): 44-45.][1306] Creeth, E., ed. "The Lyfe of Sir Thomas Moore, knighte." By William Roper. Tudor Prose,1513-1570. Garden City, NY: Anchor Books (Doubleday), 1969. 81-136, 474-84. [FollowsHitchcock's edition.][1307] Eliot, W., ed. The Life of Sir Thomas More. By William Roper. Machiavelli, More, Luther.Vol. 36 of The Harvard Classics. 50 vols. New York: P. F. Collier & Son, 1910. 36: 89-134.[Modern spelling version.][1308] Hitchcock, E. V., ed. The Lyfe of Sir Thomas Moore, Knighte. By William Roper. EarlyEnglish Text Society 197. London: Humphrey Milford, Oxford UP, 1935. [The standardedition.][1309] Lumby, J. R., ed. The Life of Sir Thomas More. By William Roper. More's Utopia.Cambridge: Cambridge UP (Pitt Press Series), 1879. Rpt. 1956. v-lvi. [Rpt. of Hearne's1716 edition.]Thomas More Bibliography / 378[1310] Reynolds, E. E., ed. "Life by William Roper." Lives of Saint Thomas More. By WilliamRoper and Nicholas Harpsfield. London: Dent (Everyman's Library), 1963. 1-50. [Amodernized spelling version based on the EETS edition.][1311] Sylvester, R. S., and D. P. Harding, eds. "The Life of Sir Thomas More." Two Tudor Lives.The Life and Death of Cardinal Wolsey, by George Cavendish and The Life of Sir ThomasMore, by William Roper. New Haven: Yale UP, 1962. 195-254. [Modernized spellingeditions of Roper and Cavendish's Lives.][1312] The Mirrour of Vertue in Worldly Greatnes or the Life of Sir Thomas More Knight. ByWilliam Roper. London: Alexander Moring (The De La More Press), 1903. 5-102. [Alsocontains some of More's 'Prison Letters.']Selections[1313] Allen, P. S., and H. M. Allen, eds. "From the Life of Sir Thomas More by William Roper,His Son-in-Law." Sir Thomas More: Selections from His English Works and from the Livesby Erasmus and Roper. Oxford: Clarendon P, 1924. 10-34.[1314] Trapp, J. B., ed. "William Roper: The Life of Sir Thomas More." The Middle Ages throughthe Eighteenth Century. Vol. 1 of The Oxford Anthology of English Literature. Ed. J.Hollander and F. Kermode. 2 vols. London: Oxford UP, 1973. 575-78.Translations[1315] Buhr-Ohlmeyer, H. William Roper: Das Leben des Thomas Morus. [Im Anhang u.a.: Briefdes Erasmus (fiber Morus) an Ulrich von Hutten von 23.7.1519.] Intro. A. Ohlmeyer.Heidelberg: L. Schneider, 1986. [Rev.: U. Baumann, Moreana 94 (1987): 53-54. Germantranslation, also includes translation of Erasmus' letter to Ulrich von Hutten (see review).]Studies[1316] Anderson, J. H. "Roper: Deliberated Design and Designer." Biographical Truth: TheRepresentation of Historical Persons in Tudor-Stuart Writing. New Haven: Yale UP, 1984.40-51, 210-2. [Rev.: D. Woolf, Queen's Quarterly 94 (1987): 147-51.][1317] Crewe, J. V. "The Encomium Moriae of William Roper." ELH 55 (1988): 287-307. [One ofthe silliest articles ever written about More: suggests incestuous relationships ("nudge-nudge, wink-wink") between More and Margaret Roper.][1318] Donner, H. W. "The Emperor and Sir Thomas Elyot." RES ns 2 (1951): 55-59. [On aparallel between Roper's Life of More and Elyot's On the Knowledge which maketh a WiseMan.][1319] Hogrefe, P. "Sir Thomas More's Connection with the Roper Family." See More's Family,Friends and Descendants: Sixteenth Century.[1320] Marius, R. "Reflections on Writing the Biography of a Saint." See Modern Biographers,Editors, and Scholars.[1321] McGuire, J. "William Roper's Life of More: The Working Methods of a Tudor Biographer."Moreana 23 (1969): 59-65. [On Roper's Use of More's last letters (Rogers #197-216).]Thomas More Bibliography / 379[1322] Person, J. E., Jr., ed. Literature Criticism from 1400 to 1800. Detroit: Gale Research Inc.,1989. Vol. 10: 457-88. [Rev.: E. McCutcheon, Moreana 101/102 (1990): 209-11. Part of amulti-volume series. Excerpts from secondary criticism on Roper. See also Surveys ofCriticism.][1323] Pollard, A. F. "Sir Thomas More and Sir Thomas Elyot." TLS 17 July 1930: 592. [Letter.See H. W. Donner, "The Emperor and Sir Thomas Elyot."][1324] Reynolds, E. E. "Tille valle, Tylle valle." Moreana 3 (1964): 102. [A brief note.][1325] Schutt, M. "Roper and Harpsfield." Die englische Biographik de Tudor-Zeit. Hamburg:Friederichsen, de Gruyter & Co., 1930. 58-70.[1326] Stauffer, D. A. English Biography Before 1700. Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP, 1930. Rpt.New York: Russell & Russell, 1964. 129-33.[1327] Sylvester, R. S. "Roper's Life of More." Moreana 36 (1972): 47-59. Rpt. with revisions inEssential Articles. 189-97, 614-15.[1328] Wooden, W. W. "Structural Patterning in William Roper's Life of More." Moreana 64(1980): 100-06.Biographers: Nicholas Harpsfield (1519-1575)Editions[1329] Hitchcock, E. V., ed. The Life and Death of Sr Thomas Moore, knight, sometymes Lord highChancellor of England. By Nicholas Harpsfield. With an intro. by R. W. Chambers. EarlyEnglish Texts Society 186. London: Humphrey Milford, Oxford UP, 1932. [Rev.: TLS 18Aug. 1932: 578. Cited as "Harpsfield, Life of More."][1330] Reynolds, E. E., ed. "Life by Nicholas Harpsfield." Lives of Saint Thomas More. By WilliamRoper and Nicholas Harpsfield. London: Dent (Everyman's Library), 1963. 51-175. [Amodernized spelling version based on the EETS edition.]Selections[1331] Dickens, A. G., and D. Carr, eds. "Thomas More Discharges His Conscience." TheReformation in England to the Accession of Elizabeth I: Documents in Modern History.London: Edward Arnold, 1967. 70-72. [Brief extract from Hitchcock's edition ofHarpsfield's Life.][1332] Gabrieli, V., and G. Melchiori, eds. "Appendix B: Harpsfield." Sir Thomas More. A Play byAnthony Munday and Others. Revised by Henry Chettle, Thomas Dekker, Thomas Heywoodand William Shakespeare. The Revels Plays. Manchester: Manchester UP, 1990. 242-44.[Two short excerpts from Harpsfield's edition.][1333] MacDonald, H., ed. "Sir Thomas More." Portraits in Prose: A Collection of Characters.London: George Routledge & Sons, 1946. 5-8. [Two brief extracts from Harpsfield's Life ofMore.][1334] Metz, G. H., ed. "From The Life and death of S r Thomas Moore, knight, sometymes Lordhigh Chancellor of England." By Nicholas Harpsfield. Sources of Four Plays Ascribed toShakespeare: The Reign of King Edward III, Sir Thomas More, The History of Cardenio,The Two Noble Kinsmen. Columbia, MO: U of Missouri P, 1989. 236-49. [Extract fromHitchcock's edition.]Thomas More Bibliography / 380[1335] Nugent, E. M., ed. "Life of Sir Thomas More." The Thought and Culture of the EnglishRenaissance: An Anthology of Tudor Prose, 1481-1555. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1956.550-59. [Haprsfield's account of More's Indictment from Hitchcock's edition with spellingmodernized.][1336] Ross, J. B., and M. M. McLaughlin, eds. "Nicholas Harpsfield: St. Thomas More." ThePortable Renaissance Reader. New York: Viking P, 1953. 492-500. [An excerpt inmodernized spelling from Hitchcock's edition.]Studies[1337] Anderegg, M. A. "Nicholas Harpsfield, Thomas More, and William Roper's Lapse intoHeresy." N&Q ns 23 (1976): 225-26. [On Harpsfield's treatment of Roper's lapse intoheresy, and on certain parallels with the Dialogue Concerning Heresies.][1338] Schutt, M. "Roper and Harpsfield." See Early Biographers: William Roper.Biographers: Thomas StapletonEditions and Translations[1339] Hallett, P. E., trans. The Life and Illustrious Martyrdom of Sir Thomas More. By ThomasStapleton. London: Burns Oates & Washbourne, 1928. Rev. ed. annotated by E. E.Reynolds. London: Burns & Oates, 1966. Rpt. New York: Fordham UP, 1984. [Rev.: TLS 23Aug. 1928: 600; M. Richards, Morearza 17 (1968): 64-65; G. Marc'hadour, Moreana 94(1987): 81-82.][1340] Stapleton, Thomas. Tres Thomae, seu de S. Thomae Apostoli rebus gestis. De S. ThomaArchiepiscopo Cantuariensi et Martyre. De T. Mori Angliae quondam Cancellarii vita. Douai:Borgardus, 1588.[1341] . Vita Thomae Mori. Frankfort and Leipzig: C. Gensch, 1689. Rpt. (UnveranderterNachdruck.) Frankfurt: Minerva, 1964. [Rev.: H. H. HerbrUggen, RenN 18 (1965): 139-41.Facsimile reprint. Actually included as the introduction to the 1689 edition of More's LatinOpera omnia. See also General Editions of Thomas More's Works.]Selections[1342] Gabrieli, V., trans. "Appendix C: Stapleton." Sir Thomas More. A Play by AnthonyMunday and Others. Revised by Henry Chettle, Thomas Dekker, Thomas Heywood andWilliam Shakespeare. Ed. V. Gabrieli and G. Melchiori. The Revels Plays. Manchester:Manchester UP, 1990. 245-48. [Two short excerpts.][1343] Metz, G. H., ed. "From Vita et Illustre Martyrium Thomas Mori, Angliae Quondam SupremiCancellarii." By Thomas Stapleton. Sources of Four Plays Ascribed to Shakespeare: TheReign of King Edward III, Sir Thomas More, The History of Cardenio, The Two NobleKinsmen. Columbia, MO: U of Missouri P, 1989. 217-24. [Extract from Hallett'stranslation.]Studies[1344] Cepress, Sr. M. C. "Thomas Stapleton's Vita Mori: A Critical Analysis and History." Diss.Catholic U of America, Washington DC, 1952.Thomas More Bibliography / 381[1345] Crawford, C. W. "Thomas Stapleton and More's Letter to Bugenhagen." See Letter toBugenhagen.[1346] Marc'hadour, G. "Thomas Stapleton's Use of More's English Works (1557) in his VitaThomae Mori (1588)." Acta Conventus Neo-Latini Torontonensis. 83-90.[1347] ^ . "Tres Thomae." Proceedings of the PMR Conference 10 (1985): 23-40. [Rev.: D. F.Donnelly, Moreana 98/99 (1988): 109-10.][1348] Schutt, M. "Stapleton." Die englische Biographik de Tudor-Zeit. Hamburg: Friederichsen, deGruyter & Co., 1930. 70-74.[1349] Stauffer, D. A. English Biography Before 1700. Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP, 1930. Rpt.New York: Russell & Russell, 1964. 133-34.Biographers: Ro. Ba. [Robert Basset?]Editions[1350] Hitchcock, E. V., and P. E. Hallett, eds. The Life of Syr Thomas More, Sometymes LordChancellour of England. By Ro: Ba:. Early English Text Society 222. London: Oxford UP,1950.[1351] Wordsworth, C., ed. "Sir Thomas More." By Ro. Ba. in Ecclesiastical Biography. 4 vols.London: Francis & John Rivington, 1810; 4th ed. 1853. 2: 43-185. [First printed edition ofRo. Ba.'s biography.]Selections[1352] Metz, G. H., ed. "From The Lyfe of Syr Thomas More, Sometymes Lord Chancellor ofEngland." By Ro: Ba:. Sources of Four Plays Ascribed to Shakespeare: The Reign of KingEdward III, Sir Thomas More, The History of Cardenio, The Two Noble Kinsmen.Columbia, MO: U of Missouri P, 1989. 225-36. [Extract from Hitchcock's edition.]Studies[1353] Peebles, B. M. "Easell vs. Eisell: A Lexicographical Lapse." Moreana 39 (1973): 37-38. [Onan omission from the O.E.D.: Ro. Ba.'s use of `easell'—echoed in R. W. Chambers andRobert Bolt.][1354] Reed, A. W. "A Short Account of Sir Robert Basset of Umberleigh and Heanton Court nearBarnstople in Devon (1573/4-1641)." The Life of Syr Thomas More, Sometymes LordChancellour of England. By Ro: Ba:. Ed. E. V. Hitchcock and P. E. Hallett. Early EnglishText Society 222. London: Oxford UP, 1950. 301-10.[1355] Schutt, M. "Ro. Ba." Die englische Biographik de Tudor-Zeit. Hamburg: Friederichsen, deGruyter & Co., 1930. 74-77.Biographers: Cresacre MoreEditions[1356] Hunter, J., ed. The Life of Sir Thomas More. London: 1828.Thomas More Bibliography / 382Studies[1357] Garavaglia, G. P. "Cresacre and Thomas More During the English Revolution, 1640-1660."See More's Family and Descendants: Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries.[1358] Reed, A. W. "From Thomas More to Cresacre More." The Life of Syr Thomas More,Sometymes Lord Chancellour of England. By Ro: Ba:. Ed. E. V. Hitchcock and P. E. Hallett.Early English Text Society 222. London: Oxford UP, 1950. 311-14.Ellis Heywood's Il MoroEditions[1359] Heywood, Ellis. 11 Moro: Ellis Heywood's Dialogue in Memory of Thomas More. Ed. R. L.Deakins. Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP, 1972. [Rev.: P. Winder and F. B. Williams, Jr.,Moreana 52 (1976): 103-06.]Studies[1360] Deakins, R. L. "Introduction." II Moro: Ellis Heywood's Dialogue in Memory of ThomasMore. Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP, 1972. ix-xxxvii.[1361] Kinney, A. F. Humanist Poetics: Thought, Rhetoric, and Fiction in Sixteenth-centuryEngland. Amherst, MA: U of Massachusetts P, 1986. 151-53, 475.[1362] Rhodes, D. E. "Il Moro: An Italian View of Sir Thomas More." England and theContinental Renaissance: Essays in Honour of J. B. Trapp. Ed. E. Chaney and P. Mack.Woodbridge, Suffolk: The Boydell P, 1990. 67-71. [Brief biography of Ellis Heywood.Heywood was a man of one book. Lists locations of copies of 11 Moro.][1363] Vian, N. "San Tommaso More tra la Saga e it Mito." Miscellanea Pio Paschini, Studi diStoria Ecclesiastica. II (1949): 213-22. [Cited by Deakins.]Biographers: Other Early Biographers and Recusant Reputation[1364] Doyle, C. G. "Baring Some Facts." Moreana 95/96 (1987): 17-19.[1365] Geritz, A. J. "John Aubrey's Brief Life of More: Facts, Half-Truths, or Fictions?"Miscellanea Moreana. 223-31.[1366] Gairdner, J., ed. "A Letter Concerning Bishop Fisher and Sir Thomas More." EHR 7(1892): 712-15. Rpt. with modernized spelling as "John Bouge: Letter to Katheryn Manne."The Thought and Culture of the English Renaissance: An Anthology of Tudor Prose,1481-1555. Ed. E. M. Nugent. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1956. 547-49. [John Bouge's"Letter to Katheryn Manne.")[1367] Surtz, E. "Richard Pace's Sketch of Thomas More." JEGP 57 (1958): 36-50. Rpt. inEssential Articles. 180-88, 611-14. [Summ.: J. McKiernan, AES 1 (1958): 1149.][1368] Trevor-Roper, H. R. "Sir Thomas More and the English Lay Recusants." Men and Events:Historical Essays. New York: Harper, 1957. Rpt. New York: Octagon Books, 1976. 91-97.William Rastell's 1557 Edition and Other Early Editions[1369] Billingsley, D. B. "The Editorial Design of the 1557 English Works." Moreana 89 (1986):39-48.Thomas More Bibliography / 383[1370] Bruce, J. "Observations upon Certain Inaccuracies in the Published Letters of Sir ThomasMore." Archaeologia 30 (1844): 149-59. [On the changes that Rastell made to the 'PrisonLetters' in the 1557 edition.][1371] Delcourt, M. "Recherches sur Thomas More: la tradition continentale et la traditionanglaise." Humanisme et Renaissance 3 (1936): 22-42.[1372] Keen, R. "Appendix E, The Printer's Copy for the Supplication of Souls in the 1557 EnglishWorks." See The Supplication of Souls.[1373] McConica, J. K. "The Recusant Reputation of Thomas More." CCHA 30 (June 1964):47-61. Rpt. in Essential Articles. 136-49, 603-04. Rev. vers. rpt. as "Appendix II: TheRecusant Traditions of Thomas More." English Humanists and Reformation Politics. Oxford:Clarendon P, 1965. 286-94.[1374] Marc'hadour, G. "Three Tudor Editors of Thomas More." Editing Sixteenth Century Texts:Papers Given at the Editorial Conference, October, 1965. Ed. R. J. Schoeck. Toronto: U ofToronto P, 1966. 59-71. [Rev.: J. A. B. Somerset, Moreana 14 (1967): 32-34. On the 1553,1557 and 1573 editions of The Dialogue of Comfort, and on editorial changes to thescriptural quotations in these editions.][1375] Reed, A. W. "William Rastell and More's English Works." in EW 1931, 1: 1-12. Rpt. inEssential Articles. 436-46, 663;[1376] Wilson, K. J. "Introduction." The Workes of Sir Thomas More Knyght, sometyme LordChancellour of England, wrytten by him in the Englysh tonge. London: J. Cawood, J. Waly,A. R. Tottell, 1557. Rpt. in Scolar Press Facsimiles. London: Scolar P, 1978. 2 vols. with anintro. by K. J. Wilson. [v]-[xiv].More: Iconography, Music, Painting and Mathematics[1377] Bek, L. "Thomas More on the Double Portrait of Erasmus and Pierre Gillis: HumanistRhetoric or Renaissance Art Theory?" Acta Conventus Neo-Latini Gulepherbytani. 469-79.[1378] Brockwell, M. W. Catalogue of the Pictures in the Collection of Lord St. Oswald at NostellPriory. 1915. [Contains a description of the Rowland Locky copy of Holbein's portrait ofMore's family.][1379] Campbell, L. et al. "Quentin Matsys, Desiderius Erasmus, Pieter Gillis and Thomas More."Burlington Magazine 120 (1978): 716-25 + 3 plates.[1380] Carpenter, N. C. "A Song for all Seasons: Sir Thomas More and Music." ComparativeLiterature 33 (1981): 113-36. [Rev.: H. Garey, Moreana 71/72 (1981): 173-74. See alsoCarpenter's articles in Latin Epigrams.][1381] Cust, L. "The Family of Sir Thomas More by Hans Holbein." Burlington Magazine 22(1912/13): 43-44.[1382] Ganz, P. Festschrift zur Eroffnung des Kunstmuseums. Basel: 1936. 141-53.[1383] Keen, R. "Thomas More and Geometry." Moreana 86 (1985): 151-65. [Summ.: A. J. Geritz,ELR 22 (1992): 117. On More's copy of Euclid, his knowledge of Geometry, the forms ofargumentation in his polemical works (Keen uses the Supplication as an example), and onthe modern revolution in Mathematics. Catholic =Euclidean; Protestant=Non-EuclideanGeometries.]Thomas More Bibliography / 384[1384] Kurz, 0. "Holbein and Others in a Seventeenth Century Collection." Burlington Magazine83 (1943): 279-82. [On the fate of Holbein's portrait of More's family.][1385] ^ . "Rowland Locky." Burlington Magazine 99 (1957): 13-16 + 1 plate. [On thepainter of two copies (1593-98?) of More's family portrait made by Holbein (1526-27?).][1386] Leech, P. "Introduction." Thomas More: The Rhetoric of Character. Ed. A. Fox and P. Leech.Dunedin: U of Otago (A University Extension Publication), 1979. 3-15, 101-03. [Someinteresting comments on the Frick Portrait (pp. 3-6), plus summaries of contributions.][1387] Martinet, M.-M. "Le livre dans les tableaux de la Renaissance: Perspective directe ouprespective inverse?" L'Europe de la Renaissance: Cultures et Civilisations. Melanges offertsa Marie-Therese Jones-Davies. Paris: Jean Touzot, 1988. 103-08. [Mentions Quentin Matsysdiptych and Holbein-Locky portraits of More.][1388] Martz, L. L. "Thomas More: The Search for the Inner Man." See Spirituality.[1389] Merriam, T. "Unveiling of the More Family Portrait at Nostell Priory." Moreana 79/80(1983): 111-16.[1390] Morison, S., and N. Barker. The Likeness of Thomas More: An Iconographical Survey ofThree Centuries. New York: Fordham UP, 1963. [Rev.: G. Marc'hadour, Moreana 2 (1964):85-89.][1391] Munhall, E., ed. "Thomas More." Masterpieces of the Frick Collection. Intro. H. D. M. Grier.New York: The Frick Collection (Distributed by The Viking Press), 1970. 42-43.[1392] Norrington, R. The Household of Sir Thomas More. A Portrait by Hans Holbein, described byRuth Norrington. Waddesdon, Bucks.: The Kylin Press, 1984. [Rev.: R. Sander-Regier,Moreana 94 (1987): 47-48. Contains brief descriptions of each of the figures in theportrait.][1393] Pacht, 0. "Holbein and Kratzer as Collaborators." Burlington Magazine 84 (1944): 132,134-39 + 3 Plates. [Identifies Kratzer as the author of the inscriptions on the Holbeincartoon of More's family sent to Erasmus in Basel.][1394] Piper, D. "Holbein the Younger in England." Journal of the Royal Society of Arts 111(1963): 736-55. [Seminal article on Holbein's portraiture. Describes the complex ironiesand ambiguities of Holbein's artistic vision.][1395] Reynolds, E. E. "A Note on John Donne." See More's Family, Friends andDescendents: Sixteenth Century.[1396] "St. Thomas More." The Venerabile 23 (1964-66): 348. [Summ.: F. Murray, Moreana 19/20(1968): 100. A Note on two portraits (c1600 and 1811) of More at the English College inRome.][1397] "Sir Thomas More by Holbein." Catholic Lawyer 2 (1956): 120-22. Rpt. ibid. 17 (1971):289-91. [Brief description of the painting.][1398] "The Famous Picture of Sir Thomas More." N&Q 161 (1931): 1, 49, 87, 195-96, 227-28.See also "Portraits of Sir Thomas More." N&Q 77 (1888): 87, 170, 272.[1399] "Thomas More." The Frick Collection: An Illustrated Catalogue. 8? vols. New York: TheFrick Collection (Distributed by Princeton UP), 1968. 1: 228-33.Thomas More Bibliography / 385[1400] Trapp, J. B. "Supplementa Iconographica Moreana: Portraits of Thomas More in Italy andin Spain." Moreana 62 (1979): 73-82. Rpt. in Essays on the Renaissance and the ClassicalTradition. London: Variorum Reprints, 1990. X: 73-82.[1401] ^ . "Thomas More and the Visual Arts." Saggi sul Rinascimento. Ed. S. Rossi. Milan:Edizioni Unicopli, 1984. 27-54. Rpt. in Essays on the Renaissance and the ClassicalTradition. London: Variorum Reprints, 1990. VIII: 27-54 + 'Additions and Corrections': 2.[1402] Trapp, J. B., and H. S. Herbruggen. The King's Good Servant: Sir Thomas More,147711478-1535. London, The Boydell Press; Totowa, NJ: Rowman and Littlefield, 1977.[Catalogue of the exhibition held at the National Portrait Gallery, 25 November 1977 to 12March 1978 to commemorate the quincentenary of More's birth. Includes somereproductions.][1403] "Two Little-Known Pictures by Holbein in England." Burlington Magazine 83 (1943):285-86 + 1 plate. [A portrait of Dame Alice More by Holbein.][1404] Wilson, K. J. "More and Holbein: The Imagination of Death." SCJ 7:1 (1976): 51-59.See also Exhibitions and Libraries, etc.B.4. MORE'S FAMILYMargaret RoperEditions[1405] DeMolen, R., ed. "A Devout Treatise Upon the Pater Noster ... by Desiderius Erasmus.Translated by Margaret More Roper." Erasmus of Rotterdam: A QuincentennialSymposium. Ed. R. DeMolen. New York: Twayne, 1971. 93-124, 139-40.[1406] Marc'hadour, G., ed. "Erasmus' Paraphrase of the Pater Noster (1523) with its EnglishTranslation by Margaret Roper (1524)." Moreana 7 (1964): 9-63.[1407] Robineau, M.-C., ed. "A Devout Treatise Upon the Pater Noster by Desiderius Erasmus.Translated by Margaret More Roper." Moreana (1966) 9: 65-92 + 10: 91-110 + 11:109-118. [Modernized English text of Margaret Roper's translation, together with a Frenchtranslation (of the English) on facing pages.][1408] Robineau, M.-C., et al., eds. "Correspondance entre Erasme et Margaret Roper." Moreana12 (1966): 29-46, 121. [Allen #1404, #2211, #2233 and Rogers #108.]Excerpts[1409] McCutcheon, E. "The Learned Woman in Tudor England: Margaret More Roper." SeeStudies.[1410] Nugent, E. M., ed. "A Treatise upon the Pater Noster." The Thought and Culture of theEnglish Renaissance: An Anthology of Tudor Prose, 1481-1555. Cambridge: Cambridge UP,1956. 428-33. [An excerpt from Margaret Roper's translation of A Devout Treatise.]Thomas More Bibliography / 386Studies[1411] Beilin, E. V. "Learning and Virtue: Margaret More Roper." Redeeming Eve: Women Writersof the English Renaissance. Princeton, NJ: Princeton UP, 1987. 3-28, 291-95. [A crude andrather bitter feminist reading: attacks humanist views on the education of women, andtries to debunk Margaret Roper as More's 'virtuous' daughter.][1412] Bene, C. "Cadeau d'Erasme a Margaret Roper: Deux hymnes de Prudence." MiscellaneaMoreana. 469-80. [Summ.: Moreana 98/99 (1988): 165, 260.][1413] Fuller, Thomas. "Margaret Roper." The Worthies of England. (1662). Ed. J. Freeman.London: George Allen & Unwin, 1952. 358-59. [Margaret Roper among the 'worthies' ofEngland!][1414] Gee, J. A. "Margaret Roper's English Version of Erasmus' Precatio Dominica and theApprenticeship Behind Early Tudor Translation." RES 13 (1937): 257-71.[1415] Kaufman, P. I. "Absolute Margaret: Margaret More Roper And 'Well Learned' Men." SCJ20 (1991): 443-56. [Summ.: p.443.][1416] McCutcheon, E. "Margaret More Roper's Translation of Erasmus' Precatio Dominica." ActaConventus Neo-Latini Guelpherbytani. 659-66.^[1417] ^ "The Learned Woman in Tudor England: Margaret More Roper." Women Writers ofthe Renaissance and Reformation. Ed. K. M. Wilson. Athens, GA: U of Georgia P, 1987.449-80. [A sensitive and nuanced treatment of Margaret Roper, and of her relationshipwith her illustrious father. Includes a bibliography (477-80), and excerpts from the DevoutTreatise and letters (465-77).][1418] Marc'hadour, G. "Erasmus Englished by Margaret More." ClergyR 43 (1958): 78-91.[1419] ^ . "Funiculus Triplex Margaret Roper and Thomas More." Moreana 78 (1983): 93-97.[1420] Reynolds, E. E. Margaret Roper: Eldest Daughter of St. Thomas More. London: Burns &Oates, 1960.[1421] Verbrugge, R. M. "Margaret More Roper's Personal Expression in the Devout Treatise Uponthe Pater Noster." Silent But for the Word: Tudor Women as Patrons, Translators, andWritors of Religious Works. Ed. M. P. Hannay. Kent, OH: Kent State UP, 1985. 30-42,260-64.[1422] Wright, N. E. "The Name and the Signature of the Author of Margaret Roper's Letter toAlice Alington." Creative Imitation: New Essays on Renaissance Literature in Honor ofThomas M. Greene. Ed. D. Quint, M. W. Ferguson, G. W. Pigman III, W. A. Rebhorn.Binghampton, NY: MRTS 95, 1992. 239-57. [Summ.: D. Quint and M. W. Ferguson, ibid.,p.3. A Foucaultian feminist analysis.]See also Prison Letters and Prayers, and Feminism and Education.John MoreEditions[1423] Blackburn, E. B., ed. "John More's 'A sermon of the ... Aulter.'" Moreana 2 (1964): 5-36.[1424] ^ . "The Legacy of Prester John' by Damido a Goes and John More." Moreana 14(1967): 37-98.Thomas More Bibliography / 387Studies[1425] Hogrefe, P. "John More's Translations." PBSA 49 (1955): 188-89.[1426] Kraye, J. "Erasmus and the Canonization of Aristotle: The Letter to John More." Englandand the Continental Renaissance: Essays in Honour of J. B. Trapp. Ed. E. Chaney and P.Mack. Woodbridge, Suffolk: The Boydell P, 1990. 37-49.Dame Alice More[1427] Boswell, J. C. "Poor Lady More." Renaissance Papers, 1991. 31-41.[1428] Condren, C. "Dame Alice More and Xanthippe: Sisters to Mistress Quickly?" Moreana 64(1980): 59-64.[1429] Derrett, J. D. M. "More's Attainder and Dame Alice's Predicament." Moreana 6 (1965):9-26.[1430] Geritz, A. J. "More's Remarriage: Or, Dame Alice Vindicated." Indiana Social StudiesQuarterly 37:2 (1984): 47-56.[1431] Marc'hadour, G. "Supplique de Dame Alice More au Chancelier Audley (1538?)." Moreana4 (1964): 69-75.[1432] Maynard, T. "Poor Lady More." America 50 (1934): 397-98.[1433] Norrington, R. In the Shadow of a Saint: Lady Alice More. Waddesdon, Bucks.: The KylinPress, 1983.[1434] Prescott, A. L. "Crime and Carnival at Chelsea: Widow Edith and Thomas More'sHousehold." Miscellanea Moreana. 247-64. [Summ.: Moreana 98/99 (1988): 159, 254.][1435] "Two Little-Known Pictures by Holbein in England." See Iconography, Music, Paintingand Mathematics.[1436] Warnicke, R. "The Harpy in More's Household: Was it Lady Alice?" Moreana 87/88 (1985):5-13^[1437] ^. "The Making of a Shrew: The Legendary History of Alice More." Rendezvous 15(1980): 25-37.[1438] ^ . "The Restive Wife in Erasmus' Colloquy: Mistress More or Lady Mountjoy?"Moreana 79/80 (1983): 5-14.Mary Bassett[1439] Bassett, Mary, trans. The Ecclesiastical History of Eusebius. B.L. Harleian MS. 1860.[Unpublished manuscript of English translation of the first five books of Eusebius.][1440] ^ . St. Thomas More's History of the Passion. See De Tristitia.[1441] ^ . "Mary Basset's Translation of the De tristitia." See De Tristitia.Thomas More Bibliography / 388More's Ancestry[1442] Cole, A. C. "Sir Thomas More's quartering ... and a new 'old grant'". See More's Name,Coat of Arms, etc.[1443] Hastings, M. "Sir Thomas More's Ancestry." TLS 12 Sep. 1952: 604.^[1444] ^. "The Ancestry of Sir Thomas More." The Guildhall Miscellany 2:1 (1961). Rpt. inEssential Articles. 92-103, 599-601.[1445] McConica, J. "The Patrimony of Thomas More." See Law and Politics.[1446] Ramsey, G. D. "A Saint in the City: Thomas More at Mercer's Hall, London." See Lawand Politics.London, Bucklersberry, Chelsea and More's Manors[1447] Allen, P. S. "More and Netherhall." TLS 26 Dec. 1918: 654 + 3 Jan. 1919: 10. [On More'sfirst marriage to Jane Colt and on Netherhall, the house of his father-in-law, John Colt, inEssex.][1448] Blunt, R. "The Glory of Chelsea." The Fame of Blessed Thomas More, Being AddressesDelivered in his Honour in Chelsea, July 1929. London: Sheed & Ward, 1929. 93-103. [OnMore as a gentleman-farmer, relates a passage in Utopia to Chelsea.][1449] Cowie, L. W. "More's House in Chelsea." History Today 26:2 (1976): 118-24.[1450] Davies, R. The Greatest House at Chelsey. London: John Lane, 1913. [Rev.: TLS 5 Dec.1913: 584.][1451] Goulder, L., and D. Frasnay. "Thomas More's London." Catholic Lawyer 13 (1967): 8-20.Rpt. from The Critic [Thomas More Association, Chicago] Vol. 3? Dec. 1965-Jan. 1966.[Includes photographs.][1452] O'Sullivan, R. "The Old Church of Chelsea." Catholic Lawyer 2 (1956): 320-23, 349. [OnMore's parish church in Chelsea, and on the burial sites of More's head and body, and ofMargaret and William Roper.][1453] Reynolds, E. E. "Butclose." Moreana 59/60 (1978): 5-8.[1454] ^ . "More's Manors and Other Notes." Moreana 12 (1966): 81-86.[1455] ^. "A Right Fair House." Moreana 47/48 (1975): 5-10.[1456] [Reynolds, E. E., and D. O'Sullivan.] Thomas More's London. Ed. G. Marc'hadour. Angers:Editions Moreana, 1972. [A brief thirty-two page guide to geographical sites in Londonlikely to be of interest to More scholars.][1457] "St. Thomas More's Tree." Catholic Lawyer 2 (1956): 15-21. [On a surviving Mulberry treefrom More's garden and on the convent that occupies part of the original site of More'sgreat house at Chelsea.]More's Family, Friends and Descendents: 16th Century[1458] Antheunis, L. "Note sur John Harris, secretaire prive du chancelier Thomas Morus(1510(?)-1579)." RHE 33 (1937): 534-50.Thomas More Bibliography / 389[1459] Aveling, J. C. H. "The More Family and Yorkshire." Essential Articles. 26-48, 586-89.^[1460] ^ . "Yorkshire Notes: St. Thomas More's Family Circle and Yorkshire." RecusantHistory 6 (1961/62): 238-44. [On Thomas Paynell, the Creswell family, and Edward More,third son of John More and Ann Cresacre.][1461] Carpinelli, F. "Thomas More and the Daunce Family." Quincentennial Essays. 1-10.[1462] Ford, C. D. "Good Master Bonvisi." ClergyR ns 27 (1947): 228-35.[1463] Hall, N. "Henry Patenson—Sir Thomas More's Fool." Moreana 101/102 (1990): 75-86.[1464] Hitchcock, E. V. "Note on Mr. Thomas Moare, Owner of the Emmanuel Harpsfield." in Thelife and death of Sr Thomas Moore, Knight, sometymes Lord high Chancellor of England. byNicholas Harpsfield. Ed. E. V. Hitchcock. Early English Texts Society 186. London:Humphrey Milford, Oxford UP, 1932. 294-96.[1465] Hogrefe, P. "Sir Thomas More's Connection with the Roper Family." PMLA 47 (1932):523-33. [Mainly on John Roper, John More, and Thomas More.][1466] Merriam, T. "John Clement: His Identity, and his Marshfoot House in Essex." Moreana 97(1988): 145-52.[1467] Murray, F. "The Contribution of the More Family to the Counter-Reformation." Venerabile25 (1969-71): 113-23. [Summ.: G. Marc'hadour, Moreana 27/28 (1970): 91.][1468] Norrington, R. The Household of Sir Thomas More. See Iconography, Music, Paintingand Mathematics.[1469] Pollard, A. F., and A. W. Reed. "Sir Thomas More's Family." TLS 27 Mar. 1930: 274, 298.[Two letters 'To the Editor' on the marriage of two of More's daughters (Elizabeth andCecily).][1470] Reynolds, E. E. "A Note on John Donne." Moreana 37 (1973): 41-43. [On a lost portrait ofMore and on Donne's recusant background.][1471] Schoeck, R. J. "Antony Bonvisi, the Heywoods and the Ropers." N&Q 197 (1952): 178-79.[On Antonio Bonvisi's relationship with Wiliam Rastell, William Roper, and RichardHeywood (John Heywood's brother.)][1472] ^. "Two Notes on Margaret Gigs Clement, Foster-Daughter of Sir Thomas More."N&Q 194 (1949): 532-33.[1473] ^ . "William Rastell and the Protonotaries: A Link in the Story of the Rastells, Ropersand Heywoods." N&Q 197 (1952): 398-99.[1474] Sisson, C. "Sir Thomas More and North Mimms." RES 5 (1929): 54-55.[1475] Tucker, M. J. "The More-Norfolk Connection." See Robert Bolt's A Man for All Seasons.[1476] Wenkebach, E. John Clement: ein Englischer Humanist and Arzt des sechzehntenJahrhunderts. Leipzig: 1925.[1477] Whitlock, B. D. "The Family of John Donne, 1588-91." N&Q ns 7 (1960): 380-86. [Summ.:J. S. Phillipson, AES 3 (1960): 2682.]Thomas More Bibliography / 390[1478] ^ . "The Heredity and Childhood of John Donne." N&Q ns 6 (1959): 257-62, 348-53.[Summ.: J. S. Phillipson, AES 2 (1959): 1878 + 3 (1960): 386. On Donne's relationshipswith the More, Rastell and Heywood families.][1479] Zapatka, F. E. "Thomas More and Thomas Darcy." Moreana 71/72 (1981): 15-27.More's Family and Descendents: 17th and 18th Centuries[1480] Brooks, F. St. J. "The Trinders of Holwell, Oxon.: A Link with Peter Heylyn and SirThomas More." N&Q 152 (1927): 128-31, 191.[1481] Garavaglia, G. P. "Cresacre and Thomas More During the English Revolution, 1640-1660."Moreana 42 (1974): 39-42. [On the sequestration (and eventual discharge) of the propertyof Cresacre More, and his son Thomas More.][1482] Loomie, A. "A Grandniece of Thomas More: Catharine Bentley, ca 1565-ca 1625."Moreana 29 (1971): 13-15. [On grants of money by the Spanish Court to CatherineBentley, her husband and son.][1483] McCann, T. J. "Catharine Bentley, Great Grand-daughter of St. Thomas More, and HerCatholic Connections in Sussex." Moreana 43/44 (1974): 41-45. [Identifies CatherineBentley as daughter of Thomas Roper, son of William and Margaret Roper, and niece ofViscount Montague.][1484] Shanahan, D. "The Death of Thomas More, Secular Priest Great-Grandson of St. ThomasMore." Recusant History 7 (1963): 23-32.B.S. POEMS, NOVELS AND PLAYS ABOUT THOMAS MOREPoems and Epigramslohannes Secundus[1485] Blanchard, A. Jean Second et ses poemes sur rexecution de Thomas More. Angers: EditionsMoreana, 1972. Also publ. in Moreana 36 (1972): 1-32.[1486] Newald, R. "[LaBt uns des Morus entsetzlich Shicksal and Tod nun beweinen.]" ErasmusRoterodamus. Freiburg: 1947. [A German translation of Secundus' Naenia attributed toErasmus. See Moreana 29 (1971): 80.][1487] Starnes, D. T. "A Heroic Poem on the Death of Sir Thomas More-By D. Erasmus ofRotterdam." UTSE 9 (1929): 69-81. [Wrong attribution: actually by Iohannes Secundus.]Jacobus Balde[1488] Balde, J. "Thomae Mori Constantia." Trans. J. Mertz. Catholic Lawyer 6 (1960): 258-59.Rpt. in "Thomae Mori Constantia (1660): In Memory of James Mertz, S. J." Moreana 90(1986): 89-92. [A seventeenth-century epigram about More's death: Latin text and Englishtranslation. Moreana reprint also includes an introduction and a German translation.][1489] Marc'hadour, G. "Poems about Thomas More." See Poems and Epigrams from theSixteenth to the Nineteenth Centuries.[1490] Morvannou, F. "Thomae Mori Constantia de Jacobus Balde, S. J. (1660)." Moreana 94(1987): 75-78. [French and Breton translations of Balde's epigram about More.]Thomas More Bibliography / 391[1491] Pepin, R. E. "`Thomae Mori Constantia': A Rare Edition." Moreana 98/99 (1988): 61-64.[Includes Latin text and an English translation.]Poems and Epigrams from the Sixteenth to the Nineteenth Centuries[1492] Boardman, B. M. "'Dear Jester in the Courts of God': Francis Thompson's Tribute to St.Thomas More." Moreana 101/102 (1990): 87-92. [On Francis Thompson's "Ode to theEnglish Martyrs" (1905), published in the Dublin Review.][1493] Blanchard A. "Poemes du XVI e Siecle a la memoire de Thomas More et Jean Fisher."Moreana 41 (1974): 93-99. [Latin epigrams (with French translations) by NicholasGrudius, Jean Latomus, Jean Vital, Jacques Exerichus and others.][1494] Marc'hadour, G. "Poems about Thomas More." Moreana 12 (1966): 87-89. [On someepigrams by Iohannes Secundus (1536) and a sonnet by Faustina degli Azzi (1697).][1495] Smith, C. "A Seventeenth-Century 'Vision' by Thomas More." Moreana 37 (1973): 5-14 +41 (1974): 10[1496] Sylvester, R. S. "John Constable's Poems to Thomas More." PQ 42 (1963): 525-31.[1497] ^. "The 'Man For All Seasons' Again: Robert Whittington's Verses to Sir ThomasMore." HLQ 26 (1962): 147-54.[1498] Wordsworth, William. "Apology." Moreana 4 (1964): 47. [On the martyrdom of "saintlyFisher, and unbending More." Ecclesiastical Sonnets #26 (1822).]Twentieth Century Poems[1499] "A Wrong Ascription." Moreana 4 (1964): 44-45. [English text and French translation of amodern apocrypha: "Give me a good digestion, Lord."][1500] Duggan, D. M. "Sir Thomas More: Three Poems." SCJ 8:2 (1977): 5-7.[1501] Levi, P. "Sermon on St. Thomas More." Moreana 19/20 (1968): 148.[1502] Little, G. C. "Madrigal for Margaret Retrieving the Head of Sir Thomas More." PoetrySeries 10. Quarterly Review of Literature 30 (1991): sec. C, p.56.[1503] Locher, D. "For Sir Thomas More, Saint." Moreana 4 (1964): 46.[1504] MacDonald, K. C. "The Chancellor's Jest." G.K.'s Weekly (edited by G. K. Chesterton) 21Mar. 1935: 23-24. Rpt. in G.K.'s Weekly: A Sampler. Ed. with an intro. L. W. Dorsett.Chicago: Loyola UP, 1986. 469-70.[1505] Mascall, E. L. "`To Chelsea's Strand I Fly': To a Dignitary who Spoke Contemptuously ofa Saint." Moreana 21 (1969): 18.[1506] Pigato, J. B. "Echos de Louvain." Moreana 31/32 (1971): 295-96. [A Latin epigram.][1507] Sargent, D. "Morus." Moreana 15/16 (1967): 314.[1508] Schoene. M. P. "Sir Thomas More, Martyr." Moreana 3 (1964): 37-38.Thomas More Bibliography / 392Novels About Thomas More and His Family[1509] Beahn, J. E. A Man Born Again: Saint Thomas More. Milwaukee: Bruce Publishing Co.,1954. [Rev.: C. J. Zinn, Catholic Lawyer 1 (1955): 57. An apocryphal autobiography,purports to be the memoirs of Sir Thomas More written in the Tower, narrated in the firstperson.][1510] Brady, C. Stage of Fools. 1954.[1511] Croan, Princesse de, Thomas Morus: Lord Chancelier du Royaume d'Angleterre au XVI esiecle. 2 vols. Paris: Librairie de C. Gosselin, 1833. Trans. by M. C. Monroe as Sir ThomasMore: An Historical Romance. New York: Christian Press Association Publishing Co., 1890.[1512] Manning, A. The Household of Sir Thomas More. London: Hall, Virtue and Co., 1851. Rpt.New York: Dutton, 1906. [A popular Victorian novel about More's family. Purports to bethe diary of Margaret Roper.][1513] White, 0. B. The King's Good Servant. New York: MacMillan, 1936.Thomas More and DramaMore and Early Tudor Drama[1514] Hogrefe, P. The Sir Thomas More Circle: A Program of Ideas and Their Impact on SecularDrama. Urbana: U of Illinois P, 1959. [Rev.: L. Bradner, MLN 75 (1960): 707-08; R. J.Schoeck, RenN 13 (1960): 175-77; J. B. Trapp, N&Q ns 8 (1961): 36-37.][1515] Norland, H. B. "The Role of Drama in More's Literary Career." SCJ 13:4 (1982): 59-75.[Summ.: A. J. Geritz, ELR 22 (1992): 114.][1516] Reed, A. W. Early Tudor Drama: Medwall, the Rastells, Heywood, and the More Circle.London: Methuen, 1926. [Rev.: T. S. Eliot, ("More and Tudor Drama,") TLS 2 Dec. 1926:880 + 9 Dec. 1926: 913 (rpt. in Moreana 17 (1968): 20).]Shakespeare and the Book of Sir Thomas MooreEditions[1517] Brooke, C. F. T., ed. "Sir Thomas More: An Anonymous Play of the Sixteenth CenturyAscribed in Part to Shakespeare." The Shakespeare Apocrypha. Oxford: Clarendon, 1908.383-420, 436-37.[1518] Dyce, A., ed. Sir Thomas More: A Play. London: Shakespeare Society, 1844. [First editionof play from manuscript. Superceded by Greg's edition.][1519] Gabrieli, V., and G. Melchiori, eds. Sir Thomas More. A Play by Anthony Munday andOthers. Revised by Henry Chettle, Thomas Dekker, Thomas Heywood and WilliamShakespeare. The Revels Plays. Manchester: Manchester UP, 1990. [Rev.: J. H. Jones, TLS26 Oct. 1990: 1161; M. W. A. Smith, N&S ns 38 (1991): 378-79.][1520] Greg, W. W., ed. The Book of Sir Thomas More. Oxford: Oxford UP for the Malone Society,1911.[1521] Shirley, J., ed. Sir Thomas More: An Anonymous Play of the Sixteenth Century Ascribed inPart to Shakespeare. Canterbury: H. J. Goulden, n.d. [1938?]. [Rev.: TLS 28 Jan. 1939: 62.Modernized version made with the help of W. W. Greg.]Thomas More Bibliography / 393Studies[1522] Acheson, A. Shakespeare, Chapman and Sir Thomas More. London: Quaritch, 1931. [Rev.:TLS 2 July 1931: 525, 564.][1523] Anderegg, M. A. "The Book of Sir Thomas More and its Sources." Moreana 53 (1977):57-62.[1524] Bald, R. C. "Addition III of Sir Thomas More." RES 7 (1931): 67-69.^[1525] ^ . "The Booke of Sir Thomas More and its Problems." Shakespeare Survey 2 (1949):44-65.[1526] ^. "The Foul Papers of a Revision." The Library 4th ser. 26 (1945/46): 37-50.[Suggests what might have happened to The Booke of Sir Thomas More, if it had gone tothe printers, by examining two quartos of plays that reveal extensive revisions.][1527] Beebe, R. "Tashis' in The Booke of Sir Thomas More." N&Q ns 18 (1971): 452-53.[1528] Blayney, P. W. M. "The Booke of Sir Thomas Moore Re-examined." SP 69 (1972): 167-91.[1529] Brooks, H. F. "Shakespeare and The Gouernour, Bk. II, ch. xiii. Parallels with Richard IIand the More Addition." SQ 14 (1963): 195-99. [On the roan Barbary episode in Richard IIand parallels in Thomas Elyot and The Booke of Sir Thomas More.][1530] Chambers, R. W. "The Expression of Ideas—Particularly Political Ideas—in the Threepages and in Shakespeare." Shakespeare's Hand in The Play of Sir Thomas More.Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1923. 142-87.[1531] ^ . "Some Sequences of Thought in Shakespeare and in the 147 lines of Sir ThomasMore." MLR 26 (1931): 251-80. Rev. vers. rpt. as "Shakespeare and the Play of More:Some Sequences of Thought in Shakespeare and in the 'Three Pages' of Sir Thomas More."Man's Unconquerable Mind. London: Jonathan Cape, 1939. Rpt. 1952. 204-49, 407-08.[1532] Chillington, C. "Playwrights at Work: Henslowe's, Not Shakespeare's, Book of Sir ThomasMore." ELR 10 (1980): 439-79.[1533] Clayton, T. The 'Shakespearean' Addition in The Booke of Sir Thomas Moore: Some Aids toScholarly and Critical Shakespearean Studies. Shakespeare Studies, Monograph Series 1.Dubuque, IA: W. C. Brown, 1969.[1534] Collins, D. C. "On the Date of Sir Thomas More." RES 10 (1934): 401-11.[1535] Dawson, G. E. "Shakespeare's Handwriting." ShS 42 (1990): 119-28 + 3 plates.[1536] Doyle, C. C. "The Hair and Beard of Thomas More." Moreana 71/72 (1981): 5-14.[1537] Eagles, R. L. "The Date and Authorship of the MS. Play Sir Thomas More." N&Q 177(1939): 78, 120-21.[1538] Feldman, A. B. "The Flemings in Shakespeare's Theatre." N&Q 197 (1952): 265-69.[1539] Forker, C. R. "Webster or Shakespeare? Style, Idiom, Vocabulary, and Spelling in theAdditions to Sir Thomas More." Shakespeare and Sir Thomas More: Essays on the Play andits Shakespearean Interest. Ed. T. H. Howard-Hill. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1989. 151-70.Thomas More Bibliography / 394[1540] Forker, C. R., and J. Candido. "Wit, Wisdom, and Theatricality in The Book of Sir ThomasMore." Shakespeare Studies 13 (1980): 85-104.[1541] Fox, A. "The Paradoxical Design of The Book of Sir Thomas More." Ren&Ref ns 5 (1981):162-73.[1542] Gabrieli, V. "Sir Thomas More: Sources, Characters, Ideas." Moreana 90 (1986): 17-43.[1543] Gabrieli, V., and G. Melchiori. "Introduction." Sir Thomas More. A Play by AnthonyMunday and Others. Revised by Henry Chettle, Thomas Dekker, Thomas Heywood andWilliam Shakespeare. Ed. V. Gabrieli and G. Melchiori. The Revels Plays. Manchester:Manchester UP, 1990. 1-53.^[1544] ^. "Appendix: A Table of Sources and Close Analogues for the Text of The Book of SirThomas More." Shakespeare and Sir Thomas More: Essays on the Play and itsShakespearean Interest. Ed. T. H. Howard-Hill. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1989. 197-202.[1545] Greg, W. W. "Autograph Plays by Anthony Munday." MLR 8 (1913): 89-90. [Contra hisearlier position in his edition, Greg accepts original MS. of Sir Thomas More as Munday'sautograph.][1546] ^ . "The Handwritings of the Manuscript." Shakespeare's Hand in The Play of SirThomas More. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1923. 41-56.[1547] Greg, W. W., ed. "Ill May Day. Scenes from the Play of Sir Thomas More." Shakespeare'sHand in The Play of Sir Thomas More. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1923. 189-227.[1548] ^. "Special Transcript of the Three Pages." Shakespeare's Hand in The Play of SirThomas More. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1923. 228ff. [Pages of transcript not numbered.For another transcript, see also R. C. Bald, "The 'Shakespearean' Additions in The Bookeof Sir Thomas More, Addition II,c." Shakespeare Survey 2 (1949): 62-65.][1549] Harrison, G. B. "The Date of Sir Thomas More." RES 1 (1925): 337-39.[1550] Hays, M. L. "Shakespeare's Hand in Sir Thomas More: Some Aspects of the PaleographicArgument." Shakespeare Studies 8 (1975): 241-53.[1551] ^. "Watermarks in the Manuscript of Sir Thomas More and a Possible Collation." SQ26 (1975): 66-69.[1552] Hibbard, G. R. "Erasmus and More in the Age of Shakespeare." ErasmusE 12 (1983):2-10.[1553] Honigmann, E. A. J. "The Play of Sir Thomas More and Some Contemporary Events."Shakespeare Survey 42 (1990): 77-84.[1554] Howard-Hill, T. H., ed. Shakespeare and Sir Thomas More: Essays on the Play and itsShakespearean Interest. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1989. [Rev.: R. A. Foakes, RES ns 42(1991): 577-78; D. W. Foster, RenQ 44 (1991): 369-72; E. A. J. Honigmann, YES 21 (1991):359-60; E. Sams, N&Q ns 37 (1990): 464-65. A 'sequel' to Shakespeare's Hand, and areview of scholarship on the play and on 'Hand D' in the sixty years since the publicationof Shakespeare's Hand. Articles also listed separately.][1555] Jackson, MacD. P. "A Non-Shakespearean Parallel to the Comic Mispronunciation of 'Ergo'in Hand D in Sir Thomas More." N&Q ns 18 (1971): 139.[1556] ^ . "Anthony Munday and the Play of Thomas More." Moreana 85 (1984): 83-84.Thomas More Bibliography / 395^[1557] ^. "Hand D of Sir Thomas More." N&Q ns 28 (1981): 146.^[1558] ^ . "Linguistic Evidence for the Date of Shakespeare's Addition to Sir Thomas More."N&Q ns 25 (1978): 154-56.[1559] Jenkins, H. "Readings in the Manuscript of Sir Thomas More." MLR 43 (1948): 512-14.[Two emendations to Greg's edition.][1560] Jones, J. H. "Sir Thomas More (Shaw Theatre, London, England)." TLS 14 Sep. 1990: 975.[A "theatre review."][1561] Jowett, J. "Henry Chettle and the Original Text of Sir Thomas More." Shakespeare and SirThomas More: Essays on the Play and its Shakespearean Interest. Ed. T. H. Howard-Hill.Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1989. 131-49.[1562] Lake, D. J. "The Date of the Sir Thomas More Additions by Dekker and Shakespeare."N&Q ns 24 (1977): 114-16.[1563] Law, R. A. "Is Heywood's Hand in Sir Thomas More?" UTSE 11 (1931): 24-31. [QuestionsTannenbaum's identification of 'Hand B' as Heywood's.][1564] Long, W. B. "The Occasion of The Book of Sir Thomas More." Shakespeare and Sir ThomasMore: Essays on the Play and its Shakespearean Interest. Ed. T. H. Howard-Hill. Cambridge:Cambridge UP, 1989. 45-56.[1565] Macnalty, A. S. "Shakespeare and Sir Thomas More." See More and Shakespeare.[1566] McMillan, S. "The Book of Sir Thomas More: Dates and Acting Companies." Shakespeareand Sir Thomas More: Essays on the Play and its Shakespearean Interest. Ed. T. H.Howard-Hill. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1989. 57-76.[1567] ^ . The Elizabethan Theatre and The Book of Sir Thomas More. Ithaca, NY: CornellUP, 1987. [Rev.: F. B. Williams, Moreana 95/96 (1987): 81-82.][1568] Matchett, W. M. "Shylock, Iago, and Sir Thomas More: With Some Further Discussion ofShakespeare's Imagination." PMLA 92 (1977): 217-30. [On image clusters in 'Hand D' ofSir Thomas More and several Shakespeare Plays.][1569] Melchiori, G. "Hand D in Sir Thomas More: An Essay in Misinterpretation." ShakespeareSurvey 38 (1985): 101-14.[1570] ^. "The Booke of Sir Thomas Moore: A Chronology of Revision." SQ 37 (1986):291-308.[1571] ^. "The Book of Sir Thomas More: Dramatic Unity." Shakespeare and Sir ThomasMore: Essays on the Play and its Shakespearean Interest. Ed. T. H. Howard-Hill. Cambridge:Cambridge UP, 1989. 77-100. [See also "Introduction" to edition of Sir Thomas More,edited by V. Gabrieli and G. Melchiori.][1572] Merriam, T. "Chettle, Munday, Shakespeare, and Sir Thomas More?" N&S ns 39 (1992):336-41. [Summ.: Infotrac.][1573] ^ . "Did Munday Compose Sir Thomas More?" N&S ns 37 (1990): 175-78.[1574] ^. "The Authorship of Sir Thomas More." Association for Literary and LinguisticComputing Bulletin 10 (1982): 1-8.Thomas More Bibliography / 396[1575] Metz, G. H. Four Plays Ascribed to Shakespeare: The Reign of King Edward III, SirThomas More, The History of Cardenio, The Two Noble Kinsmen—An AnnotatedBibliography. New York: Garland, 1982. 69-117. [Detailed annotations on bibliography upto 1981.]^[1576] ^ . "The Master of the Revels and The Booke of Sir Thomas Moore." SQ 33 (1982):493-95.[1577] ^ . "The Play of Sir Thomas More: The Problem of the Primary Source." Moreana 82(1984): 41-48.[1578] ^ . "Sir Thomas More: Introduction." Sources of Four Plays Ascribed to Shakespeare:The Reign of King Edward III, Sir Thomas More, The History of Cardenio, The Two NobleKinsmen. Columbia, MO: U of Missouri P, 1989. 135-206. [Rev.: D. W. Foster, SQ 42(1991): 237-40. Excerpts from texts on pp. 207-254. Some items also listed separately.][1579] ^ . "Thomas More, Thomas Cromwell, and Jack Faulkner." N&Q ns 32 (1985): 28-30.[1580] ^ . "'Voice and credyt': The Scholars and Sir Thomas More." Shakespeare and SirThomas More: Essays on the Play and its Shakespearean Interest. Ed. T. H. Howard-Hill.Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1989. 11-44. [See also Metz's "Sir Thomas More: Introduction,"in Sources of Four Plays Ascribed to Shakespeare.][1581] Miller, C. H. "Thomas More, A Man For All Seasons: Robert Bolt's Play and theElizabethan Play of Sir Thomas More." See Robert Bolt's A Man For All Seasons.[1582] Nosworthy, J. M. "Hand B in Sir Thomas More." The Library 5th ser. 11 (1958): 47-50.[1583] ^ . "Shakespeare and Sir Thomas More." RES ns 6 (1955): 12-25.[1584] Pafford, J. H. P. "The Play of Sir Thomas More." N&Q ns 28 (1981): 145. [Note on the useof "dung."][1585] Pollard, A. W. "Introduction." Shakespeare's Hand in The Play of Sir Thomas More.Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1923. 1-40. [With an appendix of the accounts of the anti-aliendisturbances of 1595, 1586 and 1593.][1586] ^ . "Verse Tests and the Date of Sir Thomas More." RES 1 (1925): 441-43.[1587] Ramsey, P. "Shakespeare and Sir Thomas More Revisited: or, A Mounty on the Trail."PBSA 70 (1976): 333-46.[1588] Rousseau, M.-C. "Sir Thomas More: du texte a la scene." Moreana 83/84 (1984): 127-42.[1589] ^ . "Sir Thomas More: une enigme resolue?" Moreana 71/72 (1981): 155-65.[1590] ^. "Sir Thomas More: un dossier en instance." Moreana 75/76 (1982): 147-50.[1591] Schiicking, L. L. "Shakespeare and Sir Thomas More." RES 1 (1925): 40-59.[1592] Shakespeare's Hand in The Play of Sir Thomas More: Papers by Alfred W. Pollard, W. W.Greg, E. Maunde Thompson, J. Dover Wilson, & R. W. Chambers. Cambridge: CambridgeUP, 1923. [Articles also listed separately.][1593] Spikes, J. D. "The Book of Sir Thomas More: Structure and Meaning." Moreana 43/44(1974): 25-39.Thomas More Bibliography I 397[1594] Spurgeon, C. F. E. "Imagery in the Sir Thomas More Fragment." RES 6 (1930): 257-70.[1595] Storari, G. "From Elizabeth I to Elizabeth II: Two Popular Views of Thomas More." SeeRobert Bolt's A Man For All Seasons.[1596] Tannenbaum, S. A. "More About The Bookie of Sir Thomas Moore." PMLA 43 (1928):767-78.^[1597] ^. Problems in Shakespeare's Penmanship, Including a Study of the Poet's Will. NewYork: The Century Company (for the Modern Language Association of America), 1927.[Rev.: W. W. Greg, TLS 24 Nov. 1927: 871; C. Sisson, MLR 23 (1928): 231-34.][1598] ^ . The Booke of Sir Thomas More (A Bibliotic Study). New York: The Tenny Press,1927. [Rev.: W. W. Greg, TLS 24 Nov. 1927: 871; C. Sisson, MLR 23 (1928): 231-34.][1599] Taylor, G. "The Date and Auspices of the Additions to Sir Thomas More." Shakespeareand Sir Thomas More: Essays on the Play and its Shakespearean Interest. Ed. T. H.Howard-Hill. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1989. 101-29.[1600] Thompson, E. M. "The Handwriting of the Three Pages Attributed to ShakespeareCompared with His Signatures." Shakespeare's Hand in The Play of Sir Thomas More.Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1923. 57-112.[1601] Velz, J. W. "Sir Thomas More and the Shakespeare Canon: Two Approaches." Shakespeareand Sir Thomas More: Essays on the Play and its Shakespearean Interest. Ed. T. H.Howard-Hill. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1989. 171-95.[1602] Wentersdorf, K. P. "A Crux in the Putative Shakespearian Addition to Sir Thomas More."ELN 10 (1972/73): 8-10.[1603] Wilson, J. D. "Bibliographical Links Between the Three Pages and the Good Quartos."Shakespeare's Hand in The Play of Sir Thomas More. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1923.113-42.[1604] Wright, G. T. "Can Sir Thomas More be by Shakespeare?" Moreana 75/76 (1982): 89-90.Robert Bolt's A Man For All Seasons: Play and FilmEditions[1605] Bolt, R. A Man For All Seasons: A Play of Sir Thomas More. London: Heinemann, 1960.[Robert Bolt's famous play made into a film of the same name in 1966, starring PaulScofield as "More".]Studies and Reviews[1606] Atkins, A. "Robert Bolt: Self, Shadow, and the Theater of Recognition." Modern Drama 10(1967/68): 182-88. [On the relationship between More and the Common Man.][1607] Barnett, G. A. "The Theatre of Robert Bolt." Dalhousie Review 48 (1968): 13-23. [On fourpublished plays of Robert Bolt, including A Man for All Seasons.][1608] Bertagnoni, M. "Un Uomo per tutte le stagioni." Moreana 17 (1968): 73-79. [Englishsummary (78-79).]Thomas More Bibliography / 398[1609] Bolt, R. "Preface." A Man For All Seasons: A Play of Sir Thomas More. London:Heinemann, 1960. v-xix. Rpt. as "Preface to A Man For All Seasons." Essential Articles.473-80. Pp. v-xiv rpt. in More's Utopia and its Critics. Ed. L. Gallagher. Chicago: Scott,Foresman and Company, 1964. 92-97. [An important preface. Bolt explains his reasons forwriting his play. On More as "a hero of selfhood."][1610] Driver, T. F. "A Play of Conscience." Christian. Century Vol. 79, 17 Jan. 1962: 87-89.[Summ.: C. D. Tate, Jr., AES 5 (1962): 2237. A review article.][1611] Hauerwas, S., and T. L. Shaffer. "Hope Faces Power: Thomas More and the King ofEngland." Soundings 61 (1978): 456-79. [By a theologian and a lawyer: on the seductionsof power in Robert Bolt's A Man for All Seasons. Contains some very acute remarks onMore and the Law.][1612] McElrath, J. R. "The Metaphoric Structure of A Man of All Seasons." Modern Drama 14(1971/72): 84-92. [On a cluster of images water — mud — river — anchor —boat in RobertBolt's play.][1613] Marc'hadour, G. "A Man For All Seasons." Drama Critique 4 (1961): 18-26. [Summ.: H. G.Zettler, AES 4 (1961): 1082.]^[1614] ^ . "An Eloquent Man for All Seasons Evokes the Glory of Thomas More." Moreana 13(1967): 112-14. [Excerpts from some American reviews.][1615] ^ . "Best Picture of the Year." Moreana 14 (1967): 120-21. [A list of reviews of thefilm.][1616] ^ . "Un `homme'^toujours: Saint Thomas More—Reactions au film de Zinneman."Moreana 17 (1968): 81-84. [Some French reactions to the Zinneman's film.][1617] Miller, C. H. "Thomas More, A Man For All Seasons: Robert Bolt's Play and theElizabethan Play of Sir Thomas More." Moreana 104 (1990): 101-10. [Robert Bolt's playand the Book of Sir Thomas More both reduce More to being a man of one season. Millerdraws on the De tristitia to illustrate More's attitude towards martyrdom. He concludesthat the best way to understand More is to read his works.][1618] Reynolds, E. E. "The Significance of A Man For All Seasons." Moreana 23 (1969): 34-39.[1619] Smith, C. "A Drama for All Times? A Man for All Seasons Revived and Restored."Moreana 98/99 (1988): 51-58. [On the 1987-88 revivals of Bolt's play at Chichester and atLondon (where Charlton Heston played More).][1620] Smith, L. MacMillan Master Guides: A Man For All Seasons By Robert Bolt. London:MacMillan, 1985. [Scene-by-scene summary, commentary and backgrounds to Robert Bolt'splay.][1621] Storari, G. "From Elizabeth I to Elizabeth II: Two Popular Views of Thomas More."Moreana 30 (1971): 25-28. [The Book of Sir Thomas More is essentially based on Hall'sChronicle and Roper's Life, while A Man For All Seasons is based on Chambers' biography.][1622] Tucker, M. J. "The More-Norfolk Connection." Moreana 33 (1972): 5-13. [Criticises Bolt'sportrayal of Norfolk as historically inaccurate.][1623] "Un Uomo per tutte le stagioni di F. Zinneman." Moreana 17 (1968): 81-83. [A list ofItalian reviews of Zinneman's film.]Thomas More Bibliography / 399Other Plays[1624] Anouilh, Jean. Thomas More ou l'homme libre. Paris: La Table Ronde, 1987. [Anouilh's lastplay, published two months before his death.][1625] Brewer, P. "Le Thomas More de Henriette Roland Hoist." Moreana 97 (1988): 9-21. [On aDutch play written in 1912 on Thomas More by a Dutch Woman socialist.][1626] Corrigan, B. "Sir Thomas More: Personage and Symbol on the Italian Stage." Studies inthe Continental Background of Renaissance English Literature: Essays Presented to John L.Lievsay. Ed. D. B. J. Randall and G. W. Williams. Durham, NC: Duke UP, 1977. 91-108.[On four Italian plays on More from the seventeenth to nineteenth centuries.][1627] Babler, 0. F. "Sir Thomas More: Plays." N&Q 194 (1949): 305, 415. [Note on a Neo-Latinplay about More surviving at Olomouc.][1628] Foley, B. "Thomas Morus, Tragoedia." The Venerabile 7 (1934-36): 94-106. [Summ.: F.Murray, Moreana 19/20 (1968): 100. A Neo-Latin Play (c.1610) about More.][1629] Fox, A. D. Sir Thomas More: An Historical Play in Five Acts. London: Constable, 1905.[1630] Haushofer, A. Thomas Morus: unvollendetes tragisches Schauspiel. Paderhorn: F.Schoningh, 1985.[1631] Marc'hadour, G. "Thomas More." Moreana 19/20 (1968): 21-23. [Report on a play by JeanClaudius on Thomas More performed in the Tower of London.][1632] Unterweg, F.-K. "Thomas More in Dutch Drama." Moreana 97 (1988): 23-40. [On severalDutch and Neo-Latin plays about More from the seventeenth to the twentieth centuries.][1633] ^ . "Thomas Morus, Tragoedia." Acta conventus neo-latini guelpherbytani. 365-74. [OnCounter-Reformation Jesuit plays about More.][1634] Vernulaeus, Nicolaus. Henricus Octavus: A Neo-Latin Drama. Ed. and trans. L. A. Shuster.Austin, TX: U of Texas P, 1962. [Rev.: H. van Crombruggen, English Studies 47 (1966):221-24. A Counter-Reformation Latin play on the martyrdoms of More and Fisher.]B.6. MODERN BIOGRAPHIES, ESSAYS AND ADDRESSESModern Biographies[1635] Basset, B. Born For Friendship: The Spirit of Sir Thomas More New York: Sheed & Ward,1964. London: Burns & Oates, 1965. [Rev.: C. W. Crawford, Moreana 6 (1965): 77-81.][1636] Bremond, H. Le Bienheureux Thomas More. Paris: Lecoffre, 1904. Trans. By H. Child asLife of Blessed Thomas More. New York: Benziger; London: Duckworth, 1904.[1637] Bridgett, T. E. The Life and Writings of Sir Thomas More. London: Burns Oates &Washbourne, 1891.[1638] Campbell, W. E. Erasmus, More and Tyndale. London: Eyre & Spottiswocde, 1949. 79-96,124-88, 208-26, 237-66. [Some chapters also listed separately.][1639] Cecil, A. A Portrait of Thomas More. London: Eyre & Spottiswoode; New York: Putnam,1937 [Rev.: TLS 20 Feb. 1937: 127 + 171.]Thomas More Bibliography / 400[1640] Chambers, R. W. Thomas More. London: Jonathan Cape, 1935. Rpt. Ann Arbor, MI: U ofMichigan P. 1958. Rpt. London: Penguin Books in Association with Jonathan Cape (APeregrine Book), 1963. [Rev.: M. Belgion, Criterion 15 (1935/36): 156-64; P. E. Hallett, RES11 (1936): 472-74; J. D. Mackie, History 21 (1936): 61-63; A. L. Rowse, Spectator 154(1935): 924.][1641] Clayton, J. Sir Thomas More: A Short Study. London: Burns Oates & Washbourne, 1933.[Rev.: G. MacDonald, DublinR 196 (1935): 33-35.][1642] Coulton, G. G. "The Faith of St. Thomas More." The Quarterly Review 265 (1935): 327-43.Rpt. in Essential Articles. 502-12,666-67.[1643] Farrow, J. The Story of Thomas More. London: Sheed & Ward, 1954.[1644] Fox, A. Thomas More: History and Providence. See General Studies of More's Works.[1645] Hollis, C. Sir Thomas More. London: Sheed & Ward, 1934. Rpt. London: Burns & Oates,1961. [Rev.: TLS 3 Jan. 1935: 6; A. L. Rowse, Spectator 154 (1935): 129-30.][1646] Hourdin, G. Intellectuel sans vanit& St. Thomas More. 1958.[1647] Hutton, W. H. Sir Thomas More. London: Methuen, 1895. Rpt. 1900.[1648] Jones, J. P. Thomas More. See General Studies of More's Works.[1649] Kenny, A. Thomas More. See General Studies of More's Works.[1650] Marc'hadour, G. "Additions et corrections a l'univers de Thomas More." Moreana(1963-65) 1: 70-81 + 2: 71-82 + 3: 39-60 + 4: 57-68 + 5: 41-52.^[1651] ^. Thomas More, ou la sage folie. Collection Philosophes de tous les temps 76. Paris:Editions Seghers, 1971. [Rev.: G. Marc'hadour, Moreana 33 (1972): 39-46; J. K. McConica,Ren&Ref os 9 (1972): 37.][1652] ^ . L'Univers de Thomas More: Chronologie critique de More, Erasme et leur époque,1477-1536. Paris: J. Vrin, 1963. [Rev.: P. Mesnard, Moreana 1 (1963): 27-30; R. S.Sylvester, RenN 16 (1963): 319-23.][1653] Marius, R. Thomas More: A Biography. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1984. Rpt. VintageBooks, 1985. [Summ.: A. J. Geritz, ELR 22 (1992): 112. Rev.: D. L. Gregory, CatholicLawyer 29 (1985): 344-55; A. F. Kinney, RenQ 40 (1987): 118-21; N. H. Minnich, ("SecondThoughts on Thomas More's Biography"), America 16 Nov. 1985: 330-31 (rpt. in CatholicLawyer, 30 (1985): 94-98); J. Patrick, Modern Age 32 (1988): 144-47.][1654] Martz, L. L. Thomas More: The Search for the Inner Man. See General Studies of More'sWorks.[1655] Maynard, T. Humanist as Hero, the Life of Sir Thomas More. New York: Macmillan, 1947.[1656] McConica, J. Thomas More: A Short Biography. London: National Portrait Gallery, 1977.[A balanced account.][1657] Merlaud, A. Thomas More. Paris: Editions S.O.S., 1973. [Rev.: Moreana 39 (1973): 73-80.][1658] O'Connell, J. R. Saint Thomas More. London: Duckworth, 1935. [Rev.: TLS 23 Nov. 1935:771.]Thomas More Bibliography / 401[1659] Paredi, D. Vita di Tommaso Moro. Milan: Edizioni 0. R., 1987. [Rev.: (Ital.) D. Zanibelli,Moreana 101/102 (1990): 207-08.][1660] Petrilli, G. San Tommaso Moro. Milan: Aldo Martello Editore, 1972. [Rev.: Moreana 39(1973): 65-72.][1661] Potter, G. R. Sir Thomas More. Roadmaker Series. London: Leonard Parsons; Boston, MA:Small, Maynard, 1925. [Rev.: TLS 3 Dec. 1925: 833.][1662] Prada, A. V. de. Sir Ton-1E1s Moro, Lord Canciller de Inglaterra. Madrid: Ediciones Rialp,1962. 1966. 5th ed. 1989. [Rev.: (Sp.) F. L. Estrada, Moreana 101/102 (1990): 36.][1663] Reynolds, E. E. The Field is Won: The Life and Death of Saint Thomas More London: Burns& Oates; Milwaukee: Bruce, 1968. [Rev.: G. Marc'hadour and M. Slattery, Moreana 23(1969): 40-41; G. A. Tomlinson. Moreana 21 (1969): 105-06.]^[1664] ^ . Saint Thomas More. New York: P. J. Kenedy, 1954. Rpt. Garden City, NY: ImageBooks (Doubleday), 1958.[1665] ^ . Thomas More and Erasmus. London: Burns & Oates, 1965. 16-23, 34-43, 112-26,179-53. [Rev.: N.-M. Egretier, Moreana 9 (1966): 47-51 + 10 (1966): 80.][1666] Ridley, J. G. The Statesman and the Fanatic: Thomas Wolsey and Thomas More. London:Constable, 1982. Also publ. as Statesman and Saint: Cardinal Wolsey, Sir Thomas More,and the Politics of Henry VIII. New York: Viking P, 1983. [Summ.: A. J. Geritz, ELR 22(1992): 113. Rev.: J. D. M. Derrett, ("Thomas More as a Martyr,") DownsideR 101 (1983):187-93; G. R. Elton, Moreana 77 (1983): 92. Not so much a biography as an exercise in"Foxean" vituperation by a descendent or namesake of one of the 'Marian Martyrs'.Character assassination at its worst.][1667] Routh, E. M. G. Sir Thomas More and His Friends, 1477-1535. London: Oxford UP, 1934.[Rev.: TLS 5 Apr. 1934: 240; A. L. Rowse, Criterion 14 (1934/35): 137-40.][1668] Rupp, G. Thomas More: The King's Good Servant. London: Collins, 1978.[1669] Sargent, D. Thomas More. London: Sheed & Ward, 1934. [Rev.: TLS 5 July 1934: 477.][1670] Seebohm, F. Sir Thomas More. London: 1896.[1671] Smith, R. L. John Fisher and Thomas More: Two English Saints. See More and Fisher.[1672] Wilson, Derek. England in the Age of Thomas More. London: Granada Publishing, 1978.[Not a biography, but rather a study of early Tudor England and More's relationship to hisculture. See especially pp. 1-15, "Prologue: The Man and his Age." and pp. 234-38,"Epilogue: The Man Against the Age."][1673] Woodgate, M. V. Thomas More. Slough, Berks.: St. Paul Publications, 1969.See also General Studies of More's WorksBrief Biographies (Including Saints Lives)[1674] Belloc, H. "Saint Thomas More." Characters of the Reformation. London: Sheed & Ward,1936. 98-110. Rpt. New York: Image Books, 1958. 62-69. [On the uniqueness of More'sdeath. See also "The Witness of Abstract Truth," in More's Trial, Imprisonment,Execution, and Martyrdom.]Thomas More Bibliography / 402[1675] Bowden, H. S., ed. Mementoes of the Martyrs and Confessors of England and Wales. London:Burns & Oates, 1910; 1962. 24, 46-47, 58, 170-73, 174, 204-05, 234-35, 249-50, 289-90.[Meditations on the life of More, based mainly on Roper.][1676] Browne, H. "A Catholic of the Renaissance." The Fame of Blessed Thomas More, BeingAddresses Delivered in his Honour in Chelsea, July 1929. London: Sheed & Ward, 1929.81-92. [More as a representative of the "common man", of the best in his age and culture.][1677] Chambers, R. W. "Sir Thomas More, 1478-1535." The Great Tudors. Ed. K. Garvin. NewYork: E. P. Dutton & Co., 1935. 101-16. Rpt. in abr. ed. London: Eyre and Spottiswoode,1956, 1961. 67-82. Rev. vers. rpt. as "Martyrs of the Reformation: Thomas More." inMan's Unconquerable Mind. By R. W. Chambers. London: Jonathan Cape, 1939. 172-89.Rpt. in Essential Articles. 489-500, 666.^[1678] ^. "Sir Thomas More's Fame Among His Countrymen." The Fame of Blessed ThomasMore, Being Addresses Delivered in his Honour in Chelsea, July 1929. London: Sheed &Ward, 1929. 9-32.[1679] Checksfield, M. M. "Thomas More (1478-1535)." Portraits of Renaissance Life and Thought.London: Longmans, 1964. 27-45.[1680] Chesterton, G. K. "A Turning Point in History." The Fame of Blessed Thomas More, BeingAddresses Delivered in his Honour in Chelsea, July 1929. London: Sheed & Ward, 1929.63-64. Rpt. in Essential Articles. 501.[1681] ^ . "St. Thomas More." The Well and the Shallows. London: Sheed & Ward, 1935,1937. 237-43. Rpt. in The Catholic Church and Conversion-and others. Vol. 3 of TheCollected Works of G. K. Chesterton. Ed. J. J. Thompson, Jr. San Francisco: Ignatius Press,1990. 505-09.[1682] ^ . "St. Thomas More [1477-1535]." Saints are not Sad: Forty Biographical Portraits.Ed. F. J. Sheed. New York: Sheed & Ward, 1949. 290-96.[1683] Delany, S. P. "Saint Thomas More [1478-1535]." Married Saints. New York: Longmans,Green & Co., 1935. 1941. Rpt. Freeport, NY: Books for Libraries P, 1969. 173-91.[1684] Donnelly, G. "St. Thomas More." Catholic Lawyer 14 (1968): 320-25, 319.[1685] Farmer, D. H., ed. "Thomas More (1478-1535)." The Oxford Dictionary of Saints. Oxford:Clarendon P, 1978. 284-86.[1686] Foss, M. "Sir Thomas More." Tudor Portraits: Success and Failure of an Age. London:George G. Harrop, 1973. 31-51. [A brief biography.][1687] Freemantle, A. "Thomas More." Saints Alive: The Lives of Thirteen Heroic Saints. GardenCity, NY: Doubleday, 1978. 90-113.[1688] Fuller, Thomas. "Sir Thomas More." The Worthies of England. (1662). Ed. J. Freeman.London: George Allen & Unwin, 1952. 356-58. [A brief encomium.][1689] Greenblatt, S. "At the Table of the Great: More's Self-Fashioning and Self-Cancellation."Renaissance Self-Fashioning: From More to Shakespeare. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1980.11-73, 259-68. [Summ.: A. J. Geritz, ELR 22 (1992): 114. Crude Freudian debunking-partisan biography at its worst. Compare with his equally crude hagiographical treatmentof Tyndale in the following chapter.]Thomas More Bibliography / 403[1690] Haughton, R. The Young Thomas More. London: Parrish and Roy, 1966. [Rev.: E. Reilly,Moreana 17 (1968): 80. For adolescent readers.][1691] Hoffmann, A. "Thomas More." Lives of the Tudor Age, 1485-1603. New York: Barnes &Noble, 1977. 331-36.[1692] Innes, A. D. "Sir Thomas More." Ten Tudor Statesmen. London: E. Nash, 1906. Rev. ed.London: Grayson & Grayson, 1934. 67-91. [A brief biography.]^[1693] ^ . "Sir Thomas More: The Idealist (b. 1478, d. 1535)." Leading Figures in EnglishHistory: Tudor and Stewart Period. London: Rivington, 1931. Rpt. Freeport, NY: Books forLibraries P, 1967. 35-56.[1694] Jenkins, C. Sir Thomas More. A Commemoration Lecture Delivered in the Chapter House,Canterbury, at the Festival of the Friends of Canterbury Cathedral, June, 1935. Canterbury:Published by The Friends of Canterbury Cathedral and printed by J. A. Jennings, 1935.[Rev.: TLS 23 Nov. 1935: 771. A brief biography, includes facsimile and translation ofMore's letter of confraternity with Canterbury (Herbrtiggen #182A).][1695] Knox, R. A. "The English Martyrs: I & II," and "St. Thomas More: I & II." OccasionalSermons of Ronald Knox. Ed. P. Caraman. London: Burns & Oates, 1960. 103-25. [Foursermons on More as a Catholic Martyr, composed in Ronald Knox's charmingly inimitablestyle.][1696] Lee, S. "More, Sir Thomas." Dictionary of National Biography. London: Spottiswoode & Co.,1894. Vol. 38: 429-49. Rpt. London: Geoffrey Cumberlege for Oxford UP, 1921-22. Vol. XIII:876-96.[1697] ^. "Sir Thomas More." Great Englishmen of the Sixteenth Century. New York: CharlesScribner's Sons, 1904. 17-62. [Expresses typical 19th century liberal prejudices; shows nounderstanding of More's Christian Humanism or of the complexities of More's character.][1698] Lilly, W. S. "More-The Saint." Renaissance Types. London: T. Fisher Unwin, 1901.309-78.[1699] Lloyd, T. Two Saints Named Thomas (Saint Thomas Aquinas I Saint Thomas More). MiddleGreen, Langley, Bucks.: Saint Paul Editions, 1966. [Rev.: C. W. Crawford, Moreana 12(1966): 99-100. For children.][1700] Longford, F. "St. Thomas More: God's Servant First." Saints. London: Hutchinson, 1987.71-82.[1701] Manuel, F. E. "Reconsideration." New Republic 24 Jun. 1978: 37-41. [Repeats old canardor shibboleth about More "persecuting" heretics, but does emphasise his wit and humour.][1702] Marc'hadour, G. "Sir (Saint) Thomas More." Encyclopedia Britannica. (15th ed. 1974). Rpt.with changes Angers: Editions Moreana, 1982.[1703] Maynard, T. "Saint Thomas More." Pillars of the Church. New York: Longmans Green andCo., 1945. Rpt. Freeport, NY: Books for Libraries P, 1970. 121-44.[1704] ^ . "Thomas More European." Studies [Dublin] 24 (1935): 379-90.[1705] McCormick, T. E. "The Moral Dilemma of St. Thomas More." Catholic Lawyer 23 (1977):94-96. [More as patron saint of lawyers.]Thomas More Bibliography / 404[1706] Meynell, L. W. "St. Thomas More." Great Catholics. Ed. C. Williamson. London: Nicholsonand Watson, 1938. 151-61. [A brief biography.][1707] Paul, J. E. Catherine of Aragon and her Friends. London: Burns & Oates, 1966. [Seeespecially pp. 62-72, "The Humanists: Vives, More and Whytford," and pp. 191-200, "SirThomas More."][1708] Plant, R. M. "Saint Thomas More (1477/78-1535)." Canadian Catholic Review 6 (1988):104-10. [A brief biography.][1709] Potter, G. R. "The English Renaissance: Sir Thomas More." Renaissance Men and Ideas.Ed. K. Schwoebel. New York: St. Martin's P, 1971. 39-51. [A brief biography.][1710] Reynolds, E. E. Saint Thomas More. London: Catholic Truth Society, 1966. Rpt. 1979.[Rev.: G. Marc'hadour, Moreana 11 (1966): 97-98. A sixteen page CTS pamphlet.][1711] Sharkey, D., and L. Clare. "King's Chancellor: St. Thomas More." Popular Patron Saints.Milwaukee: Bruce, 1959. 136-40.[1712] Thurston, H., and D. Attwater, eds. "St. Thomas More, Martyr (A.D. 1535)." Butler's Livesof the Saints. 4 vols. London: Burns & Oates, 1956. 3: 49-55.[1713] Ward, B. "St. Thomas More." Saints for Now. Ed. C. B. Luce. New York: Sheed & Ward,1952. 161-74. [A brief biography by a world-famous Catholic economist.]More: Essays and Addresses[1714] Reed, A. W. "Sir Thomas More." The Social and Political Ideas of Some Great Thinkers ofthe Renaissance and the Reformation. Ed. F. J. C. Hearnshaw. London: George G. Harrop,1925. Rpt. London: Dawsons of Pall Mall, 1967. 123-48.[1715] Scarisbrick, J. J. "Thomas More: 'A Model For Us All.'" Moreana 87/88 (1985): 85-90.[1716] Schoeck, R. J. "The Place of Sir Thomas More: A Case for Tudor Studies." Revue del'Universite d'Ottawa 34 (1964): 176-90.[1717] Sylvester, R. S. "Keynote Address to the Georgetown Symposium." See English Languageand Prose Style.[1718] Thomson, C. E. L., ed. Thomas More Through Many Eyes. London: Leighton Thomson, 4Old Church Street, Chelsea, 1978. [An ecumenical collection of twenty-five sermonspreached in the More Chapel, Chelsea Old Church in the period from 1954 to 1978.]More Scholars, Biographers, and Editors[1719] Allyn, E. "Dr. Elizabeth Frances Rogers as Teacher." Moreana 15/16 (1967): 10-14.[1720] Marius, R. "Looking Back." Miscellanea Moreana. 555-62.[1721] ^ . "Reflections on Writing the Biography of a Saint." The Portrayal of Life Stages inEnglish Literature, 1500-1800: Infancy, Youth, Marriage, Aging. Death, Martyrdom. Essaysin Honor of Warren Wooden. Ed. J. Watson, and P. McM. Pittman. Studies in BritishHistory 10. Lewiston, NY: The Edwin Mellon P, 1989. 175-202. [On More's persona in hiswritings, Roper's Life of More, and on the task of the modern biographer.][1722] Reynolds, E. E. "St. Thomas More: Recent Studies." ClergyR 52 (1967): 712-15.Thomas More Bibliography / 405^[1723] ^. "Thomas Edward Bridgett, C.SS.R." Moreana 15/16 (1967): 15-26.[1724] Rogers, E. F. "Vita." Moreana 15/16 (1967): 5-9.[1725] Schoeck, R. J. "Moreans from Chambers to Marc'hadour: Some Recollections andReflections." Miscellanea Moreana. 539-46. [Summ.: Moreana 98/99 (1988): 167, 262.]^[1726] ^ . "Towards Understanding St. Thomas More: A Survey of Recent More Studies inAmerica." Month ns 11 (1954): 42ff. Rpt. in Catholic Lawyer 2 (1956): 61-67.[1727] ^ . "The Yale Edition of St. Thomas More." Editing Sixteenth Century Texts: PapersGiven at the Editorial Conference, October, 1965. Ed. R. J. Schoeck. Toronto: U of Toronto P,1966. 7-10.[1728] Shenker, I. "Thomas More: 2 Million Words." New York Times Review of Books 25 June1978: 3, 40-41. [On Moreana and on the Yale edition.][1729] Sisson, C. J. "Raymond Wilson Chambers, 1874-1942." PBA 30 (1944): 427-39. [See alsoH. W. Husbands' bibliography of Chambers in More Scholars: Bibliographies. See also J.A. Burrow, "The Sinking Island and the Dying Author: R. W. Chambers Fifty Years On,"Essays in Criticism 40 (1990): 1-23.][1730] Stamm, R. "Die Morus-Biographie von R. W. Chambers and ihre Auswirkung."Theologische Zeitschrift 7 (1951): 103-14.[1731] Sylvester, R. S. "Editing Thomas More." British Studies Monitor 3:2 (1973): 4-17. Rev.vers. in Moreana 51 (1976): 26-37. [A history of the Yale Edition from 1958-1973/76.][1732] ^. "Editing Thomas More: The Past and the Future." Moreana 58 (1978): 5-12.[1733]^. "Annual Newsletter: St. Thomas More Project Yale University." Moreana (1964-74)4: 18-22, 8: 43-50, 12: 66-70, 17: 27-29, 21: 99-101, 25: 49-52, 29: 63-65, 33: 47-50, 37:45-50, 41: 83-87, 43/44: 87-91. [Year by year reports on the progress of the "MoreProject" at Yale.][1734] "The Quincentenary of the Birth of Sir Thomas More." Australian Law Journal 52 (1978):352-53.[1735] Watkins, D. R. "The St. Thomas More Project." Yale University Library Gazette 36 (1961):162-68. [Summ.: J. S. Bullen, AES 5 (1962): 2514.][1736) Wright, L. B. "A Note on R. W. Chambers." Moreana 15/16 (1967): 27-28.More Scholars: Bibliographies[1737] "Bibliography of Leicester Bradner." The Drama of the Renaissance: Essays for LeicesterBradner. Ed. E. M. Blistein. Providence, RI: Brown UP, 1970. 197-99.[1738] Couchman, J. "A Selected List of the Publications and Lectures of Arthur EdwardBarker." Familiar Colloquy: Essays Presented to Arthur Edward Barker. Ed. P. Brtickmann.Ottawa: Oberon P, 1978. 227-30.[1739] "Edward Surtz: BioBibliography." Moreana 31/32 (1971): 7-11.[1740] Husbands, H. W. "A Bibliography of the Works of R. W. Chambers." PBA 30 (1944):440-45. [See also C. J. Sisson's article in More Scholars, Biographers, and Editors.]Thomas More Bibliography / 406[1741] Perkins, J. "A List of the Publications of J. B. Trapp, with a Selection of Reviews."England and the Continental Renaissance: Essays in Honour of J. B. Trapp. Ed. E. Chaneyand P. Mack. Woodbridge, Suffolk: The Boydell Press, 1990. 295-301.[1742] "Publications of Craig R. Thompson on Sixteenth-Century Subjects." Essays on the Worksof Erasmus. Ed. R. L. DeMolen. New Haven: Yale UP, 1978. 267-69.[1743] Rice, L. "Bibliography of the Works of Eugene F. Rice, Jr., 1950 — 1989." RenaissanceSociety and Culture: Essays in Honor of Eugene F. Rice, Jr. New York: Italica P, 1991.xxi-xxiv.[1744] Rousseau, M.-C. "Les livres et les heures de Germain Marc'hadour: Bio-bibliographie."Miscellanea Moreana. 3-8.[1745] Smith, C., and J. P. Warren. "Bibliography for Richard S. Sylvester." Moreana 62 (1979):27-30.Yearbooks, Festschriften, Article Collections, and Special Issues[1746] Boventer, H., ed. Thomas-Morus-Jahrbuch. Triltsch: Verlag Diisseldorf, 1980-. [Rev.: (1989)R. Keen, Moreana 103 (1990): 113-14; (1988) M. Veithen, Moreana 101/102 (1990):161-68.][1747] Fox, A., and P. Leech, eds. Thomas More: The Rhetoric of Character. Dunedin: U of Otago(A University Extension Publication), 1979. [Contributions also listed separately.][1748] Grace, D., and B. Byron, eds. Thomas More: Essays on the Icon. Melbourne: DoveCommunications, 1980. [Rev.: P. Sheldrake, HeythropJ 25 (1984): 227. Articles also listedseparately.][1749] Marc'hadour, G., ed. Moreana (A Festschrift on More's Utopia in Honor of Edward Surtz,S. J.) Issues 31/32. Angers: Editions Moreana, 1971. [Rev.: L. Miles, RenQ 26 (1973):212-15.][1750] Moore, M. J., ed. Quincentennial Essays on St. Thomas More. Boone, NC: Albion, 1978. Alsopubl. in Albion 10: Supp. (1978): 1-162. [Rev.: A. J. Slavin, Moreana 67/68 [Thomas MoreGazette 2] (1980): 81-87. Articles also listed separately. Cited as Quincentennial Essays.][1751] Murphy, C. M., H. Gibaud, and M. A. Di Cesare, eds. Miscellanea Moreana: Essays forGermain Marc'hadour. Moreana 100: Volume XXVI Mélanges Marc'hadour. Binghamton,NY: MRTS 61, 1989. [Summ.: (E./Fr.) Moreana 98/99 (1988): 153-67, 247-62. Rev.: R. L.DeMolen, CHR 76 (1990): 846-48. A special commemorative issue of Moreana, (no. 100).Cited as Miscellanea Moreana. Articles also listed separately.][1752] Sylvester, R. S., ed. St. Thomas More: Action and Contemplation. Proceedings of theSymposium held at St. John's University, 1970. New Haven: Yale UP (for St. John'sUniversity), 1972. [Rev.: W. L. Godshalk, RenQ 26 (1973): 210-11; J. Headley and J. R.Cavanaugh ("The St. Thomas More Symposium," and "A Participant's Impressions"),Moreana 27/28 (1970): 145-49; F. Murray, Moreana 38 (1973): 72-79. Articles also listedseparately.][1753] Sylvester, R. S., and G. Marc'hadour, eds. Essential Articles. for the Study of Thomas More.Hamden, CT: Archon, 1977. [Articles also listed separately. Cited as "Essential Articles.]Thomas More Bibliography / 407[1754] The Fame of Blessed Thomas More, Being Addresses Delivered in his Honour in Chelsea,July 1929. London: Sheed & Ward, 1929. [Articles also listed separately.][1755] Thomas More: 1477-1977, Colloque international tenu en novembre 1977. Ed. A. Gerlo.Actes de l'Institut pour l'Etude de la Renaissance 6. Brussels: Editions de l'Universite deBruxelles, 1980. [Rev.: A. Godin, Moreana 70 (1981): 87-92; L. Miles, ERSY 2 (1982):118-23. Some articles also listed separately.]Reports on Conference Papers[1756] Murphy, C. M. "Thomas More at Villanova 1980." Moreana 73 (1982): 77-79.[1757] Murray, F. "The Spirituality of Thomas More. Report on the Conference held by the AmiciThomae Mori at The Cenacle Retreat and Conference Centre, Burnham, Bucks., 26-28June 1970." Moreana 27/28 (1970): 89-91.[1758] Murray, F. "Thomas More: The Theologian. Report on the Second Annual Conference ofthe Amici Thomae Mori at the Cenacle Conference Centre, Burnham, Bucks., 2-4 July1971." Moreana 33 (1972): 33-35.[1759] Plant, R. M. "Thomas More and his Circle Kalamazoo, 1986." Moreana 94 (1986): 35-38.^[1760] ^ . "Thomas More and his Circle Kalamazoo, 1987-88." Moreana 101/102 (1990):35-38.Surveys of Criticism[1761] Person, J. E., Jr., ed. Literature Criticism from 1400 to 1800. Detroit: Gale Research Inc.,1989. Vol. 10: 353-456. [Rev.: E. McCutcheon, Moreana 101/102 (1990): 209-11. Part of amultivolume series.][1762] Tucker, M., ed. The Beginnings to the Seventeenth Century. Vol. 1 of Moulton's Library ofLiterary Criticism of English and American Authors: Through the Beginning of theTwentieth Century. 4 vols. New York: Frederick Ungar, rev. ed. 1966. 1: 91-98.[1763] ^. The Critical Temper: A Survey of Modern Criticism on English and AmericanLiterature from the Beginnings to the Twentieth Century. 4 vols. New York: Frederick Ungar,vols. 1-3: 1969, vol.4: 1979. 1: 215-34 + 4: 96-102.Exhibitions and Libraries, etc.[1764] "A Handlist of Printed Books in Guildhall Library by or relating to Sir Thomas More."The Guildhall Miscellany 4: 11 (Oct. 1971): 44-60 + 1 plate.[1765] "Catalogue of Relics, Portraits, Prints, Books, Documents, and Other Memorials of SirThomas More: As Shown at the Exhibition Held at the Beaufort Street Shrine, Chelsea9th-13th July, 1929." Appendix I in The Fame of Blessed Thomas More, Being AddressesDelivered in his Honour in Chelsea, July 1929. London: Sheed & Ward, 1929. 117-29. [Thecatalogue of an exhibition held in 1929 at the convent built on part of the site of More'sgreat house at Chelsea.][1766] "La fontaine Thomas More a Krefeld par Anneliese Langenbach. Photo: Hartmut Vogler."Moreana 101/102 (1990): 168.Thomas More Bibliography / 408[1767] Noakes, A. "Fresh Light on More's Sources of Richard III Thrown by the National PortraitGallery's Exhibition." See Richard III: Literary and Historical Studies.[1768] Roberts, K. "The Thomas More Exhibition at the National Portrait Gallery." BurlingtonMagazine 120 (1978): 39-40 + 1 plate.[1769] "St. Thomas More and St. John Fisher." Bodleian Library Record 8 (1935/37): 66-72. [Rev.:TLS 23 May 1935: 336. A list of works displayed at Oxford during an exhibition tocelebrate the canonization of Sir Thomas More and Bishop John Fisher.][1770] "Sir Thomas More, 1478-1535: An Exhibition." BJRL 61 (1978/79): 3-7. [Report of anexhibition at the John Rylands Library.][1771] Tinnelly, J. P. "A Statue to St. Thomas More." Catholic Lawyer 13 (1967): 4-7, 90.[1772] Trapp, J. B., and H. S. Herbriiggen. The King's Good Servant: Sir Thomas More1477/1478-1535. See Iconography, Music, Painting and Mathematics.See also Iconography, Music, Painting and Mathematics.B.7. FRIENDS AND CONTEMPORARIES OF MOREMore and Bude[1773] Garanderie, M.-M. de la. "Guillaume Bude lecteur de l'Utopie." See Utopia: PrefatoryLetters.^[1774] ^ . "La correspondance de Guillaume Bude et Thomas More." See Literary Letters.[1775] Marc'hadour, G. "Bude of Paris and More of London." Moreana 19/20 (1968): 157-64.[1776] Schoeck, R. J. "The Ironic and the Prophetic: Towards Reading More's Utopia as aMultidisciplinary Work." See Utopia: Prefatory Letters and Parerga.[1777] Schrenck, G. "Profils d'Humanistes: Bude, Erasme, More d'apres leur correspondance(1500-1530)." Travaux de linguistique et de litterature [Strasbourg] 21:2 (1983): 105-19.More and Erasmus[1778] Klawiter, R. "Thomas More, Erasmus and Ulrich von Hutten: Some Reflections." Moreana67/68 [Thomas More Gazette 2] (1980): 17-30.^[1779] ^ . "Telling More from Erasmus: An Essai in Renaissance Humanism." Moreana 91/92(1986): 11-19.[1780] Sowards, J. K. "Thomas More, Erasmus and Julius II: A Case of Advocacy." Moreana 24(1969): 81-99. [On the Julius Exclusus and More.][1781] Thompson, M. G. "Satire and the Satiric Spirit in the Works of Desiderius Erasmus andSt. Thomas More." M. A. Diss. U of Toronto, 1948. [Directed by A. E. Barker.][1782] Fantazzi, C. "Vives, More and Erasmus." Juan Luis Vives. Arbeitsgesprüch in der HerzogAugust Bibliothek Wolfenbuttel vom 6. bis. 8. November 1980. Ed. A. Buck. WolfenbtittelerAbhandlungen zur Renaissanceforschung 3. Hamburg: Dr. Ernst Hauswedell & Co., 1981.164-76.Thomas More Bibliography / 409[1783] Villoslada, P. G. "Tomas Moro en las epfstolas de Erasmo." See Literary Letters.[1784] Weiner, A. D. "Erasmus, More and the Shape of Persuasion." Moreana 65/66 (1980):87-98. [Summ.: A. J. Geritz, ELR 22 (1992): 116.]See also Utopia: More and Erasmus, and Early Biographers: Erasmus.More and Fisher[1785] Baker, A. "Et ab invicem non sunt separati." ClergyR ns 44 (1959): 425-28. [On themartyrdoms of More and Fisher.][1786] "Blessed John Fisher and Blessed Thomas More." The Venerabile 3 (1926-28): 137-46 + 2plates. [Summ.: F. Murray, Moreana 19/20 (1968): 100.][1787] Janelle, P. "Humanisme et unite chretienne: John Fisher et Thomas More." Etudes 223(1935): 442-60.[1788] "John Fisher and Thomas More." TLS 30 May 1935: 337-38.[1789] Marc'hadour, G. "Sur John Fisher et Thomas More." RHE 70 (1975): 49-59.[1790] Ravaze, M., trans. "Eloge de Fisher et de Morus." Moreana 78 (1983): 90-92. [ReginaldPole's praise of Fisher and More.][1791] Schieser, H. A. "Education for Civil Courage: The Examples of Thomas More and JohnFisher." Thomas-Morus-Jahrbuch 1984/85. Ed. H. Boventer. Dusseldorf: Triltsch, 1985.133-36.[1792] Smith, R. L. John Fisher and Thomas More: Two English Saints. London: Sheed & Ward,1935. [Rev.: TLS 30 May 1935: 349. English lives presented to the Pope (Pius XI) as partof the Canonization process in 1935.][1793] Surtz, E. "More's Friendship with Fisher." Moreana 15/16 (1967): 115-33. Rpt. in EssentialArticles. 169-79, 607-11.More and Elyot[1794] Major, J. H. "Sir Thomas More." Sir Thomas Elyot and Renaissance Humanism. Lincoln,NE: U of Nebraska P, 1964. 89-139. [Rev.: G. Marc'hadour, Moreana 9 (1966): 52-56. OnElyot's friendship with More.][1795] Wilson, K. J. "Usque ad aras: Thomas Elyot's Friendship with Thomas More." ActaConuentus Neo-Latini Sanctandreani. 531-35.See also Early Biographers: Roper, and Utopia: Elyot, Milton, Shakespeare, andWebster.More and Shakespeare[1796] Macnalty, A. S. "Shakespeare and Sir Thomas More." E&S ns 12 (1959): 36-57. [Summ.:C. A. Toase, AES 3 (1960): 1891.][1797] Milward, P. "Three Essays on Shakespeare and Religion: 1. Thomas More and WilliamShakespeare." Shakespeare Yearbook 1 (1990): 117-24.Thomas More Bibliography / 410See also Richard III, Shakespeare and the Book of Sir Thomas Moore, and Utopia:Elyot, Milton, Shakespeare, and Webster.Moreana in the Sixteenth, Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries[1798] Doyle, C. C. "Moreana, 1604-1660." Moreana 41 (1974): 11-18.^[1799] ^ . "Moreana of the Late Seventeenth and Early Eighteenth Centuries." Moreana 45(1975): 53-60.[1800] ^. "Moreana of the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries." Moreana 34 (1972):47-55. [Additions to R. W. Gibson's Bibliography.]^[1801] ^ . "Moreana of Tudor Times." Moreana 38 (1973): 13-20. [Additions to R. W. Gibson'sBibliography.][1802] Dust, P. "A Reference to More in Philemon Holland's Translation of Suetonius's VitaeCaesarum." See Latin Epigrams.[1803] Gabrieli, V., and G. Melchiori, eds. "Appendix E: Harington." Sir Thomas More. A Play byAnthony Munday and Others. Revised by Henry Chettle, Thomas Dekker, Thomas Heywoodand William Shakespeare. The Revels Plays. Manchester: Manchester UP, 1990. 252. [Ashort excerpt from the Metamorphosis of Ajax.][1804] Hogan, J. W. "A Thomas More Reference in Calvin's Isaiah Commentary." Moreana 45(1975): 37-38.[1805] Marc'hadour, G. "Early Stuart Additions to Gibson (and to the O.E.D.)." Moreana 36(1972): 91-92. [On `utopicar and `aperies' in the works of Sir John Haywarde.][1806] McCutcheon, E. "A Mid-Tudor Owner of More's Utopia: Sir William More." Moreana 70(1981): 32-35.[1807] ^. "Sir Dudley Digges and More's Utopia." Moreana 69 (1981): 79-80.[1808] Pineas, R. "John Bale on Thomas More." Moreana 90 (1986): 77-78.[1809] Prescott, A. L. "Thomas Nash (1588-1648) and Thomas More." Moreana 59/60 (1978):35-41.[1810] Rude, D. W. "Some Unreported Sixteenth and Seventeenth Century References to SirThomas More." Moreana 101/102 (1990): 147-49.[1811] Sorlein, R. P. "Thomas More Anecdotes in an Elizabethan Diary." Moreana 34 (1972):81-82. [One is original, the other retold from Roper or Harpsfield?][1812] Stanwood, P. G., and L. Yeandle. "Richard Hooker's Use of Thomas More." Moreana 35(1972): 5-16.[1813] Williams. F. B. "Some More Allusions." Moreana 27/28 (1970): 83-87. [Some 16th and17th century allusions.]See also Utopia in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, and Reprints,Translations, and Adaptations of More's Epigrams in the Sixteenth andSeventeenth Centuries.Thomas More Bibliography / 411More and France[1814] Delcourt, J. "Saint Thomas More and France." Traditio 5 (1947): 285-310. [On More'scontacts with France during his lifetime, and on his later reputation among the French.][1815] Schneider, M. H. "Thomas More as Viewed by Two French Jurists." Moreana 27 (1970):107-10.More and Italy[1816] Corrigan, B. "Sir Thomas More: Personage and Symbol on the Italian Stage." See ThomasMore and Drama: Other Plays.[1817] Scaltriti, G. "Tommaso Moro e Girolamo Savonarola, testimoni e profeti. Gli Americani diTommaso Moro." Renovatio: rivista di teologia e culture [Genoa] 3:1 (1968): 79-104.[Summ.: G. Marc'hadour, Moreana 17 (1968): 84.][1818] Trapp, J. B. "Supplementa Iconographica Moreana: Portraits of Thomas More in Italy andin Spain." See Iconography, Music, Painting and Mathematics.[1819] Wheeler, T. "An Italian Account of Thomas More's Trial and Execution." See More'sTrial, Imprisonment, Execution, and Martyrdom.[1820] ^. "Thomas More in Italy: 1535-1700." Moreana 27/28 (1970): 15-23.See also Life of PicoMore and Spain[1821] Estrada, F. L. Tombs Moro y Esparia, sus relaciones hasta el siglo XVIII. Madrid: Editorialde la Universidad Complutense, 1980. [Rev.: C. Lemarie, Moreana 69 (1981): 157-58 (rpt.in S. Zavala, Recuerdo de Vasco de Quiroga, Mexico: Editorial Porrtia, 2nd ed. 1987,271-75).][1822] Estrada, F. L. "Tomas Moro en un Libro de Fray Alonso de la Torre, cartujo sevillano"[Thomas More in a Book by Alonso de la Torre, a Seville Carthusian]. MiscellaneaMoreana. 517-31. [Summ.: R. H. Kossoff, Moreana 98/99 (1988): 166-67, 261; (Fr./E.) R. H.K. and H. D. R., Miscellanea Moreana. 530-31.][1823] Trapp, J. B. "Supplementa Iconographica Moreana: Portraits of Thomas More in Italy andin Spain." See Iconography, Music, Painting and Mathematics.[1824] Zavala, S. "Tomas Moro y los libros. Un eco de Sevilla, 1638." Dietlogos [Review of ElColegio de Mexico] 89 (1979): 39-40. Rpt. in Recuerdo de Vasco de Quiroga. Mexico:Editorial Pornia, 2nd ed. 1987. 211-14.See also Utopia, Spain, New Spain and AmericaUnclassified[1825] Huber, P. Traditionsfestigkeit and Traditionshritik bei Thomas Morus. Basler Beitrage zurGeschichtswissenschaft 47. Basel: Helbing & Lichtenhahn, 1953.[1826] Rousseau, M.-C. "Non sum Oedipus, sed Morus." Moreana 91/92 (1986): 173-87.
Thesis/Dissertation
eng
English
Vancouver : University of British Columbia Library
For non-commercial purposes only, such as research, private study and education. Additional conditions apply, see Terms of Use https://open.library.ubc.ca/terms_of_use.
Graduate
Sir Thomas More and the art of dialogue
Text