Applied Science, Faculty of
Architecture and Landscape Architecture (SALA), School of
DSpace
UBCV
Morazzani Diaz, Grace
This project seeks to improve the living conditions of the more than 107 million people living in spontaneous settlements in Latin America and reduce the levels of urban violence through an interdisciplinary process. This work recognizes that public space strategy can not provide a complete solution to urban violence and human behavior. Nonetheless, it considers that physical media and public social spaces are fundamental for providing the means to other disciplines to work, such as sociology, education, psychology, and others. This projects questions: what is the agency of space in the recurrence of violent acts? Is it possible to reduce violence in informal settlements by modifying the spatial settings and living conditions? How can we, as designers, help reduce risk factors that may take children and young adults to consider criminality as their only means for survival? By introducing spatial interventions that improve living conditions in spontaneous settlements, this project expects to provide the means to promote the healthy development of children through strategies based on the social dynamic of informal settlements. The main objective of this work is to analyze in-depth the spatial conditions that generate violence and produce a toolkit of physical interventions in spontaneous settlements that can help reduce the risk factors for children and young adults through the already established social dynamics of informal settlements. Lastly, a test design will exemplify the application of this toolkit on the grounds of La Cota 905, an informal settlement in Caracas known for its high levels of violence and criminal activities.
IN SPONTANEOUS SETTLEMENTSA PUBLIC SPACE STRATEGYreducing VIOLENCEAUTHOR: GRACE MORAZZANI DIAZGPII SUPERVISOR: SARA JACOBSCOMMITTEE MEMBERS: ELISA SILVA“Submitted in partial fulfillment for the Master of Landscape Architecture, School of Architecture and Landscape Architecture, University of British Columbia.”Landscape ArchitectureSchool of Architecture and Landscape ArchitectureUniversity of British ColumbiaName: Grace Morazzani DiazUBC Student number: Graduate Project Title: Reducing Violence in Spontaneous Settlements, a Public Space Strategy.In presenting this report in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Master of LandscapeArchitecture, University of British Columbia, I agree that UBC may make this work freelyavailable for reference or study. I give permission for copying the report for educationalpurposes in accordance with copyright laws.NAME DATE SIGNATUREGRACE MORAZZANI DIAZ 05/04/2021ABSTRACTThis project seeks to improve the living conditions of the more than 107 million people living in spontaneous settlements in Latin America and reduce the levels of urban violence through an interdisciplinary process. This work recognizes that public space strategy can not provide a complete solution to urban violence and human behavior. Nonetheless, it considers that physi-cal media and public social spaces are fundamental for providing the means to other disciplines to work, such as sociology, education, psychology, and others. This projects questions: what is the agency of space in the recurrence of violent acts? Is it possible to reduce violence in informal settlements by modifying the spa-tial settings and living conditions? How can we, as de-signers, help reduce risk factors that may take children and young adults to consider criminality as their only means for survival?By introducing spatial interventions that improve living conditions in spontaneous settlements, this project expects to provide the means to promote the healthy development of children through strategies based on the social dynamic of informal settlements. The main objective of this work is to analyze in-depth the spatial conditions that generate violence and pro-duce a toolkit of physical interventions in spontaneous settlements that can help reduce the risk factors for children and young adults through the already estab-lished social dynamics of informal settlements. Lastly, a test design will exemplify the application of this tool-kit on the grounds of La Cota 905, an informal settle-ment in Caracas known for its high levels of violence and criminal activities.IIIIIIIIIIIVVXIContentsINTRODUCTIONDISCUSSIONTHE HISTORICAL FACTORTHE HUMAN FACTORTHE SPATIAL FACTORREDUCING VIOLENCE: THE TOOLKITAPPENDIXRELEASE FORMABSTRACTOVERVIEWBACKGROUNDLITERATURE REVIEW: VIOLENCE AND PUBLIC SPACEFURTHER RESEARCH POSSIBILITIESMETHODOLOGYHISTORICAL BACKGROUND: 1498-1989HISTORICAL BACKGROUND: 1989 - PRESENTPUBLIC SPACE, VIOLENCE AND COLLECTIVE MEMORY: THREE EXAMPLESPUBLIC SPACE, SYMBOLISM AND MASS CONTROLABOUT THE CHARACTERISTICS OF THE VIOLENT PUBLIC SPACETHE CRIMINAL STORIESCASE STUDIESTHE PLACE: CARACAS METROPOLITAN ANALYSISTHE PLACE: SPONTANEOUS SETTLEMENTS TYPOLOGIES222428303132394449131422273861143BIBLIOGRAPHY1361415161920CONCLUSION AND FURTHER RESEARCH POSSIBILITIES134VAPPROACH AND ANALYSISTOOLKIT -FOOD SECURITY - MOBILITY - RECREATION - CHILDCARESUMMARY616264768496104REDUCING VIOLENCE: THE GROUNDING106THE TESTING AREA: LA COTA 905TESTING SITESGENERAL STRATEGYSITE 1: EARLY CHILDHOOD FOCUS AREASITE 2: MIDDLE CHILDHOOD FOCUS AREASITE 3: ADOLESCENCE FOCUS AREAMATERIALSPLANT SPECIESSTAKEHOLDERS106109110111117123129130131IVCONTENTSLIST OF FIGURESACKNOWLEDGMENTSfig. 01fig. 02fig. 03fig. 04fig. 05fig. 06fig. 07fig. 08fig. 09fig. 10fig. 11fig. 12fig. 13fig. 14fig. 15fig. 16fig. 17fig. 18fig. 19fig. 20fig. 21fig. 22fig. 23fig. 24fig. 25fig. 26fig. 27fig. 28fig. 29fig. 30fig. 31fig. 32fig. 33LIST of figuresUntitled © César Gutiérrez, CC BY-NC-ND 2.0Workflow (by author)Mind map (by author)Caracas Barrio © Daniel Con, CC BY-NC 2.0Barrio La Trilla - Caracas © Luis Carlos Díaz, CC BY-NC 2.030 minutos de cola bajo la lluvia en Mercal © Luis Carlos Díaz, CC BY-NC 2.0La vida en los barrios © Xavier Donat, CC BY-NC 2.0Town of Petare at the beginning of the XX Century (C. 1920´s - 1930´s) Unknown Author, Public domainPlano de Caracas y sus alrededores construido y dibujado por Eduardo Rohl. Eduardo Röll, 1934, Public domainPlano de Caracas y sus alrededores Ministerio de Obras Públicas, Dirección de Cartografía Nacional, Public domainImage of El Caracazo (Brito 2020)Image of El Caracazo (Grainger 2011)Casas de la misión Vivienda de Chavez, Wilfredorrh. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0La otra Margarita. La no turistica. Cola Mercal #harina. #Venezuela #margarita © Eleazar Ramos, CC BY-NC-ND 2.0Historical Timeline (by author)Petare © Jonathan Alzuro, CC BY-NC-ND 2.0Fig 17: Helicoide © Jesús Rincón, CC BY-SA 3.0 Fig 18: Puente Llaguno© Wilfredorr, CC0 1.0Retén de Catia (Gomes 2017)Caracas Hotspots (Mi Convive 2019)Public housing Venezuela © Prensa Presidencial - Government of Venezuela, CC BY 3.0Chavez’s eyes logo (García 2017)Viviendas en el barrio de Petare, Edo. Miranda, Venezuela © Wilfredorr, CC BY-SA 3.0Life stories, summary chart (by author)The home crisis (by author)Adaptation to the streets environment (by author 2021)Experienced homelessness at a young age (by author 2021)Served time in jail (by author 2021)Setting up for failure: releasing without notification (by author) 2021Absence of a reinsertion strategy (by author 2021)Petare (by author 2021)Moravia Ecological Park (Alcaldía de Medellín 2016)Moravia Ecological Park II (Alcaldía de Medellín 2016)VIfig. 34fig. 35fig. 36fig. 37fig. 38fig. 39fig. 40fig. 41fig. 42fig. 43fig. 44fig. 45fig. 46fig. 47fig. 48fig. 49fig. 50fig. 51fig. 52fig. 53fig. 54fig. 55fig. 56fig. 57fig. 58fig. 59fig. 60fig. 61fig. 62fig. 63 Urban agriculture along the Rimac River (Silva 2020)Urban agriculture along the Rimac River II (Silva 2020)Santa Marta Funicular (Fitzgerald 2019)Santa Marta Funicular II (Carpes 2013)Medellín scalators (Gutierrez 2019)Medellín scalators II (Herazo 2019)Mesuca (Arepa arquitectura 2011)Mesuca II (Arepa arquitectura 2011)Plaza Jorge Somaca (Enlace Arquitectura 2018)Plaza Jorge Somaca II (Enlace Arquitectura 2018)Caracas from El Cafetal (By author 2020)Formal vs Informal (by author 2020)Road system (by author 2020)Public transportation network (by author 2020)Park network (by author 2020)Topography and Watercourses (by author 2020)Las Minas de Baruta (by author 2021)Road system: Main street graphics (all graphics by author 2020)Road system: Secondary street graphics (all graphics by author 2020) Road system: Alleys graphics (all graphics by author 2020)Stairs: Public stairs graphics (all graphics by author 2020)Stairs: Lateral stairs graphics (all graphics by author 2020)Stairs: Access stairs graphics (all graphics by author 2020)Public space: cul-de-sac graphics (all graphics by author 2020)Public Space: Plazas graphics (all graphics by author 2020)Housing: Rancho graphics (all graphics by author 2020)Untitled © Globovision, CC BY-NC 2.0Cloud of thought (by author 2021)The Toolkit (by author 2021)Home gardens section (by author 2021) VIIVIII IXfig. 64fig. 65fig. 66fig. 67fig. 68fig. 69fig. 70fig. 71fig. 72fig. 73fig. 74fig. 75fig. 76fig. 77fig. 78fig. 79fig. 80fig. 81fig. 82fig. 83fig. 84fig. 85fig. 86fig. 87fig. 88fig. 89fig. 90fig. 91fig. 92fig. 93fig. 94fig. 95fig. 96Home gardens axo and details (by author 2021)Interstitial spaces section (by author 2021)Interstitial spaces axo and details (by author 2021)Planted wall section (by author 2021)Planted wall axo and details (by author 2021)Planted slope section (by author 2021)Planted slope axo and details (by author 2021) Daily nutritional intake (by author 2021)Edible plant species (by author 2021)Rainwater collection capacity (by author 2021)Cost and materials of community gardens (by author 2021)Microelements section (by author 2021)Microelements axo and details (by author 2021)The Tower section (by author 2021)The Tower axo and details (by author 2021)Funicular section (by author 2021)Funicular axo and details (by author 2021)Cable Cars section (by author 2021)Cable Cars axo and details (by author 2021)Pocket parks section (by author 2021)Pocket parks axo and details (by author 2021)Sports facilities section (by author 2021)Sports facilities axo and details (by author 2021)Plaza section (by author 2021)Plaza axo and details (by author 2021)Parks section (by author 2021)Parks axo and details (by author 2021)Use of time (by author 2021)Age groups and program (by author 2021)Cost and material basic public space intervention (by author 2021)Possible park network for Caracas (by author 2021)Book nooks section (by author 2021)Book nooks axo and details (by author 2021)fig. 97fig. 98fig. 99fig. 100fig. 101fig. 102fig. 103fig. 104fig. 105fig. 106fig. 107fig. 108fig. 109fig. 110fig. 111fig. 112fig. 113fig. 114fig. 115fig. 116fig. 117fig. 118fig. 119fig. 120fig. 121fig. 122fig. 123fig. 124fig. 125fig. 126fig. 127fig. 128fig. 129Emergency shelter section (by author 2021)Emergency shelter axo and details (by author 2021)Community dinner section (by author 2021)Community dinner axo and details (by author 2021)Pop-up childcare facilities section (by author 2021)Pop-up childcare facilities axo and details (by author 2021) Toolkit summary image (by author 2021)Tunel El Paraiso © Rjcastillo, CC BY-SA 3.0Site location (by author 2021)Historical evolution (by author 2021)Contextual features (by author 2021)Accessibility (by author 2021)General slope analysis (by author 2021)Waterflow analysis (by author 2021)La Cota 905 bird’s eye (Google Earth Pro)La Cota 905 aerial picture (Google Earth Pro)General strategy (by author 2021)ECFA Render: Game Area (by author 2021)ECFA Plan (by author 2021)ECFA Section A-A’ (by author 2021)ECFA Section B-B’ (by author 2021)ECFA Render: Picnic area - Day (by author 2021)ECFA Render: Picnic area - Night (by author 2021)ECFA Render: Book Nook + Playground (by author 2021)MCFA Render: Service Building + Plaza (by author 2021)MCFA Plan (by author 2021)MCFA Section A-A’ (by author 2021)MCFA Section B-B’ (by author 2021)MCFA Render: Food Garden (by author 2021)MCFA Render: Book Nook (by author 2021)MCFA Phases diagram(by author 2021)AFA Render: Sports complex (by author 2021)AFA Plan (by author 2021) fig. 130fig. 131fig. 132fig. 133fig. 134fig. 135fig. 136fig. 137fig. 138fig. 139fig. 140fig. 141fig. 142fig. 143fig. 144fig. 145fig. 146fig. 147fig. 148fig. 149fig. 150fig. 151fig. 152fig. 153 AFA Section A-A’ (by author 2021)AFA Section B-B’ (by author 2021)AFA Render: Central Plaza + Planted areas (by author 2021)AFA Render: Central Plaza (by author 2021)MCFA Phases diagram (by author 2021)Materials (by author 2021)Plant Species (by author 2021)Stakeholders (by author 2021)Las Minas de Baruta (by author 2021)San Martín (by author 2021)Alfredo Rodriguez’s Story (by author 2021)Humberto Goitia’s Story (by author 2021)José Gómez’s Story (by author 2021)Juan Antonio’s Story (by author 2021)Héctor Blanco’s Story (by author 2021)Juan Gabriel’s Story (by author 2021)Carlos’ Story (by author 2021)Frank’s Story (by author 2021)Andrés’ Story (by author 2021)Sócrates’ Story (by author 2021)Ulises’ Story (by author 2021)Alberto’s Story (by author 2021)Nelson’s Story (by author 2021)Ismael’s Story (by author 2021) x xiAcknowledgementsI must have done something good in this life to now be surrounded by such wonderful people, without whom this project would not be possible. I could write pages and pages expressing my thanks to you, and I would never finish. It would never be enough. In this short and insufficient way, I express my gratitude to all of you who shared this path with me, but very es-pecially to: To my advisors and committee members: Sara Ja-cobs, Elisa Silva, and Kees Lokman. Thank you for your patience and for always sharing your knowledge with me. You make me better. To my family: Antonio, Gloria, Tato, Jeannette, Uva, Orión, and Murcy, for being my rock, always. To my friends: Maria Virginia Millán, Dalal Missri, Rus-chin Missri, Divine Ndemeye, Karen Kang, Silvia Mer-cader, Elizabeth Mata, Berend Kessler, and everyone who shared their stories, time, and knowledge with me. There are no words, THANK YOU! 13CRIMINALITY IN SPONTANEOUS SETTLEMENTSCRIMINALITYSPONTANEOUS SETTLEMENTSLACK OF RESOURCESAND PUBLIC SERVICESDISCONNECTIVITYLACK OF QUALITY PUBLIC SPACEFOOD INSECURITYWATER INSECURITYNO ELECTRIC ENERGYNO SEWAGENO WASTE MANAGEMENTNO GASTRANSPORTATION TIMENO ACCESS TO CITY AMMENITIESREJECTION FROM THEPLANNED CITYNO SPACE FOR COMMUNITY BUILDINGISOLATED INDIVIDUALSNO SAFE SPACES TO PLAYPUBLIC HEALTH PROBLEMSNEGATIVE IMAGEDIFFICULTIES TO MEETBASIC NEEDSOUTSIDE THE COMMUNITYECONOMIC VIOLENCEOBJECTIVE: OBTAIN RESOURCESINSIDE COMMUNITYVIOLENCE FOR POWEROBJECTIVE: OBTAIN POWER, CONTROL, RESPECTLITTLE INVESTMENT INTO POPULAR SETTLEMENTSPOLITICAL COST - INVESTING TAX PAYERS MONEY IN POPULAR SETTLEMENTSPARENTS LACK OF TIME ANDRESOURCES TO RAISE CHILDRENNO CHILDCARE FACILITIESRECRUITMENT BY CRIMINAL GROUPSWAR BETWEEN THE PLANNEDAND THE SPONTANEOUSHISTORICAL CONTEXT AS FUEL THE IDEA OF THE REVOLUTIONARY CITIZENPRAISE FOR INDEPENDENCE WAR HEROESVIOLENCEREJECTION FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMUNITYMISSING SENSE OF COMMUNITYNO REHABILITATIONNATURALLY BUILT INPUBLIC SPACEFIRE ARMS AND THE USE OFFORCE BY CIVILIANSIntroductionThis project looks at the situation of violence in sponta-neous, urban settlements. The intention is to study this phenomenon to establish the agency of Landscape Ar-chitecture in reducing the incidence of violence through public space design strategies. The ultimate objective of this investigation is to produce a guide which pro-vides a structure for effectively intervening and stop-ping the cycle of violence in informal settlements. More than one billion people live in informal settle-ments globally; only in Latin America, the number of people living under these conditions is around 107 million. In many cases, living in these densely populat-ed areas implies not having constant access to public services like running water, electricity or transportation and, usually increased levels of violence. The relevance of this project relies on the opportunity to increase the quality of life of the 107 million people living under these conditions in Latin America, while supporting the economic and social development of the region. This project questions: what is the agency of space in the recurrence of violent acts? Is it possible to reduce violence in informal settlements by modifying the spa-tial settings and living conditions? Is it possible to at-tend to other recurring conflicts in the informal settle-ments with the same design interventions? Fig 03: mind map (by author 2021)INTRODUCTION |Fig. 01: Untitled © César Gutiérrez, CC BY-NC-ND 2.014 15DISCUSSIONThis essay positions the work of Landscape Architec-ture as a medium to alleviate the challenges of con-flict-ridden communities. This work departs from the conventional focus of the profession of Landscape Architecture on recreational and ecological issues and instead focuses on the potential of the field to use de-sign to help ameliorate social issues of violence in ur-ban spontaneous settlements. The area of interest in this study are the spontaneous settlements of Caracas which are characterized by high levels of crime, poverty and other socio-economic issues. The first part of this essay is a theoretical grounding on the relationship between violence and public space and how it applies to Caracas. The second part provides an overview of works that have successfully used Land-scape Architecture methods in alleviating issues of vi-olence in spontaneous settlements. This investigation provides an overview of the existing work on the inter-section of landscape design and conflict resolution and the existing gaps which this project will build on. The study of violence in spontaneous settlements and land-scape design are particularly significant as a lot of cit-ies experiencing urban growth in the Global South take the form of this typology of spontaneous settlements. This study thus aims to set a precedent on the ways in which the discipline of Landscape Architecture can play a role in resolving violence and building social resil-ience in vulnerable communities living in spontaneous settlements around the world. This focus area of this study is Caracas, the capital city of Venezuela. Caracas has a population of over 3 3 million inhabitants, half of which lives in spontaneous settlements that face disproportionately higher levels of violence, marginalization, lack of resources, poverty, and low education levels. For years, the public conven-tional approach to resolving the social issues rampant in these settlements has been the forced dislocation of these established communities into social housing projects, for example the ‘Guerra contra el rancho’ (war against the slum) by dictator Marcos Pérez Jiménez (Silva, Elisa 2015). The end of Marcos Perez Jiménez’s dictatorship also marked the end of the control over this settlement’s growth as rural-urban migration in-creased as the people sought out better economic opportunities in Caracas. This continued urban growth, in addition to the economic and political crisis led to more spontaneous settlements and heightened crime rates and violence. Crime rates and violence crisis in Venezuela have al-ways been a matter of concern, and reached a peak in 2015 when the murder rate was 90/100.000 inhab-itants (“2015 - Tasa de homicidios llegó a 90 por cada 100 mil habitantes” 2015); one of the highest in the world, including countries with ongoing wars. This level of violence and insecurity has resulted in a drastic em-igration of Venezuelans, whereby at least one million Venezuelans leave the country every year in search of safety and a better quality of life. Venezuela is one of the main contributors to the global number of refugees and migrants. In the last decade, the number of mi-grants and refugees has increased from 6700 persons to almost 5 million (“La cifra de desplazados en todo el mundo se dobla en apenas diez años” 2020), fueled by the economic and political crisis and extreme violence. Neighboring countries and international institutions largely ignored the conflict in Venezuela until very re-cently when the economic crisis reached a peak, and the massive migration turned into a regional crisis. Violence is one of the main reasons for massive mi-gration in the world, producing millions of refugees per year. In 2019, almost 80 million people worldwide were displaced from their home countries due to war, violence, persecution, and other emergencies (“La cifra de desplazados en todo el mundo se dobla en apenas diez años” 2020). This study uses the case of Cara-cas spontaneous settlement to investigate the ways in which the discipline of Landscape Architecture can play a role in alleviating issues of violence in sponta-neous settlements. The spontaneous settlements of Caracas house al-most half of the population of the capital and represent an important part of the urban fabric of the city. How-ever, issues of poverty, lack of access to basic resourc-es, and violence have all led to negative perception of these communities. It is only in recent years that the focus has shifted away from governmental attempts of erasing these communities towards efforts of as-sisting them to provide better living conditions for its inhabitants. Land management and design have been some means of resolving some of these spatial is-sues. Intuitively, interventions in public space in spon-taneous settlements started to occur in Latin America as a way to reduce violence and increase the level of development and opportunities for the population liv-ing in these spaces, but the specification on how public space is influencing violent behavior, opportunities for intervening, and determining an audience has not been done (Rau et al. 2018). This work intends to establish the relevance of public space in the reduction of vio-lence and specify the conditions for its effectiveness. OVERVIEW BACKGROUNDDISCUSSION || DISCUSSIONFig 04: Caracas Barrio © Daniel Con, CC BY-NC 2.0Fig 05: Barrio La Trilla - Caracas © Luis Carlos Díaz, CC BY-NC 2.016 17The following section highlights some theoretical grounding to frame the issues of violence and public space in the context of Caracas. Some conventionally applied design methods to enhance safety in the built environment are also reviewed. Violence and Public Space. The relationship between built environment and human behavior has been subjected to study for decades. One of the most relevant works in this area of study is The Attention Restoration Theory (ART) by Stephen Kaplan (Kaplan 1995). In this theory, Kaplan divides human at-tention capacities into two; voluntary and involuntary. Voluntary or directed attention implies the capability to effectively focus on an activity or action during a certain period and when these actions extend for long periods, it will produce what Kaplan describes as direct-ed attention fatigue or mental fatigue. This generates erratic behavior, ineffectiveness, irritability, and human error. The Attention Restoration Theory is complementary to the Stress recovery theory (SRT) by Roger Ulrich (Ul-rich et al. 1991). Both studies highlight the possibility of restoring directed attention by exposing individuals to preferred areas of nature and how the constant con-nection with natural public spaces is fundamental for stress recovery. On the other hand, CPTED: Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design Theory (Jeffery 1971; Rau et al. 2018), suggests that there are characteristics in the public space that can favor crime naturally and propos-es five items that can help reduce the occurrence of crime in determined areas. These five features are:-Natural access control: through programming and de-sign, create spaces in which criminals can not easily fit in. -Natural surveillance: spaces that are highly occupied by the community are, naturally, surveilled. This strat-egy deters criminals because of the high risk of being easily identified. -Maintainance: this point overlaps with the Broken Win-dow Theory (Wilson and Kelling 1982) in the sense that both theories agree that crime is less likely to happen in spaces that look cared-for. -Territorial reinforcement: the sense of ownership and clear division of spaces deter criminals from choosing these areas because of the increased risk of occupying them. -Community participation: this category was added for the CPTED second generation, and it states that the natural security expert of a determined place is its inhabitants. Consulting the community in different phases of design and implementation can help im-prove the effectiveness of the project in terms of crime prevention. One of the main problems with crime prevention strate-gies implementation is that there are not enough tools for measuring the effectiveness of these interventions in urban areas (Rau et al. 2018). Considerations for fur-ther research in this area can represent an opportunity for the continuation of this investigation in the future. Most spontaneous slums in Latin America and, specif-ically Caracas, exhibit the inverse characteristics of the ones proposed by the CPTED theory. If the propositions this theory presents are accurate, the inverse attributes could imply increased levels of violence. Therefore, poorly design green spaces will increase the chances of violence in urban settings (“Study Looks at Green Spaces and Violent Crime” 2020), aggravating the ex-isting situation. LITERATURE REVIEW: VIOLENCE AND PUBLIC SPACEHow do these theories apply to the situation of vio-lence in spontaneous settlements in Caracas? “Poor, inner-city neighborhoods may be an especially promising context in which to study the effects of na-ture and attentional restoration on aggression. As the following analysis, drawn from Kuo (1992), suggests, the attentional demands associated with poverty and the inner-city environment are likely to place this popu-lation at special risk for chronic mental fatigue and fa-tigue-related aggression. As a consequence, residents of poor, inner-city neighborhoods may have a special need for the mental respite provided by nearby nature.” (Kuo and Sullivan 2001). Mental fatigue can lead to aggression and violence in urban environments (Kuo and Sullivan 2001; Ulrich et al. 1991; Shepley et al. 2019, Kaplan 1987; Kaplan 1995). It is possible to expect that the inhabitants of the spontaneous settlements of Caracas are under high amounts of stress as they try to cope with the po-litical and precarious economic situation of the country. Being part of the lower economic class, these commu-nities face challenges that are exacerbated by the exist-ing conditions of the spontaneous settlements (which lack basic resources and amenities). The landscape conditions of the informal settlements not only fail to provide a restorative effect for the community but acts as a source of additional stress. In general terms, the lower the economic resources, the less access these communities have to recreational, natural, public areas in Caracas (See page 40: Metro-politan Park network analysis plan). In addition to the existing social, physical and economic stresses expe-rienced by lower class communities, the possibility for voluntary attention restoration or stress recovery is low or non-existent. This creates an atmosphere of irritabil-ity, violence, and difficulty to make favorable decisions, that may result in increased levels of violence and murder rates. As the physical environment continues to decay, the greater the mental fatigue the greater the violence rate. The limited access to public spaces and other infra-structural amenities are not the only contributing factor to mental fatigue in the spontaneous settlements of Caracas. Other critical factors include waste misman-agement, feral animals, wastewater problems, lack of public services, lack of health or educational facilities, and disconnection to the urban tissue reflected in the failed public transport system. All of these factors ac-tively contribute to constant and excessive mental fa-tigue, increasing the chances of violent outbursts. Given the significant influence that the physical envi-ronment has in influencing safety and wellbeing, how can these factors mitigate violence in spontaneous settlements? Shepley et al. (2019) article “The Impact of Green Space on Violent Crime in Urban Environments: An Ev-idence Synthesis” (Shepley et al. 2019) reviews of over forty five different studies about the relationship be-tween green areas and crime. Shepley et al. compiled a list of six elements ranging between physical features and qualitative aspects of the public green space that proved repetitively, throughout most of the included studies, to reduce violence in urban settings. These include: Places for community interaction: “Outdoor gathering spaces provide the opportunity for interaction among neighborhood members, which increases familiarity and mutual investment in well-being. In keeping with the theory of collective efficacy, greened lots may promote social cohesion and, as a result, the interest in acting for the common good, thereby normalizing healthy behavior in these spaces” (Moyer et al. 2018). DISCUSSION || DISCUSSION18 19Community interaction and engagement is fundamen-tal for creating safe spaces and social cohesion. In “En-vironment and crime in the inner city: Does vegetation reduce crime?” by James Sullivan and Frances Kuo, it is suggested that the inclusion of greenery in public areas makes them more appealing and, therefore, the com-munity feels more attracted to get involved in activities with their neighbors in such spaces. Such an interven-tion not only creates a better social environment for the inhabitants but naturally increases surveillance, which makes public space safer by deterring potential crimi-nal activities (Kuo and Sullivan 2001).Places for exercise: Physical activity produces sero-tonin that helps release stress and acts against depres-sion and mental illnesses and can thus play a role in deterring violent behavior. To be effectively used and integrated in the urban tissue, these active spaces need to be well maintained and illuminated to project a sense of security and encourage people to occupy and utilize these spaces. (Shepley et al. 2019). Biophilia related support: Green spaces and vegetation have proved to provide several services to society, in-cluding directed attention restoration and stress recov-ery in several studies (Kuo and Sullivan 2001; Ulrich et al. 1991; Shepley et al. 2019, Kaplan 1987; Kaplan 1995; Moyer et al. 2018). While green spaces are very scarce in the spontaneous settlements of Caracas, studies show that more parks can help improve the quality of life and social development of these communities. Clearly defined territory: “Replacement of underde-veloped sites with green spaces is a way to establish territorial markers. The simple act of replacing a run-down, unsupervised lot with a community-developed green space may force sites that previously afforded unhealthy activities to relocated or diminish” (Shepley et al. 2019). According to the Broken Window Theory by George Kelling and James Wilson, minor signs of the disorder will likely lead to larger deviations (Wilson and Kelling 1982). Replacing empty, abandoned, or poorly maintained areas with public spaces that include the presence of vegetation will likely diminish criminal ac-tivity and provide healthy, recreational spaces for the community. Community cohesion: community engagement in the process of design, construction, and maintenance of public spaces has proven to be the best way to produce civic pride and enfranchisement (Shepley et al. 2019). Community cohesion brings the community togeth-er and reduces the propensity to act violently, as the sense of belonging is stronger. Climate modulation: the inclusion of vegetation in pub-lic space reduces the heat island effect (Declet-Barreto et al. 2013). In “Temperature and Violent Crime in Dal-las, Texas: Relationships and Implications of Climate Change” the authors provide evidence of the influence of high temperature in the propensity to violent behav-ior. Reducing the heat island effect can be a crucial move in reducing aggression in urban areas. further expansion to this investigation could include looking at other highly relevant and timely violent sit-uations, like refugee camps,school shootings, other typologies of spontaneous settlements, war-recovering cities, and others. The same methodology applied to this study could be used to determine the critical points for landscape architecture application in other violent settings in which this field of study can effectively act and produce a social and physical change. Violence is a phenomenon that affects the global pop-ulation in different ways, either by being directly affect-ed by violent acts or as nations that receive displaced populations and refugees. Allegations that violence is natural for human beings could be made, but without any doubt, it is more intense in some places than in oth-ers, creating inequality, and delaying the social develop-ment of entire nations all over the world. CONCLUSION AND FURTHER RESEARCH POSSIBILITIESDISCUSSION || DISCUSSION20The methodology of this research is based on the the-oretical approaches of space and behavior comple-mented by analysis of thirteen Venezuelan criminals and their life stories to identify spatial opportunities in which the discipline of Landscape Architecture can help in reducing violence in the spontaneous settle-ments of Caracas. Through a sociological study made in 2007 by Alejandro Moreno (Moreno Olmedo 2007a; 2007b), the spatial component of the lives of thirteen highly-violent subjects was isolated to determine the relationship of their life trajectory with their immedi-ate physical environment. These stories allowed this investigation to draw an understanding of some com-mon spatial and social features that are conducive to criminal behaviors, thereby providing some insights into how these spatial conditions can be modified to intervene in the features that may lead to violence. Through this methodology, it was possible to de-termine three categories for design intervention in spontaneous settlements that intend to reduce the conditions that increase vulnerability in the popula-tion. These categories are: Food and water security, quality public space, and public transportation or con-nectivity. These categories represent existing chal-lenges for design intervention in informal settlements that can be improved by adhering to the principles mentioned in the discussion about CPTED theories. Public space has been intuitively used as a way to re-duce violence in lower-class settlements all over the world for decades (Rau et al. 2018). Nonetheless, the view and precision that the criminal voices give to this work represents a new interdisciplinary way to under-stand why and how this strategy can be effective and how spatial designers can play a role in violence reduc-tion through urban design strategies. METHODOLOGY| DISCUSSIONFig 06: 30 minutos de cola bajo la lluvia en Mercal © Luis Carlos Díaz, CC BY-NC 2.0 Fig 07: La vida en los barrios © Xavier Donat, CC BY-NC 2.021 22HISTORICAL BACKGROUNDThe written history of violence in Venezuela starts in the late 1400s, with the first contact of Spanish con-quistadors in what is today Venezuela and the following Independence War that finished in 1811 with the sig-nage of the independency act after three hundred years of colonization, slavery, and violence. The country remained in a constant conflict until 1908 when Juan Vicente Gómez’s dictatorship started, pos-teriorly recognized as one of the most violent govern-ments in Venezuelan history. The transition of democracy within a country that re-cently got its independence and is learning to govern itself brought its own sets of challenges. After the death of Gómez, from 1935 to 1953, the country would experience a slightly less violent period which still in-cluding two coup d’etat. Violence became the way to take power over the country, justified by the heroic acts of the independence war, the idea of the revolutionary citizen set the tone for the methods to obtain power in the country. It is also in this period where the first spontaneous settlement starts to appear in Caracas’s urban tissue. Powered by the economic stimulus of the Oil Boom, Ca-racas received a massive migration from national rural areas as well as other countries affected by war and conflict. One of the earliest records of this urban typolo-gy appears in the plan for Caracas and its surroundings by Eduardo Röll for the National cartography institute in 1934 (Silva, Elisa 2015). In this plan, it is possible to observe what would be the beginning of several infor-mal settlements to the west of the city, and the historic neighborhood of Petare already formed.The first democratic elections of Venezuela happened in 1947, electing Romulo Gallegos as the president of the republic. Fig 09: Plano de Caracas y sus alrededores construido y dibujado por Eduardo Rohl. Eduardo Röll, 1934, Public Domain1498 - 1989THE HISTORICAL FACTOR |THE HISTORICAL FACTORFig 08: Town of Petare at the beginning of the XX Century (C. 1920´s - 1930´s) Unknown Author, Public domain23 24This government would end a year later when Marcos Pérez Jiménez’s dictatorship started and solidified in 1953. Perez Jiménez envisioned Caracas as a modern metropolis and produced a considerable part of what represents the Venezuelan architecture legacy today. The spontaneous settlement represented a problem for this vision and a policy, formerly known as “Guerra contra el rancho1” (war against the rancho), is installed (Silva, Elisa 2015). The Guerra Contra el Rancho policy started the process of building many successful social housing projects to relocate the inhabitants of the slums. One of the most successful was the Urbanización 2 De Diciembre, pos-teriorly renamed 23 de Enero, inspired in Le Corbusier’s Unité d’Habitation in Marseille, France (Velasco 2015). Pérez Jimenez’s government was overthrown five years later in 1958, and there were only five thousand ranchos left and leaving a very contradictory legacy of violence and incredible infrastructure development. A few democratic governments are installed after Mar-cos Perez Jimenez’s dictatorship, giving the country a few years of relative peace until 1983 where the “Vi-ernes Negro” (Black Friday) produced a setback in the economy and started a feeling of discontent among a big part of the population. The economic situation worsened until February 27th, 1989 when the Caracazo happened. On that day, during Carlos Andres Pérez’s government, a series of protests, riots, looting, shoot-ings, and massacres (Pretel 2009) happened as a result of a popular rebellion against the increase of gasoline prices. The Caracazo is known as the breaking point of urban violence and the start of what is the violent situ-ation in Caracas’s lives today.In this map, it is possible to observe the graphic underrepresentation of the informal settlements and the exaltation of all public infrastructure built. 1 In Venezuelan slang refers to the housing typology typicall from spontaneous settlements. Roberto Briceño-León in his article “Three phases of homicidal violence in Venezuela” divide the following periods of history into three segments: 1989-1993 Institutional crisis: the Caracazo was the result of 10 years of salary reductions and cuts in the economy that followed a period of constant economic growth and wellness in the seventies. The poor man-agement of the external debt of the country produced the economic crisis and the looting that, in 1989, pro-duced 534 murders in one week. From this point on the violence in Venezuela started to rise into the fol-lowing periods. The failed attempts of coup d’etat in 1992 commanded by Hugo Chávez Frías submerged the country into an institutional crisis that ended in the removal of president Carlos Andrés Pérez from power by the National Assembly in 1993 (Briceño-León 2012). 1994-1998 Institutional Recovery: during this peri-od, the objective of Rafael Caldera’s government was to return the country to peace. In terms of violence, this period stabilized the murder rate that was dra-matically increasing since 1989 (Briceño-León, 2012). The economic consequences of the 1983 crisis were present in the population. The rate of people living un-der the poverty line increased from 7% in 1986 (Cunto, Giorgio 2016) to 43% by 1999 (Torres, Gerver 2019). By this period the spontaneous settlements of Caracas were fully established, growing, and part of the urban landscape of Caracas, fueled by increasing poverty . 1999-2010 Institutional destruction: Hugo Chavez Frías takes control over the country in 1999 after a campaign of violent speeches, embodying the idea of the oppressed people of the Barrios. one year follow-ing his presidential term, the murder rate increased by 31% (Briceño-León, 2012) without any visible reason besides his constant encouragement to these actions through his speeches and the idea of the new revolu-tionary citizen to gain the sympathy of the people. 1989 - PresentTHE HISTORICAL FACTOR || THE HISTORICAL FACTOR EL CARACAZOEL CARACAZOFig 10: Plano de Caracas y sus alrededores Ministerio de Obras Públicas, Dirección de Cartografía Nacional, Public DomainFig 11: Image of El Caracazo (Brito 2020)Fig 12: Image of El Caracazo (Grainger 2011)25 26Violence in Venezuela, the history. 30.000 B.C. Land populated by different first nations tribesFirst contact with Spanish conquistadorsFoundation of CaracasIndependency declaration1859-63 Federal War1867-68 Revolución Azul1870 Revolución de Abril1879 Revolución reivindicadora1892 Revolución Legalista19031908Coup d’etat: beginning of Juan Vicente Gomez’s dictatorship1935 Transition to democracy. Eleazar Lopez Contreras government1945Coup d’etat against Medina Angarita. A government comission is installed. 1947Beginning of Marcos Pérez Jiménez dictatorship1958 The dictatorship is overthrown. 1961 Rebelions and attemps to reinstate the dictatorship1983 Viernes Negro 1989 Caracazo1992 Failed coup d’etat orchestrated by Hugo Chávez Frías1999 Hugo Chávez Frías becomes president after receiving a presidential pardon. 2002 Alleged Coup d’etat against Hugo Chavez. First moment of institutionalized violence in modern history. 2015 Hugo Chávez Frías dies. He declares Nicolas Maduro as his succesor . 2017 Constant protest and social unrest 158 people died while protesting. Juan Caguaripano’s rebelion2018 Looting and protests continue. Nicolas Maduro is reelected in fraudulent elections. Oscar Pérez’s execution2019 Juan Guaidó is prolamed as interim president of the country with the support of several countries to solve the crisis.1568181014921899 Revolución Liberal RestauradoraRevolución Libertadora1941 Finishes Eleazar Lopez Contrera’s presidential period and Isaias Medina Angarita is electected by the congress. First universal elections. Romulo Gallegos is elected. 19531945 Coup d’etat against Romulo Gallegos. A government comission is installed. 1950' Masive migration from the rural areas to the capital start. Beginning of the first Barrios. 1920 Oil Boom. 2020 The US offers reward forinformation on Nicolas Maduro on charges of Narco-Terrorism.UN Human Rights council release report on venezuela urging accountability for crimes against humanityIlliteracy rateMurder ratePeriod of institutional crisis3Period of institutional recovery3Period of institutional destruction3 people living under the poverty line 1990 - 9.95%12001 - 7.02%11936 - 59.26%11941 - 57.29%11950 - 49.04%11961 - 36.70%11971 - 23.29%11981 - 15.27%12011 - 4.92%12016 - 4.6%11960 - 8/100.000 31989 - 13/100.000 31980 - 10/100.000 31995 - 21/100.000 31999 - 25/100.000 32000 - 33/100.000 32005 - 37/100.000 32010 - 57/100.000 32015 90/100.00022019 - 60/100.000 41 Cunto, Giorgio. “¿Venezuela libre de analfabetismo? ¿Qué es lo que dicen las cifras de Unesco? // #ProdavinciDatos.” Prodavinci, 20 Aug. 2016, https://historico.prodavinci.com/blogs/venezuela-libre-de-analfabetismo-que-es-lo-que-dicen-las-cifras-de-unesco-prodavincidatos/.2 “2015 - Tasa de homicidios llegó a 90 por cada 100 mil habitantes.” Observatorio Venezolano de Violencia, 28 Dec. 2015, https://observatoriodeviolencia.org.ve/news/2015-tasa-de-homicidios-llego-a-90-por-cada-100-mil-habitantes/.3 Briceño-León, Roberto. “Tres Fases de La Violencia Homicida En Venezuela.” Ciência & Saúde Coletiva, vol. 17, no. 12, Dec. 2012, pp. 3233–42. DOI.org (Crossref), doi:10.1590/S1413-81232012001200008.4 “Informe Anual de Violencia 2019.” Observatorio Venezolano de Violencia, 27 Dec. 2019, https://observatoriodeviolencia.org.ve/news/informe-anual-de-violencia-2019/.5 Torres, Gerver. “The Venezuelan Drama in 14 Charts.” Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), 19 Jan. 2019, https://www.csis.org/analysis/venezuelan-drama-14-charts. 6 ENCOVI 2019/20 | Informe de Resultados. https://www.proyectoencovi.com/informe-interactivo-2019. Accessed 1 Oct. 2020.2019 - 96.2%62017 - 87%52015 - 73%52010 - 27%52005 - 42%52001 - 39%51999 - 43%51986 - 7%11970 - 19%1During this period, the government created several policies intending to attend to the needs of the popu-lation living in the spontaneous settlements, like Barrio Adentro (Health services), Mercal (Food security), or Misión Vivienda (Housing). Sadly, these policies turned into tools of mass control that weakened democracy in the country, institutionalized corruption, and increased violence. This main characteristic of this period is the destruc-tion of the faith of the people in authorities and institu-tions. The formation of armed urban militias (Círculos Bolivarianos) encouraged by the government, the loss of social values and the impunity rate created an at-mosphere of terror and survivalism in the city. Caracas went from the rising, modern metropolis to a city in ru-ins in less than fifty years. Chavez’s dies in 2015 and Nicolas Maduro took power. Today, Caracas is one of the most dangerous cities in the world; 96% of its population lives under the line of poverty, and it is the protagonist of a massive exodus that threatens to destabilize the whole Latin American region. If the violence trend is analyzed, it is possible to see a diminish in the murder rate after the 2016 suc-cesses; this fact is attributed to the massive exodus of Venezuelans to nearby countries (“Informe Anual de Violencia 2019” 2019) Nowadays, Nicolas Maduro and an important part of his government staff are requested internationally to be held accountable for numerous charges of crimes against humanity and requested by the United States to be held accountable for charges of Narcoterrorism. Fig 14: La otra Margarita. La no turistica. Cola Mercal #harina. #Venezuela #margarita ©Fig 13: Casas de la misión Vivienda de Chavez, Wilfredorrh. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0Fig 15: Historical timeline (By author)| THE HISTORICAL FACTOR Eleazar Ramos, CC BY-NC-ND 2.027THE HUMAN FACTORFig 16: Petare © Jonathan Alzuro, CC BY-NC-ND 2.028 29PUBLIC SPACE, VIOLENCE AND COLLECTIVE MEMORY: THREE EXAMPLES Space can preserve and recall the memories of its in-habitants that pass from generation to generation. If this is true, it is possible to explore the question: Can the memory of violent events in the city inspire more violent acts in the same spot? An analysis of three ex-amples follow to illustrate this point: -El Helicoide: designed and built during Marcos Pérez Jiménez’s dictatorship, El Helicoide was projected to be one of the most modern buildings in the world at that time. The program for this building included a mall, hotel, offices, entertainment centers, and others, all accessible by car ramps. By 1958, after the end of Marcos Pérez Jiménez’s dictatorship, the construction of this building stopped. In the 80’s it was acquired by the Venezuelan government who started adapting it into the offices of the Venezuelan intelligence agency, formerly the DISIP, today the SEBIN (Velandia 2019). Nowadays, this building, which once represented mo-dernity and progress, is recognized as a torture center by the UN Human Rights Council (“World Report 2020: Rights Trends in Venezuela” 2019) and one of the most negative constructions in the collective memory of the capital. -Puente Llaguno: during the protest of 2001-2002, Lla-guno Bridge was the stage for the Silencio Massacre. During the successes of April 11th, 2002, a peaceful protest walking towards the presidential house (Mira-flores) was intercepted by gunmen, killing 19 and injuring 127 people with several being incarcerated (Namens 2019). This success has never been forgotten in the urban memory and left a feeling of fear that still can be felt in the population today. Llaguno Bridge was declared Venezuelan cultural patrimony shortly after the massacre. -Internado Judicial Las Flores de Catia: This jail was considered one of the most infamous places in the capital. Several international court cases have been brought against the Venezuelan state for the different violations of human rights that occurred in this place. The Retén de Catia functioned between 1966 to 1997 when it was demolished as a sign of good faith during the visit of Pope John Paul II. This jail was famous for the massacre that happened there in 1992 (CIDH 2016) (Inter-American Court of Human Rights 2006), hav-ing exceeded the population capacity by almost four times, it was never released the amount of death that occurred during this event. In its place, the government proposed and built a University (UNES) and an exten-sion for El Parque del Oeste. These three places have something in common today: according to the report “Caracas Hotspots” made by Caracas Mi Convive, these three places and their sur-roundings represent three of the most dangerous areas on the west side of the city (Caracas Mi Convive n.d.). The case of Las Flores de Catia is particularly interest-ing because, unlike the other two cases, this space was demolished and erased from the urban tissue, yet the memory remains there. Is it possible to modify the collective memory and make it migrate to a different perception of the space? In which ways can collective memory be manipulated in order to prompt a different behavior on these areas? How can we balance the preservation of historical events and the perception of violence in order to not lose cultural values in the process of modifying urban memory? THE HUMAN FACTOR || THE HUMAN FACTOR RETÉN DE CATIACARACAS’ HOTSPOTSFig 17: Helicoide © Jesús Rincón, CC BY-SA 3.0 Fig 18: Puente Llaguno© Wilfredorr, CC0 1.0Fig 19: Retén de Catia (Gomes 2017) Fig 20: Caracas Hotspots (By MiConvive, 2019)30 31PUBLIC SPACE, symbolism and mass control In Venezuela, symbolism in public space and public in-frastructure has been used by the government to con-tinuously highlight and remind people about the idea of the new revolutionary citizens that follow the indepen-dence heroes, almost to the point of worshiping. The population is reminded to live up to the standards of these heroes, and their war efforts, that although very valuable for the independence of Venezuela, were very violent successes represented throughout the whole city in the shape of murals and public art. One of the most controversial cases started in 2012 with the adoption of an iconic logo featuring Chavez’s eyes and his signature that currently populates the city (Garcia 2017). The addition of this logo to many pub-lic housing projects, public spaces, streets, and others was taken by parts of the population as a threat. Since the government controlled the distribution of goods and services, food, and housing to the impoverished strata of the society, these symbols work as a remind-er of their expected behavior to continue receiving the benefits of social plans. In order to maintain a positive perception of the pub-lic space which promotes a healthy integration of the different strata of society, it is necessary that all the citizens feel welcomed without discrimination of race, political tendency, or sexuality in all public spaces. The current situation with the hostile symbology through-out the city makes it impossible to create neutral public spaces that serve and welcome all, instead, they pro-mote violence and fear. ABOUT THE CHARACTERISTICS OF THE VIOLENT public SPACE According to the report ‘Caracas Hotspot’ by Caracas Mi Convive, there are five main characteristics that they have been able to observe in Caracas, west-side public spaces where criminal acts happened more frequently (also known as hotspots): 1. Deterioration of the physical space, with broken streets and sidewalks and destroyed structures. 2. Little or no maintenance, with a high concentration of garbage and lack of cleanliness. 3. Poor lighting. 4. Sidewalks and access roads in poor condition for use. 5. Lack of interest from both the authorities and the in-habitants to maintain or fix the space These five characteristics are consistent with the Bro-ken Windows Theory developed in 1982 by George L. Kelling and James Q Wilson: “Second, at the community level, disorder and crime are usually inextricably linked, in a kind of developmen-tal sequence. Social psychologists and police officers tend to agree that if a window in a building is broken and is left unrepaired, all the rest of the windows will soon be broken. This is as true in nice neighborhoods as in rundown ones. Window-breaking does not neces-sarily occur on a large scale because some areas are inhabited by determined window-breakers whereas others are populated by window-lovers; rather, one un-repaired broken window is a signal that no one cares, and so breaking more windows costs nothing. (It has always been fun.)” (Wilson and Kelling 1982). The spontaneous settlements of Caracas present most of the mentioned characteristics in their already-limited public spaces. It is possible to question the relationship of poverty with criminality, given that most of the hotspots locate within the spontaneous settlements. Although poverty creates conditions that can favor criminality, the truth is that the majority of people living in spontaneous settle-ments belong to the working class and have no inten-tion to act against the law. The current conditions of the spontaneous settlements are the consequence of decades of neglect from the governing parties and regulating entities. By interfering with the conditions that promote criminality in public spaces, it would be possible to decrease the incidence of criminal acts in the urban tissue, effectively reducing overall violence. THE HUMAN FACTOR || THE HUMAN FACTOR CHAVEZ’S LOGOFigure 21: Public housing Venezuela © Prensa Presidencial - Government of Venezuela, CC BY 3.0Figure 22: Chavez’s eyes logo (García 2017)Fig 23: Viviendas en el barrio de Petare, Edo. Miranda, Venezuela © Wilfredorr, CC BY-SA 3.03332criminal storiesThe first interest for this investigation came after years of listening to the stories of violent events that have happened in one way or the other to most people living in Caracas. These stories became so common in the capital that they form a part of everyday conversation in its inhabitants. These stories shape practical knowl-edge that is available for study and interpretation. A question was asked: What kind of information can we take from these stories? Is it possible to get insights about criminal behavior by listening to the criminals? From a Landscape Architecture point of view, criminal-ity in urban settings is a problem that will require solu-tions from many disciplines. It is not a problem that can be solved exclusively from a spatial point of view. None-theless, the spatial component plays a highly relevant role in the possibility of incidence of criminal behaviors in determined areas. To allow psychological, sociologi-cal, economic, and political solutions to take place, the spatial strategies must be there to allow all of the rest to work as strategies. In this segment, we explore the human factor of crim-inal behavior, taking as a base the study made in 2007 by Alejandro Moreno called “Y Salimos a Matar Gente” (Moreno Olmedo 2007a; 2007b). In this research, an analysis was conducted to establish the spatial com-monalities between the individual stories and, there-fore, be able to determine the points of action for land-scape architecture to prevent and diminish violence in informal urban settings.The following chart presents a summary of the differ-ent factors that the studied subjects pointed at during the interviews. (See appendix for detail on each life story) THE HUMAN FACTOR |Alfredo RodriguezJose GómezHéctor BlancoJuan GabrielHumberto GoitiaAndrés Martínez LópezCarlosFrankJuan AntonioSócratesUlisesAlberto CrespoNelson ArteagaIsmael1234567891011121314Victim of domestic violenceExperienced homelessness before 14 y/oMaternal figure positive/presentPaternal figure positive/presentFinished elementary schoolFinished High SchoolHigher educationHold a stable jobWent to jailMultiple jail transfersHuman rights violationsJoined a gang / Gang activityPracticed sportsSubstance abuseAppropriate friends and play environmentAlcohol AbuseInappropriate sexual behaviorStealingRobberyMurderSense of belonging/respect for communityDrug traffickingOverall level of violenceForms and hold a stable familyPresence in his children livesSubsequent psychological consequencesReinsertion process to societyRecruits others to the gangIntention of normalizing lifeFAMILY, COMMUNITY AND RELATONSHIPS EDUCATION AND ACTIVITIES HUMAN RIGHTS AND JAILS HABITS CRIMINAL LIFESTORY IDN.Continued criminal life after jail periodOne of the main reasons for child to abandon their homes is because of internal violence. In this sample, most of the subjects suffered domestic violence and did not have appropriate friendships or play habits. In many cases the parents try to keep them inside to prevent the influence of the street, and in others the child behavior was considered a motive for abuse.70% of interviewed subjects experienced homelessness before the age of 14. It is known that the age bracket for homelessness has been severely decreased in recent years probably locating around 8-10 y/o.All our subjects were characterized by notably negative or absent paternal figures and very weak maternal presence. In a matriarchal society as the Venezuelan, the children are typically ok when the father is absent, but when the maternal figure is weak, it leaves the family without structure.In many cases, joining a gang represents a substitution of family and community. It is about belonging to something. It can be observed that most of our subjects have a very low sense of belonging to their community and they are not able to form stable families, rather will continue to procreate and have a very light presence in the life of their children.It is possible to observe that the recruitment of other children to join gangs was way more common in the older subjects. This happen because the trend for newest criminals is to increasingly get more isolated and lonely. They have not strong ties to the community or to the gang. They are mostly lonely individuals that associate with other for an specific activity.It is notable the low level of education the subjects obtained. This issue makes it harder for them to stop criminal life. They are unable to find a standard job. Some of them can't write or read.Only two of the interviewed subjects practiced regularly a sport. The rest of them only tries it occasionally or when doing jail time.Almost none of them were able to maintain a stable job. The lack of discipline and understanding of hierarchy plus the low level of education makes it almost impossible.Almost none of the individuals that went to jail came out reformed or with an intention of normalizing their lives. The only two that present an intention to regularize their situation are Non- structural criminals.Human rights violations happen in some level in all of the subjects, with a particular highlight in those who went to jail. These individuals suffered very high levels of mistreatment and torture, and carry different psychological sequels that make difficult their lives on the streets.It is to be mentioned that there is not a structure in place for those individuals coming out of jail and being reinserted into society.All individuals had some level of exposure to substance and alcohol abuse during their childhood, and as observed in the stories, in many case this was the determining factor in the commission of crimes. Directly related to the exposure to the life on the streets.Although criminal activity is normally related to poverty, in Venezuela this has proven to be a flawed theory. Most of this crimes were committed with the intention of gaining power and respect, or to preserve their own life, not for economic reasons.YesNoHighMediumLowN/ALegendSUMMARY CHART: THE HUMAN FACTORFigure 24: Life stories summary chart (By author)34 35 1- The Home Crisis: Most of the studied individuals presented similar characteristics in their home environ-ment. Overcrowding, domestic violence, food insecuri-ty, lack of access to potable water or energy resources, and overwhelmed, abusive or absent parents were the keys to bring them into the next step of the cycle. Decades of housing policies intending to relocate peo-ple out of the informal settlements and uncountable resources were spent to solve the housing situation, but there have not been proposals for improving exist-ing homes, the conditions for accessibility, or service provision. As a general trend, people tend to invest more in their houses when they own them. Part of the problem with housing in informal settlements is that the population has no rights or legal documents over their dwellings, limiting the intention of investing in improvements. 2- Adaptation to the street environment: Between the ages of six and seven years old, children start to go out of the family house during the times when the parents are absent. The lack of appropriate play spaces or child care services and infrastructure exposes the children to the street’s culture from a very young age in which they are susceptible to all kinds of influences from old-er members of the community. Most of the interviewed individuals had their first con-tact with drugs (consuming or trafficking) as well as with more experienced criminals during this period. The main motivation to go out, in many cases, is obtaining resources that they can not find at home (food, money, etc.) This situation opens the question about the kind of interventions landscape architecture could provide to keep children out of the streets and into safe play envi-ronments in the spontaneous settlements.THE OVERLAPS: SIX STEPS1. THE HOME CRISIS2. ADAPTATION TO THE STREET ENVIRONMENT3- Experienced homelessness at a young age: Alejan-dro Moreno’s study finished in 2007, established the typ-ical age for experiencing homeless at around fourteen years old in most of the interviewed individuals. Thirteen years later, newspapers have reported a lowering in the homelessness average age, from six to eight years old. In most interviewed individuals, homelessness hap-pened as a gradual process being, rarely, a definitive situation. Children start spending more time living on the streets to provide resources for themselves that they lack at home. What can landscape architecture do to provide refuge to these children? Can the com-munity collaborate to provide a sense of belonging to these children and keep them from complete social detachment? 4- Served time in jail: Most interviewed subjects spent time in jail, showing the notable negative influence this period had on their behavior after release. In Venezue-la, prisons are far from rehabilitative to felons instead, inmates are put through mistreatment, torture, and a constant alert state to preserve life for years. The psy-chological consequences are evident, and in most cas-es, they are more dangerous after release than before serving jail time. It is unnatural for human beings to spend long periods secluded without any contact with nature and in conditions of survivalism. The intention must be clear to provide effective strategies in this step of the criminal cycle. The difference between rehabili-tating and simple withdrawal of an individual from so-ciety must be evaluated and design prisons to achieve these objectives. The current system works as a criminal networking en-vironment, releasing into society much more disturbed individuals and with more resources than at the mo-ment they were first incarcerated, they received them. 4. SERVED TIME IN JAIL3. EXPERIENCED HOMELESSNESS AT A YOUNG AGETHE HUMAN FACTOR || THE HUMAN FACTOR Fig 25: The home crisis (By author)Fig 26: Adaptation to the street environment (By author)Fig 27 Experienced homelessness at a young age (By author)Fig 28: Served time in Jail (By author)36 37This chapter produced the identification of six common elements through the analysis of the stories of thirteen subjects. These steps show how the lack of resources, time, and attention, can transform a child into a crimi-nal. This analysis also suggests the division of the process into two categories, before and after being convicted. The first three phases in the cycle are the ones that present the most potential for spatial intervention and prevention of criminality. Landscape architecture has the capacity to provide self-sustainable strategies that can help stabilize access to food, water, and energy to these communities, along with waste management strategies, improving the general perception of the neighborhood and public health. By improving the access to resources in these com-munities, it is possible to increase the quality of life of its inhabitants, effectively reducing the possibilities of children going homeless and continuing in this cycle of violence. The agency of Landscape Architecture, in this case, is to help these neighborhoods become self-sus-tainable and improve the possibilities of development of its inhabitants. In the case of phases four to six, the justice system needs to be rethought and redesigned. It is possible to say that the Venezuelan justice system has failed in its objective of keeping inhabitants safe: the current situ-ation with the prison system is unsustainable, ineffec-tive, and ultimately, has become a factory of criminals of the worst class.This project intends to focus on the early stages of the cycle for their potential for prevention and the relevant role landscape architecture can play in the enhance-ment of these communities.THE HUMAN FACTOR: CONCLUSION 5- Setting up for failure, Release without notification As part of the security protocols, inmates are released without previous notification, at late hours at any point in the city, without any resources to live or transport themselves to their homes. Allegedly, the reason for this procedure is to keep inmates from being murdered in jail by other prisoners before the release moment. The need to reach a destination without re-sources activates the survival instinct, and the moment in which they are released turns into the first temptation back into criminal activity. If an individual serves his time in jail and later released back into society, strategies must be in place to allow ex-convicts to restart their lives. Work and learn pro-grams represent excellent opportunities for felons to learn and work while they are serving their time. These programs allow the inmate to rehabilitate themselves and gather resources for the moment of their release, giving them a headstart without going back to the crim-inal life. 6- Absence of a reinsertion strategy: Lastly, the lack of reinsertion into society strategies almost guarantees the return to criminal activities of most ex-convicts. Some of the interviewed individuals that showed an interest in reforming themselves, spoke about the difficulties of getting an education or a standard job after being in jail, making it impossible for them to have a normal life. This situation adds to the already existing pressures on spontaneous settlements inhabitants like food insecu-rity, lack of transportation, difficulties accessing water, and others. 6. ABSENCE OF A REINSERTION STRATEGY5. SETTING UP FOR FAILURE: RELEASE WITHOUT NOTIFICATIONTHE HUMAN FACTOR || THE HUMAN FACTOR Fig 29: Setting up for failure: Releasing without notification (By author)Fig 30: Absence of a reinsertion strategy (By author)38 39Case studiesThe following precedents intend to set a range of pos-sibilities for designing in spontaneous settlement and attack the issues that produce inequality and under-development in these communities. Three categories have been determined as crucial for reducing inequality and, therefore, criminality in these spaces: access to public space, food security and connectivity, or public transportation. Understanding the influence of these elements in the life of the inhabitant and how the man-agement of these issues can completely transform the social dynamics present in this space is of great importance to achieve the goal of this investigation: determining intervention strategies designed to reduce violence in informal settlements. One of the highlights of this precedent selection is the wide range of intervention scales considered in these projects. Depending on the specific conditions of the site, the interventions can range from a small square to a metropolitan park, producing different types of effects as a consequence. This might suggest that a combination of small scale and big scale interventions can be highly successful to provide these populations with recreation and service infrastructure. These six projects represent six different strategies that combined ecological values with social develop-ment and produced a relevant change in the social dy-namic as a result. THE SPATIAL FACTOR |THE SPATIAL FACTORFig 31: Petare (by author 2021)40 41Barrio La Independencia Scalators. Medellín Colombia.PUBLIC TRANSPORTATIONEmpresa de Desarrollo Urbano EDU. Located in the Comuna 13 of Medellín, the public stairs and escalators project have represented an improve-ment in the quality of life of the inhabitants of these sectors, especially the eldest members of the commu-nity. Using stairs and escalators as a way to transport people through the notable topographic changes typi-cal from this kind of settlement, opens the opportuni-ty for pedestrian corridors that not only enhance and optimize the commute in and out of these sectors but provide quality public space corridors for the healthy recreation of the inhabitants (Silva 2020).Free, open space is already very scarce in spontaneous settlements. By using this strategy, Medellín capitalized on the areas that normally would be occupied by car infrastructure to provide a collection of boulevards and public corridors that enhance the functioning and dy-namics of the barrio. The Santa Marta Funicular was installed in a barrio that didn’t have road access. As expected, this component helps bring people from the bottom of the settlement to the top, having different stops along the way. Nonethe-less, one of its most relevant features comes from its value to manage waste in Santa Marta. As the garbage trucks can not make their way up in the barrio, this funicular achieves the function of transport-ing waste to the bottom of the settlement where it is picked up by the regular systems. In this case, one in-frastructure project achieves several crucial functions: transportation, and waste management, increasing quality of life, public health, and general perception of the neighbor (Silva 2020). Santa Marta Funicular. Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. State government of Rio de JaneiroMoravia Ecological Park locates in the Comuna 4 of Medellín. The space in which this project stands was previously occupied by high-risk housing, and prior to that a landfill. The decomposition happening in the soil made it too unstable for sustaining the houses on top, risking structural failures. This situation prompted the design proposal, converting this space into an ecolog-ical park that includes community gardens, landscape, phytoremediation planting, and cultural features (Silva 2020). One of its principal values is that the relocated families continued to be connected to Moravia through the as-signation of parcels for urban agriculture, maintaining the sense of community on all of its members. Moravia Ecological Park represents an invaluable addition to the community that combines ecological enhancement with social programs designed to increase livability in Moravia Ecological Park. Medellín, Colombia. Antioquia University + Unesco department of sustainabilityUrban Agriculture along the Rimac River proposes an idea for self-sustainable communities while reversing the contamination damage to the Rimac River, en-hancing its ecological value. Sponsored by the United Nations Development program and ran by a women community in El Agustino, this project intends to train community members in agriculture and food produc-tion for their sustenance and as a way to gain profit by bringing produce to local markets. From an ecological point of view, this project also works in the phytodepu-ration process of the river by including aquatic plants and restoring the river borders (Silva 2020). This kind of initiatives reduces food insecurity, im-proves economic development, increases the green areas and spaces for leisure in these settlements, and favors social cohesion by strengthening the communi-ty values.Urban Agriculture along the Rimac River. Lima, Perú. Center for Comunal Banks of El Agustino and Santa AnitaFOOD SECURITYTHE SPATIAL FACTOR || THE SPATIAL FACTOR MORAVIA ECOLOGICAL PARKURBAN AGRICULTURE ALONG THE RIMAC RIVERSilva, Elisa. 2020. Pure Space: Expanding the Public Sphere through Public Space Transformations in Latin American Informal Settlements|Paperback. First Edition. Vol. 1. 1 vols. Actar Publishers. CAF Development Bank of Latin America.SANTA MARTA FUNICULARMEDELLIN SCALATORSFig 32: Moravia ecological park (Alcaldía de Medellín 2016) Fig 33: Moravia Ecological Park II (Alcaldía de Medellín 2016)Fig 35: Urban Agriculture along the Rimac River II (Silva 2020)Fig 34: Urban agriculture along the Rimac River (Silva 2020 Fig 38: Medellín scalators (Gutierrez 2019) Fig 39: Medellín scalators II (Herazo 2019)Fig 36: Santa Marta Funicular (Fitzgerald 2019) Fig 37: Santa Marta Funicular II (Carpes 2013)42The Plaza Jorge Somaca in the Barrio Chapellín Cara-cas represents a successful, small-scale project that sought the participation of the community for its de-velopment. The first stage for the development of this project was to consult with the community on their vision for this plaza, engaging and compromising with the inhabitants in the construction and further care of this space (“Plaza Jorge Somaca, Barrio Chapellin Ca-racas” n.d.). Community engagement is a central in the effective production of public space in spontaneous settlements since making the community a part of the projects improves social cohesion and the sense of commu-nitarian purpose, supporting the sustainability of the project in time and optimizing the social outcomes of the project.Plaza Jorge Somaca, Barrio Chapellin CaracasEnlace ArquitecturaThe Parque Deportivo Mesuca represents a landmark for architectural design and public space in the spon-taneous settlements in Caracas. This big-scale project introduces a series of pools and sports courts intended to increase the accessibility of more than 60.000 inhab-itants to sports and health facilities in Petare, Caracas. (“Parque Deportivo Mesuca: Una Realidad” 2013). The achievement of a project of this scale is remarkable as it was installed in what was formerly a dumpsite. It is not very often that we see projects of this scale being built in the informal settlements because they require a high investment and represent notable maintenance strains to city budgets and the community. Nonethe-less, the social and physical benefits of this project jus-tify the investment and efforts made, reducing violence and improving social development. Parque Deportivo Mesuca. Caracas, Venezuela. AREPA arquitectura - PUBLIC SPACE| THE SPATIAL FACTOR MESUCAPLAZA JORGE SOMACAFig 42: Plaza Jorge Somaca (Enlace Arquitectura 2018) Fig 43: PLaza Jorge Somaca II (Enlace Arquitectura 2018)Fig 40: Mesuca (Arepa arquitectura 2011) Fig 41: Mesuca II (Arepa arquitectura 2011)43 44The PLACEFrom a geographic point of view, Caracas is located in the north-central part of Venezuela, in a valley shaped by a mountain system to the north (Cordillera de la Costa/Ávila) and the hills to the south of the city. The weather in the capital presents only two seasons, wet and dry, and the temperatures maintain between 18 C and 30 C year-round. Caracas is characterized by its topography and water-courses, the most important being the Guaire River, which crosses the city from west to east. This river is treated as part of the capital sewage system and, al-though significant amounts of investment have been directed towards sanitizing this watercourse, no ac-tions have been taken to this day. Informal settlements, historically, developed in high slopes that could not be built in legally. The geographi-cal origin of the spontaneous settlements was related to existing watercourses, which were considered a part of the social life of the neighborhood and also worked as a water supply. Nowadays, the watercourses in the informal settlements of Caracas are polluted and repre-sent a land slide risk during the rainy season. Parks and other infrastructure were never integrated with spontaneous settlements. The existing roads and infrastructure in these neighborhoods developed over time as it grew organically. The improvisation brought its own set of problems, and today one of the most no-table challenges for enhancing spontaneous commu-nities is the lack of space available for development. METROPOLITAN ANALYSISTHE SPATIAL FACTOR |Fig 44: Caracas from Macaracuay (By author) 45 46Informal settlementsFormal cityInformal settlementsFormal cityRoad systemThe spontaneous settlements of Caracas are located in the pe-riphery of the city. The planned city takes over the flatter space in the valley of Caracas. Instead, the informal settlements adapt to the high topography in the geo-graphical borders of the capital. The characteristics of the informal settlements produce challenges in terms of connectivity to the rest of the city, producing marginalization and inequality.. FORMAL VS INFORMALROAD SYSTEMThe road system is developed ex-tensively throughout the city, es-pecially so during Marcos Pérez Jiménez dictatorship. The sponta-neous settlement was not as fortu-nate, developing an insufficient sys-tem of roads that fought through the changing topography and the lack of space and planning. The road sys-tem complicates the labor of main-tenance, waste management, and all other activities that require trans-portation of people or materials. Informal settlementsFormal cityInformal settlementsFormal cityParksFunctioning Metro LinesPlanned Metro LinesPlanned Metrocable LinesPlanned stationsFunctioning Metro stationsFunctioning Metrocable linesFunctioning Buscaracas linesPUBLIC TRANSPORTATIONAlthough some cable car systems have been planned to attend spon-taneous settlements in recent years, they have not been built. The truth is that the current system is insufficient and disintegrated to fulfill the necessities of the people in impoverished neighborhoods. Park networkConsidering the situation with public transportation, access to high-quality recreational spaces, like parks, is difficult for the people living in spontaneous settlements. Most of the parks are located in the formal part of the city and failed to integrate with informal neighbor-hoods. THE SPATIAL FACTOR || THE SPATIAL FACTOR Fig 45: Formal vs Informal (By author)Fig 46: Road system (By author)Fig 47: Public transportation network (By author)Fig 48: Park network (By author)47Informal settlementsFormal cityWater coursesTopographyTOPOGRAPHY AND WATERCOURSESThis map expresses the complex geographical situation in which the informal city is positioned. In this map, we can observe the difference between the topographical changes observed in the formal part of the city versus the situation in sponta-neous settlements. The watercours-es are another natural factor to take into account, as they are present in all informal settlements, and pres-ent high levels of pollution and being a risk during heavy rain events. | THE SPATIAL FACTOR Fig 49: Topography and watercourses (by author)48 49Although the spontaneous settlements are character-ized by their organic and not-structured growth pattern, it is possible to establish some standards in terms of architecture and urban features. These typologies range from housing types and their evolution to circula-tion features and grade changing devices. These urban elements not only serve their expected function but also include hidden roles that are funda-mental to the community’s social and cultural activi-ties. For example, a stair works as a grade changing device as much as it provides a point for gathering within the community. A complete understanding of these element’s function is critical to consider their real impact on the site. The rarest spaces are open, clear areas, like plazas. These spaces usually are residual unoccupied spaces that the community preserved and use for the cultur-al and recreational program. These spaces are highly valuable in terms of intervening in these settlements; they represent opportunities for intervention without having to relocate families, which is always problem-atic. Although the scale of these spaces is usually re-duced, the impact they can create in the denser areas of the informal settlements is considerable.. The combination of these typologies will determine all dynamics within the informal settlement in terms of safety, walkability, accessibility, and quality of life of the users.SPONTANEOUS SETTLEMENTSTYPOLOGIESTHE SPATIAL FACTOR |Fig 50: Las Minas de Baruta (by author 2021)50 51The secondary streets are the branches off the main road. These streets tend to be narrower, allowing a sin-gle way for small vehicles. In general terms they vary between 4 and 9 meters wide, the commercial load and activities are less predominant than in the main roads, having a more residential character. Nonetheless, it is possible to find some small commerce or service that is normally community-oriented. Some neighborhood activity happens in these streets and, in some cases, the streets are also part of the play infrastructure for children. Street lighting is highly vari-able within spontaneous settlements, there might be some illumination usually installed by the community members or the city government. Natural surveillance starts to reduce as we move to-wards the more specific circulation lines. Nonetheless, secondary streets are still highly surveilled given the high density of population of these areas. ROAD SYSTEM:SECONDARY STREET 0 5 10 m.0 10 20 m.0 5 10 m.If we imagine the circulation system of the popular set-tlements as tree structures, the main street would be considered the trunk. These streets are wider, reaching between 8 and 12 meters, and provide vehicular and pedestrian access. Main streets are usually loaded with commercial services and, in some cases, public trans-portation is provided along these corridors. Natural surveillance is higher on these streets because of the constant high traffic they carry. In terms of safe-ty, continuous monitoring tends to deter possible crim-inals to act in those spaces, producing a safer feeling than secondary streets or alleys. In many cases, these streets present some kind of street illumination, but this factor can not be considered a standard. Public lighting is a highly variable feature in spontaneous set-tlements. Main streets are highly valuable as circulation space, and a case could be made that reducing the space for car and increasing features for pedestrians and public transportation is a feasible way to improve overall cir-culation. ROAD SYSTEM:MAIN STREET0 5 10 m.THE SPATIAL FACTOR || THE SPATIAL FACTOR Fig 51: Road system: Main street graphics (All images by author) Fig 52: Road system: secondary street graphics (All images by author)52 530 2.5 5 m.0 2.5 5 m. Public stairs are the chosen, self-built device to ac-commodate topographic differences in pedestrian pathways. The spontaneous settlements of Caracas are normally located in areas with slopes of 40% and more, compromising accessibility. Public stairs are also a traditional, and important part of the social and cultural life of the zone, being sometimes the zone for gatherings and neighborhood interactions. In many cases, these stairs lack the basic features of security and accessibility. Handrails are scarce and the dimensions of the stair raiser and treat are not ade-quate for inclusive accessibility. The oldest members of the community and physically challenged individu-als are at a disadvantage when circulating through the neighborhood. More extreme situations that would require the evacuation of the area would put the inhab-itants into a considerable level of danger. In terms of safety, there have been cases in which criminal bands take possession of these circulation elements, obliging the community to pay a fee for its use. By supplying the neighborhood with sufficient circulation devices, the possibility of creating a funnel effect reduces, protecting the circulation right of the community. STAIRS:PUBLIC STAIRS The alleys represent the final structure of the circula-tion system. These corridors are pedestrian-oriented with the occasional exception of motorcycles, which are the common transportation method in these settle-ments. The alleys are more enclosed, poorly-lit spaces which serve the function of providing accessibility to the homes away from the main and secondary corri-dors. The more intimate social activities happen in these spaces as they only connect direct neighbors. In some cases, the neighbors choose to close these streets with security bars in an attempt to increase security near their homes. This also reduces circulation and turns the alley into a less inhabited, closed space, increasing the risk for criminal activity. Alleys also work as play and intimate socialization space. The adequacy of these spaces to carry these functions is questionable, especially in their play func-tion. ROAD SYSTEM:ALLEYS5 m.2.505 m.2.50THE SPATIAL FACTOR || THE SPATIAL FACTOR Fig 53: Alleys (All images by author)Fig 54: Stairs: Public stairs (All images by author)54 55 Access stairs normally respond to the need for an ele-vation change between the street and the house entry. This grade change can be unintentional, thinking that the house could not be graded to meet the street eleva-tion, or intentional, in which case the house is elevated above the ground level to protect the house from wa-ter-related issues, like flooding and stormwater runoff. The tropical weather of Caracas produces 916 mm of rain per year on average. Mostly concentrated in the rainy season, the amount of water, the topographical conditions, and the existing watercourses within the spontaneous settlement create highly dangerous situ-ations for these settlement’s inhabitants. Some fami-lies raise the entrance of their house to protect against these natural events, but it has proven to be insufficient. Efficient stormwater management strategies must be set in place to protect these communities. STAIRS:ACCESS STAIRS5 m.2.505 m.2.50 Lateral stairs are used to provide access to the terrace of a house or a secondary suite on the second level of construction. Given the natural evolution of the rancho (illustrated below) these stairs are associated with ex-panding the house or providing an independent living space for the member of the family. As public stairs, lateral stairs are also part of the social life of the barrio. As the family increases in size and resources become available with time, families tend to expand their hous-es to fulfill their increasing spatial needs. Stairs take a considerable space inside the house so some families chose to locate them on the side of the house, provid-ing an independent entrance to the second floor. STAIRS:LATERAL STAIRS5 m.2.505 m.2.50THE SPATIAL FACTOR || THE SPATIAL FACTOR Fig 55: Stairs: Lateral stairs graphics (All images by author) Fig 56: Stairs: Access Stairs graphics (All images by author)56 57 Plazas form on the remaining empty space that the community preserves for their social activities. As with most of the features in the spontaneous settlement, they are initially self-built, with some interventions from the city government occasionally added to enhance the space. Plazas and gathering spaces are key to the social health of the community. These highly regarded spaces are the best possibility for recreation for elders, people with physical incapacities, and children. Plazas in spon-taneous settlements are highly occupied and provide a space for several activities, like playgrounds, board games area, and open-air exercise.If correctly distributed in the right density throughout the neighborhood urban tissue, plazas are an excellent strategy to provide quality public space adapting to the existing conditions. These spaces can carry highly adaptable programs to attend for all demographics. PUBLIC SPACE:PLAZA10 m.500 5 10 m.PUBLIC SPACE:CUL-DE-SAC Cul-de-sacs appear in the landscape of spontaneous settlement at the ends of main and secondary streets These spaces are produced when a road meets an important grade change or the road reaches its desti-nation, at the top of a hill for example. Cul-de-sacs are naturally car-oriented spaces but they represent a clear opportunity for development as public space. By improving the pedestrianization of certain roads, cul-de-sacs can work as a finishing moment producing quality public space that can adapt to the community’s needs and resources.THE SPATIAL FACTOR || THE SPATIAL FACTOR Fig 57: Public space: Cul-de-sac graphics (All images by author) Fig 58: Public space: Plaza graphics (All images by author)58 59 The rancho, a housing typology typical in the infor-mal settlements of Latin America, normally develops organically depending on the income, resources, and size of the family that builds it. These constructions, on average, are very high density, sheltering up to twelve family members. Generally, a common evolution would start with cardboard or any soft material walls and zinc sheet roof. After that, the walls would gradually be sub-stituted by clay blocks walls, and the ceiling would be-come a concrete slab, developing the ‘platabanda’ (ter-race) figure. Lastly, the addition of more levels, rooms, and suites would start, adapting to the family’s needs and growth. The highly flexible design and construction of this housing typology bring challenges and advantages. The advantages rely on their highly adaptable structure and shape, which allow the family to customize the ranchos to their needs. One of the main challenges or disadvantages is that in many cases the structural in-tegrity of the construction is insufficient, and over time, the structure becomes unstable, presenting a risk for the family. HOUSING:RANCHO In terms of safety, newspapers have reported many cases in which bullets have impacted subjects inside their houses in spontaneous settlements. The con-struction materials used during the first stages of the house, notably the zink roof sheets at the top of the dwelling, allows bullets to pass through it, representing a risk for all the inhabitants of the building. | THE SPATIAL FACTOR PHASE I PHASE II PHASE IIIFig 59: Housing: Rancho graphics (All images by author)Fig 60: Untitled © Globovision, CC BY-NC 2.060 61After the analysis of the spatial conditions and the eval-uation of the cycle of violence, it is possible to observe that the process to become a criminal occurs at the moment where a child leaves the family home and be-comes homeless. In Venezuela, homelessness in children is, usually, a temporary situation. In the criminal stories, it is reflect-ed the process of leaving the family home and then re-turn a few days or weeks after, usually as a result of a fight or out o extreme necessity. The process of becoming a criminal starts in that mo-ment of homelessness and, following the objective of reducing criminality and violence, design strategies must aim to address the causes of homelessness in children . Three questions arise in determining how landscape architecture can help stop and improve this issue: 1) Why do children leave home? According to the inves-tigation, children leave home either because of extreme necessity or out of boredom. The first case implies, usually, a lack of food and water. The second case re-lates to the absence of childcare services within the neighborhood and many children spend the day alone at home unsupervised. Both situations lead to the sec-ond phase of the cycle of violence, which starts with ex-ploring the streets at a young age, and then, ultimately becoming homeless. 2) Where do they go? The answer to this question might depend on the amount of time they are gone. Usually, it starts by remaining in the public spaces of the neighborhood,then searching in other areas of the city, producing detachment from the community. APPROACH AND ANALYSISRV: THE TOOLKIT reducing violence: the toolkit3) For how long? Duration depends on the conditions and the causes of homelessness and conditions the geographical range. The following analysis intends to clarify the impact and influence of elements like food production, water harvesting, the occupation of time, programming, cost, and stakeholders on the intervention of public space in spontaneous settlements of Caracas. THE TOOLKIT |Fig 61: Cloud of thought (by author 2021)62 63TOOLKITThe following toolkit aims to reduce the conditions that lead to homelessness and subsequently criminal activ-ities in the younger population. Four categories and four scale ranges compose the toolkit matrix, and intend to adapt to all possible spatial opportunities that can be found within spontaneous settlements in Caracas and its surroundings. These categories aim to attack the root of the problem and improve the quality of life of communities in informal areas of the city. 1) Food Security: the main reason for children leaving their homes is the lack of food. Developing strategies for local food production reduces the immense eco-nomic pressure the Basic Food Basket represents for families and will help provide children and adults with a nutritional diet. Cultivating and harvesting also rep-resent an appealing activity for younger persons and an opportunity to connect with older generations of mi-grants from rural areas with more expertise in crop pro-duction. Cultivating and harvesting also will increase greenery within spontaneous settlements, reducing the heat island effect. 2) Recreation: the investigation showed that children and young people have, on average, 34% of idle time. This category intends to provide a program to occupy the idle time in children and teenagers in healthy, rec-reational activities that help their correct development. The implementation of recreational facilities will help congregate and occupy children in a specific space, easing adult’s supervision. FOOD SECURITYMOBILITYRECREATIONCHILDCARES M L XLTHE HOME GARDEN THE INTERSTITIAL SPACES THE PLANTED WALL THE PLANTED SLOPESTHE MICROELEMENTS THE TOWER THE FUNICULAR THE CABLE CARSTHE POCKET PARK THE SPORT FACILITIES THE PLAZA THE PARKTHE BOOK NOOK THE EMERGENCY SHELTER THE COMMUNITY DINNERS THEPOP-UP CHILDCARE FACILITIES3) Mobility: improving mobility in spontaneous settle-ments also means allowing more time for parents to take care and assist the development of their children, and the possibility of children mobilizing to school and other activities. Currently, 7% of the schooled popula-tion misses class because they can not access public transportation. 4) Childcare: this category intends to produce inter-ventions that assist children at risk and their commu-nities. In Venezuela, communities play a key role in the upbringing of children. By equipping spontaneous settlements with spatial interventions that help in the sheltering, education, and care of children, it is possible to diminish the possibility of criminality and violence. 63THE TOOLKIT || THE TOOLKITFig 62: The Toolkit (by author 2021)64 65FOOD SECURITYThe home garden takes advantage of the ‘platabanda’ or terrace present in many homes and turns them into productive spaces. The intention is to guide families into the local production of food, easing the burden that the Basic Food Basket currently represents. Apart from its productive nature, the roof garden also increases the presence of greenery in the neighbor-hood, assuming it is frequently applied, reducing the heat island effect present in the spontaneous settle-ments. S-SCALE: HOME GARDENBy crating a circular cycle, the organic waste the family produce is transformed into compost to fertilize the home gardens, reducing the operation cost. ORGANIC WASTE - COMPOSTThe rainwater collection system intends to empower individual families to harvest water for consumption and irrigation of the home gardens. The system can be made out of recycled materials. RAINWATER COLLECTIONTOMATOSOLANUM LYCOPERSICUM ‘ROMA’RADISHRAPHANUS SATIVUSBELL PEPPERCAPSICUM ANNUUMBEETBETA VULGARISCABBAGEBRASSICA OLERACEA VAR. CAPITATABROCCOLIBRASSICA OLERACEA VAR. ITALICA0 1 2 M.65THE TOOLKIT || THE TOOLKITFig 63: Home garden section (by author 2021)Fig 64: home garden axo and details (by author 2021)66 67As the leading geometry of spontaneous settlements is not perfect, there always are small interstitial spaces between built elements. These spaces are leftover frag-ments of land that, given the geometry or slope condi-tions of the zone can not be built. The intention is to create a microterracing system that allows for the exploitation of these fragments, turning them into productive spaces. The principal stakeholder for this intervention level is the com-munity, bypassing bureaucracy and empowering the families to take control over productive areas. M-SCALE: INTERSTITIAL SPACES0 1 2 M.Visiting paths can be made out of recycled or naturally sourced ma-terials, for example, stones, sand, bottle caps, reducing the cost of construction. VISITING PATHSSmall interventions on the topography to allow for the installation of planting beds. MICRO-TERRACESCOULIFLOWERBRASSICA OLERACEA VAR. BOTRYTISPAPAYACARICA PAPAYATOMATOSOLANUM LYCOPERSICUM ‘ROMA’SWEET POTATOIPOMOEA BATATAS67Fig 65: interstitial spaces section (by author 2021)Fig 66: interstitial spaces axo and details (by author 2021)THE TOOLKIT || THE TOOLKIT68 69Slightly larger, empty spaces are found in spontaneous settlements normally because the slope is too steep to build on it. This scale intervention intends to use strate-gies for both, terrain containment and food production. This strategy not only transforms unused spaces into productive areas, but also, increases security of the settlements by containing earth that otherwise would represent a risk of landslide, especially during the rainy season. L-SCALE: PLANTED WALL0 1 2 M.The use of recycled, old tires allows for the contention of the terrain by filling them with the ground and planting different species in the empty spaces, allowing the roots to grow on the slope, stabilizing it. RETAINING WALL + FOOD PRODUCTIONTaking advantage of the versatility of the material, the visit-ing paths can be made by leaving one row of tires unplanted. VISITING PATHSBANANAPAPAYAYUCCABROCCOLIMUSA X PARADISIACACARICA PAPAYAMANIHOT ESCULENTABRASSICA OLERACEA VAR. ITALICA69Fig 67: Planted wall section (by author 2021)Fig 68: Planted wall axo and details (by author 2021)THE TOOLKIT || THE TOOLKIT70 71Spontaneous settlements in Caracas are usually sur-rounded by extensions of sloping, empty land that in some cases separate the neighborhood from the planned city. The intention in this scale is to transform these areas into large zones of productive land that work also as a convergence point between the planned and the un-planned areas of the city. This intervention represents an opportunity to boost the economy for spontaneous settlements by producing food on a large scale. XL-SCALE: PLANTED SLOPES0 2.5 5 M.MANGOMANGIFERA INDICABANANAMUSA X PARADISIACAYUCCAMANIHOT ESCULENTAMANDARINCITRUS RETICULATASQUASHCUCURBITA MOSCHATACOULIFLOWERBRASSICA OLERACEA VAR. BOTRYTISCABBAGEBRASSICA OLERACEA VAR. CAPITATATOMATOSOLANUM LYCOPERSICUM ‘ROMA’CORNZEA MAYSPAPAYACARICA PAPAYAThese areas also represent an opportunity for educa-tion, entertainment, and community building through the process of cultivating and harvesting vegetables. RECREATION + PRODUCTIONIn order to irrigate the crop fields, creating water catchment areas at different points of the slopes is of top importance for food production. WATER CATCHMENTFig 69: Planted slope section (by author 2021)Fig 70: Planted slope axo and details (by author 2021)71THE TOOLKIT || THE TOOLKIT72NUTRITIONAL IMPACT OF COMMUNITY GARDENS ON ONE DAY'S MEALSFig 71: daily nutritional intake (by author 2021)73Fig 72:Edible plant species (by author 2021)EDIBLE PLANT SPECIES WITH LOW SPACE REQUIREMENTS74rainwaterharvestingJANFEBMARAPRMAYJUNJULAUGSEPOCTNOVDECMONTHRAINFALL (MM)COLLECTION CAPACITY (L)USAGE (L)15.2412.7015.2412.7017.7838.1063.5076.2055.8853.3438.1022.86TANK VOL. - 1ST YEAR (L)TANK VOL. - 2ND YEAR (L)4944114944115761234205724691811172812347411000100010008008001000120012001800160012001100250019111405101779310271885250025002500250022411734114664025127262111923882398250025002241APPROXIMATE ROOF FOOTPRINT36 M2STANDARD WATER TANK SIZE2500 L.PARAMETERSSUSTAINABLE SUPPLYGrafman, Lonny. 2017. To Catch the Rain. Humboldt State University Press. http://www.tocatchtherain.org/sd-m_downloads/to_catch_the_rain/.Fig 73 Rainwater collection capacity (by author 2021)RAINWATER HARVESTING CAPACITY AND SUSTAINABLE CONSUMPTIO N75Fig 74: Cost and materials community garden (by author 2021)COST AND MATERIALS: COMMUNITY CROP PRODUCTION SPACES76 77mobilityMost mobility devices at this scale can be built and promoted by the community and represent ways to improve mobility by using urban acupuncture. These elements are designed to resolve punctual mobility problems that increase transportation time in the com-munity, An example being the connection between the highest and the lowest point of a high slope section. It also presents playful strategies for transportation that also serve as a recreation feature within the set-tlement. S-SCALE: MICROELEMENTS0 2.5 5 M.SLIDERThe mechanic escalators ease the effort that requires reaching the top areas of the spontaneous settlements and reduce the transportation time.. ESCALATORSSTAIRS/SIDEWALKSPromoting the use of unusual, playful elements to transport part of the public. ZIP LINE AND SURFACE LIFT7THE TOOLKIT || THE TOOLKITFig 75: Microelements section (by author 2021)Fig 76: Microelements axo and details (by author 2021)78 79The tower is designed to solve a punctual grade change that represents a mobility challenge within the neighborhood. The vertical distance that produces the steep slopes in which these settlements develop can impose a transportation time of an hour to travel a hor-izontal distance of only 100 meters. The express travel devices produce an expedited way of traveling the vertical distance in a shorter period, re-ducing the time that people need to move in and out of the settlement. M-SCALE: THE TOWER0 2.5 5 M.Reducing an hour of travel to two minutes by providing a way to navigate extreme slopes. HIGH SLOPE SOLUTIONThe landing of these devices can be used as opportuni-ties to create public spaces and congregation areas in the neighborhood. PUBLIC SPACE79THE TOOLKIT || THE TOOLKITFig 77: The Tower section (by author 2021)Fig 78: The Tower axo and details (by author 2021)80 81Funiculars represent a multifaceted mobility strat-egy for spontaneous settlement. As the Santa Marta Funicular showed in Rio de Janeiro, Fu-niculars need a very small space to function and also work as a waste management strategy, help-ing solve other typical issues in the settlements. The lack of accessibility for larger vehicles, like the gar-bage truck, can be solved by strategies that bring the waste to the lowest point of the settlement where it can be picked up by the city standard services. L-SCALE: FUNICULARS0 2.5 5 M.The funicular stops can be worked as an opportunity for public space. Small plazas and playgrounds are some of the possibilities for these spaces. PUBLIC SPACE OPPORTUNITYThe actual space that the funicular requires for functioning is very reduced. Nonetheless, it creates a scar within the settle-ments that need to be reconnected through mobility devices. REDUCED IMPACT81THE TOOLKIT || THE TOOLKIT Fig 79: Funiculars section (by author 2021)Fig 80: Funiculars axo and details (by author 2021)82 83Cable cars as a mobility solution for spontaneous set-tlements have become very popular after the success experienced in Medellín. Cable Cars are particularly ef-fective in large settlements which can justify the cost of construction for these devices. They also provide public space opportunities without clearing big areas of the neighborhood, using the spac-es created for the structure towers for implementing recreation, sport, or entertainment programs. XL-SCALE: CABLE CARS0 2.5 5 M.The landing of the support towers represents excellent opportunities for public space implementation. PUBLIC SPACE OPPORTUNITYCable cars produce a large effect on mobility with minimum impact thanks to their aerial transportation method. MINIMUM IMPACT83THE TOOLKIT || THE TOOLKIT Fig 81: Cable cars section (by author 2021)Fig 82: Cable cars axo and details (by author 2021)84 85RECREATIONThe pocket park intends to create small childcare ar-eas out of interstitial under-used spaces. These areas intend to contain the local children into a controlled space that can be watched over by neighbors, taking advantage of the community of Caracas. The playground elements can be made out of re-cycled and natural materials and can be closed or open depending on the age range of children us-ing them. The principal stakeholder for this scale is the community, specifically closely-knit neigh-bors, who organize to take care of children together. S-SCALE: POCKET PARK0 1 2 M.Creation of small playgrounds to contain local children. Built with recycled and natural materials by the community. INTERSTITIAL PLAYGROUNDSAll playgrounds should count with a space adapted for adults in which they can sit and complete small activities while watching over children. SPACES FOR SUPERVISION85THE TOOLKIT || THE TOOLKIT Fig 83: Pocket parks section (by author 2021)Fig 84: Pocket parks axo and details (by author 2021)86 87Sports facilities are fundamental to manage the ener-gy and occupy time of young people. In spontaneous settlements, it is difficult to install sports facilities giv-en their large size and their requirement for flat space. This scale proposes the installation, repurposing, or renovation of new and existing sports courts where possible but also brings alternatives for the downscal-ing of typical sports like soccer, basketball, or baseball through its reduced scale components (for example, batting cages and half courts) . This intervention also promotes traditional sports like ‘Bolas Criollas’ which can help join older generation with the youngest ones through a common activity. M-SCALE: SPORT FACILITIES0 2.5 5 M.Traditional sports are taught by older generations to the youngest. Promotes community cohesion. TRADITIONAL SPORTSWhere allowed by space, install multi-use full-size sports courts. SPORTS COURT AND GYMSReduced in size and still allows the community to play the full sport. HALF COURTSA small version of the full-size sport. It provides a local alternative for practicing these large-scale disciplines. BATTING CAGESTHE TOOLKIT || THE TOOLKIT Fig 85: Sports facilities (by author 2021)Fig 86: Sports facilities axo and details (by author 2021)8788 89Historically, plazas have been the space for congre-gation, where communities would get together, have assemblies, and make decision that would guide the future of the community. In the spontaneous settle-ment, small plazas are key for community bonding and recreation. The intention is to adapt old spaces and create new pla-zas to attend to a series of programmatic events that help include younger generations in the use of these spaces by invigorating changing dynamics and use of space with activities that support all age groups. L-SCALE: PLAZA0 2.5 5 M.A place for community decision-making processes, conversation, and exchange of ideas. COMMUNITY BUILDINGSpace and program for community activities that favor community building and cohesion. COMMUNITY ACTIVITIES89THE TOOLKIT || THE TOOLKIT Fig 87: Plaza section (by author 2021)Fig 88: Plaza parks axo and details (by author 2021)90 91Parks are the holy grail of public space in spontaneous settlements, given the need for more extensive areas of vacant lands. By learning to take advantage of the empty, steeply-sloping land surrounding spontaneous settlements, the possibility of creating parks that com-bine several activities like food production, educational, recreational, and cultural programming is feasible. The large scale parks represent a spatial opportunity to join the formal and informal areas of the city, to exercise their citizenship and promote the exchange of ideas. XL-SCALE: PARK0 2.5 5 M.Cooking together is a very important component of Venezuelan cul-ture. Public areas to share a meal and cook in groups. SPACES FOR COMMUNITY COOKINGFlexible spaces that can support pop-up activities, like farmer’s market, performances, community classes, etc. MULTIUSE AREASFull-size sports facilities that promote the use and exchange between different communities of the capital. SPORTS FACILITIESIntended to stimulate cultural events and promote the production of cultural pieces within the commu-nity. Spaces for performances. CULTURAL SPACES91THE TOOLKIT || THE TOOLKITFig 89: Parks section (by author 2021)Fig 90: Parks axo and details (by author 2021)92Fig 91: Use of Time (by author 2021)THE USE OF TIME BY AGE GROUPS IN SPONTANEOUS SETTLEMENTSSLEEPSCHOOLIDLE TIMEHOUSEWORKWORK93Fig 92: age groups and programs (by author 2021)AGE GROUPS AND PROGRAMMING: HOW TO JOI N GENERATIONS TOGETHER. 94Fig 93: Cost and materials public space interventions (by author 2021)COST AND MATERIALS: BUILDING PUBLIC SPACE95Fig 94: possible park network for Caracas (by author 2021)POSSIBLE PARK NETWORK FOR CARACAS96 97CHILDCAREThe book nooks are intended as small educational spaces that promote public use and access to books which support social dynamics like community read-ings or book exchange. These spaces can be developed and built by the community to promote reading within the neighborhood and among younger generations. These book nooks can also support school activi-ties by allowing children to share school books, re-ducing the cost of the materials for families, and providing a space for children to share schoolwork. S-SCALE: BOOK NOOK0 1 2 M.Public bookcases that allow children access to books and allow for exchange. . BOOK EXCHANGECreate microspaces that promote reading and social interaction around books. SPACES FOR READING97THE TOOLKIT || THE TOOLKIT Fig 95: Book nook section (by author 2021)Fig 96: Book nook axo and details (by author 2021)98 99Homelessness in children in Venezuela is usually a tem-porary situation. These emergency shelters pretend to be a community-run solution for child homelessness that aims to maintain children within the limits of their community to ensure that the bonds established there remain intact for the time it takes the child to return home. These shelters help avoid the separation of the child from the community that cares for him or her, prevent-ing homelessness from becoming a permanent situa-tion for the kid. M -SCALE: EMERGENCY SHELTER0 1 2 M.Temporary space to support the child during the period of homelessness. Sleep, hygiene, and food with the help of the community. REST-HYGENE-FOODA member of the community would be designated to control the access to the shelters and guarantee their correct use. COMMUNITY-RUN9THE TOOLKIT || THE TOOLKIT Fig 97: Emergency shelter section (by author 2021)Fig 98: Emergency shelter axo and details (by author 2021)100 101The community diners help provide basic food needs to children and young people at risk of getting malnour-ished or at risk of turning into criminal activities to pro-vide for themselves. Community-run and supported by the food security strategies, these dinners are not only a problem-solver but also a place to build community and support for its more unprivileged members. The implementation of these spaces is a communitari-an way to cope with the existing economic and political crisis, working as a dynamic solution. L -SCALE: COMMUNITY DINNERS0 2.5 5 M.Collective cooking is an important part of Venezuela’s culture. This initiative strengthens the community bonds to its most un-privileged members. COMMUNITY SUPPORTFood security strategies, on all scales, aim to support this type of initia-tive to provide basic resources for communities to take action over their existing problems. SUPPORTED BY COMMUNITY GARDENS101THE TOOLKIT || THE TOOLKIT Fig 99: Community dinners section (by author 2021)Fig 100: Community dinners axo and details (by author 2021)102 103Childcare services are incredibly scarce in sponta-neous settlements, and represent a significant chal-lenge for working parents. This strategy creates pop-up childcare facilities that address this challenge. During the morning and regain its original program in the after-noon, for example, sports courts. By adding a small shelter that provides washrooms, a gas or coal kitchen, and some storage to the nearby areas, a sports court can be turned into a childcare fa-cility taking advantage of its enclosed nature. XL-SCALE: POP-UP CHILDCARE FACILITIES0 2.5 5 M.Installing two programs in the same space allow for the most optimized use of spaces and promotes interaction between different generations. . TWO PROGRAMS, SAME SPACEProviding washrooms, a space to handle food and inside storage area. SERVICE AREA103THE TOOLKIT || THE TOOLKIT Fig 101: pop-up childcare facilities section (by author 2021)Fig 102: Pop-up childcare facilities axo and details (by author 2021)104FOOD SECURITYRECREATIONMOBILITYCHILDCARECOMMUNITY GARDENSRECREATION FACILITIESMOBILITY DEVICESHOME IMPROVEMENTSCOMMUNITY BUILDINGSPACES FOR CHILDCAREFig 103: Toolkit summary image (by author 2021)105 106reducing violence: the groundingTHE TESTING AREA: LA COTA 905Fig 104: Tunel El Paraiso © Rjcastillo, CC BY-SA 3.0The selected area is known as La Cota 905. La Cota 905 is a spontaneous settlement located southeast of Caracas, above La Planicie Tunel. This positions the community in a very strategic location over one of the major circulation arteries of the city, producing multiple access and exit points to this settlement. La Cota 905 is also one of the most feared spaces in the capital predominantly for its high levels of vio-lence and conflict with surrounding communities and law enforcement. The criminal gangs operating in the area are known for activities like extortion, kidnapping, drug trafficking, and possession of assault weapons. INTRO AND LOCATIONThe easternmost part of the settlement was already es-tablished by the 1960s (Silva, Elisa 2015) and since then has extended to the top and the west side of the hill. The use of violence that Chavez’s regime promoted during its government from 1999 and 2015 got out of control in 2017. The government had used the armed wing of criminal bands as an urban guerrilla to maintain control over the population sector that opposed the government (Tor-res and Casey 2017). After Chavez died in 2013, these criminal bands started to scape of the government’s control, and in 2017, as a result of the constant confron-tation between the government and the leading gang of La Cota 905, this area was declared a “peace zone” which means that police and law enforcement bodies can not enter and act over the established perimeter in exchange for criminal bands ceasing their activities. HISTORICAL EVOLUTION Fig 105: Site location (by author 2021)Fig 106: historical evolution (by author 2021)1960198020002010PEACE ZONELa Cota 905THE GROUNDING |107 108La Cota 905 borders to the East with El Helicoide, the headquarters of the Bolivarian National Police. On the south side, it limits with the General Cemetery of the South, vandalized and used by the criminal bands to run their business. The Northside borders with El Paraí-so, a formal neighborhood in constant conflict with the illegal activity happening within La Cota 905. The site is also in close contact with the lands that formerly belonged to “La Planta”, a prison in the met-ropolitan area, and the Villa Zoila museum. Finally, to the east, with an open area and the Barrio La Vega. The Plaza Madariaga and the Parque Naciones Unidas are geographically close to this settlement, but accessibil-ity is compromised due to the terrain characteristics and lack of appropriate infrastructure. CONTEXTUAL FEATURESAccessibility to these settlements has historically being a challenge. La Cota 905 develops on the side of Anto-nio Guzmán Blanco Avenue, which works as the main circulation axis and vehicular access of the settlement. This thoroughfare is located on the bottom-most point of the neighborhood. A bus route was estab-lished over that road in 2015, representing an im-provement for mobility in the area (“Inaugurada ruta del Metrobús que recorrerá la Cota 905” 2015). Nonetheless, most of the circulation within the set-tlement happens through alleys, paths, and stairwells through very high slopes that are difficult to navigate. ACCESSIBILITYFig 107: contextual features (by author 2021)Fig 108: accessibility (by author 2021)Historically, spontaneous settlements were established in spaces that could not be developed according to the construction code. La Cota 905 like the rest of the spontaneous settle-ments in Caracas, took advantage of this land without ownership to start its development back in the 1920s. This neighborhood developed on a hill in Caracas with slopes ranging between 40 and 70%, with the steepest areas on the west side of the settlement. SLOPE ANALYSISVenezuela is a tropical country presenting only two seasons, the rainy and the dry seasons. During the rainy season, torrential rain and tropical storms usu-ally create critical flooding events in Caracas every year, due to the high amount of water at the speed at which it is delivered. The high slopes in which spontaneous settlements are located present an se-rious risk of runoff during these peak events, in many cases including washed-out homes and deaths. WATERFLOWFig 109: slope analysis (by author 2021)Fig 110: waterflow analysis (by author 2021)El HelicoideGeneral South Cemetery El ParaísoLa Planta JailParque Naciones UnidasVilla Zoila MuseumPlaza Madariaga51234567Public Transport RoutesPublic Transport StopsStreetsPedestrian paths. 0-10%11-20%21-30%31-40%41-50%51-60%61%-70%+71%THE GROUNDING || THE GROUNDING109Three sites have been selected within the neighbor-hood to develop a test design focused on children in three different stages: early childhood, middle child-hood, and adolescence. The intention is to exemplify how different interven-tions can work together as a system using existing con-nections in the neighborhood, taking new significance while connecting public spaces. The main principle for the toolkit’s application to the testing sites is to potentiate all the social and spatial dynamics that are already present in the barrio, engag-ing the community with the design. The spontaneous settlements of Caracas were built by the people that inhabit them, creating high levels of social cohesion. Naturally, the same process will be followed by the test-ing sites, involving the community in the construction, development, and maintenance of the space, joining different generations in different tasks during the proj-ect development. The testing sites were selected for their great potential as public space and they are distributed as follows: -The first testing site intends to be a local character public space that focuses on early childhood. -The second site is located adjacent to Antonio Guz-mán Blanco avenue, and it pretends to serve the most needed members of the community while supporting middle childhood. -The third and last site is located west of the second site and pretends to support adolescence and pretends to build long-lasting relationships and attachments with older community members.THE TESTING SITESFig 111: La Cota 905 bird’s eye (Google Earth Pro)Fig 112: La Cota 905 aerial view (Google Earth Pro)SITE 1: ECFASITE 3: AFASITE 2: MCFA| THE GROUNDING110The three testing sites work as satellites of the same intervention, being all connected through the already established paths of the neighborhood. The connec-tivity between public spaces optimizes the influence they can have in the life of the users. Strategies to improve connectivity are also set in place: to improve connectivity, the connection between site one and A CONNECTED STRATEGYsite three is achieved through the formalization of an already existing informal path and a mobility tow-er system that helps navigate the almost one-hun-dred meters vertical difference in a few minutes. As the sites connect with the main pathways of the community, high levels of inhabitation and traffic can be expected, hindering criminal activities on the area. 110SITE 2: MIDDLE CHILDHOOD FOCUS AREASITE 3: ADOLESCENCE FOCUS AREAMOBILITY TOWERS SYSTEMFORMALIZED PATH AND STAIRSSITE 1: EARLY CHILDHOOD FOCUS AREA0 100 M.50GENERAL STRATEGYFig 113: General strategy (by author 2021)111SITE 1: EARLY CHILDHOOD FOCUS AREAThe first intervention site of this proposal is located at the top of the hill in the surrounding grounds of an ex-isting basketball court. Most opportunities for interven-tion in spontaneous settlements come from existing spaces that the community has intentionally kept for recreational use and represent an opportunity for im-provement through the design disciplines. In this case, an existing house has been removed and the family relocated to a repurposed building on the land that for-merly belonged to La Planta. The street has been re-shaped to increase the area of intervention by reducing the street parking area. The early childhood focus area represents the local character space that toddlers and young children use under the continuous supervision of parents. To pro-duce an attractive space that supports parents and children, the program has been designed to create in-terest in both populations, generating constant natural supervision.CONCEPT AND DESIGNThe program includes a small playground for children to play and make friends. A book nook designed for children to share books and organize readings togeth-er, including parents and older community members.A picnic area with a coal kitchen that serves for cooking in groups, or celebration of parties and birthdays as it is tradition; a board game section designed to celebrate traditional and typical games that are passed from gen-eration to generation and, lastly, the absorption of the existing basketball court. Conceptually, the design takes inspiration from the or-ganic shapes in which spontaneous settlement evolve to create flowy, interesting shapes that increase mys-tery and complexity while maintaining legibility and coherence, to produce high levels of preference and engagement with the landscape.Fig 114: ECFA Render Game Area (by author 2021)GAME AREA| THE GROUNDING112112A'BB'APLAYGROUNDSITTING AREABOOK NOOKPICNIC AREAGAMES AREA0 4 8 M.EARLY CHILDHOOD FOCUS AREAPLANFig 115: ECFA Plan (by author 2021)113SECTION A-A'EARLY CHILDHOOD FOCUS AREA GAMES AREA BOOK NOOK POCKET PARK HOME GARDENSREC REC CH + REC FS-DOMINO-MARBLES-TROMPO-BOARD GAMES-READING AREA-SHARED BOOKS BOX-PLAYGROUND0 4 8 M.+1001.00+1001.90-CROP PRODUCTIONFig 116: ECFA Section A-A’ (by author 2021)114SECTION B-B'EARLY CHILDHOOD FOCUS AREA0 4 8 M.+1000.00+1002.00+1001.40+1000.75PREEXISTING COURTRECSITTING AREAREC- BASKETBALL COURT PUBLIC/SPECTATORSPOCKET PARKREC-PLAYGROUNDHOME GARDENFS-CROP PRODUCTIONFig 117: ECFA Section B-B’ (by author 2021)115 116Shadow trees and ornamental native or typical shrubs are planted to provide shadow in all the spaces. These species grow naturally in Caracas and require very little maintenance or irrigation. The introduction of vegeta-tion in these spaces will help reduce temperature, mak-ing the spaces pleasant during the day. The materials palette is consistent throughout the three spatial interventions. These materials intend to be warm, easy to install as well as cost-effective. Grav-el in different colors, wood chips for high impact zone, and concrete walkways covered with trencadis tile technique allows us to produce accessible, high-quality walkways with recycled material and with a very color-ful and tropical aesthetic.The community must be involved from the beginning in the construction and maintenance of the space. The use of locally sourced materials and workforce is key for the development of the space as well as the inclu-sion of children in the process of laying out materials and planting areas.PLANTS, MATERIALS AND COMMUNITYPICNIC AREA - DAYPICNIC AREA - NIGHTBOOK NOOK + PLAYGROUNDFig 118: ECFA Picnic area - Day (by author 2021)Fig 119: ECFA Render Picnic area - Night (by author 2021)Fig 120: ECFA Render Book Nook + Playground (by author 2021)THE GROUNDING || THE GROUNDING117SITE 2: MIDDLE CHILDHOOD FOCUS AREAThe second intervention site is located on the bottom of the community beside Antonio Guzman Blanco ave-nue. Currently occupied by a mechanical workshop, this clear space represents a golden opportunity for a big-ger-scale intervention that supports middle childhood and provides childcare facilities to the community. The objective of this space is to support middle child-hood as well as other community members at risk through the community dinner program, supported by the community food gardens. This design intends to formalize spaces for activities that already happen in one way or the other in the community and, with the help of design, they can be expanded in more efficient ways. Programmatically, this space offers a childcare facility, including a service building that provides a kitchen, ar-eas for study and research like the study room and the internet room, spaces for rest for younger children, and washrooms. DESIGN AND PROGRAM This building also works as an emergency shelter by isolating the dormitory and one of the washrooms from the rest of the building areas, allowing children to come to this place when they are at risk of becoming homeless. The outdoor spaces include a playground built with recycled and natural materials, a game area with book nooks, an outdoor dining area, and a preex-isting basketball court absorbed by the facility during the week and open to the general public during the weekendsThis facility will attend not only to the intern children, which are cared for while their parents are not present, but also to any other children that may need assis-tance, functioning as an assisting center for the correct development of children. Fig 121: MCFA Render: Service Building + Plaza (by author 2021)Service building + plaza| THE GROUNDING118CHILDREN DINERSERVICE CENTERPLAYGROUNDBOOK NOOKWEST PLAZAFOOD GARDENPREEXISTING COURTEAST PLAZA + COMMUNITY DINERA'BB'A0 4 8 M.MIDDLE CHILDHOOD FOCUS AREAPLANFig 122: MCFA Plan (by author 2021)118119SECTION A-A'MIDDLE CHILDHOOD FOCUS AREAPREEXISTING BASKETBALL COURTRECPLAYGROUNDCH + REC-POCKET PARK-BOOK NOOKSERVICE FACILITYCH + FS-EMERGENCY SHELTER-INTERNET ROOM-STUDY ROOM-NAP ROOM-WASHROOMS-KITCHEN-RECEPTIONGAMES AREAREC + FS-PLAZA-COMMUNITY DINERHOME GARDENSFSFig 123: MCFA Section A-A’ (by author 2021)0 4 8 M.+916.65+920.50+918.25+917.25+1000.00120SECTION B-B'MIDDLE CHILDHOOD FOCUS AREAANTONIO GUZMAN BLANCO AV. COMMUNITY PLAZA + DINERREC+FS-PLAZA-COMMUNITY DINERSERVICE FACILITYCH+FS-EMERGENCY SHELTER-INTERNET ROOM-STUDY ROOM-NAP ROOM-WASHROOMS-KITCHEN-RECEPTION FOOD GARDENCH+FSFOOD GARDENSFS0 4 8 M.+917.25+924.07+920.50+918.95Fig 124: MCFA Section B-B’ (by author 2021)+916.65+915.35121 122During the time use analysis, it was clear that seniors have little to no activity for most of the day. This child-care facility could represent an opportunity for active seniors to participate in the care of the children while perceiving a moderate economic benefit from it. This way, the workforce would be constituted by unoccupied members of the community that care for the children and, parents get childcare services at a fraction of the cost that commercial facilities charge for the resource, providing a solution to the children that stay at home unsupervised while parents are at work. The Childcare center must be run, organized, and cus-tomized by the community being an inclusive facility dedicated to assisting its most vulnerable members. Depending on the availability of resources, this project can be subdivided into up to three phases. The first one is the east plaza, part of the front garden, and the build-ing, providing the bases to start functioning as a small childcare center. The second phase would be the out-door areas completing the front garden, the book nook, and the playground. Lastly, the third phase includes the food garden and all remaining connecting paths.OPERATION AND PHASINGFig 125: MCFA Render: Food Garden (by author 2021)FOOD GARDENFig 126: MCFA Render: Book Nook (by author 2021)BOOK NOOKFig 127: MCFA Phases diagram(by author 2021)Phases diagramPHASE I: EAST PLAZA + PARTIAL FRONT GARDEN + KINDERGARTEN BUILDINGPHASE II: WEST PLAZA + PARTIAL FRONT GARDEN + PLAYGROUNDPHASE III: CHILDREN’S FOOD GARDEN + CONNECTING SIDEWALKSTHE GROUNDING || THE GROUNDING123SITE 3: ADOLESCENCE FOCUS AREAThe third and last intervention site is located west of the second site along Antonio Guzmán Avenue, in the ground of an existing gas station that is removed for the development of the area that focuses on adoles-cence. The adolescence focus area is composed of three main programmatic events that intend to produce the age variation needed to always have natural supervi-sion in the area. The first element is the sports com-plex. The design includes two full-size multi-use courts, two Bolas Criollas courts, batting cages, and facilities to observe and cheer during matches. The intention is to host sports tournaments and practices that join to-gether the athletes of La Cota 905 with the youth of oth-er areas of Caracas and impulse the practice of sports in the community. The inclusion of a playground and a board game area supports children that attend these events with their parents or siblings, improving the mul-tiage social dynamic. A CONNECTED STRATEGYThe second element relates to food security. Eighteen hundred square meters of crop area plus a community dinner increases the dynamic around food production. It naturally introduces adults to the site and encourages the youth to learn and work in the crop fields with older community members. The inclusion of a community dinner on the west side of the site, allows for celebra-tions and the consumption of fresh produce as a com-munity dynamic, increasing the community cohesion around food gardens. The last elements are the plazas, the east and west plazas intended to attract and receive users from the public transportation system, and the different paths that connect with the upper side of the neighborhood. The central plaza is a flexible space that can take di-verse functions for the community depending on the need. It is an appropriate space to commercialize part of the production through farmers’ or artisans’ markets, increasing the economic benefits for the community.Fig 128: AFA Render: Sports complex (by author 2021)SPORTS COMPLEX| THE GROUNDING124ADOLESCENCE FOCUS AREAPLANCOMMUNITY DINERA'BB'A 0 8 16 M.Fig 129: AFA Plan (by author 2021)CENTRAL PLAZAEAST PLAZABOLAS CRIOLLASPLANTED AREAMULTIUSE COURTSPOCKET PARKBATTING CAGESMICROTERRACESMOBILITY TOWERSWEST PLAZAFORMALIZED PATH125SECTION A-A'ADOLESCENCE FOCUS AREAPLAZA REC-COMMUNITY EVENTS-POP-UP MARKETSPLANTED AREAFS-CROP PRODUCTIONMICROELEMENTSMOB-ZIP LINESPORTS COURTSREC-BATTING CAGESMICROTERRACESFS-CROP PRODUCTIONANTONIO GUZMAN BLANCO AV.Fig 130: AFA Section A-A’ (by author 2021)0 8 16 M.+930.00+935.00+933.00+931.00+929.00+921.00+920.00+918.92+918.05126SECTION B-B'ADOLESCENCE FOCUS AREAFig 131: AFA Section B-B’ (by author 2021)0 8 16 M.+921.45+920.55COMMUNITY DINERFS-COMMUNITY COOKINGPLANTED AREAFS-CROP PRODUCTIONPLAZA REC-COMMUNITY EVENTS-POP-UP MARKETSMULTIUSE SPORTS COURT REC-BASKETBALL-VOLLEYBALL-FUTSAL-PELOTICA DE GOMAPOCKET PARK REC-PLAYGROUND127 128The plazas work as an exceptional social space. La Cota 905 is known for the community parties orga-nized in a basketball court west of this site. This space pretends to represent an alternative to allocate these activities in an area that is prepared and equipped to receive the high number of people that attend these events. The site also promotes the organization and promotion of cultural and educational activities that produce a constantly changing social dynamic in the site, keeping it highly inhabited and alive. The construction of public space of this scale and pro-gram in informal areas helps reweave the relationship between spontaneous settlements and the formal city. By producing programmatic elements that impulse the visiting of these areas by people from other areas of Caracas, it is possible to equilibrate the relationship between formal and informal, having an impact on the distribution of public resources, social cohesion, and reduction of conflict. The phasing of a project like this can include up to four phases planned to work independently, in case that the construction of the project doesn’t complete. -The first phase includes the east plaza and the sports complex.-The second phase comprehends the west and central plaza. -The third phase inserts the main crop area, the formal-ization of the west path, and the mobility towers. -Lastly, the fourth phase includes the south area with the batting cages and the micro terraces. Fig 132: MCFA Render: Food Garden (by author 2021)CENTRAL PLAZA + PLANTED AREASFig 133: MCFA Render: Book Nook (by author 2021)CENTRAL PLAZAFig 134: MCFA Phases diagram (by author 2021)Phases diagramPHASE I: SPORTS COMPLEX + EAST PLAZA + PARTIAL FRONT GARDENPHASE II: MAIN PLAZA + WEST PLAZA + PARTIAL FRONT GARDEN.PHASE III: CROP AREA + COMMUNI-TY DINER + FORMALIZATION OF EX-ISTING PATHS + TOWERSPHASE IV: BATTING CAGES + MICROTERRACESTHE GROUNDING || THE GROUNDING129 130The selected plant species are only a guide to the pos-sible plant species that can be used in interventions on spontaneous settlements. These species are low maintenance since they grow naturally in Caracas. An important consideration for the planting design in informal areas is understanding the difficulties of accessing water for irrigation in these settlements. Therefore, all selected species must grow independent-ly of artificial irrigation, and that can be achieved by the successful selection of existing species in the area or through the planting of native species. The presented plant palette celebrates emblematic trees of Venezuela, which present a moderate size and deep radicular systems that can adapt to the condi-tions in spontaneous settlements. In this palette, it is pertinent to highlight the mango tree (Mangifera indi-ca) that, despite not being native to Venezuela, is a very celebrated species that, in recent years, claimed impor-tance in the city imaginary. It is extensively used as a shadow tree all over the capital and, its fruit is very pos-itively received and consumed by the city’s population. ABOUT THE PLANT SPECIESThe materials selected materials intend to be cost-ef-fective and aesthetically pleasing, giving the communi-ty a high-quality space for a relatively small cost. The use of soft materials for paving like decomposed granite and wood chips allows the project construc-tion to be cost-effective and quick, permitting the prompt inauguration and use of the space. Every year, some of the material must be replaced, as part of the maintenance activities, to preserve the design and the functionality of the space. In some way, the site’s con-struction is never complete, allowing for the constant dynamic of building and customization to happen in the area as the community’s needs change. The trencadis style pathways intend to take advan-tage of the high amount of construction waste that is produced in Caracas at the moment. The hard-paved walkways intend to ease and guarantee access to all programmatic areas of the three sites. These walkways are finished with broken tiles and mortar producing a very colorful effect by combining different tile styles from diverse constructions throughout the city. ABOUT THE MATERIALSFig 135: Materials (by author 2021) Fig 136: Plant Species (by author 2021)This method provides several advantages: first, the communities can enjoy highly stylized, colorful, and durable walkways that bring character to the design and, second, the recycled construction waste provides a cost-effective resource to these communities while being environmentally responsible and sustainable. The constant building of these spaces will also in-crease the intergenerational relationships within the community, by allowing the transmission of knowledge about different construction trades from one genera-tion to the other. The perpetuation of the use, transmis-sion, and learning of these trades provides youth with the knowledge that may represent a worthy economic activity in the future.The same is the case for the Apamates (Tabebuia Rosea) and Araguaney (Tabebuia chrysan-tha). Both species show very colorful flower-ing during April, turning into a spectacle that all inhabitants of Caracas expect every year. The shrubs intend to be colorful, low maintenance, aes-thetically pleasing, and easy to find and obtain. Other shrub species like Ixoras, Agaves, Pleomele, and others are also appropriate planting choices depending on the site-specific conditions. with surrounding communities and law enforcement. The criminal gangs operating in the area are known for activities like extortion, kid-napping, drug trafficking, and possession of high-cali-ber weapons. with surrounding communities and law enforcement. The criminal gangs operating in the area are known for activities like extortion, kidnapping, drug trafficking, and possession of high-caliber weapons. THE GROUNDING || THE GROUNDING132131STAKEHOLDERSCOMMUNITIES: NEIGHBORS ASSOCIATIONSCOMMUNITY LEADERSVOLUNTEERSCOMMUNITYACADEMIA (ARCHITECTURE, URBANISM, ENGINEERING)PRO-BONO PROFESSIONALARCHITECTURE AND DESIGN BASED FOUNDATIONSACADEMIANON-GOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS: POLITICAL, SOCIAL, ECONOMIC.NGOMUNICIPAL GOVERNMENTSTATE GOVERNMENTGOVERNMENTINVOLVEMENT100%PRE-DESIGNDESIGNCONSTRUCTIONmAINTENANCEDESIGN TEAM: PROVIDE DESIGN TEAMS. STUDENT COMMUNITY WORK HOURS (REQUIRED FOR GRADUATION)COMMUNTY: DETERMINE PROGRAMATIC REQUIREMENTS. WORKSHOPS: ACTIVE PARTICIPATION OF THE POTENTIAL USERS IN THE DESIGN PROCESSCOMMUNITY: DETERMINE MANPOWER CAPACITIES AND ABILITIES. COMMUNITCATE TO DESIGN TEAM. COMMUNITY + NGO + GOVERNMENT+ DESIGN TEAM: RAISE THE FUNDS FOR THE PROJECT. GOFUNDME, SOCIAL RESPONSIBILITY PROJECT, FUND RAISING EVENTS. DESIGN TEAM: PROVIDE PLANIMETRY FOR THE PROJECT BASED ON INFORMATION OBTAIED THROUGH WORKSHOPS AND CONVERSATIONS WITH COMMUNITY. DETERMINE MATERIAL QUANTITIES NEEDED AND BUDGET.ACADEMY OR DESIGN PROFESSIONALS: SUPERVISION OF THE CONSTRUCTION. WORKING WITH THE COMMUNITYCOMMUNTY: DETERMINE WHICH MATERIALS CAN BE SOURCED LOCALLY THROUGH BUSINESS INTHE COMMUNITYCOMMUNTY + NGO: START CONSTRUCTION OF THE PROJECT USING LOCAL MATERIALS AND MAN POWER AS MUCH AS POSSIBLE. OUTSOURCE WHAT CAN NOT BE FOUND WITHIN THE COMMUNITY.NGO: PROMOTE THE PROJECT IN ORDER TO GENERATE AWARENESS AND RAISE FUNDS FOR FUTURE PROJECTS. COMMUNTY: REACH TO THE ACADEMY TO REQUEST DESIGN AND CONSTRUCTION SERVICES FOR A DETERMINED SPACE. COMMUNTY: RESPONSIBLE FOR THE MAINTAINANCE OF THE SPACE. INFORM COMMUNITIES ABOUT THE PROGRAM, OFFER SERVICES AND INFORMATION ON THE PROCESSThe further identification of opportunities in sponta-neous settlements depends mostly on the communi-ties and a mechanism is proposed to provide design services to neighborhoods in need: In Venezuela, every university graduating student must fulfill 120 hours of social work as a requirement for graduation. Connect-ing these communities with students guided by men-tors can provide benefits for both groups. On one side, communities have access to design and engineering services to improve their spaces and on the other, stu-dents have the opportunity to complete the social work hours and design and build projects even before gradu-ation with the help of mentors and tutors that supervise the work. The initial stage would be to install the program in all design schools in the capital, promote the existence of this service to community leaders and non-govern-mental organizations that work extensively in sponta-neous settlements, and start the conversation with any governmental bodies involved in the development and regulation of public space. Next, the student’s team is assigned projects in com-munities that have requested the service. Students should work closely with their clients and under the close supervision of their tutor, who must be a profes-sional in a relevant area. STAKEHOLDERSFig 137: Stakeholders (by author 2021)Raising funds and starting the conversations with reg-ulatory bodies must happen with the support of aca-demia and NGOs to take the design to construction. Lastly, the construction phase and the coordination of further efforts of maintenance with the community bring the project to completion. The principal stakeholder and driving force of these in-terventions would always be the community, followed by the academia, the NGOs, and lastly the governmen-tal bodies.THE GROUNDING |133 134Fig 138: Las Minas de Baruta (by author 2021)Violence is a phenomenon that not only affects Ven-ezuela but the vast majority of the countries of the world, producing destruction, economic loss, death, and massive migrations wherever it lays its hand. If it is true that public space interventions are not 100% of the solution, I am convinced that it is a fundamental part of it. Space is the scenario for other disciplines to work. It is a fundamental part of social development, creat-ing community cohesion and healthy social dynamics, which is essential for preventing violence, especially in a country with the social characteristics of Venezuela. Many budgetary considerations have been expressed about the implications of building public space in spontaneous settlements. If we take into account the budget destined to fight violence through even more violent methods, the resources invested in pre-venting violence will likely represent a reduction in the internal security budget, saving money to the tax-payers and improving the living conditions in the city. The application of similar methodologies to other countries and cities to determine strategies to reduce urban violence is possible and would feed the field of knowledge regarding the relationship between human behavior and space. Massive migration due to exces-sive levels of violence currently represents a worldwide problem. The social conditions of countries like Mexi-co, Honduras, El Salvador, Venezuela, and others could be improved through the customization of this work to their specific social and spatial conditions and would reduce the current burden that other countries bear by receiving displaced migrants. It is a matter of where do we put our investments, do we continue to fight the consequences? or do we start attacking the true roots of the problems that affect us all? This work hopes that a preventive approach starts to take the place of the constant war against the consequences....AND FURTHER RESEARCH POSSIBILITIESConclusionCONCLUSION |135 136BIBLIOGRAPHYBriceño-León, Roberto. 2012. “Tres Fases de La Violen-cia Homicida En Venezuela.” Ciência & Saúde Coletiva 17 (12): 3233–42. https://doi.org/10.1590/S1413-81232012001200008.“Brocoli o Brécol - Como Cultivar.” 2011. El Huerto de Urbano (blog). December 12, 2011. http://www.huerto-deurbano.com/como-cultivar/brocoli-o-brecol/.“Brócoli: Propiedades, beneficios y valor nutri-cional.” 2018. La Vanguardia. 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Steals from its own family.Arrives to 'The lost city' under the Chacaito Boulevard and joins a group of kids all 12-13 y/oHe only finishes the second grade before leaving home12 y/o11 y/oJAIL - Juvenile detention center San Pedro, Los TequesConstantly stealing and gang activityCrime: Robbery at the house Santo Domingo Savio.He is released shortly after for lack of evidence14 y/o 8 Days secludedAssist to School San José and Santo Domingo Savio~Small jobs and part education. Going to church, playing with other kidsEDUCATION LEVELLOSS OF MATERNAL FIGURELOSS OF PATERNAL FIGURELOSS OF COMMUNITYLives from stealing stores and robbing people in Sabana Grande."CULEBRAS"Constantly partying, doing drugs. Women, dressing well, being the 'Papaupa'Doesn't live anywhere. Pass the time in between Caracas and Los Teques.Goes back temporarily to Los TequesSmall jobs taking care of the pool in the School San José. Drug traffickingKeeps partying, stealing and trafficking in CaracasGets one of his girlfriends pregnant. Only sees the kid once when he is 9.Opportunity for a new cycle to openThe story of RonnieDETACHMENT FROM PARTNER15 y/oBarquisimeto, Valencia, Maracay, Turmero, Maracaibo, Trujillo.Starts to be on the run because of Culebras everywhereEvery place he visit, he lives from robbing and trafficking. Small jobs.In trujillo he starts working at a woodshop, almost loose his hand.17 y/oReturn to Caracas - Los Teques21 y/oJail, Comandancia general.~23 y/o 4 months secludedAgain related to the Robbery at the house Santo Domingo SavioTRANSFER TO I.J. 'LA PLANTA'Released brieflyJail, Internado Judicial de las Flores CatiaContinues stealing, robbing and trafficking~24 y/o 3 years secludedAccumulation of CulebrasTorture, starving, beaten over and over by guards.Stealing from inmates - The figure of Batanero. Killing to save own life and gain respect in jail.Released, return to CaracasLives with current partner and her momThe idea of provider, robbing to keep a status, women, good clothes, respect in the Barrio.Returns to the gang (solved culebras?) Becomes the leader. Recruits a boy from the streets, he would asume him as his sonLater it is reported that Alfredo kills the boy. He never admits it. Opportunity for a new cycle to openThe story of XA house robbery goes wrong and he gets caught with several orders for arrest of different crimes.Jail, Policía técnica Judicial. RECRUITMENT OF NEW GANG MEMBERSPSYCOLOGICAL TRAUMA TRANSFER TO I.J. LAS FLORES DE CATIA~25 y/o 10 years 11 months secludedTRANSFER TO I.J. EL RODEOTRANSFER TO I.J. DE TOCUYITOTRANSFER TO I.J. LOS PINOSTRANSFER TO I.J. LAS FLORES DE CATIATRANSFER TO I.J DE TOCUYITOTRANSFER TO I.E. EL DORADOTRANSFER TO I.E. LA PLANTATRANSFER TO TOCUYITOEXCESIVE PRISON TRANSFER. NETWORKING?Each transfer represents a round of torture and human rights violation by the guards of the jails. Constantly beaten and fed rotten food. IllnessNot only the guards, there is a constant war within inmates for survival. Uncountable killings to survive and stablish respectGangs inside the jail are not created by race, but by affinity 'Paisano'. Traffic of weapons and drugs inside the jail.Autopista regional del centro, 3 am.He was condemned to 22 years in prison and because of the COPP he was released earlier, almost 11 years after his arrest36 y/oWithout any kind of therapy or reintroduction to society after 10 years, he is left at 3 in the morning in one of the most dangerous highways of the capital without money, support system or transportation.A truck driver takes him back to Los Teques, he found his mother, sister and step father.ValenciaA week after his release, he looks for the girlsfriend he got in jailReturn to Los TequesOn his birthday he got stopped by a police officer who takes him into custody again, for different crimes.Jail, El Rodeo37 y/oTRANSFER TO I.J. LA PLANTATransfered 5 days after arrival to El Rodeo for starting a shooting with other gangsHe started a business makig lamps in the jail, he wins the good will of the pran through thisLos TequesKilled at the age of 39 in front of his sister's house'Culebra'First time he actually considers a jobHe is released after expending 14 total years in jail.Torture, enduring being beaten like a 'Varon' the idea of masculinityGoes back to his sister house where he lives apparently in peace consuming drugs.Humberto GoitiaStructural violent offender - Non drug addictPetare0-14 y/oWeak mother, working all day, support of the house.Abusive step- father, drug addict, violent.Massive fight when the step- father tries to rape one of his sisters, beating.It is a family of criminals 'Brothers are worse than him'Everything was a good reason to beat the children, playing.He is sexually abused by a neighbor when he is 13. The woman was way older. (refer to popular culture)He developed an hipersexual conduct. The idea of the macho tht does not consider birth control. 'Yo quiero mi vaina bien"He is expelled several times from different schools. Bad company. He declares that he was happy in 5th and 6th grades, 'He was treated with respect'El Tigrito, Anzoátegui14 y/oHis family sends him away because of his bad behaviour, constant conflict and bad company in the BarrioAll of his sisters leave the house eventually.He arrives in El Tigrito to the home of one of his sistersParty and sexual missconduct brings trouble to the house. Continuosly partying, problems at school.Practice of Santería: La Corte Malandra.In one of the parties, he has a trouble with a group of kids, receives a stab wound and he is caught by the police without documentation.Estación de Polianzoategui (?)15 y/oHe becomes 'Causa' of one other kid that goes to prison the same day.Entering the cell he gets into a fight with other kids.An older inmate gives him a knife because he is 'Parroquia'. He taughts Humberto how to use it and that's the first time he stabs someone.The kid he defended in one of the fight was the son of a General, they got out shortly after the fight.El Tigrito, Anzoátegui15 y/oPolice took everything away from him, he didn't have the money to return home. Venezuelan solidarity: a women gives him money to go back.When he arrives home his mother is already there, not for discipline but to take him out of the problem.Margarita, Nueva Esparta16 -17 y/oMother sents him to Margarita to avoid any further trouble.Starts studying, reaches the 3rd year in highschoolHe gets bored of the lifestyle in Margarita, drops school and returns home.El Tigre, Anzoátegui17 y/oTrouble because he gets one girl pregnant at the school.Starts working with his brother- in law different functions, nothing serious or that can represent a career.When he comes back, El Caracazo already happened, the conception of violence changed dramaticallyWhen he arrives everything was different "everything was drugs, a gun"His two friends were killed before he came back.He began trafficking drugs. Women and money top motivationsGuarenas, Miranda~18 y/oStealing cars and drug trafficking are his main activitiesHe commits his first murder as retaliation for the dead of his girlfriend.Although he does not confess, it is known that he has killed at least seven persons.During a robbery in Los Bloques del Topito, he receives three gunshots.A nurse that live in the same Barrio saves him.Comando PTJ, Caucagua19 y/oThey recruit a 13 years old in the band "El Anónimo" he has killed 16 persons already. He also sets in fire the house of the guy that kills Humberto's girlfriend killing the whole family inside. Opportunity for a new cycle to openThe story of 'El Anónimo"Opportunity for a new cycle to openThe story of 'A'He is caught for robbery but he only spent a few days in the comando.Barlovento19 y/oStarts living with one of the women he met at the PTJ. Petare20 y/oContinues drug dealing, and stealing. Commits a few murders.Briefly (6 months) lives here with another woman who gets pregnant and abandoned.Decides to take a course in INCE, only generates more probems.He gets together with a 13 year old girl.He visits briefly his home in Petare, threatens his step father with the gun.She gets introduced to the use of narcotics.Interview stopped with him in the Youth Center of Petare, 29 y/oContinues his endless cycle of women, murder, robbery and drug dealing.La Guaira- Petare - Margarita25 y/oStarts studying in La Casa Don Bosco, does not continueAt some point he goes to jail for fraud but he pays his way out.Yesica, his girlfriends gets pregnant, he abandons her.Opportunity for a new cycle to openThe story of BSeveral confessions of domestic violenceMultiple culebras, he doesn't finish the interview because he is on the run.WEAK MOTHER FIGUREFATHER UNKNOWNHIGH LEVELS OF ABUSEVENEZUELA'S POPULAR CULTURE'EL PAPAUPA'CONFLICTIVE BEHAVIOURINTRODUCTION TO CRIMINAL WORLDCOMMUNITY DETACHMENTEL CARACAZO AS TURNING POINT FOR VIOLENCEDID HE TRY TO REFORM HIMSELF?CORRUPTIONTRAFFIC, NOT FOR CONSUMPTIONID. 1 - ALFREDO RODRIGUEZStructural violent offender - Non drug addictID. 5 - HUMBERTO GOITIAStructural violent offender - Non drug addictFig 140: Alfredo Rodriguez’ Story (by author 2021)Fig 141: Humberto Goitia’s Story (by author 2021)146José GómezStructural violent offender - Non drug addictGrows up in Tío Pedro, Carúpano0-14 y/oStarted working in agriculture with his father when he was nine y/o to buy clothes.The parents tried to send him to school. Only last a week for bad behaviour.Started stealing when he was 14 y/oMoves to Caucagua with his godfather14 y/oParents decide to send him away to avoid the companionship he is getting on the streets of Tío PedroINMEDIATE GRATIFICATIONSCHOOL DROP OUTGodfather tries to keep him bussy, studying and working all the time. Moves to Petare 195314 y/oRebels against stepfather and leaves homeIn 1953 Petare was the Historical city and a little bit more. First generation of migration from the countryside to the cityJoins a gang dedicated to steal carsHomeless, sleeps wherever he canJail, 8 days secluded15 y/oLOSS OF MATERNAL FIGUREHOMELESSNESSReturns to hometown15 y/oMoves to La Guaira16 y/oSees his family and start working the field again. He is not happy either with the work, earnings ot statusReturns to Carúpano likely because he was running away from 'Culebras'Arrives to his uncle's house. Works with him in La Guaira public marketStarts hanging around with bad company. Stablish a relationship with a woman that brings trouble to his uncle.His uncle asks him to leave the house because he is causing too much trouble.THE IDEA OF LUXURYAND STATUSMoves to San José del Ávila, Caracas17 y/oMoves to another uncle house.Cleans and steal cars, joins the local gang.Very unhappy about his earnings. Works a little in construction and keep stealing construction materialsWomen and dressing well. Money and jewels. MotivationMoves to Plaza Capuchinos, CaracasMoves with the entire gang to Pensión Nápoles.Cabarets and bars. They become popular because of the money the bring.National security raids one of these bars looking for the band. José goes to Jail.Jail, 2 years secluded19 y/oCÁRCEL MODELO DE CARACASHeavy police abuse, 'Planazos', beatings, torture etc. Worms in the foodHe allies with the powerful inmates of the jail. Better life qualityDemolished in 1983 to allow the construction of a metro line.STATUSFIRST FORMAL RELATIONSHIPComplains about not having anyone to visit him. Isolated. Gets a girlfriend at jail and got her pregnant. Never sees the child.'EL Tanque' spends most of the time in the punishment cell for violent behavior'El Tanque' the way inmates called the disciplinary cell, very reduced in size where they can't even stretch. (Naked)Moves to Barrio Unión, Petare21 y/oHis mom now lives in Petare with her new partner. He moves in after his release from jail.MOTHER ALIVE BUT STILL NOT FULLY PRESENT Gets a partner that moves in into the same house. Small jobs.CIRCUMSTANTIAL PARTNERJail, 22 months secluded24 y/oAt the age of 24 he already has 4 children that he knows about. He has not contact with any of them. Opportunity for a new cycle to openThe story of COpportunity for a new cycle to openThe story of DOpportunity for a new cycle to openThe story of BOpportunity for a new cycle to openThe story of AI.J. LA PLANTA - 8 MONTHSCÁRCEL EL DORADO - 14 MONTHSEl Dorado is one of the few jails that were built during Marcos Pérez Jiménez dictatorship with the intention of regenerating the person instead of just storing criminals. Work and study programs. At El Dorado he starts working as the barber of the guards and then for inmates for a salary.Drug trafficking inside the jailsThe sentence was for 30 months, he goes out ar parolee earlier for good behaviourHe had a job in agriculture and when finished he had the chance to study, he finishes elementary school here.Same as Alfredo, the fear of the moment you were free to leave the jail. Other inmates will try to kill him if they know he is going out.In El Dorado, the money inmates made by working will be kept and given to them when they leave jail. Facilitate a new start (savings). Also there was no beatings.Move to Barrio Piritu, Petare.26 y/oBy the time he gets to the Barrio he alredy spent all the money he earned at El DoradoHe moves in to his mom house in the BarrioKeeps working as a barber, stealing and trafficking drugsJail, 9 months secluded~28 y/oKeeps dealing with drugs in Petare and stealing from everyone. He gets caught again.PREFECTURA DE PETARE - 8 MONTHSI.J. LA PLANTA - 9 MONTHSJail, 8 months secluded~29 y/oHe gets out brieflyContinue drug traficking inside and outside jail.Get out and continues to traffic drugs and steal. It is know that he has commited murder in his pass through different jails. Culebras.He and some friends go to El Marqués to collect a loot of stolen jewels. They got caught by the police.Jail, 17 months secluded8 months ecludeI.J. LAS FLORES DE CATIA - 8 MONTHSI.J. LOS TEQUES - 9 MONTHSHis criminal activity continues in every prison he visits. He threatens the lawyer and the clerk with harm if they do not let him go. He alleges that he had nothing to do with the robbery.The jail of Los Teques is recognized to be one of the most brutal ones. All political prisoners are kept in the Ramo Verde area under the same management. "It was hell"HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATION~30 y/oGoes back to PetareContinues working as a barber (formal occupation) trafficking and stealing.Continues partying, motivated by women, abusing of drugs and alcohol.In one of the parties, he and friends gunpoint robb a guy in Chuspita. Take the car with them and they get cought by the police in El terminal de Oriente.Police abuse, they destroy exculpatory evidence, The police robs the prisonersJail - 3 years secludedIrrational beating, Jose harms himself to stop the beating from police officers threatening them with killing himself if they continue.Seven days without eating in a cell at the PTJ station in CaucaguaHUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONDRUG TRAFFICKINGI.J. VALLES DEL TUY - 8 MONTHSI.J. LOS TEQUES - 9 MONTHSI.J. YARE - 11 MONTHS~30 y/o ~31 y/oContinues working as a barber in jailHe was sentenced to 4 years in prison, again gets out earlier by getting a benefit in court.The image of being someone respectableGoes back to Petare, Barrio Las Zanjas~33 y/oGets out under a weekly presentation regime that he does not fulfillJoins a new gang where he substitutes the leader. StatusContinues an endless pattern of robbery, homicide, drug trafficking and the barber shopJail, 18 months secluded(1984)~53 y/oI.J. EL RODEO - 2 YEARSESTACIÓN DE CAUCAGUA - 2 MONTHSI.J. LOS TEQUES - 8 MONTHSI.J. VALLES DEL TUY - 6 MONTHSGoes to jail for drug traffickingAt this point there is not a single prison he goes where he doesn't have alliesNarrations about the cruelty of the prison and the free roam of drugs and fire weapons inside the jailReceived by a friend giving him a gun and a grenadeThe drug activity was secluded to certain parts of the barrio, protecting the community that tolerate this activity in this specific places.He leaves a trail of homicides wherever he passes that is never punished by the justice systemReturns to Petare~55 y/oOnly 5 months from his release, he get into a fight during a party and kill a PTJ officer. Several people try to hide him but he finally gets caught by the police.SUBSTANCE AND ALCOHOL ABUSEJail, 10 years secluded (1986)~55 y/oI.J. EL RODEOI.J. LAS FLORES DE CATIAI.J. TOCUYITOI.J. EL RODEOI.J. TOCORÓNI.J. SANTA ANA DEL TÁCHIRAI.J. SAN JUAN DE LOS MORROSI.J. LA PLANTAI.J LOS VALLES DEL TUYSeveral studied individuals agree that Santa Ana del Táchira presented a better model of organization and functioning, no torture.Constant narration of the terrible situation in jails, there are no human rights.Everyone is armed in jails and he describe several massive killings like in the riot of TocorónReturns to Petare(1996)~65 y/oInterview finishes with him living in his sister house at 69 years oldSituation with food, starving, they need to procure their own food from outsideThere was not any kind of reincertion to society, they just let him go after 10 years in jail.Juan AntonioStructural violent offender - Non drug addictSector Caja de Agua, Los Andes0-5 y/oHe was born in Caja de Agua, Los Andes in 1964Self- built house, compacted earth. Extreme povertyWorking parents. The father was a taxi driver and the Mother work cleaning houses.The children were left alone in the house all day while parents work.A neighbor tries to rape Juan Antonio. His father takes revenge, shots him and ran out of the house for 6 month to avoid a culebraThe oldest brother (8) would leave the house all day and spend the day on the street. His siblings will follow shortly as they grow up.Child mistreatment. Torture, severe abuse from the Father, "discipline"The community helped, they would feed the kids when possible. Mrs. Felicia.The kids shortly get use to spend the life on the streets alone.23 de Enero, San Cristóbal.Juan Antonio already had 6 siblingsShortly after, they invade a terrain in Barrio El Rio.Barrio El Río, San CristóbalThe terrain was property of the INAVILa Cuesta de Trapiche19695 y/oJuan Antonio started studying hereConstant exposure to violence. The uncle gives a cow to Juan Antonio's father to help, important animal cruelty.All the siblings start working '"carrying bags" and begging to eat.He would be very inconsistent in his class attendings. Sometimes he went, sometimes he did not.He would go to fights at night.Father discovers him and beats him beyond any limit.He went several times with important bruising all over his body to the school and nobody seemed to do anything about it.Cordero, Táchira9 y/oThey return shortly after to San CristobalSan Cristóbal, Táchira9 y/oWorked and steal in the local markets - Mercado de RubioIt is mentioned that Los ANdes is without a doubt safer than the capital but poverty is greater there.The priority for Juan is to eatWith 10 years old he would go to Cúcuta (Colombia) to sell lighting matches.Little by little he starts spending more and more time out of the house. HomelessCaracas12 y/oHe comes to the capital alone and by his own willHe was disoriented and not knowing what to do. He takes a bus by mistake and ends up in San Félix del OrinocoSan Félix del Orinoco12 y/oHe takes small jobs there, continues stealing.San Cristóbal, Táchira14 y/oHe returns to San Cristóbal after ~a year. Starts working with his father but the constant conflict was too high. Violence.Caracas14 y/oWorks small jobs, continues stealing and remains in the capital for 2 years.San Cristóbal, Táchira16 y/oHe is not very welcomed at his home.He started in the National Guards Academy, where he graduates despite his bad behaviour.He is assigned to the command in Santa Elena de Uairén.Santa Elena de Uairén, Bolívar20 y/oHe works for a while as a guard while it is convenient, he does not like the discipline. He is there while he is stationed in a place where he has economic benefit (matraqueo)After he is reasigned to another position where he was not able to get what he wanted he deserts and returned home.San Cristóbal, Táchira21 y/oReturns home and gets married.He does not last long in any job he takes. Receptionist at Hotel CorinóStarted robbing busses with a gun he borrowed from a friendHe never collected any capital, it was all spent in the moment, instant gratification.He gets caught in one of the robberies and goes to jail.JAIL - Cárcel de Santa Ana~25 y/oHe is sentenced to 19 years in prison for differnet robberies and assault sharges.He apparently leaves early by getting a benefit COPP.San Cristóbal, Táchira41 y/oHe is known as a very dangerous person, he has culebras everywhere.When he leaves the jail, he can't work by law, he needs a specal permit, how do they expect for the ex convicts to support themselves?The stigma of being an exconvict, it is impossible to reintroduce into society. He can not keep a job.There is no rehabilitation or reinsertion in societyHigh violence in the jail, hunger, constant illness and infections.Prison trauma, psicosis, bad dreams, constant alert.He does not become better, he has a relationship with the colombian guerrilla and continues to traffict car parts from Colombia.Interview finishes with him just released from jail. He is 41 y/oABSENT MOTHER FIGUREPRESENT FATHEREXTREMELY NEGATIVECOMMUNITY ENGAGEMENT(QUESTIONABLE)EARLY INDEPENDENCESURVIVAL INSTINCTSCHOOL DROP OUTDOMESTIC VIOLENCEIMPUNITYHOMELESSNESSHIGH MOBILITYCOMMUNITY DETACHMENTMILLITAR CAREER AS A WAY OUTESCALATION OF VIOLENCEHUMAN RIGHTSVIOLATIONNO REHABILITATION JUST RELEASEDCONTINUES BEING A CRIMINALAssigned to Regional 8He did not like being there.Transfer to Cuartel General de Caracas, started working at La CarlotaHe finishes high schoolEDUCATION LEVELThree days after his arrest the inmates try to kill him but he defended himself. He made a name for himself at the jail. Respect.He started studying at university in jailWife abandons himHe get married again and has two daughters.His mom and sister (engineer) live in Spain.Father died two years prior (Heart attack)Hard to tell, but at the end he has around eleven siblingsINTENT OF HAVING A FAMILYJosé GómezStructural violent offender - Non drug addictGrows up in Tío Pedro, Carúpano0-14 y/oStarted working in agriculture with his father when he was nine y/o to buy clothes.The parents tried to send him to school. Only last a week for bad behaviour.Started stealing when he was 14 y/oMoves to Caucagua with his godfather14 y/oParents decide to send him away to avoid the companionship he is getting on the streets of Tío PedroINMEDIATE GRATIFICATIONSCHOOL DROP OUTGodfather tries to keep him bussy, studying and working all the time. Moves to Petare 195314 y/oRebels against stepfather and leaves homeIn 1953 Petare was the Historical city and a little bit more. First generation of migration from the countryside to the cityJoins a gang dedicated to steal carsHomeless, sleeps wherever he canJail, 8 days secluded15 y/oLOSS OF MATERNAL FIGUREHOMELESSNESSReturns to hometown15 y/oMoves to La Guaira16 y/oSees his family and start working the field again. He is not happy either with the work, earnings ot statusReturns to Carúpano likely because he was running away from 'Culebras'Arrives to his uncle's house. Works with him in La Guaira public marketStarts hanging around with bad company. Stablish a relationship with a woman that brings trouble to his uncle.His uncle asks him to leave the ouse because he is causing too much trouble.THE IDEA OF LUXURYAND STATUSMoves to San José del Ávila, Caracas17 y/oMoves to another uncle house.Cleans and steal cars, joins the local gang.Very unhappy about his earnings. Works a little in construction and keep stealing construction materialsWomen and dressing well. Money and jewels. MotivationMoves to Plaza Capuchinos, CaracasMoves with the entire gang to Pensión Nápoles.Cabarets and bars. They become popular because of the money the bring.National security raids one of these bars looking for the band. José goes to Jail.Jail, 2 years secluded19 y/oCÁRCEL MODELO DE CARACASHeavy police abuse, 'Planazos', beatings, torture etc. Worms in the foodHe allies with the powerful inmates of the jail. Better life qualityDemolished in 1983 to allow the construction of a metro line.STATUSFIRST FORMAL RELATIONSHIPComplains about not having anyone to visit him. Isolated. Gets a girlfriend at jail and got her pregnant. Never sees the child.'EL Tanque' spends most of the time in the punishment cell for violent behavior'El Tanque' the way inmates called the disciplinary cell, very reduced in size where they can't even stretch. (Naked)Moves to Barrio Unión, Petare21 y/oHis mom now lives in Petare with her new partner. He moves in after his release from jail.THER ALIVE BUT STILL NOT FULLY PRESENT Gets a partner that moves in into the same house. Small jobs.CIRCUMSTANTIAL PARTNERJail, 22 months secluded24 y/oAt the age of 24 he already has 4 children that he knows about. He has not contact with any of them. Opportunity for a new cycle to openThe story of COpportunity for a new cycle to openThe story of DOpportunity for a new cycle to openThe story of BOpportunity for a new cycle to openThe story of AI.J. LA PLANTA - 8 MONTHSCÁRCEL EL DORADO - 14 MONTHSEl Dorado is one of the few jails that were built during Marcos Pérez Jiménez dictatorship with the intention of regenerating the person instead of just storing criminals. Work and study programs. At El Dorado he starts working as the barber of the guards and then for inmates for a salary.Drug trafficking inside the jailsThe sentence was for 30 months, he goes out ar parole earli r for good behaviourHe had a job in agriculture and when finished he had the chance to study, he finishes elementary school here.Same as Alfredo, the fear of the moment you were free to leave the jail. Other inmates will try to kill him if they know he is going out.In El Dorado, the money inmates made by working will be kept and given to them when they leave jail. Facilitate a new start (savings). Also there was no beatings.Move to Barrio Piritu, Petare.26 y/oBy the time he gets to the Barrio he alredy spent all the money he earned at El DoradoHe moves in to his mom house in the BarrioKeeps working as a barber, stealing and trafficking drugsJail, 9 months secluded~28 y/oKeeps dealing with drugs in Petare and stealing from everyone. He gets caught again.PREFECTURA DE PETARE - 8 MONTHSI.J. LA PLANTA - 9 MONTHSJail, 8 months secluded~29 y/oHe gets out brieflyContinue rug traficking inside and outside jail.Get out and continues to traffic drugs and steal. It is know that he has commited murder in his pass through different jails. Culebras.He and some friends go to El Marqués to collect a loot of stolen jewels. They got caught by the police.Jail, 17 months secluded8 months ecludeI.J. LAS FLORES DE CATIA - 8 MONTHSI.J. LOS TEQUES - 9 MONTHSHis criminal activity continues in every prison he visits. He threatens the lawyer and the clerk with harm if they do not let him go. He alleges that he had nothing to do with the robbery.The jail of Los Teques is recognized to be one of the most brutal ones. All political prisoners are kept in the Ramo Verde area under the same management. "It was hell"HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATION~30 y/oGoes back to PetareContinues working as a barber (formal occupation) trafficking and stealing.Continues partying, motivated by women, abusing of drugs and alcohol.In one of the parties, he and friends gunpoint robb a guy in Chuspita. Take the car with them and they get cought by the police in El terminal de Oriente.Police abuse, they destroy exculpatory evidence, The police robs the prisonersJail - 3 years secludedIrrational beating, Jose harms himself to stop the beating from police officers threatening them with killing himself if they continue.Seven days without eating in a cell at the PTJ station in CaucaguaHUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONDRUG TRAFFICKINGI.J. VALLES DEL TUY - 8 MONTHSI.J. LOS TEQUES - 9 MONTHSI.J. YARE - 11 MONTHS~30 y/o ~31 y/oContinues working as a barber in jailHe was sentenced to 4 years in prison, again gets out earlier by getting a benefit in court.The image of being someone respectableGoes back to Petare, Barrio Las Zanjas~33 y/oGets out under a weekly presentation regime that he does not fulfillJoins a new gang where he substitutes the leader. StatusContinues an endless pattern of robbery, homicide, drug trafficking and the barber shopJail, 18 months secluded(1984)~53 y/oI.J. EL RODEO - 2 YEARSESTACIÓN DE CAUCAGUA - 2 MONTHSI.J. LOS TEQUES - 8 MONTHSI.J. VALLES DEL TUY - 6 MONTHSGoes t jail for drug traffickingAt this point there is not a single prison he goes where he doesn't have alliesNarrations about the cruelty of the prison and the free roam of drugs and fire weapons inside the jailReceived by a friend giving him a gun and a grenadeThe drug activity was secluded to certain parts of the barrio, protecting the community that tolerate this activity in this specific places.He leaves a trail of homicides wherever he passes that is never punished by the justice systemReturns to Petare~55 y/oOnly 5 months from his release, he get into a fight during a party and kill a PTJ officer. Several people try to hide him but he finally gets caught by the police.SUBSTANCE AND ALCOHOL ABUSEJail, 10 years secluded (1986)~55 y/oI.J. EL RODEOI.J. LAS FLORES DE CATIAI.J. TOCUYITOI.J. EL RODEOI.J. TOCORÓNI.J. SANTA ANA DEL TÁCHIRAI.J. SAN JUAN DE LOS MORROSI.J. LA PLANTAI.J LOS VALLES DEL TUYSeveral studied individuals agree that Santa Ana del Táchira presented a better model of organization and functioning, no torture.Constant narration of the terrible situation in jails, there are no human rights.Everyone is armed in jails and he describe several massive killings like in the riot of TocorónReturns to Petare(1996)~65 y/oInterview finishes with him living in his sister house at 69 years oldSituation with food, starving, they need to procure their own food from outsideThere was not any kind of reincertion to society, they just let him go after 10 years in jail.Juan AntonioStructural violent offender - Non drug addictSector Caja de Agua, Los Andes0-5 y/oHe was born in Caja de Agua, Los Andes in 1964Self- built house, compacted earth. Extreme povertyWorking parents. The father was a taxi driver and the Mother work cleaning houses.The children were left alone in the house all day while parents work.A neighbor tries to rape Juan Antonio. His father takes revenge, shots him and ran out of the house for 6 month to avoid a culebraThe oldest brother (8) would leave the house all day and spend the day on the street. His siblings will follow shortly as they grow up.Child mistreatment. Torture, severe abuse from the Father, "discipline"The community helped, they would feed the kids when possible. Mrs. Felicia.The kids shortly get use to spend the life on the streets alone.23 de Enero, San Cristóbal.Juan Antonio already had 6 siblingsShortly after, they invade a terrain in Barrio El Rio.Barrio El Río, San CristóbalThe terrain was property of the INAVILa Cuesta de Trapiche19695 y/oJuan Antonio started studying hereConstant exposure to violence. The uncle gives a cow to Juan Antonio's father to help, important animal cruelty.All the siblings start working '"carrying bags" and begging to eat.He would be very inconsistent in his class attendings. Sometimes he went, sometimes he did not.He would go to fights at night.Father discovers him and beats him beyond any limit.He went several times with important bruising all over his body to the school and nobody seemed to do anything about it.Cordero, Táchira9 y/oThey return shortly after to San CristobalSan Cristóbal, Táchira9 y/oWorked and steal in the local markets - Mercado de RubioIt is mentioned that Los ANdes is without a doubt safer than the capital but poverty is greater there.The priority for Juan is to eatWith 10 years old he would go to Cúcuta (Colombia) to sell lighting matches.Little by little he starts spending more and more time out of the house. HomelessCaracas12 y/oHe comes to the capital alone and by his own willHe was disoriented and not knowing what to do. He takes a bus by mistake and ends up in San Félix del OrinocoSan Félix del Orinoco12 y/oHe takes small jobs there, continues stealing.San Cristóbal, Táchira14 y/oHe returns to San Cristóbal after ~a year. Starts working with his father but the constant conflict was too high. Violence.Caracas14 y/oWorks small jobs, continues stealing and remains in the capital for 2 years.San Cristóbal, Táchira16 y/oHe is not very welcomed at his home.He started in the National Guards Academy, where he graduates despite his bad behaviour.He is assigned to the command in Santa Elena de Uairén.Santa Elena de Uairén, Bolívar20 y/oHe works for a while as a guard while it is convenient, he does not like the discipline. He is there while he is stationed in a place where he has economic benefit (matraqueo)After he is reasigned to another position where he was not able to get what he wanted he deserts and returned home.San Cristóbal, Táchira21 y/oReturns home and gets married.He does not last long in any job he takes. Receptionist at Hotel CorinóStarted robbing busses with a gun he borrowed from a friendHe never collected any capital, it was all spent in the moment, instant gratification.He gets caught in one of the robberies and goes to jail.JAIL - Cárcel de Santa Ana~25 y/oHe is sentenced to 19 years in prison for differnet robberies and assault sharges.He apparently leaves early by getting a benefit COPP.San Cristóbal, Táchira41 y/oHe is known as a very dangerous person, he has culebras everywhere.When he leaves the jail, he can't work by law, he needs a specal permit, how do they expect for the ex convicts to support themselves?The stigma of being an exconvict, it is impossible to reintroduce into society. He can not keep a job.There is no rehabilitation or reinsertion in societyHigh violence in the jail, hunger, constant illness and infections.Prison trauma, psicosis, bad dreams, constant alert.He does not become better, he has a relationship with the colombian guerrilla and continues to traffict car parts from Colombia.Interview finishes with him just released from jail. He is 41 y/oABSENT MOTHER FIGUREPRESENT FATHEREXTREMELY NEGATIVECOMMUNITY ENGAGEMENT(QUESTIONABLE)EARLY INDEPENDENCESURVIVAL INSTINCTSCHOOL DROP OUTDOMESTIC VIOLENCEIMPUNITYHOMELESSNESSHIGH MOBILITYCOMMUNITY DETACHMENTMILLITAR CAREER AS A WAY OUTESCALATION OF VIOLENCEHUMAN RIGHTSVIOLATIONNO REHABILITATION JUST RELEASEDCONTINUES BEING A CRIMINALAssigned to Regional 8He did not like being there.Transfer to Cuartel General de Caracas, started working at La CarlotaHe finishes high schoolEDUCATION LEVELThree days after his arrest the inmates try to kill him but he defended himself. He made a name for himself at the jail. Respect.He started studying at university in jailWife abandons himHe get married again and has two daughters.His mom and sister (engineer) live in Spain.Father died two years prior (Heart attack)Hard to tell, but at the end he has around eleven siblingsINTENT OF HAVING A FAMILYID. 2 - JOSÉ GÓMEZStructural violent offender - Non drug addictID. 9 - JUAN ANTONIOStructural violent offender - Non drug addictFig 142: José Gómez’ Story (by author 2021)Fig 143: Juan Antonio’s Story (by author 2021)147Héctor BlancoStructural violent offender - Non drug addictLocation unknown - Likely a Barrio in Municipio Libertador0-14 y/oSpent his childhood living with different family membersHe was mistreated by some and covered by others.Uncle has a problem with substance abuseMom alive but not really present. Lives with another man and Héctor's brothers (Half?)Father is not mentioned, probably he doesn't know himHe leaves his home - Start leaving on the streets14 y/oConstantly speaking about not being subdue by other kids in the barrioNeed for respect, needs to be considered an equal, a leader. He wants to be fearedConstantly steals and robb, for luxury, dressing well. Drug traffickingHe buys a gun .38mmHe does not consume drugs, only marihuana, but traffics with all kinds.He joins briefly the other kids on the street and creates 'Costillas'Barrio La Vega, Caracas15 y/oThe modern criminal does not join bands in the traditional sense, they just get together to do certain activities by convenienceCommits his first murder. 16 shots to another kid for a woman.He reaches a point where everything is solved by firing a gun. Slap in the face would require shooting the person.INAM15 y/oHe leaves a trace of murder and 'culebras'He is put to jail on a minors center for murder and drug traffic. Six murders and possession of a machine gunAfter only a week he scapes the center and return to the BarrioHis accomplice was already 18 when they got caught, he went to El Rodeo for fifteen murdersBarrio La Vega, Caracas15 y/oContinue his track of homicide, robbing and drug traffickingLa Guaira15 y/oThe amount of 'culebras' he has created in La vega is to high, he leaves the Barrio.Barrio La Vega, Caracas15 y/oProblems with PTJ, they were looking for them, the assalted a PTJ car and stolen the guns.His 'costilla' breaks free from EL Rodeo and joins him again.In La Guaira continue business as usual.Chased by the PTJ, all his friends get caught except for him.He visits La Vega a couple of time. He is now in posesion of a VerettaHe keps working as a drug dealer and commiting murder for himself and for others that request his help.Apparently, during a party he gave his gun to a friend who shot a PTJ officerThis is highly unlikely because that gun was probably not registered. Probably he is the one that shot the PTJ and that is how they know who shot.He gets cought by the PTJ next day.INAM- Cochecito- INAM16 y/oWhen he gets caught by the police he was expecting to be executed on spot He was first delivered to the INAM center and then transferred to Cochecito, which is a minors reclusion center.La Dolorita, Petare16 y/oAfter a year, he breaks free again. Jail - 10 month secluded and counting.Interview finishes with him secluded at INAM, he has not turned 18 y/oMoves to the other side of the city, 'New beginnings'Continues dealing with drugs. Kills one of the local criminals and has to run.Moves to Turumo, where in the middle of a shooting gets caught again by the PTJ17 y/oCOMANDO DE COTIZARETÉN DE MENORES DE COCHEINAMOpportunity for a new cycle to openThe story of AHe apparently has a 'wife'and a kid he has never seenHe gets a girlfriend pregnant in jail.Opportunity for a new cycle to openThe story of BMOTHER FIGURE LOSSFATHER FIGURE INEXISTENTHIGH LEVELS OF VIOLENCENO RESPECT FOR AUTHORITYSTATUSVERY WEAK SECURITY SYSTEMSCOMPETE DETACHMENT FROM COMMUNITYDETACHMENT FROM PARTNERJuan GabrielStructural violent offender - Non drug addictBorn in Santa Cruz de Mara (Zulia)0-14 y/oMother dies when he is seven years oldWhen he is 14 y/o he started working with his dad, who is a fishermanThe father tries to make him study but he got expelled from three different schoolsConstant fights with his brother and father. Lots of violence, lack of discipline.First robbery and murder attempt happen when he is 16. He did it for a pair of shoes he liked.Leaves home mutiple times and return when in need.Several entries to Minors Reclusion centersJail - Entidad de Atencion Precursor Generalisimo Francisco de Miranda albergue de menoresTorture, beatings, starving. He goes to jail several times for murder.Back in Santa Cruz de MaraHe doesn't last long on the street before returning to the Minor's reclussion center.Jail - Entidad de Atencion Precursor Generalisimo Francisco de Miranda albergue de menoresRobbing people in a small town. Everyone knows who he is and that brings repercutions to the family.6 months in the reclussion center for attempt of murder.Back in Santa Cruz de MaraHe moves to several towns around Santa Cruz de Mara because he has created many Culebras during his criminal activitiesHe recruits an 11 year old boy to help him robb stablishments.During an atempt of robbery that went wrong, Juan receives a bullet in one leg. The boy helps him out of the scene.The boy had a culebra with a family in the town, they set their home on fire and almost burned all the familyThe family didn't press any charges because of fear.He gets caught again for the several murders and robberies.Jail - Amount of time secluded unclearCOMANDO DE MARITÉ - 5 DAYSESTACIÓN DE CARRASQUEROI.J. SABANETAOpportunity for a new cycle to openThe story of AHe alleges that he never consumed any kind of drugs until he was secluded in the reclussion centers~16-17 y/o14 y/oBack in Santa Cruz de MaraJail - Secluded for 8 yearsInterview finishes with him secluded at Sabaneta, he is 29 y/oHe is sentenced to 15 years for several charges. He is specting a benefit to leave the jail earlier. The constant preocupation to be able to survive jail. When the sentences are long the expectation of being alive by the time of your release are very little. CulebrasNight clubs in the jail, women entering in an out to participate in the party and socialize with the inmates.He mentions the episode of the fire in Sabaneta 1994. He gets burned and 108 inmates perishedLOSS OF MOTHER FIGUREFATHER PRESENT AND ACTIVE.NOT A LOVING FIGUREEDUCATION LEVELHE KNOWS HOW TO READ AND WRITEDOES NOT FULLY DISCONNECT FROM HOMEAUTHORITY ABUSEAt this point it is known that he has at least two children with whom he has no contact, and has separated at least twice from different partnersOpportunity for a new cycle to openThe story of BOpportunity for a new cycle to openThe story of CDETACHMENT FROM COMMUNITYSUBSTANCE ABUSEIMPUNITYTRAUMAHéctor BlancoStructural violent offender - Non drug addictLocation unknown - Likely a Barrio in Municipio Libertador0-14 y/oSpent his childhood living with different family membersHe was mistreated by some and covered by others.Uncle has a problem with substance abuseMom alive but not really present. Lives with another man and Héctor's brothers (Half?)Father is not mentioned, probably he doesn't know himHe leaves his home - Start leaving on the streets14 y/oConstantly speaking about not being subdue by other kids in the barrioNeed for respect, needs to be considered an equal, a leader. He wants to be fearedConstantly steals and robb, for luxury, dressing well. Drug traffickingHe buys a gun .38mmHe does not consume drugs, only marihuana, but traffics with all kinds.He joins briefly the other kids on the street and creates 'Costillas'Barrio La Vega, Caracas15 y/oThe modern criminal does not join bands in the traditional sense, they just get together to do certain activities by convenienceCommits his first murder. 16 shots to another kid for a woman.He reaches a point where everything is solved by firing a gun. Slap in the face would require shooting the person.INAM15 y/oHe leaves a trace of murder and 'culebras'He is put to jail on a minors center for murder and drug traffic. Six murders and possession of a machine gunAfter only a week he sc pes the center and return to the BarrioHis accomplice was already 18 when they got caught, he went to El Rodeo for fifteen murdersBarrio La Vega, Caracas15 y/oContinue his track of homicide, robbing and drug traffickingLa Guaira15 y/oThe amount of 'culebras' he has created in La vega is to high, he leaves the Barrio.Barrio La Vega, Caracas15 y/oProblems with PTJ, they were looking for them, the as alted a PTJ car and stolen the guns.His 'costilla' breaks free from EL Rodeo and joins him again.In La Guaira continue business as usual.Chased by the PTJ, all his friends get caught except for him.He visits La Vega a couple of time. He is now in posesion of a VerettaHe keps working as a drug dealer and commiting mur er for himself and for other that request his help.Apparently, during a party he gave his gun to a friend who shot a PTJ officerThis is highly unlikely because that gun was probably not registered. Probably he is the one that shot the PTJ and that is how they know who shot.He gets cought by the PTJ next day.INAM- Cochecito- INAM16 y/oWhen he gets caught by the police he was expecting to be executed on spot He was first delivered to the INAM enter and then transferred to Co hecit , which is a minors reclusion center.La Dolorita, Petare16 y/oAfter a year, he breaks free again. Jail - 10 month secluded and counting.Interview finishes with him secluded at INAM, he has not turned 18 y/oMoves to the other side of the city, 'New beginnings'Continues dealing with drugs. Kills one of the local criminals and has to run.Moves to Turumo, where in the middle of a shooting gets caught again by the PTJ17 y/oCOMANDO DE COTIZARETÉN DE MENORES DE COCHEINAMOpportunity for a new cycle to openThe story of AHe apparently has a 'wife'and a kid he has never seenHe gets a girlfriend pregnant in jail.Opportunity for a new cycle to openThe story of BMOTHER FIGURE LOSSFATHER FIGURE INEXISTENTHIGH LEVELS OF VIOLENCENO RESPECT FOR AUTHORITYSTATUSVERY WEAK SECURITY SYSTEMSCOMPETE DETACHMENT FROM COMMUNITYDETACHMENT FROM PARTNERJuan GabrielStructural violent offender - Non drug addictBorn in Santa Cruz de Mara (Zulia)0-14 y/oMother dies when he is seven years oldWhen he is 14 y/o he started working with his dad, who is a fishermanThe father tries to make him study but he got expelled from three different schoolsConstant fights with his brother and father. Lots of violence, lack of discipline.First robbery and murder attempt happen when he is 16. He did it for a pair of shoes he liked.Leaves home mutiple times and return when in need.Several entries to Minors Reclusion centersJail - Entidad de Atencion Precursor Generali imo Francisco de Miranda albergue de menoresTorture, beatings, starving. He goes to jail several times for murder.Back in Santa Cruz de MaraHe doesn't last long on the street before returning to the Minor's reclussion center.Jail - E tidad de Atencion Precursor Generalisimo Francisco de Miranda albergue de menoresRobbing people in a small town. Everyone knows who he is and that brings repercutions to the family.6 onths in the reclussion center for attempt of murder.Back in Santa Cruz d M raHe moves to several towns around Santa Cruz de Mara because he has created many Culebras during his criminal activitiesHe recruits an 11 year old boy to help him robb stablishments.During an atempt of robbery that went wrong, Juan receives a bullet in one leg. The boy helps him out of the scene.The boy had a culebra with a family in the town, they set their home on fire and almost burned all the familyThe family didn't press any charges because of fear.He gets caught again for the several murders and robberies.Jail - Amount of time secluded unclearCOMANDO DE MARITÉ - 5 DAYSESTACIÓN DE CARRASQUEROI.J. SABANETAOpportunity for a new cycle to openThe story of AHe alleges that he never consumed any kind of drugs until he was secluded in the reclussion centers~16-17 y/o14 y/oBack in Santa Cruz de MaraJail - Secluded for 8 yearsInterview finishes with him secluded at Sabaneta, he is 29 y/oHe is sentenced to 15 years for several charges. He is specting a benefit to leave the jail earlier. The constant preocupation to be able to survive jail. When the sentences are long the expectation of being alive by the time of your release are very little. CulebrasNight clubs in the jail, women entering in an out to participate in the party and socialize with the inmates.He mentions the episode of the fire in Sabaneta 1994. He gets burned and 108 inmates perishedLOSS OF MOTHER FIGUREFATHER PRESENT AND ACTIVE.NOT A LOVING FIGUREEDUCATION LEVELHE KNOWS HOW TO READ AND WRITEDOES NOT FULLY DISCONNECT FROM HOMEAUTHORITY ABUSEAt this point it is known that he has at least two children with whom he has no contact, and has separated at least twice from different partnersOpportunity for a new cycle to openThe story of BOpportunity for a new cycle to openThe story of CDETACHMENT FROM COMMUNITYSUBSTANCE ABUSEIMPUNITYTRAUMAID. 3 - HÉCTOR BLANCOStructural violent offender - Non drug addictID. 4 - JUAN GABRIELStructural violent offender - Non drug addictFig 144: Héctor Blanco’s Story (by author 2021)Fig 145: Juan Gabriel’s Story (by author 2021)148CarlosStructural violent offender - Non drug addictCotiza0-9 y/oHighly violent father, domestic violence against him, his siblings and mother.He become a homeless kid when he is 10 years oldBrígida and Carmen, the community helping the abandoned children. A friend builds him a room in his house for him to stay. 13 yo1999 He lost his 'Home' during the Vargas Tragedy. He was 9?Fuerte Tiuna9 - 10 y/oPolice brutality, extrajudicial executionsSeveral cousins have been killed because of culebras in the Barrio.His house is shot at, and he gets hurt.Working in whatever he can to support himselfHe has been in four orphanage.- Quinta Crespo - Nueva esperanza- Santa TeresaMistreament6 siblings, huge familyVery weak mother figure, but aunts step in. Affective connectionAlcohol abuse, no drugsTerror to the gangs. Shootings every night.San Juan De Los Morros10-13 y/oCotiza0-13 y/oHe returns to the capital because lack of workInterview finishes with him at the INAM, he is 17 y/oHis mother stays in San JuanThe police does not do its work. They know were the sriminals are and when they want to control they do, but it is just not their interest.The relief reaction of the community when an important crimnal is killed. 'They breathe' His mom would put him in an INAM center because she can not take care of him. Apparently to study.He finishes elementary school. Does not go into high school because of what he saw in the schools. Drugs, violence.Refugee situation 'It was a jungle'VIOLENT FATHERSUBSTITUTE MOTHER FIGUREWORKING CHILDABANDONMENTCONSTANT MISTREATMENTSUBSTITUTE MOTHERSEDUCATION LEVELFrankStructural violent offender - Non drug addictCotiza0-18 y/oLeaves his house because of the abuse of the fatherWeak mother figure, working all day, stay at home abusive, drunk father.Homeless: Frank start looking for empty cars to sleep in. He begs and eats on the street.Starts selling drugs and turn into a 'Pistolero'. He does not consume drugsDue to a culebra his cousin had, he gets shot.Frank takes revenge and shot the man who shot him. Survives.Jail - Secluded around 1 month<18 y/oCOMANDO DE COTIZA - 2 DAYSCÁRCEL DE SAN JACINTO - 20 DAYSCÁRCEL DE EL RODEO - 11 DAYSHe joins the evangelic group at El Rodeo. Protection. Beatings, torture, agrees with other subjects of study. Police brutallityDuring the police persecution, Frank receives a shot in the back. He encovers the policeman that shot him in exchange for getting him out of jail quick.He is released shortly after his arrest. THe man he shot didn't testify because he was solicited by the police.Genesis: Parties, alcohol and drugsInterview finishes with him at the open precinct of the INAM, he is 24 y/oFinishes elementary school. Drops out after that'The youth of today does not respect anything, not even "a los malandros con cartel'Everything is solved with a gun. Nobody denounces. Young malandros out of control, does not follow unspoken rulesThe Malandro, after 20 y/o understand that he needs the support of the community, and for that he must respect it.He gets a gunFamily is awareHe spent most of his time playing basketball at INAMTemporary jobs, nothing stable.Police abuse they will steal drugs , money and anything valuable from themDepending on visits to eatNEGATIVE PATERNAL FIGUREHOMELESSNESSDOMESTIC VIOLENCEFAIRLY EFFECTIVE PUBLIC AREASDRUG TRAFFICKINGPOLICE AND CRIMINALS COVERING FOR EACH OTHERHUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONSID. 7 - CARLOSStructural violent offender - Non drug addictID. 8 - FRANKStructural violent offender - Non drug addictFig 146: Carlos’ Story (by author 2021)Fig 147: Frank’s Story (by author 2021)149Andrés Martínez LópezStructural violent offender - Non drug addictPueblo en el Zulia0-17 y/oParents alive and twelve siblingsImportant condition of poverty. Father is a construction worker, mother is a cookEnjoy practicing sport. Very good at boxing, he represented venezuela in the centroamerican games 1997.He says he didn't study, he can't read or writeHe goes to a bar to play pool (underage) and during a fight he receives a gunshot in one leg3 months later, he takes revenge and kill the person that shot him8 days later he is caught by the police and sent to jail.Cárcel de Sabaneta19 y/oInterview finishes with him secluded at Sabaneta, he is 24 y/oHis parents enrolled him in the first grade and he made it impossible.Ultra high levels of violence in the jail. He is constantly running because the person he killed had family in the jail. Culebra - RevengeHe was stabbed several times while playing dominó in the courtyard. Colostomy.Incredibly high scholar violenceHe drops out and mother let's him. He sould scape everyday to go to the streets or to the gym.His 'wife' left him for other man, he has not seen his son in 4 years (the kid has 6 when this interview happened)Opportunity for a new cycle to openThe story of AMother visits him once a month, but he has not visit in the last 3.Constantly participating in fights in bars and with neighborsViolence as raising methodHe has been in jail for 5 years, waiting for a benefit to get out.Constant thought he is going to get killed in jail, executions.Nobody pays or counts for thatThinking on soliciting a transfer.Transfer as strategy to run from culebras.He has to find the implements for the surgery he needs. reverse colostomy bag. He is not provided with basic hygene implements and it it extremely dangerous to get out of the cell for food.Manhood do not take offense from anyone. Persecution, endless chain of culebras. Constant conflictThey played soccer with the head of dead inmates. Psycopathy, afraid of other inmates. TraumaEDUCATION LEVELECONOMIC CONDITIONWEAK PARENTAL FIGURESTRAUMAVIOLATION OF HUMAN RIGHTSFAMILY DETACHMENTSURVIVAL MODEDETACHMENT FROM COMMUNITYTHE ROLE OF MASCULINITYID. 6 - ANDRÉSStructural violent offender - Non drug addictFig 148: Andrés’ story (by author 2021)150SócratesStructural violent offender - Drug addictEl Valle, Dtto. Capital0-14 y/oStarted consuming drugs at 11 y/oSmelling glue, smoking marihuana and crack mostlyGrandmother kicks him out of the house because he was uncontrollableHe becomes homeless, starts sleeping outdoor for a year and a half.After a while he decides to move in with his motherMother's home (Likely close to La Vega)15 y/oAcademia Militar del Ejército Bolivariano18 y/oThe mother is desperate abut Sócrates behaviour, so he decides to sent him to the miltary school.It is to be mentioned that Sócrates didn't live with his mother before, she likely separated from his father and started a new life with someone else who didn't want Sócrates in the family home.He says that he got worst after passing through the academyRobbing and stealing to be able to buy drugsThe family calls the police with the intention of getting him in jail. They can't control the situation.Drugs as a way for isolationThe interview finishes: 23 y/o and in the open precinct of the INAMHe never knew his fatherReturns to El Valle~21 y/oThe grandmother dies. He spirals and scalates his drug consumptionHomeless, nobody wants to be around because of his behaviour.He uses all his savings from the academy to buy drugs.Police corruption. The police as source of the drug traffic.At the end everyone is in one way or another connected to the drug trafficking business, one way or the other. Barrios.Steal from his own family to buy drugs. In and out of the family home.Using and stealing guns for comitting robberiesEnds up selling the guns to smoke.He is apparently clean but at risk.He blames the lack of affection of his family for his addiction, but It is known that he had a decent family.FATHER NOT PRESENTABSENT MOTHERDESPERATE FAMILYDEATH OF MATERNAL FIGURE CORRUPTIONISOLATIONUlisesStructural violent offender - Drug addictBarlovento, Miranda0-13 y/oAlcoholic and abusive fatherUlises starts consuming when he is 11 y/oHis mom died when he was 12-13 years oldFrom that point on he becomes homeless in his town, comitting robbery and stealing to consume drugs.Apparently his siblings are worst than him. CriminalsPinto Salinas, Caracas13 y/oConstantly stealing cars in Caracas and back at his hometown.Living intermitently in Caracas and Barlovento depending of what does he has to scape from. CulebrasCaracas is easier because in his town everybody knows everybody.During a car robbery and persecution he and his band crash a car. Two persons died.JAIL- INAM Los Chorros14 y/oBy law you can't put anyone younger than 14 y/o in a minors jail. INAM takes care of those cases where they are secluded without the restrictions of a formal jail.He scapes this precinct no less that 30 times until he is 17 y/o and he is free to goPinto Salinas, Caracas17 y/oWhen he is finally out he joins a gang dedicated to car robberyHe gets married and has children in this period.JAIL - El Rodeo19 y/oUlises goes to jail for a homicide that ocurred in Guarenas.Sentenced to 3.5 yearsHe buys weapons inside the jail and commits several murders. CulebrasThe same guards are the ones selling the guns to the inmates.Pinto Salinas, Caracas23 y/oContinues stealing and consuming drugs.JAIL - El Rodeo24 y/oSecluded 3 months. There was no admisible proof in court of his guilt.He speak about the role of women in jail and the figure of sexual slaves among the inmates.Rapists are inmediately killed in jails.He also spoke anout the punishment cells: La tumba. It is imposible to move. "It is better to die than to go to jail"Pinto Salinas, Caracas24 y/oThe family need to takes the drug addict out of the house because they steal everything to keep consuming.He can't return to his hometown, culebras.At some ppoint in his story he is also secluded at Los Teques. It is not clear at what point.After getting out of the jail, he gets a job at the Ministry of Health, He was fired several times prior to this work when people realize his criminal record.He is a machine operator at the ministry where he has been for the past 5 years.He is still consuming drugs, apparently less than before.The interview finishes: 23 y/o and in the open precinct of the INAMNEGATIVE FATHER FIGUREABSENT MOTHER FIGUREFAMILY OF CRIMINALSCULEBRASFAILING INSTITUTIONSFAMILY DETACHMENTPOLICE CORRUPTIONDRUGS AS MAIN MOTIVATION ISOLATIONREINSERTIONID. 10 - SÓCRATESStructural violent offender - Drug addictID. 11 - ULISESStructural violent offender - Drug addictFig 149: Sócrates’ Story (by author 2021)Fig 150: Ulises’ Story (by author 2021)151Alberto CrespoNon structural offender - AccidentalCaracas0-18 y/oDecent family, mother and father presentHe studied, made it until the 1st year of high school and didn't continue (89')Started to work immediately after.Starting consuming drugs at 14 y/oHis mother tried to keep him inside home most of the time to avoid the influence of the street17 y/o meet a woman, marries her and keeps a stable relationship. They have a son togetherHe started stealing with his brother- in- law and a brotherDrug trafficking and consuming.Beatings, starvation and torture, the normal routine in Venezuelan jailsA robbery goes wrong, he and his partners get shot. One of the partners died and he is taken to Coche hospital by the policeJAIL - Comando de Cotiza19 y/oI.J. LOS TEQUES - UNCLEARCOMANDO DE CERRO GRANDE, EL VALLE - 23 DAYSCaracas23 y/oThe interview finishes: 25 y/o, 3 years out of jail, living with his family and sisterHe gets stabbed, several moments in which he almost died and had to defend himselfEveryday violence, shootings, stabbings. He was never able to sleep in peaceThe war between pavilions, 'Letras'As soon as someone is release, it gets offered a gun and drugs. Ecosystem of violence in place. It is too hard to rehabilitate.He has not consumed drugs since his release from jail.Several culebras on the street. He is trying to avoid conflictHe has no job at the moment and constantly considering if returning to the criminal life is his only option There is no support from society for regeneration. Something as simple as getting a job to start a decent life is impossible without contacts.He wishes his kid makes it to the age of 50 as if it was something impossible.Domestic violence as the standard. MOTHER AND FATHER FIGURESPRESENT AND POSITIVESCHOOL DROP OFFSUBSTANCE ABUSEFEAR OF THE STREETSSTABLE PARTNERHUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONTRUE INTENT TO REGENERATEEX- CONVICTS HANDICAPPED Nelson ArteagaNon structural offender - AccidentalSan José de Cotiza, Caracas0-11 y/oGuarenas11 y/oSan José de Cotiza, Caracas14 y/oStarted studying in a catholic school in CotizaThe interview finishes: 27 y/oFinishes the 3rd year of high school in the Liceo Rubén GonzálezWhen he was 14 years old he rebels against his father and returns to San José de Cotiza with his mom who already remarriedExtreme poverty, there is not enough food in the home.Started going out on the streets, consumes alcohol and smoke. Starts stealing to buy his own things.Works at the public market in CocheHe decides to leave the barrio for the culebras he had there.San José del Ávila Caracas17 y/oHis gang separated to save the life of the membersStarted robbing and stealing in this new place. Creating culebrasHe and some friends robbed a member of the army at the Cota Mil, and get caughtJAIL - Comando de Cotiza18 y/oHe gets so badly beaten there than when he was taken to the PTJ for interrogation they did not received him. They did not want the responsibility.He just turned 18 y/o when he gets caught.He gets transfer next morning to the Mariperez comand and then to Las Flores de Catia.COMANDO DE MARIPEREZI.J LAS FLORES DE CATIA - 1 YEARHe is sentenced to 4.5 years in prison He continued robbing people in jail to survive and provide for himself. 'Batanero'He narrates the constant fights for the beds and the episode of the fire in Las Flores de CatiaHe obtains a benefit and gets released after 3 years and 6 monthsI.J EL JUNQUITO - 2.5 YEARSCotiza, Caracas21 y/oThe family continue to visit him, he is not abandoned. Started living with one of her auntsHe can not find a job, so he starts robbing againThe aunt asks him to leave the house because it was too much. Criminal life, partying, alcohol abuse.Coche, Caracas22 y/oHe starts living with another aunt. Continues to rob an traffic drugsHe establishes in La cancha (El Silencio) and he get caught there again selling drugs.He bribes the guards and they let him go.Continues consuming and selling drugs.He gets a job on a factory of a friend that he met at El Junquito (White collar criminal)He has too many culebras at the Barrio so the friend allows him to sleep at the deposit of the factory. He tries to finish High SchoolThe arrangement does not work and he moves to his uncle house in Caricuao.Caricuao, Caracas17 y/oHe finishes the 4th year of high school in a school in Sabana GrandeHe finishes high school in a school in Caricuao. He decides he wants to go to UniversityAfter some struggling he gets into the Social Work school at UCV.He finds satisfaction in his career and new job. He stops doing drugs.He normalizes his life, he has a job, and a family.Born in Caracas 1975Lives with his mother for four years. Then moves with the father to his home in Cotiza.Father decides to move to Guarenas and takes Nelson with him. He provides him with everything he needs and tries to guide him.His father is a professor and takes care of himVery little contact with the motherHe and his gang had a gun. Used for terror.He has a job.Drugs and several weaponsHe mentions the organization of El Junquito vs Las Flores de CatiaEducation program at El Junquito key to his reintroduction to education.MOTHER FIGURE PARTIALLY PRESENTPOSITIVE PATERNALFIGURERELATIONSHIP WITH STREETCULEBRAHUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONSUBSTANCE ABUSETRAUMAFAMILY STABILITYEDUCATION LEVELID. 12 - ALBERTONon structural offender - AccidentalID. 13 - NELSONNon structural offender - AccidentalFig 151: Alberto’s Story (by author 2021)Fig 152: Nelson’s Story (by author 2021)152IsmaelContrasting storyCaracas0-4 y/oWhen he was around 3-4 years old he gets abandoned in a public marketHe arrives to a laundromat where he finds several women that feed him and wait until he is picked up by the authoritiesThe police picks him up and take him with the station, a police woman expends the night with him at the stationCasa de acojida, La Pastora. INAM or CVN4 y/oThey take him next morning to La PastoraHe stays there for a while, he totally loved the headmistress of the house.He attends to the preeschoolCasa de acojida INAM, Montalbán5-7 y/oAgain he is received in this centers by people that always made them feel loved. Again the headmistress.There was always a maternal figure Through a sponsorship program directed by Father Cardón, he gets assigned a godmother that has been in his life ever since.The headmistress is assigned to other location and Jose Luis substitutes her. He did all the paperwork for Ismael to start in the Domingo Savio house.Casa hogar Domingo Savio, Petare7-12 y/oHis godmother, Lourdes stays in contact and visits him regularly. She becomes his legal representativeHe did not have the best behaviour. He considered himself as the black sheepThey would threat him with taking him back to the INAMCasa hogar Don Bosco, Valencia14 y/oHe was very happy about the community events that happened at Domingo Savio house.He is sent here because he already passed the age limit in Domingo SavioIn this place he coursed high school and was taught an occupation. They prepare him for an independent lifeHe becomes an assistant in the House Don Bosco.He wanted to start school to become a priest. He was advice against it because it was a tough path and he had not seen life outside the foster homes.He turns 17 which is the age limit for this house and leaves. He lives in a rented place at Valencia, always connected to the foster home. Valencia17 y/oHe works 3 months on recreation and summer campsHe moves in with his godmother, Lourdes. Looks for a job.Montalbán, Caracas17 y/oOne of the headmistresses of one of the foster homes he attended impulses him to try to attend into UniversityHe gets a job in Caracas and achieves a Technical career in Human resources and administrationOne of the headmistresses (Elizabeth) got him funding so that he can continue studying.He started school to become a priest following his prior desire. He soon discovers that that was not the right path for him.He gets a job in the INAM working with abandoned childrenSense of purpose in lifeThe interview finishes: ~25 y/o. Working and teaching at the INAMWhen he sees the police he panicks, and he ask them "please, don't kill me"ABANDONEDFEAR FOR THE AUTHORITYHE NEVER LACKS A MATERNAL FIGURECOMMUNITY ATTACHMENTEDUCATION LEVELMISSIONEDUCATION LEVELID. 14 - ISMAELThe contrasting storyFig 153: Ismael’s Story (by author 2021)153GRACE MORAZZANIVANCOUVER, 2021
Graduating Project
Caracas, Venezuela
eng
Unreviewed
Vancouver : University of British Columbia Library
Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International
Graduate
University of British Columbia. LARC 598
Violence
Crime reduction
Public Space
Early Childhood
Middle Childhood
Adolescence
Reducing Violence in Spontaneous Settlements : A Public Space Strategy
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